~ Ss oie : * : 3 a Hy = > <= * ee — : ‘ Wg +, : a) SF an , i) ¢ / 4 : ; ae gia*: \ yy ‘a Yee pre < vee bal* - > A 7 “e io ¢ a ary, ‘ : ty + aX 3 : t ’ . ? Y f : ‘ a That 9 ee ees OT F< Ban” ee, | ” ea . ry; TAA j he ateaie nate a Pt Fh pee j a aoe a ‘+: Lee hie ¢ i. # - : ae iJ r Sal ey, i ie 7 Sees on O -* A is ae ee A ee Ly aT eu! 4 Mir} i PE vtjsedect (ky TRANS AQGITILONS OP Bie era Ray A rE TRIS: ACA DE MY: M.DCC,LXXXVIII. GEORGE BONHA-M, PRINTER TO THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY. ‘ ‘ hide ae ry at aD A ibe yA | THE ACADEMY defire it to be underftaocd that, as a body, they are not anfweralle for any opinion, repre- fentation of fats, or train of reafsning, which may appear in the following papers. The authors of the feveral Effays: are alone refponfible for their contents. nent i Ae % ~! # ey, a, an, ih apt sb * t t * bi oe eaainit E R R A qi A. ’ ScIENCE. Page 11, Line 3, dele the comma after /crews. Page 14, Line 7, for Plate iii. read Plate i. Page 15, Line 19, for in, read is. Page 32, Line 11, for conclave, read concave. Page 33, Line 16, in margin infert Fig. vi. Page 33, Line 25, for Fig. viii, read Fig. vii, N. B. The dotted lines in Fig. vi. repre= fent the radii of the concave, thofe in Fig, vii, the radii of the convex, furface. Page 34, Line 3, for ray, read rays. Page 37, Line 12, for arrive, read arrived. Page 40, Line 4, for confirm, read confirms, Page 54, Line 3, for in, read on. Page 76, Lime 15, for braf:, read iron, Page 85, Line 22, in margin infert Fig. i. Page 90, Line 19, in margin infert Fig. it. . Page 91, Line 19, in margin infert Fig. iil. Page 93, Line 9, in margin infert Fig. iv. Page 149, Line 23, for thefe, read this. Page 181, Line 20, for exilles, read ex illis. Pouite LITERATURE. Page 9, Line Page 28, Line Page 14, Line 19, for werfality, vead verfatility. Page 27, Line 18, for tranfuGions, read tranfaction. Page 35, Line 18, for apparancy, read apparency. Page 57, Line 7, for had, read has. Page 62, Line 12, for from, read form. Page 62, Line 21, for /zem, read feems, Page 71, in note, for Hayley, read Hartley. 3» i for rbodomantade, read rodomontade, 55 ANTIQUITIES. Page 4, Line 24, for feems, read feem. Page 15, Line 3, note (™) for forgot, read forgotten. Page 26, Line 27, for bad, read has. Page 53, Line 25, for turulii, read tumuli. Page 69, Line 7, for tele/manic, read talifmanic. Page 84, Line 13, for proclocutor, read prolocutor. ieee ck ek ob a er ate ig? seat tise tT Het <" hare mre soli td Di ’ ir 2 teeta UF sehen hag Oe Rae ¥ ‘ ; 1 } i pe pM , { ‘OT nit ee ; eae mt lia S Cc I E N C E. OO IN SE. SBaING Do * Se I. AN Account of the moving of a Bog, and the Forma- tion of a Lake, in the County of Galway, Ireland. By Ralph Oufley, Eg, M.R.I. A. - - Page 3 Il. An Account and Defcription of three Pendulums invented and conftructed by Fohn Crofthwaite, Watch and Clock Maker, Dublin - - - - - 4 Ill. 42 Account of a new Method of tlluminating the Wires, and regulating the Pofition of the Tranfit Inftru- ment. By the Rev. Henry Ufsher, D.D. S.F.T.C. D. MRI. A. and F.R.S. - - - 13 IV. An Effay to improve the Theory of defective Sight. By the Rev. Fohn Stack, F.T.C.D. and M.R.I.A. - 247 V. An Account of fome Obfervations made with a view to afcertain whether magnifying Power or Aperture contri- butes moft to the difcerning /mall Stars in the Day. By the Rev. Henry Usher, D.D. M.R.LA. and F.RS. = 37 VI. An Effay on the Variations of the Barometer. By Richard Kirwan, Efg; M.R.I. A. and F.R.S. - 43 VII. An Account of fame Experiments on Wheel Carriages. In a Letter from Richard Lovel Edgworth, E/q; M.R.I.A. and F.R.S. to the Rev. Doctor Henry Usher, M. R.I. A. and F.R.S. ° - aks" VILL. An Oe ae Ci OLN eens aie VIII. An Enquiry into the diferent Modes of Demonftration, by which the Velocity of fpouting Fluids has been invefti- gateda priori. By the Rev. M. Young,-D.D. F.T.C.D. and M.R.1. A. - - - = IX. Obfervations on Gun-powder. By the Honorable George Napier, M.R.L. A. - - - X. Obfervations on the magnetic Fluid. By men O’Brien Drury, of the Royal Navy a Q XL. A critical and anatomical Examination of the Parts immediately tnterefted in the Operation for a Cataract , with an Attempt to render the Operation itfelf, whether by Depreffion or Extraction, more certain and fucce/sful. By Sylvefter O’ Halloran, Efg, M. R. I. A. Honorary Member of the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland, &c. XI. An Account of Experiments made to determine the Temperature of the Earth's Surface in the Kingdom of Ireland in the Year 1788. By the Rev. William Hamilton, F.T.C.D. and M.R.I. A. - - XIII. Od/ervatzons on Coal-Mines. By Richard Kirwan, Efq,; M. RI. A. and F.R.S. - - XIV. Obfervations on the Properties commonly attributed by medical Writers to. human Milk, on the Changes it undergoes in Digeftion, and the Difeafes fuppofed to originate from thts Source in Infancy. By Fofeph Clarke, M.D. M.R.I. A. - a Page 81 7 IIg nl 5A} | 143 57 17% POLITE: LITERATURE CeO IN ha BIN. TT Se 1. AN Examination of an Effay on the Dramatic Cha- racter of Sir Fohn Falftaff. By the Rev. Richard Stack, D.D. F.T.C.D. and M. R.I. A. = Page 3 HI. Odfervations on the firft At of Shakefpear’s Tempe/t. By a young Gentleman, an Undergraduate in the Univer- Sty of Dublin - - = = 39) Hl. Thoughts on fome particular Paffages in the Agamemnon of ZHchylus. By Francis Hardy, Efg; M. R.1..A. - i IV. Effay on Ridicule, Wit and Humour. By William Prefton, Efg; M.R.I.A. Part the Firft - - 69) V. Effay on Ridicule, Wit and Humour. By William Prefton, Efg; M.R.I. A. Part the Second - - (79? ; pe iby ares a #5 mpd wai a ; SAN Maden. Se oh iaete hak ‘Steel Mahe wh, stb, oy ae ; 0 wiv iit ah Big af eS vig Uy aks" + * of ae ele % a a pis | SN, Nae : ween ax a ws F ethih ne oi emt |e shih HAM Ba “A men Te a er ApS ig CO Mh as VES Neves. lL. AN Account of three Metal Trumpets found in the County of Limerick in the Year 1787. 76 Ralph Oufley, E/q; M. R. LA. 2 us a x I. 4 RORS-C vel, or Martial Ode, fung at the Battle of Cnucha by Fergus, Son of Finn, and addreffed to Goll, the Son of Morna; with a literal Tranflation and Notes. By Sylvefter O Halloran, Efg; M. R. I. A. Se. > - IN. Memoir of the Language, Manners and Cuftoms of an Anglo-Saxon Colony fettled in the Baronies of Forth and Bargie, in the County of Wexford, Ireland, in 1167, 1168 and 1169. Sy Charles Vallancey, L. L. D. Member of the Royal Societies of London, Dublin and Edinburgh, of the Academy of Cortona and of Belles Lettres, of the Antiqua- rian Society of Perth, and of the Philofophical Society of Philadelphia = = = = = = IV. A defcriptive Account of the Fort of ae ' . Paper Serve ‘ ; ' ‘ Laaiabet bh aahth® wail 3 BY, aes LV ; 2m | aie Od An Account of the MOVING of a BOG, and the FO RMATION of a LAKE, a the County of GALWAY, IRELAND. By RALPH OUSLEY, 44; MR. LA. Gominumicated\ by JOSEPH COOPER WALKER, Eff, MRL A. O N Tuefday, March 28, 1745, O.S. a very remarkable and ' extraordinary event happened at the bog of Addergoole, about'a mile and an half from the town of Dunmore, county of Galway. As James Carroll, Efq; * of Killeeny, fuperintended his men cutting turf, about eleven o’clock in the forenoon, the day being very fultry, he obferved a fudden and alarming gathering of the clouds juft over his head, and had fearce time to warn his: labourers of the approaching ftorm, when the moft violent and furprizing rain, ever remembered, affailed them, accompanied with a dreadful though unknown noife, not fo loud, but as tremendous as thunder, a little to the eaft of where they ftood: though the men ran inftantly towards an adjacent village, they were wet to the {kin before they got half way. * A Brevet Major in Queen Anne’s reign. B 2 THIS Read O&t. 1, 1787- Le Tus fhower, or water-fpout rather, continued little more than an hour, at the conclufion of which the turf-cutters were prefented with a phenomenon much more extraordinary ; they faw the turbary they had juft left, containing about ten acres, floating as it were after them, ’till it fubfided at laft upon a piece of low pafture of near thirty acres by the river's fide, called Higgins’s Park, where it fpread and fettled, covering the whole, to the aftonifhment of numbers, and the very great lofs of Major Carroll, as it inftantly became, and ftill continues, the wetteft and moft unprofitable piece of bog in the whole country. AnotTuer and more confiderable injury immediately fucceeded this ; the moving bog completely choaked up the river, which con- fequently overflowed the back grounds, and before evening a lough or lake of near fifty-five acres covered the adjacent fields. Major Carroll’s fine bottom meadow of thirty acres was in a few hours perfe@ily transformed into water: Fifteen acres alfo of meadow of the lands of Addergoole, belonging to poor tenants, _ fhared the fame fate, which with the ten acres of bog that moved, make up the number mentioned above; forming a confiderable lough in half a day’s time, to the great prejudice of many, and furprize as well as terror of the neighbour- hood. Tue lake naturally increafing every hour, Major Carroll in a few days colleéted a great number of labourers, and began to make a large drain to carry the water by the fhorteft cut to the bed of the river, now dry: but perceiving the new-formed lough ees eae lough forcing itfelf into another line, he affifted its operations, and without much trouble formed the prefent courfe of the river to its junction with the ancient channel, below the late formed bog, as will eafily appear by the plate annexed. Before the paffage was finifhed, and the lake let run, it was fuppofed to have covered three hundred acres, but in feven or eight days it diminithed to fifty or fixty acres, of which extent it ftill continues. The river below the new bog was nearly dry for more than a mile, and children of ten or twelve years old deftroyed all the fifh, even in the deepeft holes. Most of the grounds mentioned here are bounded by the eftate of the prefent Earl of Louth, who has been often on the premifes, and is well acquainted with the above parti- culars, ititw? a ; ims a MPR t B4 » bebhet thea suet ot ah oat fate. G Gis ; ie ae “ae my jae (alk sip) danse Fan Say noi, 73 if Wee eae, sits pan tee e goto th aie Ha he SOAR HS \ehA OY HT we nest sjor TOG e ¥ . ES lle poicartiob bi: ap ata 409 ord Bobaund sax oid ‘Bohwisnec* abeucrs . ‘ 4% 4 La. ~ ie: 7 PA " a” ial Whi + : o Satios nerd -catit ottw, ded? to fad ins yy ‘Ming grade: ied asin) hptettugis ~ ge Bie ae iq Y A i Bre SSP Sst oth ie ; SA? APR: alte =: ‘JOO: i ed An Account and Defeription of three PENDULUMS muvented and conftruded by JOHN CROSTHWAITE, Watch and Clock Maker, Dublin. Fic. I. reprefents a pendulum, with a fimple mode of compen- fation, which has now been going eighteen years, much more accurately than could be expected in fo very unfavourable a fitua- tion; the firft ten years againft a lath and plaifter partition, within three feet of the external wall, and the fame diftance from a hall- door, the frequent fhutting of which muft have very much dif- turbed its vibrations ; the laft eight years, againft an external wall only three feet from the ftreet; which, though a much better fituation than the former, yet even here it was liable to have the ifochronifm difturbed by the carriages almoft conftantly paffing. A and B are two rods of fteel forged out of the fame bar, at the fame time, of the fame temper, and in every refpe@ fimilar. On the top of B is formed a gibbet C ; this rod is firmly fupported by a fteel bracket D, fixed on a large piece of marble E, firmly fet into the wall F, and having liberty to move freely upwards between i between crofs ftaples of brafs 1, 2, 3, 4, which touch only in a point in front and rere (the ftaples having been carefully formed for that purpofe) ; to the other rod is firmly fixed, by its centre, the lens G, of twenty-four pounds weight, although it fhould in ftri@tnefs be a little below it. This pendulum is fufpended by a fhort fteel {pring on the gibbet at C, all which is intirely independent of the clock. ‘To the back of the clock plate I are firmly ferewed two cheeks nearly cycloidal at K, exaétly in a line with the centre of the verge L. The maintaining power is applied by a cylindrical fteel ftud in the ufual way of regulators, at M. Now, it is very evident that any expanfion or contraction that takes place in either of thefe exatly fimilar rods, is inftantly counteracted by the other ; whereas in all compen/ation pendulums compofed of different materials, however juft calculation may feem to be, that can never be the cafe, as not only different metals, but alfo different bars of the fame metal that are not manufactured at the fame time, and exaétly in the fame manner, are found by a good pyrometer to differ materially in their degrees of expanfion and contraction, a very {mall change affe@ting one and not the other; this, however, is by their framers always tried by the pyrometer, and any defeét experimentally remedied by hammering or filing ; but it, notwith- ftanding, requires a length of time, much expence, and an in- ftrument not always accurate. It is very evident, that whenever diffimilar rods are introduced to counteract each other, diforders will take place in the moft fufceptible, fometime before the remedy is applied by the moft tardy, and that this remedy or compenfa- tion continues fometime after the occafion for it ceafes; and therefore in this country, where the temperature of the atmofphere is fubje@ to fuch various and fudden changes; when compen- fations [ a fations are ufed, they fhould be executed with the fame materials as that of the pendulum rod, and have exadily the fame expofure to the air. A pEscRIPTion of a pendulum, with a diamond fufpenfion.— The lens is feven inches diameter, made of lead melted into a brafs fhell, very accurately weighed in all pofitions, turned truly in a very fteady lathe, firft flatwife, and then on an arbor through its centre, and adjufted fo that in all fituations the centre of gravity of the lens exactly coincides with the axis of the pendulum rod; a piece of brafs, half an inch thick and three and an half long by two broad, is let into the lead fo as to be even with its furface ; four holes being tapped-in it to receive the fcrews c.c cc, Fig. II.-with their heads counterfunk in the brafs fhell: this piece of brafs is hollowed lengthwife on the infide, fo as to. embrace the pendulum rod, the whole length of itfelf, but moft ftraightly at its centre. The lens never to be altered after the clock is brought to time. The rod made of red deal, firft baked, then boiled in linfeed oil for a confiderable time, and then well varnifhed, , On the, top is formed an irregular octagon and an opening cat through, of the fhape of the letter U;; there is drilled'in the lathe, exa€tly through its centre length- wife, a hole to receive the piece of very hard caft fteel e, which after being fitted fquare into a brafs collar f, paffes through the hole in the upper part of the pendulum rod at 5, and is there firmly fecured by a fcrew, the head of which is counterfunk in the top of the rod ; at 6 the fteel piece is wrought to a fine conical point, on’ which the whole pendulum is fufpended on the well-levelled face of a large diamond; this diamond is fet and C ey foldered I ee foldered with filver into a tempered piece of fteel g, having three levelling {crews h h h, carefully tapped through it. The points of thefe tempered fcrews are rounded and lie in beds formed for them in I, a piece of fteel “{ of an inch broad en the upper fide ; the lower part being rounded, this is very firmly leaded into a piece of ftatuary marble K, about two hundred weight, firmly inferted in the wall, fo as juft to’ admit the fteel piece I to pafs through the back of the clock cafe: The pendulum being entirely detached from the clock and fufpended on the diamond, and the whole upon the wall. Before the clock was applied, it continued vibrating twenty-feven hours in this de- tached ftate as a fimple-pendulum: I have applied the main- taining power from the movement by a well-tempered and po- lithed fteel cylinder 7, of an inch diameter, firmly fcrewed to the crutch through the opening in the brafs collar L; in this opening I have fixed two pieces of fapphiré, of which this is the feion ©, the cylindrical fides which the hard fteel cylinder above-mentioned ads againft being well polifhed, the conta& is lineal. To the back of each of thofe pieces of fapphire I have fitted two {crews 0, 0, tapped through the brafs collar L, which firmly embraces the pendulum rod. By thefe ferews the pieces of fapphire are accurately adjufted'to the fteel cylinder, fo that the power is applied, without the fmalleft fhake or lofs of force, exactly in the line of the centres of ofcillation, gravity and fuf- penfion. An account of a clock where the maintaining power is applied © immediately from the efcapement wheel to the axis of the pen- dulum rod, without verge, crutch, or any other agent.—I cut a notch oe eA notch in the pendulum rod deeper than its axis, (fee the profile, Fig. II.) and in that opening at k, and in that part on a plate of brafs fixed firmly by fcrews, two pallets r and s, reprefented larger at Z below, and by the efcapement wheel P, with pins 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, &c. made of very hard drawn brafs wire inftead of teeth, I applied the maintaining power exaCtlly in the line of the centres of magnitude, ofcillation, fufpenfion, motion and gravity. This appears to me the moft fimple and perfe& method of applying the maintaining power to pendulums that has hitherto been thought of, and if perfectly executed with ruby or fapphire pallets, and hard fteel pins well finifhed in the wheel, the point of fufpenfion made perfeQly immoveable, and the maintaining power perfectly uniform, then perhaps the faireft trial may be given to different pendulums. On fhewing my clock made in this way to an ingenious gen- tleman from London, he told me he faw one executed on the fame principles in England. I went to fee it, and found it fomewhat like mine, but the maker had not thofe matters in view that I had, as he did not communicate the power at the centre of the rod, but on its external part, by which means much of the power was loft, and the remainder gave the pendulum an undulatory -motion which added confiderably to the friciion, and totally de- ftroyed the ifochronifm *. * Since thefe clocks were made, I conftruéted another very fimple one, in which I made the pendulum to vibrate at right angles with the plane of the efcapement wheel: this method promifes fome material advantages, particularly in large clocks. C 2 | ee ane reap a a ae 3 1S s . 7? uf “ DY eee: Sschiacty be eh ‘ily aiid adi) bull a ae i 9 ae J Font Sculp John-Crosthwatte Inv’ & Da! An Account of a new Method of ILLUMINATING the WIRES, and REGULATING the POSITION of the TRANSIT INSTRUMENT. By the Rev. HENRY USSHER, D.D. S.F.T.C.D. MRB.LA. and F.R.S. if T is now univerfally allowed that the paffages of the celeftial bodies over the meridian are more eafily, more * abundantly, and more accurately taken by means of the tranfit inftrument, than by the method of equal altitudes. Every attempt, therefore, to improve this valuable inftrument is of importance ; and as there are fome particulars in the tranfit inftrument of our obfervatory, which appear to me to be advan- _ tageous improvements, I confider it my duty to lay them before the * On account of the uncertainty of weather, which often prevents the cor- refpondent obfervation of altitude. + On account of the variation of refraétion at the given altitude, if the ftate of the barometer or thermometer, or both, fhould be different at the times of the two obfervations. Academy : ie ae Academy: and in order to form a more juft eftimate of their value, I have given fome fketches of this inftrument, as com- monly executed, with a brief defcription of the ufual modes of illuminating the wires, and fubjoined the method adopted in that belonging to our obfervatory, with fome other more important particulars. Fig. I. Plate III. reprefents the inftrument as commonly con- ftructed, mounted ready for obfervation. The detail of the parts is unneceffary, the inftrument being in fuch general ufe as to be known to every one. The candle or lamp for illuminating the wires by night is here made to defcribe a circle equal and parallel to that defcribed by the reflecting furface placed before the object glafs, the centres of both lying in the fame right line parallel to the horizon. This movement is effe€ted by a fimple apparatus reprefented in Fig. IL: it confifts of a ftrong ring of wood, which furrounds the axis of the inftrument at a fmall diftance, and is made faft to the pillar; this ring fupports and confines another, which has a liberty of circular movement, and carries the two arms A. B. one fuftaining a lantern, and the other a counterpoife; the lantern is loaded at the bottom, and plays freely upon a pin placed above its centre of gravity, and there- fore always preferves a vertical fituation ; it is fo contrived as to let out the fmoak at the back part, by which means the obfer- vations are lefs affected by the tremors arifing from the vapour of the candle. THERE is another method, very convenient for fmall inftru- ments, which I firft faw at St. John’s College, Cambridge, it is reprefented ae reprefented Fig. III. In this, the centre of motion of the arm which carries the counterpoife and lantern does not lie in the axis of the inftrument, but at fome diftance above it, by which means the axis is difengaged from furrounding wood-work, which is an obflruGion to the facility of reverfing the inftrument for adjufting or verifying the line of collimation; and that the light in the lantern may move in an arc equal and parallel to that defcribed by the elliptic illuminator, the light muft be as far diftant from the point of fufpenfion of the lantern, as in the centre of motion of the arm above the axis; in this method, therefore, a lamp or a candle with a fpring focket muft be ufed. In Fig. I. and UI. the two fpecies of elliptic illuminators, ufu- ally applied, are reprefented; that in Fig. II. is an elliptic ring of pafteboard or other proper fubftance made white; the leffer axis of the ellipfe is fomewhat lefs than the diameter of the ob- je& glafs ,—the other fhown in Fig. I. is a fmall cylinder of ivory placed oppofite the centre of the objeét glafs: In each the fur- face is fet in an angle of forty-five degrees to the axis of the telefcope. Doétor Mafkelyne, whom I believe the inventor of the folid illuminator, has improved it lately, by fubftituting for the ivory furface a {mall refle@ing mirror, by which he obtains a fufficient quantity of light for the wires, without fo much lofs of the central rays. In our tranfit inftrument the entire light of the objeé glafs is preferved by a moft fimple contrivance :—That pivot of the axis which refts upon the plate that regulates the motion in azimuth, 1S [ 316 ] is perforated with a fmall hole, and in this is inferted a convex lens ; the plate and the pillar are perforated alfo in the dire@tion of the axis; the perforation in the pillar near the back part is three inches in diameter; in this is inferted a tube carrying ano- ther larger convex lens; to this tube is attached the lantern, in which the flame of the candle is kept always oppofite the axis of the tube by means of a fpring focket. Tue rays of light iffuing from the candle are by thefe lenfes brought to a focus immediately beyond the fmall lens inferted in the pivot, and diverging from thence, within the conical axis, are intercepted at the fquare box in the centre by a diagonal plate of filvered brafs, which reflects the light down to the wires ; this plate is perforated with an elliptical hole, to let the cone of rays from the obje@t glafs pafs through undiminifhed. See Fig. IV. To temper this light in proportion to the ftar obferved, there is a green glafs increafing gradually in depth of tint from the top to the bottom: this glafs is fet in a brafs frame, which flides in a dovetail between the azimuth plate and the pillar; and the elevation or depreffion of this is regulated by a lever, the arm of which is readily brought to the hand in any pofition ; this lever confifts of two feparate arms, which are prefled together by fcrews, and each turn upon one pin inferted into the pillar: by lightening the fcrews the friction of the arms againft each other may be fo increafed, that when the longer arm is moved the fhorter one moves with it, and raifes or lets down the glafs-frame; when this is raifed to the greateft height, FE py a height, then the fhort arm preffes againft the bottom of the azimuth plate, and any additional force now applied overcomes the fri@ion at the centre; fhould the motion of the arm be required in the oppofite direction, this is effefted by making the fhort arm prefs againft a pin placed below it, with a fimilar effe@ to the former, the force applied overcoming the central fri@ion as above; and thus the long arm may be brought parallel to the telefcope in whatever pofition it is fet for obfervation, Fic. V. reprefents the lever and glafs-frame; the azimuth plate is reprefented by dotted lines. If it be required to move the long arm from the pofition there reprefented to a vertical fituation for an obfervation in the zenith; then by depreffing the handle x, the fhort arm a, a is raifed and pufhes up the glafs-frame, until a,a preffes againft the bottom of the azi- muth plate, where, as it can go no higher, any additional force in that dire@tion overcomes the friction at the central pin (d) and the long arm is readily brought into a vertical pofition, the fhort one remaining at the azimuth plate ; and in this new pofi- tion, the lever has the fame power of regulating the defcent. of the frame as before: if it be required to put the arm into an horizontal pofition, the preffure of the fhort arm againft the pin (p) inferted in the pillar below it, overcomes the central fric- tion in this direQion; h reprefents the hole in the pillar through which the light comes; n, n the brafs frame; b, b the green glafs. In juftice to Mr. Ramfden I muft obferve, that it was not without fome difficulty that I prevailed upon him to introduce D this eed this mode of illumination in this inftrument, he being juftly cautious left the heat of the candle might have any effect on the axis; but feveral hours carefully employed by him and me in critical experiments, fatisfied him fully that his fears were ground- lefs, and I can now by experience of the inftrument pronounce them fo. Tuis mode of illumination has many advantages. Firft, the object is not rendered tremulous by the vapor and flame of the candle decompofing the air at the objet glafs. Secondly, no part of the light afforded by the objeé glafs is loft. Thirdly, you can diminifh your aperture at pleafure without the trouble of altering your illuminator ; whereas if the annular one be applied a different elliptic ring muft be provided for every diminution of aperture ; if the folid illuminator be ufed, you cannot diminifh the aperture very much, and preferve the valuable central rays*. Another ufe of this method has occurred to me fince I began to apply it, which is this—by accurately dividing the ftem of the glafs-frame, and removing the green glafs, we might more cer- tainly determine the different magnitude of the ftars, by noting the quantity of light neceffary to efface them. I now come to the principal improvement in this inftrument; an invention that does high honour to Mr. Ramfden, and is a moft valuable acquifition to all aftronomical inftruments where plumb lines are introduced. * The advantages of a great diminution of aperture on particular occafions I fhall mention in a future paper. The Fad) The Method of adjufting the horizontal Poftion of the Axis. Every one muft allow, that the adjuftment by the fpint level is of all modes the moft convenient, but it is not without its defedts ; there are few levels true to lefs than two feconds in winter, when all levels are moft fluggifh; add to this, that the pivots of the axis muft, for this adjuftment, be accurately of equal diameters, and perfect cylinders; we muft alfo take into account the danger of any partial heat reaching the glafs tube, which will create an enormous error. To remedy thefe defe@ts, a plumb-line has been fubftituted, but generally not well contrived. The ufual adjuftment by the plumb-line has been, to attach two fmall pins to the tube of the telefcope, one near the object glafs, the other near the eye end of the tube, and to make a plumb-line, fufpended from one of thefe, pafs over and bifect two fine points, one near each end of the tube ; then, inverting the telefcope, and fufpending the : plumb-line from the other pin, to fee whether it bifeét the fame points again ; and if not, to correét half the error in the ufual manner: but this appears*to be dangerous to the line of colli- mation. : My firft attempt at adjuftment by the plumb-line in the year 1774, was to fufpend a brafs rod. by hooks on the pivots, like the horizontal bar of a level, and to the middle of this I attached a vertical bar with two fine points, and a plumb-line ; but this was fubje@ to inaccuracy, unlefs the pivots were pre- D2 cifely pee cifely of equal diameters. I then contrived that the bar fhould not hook on the pivots, but be preffled upwards by a fpring againft their under parts. Fig. VI. fhews the principle of this adjuftment. A is the extremity of the pivot of the axis; c the fpring, which is attached to the notched piece n, n, refting on the pivot, and forcing the piece 'T, T’ upwards, which rarfes the whole adjufting tool, and ‘keeps the notch 1, 1, bearing againft the lower part of the pivot; 1, 1, m, m is a piece fimilar to the vertical bar of a level feen in profile; 0, © is the profile of the perpendicular bar which ftrengthens the hori- zontal bar; to the middle of this is attached the vertical bar y, y, with two fine points, one being moveable; befide this hangs the plumb-line x, x, with the plummet P fwinging in water. A.tuoveH this adjuftment was independent of all inequality in the pivots, yet it was objectionable, becaufe during the adjuft- ment there was the weight of the tool on the axis, from which it was difengaged in the at of obfervation ; whence the inftru- ment was proved and applied in diffimilar circumftances. But whilft I had this tool a@tually in hands, the following elegant and unobjetionable mode was devifed by Mr. Ramfden, which immediately made me lay afide all thoughts of the former ; and in fa@ I know of no late invention that feems to promife more towards the improvement of all aftronomical inftruments where plumb-lines are applied. In one fide of the tube of the telefcope, and twelve inches from each end of it, he makes a fmall hole, and inferts a very thin femipellucid bit of ivory, with a black dot in the centre; in [ ar ] in the other fide of the tube, oppofite to each of thefe, he in- ferts a convex lens; now it is obvious that an image of each dot will be formed in the conjugate focus of its correfponding lens. The tops of the pillars fupport a brafs frame, carrying a plumb-line and two microfcopes, placed dire€ly before the images of the dots, to which their foci are adjufted, fo that the images are diftinct and magnified; and the plumb-line being moveable by fcrews at the fufpenfion frame above, is made to fwing through thefe images. Nothing can be better imagined than this. _ In the firft place, the adjuftment is applied totally independent of the inftrument ; and fecondly, the plumb-line hanging in the images themfelves, there cannot poffibly be any parallax on the wire, nor any corpufcular attraction exerted on it, as is probably the cafe when a plumb-line is brought very near to a metallic plate ; inconveniences to which all plumb- lines have hitherto been in fome degree fubjed. Tue three plates are defigned to fhew this valuable adjuftment more fully. Prare IJ. Fig. I. is a bird’s-eye view of the top of the eaftern pillar. Fig. Il. of the weftern. On the top of each pillar, and in the dire@tion of the me- ridian, is fhewn a prifmatic bar of brafs, A, B, feen in profile, and of a larger fize in Fig. III. The horizontal pofition of this bar is obtained by the capftan headed {crew t, and is fixed by the [ 22 ] the other capftan head T; the application of the other capftan headed fcrew D, with its fetting fcrew, will be fhewn in the application of the adjufting tool. On the top of each pillar is a brafs cock marked C, and feen in profile, and of a larger fize in Fig. IV.; in this the fcrew X works vertically, and is fet by the {crew Y. E GFHTI is a frame covered with green filk to fcreen the axis from the fun*. K, K are holes in the filk to let the hooks of the counterpoifes through, to relieve the Y plates from the entire weight of the inftrument. Pirate Ill. Fig. I. fhews the adjufting tool, the notches N, N, cut in the end of the horizontal arm, reft upon the prifmatic bar fhewn-in the former figure, and the extremity Z, of the horizontal bar at right angles to this, refts upon the point of the vertical fcrew, which works in the cock C, on the oppofite pillar. C, P is a fine filver wire, fupporting the plummet P, which {wings in a glafs veffel filled with water, as is ufually done to check the vibration. X, X are the two microfcopes, into the focus of which the wire is brought by the fcrew C, fhewn more diftin@ly in Fig. II. in which D is the head of a fmall fcrew, which confines the end of the plumb-line under its fhoulder, the plumb-line hangs through the hole H, and refts in a fine notch cut in the chamfered edge S, S. The {crew B draws the whole fyftem L MN R eaft or, weft, to draw * The view of the counterpoifes is hcre omitted, not to embarrafs the figure. the E23 J the wire oppofite the dot; and its pofition is fecured by a fpring concealed in the tube A. The {crew C, as mentioned before, moves the frame a b c d north or fouth, and its place is fe- cured by a fpring fhewn in the figure. W is a pinion which works in a rack that fupports the glafs veffel filled with water; by means of this the veffel can be raifed fo as to relieve the wire from the weight of the plummet when the machine is moved. Prare IV. Fig. I. fhews a fkeleton of the adjufting tool on its fupports, and parallel to the telefcope B B, which during, the - adjuftment is always in a vertical pofition. Fic. IL is the fame in profile. Q, Q are the dots ; 0, o the lenfes, by means of which the images of the dots are formed in the conjugate foci at S, S; thefe images are diftin@ly fhewn by the microfcopes x, 2; the plumb-line is made to {wing through one dot by means of the {crews at the top of the adjufting tool already fhewn in Plate Ill. Fig. IL; whilft the other dot, which is moveable from right to left, has its image brought to the wire by means of a fcrew S in Fig. III. Plate III. which reprefents the piece which carries the moveable dot. We now fuppofe that the plumb-line fwings through the centre of each image, and the true pofition of the tool is fo far obtained, provided the plummet hangs freely in the middle of the glafs veffel, which will be the cafe when the arm, which refts upon the prifmatic bar, that is, when the bar itfelf is horizontal ; this is obtained by the capftan headed {crews t, T, Fig. III. Plate II. Provided alfo that the other arm C, L, is truly horizontal, which pofition is fag] is obtained by the fcrew, which works vertically in the cock C, Plate IV. Fig. J. and Plate II. Fig. IV. Tue juft diftance of the tool from the telefcope is fhewn by the diftina vifion of the images; and in order to obtain the fame diftance exactly at all times, the fcrew D, in Fig. Il. Plate II. is moved, ’till its point juft preffes againft the end of the notched piece which refts on the bar, and is there fet by the fcrew S (fame figure). Let now the fcrew W at the bottom be turned, fo as to relieve the plumb-line, and let the tool be removed; then let the telefcope be inverted, and the tool brought to the other fide, and placed upon the other bar and cock, let the wire be made to fwing through and bife& the upper image; if now the telefcope has turned upon an axis truly horizontal, the plumb-line will alfo bife@ the lower image; if not, correé& half the error as ufual, and repeat the adjuftment ’till all error vanifhes. Tuvus we fhall have the inftrument proved, without any addi- tional weight on the axis; we have the advantage of a long plumb-line, without parallax, or corpufcular attraGion ; and all error of the artift in the diameters of the pivots is rendered of no confequence whatever. Apparatus [ 25 ] Apparatus for reverfing the Infirument. As the line of. collimation requires conftant verification, the reverfing of the axis fhould be rendered as commodious as pof_ible , particularly as this is always done to the greateft nicety by celef- tial obfervations, which will not admit of delay. I always prove it by the polar ftar*, and this is the method: I obferve the paffages over the three firft wires; I then reverfe the inftrument, and take the paffages over the two laft wires, that is, in fact over the two firft again. Now it is manifeft, that if the colli- mation be perfect, the intervals from the firft wire to the middle one, and from the middle one to the fifth, will be precifely equal, as alfo the intervals from the fecond to the middle, and from the middle to the fourth. The apparatus for this purpofe, fhewn in Plate V. Fig. I. is fo manageable, that I can reverfe this weighty inftrument without help in the fhort half paffage of & Urfee minoris, in time to obferve the paffage over the laft wire, having before reverfing obferved the paffages over the firft, fecond and middle wires. The horns E, E, being placed under the axis : the winch A is turned, which works with a double pinion in the rack B, which is double, having the teeth fet at alternate inter- vals, as fhewn in Fig. IJ. by which means the fmootheft motion poffible is obtained: this rack elevates the block C, hol- . * The reafon why I prefer the polar ftar is, becaufe the fmalleft error in the collimation will, on account of the flow motion of this ftar, fhew a difference which cannot be attributed to the unavoidable error of obfervation, or cafual irregularity of the clock ; at leaft we know the limit by practice. E lowed [o./26 ad lowed conically to receive the extremity of the cylinder D, made to fit it; and this raifing the upper work on which the axis now refts, lifts the inftrument off its fupports, which is then readily turned round on the cylinder D, working in the cone C and female cylinder F, F ; and may be then, in its reverfed pofition, {moothly and gently lowered down again to its fupports, | (narn 1* I HM HN l MIA MTT TTT i Page WESScuee Burdr eye view of the Fart Pillar without the Countlerporer. ‘ without the Giuniterpourer : SE i ; ESBS ST SY ; | SAS yp of the Wat Pdlar. eras eye view of the Co, fi —-_-- Le <<< iu TT Tear “95 97 28ea/f Plate Ii1| Te PUT EP AeA A OTOP AEWA 1 1 Wp EU $9.) AMMAN NCAR A A Birds Eye View of the A Of the Adjusting Vool. Carrving the Llumb Lire. LAT 381 T ie : e le é ‘s aed 5 5 Per he F ‘og o7 abe, ‘t i pul ich ay se , eR a PAE i yi etry ting ae pt athe Ag A he arn eR ein a on ing On’ 7 a 1 yeh e Mbme fae) An ESSAY to improve the. THEORY of DEFECTIVE SIGHT. By th Rev. JOHN STACK, F.I.CD. and MORTL A, ‘Tue common theory of defective fight attributes the confu- fion in imperfe& vifion to the interfe€tion of the rays of each pencil that enters the eye, in points ‘either defore or behind the retina, It ftates the former of thefe defects as proceeding from too great a convexity of the cornea, or of the chryftalline humour, or of both; and the latter from the contrary ftructure of thofe parts of the eye. Befide thefe fcarce any other caufes are affigned, or any farther explanation of the defe€ts given. Tus, however, feems inadequate to the folution of feveral phenomena in cafes of defective fight that frequently occur ; fuch _as the following : 1. | Have frequently caufed fhort-fighted perfons to place a printed book a little beyond their limits of diftin@ vifion; then E 2 applying Read Jan. 5) 1788. [ 28 ] applying a card, with a fmall hole made in it, to the eye, they read at the above-mentioned diftance with great eafe. 2. OBsERVING the effect of this experiment to be more ftriking than ufual in a perfon the pupil of whofe eye was very large, I meafured the diftances at which he could read when the pupil was dilated, and when it was contracted, and found the former lefs than the latter by about two inches. N. B. Tuese cafes are the more remarkable, as the quantity of light incident from the object on the eye is diminifhed in each of thefe experiments *, and confequently the vividnefs of the pic- tures on the retina ; therefore a confiderable degree of diftinQnefs muft have been procured to overbalance the difadvantage that the lofs of light occafioned. 3. I uave met with cafes, though not frequently, of defeCtive fighted perfons whole fight was fuch as to be incapable of being | affifted by any double-concave or convex glaffes. Some of them found vifion a little more diftin@ through a pin-hole zz /frong fight, others not. Tuese cafes do not appear at all explicable on the vague theory of defective fight generally received ; and perhaps others of a fimilar defcription may occur, or have already occured to more accurate and extenfive enquirers. * Hence the reafon why thefe experiments are attended with more remarkable effets in ftrong than in weak light. THAT [29.4 Tuat fuch phenomena however may refult from various de- fefs in the ftru€@lure of the eye, will be evident to any one who confiders the exact conformation and adjuftment of its parts neceflary to produce perfect vifion. Thefe requifites indeed are fo many, and of fo fubtile a nature, that it feems much more furprizing that fo delicate an organ fhould not be oftener rendered imperfect by accident or natural infirmity, than that fo many inftances of defective fight fhould be met with. A peviaTion from the juft form or refraQlive power of any of the different humours might be fhown (from optical principles) capable of caufing the phenomena above-mentioned ; but as the chryftalline humour is the principal inftrument in vifion, it will be fufficient to point out the effe@s arifing from any deficiency in its ftru€ture, efpecially as the number and minutenefs of the cir- cumftances neceffary to its perfefion make this humour more liable to incur the defe& than cither of the others; and as any remedy applicable to the removal of errors hence arifing will be found equally fo to that of errors occafioned by the imperfection of the aqueous or vitreous humours. Tue chryftalline humour being in the form of a double convex lens, it is evident that when parallel rays are incident on it, thofe fall more obliquely on its furface which are more remote from the vertex or middle point of that furface. Now if that humour were of uniform denfity, the refra@tion of the remote rays would fo far exceed that of the central ones as to interfee each other nearer to the chryftalline than the mutual interfection of the more central rays; therefore if one of thefe interfections (or Fig. II. Vie oo (or foci) be at the retina, the other muft be removed from it, and confequently a confufion would enfue in the picture on the retina. Ir is however well known that nature has ufed an admirable precaution againft this imperfection, by gradually diminifhing the denfity (and therefore the refractive power) of the chryftalline from the centre toward the edges ; fo that the excefs of refraction arifing from obliquity of incidence fhould ferve as a compenfation for the defect of it, owing to the diminution of denfity, and thus in perfect vifion produces this effect, that both the extreme and central rays of the incident pencil fhould be brought to a com- mon focus exactly on the retina, Lert us now fuppofe a chryftalline humour of fuch a form as it ufually has in a perfect eye, and at the central parts of a juft denfity, but whofe denfity is not fufficiently diminifhed in pro- ceeding from the centre to the edges: From what has been juft obferved on the cafe of uniform denfity in the chryftalline, it is plain that the exterior rays of the incident pencil, and thofe only, will in the prefent cafe fuffer too great a refraction, and produce confufion in the picture on the retina; confequently if thefe be intercepted, and the central rays alone tranfmitted to the eye (as is done in the firft experiment by the pin-hole) vifion will be diftin@, and no obftacle to its perfe€tion will remain but what arifes from want of fufficient light. Vid. Fig. I. Even though the denfity of the chryftalline were every where too great as well toward the centre as toward the edges, yet E oed yet as the diffufion O S, occafioned by the central rays, is far lefs than T V, that caufed by the exterior rays, vifion, though not rendered perfe@ly diftin@ by the exclufion of the exterior rays, will be made more clear than before, unlefs the denfity be very much greater than it fhould, in which cafe the diffufion O S might be fo great as to impede vifion entirely, as well as the diffu- fion T V, which is greater than it. I nave here fuppofed the rays parallel, for the purpofe of confidering the view of remote objects ; but the reafoning will equally apply to rays fenfibly diverging, and fo will illuftrate as well the view of nearer objects. Tuese obfervations, if juftly founded, might ferve to fhew the reafon of what occurred in the fecond experiment, where the confufion of vifion was fo much diminifhed by the contraCtion of the pupil, the Jris in fuch a cafe intercepting thofe rays which caufed a confufion when the pupil. was dilated; in the fame manner as the card in the firft experiment intercepted the rays that caufed confufion to the naked eye. Ir appears to me that the defect of all fhort-fighted perfons who are affifted by concave glaffes is probably of that kind repre- fented in Fig. II. becaufe as the refraCtion of a lens affeéts any rays that fall on it (except that in its axis) and as the refraGtion is conftantly greater the more remote the incident rays are from the axis, fo where fuch a glafs renders vifion diftind, errors of refraction muft have taken place in the eye, previous to the Fig. II. Fig. IV. Fig. V. Fongz ie the application of the glafs, equal and contrary to thofe refraGtions 4 which have removed them. Ir the defect were not of this nature, but that all the rays were brought to a focus in the fame point before the retina, a lens, the refraGlion of whofe central parts would bring the rays near the axis to a focus at the retina, will, by the greater refraGion of its exterior parts, remove the focus of the more remote rays behind the retina. Or even though all the rays did not meet in a point, yet if their interfections were all very clofe to each other, and at a confiderable diftance from the retina, the effet of a conclave glafs would be the fame as before, and while it deftroyed the diffufion of the central rays, would leave a diffufion of the exterior rays remaining, or vice verfa. On the other hand, if the foci of the extreme and central rays within the eye fall before the retina, and are too diftant from each other, no double concave of the ufual form (i. e. of equal curvature on each fide) can deftroy the error of the one kind of rays, without generating or leaving one of the other kind. Now, if any glafs can be contrived in which the quantity of refraction of the central rays can be made the fame as in a double concave, while that of the exterior rays is diminifhed, it would feem that the former error might be avoided; and on the contrary, that the laft mentioned error might be compenfated, if the glafs were fo contrived as to make the exterior rays fuffer a greater refraction than they do in the double concave, the bss. a the refraGtion of the central rays remaining the fame as before. And perhaps it will appear that thefe effects may be produced by a concavo- ~convex glafs of greater curvature on the concave fide than onthe convex, efpecially, if the thicknefs of fuch a lens be made greater than ufual ; becaufe the thicker the lens is, the nearer will an exterior ray m9 brought to the vertex.of the fecond furface, and therefore its incidence, and confequently its refraGtion by that furface, will be the lefs, as in Fig. VL; vice verfa in Fig. VII. We fee that in the double concaye the refraction ofan exte- rior ray, by the. firft furface, is, greater than that of a central ray, and as its effect is to caufe a divergence, the refraction of the firft furface will add more to the effe& of the fecond furface (which is alfo to caufe divergence) upon the exterior rays than upon, the central. 1, In the fame manner in the concavo-convex (the rays falling on the convex, fide) the refraction of the exterior rays by the firft furface is greater than that of the central rays; but thefe refractions are decrements of the divergence caufed by the fecond furface ; therefore the divergence of the exterior rays i is more diminifhed vee that of the central rays, and there- fore may be made lefs than that. of the exterior ‘ays made by a double. concave, while the divergence of the central tays caufed by both is the fame. 2. Ler the rays fall on the concave fide, Fig. VIII. In this cafe the divergence of the exterior rays by the concave is greater than F that Loe a that of the central rays; hence the incidence of the exterior rays on the fecond furface may be made lefs than that of the central rays, and therefore the refraction of the former ray into air may be lefs than that of the latter, that is (fince thefe refractions caufe a convergence) the divergence of the exterior rays is lefs diminifhed than that of the central, therefore the exterior rays will for both reafons diverge more than the central. Tuts, it will be faid, is equally effected by a double concave ; but if the curvature of the firft furface in the concavo-convex be confiderable in refpect of that of the fecond furface, it may be brought to pafs that the incidence of the exterior rays on the fecond furface fhall be of a different affeCtion from that of the central rays, and therefore that the refra€tion of the fecond furface may augment the divergence of the former, while it diminifhes the divergence of the latter, and thus caufe a greater divergence of the exterior rays than can be effeéted by the double concave, while the divergence of the central rays caufed by both is the fame. F THEse expedients feem capable of correfting the unufual errors of fhort fight, that cannot be removed by any double- concave glafs, if they fhould be occafioned by the caufes that I have fuppofed, i. e. by confiderable errors of fphericity. Ano it feems probable, from what has been faid, that fuch defe& is occafioned by thofe caufes, where perfons of the above defcription are affifted in vifion by looking through a pin-hole, and [wsod and that they may try the effe@ of the concavo-convex poffibly with advantage. Anpv if any’ chromatic errors fhould accompany’ thefe errors of {fphericity, as probably there would, they will be diminifhed er removed by the difperfion that attends the refraGtion of the glafs. Bur where the application of a pin-hole to the eye does not render vifion more diftin@, the defe@ probably does not arife from fuch imperfet ftruQure* of the eye as has been fuppofed, but from fome other caufe, as turbid humours, callofity of the retina, or reflexion of the oblique rays from the fides of the eye, by which the pi@ures on the back part of the retina would be - confufed. Dr. Porterfield and others account for the diftin€tnefs afforded to fhort-fighted perfons by looking through a pin-hole, by the diminution of the breadth of the pencil incident upon the retina, fuppofing ftill that all the rays interject in one point within the eve ; but befide that the breadth is not fo much leffened-on that hypo- thefis as on the hypothefis here given, and therefore the phzeno- menon not fo adequately accounted for, it alfo feems a very extraordinary and improbable fuppofition, that while all the nume- * It is poflible that the ftru€ture of the eye might be fuch as that the foci of the exterior and central rays would fall at different fides of the retina, which defect would not be eafily remedied; but even this I conceive might be accomplifhed by combinations of different lenfes, like the compound object-glafles of Dolland. F 2 rous [ (6°) a rous parts of fo delicate an organ as the eye are difordered or deranged, yet that fo exact a harmony in error fhould be obferved among them, as to bring the rays of every different pofition to one common interfection at an improper place. Af Ay ee . t shy 4 a ee) is Sie Taeeaeresan eh | Rae e0l8. reat aa re ‘ ¥ Lae An Account of fome OBSERVATIONS made with a view to afcertain whether MAGNIFYING POWER or APERTURE contributes moft to the difcerning mall Stars tin the Day. By the Rev. HENRY USSHER, D.D. M.R. IA. and F.R.S. Ir has long been a difputed point amongft aftronomers, nor is it, Read Feb. I believe, yet decided, whether aperture or magnifying power 7 178% contributes moft to the difcerning fmall ftars in the day. Tue following experiments and obfervations, made with the tranfit inftrument of our obfervatory, may perhaps tend to-throw fome light on the fubje@: they were made with care, and are certainly related without prejudice, for the conclufion I arrive at, is contrary to what I fuppofed previous to experiment. Tue tranfit inftrument of the obfervatory is furnifhed with three different fyftems of eye-glaffes, making the magnifying powers of the inftrument about 200, 400 and 600. ‘Thefe fyftems being conftructed by Mr. Ramfden upon the principle indicated Ra indicated by him in a paper publifhed in the Tranfa@ions of the Royal Society, may be changed at pleafure, without difturbing the line of collimation, or altering the quantity of the celeftial fpaces, fubtended by the intervals of the wires ; this inftrument, therefore, feems very proper for the purpofe. I sHaty fet down the obfervations juft as I made them, although the firft fet is not conclufive, as they compare magnified areas with lineal apertures. Tue diameter of the objedt-glafs is 42, inches. I made three diaphragms of pafteboard, with apertures whofe diameters were inverfely proportional to the fquare-roots-of the magnifying powers; and by means of thefe I could compare feverally 600 and 200, 400 and 200, and 600 and 400; although, as remarked above, thefe comparifons are not exadly juft. : Tuincs being in readinefs, I began my experiments on De- cember 2d; and in thefe I did not depend folely on my own eye; I thought it better to put them to the teft of eyes lefs ufed to aftronomical obfervation, yet fufficiently acquainted with the practice, to find fmall ftars in the field of view. § Bootrs of the fourth magnitude paffed 2H. 12 before the fun: this ftar was vifible with 200, but incomparably better with 600 with the diminifhed aperture ; it appeared with a planetary roundnefs, ‘This trial was made by me. 8B Urse& E36. J 8 Ursa minoris, to an unpracticed eye, appeared confeffedly better with 600 than 200 Seconp »y Urfe minoris paffed 1H. 7‘ before the fun. ‘The fame eye gave the fame conclufion. y SERPENTIS 3d magnitude paffed 52° before the fun: not vifible to me with 200 and whole aperture ; feen with 600, and the proportional diminution of aperture; and fhewn to another perfon ; fought for again with 200, but in vain *. 6 and y Draconts, both of 3—4 magnitude; the latter paffed 12‘ 32" before the fun ; vifible with both powers, but far better with 600 to an eye that had fome practice, and alfo to me, Decemeer 4, fecond y Urfe minoris, not difcoverable with 200, plainly feen with 600 by an eye totally unufed to obfer- vation. 3 Draconis, not vifible to the fame with 200, feen plainly with 600 ; afterwards difcovered with 200, but with difficulty. N. B. Tuts day wasa little hazy, with thin clouds, through which both by night and day the 600 had the advantage, and fhewed to my eye many ftars that were invifible with 200. I mention this, becaufe I at firft fufpefied, that although the great -power had the advantage in the clear blue fky of December 2d, * This ftar was very near the fun, and its being vifible is a ftrong proof of the excellence of this inftrument yet F 4° 4 yet perhaps it might be inferior in another ftate of the air, by ° magnifying the haze and vapors; but the obfervation of y Ser- pentis in the glare of the fun on the ad, and many ftars both by night and day on the 4th, confirm the fuperiority of 600. I next prepared a fet of diaphragms whofe areas of aperture were:inverfely proportional to the magnified area of the abject. Decemeer rath, @ Urfe minoris diftina and magnified with 600; diftin@ alfo but not magnified with 200: this ftaris too bright for any conclufion to be drawn. ft y Urfe minoris, a very {mall ftar, vifible with 600, with its proportional aperture ; invifible with 400. Many other trials proved the fuperiority of the great magni- fying power with diminifhed aperture: I cannot omit mentioning one more. ‘DecemBer 2oth, @ Lyre paffed 7 after the fun); this ftar; of the 3d magnitude, and fo near the fun, I had little expeftation of feeing. I fought it in vain with 200 and 400, but faw it plainly and obferved its paffage with 600, having an aperture rather fmaller than juft proportion demanded. I fhewed the ftar to another perfon before it quitted the field of view. For the.fuperiority.of magnifying power,the following caufes may be afligned : THE [ at ] Te principal one, perhaps, is the quicknefs of the ftar’s mo- tion in the field of view. ‘That this contributes to perception I colle& from hence; that when a ftar, although within the field, does not immediately prefent itfelf to the eye, as is fometimes the cafe with Jupiter near the fun, if the telefcope be gently moved, the apparent motion of the ftar immediately difcovers its place. Anotuer reafon may perhaps be the magnified image of the ftar which thus becomes a more perceptible obje@, even though its light is diminifhed ; this amplification, as far as I can perceive, is nearly in the inverfe proportion of the aperture; in very confi- derable diminutions at leaft, it feems to follow this proportion : thus with an aperture =; of an inch the polar ftar took “64" to pafs the wire: with one of 74 32%,5: but with 4% jo", and with 2,8 inches 19". | I ar firft fufpe€ted that this amplification arofe from fome unavoidable error in the objeét-glafs, which created a circle of diffipation around the principal image, which circle became vifible in proportion to the darknefs of the field; but by the following experiment it feems to arife from the inflexion of light. I made a reCtangular aperture 2; of an inch broad, and * long; when this aperture was applied vertically, it gave me an elliptical horizontal image ; and when applied horizontally, it gave me an elliptical vertical image. Alfo when I applied a triangular aperture, it gave an image nearly the fhape of a pear; the broad end being formed by the vertex, and the narrow end by the bafe: the triangle was formed with a long bafe and fmall altitude, fo G- that [ 42 ] that the effect of the other angles on the image became infenfible to the eye. I sHaLu conclude with pointing out an advantage that I reap from this circumftance: By means of a confiderable diminution of aperture, 1 make the polar ftar fo diftin@ly round and large, that I obferve the appulfe of its limbs to each edge of the wires, as well as the pafflage of its centre over them; by which means much greater precifion is obtained in proving either the collimation or meridian. [ 28 ] An Effay on the VARIATIONS of th BAROMETER. By RICHARD KIRWAN, 2; MR.LA. and F.R.S. Awmonc the various purfuits which for upwards of a century Read March have engaged the attention, and exercifed the ingenuity of the pa taSe- philofophic world, none has the merit of contributing fo largely to the general ftock of natural knowledge, nor is there any from which mankind has derived fuch extenfive and immediate advan- tage, as from that which has the nature and properties of the atmo- {phere for its obje@. To fay nothing of the profound refearches of a Scheele, a Cavendith or a Prieftley, which have fo happily developed the more fecret and intimate qualities of this invifible fluid, it is from the inveftigation of its more general and obvious properties, its gravitation, denfity and elaflicity, that mechanicks and aftronomy have received many of their greateft improvements. The inftrument which firft led philofophers to fufpe&, and which at laft fully confirmed the exiftence, and even defined the extent and limits of thefe properties, was the barometer. ‘Through it the weight of the whole atmofphere which furrounds the earth, G 2 a problem tC iy 27 a problem which before its invention muft have appeared far beyond the reach of human abilities, has been determined. It was this inftruament, which in the hands of Otto Guericke and our immortal countryman Mr. Boyle, fuggefted the invention and improvement of the air-pump, and thus paved the way for the numerous difcoveries to which this latter gave birth. To this inftrument we ftand indebted for our knowledge of the elafticity, condenfation and rarefaQion of the air; properties which have fince been fo happily applied to the conftru@tion and improve- ment of hydraulic machines, and the menfuration of heights. To it we owe a more accurate knowledge of the laws of the vibration of pendulums, and of thofe of the refraction of light; difcoveries from which aftronomy, and confequently navigation, have deriyed the greateft advantage. Nay, it may with truth be afferted, that it is to this inftrument that modern philofophy owes its exiftence, and modern Europe its fuperiority over all other regions; for it was the Toricellian experiment that firft demonftrated the futility of the antient mode of philofophifing, and the advantages of experimental inveftigation, and thus ex- cited the more civilized nations to thofe purfuits, which have fince rendered them as fuperior both in arts and arms to the more ignorant, as men are to brutes. Great, however, as has been the fuccefs attendant on the ftudy and application of the obfervations made by the help of the barometer, the bulk of mankind have always expected {till more from it: Nothing lefs indeed than a prognoftic of the weather. Nor is this expeétation entirely vain ; particularly in the circumftance in which fuch foreknowledge is of moft impor- tance. [ os 4 tance. ‘The marine barometer, if we may credit the moft ref- pectable authorities, that of Doétor Halley *, Captain Middle- ton +, Lord Mulgrave t, and many French navigators§, never fails to indicate a ftorm feveral hours before-hand. But with refpe@ to lefs confiderable changes of weather, it muft be allowed that its variations afford no indications abfolutely certain, though with certain reftri€tions they afford fome ground for probable conjecture ; and the reafon of this difference is (as will more plainly appear in the fequel) becaufe the height of the mercury in the barometer hath no immediate and neceffary connexion either with rain or fair weather. That its variable height is the immediate confequence of the variable preffure of the atmofphere admits of no doubt, but the caufe or caufes of this variable pref- fure have not yet been fully afcertained ; many indeed have been fuggefted, but none that reached the full extent of the phano- mena. ‘This acknowledged want of fuccefs of my predeceflors in this enquiry, at the fame time that it entitles me to make further refearches in this intricate fubje&t, will, I hope, plead my apology in cafe they prove equally unfuccefsful. In order to lay the whole matter fully before the Academy, I {hall firft ftate the principal obfervations made on the variations of this inftrument ; fecondly, the principal caufes to which thefe variations have hitherto been referred, with a few remarks to fhew the infuf- * TV. Phil. Tranf. Abr. Part II. p. 6. + VII. Phil. Tranf. Abr. p. 468. + Phipps’s Voyage, p. 74. § Encyclop. par Ordre des Matieres Navigation, tom. i. p. 112. ficiency [ 46 ] ficiency of thefe caufes; and laftly, I fhall explain that which to me feems more adequate to the effec. FIRST OBSERVATION: Tue more confiderable elevations and depreffions of the % in the barometer happen at a very fhort interval of time in places very remote from each other. This correfpondence was obferved by Mr. Derham in 1699 between the heights of the § at Upmin- fter in Effex and Townley in Lancafhire; and afterwards by Mr. Maraldi, between the variations at Paris and Genoa *, at the diftance of nearly four degrees of latitude. Mr. Derham alfo obferved nearly the fame agreement between barometers at Berlin, lat. 53°, and Pithza, lat. 65° t; as did Afclepi between thofe at Rome, lat. 42°, and at Padua, lat. 45°t. But I have remarked that where there is a confiderable difference of longitude, the like agreement is not found. Thus Mr. Hadley found that at London and Padua the variations are frequently in oppofite direCtions § ; and fo they commonly are at Ponoi, lat. 670, long. 47° E. and Peterfburgh, lat. 60° long 30° E.; and the dif- cordance is ftill greater between the variations at Peterfburgh and thofe at Jakutfki, lat. 62°, long. 129° E. ||; Maraldi obferved alfo that different winds prevailed at Paris and Genoa during the corref- _ Mem. Par. 17009. + VII. Phil. Tranf. Abr. + La Cotte Metereol. p. 181. § VIII. Phil. Tranf. Abr. p. 587. | XIV. N. Aa. Petrop. 1 ponding E443 ponding variations. On the other hand, variations in a contrary fenfe, but inconfiderable in their extent, are often obferved in places very near to each other, as Franeker and Lewarden, as Mr. Van Swinden affures us *. SECOND OBSERVATION. Tue deviations of the 3 from its mean annual altitude are far more frequent and extenfive in the neighbourhood of the poles than in that of the equator. At Peterfburgh, An. 1725, the ¥ once ftood at the ftupendous height of 31,59 inches, if we may credit Mr. Confett ; and yet it has been feen fo low as 28,14 inches. In the northern parts of France the variations are greater than in the fouthernf; at Naples they fearcely exceed one inch}. In Peru, under the equator, and at the level of the fea, they amount only to two or three-tenths of an inch; but in other parts, within a few degrees of the line, on the approach of the rainy feafon or of hurricanes, the barometer falls an inch or more §. THIRD OBSERVATION. THE variations without the tropics are greater and more fre- quent in the winter than in the fummer months. VIII. Phil. Tranf. Abr. 605. La Cotte, 298. * Obfervations fur le froid de L’anneé 1776, p. 55. VIII. Phil. Tranf. Abr. p. ¢¢5. + La Cotte, p. 186. + VIII. Phil. Tranf. Abr. p. 566. ‘ § Boug. Fig. XXXIX. Phil. Tranf. F 778, p- 182. Hift. of Jamaica, Vol. I. p. 372. FOURTH [ 48 ] FOURTH OBSERVATION. Tue variations are confiderably fmaller in very elevated fitua- tions than on the level of the fea. Thus Mr. Bouguer obferved that while on the coafts of Peru the variations extended to 4 of an inch; at Quito, elevated 9374 feet above the fea, they reached only to 0,083 of an inch. Mr. Sauffure made fimilar obfervations in Savoy, as did Mr. Lambert in Switzerland. II. Sauff. Voy. aux Alpes, p. 577. FIFTH OBSERVATION. Tue mean height of the barometer on the level of the fea in moft parts of the globe hitherto examined is about 30 inches. Mr. Bouguer under the line obferved it at 29,908 inches; but . as his barometer was not purged of air by fire, it ftood lower than it fhould. Sir George Shuckburgh, on a mean of feveral obfervations on the coafts of Italy and England, found it at 30,04, when the temperature of the ¥% was 55°, and that of the air 62°. In the proximity of the poles the annual mean heights of the barometer differ much mere from this ftandard than in the more fouthern parts of our hemifphere. As to the conneétion of the variations of the barometer with the weather, the four following obfervations, made by Dr. Halley in England, feem to be moft univerfal, as they were found by Mr. Melander to apply to lat. 39° *, and by Mr. De Luc to lat. 46°. * Schwed. Abhand. 1773, S. 255. +1 De Luc Modif. p. 77. SIXTH ¢ ¢ on ad . 6 o n « a . jane | ae: | SIXTH OBSERVATION. “* In calm weather, when the air is inclined to rain, the g is commonly low.” SEVENTH OBSERVATION. “ Upon very high winds, though not accompanied with rain, the x finks loweft, having regard to the quarter from whence the wind blows.” EIGHTH OBSERVATION. “In ferene and fettled weather the x is generally high, as alfo in calm and frofty weather.” NINTH OBSERVATION. “ Tue greateft heights of the % are found upon eafterly and north eafterly winds; to which we may add, that under a foutherly wind it is commonly low.” Tue caufes to which thefe phenomena have been afcribed, are, firft, variations of temperature; fecondly, the velocity and other qualities of different winds; thirdly, the agency of vapors. Of the Influence of different Temperatures. Tuat air is rarified by heat and condenfed by cold is well known ; and it is equally fo, that denfe air is heavier than that 1s AR which i 5a I which is rarer; but then the maffes muft be unequal; for while they remain the fame the weights muft be equal, and confe- quently fo muft the heights to which they elevate the mercury. If, therefore, an alteration of temperature alters the height of the barometer, it muft be by diminifhing or encreafing the mafs of the atmofphere. Now it appears by obfervation, that a variation of the mafs of the atmofphere is not a neceffary confequence of an alteration of the temperature; for the y is often at the fame height at different feafons, and at different places in the fame feafon; for inftance, in winter, at London and Peterfburgh, though the temperatures at thofe feafons and places be very different; and even when the height of the ¥ changes fimul- taneoufly with the temperature, the change is often dire@tly con- trary to that which the change of temperature would lead one to expect. Thus on the gth of January, 1777, at eight o'clock in the morning, the thermometer at London ftood. at 19° under a N. wind, and the barometer at 29,69; but at two o'clock in the afternoon, the wind being W. by S. the thermometer rofe to 31,5; and the barometer to 29,7, inftead of falling, as might be expected, from an encreafe of 12,5 degrees of heat. Phil. Tranf. 1778, Pp. 574+ BesipEs, great changes of temperature take place only in the lower atmofphere ; in the higher regions they are inconfiderable. Now any increment or decrement of the mafs of the lower atmofphere that can be afcribed to a change of temperature is too fmall to produce any confiderable alteration in the height of the barometer; for in winter the height to, which any confider- able variation of temperature may be fuppofed to extend, fcarcely [ gr fearcely exceeds 5000 feet, as we learn from the teftimony of aeronauts and the height of clouds; and indeed the winds that prevail on the furface of the earth, and which are the primary agents of a change of temperature, feldom reach higher, and in the more northern regions not fo high. Thus, on the 1ft of Decem- ber, 1783, at Paris, while a S. wind prevailed below, a N. wind prevailed at the height of 1280 feet *; and the fame oppofition was found in the currents of air at the fame height at Pifancon in| January, 1784. At Ponoi the clouds are frequently feen unmoved during the moft violent ftorms+; yet on the 2rft of December, 1779, the thermometer in the open air being at 49°, and the wind S. S. E. the barometer {tood at 28,91 inches; but the next day, the wind turning to Nv N. W. the thermometer fell to 30°, and the barometer rofe to 29,89 inches. Here the difference of temperature is 19°, and the variation of the baro- metrical height nearly: of an inch. Let us now examine how this fact can be explained on the fuppofition that the mafs of the lower atmofphere is encreafed in proportion to the condenfation of its. volume. \ Iv, the firft place, we may affume'that heat in its progrefs upwards, decreafes nearly in am arithmetical progreffion. The barometrical method of meafuring heights is in'a great meafure . founded on this fuppofition ; and as the errors’ of this method do not exceed 2 or 3 feet, andnfeldom:1 footin 1060, it may be looked upon, as fufficiently exact, and confequéntly fo may the w .’sd to Swist mos Offs 3s 19V9 10 ass. aoe * Mem. Par. 1782, p. 650. + Il. Faujas Balons, p. 274. XVI. N. AQ. Petrop. p. 68. H 2 fuppofition [ we] fuppofition on which it is grounded. On examining a confider- able number of obfervations of this fort, I find that the differences of heat at different elevations are to the differences of the logarithms of the mercurial heights at thofe elevations, very nearly, as 160 to 1; and the difference of the logarithms may be found fufficiently near, by dividing the elevation in feet by 60000. If then, in the inftance above given, the S. wind reached the height of 5000 feet, the difference of the logarithms fhould be 35335=,083333, which multiplied into 160, gives 13°,33 for the difference of temperature at the furface of the earth and at that height ; and the former being 49°, the latter muft have been - 35°67, and confequently the mean temperature of the fouthern air 42,33. Again, fuppofing the N. wind to have obtained the fame height, the temperature at the furface of the earth being 30°, that at the height of 5000 feet fhould be 16°,67, and the mean temperature 23,33; or in round numbers, the mean temperature of the fouthern current was 42°, and that of the northern 23°, and the difference of both temperatures 19°. Now 5000 feet — 60000 inches ; and by General Roy’s experi- ~ ments *, it appears that 1000 parts of air at the temperature of 42° lofe about 40 of their bulk by 19° of cold, and confequently 60000 fhould lofe 2400., But as in this. cafe the height of the column of air is fuppofed to be the fame after condenfation as before it, its mafs or denfity muft be encreafed by the addition of 2400. inches, which when the barometer is at 29,89, and the thermometer at 23°, weigh 762,36 grains; and as one-tenth of an inch of ¥, even at the temperature of 62°, weighs 344,32 * Phil. Tranf. 1777, Part II. grains, [ 53 ] grains, it appears that the above acceffion of weight to the co- lumn of air that fupports it can raife it little more than 7; of an inch, inftead of nearly 7, the variation to be accounted for. This caufe, therefore, though not abfolutely inefficient on the fuppofition that the whole mafs of the fuperincumbent column is encreafed by the acceffion of new air in proportion to the condenfation, is notwithftanding inadequate to the effect pro- duced. Of the Influence of Winds. Tur winds, whofe efficacy in producing the variations of © the barometer I am about to difcufs, are thofe which reign in the lower regions of the atmofphere, they being principally referred to by thofe philofophers who have had recourfe to their agency. : Frest. Dodétor Halley attributes the rife of the barometer over its mean altitude to the accumulation of air over the place of -obfervation, which accumulation he attributes to two contrary winds blowing towards that place; but if this were the caufe of the elevation of the mercury, we fhould always have a calm when the $ ftands higheft, for the accumulation fhould take place only when the two contrary winds blow with equal force, fince if one of them prevails it’ fhould repel its antagonift, and it is only during the prevalence of neither that the air can be accumulated. Now it is notorious that the greateft mercurial heights are accompanied by an eafterly or northerly wind, as he himfelf has obferved. Nor can that equality of barometrical heights Eb? ihe - heights which we have mentioned in the firft obfervation to take place in very diftant countries, in which very different winds prevail, be explained in this hypothefis. It is moreover fiatly contradicted by the obfervation of Mr. Forth, who, while the mercury all over England ftood lower than ever it was known to do, found that a N. E. wind prevailed in the northern part of that ifland, and a S. W. in the fouthern. VIII. Phil. Tranf Abridg. p. 497. SeconpLy. In this hypothefis the defcent of the § beneath its mean altitude is afcribed to the rarefaction of the atmofphere over the place of obfervation, owing to its exhauftion by two contrary currents ; for inftance over England, if it fhould blow a wefterly wind on the German, and an eafterly wind on the Trifh fea. But a rarefaction in fuch circumftances from fuch a caufe feems to me impoffible ; for if fuch currents took place, the northern or fouthern air would flow in to maintain the equili- brium in the fame proportion; or if this did not happen, and that four contrary currents took place, the higher air fhould de- feend, and caufe a fenfible cold, which yet is feldom obferved in England when the # is low; on the contrary, a warm S. wind commonly prevails, to whofe temperature neverthelefs the rare- faction cannot be afcribed, as we have already feen. Tuirpiy. The great defcent of the g on high winds in ftorms is thus explained by Doétor Halley: “ The region of © . the earth wherein thofe winds rage, not extending round the globe, the ftagnant air left behind, and that on the fides, can- not rufh in faft enough to reftore the evacuation made by fo “ fwift' al n” cn r aac ‘“s fwift a current, fo that the air muft be attenuated where the “ {aid winds continue to blow.’— “ Add that the horizontal “ motion, being fo quick, may take off fome part of the per- “ pendicular preffure.” ‘This laft reafon feemed to acquire fome confirmation from an experiment made by Mr. Hawkfby; for having paffed a ftream of air through a box in which the lower fhank of a barometer was inferted, this ingenious gentleman obferved the x to fall while the current paffed through the box, as alfo in another barometer which communicated with the box, but over which the current of air did not flow. Yer if all this were allowed, ftill the phenomenon in queftion would remain unexplained; for not only during the ftorm, but feveral hours, if not days before it, the mercury defcends confider- ably, as Do€tor Halley himfelf and all thofe who recommend the marine barometer atteft, otherwife this inftrament would be ufe- lefs. Mr. Cafwell fays that two days before the great ftorm of January, 1734-5, the x fell ~, of an inch below 28 inches*. But even if the fall were barely concomitant with the ftorm, Door Halley’s reafons would not prove their connexion. That a body fhould move through air with fuch velocity as to leave a vacuum behind it, there is a necefflity that it fhould move at the rate of 11 or 1200 feet per fecond, as Mr. Robins has fhewn ; now the fwifteft wind moves only at the rate of 92 or 93 feet per fecond, as appears by the obfervations of Mr. Brice and many others}. * VIII. Phil. Tranf. Abr. p. 458. + Phil. Tranf. 1766, p. 266. THE eB Yue infufficiency of the fecondreafon alledged by Dodtor Halley has been clearly fhewn by Mr. De Luc; nor is the expe- riment of Mr. Hawkfby conclufive, as it appears that part of the air already confined in the boxes was forced out by the blaft of air; and to remove all doubt of the infufficiency of this expla- nation, I need only mention the obfervation of Mr. Derham, that during the greateft vehemence of ftorm the 8 rifes inflead of falling lower. IV. Phil. Tranf. Abridg. Part II. p. 77. And I have had occafion to make the fame obfervation on the 28th of February, 1785, in London. Of the. Influence of Fapors. Tue influence of vapors was never totally overlooked by any of the philofophers who undertook to explain the variations of the barometer, though the part they really a€@ was little under- ftood by any except Mr. De Luc. However, within thefe few years the greateft light has been thrown on this fubje@ by Mr. De Sauffure, in his incomparable treatife on hygrometry. He very juftly diftinguifhes two forts of vapors; the zvifible, to which the name of vapor is moft properly applicable, and the w/ib/e; of _ this laft there are two forts, the veficular and the concrete. The invifible are {pecifically lighter than air of the fame temperature, as Mr. De Luc has fhewn by numerous obfervations, and Mr. De Sauffure by dire@t experiments; but the ve/icular are of the fame fpecific gravity as the air in which they fubfift. To underftand the influence of both fpecies of vapors on the barometer, it is neceffary to enumerate fome of their principal properties, and thew how air is affected by them. First. eh ae “First. Mr. De Sauffure and General Roy have' proved that water in its folid {tate evaporates in every degtee’ of cold between o'and 32°, as it is well known to do in its liquid ftate, and in far greater proportion in all degrees fuperior to 32°. Seconpuy; Though waterevaporates more quickly and in greater quantity 7 vacuo than in’ open air (and confequently its evapo- ration cannot be attributed to its affinity to air) yet it would fpeedily be condenfed' back "again into water by contact with colder bodies if it did not adhere to air, which therefore chiefly fupports it in'a ‘vaporous ftate, and thus the different opinions of philofophers on this fubje& may be reconciled. Mr. Sauffure has fhewn that the power of air to fupport vapor diminifhes with “its denfity, but not in the fame ratio, even though the heat fhould continue unaltered! ‘This power, therefore, depends partly-on its temperature, and partly on its denfity;:and hence invifible vapor abounds more in the lower than in the middle ftrata of the atmofphere. Mr. Lambert, in the memoirs of Berlin for the year 1772, has hewn that the quantity of vapor at different eleva- tions in the atmofphere is generally as the {quares of the mercurial altitudes at thofe elevatidns, which I believe tobe true in all heights to us acceffible ; but in-the very higheft regions, which are occupied chiefly by inflammable air, I am inclined to think that vapor is more abundant than in the middle ftrata, as water adhéres more ftrongly to this-air than to’ ‘refpirable air, ‘and it is probably this circumftance that gave rife to the great mift obferved in 1783. Tuirbiy.. To the delicate experiments of Mr. Sauffure’ we are alfo indebted for the interefting difcovery that a cubic foot ris ] of Ce a of air, when faturated with vaporin the temperature,of 32°, con- tains about 4 grains of water, and gaing 0,110g9 of a grain by faturation at every degree between 32° and 80°, the barometer being at 28,77; fo that at 66° it contains when faturated 7,7_ grains of moifture, and about 8,7 if the barometer be at 30 inches*. I have often indeed found a greater proportion of moifture in a cubic foot of air than is here mentioned, but then it was on dark days, ia which the air was not perfe@ly tranfpa- rent, and confequently abounded in veficular vapor. Fourtuty. The fame excellent philofopher.has difcovered that in the temperature of 65°, the elafticity of air which paffes from a ftate of abfolute drynefs to that of faturation with moif- ture, is encreafed +;, or as I compute ¥;; and hence he infers that the weight of vapor is to that of air of the fame tempera- ture as 10 to 14; however, as the weight of common air appears by my own experiments.to be much lower than he fup- pofes it, I conclude the weight of vapor to be to that of common air as10 to 12. Mr. De Luc, reafoning from Mr. Watts’s expe- riments, makes the ratio much greater; but as thofe experiments were made on vapor in a boiling heat, they do not appear to me to warrant that conclufion. The elafticity of vapors differs much from that of air in this refpe@t, that any confiderable accef- fion of preffion will reduce them in fome degree to the ftate of veficular vapor, particularly if they are nearly in a ftate of fatu- ration in the compreffed air. * The weights and meafures are reduced to the Englith ftandard. FIFTHiy, Fe ah J Frevuty. Veficular vapor confifts of a number of hollow vifible globules, highly ele@trified *, and devoid of elafticity. It forms a fort of middle ftate between water and invifible vapor, and when in large quantity forms m/fs and clouds ; when in fmall quantity it barely diminifhes the tranfparency of air. It cannot fubfift for any time but in air faturated with invifible vapory from whofe decompofition it arifes. Sixty. ‘The condenfation of vapor arifes not merely from cold, but from cold and contiguity, otherwife vapor could not be formed in a temperature below the freezing point. _ From this view of the nature of vapors, and the change they produce in the weight and elafticity of the atmofphere, it is plain that their prefence or abfence cannot fully account for the varia- tions of the barometer. -For if we fuppofe the atmofphere per- fetly dry, the barometer at 30 inches, and the thermometer at 65°, and then a column thereof to be faturated with moifture, its clafticity being encreafed ¥;, it will contain s> of-its volume lefs air than before faturation, fince the encreafe of its clafticity arifes from the introdu@tion of a new elaftic fluid amounting to <, of its bulk: And fince the weight of the whole volume was at firft equal to that of 30 inches of 3, its weight will now be lef- fened by +; of 30 inches, that is nearly 0,59 of an inch. But on the other hand it gained > of its volume of vapor, therefore its real lofs of weight will be the difference of the weight of of air, and ;, of vapor; but the weight. of air. is to that of * II. Sauff. Voy. aux Alpes, p. 259. I2 vapor [ 60 ] vapor as 12 to 10, therefore the gain here is 0,49 of an inch, which deducted from 0,59 the lofs, leaves the lofs 4; of an inch. This, therefore, is the variation the barometer fhould undergo by the paffage of a column of air from abfolute drynefs to complete faturation, a circumftance which perhaps never takes place, as the atmofphere is never abfolutely dry; and yet previous to heavy rains we often obferve the barometer to fall 3, 4 or 5-tenths of an inch, a fall which we fee cannot originate from the fatura- tion of the atmofphere with vapor. Nor is there any proportion between the afcent of ¥ after heavy rains and the weight of vapor condenfed, for in fuch cafes the 3 frequently rifes 3 or 4-tenths of an inch; and yet the heavieft rain feldom produces: one cubic inch of water, and the weight of a cubic ineh of water is not equal to that of even +; of a cubic inch of ¥. Of the unequal Diffufion of the higher Atmofphere. Havine thus fhewn the infufficiency of thofe caufes to which the variable weight of the atmofphere and height of the baro- meter have been ufually referred, I now proceed to explain that which alone feems to me adequate to the effels produced , namely, the accumulation of air over thofe parts of the globe in which the mercury exceeds its mean height, that is the height fuited to its fituation, and the diminution or fubtra@tion of the natural quantity of air over thofe regions in which the # falls beneath its mean height, ‘To trace the origin of this accumulation and diminution we muft confider what may be called the natural ftate of the atmofphere, and how this ftate is difturbed. I call OF de I call that ftate the natural ftate of the atmofphere in which the barometer on the level of the fea would ftand at 30 inches in ferene weather, conformably to the fifth obfervation. | To produce this ftate, the weight of the atmofphere muft be every - where equal at the furface of the fea. The weight of the atmo- {phere proceeds from ‘its denfity and height; therefore, to pro- duce this equality of weight, it fhould be loweft where its den- fity is greateft, and higheft.where. its denfity is leaft.. Thefe ex- tremes of denfity take place in the equatorial and polar regions. Under the equator, the centrifugal force, the diftance from the centre of the earth, and the heat, are all at their maxzmum’; in the vicinity of the poles; on the contrary, they are at their minimum. Therefore, if the height of the ¥ be 30 inches under the zquator and under the poles, the atmofphere muft be higheft under the equator, and loweft under the poles, with feveral intermediate gradations. iio Bur though the equatorial air be lefs denfe to a certain height _ than the polar, yet at certain greater heights it muft be more denfe ; for the mercurial heights at the level of the fea being equal, the maffes of the correfponding atmofpheric columns muft. be equal; but the lower part of the equatorial column being “more expanded by heat, &c. than the correfponding fedtion of the polar column, its mafs muft alfo be fmaller than that of the correfponding feGtion of the polar column ; therefore a propor- tionably greater part of its mafs is found in its fuperior feCtion than is found in the fuperior feGtion of the polar column ; therefore the lower extremity of the fuperior fection of the equa- torial column is more compreffed, and confequently denfer- than MH wn the [ 62 ] the lower extremity. of the fuperior fection of the polar column. What is here faid of the equatorial and polar columns muft be ‘underftood alfo of the extratropical columns with refpe& to each other, where great differences of heat prevail. ‘Hence, in the higheft regions of the atmofphere, the denfer equatorial air not being fupported by the collateral extratropical ‘columns, gradually flows over, and rolls down to the north and fouth. Tuese fuperior tides confift chiefly of inflammable ‘air, as it is much lighter than any other, and is generated in great plenty ‘between the tropics ; it furnifhes the matter of the Avrora Borealis and Avfiralis, by whofe combuftion it is deftroyed, elfe its quan- tity would in time become too great, and the weight of the atmofphere annually encreafed ; but its combuftion is the primary fource of the greateft perturbations of the atmofphere, as will prefently be fhewn. Ir the affluence of the northern and fouthern air to the equa- tor by the trade winds kept pace with the effluence of the fupe- rior ‘air; an equilibrium might, ftill in fome meafure be main- tained. But the trade winds move only at the rate of twelve feet per fecond, or about eight: miles an hour* ; whereas, with- out the tropics, or at leaft beyond latitude 30°; the currents of the upper atmofphere are:incomparably more rapid}. For as the * II. Bergm. Erdeklatet, p. 116. + Saufl. Hygr. 300. I. Gentil. Voy. aux Indes, p. 486. mean mae Beer poe mean heat of the whole fpace between lat: o and lat. 30° is: only feven degrees lcfsthan ‘the. mean heat under the equator, the difference of denfity is not. fo great as to caufe any rapid collapfion of the fuperior columns within that fpace; but from lat. 30 to lat. 60° (a much fmaller fpace) the mean annual heat: over the ocean’ differs from that of lat, 30° by. nearly fourteen: degrees *; therefore the rapidity! of the upper current towards - the polar regions is much greater, and frequent interruptions muft take place, during which the weight of. the atmofphere: will be diminifhed. © And’ hence, notwithftanding the high winds that frequently prevail’ between. the tropics, the barometer varies inconfiderably and but {éldom, whereas without them: the varia; tions are frequent and confiderable, nearly in proportion to the- diftance from the zquator;. and thus the fecond obfervation is ; fufficiently explained. As the tides of the fuperior atmofphere flow in greater quan- tity where they meet with leaft refiftance, the dire@tion. of this: maximum of quantity is differentein different feafons of the. year, and on different places. Dvurine the fummer of the northern hemifphere, as winter. then prevails in the fouthern, the denfity of the equatorial air becomes fuperior to that of the fouthern air at a,much lower height than that at which it becomes fuperior to the northern, which is itfelf expanded by the prefence of the fun in the northern tropic; therefore the fuperior exuberance is chiefly. * Eftimate of the Temperaturg of different Latitudes, p. 17.° poured | [ 64 ] poured on the fouthern regions, and a comparatively fmaller quantity flows over the northern; therefore the variations of the barometer ‘are fmaller with us in the fummer feafon, according to the third obfervation, and fewer auroras are formed. As the tops of the higheft mountains are covered with fnow even in fammer, the air over them will remain colder than that over plains, and its columns fhorter ; and hence the fuperior air in its paffage to the poles will linger and accumulate over them, until the difference of denfity becomes fo greatias to enable this air to burft through the hot air that furrounds' it, and form, cold winds that raife the barometer in this feafon. . In winter, on the contrary, the fuperior current is chiefly directed to the northern hemifphere, and hence the greateft’ mer- curial heights are found in this feafon. It-accumulates where the columns of the inferior air are coldeft, and confequently fhortett ; that is to fay, over all that part of Afia beyond lat. 35, and E. of the Cafpian Sea to the Frozen Ocean, and over the continent of North America, which I have elfewhere fhewn to be colder than the old continent, and over the polar regions. Hence the barometer ufually ftands higher in North America, and varies lefs than with us* even in Hudfon’s. Bay, lat. 59, where the weather is fo turbulent the barometer varies but 1,37 inches, whereas in Peterfburgh it varies above two’: : * II. Phil. Tranf. Philad. p. 142. + Phil. Tranf. 1770, p. 148, THE [ 6} J Tue denfer air of the North American continent prefling on the rarer incumbent on the Atlantic, produces the almoft conftant wefterly winds which prevail on the eaftern coafts of America *, and in the weftern parts of Europe below lat. 70°; but above that parallel the fuperior European current paffes by a fhorter Way into America, where the cold is greater. Accumutations are alfo formed in the fouthern parts of the old continent; for inftance; over the mountainous tradts of Thibet, Tartary, ‘Turkey in Europe, Africa, and even in fome degree on the Pyrenees and Alps ; when the rarefaGtion in the northern parts of Europe is frequent and confiderable, either from the paflage of the northern air to America, or from frequent and confiderable aurorez borealis, the fouthern air flows from thefe tracts to reftore the equilibrium; and while this current Jafts, and until the equilibrium is reftored, the barometer muft fall in the intermediate regions; fo that the defcent of the x is never the effe@ of a foutherly wind, but both it and this wind are concomitant effets of a rarefaction in the northern parts, proceeding from the caufes already mentioned. On the other hand the § generally rifes under a northerly or eafterly wind, becaufe, as I have already faid, the fuperior atmo- fphere is accumulated chiefly in thofe parts of our hemifphere from whence thefe winds iffue, and this accumulated air paffes with them to the fouthern regions. A certain proof that this accumulation is the true caufe of their fuperior denfity is, that ~ * JI. Phil, Tranf. Philad. p. 99. K when [ 66 | when this northerly wind is furmounted by a S. W. the y falls; as the foutherly wind in the fuperior regions procures a rare- fa€tion in the fuperior or northern tracts. See Mr. Derham’s obfer- vations, IV. Phil. Tranf. Abr. Part I]. p. 71; and that mere cold is no way concerned in the variation caufed by this wind appears in various inftances, to which I refer in the notes *. In the fame manner when the g falls previous to a ftorm, both the ftorm and this fall proceed from a great rarefaftion in the air in the quarter towards which the ftorm blows ; which rarefaCtion proceeds from the diminution or deftru€tion of the fuperior atmofphere. As the fuperior accumulation is derived to us chiefly from North America, where it moft frequently arrives at its maxzmum, hence it is, that the variations of the barometer generally begin to the weftward with us in Europe, and are thence gradually propagated eaftward (as Mr. Planer obferved on comparing thofe of London and Vienna +) and comprehend nearly at the fame time diftant degrees of latitude, but not of longitude, according to the, firft obfervation ; as the appulfe of the fuperior accumu- lation to the European fhores may be extenfive, but its propa- gation eaftward muft be progreffive. In fpring the current of fuperior air begins to flow to the fouth, and in autumn to return s * TI. Phil. Tranf. Abr. p. 4, 61, 62. VIII. Ditto, p. 614. Phil. Tranf. 1778, P- 574- Mem. Par. 1709, p. 302, in 8vo. + II. Ephem. Palat. from [ od from it; hence the equino¢tial ftorms and frequent variations of the barometer in thofe feafons. THe quantity of equatorial air devolved on our hemifphere in different years is variable, and fo is the quantity confumed in the northern regions; hence the mean barometrical height is dif- ferent in different years. A fet of obfervations on the changes that take place between the tropics in different years, compared with thofe that happen in northern and intermediate regions, would remove all the obfcurities that attend a minute confider- ation of this fubje@. Barometers in the middle latitudes might apprife us of the quantity of air derived to our hemifphere, and thofe in polar regions might inform us of the quantity con- fumed ; but as thefe obfervations have not been yet made, we muft content ourfelves with a general view of what appears to be the principal caufe of thefe different annual variations. In fome years the accumulation refting on the mountainous countries of the fouth of Afia and Europe, and the northern part of Africa, is greater than in other years, owing perhaps to a greater or earlier fall of fnow; when this happens the northern air is lighter and the fouthern colder than ufual, and fouth winds principally prevail, which, in the northern parts (ufually fubje& to far greater cold) muft appear comparatively warm; hence, when the winter is remarkably fevere in the fouth of Europe and Afia, it is often as remarkably mild in the northern parts, and the barometer low. K 2 THOUGH TO clea Tuovcu clouds and a difpofition to rain frequently follow the defcent of the %, yet this defcent is not the immediate con- fequence of either clouds or rain ; on the contrary the $ frequently rifes during rain. But the rarefaCtion of the atmofphere which produces the defcent of the ¥, and which arifes from the remo- val of the fuperior accumulation, is favourable to the production of clouds, as a heavy atmofphere, though it fupports vapors once formed, obftru@s evaporation; when, therefore, its weight is diminifhed, and evaporation encreafed, it foon becomes fatu- rated in the higher regions, and clouds are formed. But rain feems to arife from a fubtraction of the ele@trical fluid, which, when the air abounds with vapors, is eafily conducted to the earth. In ferene and fettled weather the 8 is generally high, becaufe the greateft difturbances of the atmofphere are connected with its rarefied ftate, which is commonly pretty diftant when the fuperior accumulation is confiderable. Tuat the variations of the mercurial heights fhould be greater at the level of the fea than at great elevations above that level is very natural. For fuppofing the ¥ at the level of the fea to ftand at 30 inches, and at a certain elevation above that level at 25 inches, then if the weight of the atmofphere be diminifhed zis part, the % at the level of the fea fhould fall -3; part of 30 inches= 0,3 of an inch, but that on the elevation fhould fall ris of 25 inches=0,25 of an inch; but it has been obferved that the variation on high mountains is beyond all proportion {maller than on the level of the fea, which proceeds from a caufe hitherto unnoticed, yet deferving the greateft attention ; namely, a property which they feem to poffefs of condenfing and accumulating [ 69 } acoumulating the air incumbent on them in a greater degree than the air incumbent over plains is condenfed at equal heights , and hence when the barometer on the plains falls, and that on the mountain alfo, it will be found, after making allowance for the difference of temperature, that the fall is proportionably greater in the inferior than in the fuperior barometer; and on the contrary, if the % afcends both im the inferior and fuperior barometer, the afcent will be proportionably greater in the fupe- rior than in the inferior. Tuus General Roy on the 7th of Auguft, 1775, at nine o'clock, found the corred height of a barometer on Carnarvon quay 30,075, and on the peak of Snowden 26,418 inches. At twelve o'clock that on the quay fell to 30,043, and that on the peak to 26,405; the fall of the 3 om the plain was therefore ~3;, of the whole, and the fall on the mountain was only +23; of its original height. On the other hand, at two o'clock, the barometer on the quay rofe to 30,045, while that on the peak rofe to 26,415 inches correét height ; therefore that on the quay afcended only +;i.; of the whole, whereas that on the peak afcended +45 part of its height. Yet as the defcents of the $ beneath its moft ufual mean height are much more frequent and confiderable than its afcents above it, the varia- tions on mountains are upon the whole proportionably fmaller than at the furface of the fea. I am fenfible that fome obfer- vations occur in which the g has been found to fall on moun- ‘tains while it afcended on the plains; but in all thofe I have met, this happened in warm funny weather, on rocky fummits which were heated in far greater proportion than their height demanded, La J demanded, and thus rarefied the air in conta@ with them; or on windy days, which did not permit the air to ftagnate ; or when a foutherly wind prevailed above and not below. It was. from a condenfation of this fort, apparent in the menfuration of Hackluyt-hill in Spitfbergen, that General Roy inferred that the polar air, though affeted with the fame temperature and pref- fure, was {pecifically heavier than in the middle zones, which cannot be ftriGly true, as certainly the polar air muft by the many ftorms that have blown to and from it, be long ago mixed with the common mafs of the atmofphere. I must admit that the juftly celebrated Bouguer was of a contrary opinion; for, from fome experiments made with a pendulum, he concluded that air on the higheft mountains was proportionably more elaftic and lefs denfe than that on the fur- face of the earth ; but one of his comparative experiments on which he refted this conclufion, was made in the moift air of Popayan, with a pendulum made of the fibres of the aloe leaf ; and I have been affured by a very competent judge both of hygrometers and pendulums*, that this vegetable fenfibly attracts moifture; fo that its weight being encreafed, it is not furprifing that its vibrations were retarded in greater proportion than they otherwife would be. As I have all along fuppofed the rarefaction of the atmo- {phere in the polar regions to proceed from the aurore borealis and auftralis, which I take to be a eombuftion of inflammable * Mr. Whitehurft. See alfo Herbert de Igne, p. 18. air : ‘ a i : : ies ea _ air caufed by ele@ricity, I fhall conclude by flating the facts on which this fuppofition is founded. First. It is certain that. inflammable air is produced, parti- cularly between the tropics, by many natural operations, fuch as the putrefa@ion of animal and vegetable fubftances, volcanoes, &c. and that this air is lighter than any other, and confequently occupies the higheft regions of the atmofphere ; and hence Mr. Sauffure and others have found the air on the higheft mountains defs pure than that on the plains, and its electricity ftronger. Seconpty. It is allowed by Door Halley and others who have treated of the trade winds, that the higheft. air between the tropics is thrown off on both fides towards the poles, and of this I think I have given fufficient proof; therefore it is inflammable air that is chiefly thrown off towards the poles. Turvy. It is certain that the northern lights are the higheft of all meteors, though they fometimes extend pretty low into the inferior atmofphere ; and Door Franklin’s conje@ure, that they proceed from elettricity, is at prefent generally followed by all meteorologifts. A detail of their reafons I muft omit, as it would occafion too great a digreffion from the prefent fubject. Fourtuiy. It is certain that. after the appearance of an aurora borealis the barometer commonly falls. This obfervation was firft made by Mr. Madifon in America*; and I have feen * II. Phil. Tranf. Philad. p. 142. be a it verified in the diaries of the Berlin Academy for 1783 and 1784, the only ones which I have confulted. Thefe meteors are alfo generally followed by high winds *, and ‘ufually from the fouth, all which ftrongly prove a rarefaction in the northern regions. Thefe lights are much more common in the higher latitudes of North America than in the fame latitudes in Europe. Captain Middleton remarks that they appear almoft every night in Hudfon’s Bay, lat 59, whereas at Peterfburgh they are feen much more rarely ; which confirms my opinion that the fuperior effluence is more copioufly diftributed over North America than over the old continent. * VIII. Phil. Tranf. Abr. p. 463. { 73 4 An Account of Jome Experiments on WHEEL CARRIAGES. In a Letter from RICHARD LOVEL EDGWORTH, £f; M.R.I.A. and F.R.S. to the Rev. Doéicr HENRY USSHER, M.R.I.A. and F.R.S. Dear Sir, You may, perhaps, have experienced what I now: feel in Read March fitting down to write upon a fubjec that is not likely to be ” sr interefting to many readers, and that is of fuch familiar ufe as to promife neither novelty nor material information, ..People imagine that they are intimately acquainted with what they have been long accuftomed to fee; and the mind feels averfe to that retrograde motion which leads it back to firft principles, when it neither fears error nor expeéts difcoyery. Tue notes from which the following paper is compofed have lain by me for fome years, and the confiderations which I have juft mentioned have continually prevented me. from drawing them into a connected form for, publication ; .but what L appears L 74 J appears to me a duty, as a member of a literary academy, overcomes my reluctance, and calls upon me to contribute fome~ thing, though I may be afhamed of the infignificance of my contribution. I was prefent, in 1773, at a fet of experiments that were tried in London to determine the relative advantage of high and low wheels for carriages. Difputes had arifen upon this fubje& between mechanics of no {mall eminence, and to deter- mine them an apparatus was provided, confifting of a very long and fmooth table, upon which the carriages to be compared were to be drawn by a ftring and a defcending weight. The car- _ Mages were conftructed by fome of the beft workmen in London; the ftrings were made of plaited filk of {mall diameters, pafling over a pulley nicely turned, and mounted in fuch a manner as to have fcarcely any friction. The experiments, however, were undecifive, each party claiming their evidence in favour of their own opinion; very little difference was perceptible between the carriages when they ran upon the fmooth table; and when they were drawn over obftacles, fometimes the high and at other times the low wheels had the advantage, according to the dif- ferent heights and fhapes of the obftacles. It appears upon a firft view that the force which drew thefe carriages was em- ployed only in overcoming the fri€tion of the axle-tree, or in lifting the weight over the obftacle. But I fufpe@ted at the time, and have been fince convinced, that an obftru@ion of another fort exifted, which was more confiderable than either of thofe which I have mentioned, and which has not to my knowledge been taken notice of by any writer upon mechanics. THE =a ae F Ag y Tue load upon a carriage in pafling over an obftacle refifts the power which draws it, not only by its weight, but by its vis-inertiz ; after a carriage has been once fet in motion upon a {mooth road with any given velocity, its motion, fo long as that velocity is continued, is neither retarded nor promoted by its vis-inertiz ; but whenever it paffes over any height, not only the weight of the carriage muft be lifted up, but the vis-inertia. of that weight muft be overcome in a new direction, and as much velocity muft be communicated to it in that new dire@tion as will enable it to rife to the height of the obftacle. whilft it pafies over its bafe. When an obftacle is of fuch a fize and fhape that a wheel of fix feet diameter muft ftrike the top of it at once, and not roll from the bottom upwards, and when its fhape will permit a fmaller wheel to touch it during its whole afcent, as there is more time allowed for overcoming the vis- inertiz of its weight in the latter cafe than in the former, the fmaller wheel may be drawn forward by a lefs power than the larger, notwithftanding the advantage of lever, which is in favour of the larger wheel.. To determine thefe circumftances by experiment, it was neceflary to conftru&t an apparatus different from that which I have defcribed. I at firft made ufe of an inclined plane of five or fix feet long, and one foot high, placed upon ,a f{mooth hori- zontal floor. The diftance to which the carriage was driven upon the floor by the velocity which it acquired in its defcent down this inclined plane, I affumed as the meafure of its ac- quired force, and the refiftance of any obftacle which I placed in its way I determined by the diminution of this diftance. But L 2 though lL 76 J though I was well fatisfied with the accuracy of this mode of trial, I conftructed another that might appear to others lefs liable to objection. I screwep a circle of iron three feet three inches diameter upon a folid floor; in the centre of this circle I erected an Upright axis or roller upon two pivots, one refting in a focket of brafs upon the floor, the other in a bridge which was raifed acrofs the machine. This axis or roller had a fmall filk cord wound round its circumference, which pafling into an adjoining ftaircafe, had a fcale and weights tied to it, which turned the roller with the required velocity. From the rollér a horizontal arm of wood extended to the circumference of this iron circle, and to its extremity was faftened a piece of fteel in the form of an axle-tree of a carriage, and upon this was placed a wheel, which by thefe means was carried round upon the brafs circle, as the ftone of tanners bark-mill moves round the trough which belongs to it. This arm was permitted to move up and down by means of a hinge, fo as to let the wheel rife over any obftacle which was placed in its way. Befides this another arm was placed above that which carried the wheel, at the extremity of which was faftened a piece of tin, forming a vane, which, by its refiftance to the air, regulated the motion of the machine. The roller was now made to turn by putting weights into the feale, and it was let to revolve until its motion became uni- form. After eight or ten turns it revolved with an equable velo- city ; and during every fet of experiments the fame velocity was preferved, and whatever refiftance the carriage was expofed to was overcome by the addition of weight. ‘The additional weight became bi Bad became therefore, in all cafes, the meafure of the additional refiftance, and determined with the greateft accuracy the refult of every experiment which I wifhed to try. Havine found that nearly five pounds and a half was fuffi- cient to give the wheel, when loaded fo as to weigh about four pounds, a velocity of nearly ten feet in a fecond, I placed an obftacle of a quarter of an inch high upon the plane, and it required no lefs than fix pounds and a half to overcome its refiftance. Two fuch obftacles required fourteen pounds and a half. Two obftacles of the fame height, but of a different fhape, each making an inclined plane of three quarters of an inch long and a quarter of an inch high, were fubftituted in the place of the former, and it required’ but two pounds to overcome their refiftance. The difference, therefore, between two and fourteen muft be attributed to vis-inertize; for the velo- cities of the carriage and the heights of the obftacles remaining the fame, the only difference that exifts is, that in the one cafe the wheel has much more time to furmount the obftacle than in the other, and confequently had much lefs vis-inertie to overcome. From this confideration it appears that whatever permits the load to rife gradually over an obftacle, without obftruaing the velocity of the carriage, will tend to facilitate its draught ; and the application of fprings has this effe&t to a very confider- able degree. The fame weight of four pounds being drawn over the fame obftacles, when fprings were put between the load and the carriage, by four pounds inftead of fourteen. This C724 This remarkable difference points out the great advantage of fprings in rough roads; an advantage which might be obtained for heavy waggons as well as for other carriages by a judicious application of the fame means. Ir has but feldom happened that the modefty of theory has promifed lefs than what has been verified by experiment; but it appears from the Memoirs of the French Academy that the idea of applying fprings to carriages had occurred to Monfieur Thomas in the year 1703, who has given a drawing of a car- riage conftru@ted upon this principle many years before it was attempted to be put into execution. So little hope had he entertained of fuccefs, that he exprefsly mentions it as a theory which could not be reduced to practice; he had, however, no notion of applying fprings to facilitate the draught, but merely for the convenience of the rider; and I apprehend that it is not at prefent commonly imagined that fprings are advantageous for this purpofe ; nor would it at firft fight appear credible, that upon a rough paved road, fuch as are common in Chefhire and other parts of England, a pair of horfes could draw a carriage mounted upon fprings with greater eafe and expedition than four could draw the fame carriage, if the fprings and braces were removed, and the carriage bolted faft down to the perch. I tried fome other experiments with the fame apparatus to compare long and fhort, high and low carriages. I have loft the particular refults of each experiment, but I am well affured that the preference which has lately been given in England to high carriages is ill-founded; that upon fmooth roads the height of the carriage is a matter of indifference as to the draught, and that in rough roads it is confiderably Eye confiderably difadvantageous; that the length of carriages, if their weight be not encreafed, is alfo a matter of indifference, except in very uneven roads, and where there are deep ruts; in the former long carriages are preferable, in the latter fhort ones. I supyjorn a drawing of the apparatus which I made ufe of in thefe experiments, and a table of the experiments, from which the mechanic may draw many ufeful obfervations, and which may fupply the mathematician with many curious and elegant fubje@ts of inveftigation. Your’s, &c. > R. L. E. TABLE. yu‘ qaeh aN eS a) aynid r Yow trek, ented sil a Bieta “hp erg were) ead uoga dent sie yd gure 4 “ntti i ' Ve area LET se) Testy bet siya ist “te aaiyreth an ae ileyit een ren | Petal! oe ‘sa B, mail : 3 a hits. 280m a Fata iheapinnaits ay" at Ane aunsto” ena ayia isa lhe aii Vogt: A a ; aes et a oe ee ep Sin "Y sagen id! t1.4 ; a A ne haha. eli, + wit ied af >a oy ae PRE ode te mare eat. hnnitte ie 8 ie dria ahi vemeret ‘ Mache for trymg Experiments upon Wheel Carriages ; ye ee OM AW AER TTI TAD PC a LGN > ve Wat tein hk A Se “A T A The weight of the load 3lb. The weight of the load, wheel and cari The f{cale and weight defcended fix inches and two-tenths every revol The diameter of the wheel was two inches nine-tenths, and the circur | EXPERIMENTS. ae 1 |A vane of tin, 11 inches long, and 5 and z broad, faftened to an arm, projecting from the roller, to regulate the motion of the machine by its refiftance againft the air, the extremity of the vane 21 inches from the centre of the roller, made - ~ 2 2 |The fame as No. 1, with the wheel running upon the iron circle - - - - - - - - - 2 3 |The fame as No. 2, but with an obftacle of 4 inch high, placed on the road - - - - : = = = 2 4 |The fame as No. 2, but with two obftacles - ae 2 5 |Ditto, with two inclined planes, ¢ inch high, 3 inch long, inftead of the obftacles - - - - - - 2 6 |Springs placed between the weight and the wheel, two obftacles = inch high, placed on the road - - - = 2 7 \Same as No. 1, with half the velocity - - - I¢ 8 |Same as No. 4, with half the velocity - - - Ic 9 |Same as No. 6, with half the velocity - - - SHA laa zh A B ren ET De The weight of the load 3lb. The weight of the load, wheel and carriage, &c. 4Ib. The feale and weight defcended fix inches and tronics every revolution of the roller. The diameter of the wheel was two inches nine- -tenths, and the circumference of the circle upon which the wheel ran was ten feet three inches and a quarter. | EXPERIMENTS 'A vane of tin, 11 inches long, and 5 and % broad, faftened to an arm, projecting from the roller, to regulate the motion of the machine by its refiftance againft the air; the extremity of the vane 21 inches from the centre of the roller, made - bp The fame as No, 1, with the wheel Tonnes: apes the iron circle - - - - - - The fame as No. 2, but with an obftacle of 4 inch high, Placed oo on the road - - - - = 5 iS 4 |The fame as No. 2, but with two obftacles - yee 5 |Ditto, with two inclined plencey 4 = inch eh niet 2 ven long, inftead of the obftacles - - - 6 |Springs placed between the ai and the wheel, two obftacles = inch high, placed on the road - = = = 7 |Same as Ne. 1, with half the velocity - - = | 8 \Same as No. 4, with half the velocity = $ | 9 \Same as No. 6, with half the velocity - ~ > - Turns. Time. \Weight. Seconds. 20 Ib. oz. 4 10 5 10 120 20 0 yf tal 9 8 me (6) Gh 3} 3 8 L E. 80 ©) BISHE, REV AS Ty OPN! Ib. oz. The refiftance of the air againft the vane, and agaist all the moving parts of the machine, was equalto . - 4 Io This weight muft therefore be deducted from the en ufed in the fubfequent experiments. 41b. 100z. being deduéted for the refiftance of the air from 5 lb. 100z. the remainder was the refiftance occafioned by the motion of the wheel on the fmooth board - - Io The refiftance of an obftacle of = inch high - - 6 6 The refiftance of two obftacles of 4 inch high - - 14 6 The refiftance of inclined planes inftead of abrupt obftacles - | 1 14 The refiftance of two obftacles ¢ inch high when fprings were ufed, only - - - - - - 3 14 Refiftance of the air to half the former velocity - Seal De Refiftance of two obftacles with half the former velocity - 6 2 Refiftance of ditto with fprings - - = = 2 2 —— > Sastrecr> * ae = An Enquiry into the diferent MODES of DEMONSTRATION, by which the VELOCITY of SPOUTING FLUIDS has been inveftigated a priori. By the Rev. M. YOUNG, D. D. F.T.C.D. and M.R.I.A. or HE antients, as Door Jurin informs us, had no knowledge of any meafute of the flux of water, except that fallacious and uncertain meafure derived from a perpendicular fection of the ftream alone, without any regard to, the velocity with which it flows. Benediat Caftelli, an Italian, and friend of Gallileo, was the firft who opened the way to a true meafure. The neceflity of guarding continually againft the damages from the over- flowings of the rivers in Italy, induced Urban the Eighth, who had invited him to Rome as a teacher of mathematics, fo requeft he would, apply himfelf to this fubje@. The refult of his enqui- mies is contained in his treatife entitled Del//a mefura dell acque correntz; which meafure he found to depend on the area of the _ feGion and the velocity of the water conjointly. The funda- _ mental principle of this and other queftions in hydraulics is the i determination of , the actual ey with which water {pouts M | from Read March I, 1788. SI from an aperture in the bottom or fide of a veffel ,; but there is none which feems to have produced greater perplexity. ScaRCELY can one writer be found who acquiefces in the folu- tion of another. Even the great Newton, who paid particular attention to this fubject, is not very confiftent with himfelf. In the firft edition of his Principia he endeavours to prove, that the velocity of the fpouting water is equal to that which a heavy body would acquire in falling through half the height of the water above the aperture; in his fecond and third editions he relinquifhes this calculation, and demonftrates that the velocity is that which would be acquired in falling through the entire altitude. Yet he immediately fubjoins an account of experiments which he made with a view to afcertain this point, and which feem inconfiftent with the demonftration he adheres to, though very confonant to that which he rejects. Tue demonftration which he gives in the firft edition appears at firft fight to be unexceptionable, and has accordingly been received by the learned Emerfon, Whifton, Mr. Wildbore in Hutton’s Mifcellanea Mathem. and other good philofophers. It is to this effet : Ir a veffel be filled with water, and perforated in the bottom fo as that the water may flow through the aperture, it is manifeft that the bottom will fuftain the weight of all the water except the weight of that part perpendicularly incumbent over the orifice. For if the orifice be clofed by any obftacle, that obftacle will fuftain the weight of the water perpendicularly incumbent on it, and the bottom [as 3 bottom of the veffel will fuftain the reft. But on removing the obftacle, the bottom of the veffel will be preffed in the fame manner as before, and the weight which was fuftained by the obftacle being now no longer fupported, will produce an efflux of the water through the orifice. Whence it follows, that the motion of the whole effluent water is fuch as can be produced by the weight of the column of water incumbent over the orifice. For every particle of water defcends by its own weight, as far as it is not impeded, with a uniformly accelerated motion, and as far as it is impeded it will prefs the obftacle ; that obftacle is either the bottom of the veffel or the inferior defcending water, and therefore that part. of the weight which the bottom of the veffel does not fuftain will prefs the efuent water, and generate a motion proportional to it. “Let F denote the area of the orifice, A the altitude of the column of water over the orifice, V the velocity which a heavy body would acquire in falling through the height A in the time T, and x the velocity of the effluent water. Since in the time T, a fpace equal to 2 A would be defcribed with the velocity V, a fpace equal to clea will be the fpace defcribed in the fame time with the velocity «. This, therefore, will be the length of the column difcharged in the time T, and the magnitude of this ae cylinder will be a Ae E and its quantity of motion = bt. : V But the quantity of motion, which, in the fame time, would be generated in the column of water incumbent on the orifice, if it were to fall freely as an heavy body through a fpace equal to M 2 its [ 84] its altitude, would be AF V. And thefe quantities of motion are equal, being both generated in equal times, by the fame generating ferce; that iss AFV= = a 28 whence V?=2x*, ——. and V:x::¥ 2:1, Confequently fince V is the velocity which a heavy body would acquire in falling through. the entire alti-. tude A, one half ef A will be the fpace through which a body defcending will acquire that velocity: with which the water flows from the orifice. ‘Tue latent fallacy of this argument confifts in this, that eack ‘plate of water is fuppofed to be fucceffively difcharged with a suniform velocity, and the quantity of motion generated in every little portion of time in which each plate is difcharged is -mea~ fured by the plate drawn into the uniform velocity of the efflux. But this, on a little confideration, will be found not to be a true ftatement of the cafe; for every plate of water is difcharged in time, and its velocity is‘uniformly encreafed from nothing, during the defcent of the plate through its own altitude, at the end of which little portion ef time it attains that ultimate velocity with which it afterwards continues to move uniformly. Hence,. there- fore, it follows that the quantity of motion really generated during the time of the difcharge of each plate of water is but half that which is determined by fuppofing the water to be dif- charged at once with its ‘full evelocity. The. corréStion of |this error will lead us to a true folution of the queftion. Let the time. of a body’s fall through the height A be divided into an indefinite number of little portions, each equal to the time in which a plate of water is difcharged by defcending through its Own [ 63 J own altitude. The quantity of motion generated in the cylinder inthe time of the fall is equal to the fum of the quantities of ‘motion generated in that cylinder in all the little portions of time into which the whole time is divided, taken feparately ; that is, equal to the fum of the quantities of motion generated by the preffure of that eylinder, in the fame little portions of time, in the fucceflive plates of water (becaufe equal forces generate equal ‘quantities of motion in the fame time). that is, equal to half the quantity of motion in thefe plates as meafured by the ulti- ‘mate velocity continued uniform for thefe portions of time. ‘Whence it follows, that the quantity of motion generated in the ‘incumbent eylinder, if it were fwppofed to fall freely through its height, is equal to half the quantity of motion of the cylindgr fuppofed to be difcharged in the fame time with a uniform velo- Aw?F Vv. is, the ultimate velocity with which the water is difcharged is city. . That is, AF V= , whente V* — 4>,"and V 2x that equal to that which a heavy body would acquire in falling through the entire height of the water aboye the orifice, '’'Tue mode -of demonftration. which Sir Ifaac purfues in the ‘fecond and third editions. of his.Principia, and which has been admitted and difcuffed at large by Jurin, Maclaurin, Robinfon, -and other mathematicians, is this: Let MNCD be a cylindric veffel filled with water to the height A-B; C D its bottom parallel to the honzon; EF a-circular hole in the bottom, and IG a per- -pendicular to the horizon paffing through the centre of the hole. Newton then fuppofes water to be poured in at the upper furface AB as faft as it fubfides by the efflux of the water through the rue aperture er aperture EF; and fince the water is continually accelerated from the upper furface to the bottom, where it is difcharged, by the action of gravity, the body of defcending water will contrat in breadth according as the velocity encreafes, fo as to move in a regular curve AKE, which he calls the catara@t of defcending water. And becaufe the water, in its defcent, fuffers no other refiftance than what arifes from the friGion or mutual adhefion of the particles, which in the prefent cafe is fuppofed evanefcent, it follows, that the particles will defcend to the hole with a velocity uniformly accelerated, and confequently that their velocity in the aperture will be the fame as if they had defcended in the vertical line HG. Now becaufe at the very inftant that the water flows from the aperture the furface AB fubfides, and the water is fupplied as faft at that furface as it iffues from the orifice, it follows, that by difcovering the velocity with which the water is poured in at AB to fupply the wafte, the - velocity with which it iffues from the orifice will be alfo afcer- tained. For fuppofe IH to be the height from which a body muft fall in order to acquire the velocity with which the water is poured in, fince it is uniformly accelerated from thence to the orifice by the adtion of gravity, it follows, that the velocity of the effluent water will be that which a heavy body would acquire in falling down the height IG. He then proceeds to calculate the height IG; and if S denote the furface of the water at AB, A the orifice, and H the height of the water, he fhews that IG will be equal to the quantity S* HGx a7: Bor ie ase Bur many reafons concur to render us fufpicious of the truth of this reafoning: In the firft place, it is extremely improbable that the water fhould defcend in this regular cataraa, leaving the fluid in the ambient fpace at reft,; and it appears to be falfe in fa@t, by obferving the motion of light particles fufpended in the water, whofe motion does not appear to be confined within the bounds of the cataraét, or to be performed in that regular curve which the reafoning requires. Secondly, Newton fuppofes that the water which iffues with this velocity defcends from the upper furface ; if this were fo, the {pouting fluid could not attain its full velocity till a cylinder of it had*been difcharged, whofe bafe is equal to the area of the orifice, and height equal to that of the fluid; but this is not the cafe, for the loweft plate or fmalleft quantity of the fluid will be difcharged with its full velocity. Thirdly, fince the orifice is lefs than the upper furface of the water, it would follow that the altitude IG would be greater than HG; that is, the velocity of the fpouting fluid would be greater than that which a heavy body would accuire in falling through the height of the veffel; and that excefs would be greater the larger the aperture; fo that by encreafing the aperture we might encreafe the velocity of the fpouting fluid at pleafure. But this appears not by any means to be true in fa&; for we can never produce, by any variation of the orifice, a velocity greater than that which a heavy body would acquire in falling through the height of, the fluid. Doctor HeusHam’s demonftration of this propofition is to the following effe&: If we fuppofe the column of water which ftands direGily over the orifice to be divided into an indefinite number of plates of an equal, but exceedingly fmall thicknefs, we [86-9 we muft allow that whatever be the force of gravity wherewith the uppermoit plate preffes upon the fecond, the fecond preffes on the third with a double force, and the third upon the fourth with a triple force, and fo on; fo that the plate which is next — the orifice is preffed downward by. the joint gravities of the feveral plates which lie above it, and likewife by the force of its own ¢ravity, inafmuch’ as there is no other plate beneath it whereon fo reft; confequently from its own gravity, and that of the feveral plates above it, it does all at once receive as many equal impreflions from gravity, as it would fucceffively in falling down the height of the water; and of courfe muft pafs through the orifice with the fame velocity that it would acquire. in falling down that height. Tuts demonftration appears to be defetive in this refpedty that it does not take into account the time in which the force accelerating the difcharge of the water acts; for it is evi- dent, that the greater the velocity with which the loweft plate ef water is difcharged through the orifice the fhorter will be the time during which it is accelerated by the preffure of the incumbent fluid: By negle@ting this circumftance, it would follow, from Doétor Helfham’s feafoning, that the velocity fhould be in the dire fimple, not fubduplicate ratio of the height of the fluid, the velocity generated ‘being, ceter’s paribus, as the accelerating force, that -is, as the height of the column of water ftanding dire@ly above the orifice. If, indeed, this time be taken into ‘confideration, the itiference will be legitimate. ‘Thus the velocity generated in the iffuing plate of water will be as the acceletating forcesand the time of its aQion conjointly, the plate, that is, the quantity of matter moved, being given; but the time in [ 89 ] in which the accelerating force ats on the plate, is inverfely as the velocity with which the plate iffues; therefore the fquare of the velocity is direétly as the force, and the velocity as the fquare root of the force, that is, as the fquare root of the height of the water above the orifice. But the attual velocity of the effluent water would not even thus be afcertained. Tue Abbé Winkler’s demonftration is built on the fame foun- dation with Helfham’s. ’ MusscHENnBROEcK’s demonftration of this principle is liable to a three-fold objection: Firft, it is founded on a falfe meafure of the force of bodies in motion, to wit, the quantity of matter and the fquare of the velocity. Secondly, it involves a con- fufion of what is an equal ratio with a ratio of equality. Thirdly, it implies that equal forces generate equal velocities, without any regard to the times in which they act, or the quan- tities of matter which they move, VarRIGNon proves only, that the velocities of {pouting fluids are in the fubduplicate ratios of the heights of the fluids above the apertures, but does not afcertain the a€tual velocity, which is the principal obje&t of enquiry. See Acad. Science. An. 1703. Beipor’s demonftration is fubje& to the fecond imperfeQion of Muffchenbreeck’s. For from proving, after Varignon, that the velocity of the effluent water is proportional to the fquare root of the height of the water, and therefore follows the fame law of ‘ ‘acceleration with that of falling bodies, he concludes, that the velocity of the fpouting water is a@ually the fame which a ‘ N heavy [- 9 J heavy ‘body would acquire in falling through the height of the fluid. Proressor Gravefende, who has confidered this fubjeQ with particular attention, has alfo given us a demonftration, that the velocity of the effluent water is equal, to, that which a body would acquire in falling through the entire height of the fluid. But it appears liable to the following objeCtions : Firft, it fuppofes, that the velocities communicated to equal quantities of matter, in moving through equal fpaces, are dire@ily as the generating forces, without any regard to the time in. which thefe fpaces are run over by the bodies moved. And fecondly, it. fuppofes that the forces acquired by the falling bodies are equal when the heights are inverfely as the maffes ; whereas they are equal only when the maffes are in the inverfe fubduplicate of the heights. I wave already fhewn how the demonftration given in the firft edition of the Principia, when duly correéted, affords a legitimate folution of this problem ; and the fame conclufion may, I think, be thus otherwife made out in an unexceptionable manner. Ler MNOP reprefent a veffel of water filled to the level GH; MP the bottom, in which is the aperture CD; CIKD _the column of water ftanding dire@ly above the orifice, and CABD the loweft plate of water immediately contiguous to the aperture. Alfo let v denote the velocity which a heavy body would acquire in falling freely through the height BD of the plate, and » the velocity acquired by the fame plate during its defcent through the fame {pace until it is difcharged by the pref- fure of the column CIKD. SuPPOSE [os J ee the loweft plate of water ACBD to fall as a heavy body through the height BD, its moving force will be its own weight. Again, fuppofe.it to be accelerated by its own weight and that of the incumbent water, that is, by the weight of the column CIKD through the fame f{pace, that is, while it is acce- lerated from quiefcence until it is aQtually difcharged. The velo- city in the former cafe will be to that in the latter as the moving forces and the times in which they a& dire€ly, and the quantities of matter moved inverfely. But the moving forces are to each other as the heights BD and KD; the times in which they ad are inverfely as the-velocities, the fpace through which the body is accelerated being given; and the quantities of BD KD matter moved are equal; therefore v: x :: 7 a a confe- 0 quently v*:%7::BD:KD. Bat v is the velseity which a heavy body would acquire in falling through the fpace BD, therefore «, the velocity of the fpouting fluid, is that which a heavy body would acquire in ait through KD, the height of the fluid above the orifice. In the fame manner it may be fhewn, that if a pipe be inferted horizontally in the veffel NOMP, the plate of water ACBD will be difcharged with the fame velocity as before, whatever be the thicknefs of the plate; this velocity not depending on a continual acceleration through the length of the tube, otherwife the efHuent water could not attain its full velocity, until a co- _ lumn had been difcharged whofe bafe is equal to the orifice and height equal to the length of the tube: whereas we find by expe- rience, that this full velocity can be attained by the thinneft plate which we can let efcape from the aperture. N 2 Wuat Ramee oe Waar is here faid of the velocity of the effluent water is true only of the middle filament of particles which iffue through the centre of the aperture, and which fuffer no other retardation than what arifes from the refiftance of the air, and their mutual adhefion and attrition againft each other. But thofe which iffue near the edges of the aperture undergo a greater attrition, and therefore fuffer a greater retardation. Hence it follows, that the. mean velocity of the whole column of effluent water will be confiderably lefs than according to theory. Str Ifaac Newton, who examined every fubje@ that came before him with peculiar accuracy, firft difcovered a contraétion in the vein of efuent water; and he found, that at the diftance of about a diameter of the orifice, the feGtion of the vein con- trated nearly in the fubduplicate ratio of 2 to 1. Hence he concluded that the velocity of the water, after its exit from the aperture, was encreafed in this proportion, the fame quantity pafling in the fame time through a narrower fpace. Now, from the quantity of water difcharged in a given time through that narrow fetion, he found that its velocity there was that which a heavy body would acquire in falling through the height of the water above the orifice ; and fince the velocity there was greater than immediately in the orifice in the fubduplicate ratio of 2 to 1, he concluded that the velocity of the effluent water in the orifice was equal to that which a heavy body would acquire in falling through half the altitude. But all this is true only of the mean velocity ; for there is no caufe which can atually accelerate the water after its exit from the orifice, whatever caufes may con- tribute to its retardation. The manner in which the mean velo- city eS re Pe a a ¥ Ss e F393 city of the water is encreafed after its difcharge, though the actual velocity of the feveral particles continues unvaried, may be thus explained: the particles which iffue near the fides of the orifice proceed converging towards the axis of the vein, and with a retarded motion, upon account of their attrition againft the fides of the orifice; and as the central particles move fafter than thofe which are farther from the axis, each plate of water after leaving the orifice, will affume a curved form, the concavity of which will refpeé& the orifice. Let EF be the diameter of the vein where narroweft, and AB the diameter of the orifice ; the line of particles A B, which leave the orifice at the fame inftant, will affume a curvilineal pofition EGF, the central particles at G moving fafter than the extreme ones at E and F;; the particles, therefore, in the diameter of the vein: between E and F are fupplied from the plates of water which iffued fucceflively after EGF; and thefe extreme particles being thus diminifhed in number, the central particles continuing nearly the fame, the mean velocity muft be encreafed, becaufe that velocity is found by dividing the fum of the velocities of all the particles by their number, and the number of particles which move with the greateft velocity bears a greater proportion to the whole number in the narrow fedion of the vein at EF than in the orifice. In fhort, to exprefs my- felf perhaps more clearly, the particles in the diameter AB, -- without being accelerated after their exit from the orifice, pafs through a lefs fpace, becaufe they arrive at that fpace in dif- ferent times. It appears, therefore, that the actual velocity of ‘the effluent water is not encreafed after its difcharge from the orifice, the contraGiion of the vein not inferring any fuch aug- mentation, and there being no caufe by which it could be pro- duced. [ 94 ] duced. That the velocity with which the water is difcharged is really fuch as the theory gives, is fufficiently confirmed by the well-known experiment that water fpouts to the level of the refervoir, except fo far as it is impeded by external caufes. But though the velocity with which water, unrefifted in its paflage, iffues through the aperture may be thus afcertained by the height or diftance to which it fpouts, yet the mean velocity of the whole body of effluent water, taking in all caufes obftru€ting its difcharge which feem to lie beyond the reach of calculation, will be confiderably lefs than this, and can be eftimated in general - by the analogy of experiment only. THe manner of making this eftimate is to find by experiment the quantity difcharged,in a given time, in any particular cafe,and reduc- ing it to a column whofe bafe is equal to the aperture, the height of that column will be the {pace which would be defcribed in the pro- pofed time by all the particles moving with acommon velocity. The height of a column difcharged in any number of feconds ¢ is equal to 2tFV7D,F denoting the area of the aperture in fquare inches, / the fpace which a body defcribes in one fecond, falling freely from a ftate of reft, and D the height from which a heavy body muft fall in order to acquire the velocity of the effluent fluid. A cubic inch of water weighs ,52746 parts of a troy ounce; WwW)? : : therefore eg FI= D, the height from which a ads mutt fall to acquire the mean velocity with which the water fpouts out, W denoting the weight of the water in troy ounces. Thus fup- pofe a cylinder 20 inches high, kept conftantly filled with water, is found to difcharge 20 ounces troy through a circular aperture of a ee ee eee | Ls 4 of + of an inch diameter in 15 feconds ; by the foregoing formula the height from which a body muft fall to acquire the velocity with which the water is difcharged will be 8,35 inches; that, is a {pace which is to the whole height-of the water above the orifice as Io to 24 nearly. But as it is’a difficult matter to keep the fluid always at the fame height, without encreafing the preffure by pour- ing it in, it may perhaps be confidered a more exact method to cal- culate @ prior? the time in which the veflel ought to difcharge itfelf, and noting the actual time of the difcharge by experiment, to diminifh the velocity of the efflux determined according to theory in the fame ratio in which the time of the hana has been encreafed. Now as the bafe of the veffel is to the orifice, fo is the time in which the veflel would empty itfelf to that in which a body would fall freely through the height of the water in the veffel: let therefore B denote the bafe of a cylindrical or prifmatic .veffel, in which is an orifice whofe area is O; the time in. which a body falls through A, the altitude of the fluid, is equal to ye in feconds ; therefore Bae is the time required in fe- conds. Let A the altitude of a veffel filled with mercury be g inches, 7 193 inches, the diameter of the cylindrical veffel 1 inch, and the diameter of the circular aperture =; of an inch. The time of. the difcharge by theory, according to the foregoing formula, will be 86,4 feconds; but by experiment it is found to be 140 feconds nearly ; therefore the velocity of the efflux by theory is to be diminifhed [ob J diminifhed in the ratio of 140 to 86,4; that is, in a ratio between the ratios of the fquare root of 2 and the fquare root of 3 to I. Bur this method alfo is fubje€& to inaccuracy; for the motion of the fluid is found not to be very regular towards the end of the flux; it will therefore be better to calculate the time in which the veffel thould empty itfelf to a certain depth, which is done in the following manner: The times in which the whole and part would be evacuated are refpectively ax tie » and fo ae Pie 24 denoting the height of the part. Therefore the difference is B fie a2 Fie ora * VA-¥P, in feconds. Tuus let the altitude of water in a veffel wholly and in part filled with water be 16 and 12 inches, the diameter of the cylin- dric veffel 5,74, and the diameter of the circular aperture ,2. Then, by the foregoing formula, the time in which the water fhould fubfide, according to theory, from the height of 16 to 12 inches, would be 33 feconds. But the time actually found by experiment is 53 feconds; therefore the velocity determined by theory is to be diminifhed in the ratio of 53 to 33, or 1,6 to 1, ze. very nearly in the fame ratio as determined by a for- mer experiment, in which the fpouting fluid was mercury. Zz jo ie Page 96 Sc. A Lael reel ee Seameeciaad mi { ist si Seer oo ary ee oath, Ot re hat [ oy q OBSERVATIONS on GUN-POWDER. By the Honourable GEORGE NAPIER, AAR.LA. Communicated by the Earl of CHARLEMONT, PRLA. Fesruary I, 1788, My Lorp, I N compliance with your requeft, I fend you the following Read Oa. obfervations: on gun-powder, deduced from a feries of experi 75? 178% ments, in the condu@ting of which I was ably aflifted when fuperintending the Royal Laboratory at Woolwich. As I do not mean to fatigue your lordfhip’s attention by an elaborate pyrotechnical effay, I fhall confine myfelf to fuch facts as appeared new or interefting in the courfe of my inveftigation ; only introducing thofe parts of the common procefs which may tend to elucidate an experiment, or ferve to eftablifh the expe+ diency of an alteration: Toeffea this with fome degree of accu- racy, I fhall arrange my remarks under the following heads : @) First. [ 98 J First. The felection of the materials which compofe gun- powder. SeconpLy. The ftrongeft and moft durable proportion of thofe materials. TuirpLy. The beft mode of intermixing and combining them. Last y, I fhall add fome general obfervations. ‘THE qualities of nitre are not eafily afcertained by thofe rules which chymifts have prefcribed for determining its purity ; their deviations are frequent and fometimes material in the compofition of gun-powder, whofe bafis this falt conftitutes. The method I have generally adopted for dete@ting the impurity of nitre, is to drop a ftrong folution of Sacch. Sat. into a phial of diftilled water, faturated with falt-petre ; which, if it retained any con- fiderable portion of marine falt or magnefia, affumed a turbid milky appearance: The lunar folution is too powerful a teft for any nitre I have met with: But it does not always follow that the pureft nitre produces the ftrongeft powder: The beft I have feen is the Ruffian, yet the manufaéturers in that country are not very folicitous about the magnitude of the cryftals, the white- nefs of the falt, nor even its freedom from heterogeneous fubftances, though with us thofe qualities are accounted effential. In Ruffia I am informed they feldom refine their nitre more than twice; and having analyzed fome very excellent Ruffian powder, I found the falt-petre contained a confiderable portion of marine falt and magnefia. ere. ad [ 99 ] magnefia. It is difficult to account for this phenomenon, as mas rine falt both impedes the ignition and leffens the explofion of gun-powder ; and IJ believe it may be demonftrated that magnefian or calcareous nitre produces at leaft the laft of thofe etfeas, if we confider the faintnefs of its own detonation, when it has any ; and that deliquefcent quality, which muft communicate a degree of humidity to the compofition, inimical to a forcible explofion; . and (what is in my opinion of much greater confequence) which muft be noxious in the extreme to the durability of gun-powder: I have reafon to believe (as far as my experience can efiablith the fat) that powder made with falt-petre, oftener than four times refined, is of inferior ftrength, though probably more durable, than that which has been only thrice depurated: If the elaftic . and expanfive fluid contained in nitre partakes at all of a fpi- rituous nature, may not repeated evaporation liberate a portion of it? Stahl afferts, that the nitrous acid is‘a combination of the vitriolic acid with the principle of inflammability, effeCted by the agency of putrefaCtion ; and Pretch of the Berlin Academy feems to prove this theory by his experiment of moiftening a calcareous ftone with vitriolic acid and urine, which being expofed for fome time to the action of the atmofphere, was found ftrongly impreg- nated with nitre. If the aforefaid experiment be accurate, we -muft admit that falt-petre is a compound fubftance ; and it may not be a very improbable deduction to fuppofe that repeated - elixation in part deprives this falt of that elaftic fluid which con- ftitutes the ftrength of gun-powder: And this opinion is ftrongly corroborated by two well-known fadts ; firft, in purifying a large quantity of nitre there is a diftin@ deficiency of weight after the procefs, which cannot be accounted for by the weight of the O 2 refiduum ; < [ 100 | refiduum ; and fecondly, as great a proportion of falt-petre can- not be extracted from damaged powder as is obtained from fervice~ able, though originally manufa@tured with the fame quantum of nitre: Perhaps, in this Ruffian powder, the noxious qualities of the magnefia and marine falt were fufficiently counteracted by the native excellence of the nitre, aided by fome unknown fuperiority in their method of combining and incorperating the materials. Ixy the choice of falt-petre I fhould prefer that whofe cryftals. are of a moderate fize, folid, tranfparently white, which do not readily break with a crackling noife when gently grafped in the hand, and which when ignited on a red hot fhovel do not decre- pitate, but melt and confume with an equable and continued inflammation: The firft of thofe fymptoms is produced by hafty and imperfe@ deficcation, and the laft is a proof that the marine falt has not been entirely feparated from the nitre: I muft obferve that however carefully the procefs of deficcation is performed, the cryftals will retain a certain portion of humidity (befides their effential waters) which when rarefied by the heat of the hand produces a crackling noife ; this proof of the quality of nitre muft therefore depend on the degree of decrepitation. It may be afked, why take fuch pains to avoid moifture in nitre, when its combination with the other materials of gun-powder is effected by water? I anfwer, it is this particular fpecies of moifture I obje@ to, known to falt-petre refiners by the name of mother- waters, which taken up in the ad of cryftallization is replete with a greafy magnefia and common falt. If the powder-maker refines his nitre himfelf, I advife him to boil it thrice, carefully fkimming off the foeculent matter which floats on the furface, and [ rox f and abftra@ing the marine falt, which being cryftallized by eva- poration during the procefs, falls to the bottom; let him filter it through canvas made in the form of a jelly-bag, leaving it to eryftallize (after each elixation) in leaden or copper veffels, ex- pofed to a free circulation of air in a dry fituation, and not in a cold cellar, which is frequently, though erroneoufly, practifed, with this palpable difadvantage, that fudden refrigeration forming. the nitrous cryftals before all the common falt has been preci- pitated, a part of it enters into their compofition ; they are alfo of a lefs fize, and not fo compact as when the folution is gradually eooled. It is cuftomary with powder-makers to prefer the cakes depofited towards the bottom of the pans in which the folution of falt-petre is fet to cryftallize ; thefe are formed by a congeries of minute cryftals, and are confiderably lefs pure than the larger fhoots, being intimately mixed with whatever heterogeneous matter the folution may retain, which is generally precipitated towards the commencement of cryftallization: I fufpeé& the predileGion for this kind of nitre has no better foundation than its being. more readily pulverized. The mother-water which oozes_from the pans is commonly fprinkled on earth intended for generating falt-petre ; inftead of this, was the refiner to add to the mixture a {mall quantity of wood-afhes, and repeat the operation of extracting, he would find it advantageous: He will alfo fave confiderably by fubftituting iron boilers and leaden pans to his: ’ copper ones. Cuarcoat affords few new obfervations. I have tried various kinds, with a fcarce perceptible difference in their effeéts, pro- vided they were completely charred and equally well pulverized ; ’ however, f- 26a... ] however, on chymical principles, we fhould prefer that made from wood containing the greateft quantity of Axed falts, and whofe afhes abound with alkaline falts, as foch inflames more rapidly and burns with greater vehemence. Dogwood (cornus- fceminea, virga fanguinea) and alder (alnus nigra, baccifera) are efteemed by powder-makers the fitteft for their charcoal, but I have not been able to difcover any cogent reafon for this preference. Green wood being harder when charred than dry, I believe admits of a more complete comminution, and is confequently better adapted to that intimate combination of the ingredients neceflary for the ftrength and durability of gun- powder. I am informed of an improved method lately dif covered for the preparation of charcoal; it is a kind of oven, which admitting the external application of heat, the wood piled within is more equally charred and its volatile penton ‘more completely evaporated. ExpERIENcE has convinced me that it is of the utmoft i impor tance to give an exact attention to the purity of fulphur, the third ingredient in the compofition of gun-powder. On this agent de- pends that rapidity of inflammation, to which the charcoal con- tributes intenfe fire, and the nitre its aftonifhing ‘elafticity and expanfion. A MANUFACTURER of gun-powder ought never to ufe ful- phur which he has not purified and fublimed himfelf: the beft method of doing this is by melting it in an iron pot over a gentle coal fire which does not blaze, and ftraining it through a double. linen cloth; the operation muft be repeated till there appears little or no refiduum. When fulphur is bought in a prepared a [ #3 J prepared ftate, it is (notwithftanding the low price) frequently. adulterated with wheat-flour, which in moift or hot climates readily induces fermentation, and irrecoverably decompofes the powder: I am convinced that inattention to this circumftance is a principal caufe of Britifh gun-powder being lefs durable now than formerly. Tue moft eligible proportion of the three ingredients is next to be confidered: and here J muft premife, that after an accurate examination of powder manufactured according to the moft approved practices in Europe and Afia, together with the numerous variations.of the chymifts, I find it beyond my ex- perience to give a decided preference, as I have feen them all facceed and fail, changed by the qualities of the materials, or influenced by the temperature of the atmofphere, either when the powder was manufactured and barrelled, or when it was proved. I would therefore recommend that the. proprietors of -powder-mills fhould manufaGure a fmall quantity of powder from each frefh affortment of materials. In doing this the fol- lowing canon, which is borrowed from the French pyrotechnifts,. and eftablifhed by experiments, may be found ufeful: begin with 3lbs. of nitre and goz: of charcoal, (this will explode without fulphur,) increafe the quantum of charcoal till the moft forcible combination of thofe two ingredients is difcovered, which will commonly happen at between 120z. and tlIb. of charcoal to the 3lbs. of nitre; to this procefs let fulphur be added, beginning with 4oz. till the ftrongeft explofion is found, which will be when the proportion of this ingredient to the above is from 23 to 3402. Finally, let the dofe of charcoal. be diminithed, till the [ 104 ] the compofition no longer gains in the eprouvette; this will commonly happen when the proportions of the three materials ftand as follows : Nitre. Charcoal. Sulphur. 3 Ibs. 85> to 970%. 22 to 37 02. The manufa@turer may poflibly difcover ftill greater variations than I have ftated, as they muft evidently be determined by the comparative excellence of his materials; but by adopting this method of afcertaining their qualities, (however troublefome it at firft appears) I can venture to affirm he will in the end be a confiderable gainer. There are various opinions refpe€ting the liquid moft eligible to moiften the ingredients during the procefs of preparing them for the mill: urine, vinegar, fpirit of wine and water, plain water, have feverally been recommended for this purpofe: I have tried them all without being able to eftablith any data on which to found a decifion ; yet the volatile nature of fpirits, and the heterogeneous matter to be met with in urine and vinegar, feem to point out a preference due to pure water ; but as this is warmly contefted, and my experiments exhibited no. conclufive fuperiority, I will not hazard a determination on the fubje&. It was my intention, in this place, to have given a formula of the feveral proportions in ufe amongft the different powder-makers of Europe and Afia, had I not been deterred by the apprehenfion of {welling my letter toa volume: I fhall there- fore confine myfelf to China, as. that country claims the original invention, with fome appearance of probability. Having procured fome powder manufactured at Canton, I analyzed two ounces of it, and after repeating the operation fix times, the mean refult gave the following proportions : Nitre. ApS oz. dwts. grs. Nitre, - - - tS 10 ° Charcoal, - - « fo) 6 fe) Sulphur, - - - fe) Bi) ne You will obferve a deficiency in weight of 10 grains, probably the confequence of fome defe& in my procefs, which was, firft to weigh the powder, next to feparate the nitre by folution, evaporation and filtering; I then weighed the refiduum of char- coal and fulphur combined ; and laftly, I fublimed the fulphur by a degree of heat not fufficient to inflame the charcoal, which when weighed compleated the operation, producing the aforefaid refult ; but as M. Beaumé, a French chymift, made a variety of experiments to obtain a total feparation of the fulphur from the charcoal, and was never able to effeGtit, =; part remaining anited, 3 grains muft be deducted from the charcoal and added to the fulphur to give the accurate proportion of the ingredients., This powder was unufually large grained, not ftrong, but I believe very durable; it had been made many years when I got it, yet there was no vifible fymptom of decay, the grain being hard, well coloured, and though angular (which form commonly generates duft) it was even fized, and in perfect prefervation. I next proceed to the moft effential and moft negleGed opera- tion in manufacturing gun-powder, the combining and incor- porating the ingredients. This, if poffible, fhould be performed in clear dry weather; a lowering fky, and a humid atmofphere, being found inimical to that thorough blending of the materials which ought to precede their being worked in the mill. Stamp- E ing [| 06 Jj ing-mills were formerly ufed for working gun-powder ; their con- ftruGtion was very fimple, being a large mortar, in which a pon- derous wooden peftle moved by men, by horfes, or, by water, performed the operation very perfectly, but with obvious danger to the workmen. In Sweden, and I believe in Ruffia, they ftill continue to ftamp the powder during the firft part of the procefs, and afterwards roll it under ftones; by this means leffening the probability of an explofion, as the compofition is lefs inflam- mable in the beginning than when the materials are more inti- mately blended. Since government, alarmed by the frequency of accidents, thought proper to prohibit ftamping in the ordnance mills, this part of the procefs has been effected by means of two ftone cylinders applied to the ends of a common axis, and moved in- a vertical pofition round a circular trough, either by water or by horfes. The inferiority of the prefent practice is vifible-in its operation on the powder, which has certainly degenerated both in flrength and durability fince the abolition of ftamping- mills. This may be attributed, firft, to negleat in the manu- faQturer, who is fatisfied with working his powder feven or eight hours inftead of twenty-four, which was the ufual time when ftamping-mills were employed; and, fecondly, to a radical defe& in the machine, where the circumferences of two {mooth and ponderous ftones comprefé the moift pafte into a hard folid cake, over which they make repeated circumvolutions with a very trifling derangement of the indurated furface, and confequently without contributing much to the incorporation of the ingre- dients. To obviate the firft obje@ion, it is neceffary that government fhould ftimulate the induftry of the merchant, by giving Ewa J giving him a more liberal price for his powder, or (what would be of greater national advantage) that the board of ordnance fhould take the management of this manufaCture (as far as is requifite for the fupply of the army and navy) into their own hands; Whilft it is furnifhed by contra@, and the procefs of manufaCturing fubjeGed to no controul on the part of govern- - ment, its quality can never be depended on. Towards the clofe of laft war the manufaQurer was paid thirty fhillings, exclufive of eighty pounds of falt-petre, per barrel of powder, containing one hundred net pounds; which, confidering the enormous price of nitre at that period, made the full coft to the nation about five pounds, Extravagant as this may appear, when we combine the high wages of workmen, the danger of explofion in the mills, the rifk of rejeGion in the proof, and, above all, the irregular dilatory mode of payment in ufe with the ordnance board, candour mutt oblige us to allow that the merchant’s profit was moderate indeed, I have been informed by feveral of thofe gentlemen, that they certainly could encreafe the ftrength and durability of their powder by milling it fome hours longer, but that the price given would not indemnify them for the additional labour. It is furely unpardonable to negle@, and an, ill-judged gconomy to be parfimonious in an article whofe quality may determine the event of a conteft, decifive of our exiftence as an independent people! If to this ferious confideration we add the expence of re-manufacturing powder, which, defective in its ori- ginal conftrnGion for want of fuflicient working, is returned and condemned foon after being iffued (to the entire lofs of the charcoal and fulphur) with the fums paid for ftore-houfes, work- P 2 men, B oe. J men, &c. and we may fafely conclude that a fmall additional expenditure in the firft inftance, judicioufly applied, would turn out a very effential public advantage. I wit next fuggeft an alteration in the fubftance and con- ftruQiion of the rollers, which may remedy fome of thofe defects I noted in the procefs of mi//ing: Inftead of marble or granite, I propofe that they fhall be made of caft iron, as well as the circular trough in which they move; let the periphery of the _ cylinder be divided into eight equal parts, alternately grooved and p/aim, with two of the fluted divifions having their grooves tranfverfe, the other two longitudinal, as in the annexed draw- ing, where A reprefents the perfpective of the roller, and B is a plan of its circumference, fhowing the difpofition of the compart- ments and the direction of the grooves ; thefe grooves fhould be an inch in breadth and a quarter of an inch in depth, with their angles rounded off; the trough muft continue {mooth, as in the prefent practice. ‘The effe@ propofed from this conftru€tion is, that the alternations of the plain and fluted divifions, when the rollers are in motion, will penetrate the fubftance of the pafte, producing a more intimate connexion and intermixture of the component parts than can poflibly refult from the equable and fcarce interrupted progreflion of one fmooth furface over another; by this operation becoming equivalent to many hours labour. Where the private manufaéturer is unwilling or unable to afford new cylinders, he may break the continuity of the pafte, by affixing a fmall but weighty harrow, with copper teeth, to the axis of the roller, and following its direction in the trough. Should iron. ~ [ 109 ] iron cylinders be objected to as dangerous, they may be fhod with brafs, which will be found fufficiently hard for this purpofe. I mnft, however, obferve, that the former are already ufed in feveral mills; and intelligent powder-makers allow, that acci- dental explofions are moft frequently produced by the collifion of chips which break from the edges of ftone rollers. JI-am aware of one plaufible objection to fluted cylinders; the pafte, if very moift, may adhere to the grooves; but this I think will be prevented by the application of oil to the fluted furfaces in fuch fmall quantities as fhall not injure the compofition. Berore I difmifs this part of my fubje@ I will hazard pro- pofing another alteration in the conftruétion of powder-mills ; it is fimply working four rollers in the /ame trough inftead of two. Where water is the moving power, the coft of additional mecha- nifm will appear trifling, if oppofed to the time and labour obvioufly faved by the adoption of this idea. I wiLt not prolong a tedious, and I fear a tirefome differ- tation, by introducing a minute detail of the procefles of granu- lating and drying powder, but content myfelf with obferving that the firft is performed by a horizontal wheel, on which are fixed circular fieves, with parchment bottoms, perforated to the largeft intended fize of the grain ; in thofe fieves the pafte is depofited, and with it (in each of them) a fmall oblate fpherical piece of lignum-vite, which being moved about the fieve by the adion of the wheel, breaks the compofition, and forces it through the parchment bottom into veflels placed for its recep- tion ; [ aso j tion; but as this operation leaves the powder in grains of various dimenfions, it is forted’ by being. paffed through wire fereens of progreffive reticulations. Powder is commonly dried in an apartment, three fides of which are furnifhed with ledged fhelves containing the compofition, and the fourth is occupied by a large iron ftove, which projets into. the room, but is heated from without.| This apparatus is very faulty in many refpects, but more particularly in not diffufing an equal heat ; an amendment | has been attempted, by carrying flues round the drying room, filled with heated fteam ; however the change has been little, if at all, for the better. Perhaps a circular room, with a fpherical ftove in the centre, might communicate a more equal degree of ficcity to the compofition. I wit next fubmit to your lordfhip’s examination fome gene- ral obfervations, fele€ted from thofe which occurred during the courfe of my experiments on gun-powder. The powder returned by the navy ‘and garrifons as unferviceable was depofited in the magazine at Purfleet, where that which full retained its grain was feparated from the duft; and if two drachms of it, when tried in the vertical eprouvette, had fuflicient ftrength to project a fuperincumbent weight of twenty-two pounds to the height of three inches and five-tenths, it was again iffued for fervice; but this happening very rarely, fuggefted a doubt, that by abftracing the duft, our powder was deprived of its principal ingredient , this conje@ture I eftablifhed by repeated experiments in the ver tical and mortar eprouvettes, as the duft (though varying in degree) almoft always exhibited fuperior ftrength to the granu- lated a Pe pea 4 lated powder from which it had been feparated. The phzno- menon remained to ‘be accounted for; this was effected by an accurate examination of powder in its damaged ftate, when with the affiftance of a convex-lensI difcovered a new cryftallization of the nitre (called by powder-makers the ftarting of the petre) which having been partially diffolved, thot its minute falts to the furface of the grain, where they appeared like the fpicule of hoar-froft, ’till broken and detached by the attrition produced in moving the powder, they were converted into that duft, which confequently contained the effence of the compofition. The eprouvette experiments were corroborated by the lefs fallacious teftimony of analyzation, and this erroneous practice correCed, The foregoing obfervations muft, however, be applied to fuch powder only as though injured, in part retains its grain. When it is fo far damaged as to cake, the cryftallization of the nitre being more compleat, and its fhootings larger, they adhere more tenacioufly to the lumps, or when broken off are prevented by their magnitude from that intimate admixture with the fulphur and charcoal duft which is effential to forcible explofion ; all attempts to renovate powder, when thus far decompofed, are nugatory, and can only be dictated by ignorance or fraud ; it . fhould be immediately transferred to the extracting houfe. The ftrength of new powder is not diminifhed by reducing it to duit, but rather increafed, a fecret well underftood by powder mer- chants, who mix duft in fmall quantities with that powder they apprehend will not rife to proof. It was formerly the practice of government to manufacture their powder as {mall in the grain as that made at Dantzick or Battle is at prefent; whether the large ees large corned powder now ufed merits a preference, appéars to me problematical ; the grain of the Chinefe powder I before- mentioned was as large as fmall pepper-corns; and in 1782 I difcovered at Purfleet fome barrels of very fmall-grained powder, manufactured by Sir Polycarpus Wharton, furveyor of the ord- nance in Charles the Second’s reign ; a part of this powder was above proof, and none of it much under ; the whole retained its grain, and was in compleat prefervation. It may not be impro- per to remark, that during the aforefaid reign, and for fome time after, moft of the nitre ufed in England was collected in the country; and, if I am not miftaken, there ftill exift ats of par- liament, granting the crown the foil of fhambles and flaughter- houfes, and the earth under the flooring of ftables, bullock- hovels, &c. and alfo dire@ing the magiftrates to have tubs placed in the ftreets of populous towns, for the collection of urine: From thofe materials there was a fufliciency of nitre extracted to fupply the ordinary confumption of government. I cannot in this place omit noting the paradoxical peculiarities of this extraordinary foffil, which, generated by a combination of animal and vegetable putrefaCtion, exhibits the moft energetic antiputrefcent principles ; and, though claffed amongft the coldeft of the faline genus, is replete with vehement and _irrefiftible fire ! FoRMERLY government manufactured three forts of powder, viz. mortar, cannon and mufquet. I am of opinion the pra€tice fhould be revived in part, for the following reafon: Sulphur, by its pronenefs to fermentation, is probably the ingredient which contributes g | gee ae) contributes moft to the decompofition of powder. Believing this pofition, but retaining fome doubts of its being practicable to produce forcible powder from nitre and charcoal only, I di- . rected a {mall quantity to be made, and was agreeably furprized to find that fifteen pounds of it proje€ted a thirteen inch fhell as far as the beft powder compofed in the ufual manner; from hence I conclude that a powder might be made fufficiently ftrong (when ufed in quantities above ten pounds) with a much lefs proportion of fulphur than the prefent pratice admits of. In cafes where a {maller charge is ufed, or where a rapid inflam- mation is required, the ufual dofe of fulphur is indifpenfably neceflary. Tue procefs of glazing powder is effeed by attaching cafks, fomething more than half full, to the axis of a water wheel, which turning with velocity, the operation is compleated in .a fhort time by the fri€tion of the grains againft each other. I found, from a mean of near _/x hundred experiments, that glazing powder reduces its ftrength about one-fifth if the powder is good, and nearly a fourth if of an inferior quality ; this procefs being more noxious to the force of bad powder than of good, is accounted for, in my opinion, by the greater proportion of duft feparated during the operation from the former than from the latter, as this refiduum is invariably ftronger than the glazed powder from which it has been fcreened. I am confident, how- ever, that it would be a wife meafure was government to adopt the practice of glazing all high proof powder, and referving it for the garrifons abroad, where it muft remain long in the maga- QO Zine, [> tad zine, as powder of this defcription retains its grain better, and j is confequently more durable, than when unglazed. GovERNMENT powder, manufactured at Feverfham, when received from the mills, is confiderably ftronger than either Dant- zick or Battle fhooting powder ; and I believe it would continue fo, was it fecluded from the action of the atmofphere, which might be effected by lining the barrels with the thin lead ufed for the prefervation of tea ; or was it expofed to a free circulation of dry air, according to the pradice in Dutch men of war, which have an ingenious and fafe mechanifm for ventilating their maga- zines, worthy the imitation of the Britifh navy. Frequently re- verfing the barrels contributes to the prefervation of powder from that fpecies of decompofition induced by the different gravitation of the ingredients. In barrelling powder it is of the utmoft im- portance to fele& dry clear weather ; the confequences of inat- tention to this material point, have, I fear, been oftener fe/t than /u/pected by our fleets and armies. Tue fize, fhape, and colour of the grain in powder are con- fidered as indications of its quality ; and though I have met with good and bad of all forms and colours, yet I am clearly of opi- nion that the general preference is due to powder of a moderate fized and fomewhat fpherical grain, as being leaft apt to generate duft, which fhould be carefully avoided, becaufe fubverfive of that equal ftrength which ought to be diffufed through the whole contents of a barrel, and is in all cafes important to the efficacy of artillery, but in mortar practice becomes indifpenfably necef- fary. [ srg J fary. The colour fhould be a greyifh blue, tinged with red, and the texture of the grain firm, but not fo hard as to refift a very forcible preffure from the finger againft a board. I am aware that my opinion difagrees with the general ideas of Britifh powder-makers, who prefer a dark blue colour, and an angular grain, thinking that hue and form fufceptible of the readieft inflammation; but a, general deduction from numerous experi- ments has convinced me of their miftake. Tue ftrength of powder is frequently impaired by being too precipitately dried ; this I difcovered on examining fome of the rooms appropriated to that operation, where finding the heat intenfe, I fufpeéted its being fufficiently powerful to evaporate the fulphur, which a clofer infpetion proved to be the cafe, as the crevices of the walls and fhelves were filled with flour of brimftone fublimed by the action of the fire, from the furface of the grains, precifely where the greateft proportion of this inflam- mable principle is required. ‘The acceleration of the drying pro- cefs has this farther difadvantage, that it leaves the powder moift in the centre of the grain: I fear this practice, though every way pernicious, is become fo general as to demand the interference of government; the detection of fuch powder is eafy; for when freth from the drying-houfe it will rife to high proof, but being left in the magazine for a month will lower its ftrength at leaft a fourth : And here I muft obferve, that in times of peace, when the demand cannot be very prefling, powder fhould not be proved ~ fooner than two months after being manufactured. Q2 | Ir [) a6. J Ir was formerly the practice to load with large quantities of powder ; and the abufe extended fo far, that in ordnance of a higher calibre than twelve-pounders, the charge of powder amounted to half the weight of the fhot; the confequence of this was, that about a fourth of the powder remained uninflamed, which added to the weight of the ball gave a refiftance of 27 lbs. to be overcome by glbs. of powder, inftead of 24 by 12, the fuppofed refi/fance and power. 'To demonftrate more accu- rately the abfurdity of this pra@tice (which had been already reprobated by the beft artillery officers) I enclofed the vertical eprouvette fo as to prevent the efcape of uninflamed powder, and after fifty difcharges, in each of which 2 drachms were compreffed by a weight of 22 lbs. I collefted above a thirtieth part, or 3% drachms of ftrong and highly inflammable powder. The prefent charge is a third of the fhot’s weight for heavy, and a fourth for light artillery; it would ftill admit of reduc- tion. SaLt of Tartar may be introduced as an auxiliary in the compofition of gun-powder; it encreafes the report aftonifhingly, but is noxious to ftrength and durability: Government fhould, however, give fome attention to this matter, as a powder might be manufaCtured, a fmall portion of which would produce a tremendous report, and prevent the unneceffary expenditure of that which is ferviceable, in the parade of war where noife only is required. The ftrength of powder is by no means eftablifhed by the proof of the vertical eprouvette, unlefs corroborated by the brafs mortar, which I am informed is conitantly ufed by the gentleman biter gentleman who at prefent fuperintends the manufactory and proof of government powder, from whofe acknowledged abilities I Prognofticate confiderable improvement in this valuable compo- fition, which, though become effential in war, and of confequent importance in commerce, affords ample room for melioration. I witt no longer trefpafs on your lordfhip’s attention, but fubmit this paper to your entire difpofal, confcious thet it has more to hope from the partiality of friendfhip, than to claim from the juftice of fcience. I have the honour, &c. Pa [en inal = Obfervations on the MAGNETIC FLUID. By Captain O’BRIEN DRURY, of the Royal Navy. Communicated by Colonel VALLANCEY, IRL A. Tue magnetic fluid and its phenomena are not lefs fingular Read Nov. than obfcure, and have too long engaged the attention of philo- bleedin fophers for me to offer an hypothefis on the fubje&; I mean only to fpeak to a matter of fact, which I am led to believe may be ferviceable to mavigation, efpecially fhould the variation of the compafs ever be made ufe of as a method for afcertaining the longitude. Ir is not neceffary to enter into a detail of experiments to prove the exiftence of the magnetic fluid, which circulates con- tinually around and through a magnet, as it is fully demon- ftrated by the arraigement of iron filings thrown on glafs, placed over a magnet. ExPERIENCE fhews.us that the needle of a compafs, as well as all other magnets, whether artificial or real, perpetually lofes fomething of its magnetic power, which often produces a dif- ference exceeding a pornt ; and I am well convinced that the great errors in fhip-reckonings proceed more frequently from the incor- reCinefs of the compafs than from any other caufe. STEEL [ ~xee, ff SrgeL cannot be too highly tempered for the needle of a fea- compafs, as the more it is hardened the more permanent is the magnetifm it receives; but, to preferve the magnetifm and confe- quently the po/artty of the needle, I recommend to have the needle cafed with thin, well-polithed, foft iron, or elfe to have it armed at the poles with a bit of foft iron. I nave found, from many experiments, that the cafed needle preferved its magnetifm in a much more perfe@t degree than the needle not cafed; and I have fometimes thought that the mag- netic power of the cafed needle had encreafed, and the magnetic power of the uncafed and unarmed needle always lofes of its polarity. ‘ Some time ago I placed a caféd needle, an armed needle, and one without either cafe or armour, in a room, for three months, having at that time precifely the fame direCtion, and nearly the fame de- gree of force. At the expiration of the three months I found that the cafed needle and the armed needle had not in the leaft changed their direction ; but the other had changed two degrees, and had loft very confiderably of its magnetic power: If there were any changes in the other needles, it was too inconfiderable to be perceived. Tuese obfervations appear to me to be new, and may tend to great improvement in our fea-compafs: They are here -fubmitted to the confideration of philofophers. Cove of Cork, 14th April, 1788. [ azar q A critical and anatomical Examination of the Parts immediately interefted in the Operation for a CATARACT; with an Attempt to render the Operation itfelf, whether by Depreffion or Extraction, more certain and Juccefsful. By SILVESTER O'HALLORAN, £f; ALR.L. A. Honorary Member of the Ryal College of Surgeons in Ireland, and Surgeon to the County of Limerick Hopital. Communicated by the Right Honorable the Earl of CHARLEMONT, PRIA. Nulhus addiflus jurare, in verba magifiri. Hor. Tuovucs it has been unanimoufly agreed on, by both Read Jan. antients and moderns, that the catara@ is an opaque body imme- diately behind the pupilla, oppofing the paljage of the rays of light to the bottom of the eye; and that the cure of this diforder con- Sifts in removing this opacity; yet the part immediately difcafed has been for about a century the fubje@ of much controverfy, whilft the operation itfelf, the mo/? effential point of enquiry, feems as uncertain now as it was a thoufand years ago, notwithftanding the boafted improvements of M. Daviel, and other moderns. R THE 3, 178). [ ree. J Tue antients fuppofed that the cryftalline lens was the prin- cipal feat of vifion, which they agreed to place in the centre of the eye; that the fpace between it and the bottom of the eye was filled by the vitreous humour, and ‘that the aqueous humour occupied the anterior part of this organ. As the iris interfeCted this laft fpace, they agreed to call axtertor, or outer chamber of the aqueous humour, the parts between it and the cornea tranf{- parens ; and poffervor, or inner chamber, what remained between the cryftalline lens and it. The catara&, it was affirmed, was a web or membrane formed immediately behind the pupilla, in this pofterior chamber, and far removed from the cryftalline, not un- like a fcum that is fometimes found on the top of bottled liquors not well corked. But as experience proved that people after the removal of this opaque body by no means faw with that diftin@- nefs that might be expeted, and that theory and practice might go hand in hand, this phenomenon was accounted for by ob- ferving—‘* That in the formation of this fcum or membrane, * the moft denfe parts of the aqueous humour were engaged, ‘© the remainder of this liquor was therefore rarer, or lefs enabled “ to caufe a convergence of the rays of light, and fight muft of ° “€ courfe be proportionably weaker.” - Towarps the decline of the laft, but particularly fince the commencement of the prefent century, repeated diffeQions and obfervations made it but too evident that the catarac? was not a membrane, but the cryftalline lens itfelf, that was rendered opaque. Numbers of cafes, and many works were publifhed from time to time to corroborate this fa@, which were violently oppofed by the partizans of the former doctrine ; the chief of their argu- ments, a eee [ 123 ] ments, and for the time the moft difficult to be anfwered, was this—“ It is an acknowledged fac that the cryftalline is placed in “ the centre of the eye; but every oculift knows that the opaque ** body to be removed lies immediately behind the pupilla, there- “ fore it muft be a membrane between the cryftalline and iris.” This put the advocates for the new dotrine on a clofer exa- mination of the ftru€ture of the eye, in which Briffeau, Maitre Jean and St. Yves, but more particularly Heifter, Morgagni, Petel and Winflow, bore diftinguifhed parts. Every new enquiry contributed to advance the feat of the cryftalline more forward, till at length, in the year 1729, Dodtor Petel |publithed a letter * in anfwer to fome remarks of Hequet’s, in which he demonftrated that the cryftalline was fo near the pupilla that it was impoffible to introduce a cataract needle between it and the iris without wounding tt! And to make clear to every conception this faa, he gave with this letter a figure of the eye, more corre& that any that had yet appeared. Still he kept up the diftinGion of the different cham- bers of the eye, and in this figure determined their limits, which have been carefully noted by all fubfequent writers. But that moderns fhould appear no more defective in point of theory and optics than .the ancients, the limited fight that followed the operation was accounted for by obferving, “* that the cryftalline is “a denfer medium than either the aqueous or vitreous humour, “ and of courfe by its removal fight fhould’ be proportionably “< weaker.” * Sur la vrai fituation du Criftalin. R 2 Anatomical [ 3124 ] Anatomical Obfervations on the Structure of the Iris, Situation of the Cryftalline, @c. Arter names fo refpectable and truly great as thofe of Heifter, Petel, Morgagni and Winflow, one would naturally imagine that nothing with refpect to the ftructure of the eye was left unex- plored ; yet from the following account it will appear that much was ftill wanting. I fhall not enter into a general defcription of the eye, but on the prefent occafion confine my remarks to the parts immediately interefted in the operation, and to the errors committed in the defcription of them. And firft; much confufion has arifen on account of the two chambers of the aqueous hu- mour, and very reprehenfible miftakes in the defcription and deli- neation of the iris; the iris is generally fuppofed to take its nfe from the fclerotica, at its junction with the cornea tranfparens ; but though this is exaClly the cafe at the middle of the fupertor and inferior parts of the eye, as it les in the orbit, yet the adhefion of the ligamentum ciliare gradually falls back on the fclerotica, as it advances towards the two canthufes, infomuch that HERE the origin of the iris is a mathematical line, pofterior to that of the cornea tranfparens ; a remark of great confequence to the operation, but particularly to the extraction of the cryftalline , to prove this, if you remove the cornea tranfparens, at its junction with the fcle- rotica, you will evidently fee that the clofe adhefion between this laft and the choroides, called ligamentum ciliare, is exadily as defcribed The uvea or iris is alfo reprefented as proceeding exactly flat, from the edge of the {clerotica to its aperture called the [ 125 ] the pupilla ; yet if we look into an human eye, or into that of any animal, we will clearly fee that the iris, fo far from being flat, is very convex, and that this convexity is greateft at its fides. If befides viewing clofely the eyes of living animals, we examine through the cornea of inanimate ones, we will perceive the fame appearance. Certain it is, that after cutting off the cornea lucida, the fituation in which the eye is placed being moftly on its pofterior extremity, makes the whole eye, and of courfe the iris, appear flatter than they really are; but a little refleGtion, and an alteration in the pofition of the parts, will foon prove the fallacy of this appearance ; for placing the fides of the eye nearly horizontal (according to their natural fituation) you will quickly fee the iris affume a much more convex appearance, provided in removing the cornea you have not injured the cryftal- line capfula, even though the lofs of this cornea fhould have made the parts lefs compact. InvEED, from the days of Galen, the convexity of the iris was never doubted, ’till Vefalius firft pretended to controvert this truth; and all the figures given of it by former anatomifts and opticians have fo reprefented it, notwithftanding that they agreed to place the cryftalline in the centre of the eye. But fince Monf- Petel, (already quoted) has affirmed that the iris is flat, and as. fuch has reprefented it, he has been in this error followed by fubfequent writers: Yet that it is an error, and with refpeé to the. operation of extraction, a very alarming one, will appear from the following exact defcription. Tus ieee ee | ‘Tue vitreous humour occupies all the pofterior and anterior part of the eye as far as the iris, leaving a fmall focket or cavity in its anterior part for the lodgment of the cryftalline lens. It is faid to be covered by a fine membrane, called tunica vitrea; but for my own part, who have diffeéted as many eyes, and of dif- ferent animals, as I believe any man, I confefs I have never been able to trace any membrane furrounding it except in its anterior part, amd there it 1s covered very fenfibly and very re- markably, Weaving then the defcription of this tunica vitrea to thofe that can find it, I fhall obferve that when the vitreous humour reaches the iris there is a clofe adhefion between them by the intervention of a firm pellucid membrane arifing from the infide of the choroides, exactly oppofite to that part where the adherence between this laft and the felerotica commences, called ligamentum ciliare. This membrane covers all the anterior part of the vitreous humour; but when it reaches the focket or cavity in which the cryftalline is contained it feparates; the pof- terior, and by much the finer part, lines this focket, whilft its anterior one covers the cryftalline, fo that it becomes inclofed in it as a nut is in its fhell. Thus the cryftalline is enclofed in a fine pellucid membrane, which capfula is conffantly humeed with a tranfparent liquor which prevents any kind of adhefion or connection between it and this interpofed body. The anterior part of this capfula is fo denfe as to be fometimes capable of being feparated into two diftinét coats ; the contained) liquor is, from its difcoverer, called Morgagui’s liquor. I HAVE SO a a { 27 J IT wave faid, coNTRARY TO ALL ANATOMISTS, that the infide of the iris adheres clofely to the anterior part of the vitreous humour, except where it opens for the lodgment of the cryftal- line; and the better to comprehend this fad, I fhall give a new defeription of the iris. With other anatomifts, I always imagined that this laft was a real continuation of the, choroides; I am now fatisfied that ie is not, and that the affertion 1s very nearly as abfurd as to afirm that the diaphragm is a continuation of the pleura, though the choroides adheres pretty clofely to the fclerotica, near the infertion of the optic nerve; yet from thence to the ligamentum ciliare, the correfpondence is moftly kept up by blood-veffels and nerves pafling from one to the other. Here a clofe adhefion of the choroides to the fclerotica com- mences. At the middle of the fuperior and inferior parts of the eye, it begins at the very edge of the fclerotica, bordering . on the cornea tranfparens, but from thence to the two can- thufes it gradually retires back on the fclerotica; the adhering part from the choroides, called ligamentum ciliare, is truly ten- dinous, and forms an expanfion or covering to the iris; within fide this are groupes of blood veffels from the arterial circle of thé iris, proceeding in nearly ftraight lines, as well to the pupilla as to the ciliary ligament. To prove that the iris is totally different from the choroides and truly mufcular, it is only neceffary to obferve that the infide of the ligamentum ciliare anfwering to its breadth, is flefhy and thicker than any other part of this body; its fibres proceed radiated or nearly fo from thence towards the iris. Here the covering of the anterior part of the vitreous membrane comniences, and fo clofely [| ep J clofely is this attached to thefe radiated fibres that their im- preffions are funk deep into it, and may be called the fulci of the proceffus ciliares. ‘This firft range of fibres on the infide of the iris is in a human eye abont the breadth of a line; a kind of tendinous narrow and circular band clofes this phalanx, and from thence proceeds a fecond row of radiated fibres thinner than the firft; thefe alfo adhere and leave their impreffions on the vitreous membrane; and that part of the iris which forms the pupilla is {till finer than the laft-mentioned, refts on the cryftalline, and is quite free from any adherence, by which means it contraéts or dilates in proportion to the vicinity or diftance of objets. © Thus the convexity of the iris follows nearly that of the cornea tranfparens, and is occafioned by the protuberance of the cryftal- line; fo that the idea of a pofterior chamber of the aqueous humour muft be ror EVER BANISHED; nor is that of circular fibres belonging to the iris better founded in truth and anatomy. Thefe laft we are conftantly told were formed for the purpofe of contracting, as the radial ones were for expanding, the pupilla; but not to advert to a fa&t, which is, that the ftate of quiefcence in the pupilla is its dilatibility, which is evident, becaufe when afleep or in a ftate of inattention with refpe@-to objets, we conftantly find it fo; I fhall juft obferve that there are none but radial fibres through the whole internal furface of the iris. That the convexity of the iris may be proved beyond a poffibility of doubt, let the fide of the cornea be pierced at its jun@ion with the f{clerotica by a lancet or cataract needle, and paffed in that direfiion to the oppofite fide of the eye. On examination you will find, that befides the cornea you will have wounded the iris | a © fe iris a line tere? than the ligamentum ciliare. If you perforate another eye a line and an half higher up on the cornea, it will juft glide over the pupilla, and from this to the top of the cornea within is another line. If from the fummit of the cornea a ftraight line be drawn, and parallel to one from the rife of the iris, i.e. the ligamentum ciliare at the fides of the eye, the diftance will be found ‘to be three lines and an half. Thus the diftance between the rife of the iris and the pupilla or its upper extremity is generally two lines and an half, oftener more, meafured from either canthus; but from the middle of the fuperior and inferior parts of the eye, as it lies in the orbit, a line lefs. ¢ Idea of adherent Cataraéts exploded, real Difficulties attendant on. depreffing Cataracts demonftrated, with the moft rational Means of overcoming them. Brisseav, Maitre Jean, Heifter, and, in fhort, all oculifts, whilft, as anatomifts, they inform us that the cryftalline is fur- rounded by a fine pellucid membrane; as operators, they are careful to tell us that the catara? frequently adheres to different parts of the iris. Heifter, though his treatife De CataraZa merits high applaufe, yet feems fo perfuaded of this imaginary adhefion! that, in his furgery he dire@s, when it is found fo ftrong as not to be feparated by the needle, to perforate the centre of the cryftalline, in hopes of giving fome {mall admiffion to the rays of light. Warner who, we fhould fuppofe always paid particular attention to this organ, though he tells us that s the EBB Ral the cryftalline is invefted by a fine membrane from which it readily efcapes by the leaft aperture, yet attempts to determine as an operator, whether there be an adhefion of the catara& to the iris or not*, nor can. his method of performing the operation of depreffion be approved of, feeing that he diredts the needle to pierce the fclerotica at a very fmall difiance from the cornea, by which means the iris muft unavoidably be wounded, In a word, the adherence of cataraéts has been the language of antiquity, and continues to be that of modern times; but it certainly is not the language of anatomy or reflection, for i 1 not the language of common Jfenfe: But before we proceed to explain what has given rife to this imaginary adhefion, the following praétical remarks on the different humours appear very feafonable. Anp firft, as to the aqueous humour, it is a fact long efta- blithed, that if, by a wound of the cornea, it efcapes, it becomes in a very fhort time replenifhed, and the procefs of extraing the cryftalline proves that this regenerated liquor is as well adapted to all the purpofes of vifion as the former. The vitreous humour, if partly or totally loft, never can be reftored; but a wound of this body does not deftroy its tranfparency, nor even injure it, as is demonftrable by the procefs of couching, which cannot be effected without not only wounding but feparating parts of it, and forcing the cryftalline through them. A wound * Defcription of the eye and its diforders, p. 81, &c. of [mgt J of the cryftalline is conftantly followed by its opacity, as numbers of experiments prove, many of which are within my own knowledge ; and a fevere compreffion of it will produce the fame effet. This lens, when fairly difcharged from its capfula, and lodged under the vitreous humour, infenfibly waftes away* ; but J have had proofs that when it flips into the aqueous liquor this is by no means the cafe. A difeafed cryftalline, whether hard or foft, is con- ftantly found fmaller than a found one, and its capfula or covering, it may be affirmed, whz//f entire, is always tran{parent, let the ftate of its interpofed body be what it may. A wound of this membrane foon heals, and though by it Morgagni’s liquor may efcape, yet it alfo becomes foon recruited. Both thefe INTERESTING FACTS are proved by couching; for if you fail of depreffing the cataract ever fo often, yet you may at length fucceed; and though you fhould fail in this, yet you are certain to remove the opacity by extraction, which could never happen did not the different wounds of this capfula heal, and the enclofed liquor regenerate. We will now fuppofe a perfon prefents himfelf for the operation ; the cataract is of a pearl colour, greyifh or white; the eye feels plump, the pupilla contraéts and dilates, and the patient diftinguifhes light and darknefs; a better conditioned catara@ cannot offer, nor a fairer for depreffion. Let us now fee what are the rea/, not imaginary, obftacles to the fuccefs of the * Philofophical Tranfactions for 1730, No. 384. S 2 operation ; fed operation ; the needle pierces the fclerotica, we behold it, through the pupilla, lodged in the eryftalline; the furgeon endeavours to difengage and remove the catara&t; it feems in part obedient to the needle; as it is preffed down the iris feems to follow it, but lighten the force, and every part affmes its former place and appearance; you renew your endeavours, and on preffing the catara@t below the pupilla, and retaining it there awhile with the needle, the diaphanous vitreous humour follows it, and for the inftant enables the patient to fee objects ; the needle is now carefully withdrawn, and all parties congratulated on the fuccefs of the operation. It is however but tranfitory, for the parts return to their former fituation, and any violence done to the vitreous membrane is removed before the eye is again opened. Let us fuppofe in the firft inftance that the operator fees the cryftalline rifing: perfuaded that this is occafioned by its adherences, he freely pricks and wounds the proceffus ciliares, which are the internal parts of the iris, to break this cohefion ; the hemorrhage difturbs his plan by deftroying the tranfparency of the aqueous humour, and he withdraws his needle re mfec?d; or if he per- feveres, he may have the credit of deftroying the.eye in forming this feparation. Here are in one view colleCted all the proofs, and melancholy ones they are, of an adherent cataraét; but the defcription already given will clearly explain them. It is to be remembered, that the opaque cryftallinc has a lodgment formed for itfelf in the anterior part of the vitreous humour; that it is furrounded on every fide by a ftrong membrane, which is @ continuation of that which covers the anterior part of this laft body; that the proceffus ciliares being the infide of the iris adhere So eae [> aga 7) adhere clofely to this membrane in every part, even to the border or edge of the cryftalline capfula, to which capfula the catara@ has not the fmalleft adherence ; the foffula or bed alone muft give fome degree of ftability to the cryftalline; but when to this we add its envelope, the covering of the iris, and its ftrong adhefion to the.vitreous membrane, we muft be convinced that nature has paid uncommon attention to the fecurity of this body, and that no fmall pains and attention are neceffary to difplace it. Certain it is, that if a fufficient opening were made in the capfula the cryftalline may be thrown out of it by means of its contained liquor: But are the fmall pointed needles, moftly ufed, well calculated for this purpofe? they undoubtedly are not; they perforate this membrane, and ftick in the cryftalline, which is of a thickith vifcous fubftance, often much harder than in its natural ftate. Pains are taken to re- move this opaque body, but the needle does not afford a fufficient paflage for its exit; the parts are preffed down, and the vitreous membrane, and of courfe the iris, muft yield to this preffure, from their connections with each other, without the aid of any imaginary adherence of the cryftalline or its capfula to the iris: but let us fuppofe the cataract fairly diflodged from its bed by a proper opening of its capfula; are there no other obftacles to its precipitation ? there are, and confiderable ones; the vitreous membrane and its adhefion to the iris oppofe it, fo does the denfity of the vitreous humour itfelf. Thefe are now the real difficulties, and none other. It is for thefe reafons that the cataraét fometimes flips into the watery chamber of the eye, which from its tenuity gives lefs refiftance to it; and itis this circumftance [ 134 ] circumftance that gave. rife to Monf, Daviel’s method of ex- trating the cryftalline. Too overcome thefe REAL obsTacLes, care muft be taken, firft, by a proper opening of the cryftalline capfula, to give room to the difcharge of this body ; next, to diflodge it from its focket or bed; and laftly, to withdraw it to the pofterior and inferior — parts of the eye, at leaft to place it below the pupilla. Inftead of the needles in ufe, I have mine flat, pointed, and edged like lancets, and like them gradually encreafing in furface. The length of the incifive part is to its greateft breadth nearly as three to two; from the broadeft part it rounds off gradually, and both the handle and blade are fhorter than thofe of the common catara& needle, With this knife or lancet moiftened, the eye (if the left) is to be per- forated in the fclerotica, at about two lines diftance from the cornea lucida, at the external canthus, If for the right eye, and that the operator is not ambo-dexter, a curvature may be made in the inftrument, and the lancet fhould pierce the eye at the internal canthus, and at fame diftance from the cornea tranfparens. Let it advance in nearly a ftraight line (for zt /hould have a_fmall incli= nation towards the pupilia) and it will then enter into the fide ef the capfula. The breadth of the inftrument alone will give a tole- rable opening, which fhould be encreafed by a gentle elevation and depreffion of the fides (not the point) of the inftrument. Puth the point after this to the other fide of the capfula, which is alfo to be opened, but without injuring the proceffus ciliares, Sufficient fpace is now left for diflodging the catara@t from its bed, which the furrounding fluid will facilitate; but if we fail in our [re eeu] our endeavours the capfula will heal, and all will be to do over again. To effect this the catara& fhould be gradually difengaged by gentle and nearly rotatory motions, and infenfibly withdraw- ing it from before the pupilla, which the breadth of the needle feems well calculated for. When you behold it retiring from it, you fhould gently prefs it (but with the fides of the inftrument) to the bottom of the eye, and there detain it for two or three feconds, or *till the vitreous humour fills up the deferted place. Though a cataract thus depreffed may rife a little, yet as it is effetually removed from its original place, it will infenfibly fall again, and melt away; for I am to repeat it, that the fuccefs of the operation depends on a fufficient opening of the membrane, and pufhing the opaque body from its natural refting place. If the catarat be in a diffolved ftate, the firft perforation will give iffue to it; and though it may appear to difturb the other hu- mours, yet in a few days all will infenfibly fubfide, and the eye clear up. ‘There are other inftances where the cryftalline will be removed with very little trouble to the operator; but this only proves that its membrane is very thin, and the vitreous humour not fo vifcid as ufual. But notwithftanding the direGions given to remove the ctyftalline, if it fhould ftill refift our endeavours, and if, by accidentally wounding the iris, blood fhould follow ; in’ this cafe, when the operator is fatisfied that the capfula is fafficiently dilated, he ’fhould immediately withdraw the needle, and prefs with his finger on the fide of the globe oppofite the perforation, and thrs will effectually diflodge the cataract, without any injury whatever to the eye, provided the preffure is not too violent, which the forcing out the cryftalline does not feem to demand. . Havinc, [Saas J Havine, I think, effeQually exploded the erroneous doétrine of adherent cataracis, and given a more exact defeription of the parts interefted in the operation, the true caufes of the difficul- ties that occur in it, and the means of overcoming them, than has hitherto appeared ; ‘] fhall now proceed to treat of the extrac- tion of the cryftalline, and propofe an operation much more fimple than that now in ufe, and attended with infinitely greater advantages to the patient. Of extracting the Cryfalline. Wovnps of the cornea have been long known to be attended with. no danger or inconveniency, except from the cicatrice ob- ftruGing the rays of light; for the aqueous humour is foon reftored. Pieces of the cryftalline have been often known to pafs into this chamber, and to be fometimes extracted by incifing the cornea; inftances of which are given by Mery, Petel and St. Yves; and, encouraged by this fuccefs, Mery propofed to the academy the extracting the cataract by an incifion of the cornea, as a certain cure*. It does not however appear that he ever reduced it to practice; and whatever applaufe is due to this method, M. Daviel is certainly entitled to it. He pierced the cornea nearly in a line with the pupilla, at the external canthus, with a cataract needle, and continued it in this * Memoires de l’Academie des Sciences, 1707. direction we a Coys direGion "till it paffed through the oppofite fide of this coat. The fide of a fine f{ciffars‘was introduced into the firft aperture, and the inferior half of the cornea was divided near the {clero- tica ; another needle opened the cryftalline membrane, and by a gentle preffure on the globe of the eye the cataract flipped into the aqueous chamber, and fo down the cheek. Such in a few words is Monf. Daviel’s* account of this operation. Succeeding writers have laboured to reduce the operation to greater fimpli- city ; for it was found that,’ befides the cicatrice from the wound, the fqueezing of the blades of the fciffars added confiderably to the opacity. A fimple inftrument, fomething like an iris knife, has been recommended, and is generally ufed, to perform the entire incifion of the cornea with. t M. La Faye direéts the cornea to be pierced at about half a line from the fclerotica, and to pufh it on in a ftraight line till it paffes through the oppofite fide, when by a fingle incli- nation of the inftrument the inferior half of the cornea is at once divided ; nor need you fear, fays he, to hurt the iris in traverfing the cornea, AS IT IS PLANE OR FLAT IN ITS SURFACE, as Dr. Petel demonftrated in the Memoirs of the Academy of Sciences for 1728. Mr. Warner* would have the knife to be /uddenly and refolutely puthed through the cornea, and paffed in a ftraight line + Mem. de l’Academie de Chirurgie, tom. vi. p. 304> * Defcription of the Eye, p.1or. T to [ 238 ] to the other fide. Such are the direGtions given by Sharp +, Bertrandi §, and all fubfequent writers. NevER. was. operation received with greater applaufe, or more {peedily and univerfally adopted for thirty years paft, than the prefent. The avidity with which it was embraced proves but too; truly the difficulty and uncertainty of that by depreflion, and. the uttlity.and. neceffity of the prefent memoire. For, notwithftanding all that has been. faid in its favour, I am not afraid to afirm,, THAT NEVER. WAS OPERATION LESS ENTITLED TO PUBLIC ESTIMATION. ‘This. declaration is not the refult of theory and, fpeculation, but of found practice. I have myfelf performed it both with the fciffars as Daviel recommends, and with a knife of my own invention, and have frequently feen it performed by others, and never with fuccefs adequate to expectations. For, in the firft inftance, the femifeCtion of the cornea leaves a cica- trice, by which nearly. half of it becomes opaque, at leaft the rays, of light cannot diftin@ly pafs through it. But befides this defed, unavoidable by the dire€tions given, there are other ftill more alarming accidents to be apprehended from the very manner of piercing the cornea. We fee La Faye recommends the needle to, proceed.in a ftraight line from, one fide to the other, without fear of wounding the iris, which he tells you is rLat. Warner defires it to be pafled /uddenly and refolutely ; and fuch is too much + Philofoph. Tranfactions for 1753. § Traité des Operations de Chirurgie, p. 345. the tee ae [ 39 ] the practice. ‘What are the confequences of this rule? That the iris muft infallibly be wounded ; and this accounts for the com- plaints on ALL sIpeEs, that a part, fometimes the whole, of the vitreous humour is difcharged with the cryftalline. Examine the proje@ion of the iris and cryftalline in the annexed plates, and you muft fubfcribe to this melancholy truth: But that no doubt fhould remain, let it be remembered that if the iris be not wounded no particle of the vitreous huimour ‘can efcape by mede- rately prefling on the globe, after opening the cornea. We have already noted that the anterior part of this humour is covered by a {trong membrane, firmly adhering to the proceffus ciliares, ex- cept where it forms a {heath for the cryftalline; what then can pafs through the pupilla by preffure but this cryftalline? The vitreous membrane, and the adhefion of the iris to it, oppofe any other, except the preflure be too ftrong; but even in this cafe the cataract muft pafs through firft. Vf then a part of the vitreous humour efcape, anda diftorted iris follow, we muft attribute both to an abfolute mifconception of the ftruCture of the parts, and to erroneous ‘rules, the confequence of it. Thus we fee, befides the unavoidable cicatrice of the cornea, other and more alarming dangers are to be feared, even to the total lofs of fight, notwithftanding the catara& is removed. Bur may not the ftruture of the parts furnith fome hints to render this operation more fafe and certain? From a careful peru- fal of the foregoing very accurate defcription of them, I think it will; and the following is the modus I would recommend. My knife is of the fame fize and figure of thofe ufed in this opera- tion, [> peer] tion, except that it cuts at both fides from its point, and that tle incifive parts are a little convex, the concave or infide of which fhould be marked in the handle. With the concave part next me, I pierce the scLeRwTIca, very near the edge of the coxnraA—fuppofe the third of a line—at either the external or internal canthus, according to the eye to be operated on. Inftead of pufhing it on in a ftraight line, as recommended, I direét the point rather a little towards the aqueous chamber than the iris, for fear of wounding this laft, which its rifing convexity expofes it to. The paflage of the needle is proved by part of the aqueous humour’s efcape, and by your feeing its point, within the cornea, between it and the iris. You now incife the inferior fide of the fclerotica, advancing the incifion to the edge of the cornea tranfparens, as the adherence between the iris and fclerotica ap- proaches clofer to the cornea, the farther you go from the fides ef the eye. Without withdrawing the inftrument you cut. the upper fide of the fclerotica in the fame manner. The reafon why the inferior incifion is firft performed is, that if you cut the upper fide firft a little blood might oppofe your carrying this inferior opening fo very accurately afterwards. Thus nearly one fide of the fclerotica from top to bottom, at its junction with the cornea, becomes divided; with the point of this very inftrument you prick the cryftalline capfula, and the fmalleft inclination of it infide the pupilla will do this, and then gently _prefs on the globe of the eye, the cataract will inftantly flip out, and though divided into parts, as it is fometimes, will with the greateft facility be extracted through the aperture. Br ee ee + ° Pergo] By this fimple mode of operating very little if any opacity can appear on the cornea; and though fome may, yet as it is at its very edge from whence the rays of light feldom are tran{mitted to the bottom of the eye, no defe@ can follow; whereas by incifing half the cornea from fide to fide, and not confining the opening to its extremity, a very great opacity remains. I have made no allowance for the efcape of the vitreous humour, be- caufe it cannot poffibly happen except the iris is wounded, and a very little attention will ever prevent that. ~ eet a) i poy Cos ' 2 yh a ’ ¢ i est : : eid oy - / D.... Longitudinal Grooves o EK... Smooth Surfaces c apenenetion suyptotoy) 91h ae ct) unpromesey] poe Botuto. ej ol Sty oI JO WoTp py ou} staf OWL S : eqidng oun 7 Sup to.1oly) sip TWOAp pePeatal BINOMIPIS IUT,. T poorg tm oAq op sanddng wey yumay, Pedioury oF, 9 i yadasy oudo ayy, G voOIIPS OL F SooUSTIMLO J3¥ SLIPYETydY sump oy pT uoyoupy] al aa0y syteut vpdn oy} yXou pPyoy oy ‘STAT our) eptdng OL Z suduedjirery, YIUIOY oT, T eed [ 143 ] An Account of EXPERIMENTS made to determine the TEMPERATURE of th EARTH’s SURFACE im the Kingdom of Ireland in the Year 1788. By the Reverend WILLIAM HAMILTON, FT.C.D. and MRI. A. I T is a queftion as ancient as the days of the Scythians and Read Dec. Egyptians, whether the temperature of the earth be a perma- nent or variable quantity*. Unfortunately thefe early nations, deftitute of proper inftruments for afcertaining the temperature of their refpective kingdoms, have not given us any, affiftance in refolving this curious and interefting problem, which has been handed, down to pofterity with no other attendants than vague and illufive fpeculations. * See Juftin, 1. 2, c: 1. In he, 6, 1788. f 144 J In the prefent age this enquiry has been revived, and purfued with all the fruitlefs enthufiafm of antiquity, affording the cleareft proof that the fpeculative reafonings of mankind for three thoufand years, are unequal to the tafk of deciding a queftion which attentive experiments would probably have refolved in a much fhorter period of time. _ Tue Count de Buffon has indeed ventured to affert that the temperature of the earth has been for many ages a decreafing quantity ; but a flight view of the fteps by which that gentle- man conduéted himfelf to this hafty opinion will eafily fatisfy one that neither his experiments, nor his reafonings, are adequate to the conclufions which he has deduced from them ; fince it is obvious that any proofs derived from the cooling of heated bodies on the earth’s furface, in a medium of known denfity, and a determinate capacity for receiving heat, become extremely deceitful when applied to the diminution of tempera- ture which may take place in a body fituated, as the earth is, either in vacuo, or in a medium whofe denfity and capacity for heat is altogether indefinite. From obfervations on the warmth of the earth itfelf, on the heat of various fprings of water, and on the eruptions of volcanoes, many philofophers have been led to conclude the exiftence of a central fire, by which thefe phznomena might be explained ; and, were this conclufion well founded, it might feem that the temperature of the earth’s furface ought to be an encreafing quantity: but it is certain that the accumulation ef heat communicated to the furface of the earth in fummer, will , ie ” aa [ ws J will fufficiently account for its relative heat in winter; while the decompofition of various minerals at’ confiderable depths, will afford a reafonable explanation of the other phenomena: fo that thefe obfervations do not at all neceffarily lead us to believe in the exiftence of a central fire, and experiments made at confiderable depths within the earth, evidently tend to difcountenance it. WuatTever be the truth, whether the general temperature of the earth be an encreafing, a permanent, or decreafing quantity, it is likely that pofterity will be able to form a probable conclufion on the fubjeé,’ from a comparifon’ of future experiments with thofe of the prefent age. But there is another queftion of fufficient importance to us, which may. poffibly admit of an ‘earlier anfwer; Whether the temperature of particular countries be fubje@ to any confiderable variations, which, in’ the courfe of ages’ may be capable of influencing their vegetable and animal produCtions, and the affe@tions of their atmofphere. We have experience enough, even in our temperate ifland, to fatisfy us, that the caufes of heat and cold are not abfolutely uniform; fince it never happens that two fucceflive years are alike throughout, in the temperature of their feveral months: Inflances have even frequently occurred, wherein the temperature of the month of January has rivalled the genial warmth of May. U We [ 146 | We often behold a fucceffion of years wherein winter feems to have entirely loft its ufual horror, while the arbutus, the laurel, the myrtle, and the rareft fpecies of evergreens, {pring up with the vigour of indigenous plants, almoft emulating in fize the trees of the foreft. Again, periods occur which fenfibly remind us of our vicinity to the polar ice, periods in which the luxuriant foliage of our more tender plants is_ entirely withered and deftroyed, and when even the mountain pine can fcarcely maintain its hardy fhoots. Hence it is plain, that the fources of heat and cold in our climate are variable in different years; and it is a problem, curious and interefting in its own nature, to determine what may be the effect on the general temperature of the kingdom, whether it be an encreafing or decreafing quantity? whether it ' be fubje& to periods of encreafe and of diminution ? and whether thefe periods, and the rate of their variations, be uniform or irregular ? For this purpofe I have endeavoured, by fuch means as were in my power, to afcertain the temperature of the foil of Ireland, from its fouthern to its northern coaft, in the year 1788 and part of 1787, the refults of which I here offer to the academy. Bur firft, it will be necefiary to ftate the methods which have been ufed to procure thefe refults, that fhould it be thought worth while to repeat the experiments at any future time, they may be made under circumftances as nearly fimilar as 8 ae as poffible to the original ones, which alone can give us reafon- able hope of a right conclufion, where the difference of temperature, even in a great number of years, will probably be exceedingly {mall. Experience fhews us, that the furface of the earth enereafes in its heat during the fummer, and decreafes during winter: Of this our fenfes give us fufficient notice; and were the greateft heat in fummer, and the leaft in winter obferved, the mean of thefe would give a refult fomewhat appreaching to the mean temperature of the furface of the earth during that year. Bur the quantity thus refulting, would feldom cortefpond aceurately with the truth; becaufe, the furface of the earth being expofed to the immediate effects of the, atmofphere, to rains and wind, to clouds and funfhine, ‘it is evidently fubje@ to rapid diurnal variations of heat, which render it an unfit ftandard from whence to derive the mean temperature of the year, by any indu@tion from a fmall number of experiments. Ar the depth of thirty, forty, or fifty feet beneath the furface, thefe diurnal variations feem to lofe their influence; while a flow and gradual change of temperature takes place, which is not fenfible except after intervals of many days. At fuch depths the earth, in our climate, is ufually found at its loweft degree of cold about one month after the vernal equinox; from that time, it flowly and progreflively acquires heat, until about a month after the autumnal equinox, at which period it commonly pofleffes its maximum of temperature. After this, gradually parting with U2 heat [ 148 ] heat during the winter, it becomes again cooled to its extreme degree foon after the commencement of the following fpring*, and thus fuffers as it were an annual tide of temperature, higheft before the beginning of winter, and loweft at the commencement of fpring. Hence, by proper obfervations, we have an opportunity of difcovering the proportional increments or decrements of heat communicated to the mafs of earth at certain depths, during the months of any one year, for the purpofe of comparing them with the refpeGtive increments and decrements of the correfpondent months of any other year: and alfo, from an obfervation of the maximum and minimum of heat in different years, we are enabled to derive the mean temperature of the outward mafs of earth in fuch years, and thus to make a comparifon between the annual temperatures themfelves at different periods. Art the depth of eighty feet beneath its furface (in covered fituations) the earth is not at all affeted, even in many months, by the fuperficial alterations of heat; and the moft fenfible thermometer is {carcely competent to difcover any change through- * The times of the year at which the maximum and minimum of temperature happen, are different at different depths, earlier at a lefs depth, and later at a greater. Heayy rains about the equinoxes feem to expedite the effect: Thus, in the wet autumn of 1787 the temperature began to decreafe in the beginning of Otober, in {ituations, where, in the dry feafon of 1788 it did not take place till the month of December. Count Caffini informed me that the fame obfervation was ufually made ut the cave of the Obfervatory at Paris. a out { «49 J out the year. Here then the diurnal and even monthly variations of temperature lofe their influence, and the annual changes alone become perceivable. HENce it appears that the diwrval varrations of temperature manifeft their effe€ts at the furface of the earth, where they are beft to be obferved. That the monthly changes alone, are perceivable at depths of thirty or forty feet; im whiclr fituations. we have the power of comparing correfpondent increments or decrements of heat in different months with each other, or even the medium temperature of different years. It further appears that at the depth of eighty feet and upward, even the monthly variations lofe their influence, while the axmual changes | alone, become perceivable: At fuch depths, therefore, the accefs or diminution of heat, in fuccefflive periods of years, may moft accurately be obferved; and attentive experiments, thus made in different climates, may not only throw light on the variations of temperature in fuch particular climates, but may at length tend to folve the problem concerning the general temperature of the earth itfelf, which has in vain been agitated for fo many ages. Tue beft method of determining the degree of heat, at con- fiderable depths, might naturally feem to. offer itfelf in mines ; but experience proves thefe to be extremely fallacious, fince the decompofition of mineral fubftances often produces cafual varieties: which may very much miflead us. ‘Thus, to give a fingle inftance ; the ftreams which run from three of the principal levels of the Ballycaftle coal pits give a mean degree of heat equal to 51° of L asp | of Farenheit’s fcale, which is three degrees above the general temperature of the northern coaft, and equal to that of Cork, though fituated above three degrees of latitude farther to the fouth: while the water, iffuing from a new level opened in the year 1787, produces a mean temperature only equal to 46°, which is two degrees below that of the northern coaft itfelf, fo that in thefe pits there is a variation of five degrees of temperature at the leaft *. For this reafon experiments are rather to be derived from covered wells of pure water; and it matters little whether fuch wells be fupplied by fprings, or by a flow filtration, fince the water, long refting at the bottom of each well, will always give the temperature of the earth at that depth; and confiftence, or inconfiftence, in experiments made at different places not very diftant from each other, will always enable an attentive obferver to conjeture concerning the fairnefs of the trial. Tue firft table, which is annexed to this paper, marks the temperature of the coaft of Ireland in different degrees of latitude. By this it will appear that there is, at prefent, a difference of 34; degrees of heat, (as marked by Farenheit’s fcale) between our northern and fouthern coaft, through a difference of latitude equal to 30 18’; fo that the variation of heat, in our ifland, is * This latter level is opened on a little bay called Port na Graigh, (the Mares Port) ; and I was conducted to it in confequence of the complaints of the workmen, who fuffered very much from the intenfity of the cold. It was then the month of Auguft, 1787, and yet the temperature of the pit was fo low as 47, 5. at Pe ape] at a rate nearly equal to one degree of temperature for each degree of latitude. Tue fecond table marks the temperature of places in the kingdom, which are not fituated on the fea coaft. From this we have fome data for inferring the effects which arife in con- fequence of diftance from the fea, and elevation. Thus it will be found, that the country adjoining to Tullamore in the King’s county, near the centre of the kingdom, about fifiy miles diftant from the Irifh channel on one fide, and as much from the weftern ocean at the bay of Galway on the other fide of Ireland, gradually elevated to the height of two hundred and fix feet above the level of the fea*, and not very far beneath the higheft point of the general furface of our ifland +, poflefles a mean temperature nearly corref- ponding to a fituation on the coaft two degrees more northerly. In * The elevation of the country at Tullamore is thus proved’: Feet. Elevation of the Canal bafon at James’s-ftreet, in Dublin, above the mean height of the tide at the Marine fchool on the river Liffey, by obfervations made for the Canal Company, ‘ - - = iS 672 Elevation of the /ummit level of the Canal above the Bafon in James’s- ftreet. See Brownrigg’s Survey, = = ~ = 202% Total elevation of fummit level, = ~ 270 Depreffion of Tullamore, below the fummit level. See ffatement Jaid before Parliament, - - = = 64 Hence elevation of Tullamore above the mean height of the tide in the river Liffey - - - - - 206 + It may feem ftrange that a tra€t of country full of moraffes, fhould neverthelefs, be marked as almoft the higheft part of the general furface of the kingdom; yet there is Lo Reet] Is the third table is written the temperature of the foil, as obferved in confiderable towns; from whence it may be in- ferred, that there is an artificial encreafe of heat ufually com- municated to the furface of the earth in fuch places, varying confiderably from the mean temperature of the contiguous country. This is to be efteemed the refult of the warmth commmunicated directly from the quantity of fuel burnt in fuch towns, and from the heated air and fmoke which, more or lefs, is great reafon to believe that the Bog of Allen, wherein is placed the fummit level of the Grand Canal, is in reality elevated above a very large portion of the furface of Ireland ; which may be inferred from the following circumftances : From the Bog of Allen the River Barrow derives the greater part of its waters; and -at Monafterevan, (from whence it has yet a courfe of fixty-eight Irifh miles to traverfe before it reaches the fouthern fea on the coaft of Waterford ;) its depreflion is eighty feet below the fummit level of the Grand Canal. See Brownrigg’s furvey. From the fame fource rifes the River Boyne, which, after a north-eaft courfe of forty-miles, difcharges itfelf into St. George’s Channel, on the eaftern coaft of the kingdom (/ee map of Ireland) ; and the elevation of the Bog of Allen is proved to be ~ two hundred and feventy feet above the eaftern coaft at Dublin. Sve preceding note. — Wefterly, the defcent is every where toward the Shannon, (/ee /urveys before par- liament ) even to the fource of its. waters, (compare Cowen's furvey of the Shannon with Brownrige’s furvey of the Ganal) fo that this fpacious river, which, rifing from “the borders of the northern province of Ulfter, wathes the fhores of the three re- “maining provinces of Ireland through a courfe of one hundred and eighteen miles, (fee Cowen’s furvey) is every where confiderably depreffed beneath the Bog of Allen. Hence it appears, that in a foutherly direétion.as far as Waterford; eafterly, to Dublin and Drogheda; northerly, as far as Lough Allen; and wefterly, to the, ocean -at-the mouth of the River Shannon; the defcent of the kingdom is every where from this extenfive morafs. seis wo —~ a [ 353 ] refts over the furface. It is here noticed, to prevent errors in experiments derived from fuch fituations; and to fhew, in general, the unfitnefs of great cities for determining, with accuracy, the true temperature of the year; in which places, neverthelefs, experiments of this kind have ufually been made,’ without any correction for fuch irregularities. Tue local difpofition of our ifland, confiderably advanced into the Weftern Ocean beyond the other fhores of Europe, and removed from the immediate influence of any great tract of mountainous country, renders it peculiarly fitted for a ftandard fituation, to which the obfervations of other countries may be conveniently referred, for which. reafon thefe experiments have been made with attention. Tue thermometers ufed were graduated from a common ftandard ; and that ftandard itfelf carefully made, and compared with many of the beft thermometers of different countries, yet ftill I would advife that the refults be not too implicitly confided in, until fupported by fucceeding experiments. x Ps V0 Fe Oo Ci e~] Te Rs Seiler SO ee Fra Mean Temperature of the Sea-Coaft of Ireland, obferved in different Latitudes. Lat. 55° 12’ Medium temperature of the northern coaft of Ireland, near the town of Ballycaftle, obferved in the year 1788, by means of copious fprings flowing from a limeftone foil * - - Lat, 54° 48’ Medium temperature of the ifland of Enifcoo, one of the Roffes iflands, on the weftern coaft of Ireland, obferved by means of a covered well in a granite rock ; the maximum of temperature taken in 1787, the minimum t in 1788 - Lat. 53° 207 Medium temperature of the eaftern coaft of Ireland, near Dublin, obferved by means of deep covered wells in foils of clay, gravel and limeftone, 1788 - - - Lat. 51° 54’ Medium temperature of the fouth coaft of Ireland, near the city of Cork, obferyed by means of deep covered wells in limeftone and other foils {, 1788 . . - * Obferved by Mr, Edmond Mc. Gildowny. + Minimum obferved by Robert Corbet, Efq; t Obferved by J. Longfield, Efq; M. D. 48, 48,6 49,4 TABLE + pees L. 8.4 Bh okt ee eBinidy ho Tl. Mean Temperatures of Places diftant from the Sea, and elevated above ats Surface. Lat. 55° Medium temperature * in the neighbourhood of Londonderry, diftant twenty Jr7/h+}p miles from the northern fea, and at a fuppofed elevation of one hundred feet above it (1788) 46,9 Lat. 54° 20’ Medium temperature { in the neighbourhood of Armagh, diftant twenty-five miles from the Irifh Channel, and elevated about fifty-eight feet above the coaft §, by means of a well fixty feet deep funk to the bottom of a gravelly hill, (1788) - : : 4 Fs Aen * Obferved by William Patterfon, Efq; M. D. + 54+ Irith miles are almoft equal to a degree of the meridian, that is to 60 geoe graphical miles, or to 693 Englifh miles. $ Obferved by the Rev. Dean Hamilton. § This elevation is prefumed from the following circumftances: Elevation of Lough Neagh above the fea, from obfervations (/ee Whitworth’s sli Reports ) that have lately been found extremely correct - - - 38 From Lough Neagh to Blackwater town, through a diftance of feven or eight miles, the river Blackwater is navigable, and extremely ftill, fo that its fall cannot exceed = - - - = = lo From Blackwater town to the valley of Armagh is a direét diftance of about four miles; for that fpace the elevation here marked is only the refult of con- # jecture— - - - - = x 10 Total - ~ a 58 x 2 Lat. [ 156 ] Lat, 53° 12’ Medium temperature derived from the maxi- mum of 1787, and minimum * of 1788, in the neighbourhood of Tullamore (in the King’s county) near the center of the kingdom, d:/fant fifty miles from both the feas +, e/evated two - hundred and fix feet above the coaft{, in a level country, which may be counted the higheft ground of the general furface of Ireland § a ORE fe a a ot: ee Mean Temperature in Cittes. Menprvm temperature in different parts of the city of Londonderry by maximum of 1787, and minimum of 1788, various from - - 47, 6 to 49 Mepium temperature in different parts of the city of Dublin in 1788 - = 50 to 52 Meni temperature in different parts of the ‘city of Cork-in the year 1788 - - 525 GutO lea. ie * Minimum obferved by the Rey. Peter Turpin. + See map of Ireland. + For proof of this, fee note in page rr. § See the fecond note in page 151. / [ 157 ] OBSERVATIONS mm COAL-MINES. By RICHARD KIRWAN, £4; I. R.LA. and F.R.S. I N travelling through different parts of the kingdom laft fum- Read Jan. mer, it was with pleafure I obferved the attention of many of 11789 the principal landholders awakened to refearches after minerals, a fpecies of riches with which I have reafon to think Ireland is well fupplied, though few of them have as yet been worked with national advantage. In confequence of this attention, ores of copper, lead, and iron of the beft kind, have been already found in different provinces; but the want of fuel has hitherto pre- vented the proprietors from reaping the full benefit of their difcoveries, fuch ores as lie in the interior parts of the kingdom ‘being utterly neglected, and thofe fituated near the fea being generally tranfported to England. It is therefore evident that of all minerals the moft neceffary at prefent is pit-coal ; its ufes extending not only to the purpofes of metallurgy, but to thofe of ' [ Bea. of many other manufadtures, as well as to fupplying the immenfe confumption of the capital. Jt is a happy circumftance that the obfervations that lead to its inveftigation are, of all others, the leaft fallible and ambiguous. ‘To colle& thefe, I have perufed all thofe hitherto made on coal-mines, and the ftrata that ufually accompany them. ‘The moft important, and which may ferve to guide us in our refearches, being but few, and perhaps not generally known, at leaft in this kingdom, I take the liberty of laying before the Academy, to which every attempt to promote the public utility, however deftitute of merit in other refpeds, cannot fail of being acceptable. General Obfervations. WueEN we confider the interior conftrudtion of mountains, hills or plains, and the materials of which they confift, we are eafily led to acknowledge not only that the greater part were formed in water, but that fome of them are of later formation than others. Thus fome are formed of huge fhapelefs maffes, without any regular fiffures, but if thefe maffes be attentively infpected, they will be found to confift of fmall grains of ftones, of different forts, concreted together, and hence called granites ; the exa&t adaption of thefe grains to each other, and the regular cryftallized fhape of fome of them, fhew that they muft have been originally in a foft or even in a fluid ftate ; their continuity, and want of regular fiffures, indicate their fimultaneous concre- tion ; the fuperior difficulty of their folution at prefent, and the immenfe fpace they occupy in the globe, of which they conftitute eae ee re = ee ee ne | > > — ee ae [ 159 ] conftitute as if it were the kernel, and the total abfence of all organic remains, induce us to think that of all others they are the moft antient. Other hills or mountains confift of ftony mafles, apparently homogeneous, at leaft for the greater part, but feparated from each other by fiffures parallel to each other; thefe are moftly of an argillaceous or calcareous nature, and appear to have been formed by a gradual fubfidence from water, in-which they were originally fufpended. As no organic remains are found in them, they alfo feem to date their origin from _ the formation of the globe. From the decompofition of thefe primeval maffes, their attri- tion again{t each other, the erofion of water, and various other accidents, clays, fands, marles, and the component particles of freeftone, fandftone, limeftone, flate, and various other fpecies of ftone, have arifen. Thefe are placed over each other in alternate and regular beds, parallel to each other, and being commonly mixed with marine exuvie or other animal or vegetable remains, the hills formed of them are evidently of a date pofterior to thofe already mentioned. In thefe, and in thefe only (or in plains formed of the fame materials) coal is found, and there are {carcely any of them that do not contain it. Hiris of this fort are frequently interpofed between the primeval mountains and the adjacent plains ; fometimes alfo they ftand fingle, and frequently they form the eminences that border rivers. It is to hills of this fort, therefore, that we muft dire@ our refearches after coal, The thicker beds of it lie pretty deep, generally [ Wo | generally from twenty-five to forty fathom, or more; and the fureft means of difeovering-them is to penetrate into thefe hills with an earth-borer, examining: the ‘ftrata every two. or three feet; if alternate ftrata of indurated clay, fand, flate, or fand- _ ftone o¢cur, with iron ore or mica, we! may be certain that coal will bé‘found at a greater depth. The beds neareft to the furface aré generally either earthy, flaty or fulphureous, and commonly thin and feanty, but under thefe, different beds of greater thick+ nefs and of a better fort are found. Coals have alfo been fome- times difcovered by collecting the reddifh or yellowith muddy water that runs down the fides of hills after heavy rains; this water is colleled in a pan fufiéred to fubfide, and gently eva- porated ; if the fediment appears covered with a black fomed the hills may be prefumed to contain coal. Verns of coal are often mentioned, yet in reality coal is fearcely ever found in vers, but rather in beds or in heaps ; though thefe beds, from a derangement caufed by the occurrence of ftone or matter of a different kind from that which forms the ftrata, are foretimes thrown into the form of a horfe-fhoe, with the curva~ ture downwards, and thus affume the appearance of a vein, Wuen acoal-mine is difcovered, its drecfion, that is, its extent in the fame horizontal line, and its szc/nation, that is, its fall beneath that line, are next to be traced; as it fhould always be worked at right angles with its dire€tion, and the fhaft to drain off the water fhould be funk in the loweft part. . To Ly Se oy To find the inclination, three holes, each reaching to the bed of coal, are bored at the diftance of fix hundred feet from each other, forming an equilateral triangle, and the level and depth of each are taken. The higheft is the ftandard to which the diftance downwards ef the bed of coal under each hole is referred, that which is moft diftant in depth from the ftandard being the loweft. It is almoft needlefs to add, that the boring fhould be fkilfully. conducted, in order that the holes be perfeCtly perpendicular. A defcription of the moft improved earth-borer has lately been: tranflated from the German, and publifhed. by Doctor Mc. Nevin of this city *. In England beds of coal of lefs than two feet and an half im thicknefs are judged not worth-working, but in:Germany none exceeding fix inches are neglected. _ To convey a fuller idea of the ftrata of earth or ftone that generally accompany. coal-mines, I fhall here add.an account of thofe that are found in: the principal: coal-mines.of Europe. * The price of boring in England is five fhillings per fathom for the firft ten fathoms, ten fhillings per fathom for the next five fathoms, fifteen fhillings per fathom: for the next five, &c. ¥ ENGLAND: [ 162 ] Be NOUNS Ty AS aN ‘Tue moft confiderable coal-mines in England are found in the counties of Northumberland and Durham on the eaft, and thofe of Lancafhire and Cumberland on the weft; they feem to extend acrofs the kingdom, or at leaft to the mountains of Cumberland and Weftmoreland. On the eaftern coaft, towards Newcaftle, the land gently defcends towards the fea, but is here and there interfe€ted with deep vallies, in the declivities of which the coaly ftrata appear to have been firft difeovered. The ftrata here lie in the following order * : Fathoms. Feet. 1. Mould or clay - - - - ¢ — 2. Brown ferruginous clay and mica ~ 3 _ 3. Whitifh fandftone, intermixed with mica - 4 _— 4. Bituminous clay, mixed with pyrites and mica 8 _ 5. Coal - - - - — —f 6. Stony clay, with fand and mica - 4. — 7. Coal - Wye “s hy | aaa I 8. Martial indurated clay, mixed with mica - 8 — g. Bituminous clay, like No. 4. - = 4 5 10. The principal bed of coal, - + from — 4 to 8. THE principal bed is therefore about thirty-feven fathoms deep, but other beds are found ftill lower. * Schwed. Abhandl. 1776. WHITEHAVEN. [ 163 ] WHITEHAVEN. Fathoms. Feet. q, Clay - - - = 8 It 2. Clay, mixed with fand - - - It ns 3. Culm and clay~ - - - 3 1¥ 4. Indurated clay - - - - 2 aa 5. Indurated clay, of a ftony hardnefs - 4 2). 6. Coal of bad quality - - > - - = I 4 7. Martial clay and mica - - I 3% 8. Coal - - pies - — 1s 9. Brown martial micaceous clay- - ~ -~ — Iz 10. ‘The fame, but fatter - - 2 4 11. Apyrous or fire clay, called fill - - 4 42 12. Clay, mixed with iron ore - - 6 2 13. Culm - - =yiim iia -— Bt 14, Micaceous fandftone - ibe 9 : 15. Clay mixed with fand and mica - - 8 5 16. Blue clay - - ~ - _— 2 17. Principal bed ef coal - - - 1 3 Pyne ah 5 Tue ftrata here extends from north to fouth, but their incli- nation is from eaft to weft. Y 2 Peta eS te ae pega! At Aurreton Common *. . Clay = = = 4 7 — LL 2. Ratchil, or fragments of ftone - - 9 — 3. Bind (an indurated clay) - - - 13 4 4. Stony clay - - - 6 — 5. Bind Lisi ede - so. $3 8 6. Black ftony clay me - - 5 oo 4. Bind -- - - = a2 20o— 8. Stony clay = - - om - 20 g. Bind - - -— 19 - 10 — ro. Coal - - - - I 6 11. Bind =. - - ~froxtin & 6 12. Stony-clay = - - - 87 13. Bind - - - ~ 7 — 14. Smut (a black fubftance refembling coal duft) - 3 — 15. Bind - - - — ~velogiear j q 16. Stony clay = = Bos a 200 — Pi 17. Bind - = 2 a = 16. ae 18. Principal bed of coal - - - 7 4 1844 * Whitehurft’s Theory, page 211. At QoP wa vw a | [ 15 J 4t Hetruvia 7 STAFFORDSHIRE *. . Ratchil, or fragments of ftone. -Limeftone, - one foot thick. Sand, . Argillaceous ftone. . Bind. y » Coal. . . At Bacert m Nortua Wa tes}. - Feet. Inches. . Gravel and fand - = = 45 pores I io Shale or Slate . 2 - 5 9 ae . 3. -Argillaceous ftone - - 5 6 oak ‘ 4. Slate’ | eV Te aa cote hat ilo ey = eg oc ae lar iamerte ; 6. Clay - - - - = hep dll 7. Argillaceous grit or fandftone bi - 44 iss b 8. Coal . oui naam <4 sthaleal sac 3 ; een M Se MNT oLuk asym itis mire ie | 90 fni— ; 10. Slate - - pe = Is wt, 11, Coal ~ > - - oo ak 5 aes 242 3 4 fen, * Whitehurft’s Theory, page 211 t Tbid, page 242... At [ 2166 ] At LiTcHFIELD *. . Feet. Inches. 1. Black clay ah Ws - 2 4 2. Rotten ftone - “= - - 6 ae 3. Marle - _ - - 18 =< 4. Thin coal - - = 4 ie 5. Black rock - - - 2 0 — 6. Black bat (a marle) - Sy tet. Deaameees 7. White rock - - - - 6 — 8. Clunch (a marle) - - - 2I pa g. Grey rock - - - 3 — to. Black bat - ~ . t 3 ai 11. Coal - - - - = 30 — 115 = ~ At CoLtesroox Date ft. t.-Brick clay - -- - - 4 _ 2. Potter’s clay Le sick kaka ~ Is a 3. Smut pb _c .7 _: 71 — 4. Blue bat (an indurated clay or marie) Se 5. Sandftone. = - - — | a 6. Coal - - - - - 4 — 7. Potter’s clay ~ =." -— =the L= 3 — 8-Beftegal + -=- - + = s [* = ioRbnee_e 9- Brick clay - = = - - 18 = 10. Clod coal. He =. -. =. 2 6 PT Glay se - = = wine atte 12. Flint coal = = a » 4 its bisdedaledooee 82 ay * Tn a letter from Mr. Godefroy de Villetaneufe to Mr. Morand. + Young’s Annals of Agriculture, vol. iv. p. 168. SCOTLAND. Feet r. Clay - > - - 4 2. Slate - - - - = 38 3. Limeftone - - - - 3 4. Slate and earth - - - 6 5. Coal - - - from 3 52 CB Re IVa A a, Werten 7 the Durcuy of MacpEgBoure fF. In Sophia Shaft. Feet. t. Mould = - - I “2. Coarfe brown martial flate - - 66 3. Reddifh blue micaceous fandftone - 15 4. Blue fandftone - = QI 5. A caleareousiftone filled: with redand-white flints. 19 6. Soft grey micaceous fandftone - 18 7. Bluith grey calcareous flate = - 13 8. Micaceousflate; - - mer 2. g. Bituminous fhiftus * = — to. Pyritous coal - - 3 11. Bituminous fhiftus = - — 12. Pyritous coal - - — 13. Micaceous flate - ab 9 14. Blue micaceous fandftone = - 12 15. Solid fine grained flate - - 4 16,. Principal bed of coal - - I 187 * vi. Phil. Tranf. Abr. Part II. page 223. [ 167 ] SC rere ae Batpo near Faxirk *. Inches. to 6 Inches, Hel dels tet at Fk LS } 2d Gerhard Beytrage. At [ 168 ] At Lozecin, Dorothia Shaft*. Feet. Inches. 1. Mould ~ - } - = cs Mag 2. Whitith yellow clay mixed with calcareous ? earth - - joi e 3. Yellow ferruginous fand - a 4. Blackith grey micaceous flate = 36 pes. 5. Soap rock mixed with quartz and flint — - 26 — 6. Bituminous fhiftus aoe - 21 —_ 7. Coal - = - 4,5 = 118,33 — In- the country of Liege, coal is conftantly furmounted by a hard argillaceous grit or fandftone, and lies in the form of a horfe-fhoe. ‘Tue coal-mine of Kladraw in Bohemia is but fix fathoms under the turf, and covered with a white micaceous fand. Mag Gerhard Beytrage. SWEDEN. L afo a SWB. Pp. BN Boscrue 7% Scania *, Feet. 1. Mould and clay mixed with fand - 12 2. Grey fandftone, confifting of quartz with an hy argillaceous cement and iron ore = 5 iB 3. Coal - - = = I 4. Black indurated martial clay - - 5 5. Yellowifh fandftone - - q 6. Black fandy flate | - - - 3 4 Pyritous coal . moat z 2 2 ‘ 5 Near HevsinBuRGH. 1. Sandftone = ori ite ~ 36 2. Coal oped - pitty - 2 3.. Argillaceous flate hE ite cn BS - 12 4,, Sandftone ee oo. - 6 5: Coal - - - : I jp : 57 * Schwed. Abhand. 1773. . Hegers Z FRANCE. BR Be Boho ey Coat has been difcovered and worked in different parts of France ; the beft are found in Forez, Bourbonnois and Auvergne, it lies at inconfiderable depths and generally in heaps (and not in beds) on the fides of hills, and therefore is eafily ex- tracted. FUR Bs ea Drumouass f- i Feet. 1. Clay and rubble ftones - - 48 2. Soft argillaceous ftorie - 3 - - . 30 3. Indurated clay - - - 35 4. Slate = - = 15 5. Coal . - ; - - 455 132.5 BaLYcastTLe. 1. Whin ftone (bafaltes) « sue 60 “9. Slate ~ . ~e e 24 3. Yellow freeftone - - ~ Ne Ae 4. Slaty coal - eM ie - } 2% _§- Hard grey freeftone - > =! 90 6. Coal at prefent worked - - = 5 242 ie BETTS + Whitehurft, p. 246. a ee ee ee ; [ m9 4] Objervations on the Properties commonly attributed by medical Writes tt HUMAN MILK, on the Changes it undergoes.in Digeftion, and the Difeafes fuppofed to originate from this Source in Infany, By JOSEPH CLARKE, M.D. MR.LA. cr Some years ago, when I was appointed affiftant to the Read Dec Lying-in-Hofpital of this city, an uncommon mortality prevailed * ie among the infants born therein: Induced by this difagreeable neceflity to perufe the works of many of the principal medical writers relating to infantile difeafes, I was forcibly ftruck with the fimplicity afd unifotmity of their pathology on the fubjeét. For more than a century paft it has been very generally fuppofed that the difeafes of infants are all of the fame genus, proceed from the famé caufes, ahd differ only in degrees*. Natural ® Vide Harris de Morbis acutis Infantum: ~Z 2 fenfibility { 172 ] fenfibility and delicacy of frame have been confidered as the predifponent caufes, and predominant acidity in the ftomach and inteftinal canal, as the occafion of almoft all their complaints. REASONING in this manner, @ priorz, we fhould expe in the cure of their difeafes the practice to be fimple and the event fuccefsful. In the adult ftate we know that there are few morbid caufes lefs noxious to the human frame than acidity, and few more fubje&t to the controul of medicine. A little experience and reflection fhould, in my opinion, be fufficient to convince an unprejudiced mind that the mortality of infants is much greater than could reafonably be expected, if the preceding theory, with regard to the exciting caufes of their difeafes, were well founded. ; Tue four following propofitions will be found to contain the fubftance of the opinions of medical writers on this fubjed. 1ft, Tuat human milk is a chylous fluid, and readily affected by the kind of nourifhment which nurfes make ufe of. ad, Tuar it is coagulated in the ftomach of infants, and that it is coagulable by acids, ardent fpirits, and other known coagula. 3d, THaT it is very prone to run into an acefcent or acid ftate. 4th, Eee eee E «3. J 4th, Taar from morbid deviations. towards coagulation or acidity, by far the greater number of infantile difeafes originate, and that a variety of faponaceous and abforbent remedies ought’ to be uféd to countera@ thefe morbid caufes.. Tue firft general’ propofition, viz “ that milk is a: chylous: fluid, and readily affeGed by food, &c.” is of a nature which: it is impoffible to: decide by experiment.. Pure chyle is-a fluid: which has hitherto been colleGted in fuch fmall quantity, that: its nature and properties- are not yet well underftood. It is faid to coagulate on expofure to air or by ftagnation. If fo, I fhall foon make it: appear that: in: this particular: at.leaft chyle differs: widely from human milk. Wueruer the milk of a nurfe be readily affected by the kind of food fhe eats or by medicines, is a queftion of which: my own obfervation does. not enable me to: fpeak: with decifion.. I fhall. therefore proceed to confider the fecond propofition, viz.. “ that-milk is coagulated in the ftomach of infants; and coagulable’ “by acids, ardent fpirits, &c.” This is a generally received maxim which admits of more prompt and decifive evidence than: the former, and:‘than which there is not perhaps one in all. the: medical folios. more erroneous. In dire& oppofition to fuch fentiments, it may be fafely afferted that woman’s milk, in an: healthy ftate, contains no coagulable mucilaginous or cheefy prin-: ciple in its compofition, or that it contains fo little as not’ tor admit of fenfible proof. The late Dr. Rutty *, whofe indefatigable * Analyfis of milk, appended to a pamphlet on fulphureous waters: A.D. 1962. - induftry: L274 4 induftry and accuracy in experiment is univerfally acknowledged, in treating of the comparative quantity of curd contained in different kinds of milk, ftates ‘* that woman’s milk, mixed with “a quantity of runnet equal to what coagulated cow’s milk, “ save of curd very little, even mot a fixth part of what cow’s “ milk did.” Had he taken off the cream before he added the runnet, I am perfuaded he would have ftated the quantity of curd obtained as little or none. In fa& his conclufion implies nearly what I have ftated; he does not inform us what the quantity obtained was, but what it was not. Proressor Young’s conclufion, from a number of very fatis- factory experiments, is, that human milk is not coagulated by runnets; nor doacids, whether mineral or vegetable, mixed with it in large quantity, produce any feparature of curd from whey, whether the milk be tepid or raifed to the boiling point. Doctor Ferris, whofe differtation on milk gained the Har- veian prize medal at Edinburgh in the year 1782, confirms Young’s experiments on this fubjec&; and I have made a great number to the fame purpofe in endeavouring to detect the curd of human milk, but without fuccefs. I made ufe of all the different kinds of acids, ardent fpirits, infufion of infants ftomachs, &c. in various proportions and degrees of temperature, and I had perhaps a greater variety of milk from different women than any of the gentlemen already mentioned ; and except in one or two inftances never could perceive any thing like curd, In both the inftances to which I allude there appeared, in con- feqwence of fpontancous acefcency, a {mall quantity of foft flakey matter a ee ee en a ee 5 ee FR pape Ege) matter floating in the ferum. Ought not an appearance which does not occur above once in forty or fifty times to be confidered. as a morbid deviation from the healthy ftandard? WE conclude that the milk of other animals contains curd,. becaufe it is readily deteted by a watery infufion of the ftomachs. of ruminating, and of fome non-ruminant animals, by acids, by ardent fpirits, and by the juices of certain plants, and becaufe by the admixture of thefe we are enabled to collet a quantity: of vifcid matter, which when expofed to. preffure is well known by the name of cheefe. But every part of this evidence is deficient in regard to human milk. Whence then is: the con- clufion drawn.? It is. a conclufion depending on. one fingle circumftance, viz. the appearance of the fluids vomited by infants after fucking. In defcribing the difeafes of young chil- dren, authors have been in the habit of enumerating, “ vomiting “ of curdled milk,” as a frequent fymptom, and hence feems to have arifen the general opinion. But furely fuch defcriptions would have been more accurate had they been. thus ftated, “ infants often throw up quantities of a foft vifcid matter “ refembling the coagula of milk, and this is. frequently mixed with “ a good deal of turbid. whey-like fluid.” Ir appears to me furprizing that Dr. Young was not able to folve this difficulty, after he was fully convinced that no artificial means were fufficient to feparate a curd from woman’s milk ;. “ yet,” fays he, “ this feparation takes place fpontaneoufly, “ efpecially if it be placed in a fituation equal to 96° of Farenheit’s “ thermometer, and it is daily obferved in the milk which “ infants. [ 276: J “ infants ‘vomit.’ It deferves to be here remarked that thefe ‘obfervations are ftated as matter of opinion, and not the refult of any experiment, I determined however to try them as far as poflible by this teft. I took equal quantities of three different ‘kinds of milk, put them into bottles flightly corked, and thefe bottles into water, the temperature of which was kept up by a f{pirit of wine lamp as near to 96° of Farenheit as poffible. But after frequently examining each bottle, during the courfe -of the experiment, at the expiration of feveral hours there was not the fmalleft tendency towards coagulation to be perceived in any of them. As ufual, the cream was thrown to the furface thick and adhefive, and entirely feparated from the fluid underneath, which had fomewhat of a grey wheyifh ap- pearance. As the matter vomited by infants is fometimes more adhefive than we might fuppofe cream to be, I fufpected that the curd might be fo entangled with the cream as to be with difficulty feparated from it; I therefore collected a quantity of rich cream from a large quantity of milk of different women, and repeated the former experiment with precifely the fame event. ‘Towards the conclufion I added acids, both mineral and vegetable, but without producing any thing like curd. Indeed I had little doubt, before any experiment was attempted on this fubjeat, that Dr. Young was miftaken in the idea of milk feparating into curds and whey in a certain degree of temperature; for was this fa we fhould every day meet with ftlagnant milk in the mammz, where it is expofed to the heat of the human body, thus L 377 J} thus feparating and producing very troublefome obftrudtions ; but this we know does not take place. Tuat the powers of an infant’s ftomach may produce effects: on milk which no other power can, is extremely poffible; but that it cannot create any new principle, or caufe a eparation of a principle which it does not contain, can hardly be doubted. Repeated experiments have {hewn that the ftomachs of ruminant animals for fome time after death poffefs fome of their moft remarkable powers while living, and particularly that of coagu- lating milk; there is every reafon to expect the fame of the human ftomach, and in feveral trials we have not been dif- appointed. I roox out the ftomach of a foetus deprived of life in the’ birth by leffening the bulk of its head. ‘The gaftrie fluids in fuch a ftomach could neither be altered by difeafe nor the admixture of food. I infufed it in a fmall quantity of hot water, fo as to make what might be confidered a ftrong infufion. To equal quantities of cows and human milk I added a tea- fpoonful of the above infufion; in a fhort time the cows milk was firmly coagulated, the human not in the leaft changed. At the end of the firft hour I added a fecond tea-fpoonful of runnet to the human milk, and foon after a third, without producing the fmalleft perceptible tendency to coagulation. Upon the whole then I am perfuaded it will be found that: human milk, in an healthy ftate, contains little or no curd, andi Aa that: [a8 that the general opinion of its nature and properties is founded on fallacious analogy and fuperficial obfervations made on the matter vomited by infants. We may prefume that the cream of woman’s milk, by its inferior fpecific gravity, will fwim on the furface of the contents of the ftomach, and being of an oily nature, that it will be of more difficult. digeftion than any other conftituent part of milk. When an infant fucks very plentifully then, fo as to over diftend the ftomach, or labours under any weaknefs in the powers of digeftion, it cannot appear unreafonable to fuppofe that the cream {hall be reje@ed firft by vomiting. Analogous to this we know that adults affeted with dyfpepfia often bring up greafy fluids from the ftomach by eructation, and this efpecially after eating fat meat. We have in fome inftances known this to blaze when thrown into a fire, like fpirits of wine or oil. . ‘Tuat vifcid cream has given rife to the opinion of curd in the milk vomited by. infants, is ftill farther confirmed by the following fa@t: Having conftantly obferved that the milk of women, for fome days after delivery, threw up a copious yed/ow cream, it occurred to me that, if my ideas on this fubjeG& were juft, what is commonly called curds, as vomited by infants, ought to be of a yellow colour for the firft few days after birth. Accordingly I put this queftion to all our experienced nurfe-tenders in the Lying-in-Hofpital: “ Is there any difference ** of colour in the ‘curds vomited by infants of four or five “days old and by thofe of a fortnight or three weeks?” It happened that two or three of them were fitting together when I farft a See ee ee | ; A te [ 179 ] firft thought of propofing this queftion. They anfwered unani- “ moufly, and without hefitation, ‘“ Surely, Sir, there is, until the “ beefting milk is over the curds. are ye//ow, and. afterwards they * become white.” I sHaLL now haften to confider the third general propofition, viz. ‘That woman’s milk is prone to run into an acefcent or “acid ftate.” Acefcency and acidity are relative terms, and can be applied with propriety only in confequence of accurate comparifon. . Whoever takes the trouble of attentively comparing human milk with that of the ruminant animals will foon find it to be much lefs prone to runinto the acefcent or acid procefs. I have very often expofed equal quantities of human and cows milk in degrees of temperature, varying from the common fummer heat, or 65 to 100, and I have conftantly found that cows miik acquires a greater degrce of acidity in thirty-fix hours: than the human did in many days; cows milk becomes offenfively putrid in four or fiye days, a change which healthy human milk, expofed in the fame manner, will not undergo. in many weeks, nay fometimes in many months. I once kept a few ounces of a nurfe’s milk, delivered about fix or feven days, for more than two years in a bottle moderately corked. It ftood on my chimney piece, and was frequently opened to be examined. At the end of this period it fhewed evident marks of moderate acidity, whether examined by the tafte, fmell, or paper ftained by vegetable blues or purples; the latter it changed to a.florid red colour, whereas cows milk kept a few days: changed the colour of the fame paper to a green, thereby clearly fhewing its putrefcent tendency. Aaa Doctor: [it os J Doctor Youne obferves in general that the milk of the whole clafs of non-ruminant animals is lefs acefcent than that of the ruminant: Me I wave been abie to find but one other author whofe obfer- vations at all coincide with mine, and for his authority I am indebted to the induftry of the late Baron Haller. This author is a M. Navier. His words are “ Lac femininum nullum prodit “ acoris fignum. FPoft quadraginta et tres integros dies non magis “ acet quam lac vacce recens.” Haller’s obfervation on this paflage is ** Ea vrs eft vidtus animalis ;’? and thus he feems to think this fingularity accounted for. But many of my experiments were made on the milk of women rigidly confined to gruel, bread and whey, and therefore the phenomenon obferved by Navier was probably not the effe@t of animal diet. Perhaps another inftance could not be adduced of an animal fluid refifting fo powerfully the changes produced on moft bodies by fermentation. Whether it is to be attributed to the faccharine nature of milk taking up a length of time in going through a vinous fermentation previous to the acid ftage, or whether this faccharine principle, fo abundant in human milk, be of an antifeptic nature, and thus prevents the other principles from running into the putrid ftage of fermen- tation, I fhall not pretend to determine. Of the faa I have no doubt, however it may be explained. If we find milk out of the body fo very flow in running into an acefcent ftate, does it not afford ftrong prefumptive evidence that the milk of nurfes cannot be fo very prone to run into acidity in the ftomachs of infants as authors endeavour to perfuade us? Our i ett Me ae an urement ae ata fo1e8e Our fufpicions on this head will be ftrongly increafed if, on reviewing the figns fuppofed to indicate acid acrimony, they be found deficient and inconclufive. Curdled milk and green four- fmelling feeces are the marks which have been generally thought to characterife predominant acidity. Enough, I hope, has been already faid to expofe the miftaken notions derived from the firft appearance, viz. ‘‘ curdled milk.” Againft the fecond, we are enabled to fpeak on the authority of Sydenham: In his letter to Dr. Cole, on hyfteria, he afferts, that the green herba- ceous coloured ftuff thrown up in hyfteric cholic is no proof of acrid humours being the caufe of the difeafe; for, fays he, healthy people when fea-fick evacuate fimilar matter. And further, let us take his own words, “* Annon et infantes in pa- “* roxy/mis convulfivis, in quibus fpirituum animalium maxime res “ agitur, tam per fuperiora quam per inferiora matertam ejufdem ‘© plane coloris egiciunt ? Emeticis etiam et catharticis frequentius “ propinatis uberior materie viridis nafcttur feges. Et profecto.” Says he elfewhere, “ Ita dubrica eft et evanida colorum fpeculatio ut “* nihil cert exillis de corporum in quibus adparent natura queat “* deprehendt.” . Tue opinion of green foeces in infancy being occafioned by predominant acidity, refts very much on a fuppofition that bile and acid mixed produce a green compound. Sylvius fays, “* Nox * dubitamus affeverare, ortum habere notatam alut dejectionem viridef- “ centem & ble ab acido acri corruptd, et in virorem deductd , quales ** mutationes colorum, haud ignota Junt-tinctoribus.” Harris, { 38a: ] Harris, who expanded the doGrine of Sylerus, and who from his high rank and fuppofed fuccefs in practice brought this do@trine into great fafhion in England, fays, ‘* Qyod viridis “ facum color acido bili admixto fe prorfus debeat, obfervationt plane *° fenfibilt tlorum, gut experirt amant colorum in viridem mutationes “« aceto et /pirttibus acidis perficrendas, evidentiffimé apparebit.” Having already found many affertions equally pofitive to be erroneous, J determined to doubt every thing advanced on the fubje@; I therefore procured fome bile from the gall bladder of a foetus which was deprived of life in the birth; it was of a deep yellow colour and thick confiftence, After diluting fome of this bile with milk, I gradually dropped into it fome ftrong vinegar without being able to perceive the leaft change of colour ; whereas on adding nitrous acid, even in very fmall quantity, to a portion of the fame diluted bile, it immediately changed it to a deep green. This experiment I repeated in prefence of fome of the pupils of the Lying in-Hofpital with precifely the fame event. I fhould not venture to ftate two experiments as proof in any doubtful cafe, did F not find them confirmed by Dr. Maclurg, the lateft and moft accurate experimenter on this fubjeG@. In the firft eight experiments * on human cyftic bile, this author endeavours to afcertain the effects of mineral acids on bile; thefe he found, when applied ftrong, united with it and diffolved it in a fhort time, with fome variations of the phenomena, producing a fine green colour. * See an analyfis of Dr. Maclurg’s experimental enquiry on bile in the Edinburgh Medical Commentaries. Vol. 1ft, p. 150. In [ #83. ] In the ninth and tenth experiments, this author gives an account of the effets of vegetable acid on bile: He found that vinegar and lemon juice inftantly coagulated it, at the fame time changing its colour to yelw: From thefe facts then it appears that the affertions of Sylerus, Harris and others, in regard to the mixture of bile and acids, are but partially true. It is to be remembered that the mineral acids only forma green compound with bile. Nothing equiva- lent to any of the mineral acids can with probability be fup- pofed to be generated in the inteftines of an infant, .and therefore recourfe muft be had to fome other mode of accounting for their green foeces. Why fhould four milk, granting’ its exiftence, give rife to them in infants and not in adults? Have butter-milk, fummer-fruits of the moft acefcent kind, lemon or orange juice, always this effet in adults by their admixture with bile? This is a queftion which cannot, I believe, be anfwered in in the affirmative. Upon the whole, I hope it will appear probable to the generality of readers, that predominant acidity in the prime vie is by no means fo general as to be confidered the only or even principal _fource of infantile difeafes; that fuch a morbid caufe may now and then occur in infancy as in adult age, from weaknefs of ftomach, coftivenefs or improper food, can admit of no doubt. Foeces changing paper ftained by vegetable blues or purples to a red colour, afford fatisfa@tory evidence of the fact; but any conclufions drawn from their colour or fmell muft from the nature of things be liable to great uncertainty. Thofe writers who [ 184 ] who have laid the greateft ftrefs on fuch appearances in infancy, do not pretend to apply the information to be derived from them to the treatment of the difeafes of adults. Tus fourth general propofition, viz. ‘“ That, from morbid “ deviations towards coagulation or acidity in the milk of nurfes, “ the greater number of infantile difeafes originate, &c.” I think extremely doubtful, and for the following reafons: Woman’s milk, in an healthy ftate, contains, little or no coagulable matter or curd. Ir fthews lefs tendency out of the body to become acefcent than many other kinds of milk. ‘Tur appearances which have been generally fuppofed to cha- ra&erize its acidity do not afford fatisfactory evidence of the exiftence of fuch a morbid caufe. Bur granting fuch acidity to prevail, we are in poffeffion of many harmlefs medicines (called abforbents) capable of neutra- lizing acids, and thus forming innocent compounds. We have every advantage to be wifhed in exhibiting fuch remedies. They have no tafte; they may be fafely given in large quantities; they may be freely ufed both by the nurfe and infant to prevent as well as-to cure fuch difeafe, and notwithftanding we have every day the mortification to fee infants languifh and die under fuch courfes. THE en legen en a ine —_— Ba Sosa [ 285 ] Tue young of all the ruminant animals, fed on milk of a much more acefcent nature, fuffer no inconvenience from this fource. Hrstory furnifhes examples of whole nations ufing four curdled milk as part of their daily food; we cannot fuppofe that fuch a praGtice would be continued were it often followed by pernicious effects. Recisters of births and deaths prove that in one fituation a half of the whole human race born dies under the age of two or three years;: whereas in another fituation one half fhall live to the age of thirty-five or forty years and upwards. . From the fame authority it appears, that in every fituation and country a:much greater proportion of the male fex dies than. of the female, and particularly” in early infancy. In ‘the Lying-in-hofpital of this: city, during ‘a period of about twenty- _ feven years, of three thoufand one hundred and ten infants dead under the age of fourteen days, one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-two were of the male fex, one thoufand three hundred and thirty-eight af the female; the deaths of the former exceeding that of the latter nearly by one third. Sucu are my reafons for doubting of the prevailing opinions concerning human milk and the origin of infantile difeafes. Neither the affeCtation of fingularity, nor the defire of fubftituting any new theory in place of that commonly received, have had any fhare in prompting me to ftate thefe doubts to this Academy. . Bb I have [ 3186 ] I have been a€uated to do fo folely by the hope of exciting others to enquire after truth. I do not expe@ that my arguments will afford conviction to any firm believer of the eftablifhed opinions on this {nbjeét; the authority of one man is rarely fufficient to overturn or éven invalidate an opinion generally and long received, efpecially when the nature of the fubje& does not admit of demonftrative proof. ‘The united labours of Willis, Baglivi, Hoffman and Cullen, were neceffary to reform the humoral pathology of their predeceffors in regard to the difeafes of adults; the hypothefis of almoft all difeafes being produced by morbific matter and various kinds of acrimony abounding in the human fluids ceafes to be believed,: nay is generally denied. I cannor conclude without expreffing a hope that a_well- dire€ted attention from phyficians of the prefent or fucceeding age may. firike out a more rational and fuccefsful fyftem of practice than the prefent in regard to the difeafes of infancy. - Se Se a eee. Sr Gee ' . 7 [ 187 ] ECLIPSE of the SUN, obferved Yune the 3d, 1788, by the Rev. Doctor USSHER and others. Communicated by the Rev. HENRY USSHER, D.D. FR.S. and MRL A. BEGINNING, by Dodor Ufsher The moon touches penumbra of the firft fpot at - touches nucleus of ditto bifeats ditto laft {mall fpot covered _ Small fharp protuberance on the moon’s limb off the difk - - End, by Dogtor Ufsher by Rev. William Hamilton by my fon e Mean time: EX fe aD ae 9 ted 20 20 20 20 3 42,7 Read Dec. 13 21,6 ft, 1788. 15 25,53 17 37:0 20 4353 23 28,4 25 38,8 25 37,8 25 39,8 I onserveEp this eclipfe with a parallatic telefcope of feventeen inches focus, having a triple obje(-glafs; magnifying power about 75. Bb2 Mr. [ 188 ] Mr. Hamilton obferved the end with a telefcope of thirty inches focus double object-glafs; magnifying power about 120. My fon obferved it by projeGtion on paper, with the telefcope of a {mall equatorial of about feven inches focus. _ Nor being yet furnifhed with a micrometer for meafuring the diftances of the cufps, I obferved the appulfes to the fpots, pro- pofing to determine their places by the equatorial; but clouds coming on immediately after the eclipfe, I was difappointed, and fhould be extremely obliged to any perfon that may have fettled them on that day for a communication. Botu Mr. Hamilton and I obferved a diftortion and difcolor- ation of the fpots as the moon’s limb approached them; and this effe& took place at fuch a diftance, that I think it cannot be attributed to the inflection of the rays of light, but feems more like the operation of the lunar atmofphere. Mr. Sutton obferved this eclipfe at his obfervatory at Drum- condra-hill in Lat. 53. 22. 45. Begininng = - - 19. 6. 20. App. time. End. - - -_ 20. 27.) 40. , Sy neonate. AR [ 18 ] An Account of aa AURORA BOREALIS feen in full Sun/fhine. By the Rev. HENRY USSHER, D.D. F.R.S. and M.R.LA. 7 ‘Tus following phenomenon being very uncommon, if not entirely new, I think it worth communicating to the Academy, principally with a view to learn whether any other perfon has obferved a fimilar one at any time. ~ On Saturday night, May 24, 1788, there was a very bright aurora borealis, the corufcating rays of which united, as ufual, in the pole of the dipping needle. I have always obferved that an aurora borealis renders the ftars remarkably unfteady in the telefcope.. ‘The next morning, about eleven, finding the ftars flutter much, I examined the ftate of the fky, and faw whitifh rays afcending from every part of the horizon, all tending to the pole of the dipping needle, where at their union they formed a {mall thin and white canopy, fimilar to the luminous one exhi- bited by an aurora in the night. ‘Thefe rays corufcated or fhivered from the horizon to their point of union. ; THESE Read Dec. ift, 1788. [ 190 ] Tuess effects were diftin@ly feen by three different people, and their point of union marked feparately by each of them. Tuere is certainly no reafon for confining the effects of aurora borealis to the night, although it then makes its moft magnificent difplay, contrafted by the darknefs of the fky. Tue tumulous motion of the ftars at certain times in ferene fkies has been-taken notice of by the Abbe De La Caille at the Cape of Good Hope; and M. De La Lande remarks that fome- times, when a fouth weft wind prevails at Paris, the fame effect is produced. An aurora borealis in this country is generally fuc- ceeded by a fouth weft wind, and frequently the wind veers round ~ to that point during its appearance ; now if this phenomenon, as fuggefted by an ingenious member of this Academy, fhould be inflammable air in a ftate of inflammation, the water fo produced by fuch inflammation might fatisfactorily account for this unftea- dinefs of the rays, whether we fuppofe it either in the act of abforption, or in the ftate of veficular vapour defcending from the upper regions of the atmofphere. Tuat inflammable air, at leaft fome fpecies of it, contains iron, ‘cannot well be difputed, as its effect on an infufion or tin@ture of galls fhews the prefence of iron. ‘That there is fome connection, hitherto unexplored, between magnetifm and the aurora borealis feems highly probable. The unfteadinefs of the magnetic needle ‘during the appearance of this phenomenon is known to every one, and indicates fuch conneftion; the union of the radii of a ftrong ee ee thy a — ieee Peter {trong aurora borealis in the pole of the dipping needle ftrengthens the fame conjeGure, which is fiill further confirmed by the fitu- ation of the luminous northern arch, generally the firft fymptom of a ftrong aurora, and from whence, in all probability, the name was taken ; for the higheft point of this arch is always found in the magnetic meridian. Tuis phenomenon is certainly more common now than it was a century or even half a century ago; this I find moft people, even the moft illiterate, agreed in. Upon examining the accounts of the authenticated appearances of the aurora borealis, fo care-- fully collected by the celebrated De Mairan, I perceive a chafm in. the lift of obfervations for about forty years in the laft century, in- the middle of which chafm, nearly, is the year 1661, in which: year we are told the variation of the needle at Paris was ou. We feem alfo to colle& from the fame author’s refearches that the frequency of this appearance feems to have decreafed with the diminution of the eaftern variation, and it now feems to encreafe with the encreafing weftern variation. What real conneétion there may be between the varzation of the needle and the aurora borealis, or the caufe of it, I acknowledge myfelf entirely igno- rant ; but perhaps this trifling hint may engage the attention of others who have both more leifure and abilities for fuch an inte- refting difquifition. / POL PERE Ut Te RA TU RE. AY An Examination of an ESSAY on the DRAMATIC CHARACTER o St JOHN FALSTAFF. By the Rev. RICHARD STACK, D.D. F.T.C.D. and M._R.L A. ‘Tue effay, which I intend to examine, muft be acknowledged to be one of the moft ingenious pieces of criticifm any where to be found: For though its defign feems to be in contradiction to the general fentiment of mankind, yet has the writer ma- naged his fubje@ with fo much ability and addrefs, that fome have been gained over to his opinion, others hefitate, and all muft admire. We are pleafed with his dexterity in fupport of a paradox in the fame manner as we are charmed with Falftaff’s wit and humour, even when employed in defence of his vices. In my opinion it is ina great meafure owing to this entertaining effay, that, according to the writer's own words, “* it fhould now “ be a queftion, whether Falftaff is or is not a man of courage.” The ground upon which [| ftand with this expert antagonift, whether we confider the fuperiority of his talents or the novelty of his caufe, is*fo unequal, indeed, that I fhould avoid meeting him, if I could be influenced by any confideration but a love of (A2) truth, Read Feb. Ir, 1788. be ll truth, and a defire to fix what appears to me the true notion of the moft delightful dramatic character ever drawn. I muft therefore confefs, that a con/iitutronal courage does not feem to me any part of the zmpre/fion which Shakefpear defigned to give of | Falftaff’s charaGer: nor do I fear that fuch a charge will tend to make us lefs delighted with this wonderful perfon, who contrives to render thofe vices, which expofe all others to hatred and con- tempt, principally and immediately fubfervient to the purpofes of mirth and humour. If I can weaken the force of the ingenious writer's arguments on the other fide, I fhall confider my opinion as fully eftablifhed; for he has omitted nothing of any moment that could fupport his fingularity and refinement. Tue author introduces his effay with a diftin@ion between the conclufions of the underftanding formed upon aétions, and the impreffions upon a certain fenfe fomewhat like inftin@, which immediately acquaints us with the principles of charafer without any confideration of aétions, and fometimes determines our heart even againft the conclufions of our reafon. This obfervation he feems to apply in the prefent cafe thus: ‘* The character of “© Falftaff has indeed ftrong appearances of cowardice. In the “ firft moment of our acquaintance with him he is involved in “ circumftances of apparent difhonour. We hear him familiarly « called coward by his moft intimate companions. We fee him “ on occafion of the robbery at Gadfhill in the very a& of running “¢ away from the prince and Poins: on another of more honourable “ obligation, in battle and aGing in his profeffion as a foldier, “ efcaping from Douglas, even out of the world as it were ; “ counterfeiting death and deferting his very exiftence; betrayed * into ; Des ae into thofe lies and braggadocios, which are the ufual concomi- tants of cowardice. But thefe appearances are only errors of the underftanding ; and the poet has contrived with infinite art to fteal impreffions upon his hearers or readers, that fhall keep their hold in fpite of thefe errors; yet fo latent and fo purpofely obfcured, that we only feel ourfelves influenced by “ the effects without being able to explain the caufe. Falftaff, in fpite of all thofe ftrong appearances, recommends himfelf to the heart by a conftitutional courage: and the occafions alluded to are only accidental imputations on this quality defigned for fport and laughter, on account of actions of apparent cowardice “ and difhonour.” ‘The matter which I have here brought to- gether into a fhort view is fubtle and refined. I may therefore be miftaken ; but after an attentive reading I can make no other application of his diftin€tion between the conclufions of the underftanding and thofe mental impreffions: and this I apprehend to be the true {cope and fubftance of the author’s criticifm upon this part of the fubject. I am willing then for the prefent to admit that all men are con{cious to themfelves of certain feelings about charatter, inde- pendent of and even in oppofition to the conclufions of the under- ftanding. And upon the ground of this very diftinction I think it might be fhewn, that Shakefpear has defigned cowardice, rather than conftitutional courage, to be a part of Falftaff’s. real charaGter. When a character appeals to the underftanding, the judgment formed of it feems to me the refult of all its various parts compared together. Its feveral actions, with their feveral fprings and motives, fo far as reafon can difcover them, muft be ne be taken into account before the underftanding can form a juft eftimate. An accidental appearance or momentary impreffion will not in this cafe give a proper view of the charaQler, but the whole feries of condu& manifeftly pointing to certain leading principles and regulated by them.” A writer, therefore, with fuch a defign need not be very folicitous where or when circumftances might fallin, which may be deemed exceptions to the principles that he meant to exhibit. For whether they appeared early or late, in this or that part of the chara@er, they would upon the fumming up of the whole be taken into the general account, and their weight would be determined by their true importance and relation to other matters. The underftanding would then judge how far their operation extended, whether they were fuch grofs violations of the principles as to be unnatural and improbable, or merely deviations from them, confiftent with the varieties ufually found in human nature. Bur in addreffing a character to the fenfe or inftin@ above- mentioned, the cafe appears entirely different. As no exercife is here given to the underftanding to compare, digeft and refle@, the firft impreffions are of the higheft moment. The operation of this fenfe, like that of other inftin@s, is inftantaneous and ftrong. It lays hold of the minuteft circumftances, and takes impreffions from them which may not eafily be effaced. It will not abide the flow procefs of unfolding the charaéter by degrees, fufpending its determinations upon the poffible exiftence of future matter, and coldly waiting on the judgment. In appealing to this fenfe, the writer muft be careful to introduce his charaQer with im- preflions fuitable to what he defigns. If he does not give thefe in hs ae a a ee A RE me > oe a ae re ~ nares ay in very ftriking colours, we at leaft expect fome delicate touches to inform the fenfe. 'Thefe obfervations I believe will be found to apply to moft dramatic charalers, and to Shakefpear’s moft eminently. But if a writer fhould neglect them, he would at leaft avoid all early impreffions of an oppofite nature: for thefe might engage and miflead the heart too far, and become the fources of incorrigible errors. Can we fuppofe then that Shake- fpear, if he had defigned to exhibit Falftaff as naturally brave, would in the firft fcene of our acquaintance with him have given ftrong intimations of his Cowardice? which he has unqueftion- ably done in the fcheme laid for him by Poins, and in the obfervations made upon the probable condu@ of Falftaff. ‘+ The “* virtue of this jeft,” fays Poins, “ will be the incomprehenfible * lies this fame fat rogue will tell us when we meet at fupper : how thirty at leaft he fought with; what wards, what blows, what extremities he endured; and in reproof of this lies the “< jeft.” All this clearly implies that he would play the firft part of a coward in adtion, and the fecond in lying and _boafting. And as if the poet were not content with thefe ftrong appearances, grounded upon the opinion of Poins, Falftaff’s intimate com- panion, he appeals in the next fcene to facts and the judgment of the fpectator himfelf. There we fee Falftaff, with his three fcurvy companions, put to flight by Hal and Poins, and hear him roaring for mercy. But as the queftion of Falftaff’s courage muft turn in a great meafure upon thefe two fcenes, I will examine the ingenious critic’s elaborate vindication of him on thefe occafions. a4 “ce I po L.6g I po not here infift upon the critic’s own implied admiffion, that the fcenes before us contain a weighty charge of cowardice. If he had not confidered them as bearing hard upon his theory, he would fcarcely have fet afide the very firft fcenes, in which Falftaff appears, to the laft. But let us fee how he fatisfies the reader, even with the advantage of thefe prejudices with which, not the poet, but the critic hath prepared his mind. In the firft place, we are taught to entertain an ill opinion of Poins, as an un- amiable, if not a bad and brutifh charafter: and to conclude his condu@ towards Falftaff to have arifen from malice and ill-will. I muft own this is a new impreffion of his charaCter on me, who have been accuftomed to view him as a wild and diffipated fellow like the reft of the party; and though he never failed to ufe Falftaff as a butt, yet doing this without the leaft malicious in- tent, and merely to draw out of him entertainment for the prince. To fuppofe that Poins contrived this plot with an ill- natured defign, would greatly impair, if not utterly deftroy its humour: nor can I difcover throughout the whole charaGter any | thing to juftify the cenfure here paffed upon him, with a view, as it fhould feem, to render his opinion fufpected. In the next place, the writer endeavours to prove Falftaff’s courage, even from the judgment of this Poins. When the prince fays, “ I « doubt they. will be too hard for us.” Poins replies, “* Well, “ for two of them, I know them to be as true-bred cowards as * ever turned back; and for the third, if he fight longer than «© he fees caufe, I will forfwear arms.” Upon this paffage the criticifm is remarkable. ‘+ As to the third, for fo he defcribes _ “© Falftaff, as if the name of this veteran would have excited too “ ftrongly the ideas: of courage and refiftance, &¢. &c.” ‘The reafon poe g reafon here affigned for defcribing rather than naming Falftaff, is curious indeed; in truth, it is fo ludicrous that I can. hardly think the writer isin earneft; Falftaff’s own rhodomantade cannot exceed it, But with refpe@t to the real point here to be con- fidered, viz. the diftin@ion between Falftaff and the others, the poet appears to have made it merely becaufe he was defigned to be an extant-charaéter in the drama; for I am perfuaded the words in their original impreffion convey no idea of valour, unlefs it be of its better part, difcretion, which fo highly. diftin- guifhed. our hero. And I cannot but obferve here again, that the conftruction given to this paffage by, the able critic confider- ably leffens its merit; for according to him, though fpoken in the very fpirit of detraGtion, it yet contains a relu€tant admiffion of his courage: whereas the paffage, as commonly underftood, is highly humorous; one of thofe forms of expreflion, which. flily: conveys.a fareafm under the guife of commendation. Tue next feene is the preparation: at: Gadfhill for the robbery: In this we meet with two expreffions. that feem to refle@ on: Falftaff’s courage; the firft, his exclamation upon hearing the number of the travellers, “« Zounds!. will they not rob us?” The ingenious writer defends his. hero from this charge by faying,. that the prince had ufed. an expreffion of fimilar caution in the laft feene, “ I doubt they will be too. hard for us.” Let us. examine both occafions. The prince, refleGing that he-and Poins. were to. be oppofed to. four men. in arms, weighed the hazard: of the jeft with proper difcretion ; for had they proved too ftrong for them, the joke might have turned out very ferioufly ; or if not, Falftaff’s triumph would have been intolerable; his caution: (B) was: [ » J was therefore wife and prudent. But was Falftaff’s nothing more, when upon hearing there were eight or ten travellers he exclaimed as he did? In his own party he found but fix ; and attentive only to fuperior numbers, he feems to have loft all other hope of fuperior ftrength ; it never once occurred to him that his own party were provided, and the poor travellers un- prepared for the attack. Here we fee his mind alive to the remoteft apprehenfion of danger, unable to colle@ itfelf and deprived of all manly refource: nay, his imagination ads fo ftrong- ly, that he inftantly fancies the charaCters of the parties inter- changed, and that he was likely to fuffer the very thing he came to execute. The fecond point is the charge made upon him in confequence of this by the prince, ‘* What! a coward, Sir “* John Paunch!” The defence fet up here is his own reply, « Tam not indeed John of Gaunt, your grandfather, but yet no “© coward, Hal.” It is alfo faid “ to contain the true character , ‘* of Falftaff, and to be thrown out here probably as a caution “* to the audience not to take too fadly, what was intended . ** only as argument for a week, laughter for a month, and a jeft “* for ever after.” If this be the natural impreffion of the’anfwer, and not the very refinement of criticifm, my fentiments I) muft own are very miftaken; for I have always confidered it’ rather evading a charge, the force of which he had felt; and in this view of it there appears admirable addrefs, as by indireétly ad= mitting the charge to a certain extent, and flattering the’ prince with the remembrance:of his grandfather's: prowefs and couragey he has contrived to difarm him of his-wit, and prevented him from urging matters to extremity. Bur L = ] Bur we have at laft come to the field of ation ;. here we fee Falftaff laying upon the poor helplefs travellers without mercy ; while he and his three companions are fharing the booty, the prince and Poins come upon them and demand their money; the reft run away; and Falftaff, after a blow or two, runs away too, leaving the booty behind him. Here again the poct has diftinguithed him from his rafcally companions, but he has not even condefcended to give the argument of his courage, derived from this random blow or two, a place of higher dignity and obfervation than a marginal note; and it is by no means certain, er even probable, that the poet had any fhare in this argument at all: it is more hkely' the note was a mere direétion for the players, inferted by the manager. And that we may clearly fee the poet’s own fenfe of the tranfaction, let us hear the prince’s remarks : P. Hen. Got with much eafe: now merrily to horfe ; The thieves are fcattered, and poffeffed with fear So ftrongly, that they dare not meet each other. Falftaff fweats to death, And lards the lean earth as: he walks along : Wer’t not for laughing I fhould pity him. Poins. | How the rogue roar’d ! THE ingenious critic feems to doubt the truth of this refleGion made upon him by Poins ; but it is hardly conceivable that Poins _ would have made it without fufficient grounds; and ftill lefs fo that the prince would have urged it again upon Falftaff in a future fcene uncontradi€ted, where we may obferve he’ advances nothing but facts, and puts him down with a plain tale; fo (B2) that [ 12 ] that his vindication here could only arife from a laudable zeal in the writer of queftioning every thing which might refle& on the character of his hero. Tue fcene where the tranfaétion at Gadfhill is canvaffed is intimately conne€ted with the former, and ferves to throw much light upon it. The writer affirms, “ that it is clearly the lies “ only, not the cowardice of Falftaff, which are here detected: “ lies, to which, what there may be of cowardice is incidental ‘“¢ only, improving indeed the jeft, but by no means the real « bufinefs of the fcene.” ‘This is a kind of abftraGtion which I muft own myfelf incapable of making; neither do I well con- ceive how the writer has done fo; for thefe lies could in faé& have had no exiftence, unlefs we imagine fome foundation upon which they were raifed; fo that, as well in the order of our ideas as degree of importance, the cowardice of Falftaff at Gadfhill is not incidental, but the primary and effential im- preffion. And-this, or fomething very like it, I think the writer admits in the following paffage: ‘ let us only fuppofe,” fays he, « that Falftaff was a man of natural courage, though in all “« refpe€ts unprincipled ; but that he was furprifed in one fingle «« inftance into an act of real terror; which, inftead of excufing ‘* upon circumftances, he endeavours to cover by lies and brag- ‘“« gadocio; and that thefe lies become thereupon the fubje@, in “« this place, of detection.” Here the act of real terror is granted ; Falftaff appears before us in this fcene under the weight of the charge, and put upon his vindication in the beft manner he is able. His defence, indeed, amply difplays another part of his eharaer, already foretold by Poins; yet, furely, without, dif- charging ea t g° J] charging the former impreffion: on the contrary, both parts are naturally and clofely connected; the. fufpicion fixed upon him from the furrender of the booty, heightened by his own con- fcioufnefs of his fcurvy retreat, fet his invention at work, and produced his vindication. Anp here I cannot help obferving that the ingenious critic’s over-ftrained defence of Falftaff’s courage does not make amends for the lofs of his inimitable wit and humour which have been © facrificed on this occafion. ‘‘ Falftaff’s evafions,” fays he, “ here “ fail him: he is at the end of his invention; and it feems. fair, *« that in defect of wit the law fhould pafs upon him, and that “« he fhould undergo the temporary cenfure of that cowardice * which he could not pafs off by any evafion whatever.” Strange, indeed, that the writer fhould difcover a defe& of wit in a fcene where it: feems to have triumphed with a more wonderful fuperiority over furrounding difficulties than in any other part of his dramatic character. Let us attend for a moment to the occafion: when Falftaff had finifhed his incomprehenfible lies about the exploit at Gadfhill, the prince fuddenly puts him down with a plain tale, of which poor Jack could not deny a fyllable. In this ftate of embarraffment we feel a peculiar intereft about him, not conceiving how his wit, though variable and in- exhauftible, could extricate him, when on a fudden, with a fort of charm, he fets both us and himfelf free. Tio the farcafm of Poins: ‘* Come, let us hear, Jack, what’ trick haft thou-now ?” he replies, “ By the L—d I knew you as well as he that made you,” and then profeffes himfelf a coward upon inftiné. Nothing can be more exquifite and delightful ; it is not cutting the in- tricate [ 4 ] tricate knot, but unfolding it with a wonderful fleight and charaGteriftic eafe.. His adverfaries, who were taunting and bitter enough, have nothing to reply to this explanation. He feems to feel his victory complete, when he adds, “ But, lads, lam “« glad you have the money: hoftefs, clap to the doors; watch “ to-night, pray to-morrow, &c.” The prince, it is true, re- plies to his propofal for haying a play extempore. “ Content ; ‘“* and the argument fhall be thy running away.” From which, by the way, we may fee the point of cowardice was a main objet of the fcene; and this is confirmed both by Falftaff’s con- feffion and manner of accounting for it, and alfo by his con- cluding reply to the prince in this feene. ‘ Ah, no more of “ that, Hal, if thou lov’ft me.” Upon the whole, the lies do not appear to be the fole, nor even the principal objec of this fcene; the plot was originally contrived upon a previous con- je@ture from his character, that he would firft aé&t the coward and next the liar: the affair at Gadfhill juftified the opinion of Poins as to both, andthe prefent occafion goes to their joint conviction : and yet thus convicted he baffles every attempt; the verfality of his wit and gaiety of his humour delight and furprife us, fo fuccefsfully does he play with thofe weapons which other hands dare not touch. I HAVE gone pretty largely into an examination of thofe firft {cenes of Falftaff’s appearance, becaufe I cannot help thinking that the poet defigned them to be of great importance in im- prefling his charaéter: and I have examined the impreffions, not in the order affigned them by the ingenious critic, but that in which they arofe under the hands of the poet. Thefe firft appearances, { a5 4 appearances, fo far as they affect his courage, the critic maintains to be errors of the underftanding ; in fpite of which, impreffions of a very minute and delicate nature, adapted to the critical fenfe alluded to above, gain upon the heart and. preferve their hold. Now, in my opinion, thofe early impreffions are rather notices to that fenfe, and any following appearances that may feem contradictory to them, I fhould incline to call etrors of the un- derftanding. My meaning is fimply this: the early impreffions of Falftaff’s fpirit are certainly thofe of cowardice ; the heart I think foon reckons this among the number of his infirmities, and whatever appearances arife in the courfe of his dramatic life, which might feem inconfiftent with them, cannot eafily make their way to the heart, already predifpofed; fo that if there be any fuch they would have lefs influence to determine the whole impreffion of his character, as they have been delayed to be brought forward. Wuetuer there be any fuch, remains to be enquired: and here I fhall follow the able critic upon’ his own plan. Hy firft confiders what impreffions Sir John Falftaff made on the characters of the drama, and in what eftimation he’ is fup-— pofed to ftand with mankind in general as to the point of per- fonal courage. His’firft authorities are Snare, the conftable, and Hoftefs Quickly: “It may chance)’ fays Snare, “ to coft fome ‘of us our lives, for he will ftab.” Hostess. “ Alafs, the day, take heed of him: he ftabbed’ me ‘““ in mine own houfe, and° that moft beaftly ; he cares not what “ mifchief bE 367 « mifchief he doth, if his weapon be out; he will foin like “ any devil: he will fpare neither man, woman nor child.” This paflage might have been as well omitted ; it feems to be one of thofe where the poet has fhewn too great a compliance with the vicious manners of the times: but fuppofing it had no indecent allufion, what infight do thefe expreffions give into his charaéter? evidently nothing more than this; that Falftaff would not much feruple at fhedding blood, a. property furely | belonging more to a cowafd than a brave man: and what are . we to think of his attacking the perfon of a woman? In fhort, one would rather conclude thefe paffages, if ferious, to be an indication of treachery and violence than of true courage. And what was his conduét when they attempted to arreft him? It does not appear that he made any active defence on his own part. He cries out, ‘© Away, varlets—draw, Bardolph—cut me off the « yjllain’s head—throw the quean in the kennel.” And again, « Keep them off, Bardolph.” All this, I fay, looks not only as if he had felt no fufticient refource in himfelf, but as if he committed the main aon to his fcurvy companion ; nor does there appear any thing in the whole {cene that argues the leaft fpirit in him, whether we judge from the fentiments of Snare and Quickly, or his own conduét in the tranfaction. On another occafion his wench, Doll Tearfheet, afks him when he will leave fighting, and patch up_his old body for heaven? It was at his return from having routed Piftol. We may judge of this feat from Falftaff’s own account of this Piftol. “ He’s no “ fwaggerer, Hoftefs, a tame cheater he; you may ftroke him “ as gently asa puppy greyhound ; he will not fwagger with a «“ Barbary — [39] “ Barbary hen, if her feathers turn back in any fhew of re- “ fiftance.”” The critic himfelf appears to rely very little upon this proof of his courage, but endeavours to draw another from Falftaff’s expreffion: “ A rafcal bragging flave; the rogue fled “* from me like quickfilver.” “ Which words,” fays the critic, “ as *“« they remember the cowardice of Piftol, feem to prove that “¢ Falftaff did not value himfelf on the adventure.” This I think is a refinement : the plain and obvious impreffion is nothing more than ‘that the rafcal had teazed them with. his bragging and bombaft, and that Falftaff had put him to flight for it. If any thing further be fought in the words, I fhould rather think his expreflion, “* the rogue fled from me like quickfilver,” an attempt to. refle@ a luftre on his own prowefs, in) reprefenting Piftol as impreffed with fo great terror. THE next appeal is to Juftice Shallow, who had known him when a boy and page to Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk. He faw him break Schogan’s head at the court gate, when he was a crack not thus high. The critic fuppofes this Schogan to be fome boifterous fencer, for what reafon we know not. It is much more probable that he was fome jefter or buffoon about the court. ‘There was one of his name in Edward the IVth’s time, whofe jefts were now in the mouths of every body ; and in all likelihood Shakefpear has applied the name of this eminent buffoon to fome one of a fimilar chara@er and profeffion in Henry’s time. Shallow fays that Falftaff was a good back{words man; which might have been the cafe Without his poffeffing true courage, as it is at this day the cafe with many a good fencer : but in fa@ the whole teftimony of this Mafter Shallow is a (C) miferable [ 18 ] miferable fupport ; he was not only a poor, weak filly creature, but had the abfurd vanity of being thought a hero in his day. Nothing then could be more natural than for fuch a fellow to puff the charafers of his own time, and particularly of his acquaintance. Though he was forlorn, as well in fpirit as in perfon, we hear him mix an account of his own feats with Falftaff's, and we may well imagine that he was difpofed to exaggerate both. ‘ Lord, Lord,” fays Falftaff, “ how fubje& ‘© we old men are to this vice of lying! this fame ftarved Juftice * hath done nothing but prate to me of the wildnefs of his ** youth; and every third word a lie, duer paid to the hearer * than the Turk’s tribute.” He had juft wit enough to know that an intimacy with wild and daring fpirits in his youth might give him fome chara@er, and that his lies of himfelf, unlefs ac- companied with equal praifes of his companions, could not pof- fibly efcape detection. We “ fee to the bottom of Mafter Shal- * low” in this cafe; nor is the fmalleft credit due to the teftimony of the bragging fool. Anovuer fentiment in his favour is fought for in the miftaken account given by Lord Bardolph of the battle of Shrewfbury. ‘© The king, by this account, was wounded ; the prince of Wales “and the two Blunts flain; certain nobles, whom he names, ‘¢ had efcaped by flight ; and Harry Monmouth’s brawn, the hulk, “ Sir John Falftaff, was taken prifoncr.” Hence the writer would conclude that Sir John was a foldier of good fame ; otherwife he would not have had a place in this lift. But this ftrikes me in a very different light; I am rather inclined to think that the poet has mentioned him in this place and company, defigning . him [ a9 J ‘him through the whole to bea very principal figure in the drama; and, befide that he was a very remarkable perfonage for his form, his wit, and many other entertaining qualities, he was univerfally known to be a conftant follower of the prince; fo that we might have reafonably expected fome mention of him on the occafion. Whether the notice taken of him be refpeciful or otherwife, is, I think, no queftion; nor can I help thinking that in thus leaving him behind thofe who had efcaped by flight, the poet might have intended to convey an impreffion of his being unable to follow fo faft as the reft, and that his captivity was owing to his corpulence. Onze fhould hardly think that the ingenious critic would attempt to draw an argument for Falftaff’s courage from the mouth of the prince, who feems to take a pride in girding at his cowardice on every occafion. The prince fays, “ I will procure this fat * rogue a charge of foot.” And again, “ J will procure thee, «« Jack, a charge of foot; meet me to-morrow in the Temple hall.” Both expreffions feem to have been ufed with a view to harrafs and teaze him, by putting him upon a fervice for which he was fo unfit. We are told with much gravity, ‘ that a prince of fo “ great ability, whofe wildnefs was only external and affumed, “ would not have procured in fo nice and critical a conjundure, “ a charge of foot for a known coward.” But what was this weighty charge? Why, no more than was barely enough to fupport the importance of his dramatic chara&er, one hundred and fifty men of his own raifing. ‘This wife young prince does not appear to have been aware that the fat rogue would mifufe the king’s prefs damnably ; in truth, the thought probably never (G2) entered , @ 4 entered into his head, at leaft gave him no concerns Falftaff ought to appear in the battle, and could not well affume a chara@ter below that of a commander: befides, this very capacity furnifhes matter of excellent wit and humour, which very naturally accounts for the introduction of him on this and other occafions ; and I muft obferve that the critic feems to have overlooked this remark too much, in fearch of thofe fubtle and remote im- preffions on which he has formed his theory. What was the conduét of the prince, when he had actually difcovered this grofs abufe of the king’s prefs? One might expect from his wifdom and ability to hear a moft fevere rebuke, or even to find Sir John very gravely cafhiered; but the fame vein of humour and en- tertainment which procured him his commiffion ftill continues. Tell me, Jack,” fays the prince, “ whofe fellows are thefe that * come after? Falftaf. “« Mine, Hal. mine. “ P. Henry. “ I did never fee fuch pitiful rafcals. Falftaffi “ Tut, tut, good enough to tofs; food for powder; “ they'll fill a pit as well as other men: Tufh, man, mortal “ men, mortal men.” And again, “ Faith;fer their poverty I * know not where they had that; and for their barenefs, Iam “* fure they never learned that of me. P. Henry. “ No, Yll be fworn, unlefs you call three inches on «© the ribs bare.” THE [ ar ] THE writer’s encomium:on the wifdem of the prince anticipates the matter a little too foon; at this period, and for fome time after, he never mixes a ferious thought in his conduct to Falftaff: And I am fure the dignity of his princely character would have fuffered more from this incongruous mixture of levity and fobriety, of bufinefs and diffipation, of virtue and vice, than by his ap- pearing “ a while-to uphold the unyoked humour of his-idlenefs.” The feverity of that poetic juftice, which alone can make us endure with any patience the prince’s final treatment of his old companion, cannot be fo well maintained, if we fuppofe him to have done at times good fervice to the fiate, as to have been uniformly worthlefs and profligate. Tue next evidence produced is no lefs a perfon than the chief juftice of England; who tells Falftaff, ‘ that his day’s fervice at “ Shrewfbury had gilded over his night’s exploit at Gadfhill.” « This,” fays the writer, “ is furely more than common fame. “« The chief juftice muft have known his whole character taken - together, and muft have received authentic information, and * in the trueft colours, of his behaviour in that action.” But how was this at all neceffary? It no where appears that the chief juftice was deeply verfed or concerned in matters of ftate; his judicial charaéter is all we are acquainted with; and from the dignified integrity with which he has difcharged it, we have reafon to imagine that it engaged his whole attention. Falftaff was brought forward to his notice, as concerned in the robbery at Gadfhill. In this light he came dire€tly within his jurifdidtion: as to his military condu€t, he was probably quite ignorant. The very point before us, his knowledge of Falftaff’s fervices at Shrewfbury, [ 22 J Shrewfbury, appears to have been fuggefted in this fcene, and almoft in the fame words by the fervant waiting on the chief juftice. Chief Fuftice. “ What's he that goes there? Servant. ‘ Falftaff, a’nt pleafe your lordhip. Chief Fuftice. “ He that was in queftion for the robbery? Servant. ‘* He, my lord; but he hath fince done good fervices *¢ at Shrewfbury.” . It would have been wholly impertinent to have put this ob- fervation into the mouth of the waiting gentleman, if the chief ~ juftice be fuppofed to have been circumftantially acquainted with the military character of every officer. The natural impreffion of the paffage is, in my opinion, clearly this: he had known him as a criminal when there were matters againft him for his life; the bufinefs was hufhed up through the interference of the prince, and Falftaff was fent off to the wars. Upon his return, the chief juftice meets him, and is informed that fince his former mifconduat he had done good fervice. ‘The whole fcene can be perfe@ly accounted for in this way ; and to refort to any foreign matter, upon a fuppofition of the chief juftice’s acquaintance with his whole charaéter, is as. unneceflary as it is forced and un- natural. The introdu€ion of Falftaff mto the royal prefence, and the eager fearch after him to bring him to court, amount in my mind to very flender evidence of his refpe@ability as a counfellor _ = ee eee eee ee [ was _ counfellor or a foldier. All this, I think, was defigned to throw a buftle and importance round his charaéter. There is nothing, indeed, fo very ftrange or indecent in his attending the prince in the camp at Shrewfbury ; where, by the way, we may obferve he gives no fort of advice, but mixes his humour with their moft important councils. Can any one ferioufly imagine that he was called into ‘the king’s prefence from a regard to his merit? If there were any reafon for introducing him, it was probably to raife a laugh againft the rebels; but, indeed, I look upon his prefence as a matter of courfe, a part of the prince’s train, who was too fond of his company to facrifice it to every little pundilio of decorum. Befides, if the king be fuppofed to have known any thing of Falftaff, his corrupting of the prince, his licentious manners and fcandalous debaucheries muft have been at leaft as notorious as his pretended military merit ; and therefore it would have been equally indecent to give him the fan&ion of his coun- tenance, as if he were the moft arrant coward. The ingenious writer will anfwer, ‘‘ That in camps there is but one virtue ** and one vice: military merit {wallows up or covers all.” What- ever force might be in this obfervation, made in the field at large, I apprehend that it cannot apply in the prefent inftance. A king unconcerned in Falftaff’s moral charaéter, might, in public emer- gencies, overlook his vices that he may profit by his talents. But king Henry was deeply affe@ed by the prince’s loofe behaviour, and .by the rude and barren fociety to which he refigned himfelf. We have abundant proof of this in his whole condu@, particu- darly in his pathetic addreffes to him. It would therefore be an infult on his majefty to bring “* that reverend vice, that father ** ruffian,” before him with any ferious defign. Here, indeed, would a [ 24 ] would be a real indecorum in forcing him as it were upon the king’s attention; whereas at prefent there is none, as he may well be fuppofed to efcape his obfervation. I HAVE now gone through an examination of all thofe opinions, sicbich the ‘writer has advanced as in this refpeét the ftrength of his caufe, Colville’s excepted, which fhall be confidered prefently. The opinions of the prince and Poins he admits to contain ftrong appearances the other way, and therefore he referved them for the end of his work. I have. followed the order of the poet for reafons afligned above. Thofe which now remain for me are Colville’s and Lancafter’s, and they are connected in one tranfaCtion. Wuen the rebel army, by the treachery of Lancafter, had been difperfed and purfued by the royal troops, Falftaff comes up with his prifoner, Sir John Colville, and is thus addreffed by Lan- cafter : : « Now, Falftaff, where have you been all this while ? « Thefe tardy tricks of yours will, on my life, «© One time or other break fome gallows back. Tue writer employs great addrefs to fhew from various cir- cumftances that we ought to give a very qualified credit to any thing advanced by this ‘ cold, referved fober-blooded boy.” “ His “ temper might lead him to injure a frank unguarded man of “ wit and-pleafure; a little cruelty and injuftice toward a man « of ‘diftinguifhed wit and noted poverty, might be accounted “ to Lancafter a virtue in the eye of -the grave and prudent part ‘f0n (a5) J . “© of mankind: the tone of the court was ftrongly againft Falftaff “as the mifleader of the young prince: fomething, therefore, ** that would not too much offend the prince, yet leave behind “© a difgraceful fear upon Falftaff, was very fuitable to the temper © and fituation of parties and affairs.’ My objection to thefe remarks, as indeed to the general fcheme and tenor of the whole criticifm, is their exceffive refinement. Dramatic charaCters. are not drawn for fpeculative ingenious men in their clofets, but for mankind at large. Now, I fay, thefe fine-fpun dedudions from the temper and fituation of Lancafter and the reft of the parties, even though they could be made out to our fatisfation,. have not a ftrong and immediate influence: the part of his character which we know, however unamiable, does not, I think, excite thofe impreffions of courfe: and for the moft part arguments from one part of charaer to another, unlefs the connetion be univerfally acknowledged, is too philofophical a bufinefs for the public underftanding. We had better, therefore, examine Falftaff’s own defence. “ I never knew yet,” fays he, “ but rebuke and ** check was the reward of valour. Do you think mea fwallow, “an arrow, or a bullet? Have I in my poor and old motion “ the expedition of thought? I have fpeeded hither with the s* extremeft inch of poffibility. I have foundered ninefcore and “ odd pofts: and here, travel-tainted as I am, have, in my pure “ and immaculate valour, taken Sir John Colville of the dale, “a moft furious knight and valorous enemy. But what of that? ** He faw me and yielded; that I may juftly fay with the ‘© hook-nofed fellow of Rome—I came, faw and overcame. (D) Lancafter. ' [ 26 ] Lancafter. “* It was more of his courtefy than your de- “ ferving. Falftaff. “ 1 know not: here he is, and here I yield him, &c.” Ir is pleafant enough to think how this defence has impreffed the writer,- “ Falftaff,” fays he, “ anfwers the general effe@ of “* Lancafter’s fpeech by a feeling and ferious complaint of in- “ juftice. He then goes on to apply his defence to the vindication “ both of his diligence and courage; but he deferts by degrees “ his ferious tone, and taking the handle of pleafantry which “© Lancafter had held forth to him, he is prudently content, as “ being fenfible of Lancatter’s high rank and ftation, to let. the « whole pafs off in buffoonery and humour.” Here again, I think we fee a folemn air thrown round this bufinefs, and efpecially the charater of Falftaff, which the poet never defigned, Lancafter, in the firft inftance, is made to play off the deep and fubtle politician, for the purpofe of ruining Falftaff and recom- mending himfelf to the court. Then Falftaff, perceiving the. malice of his intent, begins a ferious vindication of himéfelf, which he might have continued to the end, had not Lancafter by chance given him a handle of pleafantry, and had it not © been fafer to pafs it off in a joke. Every thing here appears to me unchara¢teriftic in the higheft degree. The writer feems. to have loft fight of the true intent of Falftaff’s charaéter, which furely never was to excite fentiments of jealoufy and malice, but to enterfain the whole world, even thofe who were objets of his wit and humour. ‘ Men of all forts,” fays he, “ take a * pride to gird at me. The brain of this foolifh-compounded “ clay, rae “clay, man, is not able to invent any thing that tends to “ laughter more than I invent, or is invented on me: I am * not only witty in myfelf, but the caufe that wit is in other “© men.” Here we have his very effence: and it was with a view to this, that every inimitable fcene, in which he appears, was contrived by the wonderful poet. But to return: We may obferve that Lancafter’s charge has a reference to former mifcondu@ of a like nature. His opinion had evidently been formed before this occafion; and therefore if Falftaff could eyen account for his tardy tticks in the prefent cafe, it would have only proved that his conduct was now lefs blameable than ufual. As to his de- fence I cannot think he meant it to be rational and fober. We find in it the fame humorous extravagance as in every other narrative of his exploits. The fad, indeed, was true, that Sir John Colville had furrendered to him ; but it does not appear from any teftimony, except his own and Falftaff’s, that he was a man of courage; and if he even were, the circumftances of the tranfaGions, in my opinion, give Falftaff very little to boaft of perfonal bravery. The rebel army had been betrayed and dif- fipated. In this fituation of affairs, the refiftance of a brave officer, deferted by his troops, would have been utterly fruitlefs, fo that there was no great hazard in the attack. The dialogue between the knights, from which the critic would infer, that his hero’s name was fo terrible to the enemy, conveys not to my mind the beft idea of his courage. Had this been the poet’s’ defign would he have given him fuch fentiments as thefe? * Do ye yield, Sir? Or fhall I fweat for you? If I do fweat, “ they are drops of thy lovers, and they weep for thy death; “ therefore roufe up, fear and trembling, and do obfervance to (D2) “ my E 2] “* my mercy.” By the way what becomes of the critic’s nice diftin@ion between boafting before and after events; for upon this diftin@ion he relies greatly, when fpeaking of Falftaff’s bragging lies after the affair of Gadfhill. Colville’s reply to this ftrange rhodomantade is, “ I think you are Sir John Falftaff, and “in that thought yield me.” If Falftaff’s fpeech determined Colville’s mind, he muft have been an arrant coward; if not, his queftion was the mere formality of honour, requiring an affurance that he was going to furrender to a man of fome rank and name. At this day the point is fometimes infifted upon, and certainly prevailed more generally in times of knight-errantry, when the dignity of knighthood was held in higher eftimation than at prefent. Colville was fo circumftanced, that he muft in prudence have yielded to the commoneft foldier in the field ; but it was a confolation to know that he fell into the hands of a perfon of equal rank with himfelf, and at the fame time it was an act ef courtefy upon which the knights of old piqued them- felves, In this view Lancafter’s obfervation is juftified. ‘ It was ‘* more of his courtefy than your deferving.” Falftafi’s reply, ‘ I know not; there he is, and there I yield him, &c.” is a clear admiflion of its truth. Lancafter’s opinion of his general cha- rater for backwardnefs in the field is clear and decifive: and Colville’s behaviour is eafily accounted for without afcribing it to the terror of his name. The whole incident feems to have been chofen with great art by the poet. Poor Jack had hitherto been found in his military capacity under circumftances of dif- grace. How he would condu& himfelf as a conqueror ftill re- mained to be fhewn. And _ here Shakefpear’s contrivance is inimitable ; he has predifpofed matters in fuch a way as that he [ 29 ] he fhould obtain his vitory fixe pulvere, and what is more ftrange, Jfine fudore; and at the fame time he has furnifhed appearances, which Falftaff might turn to his advantage in his account of this exploit. Had Falftaff’s military condu@ been praife-worthy or indifferent on former occafions, or had there been any thing of real courage in the tranfa€tion before us, Lancafter’s imputation had been imprudent and prepofterous in the extreme; and Fal- ftaff’s vindication might have brought the malice of his com- mander to open fhame in the face of the whole army. This too might have been done with his ufual pleafantry and wit, but there is no fuch thing. As the victory was but a ceremony, {fo his: defence is but a ye/2. Tue writer makes an appeal likewife to facts. Let us fee how far thefe eftablifh his courage. We have had occafion to examine fome already, the. affair of Gadfhill and others, that incidentally occurred in treating of opinions. At the battle of Shrewfbury Falftaff is introduced fpeaking thus in foliloquy - “JT have led my ragamuffins where they are peppered; there’s “ not three of my hundred and fifty alive.” In reading this paf- fage it never occurred to me to fuppofe that Falftaff chofe for himfelf the defperate fcene of aétion here defcribed ; it feems utterly inconfiftent with that better part of valour, called difcretion, of which he was fo great a mafter on all other occafions, nay in this very battle. ‘* But there is no queftioning the fact he “ had led them.” Jam not at all fure that we are obliged or even warranted to abide a literal conftru@ion, which violates all probability. The writer may fay, this is taking for granted what is to be proved, Falftaff’s cowardice. But I think it as in- (D3) confiftent. [. 3° ] confiftent with his own Falftaff as with mine. Some things prove a great deal too much, and fo lofe their credibility. John of Gaunt himfelf could not do more than this; and who can believe an accotnt of fuch romantic bravery in Sir John Falftaff, jn a man who the moment after counterfeits death to efcape a fingle adverfary? It cannot be. Shakefpear never could have committed fo great a breach of decorum; for though not the firieft obferver of it in all cafes, yet no dramatic. poet ever obferved it more perfectly in charaGter. I fhould therefore rather adopt the idea of his having ordered his ragamuffins upon this dangerous fervice: or if this be thought a ftraining of the words too far, that having led them, he there left them. There is certainly no reafon to think that at the time of his making this foliloquy, he is at. or near the fcene of action; the reverfe is obvioufly to be inferred: either therefore he never was upon the fpot, or he had, agreeably to his conduét on every occafion of danger, prudently confulted for his fafety by a timely retreat. Does the ingenious critic really think that Falftaff had held his poft till he had witneffed the fa@ in queftion? The improbability of it is too grofs, and he feems aware of this when he admits that Falftaff might have exaggerated the danger. Under this idea he fets about correCting Falftaff's account, and reduces the number to two-thirds of the whole. I fay nothing at prefent of his thus accommodating fats, related in foliloquy, to his own faneiful theory, though he denies this liberty to others. We might fay to him, “ the fa cannot be queftioned.” But in truth I can as eafily believe one account as the other. If Falftafi’s dif- cretion had flept on its poft till two-thirds of his men were killed, it might have remained fo till three only furvived, or in ay ee ae | my opinion to the day of judgment. ‘The truth is, it was awake early in the action, and fufpe@ing that feene to bea little too difturbed for keeping a good look out, it chofe ground of more advantage. I believe this to be the natural and almoft univerfal impreffion of the paffage. WE come next to examine his aon with Douglas. The writer has urged a great deal of matter on this head, and made juft diftinGions between courage and honour. But, indeed, the text is too plain to be obfcured or refined away by his comments, By comparing Falftaff’s condué on this occafion with his words on another, we may difcover fuch a contradi@tion as fhews it did not arife from any fettled principle, v. g. a contempt of honour. <“ If Percy be alive,” fays he, “ I'll pierce him—If “« he do come in my way, fo—If he do not—if I come in his, let “him make a carbonado of me.” Suppofe this to have been fpoken by a perfon pofleffed of conftitutional courage, we might reafonably expect that although he would by no means feek danger, yet he would meet it, if neceflary, with fome degree of firmnefs. But how does Falftaff’s condué anfwer this expe@a- tion? In the moment of danger he counterfeits death. When the writer advances this as a proof of a colle@ted mind, I think he is run very hard indeed; for unlefs we fuppofe that fear fufpends all aétion, and locks up every faculty of the mind, (which very feldom happens) we muft admit Falftaff’s refource to have been very natural for a coward. But if we fuppofe the leading idea in his mind during the battle to be a ftrong fenfe of perfonal danger, the paflage juft now quoted and his condu@ are eafily reconciled. «« If Percy be alive, I'll pierce him.” Thefe words, f-3% J words, I believe, nobody confiders as fpoken with any view except to the pun. What follows them implies, that if Percy fhould come in his way, he can’t help it; he muft abide the confequence ; every man’s deftiny awaits him; but that he will avoid it as long as he can. - With this impreffion of his character we fee his behaviour in this fcene with Douglas is very natural ; the readinefs of his wit fupplies him with an expedient, and he baffles his adverfary as Ke always does. But neither the quick- nefs of his invention on this occafion, nor his fporting with danger on others, prove a conftitutional courage; they only fhew an inexhauftible vein of wit and humour predominating through every part of his character ; triumphant over every thing, over calamity, danger and difgrace; and we might as well affert, that he was infenfible to all the miferies of poverty, infamy and difeafe, when we hear him fporting with thofe difmal fubjeas, as fuppofe him courageous for expreffing his fenfe of danger in a witty form. At the moment we feel him a coward, we are delighted with his humour amid furrounding dangers; for we know and feel that habits of charaéter break out upon the moft unlikely occafions ; and that habit above all others, I believe, which we are now confidering. I have heard of inftances of its fantaftic fport in the extremes of violent grief, and even at the hour of death. And furely if ever there was a wit which could tinge every affection and paffion of the foul with its gay colours, it was the inimitable vein of Falftaff, which converts every thing it touches to gold. Wuart remains behind of this fcene is, in my humble opinion, a damning proof of Falftaff’s cowardice, his ftabbing Percy after his ae a his death. The critic calls this indecent, but fays it has nothing to do with his courage. I think otherwife. This is one of thofe cafes where a certain principle of action, befide its own immediate effe&ts, draws after it other confequences which have a very near affinity with it; the connetion between the primary and fe- condary actions is here infeparable. To run away armed from a living man, or to efcape by counterfeiting death, are dire@ acts of cowardice. To ftab a dead man is equally fo, though not dire€tly. For I afk, is it poffible for fuch an idea to enter into the mind of a brave man? or of any man, except the bafeft coward? I am not fure whether the charge of cowardice, fo inferred, be not full as ftrong as any can be, though founded upon a direct and immediate courfe of ation. This, I fay, fup- pofing the action to be cowardly by inference only; but perhaps this would be conceding too much, if we confider Falftaff’s avowed motive on this occafion: “ I am afraid,” fays he, “ of “ this gunpowder Percy, though he be dead; therefore I’ll make “ him fure: yea and I'll fwear I killed him. Why may he not “rife as well as I? Nothing confutes me but eyes, and nobody “© fees me; therefore, firrah, with a new wound-in your thigh, Hence it appears that he ftabbed him partly for the full affurance of his own perfonal fafety, although 2 ** come you along with me. his apprehenfions were in themfelves fo groundlefs and impro- bable, that none but a coward’s heart could entertain them. The writer has with delicate judgment flurred this matter over ; and I with his whimfical theory had not obliged me to unfold an action of fuch a nature, but there was no paffing it by, for it {peaks too plainly the poet’s defign as to the charadter. (E) I HAVE 2 ae. J I nave now gone through every thing in this ingenious eflay which appears to bear upon the matter in queftion. I dare not promife myfelf that what I have offered will be deemed an anfwer. The limits of fuch an eflay as I now prefent to the academy would not allow me to treat it more at large; and what is a more important difficulty, the advocates are not fairly matched. I have only one or two obfervations more to offer on the fubjed, Tue firft I would make has, indeed, occafionally occurred, and was pretty conftantly in my view in the courfe of the effay, viz. in what manner each hypothefis wouid affect the effential qualities of Falftafi’s chara@ter. I have endeavoured to fhew that a great and delightful portion of his wit and humour would be loft if we were to adopt the writer's idea; and, indeed, he himfelf has facrificed them to his theory in one of the moft perfect fcenes of the whole character. This I confider as a radical error, for which all his ingenuity cannot atone. I muft next obferve, that to accommodate his theory, falfe opinions of Poins, Lancafter and others, muft be reforted to, and fyftems of malice intermixed in the plot, which certainly the poet never defigned. Thefe are not only in themfelves miftakes of chara@ter, but have a powerful influence on the plot, and fuch an one as J think takes away a great deal from its real pleafantry and good humour. Another ftrong objeftion to the writer’s criticifm is, | that he often miftakes the true intent of thofe fcenes where Falftaff is introduced. ‘The occafions are contrived as productive of mirth; every incident confiftent with the plot which con- duced beft to this end is chofen by the poet; but the critic feems —— — ---- ~~ ft 33: J feems to have overlooked this principal view in queft of fubtle impreffions; and while we are enjoying the feaft of wit and humour, he is refining. Had Shakefpear fometimes violated decorum a little to attain his end, we might excufe him for the entertainment he affords: but I am far from admitting this; and have attempted to maintain, through my remarks, that the new theory is more deferving of the charge. My next refleGion goes upon a difficulty ftarted by the writer upon the ufual judg- ment of Falftaff’s character. ‘“ There is fomething ftrangely “‘ incongruous,” fays he, “ in our difcourfe and affeGions con- “ cerning him. We all like old Jack; yet by fome ftrange “« perverfe fate, we all abufe him and deny him the poffeffion ** of any one good or refpectable quality. There is fomething “‘ extraordinary in this. It muft be a ftrange art- in Shakefpear “‘ which can draw our liking toward fo offenfive an objeG@. He “* has wit, it will be faid, chearfulnefs and humour of the moft *« characteriftic fort. And is this enough? Is the humour and “« gaiety of vice fo very captivating? Or does not the apparancy “© of fuch humour, and the flafhes of fuch wit, by more ftrongly “ difclofing the deformity of chara@ter, but the more effeQually ‘* excite our hatred and contempt of the man?” Tuts reafoning, carried to its full extent, would prove one of thefe two things, either that Falftaff was not a man of vicious morals, or that his wit and humour were not entertaining: but ~ both are fo palpably abfurd, that the critic qualifies the general affertion in this manner. ‘“* J am willing, however, to admit “that if a dramatic writer will but preferve to any charaGer “« the qualities of a ftrong mind, particularly courage and ability, (E 2) Ra L 36 Jj * it will be afterwards no difficult tafk to difcharge that dijfgu/t ‘¢ which arifes from vicious manners, and even to attach us to “ the caufe and fubje@ of our mirth with fome degree of affe@ion.” That Falftaff is vicious, a rogue, a liar, and a profligate, is al- lowed on all hands ; yet covered with all this infamy, he enter- tains, furprifes and charms, nay he engages our hearts. What then? Shall an infufion of cowardice reduce the charaéter to a caput mortuum, and no fpirit, no falt remain? For my part, I can fee no reafon for this. A man may, in my opinion, be very witty and pleafant upon his own defects, and even upon fuch qualities as, though acknowledged vices, cannot be deemed flagiti- ous. Now cowardice, if it can be called by a harfher name than defeat, will at leaft be allowed to have in it nothing flagitious. It certainly gives a mean and contemptible idea of its poffeffor ; but fo do fraud and lying. But neither thefe, nor any other qualities beftowed upon Falftaff, are in their nature fo far de- teftable, but that great endowments of mind, efpecially if they be fuch as univerfally charm, fhall be able completely to difcharge the difguft arifing from them. Genius and wit never fail to recommend themfelves to the notice and admiration of mankind ,; and always throw a dignity round a charaéter even above its true merit. Thefe principles are fufficient to explain the fuperior pleafure and peculiar intereft we feel in Falftaff above all other charaGters which have not half his vices. His creative fancy, playful wit, charaCteriftic humour, admirable judgment and nice difcernment of character, are fo rare and excellent endowments, that we lofe the exceptionable matter in contemplating them. Nor is it owing to thefe alone that we admire and almoft love Falftaff, but to another exquifite contrivance of the poet in catching biee. il catching occafions of mirth from his very vices. Thus, by making them the ground into which he has wrought the moft entertaining fancies and delightful humour, he has made it almoft impoffible to feparate matters thus clofely interwoven, and has feduced judgment to the fide of wit. Thefe are the ftrange arts by which Shakefpear has drawn our liking toward fo offenfive an obje@t; or to fpeak with more precifion, has contrived to veil the offenfive parts of his character. Defence is a thing of too ferious a nature for Falftaff; he laughs at all vindication; cre/cit Jub pondere virtus ; his elaftic vigour of mind repels all difficulties ; his alacrity bears him above all difguft; and in the gay wit we forget the contemptible coward. Ese] OBSERVATIONS on the FIRST ACT of SHAKESPEAR’s TEMPEST. By a young Gentleman, an Under - graduate in the Univerfity of Dublin. Communicated by the Reverend DIGBY MARSH, F.Z.C.D. and M.R.I. A. Amone literary compofitions, fome are directed folely to the underfianding, others to the paffions and imagination. 'To difcover the excellencies and defects of the former belongs pro- perly to the /ggzczan;, the latter alone are the peculiar obje& of ertticifm. A good critic therefore muft unite a perfect knowledge of the human heart with foundnefs of judgment and delicacy of tafte. For this art is chiefly valuable as it tends to lay open the conftitution of our nature, as it traces the pleafure or dif- guft we receive from compofitions of genius to thofe fecret ftrings in the frame of man, which found in harmony or difcord accord- ing to the fkilfulnefs of the hand that touches them. Confidered in this view, criticifm yields to few fciences, in the importance of its end, the qualifications it requires, or the extenfive province which it commands. Among its various objects dramatic poetry feems Read March Io, 1788. Lo 7 feems to afford the nobleft field in which the critic can try his ftrength,; and of all dramatic poets Shake/pear is entitled to peculiar attention. For the drama, as it is a reprefentation of actions and characters adapted to intereft the paffions, depends wholly for fuccefs on its conformity with zafwre. And the excellence of Shakefpear is the refult not of art or ftudy (which in their clofeft imitations of nature may be ftill perceived to imitate) but of intuitive perception. In him, indeed, nature fpeaks. Nature, like a vital principle, animates his fcene; it is nature alone that gives to his carelefs effufions, amid{ft all their blemifhes, that fecret charm which feizes the heart, while more correct productions are regarded with indifference. The eye is quickly fatiated with the fmooth lawn or regular parterre ; but will dwell with delight on the woods, the rocks and torrents of the uncultivated watte. Hence it is, that to re//k Shakefpear’s beauties may be regarded as the criterion of an undepraved tafe ; to anafize them, of critical abilities. And with critics of all fizes Shakefpear has abounded, from the voluminous editor to the weekly effayift. Whether he has been as fortunate in the kind as in the number of his critics, I acknowledge myfelf incompetent to decide. Among the various editions of his dramatic works I can boaft an acquaintance with but one: the joint edition of a poet and a fcholar. All the modern commentators are known to me only by their names, and reputation for literary talents. Had I enjoyed the advantage of their writings, doubtlefs I fhould now have no occafion to complain that in the poet and the fcholar I have too often fought in vain for the critic; while the one is content > ent Sled ite oe Cae Pe eS Oe [ @ ] content with dire@ing me by a marginal diftin@ion*, where I am to admire; and the other forgets his author in the triumph of learned pride over the blunders of a former commentator. The meaning of a word, or the conftru€tion of a fentence, has given birth to ample comments; while thofe ftrokes of nature which give Shakefpear an abfolute power over the human breaft, are either left unnoticed, or pointed out as the objects of un- meaning admiration. For my own part, while my foul is hurried along by the magic of poetry through the regions of pity, indig- nation, aftonifhment or terror; when my heart expands to grafp ‘a fublime image, and furrenders all its faculties to the guidance of a mafter’s hand, at fuch moments I cannot thank the man who forces me to defcend to the niceties of verbal criticifm +, or to «.* The moft. fhining paffages are diftinguifhed by commas in the margin; and «¢ where the beauty Jay not in particulars but in the whole, a /far is prefixed to the «© {cene.” Mr. Pope’s preface. + What is generally called verbal criticifm is, I believe, more properly the office of a grammarian or collator of manufcripts than of a critic. Yet there is a fpecies of it which has a juft title to the name, as it does not terminate in words, however words may be its immediate objet ; I mean that fpecies of criticifm which delivers rules for the frudture of fentences; rules to which the antients paid much more attention than moft of our Englifh writers ; and which many, I believe, have neglected as inapplicable to modern languages. Whether this opinion be founded in truth I fhall not here enquire; but the reafon why I look upon this fubje€& to involve in fome meafure the conftitution of the human mind, and therefore to fall under the critic’s province, will appear by an example. I fhall take it from the 2d philippic of Cicero, in which the following fentence occurs: “ Utinam, Cn. Pompei, cum C. Cafare “ facietatem, aut nunquam coiffes, aut nunquam diremiffes, fuit alterum gravitatis, alterum “ prudentie tue.” In one of our Englifh tranflations it runs thus: “« I with, O © Pompey, that you never had contraéted, or never had broken your friendfhip with (F) “s Ceefar. [ 42 ] to unimportant altercations about a phrafe in which ftudy_ is requifite to difcover obfcurity. Who; indeed, while rapt in the harmony of Handel, can liften with patience to remarks on the ftructure of the inftrument or drefs of the performer? Here and there, indeed, (even in the edition I fpeak of) an obfervation truly «© Cxfar. The one had been confiftent with your patriotifm, the other with your «© prudence.” There is no one who reads thefe two fentences that will not imme-" diately give a decided preference to the original. But a reafon for this preference may be tequired, and muft be deduced from nature. Let us compare the feveral parts of each. « Utinam, Cn. Pompei £ Our attention is awakened by the folemnity of this opening, and the dignity of the perfon who is addreffed ; while the cold « I wih,” of the tranflation; prepares us for a wifh of equal importance with my uncle TLoby’s— « T with, faid my uncle Toby—I with, Trim, I was afleep.” After we have learned that the fpeaker is exprefling a wifh, we naturally expect to be informed of the fubjeé of this wifh. And this the Roman orator tells us in the next words, “ cum C. Cafare foietatem.” After which the with itfelf is declargd, when the mind is enabled to judge ef its propriety, “ aut nunguam coiffes, aut. nunquam diremiffes.” But the tranflator, inverting this order, informs us that /omething fhould never have been contracted or never broken; and then tells us what this /omething is. So that after the conclufion of the fentence,: we muft go back to confider the juftice of the {peaker’s fentiment. In the original:the fentence is clofed with that on which the mind fhould dwell: in the tranflation, the attention is called off from this to a particular which ought to have been known before. In the confirmation which is fubjoined, the concluding word implies an artful compliment, wifely intended to efface thofe difagreeable fenfations which might have been excited by the preceding teproof. This alfo is loft in the tranflation. The language of the antierits was certainly more favourable than ours to fuch delicacies of arrangement. Yet I believe our language is not fo much in fault as our negligence. The prefent fentence might be tranflated to more advantage thus; «* That union with Czefar—would to heayen, Cn. Pompey! either « that you never had formed or never had diffolved it. The one was the part of « dignity—the other of prudence—fueh as your’s.” i @ 4 truly critical appears; but appears. like; the folitary fhrub in a barren, defert—a memento of the. furrounding wafte., In. the Tempe/?, where fuch remarks occur moft frequently, they are yet fcattered with fuch a niggard hand as will by no means fatisfy the reader who defires to inveftigate the fource of thofe feelings which are excited in every page of a favourite. poet. ‘That defire. gave birth to the; following pages\in the hours of relaxation from feverer ftudies.. And, that defire, it is hoped, will at leaft avert the feverity of cenfure from an attempt which muft fall indeed far fhort,of, meriting applaufe. Tuo. firft thing which claims our attention in this play is the opening. ~This isa part in which of all others it is moft difficult to fucceed. And accordingly we find it generally unnatural and almoft always languid. It is a part to which, when we liften moft favourably, we liften with cold indifference, and in which the poet’s higheft ambition feems to be to inform the under- ftanding, not to affect the heart. That it is no eafy tafk to attain even this end without difgufting by frequent ttanfgreffions of nature and probability, we may be convinced from the number and eminence of thofe who have failed in the attempt. Hence on the antient ftage, even after it had made large advances towards perfection, the pro/ogue frequently gave fuch information to the audience, as was neceflary for underftanding the fuc- ceeding fcenes. And. to me indeed this cnftom appears far preferable to that of attaching an aukward introdudtion to the body of the drama. Nor do I fee why we fhould ftill retain the prologue, yet reject the principal advantage which may be derived from its introduction. That painting, no doubt, is moft excellent (F2) which [ 44 ] which explains itfelf ; but not by a label iffuing from the mouth of the portrait. In fa& thofe prefatory fcenes are ap- pendages perfeétly diftiné from the play, of which they no more conftitute a part than fuch a label is part of the figure to which it is affixed. For that alone can properly be faid to belong to the drama, which tends in fome degree to accelerate the cata ftrophe. This is the bond which muft unite the feveral members into one uniform whole. And where this bond is wanting, any other that can be fubftituted muft be equally ridiculous and vain. The attempt to incorporate difcordant parts can only ferve to raife our laughter or difguft. Some however of -the antient prologues told too much; for the end of information is fufficiently anfwered, when we kzow fo much as may qualify us for taking part in the various incidents which the poet reprefents, and at the fame time are ignorant of fo much as will keep alive our defire of knowing more. There is a point between too much and too little knowledge, from which a deviation on either fide muft tend to reprefs curiofity or anticipate conjeCure. But though I wifh that the antient prologue fhould take place of thofe forced foliloquies and improbable dialogues which have been the difgrace of the ftage; and though I think that in the management of it, no fmall degree of judgment may be fhewn; yet that drama which afpires to perfection, muft afpire at the fame time to zxdependence—mutft be fomething in itfelf abfolute, and unindebted to the affiftance of an interpreter. For the know- ledge which we colle@t ourfelves always yields more fatisfaGtion than that which we derive from others. ‘To effect this, indeed, an uncommon felicity in the fable muft concur in fome meafure with [ 45 | with the art of the poet: And I believe each of thefe no where appears more eminent than in the Tempeft of Shakefpear. There in the very firft feene the attention is arrefted, the paffions in- terefted, the mind hurried into a¢7/on where fhe recognizes nature, and is unable to’ remain an indifferent {pe€tator. A fhip appears at fea in a ftorm. The paffengers are difcovered to be noble; but diftin@ions of rank are loft in danger: The great then feel their dependance on the meaneft, and the meaneft become fen- fible of their own importance. Hence it is that the boatfwain dwells with pleafure on the refleGtion, that “ thefe roarers care ‘“* not for the name of king ;’ and that power and wifdom are now of no avail. Hence that contemptuous fuperiority with which he replies to the foothing admonitions of Gonzalo, and which muft naturally arife from the confcioufnefs that a monarch’s fafety depended upon him. The paffengers, as foon as they have difcarded hope, give vent to all the impatience of defpair. The terror which had firft feized them now fpreads among the mariners. The defpair becomes general. All is given up for loft. The fhip fplits, and we are for awhile left in a ftate of anxiety and fufpenfe. WE may obferve the diftin@live manners of an old man main~ _ tained in the cautions of Gonzalo; the fatisfa€tion he takes in the fagacity of his own remarks, and his reliance on their juftice even in the extremity of danger. But I haften to a more fignal inftance of Shakefpear’s infight into the human mind. The greateft difficulty in the conduct of this drama confifted in re- conciling us to the marvellous, with which the play abounds; and which-in the hands of any other poet muft, inftead of raifing . admiration, [ 46 ] admiration, have only. fhocked beliefy, How,judicioufly therefore ‘is the imagination prepared by terror, and compaffion. for the enchanted fcenes to which we are now to be introduced. It is ~ a common obfervation that the weakeft minds are moft inclined to credulity., And, itis no. Jefs true that fear, grief, pity, and all thofe paffions which..tend. to deprefs the foul, produce, (in proportion to their violence) a fimilar effet. Hence the numerous prodigies with which hifiorians abound, in times of danger. and diftrefS$.. Hence that pronenefs to fuperftitioa which has appeared in the greateft chara@ters, when oppreffed by the thock of any fudden calamity. To be, convinced of the importance, of. this remark, let us only confider how differently we fhould haye been affeted by the appearance of Profpero and his fpirits, had not the awfulnefs of a ftorm and fhipwreck preceded their introduGion. Should we not have turned with difguft from that which at prefent only fills us with aftonifhment? ; THe poet now tranfports us to the cave of an enchanter, whofe potent art had “* caWed forth the mutinous winds.” His daughter befeeching him to allay the ftorm to, which fhe had been witnefs, is comforted with the affurance that no life was loft, and that what was done, was done “ i care of her.’ The plot gradually opens in a manner natural, folemn and affe@ing. “ The hour tas now come,’ when Profpero’s daughter muft be informed of that which to have known before would have been both ufelefs and prejudicial. We become every moment more interefted in the fortunes of Miranda and her father. The one, who at firft only excited furprife and awe as a magician, now claims our pity and refpe@, as a prince unjuftly difpoffeffed of his 1 ae his dominions by the treachery of a brother. Amd the averfion with which we ate apt to regard the charaGer of an enchanter, is) loft in that of a man “* rapt in fecret fiudies,’ and devoted to the love of letters. Still had fuch a perfon been reprefented in the midft of civilized fociety, the fiGtion perhaps would have been looked upon as incredible. But in folitude, in the lone- fome uninhabited wafte, and) im) darknefs, (that temporary foli- tude) men have ever been forward to embrace the wildeft delu- fions of fancy. For this reafon Shakefpear lays his fcene in a defert ifland ; where, before Profpero’s arrival; no human being had trod except am exiled forcerefs;: Mrranpa from) the béginning appears in the true feminine charms of foftnefs,, compaffion and fimplicity: She is now prefented in the more. interefting view of rightful heir to her father’s dukedom, and companion of his fufferings. Our curiofity alfo is ftill kept alive: Profpero’s enemies are now in his. power : his fate depends on feizing this opportunity; but in what manner he will feize it we remain uncertain. ‘Thus is Shakefpear equally judicious in what he difclofes and conceals. Longinus admires an.expreffion of Herodotus. “ The) whole, theatre was melted into “tears.” Similar to this,/but much more noble, is Shakefpear’s : * No, not fo much perdition as an hair s © Betid to any creature in the veffel, “< Which thou heard’ft cry.” : How clofely too does he imitate nature, even in the circumftance which he feleéts for Miranda’s remembrance, namely, the number of her attendants. That, by the frequency of repetition, muft have i 4a] have made a ftronger impreffion on her memory than the fingle event of her tranfportation to” the ifland, the importance of which her infant mind was incapable of knowing. But let us leave thefe remarks to confider the miniftering fpirit who is now exhibited. PRATERNATURAL agents, however they may furprife, feldom intereft us. The difference of their nature, paffions and purfuits, makes us regard them as an order of beings in whom we have no concern. It remained for Shakefpear to give them fuch charaters as muft excite our love or abhorrence, fuch fentiments and manners as never intrude upon thofe of the human fpecies, yet force us to fympathize in their pleafure and their pains. The {pirit now introduced at once lays hold on our affections ; its cha- racter is immediately difcovered, and is fuch a character as we cannot contemplate with indifference. Profpero himfelf is, with the greateft propriety, reprefented as loving it. Delicate, gentle, timid and fubmiffive, it executes the commands of its employer with an alacrity quickened by gratitude, and by the expectation of promifed liberty. But whence is it that we are more interefted by Shakefpear’s Ariel, than by the attending fpirits in Milton’s _ Comus? I anfwer, becaufe the former has paffions fimilar to our own, burns with defire, or exults in hope; chearfully fubmits to bondage fron# motives of generofity, yet at the fame time feels the wretchednefs of bondage, and pants for the enjoyment of freedom. But of the latter, we only know that they are fent to fuccour virtue in diftrefs; that they difcharge their commiffion with cold apathy ; that they enjoy unruffled happinefs themfelves, and look down upon the perturbations and cares which agitate mortals. [ 49 ] mortals. What emotion, but that of reverence, can be excited by a charaéter which is itfelf exempt from all? Hence we may obferve that if at any time fpiritual agents be reprefented, they fhould be of a middle order, fubje@ to various degrees of pleafure and of pain. Human paffions are moft of them founded on the imperfections of our nature, and nothing that is perfect can become their proper object. Bur to return to our author. Ariel’s impatience for freedom gives Profpero a natural opportunity of recounting what had paffed upon his firft coming to the ifland, and prepares us for the appearance of Caliban. Mean while the ftory continues to be unfolded, or rather unfolds itfelf. We become acquainted with the principal aétors; we learn a more. particular account of the king’s fate and his followers; and at the fame time, left curiofity fhould be weakened, the poet artfully heightens our fufpenfe by the jfecret commiffion given to Ariel. In this fcene a fignal inftance occurs of Shakefpear’s accuracy in adapting his language to the different perfonages he exhibits. The fpirit informing its mafter of the harbour in which the king’s fhip is concealed, inftead of defcribing it from the fituation, or the nature of the place, marks it out by a circumftance fuitable to its own cha- rater : s¢ Where once « Thou call’dft me up at midnight to fetch dew * From the ftill-vext Bermoothes.” (G): Such [ 5° ] Such an incidental reference to a preceding event tends to corroborate thofe which are now reprefented, and infenfibly per- fuades us of their reality. We come now to a character the moft extraordinary, moft ftrongly marked, and uniformly fupported, that imagination has ever pictured or language defcribed. The ftubborn, the malig- nant, the ungrateful Caliban, forms a perfect contraft to the amiable, the gentle Ariel. Unmoved by kindnefs, fear alone makes him fubmit to the power of Profpero, whom he at once detefits and dreads. His malevolence breaks out the moment he appears in the bitternefs of imprecation—that greateft pleafure which he derives from the ufe of fpeech. Liberty he defires no farther than as it affords an exemption from labour, and where fervility promifes the gratification of his indolence or his malice he is eager to be a flave. But though we muft admire the ftrength and juftnefs of colouring with which this cha- racter is drawn; yet, I fear, the introdu€tion of it muft be condemned, as deftruGive to the unity of a drama, which might otherwife have been pronounced complete. It is a fhining blemifh which we can {ecarcely wifh removed; and I think it confirms a remark that has often occurred to me in reading Shakefpear, namely, “ that many of his defe€ts proceed from “ too clofe an imitation of nature.” Nor does this contradict the great rule, that nature fhould be the ftandard of dramatic poetry. We muft diftinguifh between what is natural in events, and what is confonant to the nature of the human mind. The latter muft be univerfally obferved, as the chief obje& of the draima is to affe@ the paffions. But the former is to be fudied only [ ge J only in fubfervience to this, which therefore it muft never be fuffered to counteraé, Thus in rea/ Uife we fearcely ever fee any train of events uniformly tending to one end, without the intervention of others, between which and that end there fubfifts no neceffary conneftion. Yet the unity of action ought always to be maintained by the dramatic poet; becaufe the human mind is moft powerfully interefted, when the force of all its faculties is concentered in a fingle obje&. Shakefpear has often deviated from this rule, and abounds with faults; but feldom deviates from nature, and therefore abounds with beauties. Hence many even of his faults carry that charm along with them, which moro than atones for their imperfection. But Ariel is now introduced again, in the execution of Profpero’s commiffion ; drawing Ferdinand to the fight of Miranda by the found of aerial mufic. She, accuftomed to the appearance of fpirits under various ‘forms, naturally fuppofes that a figure uncommonly beautiful is not human; yet his appearance is fo interefting that fhe plainly withes her conje€ture may be falfe. ———— © What is’'t? id fpirit ? «© Believe me, Sir, ¢ Tt carries a brave form—bwt ’fis a fpirit”’ The natural fimplicity of Miranda’s chara@er is uniformly main- tained. She attempts not to diffemble the partiality which fhe feels for Ferdinand. It is a falfe refinement that will ufe a veil where there is nothing which deferves concealment. Profpero’s feeming oppofition to a connection which he wifhed to bring about, is founded on the jufteft obfervation of nature. Difficulties (G 2) in L J in the attainment of an obje@ which has once engaged our des fires, have been ever found ‘to enereafe the ardour of purfuit. - Befides, the roughnefs of hisdemeanour and his apparent cruelty tend to fet the tendernefs and gentle fympathy of his daughter in a more engaging light; fo that we can fcarcely wonder at the fuddennefs of Ferdinand’s attachment. Yet let the advocates for firft-fight impreffions obferve, that Shake/pear fuppofed all thefe concurring circumftances infufficient, and has called in /uper- natural influence to effet what they think may be fufficiently accounted for by their “ Fe ne /car yuos’—that Fohn-a-Stiles of modern novel-writing. WaresurtTon’s remarks on the remainder of this fcene fuper- cede the neceffity of any farther eriticifms. I fhall therefore con- clude, after obferving, in general, with what peculiar art the eataftrophe of this piece is conducted. In order to the recovery of Profpero’s dukedom, Alonzo was to be impreffed with remorfe for having been the author of his depofition. For this purpofe he is vifited with accumulated misfortune. And left the voice of that ftern monitor fhould be ineffeCtual, the agency of Ariel is employed to fet his guilt before him in the ftrongeft colours; ’till at length he fees and trembles at the characters of divine vengeance. The billows, the winds, the thunder, found in his ears “ the name of Profpero;” and he is ftung to frenzy by the refleCtion that, for his father’s trefpafs, Ferdinand is “* bedded in the ooze.” When his diftra@ion is now at the height, the charm diffolves. ‘The king’s affliGion for the lofs of his fon is changed to tranfport for his recovery. Tranfport, fuch as his, kindles all the ardour of affection for the moftdiftant inftrument. STE pt ee 2 — oT: * Bi gad inftrument. ‘The happy parent is naturally led to regard Profpero as the author of his joy. All remains of former enmity are effaced ; and left it fhould ever break out again, their reconcilia- tion is cemented by the union of their children. Amonc Shakefpear’s plays it is not eafy to determine which is moft excellent. Perhaps the Tempe/? has fewer faults than any other, and as ftriking beauties. There is not one, certainly, in which the poet gives a greater loofe to the vivid powers of his imagination, nor one in which his imagination is more regulated by the ftricteft rules of nature and of art, mis? oT EDS Hy [ 55 ] Thoughts on fome particular PASSAGES in the Agamemnon of HSCHYLUS By FRANCIS HARDY, £4, ALRIA. I N Mr. Wood’s Effay on Homer there is the following paffage: Read Dec. “ That we may conclude from him (that is, Homer) that the page * language of Greece was that of Troy.” SevERAL writers have concurred with Mr. Wood in this opie nion. The principal reafon which they affign for it, independent of the fuppofed “affinity and connection between the coun- tries, is this: That in all ‘the interviews which take place in the Iliad between the warriors of both nations, the fpeakers feem to underftand each other perfectly well, without the intervention of an interpreter, a perfonage who in fhort never appears through out the whole poem, that as Homer has tranfmitted to us fuch a faithful copy of the manners of this very early period of fociety, and has not fuffered any incident or circumftance to efcape him which could perfe& the refemblance, and mark the characters of individuals as well as of nations with precifion, it is inconfiftent with the accuracy of fo great a painter not to have taken bed taken notice of the different language made ufe of by Greece and Troy, if any fuch difference had really fubfifted. TuIs argument appears at firft to be perfectly conclufive. Homer’s great confiftency, his hiftorical truth, his unvarying— attention to the coftumi in every inftance, cannot be doubted. His total filence in the Iliad, as to the language of Greece and Troy, certainly favours the idea that it muft have been common to both countries. Strongly fortified and fupported as _ this idea feems to be, I think I fhall be able to prove that it had not always that currency which it has now: That the greateft tragic poet Athens ever faw (the greateft incontrovertibly in point of original genius) entertained a different opinion, is a cer- tain fa@, in which conje@ture has no room. From fome circum- ftances which I fhall mention in the courfe of this eflay, we may reafonably prefume that the people of Athens concurred in opinion with him. In the Agamemnon of Atfchylus, which, take it all together, is one of his moft. finifhed compofitions, he introduces that mo- narch as juft returned from the deftruGion of Troy to his palace at Argos. Agreeable to the fafhion of thofe heroic ages, when a general urbanity of manners had not foftened the horrors of war, he is attended by a train of unhappy captives ‘The prin- cipal figure in» this groupe is, Caffandra, the celebrated and wretched daughter of Priam; She appears before Clytemneftra, and the principal old men of ;Argos.,. who, compofe the chorus. The queen addreffes her in a mixed ftrain of courtefy and feve- rity. The miferable princefs,makes, nojanfwer., At length Cly- ; temneftra eat Sean ae ae Bead temnefira becomes impatient, and tells her if fhe does not under- ftand their language to make figns with her hands. The chorus then obferves that fhe comes from a foreign city, and ftands in need of an interpreter. This checks the rifing anger of the queen, who goes into the palace to facrifice, as fhe fays, to the Gods, for Agamemnon’s happy return. As foon as Clytemneftra had retired, Caffandra no longer preferves filence, but with a noble wildnefs and dignity of forrow invokes Apollo as the author of all her calamities. She then proceeds to prophefy her own death and that of Agamemnon. The chorus are at firft all amazement ; however, when they have in fome degree recovered from that aftonifhment and terror into which the terrific frenzy and ambiguous forebodings of the beautiful prophetefs have thrown them, they exprefs their furprize that a foreigner, as fhe is, could fpeak the Grecian language as fluently as if fhe had been educated at Argos. Again, when continuing her prophe- cies, the chorus confefs their utter inability to comprehend her meaning, fhe immediately replies, “* Yet you ‘allow that I {peak “« your language perfeClly.” All this is fo ftrongly marked, and the difference between the Trojan and Grecian tongues fo dif- tin@ly pointed out, that it is impoffible not to take notice of it. We have here then a celebrated dramatic poet, the father of tragedy, who not only does not allot the fame language to the queen of Agamemnon and the daughter of Priam, but thinks it proper to reprefent the natives of Argos as furprized and con- founded that the latter fhould fpeak their language at all. Can we fuppofe that if at that time it was generally admitted as true, (H) that [. 58 J that the Grecians and Trojans fpoke the fame language, that he would have hazarded fuch an unneceflary violation of hiftorical truth, and before fuch judges? Can we fuppofe that a poet, who above all others was the avowed admirer of Homer ; who, with that unaffected diffidence which ever characterizes real genius, always fpoke of his tragedies as fingle difhes from the great entertainment of Homer, would have deviated from him in fo material a point if he really imagined that Homer confidered his countrymen and the Trojans as ufing the fame language? Tue magnanimity of Agamemnon, and the misfortunes of Caffandra, certainly have no relation to this circumftance; yet Iam perfuaded that Aifchylus did not mention it without defign. Such minutie fall more generally, though not more properly, within the hiftoric than the tragic fphere ; for we may obferve that uninterefting authors who write for the theatre, without the true genuine talents for it (a cafe by no means uncommon) never attend to fuch minutiz in the leaft, and that a real dramatic genius always does. Jt is this which conftitutes the great diffe- rence between the French theatre and that theatre which Shake- fpear eftablifhed. Corneille, whofe Roman charaCters in general are only fo many gigantic difproportioned ftatues of the Pompeys and the Emiliani, “ ftept from their pedeftals to take the air,” and who feems always unhappy when he is not indulging his. paffion for declamation, and quoting Lucan, looked down from his dramatic roftrum on fuch feeming trifles with the utmoft contempt ; whilft Shakefpear, on the contrary, felects them with the utmoft affiduity and tafte ; well knowing that they gave that air of truth and probability to his pieces which is the very foul of [gpa of theatric reprefentation. Now if fuch a mafter as 2fchylus has thought fit, in the midft of a moft interefting and impaflioned fcene, on a fudden to check the tide of our feelings, to bid the moft powerful paffions to ftand ftill for a moment whilft he calls our attention to fuch a minute circumftance as this, will it appear chimerical or vifionary to fay that he touched on it becaufe it was exaéily agreeable to the popular opinion of the antient limits of the Greek language, and of courfe neceffary to the hiftorical perfeGion of his drama; and that his judgment, as well as Shakefpear’s, told him that it is this minute and delicate con- formity to eftablifhed traditions which affixes the feai of authen- ticity to the works of the poet. Ir may be faid that the drama of A‘fchylus is not always per- feily regular, and that the Athenians did not look for that cor- re€tnefs which an acquaintance with the works of his great rival Sophocles taught them afterwards to exa@t. It is true. Aifchylus was crowned for this play of Agamemnon, and yet there is one material and palpable error in it. The laft of the fucceflive fignals by fire, which was agreed to be given immediately on the taking of Troy, has been fcarcely feen by the watchman who was ftationed to obferve them, and their progrefs defcribed (moft beautifully indeed) by Clytemneftra, when Agamemnon. himfelf appears at Argos. This is certainly a violation of all probability. However, I believe it will be admitted that an audience might with great facility overlook a trefpafs on the unities, and not pafs over any inattention to a matter of public notoriety, as I fhould fuppofe that of Greece fpeaking a different language from Troy, muft in fome degree have been at Athens. I acknowledge (H 2) , that [ 60 ] that the Athenians were a people fond even to a proverb of fiction and romance; that they frequently adopted and main- tained opinions relative to antient cuftoms, &c. without any foundation : I acknowledge that the moft impartial of all hifto- rians, Thucydides, freely declares his apprehenfions that his ac- count of the Peleponnefian war will not pleafe, on account of the attachment of the Athenians to fable. But although it might have been matter of difpute at Athens whether Iphigenia was really facrificed at Aulis or not, yet whether their anceftors and the Trojans fpoke the fame language was a queftion not confined to the poets; it related to the whole community, and confequently, whatever diftance of time there was between the taking of Troy and the days of Aifchylus, could not have been involyed in much obfcurity. Tue works of Homer were not confined toa particular clafs in fociety ; they were not read by hiftorians, or philofophers, or ftatefmen alone. If they were ftudied by Anaxagoras or Peri- cles, or applauded by the uncommon fenfe and fuperior tafte of Afpafia, they were at the fame time the delight and the inftruc- tion of the multitude: They were, as every one knows, recited at the facred feftivals ; their authority was admitted as unquef- tionable in judicial pleadings. It is fearcely poffible to fuppofe * that a people fo penetrating, fo inquifitive, fo ingenious as the Athenians, could have been fo converfant as they were with the works of Homer without invettigating a queftion the moft natu- ral that could occur to them on reading that poet; did the Grecks and the Trojans ufe the fame language? If the times in which the tragedies of AXfchylus were a&ted with peculiar appro- bation [ 6r ] bation had been clouded with barbarifm or ignorance, it would have been idle to have touched on this queftion for a moment ; but the days in which this great poet was moft admired, were, above all others in the hiftory of Greece, peculiarly refulgent. Never did the genius of Athens appear with more dazzling luftre than juft at that period. Theage of Demofthenes, of Hyperides and Alexander, was the age of eloquence, and to a certain degree of the fine arts; but with fuch predominating fplendour did the period which I allude to fhine forth, that no fubfequent era in the annals of mankind has, in fome inftances, at all equalled it. It was amidft this intelleQual blaze, “ in this moft high and “« palmy ftate” of Greece, that the tragedies of A%{chylus laid hold on the Athenian mind, and though he was exceeded by Sophocles in regularity and elegance, and by Euripides in ten- dernefs and moral fentiment, yet the uncommon force of poetry with which he had elucidated and adorned the more fhadowy and uncertain parts of Grecian ftory, and the noble patriotifm and magnificence of numbers with which he cloathed the illuf- trious day of Salamis in double luftre, rendered him the objec of delight and admiration to his countrymen. Perhaps if we confider for a moment the nature of thofe fubje@s which form the tragedies. of thofe great poets, we may be induced to pay more attention to the fentiments of A{chylus, as far as they relate to the prefent queftion. The misfortunes of “¢ "Thebes, or Pelops line, “ Or the tale of Troy divine,” feem to be the general and indeed inexhauftible fource from whence they all drew their richeft materials: Sophocles, and Euripides, eee | Euripides, however, more particularly. In the drama of the former, the woes of Oedipus, of Ele€tra, and perhaps more than either, the awakened tendernefs and felf-condemnation of Deia- nira, lay claim to and engage all our fenfibility. The fplendour and elegance of the poetry, the judicious fele@ion of the fable, and peculiar correGtnefs of tafte for which this poet has been fo juftly celebrated, muft be obvious to the moft carelefs obferver. In Euripides, the poet of the heart, we are charmed with the eafy and artlefs fimplicity of his diGtion, the elevated yet appro-= priate fentiments of each chorus, and the mild philofophy of Socrates which glides through and enriches the whole. The tra- gedies of Aifchylus wear a different from ; irregular, often extra- vagant, more fublime and magnificent in his conceptions than either of his rivals; it is not the dignified fufferings of Hercules, the folitudes of Lemnos re-echoing to the anguifh of PhiloGetes, the unhappy paffion of Phaedra, or the graceful and refigned tendernefs of Alceftis, that folicit the exertions of his mufe. A predile@tion for whatever was auguft, awful and commanding, for thofe fubje@s which were almoft hid in antiquity, and by the developement of which he could pour new light on the ‘hiftory and manners of his countrymen, feem to pervade almoft the whole of his favourite compofitions. In his Prometheus, the gloom, the dread uncertainty which reign through part of that fublime performance, the indiftin@t idea which we have of fome of the objects of the dialogue, give an air of, folemnity and grandeur to it, no lefs impofing than the unappalled humanity of Prometheus, and the introduction of the daughter of Inachns, muft have been flattering to the prejudices, the tafte and ardent feelings of an Athenian audience. So attached was he to this fubje&, : » a ~ Sct de mek ee ee ee ae eS On AI, | 5 gt Ps tag PE ee a [ 63 ] fubje&, that he wrote three tragedies on it, two of which are now unfortunately loft. ;In his play, of the Supplicants, we find him, again, treading the almoft impervious paths of antiquity. I adduce this performance with particular fatisfaGion, not only as| it favours the pofition which I have juft laid down,, but as an additional argument) for our, reliance on the candid teflimony of fBfchylus.,. Danaus,,an Egyptian,, is faid to, have eftablithed a colony’ in Greece, and tranfmitted, the kingdom of Argos to his pofterity. Agreeable as this account might have been to antient tradition, it certainly was by no means fo to the felf love and national prejudices, of the Greeks; juft the reverfe. However, we find that no confideration of that nature prevented A{{chylus from giving this event to his countrymen juft as it. was. He has accordingly thrown this migration into a dramatic.form; and the arrival of Danaus, and) the ;fupplications of his. daughters, form the fubject of the, play. . The poet in this, as in other inftances, has adhered then exa@lly to tradition; his general inte- grity cannot be impeached, and indeed his ftri@ and delicate obfervation of manners *, and the confonance of his teftimony to that of the beft hiftorians, where, it has been found neceflary to compare them, are particularly acknowledged by the moft refpect- able authors. / Tue time of the celebrated migrations from Greece is well ‘afcertained, and Thucydides exprefsly fays that the Grecians did V ' i aA whi * As in the Perfians, where in the account given to Atofla of the flight of the Perfians, their worfhip of, the earth and fky is particularly noticed. See Dr. Potter’s incomparable tranflation. not [ 64 ] not engage at allin regular colonization until long after the Trojan war. However, it is afferted by fome that the Trojans were a colony from Greece, and fettled there, according to tradition, about two hundred years before the Trojan war. Now the lan- guage of the mother country is generally, indeed almoft invariably, adopted by her colonifts. Is it not then a fingular circumftance that Aifchylus fhould in the moft unequivocal manner mention Troy as a city fpeaking a language different from that of Greece? Whether a tradition of this nature, unfupported by any great hiftorical authority that I know of, is entirely to over- balance the plain and unbiaffed teftimony of Ai{chiylus, may reafonably be queftioned. The account of Dardanus, from whom the Trojans were faid to be defcended, is ‘certainly given by an excellent author * and admirable critic ; ‘but it is almoft loft in poetic fable, and unconnected with any proof whatever. Let us fee what it amounts to: Atlas, the firft king of Arcadia, had feven daughters ; Jupiter married one of them, and had two fons, Jafus and Dardanus: A great deluge which took place in Arcadia feparated the brothers, and the family of Dardanus migrated to Afia, where they fettled in that country, which was afterwards called Phrygia. Jafus, it feems, when in Samothrace, paid his addreffes to the goddefs Ceres, and in return for his affiduities was {truck dead by lightning ; a very common mode amongft the ladies of the heathen mythology of getting rid of an importunate lover. After ftating thefe and fome other particulars of equal importance and authenticity, he (Dionyfius) fays, “* ] have now ‘““ made it evidently appear that the Trojans are defcended from the * Dionyfius of Halecarnaffus. * Greeks.” Si Radiat Eb Bo e- [E OSF “ Greeks.” Whether they were or not it is impoffible at this diftance of time to pronounce with any degree of certainty ; but the Trojans were a mixture of Greeks and Phrygians, fay ‘fome authors. If the Hymn to Venus is allowed to be genuine (and fome of the moft penetrating critics never denied its authenticity) it will appear, from the authority of Homer himfelf, that the, Tro- jans and Phrygians fpoke different languages. This difference is taken notice of in the Hymn, to Venus, not in the Miad; a circumftance which deftroys the force of that argument which is drawn from the general filence of Homer as to the languages of the contending nations. If the Hymn to Venus had been loft, few perhaps..would have thought of affigning different languages to the Trojans and Phrygians; the general inference from the Iliad would have been, that they were the fame. If, therefore, Homer is totally filent in the latter poem as to the language of Greece and Troy, he is equally fo as to that of Troy and Phrygia ; and yet in another place we have his own words to prove that the laft-mentioned countries did not fpeak the fame tongue. Virgil, fays Mr. Wood, always confounds the Trojans and Phry- gians, and reprefents. them as. one people; when in fact they were by no means fo. If fuch an accurate obferver of Homer has fallen into this error, what may not other authors have done? Ina queftion, therefore, where there is fo much doubt, fo much confufion, fo much uncertainty on the one hand, and a refpect- able and evidently, impartial authority. on: the. other; to which fide ought we moft to incline? ‘The extent of the language of the Greeks, or of Grecian colonization, does not come exaétly within the fcope of the prefent enquiry. That their language was very generally diffufed at the earlieft periods is certain. (1) Chios, [T 66) 7 Chios, in the ASgean Sea, is mentioned by Homer as the place of his refidence; and from the account which Herodotus gives of the auxiliaries of Xerxes, there is every reafon to imagine that fome of thofe nations from whence that monarch drew affiftance were of Greek extraGtion. That the Grecian language was un- known to Troy in every period of its hiftory cannot be at all conceived ; but that it was common to both countries at the time of the Trojan war, may, from the authority of Aifchylus, admit of fome degree of queftion. The paffage in Agamemnon cannot with much facility be paffed over. But in this I may be miftaken. No fatisfa@tory reafon, however, in my humble opinion, can be afligned for its infertion, if (as has been already fuggefted) Aifchy- lus did not conceive it neceflary to the hiftorical accuracy of his performance ; and that he was eminently qualified to decide with tolerable certainty as to this, and fimilar fubjeéts, the whole tenor of his compofitions evidently proves. Page 375 Line 14, They exprefs their furprize that a foreigner, €5'c.] The literal tranflation from the original is—“ But I am furprized that you, brought “¢ up beyond the fea, im a city that ufes a different tongue, fhould be able, &c.” Some Z “2 Ge] Some of the Paffages alluded to in the foregoing Obfervations are an the Original as follows : Chytemnefira. Adx Evrreg Eck poy yyeAudovos denny — Ayvare. Qevgy BeipCagov KEXTILEV® Chytemneftra. Ei & a&uryumv boa pn den rdyov Lud avth quvns eale nagCaveo rect. Chorus. Eopnvews comev 9 Fevy Topis Aciobon. Chorus. Cavaco de ce Tlovre srépow reupelray arrobouy morw Kueeiv Ayouray wore & Teepeccerels. x Caffandra. Kad priv deyov y “EAAm emiseyeas Qaitw. i (I 2) wre GA C2 - U4 > - 7 , = a { “4 } — > > > : 4 . , - : - P M4 ; ‘ , *3 : - . 4 f f : oe i ~ 9 : , ve . by ; * . = ya ") ed aa s x [ 6 ] Efa on RIDICULE, WIT aad HUMOUR. By WILLIAM PRESTON, £4; MRL AZ. PART tHe FIRST. RIDICULE is that branch of the Jine ot mimetic axts which Read Dec. profeffes to excite the emotion of mzrth. It is feen more ftriking and forcible in poetry and painting, where the imitations of nature are more general, as well as more apt and pointed; but even mufic is capable of it in a certain degree, as for example, by a burlefque or fort of parody on fome grave compofition, by an imitation of odd and unfeemly noifes, or by ftrains expreflive of whimfical and grotefque emotions and fituations. Rzdicule excites mirth by the R1pIcuLous ; that is to fay, by an exhibition of defects and blemifhes of the lighter kind, which neither imply a fenfe of pain and mifery in the objet or fubftratum to which they belong, nor contain any thing noxious or alarming to exter- nal 27, 1788. et nal beings. Should the blemifh or defect be in any vital attri- bute or quality, either effential to the health and well-being of the fubje@, or requifite to the due performance of its duty and functions for the common good, mirth will not be the confe- quence; the gay contempt will be checked either by a fenfe of the pain or inconvenience which the defect or blemith in queftion muft caufe to the fubject before us, or the alarming confequences which may redound from it to fociety ; and our feelings, inftead of mirth, will be fomething far different ; forrow and pity in the one cafe; terror, difguft, indignation or hatred in the other. Tue foregoing definitions of RIDICULE and the RIDICULOUS take in mental as well as corporeal objects, and are literally bor- towed from the great philofophical critic of Greece—“* To yae 6 yeAosoy (fays Ariftotle ) egw "Awocg) nce Th web wire avwouvoy Kar ae PFag)eov o1ov eudus To yerowov Doorway aur y¢poy Th wes diecpapecevov awvev “© ’Oduvys.” And ridicule, according to him, confifts in the repre- fenting (ro pavdclepoy arr 2 pelos xala ware xaxiav) the foibles and lighter vices of the mind, and flight corporeal blemifhes and defeats. Thefe are what Mr. Hobbes diftinguifhes by the name of infirmities. Tue peculiar emotion excited by ridicule, independent of the pleafure refulting from the truth of the imitation, is called MIRTH; a fenfation which has been improperly confounded with laughter by fome writers who have profeffed to treat this fubjed, particularly by Mr. Autchefon, the moral philofopher, and a Dr. Campbell, in a book which bears the impofing title of Pirlefopry of Rhetoric. Laughter is a mere corporeal involuntary affection, ¥ ’ \ f 4 ft mo affection, like crying, coughing or fneezing ; it is defined by fome writer that I have feen to be a fucceflion of nafcent or imper- fect fhrieks * ; it fometimes indicates an emotion of the mind, but often proceeds from caufes purely mechanical and external, like any other convulfion ; tickling, for inftance, or the fight of vio- lent laughter in others, will produce it ; in hyfterical patients it is a mere difeafe, equally fo with the cya /pa/m or the dance of St. Vitus. To define the nature of mirth, in other words, to explain the caufe of that pleafure which we derive from ridicule, we mutt recur to the theory of Hobbes, which is conformable to the defi- nition of Ariftotle, and will on examination appear to be founded’ in nature. Mirth (fays the philofopher of AZa/m/bury) arifes from a fudden conception of fome eminency in ourfelves, by compa- rifon with our own infirmity formerly, or that of others. Here we muft obferve the force of the expreffion /idden conception, which implies that the whole pleafure of the mirthful fenfation does not proceed from confcious triumph, any more than it does from the truth of the reprefentation: Part is to be attributed to the odd and unforefeen fituation or conduét of the ridiculous thing or agent; thus we find, by experience, that our mirth is anticipated and deftroyed by any thing which checks or prevents the furprife of this fudden conception ; for example, when the perfon, who means to be facetious, prefaces his obfervation or his tale with the promife of a good jeft or a laughable ftory, whereby we are prepared for fomething ludicrous, and lofe the pleafure of the furprize. ® As well as Dican recolleét, by Dr. Hayley, a profound writer om metaphyfics,, from whom the ingenious Dr. Prie/fley has taken many valuable hints. As ey As to that part of Hobbes’s theory, which makes the triumph arifing from comparifon a principal efficient caufe of the pleafure attending on ridicule, I think we need only recur to our own experience for a confirmation of its truth. Why do not men chufe to be laughed at? certainly becaufe it indicates that they are objeGs of contempt. Ilow happens it that a fportive word is more feverely felt, and excites more lafting refentment, than the keeneft reproaches? Why do we hold it indecorous and pro- fligate to laugh at our parents, benefactors and feniors? Why is it held impious and profane to laugh at things divine and holy? Why do public fpeakers and controverfial writers endeavour to turn the laugh againft their opponents? Why is ridicule fo powerful an engine of debate, even while it difclaims an appeal to fober argument? Surely becaufe the very effence of mirth is a latent contempt, and there is a fort of general intuitive percep- tion that ridicule degrades and vilifies its objet. Hence it is, that a perfon who laughs at his own foibles and defects is thought to fhow an extraordinary effort of good fenfe and good humour, inafmuch as, by fo doing, he makes a painful facrifice of felfith feelings. We fee too, that many people can jeft freely on their own infirmities, who will not bear the leaft degree of raillery on that head from others; undoubtedly this proceeds from a feeling that ridicule implies contempt. When people laugh at themfelves, the felf-humiliation is more than counter- balanced by the felf-applaufe ; and, inftead of finking, they rife in the opinion of the world, by a frank confeffion, which at once fhows fortitude and geod fenfe, and difarms envy by a confeffion of weaknefs. The fa& is, that people never do laugh at themfelves except from fome. political motive; either to acquire Se i Fae J acquire the character of good humour, to ingratiate themfelves with thofe whom it is their intereft to pleafe, or to difarm the ridicule of others by anticipation. But ftill (which is all that is neceffary to my argument) whether a man laughs at himfelf or his neighbour, whether the fubjeét of his ridicule are his own paft infirmities or the prefent infirmities of others, contempt is the bafis of his mirth. a To illuftrate what has been faid by a few examples :—Impo- tence and decrepitude, confidered merely as fuch, do not excite mirth, but compaffion ; yet fhould we find the impotent. cripple boafting of his agility, and attempting to mix in the dance; or fee age and deformity plaiftered over with lace, and affeding the gallant; this attempt at fome chara¢ter or atchievement, to which the perfonage is fo notorioufly inadequate, impreffes us with a ftrong fenfe of his inferiority, the emotion of contempt is excited, and mirth is produced, unqualified by compaffion for infirmities, of which the fufferer himfelf feems fo little confcious. An odd and grotefque countenance, a whimfical and outreé con- figuration of body, uncommon grimaces and diftortions of the features and limbs, provided they are unattended with pain, may excite laughter ; while the convulfions of pain, the deformity of ficknefs or of forrow, affe@ us only with terror and pity. The abfurdity and incoherence of a drunken man excite laughter, for they move contempt; the ravings of a maniac fill us with melan- choly and horror. Want and beggary do not of themfelves excite mirth; but fhould we fee a beggar with velvet, or lace, or embroidery mixed among his rags, that incongruous union of finery and wretchednefs would provoke our laughter. And thefe (K) inflances ye ad inflances may ferve to fhow, that they are only the lighter defeGs or blemifhes, unaccompanied by pain or mifery on the one hand, or virulence and danger on the other, that are the proper fub- jeQs of mirth. And to convince us that contempt, a certain ielf-triumph of the mind, is a principal fource of the pleafure which we derive from mirth, let us recolle@ that there muft, to conftitute ridicule, be fome competition, as well as inferiority ; a refemblanee and a contraft in the obje@s compared. The oyiter, or the earth-worm, the poor beetle which we tread upon, are vaftly inferior to man ; yet that inferiority does not produce contempt, becaufe thefe creatures never imitate us, and are as perfect in their kind as imperial man in his. Some approximation, fome refemblance there muft be; fo that not every animal is a fubje& of mirth, but thofe only which imitate human nature, whether that imitation be near or remote; fuch are dogs, monkies, kittens, parrots, magpies, jays, and fome others. Song birds and exotic animals may be kept for the purpofes of luxury in our cages and menageries, and afford pleafure by the melody of their notes, the beauty of their forms, or their rarity ; fome animals, inftead of pleafure or mirth, produce, by their appear- ance, only terror, difguft or pity ; every one of thofe creatures, which are capable of exciting mirth, are capable alfo, in a cer- tain degree, of imitating fome ation of man. ‘The monkey confeffedly refembles the human fpecies .at all points ; the cat ufes her fore paws like hands, and for that purpofe nature hath provided her with c/avicles ; the dog and the bear may be taught to walk upright on two legs like man; the jay, the par- rot and the magpie have the power of forming articulate founds. Nor is our mirth excited indifcriminately by thofe creatures ; it is ye } — hae 7 is in thofe moments only, when they attempt to imitate human adiions, that they become objects of laughter. Ir it fhould be enquired why mirth is often excited by the repre- fentation of things, which in their actual exiftence would, perhaps, move compaflion, perhaps conciliate approbation and efteem ; fuch are many of thofe paintings called converfation pieces ; fuch are poems like Shenftone’s School-miftrefs, and many fcenes in come- dies and novels which profefs to exhibit pi€tures of real life; nor is it difficult to explain this matter. In the firft place, though the reprefentation follows nature, it is nature diftorted, and her diftorted features are more condenfed and accumulated together than they commonly exift in real life ; but fuppofing thofe features to be exactly copied, without the adding of any thing, ftill there is a riant and grotefque colouring diffufed through the picture, by the fkill of the artift,; while, in real life, the rude and vulgar manners, the odd and grotefque incidents, may be combined, with fuch collateral circumftances, as may excite emo- tions widely differing from contempt and triumph, and which predominate over them; for inftance, the ideas of rural inno- cence and honeft induftry, that arife from feeing the family of a peafant at their labours, will conciliate our efteem, and the ap- pearance of poverty and wretchednefs will move our compaffion ; ‘befides, the recolle€tion that the piture before us is but a fiction, prevents our having fuch ftrong feelings of efteem or compaffion as if we contemplate the reality. To proceed to the infirmities and defes of the mind, they are mild infirmities, and moderated defects only, that are fit fubje@ts of (K 2) j ridicule, [M6] ridicule, Infirmity and vice, not flagitious guilt, are the proper food of mirth; Ariftotle expreffes it To @avAoy wArN # xale Tara Kany, The reprefentation of cowardice, affectation, avarice or vanity may be ridiculous ; it may afford a triumph by comparifon, unallayed by any feeling or apprehenfion of ferious evil to any body ; but cruelty, ingratitude, perfidy, and the whole black catalogue of gigantic crimes and flagrant paffions, that rend afunder the focial ,ties, and heap the meafure of human calamity, thefe, far from exciting laughter, raife in us emotions of abhorrence, indignation or fear. In the occurrences of real life a flight mifchance or blunder, even of our beft friend, will raife a fmile ; but a more fignal misfortune or fatal error, even of an enemy, will move our compaffion. The fact is, that mirth, though a very prompt and lively emotion, yet not being fo very neceffary to our ex- iftence and the prefervation of fociety as many others, gives no very deep tinéture to the mind, but mildly difperfes itfelf, and vanifhes before fuch as are of more general and important ufe, and of courfe armed with ftronger powers of embracing and pof- feffing the human fpirit. [ fag Efyy om RIDICULE, WIT ad HUMOUR. By WILLIAM PRESTON, £4; IAR.LA PART tHe SECOND: Havine confidered the nature of ridicule, and traced out Read Jan the fources of the pleafure which attends it, let me, fora moment, *™ 8 advert to the corporeal external expreflion of that pleafure, I mean /aughter, and endeavour to inveftigate its phyfical caufe, fo far as it is an expreflion of mzrth, or a corporeal movement indi- cating pleafure. I fpeak with this refervation, becaufe, as I have already, in fome meafure hinted, /aughter is not always expreflive of mirth, no, nor even of a pleafurable fenfation ,; /aughter, when produced by tickling, is expreflive of parm; in choleric perfons it is expreflive of anger. Mr. Burke, in his Effay on the Sublime and Beautiful, takes occafion to confider the mechanical or phyfical caufe of plea/ure in [i ae = in general. He is of opinion that it is produced by a certain relax- ation of the frame, and reafons very ingenioufly in fupport of this theory from the nature and conftitution of thofe objects that communicate pleafure. ‘“ Beauty (fays this ingenious writer) “© ads, by relaxing the folids of the whole fyftem. There are all “the appearances of fuch a relaxation; a relaxation fome- “‘ what below the natural tone feems to me to be the caufe of * all pofitive pleafure *.” Now, to apply this principle to the plyfical caufe, or animal mechanifin of laughter. "The flight blemifhes, imperfections or mifchances, the fmall deviations from order, fymmetry and deco- rum, that are the fubje€ts of radicule, and excite plea/ure through the medium of contempt, refting in qualities, actions or things in themfelves /ight and trivial (they could not elfe be the objects of contempt) have fmall momentum, either with refpect to individual prefervation or focial happine/s, and of courfe excite no very vio- lent emotion of the mind: While the ftronger paffions, love, fear and anger, wake, and range abroad, to guard the exiftence of man, to continue his fpecies, or connec him in leagues of civil union ; the lighter feelings, like mirth for inftance, enliven and embellith familiar intercourfe with fportive charms and fugi- tive graces; or polifh and correct it with minute decencies and mutual obfervances. Where the mind is but flightly affected, no great degree of re/axation is induced. The due fecretion of the humours is but little difturbed, and no very violent accefs of animal fpirits is thrown on the breaft, far lefs than is requifite * Effay on Sublime, p. 163, § on the phyfical caufe of love. to ae | to produce the fenfe of weight, that feeling bordering on pain;, which accompanies our enjoyments of a more exquifite degree.. The pleafure attending murth being, comparatively fpeaking, faint, the relaxation of the nerves muft confequently be incon- fiderable. The due fecretion of the humours is but little inter- rupted ; the accefs of animal fpirits to the breaft is trifling ;. barely fufficient, not to overwhelm, but ftimulate the nerves; and, by a certain mild irritation, to produce that agreeable con- vulfion called /aughter. ‘That zrritation is the immediate caufe of /aughter is evident, from involuntary laughter being produced by tickling, which can only operate by irritating the nerves. That the zrrztation, in the cafe of mrth, proceeds from an extra- ordinary afflux of humours may be inferred from this, that vio-- lent and long continued /aughter is always attended by an eva- cuation of humours in the form of fears. ‘That the emotion of the mind, of which /aughter is an expreffion, does a€tually pro- duce fome re/axation of the frame, and that the nerves are indeed irritated, may fairly be colle&ed from our experience, that invo- luntary /aughter is incident to hifterical patients, in whom the nerves being weak and irritable, an umeven and interrupted fecretion is produced by their weaknefs, and perpetually affails ‘their irritability. That /aughter, when expreflive of pka/ure, exprefies but a p/ea/ure of a faint and fubordinate kind; is mani- feft from its taking place fo early in young children. It is obfervable that infants not many days born’ laugh; they even laugh in their fleep long before they are fufceptible of mirth or forrow, even before they begin to fhed tears. In that early ftage, before the nerves have gained their tone, or the organs: learned their ufe; before the creature pays any attention to exter- nal. fe J nal things, laughter feems to be its uniform, indeed its only expreffion of pleafure or delight, from whatever caufe. That pleafure muft be merely animal, and if we confider the dulnefs and imperfeGion of the child’s perceptions, we may well fuppofe it to be of a very faint and fubordinate kind, perhaps produced by fome external caufe, that mildly irritates, and flimulates his nerves. I procreEep now to trace out the fources of the ridiculous; and I think all its obje@ts, various as they feem to be at firft glance, may be found in one or other of the following claffes : First. Thofe aGions and geftures of the brute creation, which imitate the ations and geftures of man. Here the re- femblance leads to a comparifon with ourfelves, the comparifon produces a fenfe of comparative fuperiority, that fenfe of fupe- riority a triumph, and that triumph is expreffed by laughter. Thefe imperfe@t and grotefque imitations, by the brute creation, are a fort of practical caricatures of human ations; or, as Mr. Addifon very juftly expreffes it, the ations of beafts, which move our laughter, bear a refemblance to a human blunder. This fource of the ridicu/ous is but fcanty, and the pleafure derived from it of a fubordinate degree. ‘The inferior creatures that imitate man are not numerous ; and the human aétions, which they are competent to mimic, are but few. The refemblance is generally remote, often rather fanciful than real; and, as the diftance is fo wide, and the inferiority fo palpable, the comparative triumph, and the pleafure refulting from it, will be propor- tionably fmall. SECONDLY. [ 8: ] Seconpiy. Slight corporeal blemifhes and defeéts are the next fource of the r7dicu/ous, to which we are led by an eafy tranfition from the former; Cicero himfelf tells us—ef? etiam deformitatis & corporis vitrorum fatis bella matertes ad jocandum ; but this muft be taken with the reftriion I have already mentioned, that the defe€ts and blemifhes muft not prevent the perfon from enjoying the pleafures, or performing the fundions of life, They muft not include the fuppofition of caufing pain ; they muft not be ghaftly or offenfive to the fight; for in fuch cafes they would caufe in us not mirth, but pity, difguft or aver- fion *. To this clafs we may refer caricatures, and other bur- lefque paintings, and many dramatic charaGters where much of the pleafantry is drawn from the corporeal peculiarities of the perfonage introduced ; as, for inftance, the Falftaff and Bardolph of Shakefpear, the Corbacchio of Ben Johnfon. TutrpLy. Unforefeen difafters or mifchances, which are no way tragical, nor of a ferious nature ; as, for inftance, fhould a beau dreft out for an affembly fall in the dirt, or a blaft of wind hurry away a fine lady’s cap and artificial treffes: Here the acci- dent excites our triumph, by a mifchance from which we are exempt ; and there is no collateral affeCting circumftance to call in the graver emotions of humanity, and check the rifing con- tempt. Under this head we may include pra¢tical jokes, a never- * I know not whether I fhould refer +o this or the foregoing head, that mirth which arifes from tracing out fome refemblance to the brute creation in the form and lineaments of man; and from feeing or learing human creatures imitate the motions, noifes, and other actions of brutes. (L) failing [ te] failing fource of merriment among the vulgar; ludicrous. paint- ings, like the Enraged Mujfician, Hints for bad Horfemen, and other productions of Hogarth*, and his f{chool; and moft of the laughable fituations and comic incidents in dramatic and other humorous writings. Fourtuiy. The laft and principal fource of the ridiculous is dn incongruity or inconfiftency in the words and adtions, and as far as they can be traced or are notified to us, in the thoughts of men. This fund of ridicule is by far the moft copious, from the infinite diverfity of objeéts which it comprehends; and it excites a fpecies of mirth more refined and pointed, becaufe, the triumph being over man himfelf, in fomething peculiar to him as fuch, is more full and complete than that over the brute creation, or man with refpe@ to external accidents; and in this we recog- nize the admirable contrivance of providence. For this is the branch of ridicule which has. the moft important influence on the condud of life and manners, and therefore it is deftined to affet us the moft forcibly. This laft fource of the ridiculous may be fubdivided into feveral members. I do not propofe the following diftribution as ftri@ly logical and fcientific, but it may ferve well enough to explain the fubjea. First. Incongruity between the words, actions or fentiments of a perfon, and his phyfical fituation; that is to fay, his cor- poreal accidents of youth, age, beauty, deformity, ftrength, * I cannot mention the name of that excellent fatirift and moral painter without exprefling my admiration of his fkill in depi€ting life and manners. weaknefs, [ a weaknefs, ficknefs, health, When a very young man, for in- ftance, talks in a ftyle of dogmatical gravity ; when an old decrepid wretch conceals his years, and boafts of his youth and vigour; when a ftrong Herculean fellow affumes the drefs of a petit-maitre, and affects to lifp and amble; or fome diminutive and feminine form wonld, with the military garb, put on the menacing brow and martial ftride ; all thefe abortive attempts to affume a quality which the perfon dees not poffefs are as fair fubjects of laughter as a monkey when he imperfeQly mimics. the aGions of man. ‘The incongruity ftriking us excites the idea of relative imperfetion ; the fenfe of our own fuperiority, in this in- flance, produces an inward triumph, and this triumph is expreffed by laughter, Bur here it may be objected, and I fhall once for all anfwer the objection, that laughter is fometimes produced where no idea of relative inferiority is impreffed, no triumph excited. In fup- port of this obje@ion we are referred to the inftances of witty drolls, and facetious perfons, who, though capable of ating with the utmoft decorum and accuracy, fall into voluntary blunders and ftudied folecifms, merely to entertain their companions ; and of performers on the ftage, who reprefent clowns, and other low and abfurd charaéters. To this I reply, that both the jefter and the player exhibit to us, a fiGitious character;, we laugh rather with them than at them; not at what they really are, but at what they would feem to be; the firft emotion excited by blunders and improprieties is contempt: This is the impreffion of the moment; it is not until afterwards, and on refleGion, that we perceive the imperfeGion or abfurdity to be merely affected, (L 2) and L 8 a and that the jefter plays the fool or the blunderer for his own and our amufement. We are moved to laughter in precifely the fame manner by the real blunders and grofférté of a country bumpkin, and by the reprefentation of a fkilful a@or, who ex- hibits fuch a chara€ter on the ftage; im the firft feelings there is no difference whatfoever, but this is the illufion of the drama; in the fequel, and on reflection, we defpife the abfurdity and ignorance of the clown, and admire the fill and addrefs of the player. So that the whole argument turns on the overlooking a circumftance very obvious to be feen, namely, that affeQed imper- fection or incongruity excites only a tranfient and momentary contempt, whereas a fimilar emotion of a permanent duration is excited by that which is real. In fhort, whether we laugh or weep at the drama, our emotion is excited, not by the real, but affumed perfon and charatter of the a€tor before us; and the affected blunderer in company is, in that inftance, an aor; and on the fame principles we may explain the effeGs of irony. Where a perfon feems to poffefs an opinion, or affert a fa&t the very contrary of what he means to eftablith; this is a fort of intelle@ual ating, or playing a feigned charaGer. We diftinguifh in a moment between the real and effectual affertion or opinion of the perfon. Seconpiy. Jacongruity between the manner of fpeaking, aGting and thinking, and the civil or political fituation of the perfon; a departure from the decorums of character and propriety of ating conformable to rank and ftation; as if a grave perfonage, a ftatefman or philofopher, fhould be difcovered riding on a hobby- horfe ; ti + i | | bl ih { i | [ 8 ] horfe ; or a great monarch be furprized at the unkingly paftime of playing taw, or catching flies. Yet even fuch mean and ridi- culous actions as thefe (which confirms the preceding theory) may be qualified and ennobled by collateral circumftances. Socrates was not afhamed to be caught in fome fuch fituation’;, nor would it “degrade even a monarch, in the eye of wifdom,. fhould he be found, in a moment of paternal tendernefs, playing. at’ taw among his children. Unver the foregoing head we may include fuch charafers as the Parfon Trulliber of Fielding, the ambitious, cobler men- tioned in the Spectator, who contrived to gratify his pride by framing the figure of a beau in wood, who kneeled before him in a fuppliant pofture; female pedants, and fmall politicians. From this fund of the ridiculous are derived the mock heroic or parody, andthe low burlefque. The mock heroic reprefents mean agents, and low charatters: fpeaking the language which com- mon ufe has appropriated to the auguft and exalted; parody applies the very identical expreflions which had been employed on fome great and folemn occafion, and by an exalted and dig- nified perfonage, to fome vulgar and little incident, | The low bur- lefque, on the contrary, reprefents exalted perfonages engaged in mean purfuits (as, for inftance, Dido building an houfe of eafe) and ufing the diale&t of the rabble. It is remarkable that thefe two {pecies of compofition, although they feem to differ fo: widely in their genius, produce their effect, Jaughter, by the very fame fort of incongruity. THIRDLY. [ 86 ] Turrpiy. A departure from the manners, language and cuftoms of the age and country, or even of our own peculiar clafs in life, profeffion or province. The rude and vulgar every where are difpofed to laugh at the peculiar habits and cuftoms of foreigners; and even the polite and liberal, who have learned from an extenfive commerce with the world the precept of Horace, il admirart, could fearce reftrain their mirth were they to fee a modern Englifhman dreft in the ruff of Queen Eliza- beth’s day, and hear him talk in the diale& of Spenfer, with his antiquated words, eft/oons, yclept and whzlome. Every mation has that degree of predilection for its own cuftoms and manners, that it fuppofes a departure or variance from them to be an inftance of inferiority, and to fhow a want of refinement or of underftanding. ‘The difference of garb is found to have a ftriking effe@ on the human mind; even in the fame country and nation, the refpe@t which individuals pay to each other is, in fome degree, regulated by an attention to drefs; the mutual contempt and antipathy which fometimes fubfift between nation and nation are very much fupported and kept alive by the dif- ference of habiliment. Under this head we may clafs the tra- velled coxcomb and fop, who affeAs to renounce the garb, lan- guage and manners of his own country; and fcenes of low humour, that turn on national peculiarities and prejudices ; or profeffional modes of thinking or fpeaking, as the characters of Frenchmen, Teagues, failors, lawyers, fo frequent in comedy ; and on this principle it is that the fimple reprefentation of humble life fometimes excites mirth. FouRTHLY. [ ep J Four'ruty. A difparity between paffions and their objedis, between means and their ends, which ftand forth in human life, and excite contempt under the denomination and form of foibles and abfurd opinions. Jt were endlefs to adduce examples of thefe, they are multiform and various as the purfuits and actions of man ; fuffice it to fay, that every paffion, when carried to excefs, imprefles us with the idea of incongruity, and confe- quently of relative imperfection; and fo does every palpable dif- proportion between the end and the means, on which fide foever the deficiency or inferiority falls, and will excite laughter by contempt; provided, however, that there is nothing of ferious affliction to the agent himfelf, or ferious damage or danger to other perfons, which may call forth emotions of a more vigorous character and a deeper hue. Wer: I to fearch for a portrait which at once combines in itfelf and illuftrates all the different forms of the ridiculous above- mentioned, I fhould inftance that of Don Quixote; his words and ations do not accord with his phyfical fituation, for with his fingle arm he would rout armies and overthrow giants ; nor with his civil and political exiftence, for he pretends to over- throw empires, diftribute kingdoms, and confer titles and honours. His drefs, his arms, his notions, his phrafeology, are not of the country or age in which he lives ; his paffions, love and honour, for inftance, are in excefs, and their objects mean and contemp- tible ; the ends he propofes are extravagant, and the means he employs are infufficient ; all thefe form fuch a tiffue of incon- gruity, unqualified by any tragical circumftance or incident, as . is [ 8 ] is truly comic ; and they are heightened by flight corporeal defects, and called out and illuftrated in a variety of crofs adventures and petty misfortunes. For the fake of perfpicuity I fhall rank BLUNDERS IN SPEAK- ING AND acTING ina diftin@ clafs of the ridiculous, being the fifth, of what I fhould call the intrinfically ridiculous, or incon- gruity in the words, actions or thoughts of men. Yet this is but a baftard clafs; for it will appear, on examination of every individual circumftance belonging to it, that they may be referred to one or other of thofe preceding. Tuovucn I have hitherto confidered and treated the fources of the ridiculous, as if ridicule were fomething ftable and cer- tain, nothing in fa@t can be more variable and fluctuating in its nature. Things appear ridiculous or not according to the edu- cation, courfe of life, conftitution and temper of the obferver, which vary his notions of propriety, perfection and order on the one Gant and of indecorum, defect and incongruity on the other. Virtue, religiofh truth, honour, every thing ferious and venerable, have and daily do become fubje&s of ridicule among certain unhappy claffes of men. The vulgar will laugh at many coarfe jefts and indelicate allufions, while perfons of a more happy education and refined tafte will be fhocked at fuch mirth as inhuman and indecent. One man may receive as facetious obfervations what would offend his neighbour as daring im- pieties ; but wherever a laugh is produced it invariably proceeds ‘from dE ped from the confcious triumph of felf-fuperiority, either real or imaginary. Tue variable nature of ridicule may ferve to convince us that rzdicule cannot be the fe? of truth; a teff fhould be inde- pendent and fubftantive, rzdicule depends in a great meafure | on the temper and difpofition, the education, endowments, acquifitions, habits, and purfuits of the obferver ,; truth is univerfal and invariable ; but were rzdicule the te/? of truth the fame identical propofitions would be ¢rve to one man and fa/é to another. Mr. Brown, in his eflays on Shaft/tury, has laboured, and at fome length, to fhow that ridicule cannot be the #eff of truth, becaufe it is a mode of e/oquence tending to affect and agitate the mind ; as much a mode of eloquence as the édcewor, the pitiable or pathetic; and his reafoning is conclufive; but this point may be demonftrated in a few words, and I think with a ma- thematical ftri@nefs: Rzdicu/e cannot be the eff of truth, for being a branch or mode of the imitative arts, it prefents, as that name imports, a picture of fome object, and cannot be the ertterion of that of which it is only the reprefentation. 2dly, The ridiculous not only confifts in the reprefentation of a piure, but it is a fingle pofitive pi@ture; there is no relative view, no collation of two objets; but to the exiftence of truth or Jayfhood the collation of two objeds is neceffary. 3dly, The perception of ridicule is inftantaneous, the perception of ¢ruth or Jayhood is a progreffive operation of the mind. A propofition muft be formed; the fubje@ and predicate of this propofition (M) muft [ 9° ] muft be compared, and from this comparifon the underflanding collects their agreement or difagreement. ‘This progreffion takes. place even in propofitions called iztuztive, that is to fay, where the truth or falfhood is perceived without the intervention of proofs or means. Now, if rzdicule were the teft of truth, the perception of the ridiculous and the perception of fai/hood would be one*and the fame, and would in every cafe be not progre(five - but z/fantaneous, - Bur I find I have tranfgreffed the limits ufually prefcribed to papers of this kind. I fhall therefore conclude for the prefent,; but may perhaps refume thefe topics at another day, and offer to this fociety, as the fubje& of a future communication, fome refleftions on Wit and Humour. © WaT out Tra Ee Ss (M2) | Ie tive Page JD, Ban — eA a eee Le oe aS rae Zz SR = — NW s Vhree Metal Trumpets found near Limerick May 1787, | 24% Tnche ' | ; | 4 | ' n ct vv Q 3 | | Inches | pokey © 08 “GSS CSE 2h pegs | | | | 4 | w | | | WOuley Del i> —— a ee = An Account of THREE METAL TRUMPETS, ftund in the County of Limerick, in the Year 1787. By RALPH OUSLEY, £4; M.R.f 4. Communicated by JOSEPH COOPER WALKER, Ef; Secretary to the Committee of Antiquities. : | As every attempt to elucidate the antiquities of this country Read March has of late been favourably received, the following fhort defcrip- tion of three uncommon mufical inftruments is with great Gere | rence offered to He Royal Itith Academy. THESE trumpets were found ™ a Aicenh cutting turf in the bog of Carrick-O’Gunnell, county of Limerick, in the month of May, 1787, and by him fold to a brazier in the city of Limerick, who referved them for the prefent poffeffor.. They are of a rich mixed metal, neither copper nor brafs, but inclining rather to a copper colour. They refemble ftrongly thofe defcribed in Walker’s pe 1788. Ba 4 Walker’s WHiftorical Memoirs of the Irifh Bards, (page rog, Appendix) except in the middle piece, which differs from any I ever heard of, and is I believe an unique, This tube is 23 inches % long, of one entire piece, and has a loop in the centre to run a cord through. At each end it has four holes, correfponding to four in each trumpet, through which two pins or pegs faftened the inftrument. Both trumpets were fixed on the middle piece like the joints of a German flute, when firft found, and very firm with ruft and dirt, but the pins were loft. I fhould imagine this tube was only to hang them up by. Doctor Fifher (a celebrated performer on the violin, and-Doétor of mufic in the univerfity of Oxford) who faw them with me im Limerick, conjectures Fig. I. and II. are firff and fecond. The mouth or large end of Fig. H. is 4% inches diameter, being one inch wider than the other. Fig. IIL. is the Stoc or Stuic, a fort of {peaking trumpet defcribed by Colonel Vallancey in the Col- -lectanea, No, XIII. page 46, and in Hiftorical Memoirs of Irifh Bards, page 83. The mouth-hole is oval, 13 inches long by 14 wide, and was cut acrofs by the turf fpade; but the other two and middle piece are in fine prefervation. They are all orna- mented with little conical teats or projections at each end, as in the drawing, viz. four at the {mall and fix at the large ends, and four near each extremity of the middle piece. Fig. I. and Fig. III. have four holes at the wide ends, which feems as if fome other tube was to be faftened occafionally within them, perhaps in the manner of Lord Drogheda’s, defcribed by Colonel Val- ~Jancey. It is natural to think there muft have been mouth pieces for Fig. I. and Il, but none were found with them, nor with Re Se ‘with any others I believe in the kingdom, being made probably of perifhable materials, The three trumpets and middle piece weigh g Ib. 114 oz viz. Ib. oz. _ Middle piece - - UE i Fig. L ~ - en. 2) Ug Fig, IL - . 2 9+ 6 44 Fig. IL = on la a) a a 9 114 Avoirdupoife aanmnemamtamaal A VERY curious brafs fpur-rowel, of 2 inches + diameter, and eight prongs or rays, was dug up with the trumpets, and is now in my poffeffion. Willfoorough, near Caftlerea, Auguft 15, 1787. RALPH OUSLEY. i E #¢ }- 4 RORS-CAcAa, o MARTIAL ODE, fung at the Battle. of Cnucha by FERGUS, Son of FINN, and addrefed to GOLL, the Son of MORNA; with a literal Tranflation and Notes. By SILVESTER O’HALLORAN, Efq; M.R.LA. ce. Communicated by the Right Honourable the Earl of CHARLEMONT. G OLL, the hero of the following rhapfody, was faid to be of Read Jan. the blood royal of the Danaan princes, who ruled over Ireland '% 17°% for near two centuries before the arrival of the Clana-Mile, commonly called Milefians. He fucceeded his father as here- ditary grand matter of the knights of Connaught. Thefe had been called the Heroks oF IrRus, from the feat of their principal academy or college in the county of Mayo; but fo great was the glory and renown acquired by Morna, that from him they were called, THE FoLttowers or Morwna; by which name they are known, and by no other, at this day. Goll having finifhed his academic exercifes, and taken the laft and folemn vows of chi- valry, proved himfelf, by a variety of exploits, worthy that place (N) which oe which his rank and blood entitled him to fill, Accordingly, foon after the death of his father, we find him called to the chief command of the Imperial army by the monarch Con, fur- named Or THE HUNDRED BaTTLes, to fupprefs a moft powerful and dangerous confederacy formed againft him. In the engage- ment that enfued, called the battle of Cnucha (fought A.D. 155.) the enemy were not only completely defeated, but Goll had the addi- tional glory of killing, in fingle combat, Cumhal, mafter of the Leinfter knights, commander of the enemy’s army, and a champion highly celebrated for his valorous deeds both in Britain and Gaul. It was on marching to the onfet, it was in the heat of the fight, and until fortune declared in favour of the imperialt{ts in this battle,, that this ode was fung by Fergus *, the chief bard of Goll. The confequences of this battle were well remembered above a cen- tury after; where Oifin, in his tao) na Seylge, or hunting ode, deplores the death of Cumhal, “ flain by Mac Morna, of the “ Golden Shield.” The prefent Ode, or rather Rhapfody, I flatter myfelf will appear no unacceptable prefent to. the Aca- demy, as well for its originality, as for the lights it throws on fome obfcure paflages in the antients. But to me it feems of full greater moment, by (I apprehend) proving “ ad inftantiam “ crucis,” as is fometimes expreffed by philofophers, the early . ftate of arts, letters and civilization in this country. * This Fergus is not to be confounded with Fergus, fon of Fion Mac Cumhal ; for Fion was but a boy at the time of the battle of Cnucha. The author of this ode was a Connaught bard, and celebrated for the harmony of his numbers. [ oJ ROSS SHUILLE MAC MORN A SOW SJOS. THE ODE OF GOLL, THE SON OF MORNA. (N 2) i > ROSS SHUILL MAC MORN A son Sjos. SOLL mean Wyleaca: Ceap? na Cnodaéca. Lajrit yhjal appacca: man na Mopnodafa. ‘mrp leq Lanceynine : ype nach byuance ap. Lech 50 lan woedbhnajh: peym an pyerpajb. Leoman tratapmaé. a lednad lyodbayo. Ton ad Tpean trg¢svin. Soll na ngnac jongvit. Hap TOch a WHejn Tacap. Ws Han ~rapachrajs; mal ag meavachrays 4 laoch Fata Lamach. leoman lonn Snjomach. beoodda * Ropsa Cad, an extempore ode or martial rhapfody. This we may con- je€ture was fometimes ufed by the Greeks; of whom fee Tyrtxus, who Horace, De Art. Poeticd, thus celebrates— Tyrtzeus mares animos in Martia Bella verfibus *¢ exacuit.” © Goll was hereditary general and commander of the Connaught legions, from his father, called Clana-Morna. © Could we fuppofe that the original was M7, it would greatly heighten the metaphor,—a /welling fea of fire !—as it is known that in ftormy nights the fea appears a blaze of fire. 4 Goll, at the battle of Cnucha, was rather young; and though great in arms, yet higher expeétations were formed of him by his friends, and they were In this battle he flew the famous Cumhal, father to Fion not difappointed. (M‘Pherfon’s a a a THE ODE OF GOLL, THE SON OF MORNA® Goll, vigorous and warlike, chief of heroes ! Generous and puiffant hand: meditator of glorious deeds. Bulwark ° dreadful as fire: terrible is thy wrath! Champion of many battles: royal hero! Like a lion, rapid to the attack: ruin to the foe. Overwhelming billow: Goll, frequent in adtion. Invincible in the moft dreadful conflicts. Great in the conflicts: warrior of increafing glory °. Hero of mighty deeds. Lion furious in action ; Animating, (M‘Pherfon’s Fingal). Succeeding exploits added to his glory; and an action recorded of him when further advanced in years, proves the exalted fentiments of honour of the Iernian knights. It was at the battle of Lena, in the King’s county. The army of Con appearing inferior in number and difcipline to that of his ‘antagonift Eogan the Great, it was refolved, in a private council, to attack them before fun-rife of the day on which, by mutual confent, the battle was to be fought. Goll was fent for, and this tefolution imparted to him ; but he returned the following noble anfwer: “ On the day that my firft arms were put into my « hands I vowed never to attack my enemy by night, by furprize, or under any © kind of difadvantage ; nor fhall I, at this day, violate that vow.” The attack was neverthelefs made: Goll was in vain called for ; but he did not appear till day-light. He attacked {word in hand, and flew the intrepid Eogan. This hero’s body, raifed on the fhields of his enemies, Goll efpying, cried out, « Lay down the body of «the king of Munfter, for he died like a foldier !” [ 1 ] ¢ beoda binn Drande. cpedfach comodalaé'; erécach jolbradach. brad og bob plrasajb: dye 4 DLS DcGynyb. yjae nde an ollam. rajll Opa po-pyoscyb. TCE na THOM Cad. byyatpa bynn mala. mile mea Oana. olisteade Djongsmata ®. Soll mean mondalach. ctphean yheap Tieanapmach. Lejngeap glOFapmac. year Loy taH Syonadé. axsjat dysjat Boje. b14t 50 mbran ajlle*. cvle cnéjy cylejbe. brille abran 1ajme. Mvp Gf myonasburjb. vonda anjom Srjn. Cpodd, ceat jon Srjl. crjp Ha Mnom yhorpom. TONN OF THEAN Lhayps5e- Soll nad slop Bopda. FEA Nd LJO" Yhosla. mac mean mon ropna. Fyat © The knowledge of arms was but a part of the education of Celtic warriors. In Ireland they muft ftudy hiftory, poetry, genealogy, &c. They were fworn to be the protectors of the fair, and the avengers of their wrongs; polite in words and addrefs, even to their greateft enemies. Behold then the early and clofe unions between chivalry and romance, in oppofition to modern opinions. When the deputies of Agamemnon waited on Achilles, they found him in his tent, chaunting to his lyre the valorous deeds of heroes.—See the ninth Iliad. * Deffroyer of Councils, i. e. defeating, by his fuperior knowledge in war, the defigns of his enemies. 5 As it may appear ftrange to fee Goll celebrated as a great legiflator, it is to be obferved that this was a particular department of ftudy, not only to the princes but to * mifhed; and it ftands on record that Cormac himfelf refigned the crown on having Les Stan Animating, harmonious bard®. Deftroyer of councils *, Puiffant, all victorious ! Subduer of fierce legions. Ruin to the renowned. In anger impetuous. Admired by mighty monarchs. Chief of heavy tributes. Of all-perfuafive eloquence. Bold and intrepid warrior. Unbiaffed legiflator *. Goll, of martial pride. Strong in body, great in arms. Courteous and polite to the legions. Fierce and powerful in action.. Shield of great luftre. Flower of unfading beauty". Rapid as the mountain flood is the force of your ftrong arm. A fea over rivulets. Sullen in the duel. Great in the uproar of battle. Tower of ftrong defence. Billow over {welling feas. Goll, terrible in the fhouts. Lover of conftant defolation. Son to the great Morna. Patron to the military chiefs. Goll was an able legiflator; fo was his antagonift Cumhal ; and Fion, fon to the latter, wrote a treatife on the laws. All thefe duties were pointed out in a work wrote fome time after by the renowned Cormac, grandfon to the monarch Con, yet extant, called Advice to a King. 4 Tt was not enough, by the Irifh code of laws, that the military fhould be tall,. well-made, active and ftrong, but their countenances muft be fuch as to command love and refpect. The prince and the common foldier muft be equally unble- 5 7 loft an eye. [ 14 ] ifyat ne yylyoajb. fojy an Crpadryb. CjOr an cjneadryb. Dit ap Dananayb. Klaje nat ~jOpdjarivip. Hac cipcpeEn leduns ; 1750 17S njasajl. yea yvidle alscana. Tyryat Hat TNomMDaAjme. ora 50 woEapb yhejle. eprag Bac cont Vala. mac Djan DEAS Dajpe (vil Sac yjon mrpajp. chy nad ceajn yySteayp. ‘sry an bran eqns. béo nad bac yeap tear. Mujperjnn copii mojp. fend yeapay Hyn™. cele comall Slop. beym Srjll Stan alayun. vile On ~lrasat. vealba Dea Sujomad. Leapda yjon bradat. maygeac mop yhrjsleaé. Bolt bopb beymojat. cupad cpnvad peanndd. -pdgbryb ejpneajat. cols tom trac bryllead. plate * The munificence and liberality of the Celtic nations to the literati was afto- nifhing.—Vide Hit. of Ireland, page 199, 254, €&'c. * It is very fingular and worthy notice, that the name Phenius, Darius, Aongus, or Eneas, &c. vifibly of oriental origin, have been alfo at all times peculiar to this country: a collateral proof of our Afiatic defcent. But what more particularly ftrikes me is, that Go//am, which was the name of Milefius, has been and {till isa name common in India and Perfia. It is not above twenty-five years ago that the prefidency of Bombay concluded a treaty with GolJam, a prince of the country. ' Goll was defvended from the kings of Connaught of the Danaan race. They ruled Ireland for 195 years, under nine fucceflive monarchs. But after the Milefian conquett Se ae ina dee : * Patron of bards! refpite to champions. A tribute on Septs, Ruin of invaders. Prince of fure protection. Subduer of every country. Confpicuous in regal Jaws, Impofer of heavy tributes, Prefiding in every great affembly. Unboundedly generous. Penetrating in council. Gallant iffue of the great Darius *, Watchful of every great charge. Of unfullied reputation. . Head of the long reigning Sept’, Valiant and invincible. Sea of refounding billows. Lord of high cultivations ™ Companion of gallant feats. Mighty are the ftrokes of the illuf& ftrious Goll! Vigilant commander of the legions. Devifer of exalted deeds, Fierce, all victorious. In words graceful and nervous, Goll, of fierce and mighty blows. Hero of rigid partition, Defpoiler of the Ernains®%. Sword of rapid and fevere execution. conqueft their power was confined to the province of Connaught; and this alfo, by marriage, fell to the Milefians in the fourth century. m The Irifh, like the Chinefe, always revered the plough. Though many deeds of our early monarchs have been loft, yet fuch ‘as eminently promoted agriculture have never been forgot. Even the names of private adventurers in this way have been preferved; and many tracts of land in the kingdom yet retain the names of their firft reclaimers. Behold, then, the tafte and good fenfe of the bards in cele- brating Goll for fo effential a quality to an Irith hero! See the expanded education of our antient knights ! ® The inhabitants about Loch Erne were called Ernains and Erenochs. (O) : Hero ee ee xlaye na byhobl epeac. Maye von airman Snte que a5 qjrbal rac. Cpre m erbg blac. Clyat na Coountfae. En Fheapt jomapedc. vopen yhean thom yhoicac. fSjdT na (Eeqijoleaé, cedy lrajs pocpom. TAD Hac On aeniving. , aSpeyy Seay Lbanyyis, we pear cpean catyyitin. Moyproa an id Sollee. xEjom nae mon ybaliya. bejm an wn Bvjllye. epoda an com Lannea. © Soll mean meleaca 76. © I fhould rather read mopcla, ruin, deftruétion ; becaufe. nothing is more certain than the conftant enmity between the two provinces, from an early period, and the prefent county of Clare :the bone of contention, The Conacians claimed it, as being included in the partition of Leth Thuath, or northern Ireland. At an early period the Momonians were obliged to make Fearan Cloidhmk, or {word land, of all the weftern coaft ; as they were, after the death of Goll, of many other parts, How early and how clear can we trace the foedral fyftem in Ireland ! P The hair was an eflential ornament to the free Celtic warriors; for which reafon Clovis got the name of Chevelw, as then ruling over a free people. In Ireland he could not appear in arms, nor was he permitted to appear candidate for any employment in the ftate, who wanted his hair. The celebrated Cucullin, being foiled : ae ate Hero of heavy contributions. Conflant benefactor to Munfler* A fwift flowing ftream; fair as the fnowy foam, Protector of Connaught. Of unbounded enterprize. Generous hero of the long-flowing hair». Shield to the retreating. Commander of mighty legions. Unrivalled in prowets. Solid and extenfive fupport. Great in the rout of battle. Great is the majefty of my Goll; his glory is unfullied. My Goll is a bulwark. The fpirit of clofe conflict. 4 Goll, vigorous and warlike, &c. foiled in fingle combat, his adverfary cut off his hair, as a further mark of reproach to a knight who had falfified his word ; and we are told he remained concealed for near a year, or “till his hair grew again. The celebrated legiflator Cormac, in the third century, when he firft became candidate for the monarchy, his hair was intentionally burned at a public entertainment, and he for that time was obliged to relinguifh his claim. It is further remarkable of this fame prince, that after a glorious reign of twenty-four years, having by accident loft an eye, he was obliged to relinquifh the monarchy.—See alfo WaLKeEr’s Hiflorical Effay on the Irifh Drefs, page Il. 4 Moft antient poems, as well as many of later date, clofed with a recitation of part of the firft verfe, not unlike the Da Capo in mufic. - O bo — Memoir of the LANGUAGE, MANNERS and CUSTOMS of an Anglo-Saxon Colony fettled in the Baronies of FORTH and BARGIE, in the County of WEXFORD, IRELAND, in 1167, 1168 and 1169. By CHARLES VALLANCEY, L.L.D. Member of the Royal Societies of London, Dublin and Edinburgh ; of the Academy of Cortona, and of Belles Lettres, of the Antiquarian Society of Perth, and of the Philofophical Society of Philadelphia. Communicated by the Right Honourable the Earl of CHARLEMONT, P.R.L 2A. : ‘Tue baronies of Bargie and Forth are fituated at the fouthern Read Dec. extremity of the county of Wexford, and, together, contain about fixty fquare Irifh miles. They lie due eaft from Cardigan- fhire, in Wales; the fhortnefs of the paflage caufed a frequent intercourfe between the Irifh and the Britons from the earlieft account of their hiftory. In the year 1167 Dermod, King of Leinfter, was a powerful prince ; the errors of his civil government, the oppreffion of his fubjects, 27, 1788. ao fubjeéts, and the tyranny he exercifed over his nobility, caufed a total defection in them and the people. His kinfmen, friends, fervants and followers, had all been prevailed on to forfake him, In 1168 the. diftreffed king repaired to, England, to folicit the affiftance of King Henry ; telling him he was become an exile by the treachery of his vaflals, and befeeching him to give him aid, whereby he might be reftored to his inheritance, which if it fhould pleafe him to grant, he would acknowledge him to be his lord, and ferve him during his life. Kine Henry, moved with compaffion, promifed him aid, and defired him to remain at Briftol until he fhould hear further from him. Dermod, after ftaying there one month, and hearing nothing from the king, weary of delay, he, applied to Richard Earl of Strigul, commonly called Strongbow, promifing that if he would affift him he would give him his daughter to wife, and with her the whole kingdom of Leinfter, The Earl excufed himfelf, unlefs King Henry would give his confent. In the mean time Dermod applied to the princes of Wales, and Richard Fitz-Godobert accompanied him, but with fo {mall a body of men, they were of no ufe, and they foon returned home. Dermop finding his fubjects ftill held out againft him, cavfed proclamation to be made in Wales, offering large recompenfe in lands, eS eS [ at ] lands, money and cattle to fuch as would give him aid. Imme- diately men of all forts, and from divers places, prepared them- {elves to embark for Ireland, under the command of Fitz-Stephen, who had lately been enlarged from prifon by the mediation of Dermod with Rice, a king in Wales. This little army confifted of about three hundred horfemen and foot. Wiru this {mall body Dermod did wonders, and being grown proud with victory, gave great difcontent to the Englifh, many of whom returned home. But in the year following (1169) Earl Richard fent Raymond Le Grofs to Dermod’s afliftance, with a fmall fuite, promifing to follow with a confiderable army. Accordingly, in 1170, the Earl arrived at Waterford with fix- teen hundred foldiers, Tuis confiderable reinforcement enabled Dermod not only to fupprefs his rebellious fubjects, but alfo to make war on the neighbouring princes. Peace being once reftored, Dermod made good his promifes, and the part of the country we are now de- fcribing was parcelled out to the Britifh foldiers, who have remained in quiet pofleflion of their atchievements unto this day. - Tuts colony ‘have preferved ,their ancient manners, cuftoms and language; and fully occupying every inch of ground, the natives could never obtain a re-eftablifhment therein. As popu- lation encreafed, fome of the Englifh have been obliged ta remove into the neighbouring baronies within thefe fifty years, and by an intercourfe with the Irifh, the language of thefe emi- grants [ 22 ] grants became corrupted, and thefe, by their connections with their kindred remaining in the baronies of Bargie and Forth, have in fome meafure introduced this corrupted dialeé there. The town of Wexford is the market to which this colony reforted to difpofe of the produce of their farms, and in this market all things are bought and fold in the modern Englifh diale& ; this alfo is another caufe of the decline of the language of the colo- nifts, but not one word of Irifh is underftood or fpoken in thefe two baronies; ftill they preferve many words and phrafes of their original language, and fome original fongs, which having been committed to writing, will exift as long as the people. Were there no hiftorical documents to afcertain the arrival and eftablifhment of this colony, the language fpoken by them would be a fufficient teftimony. “ Language,” fays Dr. Johnfon, “ is the pedigree of nations; there is no tracing the connections “ of ancient nations but by language*.” And the learned Dr. Prieftley informs us “ that the language of a people is a “ sreat guide to an hiftorian, both im tracing their onigin, and “ in difcovering the ftate of many other important citcumftances “ belonging to them. Of all cuftoms and habits (adds the “ Doctor) that of fpeech being the moft frequently exercifed, is “ the moft confirmed, and leaft liable to change. Colonies, “ therefore, will always fpeak the language of their mother “ country, unlefs fome event produce a freer intercourfe with “ people who fpeak another language ; and even the proportion “ of that foreign intercourfe may in fome meafure be eftimated * Boswexr’s Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides. ¢4 by : th i eee pe A ee “ by the degree of corruption of the langvaze*.” To thefe authorities we will add a few more of equal weight: “ cognitio “ linguarum gentium ortum & profapiam docet, indicatque, ut et “ folum et genus vite mutaverint monftrat t.” This author goes fo far as to fay, that language is to be preferred even to the annals of remote times, to prove the origin of a people, parti- cularly of an emigrating people, fuch as the Scythian anceftors of the Irifh are known to have been: “ Veftigia migrationum “ gentium quibuflibet faftis certius prodit,” or as he mere ftrongly expreffes it in his own language, “ fom nationers flyt- “ toringar ar, ofta lemnar sikrare underrittelfer, an alla fagor “ och hiftorier.” “ Linguarum cognatio cognationis gentium “ precipuum, certiofimumque argumentum eft {.” On thefe great authorities we reft, to prove that the ancient hiftory of the primitive inhabitants of this ifland is founded in truth ; for if they had not had an intercourfe in former days with the Pheenicians, Egyptians and Perfians, how is it poflible fo many hundreds of words, fo many idioms of fpeech, fo many technical terms in the arts of thofe ages, could have been introduced into the old Irifh diale&t? terms not to be met with in the diale@t of any other northern or weftern nation. What people, the Feyptians and Irifh excepted, named the harp or mufic orjnj. ouini. Irifh Aine. i. e. Oirfideadh, i, e. mufic, a mufical’ * Leétures on Hiftory and General Policy, Part. it. Le&. viii. + The very learned Inre in his Lexicon Lapponicum, Pref. p. xxxiil. { SHERINGHAM. : (P) inftrument ;; [ 24 ] inftrument ; oirphideadh or oiwfideadh exprefles the action of playing. What people in the world, the Orientalifts and the Trifh excepted, call the copy of a book the fox of a book, and echo the daughter of a voice? With what northern nation, the Trifh excepted, can the Oriental names of the ‘tools and imple- ments of the ftone-cutter, the carpenter, the fhip-builder, the weaver, be found? And with what people, the old Irifh and Egyptians excepted, does the word Ogham fignify a book, and the name of Hercules or Mercury * ? Of thefe we propofe to treat more * Copt. oughjam. Liber. Kirncuer. and Wo1DeE. Copt. ghjam, and with the article, oughjam, Hercules, Ermes, Mercury. The very name Ermes lies concealed in the Irifh compound E£d-airmes, i. e. the root, or art of invention. In Arabic ele—bl=sul yejedaram. And we might add, in what part of the globe, Egypt, Ireland and Scotland excepted, were priefts or holy perfons denominated Culdes or Caldes. Copt. Kaldes. San@titas, KincHER. 226 —cCopt. ouab fanctus. Copt. efouab facerdos, whence the Irith ea/cob, a bifhop. To thefe we may add fix hundred others, of which in their proper place: But the moft ftriking inftance of the intercourfe of the Hiberno-Scythians with the 2gyptians and Phoenicians, is the prefixes to furnames, O, Ua and Mac; the former denoting the eldeft of the family, the fecond being a general name for the fon. , ftirps, familia ; hence, O Siris. (Kircher. Ling. Agypt. refti). Mac, uac filius. (Woide) —éd« Arabicé, major natus (Georgius Cedrenus). Thus the Irifh ufe either O or Ua; as Ua Con Cobhar, Anglicé O Coner, &c. &c. Again, Cubhar is the Arabic ys<> Kubeer, major. major natus. So the name Cormac is the Arabic f2 y= Kuremac of the fame meaning, major, maximus. nobilis. Chinefe heu. familia. nomen proprium unius familie Augufte. Lucian tells us that the Celts named Hercules Ogmios, in their vernacular tongue—verum enimvero nomen illud (‘Oyws#6) (fi quid me fapiat con- je€tura) ortu, Pheniceum eft. formatione Grecum : atque folummod6 ufu, Celticum. (Dickinfon Faficulus. 1. de Hercule A°gyptio. p. 45. —nam Qg, philofophus fonat, . idem, q Vy apnea ee fF 354 more at large ina memoir on the Ogham, and from Irifh docu- ments fhew the origin of alphabetical writing, which the Hiberno-Scythians muft have learnt from the Egyptians, before their defcent to the Mediterranean, to Spain, and thence to the. Britannic iflands.. To return to our colonifts.. When we were firft acquainted with this colony, a few of both fexes wore the ancient drefs :. That of the man was a fhort coat, waiftcoat, and trunk. breeches, with a round hat and narrow brim, that of the woman was a fhort jacket, a petticoat bordered at bottom with one, two or three rows of ribband’ or tape of a different colour. We have feen one, whofe jacket was of fuperfine woollen cloth, of a dark brown colour, edged with a narrow filver lace.. The drefs of the head was a kircher: Tur names of the: old colonifts are Hore, Cod, Stafford,, Whitty, Roffiter, Sinnot, Murphy, Stephen, Quiney, &c.. The: idem, p. 29. Or with what people, the Egyptians and Irith excepted, did Seach nab fignify the writing prieft, he who was {killed in the facred writing. Antiquum nomen ZEgyptiacum Graea iepoypepparins refpondens videtur fuiffe Copt. Sach. quomodo in uerfione librorum Scripture Coptice femper redditur ypapparés Scriba. Scrip-- ture peritus. Lingua /gyptiorum nabat defignatur 70, i.e. fapiens, intel- leétu pollens, indé Sach-nebat, the writing prieft. (Jublonfki Panth. /®gypt. Prolegom. xciv.—xcvi.) Or with what people, the above excepted, does /bearr fignify a fon, as in Sein-fior or Sin-fhior, the eldeft born. Sear-eac, a colt, i.e. fon of a horfe, which are evidently the »4up+ Sheri (filius) of the Avgyptians (KiRcHER. Worpe.); whence fhin-fhior or fhean-fhior, the eldeft born, fignifies alfo the pref-- bytery, by which it would feem that the eldeft born was dedivated to the church. (P 2) gentlemen. mise. gentlemen who now inhabit the country are moftiy defcended from the officers and foldiers of Cromwell’s and King William’s army, viz. Hervey, Nun, Edwards, Hughes, Pallifer, &c. Tue people of thefe baronies live well, are induftrious, cleanly, and of good morals; the pooreft farmer eats meat twice a week, and the table of the wealthy farmer is daily covered with beef, mutton or fowl. The beverage is home-brewed ale and beer, of an excellent flavour and colour. The houfes of the pooreft are -well built and well thatched ; all have out-offices for cattle, fowls, carts or cars. The people are well clothed, are ftrong and labo- rious. The women do all manner of ruftic work, ploughing excepted ; they receive equal wages with the men. In this delightful fpot the greateft harmony fubfifts between the landlord and the farmer; and it is common to meet the tenant at the landlord’s table. Such is their averfion to idlenefs, that if a beggar is met in thefe baronies he is immediately handed from houfe to houfe until he is out of the barony. Tue profefled religion here is the Roman Catholic ; there are about one hundred to one Proteftant. MarriAGE is folemnized much in the fame manner as with the Irifh. The relations and friends bring a profufion of viands of all kinds, and feafting and dancing continues all the night ; the bride fits veiled at the head of the table, unlefs called out to dance, when the chair is filled by one of the bride-maids. At every marriage an apple is ‘cut into {mall pieces, and thrown among the croud; a cuftom they.brought from England, but the origin of it had not defcended with it. THE ee) Al Tue produce of the foil in thefe baronies is great *, the whole is under tillage, and_near the fea-fhore they manure with the fea-weed twice a year, and in the memory of the oldeft man the ground has never been fallowed, but a plentiful crop obtained every year. The parifh of Carne contains five hundred acres, all or moftly under tillage; this parifh pays rool. a year for tithes to the re¢tor. The church-land of Carne contains fixty acres, of which forty are plowed, and pays to the rector r4l. 145. and to the landlord gol. a year. Fue is {carce in this diftri€t ; the chief firing is furze, planted on the tops of all the dikes; thefe are cut and dried, and bring a good return. Along the coaft there has formerly been a bog or turbary, which has been encroached on by the fea, fo much that now it-is covered with fand, and that at high water, with many feet of the watry element. The great expenfe of cut- ting and drying this turf renders this kind of fuel too dear, for the common people. In this turbary, many feet under the fea at high water, trees are daily found, and fome dug up; they confift chiefly of oak, fir and hazle. * The old Irith names Bargie and Forth fignify a fertile fpot, viz. Bar, fruitful; go, the fea. The fertile land on the fea coaft. ortha, plenty. Arab. y¢? buhar. Perf. 5'¢2 bahar; a rich and extenfive province (in Hindoftan)—;2 bar, fruitful ; =) | Ls bardar, idem— —? bar, idem, : VOCABULARY [ 28 ] VOCABULARY of th LANGUAGE of the Barony of FORTH and BARGIE, Aloghe, below. ammache, a dwarf. arkagh, eager. amize, amazed. aim, defign. amezill, themfelves. arich, the morning. B. es ; the body. A. S. badige. buye, a boy. bafb, the palm of the hand. bellee, the belly. bane, abone. A.S. ban. blooed, blood. brian, the brain. blauthur, the bladder. brazon, bold. ' breed, bread. bawcoon, bacon. buthther, butter. bouchure, a butcher. b baree, the goal at the game of ball or hurly.. bibbern, trembling, fearful. | blackeen, bawling. blayeen, fhouting. bouft, boatt. bra, brave. ; bathes, the goal at the game at ball. - barnaugh, a limpit, a wilk (or fhell- fifh) which adheres to the rocks fo as to require a ftrong blow to dif- engage it. brough, to break. boththone, a button. brower, a brother. brekvaft, breakfatt. cole, - C. co, quoth, fayeth. cofhes, confcience. clugercheen, a flock, a clutch, a croud. cowlee-man, the keeper of the goal at the game of ball. chote, to know; chote well, to know well, to think, fufpect. cornee, peevilh, _ curcagh, fnappih. corkite, tumbling or thrufting one ano- ther down, wreftling. comman, the bat or hurling club. coureate, carrots. cooloors, pigeons. Angl. Sax. culfre, a pigeon ; culufre, idem. callef, a calf. cawle, a horfe. cozeens, kinsfolks. crweft, a crutt. cofbur, a featt. cowm, a comb. comree, truft, confidence. choule, the cheek ; recfe choule, i. e. the jole. coolane, the hinder part of the head. cortere, a quartar, as arraugh cortere, {pring. zimmer cortere, fummer. harreft cortere, autumn. mwonter corteré, winter. 29 | cole, cold. crooken, crofsnefs, peevifhnefs. D. dellen, to dig. dearnt, to look, to behold, to look up. d’ off, to ftrip, to put off. draught, a drawing ftroke with a weapon. drowe, to throw or caft. doneb, a dunce, blockhead. deight, to put. dap, a touch. durk, dark. dunder, thunder (Danifh). die, the day. danecn, the dawn. Mondei. Tufedei. Wennefdei. Thorfdei. Vridei. Zathardei. Zindei. Dei cafkean, Afh Wednefday. dreade, thread (Danifh). denear, dinner. doaugh, dough. drifh, a thrufh (bird). droftal, a blackbird. E. ¢; fis 30. ee, the (article). errone, errand. earchee, every. ete, point, quarter. ein, eyes. egaft, fear ; ega/ted, frightened. iee, iec, the eye. A.S. eage. eene, the end. eatheit, evening. eart, eard, earth. cord, corth, earth. A.S. cord. emothee, an emmet, ant or pifmire. F. Fug, fog. faufe, the face; the features. of the face, lickeen. A. S. wlita, anwlita, the face, the features. A.S. neb, the face. feelen, feeling. fartoo, ailing. fad, for what? fan, when. foufteen, confufed, trembling. fade, what. gridane, forrow. gandet, wonder’d. gazb, duft, breath, fume. There’s no gajb in him, i. e. he is dead. gentrize, gentry. glade, fun-fet. Goe to glade, i. &. Zin zettene, fun-fetting. gabble, talk, prattling. gay, fair, calm. gubbach, cabbage. gearte, a fhe goat; puckane, a he goat. garrane, a gelding. granouge, a hedge-hog. geinuare, a joiner, a carpenter. — gurl, a child; gurlelifh, childhood. gurtear, a garter, bandage. garr, anger. grizee, ugly. gent, a joint. gue, dew. gat, a fprite. A.S. ga/. garfon, a youth, Eke heoven, heaven. elle, hell. A. S. helle. hote, heat. holgave, Shrove-Tuefday. A.S. hala, holy; balgan fa/ften, tea * haade, the head. helboghe, the elbow. A.S. elboga. hone, the hand; riaught hone, the right hand. hips [ 3% hip, the thigh, A.S. rheob, heal, health. erieen, hearing. hornta, horned ; hornta baft,a bohied beaft. hiver, a heifer. harpleat, a {nipe. hereen, a herring. Aeiftem, weight, burthen. har-nothes, pig-nuts. hachee, crofs, ill-tempered. ey, an inclofure; chourch-bey, church- yard. hole, buried. hap, chance. balluf, half; halluf-mona, half-moon. I joud, croud; jfoud an .moud, crouds and throngs of people. K. keile/s, fkittles, nine-pins. kink, to kick. keilt, to roll on the Bosc knaggee, crofs, ill-tempered, peevith. kewe, a fhove, a thruft. kimlere, a fumbler, aukward. keine, ‘cows. knaghane, an ant or pifmire hill, a little hill, (Q) J L. leigheen, laughing. lean, rifchief. llufkes, flocks. leigh, idle; leigh out ee dei, idle out the day. loutheed, fheltered. lournagh, melancholy. fetch, {mall-beer ; ty 0’ letch, a drink of {mall beer. lug, hollow. lerock, a lark. lowem, a lamb. leioon, a lion. lawveen, leaven. laus, lace. lethel, little; lethel vinger, the little finger. ligt, light. lappeen, a-plover. lous, open. lickeen, the features. anwlita, the face. lone, land; Englone, England ; Eres lone, Ireland. A. S. wiita, lug, ajhollow. 5 M. methel, middle. man, aman; yolaw man, an old mans man, a hufband. _ mawens ff 33 mawen, a woman; yoella mazven, an old woman, a wite. mide, a maid. moweth, the mouth. marrough, marrow. met, food. mothoon, mutton. moothar, mother. majftrace, miftrefs. milleare, a millar. magetty-pie, a magpie. miftern, dazzled. muzlere, worthlefs. moud, crowd, throng. mot, afking. mot, but. mope, aftonifhed, a fool. mothee, a little hill. milagh, trefoil, clover. mel meal, flour. _ mire, furprize, in amazement. N. nouth, knoweth. nate, anate, prepared. nize, the nofe; niztrols, noftrils. * This extraordinary word paug, if I miftake not, is borrowed from the Irifh phogh or fogh, which literally means panis fubcinneratus, and is borrowed from the Egyptian pisit, of the fame meaning; it is the Chaldean sy Ogh. (for ps | oree,, one another, J ! neape/s, parfnips. nipore, neighbour, neal, a needle. neeght, night. ._ noughel, a knuckle. naatur, Nature. O.. a poul, the crown of the head. pethy, pity. pooke, pocket. puckane, a he-goat. pether, pewter. pit, put. poufiee, power. pomell, a fool. piz, peafe; piz porachis, peafe por- ridge. * paug-mele, feaft of harveft-home. paug, the harveft; mele or mael, a featt.. R. rifhp, 3 L oe 4 R. Jmill, the {mell. Jhameface, bathful. rifhp, a ftroke; A.S. refe. . Jtuckeens, ftockings. rapple, to rattle. Jkoone, thoes. rufbfbeen, afternoon’s luncheon. JSnifbeen, fnuff. rub, a rib. Jeppear, fupper. viaught, right; riaught hone, right | /Rir, to rife in the air. hand ; riaught earme. right arm. Jbuller, thoulder. Jnite, to appear, to fhew one’s felf, 5. Jtone, to ftand. Jhimmereem, glittering. fankis, the faints. footh, a fhirt. Shee, the fky. Jcudden, rubbing the back, JSeorr, a ftar; A.S. feorra. JStsuk, a fool. Jneew, {now. Jmort, {mothered. JStarm, a ftorm. Jill, the handle of a thing. ° is the Egyptian article) whence in Hebrew mwy ny Oghofe, i. ¢. fa€tor aut facrificator panis fubcineritii (fee Jacob Bolducus, and Dickinfon Fafciculus, p. 169) ; it was the feaft of firft fruits, whence the Irifh word Fogh-mir, harveft, literally, the autumn cake of new wheat, for mir is the Perfian 34° mihr, or the Arabic Wl=,¢o muhrjan, Autumn. I think we cannot be miftaken in this derivation, becaufe the Irifh do ftill preferve the cuftom of making the bleffed cake at this feafon, called Baran bereac, or vulgo’ Barreen breac, which is literally the 7193 53 Bar baruk, or frumentum benedi@tum of the Jews and Chaldeans. We might alfo derive paug or phogh from the Hebrew 35 bag or vag, which fignifies food, what one eats; whence ¢éy in Greek is bread, and hence the Spanith Figon, a feller of food; hence alfo the Gothic baccen and the German bek, a meal-man, piftor, hence paug-meal, fignifies the autumnal cake of new wheat, which the old Irifh dedicated to Cann, or the Queen of Heaven, and the Egyptians to Ifis. Another name for this cake in Irith is Sudoig, borrowed of the Egyptians, who facrificed to their gods the Sod-oik, a compound of cik placenta and of /oti farina, or of /éd, facrificare, I know not which, from whence /d, vietima, facrificium. (Q2) T. reap, { g4 ] T, teap, tofling and tumbling one ano- ther about, troll, to roll, *rwifh, between, betwixt. teight, taught. . varvizeen, tormenting. titch, a kid. ty, a drink, fee etch, tawoft, tafte. thouum, the thumb, A. S. thwma, ve vier, the fire, A. S. fr. Belgis Vier. vaaper, vapour. vraft, froft. vorreate, the forehead. voote, the foot. wlefh, fleth ; byilita vle/b, boiled meat. vat, fat. vice, voice. volleat, a handkerchief. vurft, firft. vier, a weazel. vream, from; vreem, idem. vappercen, bragging, boafting. valler, more. : vezzeen, driving or ftriking a ball hard. vengem, {pite, malice. vell, fell; wall, to fall, wlee, to fly. valler, more, longer (in time}, WwW. wofur, uneafy. wouriok, to tremble. wedeen, a wedding. wather, water. woul, to with. witheen, the looks, the countenance or features. whating, {neezing. weepeen, weeping. wrafte, the wrift. wik, a week. weend, the wind; Ea/t weend, Weftan weend, Zouth weend, Nordh weend, wazcoote, a wailtcoat. Ye yerftei, yelterday ; ear yeltei, the day before yefterday. yolaw, old m3; yoella, old f. yowe, an ewe. yalpen, {pewing. y’oure, give over, ceafe. yey Zive; yate, give. yith, if. Z. zitch, [ 3s ] Z, 2ar, to ferve. zill, felf; theextll, thyfelf. zitch, fuch, zed, ftewed ; xed-mett, ftewed meat, zin, the fun; xin zetiene, or, go to | zalt, falt. glade, fun fetting. zeide, the fides. zichel, fuch. zongh, afigh. _ zey-faw, xe, to fee. T fhall here fubjoin ‘ AON Oo LD & On Mae, in the dialeé&t of thefe baronies, which has been handed down by tradition from the arrival of the colony in Ireland. Sub- ject, the game at ball called Camann or Hurley. Scene, the commons in the Barony of Forth. Time, a church holy-day. Walter relates how his fon Thomas loft the game, by aiming a ftrong blow at the ball, and mifling it, broke his bat againft a pifmire hill, A YOLA pujee.”) A YOLA ZONG. Tune—Collin and Phebe. FADE teil thee zo lournagh, co Jone, zo knaggee. Th’ weitheft all curcagh, wafur, an cornee. Lidge w’ous ana milagh, tis gay an louthee, Huck nigher, y’art fcudden, fartoo zo hachee. Well, gofp, Chull be zeid, mot thee fartoo, an fa’de Ha deight ouz var gabble, tell ee Zin go tglade -~Ch’am a ftouk, an a donel; wou'll leigh out ee dey Th’ valler w’fpeen here, th’ lafs i Chourch-hey. Yerftey w’had a baree, gift ing our hone Are gentrize ware bibbern, amezill, cou no ftone. Yith Muzlere had ba hole, twas me Tommeen, At by mizluck was i pit tdrive in. Joud an moud, vrem earchee ete, was i Lough Zitch vaperren, an fhimmereen, fan ee daff i tha’r fcoth Zitch blakeen, an blayeen, fan ee ball was ee drowe Chote well ’ar aim was t’yie ouz n’eer a blowe. Mot wall ’ar bouft, hi foon was ee teight At ’ar errone. was var ameing ’ar ’ngifh i height Zitch vezzen, tarvizzen ‘till than w’ne’er zey Nore zichel, n’eer well nowe nore n’eer mey. Many A N LS ied Pas B Ss. QO N G, WHAT ails you fo melancholy, quoth John, fo crofs, You feem all fnappifh, uneafy and fretful : Lie with us on the clover, ’tis fair and fheltered ; Come nearer, you're rubbing your back, why {fo ill tempered.. Well, goflip, it fhall be told, you afk what ails me, and for what ; You have put us in talk, ’till the fun goes to fet. I’m a fool and a dunce; we'll idle out the day; The more we {pend here, the lefs in the church-yard.. Yefterday we had a goal juftin our hand, Their gentry were quaking, themfelves could not ftand. If good for little had been buried, it had been my Tommy, _ Who by mifluck, was placed to drive in. Throngs and crouds from each quarter of the Lough [of Ba/ly- macufbin near the commons ;] Such vapouring and glittering, when ftript in their fhirts, Such bawling and fhouting, when the ball was thrown ; I faw their intent was to give us: neer a ftroke. But with all their bravado they were foon taught That their errand was aiming to bring anguifh upon ’em.. Such driving and ftruggling ’till then we ne’er faw, Nor fuch never will, no, nor never may, Many { 3% J Many a bra draught, by Tommeen was ee mate, Th’ cowlee-man faufteen ; zey well ’twas a nate Yith w’had any Iluck our name wou'd b’ zung Vreem ee Choure here aloghe up to Cargun. Th’ heiftem o’ pley, vell all ing to lug, An there w’ had Treblere an fturdy Cournug. Th’ commanes t’rapple, th’ ball fkir an vlee, Our ‘eein woud b’ miftern t’ dearnt up ee {kee. Than-eame ee fhullereen i teap an corkite, Hi kinket an keilt ivvewe ame t’wode {nite ; Zim dellen harnothes, w’are nize i reed cley More trollen, an yalpen an’ moulten away. Na nowe or neveir w’ cry't t’ Tommeen, Fan Cournug yate a rifhp, an Treblere pit w’ceme. A clugercheen gother, all ing pile an in heep Wourlok’d anan ’oree, lick llufkes o’ fheep. T’ brek up ec bathes, h’ had na.pouftee, Tommeen was lous, an zo was.¢ee baree); Oure hart. cam’ t’ our mouth, an zo w’ all i,green Th’ hap an ee ferde an'ee crie was Tommeen. Up came ee ball, an a dap or a kewe Wouw’d ‘zar, mot all arkagh var ee barnaugh-blowe W’ vengem ‘too hard, he zunk ee commane An brough et i ftell ing a emothee knaghane. Th’ 5 [ 39 J Many a brave ftroke by Tommy was made, The goal-keeper trembling, faid well twas intended them. If we had any luck our’name would have been fung From the Choure here below up to Cargun. [two diftant points of the Barony. | The weight of the play fell into the hollow, And there we had Treblere and fturdy Cournug. [two famous players. | The ball-clubs they rattled, the ball rofe and flew; Our eyes would be dazzled to look up to the fky. Then came the fhouldering, tofling and tumbling ; They kicked and rolled the few that appeared. Some digging earth-nuts with their nofes in red clay, More rolling and fpewing and pining away. Nay, now or never we cry’d to Tommy, When Cournug gave a ftroke, and Treblere put with him ; [Ae/ped] A croud gathered up, all in pile and in heap Tumbled on one-another like flocks of fheep. To break up. the goal they had not power, Tommy was open, and fo was the goal. Our hearts came to our mouth, and {fo did all in the green, The chance and the fear and the cry was Tommeen. Up came the ball, and a tap or a fhove ‘Would ferve; but all eager for the barnagh ftroke With venom too hard, he funk his bat-club or bat, And broke the handle, in an emmot [fi/mire] hill. (R) The [ 40 ] Th’ ball want a cowlee, th’ gazb mate all rize Licke a mope an a mele; he gazt ing a mire, Than ftalket, an gandelt, w’ie o! an gridane Our joys all ee {mort, ing a emothee knaghane. Ha-ho! be me cofhes, th’aft ee pait it, co Jone You’re w’ thee crookeen, an ye me thee hone. He it nouth fade tzey, llean vetch ee man, Twith thee an Tommeen, an ee emothee knaghane. Come w’ ous gofp Learry, theezil and Melchere ; Outh o’me hone ch’ull no part wi’ Wathere. ~ Jowane got leigheen, fhe pleaft ame all, fowe— Sh’ ya ame zim to doone, as w’ be doone nowe : Zo blefs all oure frends, an God zpeed ee plowe.. Be 3 S| The ball o’erfhot the goal, the duft rofe-all about. Like a fool in a mill, he looked in amazement; Then ftalked and wondered, with Oh! and with grief Our joys are all fmothered in a pifmire hill. Hey-ho! by my confcience, you have paid it, quoth John, Give o’er your crofsnefs, and give me your hand. He that knows what to fay, mifchief fetch the man, Betwixt you and Tommy and the pifmire hill. Come with us, goflip Larry, yourfelf and Miles ; Out of my hand Pll not part with Walter. Joan fet them a laughing, fhe pleafed them all, how— She gave them fome to do, as we are doing now : [ Drinking. ] So blefs all our friends, and God fpeed the plough. (R 2) ay tt ae ee twit ve * % é ? 4 a | a o) 7 x * ; ~ 2 7 = x A - weal ~ high arable land F = F Ancent road from the % oS : Church fo ODI Ti Ae Borders into the Linglish Fiule ot ot Hortele ap South A Lan the Lirt of Horfeleap alias ARDNORCH OR 1788 7 0 Yards loan: Lach f 43°] ee ————————— A DESCRIPTIVE ACCOUNT of the FORT of ARDNORCHER or HORSELEAP, sear KILBEGGAN, in the County of WESTMEATH, IRELAND; with Con- jeclures concerning its Ujfe, and the Time of its Ereétion. By Mr. JOHN BROWNRIGG. & a Letter © JOSEPH C. WALKER, £fq; Secretary to the Committee of Antiquities. SIR, A S you were fo kind as to approve of my antiquarian attempts, Read Dec. I am induced to fend you the following obférvations on the sort © *78* of Horfeleap, with a view and plan of the fort. THE very ancient fort of Ardnorcher has been for fome cen~ turies paft vulgarly called the fort of Horfeleap, on account of a moft extraordinary leap which is faid to have been formerly made into it over the drawbridge, by an Englifh knight in efcaping from a clofe purfuit. Siz [i age J Str Hugh De Lacy is generally reputed to have been the founder, if not finither of this curious fortification ; but I appre- hend this to be an hafty and ill-founded opinion, like many other errors in our hiftory, occafioned by the Britifh writers being ignorant of the language and cuftoms of Ireland ; for the bare view of the fort is fufficient to fhew any man of obfervation that it is an original work of the ancient Irifh, and of very gréat antiquity, even long before the time of De Lacy. . Tue forts of Granard in the county of Longford, and of Dundonald in the county of Down, where the Englifh pale did not extend for three centuries after De Lacy’s time, might with as much reafon be attributed to him, fince they are exactly of the fame kind and much larger than that of Ardnorcher. Its very name, indeed, is fufficient to fhew that De Lacy was not the firit founder of it, for it is highly improbable that he, who.was of a Norman family and whofe language was a mixture of French and Saxon, fhould give a name of pure old Irifh, fuch as the word Ardnorchor * is, to a fortrefs ere¢ted in Ireland for a Britifh garrifon. In this and the like inftances, the Irifh language is of fignal ufe to diftinguith the works of the ancient Geltz from thofe of the modern Britifh nations in Ireland; but the old Englih inhabitants of Meath having:no authentic records, attri- bute every work of great labour or antiquity to Sir Hugh De Lacy, as the illiterate modern Irifh do to Fin Mac Cumhal. Wuen Sir Hugh De Lacy was made governor of Meath by Henry the Second, he took every precaution to fecure the new * Ardnorcher or Ard-an-orchor, literally the fert of flat ghter. pofleflions tae een eee [ P45. 4] poffeffions for the Englifh crown, by erecting ftrong forts and caftles throughout the country, and eftablifhing therein valiant knights, with colonies of Norman and Anglo-Saxon foldiery, and by beftowing on them extenfive traéts of country which they were to defend for themfelves by their own perfonal courage and prowefs againft the ancient Irifh proprietors. He took advantage of every circumftance and fituation, whether facred or prophane, that affifted his purpofe; turning abbies into fortified caftles, and their terrafles, walks and groves into trenches and bulwarks ; fome alfo of ancient Celtic, Irifh and Danith forts or mounds, he repaired and ftrengthened by additional works of lime and ftone, to check the violent and fudden efforts of the natives, who unaccuftomed to flow fieges or blockades, were ufed to attack and carry the earthen forts of their country by affault, firing the pallifadoes ‘and ftorming the trenches with furious, rapid and active courage. *It is probable that when the Englifh extended themfelves over the greateft part of Meath, the difpoffefled in- * In the reign of Henry the eighth Meath was divided into two counties. The preamble to the at of parliament, nearly four hundred years after De Lacy’s time, clearly demonftrating the truth of the conjecture, that the weftern parts were not entirely in the hands of the Englith. ’ 34 Hen. viii. chap. I. An act for the divifion of Methe into two fhires. « For as much as the fhire of Methe is grete and large in circuit, and the weft part s¢ thereof laid about and befet with diverfe of the King’s rebells, and that in feve- « ral parts thereof the King’s writs, for lack of miniftration of juftice, have not « of late been obeyed,” &c. (R 4) habitants [ 46 ] habitants retired towards the Shannon, and ftrengthening them- felves in great numbers in that rough part of the country, which is known at this day by the name of The Woods, and is ftill much encumbered with bogs, fteep hills, rocks, ftreams and fhrubby ground. Here the natives made ftand, and headed by the chiefs of the country, principally the Macgeoghegans and O’Malones, began to repel the invaders, and for feveral centuries maintained their independency under their ancient laws. This obliged the Englith to fortify their frontiers with long trenches, forts and caftles ; and although we have no authentic records of the conflicts that enfued between the Britifh and Irith in this part of the country, yet the military works that remain here fufficiently fhew the efforts of one party to regain, and of the other to defend, that large portion of Meath that was within the Englifh pale. The ancient doon or moat of Ardnorcher feems to have prefented itfelf to De Lacy as a ftrong link in his chain of forts and caftles, which were drawn along that country from the great bogs in the fouthern parts of Meath towards the borders of Brehny or Brefny O’Reilly, to cover the new fettlers and check the inroads of the Irifh. I think he found it, like all others of the curious ancient moats (as they are called in Ireland) an high truncated cone, though not quite circular or infulated, as it is part of a long and narrow ridge. It is furrounded with a trench and an outer mound of earth, having very rude caves down through its centre, which were open lately, and may be examined at any time by the curious, their entrance being known to every one in the neighbourhood. It is defended.on the north by a long morafs, through which a rivulet pafles to the outer mound of ee) of the fort, where another ftream falls into it, running from the weft clofe by the foot of the ridge, of which Ardnorcher is a part as above-mentioned. On the eaft it is ftrengthened by a deep valley in which the united ftreams run clofe by the works ; and on the fouth by a fudden deep valley that feparates it from the high grounds, It was weakeft on the weftern fide, becaufe the ridge on which it ftands continues to rife and run on -weit- ward from the fort ; but De Lacy’s military knowledge taught him to improve this fituation fo as to render it a moft formidable and almoft impenetrable fortrefs before the ufe of fire arms. He cut the ridge acrofs with two imtrenchments at a fmall diftance from each other; thefe are not very large, but he feems to have raifed and ftrengthened the outer mounds of the old fort, and to have made the trench deeper. On the weftern part of the high mount are the remains of a {mall round tower built of lime and ftone, which I fuppofe was high enough to overlook and command the ridge; and a ftone wall, whofe fragments are {tll vifible, furrounded the remainder of the platform of this high mount, and not only overlooked the lower works of the fort, but commanded the circumjacent country. The next lower area on the fouth-eaft fide, was defended by a {weeping wall, in which was the great gate into the body of the place, acceflible only by a draw-bridge over a very deep valley or foflé fupported by two piers of ftone work, one communicating with the gate of the fort, and the other joined to the high land on the fouth fide of the foffé, the wall continuing round the eaft fide of the fort till it clofed with the high mount in the north-eaft point, where { apprehend the communication between the higher and lower (Ss) areas [ 48 | areas to have been. All the walls that furrounded thefe works are demolifhed and »1mbled. over into the lower area, where they lie feattered in large fragments; but they have left in fome {pots vifible traces of their foundations, and alfo of the foundations of fome partition walls on the upper fort, and of fome fquare build- ings on the next lower area near the great gate, as is marked on the plan. The only ftone work that has efcaped the ravages of war and time are the two piers of the draw-bridgeand lower gate, now vulgarly called the Aorfeleap; thefe were not only piers of the draw-bridge into the fort, but ferved alfo as fides to a gateway which fhut up the loweft area or deep foflé of the fort, wherein I conceive that in time of danger they kept their cattle and fuel, and every other ftore which required room. This hollow place is very deep and well fheltered; and, notwithftand- ing two rivulets ran along two fides of the fort, a well was dug in it at B, to fupply the garrifon and their cattle with water during a blockade, and which I fuppofe was deep enough to draw water thereto from the river by a fubterraneous drain. I have no doubt that there were other works both of earth and {tone belonging to this fort, which are now fo decayed and defaced as not to be diftinétly obferved. THERE was a wall of lime and ftone on the fummit or {pine of the hill or ridge, the foundation of which can be traced all the way from the fort to the road at A, where, in the ditches on each fide of it, the lime ‘and {tone are {till vifible. The ufe of this wall I cannot conceive, except it was carried quite round the hill upon which the church ftands, to circumfcribe a town, a eh Se - ee a b 2 | LY 49 town, and to guard the ancient road from the borders into the pale which crofles the church hill, as on this fame ridge of ground, better than a mile diftance weftward, ftands the ftrong caftle of Larah, clofe to another high road from The Woods, which it fhut up and commanded, preventing any poflibility of a body of men coming into the pale from this quarter. But this caftle I take to be a later work, and an advancement of the borders of the pale; and I believe the word Larah fignifies the border. Havine ventured to mention the fort of Ardnorcher as one of the frontier forts of the pale, I fhall here offer my reafons for that . affertion: And firft, I will obferve, that many of the Irifh families beyond this point remained in poffeffion of their lands for feve- ral centuries after Hugh De Lacy’s time, and fome of them con- tinue in poffeflion to this hour; but that not one Irifh family have any landed property within it; and that befides, in Abbé Mac Geoghegan’s map of Ireland, the delineation of the Englifh pale will be found to run near this direétion. Tue river that comes from the northward to Ardnorcher I fuppofe to have been the boundary of the pale, becaufe at the ford on this river, at the green of Donore Geoghegan, where another road enters the pale from The Woods, there is a ftrong fort on the Englifh fide of the river, commanding the ford and the road, and rendering the paflage this way an enterprize of danger; and becaufe that, from this point northward, as far as my eye could reach, I traced through a low fwampy bottom a wide [ goad wide entrenchment, which I am affured may be followed many miles further in the fame direction, and which the neighbouring peafants faid, in anfwer to my enquiries concerning the ufe of it, had been cut by Sir Hugh De Lacy, as he intended to draw the waters of Lough Ennel to Horfeleap, a tradition which is much to my purpofe, though a little tin@ured with modern ignorance ; for certainly the trench commencing under a fort, and carried on for miles through a very rough hilly country, was not intended for a water courfe, but a boundary. I am, 5? Your moft obedient fervant, J BROWNRIGG DvuBLIN, Grafton-ftreet, 16th February, 1788. ‘e . J 5 tay) ine, teers a i 7 eu . ‘ ; . hs ‘ . ‘ ears ’ yay ay t* shin See 2 2 3 rat 6 ' x Cw pak es ks"t ¢ 2 . 6 Man 3 ~ 315 a 4 ) ‘ afarg x N . * oy 4 , A 5 ’ : f ‘me j i ; taht ‘ ? a Y . <* , |) Nee eres ae Foe PO + ee . vy Ores Sg e ie Aenea t : » * - ¥ > Le Mae 0, oe 2 ot Aol ntr wot a nner ot men ey An ACCOUNT of.an ANCIENT SEPULCHRE difcovered in the COUNTY of KILDARE, IRELAND, 7 the Year 1788, By WILLIAM BEAUFORD, 4 B. Ina Letter to JOSEPH C. WALKER, Eq; Secretary to the Committee of Antiquities, SIR, As fome peafants in February, 1788, were digging in a garden at Calverfton near Kilcullen, in the county of Kildare, one of them dropped his fack or fpade in a hole under what was always deémed: a large rock-ftone, which juft appeared above. the ground.. To. Tecover the fpade they attempted to remove the ftone;. this they Read March 32 1789. completed by breaking it into feveral pieces. Underneath was an. - oblong cavity or tomb, the fides and ends compofed of large flat ftones, about five feet long, four deep and four wide. In this tomb was found a fkeleton in a fitting attitude, facing the fouth,. and. [ger § and by its fide, near the head, a fmall urn*, or rather bafon, of very rude workmanfhip, made of earth very hard baked, and of a light brown colour. This was a little broken when found, by pieces of the covering ftone falling on it; but when entire was five inches and a half diameter at the top, two inches at the bot- tom, and four inches and one eighth deep, as is reprefented in Fig. II. with its f(veral carvings, which though rude are not ina bad tafte, being both in creux and relief. Many of thefe ancient fepulchres are found in different parts of the kingdom, feveral of which have been opened, in which have been difco- vered urns with burned bones and afhes, fkeletons extended on their backs, and heaps of bones in a confufed and irregular form. See Fig. L In refpeé to the period in which this tomb was erected, and the perfon to whom it appertained, little can be advanced befides con- jecture; but in whatever age the body was interred, it was appa- rently in a period when cremation began to ceafe, and the mode of interring the body intire began to prevail. The burning of the body after death was univerfal throughout ancient Europe; and Wor- mius, in Monum. Danie. F tells us, that among the northern na- tions the body reduced to afhes was placed in an urn, and laid in the earth, over which was raifed a conical mound. The urn was of baked clay, and the mouldings round the rims of fuch as have been difcovered, often fhew a confiderable degree of ele- gance. Numbers of fuch fepulchral urns have been difcovered * This urn has been lately depofited in the mufeum of the Royal Irifh Academy. + © Rudiores ex fola in rotundidatem et conum conjecta.” Worm. Monum. Dan. ee he: Baie in Ireland, whofe colour, texture and ornaments are fimilar to this under confideration. From Keating, Ware and other Irith antiquaries, we learn that burning was exchanged for burying in this ifland, by Eochadh Aireamh, who according to Keating was brother to Eochaidh Feidhlioch, and reigned A. M. 3952, or about fourteen years before the Chriftian zra :—but Keating’s dates are generally his own. Tue Irifh long retained an attachment to their ancient euf- toms and pagan fuperftitions, efpecially in the modes of inter- ment; and the cuftom of burying in confecrated ground was not univerfal in Ireland in the twelfth century, on the arrival of the Englith, as we find it enjoined in the council of Cafhel, held in 1172, mentioned by Cambrenfis. From thefe circumftances we may reafonably infer, that the monument under confidera- tion may be either of Irifh or Danifh origin; if of the former, it is probably not later than the feventh century. In thofe fpecies of fepulchres which have been opened in which fkeletons have been found, the body was laid at length on the back, agreeable to the affertions of the Irifh antiquaries, who relate that Eochadh Aireamh ordered that the grave fhould be feven feet long and three deep, the corpfe ftretched on its back, with a ftone over it, and the name of the perfon written thereon. This is the only one yet difcovered where the body was placed in a fitting pofture ; indeed a fhort time fince fome {mall earthen tumulii were opened on the Curragh of Kildare, under which fkeletons were found ftanding upright on their feet, and in their hands, or near them, fpears with iron heads. The cuftom of placing their dead ere€t was general among all the northern na- tions, [ 54 J tions, and is ftill retained in Lapland and fome parts of Norway* ; and the natives.of North America bury their dead fitting in holes in the ground, ‘and cover them with a mound of earthf. ApmitTiNc therefore the monument under confideration to be of Danifh origin, we come to confider the ufe of the urn or bafon enclofed in it. Herodotus, ir MeLPoMENE, informs us that the ancient Scythians, not only in making contracts, alliances, &e. but at the fepulchres of their chiefs, drank out of earthen cups or bowls, wine mixed with their own blood, with which liguor alfo they {tained their {cimitars, {words and arrows; and with thefe arms they cithér decorated the tomb, or interred them with the body. Other ancient and modern writers mention the cuftom of the Scy- thians, Tartars and northern inhabitants of Europe, burying victuals with their dead. The Danes and Scots eat frequently oatmeal of .rye-meal mixed with water, which was continued by the latter to thé prefent century, under the denomination of croudy; fome fuch mixture appears to have been in the urn under confi- deration, for the infide feems to be incrufted over with a kind of bran, which being fpilled over, alfo covers part of the outfide. It was, thérefore, moft probably a bowl of meal and water interred with the corpfe, to fubfift him during his paflage to the other world, after the cuftom of the northern Pagans. I orrer thefe thoughts only as conjectures or hints, to be fur- ther inveftigated by fome more able pen. As the Danes, Lrith, and all the northern and weftern nations of Europe, had the * See Defcription of Lapland. + Burron. — ; fame [. 55.4 fame or fimilar modes of interment, it is almoft impoffible to afcertain the date of any particular one. There are a number of ancient fepulchral monuments {till remaining in Ireland, which are certainly anterior to Chriftianity in this ifland, whilft there are others of the fame fpecies which fhew evident marks of being erected fubfequent to that period, and fome perhaps as late as the tenth or eleventh centuyy. Ir you think the above merits the attention of the Royal Irith Academy, you will do me the honour to lay it before that learned body. I am, ERs Your’s, &c. W. BEAUFORD. Athy, Sept. 2, 1788. (T) Shiite | ; <@ PY ‘ oe Seca li i ee ; ; ‘ ; t 5 Se whe « > a ’ ; L} thy, ery : $0 aoltee 3s ry vt . : S3RL BE di iY five . gh ive dod? Garb ture ails : a a i . ~E - ati Sede cidiad ti eel “0: i ates he ‘si ’ } ’ ‘ 4 Ppt et > . T . y At z (> { (7 hy ai e le ‘ XX ‘ 4 ‘ F : e erie Pe. “RAT ic? : R het A IDM BL ORY ; oO wet Nyyttiehene® . f jo AyuNOD ly) UT WNT Ie ANOLS aNoL Vv “NT ESN eI wy Le abby Lb oe J DESCRIPTION of an ANCIENT MONUMENT mm the CHURCH of LUSK ¢ the County of DUBLIN. By Cobnel CHARLES VALLANCEY, Member of the Royal Societies of London, Edinburgh and Dublin, 8c. Communi- cated by the Earl of CHARLEMONT, ARIA, Tus menument (or tomb-ftone) was found covered with Read March earth in the church of Lufk in the year 3953, when a fair ™ tee: drawing of it was made by,Mr. Martin Gaven. One corner is broken off, which contained the letter H in the word Hic; and probably the M in the date was cither omitted or alfo broken off. ' Tue ftone meafures five feet five inches in length, two feet two inches in breadth, and is five inches thick. The infeription ig very legible, and is as follows: {T 2) hic [ 58 J tac yacet walteens Reentout ct No? eV monica gon diabus — yprtietuz (c(i amen 91's MUO. OMT ceLee FAV | Hic jacet Walterus Dermout et uxor ejus Monica, quorum animabus, propitietur Chriftus, amen Jefus. Anno Domin. &c. I wivt not here difpute whether the word. following propitzetur be defigned for Chrz/tus or ion; it has more the appearance of the latter; and we know the Infh Chriftians expreffed fometimes the name of the Méeffah by the Chaldean word (Vion *. Tue figures on the ftone denote the Trinity, with the Meffiah on the crofs. But there is an wmzque in this monument I have not met with on any other, formed fince the introduGion of ® Vindication of the ancient hiftory of Ireland, p. 200- Chriftianity. [ps 595 a Chriftianity, At the fide of our bleffed Saviour are two hands open, pointing to the names of the deceafed. . There is no circumftance in our Saviour’s life that can any way be alluded to by thefe hands, and from the pofition of them I am induced to think they are Hzeroglyphics. No fymbol was more in ufe with the AXgyptians and with the ancient Irifh than the hand. Tue fign armorial of the kings of Ireland was the hand pointing upwards; it was painted red, and is ftill the arms of the O’Brien family, with this motto, Lamh laidir an uachdar, i. €. “ the ftrong hand up,” or “ the ftrong hand will prevail.” _Tuus the monarchs Lugh, Reachta and Cathal, obtained the names of the red hand; as Lugh-Lamhdhearg, Reachta-Righdhearg, Cathal-Crobhdhearg ; for lamh, righ and crobh, are fynonima for the hand. Tue Romans had a ftandard on which was painted an hand erec#, as we find among the figures of the Trojan column ; it was a fymbol of power* which has efcaped the notice of the Roman antiquaries. * See Kennet’s Antiq. Just. Lirsivs, &c. Manus Manus authoritaten © poteftatem fignatiffine indicat +, Manus fucra mfert altaribus & pretatis omne munus peragit{. “ The hand « of the Lord fhall be exalted,” fays the Pfalmitt ; and the prophet Jeremiah, {peaking of the power of God, fays, “ as the clay in “ the potter’s hand, fo is the houfe of Ifrael in the hand of % God.” ‘Tue metaphorical fenfe of the Hebrew word y iod, @ hand, is ufed more largely (obferves Mr, Bates in his Lexicon) than we ufe the word in Englith, it fignifies the power or means by which any thing exerts ifelf, the power or ability of any perfon, with a double D, 7” it fignifies fhouting or clapping of hands. Parke hurft defines the fame word to import the hand of a man, the 4 Pieri Hieroglyph. ex facris Egypt, literis, Ps 357+ $ Ibidem. = paw [ 6r J paw of a beaft, power, ability, means, affiiftance, endeavour, contrivance, a border, extremity, fide, a tract, tenons, (refembling hands) ftays, projeGling fulcra, axes, axle-trees, parts, portions. Giving the hand to another was a token of fubmiffion. Homage is ftill preferved in many places by the perfons who do the homage, kneeling down and putting his hands between the hands of the Lord. Ezekiah commands the children of Ifrael to give the hand unto Jehovah, that is, to fubmit themfelves or afcribe the fuperiority to him. ‘Thus the Heathens, ftretching out their hands to Heaven, did acknowledge the power, and implore the afliftance of their refpective Gods. ——— “ duplices tendunt ad fidera palmas,” In the Arabic language o, ved, fignifies the hand, power, vigour, ftrength, affiftance, aid, prote@tion, a benefit, fervice, furrender, fubmiffion; +2). ca; bm yedeh, literally, between his hands, fignifies, before him, in his prefence. The word in Hebrew and Arabic is alfo applied to penitence, to confeffion, or as we fay, to make appear as plain as the palm of the hand. In the Perfian, the word Gm deft, a hand *, fignifies power, firength, pre-excellence, fuperiority, victory, end, termination, limit, boundary, hence deffan, a key, pin or peg of a mufical infirament. Ligatura tm collo inftrumentt mufict, a deft manus, que wlis tmpofita chorde variat tonas}. Defie, a handful, a * Yn Irith deas, the right hand. } GoLivus, p. 826. theaf, [ 63 J fheaf, a nofegay; defen, a colleGion, hiftory, romance ; defur, a prime minifter, fenator, counfellor, i.e. the right hand of the fraie; a colleQion, record, chronicle ; whence. the Irifh dea/aran, a repofitory, hiftory, record, chronicle. ’ From the Arabic and Perfian So menn, or men, benevolent, benign, propitious, favourable, conferring a benefit, beneficence, grace, favour, is derived the Irith man, a hand, fignifying the inftrument of beneficence ; fo, from » iod, the hand in Hebrew, the Irith formed edam, to handle; from carr, good, (Arabic yi chara, bene habuit, bono bonifque polluit) the Irifh formed carred, a bofom friend, and the Arabians have ol,s ps &heir khauh, of the fame import; from rs cher, bonus vir. bono bonifque abundans*. Ir we trace the word fignifying a hand to the Egyptians, we fhall find the fame metaphorical fignifications ; as ror dod (Irifh doid) a hand ; yrer edod, to have in poffeffion; erdod, to have wealth and power—in fine Nostris manibus in rerum natura, quafi alteram naturam efficere conamur f. Berore the invention of letters, thofe nations who ufed hieroglyphics or piture writing, muft have expreffed thefe diffe- rent metaphorical fignifications by different pofitions of the hand, * Go.ivs. + Cicero de Nat. Deor, 1. 2d, c. 60. [ 9 4] or hands; and this was the cafe with the Egyptians, as may be feen in Horus Appollo, and Pierius. The hand open and ex- panded was the hieroglyphic or fymbol of benevolence and _pro- pitioufnefs ; and the hands in the monument before us are placed clofe to the fide of Chrift, pointing to the names of the deceafed —correfponding to the prayer—quorum animabus propitietur Chriftus *. i Ir is no very great compliment to the Hiberno-Scythians or ancient Irith to allow them the ufe of pi€ture writing. Almoft all nations, even the moft barbarous, have pradifed it. The authors of the ancient part of the Univerfal Hiftory + tell us of a curious Hunno-Scythian MS. partly hieroglyphical, and partly alphabetical, ftill exifting at Florence, and promife to treat at large upon it in the Modern Hiftory of the Hungarians. The authors of the modern part of this hiftory have neglected to fay more of it. Mat. Belus does alfo affure us. the Hunno-Scythians do at this day make ufe of an alphabet, partly fymbolical, and partly alphabetical f. Ir is Tecordetl by the moft ferious hiftorians, that when Darius demanded earth and water of the Scythians, as a token of homage, * To effect this, the infcriptioncommentes at the foot of the flone, inftead of the head, as ufual. . + Vol. xx. p, 18. ${ Two very learned nations, the Egyptiavis and Chaldeans, did the fame, See Cayius and Cassioporus, ube facra prifcorum Chaldafcis fignis, quafi literis, indicantur. See alfo Marsuam, Secu/um, xvi. p. 4333+ (U) ; and [ 4 J and of furrendering their country to him; inftead thereof, Inda- thyrfus, their king, fent him a bird, a mou/fe, a frog, and five arrows. Darius would fain have conftrued thefe into a fub- miffion; faying, the moufe is bred in the earth, the frog lives in water, and the bird may be compared to a Horfe, and by the arrows they feem to deliver their whole force into my hands. But Gobrias was of opinion that the Seythian gave them to underftand by fuch a mefiage, that unlefs the Perfians could afcend into the air like a bird, or conceal themfelves in the earth like mice, or plunge into the fens like frogs, they fhould inevitably perifh by the arrows, We are told by Horus Apollo, that by the hawk, the Egyp- tians fignified God, fublimity, excellence, humility, wind, blood, vidtory, the foul, &c.; by the dog, a fcribe, a prophet, fpleen, fmelling, laughter, fneezing, an officer, a judge, for reafons. which appear as ridiculous as the meaning was precarious. I cannot think that fo wife a people as the Egyptians would regifter their public as in fo vague and uncertain a manner, and that we want the key to explain their fymbols in a more fatisfactory manner. That key appears to me to have been the fynonima of their language. Asin the monument of Lufk man fignifying the hand, implied alfo propitrou/ne/s; man alfo fignifies. ftrength ; hence the hand, in another attitude, implies power. “ Du Celte man, fort, elevation, parfait en bonté, &c, &c, vinrent “« man, la main, lat. manus,” &c. &c. * * GEBELIN, Dic. Etymol. Lat. p. 1124, Let ey Let us now try to explain the fymbolic anfwer of Inda- thyrfus, by the Hiberno-Scythian dialect, taking the fynonima of each objed. Ean, a bird, fignifies alfo warlike inftruments; war, as in Ean gEntomh, dexterity at weapons. Heb. a3n shane, to war. Luc, a moufe—a prifoner, an hoftage. Logan, a frog—wounded, maimed in battle. re he } to: GatoMes by arrows; fate, deftiny ; and thefe an : were always five in number. Suam-nim, Crann-corr and fuam-nim (i. ¢. facere fuam) occur frequently in Irifh, fignifying to caft a fate by arrows. Crann is an arrow, as in crann-tabhal, a balifta, or cafter of arrows ; fuam is the Arabic ¢ ieee fuham, an arrow ; whence /uham-kuza, the arrow of def- tiny; in Arabic @l,3 kuran, or Y >» kurn, is alfo an arrow; whence our crazzn. I THEREFORE interpret Indathyrfus’s meffage thus, “ If you “ proceed in the war, the fate of your army will be, either to ** be taken prifoners, or be cut in pieces in the field.” “« Exemplo patram commotus amore legendi © Tvit ad Hibernos, fophia mirabili claros.” Even miftaken writers, fays Mr. Collins, by putting men upon enquiries, may make them fee farther than themfelves: and by this means both encreafe the number of capable judges, and render fome of the learned better judges than they were (U2) before. [ 66 J before. ‘* Neque vero erraffe turpe eft, eft enim initium fapientiz ; «fi non ei ipfi qui fallitur, at aliis non fallendi *.” SHoutp the learned favour this mode of explaining hierogly- phics and pi@ure writing by fynonima, inftead of the ufual method, from the qualities of the thing reprefented, the attempt will afford me pleafure; if not, the reader may ftill be indebted to my errors, and I truft to the cenfure of the public. Tue reading of Egyptian hieroglyphics by the various inter- pretations of the word, fignifying the object painted or repre- fented, feems to have ftruck Horapoll, or whoever was the author of that work, but it was barely conjeCture :—a:, bai, fays he, fignified a hawk, the foul, and the wind, therefore the Egyptians ufed the hawk asa fymbol for the foul. The word is written dazs in the Nomenclatura Egyptiaco-Arabica, publithed by Kircher. Do@or Woide follows Kircher ; but in the Lextcon Coptico-Grco, in the Bibliotheque du Roy at Paris, we find fox bai, fpecies aliqua accipitrum ; and the fame occurs in Czlius, l. 4. c. 16, viz. “ opinantur Egyptii anime conceptum effe cor ; ** qua ratione cum accipitris nomine indicari azzmam putent, * illum vocabulo gentilitio Pam, bai-eth, nuncupant, quod “« animam fignat & cor: fiquidem éa7, anima eft, eth vero “ cor ee * Scar. de Cau/. L. L. + See alfo JapLonsxi Egypt. Panth. Proleg. p. cxxxvii. and Evsepius Prep. 1f3isc. 12. THIS Ly Spy. dh Tuts brings to my mind another inftance of Aigyptian hiero- glyphics having been ufed by the Irifh, and of having been blended with their monumental ornaments fince Chriftianity, as in that of Water Dermot before us. On the walls of the ruined abbey of Magheo* or Knockmoy, the burial place of many kings of Connaught of the Ay-Briuz race, are the fkeletons of feveral of thefe kings, painted in frefco _ over their tombs, and on the hands of the figures are reprefented | hawks in the attitude of rifing to fly, to fignify the feparation of — the foul from the body. Tuese hieroglyphics are perfectly agreeable to the Irifh lan- guage as well as to the Avgyptian, for baz, be, b1, ba, fignify life, the foul and wind; dadbh or ba-dubh, the north wind, becaufe blowing from dud, the bear, urfa major, or north pole. In my VINDICATION OF THE ANCIENT History or [ReLAND, p- 79 and p. 541, feveral Agyptian hieroglyphics are explained by fynonima of the Irifh language, and to this language the learned muft be indebted for the explanation of moft other A°gyptian fymbols where the old Egyptian diale& is loft. Tus learned Gebelin feems to have formed fome idea of in— terpreting or reading the Agyptian hieroglyphics by the various meanings of the word, expreffing the fymbol, but he has not made more obfervations than one, viz. that hours or days were reprefented by an ape, becaufe the word fignifying an ape, does: * Magh-eo, i. e. the plains of the graves or the field of fepulchres. alfo Ce a alfo fignify a revolution ; therefore, adds this author, fearch the dictionaries for the word fignifying the objeg painted, and write down all the various meanings of the fame word; do the fame by cach hieroglyphic, and the fenfe of the whole may be col- leGted *. We have reafon to think Monf. Gebelin is right; but how are We to come at the knowledge of thefe words in a language now loft? 4 C VALLANCEY. & GEBELIN, Origine de PEcriture, p. 384. by Soy On the SILVER MEDAL lately dug up in the PARK of DUNGANNON, COUNTY of TYRONE, ¢he Seat of the Right Honorable Lord WELLES. By Colonel CHARLES VALLANCEY, Member of the Royal Societies of London, Edin- burgh and Dublin, ce. Fc. Communicated by the Right Hono~ rable the Earl of CHARLEMONT, P. R.f 2.. Tuts is one of thofe Arabian telefmanic medals called by the Read March Arabs din, from the firft letter of the infcription always begin- *? bite ning with that character. The myftical word is generally com- pofed f wo J pofed of three letters, viz. Ain, Lam, Ya, forming the word 4i/i, which is very confpicuous on the front of this medal. Tue Cabaliftical Arabs have written volumes on the charms and. powers of this character. Take one as an example of the reft : Zain Abadaal fays, “ Whoever beholds and_refleéts on the ee form, of the letter _o* Ain,” (which is commonly written with the final Ain “thus C) y “and fhall read the myftical name of © God therein contained, (viz. Ali) fhall be beloved by all who fee “ him ;.and if he {hall be.overtaken by. ftorms and tempefts God “ will fave him, and caufe fountains of wifdom to flow in his “ breaft; and God will inftruct him in the hidden mytteries of “ fcience, and the occult fignifications of them. Moreover, if “ any one fhall write the letter im in thefe forms & or in “ the firft hour of the Sabbath day, the moon being at the extre- “ mity of one of her manfions, and {hall bury this letter in any “* place. whatever, that place will be defolated and laid wafte, “ and no one will ever after inhabit it.” THE word 4, in Arabic, fignifies not only the beer of the alphabet known by that name, but alfo,' the eye, fight, afpect, a fountain, a fpy, a fpeculator, the beft part of any thing, a digni- * Eft autem litera 4in index nominis feu attributi Divini, quod vocatur A/, i. e. excelfus, fublimis: Satis mirari non poflim, impiortim hominum czcitatem, dum literis & figuris nullits energize & efficacie, tantum tamen poteftatis ineffe fibi per" fuadent, ut coruim fubfidio nihil illis denegatum videatur. Kircuer. mont - [> sacl di fied [pt reed fied man, a Lord, the body of the fun, alfo its rays, money, coin, gold or filver fpecie, eflence, any thing prefent, &c. &c. In Irith the word has nearly all thefe meanings, as the eye, water, fountain, noble, riches, cornu copie, the fun, whence Bel- ain, Griain, &c, &c. Tue infcription diz fignifies high, noble, exalted ; the proper name of a man, the fon-in-law and fourth Khalif or fucceffor to Mahomet. In Irith the word Ai or Eli has the fame fignification, and — was alfo a- proper name, as Eli O’Carrol, Eli O’Ghurty, &c. &c. SomeTIMES the Arabs included the word Ali within another Ain, with other myftical characters, as in the following figure : « Hoc figillum folita fuperftitione multum venerantur multumque « geftantibus conferre afferunt ad amoris alle@amenta*.” ; ™ KircueER, Oedip. Aigypt. {X) 1 HAVE Ei gax J I wave here fitbjoined a drawing of the medal of the fize of the original. On the ‘front’ 6 ‘the word -4f éncircled with the rays. of the fun: over the letters Ym is a ftar, On the reverfe'are two myftical characters crowned with ftars—I cannot explain them. Wear marks the» faridarity of this: talifman are the nusne- rals under the word 4Z.)\ The» figures: are European, not Ara- bian. ‘Figures came firft, from the Perfians, or Indians to the Ara- bians,, and from, them to the Moors, and fo to the Spaniards, from whom the other Europeans received them. The Arabians acknowledge they had them from the Indians, as profeflor Wallis has fhewn from their writings. Wattis has offered fome. arguments to prove that Gerbertus, a monk, who was afterwards advanced to the Papal See, and took the name of Sylvefter II. had before the year 1000 learned the art of arithmetic as now practifed, with the ufe of nine characters only (whatfoever ‘their. form then was) from the Sara- cens in Spain, which he afterwards carried into France. Thefe characters, however, were known for a long time after only to aftronomers, and principally ufed: by them in aftronomical: cal- © culations; the Roman numerals being ftill retained in common ufe to exprefs fmaller numbers. Mr. Cope and Doctor Wallis, on ftriét enquiry, find thefe numerals were firft ufed in England about the year 1130. THE L934 Tne figures on our medal being moft affuredly Spanith, Englith or Irifh, and not Arabian*, Perfian or Indian}, it is probable this talifman was ftruck by the Saracens of Spain, at ‘the requeft of fome European, who engaged them to put the date of the year in European figures. From the great intercourfe be- tween this country and Spain, many of the talifmans might have gained admittance into Ireland, and on that account they are worthy of explanation. IN THE BOOK OF BALLYMOTE, among the Oghams, I find a perfect Perfian talifman of the feven planets. If the ancient Irifh or Hiberno-Scythians had thefe in common with the Orientalifts, why might they not have been induced to ftrike a medal alfo? THE quotations from the Arabian author may be feen at large in the original language in Kircher’s Oedipus Egyptiacus, tom. If, part 1. p. 399. Cap. Cabala Saracenica. Civ V ALL LA NeGyb ¥. * Thefe numerals in Arabian charaéters would be thus ///\\/. + See No. XII. of my Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis, plate I. nae fhews the Indian, Arabian and European numerals in one table. (X 2) Ue Y iin ibstilin: Roin| gains Agboes Iie fo .eottrah , siti di 3i (tecibal x0! teed sFasiderA aga bas, ottiah pag diilanet way ectigga: Fo vanpasuad dda yd hopath ean sacililer eid, ofdagiong sseb anda tirg'ot mad? hizegae oily epeaqorat amt, Jo. Saupe: puke -xbshivosisnl iserg ort tao array tresqourdl pi tasy_st) to idgicn ensitibiisy ony 40. qasm oisqa bas. ¢innos ails assw od shoe! hel) to! bas ouulod ojnd conditinbs| hesiny avod Tae webseet Sigs . ay matst § bth ‘+ * 2 i Marae miteied ony dino, pat & baa I eroengO. ols goons romy ara 20 7008 “sit Ws tit snsidns aly UW esansly dayshedi te ascidian, uss, Pt ‘eNilersinO sel doiw somos: atestols bed tanisyn2--isry ofA go tte ‘Poll inbortt's oadbuht or beorsbusi stead: wrad! tou, ¢3ild, wig . we oli weit beet Li iteogt i) Een Totty Tpit} oe BORE va fit oteeay ' P bien 28 sadh-ed; open paras naiderA oft mort enoisstoup ern uo} suasiqygd. exgqibsO e‘telouil at agsupasl Isnigizdsd2 ai Wits: Os teases ‘‘edinoase@ lads wars OD ( pay Tag nif ~ Afhg i St me tol his ; (MALY TRS the its) se a. ss wel Th A: ohioh aay He al hats: joe sees ella tha ; ; ue ch donates hk AW}, - 3 hy r Liz any BET MO RE a ae MATTIE sed SS ebb bre id altte; Seamactens only wi hs cHast chiejit Sunt a4 RST: parade} fina tii Be oar nh e Nebel VA aN aie od ‘Uo, srefhrad te Ps) i Hs aint” % ghey hase arteh tt. “= eae ‘i Bis oe inna! Sak: eet iw ithe ih tig Any sia nt AO RE BERORS Sos aoe Gti Gece crucial pidee eaciehy : MH Tipit ones. Poste CUE etal in PATE hat hein wir i a * e's RGR ead S elite: 13 (Ae JM|riia. Were? Sugts uO tines A hg ; . di. pticthe loam (2%) ! < . fe Pel] dn HISTORICAL ESSAY on the IRISH STAGE. By JOSEPH C. WALKER, £7, Member of the Ryal Trifh Academy , Fellow of the Literary and Antiquarian Soctety of _ Perth, and honorary Member of the Etrufcan Academy of Cortona. In tracing the progrefs of fociety we difcover the Drama amongft the firft amufements of man. Soon as communities were formed, it appeared as well inthe bleak regions of the North, as in thofe countries which feel the genial influence of the fun. Even Hiftory, when fhe firft ventured to raife her voice, invoked the aid of the Dramatic mufe. It is therefore very ex- traordinary that we cannot difcover any veftiges of the Drama amongft the remains of. the Irifh Bards, or amongft the amufements of the vulgar Irifh of this day*, though a peo- ple * Tt muft, however, be obferved that the vulgar Irith of the prefent day exhibit, in many parts of the kingdom, feveral awkward attempts at Comedy at their weddings and Read Marc}; 3, 1789. | [te | ple fo religioufly obfervant of the cuftoms of their an- ceftors. Ir is true that fome Irifh poems are conduéted in a kind of dramatic narrative, and it is probable that thefe poems were recited at the convivial feafts of the chiefs, and in the public conventions and wakes; but thefe attempts cannot be confidered as veftiges of an ancient regular drama. Thefe pieces are called, The Cottoning of Frize; The Marriage AP; The Servants ferving their Lord at Table; The fulling or thickening of Cloth, and Sir Sop or Sir Spi, the Knight of Straw. The defign of the laft is evidently to hold up to ridicule the Englifh character, and cannot therefore. be a produétion of high antiquity. I will here give a fhort analyfis of this piece. The principal charaéters, are an Irith chieftain, who always takes his title from the Irith family of moft confequence in the neigh- bourhood of the place where the play is exhibited ; and an Englith chieftain, deno- minated Sir Sop or Sir Sopin. Sir Sop is dreffed in ftraw, with a clogad or helmet of the fame materials on his head ; but the Ivith chieftain, who is the favourite hero, is clad in the beft clothes that the wardrobes of his ruftic audience can afford. When thofe charaéters appear on the ftage they are feparately attended by inferior officers and fervants, who, like the ancient Greek chorus, ftand at a refpectful diftance, while the chieftains converfe. Sometimes the chief officers are allowed to take a part in the dialogue. With the drift of the plot I am not perfectly acquainted, but know that the cataftrophe is brought about by an altercation which arifes between our two heroes, and terminates in fingle combat. In this combat Sir Sopin wounds his adverfary, who falls, and a furgeon appeats to ‘examine the wound. Regaining his ftrength the Irith chieftain retires, followed by Sir Sopin. ‘Soon after they enter again, and renewing the combat, Sir Sopin receives a mortal wound, and is borne off the ftage. The Irifh chieftain having thus gained the field, brandifhes his fword and ftrides exultingly acrofs the flage. Then paufing a while, he addreffes himfelf to heaven, offering thanks for his victory. This) done, the curtain falls—The dia- ‘logue is extremely humorous, and interfperfed with foliloques, fongs and dances. ee conventions by feveral harcs, cach bard affuming and fupporting a character in the piece *: but no production in a regular Drama- tic form is extant in the Irifh language f, nor even alluded to by any of our ancient writers. So that if the Stage ever exifted in Ireland previous to the middle ages, like the * bafelefs fabric “ of a vifion” it has melted into air, leaving not a trace bee hind. Yer in the Dances of the vulgar Irifh we may difcover the features of a rude Ballet, performed in honor of fome Pagan deity, and accompanied, it may be prefumed, by hymnick verfes; and in an ancient defcription of Tamer Hall, Drujch Rysheaoh, or Royal Mimics or Comedians, are exprefsly mentioned f. All this, however, only ferves to open a field to conjecture, affording no * Some of the Poems to which I allude will be fhortly given to the public, tranflated with elegance, fpirit and fidelity, in The Reliques of Irifh Poetry, now in the prefs. + Mr. Macpherfon has indeed given, as a tranflation from our Oifin, a little dra- matic poem called Comala, of which the Abbate CessaroTrt, his elegant Italian tranflator, thus fpeaks: ‘* La fua picciolezza non pregiudica alla regolarita. Si _ © yayvifano in effa tutti i lineamenti a le proporzioni della Tragedia. C’ éil fuo “© picciolo viluppo, 'i fuoi colpi di teatro, e la fua cataftrofe mafpettata: gran varieta sc d’ affetti, ftile femplice e paffionato: in fomma quefta poefia ha quelle virti che fi « ammirano tanto nei Greci.” Poefie di Ofian, tom.I. page 181. But as the original of this poem has never been produced to the public, we cannot fafely number it with the productions of our immortal bard. “p Collec. de Reb. Hib. vol. III. page 531. Lien i no pofitive proof of the exiftence of a Stage amongft the early Irith. We will then proceed to that period in which Irith hiftory firft introduces the Dramatic mufe, mingling the waters of Jordan and Helicon *. Tuat the Irith clergy, as well as their brethren in England, occafionally exhibited Myfteries and Moralities previous to the reign of Henry VIII}, may be fafely inferred from the follow- ing record preferved zmongft the MSS. of Robert Ware.— *© ‘THOMAS * Perhaps I fhould have commenced the hiftory of the Irifh Stage with the rife of the Mummers in Ireland. The Mummers, (fays Dopstey) as bad as they were, feem to be the true original comedians of England.” Collec?. of Old Plays, vol. i. pref. But the ftage rather fprang from, than commenced with the Mummers. Here I will take leave to obferve, that, at this day, the dialogue of the Irifh Mummers in general (for I have collected it in different parts of the kingdom), bears a ftridt re- femblance, in point of matter, with a fpecimen of the dialogue of the Englifh Mum- mers in the reign of Edward II. which Mr. Rrrsow has happily refcued from oblivion. See Rem. on the text, and laft edit. of Shakefpear. It is alfo deferving of ob- fervation, that our Mummers are always accompanied by a Buffoon, whofe drefs and antic manners anfwer the defcription of the Vice of the old Englifh comedies, the precurfor of the modern Punch. ‘This character likewife appears in the pageant with which the Irifh ruftics celebrate the firft of May. + Although the claffical names of Comedy and Tragedy did not obtain in England till the reign of Henry VIII. (fee Percy’s Relig. of Anc. Eng. Peet. vol. i. p. 137+) yet Sir James Ware, fpeaking of the rejoicings that followed the proclaiming Henry King Pe ge J “ THoMas Fitz-GeRaLp, Earl of Kildare, and Lord Lieute- “* nant of Ireland in the year 1528, was invited to a new play ** every day in Chriftmas, Arland Uther being then mayor, and “* Francis Herbert and John Squire bayliffs, wherein the Taylors ** acted the part of Adam and Eve; the Shoemakers reprefented “ the ftory of Crifpin and Crifpianus; the Vintners a@ted Bachus “and his ftory ; the Carpenters that of Jofeph and Mary; Vulcan, ** and what related to him, was acted by the Smiths; and the ** comedy of Ceres, the goddefs of corn, by the Bakers. ‘Fheir “ ftage was erected on Hoggin-green, (now called College-green,) “and on it the priors of St. John of Jerufalem, of the bleffed ** Trinity, and of all All-hallows, caufed two plays to be adted, ** the one reprefenting the paffion of our Saviour, and the other * the feveral deaths which the apoftles fuffered.” From this record (which is the firft exprefs mention that has occurred to me of the reprefentation of Myfteries and Moralities in Ireland) it fhould feem, that it was cuftomary with the chief magiftrates of Dublin to invite the Lord Lieutenant to a new play every day in Chriftmas * ; and therefore, as I have already obferved, it may be ey et inferred, King of Ireland, enumerates comedies with the amufements on that occafion.— « Epulas, Comedias, et certamina ludicra, que fequebantur, quid attinet dicere ?” But Sir James, little fkilled in polite literature, has probably dignified the rude Mo- ralities of our anceftors with the appellation of Comedies. * T have been informed, that it was alfo formerly cuftomary with the feveral cor« porations of Dublin to invite the Chief Governor to a play at St. George’s Chapel on the anniverfaries of their patron Saints. EsiPs J inferred, that Dramatic entertainments were exhibited in Ireland ‘ before this period. But it was not only to amufe the Chief Go- vernor that Myfteries and Moralities were performed in Dublin: they were got up (to fpeak in the language of the modern theatre) on every joyful occafion. In a MS. in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, it is related, “ that in an expedition made «© againft James Mac-Connell by the Lord Deputy Suffex in 1557, “ he was attended by John Uther, Captain, and Patrick Bulkeley, “« Petty-Captain, with fixty of the city trained-bands ; and upon “ their return THE Stix WorTHIEs was played by the city, and “ the Mayor gave the public a goodly entertainment upon the ** occafion, found four trumpeters horfes for the folemnity, and “ gave them twenty fhillings in money.” ALTHOUGH it may be prefumed, that thefe exhibitions, as well as thofe in England at the fame period, were conduted by the Church, yet we find, not only from the paffages above quoted, but from the following entries in the Cuatn-Boox of Dublin, that the corporations ufually fupplied performers: it alfo appears from thofe entries, that the dreffes, fcenery and machinery, were likewife fupplied by the city. “« Tr was ordered, in maintenance of the Pageant of St. George, “ . that the Mayor of the foregoing year fhould find the Emperor ca 5 and Emprefs with their train and followers, well apparelled a ° and accoutered ; that is to fay, the Emperor attended with two doctors, - « ‘¢ o ra . ly Say J dogtors, and the Emprefs with two knights, and two maidens richly apparelled to bear up the train of her gown.” “ Trem, 2dly. The Mayor for the time being was to find St. George a horfe, and the wardens to pay 3s. 4d. for his wages that day: The bailiffs for the time being were to find four horfes, with men mounted on them well apparelled, to bear the pole-axe, the ftandard, and the feveral fwords of the emperor and St. George.” “ Trem, 3dly. The elder mafter of the guild was to find a maiden well attired to lead the dragon, and the clerk of the market was to find a golden line for the dragon.” “ Irem, 4thly. The elder warden was to find for St. George four trumpets; but St. George himfelf was to pay their wages.” “ Trem, sthly. The younger warden was obliged to find the King of Dele and the Queen of Dele, as alfo two knights to lead the Queen of Dele, and twe maidens to bear the train of her gown, all being entirely clad in black apparel. Moreover, he was to caufe St. George’s Chapel to be well hung in black, and completely apparelled to every purpofe, and was to pro- vide it with cufhions, rufhes, and other neceffaries for the feftivity of that day.” i €¥ 2.) My . . n . . 5 . [82] My record proceeds:— No lefs was the preparation of Pa- geants for the proceffion of Corpus Chrifti day, on which, “© The Glovers were to reprefent Adam and Eve, with an Angel bearing a {word before them.” «¢ The Corrifees (perhaps Curriers) wefe to reprefent Cain and Abel, with an altar, and their offering.” «© Mariners and Vintners, Noah, and the perfons in his ark, ap- parelled in the habits of Carpenters and Salmon-takers.” “ The Weavers perfonated Abraham and Ifaac, with their offer- ing and altar.” “© The Smiths reprefented Pharaoh, with his hoft.” “ The Skinners, the Camel with the Children of Ifrael.” oN ‘ The Goldfmiths were to find the King of Cullen.” “The Hoopers were to find the Shepherds with an Angel finging, Gloria in excelfis Deo.” “ Corpus Chrifti guild was to find Chrift in his paffion, with the Marys and Angels.” “ The Taylors were to find Pilate with his fellowfhip, and his wife cloathed accordingly.” “© The Barbers, Anna and Caiaphas.” “ The Fifhers, the Apoftles.” The E33. J “ The Merchants, the Prophets.” « And the Butchers, the Tormentors *”? Aut thefe Pageants moved in folemn proceffion to St. George’s Chapel, the*fcene of their Dramatic exhibitions f. Grave as the fubjects, in general, of thofe exhibitions appear to have been, it is probable that the blandifhments of the comic mufe fometimes lured their authors into the walks of wit and hu- mour. Here indeed they might have ranged without offence: but not content to excite innocent mirth, they introduced pro- fanenefs and immorality on the Stage. The piety of John Bale j (then * The memory of thofe Pageants continued to be preferved in the Franchifes that were rode triennially in Dublin till the year 17725 when they were abolifhed by the Lord Mayor’s Proclamation. + This chapel ftood in St. George’s-lane (now St. George’s-{treet, South), whence it derived its name. Not a trace of the building remains. SranninurRst fuppofes it had been founded by fome worthy knight of the Garter, and thus laments its fate : « 'Phis chappell hath. beene of late razed, and the ftones thereof, by confent of the “¢ affemblie, turned to a common oven, converting the ancient. monument of a doutie, adventurous and holie knight, to the colerake fweeping of a pufloafe baker.” Defc. of Irel. in HoLinsHED’s Chron. page 23- + Bale was a verfatile genius. Befides God's Promifes and Fohn Baptift, he wrote feveral other dramatic pieces, fome of which {till remain inedited. He alfo engaged .in controverfy, but with fo much acrimony, that he has been called dilious Bale. But literary hiftory was his favourite purfuit. When Bale’s dramatic and .con- troverfial [ 84 |] (then Bithop of Offory) taking the alarm, he arofe, like another Collier, to preferve the mirror of Nature from being fullied. To effet this, inftead of employing his favourite inftrument of in- veclive, he wrote fome Dramatic pieces, inculcating morality and breathing the fpirit of the Gofpel. Tyo of thofe pieces—namely Gon’s Promises and Joun Baptist—were acted by young men at the market-crofs. in Kilkenny, on a funday, in the year 1552 *. Ix order to convey an idea of the tendency of thofe pieces, and of the rude ftate of the Drama at this time, I fhall here tranfcribe the argument of Gonv’s Promises +, as fuppofed to be delivered by the Author in perfon.— Baleus proclocutor. “ Tf profyght maye growe, moft Chriften audyence, “ By knowlege of thynges which are but tranfytorye, * And troverfial writings fhall be forgotten, pofterity will continue to admire the author of Scriptorum illuftrium majoris Britannie quam Angliam et Scotam vocat Catalogus. See Dons.ey’s Collec. of Old Plays, 2d Edit. vol. 1. and Warron’s Hi. of Eng. Poet. vol]. 111. * See Collect. de Rebus Hib. vol. 11. p. 388. + In this piece, which was written chiefly to vindicate the doétrine of grace, againft fuch as held the doétrine of free-will and the merit of works, Adam, Abra- ham, Noah, Mofes, Haiah, David and John the Baptift, are all introduced on the ftage with the ALMrGHry ! fF 85 J And here for a tyme: Of moch more congruence, Advantage myght fprynge, by the ferche of caufes heavenlye, As thofe matters are, that the gofpell fpecyfye. Without whofe knowledge no man to the truthe can come,, Nor ever atteyne to the lyfe perpetual.” « For he that knoweth not the lyvynge God eternall,. The Father, the Sonne, and alfo the Holye Ghoft,. And what Chrift fuffered for redempcyon of us all,. What he commaunded, and taught in every cooft, And what he forbode, That man mutt nedes be loft,. And cleane fecluded, from the faythfull chofen forte, In the heavens above, to hys moft hygh dyfconforte.” «© You therfor (good fryndes) I lovyngely exhort, To waye foche matters, as wyll be uttered. here, Of whom ye maye loke to have no tryfeling fporte In fantafyes fayned, not foche lyke gaudyth gere, But the thyngs that fhall your inwarde ftomake chear;. To rejoyce in God for your juftyfycacyon, And alone in Chrift to hope for your falvacyon. « Yea, firft ye fhall have the eternal generacyon Of Chrift, like as Johan in hys firft chaptre wryght,. And confequently of man the firft creacyon,. The abufe and fall, through hys firft overfyght,. And the rayfe agayne, through God’s hygh grace and myght :: 66 By: [ 86 ] By promyfes firft, whych fhall be declared all, Then by hys owne Sonne, the worker pryncypall.” “ o ~ © “« After that Adam bywayleth here hys fall, “* God wyll fhewe mercye to every generacyon, “« And to hys kyngedom, of hys great goodneffe call ** Hys elected fpoufe, or faythfull congregacyon, ** As here fhall apere by open proteflacyon, “¢ Which from Chrifte’s birthe fhall to hys death conclude, “* They come that therof wyll fhewe the certytude.” Recarpvsss, however, of the Bifhop’s ftrenuous oppofition to the fufferance of profanefs on the Stage, it fhould feem from an aét pafied in the fecond year of the reign of Elizabeth, that the comic mufe ftill prefumed to fport with the holy word, direéting her wit againft the Liturgy of the newly-eftablifhed Church. By this a&t (which is intituled, An AcT roR THE UNIFORMITIE Or COMMON PRAYER AND SERVICE IN THE CHURCH, AND THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE SACRAMENTS,) ‘ it is ordeyned and enacted, that if any per- “ fon or perfons * whatfoever, after the feaft of St. John Baptift, “ fhall in any Evxter/udes, Playes, Songs, Rimes, or by other open “© words, declare or fpeake any thing in derogation, depraving or defpifing * The perfons alluded to in this a& were probably thofe certain perfons noticed by SPENSER, whofe proper function it was, to fing at all feafts and meetings, in his time, — the productions of the Irith Bards. See View of the State of Ireland, and Hi, Mem. of the Irifh Bards, p. 143. [ & * defpifing of the fame booke, or of any thing therein conteyned, “or any part thereof, fhall forfeit to the Queene our Sove- * raigne Lady, her heyres and fucceflors, for the firft offence an hundred markes; and if any perfon or perfons being “ once convi& of any fuch offence, eftfoones offend againft “ any of the faid recited offences, and fhall in forme afore- “ faid be thereof lawfully convié, that then the fame perfon * fo offending and convict, fhall for the fecond offence forfeit “© to the Queene our Soveraigne Lady, her heyres and fucceffors, ** foure hundred marks; and if any perfon after he in forme “ aforefaid, fhall have been twife convict of any offence, con- ** cerning any of the laft recited offences, fhall offend the third * time, and be thereof in forme aforefaid lawfully convict, that “* then every perfon fo offending and convict, fhall for his “ third offence forfeit to our Soveraigne Lady the Queene, ** all his goods and cattels, and fhall fuffer imprifonment during “* his life.” From the reign of Elizabeth to that of Charles I. a dark cloud obfcures the hiftory of the Irifh Stage. Yet Dramatic ex- hibitions had not ceafed; for in the tenth and eleventh years of the reign of Charles I. an a& was paffed for the BREcT- ING OF HOUSES OF CORRECTION, AND FOR THE PUNISH= MENT OF ROGUES, VAGABONDS, STURLY BEGGARS AND OTHER LEWD AND IDLE PERSONS, in which all Juftices of the Peace of the different counties wherein they mightbe found, are directed to fend to the houfes of correction all Fencers, (z) Bear- Eee A Bear-wardes, Common Players of Enterludes, and Minftrels wan- dering abroad. So that we may hence conclude, the Stage had not only continued its amufements, but, unawed by the puri- tanical fpirit of the times, had become licentious. However, though coercive meafures were thus taken by Parliament to filence the Stage, it was countenanced by the court. About this time a Mafter of the Revels * was placed on the eftablifhment, and under his direction a Theatre was erected (1635) in Werburgh-ftreet, Dublin, whither were invited all the itinerant players of diftinguifhed merit, who had formerly been neceffitated to ftrole from booth to booth in the principal towns and cities, and to wander from hall to hall amongft the rural manfions of the Gentry and Nobility. Ir is very probable that previous to the period now under confideration, Dramatic entertainments were not numbered with the elegant amufements of the court, though Mr. Chetwood afferts, on the authority of a wax-chandler’s bill, that Gorsupuc and feveral other plays, had been performed in the Caftle of Dublin during the adminiftration of Blount, Lord Mountjoy, in the reign of Elizabeth+. Now, had there really been fuch exhibitions, * John Ogilby, well known by his tranflations of Homer and Virgil, was the firft perfon appointed to the office of Mafter of the Revels in Ireland. Under his direGtion, and at his expenfe, the theatre in Werburgh-ftreet: was erected. According to Harris this theatre coft two thoufand pounds. See Wares’ Works, vol. Il. p. 352, where all the extraordinary viciflitudes of Ogilby’s life are circumftantially related. + Gen. Hift. of the Stage, page 51. as: ye exhibitions, the expenfes would certainly have been defrayed by an order of the Lord Deputy or Privy Council, on the Deputy Vice Treafurer; yet no fuch order appears either in the Treafury office, or in the archives of the office of the Auditor General— at leaft, if fuch an order does exift, it has efcaped my re- fearches. Tur Theatre in Werburgh-ftreet continued to be opened, oc- eafionally, under the fanétion of Government till the year 1641, when it clofed for ever *. From Werburgh-ftreet the. fcene» of the Drama was fhifted to: Orange-ftreet (now Smock-alley) in 1661. But during the civil wars that foon after broke out, the whole company were dif- perfed ; fo that when the people of Dublin, on the defeat of king James’s army, at the battle of the Boyne, amongft other expreffions of joy, fays Cibber, had a mind to have a play, they could find no aéor to affift, and fome private perfons agreed to give one, at their own expenfe, to the public at the Theatre +. FRoM * The laft play performed at this theatre was Landgartha, a tragi-comedy, written by Henry Burner, Efq. of whom I have only been able to learn, that he was. born in Ireland, and flourifhed about the clofe of the reign of Charles. I.- + Apology, page 136. 7 [ go ] a A From this time every event of the Irifh Stage has been fo faith- fully and fo minutely recorded, that nothing is. left for me to add to its hiftory*. Here, therefore, I fhall difmifs the fubje&. JOSEPH C. WALKER. * See Crpper’s Apology; CHET woon’s Gen. Hift. of the Stage; Victor’s Hif. of the Stage; Davis’ Life of Garrick ; and Hircucock’s View of the Irifp Stage. THE MARKET CROSS OF KILKENNY See Page tt ~~ Enp oF THE TRANSACTIONS FOR THE YEAR 1788. em, eT a Sy)? 7 ~ AIS yd te ‘ : ee sia -U \ y a SS i f CLES: Sie / \ exp t fF OF rin SHE te ef eee CEE Lf y ~ hah oe {oe =