wm .. ... I iiijt F TRANSACTIONS OF THE NEW ZEALAND INSTITUTE TRANSACTIONS AND PROCEEDINGS OP THE J NEW ZEALAND INSTITUTE 1903 VOL. XXXVI. (Nineteenth op New Seeies) KUITED AND PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE BOARD OF GOVEBNORS OF THE INSTITUTE BY A. HAMILTON Issued August, 1904 WELLINGTON JOHN MACKAY, GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE KEGAN, PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNEK, & CO., PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING CROSS ROAD, LONDON CONTENTS. TEANSACTIONS. I. — Miscellaneous. pages Art. I. Notes on Two Maori Calabashes, with Carved Wooden Necks, called Tuki or Ko-ano-ano. By Dr. Newman 1- 4 II. On the Maori Method of preparing and using Koko- wai. By Archdeacon Walsh . . . . . . 4-10 III. Moriori Carving on the Trunks of Karaka-trees. By A. Hamilton . . . . . . . . H- IS IV. Llaori Marriage Customs : being Notes on Ancient Maori Customs, Ritual and Sociological, con- nected with Courtship, Marriage, and Divorce ; together with some Account of the Levirate, and of many Superstitious Beliefs and Ancient Ani- mistic ilyths connected with the same, as held and preserved bv the Maori Peoples of the Tuhoe Tribe. By Elsdon Best . . . . . . 14- 67 V. The Sparrow Plague and its Remedy. By A. Bath- gate .. .. .. .. ..67-79 VI. Note on the Veracity of the Returns of Age in the Census of 1901. By Professor Segar . . . . 80- 84 VII. On Certain Decimal and Metric Fallacies. By R. Coupland Harding . . . . . . . . 85-111 II. — Zoology. VIII. The Kohoperoa or Koekoea, Long -tailed Cuckoo ( Urodynamis taitensis) : An Account of its Habit>i, Description of a Nest containing its (supposed) Egg, and a Suggestion as to how the Parasitic Habit in Birds has become established. By Robert Fulton, M.B., CM., Edin. . . . . 113-148 IX. Description of a New Fish. By Captain F. W. Button, F.R.S. .. .. .. .. 148-149 X. On the Occurrence of Centrolophiis in New Zealand. By Captain F. \Y. Hutton, F.R.S. . . . . 149-150 XI. Revision of the New Zealand Members of the Genus Fhorocera. By Captain F. W. Hutton, F.R.S. . . 1.50-153 XII. Two New Flies. By Captain F. W. Hutton, F.R.S. 153-154 XI II. On a New Weta from the Chatham Islands. By Captain F. W. Hutton, F.R.S. .. .. 154 XIV. Description of a New Blow-fly from Campbell Island. By Captain F. VV. Hutton, F.R.S. . . . . 155- XV. On the Occurrence of the Curlew-Sandpiper {Ancylo- chilus sub-arqnatus) in New Zealand. By Captain F. W. Hutton, F.R.S. .. .. ..155-156 XVI. On the Anatomy of Parvphaoita fumosn, Tenison- Woods. By R. Murdoch"' . . . . . . 156-161 32398 VI Contents. PAGES Art. XVII. On the Occurrence of Vanessa atalanta and Plusia festucce in Southland. By A. Philpott . . XVIII. Notes on Southern LcpidojJtera. By A. Philpott .. XIX. Notes on an Insect found in some Hot Springs at Taupo. By J. W. Poynton XX. The Sipiinciiiids of New Zealand. By Professor W. B. Benham XXI. On a New Species of Leech (Hirudo antipodum) re- cently discovered in New Zealand. By Professor W. B. Benham XXII. A Note on the Oligochceta of the New Zealand Lakes. By Professor W. B. Benham . . XXIII. An apparently New Species of Regalecus [R. jM'keri). By Professor W. B. Benham . . XXIV. A Species of Ixodes parasitic on the Grey Duck. By Professor 0. Chilton . . IGl 101 -17(» 170-r 172-184 185-1'J2 in2-19S 198-200 201-20-2 III.— Botany. XXV. Plants naturalised in the County of Ashburton. By W. W. Smith . . ■ . . . . . . 203-2-2.5 XXVI. A Botanical Excursion during Midwinter to the Southern Islands of New Zealand. Bv L. Cock- ayne, Ph.D. .. .. .. .'. .. 225-333 XXVII. Abnormal Growth of a Plant of Phormium colensoi. By Right Rev. W. L. Williams . . . . 333-334 XXVIIL On Abnormal Developments in New Zealand Ferns: with a Lis: of Papers by various Authors on the Ferns of New Zealand. By A. Hamilton . . 334-:372 XXIX. List of Papers and Notices on Botanical Subjects in the " Transactions of the New Zealand I nstitute " and other Publications. By A. Hamilton .. 34-2-37-2 1\'. — Geology. XXX. On the Subdivision of the Lower Mesozoic Rocks of New Zealand. By Professor Park .. ..373- XXXI. On the Age and Relations of the New Zealand Coal- fields. By Professor Park .. .. . . 40o- XXXII. On the Geology of North Head, Waikouaiti, and its relation to the Geological History oi Dunedin. By Professor Park . . . . . . . . 4 1 S- XXXIII. On the Jurassic Age of the :Maitai Series. By Pro- fessor Park .. .. .. .. ..431- XXXIV. On the Discovery of Permo carboniferous Rocks at Mount Marv. North Otago. By I'rofessor Park 447- XXXV. The Norther > Wairoa By E. K. Mulgan, M.A. . . 4r.3- XXXVI. No'-es on a Small Collection of Fossils from Whare- kuri, on the Waitaki River, North Otago. By A. Hamilton . . . . . . •• 4:05- XXXVII. Boulders in Iriassic Conglomerate, Nelson. By Dr. P. Marshall . . . . . . . . • . 407 XXXVIII. Second Supplement to the " Matcials f r a Bib- liography of the Dinornithidie." By A. Hamilton 471- XXXIX. No e on the Remains of somo ICxtinct Birds of New Zealand found near Ngapara. By A. Hamilton.. 474- XL. Note on a Dyke at Nugget Point.' By R. Speight, M.A., B.Sc. .. .. .. .. .. 477 XLI. Some Caves and Water- passages in the Greymouth District. By H. N. McLeod .. .. .. 47U 404 ■lis .4:11) -44(; 4ii4 4(17 471 47 s 477 47'.l 480 Contents. vu V. — Chemistry and Physics. pages A"RT. XLII. On the Regeneration of Cyanide Solutions. By Godfrey Doveton, M.A.I.M. E. Communicated by Professor J. Park . . . . . . . . 481-4S3 XLIII. Studies on the Chemistry of the New Zealand Flora. By Professor T. Easterfield and B. C. Aston . . 483-4S6 XLIV. Note on the Interaction of Citric and Sulphuric Acids. By James Bee . . . . . . 486-487 XLV. An Experiment bearing on the Wave Theory of Light. By J. S. S. Cooper . . . . . . . . 487-4')0 XLVI. The Physical Properties of Kauri-gum. By J. S. S. Cooper .. .. .. .. .. 4'JO- XLVII. Note on a supposed Heat-effect. By J. S. S. Cooper. 492 492 I. — Miscellaneous —conimwed, XLVIII. On certain Statistics respecting the Trend of English Trade. By Professor H. W. Segar . . . . 493-501 XLIX. A Note on Drawing for Competitions. By Professor H. W. Segar.. .. .. .. .. 501-504 L. A Comparison of the Age-distribution of the Popula- tions of the Four Chief Provincial Districts of New Zealand. By Professor H. W. Segar . . 504-511 Annual Report of the New Zealand Institute . . . . 515 " New Zealand Institute Act, 1903 " .. .. .. xii.-xiv. Regulations of the New Zealand Institute under the Act of 1903 xiv.-xvii. Report on Colonial Time-ball Observatory . . . . . . 517 Proceedings — Wellington Philosophical Society . . . 523 Auckland Institute . . . . . . 529 Philosophical Institute of Canterbury . . . . 534 „ Otago Institute . . . . . . . . 538 Westland Institute . . . . . . . . 543 „ Hawke's Bav Philosophical In.stitute . . . . 545 Nelson ' . . . . . . . . . . 546 LIST OP PLATES AT THE END OF THE VOLUME. Plate I. Calabash, with Carved Mouthpiece. — Newman II. ]\Iouthpiece of Calabash. — Newman III. ]\Ioriori Carving, Chatham Islands. — Hamilton IV. Veracity of Census Returns. — Segar V. Veracity of Census Returns. — Segar VI. Paryphanta fuviosa. — Murdoch VII. New Zealand Sipuncitlids . — Benham VIII. Himdo antipodum. — Benham . . IX. Regalecus parkeri. — Benham . . X. Ixodes anatis. — Chilton XI. Leaves of Panas simplex. — Cockayne XII. Sand Dunes, Enderby Island. — Cockayne XIII. Rata Forest, Auckland Islands. — Cockayne XIV. Olearia lyallii Forest, Ewing Island. — Cockayne XV. Olearia lyallii Forest, Ewing Island. — Cockayne To illustrate Article I. I. III. VI. VI. XVL XX. XXI. XXIII. XXIV. XXVI. XXVI. XXVI. XXVI. XXVI. VI n Contents. LIST OF PLATES— continued. Plate XV). Exterior View of Eata Forest, Enderby Island Cockayne XVI L North End of Auckland Island from Enderby Island.— Cockayne X\'I11. Aristotel la frnticosa. — Coeka,yne XIX. Cliffs, Antipodes Island. — Cockayne XX. Fl.at Meadow, Antipodes Island.- — Cockayne XXI. Aralia lyallii, Ruapuke Island. — Cockayne XXII. Effect of Moist Air and Light on Veronica lyco podioidi's. — Cockayne XXIII. Auckland, Bounty, and Antipodes Islands, Maps of.— Cockayne XXIV. Campbell Island, Map of. — Cockayne .. XXV. Abnormal Growth of Phormmm. — Williams XXYI. Fern Variations. — Hamilton . . XX VII. Fern Variations. — Hamilton .. XXVI 1 1 . Geological Sketch-map, Nugget Point and Catlin' River. — Park XXIX. Section, South Head, Shaw Bay, to Nugget Point. — Park XXX. Section, Mount Cook Range to Pott's River. - Park XXXI. Sections, Tank Gully.— Park .. XXXIl. Geology of Waikouaiti, North Head. — Park XXXIII. Section across Well's Creek, Eighty-eight Valley —Park .. .. .. ■ .. \ XXXIV. Section from Waimea Plains to Wairoa Gorge anrl Upper Roding River XXXV. Section, Waitaki to Mount Mary.— Park XXXVI. Plan of Part of Waitaki Valley.— Park . . XXX VII. Aturia ziczac var. Australis. — Hamilton XXXVIII. Section of Aturia ziczac var. Australis. — Hamilton XXXIX. Rock Section. — Marshall XL. Rock Sections. — Marshall XTJ. Rock Sections. — Llarshall XLll. Age-distribution in New Zealand.— Segar XLIII. Age-fiistribution in New Zealand. — Segar XUV. Age-distributiou in New Zealand. — Segar To illustrate Article XXVI. XXVI. XXVI. XXVI. XXVI. XXVI. XXVI. XXVI. XXVI. XXVII. XXX. XXX. XXX. XXXI. XXXII. XXXIII. XXXIII. XXXIV. XXXIV. XXXVI. XXXVI. XXXVII. XXXVII. XXXVII. L. I,. L. NEW ZEALAND INSTITUTE ESTABLISHED UNDER AN ACT OP THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OP NEW- ZEALAND INTITULED "THE NEW ZEALAND INSTITUTE ACT, 1867";. RECONSTITUTED BY AN ACT OP THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OP NEW ZEA- LAND UNDER "THE NEW ZEALAND INSTITUTE ACT, 1903." BoABD OF Governors. EX OPPICIO. His Excellency the Governor. The Hon. the Colonial Secretary. NOMINATED BY" THE GOVERNMENT UNDER CLAUSE 4. Sir James Hector, K.C.M.G., M.D., F.R.S. ; E. Tregear, F.E.G.S. ; John Young; J. W. Joynt, M.A. ELECTED BY AFFILIATED SOCIETIES UNDER CLAUSE 4. Wellington : Martin Chapman ; Professor T. H. Easterfield, M.A., Ph.D. Auckland: Professor A. P. W. Thomas, M.A., F.L.S. ; J. Stewart, C.E. Napier: H. Hill, F.G.S. Christchurch : Professor Charles Chilton, D.Sc, F.L.S. ; Captain F. W. Hutton, F.R.S. Westland : T. H. Gill, M.A. Nelson: L. Cockayne, LL.D. Otago: A.Hamilton; G. M. Thompson, F.L.S. OFFICERS FOR THE YEAR 1903-4. President: Captain F. W. Hutton, F.R.S. Hon. Treasurer: J. W. Joynt, M.A. Editor of Transactions : A. Hamilton. Secretary: T. H. Gill, M.A. AFFILIATED SOCIETIES. Wellington Philosophical Society ... Auckland Institute Philosophical Institute of Canterbury Otago Institute ... Westland Institute Hawke's Bay Philosophical Institute Southland Institute Nelson Institute... DATE OP AFFILIATION. 10th June, 1868. 10th June, 1868. 22nd October, 1868. 18th October, 1869. 21st December, 1874. 31st March, 1875. 21st July, 1880. 20th December, 1883. NEW ZEALAND INSTITUTE ACT. Thk following Act reconstituting the Institute was passed by Parliament : — 1903, No. 48. An Act to reconstitute the New Zealand Institute. [ISth November, 1903. Whereas it is desirable to reconstitute the New Zealand Institute with a view to connecting it more closely with the affiliated institutions : Be it therefore enacted by the General Assembly of New Zealand in Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows : — 1. The Short Title of this Act is "The New Zealand Institute Act, 1903." 2. "The New Zealand Institute Act, 1867," is hereby repealed. 3. (1.) The body hitherto known as the New Zealand Institute (hereinafter referred to as "the Institute") shall consist of the Auckland Institute, the Wellington Philoso- phical Society, the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, the Otago Institute, the Hawke's Bay Philosophical Institute, the Nelson Institute, the Westland Institute, the Southland Insti- tute, and such others as may hereafter be incorporated in accordance with regulations to be made by the Board of Governors as hereinafter mentioned. (2.) Members of the above-named incorporated societies shall be ipso facto members of the Institute. 4. 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The names, descriptions, and addresses of persons so nominated, together with the grounds on which their election Begulations. xv as honorary members is recommended, shall be forthwith forwarded to the President of the New Zealand Institute, and shall by him be submitted to the Governors at the next succeeding meeting. 14. The President may at any time call a meeting of the Board, and shall do so on the requisition in writing of four Governors. 15. Twenty-one days' notice of every meeting of the Board shall be given by posting the same to each Governor at an address furnished by him to the Secretary. 16. In case of a vacancy in the office of President, a meeting of the Board shall be called by the Secretary within twentv-one davs to elect a new President. 17. The Governors for the time being resident or present in Wellington shall be a Standing Committee for the purpose of transacting urgent business and assisting the officers. 18. The Standing Committee may appoint persons to per- form the duties of any other office which may become vacant. Any such appointment shall hold good until the next meeting of the Board, when the vacancy shall be filled. 19. The foregoing regulations may be altered or amended at any annual meeting, provided that notice be given in writing to the Secretary of the Institute not later than the 30th November. TRANSACTIONS OP THE NEW ZEALAND INSTITUTE, 1903. I. — MISCELLANEOUS. Art. I. — Notes on Two Maori Calabashes, luith Carved Wooden Necks called Tuki or Ko-ano-ano, By A. K. Newman. [Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 4th November, 1903. \ Plates I. and II. The Maoris having abandoned their original arts, and their old methods of fashioning weapons and utensils, and their charming quaint carvings, it is desirable that real original relics of all kinds should be described and depicted ere they be- come lost ; and this is all the more necessary as the country is being flooded with cheap untrustworthy imitations. Origin- ally the Maoris devoted much labour to carving ornaments, and such carvings abounded in the pas, but through time and neglect many of the commonest have become rare. Eecently I bought these two large calabashes, with their artistically carved wooden necks or mouthpieces, and as I cannot find any detailed account of them in our literature or in the Transactions I put on record this description, their history, and their uses. My pair were discovered lying neglected in a Maori outhouse in the Wairarapa. They belonged to a Maori who said they belonged to his grand- father, and are believed to be a hundred years old. This is probably true, for the making of such articles has long been abandoned, and the few now existing show marked signs of age. Each calabash consists of the rind of a gourd called hue, the seed-vessel of a plant brought in the canoes from Ha- waiki. To the neck of each gourd is affixed, at its narrowest part, a wooden collar or mouthpiece quaintly carved. The whole is called a taha; the neck is commonly known as tuki, 1— Trans. 2 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. or, rarely, ko-ano-ano. The whole was surrounded by a net- work of flax, a sort of large open knotted network with the various ends twisted together to form a handle. This flax- work was called kete. The Maoris, having no knowledge of pottery, ingeniously used these gourds to preserve the flesh of birds for eating. Pigeons were plucked and dressed and then put into the gourd, and the melted fat of the pigeons was then poured into it until full to the neck, which was finally covered by the broad leaves of the rangiora plant. Elsdon Best says the gourd had often a wooden lid, but I have never seen one in anv museum. Sometimes the calabashes were clothed in closely woven flax covers, and some were planted on three elaborately carved legs. The meat so preserved was known as hualma. When pigeons wei'e scarce tuis or wekas were made into hiialma. Rats were thus preserved — always with their skins on. In the old cannibal days they were occa- sionally filled with choice bits of human flesh. At Toka-anu I first saw a pair of tnkis. They were shown to me by their owner, a great rangatira, and were among his choicest possessions, and clearly he was extremely proud of them. They were jet-black, and smaller than mine ; in fact, the entrance was so narrow that former ancestors of his used to call up a small boy whose hand used to fish out the dainties. Best says that in consequence they were sometimes called nguiu-iti. Best has seen them ornamented with feathers. These tahas belonged to the chiefs, and at great feasts they acted as choice centre ornaments. One of our greatest Maori authorities says they were formerly common in the Urewera country, and were rarer about Taupo. As far as I can discover they were rarely seen south of this. They are now rare. Three or four specimens are in the Auckland Museum, and there is one in tlie Maori iiouse of the Wellington Museum. I have seen no others except the pair at Toka-anu and my pair, and tukis are absent from many collections. Mair has seen them weighing 1001b. when full. Mair told me that none ai'e now being made — kerosene - tins do as well and are less trouble to get. Hamilton in his great work on Maori art figures one, but has only a brief reference to it. Ilis pair of calabashes in the museum are mimis the tukis. Neither Tregear nor Williams in their dictionaries have the word, but Tregear gives a Mangarevan word puUiki, " to draw together the mouth of a sack." These tukis cer- tainly draw together the necks of the calabashes, enclosing their meaty contents, which, in addition to the dainties above mentioned, sometimes were filled witli dog-meat, of which Best says the hind quarters w'cre most liighly esteemed. On Newman. — Notes on Two Maori Calabashes. 3 rare occasions these calabashes were filled with fat worms. The Maoris were, therefore, well up in the arc of preserving animal food in enclosed vessels, the interstices being filled with melted tallow. It will be seen how rich is the mahogany red-brown colouring of these gourds, a result partly due to age and partly to the animal oil with which they were smeared inside and out. The Maoris now rarely grow these gourds, and the old people say that for some unknown reason they cannot grow them the same size as formerly. Mair has seen the gourds so large as to fill the two arms of any Native carrying them. My largest gourd is 46 in. in circumference, and its height from base to where the tuki is affixed is 13 in. From the fact that I have seen only five specimens, all told, of these tukis, that there are three or four in the Auck- land Museum and none here, I think I am justified in saying they are so rare now that they deserve fuller description, and to be embalmed in the pages of these Transactions. These tukis, Mair tells me, were always made of the same wood, matai. Their degree of blackness depends partly upon their age and partly upon the amount of fat, and dirt, and smoke to which they have been submitted. Each tuki, being made of thick and hard wood, would outlast several genera- tions of gourds, which were thin and brittle. The tuki was attached to the gourd by holes pierced at its lower end, through which flax was passed and then drawn through similar holes in the gourd. Each gourd near its narrow end was carefully pared down until it closely fitted the end of the tuki. The flax was then tightly tied, and the result was a very creditable piece of close-fitting workmanship. Outside, to cover the junction of the tuki and gourd, a broad strip of flax was very tightly tied. When the melted fat was poured in it filled all the crevices, and the huahua inside was pre- served in an airtight chamber. The Maoris used to preserve birds also in calabashes slit up in a difi"erent manner, of which pictures may be seen in White's " History of the Maori." They were frequently covered with a fine carving, necessarily very shallow owing to the thinness of the gourd. They were called papa, or kumete. White, though depicting with great care several specimens of papa, or htmete, does not depict a single speci- men of a taha with a carved tuki. Moreover, the carving on a papa was radically difi"erent from that of a ttiki. The gourd of the larger taha is a rich mahogany red- brown, whilst the tuki is darker. The gourd is surrounded by flax knotted so as to form large diagonal four-sided figures surrounding the gourd and gathering together to be formed into a handle, thus making it easy to carry. It is quite likely 4 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. that the tuki is far older than the gourd. The smaller gourd was broken by being dropped whilst being carried on horse- back, but the tuki is uninjured. Both tukis are made of matai. The ttiki, or neck, of the larger calabash is 3 in. from top to bottom where it joins the gourd. Its circumference low down is 15 in. It is slightly bell-mouthed — it is 4f in. across the mouth, aiid is larger than most tukis. The other tuki is the same in shape and make, but it is smaller and is attached to a smaller gourd. The interior of each is quite smooth, and at the bottom it is pierced by several holes to fix it to the gourd. The carving of the larger tuki is in whorls, like much of the tattooing on a Maori's face, these whorls running round the tuki. The carving is beautifully done in parallel curving lines in groups of three, with between each group a series of small pinnacles arranged symmetrically be- tween each band of three continuous lines. To break up the monotony, at two points opposite each other there are fresh lines running from top to bottom of the collar at right angles to each other. The rim is smooth on top, but its circum- ference is broken up by pairs of notches close together, but each pair equidistant from the others. The outside edge, w^hich was originally a circle, has been pared down until it has become a seven-sided figure ; the smaller tuki is similarly made into a fourteen-sided figure, but in each case only on the extreme outside edge of the rim. The tukis were always made circular. The smaller tuki is not notched in the rim, and the spiral curves wind uninterruptedly around the body. These tukis seem to be excellent samples of Maori carving carried to its highest point. The gourds, with their rich red- brown colouring, surmounted by these exquisitely carved solid wooden necks, form really beautiful specimens of Maori art, and it is no wonder they were highly piized ornaments at big feasts. Akt. II. — On the Maori Method of -preparing and using Kokowai. By Archdeacon Walsh. [Read before the Auckland Institute, 3rd A^iguH, 1903.] I HAVE much pleasure in presenting the Auckland Museum with a stone grinding-slab and rubber used by the Maoris of old time in the manufacture of their favourite red pigment generally known as kokowai. The occasion seems to furnisli an opportunity for offering a few notes on the subject, in the composition of which 1 Walsh. — Method of preparing and using Kokowai. 5 have had some difficulty, as in my residence in a country district I have not the means of consulting many works of reference. They are therefore not as complete as they might be under more favourable circumstances. I am largely indebted, however, to a compilation from various sources given in Hamilton's " Maori Art " (pp. 299-301), and have gathered a good deal of useful information from some of the older settlers in these parts, chiefly from Mr. James Bedggood, of Kerikeri, whose long residence among the natives and fre- quent opportunities of observation enable him to speak with authority on the subject. The old Maoris' assortment of pigments was very limited. They used black and white, the former manufactured chiefly, I believe, from the soot of burned kauri-gum or resinous wood, and the latter from a kind of pipeclay. They had also a very beautiful cobalt blue called piikepoto, a natural pro- duct formed from the decomposition of fossil bones, and found in very limited quantities in ''pockets in clay rock. These, with the red kokoivai, constituted the "palette" of the old-time Maoris. No attempt apparently was ever made to produce a variety of shades by the blending of the different colours. Of the pigments named the kokotvai was by far the most important. The black and the white were chiefly employed in small quantities for fine work, while the use of the blue was solely confined to personal adornment. But the kokowoA was in universal requisition. It formed the general colour of all the painted work on the canoes, the houses, and the more ornamental portions of the palisading surrounding the pas ; and it was also extensively used as a personal decoration, it being the very general custom of the chiefs and other people of note to cover their bodies with it. The raw material from which this favourite pigment was made consisted of a species of red ochre or oxide of iron found in deposits in the ground. This was first roasted in a very hot haangi, or native oven, and afterwards ground to a fine powder on a flat stone by means of a round smooth boulder. A finer variety was produced from creeks and streams which held the oxide in suspension. Fascines of fern, &c., were sunk in the water, and after some time were found to be covered with a deposit of the material in the form of an impalpable powder. They were then taken out and dried, when the powder was easily shaken ofi", the result being a pigment of the very finest quality, which was made up into balls, wrapped in leaves, and roasted, as already described. This variety was called hora, that procured from deposits in the earth being known as taken (A. H. M., vol. iv., p. 103). The vehicle generally used for the manufacture of the 6 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. paint was shark-oil, but when required for personal adornment it was often mixed with vegetable oils expressed from the seeds of the titoki (Alectryon), the kohia (Passiflora) , the miro (Podocarpus ferruginea), or the tangiao {Tetranthera calycnris), which were more or less sweet-scented (" Maori Art," p. 300). A convenient vessel for mixing the paint was found in the paua-shell {Haliotis). The small holes in these were stopped with a flax cord inserted in them and joined so as to form a handle ("Maori Art," p. 300). When required in a greater quantity a large vessel such as a calabash was employed. Various modes were adopted in the application of the kokotoai, each depending on the purpose for which it was required. For the treating of woodwork the mixture was made up into the consistency of ordinary paint and smeared over and rubbed in with a bunch of vnika, or flax-fibre. "When required for a cosmetic it was used in a moi'e liquid state. Polack, in describing a hahunga, or feast at the ceremonial scraping of the bones of a chief, says, " Eed paint was much in requisition. A quantity of the mixture was arranged in a broken calabash, into which some of these antipodal exquisites absolutely dipped the entire head and face" ("Manners and Customs of the New-Zealanders," vol. i.,p. 81). In this form it was also used for saturating the clothes, which was some- times done. Occasionally it was used in a form of greater consistency. One of the old writers relates that a Maori who was completely covered with kokoivai kept a small lump of it in his hand, which he was constantly rubbing on to any por- tion of his body from which the colour had worn ofi". Fortunately, the raw material for this much-sought-for pigment was pretty widely distributed ; but as there was much difference in quality a good deposit of kokoivai formed a valuable possession, and the question of ownership some- times gave rise to tribal disputes. One important kokoical- field which supplied the wants of the people over a large portion of the Bay of Islands district is situated at a place called Te Ngau Areha, on the highest point of a range of hills which forms the watershed of the Waitangi and Waihou Eivers. Here are still to be seen several extensive excava- tions, each of which was under separate ownership, and of which one was always kept tapu, its product being reserved for sacred purposes. A similar field lies on the right bank of the Mangonui River, near the harbour, and probably many others now forgotten miglit be found in several places. Mr. Elsdon Best gives the name of a famous spring which de- posited the red pigment near Ohaua. It was known as Nga Toto o Tawera (the Blood of the Morning Star). In Hawke's Bay four varieties are recognised — kokotvai, taupo, tareha, and taramea. In Taranaki the material does not seem to be so Walsh. — Method of preparing and using Kokowai. 7 plentiful. Mr. W. H. Skinner, of the Survey Office, New Plymouth, informs me that the great place for the kokowai- deposits in the middle of that province is towards the head- waters of the Waiwakaiho Eiver, among the spurs of Mount Egmont and the Patua Eanges. He also describes a place in the Mokau district where the work of collection was one of considerable difficulty and even danger. At the north side of the mouth of the river, he says, there are two or three caves worn out by the action of the sea. The floors of these caves are covered to a good depth by water, and away in their innermost recesses the deposits of kokotvai are found. To obtain this the Maoris were obliged to swim, and in one place to dive under a depression of the roof, coming out in an inner chamber where the deposits lie. This field has long since been abandoned, and twenty years ago when Mr. Skinner visited the spot only one old Maori knew the secret of diving under the rock. Altogether there must have been an im- mense quantity of kokowai used, and an incredible amount of labour expended in the preparation of it. Most of the old writers speak of the prevalence of the "red ochre," and it seems to have been in universal use throughout the whole of the Maori-inhabited country. The grinding-slab was usually a flat piece of hard coarse- grained sandstone about 2 ft. long by 12 in. to 15 in. wide, the same kind as that used for sharpening the stone imple- ments.* All those found about the Bay of Islands appear to be of the same quality as the specimen before us, which has evidently been used for both purposes, as, though each surface bears marks of abrasion, only one shows traces of the red pigment. A favourite place for obtaining these stones is situated near Waimate North, where the rock naturally splits off into flags of the required thickness. The rubbers {autoru) were generally smooth beach- or river- worn pebbles, about 6 in. long, of hard basalt or volcanic stone. They were often brought long distances, especially in the northern peninsula and in inland districts where no suit- able stones are to be found. A favourite place for obtaining them was the Little Barrier Island, but it is not improbable that on their more distant excursions down the east and west coasts the Maoris would keep a look-out for good specimens,, which they would bring back with them on their return tO' their homes. It is to be hoped that in time some of these will find their way into the Museum, when geologists will, no doubt, be able to locate their places of origin, and perhaps * Though I have inquired of many of the old natives in the distrixjt, I have been unable to obtain the specific name for the grinding-slab. One Maori told me that each slab had its proper name. This, I think, is not improbable. — P. W. 8 Tramsactions. — Miscellaneous. throw some unexpected sidelights on the past history of the race. A good grinding-slab was a valuable article, and was prized accordingly. They were generally, if not always, tapu (con- secrated), and in order to insure their safe keeping and pre- serve them from desecration they were usually deposited in some tvahi-tajju, or holy place, which no common person would dare to enter, and which the tohunga (priest) would only visit formally and officially. In later times, when the fear of the tapu began to wear off, the stones were sometimes buried underground for additional security in a spot only known to one or two of the tohttngas or chiefs of highest rank. As an instance of the dread of the tapu even within the memory of persons now living, I may mention that as late as forty or fifty years ago one of these slabs was ploughed up on the Mission farm in the Waimate, where some land \vas bein^^ prepared for a crop of potatoes. A young girl who had thoughtlessly handled the stone was warned of the danger she had incurred, and actually died of fright a few days after- wards. In another case a stone which was identified as one formerly used for preparing kokoivai for a chief was accident- ally found in a wooded gully, and the whole place was at once declared Lapic, ajid none of the timber could be used for cooking until an elaborate ceremony of tvhakanoa had been held, when the spot was " made connnon." The question has naturally been raised as to the purpose intended by the use of the kokoivai as a cosmetic. Dr. Short- land remarks that " a reason for some persons painting their body and clothes was that they might leave a mark behind them, that people might know where their sacred bodies had rested" ("Traditions of the New-Zealanders," p. 112). There may be something in this, but that it was not the only reason is evident from the fact that the painting of the body\vas not confined to chiefs of particular note, but was practised by men generally of the rangatira class. Kokowai was, like the purple of the Romans, a sign of rank, but not reserved ex- clusively for persons of the highest station. From Polack's account, already quoted, it will be seen that it was in general request among men of fashion at the feast which he describes; and Bidwell observes that in his time it was impossible to be carried by a native without getting one's clothes soiled by the " red dirt " which had saturated their mats (" Rambles iii New Zealand." 1841, p. 35). Though probably certain dis- tinguished individuals kept themselves painted at all times, the minor rangatira appear to have been decorated only on festal and ceremonial occasions, one of which was the startmg on a hostile expedition, when the whole party were arrayed in full " war-paint." There is no doubt that one of tiie prin- Walsh. — Method of prej^aring and using Kokowai. 9 cipal objects in the application of the kokoiuai, with its admixture of shark-oil, was at once to protect the body from the changes of temperature and from the annoyance of sand- flies, mosquitoes, and certain parasitic insects which seem to have been very abundant among the old-time Maoris, and afflicted all classes alike (see "Cook's Voyages"). This double purpose would probaljly be fairly accomplished by the strong-smelling oil alone, but the addition of the earthy matter would doubtless render the application more effective, and at the same time give it an aristocratic appearance. So far as I have been able to learn, this use of the kokowai was exclu- sively confined to the male sex, women and girls using various pigments derived from the pollen of flowers and other vege- table sources in small spots or patches on their faces. Though there were several shades of kokowai, according to the quality of the article, the general and favourite colour was a rich warm red something like that of a well-burnt brick, with a " mat " surface. When used for the painting of a war-canoe it was relieved with black, and occasionally with white. Thus, the hull and topsides were invariably red, and the figure-head and stern-post, as well as the long batten which covered the joint between the hull and topsides, were usually a lustrous black, while for several feet under the bows a running pattern was painted in black and white suggestive of the rippling of the waves. The effect of this combination was most striking and beautiful, especially when the head and stern pieces were further decorated with their ornament of kaka (parrot) and pigeon feathers, and the covering-batten spaced at intervals with the white plumes of the gannet. On the great wooden images carved on the principal posts of the palisading of the pas, on the entrance-gates, on the barge-boards and the door and window pieces of the house, and, in fact, on all carved work whatsoever, the kokoiuai always formed the general ground tint ; and a contrast was obtained by picking out some of the smaller details — e.g., the moko, or tattooed pattern on the faces or bodies — in black, the effect being further enhanced by the insertion of pieces of paua-shell (Haliotis) for tlie eyes of the figures. For interior decoration the kokowai was specially adapted. It formed the ground colour of the massive slabs or pilasters which spaced off the walls into panels and supported the roof. These in a large tribal meeting-house were elaborately carved with a succession of grotesque semi-human figures with eyes of the iridescent paua-shell and the wonderful convolutions of the moko picked out in black. On the broad rafters the pre- vailing red and black alternated in filling up the spaces between the scrolls of a bold running pattern in white. Several excellent samples of these rafter-patterns are repro- ] 0 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. duced in colour by the Rev. Herbert Williams in Part II. of Hamilton's "Maori Art." The kokowai met the eye of the Maori at every part of his sm'roundings during his lifetime, and did not leave him even in death, as it was the custom, after the bones of a chief had been scraped clean at the hahunga, or ceremonial feast held for the purpose, to give them a coating of his favourite colour before tliey were deposited in their final resting-place. As prepai'ed by the Maoris in the old time the kokowai formed a paint of extraordinary permanence an another tribe or clan she and her mana are lost to her people and clan. She goes to live with her husband, and returns na more. But a son dwells with us, and we have the advantage of his mana (prestige, &c.), strength, knowledge, and so on; a son remains with his people, not so a daughter. Many statements met with in various ethnographical works concerning the customs of primitive peoples and. 22 Transactions. — Miscellaneoiis. others are often misleading when we apply them to a race whose customs are known to us. Too much is taken for granted ; many assertions are too general. In " The Primitive Family," by C. N. Starcke, we read, " The tribe is endoga- mous, but the clan or sub-tribe is exogamous — i.e., a person must always marry out of the sub-tribe." This statement, as we have seen, does not apply to the Maori of New Zealand. The same writer says, " No people are exogamous as a tribe, only clans or sub-tribes are so." It is quite certain that no Maori tribe was exogamous ; neither were the sub-tribes. As a consequence of the Maori recognition of both agnatic and uterine filiation, it follows that property is inherited through both parents, as also is rank and prestige. Pro- perty inherited consists principally of land interests. Hence it follows that the native claims to land are often most in- tricate and difficult to adjudicate upon, as our Native Land Court Judges know full well. The children born of exo- gamous marriages were entitled to an interest in the lands of both parents, providing that such lands were occupied by them. In such cases it is the custom to live for some time at one place, cultivating food there, and utilising the various natural products of the land, and then to go and live on other lands wherein the person is interested. Thus both claims are kept up, according to Maori custom. One kind of exogamous marriage among the Maori w^as the result of their frequent intertribal wars, in which many of the conquered people were enslaved. It was by no means uncommon for a native, even the chiefs, to marry a slave wife, and the children of such an union would inherit their father's rank and property. They would continue to live as members of their father's tribe, by whom they would be better treated and more honoured than they would be by their mother's tribe should they return to it ; for on that side the degrading stigma of slavery would lie upon them — there were, in fact, dead to the mother's tribe. When the Tuhoe Tribe expelled Ngati-manawa from Te Whaiti that stricken people took refuge with the Kahungunu Tribe, to whom they paid a tribute of preserved birds, i^'c, for being allowed to dwell in those parts. However, they got into trouble with one tribal section of tlieir overlords, and were in sore straits, wlien a Tuhoe chief went and brouglit the remnant away to Rua-tahuna. Here many of Tuhoe wished to slay them, but several chiefs of Tuhoe, in order to save the lives of the fugitives, gave some of them women of the Tuhoe Tribe as wives. Hence the refugees were safe, and through those women are the Tuhoe and Ngati-manawa Tribes con- nected. Andrew Lang, in his "Custom and Myth," says, "On Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 23 the whole, wide prohibitions of marriage are archaic : the widest are savage ; the narrowest are modern and civihsed." On this basis the marriage system of the Maori may be termed civihsed, inasmuch as not only could a person marry another of the same clan-name, but also one of the same gens or family group, providing that they were at least of the third generation from a common ancestor. So long as this rule was respected no very serious opposition to a marriage would be made by these people. A young man might inform his elders that he wished to marry a certain relative of his. His elders would remark, "Emoehorua ho to tuahvie, kia kai tho ana korua i a korua" — i.e., " Marry your sister, that you may assail each other" — the meaning of the remark being that it is desirable to marry within the clan, and that when the couple quarrelled and proceeded to kai upoko, or curse each other, the remarks would not be so serious coming from a relative as they would if they were uttered by a non-relative. The epi- thets would not in the above case be deeply resented, or be treasured up as a wrong to be avenged [kaore c maniaetia). In regard to the use of the term "sister," a perusal of the table of consanguineous nomenclature, to follow, will explain this. Filiation, Consanguineous and Affinitativb Nomen- clature. Letourneau, in his work " The Evolution of Marriage," states that "filiation by the female line seems to be generally adopted in Polynesia." This statement is misleading in regard to the natives of New Zealand, where kinship is certainly claimed through either or both parents. This is probably the result of the system of permanent marriage which here obtained, and which has evidently been in force for many generations. The various tribes and clans (hapu) are usually named after male ancestors, but some after females. Such a tribe or hajm (sub-tribe) consists of the descendants of such ancestor. Thus, Ngati-Tawhaki (the De- scendants of Tawhaki), a hajm of the Tuhoe Tribe, is com- posed of the descendants of Tawhaki, who lived nine gene- rations ago ; Ngati - Tuhea, a suh-hajm {gens or family group) of Ngati-Tawhaki, are the descendants of Tuhea, who flourished four generations back; while Ngati-Hinekura are the descendants of a woman named Hinekura. Blood relationship was, and is, counted through both parents. The rank of chiefs is transmitted through both the male and female lines. Perhaps the descent through first-born male children of chiefs — i.e., aho ariki — was, and is, most highly esteemed, but the mother, if of high birth, and more especially if an eldest daughter, had, and has, great prestige and 24 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. influence. Unless property inherited be from the mother alone, it might be said that the order of succession of in- heritance was from father to the eldest son, perhaps later to the younger children, but always with the tendency to revert to the offspring of the eldest son. In the work above quoted is a statement to the effect that, under European influence, the Maori of New Zealand have adopted agnatic filiation, " but this new system still jars against ancient usages, which formerly harmonized with the maternal family." I quite fail to see how agnatic filiation can be said to be new among the Maori, when for centuries past rank and mana (prestige, power) have been transmitted through both the male and female lines of descent. Uterine filiation is of undoubted importance among the Maori, especially when, conveying rank ; but the male line appears to have been equally important, and the ara tane, or male line of descent from a noted ancestor, is looked upon with pride by the descendants of such ancestor. Given the fact that both parents were of equal rank, it is possible that greater weight would be given to masculine filiation ; but if the mother was of higher rank than the father, then their children would prefer to trace their descent through the mother, witb whom their increased rank and prestige originated. In claiming land in the Native Land Courts of the colony a native may claim through either or both parents, the latter course being adopted when he has a claim through both. If his mother only held an interest in the land, then he would, of course, claim it through her alone, and give his genealogical descent through her. The same process would be adopted if only his father had an interest in such lands. There is no evidence to prove that the matriarchate system prevailed among the Maori, whose system of filiation may appear somewhat peculiar, inasmuch as, as we have seen, rank, property, and mana (prestige, power, authority) was transmitted by both the male and female lines. It is per- haps needless to state that the group - marriage system was unknown among the Maori. Polygamy existed to a certain extent, but only among men of rank. If ever the matri- archate existed among the Maori, then it must luive been in times long passed away, though possibly the estimation in which the maternal line is licld when endowed with rank may be a survival of that ancient system. The Maori recognised a difference between real filiation and adoption. A man could niarry the adopted daughter of his parents, provided that she was not nearly related to him. In regard to consanguineous nomenclature, it may be stated that degrees of relationship are not by any means clear as used among the Maori, as will be seen anon. Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 25 Deniker, in his " Eaces of Man," says that the " classifi- catory system "* obtains among the Maori. To this, as de- scribed by him in chapter vii. of the above work, a quahfied assent may be given. He seems, however, to imply that exogamy and group marriage obtained among the Maori, which is quite erroneous. But this much is correct : In the Maori system of con- sanguinity myself, my brothers, sisters, and cousins are all termed "brothers" and "sisters." Also my father, with his brothers, sisters, and cousins, are all termed "brother" and "sister" to each other; and so on. My children and their cousins form another such group. But the second group, given above, does not include my mother, as Deniker states. He is right, however, in stating that I, as a Maori, would term the children of my brother or sister " my children," and their grandchildren as " my grandchildren." We now submit an abbreviated list of terms of the con- sanguineous and affinitative nomenclature of the Maori people, which will illustrate the above remarks. System of Maori Nomenclature, Consanguineous and Affinitative. The Person spoken of. The Speaker. Degree of Consangu nity. Male. Female. Term used. Term used. Papara (true or real Same. father " Father . . P;ipa Matua(i) tilne (male parent) Koliara (real mother) Whaea ^^ Mother . . Koka Matua wahine (fem ale parent) " Elder brother Tuakana Tiingane(2). Younger brother Taina or teina „ Elder sister Tiiahin Tiiakana. Younger sister „ Taina or teina. Father's brother P;ipa Same. sister Whaea or Koka mother Kiila It father Koroua (1) Matua means simply "parent." Becomes rndtua in plural. (2) Tungane simply = brother of a female, a generic term for brothers, not for elder brother only. (3) Tiiahine simply = sister of a male, a generic term for sisters, not for elder sister only. * See L. Morgan's " System Society." Consangmnity " and " Ancient 26 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. System op Maori Nomenclatdre, Consanguineous and Affinitative— conimweti. The Person spoken of. The Speaker. Degree of Consanguinity. Male. Female. Term used. Term used. Father's mother's brother . . Koroua Same. „ „ sister Kuia „ father's brother Koroua „ sister Kuia „ „ raother's mother . . Kuia tuarua or tipuna tuarua(4) « father Koroua tuarua or ti- puna tuarua " Stepfather Papa whakaangi ,, Mother's brother . . Papa ff sister Whaea or koka „ mother Kiiia „ father Koroua „ mother's brother . . Koroua „ sister Kuia „ father's brother Koroua ,^ sister Kuia ^^ mother's mother . . Kuia tuarua or tipuna tuarua '/ brother's Papil or matua keke . . »/ son grandparents tipuna (tipuna in plural)(5) ft Stepmother Whaea, whakaangi ,, Stepchild .. Tamfuti whakaangi('') „ Stepbrother No distinct term. Stepsister . . „ Children of father's elder Tuakana brother Children of father's younger Taina or teina brother Children of father's elder sister Tuakana Children of father's younger Taina or teina •C) ■■ „ sister Children of mother's elder Tuakana brother or sister Children of mother's younger Taina or teina brother or sister / Son Tama (tamaiti = child) ff Eldest son Tama „ Youngest child Potiki ,, Son's wife. . Hiinaonga . . tt (i) Tuartta means " second. " Kuia taurua = aecoud grandmother— r.«., great grandmotlier. (■'■') Tupuna is a variant form of tipuna. C) Tamariki whaktangi in plural, 0) Tuakana lutro doiiotes iiieuibcrs of elder branch of fnniily, taina tliose of younger brancli, but tlio male speaker would call his female cousins here his tuiihinc, or sisters. The female speaker would term her male cousins tungane, or brothers. Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 27 System of Maori Nomenclature, Consanguineous and Affinitative — continued. The Person spoken of. The Speaker. Degree of Cousangumity. Male. Female. Term used. Term used. Daughter . . Tamahine (tarn a in plural) line Same. Eldest daughter Tamahine (among hoe) Tu- " Daughter's husband Hunaonga . . f/ Children of son or daughter . . Mokopuna . . , , rr brother's children rl • • , , „ sister's children . . „ , , // Brother s or sister's child Tamaiti (tamariki plural) in " „ eldest son Tama tt „ youngest Potiki . . It child Husband . . , , Tane. Wife Wahine or hoa hine(8). wa Brother's or sister's children's Mokopuna . . . . Same. children Elder sister's husband Taokete , , Tuakana tane. Younger sister's husband f/ ' • , , Taina tane. Elder brother's wife Tuakana wahine , , Taokete. Younger brother's wife Taina wahine , , // Brother's or sister's son's Hunaonga . . . . Same. wife Brother's or sister's daughter's // • • , , tf husband Husband's sister .. Taokete. Wife's brother Taokete. Husband's elder brother , , Tuakana tane. younger brother . . , , Taina tane. „ parents . . Himgarei or hiingawai. Wife's elder sister . . Tuakana wahine , , younger sister Taina wahine , , , parents Hiingarei or hiingawai Husband of wife's sister Hoahoa. Wife of husband's brother . . , , Hoahoa. Male children of father's Tuakana or Tungane. and mother's brothers and taina sisters ite - Female children of father's Tuahine - see a) Tuakana or and mother's brothers and taina. sisters / 1. Husband's child by former Tamaiti whaka- wife angi. Foster-child Tamaiti whangai Same. (8) Wahine (in singular) = woman, female, wife. Soa wihine = female companion, literally. Becomes wahine in plural. 28 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. Spea.king generally, a native always speaks of his cousins — i.e., the children of his father's and mother's brothers and sisters — as his " brothers " and " sisters." The terms tuakana and taina, given in the table, do not always imply that such persons are older than the speaker in years, but that they belong to an elder [tuakana) or younger (taina) branch of the family. Also, in speaking generally of the children of his brother or sister a native always calls them his " children. "'■'■ It will be noted in the above table that the term papa,. meaning "father," is applied not only to the speaker's real father, but also to all brothers of his parents and to sons of his parent's uncles. The term papara, which denotes the speaker's real father, is not often heard, the generic term papa being much more common. The same remarks apply to the term loJiaea (mother), which is applied not only to the speaker's real mother, but also to sisters of his parents, and others. Also, the term tuahine has a wide application, it being applied by a male speaker to his cousins, and to- daughters of his parents' cousins, &c. Thus, when you hear that a Maori has married his " sister" you must not take it literally, for she is probably a cousin several times removed. It behoves one to be careful, for it is very easy to make errors- in Maori consanguinity. These remarks on Maori nomenclature might be continued indefinitely, but must be kept for a separate paper. It will be seen, however, that, although some of the more generic terms, as those above quoted, have a wide meaning, yet terms of kin- ship among the Maori are much more copious and definite than such a system as the Hawaiian, as given by Letourneau in his chapter on " The Family in Polynesia." His informa- tion, however, niay have been meagre. There is no sign of polyandry among the Maori so far as my researches have extended. Close questioning of the old men leads one to the conclusion that monandry has been the custom of the people for many generations, probably centuries, or some trace or influence of the custom would probably be noted. The old-time historical traditions help to prove the monandrous conditions which obtained here and in other isles in times long passed away. Certainly there are a few, very few, isolated cases on record among the Tuhoe Tribe where, a married woman having committed adultery, it was agreed to by her people that she should have the two husbands. The evidence, even in these cases, is against a former polyandrous system. * Taku tamaiti = my child ; aku taiiiariki = my children. Best. — Maort Marriage Customs. 29 Polygamy and Monogamy. Generally speaking, the Maori people were monogamous — that is to say, the bulk of the people married but one wife. But. among the chieftain class polygamy obtained, and, indeed, may still be met with among the Tuhoe people. Polygamy does not appear to have obtained among the common people, but seems to have been a privilege of rank. In many cases a chief would take a slave wife in addition to his principal wife, who would be of his own people, and probably his equal jn rank. Again, the taking of a second wife would sometimes be caused by the sterility of the first wife, and a desire to have children. I know of a case in which a half-caste, a successful business man, and liying as a European, took a second wife for the above reason. This, of course, was a marriage a la Maori, and not an act of bigamy, as no marriage ceremony was performed. At the present time one native here at Rua-tahuna has three wives, and several others have two each. In two of these cases the parties live together, with others, in large communal sleeping-houses, and appear to get on well together. In the third case the two wives live at different villages, and are not friendly with each other. The husband lives sometimes with one and sometimes with the other. Te Ika-poto, Tama-rehe, and Te Purewa, famous chiefs of this district in the last century, had each four wives. The different wives of polygamous marriages appear to be kind to each other's children, but such kindness, albeit of a somewhat negative nature, is common among the natives. Consanguineous polygamy obtained here. A man would sometimes marry two sisters, and sometimes a mother and daughter. The latter was a rare occurrence, but the former frequently occurred. The marriage of the deceased wife's sister was, and is still, common, while the marriage of a widow to the deceased husband's brother was an established, and, indeed, an ancient, custom. Two sisters would sometimes marry two brothers. The first or bead wife of a polygamous marriage is termed the wahine matua. WaJiine = woman, female, wife; matua = first, important. Among the Ngati-Hau Tribe the remaining wives are termed muri-manu. Muri = after, subsequent time, behind ; manu = bird. The wives in polygamous marriages term each other hoahoa. Cf. hoa = friend, companion, mate ; ivhakahoa = to associate with. The xvahine matua, or head wife, was not exempt from labour. In polygamous marriages the first-born child would rank first and have the greatest authority of any of the children in matters connected with the land, &c., as well as in all other 30 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. ways, although such child might not be the son of the chief wife, but born of one of the muri-manu. All children of the several wives would inherit the property of the parents — i.e., they would have a share in the land and in any personal pro- perty the parents might possess. The father would take the children with him on hunting, fishing, and bird-snaring expe- ditions, and thus they would be taught the land-boundaries, and would learn the location of snaring-trees, bird-troughs, &c. And in after-years the father would apportion such lands among his children, the first-born son probably receiving the largest share, if of a capable and influential personality. Hence it will be seen that the children of the principal wife did not necessarily take precedence over the others. Incest. We have already shown what marriages are deemed incestuous by the Maori. It is worthy of note that the rules in regard to marriage of relatives among the Maori nearly resemble our own. Such a system does not appear to be common among barbarous peoples. Professor Westermarck has stated that the horror of incest is not an instructive sentiment (animals do not have it), but rather a social habit, springing from sexual I'epulsion for per- sons, even unrelated to the family, with whom one has been brought up from infancy."'' Andrew Lang, in his " Custom and Myth," quotes Morgan (of Primitive Sociology fame) as follows: "Primitive men very eai'ly discovered the evils of close interbreeding " ; as also the latter's statement that "early man discovered that children of unsound constitutions were born of nearly related parents." Mr. Lang goes on to say, " Mr. Morgan supposes early man to have made a discovery (the evils of the mar- riage of near kin) which evades modern physiological science. Modern science has not determined that the marriages of kinsfolk are pernicious. Is it credible that savages should dis- cover a fact which puzzles science ? " Now, it may or may not be credible, but how is it that the Maori holds this view, viz. : that marriages of those closely related is followed by a tiyu- heke (degeneration, deterioration) in the of3"spring'? For, as we have seen, the Maori ai'e endogamous, and they have no totem system, for exogamy or totemism might have been taken as a cause for the Maori custom already given. Maine, author of " Early Law," regards exogamy merely as a prohi- bition of incest. The Maori idea may be summed up in the words of an ancient proverbial saying of the people, " E moe i to tuahine, he itiiti" — i.e., "Marry your tuahine and the * See Deniker's " Races of Man," chap. vii. Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 31 result will be puny offspring." Tuahine = sister ; also used for cousins. Tane, Tangotango, and Wai-nui were children of the primal parents, Eangi and Papa (Sky and Earth). Tane married his own daughter, while Tangotango (a male) married his sister Wai-nui, and this, according to Maori myth, was the origin of incest. Marriage also originated in those days of the misty past in the union of the strange beings who pre- ceded man. It does not appear that incest was common among the natives. It is given sometimes as an explanation of peculiari- ties in genealogies. To bring upon themselves the contempt of the tribe would be the result, and this would act as a deterrent, more especially among a communistic people such as the Maori. Since the arrival of Europeans in this land the old native laws, rules, and customs have become much relaxed, and the change in many cases is for the worse. The social rules of the Maori suited such a people, and they do not grasp or adopt ours in a way for such to be beneficial to them. Inter- marriages with Europeans do not as a rule produce a desirable cross. Half-castes are, physically, a fine people, though not long-lived as a rule. Mentally they are clever, quick, and sometimes attain distinction. But morally they are often below par, their code of ethics in many instances being an uncertain quantity. In one such family at least four members thereof have been guilty of incest, but it does not seem to trouble them in any way. A native couple who com- mitted incest in this district were expelled from the tribe. A native of the Rotorua district cohabited with his own daughter. On it becoming known they fled together, but were pursued and caught. The girl was taken back home and the father was expelled. Incest is, in this district, termed iraivaru, moe tuahine, and ngaic ivhiore, the expression kai ivhiore being a variant form of the latter. Three of these terms are connected with dogs. Irawaru is the name of a person in Maori mythology who was turned into a dog by the magic arts of Maui, and who was afterwards looked upon as the origin, or tutelary deity, or parent of dogs. Nga^c ivhiore means "tail-biter." Those who commit incest are compared to a dog which turns and bites its own tail. It will thus be seen that the Maori has very sensible notions on the subject of incest and consanguineous mar- riages. His ideas on such thmgs resemble those of the most advanced peoples. He does not bar whole groups of slightly related peoples from intermarrying, as do so many barbarous and semi-civilised races. 32 Transactioyis. — Miscellaneous. Youthful Cohabiting. There is a Maori saying, "He iti kopua wai, ka he to vianaiua."'^- This saying is heard when a girl wants to marry too soon, before she is old enough, in the opinion of her elders. Early marriages seem to have been common among the Maori, although the elders appear to have believed it to be harmful, judging from such sayings as the one given above, and which were somewhat plentiful. The young folk early arrive at puberty — Colenso says from twelve, and even eleven, years upward. There was no system of obligatory defloration of girls, nor was it in any way necessary or practicable. The girls attended to that, for illicit intercourse was, and is still, common among the young people. It often happened, say the elderly people, that a girl would have intei-course with a youth before she arrived at puberty — " before the growth of hair," as a native puts it. Daughters of chiefs were probably looked after better than those of the common people, and those girls who were made pz^/u were tapic to all men until married. Girls who had been with young men were sometimes de- tected by traces oi pm-apara, ttc, being found upon them. In former times many girls married, or were married, very young, even sometimes before puberty and before the com- mencement of menstruation — at least, so say these natives. A young girl of this district was lately married and she cannot have been more than thirteen, or at the most fourteen, years of age. This is, however, unusual here. The term krypepe is here used to denote this marrying of very young girls : " E tama ! He kop)cpe koe i te tamaiti na." Several causes may be assigned for the early marriages of the Maori — the early age of puberty ; the carrying-out of the taumou, or infant betrothals ; the keen sexual desire of girls, not repressed or controlled by long generations of self-control and moral teachings of elders, as among more advanced peoples. Possibly it was as w^ell so, for -^-outhful cohabiting being common, and a prolonged course o general intercourse being conducive to sterility in the female, it were better for the girl to be married to one man. For her days of freedom in sexual matters would then be over. Adultery spelled trouble in the days of yore. An old native saying has it thus : " Korerotia hi runga ki te takapau whara-nui," the meaning of which is, "Let matters be properly arranged by the elders in council. Do not let the young people cohabit promiscuously, but let the tribe marry them according to proper rules and older custom." •Applied to the girl : "A small pool of water will exhaust a man's breath if he immerses himself therein." Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 33 The term whaiaipo, meaning sweetheart or lover, is ap- plied to both male and female persons, single or married. It is not, however, applied to any one as a married person, but only to those who have a lover other than the husband or wife, and to that lover himself or herself. Hence it may describe the sweetheart of an unmarried person or the lover of an adulterous wife or husband. Another term having a similar meaning, and said to be a more ancient expression, is ivhakaaiveatve, while a kai-ivhakaaweaive is a go-between, a person who acts as a messenger between two lovers. The etymology of the term ivhaiaipo is significant. There was no cult among the Maori that required the prostitution of girls before marriage, as those of Aphrodite and Mylitta. Neither was there any prostitute class among them. The young people, when gathered together at night in the whare tapere, or "play-houses," in which many games, dances, &c.. were indulged in to pass away the time, would make advances to each other and afterwards meet at some place agreed upon. Such places were often in the forest, and were termed ta7ipu)iipu7ii. These advances spoken of were often made by the girls, the recognised sign being a pinch, or the scratching of the finger-tip on the hand of the desired person. PUHI. The ptchi custom among the natives was a singular one, and deserves mention here. Williams's Dictionary gives the following meanings of piihi : (1) A betrothed woman ; (2) a much-courted unbetrothed young woman. Neither of these definitions appears to describe the puhi among the Tuhoe Tribe. A betrothal here is termed taicmou* of which more anon. A puhi among Tuhoe was a girl of good family, first- born daughter of a chief, who was rendered tajm — i.e., she was not allowed to have sexual connection with any man, nor to perform any work except such as the weaving of the better-class garments, as korowai, aronui, kahu-kura, maro kopua, &c., which work was equivalent to the "fancy work " of ladies among us, a hght and genteel employment. She would have some attendant to cook for her, and was under restriction in many ways. These puhi were not allowed to marry, or, at least, such was often the expressed intention, though they might fall from grace in after-years when tired of single life. The idea was to make her an important person — " Ka whakapuhitia hai wahine rangatira "—in the tribe, a lady of rank, to be treated with respect and looked up to. If a puhi were detected in illicit intercourse with any man she * Taiwiou was the name of the function or custom ; the girl was not termed a taumou. 3— Trans. 34 Transacti07is . — Miscellaneous. was degraded and the tapu taken off her. No girl of the common people could be a puhi, nor yet a younger daughter, but only the tajmiru (first-born daughter of a chief's family). The j^uhi was a renowned personage (he wahine ingoa nui), for such was the object of the custom. Hine-i-tm-ama was a famous pw/ii until she fell from grace. She fled to the forest and there gave birth to a child (afterwards known as Tu- Avairua). A search-party found her by hearing her singing a lullaby over her child in the depths of the forest. Huinga-o- te-ao/of the ancient Maruiwi, was a famous pichi, she who died the tragic death near 0-hiwa. Nahau was another renowned jJ2t/a, so tajm that she could do nothing for herself, hence the saying, " E noho ra, E Nahau ! Tena te ia o Bangi- taiki hai kaioe i a koe." The following song, termed a Waiata. viate kanehe, was composed by a pichi of days gone by who had fallen in love with a man named Kau-i-te-rangi. She thus addresses him : — Tera te waka i a Kau-i-te-rangi — e Kapokapo aua mai me he rau harakeke. Tera, E Pa ! Ka raakamaka i o rimu Kia hemo ake ai nga tapu i ahau Kapo ana koe ko te whakahoro e roto Oma ana ki matenga Kia patua i roto Tuhapari e te ika E ta te moari, e te tau — e Tuakina a Piha, ka whiu ki te pari. Courtship, "Atahu," Arranging of Marriage. A good deal of formality pertained to the arrangement of a marriage. When a young man wished to marry a certain girl he would usually inform his elders of his wish. A meeting of the village community, usually a suh-hapti or family group, would then be held, and the matter would be discussed at length, each person who wished to make any remarks rising to address the meeting, both men and women taking part in the discussion and arrangements. The girl would be asked before all the assembled people as to whether she was agree- able or not. The matter would not be ended with the consent of the girl, her parents, and near relatives. The tribe would take part in the matter and have their say, often making objections on some ground or other, as in the case, already quoted, of Kangi and Hapine. Sometimes when they expect opposition a young couple will take to the woods and remain there for some time, until the matter is arranged or they are discovered and the girl taken away. There is, of course, much more formahty in arranging a marriage between persons of the chieftain class than is the case among the common people, marriage having its origin as Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 35 a social custom, so far as rites and rules are concerned, and not as the result of a national religion or theological system. Marriage among the low-born people, the common people, of the tribe was ever an event unmarked by rite or invocation such as pertained to marriage among the chieftain class. When a young girl w^ished to marry a certain man she would possibly have intercourse with him before informing her elders of her wish. But, still, if she was of good family she was thought more of if she went to her elders first and said, " I desire So-and-so." If they considered him an un- desirable person they might say, "He is a tutua (of low birth). Do not have him, but marry So-and-so, who is of good birth, although ill-favoured " ; and the girl would probably do as they bid her. Even now it is a common thing when a mar- riage occurs to hear the remark made, " The tribe married them." The old-tune habits and customs of a communistic people die hard. The young unmarried girls of the present time are de- cidedly unchaste, more especially those living in the larger settlements, where the young people are thrown together a good deal. Adultery is of rather frequent occurrence in this district, and generally seems to be detected. For some reason the natives do not seem to be able to keep a secret well In adultery, as in other matters, one of the persons usually men- tions or admits the matter. A considerable number of native women have married Europeans, and many of these women, it must be said, lead most exemplary lives, for many are clean, industrious, and evidently desirous of living as Europeans do. They are often prolific to a white man, families of six and seven bemg not infrequently met with. They take a pride in being able to cook European articles of food, such as are not used among the natives, and are a great improvement on the native woman as seen in the Maori villages. As observed, the Maori of old had a clear perception of the desirability of arranging marriages in due orthodox form, or, as he terms it. He mea ata lohakarite (a matter carefully arranged), this remark, however, applying principally to the rangatira or chieftain class. In the days of yore when a man desired a woman who disliked or was afraid of him he would hie him to the village priest and enlist his services. The priest (tohimga) would take some substance, horil (red ochre) being often used for this purpose, which he would proceed to render efficient as a sort of love philtre. This he did by uttering over it a charm which comes under the generic term of hoa (ka hoaiwj, e ia taua mea). He then hands the article to the man, who takes it away with him. He must not turn aside on his way back. 36 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. nor yet partake of food, but proceed direct to where the desired woman happens to be. Even if she were in a cook- ing-shed preparing food he would go straight to her and cram the substance into her mouth. That is sufficient. Even though she spits it out, yet the charm will be effective and she will come to him, her dislike will be overcome. The expression ^uhakaivherewliere is applied to conciliation of a desired woman by means of gifts. A man will give or send to a woman some present which he hopes will cause her to like and desire him. The term arwant signifies " to chase " and " to woo." while viatdrd means " to woo, pay addresses to." The custom known as kai tamdhine was a singular one. A party of young, active, and presentable men would form themselves into a party and go on a visit to some village where resided a young woman noted for her good looks and qualities. The visit was for the express purpose of showing themselves and their accomplishments to the girl, in the hope that she would accept one of them as a husband. The period of the visit would be quite a gay time, for the party of young men would give performances of various kinds, in order to exhibit their skill, grace, dexterity, and so forth, each endea- vouring to excel his companions. They would perform haka, or posture dances, of various kinds, and play games of skill. Each would hope that the girl would select himself as a husband. The term kai tamahine is a peculiar one. Kai signifies " to eat, to bite." also "food." Tamahine = daughter. Ac- cording to Letourneau, when a Kabyle father has married his daughter the phrase in ordinary use is, " He has eaten his daughter." Among that strange people girls were sold by the father or other relative. The term ringa hoea (rejected hand) is used among some tribes to denote a rejected suitor. Such a rebuff would some- times cause the disappointed man to have recourse to magic. He would make use of a magic charm or spell ikarakia makutic) known as 'payaki. This had the effect of killing the hapless woman — so, at least, my informants tell me, and who am I that I should doubt the word of these sages ! In the Legend of Paoa we read that when that old-time wanderer was on his travels he remained at a certain village for some time as a guest. The daugliter oi his host fell in love with him, and, coming to his side one night, she scratched his hand as a sign of her desire for him. She had already spoken to her parents about the matter and they had con- sented to her marrying him. There was a sort of love charm, termed atahu or iri, which was formerly much used in order to cause a person of Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 37 the opposite sex to entertain affection for the operator. It was also used to influence an absent lover, wife, or husband, and to cause such to return to the lone one. In conjunction with the atahu obtained a singular custom of sending a bird, the miromiro, to carry the love and desire of the operator to the distant woman, wife, or husband. If the rite was properly performed it would cause a woman to come to her lover how- ever distant he might be, or however much her friends might try to prevent her from going. The atahu or iri is a karakia (charm, spell, ritual, invocation, incantation) to cause a person of the opposite sex to love the repeater. When Tamatea-rehe, of the Children of Awa, saw first his (future) wife, Manawa, he was much struck by her, and this feeling increased so that eventually he despatched a miromiro bird to convey his love to that dark-skinned maid. At the same time he utilised the fol- lowing iri in order to influence the affections of Manawa, and to " bind " her to himself. It is also termed a karakia lohaka- piri, a " fastening charm " : — Iri kura, iri kura Iria te tupua , Tupua nuku Te whakamaua mai Manawa Ki toku tinana Whiti ora a te tahito Hotu nuku, hotu rangi Tukia te papa i raro i a Manawa Te pukenga, te wananga Whakamaua ki tahito o te rangi Iri toro, iri toro He— i. The following atahu was given by a member of the Ngati- raukawa Tribe. He says, " This is an atahu used to cause a woman to desire a man or a man to desire a woman. When the shades of evening fall the tohxinga (priest) goes to the waterside and, having used the water in ancient form, he per- forms the atahu rite, repeating the following charm : — " Tu te urunga, hau te urunga Maniania te moenga Hakune atu te po, hakune atu te ao Ko tou aroaro i tahuri mai ki ahau Ko toku aroaro i tahuri atu ki a koe He miromiro taku manu ka tukua atu Hei hiki mai i a koe, E te ipo. The applicant gives to the priest some article, such as a garment (in modern times often a pipe), in order to give mana (power, prestige, or effectiveness) to the rite." The expression ipo here used is equivalent to a term of endear- ment. It means "pertaining to love": He waiata ipo = a love-song. The two last lines render thus : " My bird sent is a miromiro, to bring you hither, 0 love ! " 38 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. Practically all rites performed by the priest of old were executed either at a sacred fire or by the waterside, and nearly always at dawn or dusk, not in the day-tinne. An old warlock of Awa discourseth upon the atahu, " The miromiro is a bird employed in the atahu tvahine. Should a man desire a certain woman, although she might be a member of a different tribe, yet will he obtain her. Though her home be afar off he will obtain her. He despatches a miromiro bird to fetch her. He notes carefully the wind. If it is blow- ing in the direction of the home of the woman he desires he then takes a feather, being careful to seize it with his left hand, and passes it under his left thigh, after which, holding the feather upright in his advanced left hand, he recites the following charm : — " Hau nui ana ra Ko te hau — e Te kura i te ipo — e To ara mai, E te ipo Haere ki roto i a koe mihi ai Waha mai te ipo, E te hau — e Tutakina iho ki au — e * Whiwhia mai, rawea mai Tore hei. He then tosses the feather into the air for the wind to carry. (In the charm he calls upon the wind to bear his love to him.) iSefore long she will have arrived." Eegarding the passing of the feather under the left thigh : When a priest proceeded to takahi a wounded person, and recite a charm to heal his wound, it was always the left foot that he placed upon his patient, for that is the ta2)u foot. It is the manea of that foot that gives force, virtue, effectiveness to the rite and charm. The manea is the hau of the human foot or footstep, a sacred or supernatural power, essence, or quality, which has great influence in preservmg human life, &c. When in olden times a young man of the Tuhoe Tribe went through the operation of being tattooed the following atahti was repeated over him by the priest, in order to cause women to admire and like him : — Taku tamaiti i wehea e au ki te rangi Ka piri, ka tata Ka huakina mai Tangaroa — e Whakina mai ko ou Hine-tuakirikiri Ko ou Hinc-tuarourou Mai te ruwha, mai te ruwha Mai te aroha, mai te aroha ^lai te aroha ra koo— e. Here follows another atahu of the Tuhoe Tribe : — Tiikoto ra, K hino ! I to urunga, i to moenga Iri kura, iri kura, iri toro Ka whana atu koe i reira Best.— Maori Marnage Customs. 39 Kia rokohanga mai e koe Nga tai tu o te akau — e Ka whana atu koe Kia rokohanga atu e koe Nga tai ka tanumi No Rarotonga — e Tirotiro ko rangi ki te whetu Whakatahato mata ki te marama Whakataha to mata ki te marama Au nei he motu puhi rakau Whakina te tau kia rangona Mokimoki te kakara kia iria — e Na to ngakau koe i hua kia mahia tiori Na to matua koe i hua kia mahia tiori Tu ana a ia ki te rangi, mihi konaki ai Te ipo e ki te moenga E tangi ana ra te korori E tangi ana ra te korora Taku hei mapuna Kua riro titapu I Kou te ruru, kou te ruru I Kou ! And^here is another : — Pu mauri kura I whanake i te tara o Maninihau — e Ki horo mai ra tonga Ka pukea au e te wai — e ' ^ Maua ko te aroha ) I roto wahine atu ra — e -1 Tuarua rawa mai ki te moenga He ringa ta auta rawa ake Ka ea kai te moenga — e E tangi ana ra te korori, te korora Taku hei mapuna Kua riro titapu — e Kou te ruru, kou te ruru ! i Kou! ; The following so-called atahu is a modern one, as will \ be seen by the English words occurring therein. Nor is it a charm for general use, as are the foregoing. It was | composed by a woman named Matua-kore, whose husband \ had deserted her, in order to express her feelings. She evinces a desire to have recourse to the atahu, but is \ doubtful as to its efficacy : — \ Homai ma nei e te Jiiihi, e te runanga '< He kupu hai whakapaa/w ^ Mo te ngakau o Kuini whaihanga ' Tenei to paipa me kawe atu ki a Te Reretautau ' Hai iri atu, hai atahu kia hoki mai ai Nohea e hoki mai Ka tini, ka mano nga puke Kai waenga ko Tauaki, ko Takamai i I o Apa ripa tauarai ki o Te Ao ■ Ki a Te Manihi te aroha nei au | Haere ra, E Ura E ! ', Korua ko to kakau whakawhana 40 Transactions. — Miscellantous. Waiho au i konei aue kau ai Aue, te tane ra ! Aue, te tane ! Tee ko mai i te wai para hoanga ki waho Aue, te ai — e ! Ka whiti nei au kai Rurima, kai Mautoki Kai Karewa, te motu o te kuia Ka eke nei au te puke huia Kai Ruahine au ka taru mate Ka hinga au ki te whare — i. The following illustration and imaginary conversation was given by a native in explanation of the atahu and sending of the miromiro ; " A man comes to the priest. He says, ' I have come to you because a man has run away with my wife.' It is asked, ' What shall be done ? ' And replied to, ' Do you arrange it as according to ancient custom.' Very well. When the sun sets, then the miromiro bird will be despatched in order to bring back the woman who has been cajoled and carried off by a man. Although she may be in a house when the bird arrives it will go inside and perch upon her head. Then swiftly the woman returns, like the wind which blows beneath her feet. Ere long she has arrived. This was a very effective rite of the Maori." The following modern instance of au atahu was related to me by a Whakatane native, who seemed to believe it (the charm recited has already been given) : Himiona, a native now living at Whakatane with his wife Kumara, had left her some years previously in order to visit friends at Poverty Bay. While at the latter place he became attached to a native woman there, and they lived together as man and wife. Kumara heard of this, and at once went to Rangi-taiki in order to consult one Riperata, an old wise woman of that place. She was told by the latter to return in the eveniucr. She did so, and was conducted by Riperata to a stream, who also made her divest herself of her clothing, when the a^ed one sprinkled her with water and repeated the atahu charm over her. Riperata said, " I can see the vairua (spirit) of your husband standing by your side. Return now to your home; in a week your husband will return to you. When he arrives and greets you do not tangi-' (cry) over him, but both of you go to the water and immerse yourselves therein." This immersion in water was to cleanse the twain from the tayu of the rite performed. Riperata then despatched a bird, the miromiro, to bring back the errant husband. The bird flew to the East Coast, and to the village where Himiona was living with his new wife. The couple were seated among others in a house at the time. The bii-d entered the house and alighted upon the head of Himiona. At once he was * Friends are welcomed by prolonged weeping among the Maori. Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 41 seized with a desire for his first wife ; his love for her returned. He rose and started to return to Whakatane, a journey of some days. His companions could not persuade him to remain ; nor could they catch the bird, which went its way. It sometimes occurred that the people of a family group or clan would resolve to demand a girl of another village com- munity as a wife for one of their young men. A party of them would proceed to the place and demand the girl for that purpose. If a single woman, she might be handed over with- out any trouble occurring, provided that she was agreeable to marry the young man. If not she would be held and pro- tected by her people. Sometimes a very stormy scene would follow, as each party strove to gain possession of the girl, who would be seized by the opposing parties, and who sometimes suffered severely at their hands. Even fatal consequences would at times attend these wild scenes. Or, on arrival at the residence of the girl, the party might seize her at once, in which case trouble would be likely to quickly ensue, and the two parties be transformed into a seething mass of excited, yelhng beings, resembling maniacs. Scenes of violent abduc- tion were by no means rare in Maoriland. And yet woman occupied among the Maori people a much better position than she occupied among most barbarous races. She was usually upheld by her people when she objected to marry a certain man who had desired or been selected for her. She was to a considerable extent independent, and had a voice in matters affecting the tribe. It was, perhaps, in connection with adultery that her status appeared lowest, for she was then regarded apparently as property, and any one tamper- ing with her must needs pay for meddling with another per- son's property. As already observed, many statements have been made by writers that the Maori had no marriage rite, but that a couple simply agreed to live together, and that was all there was about it. But if a marriage between two young people was not he mea ata whakarite (a matter deliberately arranged) by their elders, or by the tribe or sub-tribe, then such a union was much looked down upon and condemned. If the recog- nised and established usages were not respected and followed, but the union a mere moe noa iho, or random cohabiting, then a child born to such would be termed a poriro (bastard), a moenga hau, he mea kite ki te take rakau, a thing found under a tree. In speaking or writing of the customs of other peoples, more especially those of the more primitive races, we are much too apt to set up as a standard of propriety, &c., our own rites or customs, and if those of the people under discus- sion do not coincide with our own, then thev are condemned 42 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. as improper, inadequate, or ridiculous, or statements are made that no such customs exist among such people. These things are wearying beyond measure. The Maori marriage system was a very good one for a people hving in the culture stage which obtained in Polynesia. It was considerably in advance of the systems of many peoples who in general culture occupied a higher plane. In the arranging of a marriage it is not only the lamiHes of the young couple who take part in such, but also the family group, or the hapu, or perhaps even the whole tribe— i.e., in a marriage of important persons. Indeed, the parents often have little to say in regard to the marriages of their children, the leading part in the arrangements being taken by the brothers and sisters of the parents. The Maori likes to obtain for a son-in-law an industrious man {ihu-pukti or ilm-oneone). Taumou (Betrothal). The term taumou (of which taumaii is a variant form) is applied to the custom of the betrothal of young people which obtained in Maoriland. This custom was also known as whakapahlwha. The little couple so betrothed, or promised, by their elders would be described as he mea karangaranga. Observe the etymology of the second term above : WJiaka is a causative prefix ; pa = to touch, come into contact with ; kfavhd = the thighs. It is probable that the taumou was practised only among the people of good birth, and not by the common people. This is the method which the evolution of marriage rites appears to take : First, the cohabitation of man and woman, as among savages, devoid of ceremony or ritual ; abduction, often forcible, of the woman. Then as a laic institution, a social arrange- ment, often followed by the purchase of the woman. In both of these stages the woman is treated as a being much inferior to man ; she represents so much property, and can be punished, ill treated, or disposed of in any way which the husband sees fit to adopt. These modes are the usus and coemptio of ancient Rome. The third stage, as the Roman confarreatio , in which we see the adoption of a ritual, crude at first, but afterwards becoming more ceremonious as the people advance in culture. Note a passage in Letourneau's " Evolution of Marriage " : " We must note that at Rome, as in Greece, the religious ceremony was in no way essential to the marriage, which was a laic and civil institution in the first place." Quite so, for only the upper classes had this ceremony performed at their marriages, hence is it termed the "aristo- cratic marriage." Now, the Maori was iu this third stage of marriage-evolu- tion. He was adopting, or adapting, ritual to his old-time Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 43 system. But it was essentially an aristocratic rite, for only those of high birth had the ceremony performed at their marriage ; the common people were not deemed worthy of the priestly invocations or the unuc kotore. They were dogs. We return to our tauviou. This was not a universal cus- tom among the chieftain class ; every girl or boy of good birth was not so betrothed. It was sometimes done for political reasons, in order to advance the welfare of the clan or tribe. These betrothals took place during the infancy of the couple. For instance, a man while visiting a village community might cliance to see a little girl \vho took his fancy, and whom he would desire to pre-empt, as it were, as a wife for his own little son when they should have arrived at marrying age. If the girl was of equal rank to his son he would claim her by making some such remark as, " Maku t07in koe, mo taku taviaiti" (" You are for me, for my child"). And that remark would be agreed to by the elders of the girl, unless they had some special objection to him or to the proposed alliance. It would then be arranged that the two children should be married w^hen they grew up. It would be very bad form for any person to disregard the betrothal. Should any man have sexual connection with the girl he would very probably be slain, if a commoner, and possibly cooked and eaten ; for the saying of old was, " Zwa eke he taumou tia tetahi, ka^caka hai ratveke" ("Those on whom a taumoic ha,s been placed, do not interfere with them "). After the betrothal the girl might be kept at home with her parents, or they might let her future father-in-law take her away to live at his place, and there to associate and grow upwith her future husband ; or she might stay alternately at each place. This custom, like many other strange ones, has long died out. The coming of the Europeans changed all these things, hence we use the past tense in describing them. Old Hauraki and his wife, of Eua-tahuna, are two of the few survivors of the last who were tatcmou. A girl or boy who happened to be so betrothed was not termed a taumou : that expression simply implies the custom. A betrothed girl was not termed a puhi among the Tuhoe Tribe. An old woman, a resident of Rua-tahuna, was betrothed during her childhood, when she was about seven or eight years of age, to one Tarei, of Ngati-Awa. After some time her aunt took her to the home of Tarei's parents, that the two children might be together. The girl remained there for some time, but did not like the idea of marrying Tarei, so her people took her back home, three days' march inland. No attempt was made by either side to coerce her. But when, subsequently, a party of Ngati-Awa visited Rua-tahuna they 44 Trayisactions. — Miscellaneous. made things interesting for her and her friends — but that is another story, which you will find at page 94 of Volume xxxiv. of the " Transactions of the New Zealand Institute." The Umu Kotoke. The urmi kotore was the marriage feast of the Maori — that is to say, of the aristocratic marriage before mentioned. It was at this function that certain invocations were repeated by the priest over the couple. In the first place, the priest repeats a prayer or invoca- tion over the twain to preserve them in health and prosperity, to ward off from them all evil, physical or otherwise. After this the pair enjoyed the rights of married people. The marriage feast is then prepared, and is known as utnu kotore, or kai kotore. Probably the former term is more correctly applied to the ritual pertaining to this function and the latter expression to the actual food. Ujjiu means a steain-oveu, in which food was prepared by the neolithic Maori ; but the term is also used to denote a rite as performed by a priest — e.g., umu 2)ongipo7igi = a magic rite to destroy man. Kotore means " the lower end, buttocks, anus, tail of a bird." The word rejierejye (and tareperejje) also means the buttocks, hence the above feast is sometimes termed kai reperepe [kai = food). I asked an old man why the word kotore is applied to a marriage. His answer was brief and convincing, " Ko te take i kiia at he kai kotore, i moe ko tona kotore i te taiie ra. Ehara i te mea i moe ko tona mahunga" ("The reason of the feast being called a kai kotore is because the woman's kotore married the husband. It was not her head that mar- ried (slept or cohabited with) him "). The kai kotore is special food, the best procurable, cooked in a separate oven {timu kotore) for the relatives of the young wife. Food was cooked in other ovens for the rest of the assembled people. Only the relatives of the young wife partook of the kai kotore, or kai reperepe, cooked in the umu kotore. The young couple themselves did not eat of the kai kotore. In some cases the wife's younger sisters would decline to eat of the food prepared in the umu kotore, koi purua — i.e., lest they he p7ikupa, or barren. Further invocations were repeated by the priest at the umti kotore which constituted a part of the marriage ritual, and gave viana (efficacy, power, prestige) to the ceremony. Another invocation, known as the oJiaoJia, was then repeated over the couple. This was equivalent to a blessing — in the first place, that the twain might not be assailed by sickness or the shafts of magic, but be preserved in health. It also invoked a state of fruitfulness for the wife, that she might bear child- ren. In the event of the wife being nervous, or afraid of her Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 45 husband, an invocation known as a tvhakapiri, was repeated over her by the priest, in order to cause her to cleave to her husband, to bind them together (literally, to "fasten" them together). This was performed at the above ceremony, lest they become separated. The bulk of the assembled people had their food separate from the party who partook of the kai kotore, and the food prepared for the former was not termed kai kotore. The_ ■mdtdmua, or first-born son of the interested families, would not partake of the kai kotore. On my asking an old man of the Ngati-Awa Tribe as to whether or not his ancestors had these invocations repeated at the marriages of their important people, he replied, " Yes, it is quite true about the marriage invocations of former days. 0, friend ! the best invocation to use for a woman nowadays is money. If a man has acquired plenty of money he will acquire a wife easily enough. That is the proper invocation. The moneyed man gets a wife." Which was, raethinks, not bad for the neolithic Maori. Pakuwha. We will now give some description of the custom of pahcivha, which may be defined as a formal handing-over of the woman to her husband. It was a universal custom ap- parently."'' Tlie young couple may or may not have gone through the ritual of the aristocratic marriage. The term pahiivha is applied to relations by marriage, and also to the ceremony of handing over or delivering the wife to her husband and his people, for, as usual among the Maori, the husband had little or nothing to say during the function, his relatives doing all the speechmaking on his side of the house. The pakuwha was made the occasion of a sort of marriage hakari, or feast. It was, and still is, quite an important item in the social life of the Maori. These meetings served to break the monotony of the lives of the people, and they thoroughly enjoyed them. Marriage and death are two im- portant causes of these social functions, and the Maori enjoys bo til. The pakuwha often takes place after the couple have been married, or have cohabited and arrangements concerning the marriage (see ante) have, of course, been completed. " I am living, say, at Eua-tahuua. My daughter marries, or is to marry, a man from Te Whaiti, a day's journey distant. 1 and my relatives form a party and escort my daughter to her husband's home at Te Whaiti. We have been invited to do so by the elders of my son-in-law, who live at that place. * I.e., among the rangatira class, not among low-born people. 46 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. In some cases they would build a special house for this event. Such house is termed a whare jmkmoha, but would receive a special name also, and be kept closed and unused until my party, the ope pakmvha, arrive there, when we take up our quarters in it. The tavii, pertaining to all new houses of importance remains upon it until our arrival, when it is removed and the house rendered noa (common, free from tajyu) by the priest of my party. Such a house would be built only when the parties are of high birth. In special cases it may be an elaborately carved house, in others a plain one having no embellishments of that kind, and in yet others it is merely a temporary house. The house is for the entertain- ment of the pakuwha party (ope pakmvha)." (Sometimes the husband and wife go together to this function along with her relatives, and at others the relatives of the girl escort her to the home of the young man, where she is formally handed over to be his wife. Which amounts to this : that the pakmvha feast may be held either at the time of the marriage, or, in other cases, same time after the couple have been cohabiting. But always the first feast or entertainment (the ivhare tuatahi, or "first house," as natives term it, in allusion to the building of the special house) is given by the man's relatives, never by the woman's. The latter it is who give the second feast, or ivhakahoki pakuivha). " Those Te Whaiti people have been busy collecting and preparing food for us. The realms of Tane and of Tauga- roa have been called upon to furnish food-supplies for many months. Potted birds, dried fish, and divers vegetable pro- ducts are ready in large quantities. Fuel is piled up in apaapa around the cooking-sheds, and parties of young people roam the forests for such woods as burn brightly without emitting much smoke. This is for the purpose of warming and lighting the houses at night, such fires being probably supplemented by crude lamps burning fat obtained from birds. There will be much talking in these houses at night, many speeches delivered by eloquent speakers, and much posture dancing. " We send word to Te Whaiti by messenger as to the day of our arrival at that place. We time our arrival tliere so as not to arrive late in the day, even if it is necessary to encamp for the night within a short distance of the village of our hosts. When we march into the village we do so in close column and with a slow regular movement, albeit we do not keep step, as do the white men in their marching. Our column advances in silence, and each person tliereof looks to his front, apparently unconscious of the noisy welcome of the village. Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 47 " As we inarch into the marae, or plaza, we see that the village people are drawn up in a mass by the side of the new iiouse, the xvhare pakmvha (not in front of it), where they are crying us welcome ; and in advance of them are some of the old women, standing singly out in the marae or mounted on shed-roofs or on the defences of the village, where each cries ioudlv ill the doleful tones of the Maori a welcome to our party. And each of them is waving a cloak or shoulder-cape, waving us forward to our destination. This is the tatvhiri, or poivhiri. It is the welcome of the Maori people, even from the days of our ancestors. " Slowly we march forward until we are opposite the column of the village people, and then we halt, with perhaps a space of fifty yards separating us. The wild welcome of our hosts still rings out, but no sound comes from our party. We do not tangi'-'- unless some misfortune has lately afflicted one of the parties, or my son-in-law has been long absent from his people. At such a meeting there is no general hongi (the native salute by pressing noses together). The priest of our party alone might so salute a few of the village people in that manner. " The next thing done is the rahiri ivhare — i.e., the lifting of the tapu from the ivhare pakuwha. This is performed by the priest of our party, who mounts the roof of the house and, standing on the ridge-pole thereof, recites the invocation known as a kaioa ivhare. This was an important rite to the Maori of former days, but we will not go into that matter now, it is too long. Leave it for the days that lie before. " The house is now free from tapu and may be used. Our party enter and rest therein. Then, one after another, the leading men of the village come and make speeches to us. The speaker does not enter the house; he walks back and forth in the front thereof as he delivers his speech, for this is the ancient custom of the Maori. The speeches made are a welcome to us — first to my daughter, who has married into this clan, and also to us, her elders and relatives. The leading remarks of all these speeches are a welcome to the young wife, as, ' Haere mai taku taonga,' &c. (' Welcome, my treasure,' and so forth). When the speeches of the village people are over, then one of our party will go forth from the house and make a speech, returning the greetings of the other party. But all remarks centre round and upon the young couple. After the first speaker finishes and retires to the house another goes forth to have his say, and so on, until all who wish to speak have done so. * Tangi = to wail for the dead, or as an affectionate salute to long- absent friends. 48 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. " Then a procession of people of the village appears on the scene, each bearing a basket of cooked food, and all singing a weird song as they slowly advance. They place the baskets in a row before the tvhare pahavha and retire. Then our party leave the house and, seating themselves before the food, proceed to satisfy their hunger. " In addition to the above cooked food given to our party, there is also a supply of food presented to us, and which we can either use during our stay at Te Whaiti or take home with us when we return. This food is brought into the house in baskets, &c., and placed before us. The interior of the house is now quite free from tapti, the bringing of this food into it is the last act of the ichahanoa, or freeing from tapu. This latter supply of food is often termed kai kotore, and is for the relatives of the young wife. It is composed of the best sorts of food, such as preserved birds. On the following dav a large heap of food is stacked up in the marae and pre- sented to our party. This is termed a tahuaroa. " After the kai kotore is brought in the village people then carry in their presents of clothing, fine cloaks, capes, aprons, as also greenstone and shark's-tooth ornaments, &c. ; and, in modern times, horses also, which, however, are left outside. These are placed in front of the young couple, who are seated together. Probably no formal or lengthy speech is made ; each person bearing a gift lays it down, outspread if a garment, saying, ' Tenet te taonga ki a koe.' For these gifts are to the husband. " When these gifts are all presented the young husband rises and presents them all to his wife's people, to myself and relatives, who have escorted him and his wife from Rua- tahuna to this place. He keeps none of the gifts for himself, nor yet any for his wife. If he did so he would be considered an ignorant, low-bred sort of fellow. Kuti ki a raua ko te mdvd — the prestige of the thing is enough for them. " Sometimes at these functions a turanga-a-tohu would be performed, usually the day after the arrival of the visitors. This is a kind of war-dance, but simply given as an exhibi- tion. " Our party would stay a few days at Te Whaiti as the guests of my son-in-law's people, or possibly a week. Pro- bably the young couple would stay there for some time, possibly until the return feast came oli' at Rua-tahuna, when they would, of couise, attend tiiat, and perhaps settle down there. " The return feast mentioned is known as a whakahoki pakmvha. We, the relatives of the young wife, give this feast to mv son-in-law's people. A special house might or nught not be built by us for the event, and the description already Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 49 given will apply to this function. We make presents to our guests as they did to us." The above is a description of the paktavha as it obtained in Tuhoeland, and still does, with the exception of several items, as the rahiri whare and turanga-a-tohu. This custom was not carried out with low-born people. Also, the elders of the husband would probably decline to give a feast and gifts to, and entertain, the relatives of the wife if she was known as a kai-rau (fornicator). When the son of Te Purewa married a Turanga woman the house built for the pahmvlia, near Gisborne, was a tem- porary one, but it was a gift to the guests, and a valuable one ; for it was a long house, and the walls thereof were composed of calico print, while the roof was covered with new blankets. Some time ago Paora, of Tuhoe, married a Ngati-Eaukawa woman here at Eua-tahuna. They lived here about two years, and then went, accompanied by some of Paora's rela- tives, to the wife's people. The young couple lived there about a year, then they returned to Eua-tahuna, escorted by some of Ngati - Eaukawa, who were entertained here by Paora's relatives. This latter was a ivhakahoki pakutvlia. The couple have smce returned to the wife's home, where they are now living. The expression ta pakuwha is applied to affinitative rela- tives— i.e., relatives by marriage. A company of related people travelling together to visit the parents-in-law of one of their number is so termed. (Compare ta tataeto = a flock of whiteheads — a bird.) It appears to be applied only to a com- pany of persons. A couple visiting their son-in-law would be termed simply pakuwha. Kaupapa yakuwha : " Suppose I marry your daughter. I select a greenstone weapon or ornament or a fine cloak and present it to you (my father-in-law) as a kaupapa paku- wha. Hence we hear such questions as, ' Where are the kaiqoapa of the pakuivha?'" Then such gifts are exhibited for inspection. Or a man may ask, " Where did you obtain that weapon of yours?" "Oh, it is a kaupapa pakuioha of the daughter of such a person." The term ivhakatakoto paktiwha seems to apply to any or all of the arrangements for a marriage, from the ta2iinoii to- the marriage feast. Ope pakuwha always carried their arms with them in former times. It was not well to move abroad without weapons in the old fighting-days, for treachery was a common occurrence, and no man knew when he was safe. Very often the pakuiuha party were greeted by a turanga a tohu, which is practically a war-dance, all the performers being armed ; but it is merely given as an exhibition, and not, as- 4— Trans. 50 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. in time of war, as a species of divination to see what fate has in store for the tribe. The guests were challenged in the orthodox manner as they marched on to the plaza, while the village people would be divided into several columns, all kneel- ing and waiting for the signal of the fugleman to spring to their feet and, with brandished weapons, to roar out the resounding ngeri. In late times a pahtwha party is often welcomed with a volley from the guns of their hosts. Neither the tiimahaiui, nor the jjoiigaihu, nor yet tuhaka- reka pertained to the ojje pakuicha, but only to the kaihau- kai.* We will here give a few words of explanation in regard to the careful supervision and arrangement of marriages among the natives. To a great extent it was caused by tribal anxiety to avoid a mesalliance, to prevent a person of good birth from marrying into a family of ivare, or low-born people, to keep unmixed the blood of the rangatira class, to uphold the rank, fame, and dignity of first-born lines of descent, and hence to prevent all tijmhcke, or degeneration, of blue-blooded lines. For the Maori were ever true aristocrats, ever looked down upon the low-born, and exalted rank and birth. They treated with respect and deference even those members of the aristo- cratic class who were not endowed with the qualities necessary for the leading of men and the supervision of tribal affairs. And their method of preserving such rank and prestige was by a strict observance and retention of the aho viatamua — i.e., of primogeniture. For the rangatira. or high-born class wei'e descendants of some noted, and probably remote, ancestor through the eldest-born of each succeeding generation, while the lower classes were the descendants of younger sons of by-gone centuries. The first-born lines retained the mana (power, prestige) of the tribe, hence they were careful not to allow any of their members to marry into the ware, or lower classes — i.e, into younger branches — but always within their own class. Formerly, as we have seen, marriages of the " upper class " were arranged by the elders of the young people and by the tribe, in order to avoid such mesalliances. But most of these old customs have been deserted by Tuhoe since the advent of Europeans. Young people now please themselves as to whom they marry, hence tipuheke abound [i.e., degeneration). The Maori custom of building a special house in order to signalise, as it were, any important event was a very peculiar one. We have seen that such a house was built in order to emphasize a marriage. A similar custom obtained when * For an explanation of these terms ate article on " Food-supplies of Tuhoeland," Volume xxxv. of the Transactions. Best. — Maori Marriage Ctistoms. 51 organizing a war expedition, as also to avenge a defeat. The latter was a most peculiar thing. If a people did not consider themselves strong enough to avenge a defeat they often built a special house, after which they invited the people who had defeated them to visit them, upon which they entertained them in the new house during their stay — and that was their revenge. Another purpose for which a special house was built we will explain by means of a true illustration : When Warahoe were defeated at Taupo, in the fight known as Kohikete, one of their women who was taken prisoner was taken as a wife by Te Eau-paraha. She never returned to her people, who, after passing through many troubles, took refuge at Eua- tahuna with the Tuhoe Tribe. But a few years ago her grand-daughter visited the Warahoe people, now living at Te Whaiti, in order to show herself to her grandmother's people. After a time she returned to her home at Porou- tawhao, near Levin. Then Warahoe decided to invite her to pay them another visit. So they fell to and built a house at Te Whaiti to mark the event, and prepared food and also gifts for their guest, who duly arrived. She was entertained in the new house for some time, numerous presents were given to her, and she was escorted back to her house by a party of Te Whaiti people. Hapurona said, " Ko Laku kahui tara hai luhakakoki i a hoe " (" My flock of tara (a sea-bird) shall escort you home "). The term kahui tara implied a band of well-born persons. So that house was named Te Kahui Tara. Nowadays there is none of the umu kotore ritual carried out, and but little of the formal arrangements as of old, though a modified form of pukuivha entertainments still obtains. Adultery {Purevmi, toukohi). Among the Tuhoe Tribe the wife seems to be more fre- quently guilty of adultery than the husband. An old warrior of my acquaintance informed me that " if a married woman was interfered with in former times it was the cause of serious quarrels and fighting. Men lost their lives thus over women. This fighting over women was not known in ancient times. It began with Maui-tikitiki (thirty-five generations ago), whose wife, Whatu-nui, was interfered with by Maui- mua. That was the cause of Maui turning on Irawaru." Incontinence, if treated lightly in the matter of young girls, was a serious offence in a married woman, and some- times severe punishment, even death, was inflicted upon the erring one. If a married man commits adultery both he and his paramour are punished by his wife's relatives by means of a taua. The taua (hostile party) would be composed of 52 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. the wife's relatives. They march to the erring husband's abode and demand satisfaction for the injury done to them and to his wife. Such satisfaction is often in the form of greenstone ornaments, the jewels of Maoridom ; also other kinds of portable property, and latterly horses. The wife's relatives would receive such goods, not herself. Such pay- ment in goods is never returned. If a low-born person or a slave committed adultery with a woman of rank in former days he would probably be slain and, if a slave, certainly eaten.''' If a man of rank committed adultery with a slave woman that was thought nothing of. Both adultery and the abduction of another man's wife were punished by a taua, as above described. In some cases a piece of land is given in payment for adultery, as satisfaction for the mjured party. But in after- years such land might be redeemed by the adulterer and his friends handing over an amount of goods (me unu ki te taonga) for the same. When Pihi, of Ngai-Te-Au, committed adultery here her people made over to Ngati-Rongo, her husband's hapic. a piece of land at Okerekere. It sometimes happened that a man, for committing adul- tery with a married woman of rank, had to migrate and live elsewhere. This would depend a good deal upon his own standing in the tribe. The tMca which is organized in order to obtain satis- faction for adultery would often, in former times, proceed to murti, or plunder, the adulterer's home. In this case a mob of excited natives would I'ush the place and seize all portable property and carry it off, and would often burn the house down as well. An old saying in connection with adultery is, " Ko te wahine ma tetehi, ko te whare ma teteki " (" The woman for one, the house for the other"). It was bad policy to get in the way of such a party. A rough-and-tumble scrimmage often occurred, in which blood would flow, and sometimes, but perhaps not often, fatal wounds would be inflicted. An aggrieved husband would sometimes tight a duel with the man who interfered with his wife, but it was not a duel to the death. He would be satisfied usually if he mflicted a wound upon his adversary. The term kai taonga is applied to the action taken by parties who ask payment for an injury and such is given without any fuss or violence. It is not applied to mum, or violent plundering, as described above. When a party went to the adulterer's home to demand utu (payment, &c.) for his act many speeches would be made, • As my informant put it, " Knore i inoua to viua tangaCa" (" Men (slain) were not wasted in former times "). He was killed for committing a crime, then, of course, he would be oaten. Why waste him ? Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 53 and eloquent accounts of the injury received were accom- panied by much fierce gesticulation. Such old-time songs as the following were often sung by the first speaker of the party as disclosing the purport of their visit : — Taku wahine ra Ka riro koe i Te Tini o Te Manahua Homai he turuturu, homai he taketake Hei whakautu mo te manu nunui a Tane Ka whiwhi au ki te tika — i. Some time before the fight at Mana-teepa one Te Hau, one of Te Ika-poto's four wives, committed adultery at Te Whaiti. The people of that place knew that trouble would ensue for Te Ika was a person of importance among Tuhoe, so they proceeded to build a fighting pa (fort) at Ahi-kereru. Te Ika-poto raised a taua, who were armed with guns, and marched ou Te Whaiti, where they attacked the pa, and after a good deal of firing on both sides the attacking force killed Te Eua-Whakatara of the garrison, after which peace was made. In a case of adultery which occurred here the wife was the erring party. The goods, greenstone ornaments, &c., handed over by her relatives as satisfaction to her husband were not retained by him, but by an aunt of his. " Koi nei hai wahine mo te tane, ko aua taonga" ("The goods were then a wife for the husband "). If a married man committed adultery with a married woman in former tmies both of them were subjected to a taua, and they and their relatives of the family group had to give compensation. Also the husband of the second woman would have the right to taua the first man. Or if a married man had connection with a single girl both he and his para- mour would be subject to a taita, and also if a married woman committed adultery with a single man both suffered. In late times these rules have been somewhat modified. In some cases a man, if of high birth, would repudiate his adulterous wife, very probably at the instance of his friends, who would say, " Discard that woman and marry So-and-so." Adulter- ous women were sometimes slain by the enraged husband, and would very likely be cooked and eaten, if not closely related, but a member of another clan. Smce the introduction of Christianity another custom has arisen, said to have been obtained from the Scriptures. An adulterous wife is isolated, taken away from the village and camped in a tent or some deserted hut away from any in- habited place. An elderly person accompanies and takes charge of her. After a certain number of days she is allowed to return to the village. Her paramour is sometimes treated in a similar manner. I noted one case here in which a 54 Transactions. — Miscellaneous, married man had committed adultery with a single girl, and the man was so isolated, with an old man to take charge of him. In this case the man's wife accompanied him, and acted as cook for the trio. When Te Iri-o-te-ao, wife of Rongokarae, committed adul- tery that fine old gentleman set fire to the house in which she and her children were and burned them all to death. When Kai-ahi, of Te Urewera, committed adultery with Ruru's wife Euru shot and wounded him. Another custom was for the injured husband to take his adulterous wife to a public trail, where all might see her. He would there lay her down on her back m the track and stretch out her legs and arms and fasten them to pegs. She was left spread-eagled m that manner that all might see her who passed by. Such an act was termed a xvhakaineine. The form of taua known as tatia-a-jjoke was a party which demanded payment, and performed the extraordinary actions of defiance known as inkari, and sung derisive songs. It was also said to have exalted the wronged wife of the adulterer, presumably by it showing that she must be a person of conse- quence for her friends to take so much trouble for her. I knew one case in which a white man married to a native woman was subjected to a taua for adultery, and lost some of his horses and also goods out of his store, which were handed over to or taken by his wife's relatives. The tana-a-jjoke* would be directed against a woman who had busied herself in gaining the affections of a married man and induced him to leave his wife for her. The taua-a-poke is against women only. If a wife ran away from her husband he might follow her and try to induce her to return, or he might attack the man whom she fled with, or he might, like unto Eangi-monoa of old, take no steps whatever. Some one said to him, " O Rangi ! your wife has fled from you." "Let her go as she goes," replied Rangi, " the Hau o Puanui will bring her back." This was the name of Rangi's food -store, and he meant that she would return when pinched by hunger. " A woman taken from the shoulder of her husband by another man. The husband girds himself for the fray and seizes his spear. His song is : — " Kaore hoki taku mate whakariri— e Ki te ai puremu e. Ki te ai maro-nui Ki te ai whakatutu Whakatutuki te hihi o te mamaru Ki roto ki te waha o to puta — e Ka pati te paraheka tungou tou mea — i." • A tntia sent against a man is termed taua only. A taua-a-poke is sent against women only. Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 55 The shoulder of the husband is looked upon as the pillow of the wife, and is so termed. This form of song is a tutara, and is composed and sung by a husband to show his contempt for his adulterous wife, whom it is also meant to degrade. The following is a tutara composed by one Oneone as against his wife Whare-hau, who had committed adultery : — j E paki Whare hau, ko koe ko te tane i Ka kite iho na koe i te kiriruatanga j I te marotanga o toku nei ure Taia ki to tara, he karinga na te tonga He karinga na te kape Poharu ra i te moana. In this case, however, the lady replied by composing the following : — 1 Noho noa taku tara Ohia noa kia kaupapatia Nohea e anga iho i te tirohanga kino j Ki te tumatakuru Te pari ki te mata Kauaka hoki ra e whakawheoitia Kai rere au i to pari, tau rawa ko tawhiti j Te motu ra i Pongaponga, e whakakau mai ra j Ko au nei te whanau hai te taingariu j Hai maka i te puna,* hai timo i te punake ' Te rongo te taringa i o riri nui ra Whakarae t'>nu au ko Hine-hore Ko au i te motu raia He whakairinga patu ka mokeke ana Te tipua tara i riro nei Mou te turituri, moku te pawera Hapainga taku tara, rite rawa Hauraki Te whanake o te hau nui e hori noa mai , Na wai te kai ka whiu, ka maka kai te tahua -• Hoki mai whakamuri te kiwi ki Orete Kai roto mai a Ngaweke i He whakautanga mo Hine-matukutuku To peru whakanuku ahiahi — e. Not to be outdone by a woman, the hapless Oneone replied with : — ' A Tutara. ' Ehara i toku nui naku anake ia Naku ra i tohe atu, kia kite hoki au I mau mai ai ra te tawara ki au \ E ware ana au nga matu a VVhakaarif | Nga mahi a Kokirif i waiho ki tana hua ; Nga mahi a Rewharewhaf i waiho nei ki au. i The expression tango tu means to take a wife away from ; her husband. It is usually caused by huneinei (anger, vexa- ] I * Puna = punga. | t The co-respondents. 56 Transactions. — Miscellamous. tion). It does not apply to the abduction of a single girl. If a woman marries, say, into another clan or tribe, and in after- time her people are vexed with her husband on account, per- haps, of some slighting remark he has passed about them or about his wife, they will go and take her away from him and conduct her back to their home. That is a ta^igo tu. Some- times the husband's people would show fight and a scrim- mage would ensue, or perhaps the former might not consider it advisable to use force. A company of people bent on a tango tti would not be termed a taua. In a case that came under my notice a girl eloped with a man of Ngati-Whare. They were pursued by the girl's elders and brought back, and the girl was taken from him, as her people would not let her marry him. That was termed a taiigo tti. 1 will now tell of the Eua-a-Peka. This is the name of a bathing -pool of warm water at 0-hiue-uuitu, in the Arawa country. A singular old custom pertaineth to this pool. In former times any married woman or man who bathed in this pool was free to have sexual connection with any person she or he might fancy. No objection was made, no taica went forth to punish or plunder, for it was an old-time custom, a privilege inherited from other generations. The origin of this singular license is unknown to me, but it is interesting as an illustration of Maori ethics. It is said that the old-time saying, " Ko Turanga mahau rau (" Turanga of the number- less husbands "), applied to the Poverty Bay district, implied that the married women of that district were somewhat loose in their morals ; also that but little notice was taken of such incontinence, an unusual thing in Maoriland. In olden times, when a man was leaving home on a journey, he would repeat a charm or incantation (karaha) known as taujm over his wife ere he left, the effect of which was that any man who had connection with her during her husband's absence would perish through the power of the spell. The Tuhoe saying, " Toevga nuihara iiui a Te Wai-haroto " ("The prized leavings of Te Wai-haroto "), implies tliat a man when away from his wife did not like to have her in- terfered with by any one. " Ngat-I'e-Au tarn makuku" is a, saying applied to the clan of Tuhoe of that name, a clan famous for the number of adulterous women it contained. A more widely known proverb is, " Te pnapua ka laka i Aro- mea, he kai na te ure tavgata ke." This implies that any woman left by her husband for a long time is justified in tak- ing another man as husband, and that the wanderer would have no right to complain when he returned. An adulterous parent is not allowed to retain any viana ■(power, authority) over her or his children ; the other parent Best. — Maori Marriage Ctistoyns. 57 •will have control of them. When a couple separate through the adultery of one of them the children are retained by the non-adulterous parent. Still, in after-years the children will probably be quite friendly with their erring parent. The expression to paepae is applied to a woman dis- carded, repudiated, by her husband (and vice versa) on ac- count of infidelity. It is a beUttling expression : she is only fit to drag the beam of a latrine. The term karatuhaea (scarifier) is a modern word for the same thing, the natives having seen the scarifier cultivator at work on the coastal farms. The discarded adulterer is only fit to do menial work, to weed cultivation-grounds, &c. — said to be draggmg the scarifier. The term tiko hika is applied to a vi^oman who has many lovers, as also is the expression kaikai-rau. Adultery is termed puremu, and also toukohl. He ivahine toukohi = an adulterous woman. E whaeE ! He wahine toukohi koe. — Old Song. Williams's Dictionary gives this as tokohi. The word tvhaiaipo means a lover, sweetheart, and is here applied to male and female lovers, whether single or married. It is not applied by a wife to her husband, nor by the latter to his wife. The terra kari hika implies frequent sexual inter- course. The star Paretlrau is spoken of as a ivahine kari hika, or ^cahine tiweka — i.e., a lady of indifferent character. We give a few specimens of such songs as were composed •by natives in connection with adulterous women :— A Song, composed by Kahua, whose Wife had been tampered WITH. Kaore taku raru He rau tahuritauga ki te whare ra I whakawarea au e koe ki te tama iara Na Te Pu-Whakahara ou ngutu Te hohoro ki nga kokinga rau Tenei te kurehu nei, he moe po pea i au ra Ko te moe he mea tenei au kai runga Te torohanga tini whetu ki runga i te rangi He whakahinga noa koe i a Tane-mahuta Ki nga urn kiokio Ki nga paruparu ki OTu-whai-ao Rere pu o korua mauri tee tika i te ara Tapabi noa i te whenua Apiti rawa atu ki te takotoranga o Haumia Ki te aka o te whenua Totoro to waewae hai ringaringa Totoro to ringaringa hai waewae Ka takofco te ika whenua o te rangi Katahi ka auraki mai Ki te whanau a te mangumangu kikino Ki te aitanga a Punga i au — e. 68 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. A Song by Te Eere-ure concerning his Adulterous Wife. Tenei au te ware nei Tera koe te tu noa ra Te ako noa ra i te rakau a Tutawake I te hani kura, i te kawau ruku roa I te kawau maro He kura takahi puni tenei. A Song by Te Ahoaho for his Wife, who was an Adulteress.. E muri koe awatea nei He whakaputanga no te wairua I ronco pea koe i te ki Whakarerea te waka to kau Ka pa hoki ra hai te waka whakairo Kia mau ai, E hine ! Whai atu koe ki a Tama-houtake — e Ki te ure i puhia ki te kura, ki te awe Ki te raukawa — e, Ki te kanohi pokaia ki te whao Ki te uhi maitai Na te tipua ako noa ake nei ki te mahi Koua kitea te kinonga I te po tata o te raumati Kai tawhiti ra a Te Ahoaho Hai hi mai i te ika nei I te tuatini, i te nanua pounamu Hai kai ma te wahine Ki mai ki ahau — e He aha ahau te tito ai ki to tara Ko ana mokopuna naku ra Kai pakupaku tete noa i waenga o te tara Miminga a ringa mai na tohou ure ' He ure i puhia ki te kura I whakataua ki te tama Na Ruru-tangi akau-roa e tete noa mai ra E whakapi mai ra i te one o Tatai arorangi Tenei ka haramai Ka tipi rawa i tc momo o te tangata I hikaia to tara ki te ahi koe Nau, E Tapeka ! I tora i te wheuua Ka rere te kora ki to rakau E tuhi ana, e rapa ana Kai te uiratanga mai, kai te koha Kai te pou taka mai i runga i te rangi I kai whiri ai koe ki te ure wai kore Ki te ure tipua, ki te ure i a Tahurangi Ka mau te hu ki to hengahenga Ka taka i te mutunga. It sometimes happened that a man would be so vexed by the infidelity of his wife that he would not only forsake her, but also leave the district for ever and live with some other tribe. When Kopura, wife of Tihori, a famous ancestor of Nf^ati-Awa, went wronj^ with Whare-pukaea, her husband's younger brother, Tihori left the district and migrated with some of his people to the north, where they settled among the Ngapuhi Tribe. Hongi Hika was a descendant of Tihori. As Tihori was leaving in his canoe his wife came down to the Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 59 beach and called out, " Eeturn to me and to our children." Tihori replied, "Farewell! He tamariki tome kei te mata- mata o taku ure " — a similar reply to that made by the revolt- ing Egyptian troops when asked to return during their march south, as described by Herodotus. When a married couple among the natives quarrel they do so in a remarkably noisy manner, as is usual in all Maori squabbles and quarrellings. They shout at each other and gesticulate, and indulge in all kinds of defiant language and gestures. They have no compunction whatever as to washing their soiled linen in public. Also ivhakamomori, or acts of desperation, are sometimes committed. An Arawa woman whose husband had been unfaithful to her threw herself into a boiling spring — a fearful death. In another casein this dis- trict a woman left her husband on account of a quarrel, and, on his pursuing her in order to bring her back, she jumped over a high cliff. Wives often leave their husbands in this manner in this district, but they usually come together again ere long. Polygamous wives sometimes quarrelled among themselves, as when Uenuku-koihu's two wives, Maru-hangaroa and Kahu- kura-kotare, fell out, and the former made away with the latter by means of the magic rite known as urmi pururangi. In the days of yore native children were usually naked, though girls often wore a rude maro, such as a bunch of tow fastened on with a string — hai huna i te aroaro. That was in childhood ; but women never went naked, although men some- times did. A woman would not be seen without her maro, a kind of apron or kilt. Note the term maro-mci, used to denote a married woman, and which signifies " big apron." This is significant of a change in their clothing made at marriage or at puberty. There dwelt in former times at 0-potiki a married woman named Mahuru, who for some reason left her husband and came to Eua-toki, where she married one Takarehe. And it fell upon a certain fine day that the fair one prepared some fern-root for her better-half's dinner. However, she neglected to remove the fibres from the meal, whereupon Taka aiose in his wrath and struck the erring one upon the head with his weapon as a token of his disapproval of her indolence. Mahuru said, " You may now marry your weapon as a wife for you," and fled to her father, Tamahape, who was peace- fully weeding his ku7nara-ga.rden. As she came to him Tama saw the blood flowing from her wound, and said, " You are a survivor." Mahuru said, " It was my husband; he is follow- ing me." " Eemain here by my side," replied Tama. When Taka arrived he attacked Tama, who parried his blow and slew Taka, whom he and his daughter cooked and ate. Thus 60 Tr ansae tions. — Miscellaneous . Taka was useful even in death. He filled a long-felt want, doubtless. This anecdote is inserted not only as an item of ethnography, but also as a hint to any ill-used wives, and as a warning to those who assault their devoted wives. Divorce. That there was a ritual of divorce which obtained among the old-time Maori is certain, but it is not clear that when a couple wished to separate they had recourse to the same. Some natives state that it was so used, but there is evidence in favour of the statement that it was more often utilised as a means of separating husband and wife by one who wished to marry the husband or wife, as the case might be. Tikitu, of Ngati-Awa, states, " Suppose that you have two wives, and that one becomes jealous of the other. She comes to me, the tohunga (wise man, priest, shaman), and asks me to separate her rival and their husband, to cause her to leave him, that she, the applicant, may then be the only wife. To effect this separation I have recourse to the toko rite. The karakia toko (divorce invocation) separates a couple by causing their love for each other to cease. The same invoca- tion is used in all cases, whether the parties to be separated are willing or not. Suppose that my daughter marries you ; although you love each other, yet if I take my daughter to the priest and he recites the toko invocation over her then she will no longer feel any affection for you. And should a man wish to be rid of his wife and to marry some other woman, if his wife is willing then he goes himself to the priest." Another authority, and a more learned man than Tikitu, says, " The toko is a karakia (invocation, charm, incantation, ritual) to divorce a married couple who have no desire to separate, but whose elders wish to part them. The priest takes the couple to the water (where rites are performed) and sprinkles them with water, then repeating over them the karakia toko : — " Ka tokona atu nei korua Tu ke Eangi, tau ke Papa, &c. The couple are thus divorced." My own particular sage, he who has long endeavoured to guide me through the mystic gloom of the wharc takiura, explains thusly : " A married woman comes to the priest in order that he may cause her love for her husband to cease (kia miria tona aroha). The priest takes the ahua (semblance or personality) of her affection at the sacred waters, whitlier he conducts lier, and there he ' separates ' her affection from her and abolishes (destroys) it — that is to say, he washes the aria, or ahua, of her love away. Then the priest recites the toko invocation : — Best — Maori Marriage Customs. 61 "Toko te rangi Tu ke Eangi Tau ke Papa-tuanuku. Nga rakau i te ngahere Te homai mo to kiri Kia tutu, kia wewehi mokinokino Nga otaota i te ngahere Te homai nio to kiri Kia tutu, kia wewehi mokinokino Nga ongaonga i te ngahere Te homai mo to kiri Kia tutu, kia wewehi mokinokino. This has the effect of destroying her affection, and of causing her to fear her husband. She will not approach him again. In this account of a singular ceremony the priest takes the applicant for divorce to the stream, pool, or spring set aside for the performance of sacred rites thereat, and there he sprinkles her with water, and takes from her the formless, immaterial personality of her affection for her husband. This he does by just touching her body with his fingers, as if pick- ing or plucking something from her. This semblance or like- ness of her love he washes off or away, as it were, and so it is miria, or separated from her. In his invocation he calls upon the sky to stand apart, on high, and be separated from earth ; and also upon earth to lay separate from the sky ; and upon the nettles, and plants, and shrubs, &c., of the forest to cause the skin (metaphorical) of the applicant for divorce to rise, "like quills upon the fretful porcupine," in dislike of her husband. The term for divorce {toko) is taken from the act of Tane of old, he who performed the first divorce on record when he separated earth and sky — for this is an animistic myth, old as man himself. Rangi is the Sky Parent, the personification of the heavens, whose wife was Papa-tuanuku, the Earth Mother (the Ouranos of Grecian mythology). This primal pair originally embraced each other, hence the world was in darkness until Tane separated the parents of gods and men by thrusting up the heavens, an action described by the word toko. Observe the allusion to this in the first three lines of the divorce invocation. The term toko is also used to imply the abolishing and driving-away of a high wind by the repeating of a charm known as tokotoko, commencing — Tokona nga hau Tokona ki waho, &c. A toko, or divorce invocation, is given at page 296 of " Nga Moteatea." The following is a portion only of another toko : — 62 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. Kia ongaonga to kiri Kia rere pari Kia wehea i runga I a Papa-tuanuku raua ko Rangi I tokona nei e Paia, &c. Paia is another name for Tane. In the above crude ritual we observe how our own sacred rites have originated. The primitive divorce rite here given was a rehgious ceremony of the Maori, though we prefer to term such items superstitions, or necromancy, or ma^^ic, or some such title. The invocations of the umu Icotore were the beginning of a marriage rite from the like of which our own ceremonial system has sprung. Far back in the remote past the men of old strove to build up social systems, to evolve social laws, that would benefit class or nation. Ancient Egypt and ancient Chaldaea broke out the trail by which the Maori travelled in the years that came after. Ever strivinc^, evec seeking, making for self-advancement, for national ad- vancement, led on by fanaticism or love of study, and of knowledge, and of power, the men of yore groped their way through the gloom and evolved rites and laws, selfish, super- stitious, brutal, or unjust at times, but the prototype of our own. It does not appear that a woman could repudiate her husband without just cause. If she disliked him much and persisted in her design to leave him it would probably be agreed to. Separations are rather common among the Tuhoe Tribe nowadays, sometimes after children have been born. Widows and the Levieate. At the death of her husband a woman would make it her business and pleasure to join in the extravagant mourning of the Maori, marked by laceration of the body and doleful wail- ings. Not infrequently widows committed suicide by strangu- lation or starvation on the death of the husband out of grief and affection {ka tohakangakau hi ta ratau tane). Moeren- haut seems to imply that they were strangled on the tomb of the husband, but my authorities make it self-destruction, not at the hands of anotlier person. The term maro jJurua is applied to a woman who marries again after the death of her husband, in whicb case she might retain her children by the first husband, or her relatives might adopt and rear them. The levirate was essentially a Maori custom — that is to say, the custom of a widow marrying the brother of her deceased husband. It was evidently an ancient law, and appears to have been generally followed. The widow was Best. — Maori Marriage Cjistoms. 63 ■expected to so mari-y whether the brother were older or younger than her deceased husband. This new husband often assumed the name of his dead brother, discarding his former one. He would ivhakanoa (make common, free from taptij the bed of his departed brother, for both bed and widow would be tapic. Should the widow refuse the brother and marry some other man, such action was considered wrong, and an offence. Hence the relatives of her former husband would probably attack the new one, burn his house, and possibly slay him. Wars have sprung from such occurrences. After the widow had married the brother, should she take a dislike to him she might he divorced from him by the priest, and could then marry any one she liked, because she had become noa, or free from tajju, by first marrying the ■brother of her former husband. A widow would not marry again soon after her husband's death. Were he a person of importance she would probably remain a year in the ivhare potae (or xvhare taud — -house of mourning — a figurative expression). A widow would not refuse to marry again. It was also a common thing for a man to marry the sister of his wife, sometimes during the life of the latter, at others after her death. The levirate was in force among the Hebrews of old and many other peoples. Letourneau appears to think that it became law among barbarous peoples in order to provide the widow with a protector and a living withal, but this scarcely seems to apply to a communistic people. Widows of men slain in fighting often married those who avenged their husband's death. If taken prisoners in battle, women were generally appropriated by members of the vic- •torious party. Notes concerning various Customs connected with Marriage. It was sometimes the case that a single woman would be given as a temporary wife to a visitor of distinction, but a married woman would never be so offered. A case of this kind came under my notice in this district not long ago, the recipient being a white man not particularly distinguished.* An amusing story is told of one of the bishops of the English Church receiving such an offer in the early days. I am not aware as to whether it was accepted or not. Even of late years we have heard of wives being sold in England, and in an issue of the London Times of 1801 appeared an account of how a man put a halter round his wife's neck, led her into a public place of the city, and sold her. • Unless joining in French's ride to Kimberley made him so. 64 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. The reason why girls were usually tattooed before mar- riage was that red lips were not considered sightly, but were disliked. Women are still most conservative in having their lips and chin tattooed. There is no evidence to show that the jus primcB noctis ever obtained among the Maori, but a man who held the power that a priest did might claim almost any girl he desired, with a very good chance of getting her. I have seen that sort of thing in Mexico, where the peasant class are not a bit more advanced in regard to religion than are the Maori. When a man had been befriended or assisted in some way by another, and he felt that he would like to make some return, he would perhaps give his benefactor a piece of land. Or on his death-bed he might say to his daughter, " When you are grown up marry our benefactor ; do not heed the fact that he is much older than you " (Ka ivhakatuhi ki tana tamahine, " Ki te uyaro laku kanohi, ki le puta to ihu, me moe i a mea, ahakoa he kaunuitica ia "). Natives say that it is the correct thing for a wife to leave her home and live with her husband aujong his people. This was not always the case among the Tuhoe Tribe ; the husband sometimes settled down with his wife's people. Hence it will be seen that no hard-and-fast rule obtained in regard to this matter. I have noted that several women of distant places who married men of this district, and whose husbands died before them, returned to their parents' home after the mourning ceremonies, &c., were over. A man who lives with his wife's people might perhaps be given a piece of land by them, and his children by her would inherit such land. If, however, the couple have no issue, the husband would not retain the land after the death of his wife, and he would then probably return to his own people, the land returning to the original owners. This simply amounts to his cultivating, &c., on his wife's right to such lands. When a man of rank married a low-born or a slave woman she would have no viana (power, influence) or stand- ing in the tribe, but their children would not only be free, but would inherit the rank, kc, of their father. No one w-ould call them slaves or low-born, except that in quarrelling a person might say, " Your mother was a slave, or a low-born person." The same result would follow should a low-born or slave man marry a woman of rank. Tareha, a chief of great manu, of Heretaunga, was the son of a slave woman captured at Kohi-kete. 1 have noted that after a man marries he will, when he obtains something suitable, make a present to his parents-in- law. Also that if a wife's parents see that she is badly off they often try to help her by giving her things ; or if the latter Best. — Maori Marriage Customs. 65 be well off she may assist her parents. No special clothing or furnishing is prepared or made by a woman when she marries. When married those of the highest rank receive the most presents, useful and ornamental, although there is no recognised system of making wedding-presents, as with us. A man shows no avoidance of his parents-in-law, as among some races ; he is, on the contrary, often more friendly with them than with his own people. In a marriage between persons of equal rank the husband has the greatest maua (authority, prestige), both in regard to property and also in respect to the conducting of tribal affairs. Taking the family of such persons, the wife would be the next in authority ; and of the children the eldest son takes first rank, then the eldest daughter, then come the younger children, male and female. The youngest child would possess the least authority of all the children. If a woman of rank marries beneath her she will always retain her superior viand and rank above her husband. Still, this woman loses caste to a certain extent by such a marriage, and the tribe will say that she has lowered herself by marry- ing such a man [ka karanga te iwi, na te moenga i te tane hehe i ttpuheke ai taua wakine). " When Kareko married Tmioti she committed an offence, for she was of high birth while he was a ware (person of low birth). Hence Ngati-Tawhaki sent a ta^ia (see ante) to de- mand satisfaction, and I handed over to them a piece of land known as Matawera as utu (compensation)."* We will now give a few proverbial sayings of the Maori, and a short list of terms and expressions which may be of some interest in connection with our subject : — " Te inati o Mawakeroa." — This saying is applied to the passing-away of a woman and her maiia (power, prestige, authority) from her own people or clan when she marries. A son marries and abides with his people, but a daughter marries and goes to live with her husband's people, taking her mana with her; she deserts her kin for a husband. " Mau te ivahine, makii te ivhemia, kia ai koe i te tore tangata, kia al hoki au i te tore xvhenua." — To you the woman, to me the land, that you may breed men while I breed food. Tane inoe ivhare — E, kurua te takataka ! Tane rou kakahi — E, aitia te urej (An indolent husband — thwack him on the noddle. An industrious hus- band— be kind to him.) Tane = man (vir), male, husband. Wahine — woman, female, wife. * From Wi Patene's evidence in Hikurangi Block hearing. 5— Trans. €5 Transactions. — MiscellaJieotis. Hoa = friend, mate, companion, also spouse. Taku hoa wahiyie = my wife ; literally, " my female companion." Takakau — single person of either sex. Maro-nui — He loahine maro-nui = a married woman — a woman with a large apron, literally. But only applied to women who have been married according to tribal customs, everything duly arranged, not to adulterous unions or mere cohabiting. Makau = lover (male). Among some tribes it means " spouse." Pouaru = widow, widower. Pani = orphan, widow. Moe = to sleep, also " marry." The term noho is also used to denote marrying — Ka noho a Toi, ka noho i a te Kura. Ringa hoea = rejected hand. Applied sometimes to a rejected suitor, but not used in that sense alone. BepcrejM = the buttocks (also tareperepe). Kai reperepe — kai kotore (see ante). Eiveeive = blood relation. Moe tahaknra = to di'eam that one is in the company of a person who is really dead, as one's late wife. Moe tahurangi — to dream that one is with an absent, but living, woman, as one's sweetheart. Titoi = masturbation. Eegarding repudiation : At the present time when a man wishes to repudiate his wife — and in most cases of separation nowadays the cause is the husband's desire for another woman — his elders try to patch the matter up and to persuade him not to repudiate her. The blame in these cases of separation is laid upon the one whose fault it was. If the woman was in fault it will be said of her, " Oic mahi o, te wahine tutua " (" Just like a low-born woman "). We have now come to the end of this paper, for the above notes are all that I have collected on the subject of marriage among the Tuhoe Tribe. There is much left unrelated, but many most interesting facts in connection with Maori rites and customs will never see the light, for the men of old took the knowledge thereof with them when they lifted the old- time trail to the setting sun in search of the Children of Pani. For a barbarous people, the Maori treated their women well, and gave them considerable freedom and authority. Of course, neither sex were overburdened with modesty : they spoke openly of things which we only speak of in private or not at all. It is difficult for us to examine these customs, rites, superstitions, and ideas of a primitive people witli an unprejudiced mind (if not quite impossible), but, could we do 80, the Maori system of arrangement of marriages would be seen to be a very good one for a primitive and communistic Bathgate. — The Sparrow Plague and its Remedy. 67 people, inasmuch as it was a useful stage in the evolution of that moral discipline which is necessary to the advancement of a people. Their passions were not, and are not, disciplined by long centuries of self-control and repression ; they are nearer to nature, and not so imbued with artificial ideas, such as modesty, as is civilised man. Perhaps this lack of long training is why the morality of primitive peoples appears to degenerate when they are brought into contact with the intrusive white man. When I was living in Nevada I often saw Indian men offering their wives to workmen in the rail- road camps ; yet old pioneer settlers informed me that when they first knew the natives such a shameless custom was un- known. Indeed, any of the native women who accepted the advances of a man other than her husband in those days was simply burned to death. The evolution of morality among the Maori has been rudely broken by the great changes that have overtaken them. We shall see in the years that lie before if the chain can be mended. But do not try to drop too many links. Art. V. — The Sparroio Plague and its Remedy. By A. Bathgate. {Read before the Otago Institute, 8th September, 1903.] Sir Walter Buller, in the introduction to " The Birds of New Zealand," writes, "To my mind the popular outcry against the sparrow is scarcely warranted by the actual state of the case. It is only at one particular period of the year, when the farmers' grain is ' dead ripe,' that the bird makes any inroad upon it. In large fields the loss is barely noticeable ; but in the case of a small patch of grain — say, an acre or two — at the edge of the forest or in a bush clearing it naturally becomes a serious matter, because the sparrows appear to concentrate their forces on such inviting spots, and leave practically nothing but straw for the reaper. Hence, of course, the outcry and clamour on the part of the small farmer. But if people really knew how much the country is indebted to this much-abused bird I venture to think that there would be a still louder outcry against the sinful practice, now so general, of poisoning sparrows." He then goes on to assert that the " young birds are fed entirely and exclusively on animal food. Every five minutes or so during the long summer day one or •other of the parent birds visits the nest, carrying in its bill a 68 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. caterpillar or a grub, a beetle, fly, or worm, but never a grain of corn or fruit of any kind." In support of his assertions he quotes in a note an anonymous "newspaper record" telling of the examination of the contents of the stomachs of 118 sparrows by an unnamed investigator, which showed that three of the birds had eaten nothing but grain for the pre- ceding twenty-four hours, seventy-five had partaken of little besides insect food, while insects had formed a large part of the diet of the remainder. The value of this quotation would have been enhanced had some clue been given to the identity of the investigator or: the locality where the investigation was conducted. x\s Sir Walter Buller pleads guilty to being accessory to the importation of the sparrow into the colony, it is possible he may be somewhat prejudiced in its favour. One small inaccuracy may be noted. Sir Walter asserts that it is only when the farmers' grain is "dead ripe" that the mischief is done, but I think most farmers will tell you that the birds begin their depredations when the grain is in the milky stage, and do not desist so long as the grain is accessible. I dare say there are still a few people who are of the same opinion as Sir Walter Buller, and who will contend that the house-sparrow repays in some measure the injuries it undeni- ably inflicts by the benefits it confers by destroying injurious insects. Such persons say that, while the evil wrought is manifest to the most superficial observer, the good they do is hidden from most eyes. This latter statement, while true regarding many birds, whose good deeds far outw-eigh their trifling misdemeanours, is, I fear, a fallacy as regards the sparrow. The assertion made by Sir Walter Buller that the sparrows feed their young entirely upon insects is one which requires confirmation. The idea that because the bills of the young birds are soft they must of necessity be fed on soft food, ■which I have heard urged as a proof of the statement regarding the food of the young, seems to me most fallacious. As the food is dropped by the parent into the gaping mouth of the nestling, and is gulped down at once, the texture of tlie nestling's bill can hardly be a factor in determining the nature of its food. That sparrow's do destroy a good many insects I readilv admit, ])ut I feel assured that anv services thev thus render are comparatively trifling and would be better per- formed by other birds, and are unworthy of consideration. Some few months ago there came into my possession a book published by the United States Department of Agricul- ture (Division of Ornithology and Mammology, Bulletin 1), entitled "The English Sparrow {Passer doviesticxis) in North America." It is a thick pamphlet of about four hundred pages, and bears abundant evidence of the thorough manner Bathgate. — The Sparrow Plague and its Remedy. 69 in which the Department referred to performs its work. In reading it I was struck by the judicial manner in which the compilers have marshalled the facts collected, and I think that no unprejudiced person would fail to concur in the verdict, which is a complete condemnation of the sparrow. I do not purpose following in any detail the various ramifications of the inquiry, but I shall refer to some of the evidence adduced. The Department dissected at Washington 522 sparrows, of which 338 were obtained in that neighbourhood and 184 were sent thither in alcohol from other places, whilst another lot of 114 were dissected at Westchester by competent men. The birds were obtained from time to time throughout an entire year ; the contents of the stomach were carefully examined and the results tabulated. Any which contained, or were suspected of containing, insect-remains — 102 in all — were sent to Professor C. V. Riley, of the Entomological De- partment, who further examined the contents and classified the insect-remains, the horny head of a caterpillar or the leg or wing-case of a beetle being sufficient to enable him to de- termine at least the genus to which the insect belonged. Out of the 102 stomachs examined by Professor Riley 92 were found to contain insect-remains. In 47 of these noxious insects were found, beneficial insects in 50, and insects which were harmless or of no economic importance in 3L. So that out of these 522 sparrows only 47, or a trifle over 9 per cent., had conferred the slightest benefit on humanity. In a pamphlet entitled " The House-sparrow," published by the late Miss Ormerod, the well-known entomologist, and Mr. W. B. Tegetmeier, the authors arrive at the conclusion that the sparrow is an unmitigated pest, and support their view by evidence drawn from various sources. Amongst others quotations are given from a publication by Mr. J. H, Gurney, of Keswick Hall, near Norwich, England, also en- titled "The House-sparrow," which contains a table showing the contents of the stomachs of 694 sparrows examined by qualified observers in diflerent places at regular intervals throughout the whole year, and the results are summarised by Mr. Gurney as follows : "It may be said that about 75 per cent, of an adult sparrow's food during its life is corn of some kind. The remaining 25 per cent, may be roughly divided as follows : Seeds of weeds, 10 percent. ; green peas, 4 per cent,; beetles, 3 per cent. ; caterpillars, 2 per cent. ; insects which fly, 1 per cent. ; other things, 5 per cent. In young sparro'ws not more than 40 per cent, is corn, while about 40 per cent, consists of caterpillars, and 10 per cent, of small beetles." In Hardwicke's " Science Gossip" for 1883 it is recorded that Mr. A. Willis, of Sandal, examined eighty-seven sparrows' stomachs in 1882, and found insects in eight only. 70 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. Dr. Edward Crisp examined 100 stomachs of young sparrows before the British Association at Birmingham in 1865, and not 5 per cent, of them contained insect food. Mr. John Cqrdeaux opened the crops of thirty-five young sparrows of various ages, and found on an average two parts of soft grain and one part of insects. Colonel Champion Russell, of Stubbers, near Eomford, Essex, examined the contents of the stomachs of sparrows shot over a wide extent of country for fifteen years, and he gives the result of his observations in the following words : " On the whole, the deduction from the food test during fifteen years seems to be that sparrows are useless, and that the insects which would be given to their young by them if they were allowed to live in numbers about my premises would be so much food taken when they most want it from better birds, which live entirely, or nearly so, on insects." In an essay entitled " Birds in the Field and Garden," by Champion B. Eussell, presumably the same gentleman as the one from whom I have just quoted, there occurs the following passage: "Personally, I consider that only one bird should be shot ' on sight,' and that is the domestic sparrow, whose relations to man are on a par with those of rats, mice, and other human parasites." Now, the essay referred to is the first-prize essay published in February, 1903, by the British Society for the Protection of Birds, and one would expect that coming from such a source the bias, if any, would be in favour of the bird ; but the condemnation is unsparing. Turning again to the American report, I find in the table the birds are, under the heading " Age and Sex," indicated by the abbreviations " ad.," which I assume stands for adult, " juv." for young, and " im." for immature, which I take to be nestlings, and, taking a couple of the latter at random, I find that one contained wheat, oats, and grass-seed, and no msects, and another wheat and the remains of one beneficial insect. But it is unnecessary to pursue this bi'anch of the subject further, as I think that in the face of such evidence it would be difficult for the friend of the sparrow to maintain his defence, and that Sir Walter Buller's assertion that the young are fed exclusively on animal food is disproved. I may here call attention to the fact I have ah'eady re- ferred to — that the American investigators found that, while injurious insects were found in only forty-seven stomachs, beneficial msects were found in fifty and harmless insects in thirty-one ; so that even in the matter of the destruction of insects the sparrow does as mucii harm as good. In another publication by the Agricultural Department of the United States, dealing with the native insectivorous cuckoos, it is stated that the food of these birds was found to Bathgate. — The Sparrotv Plague and its Remedy. 71 consist almost exclusively of injurious insects, with but a small proportion of beneficial or innocuous kinds. Before closing my indictment of the sparrow I shall refer to one aspect of it which the American observers consider sus- tamed — namely, that it drives away from its neighbourhood the purely insectivorous birds, and thus allows injurious insects to increase in such localities. Professor J. A. Lurtner, State Entomologist of New York, writing of the increase of the caterpillar of the tussock moth, which is very destructive to trees in many parts of the States, says, " The extraordinary increase of the Orgyia cucostigvia is owing to the introduction and multiplication of the English sparrow. This may seem a strange statement in consideration of the fact that the sparrow was imported from Europe for the express pur- pose of abating the caterpillar nuisance in New York and some of the New England cities. . . . The increase of the Orgyia cucostigma commenced and has continued to pro- gress with that of the sparrow. A remark made to me that the caterpillars had been observed to be very numerous in localities where the sparrows also abounded induced me to undertake to verify or disprove the idea that had suggested itself to me that the sparrow afforded actual protection to the caterpillars and promoted their increase." After giving details of the observations, he goes on to say, " That the sparrows decline to eat the Orgyia caterpillar is not a charge against them. They could not eat them with impunity. The diet would doubtless prove fatal to them. The charge to which they are amenable is this : By the force of numbers, united to a notoriously pugnacious disposition, they drive away the few birds that would feed upon them." The authors of the English pamphlet from which T have quoted concur in the view expressed by the American investigators that the sparrows drive away more useful birds, and I am by no means sure that we might not have similar cause for complaint here, as some of our native insectivorous birds, sucli as the tomtit {Myionioira maci ocephala) and the fantail {Bhipidura flahel- lifera), are much less numerous in the neighbourhood of Dun- edin than they once were. It is probable, however, that the increase in the number of cats may have been the main cause of the diminution of the number of the former, though the advent and increase of the sparrow, I am inclined to think, has been a considerable factor. ' I shall not take up your time by dwelling on the minor counts of the indictment, such as the injuries to fruit and vegetables, and the damage to and disfigurement of buildings by their nests, as I think I have already made out a strong case against the sparrow, and, having done so, I shall now con- sider the remedy. 72 Transacticns. — Miscellaneous . In America there are many checks to the increase of the sparrow which are lacking here, such as the severe winter and natural enemies, so that it behoves us to take more strenuous measures than our American cousins to combat the existing great and steadily increasing nuisance. Yet I find the follow- ing passage in the American report : " The English sparrow is a curse of such virulence that it ought to be systematically attacked and destroyed before it becomes necessary to deplete the public treasury for the purpose." The pamphlet reviews the various methods of combating the nuisance, such as poisoning, trapping, shooting, paying a bounty for eggs and heads, and even utilising the sparrow as an article of food. Under the latter heading it mentions that the sparrow is excellent eating, equalling the smaller game birds. " In fact," it says, " at restaurants it is commonly sold under the name of ' rice-bird,' even at times of the year w'hen there are no rice-birds in the country." I do not know that we are ad- vanced enough or possess a sufficient number of gourmets to create a market for sparrows for the table, but in Calcutta- a species of lark is caught in large numbers and is so utilised, not merely fresh but also preserved in tins, and they are sold under the name of ortolans, so perhaps some day our preserv- ing-works may be employed in canning sparrows to masquerade under the name of New Zealand ortolans. Poisoning does not appear to have been so successfully carried on in America as here, while trapping appears to have been conducted on a very limited scale, and the method of destruction most favoured seems to be shooting. Speaking of this mode of destruction, the writers say, " The sparrow is a cunning, wary bird, and soon learns to avoid the means devised by man for his destruction, hence much sagacity must be displayed in the warfare against him. In the winter- time, if food is placed in some convenient spot at the same hour each day for a week, the sparrows will gather in dense flocks to feed, and large numbers of them may be killed at one time by firing upon them wuth small shot. By spreading the food along a narrow strip of ground which can be raked conveniently from some hiding-place the best results can be obtained." This mode may be very suitable in a country W'here the ground is covered for weeks with snow, but it would not, I fear, prove very efficacious in New Zealand. The bounty system is considered at some considerable length, and is condemned as being unsatisfactory and ex- pensive, a view in which I concur. Time will not permit my ■discussing this aspect of the question, but one ol)jection is that the young of beneficial birds, such as the hedge-sparrow {Accentor modidaris), or of the harmless ones, such as the goldfinch {FrinytUa cardueUs), are to the ordinary individual Bathgate. — The Sparrotv Plague and its Remedy. 73 indistinguishable from those of the destructive sparrow or equally obnoxious green linnet {Chlorospiza chloris), so that the destruction of beneficial and liarmless birds is encouraged and rewarded. Our County Councils have chiefly adopted this method of fighting the pest, and many of them have encouraged in divers ways the killing of sparrows and green linnets by poison, but beyond this and the placing on the statute-book of an Act or two no systematic attempt has been made to combat the evil. I shall therefore proceed to show you what appears to me a more excellent way. The means the adoption of which I advocate are of two distinct kinds, systematic trapping and the introduction of the natural enemies. It is well known that expert English bird-catchers can capture unlimited quantities of birds of almost any variety. To such an extent has the catching of birds been carried in the Old Country that the Legislature has been compelled to pass a Wild Birds Protection Act. These bird-catchers devote their energies chiefly to the taking of song-birds, and some idea of the extent of the trade may be gathered from the following extract from the Illustrated London Neios of the 10th January last, when it is recorded that "in a recent London County Court case the defendant stated that he generally bought a hundred dozen linnets, skylarks, and other British song-birds a week. For hnnets he paid £2 for ten dozen." If there was any market for sparrows I am sure that the price would be very much lower. I therefore suggest that each County Council should be com- pelled by law to employ at least one expert bird-catcher, who would be instructed to devote his attentions to sparrows and green linnets only, with perhaps an occasional raid on the blackbirds, and that they should have power to levy on all municipalities within or on their borders a proportion of the cost of their operations. This, I am certain, would be cheaper and much more efficacious than the bounty system. My suggestion that the municipalities should contribute to the cost is because the towns are the nurseries in which the sparrows to a large extent multiply. This fact is noted in the American pamphlet, and not long ago I had local confirmatory evidence on the point. A gentleman residing in a subutb of Duuedin had acquired the habit of every morning throwing some pieces of bread to the sparrows, and deriving amuse- ment from their antics in squabbling over the spoil. He con- tinued the practice for some months, but one fine morning no sparrows came, nor when he returned from business in the evening was the bread gone. For some weeks he observed few, if any, sparrows ; but after a time they returned, and he resumed his habit of feeding them, and continued it thi'ough- 74 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. out the year, uncil again there were no sparrows. This set him thinking, and he reahsed that the season was the same, and that it was the time of the ripening of the grain. There was only one inference, which was that the absence of sparrows was due to the fact that the httle wretches had all gone harvesting. It is therefore only fair that the towns, which, of course, in any case live on the country, should con- tribute to the destruction of the sparrow ; and no doubt every suburban grower of gooseberries or green peas would gladly contribute his quota towards keeping the pest within bounds. Were such a system adopted, coupled with the introduction of their natural enemies, which to my mind is the surer remedy of the two, the small-bird nuisance would soon be a thing of the past. At the recent conference of the acclimatisation societies held in Wellington Mr. A. C. Begg brought forward a resolu- tion in favour of the introduction of enemies to the destructive small birds, but with the characteristic fear of such bodies of repeating any of the mistakes of the past the conference would have none of it. Such fears, in my opinion, arise from the same lack of knowledge on the part of many of those con- trolling our acclimatisation societies which led to the intro- duction in the first place of the sparrow and green linnet. It only remains to consider what should be introduced to keep the sparrow within bounds, for extermination is not now to be looked for. Various birds have been suggested, such as jays, magpies, and owls, and our local society have already turned out a few barn-owls [Strix flaviviea), a species I do not consider the best for the purpose, though undoubtedly a useful bird, its favourite food being rats, mice, voles, and such small deer, but it will take small birds also. The long-eared owl {Strix otus) or the tawny owl {Ulula stndula) prey on small animals also, including rabbits, but are, I believe, more ad- dicted to capturing small birds than their barn relatives. The jay (Garrulus glandarius) apparently renders good service in America, as Dr. S. M. Hamilton, of Monmouth, characterizes it as one of the spai*row's worst enemies. It is, however, a forest-haunting bird, while sparrows avoid woods. Morris, in his " British Birds," gives the following account of its habits and food: "The bird," he writes, " is exclusively addicted to woods and their immediately neighbouring trees for its habitat. . . . The acorn is the most choice ' morceau' of the jay, and for this he even searches under the snow ; but he also feeds on more delicate food, such as beans, peas, and cherries, as well as on beech-nuts, grain, garden and wall fruit, berries, corn, worms, snails, cockchafers and other insects, larvae, frogs and other reptiles, and mice, and is deterred by no scruples or qualms from making away with Bathgate. — The Sparroxv Plague ayid its Remedy. 75 young birds, even partridges and eggs." This extensive menu is a little jumbled up by our author, but apparently from his putting young birds last he does not deem them the most important item on the bill of fare. Probably in the States during their severe winter the jays may be driven in from their woodland haunts to seek their food amongst men and sparrows. It appears to me that it would not be desirable to bring the jay here, where the conditions are so different. The magpie {Pica candata), on the other hand, though shy and wary in the British Isles, where gamekeepers wage a constant war against it, would naturally frequent the habitations of man. It is not persecuted in Norway, and an English writer, speaking of it there, says, " The magpie is one of the most abundant as well as the most attractive of Norwegian birds. Noted for its shy, cunning habits here " [in England], "its altered demeanour there is the more re- markable. It is on the most familiar terms with the inhabit- ants, picking close about the doors and soujetimes walking inside their houses. It abounds in the Town of Drontheim, making its nest upon the churches and warehouses. We saw as many as a dozen of them at one time seated upon the gravestones of the churchyard. Few farmhouses are without several of them breeding under the eaves, their nests sup- ported by the spout." As the magpie eats young birds, here is the bird to keep the sparrows' nuujbers in check, for it will live in towns and close to dwellings — just the localities sparrows frequent. The magpie's appetite is omnivorous, and it is cliarged with at times killing weakly lambs, and varying its diet by partaking of grain and fruit ; but I never at Home heard any complaints of this bird from the farmers, whilst the gamekeepers had not a good word for it. The bird will eat carrion, so if one were disturbed taking a meal from a dead Iamb it would probably be blamed for its death, which may have occurred from natural causes. Nor, I think, can there be much in the charge that it partakes of grain and fruit, otherwise it would not be such a favourite in Norway, nor so abundant as it is in France. If, however, it did take a little grain and fruit occasionally, the quantity consumed by it would not approach what would have been eaten bv the sparrows, greenfinches, and blackbirds which had been destroyed by the magpie. If it did get too numerous, being a good-sized and conspicuous bird it would not be difficult for the bird-catchers to reduce its numbers. It is, in my opinion, the best bird to introduce to cope with the sparrow plague. Some one or more of the shrikes would also be desirable acquisitions, and against none of them could even a suggestion of evil-doing be made ; the only objection to which some of 76 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. the species might be open would be that they might devote too much attention to insects and neglect the sparrows. Nor are they likely to become such familiar friends as do the magpies in Norway. In the American pamphlet already referred to several of the correspondents write m praise of the shrike, of which the following example will suffice : Mr. H. K. Coale, wi'iting from Chicago, says, "The northern shrike {Lanius borealis) feeds on them (sparrows) all winter." Mr. Bar- rows, the author of the pamphlet, in writing of natural enemies, says, " Probably the most useful bird in this respect is the northern shrike, which visits most of our northern cities in winter and feeds freely on the sparrow. At one time this shrike became so abundant on the Common and in the Public Gardens in Boston that it threatened to destroy all the sparrows, but the short-sighted authorities kept a man busy in shooting the shrikes until several dozen had been killed, and the useless sparrows were considered safe." From the nature of the migrations of the shrike referred to I fear it would not be suitable for New Zealand. There is another American shrike of less migratory habits, the loggerhead {Lanms Ludovicmnus), though it moves to the southward in winter ; but it is smaller, and, though it eats birds, the greater proportion of its food consists of insects, of which the great majority are of an injurious character. The great grey shrike {Lanius excubitor), which is found in almost every European country, a large part of Asia, and northern Africa, and is an occasional visitant to England, would be more suitable. It is also more or less migratory, but as it is found in France at all seasons of the year it would probably find the climate of New Zealand equally suited to its I'equirements. It, however, frequents woods and forests in the summer, and only visits the more open districts in the winter. It would therefore be more likely to exterminate our native woodland birds than the sparrow. The most likely bird of the shrike family is the red-backed shrike {Lanius colkiris). Tiiis bird has a wide range, being met with as far north as Norway and as far south as Cape Colony. It rarely visits Britain. It is often known as the butcher - bird, and is very pre- datory in its habits. It lives largely on insects, as well as small birds and animals. Dr. Brehm savs, " It often continues to kill long after it has satisfied the cravings of hunger, and pursues small quadrupeds or birds so incessantly as to drive away or destroy all such as have been un- fortunate enough to niake their homes in its vicinity." The woodchat [Lanius rufus) is a summer visitor to southern Europe from Africa, and it is also found at the Cape. Its habits are similar to those of the red-backed shrike, but apparently its chief diet is insects in all stages, and worms. Bathgate. — The Sparroiv Plague and its Remedy. 77 and it only captures birds when its ordinary food is scarce. It is also migratory, and does not, on the whole, seem very suit- able. I merely mention it as it could be procured from Cape Colony. The range of climate in New Zealand would pro- bably be sufficient for both these two last-named birds, but the grey shrike seems to have the advantage of being the least migratory. The easiest to introduce into this colony would be the red-backed shrike, as, being obtainable from Cape Colony, only a short voyage would be required, and the tropics would not have to be crossed. It makes an interesting cage bird, as it has wonderful powers of imitation. To sum up, I may say that, while I do not advocate the stoppage of poisoning operations, I think that the money spent in paying for heads and eggs could be laid out to much greater advantage, and I recommend the introduction of the magpie and the long-eared and tawny owls and red-backed shrike, or some of them, but especially the magpie. I may add that I think the long-tailed native cuckoo {Eudynamis taitensin) should be protected by law, as it destroys the eggs and young of other birds, and, as it is a conspicuous object when it visits any populous neighbourhood, it usually falls a victim to some random gunner. Just a word regarding the existing law, and I have done. " The Birds Nuisance Act, 1902," imposes on the local autho- rities in the Middle Island the duty of destroying injurious birds from a day to be fixed by the Governor in Council. The birds to be deemed injurious are to be determined by the same authority. Districts may be proclaimed embracing within their borders the areas managed by several local authorities, and in such case the Act provides for a conference of dele- gates from each local authority being held for the purpose of recommending to the Governor a suitable day on which the work of destroying injurious birds should commence, and the methods that should be employed by each local body. To my mind there is too much " machinery " about the Act for it to be easily set in motion ; and, as the Act provides for the appointment of the inevitable Inspectors and the making of regulations, I fear the amount of red tape about it would clog its action. The suggestion I have already made — that each county should be bound to employ a bird-catcher — would be a very much simpler and less costly method. No Inspectors would be required, as every farmer who suffered from the depredations of birds would complain to the County Council, and take care that the bird-catcher was zealous in the per- formance of his duties. The idea in the statute that declaration of war should be proclaimed on a certain day — I assume, in each year — seems to me a very mistaken one. That we shall ever get rid of the 78 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. sparrow or the green linnet is not, I fear, to be expected, but that the plague can be kept under control so as to cease to be a serious matter I firmly believe. That can be accomplished, however, by no spasmodic efforts, but by waging the war against the small depredators at all times and seasons from vear's end to year's end. Bad as things are now, they will become worse unless some really systematic efforts are made to combat the pest. Miss Ormerod and Mr. Tegetmeier, speaking of the extent of the damage done by sparrows in England, say, " The amount of the national loss by reason of ravaged crops and serviceable birds driven away may be estimated without fear of exaggeration at from one to two millions a year." What our ovvn losses are no one can tell, but they must already amount to a very large sum. As regards the introduction of the natural enemies, that is a matter which would best be undertaken by the Govern- ment. I may, in conclusion, refer to an objection that some will raise to our introducing any predatory birds into the colony. Such people will say, " Look at the introduction of stoats and weasels to kill the rabbits ; our interesting ground-feedmg birds are gone, while the rabbit still flourishes ! So will it be if such birds as you advocate are introduced; our dwindling band of native songsters will disappear, while the perky spar- row will still thrive and multiply." To such I would x'eply that none would mourn the loss of our native birds more than I should, but the situation demands the risk. Every school- bov who has gone bird-nesting knows that the nests of our native birds are much more difficult to find than those of the imported birds, and I doubt not that the magpie or shrike would find enough of the clumsy conspicuous nests of the sparrows or the easily-discoverable nests of the blackbirds and thrushes to supply their requirements with little trouble to themselves, so that the scarcer and better-hidden nests of our native birds would generally escape. Since the foregoing was written a Proclamation has been issued under the Birds Nuisance Act dividing the South Island into eight districts, and cieclaring the house-sparrow, yellow- hammer, and greenfinch to be injurious birds. The first and the last named are rightly placed in that category, but the second is not, so far as I am aware, numerous anywhere in tlie colony; and, if it were, I do not think it would ever become a nuisance at least, it was not, like the green linnet and sparrow, looked on as an injurious bird in Britain when I was a boy. A few yeilowhammers [Emberiza cilrunella) were turned out here in the early days of acclimatisation, and though they throve for a time they eventually died out. At the same time the cirl bunting {Emberiza cirlus) was introduced, and increased much Bathgate. — The Sparrow Plague and its Remedy. 79 more rapidly than the yellowhammer. It has disappeared from this neighbourhood, but is still to be met with in the country, and as it is a much more active bird, and is destruc- tive in its habits, I believe this to be the bird at which the Proclamation was intended to be aimed. Though the two birds bear some resemblance to one another in plumage, no one with any knowledge of British birds could mistake the one for the other, and the pleasing plaintive little song of the yellowhammer is most distinctive, and it may still be heard in some parts of the colony. This is, however, a trivial matter compared with the failure of the conferences to even forecast any benefits to be derived from the Act. There was abundant evidence of the futility of the whole affair, and the delegates seemed to be fully aware of the fact. ' Some showed this by abstaining from attending : at Dunedin a delegate character- ized the whole affair as "unworkable," but said "it had to be seen through"; while in some conferences the resolution arrived at was that the destruction of the birds should be left in the hands of the Government. The Timaru con- ference resolved "that the Government be asked to offer a bonus of £500 for the most effective method of dealing with the small-bird pest," thereby showing their utter want of confidence in the present Act, and their hopelessness of ex- periencing any beneficial results therefrom, at the same time indicating their opinion of the importance of the question and the necessity for grappling with the problem in an effective manner. 80 Tran&ac t ions . —Mi see i Icmeous . Abt. VI. — Note on the Veracity of the Returns of Age in the Cens^Ls of 1901. By H. W. Segar, M.A., Professor of Mathematics, Univer- sity College, Auckland. [Read before the Auckland Institute, 6th July, 1903.'} Plates IV. and V. The statistics of the ages of the people afforded by census returns are marred by an element of uncertainty due to the ignorance, carelessness, and wilful misrepresentation of indi- viduals. A person ignorant of his own age, ignorant of and careless in ascertaining the ages of members of his household, or wilfully misrepresenting the age of himself or the ages of others, is very apt to choose numbers ending in 0 or 5. Many, for instance, knowing an age to be about 40, will put it down in a round number as 40 without further bother. The result is that in census returns generally we find a greater number of people returned as being of such ages than is con- sistent with the numbers returned for neiglibouring ages, as is shown in the following table : — Table I.— Number OF People returned at certain Ages in New Zealand Census, 1896. Ages. Number of People. Ages. Number of People. 39-40 40-41 41-42 7,224 10,186 5,55G 49-50 1 50-51 51-52 4,926 7,909 4,092 44-45 45-46 46-47 5,751 7,676 5,741 54-55 55-56 56-57 5.285 5,699 5,562 Here the numbers recorded as being of ages 40, 45, 50, and 55 are evidently in excess of what should be. The numbers ending in 0 are more patronised than those ending in 5. Also, numbers ending in 2 and in 8 are favour- ites in the same way, but to a much less extent. The result is that at these ages, and especially at those which are multiples of 10, we have clusters, as it were, of population in the census returns of ages, and corresponding deficiencies in the other ages. Now, as a matter of fact, in all popula- tions that have not been subject to some very remarkable and unusual event that would tend to increase or diminish Segar. — Veracitji of Census Returns. 81 the number of people at particiilar ages above or below the normal, the number of people at the several ages should change gradually and continuously from age to age. If the populaiion be grouped into quinquennial age-periods, we find that the numbers in the successive age-periods do change in this manner. Figs. 1, 2, illustrate these remarks by the graphical method. Fig. 1 gives the line which represents the numbers returned at the several ages from 20 to 80 years in the census of 1896, and also a similar line constructed by taking for the central year of each quinquennial age-period the average population of each year of age in that period. The ordinates for these averages are measured along those corresponding to the central years — namely, those ending in 2 or 7. Fig. 2 illustrates similarly the results of the census of 1901. The curve given by taking the population in quinquennial age-periods offers a great contrast to the other. The absence of any pronounced angular projections indicates the absence of any serious tendency for the ages of people to be entered in special quinquennial periods. The population, then, as ar- ranged in quinquennial age-periods may be taken as being practically correct, and the corresponding curve gives us a fair average curve with which to compare the other. The excesses entered in special years are consequently seen in each case to be drawn in the main from the neighbouring years. A comparison of the lines for the two census years shows at once a remarkable resemblance m the forms of the lines representing the population recorded according to each year of age, indicating a remarkable general persistence in the ten- dencies we are considering. The variations from the average are very small until the age of 20 is reached, and this is why the figures are taken only as beginning at that equation. The variations are not considerable until the age of 30 years, and are greatest, relatively to the population of the age concerned, at 50 and 60 years. A careful comparison of the two diagrams will make it obvious that in 1901 the variations due to erroneous returns of age were considerably less than in the previous census. We say a careful comparison because the mere magnitudes of the variations do not, as a rule, differ greatly in the two cases ; it is the variations relatively to the population at each age that differ considerably. If the number of erroneous returns made in 1901 were proportionate to those of 1896 they ought, absolutely considered, to be much greater, because of the much greater population between the ages 20 and 80 years in the later of the two years. This point is also illustrated in the following table, which takes the populations returned at 6 — Trans. 82 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. each year of age ending in 5 or 0 and compares them with the means of the numbers returned for the two neighbouring ages in each case. The percentages of excess are then given. Table U. — Veracity of Census Returns op Age. 1896. 1901. Age. Mean of Numbers of Adjacent Ages. Number of Age specified. Per- centage of Excess. Mean of Numbers of Adjacent Ages. Number of | J^.e specified. 1 E^^ggg 1 20 25 14,961 ' 14,850 12,919 13,266 -0-7 2-7 16,898 15,158 17,142 1-4 15,266 0-7 30 35 40 45 50 9,100 ! 12,079 8,373 9,226 6,390 10,186 5,746 7,676 4,509 i 7,909 32-7 101 59-4 33-6 75-4 11,337 9,840 7,316 6,617 5,133 14,682 10,287 10,735 8,044 8,134 29-5 4-5 51-7 21-6 58-4 55 60 65 70 75 5,424 1 5,699 3,048 ; 5,445 2,419 3,038 1,172 1,763 873 927 5-1 78-6 ! 25-6 ■ 50-4 ! 6-2 1 4,784 3,883 3,580 1,896 1,100 4,949 5,965 4,095 2,662 1,157 3-4 53-1 14-4 40-4 5-2 . .. 80 290 , 414 1 42-8 ! . 1 466 550 18-0 It will be noticed in this table that in every case, except for the age of 20, there is a diminution in the percentage of excess, that in the majority of cases this diminution is con- siderable, and that in the one case in which there is an in- crease the excess in both censuses is only very small. Such small excesses, moreover, should be ignored, as they are no greater than the variations in the annual number of births. The above is but a rough method of dealing with the ques- tion, but it is really sufficient for the purpose in hand, as the reductions are so considerable. As, however, the excess is measured for any year from the mean of the recorded popula- tions of the two neighbouring years, which are themselves less than the true populations of those years, the excess obtained is not the excess of the recorded population over the irue population for the year of age under consideration, but is considerably greater than it. The diminution of the one excess involves, however, a somewhat proportional diminution in tlie other, and so tlie above argument is not vitiated, although we must not take the percentages of Table II. as measuring the proportion of erroneous returns for the several years of age. Segar. — Veracity of Census Returns. 83 There is another way of approaching the problem. The census tables, giving the numbers recorded at each age, may be adjusted by distributing the total numbers in certain groups of ages over the single years according to actuarial laws and methods. This has been done by the Actuary of the Government Life Insurance Department for the last two censuses, and the results are recorded, not in the ordinary census volumes, but in the reports of the Registrar-General on the same. Table III., following, takes for both censuses these adjusted numbers, compares with them the recorded numbers, and presents the excess as a percentage, the ages considered being from 20 to 75, at which latter age the tables of the Government Actuary cease. Table III. — Veracity op Census Returns of Age. 1896. 1901. Age. Adjusted Population at Ages specified. Recorded Population at Ages specified. Per- centage of Excess. Adjusted Population at Ages specified. Recorded Population at Ages specified. Per- centage of Excess. 20 14,755 14,850 0-7 16,725 17,142 2-5 25 12,620 13,266 5-1 15,254 15,266 01 30 9,975 12,079 21-1 12,199 14,682 20-4 35 8,-359 9,226 10-4 9,963 10,287 3-3 40 7,545 10,186 35-0 8,245 10,735 30-2 45 6,150 7,676 24-8 7,161 8,044 12-3 50 5,708 7,909 38-6 5,847 8,134 39-1 55 5,085 5,699 12-1 4,963 4,949 -0-3 60 3,845 5,445 41-6 4,451 5,965 340 65 2,565 3,038 18-4 3,728 4,095 9-8 70 1,390 1,763 26-9 2,248 2,662 18-4 75 750 927 23-6 1,083 1,157 6-8 As was to be expected, the percentages of excess in this table are smaller than in Table II. They give a reasonably accurate estimate of the proportions of the returns, at the several ages considered, that are erroneous. Comparing the results for the two censuses, we get the same general result as before ; in every case but two there is a reduction, and generally this reduction is considerable. The two exceptions consist of the age of 20 — and in this case the percentages of excess are small in both censuses — and the age of 50 — and in this case, although the percentage of excess is large in both census years, the increase in the later year is very small. Thus the fact is conclusively established that in the recent census there was a much greater approach to truth in the 84 Transactions. — Miscellanecus. returns of age than in the preceding census. It would have been of interest to have considered some earlier censuses and found what the tendency was in this matter in earlier times, but the census returns prior to 1896 do not give the popula- tion for each year of age, and it is impossible to pursue the question. As to what the reasons are — and such must exist — for this very substantial and satisfactory progress we cannot suggest anything with confidence. Countries differ very much in the matter we have been discussing, and on the whole the better the education of the people the more truthful are their returns of age. In India, on the one hand, the returns reach the height of the ridiculous; in 1890, for instance, out of 100,000 persons of all ages, the number returned as of 39 years was 322, and of 41 years was 216, while the number returned as of 40 years was no less than 5,240 ! In Germany, on the other hand, the results are far better than our ow^n. One can hardly claim, however, that the education of the people of New Zealand has improved in five years to such an ex- tent as would be necessary to explain the phenomenon. If the improvement I have pointed out were confined to or more conspicuous in the older ages, the influence of the old- age pension scheme, that has made many an old person better acquainted with his age, and would be likely to make him more precise in recording it, might be put forward as a main cause, but the improvement is about equally con- spicuous on the whole throughout the period from 30 to 80 years of age. Of course, a higher moral sense in the people would suffice to explain everything ; let us hope this is the true cause. I have calculated tables for the sexes taken separately similar to those discussed above, but which I do not propose to publish. They reveal the fact that there is, on the whole, nothing much to choose between the sexes in the matter of inaccurate returns of age, m spite of the fact that the chief blame for this offence is popularly given to females. If females are more strongly tempted from motives of vanity to make inaccurate returns, it may be that a finer moral sense prevents them yielding to the temptation to any greater extent than the males. But, however the causes of such inaccuracies may differ in kind or in degree in the two sexes, the results in tlie main are the same. A greater preference in the males than in tlie females for the ages 35 and 45, and a greater preference in the females than in the males for the ages of 50, 60, and 70, are apparently the only decided differences that the tables reveal. Haeding. — Certain Decimal and Metrical Fallacies. 85 Art. VII. — On certain Decimal and Metrical Fallacies. By E. CouPLAND Harding. [Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 5th August and 7th October, 1903.] If there be one quality more than another that distinguishes the scientific from the unscientific rnind it might well be defined as the ability, or, perhaps more coiTectly, the habit, of discriminating clearly between the symbol and the thinf^ signified. Symbols, indispensable though they be, are always more or less defective representives of truth, and are full of danger, when, instead of servants, they become masters and dominate the thoughts of men. They give rise to a mul- titudinous brood of fallacies, and fallacies as they gradually develop ripen into positive evil. In theology the exaltation of the symbol becomes idolatry, with intellectual darkness, moral corruption, and spiritual death : in science it may be found elevating the latest convenient working-hypothesis into an established law of nature, when that which was at one time helpful becomes injurious. Truths appeal to the higher intellectual faculties, and can be appreciated only by application and study ; symbols may be memorised by "rote and acquired with slight trouble — they are nothing more than counters, though only too easily mistaken for genuine cur- rency. Truths grow by accretion ; symbols remain un- changed, and when outgrown they are a check on progress. Of this fact schemes of notation afford sufficient proof. Our English tongue, the world-language of the future, is cruelly hampered in its conquering course by a defective notation — not only inadequate, but the type of all that is etymologically and phonetically misleading. A thousand years ago our Saxon ancestors had something like a scientific and con- sistent orthography — a living system, adapted to its purpose. To-day we find a living language imprisoned in a dead alphabet. The symbol is outgrown. Musical notation affords another, though less extreme, instance. A very slight chancre would convert a system at present perplexing and incon- sistent into one consistent and helpful ; but again progress is fettered by the outworn symbol. Our arithmetical nota- tion, happily, is free from the absurdities attaching to musical and orthographic notation. If, for example, the symbol 5 might under certain arbitrary rules signify the same as 32, 41, or 55, if it was sometimes to be read as 7, and occasion- ally, being " silent," had to be ignored altogether — if tlie in- terpolation of another symbol having sometimes a ne^^ative and sometimes a positive value made it equal to 6 — then our: 86 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. arithmetical notation would be fairly comparable with our orthography, and computation would be as difficult as Eng- lish spelling. But it is quite easy to be in bondage to arithmetical nota- tion. Thousands of folk skilled in computation, using figures daily, confound them with the things they represent, never realising that after all tliey are merely counters — symbols, perfect and efficient within their own very limited range, but representing in reality only a convention, and no solid fact. The mathematician knows their place and their limitations ; the mere computer, finding them ready to his hand, imagines them to be rooted in the very nature of things. He knows. for example, some of the curious properties of the number 9, but would be unable to discriminate between the inherent properties of that number — those, for example, which are peculiar to the square of 3, and which no notational system could affect — and those other qualities which are accidental and notational, and would be transferred to another number were any other radix substituted for that of ten. This is a point of basic importance in the consideration of the subject of any proposed change in measures and weights, and especially when a change of standard is involved. The subject is of practical importance now, when the foreign sys- tem, already permissive, has advanced another stage in our Parliament, and will, unless resistance is offered, displace in a few years — legally if not actually — our Imperial standards. There has been no popular demand for the change ; there is absolutely no popular discontent with our present standards : but an active minority has carried its point so far, as agitators can — without public sympathy or approval, but in the face of that massive apathy and general indifference to any change that does not threaten some immediate loss or disability. And it is noteworthy that the arguments urged in support of the change appeal to popular notational fallacies rather than to mathematical facts or scientific truths. Of late years we have seen, at annual meetings of Institutes of Accountants, Chambers of Commerce, and similar bodies, formal resokitions passed on the subject as casually and per- functorily as the vote of thanks to the chairman. In our own Parliament during the current session a Bill, further-reaching in its effects (should it ever become effective) and more revolutionary in its scope than any legislation ever before proposed in this colony, passed its preliminary stages with less notice than is sometimes given to a fifty-pound item on the estimates. It does not seem unreasonable to infer that those who deal thus lightly with grave matters have neither studied them nor realised their importance. They know that oui- system of money-computation is defective and causes unneces- Hakding. — Certain Decimal and Metrical Fallacies. 87 sary waste of time, and when they are told that " the decimal system " will set everything right they do not investigate for themselves. The onus of pi'oof lies with the aggressive mi- nority, and that proof is not forthcoming. They offer instead of proof many assertions which will not bear examination. The initial fallacy is to call the French scheme " the " decimal system. It is a decimal scheme, as are also other and better schemes. Its one distinguishing feature is its unit — the meter. It is therefore not " the decimal system," but the " metric " system. The misnomer gives rise to the inference — and the notion is widely held- — that decimalisation involves a change of standards, which is not the case. Thei'e can be no warrant for so radical a change except it be plainly shown — (1) That the standard proposed is scientifically or practi- cally better intrinsically or extrinsically than the existing one ; (2) That the advantage is so great as to outweigh the disturbance and inconvenience occasioned by the change. I do not think that these propositions can be seriously dis- puted. If, then, it can be proved — (1) That the meter is arbitrary, possessing no scientific value nor any ascertainable relation to anything in creation ; (2) That the national standards possess these qualities in a high degree ; (3) That for practical purposes the existing standards are essentially better and more convenient — what excuse is there for the change ? And there is over- whelming proof in support of these propositions. I have spoken of the resolutions of certain bodies in favour of the change as perfunctory. It is significant that almost immediately after the last formal resolution of the Wellington Chamber of Commerce the chairman wrote to the press pointing out that the change, if made, would have serious and unlooked-for consequences. Yet these consequences must surely suggest themselves to any one who gives the matter any consideration. As for the decimalisation of the national coinage, it has long been a desideratum. A suggestion was lately made to divide the pound sterling into four hundred parts. It was put forward as "decimalisation of the coinage," which it is not. The subject has been fully dealt with by a commission of leading mathematicians in Britain, and a complete and consistent scheme was long ago formulated. The figure representing the number of pounds would be followed by three figures separated by a space or decimal point, and 88 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. representing respectively "florins," "cents," and "mils." The first step was actually taken in 1849, when the florin was coined, and the complete reform would undoubtedly have been carried out and extended to weights and measures also as far as practicable but for the opposition of the " metric " party, who have regularly blocked any systematic reform of the national measures. They have realised throughout that with a rational coinage system the crusade against the national standards would be almost hopeless. They invariably lump together the present coinage system, which is indefensilDle, with the standards of weight and mea- sure, and draw a supposed parallel. But the imaginary parallel is a fallacy. Weights and measures deal with en- tities and qualities outside our own control. Whether we weigh a load of ballast or compute the distance of a star we ai'e engaged in investigating realities — relations and inter- relations between ourselves and the universe without — and must adapt our methods, as conveniently as we may, to things as we find them. Coinage, on the other hand, is entirely artificial. From first to last the form it takes is under our own control ; it should be adapted to the radix of computa- tion. Our coinage is not so adapted, and to that extent is irrational. Further, it conforms only very imperfectly to weight and measure standards. We need not go further than to America for a practical example. In the United States and Canada the coinage has been decimalised, the weights and measures remaining unaltered. We come now to perhaps the greatest and most audacious of the fallacies propounded by the advocates of the meter. We find it stated that it would save so much of the time at present given to the study of arithmetic as would amount to a complete revolution. Last year it was asserted by an Australian writer that "compound calculations would be no longer necessary, and need not be taught in schools." Children, he said, were "kept at school learning arithmetic from one to two years unnecessarily because of archaic and antiquated rules and clumsy and involved methods." Every mathematician, every qualified teacher, knows tliat this is not the truth. Every one engaged in any kind of calculation has necessarily to deal with varying ratios ; one of the chief pur- poses of the study of arithmetic is to qualify us to equate them, and it is to assist us in this work that artificially fixed standards are required. Fallacious as the assertion is, it is the stock plea of the metrists. It is the argument of the spelling-reformers borrowed and misapplied. Years of school life are wasted in learning by rote archaic and outworn forms of spelling — forms wliich misrepresent and caricature our speech ; but what chance would a Bill for reforming ortho- Harding. — Certain Decimal and Metrical Fallacies. 89 graphy have in Parliament ? What New Zealand Chamber of Commerce has ever urged the necessity of rational spell- ing? Yet this colony has as much right to lead in the one direction as in the other, and the gain orthographic reform would bring would be incalculable. In this respect, how- ever, prejudice is so strong that the Education Department insists on retaining corrupt forms that have largely died out in common use. It clings tenaciously to the intrusive "u" in " honour," "labour," and even in "neighbour." It was not without surprise that I saw in the Weights and Measures Bill of 1903 even such a concession to systematic spelling as *' meter." By the way, it seems curious that this little colony should strain the " silken thread " by endeavouring to initiate a change that should begin at the centre of the nation's com- merce. It can scarcely expect to force the hand of the Empire in a matter like this. In fact, should our Parlia- ment attempt to give effect to the proposal it would have enough to do for many years to come in forcing its accept- ance upon the people of the colony. We have been persistently told that the metric system is scientific. It professes to be, but the claim is based on fallacy. Not only is it found on examination to break down in this respect at nearly every point, but on purely scientific grounds as on practical it compares unfavourably with the national standards. It was itself the outcome of a period of social and scientific delirium, and its history to the present day is a record of practical inadequacy and of bureaucratic coercion. Up to the last decade of the eighteenth century European weights and measures, though exhibiting appreciable varia- tion in standard and still encumbered with obsolescent tables applying only to specific industries or localities, were prac- tically uniform in principle. The standard of measure was the foot, duodecimally divided. In England the inch was also divided into twelve, and the twelfth-inch, known as the " line," was used chiefly in scientific measurements. It is the unit known to printers as " nonpareil," or in present nomenclature "six-point." The third-inch, equal to four lines, was the lowest unit popularly recognised, and was known as the "barleycorn," as it was supposed to be fairly represented by the length of a grain of barley from the centre of the ear. Old table-books still in use in my childhood began, not as might reasonably have been expected, " Twelve lines equal one inch," but " Three barleycorns, one inch." Some idle jocosity has been indulged in on the assumption that an actual barley- corn was the ultimate basis of Saxon measurement, but this is a fallacy. The popular name of every measure, without exception, refers the standard to some supposed natural equi- valent. In weight, for instance, we have the " grain." No 90 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. people were more strict in the matter of standards than the Saxons. They had a practical and scientific system ; their monarchs made it a matter of duty to see that no corruptions or deviations took place, and the British measures have been so closely guarded that after a thousand years the divergence is so slight as only to be detected by very accurate measure- ments. In France, as in England, the foot was divided into twelve inches, and the inch into twelve lines, and the line again into six, and this last subdivision, of J^'i'^ch, was called the " point." Whether the point was also recognised in Britain I do not know ; it is now, and as it is the basis of all printers' measurements it is usually known as the "typographical point." As it is not minute enough for all purposes, the half- point difference is recognised in the smaller types, so that in systematic type-measurement, which is exactly the same in principle (though not in standard) all the world over, the old national measures are retained, in which the duodecimal sub- division is consistently followed throughout :— 12 half-points = 1 line. 12 lines = 1 inch. 12 inches = 1 foot. The French standard was larger than the English in the proportion approximately of 555 to 517, and the Continental and British type-standai'ds differ respectively to-day in the same proportion." A like agreement in principle with diversity of standard prevailed in regard to weights for ordinary purposes, the pound being divided by the simplest series of all — 2, 4, 8, 16. The larger measures and weights were varying multiples, more or less systematic, some local, others adapted to special purposes only, and many of limited application, obsolete, or nearly so. A uniform principle underlying so much divergence in detail might have suggested a reason, and possibly a good reason, for its retention. Scientific reformers would have inquired if such reason existed ; for with uniformity of prin- ciple already to their hand nothing more was required to establish an international system than the harmonizing and unification of the standards of measure and weight, which could have been accomplished with a minuuum disturbance of * Theorelically. The systematization of type was seriously taken in hand in the United States some years ago, and is now in general use. At first the national standard was taken, but the vested interests of large houses working on an inaccurate system prevailed, leading to a departure from the true standard, which, though infinitesimal and ignored in all ordinary reckoning, is greatly to be regretted. The precise divergence between the American type-standard and the British Imperial standard is 0005 inch in the foot, the typographical inch as at present defined there- fore equalling 0-999583 of the standard inch. Harding. — Certain Decimal aiid Metrical Fallacies. 91 local prejudices, for the changes as they applied to any given locality would scarcely have been noticed, while thp advan- tages would speedily have made themselves manifest. But no such inquiry was made. The accidental discrepancies were magnified, the underlying principles ignored, just as they are by the metrists of to-day, and a bran-new scheme must be devised — one which, as it was to supersede all others and last for all time, must be nothing less than perfect. In that strange period of unrest the judicial faculty seemed to be completely suspended ; the scientific spirit, which breathes only in an atmosphere of humility, was dead. Truth-seekers there were none, for there remained no truth to seek. Carlyle, in his trenchant style, has pictured the utter intellectual barrenness of the time, and the absence of the creative faculty — the scientists who made no discovery, the ingenious men who brought forth no invention. In every department, theoretical or practical — in science, philosophy, politics, or morals — empty symbols took the place of realities, fallacies of facts. Miss Gierke, in a late article in Knoivledge, has eloquently described the self-sufficient "science" of the time : — There were no more worlds to conquer. . . . Nature for the moment submitted readily to the trammels put upon her by human thought ; her intricacies no longer seemed to defy unravelment ; her modes of procedure looked straightforward and intelligible. ... It was an epoch of peremptory renewals. Tde formula of equality promised to regenerate society ; a political panacea had been found by the creation of a republic " one and indivisible," and the success of the guillotine in securing its supremacy was almost outdone by the triumphs of the calculus in vindicating the unimpeded sway of gravitation. In this spirit — the antithesis of the scientific spirit — the task was undertaken. The result was a comedy of blunders to which the history of science can scarcely furnish a parallel. The unit of measurement was necessarilv the foundation of the entire system. The reformers had to their hand the ancient foot of France with its authoritative standards ; they had access to the corresponding measures of Eui-ope, from which, had they chosen, they might have deduced an average. But their unit must be new. Destined to be universal, it must be earth-commensurable. It must at the same time be unmistakably and indisputably French. So at great expense and with enormous labour they measured an arc of the meri- dian passing through France, divided the quadrant of the meridian thus deduced into ten million parts — that is, a forty- millionth of the entire circle — and this unit is the metre. Note, first, the initial blunder — denounced by Herschel as " a scientific sin "—the choice of a curve as the basis of recti- linear measurement. The fact that the curve was on so large a scale that its true form was inappreciable to the senses does 92 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. not affect the question. To tx'eat it as a right Hne was inex- cusable on the part of men professing to institute a scientific reform in a scientific way. They based their whole fabric on a fundamental fallacy, consciously and deliberately, without even the excuse of ignorance. Note, too, that an arc of the meridian — unless it be one like that of Greenwich Ob- servatory, selected by common consent as a starting-point — has no significance, and even in such an exceptional case its significance is only arbitrary and factitious. The meri- dians of a sphere are infinite in number, and unless the sphere is geometrically perfect are not uniform. The de- grees of the terrestrial meridians vary in length from 66'91 to 69-40 miles. Note, too, that the standard, it lost, could never be restored by a repetition of the original process. Variations in the result inevitably appear on remeasurement, however exact, and this particular measurement was exceptionally difficult. As it was, the result was soon found to be appre- ciably wrong. The error is now stated to be 4,008 ft. So that the new universal earth- commensurable and French unit proved, after all the trouble and expense lavished upon it, to be arbitrary — to possess no more intrinsic significance than the length of a i-andom straw picked up in the harvest-field. It may be said — it has been said, since the insignificance of the standard cannot be disputed — " No matter, so long as the standard is there and is recognised.""^' But it is evident that a really scientific standard must have significance. The re- formers must have realised this, else why all this costly and elaborate preliminary parade of earth - measurement? Why inconvenience a whole nation for a hundred years when the ancient toise, divided and multiplied by ten, would have * An old article in the Atheno'um, referring to the erroneous measure- ments on which the standard was hased, said, " An error of ^Jg inch in the determination of the vidtre is more than counterbalanced by the extreme simplicity, symnietry, and convenience of the metric system. Professor Bessel observed in rcs])ect to the vu'tre that, in the measure- ment of a length between two points on the surface of the earth, there is no advantage at all in proving the relation of the measured distance to a quadrant of the meridian. Professor Miller, of Cambridge, who quotes this remark, deems the error in the relation of the vuHre to the quadrant of the meridian to be of no consequence ; and he mentions another slight error in the metric system, discovered by recent research, and relating to the density of water, which he gives in the following words of Bessel : 'The kilogramme is not exactly the weight of a cubic di'cimiHrc of water. Many of the late weighings show that water at its maximum dpnsity has different density from that a.ssumed by the French philos iphers who pre- pared the original standard of the kilogramme ; but nobody wishes to alter the standard of the gramme on that account.' " So that while the defects, real or imagitied, of the British system are proclaimed and paraded by metrists, the acknowledged errors in the French scheme, fundamental or co-ordinate, arc " of no consequence." Harding. — Certain Decimal and Metrical Fallacies. 93 answered every purpose of the metre, and have saved, in the full literal sense of the words/a world of trouble? In a pamphlet published seventeen years ago Mr. Chris- topher Giles, of Adelaide, thus summed up the "scientific" foundation of the whole system : — Based on a curve — therefore unscientific in theory. Arbitrary — therefore wanting in scientific significance. Non-earth commensurable. Devoid of universality, in origin, genius, and fact. It does not seem to be as generally known as it should be that our own much-criticized scheme of lineal measurement — the origin of whicli is too remote to be traced — is scientifically sound on all the points where its modern rival is so con- spicuously defective. Some may imagine that the yoke imposed on France was a light one. On the contrary, it was not the least oppressive of the many terrible sequela of the Eevolution, and it was im- posed only against stout resistance and with much utterly un- necessary agony. The system is permissive in the British do- minions, and so long as it is only permissive and the national standards are in free and general use no very active opposition is likely to be offered. In India, though an Act was passed in 1870 substituting the metric for the national standard, and the law still stands unrepealed, it is a dead letter. In the United States a strong organization has been formed "for preserving and protecting our Anglo-Saxon weights and measures." It keeps the subject before the public by means of literature and lectures, and sees that the metrist minority are met with counter-agitation. Some such institution ap- pears to be needed in New Zealand. In Great Britain, where Commission after Commission has investigated the subject, expert and scientific testimony has been strongly in opposition to the "reform." From astro- nomers and mathematicians of the highest repute it has met with unqualified opposition. I do not know of one who has pronounced in its favour. These are men of unquestioned scientific standing : men, moreover, trained to consider realities rather than symbols, and the relations of things rather than the mere notation by which such relations are expressed. The leading British daily paper is a consistent opponent of the metric change, and the Times, in dealing editorially with a scientific question, may be trusted to have the best scientific advice available. By whom is the change advocated ? Chiefly by computers, who, as is well known, are not necessarily mathematicians. Computation is not an intellectual but a mechanical operation. There is no kind of computation that cannot be performed more efficiently and quickly by a machine than by a human 94 Transactions. — Miscellaneous, brain. As regards money-reckoning, the computer has a genuine grievance and a good case ; but a coinage reform need not disturb the standard weights and measures. There is one important department of science — that embracing chemistry and physics — the practitioners of which are inchned to look favourably on the proposed change. Their work involves electrical measurements, and the only standard available is aftiliated to the meter. It is not that any intrinsic merit can be claimed for the system itself — its nomenclature is a linguistic horror ; but those engaged in branches of science where these measures are in use naturally prefer one system instead of two. It must be remembered, however, that the convenience of this limited class of workers would be gained at the cost of the inconvenience of other branches of scientific men, especially those concerned with celestial or terrestrial measurements, as well as of the disturbance of all existing systematic work by land and sea. As against the Times, we find in the Scotsman an able newspaper advocate of the system. But the Scotsman admits that two generations would not suffice to carry the change into effect. The stock arguments in favour of the meter, when exa- mined, still further add to the monumental pile of fallacies. We are told, for example, that in our insular prejudice we are holding out against the peoples of the world — that our com- merce is crippled by our unintelligible system. Statistics are adduced to show how many millions have adopted the meter, and how many Governments have legalised it as their standard. These statistics look formidable enough, but it shows a curious lack of proportion when insignificant principalities whose commerce is a negligible quantity are balanced against Powers such as Great Britain, the United States, and the Eussian Empire. Comparative - population statistics are wonderfully inflated when wild tribes within European " spheres of in- fluence" are counted in. Figures thus built up may seem imposing, but on applying reasonable tests we find fallacy once again. The truth is the exact contrary. Among the educated, civi- lised, and progressive peoples of the world — and these alone are concerned in the question — the British-American stan- dards are in use in the proportion of two to one, and a still larger proportion of the world's commerce is in the hands of the people who adhere to these standards. Two-thirds of the world's printed matter — two-thirds of the correspondence passing through the world's post-oflices — is produced by English-speaking folk. This gives something like a fair test of the proportions involved. The suppression of the old European national standards leaves the British weights and Harding. — Certain Decimal and Metrical Fallacies. 95 measures (with perhaps the single exception of the typo- graphic standard, the decimahzation of which is impossible) the sole rival of the meter, the sole repi'esentative of a system which has survived the vicissitudes of thousands of years, and which now is in a majority of more than two to one. Again to quote Mr. Giles, the inch-and-foot scale represents — The greatest amount of territory by land and sea. The highest rate of increase in population. The greatest wealth. The pre-eminence in commerce. The first place in extent and power of colonisation. The greatest freedom for its individuals. The first in philanthropy and improvement in the condition of sub- ject races. It is significant that no country has ever voluntarily adopted the meter. It has always been arbitrarily enforced upon the people — in Sicily literally at the bayonet-point. And even under the most rigidly repressive rule the old system often lingers. A writer in the London Engineering World only a few months ago stated that in Prussia, Hun- gary, Hamburg, and Hanover the " fuss " is still used in measurement, and that he could give other instances of the survival of the old standards. In France, it is needjess to say, there was no attempt to consult the people as to the change. It is instructive to read what Rees's Cyclopedia (1819) placed on record regarding the introduction of the scheme into that country : — That beautiful and scientific theory [this authority says] has not been found unexceptionable in practice. On the contrary, it met with such opposition on account of the Greek and Latin terms and the decimal division that in 1801 the Government allowed the people to use, for a limited time, their own vocabulary of names, applying them to the new standards, which are still retained. And in 1812 a further concession was made by the Imperial Government to the prejudices and habits of the people. They were allowed to continue the ancient vocabulary applied to the new standards with the word usuel added to each : thus, two metres are the toise ustu-lle ; half a kilogramme, the livre tisuelle, &c. ; and these zmits are not divided decimally , but into halves, quarters, and eighths. The long measures are also divided duodecimally. Besides the binary divison of weights, the livre usuelle is divided into ounces, gros, and grains, like the ancient livre, poids de marc. Hence the new ounce and its divisions depart so viridely from the gramme that the proportion cannot be ascertained without a troublesome calculation. Thus, after more than twenty years of troublesome experiment and trial of the metrical system the only advantage that has been gained is that of establishing one common standard, the metre; but uniformity might as well have been obtained by making the ancient toise (so univer- sally known) their standard. " Uniformity" being the avowed object, the change of the standard, with all the perplexities it involved, was, as the critic of the Cyclopedia recognised, unnecessary. The one remaining recommendation, then, of the metric system is its 96 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. decimal radix of weights and measures, universally applied. That certain advantages accrue from this unity of method is too obvious to admit of dispute ; but they are far from making the system the perfect one its advocates represent it to be. Its perfection we are expected to take for granted. But, in view of what we are required to abandon in its favour, it is not only reasonable but necessary to inquire, Is it not possible to overrate the advantages of a universal decimal system ? This question brings us to first principles, to the base of the whole fabric — the system of notation and numeration in world-wide use. Is this system itself perfect, either practi- cally or scientifically? It is as much an "accidental in- heritance"— to quote Mr. Mattieu Williams's contemptuous designation of our national standards — as the standards them- selves; but the reformers did not go to the root of the matter — they made no attempt to reform nor even, apparently, to investigate it. The fact that our numeral signs are called " the ten digits," and the further fact that in many languages the words "five" and "hand" are related, or even identical, associate our system with the primitive method of finger-tally as unmistakably as the verb " calculate " embodies the fact that pebbles were used in bygone days as instruments of reckoning. But, widespread, almost universal, as decimal calculation is and has been, ten has never been the sole radix in common use. In practical concerns it is the geometrical or tangible qualities of numbers with which we have to deal, and the geometrical defects of ten as a radix are a standing dis- qualification, with all its factitious advantages as the root of our notation. Were it possible for the world to start afresh — as the Frenchmen a hundred years ago dreamed of doing — mathematicians would certainly discard ten as a root-number and seek another, and that number would almost certainly be twelve. Had such a proposition come from the French scientists when the change was undertaken it would, even if ultimately found impracticable, have had good scientific rea- sons in its favour; in fact, the difficulties, great though they are, might not then have proved insurmountable. Our arithmetical notation expresses actual numbers only from 1 to 9. Thenceforth, both in speech and writing, all numbers are indicated not as they are in themselves, but in their relation to the radix ten. So with fractions. Only those with a single numerator and denominator express actual relations to unity ; beyond these the artificial element makes its appearance. Mr. R. T. Barbour, writing last year in an Australian review, remarked that, instead of vulgar and decimal fractions, we should say vulgar and natural. This is a good instance of a notational convention obscuring Harding. — Certain Decimal and Metrical Fallacies. 97 genuine relations, for the suggestion that there is anything at all "natural" in decimal fractions, especially as contrasted with vulgar fractions, is a complete inversion of fact. Take that convenient school-book illustration the apple ; halve and quarter it. Which form most correctly aud naturally ex- presses the proportion the sections bear to the whole ? The "half" or "quarter" represents the actual fact accurately expressed by the vulgar fraction, and by that alone. To describe the fruit as divided into sections of 0-5 or 0-25 is to introduce an artificial convention remote from the fact, warrantable only when, for purposes of calculation, we are considering the pieces in association with others actually divided into fifths, tenths, or twenty-fifths. The " Autocrat " has told how, after defending his landlady's pie, " I took more of it than was good for me — as much as 85°, I should think — and had an indigestion in consequence." This does not strike an appreciative reader as intended for the "natural" mode of expression, but rather as a piece of playful pedantry on the author's part. Vulgar fractions are so universally and unmistakablv natural that no convention or notation, how- ever ingenious, can dislodge them. Therefore the German typefounder of to-day, being a man of common-sense, cata- logues his smaller wares by the "half-kilo." (his nearest approach to the discarded pficnd), the American coins his half- and quarter-dollar, and so to the end of the chapter will weights and measures necessarily be popularly divided, thought of, and spoken of in halves and quarters, whatever official system may be in vogue, or by whatever written symbol these values are expressed. The radix of 2 is one of the most important in practical use, and in many cases it is the only practicable one. It governs not only our own, but the other traditional systems of weights ; it is the obvious corollary of any system of balanc- ing. In book-folding it is in all ways the most convenient, and its sole rival, the sextuple fold, is almost extinct. The names "twelves" and "twenty-fours" are still in use to indicate certain shapes and sizes, but as a matter of practice such are nearly always now printed and folded as eights- or sixteens. A " decimo " sheet would be an obvious im- possibility. Two of the multiples of 2 — eight and sixteen — have been suggested as notational substitutes for ten ; but as an arithmetical radix either of them would be little, if any, better, apart from the consideration that one is inconveniently small and the other just as inconveniently large. The latter would further involve a cumbrous notation and an extensive nomenclature, as an American would-be reformer, who boldly selected sixteen as his radix, discovered many years ago. De Morgan, in his " Budget of Paradoxes," has made merry over 7— Trans. 98 Traiisactions. — Miscellaneous. the uncouth terms devised by this innovator ; but if there had been any sound basis for the suggestion itself the professor would have treated the paradoxer more seriously. A duodecimal scale has had numerous advocates, and a large amount of work has been done in the way of compiling tables, &c., in appropriate notation by isolated workers, many completely ignorant of the fact that others have gone and are going over the same ground. I have seen more than one publication on the subject. One of these, by Mr. Henry M. Parkhurst, an American mathematician, contains elaborate tables of logarithms, primary and secondary multiples, least divisors, &c., all calculated on the radix of twelve, and I understand that the author has much more matter of the same kind in manuscript. He uses X and A, contracted to the width of the other digits, to represent ten and eleven, and these two special characters give his tables a peculiar appear- ance. There is, or was, a Duodecimal Society in England, formed to bring about organized and united action, but I have never seen any of its publications, nor do I know its address. The most prominent duodecimalist, however, was the late Sir Isaac Pitman, who took up the subject with characteristic energy. His attention was directed to the matter through the agitation in and out of Parliament in favour of the metric system, among the defects of which he held that its decimalism was not the least. " With a view to carrymg his proposal into practice," his biographer writes,''' " new types were ordered (?, ten, and 'i, eleven) in four sizes, and it was Mr. Pitman's intention to employ the new notation in his Journal, and to recommend it for general adoption. During 1857-58 he counted everything as far as possible by dozens and grosses, with a view of paving the way for the new numeration ; but he was unequal to the task of undertaking a reform of this magnitude in addition to the writing and spell- ing reform, and after a series of trials he reluctantly aban- doned the project, but not without hope of seeing it inaugu- rated at some future period." For two years he used the notation in his Journal, and kept it up in his private accounts till 1862. His scheme included a coinage system — pence, shillings (a gold twelve-shilling-piece to take the place of the half-sovereign), and " bancos " = a gross of shillings. The figures " 7S3," with currency symbol prefixed, would thus repx'esent seven "bancos," ten shillings, three pence. He probably proposed to reform current weights and measures on the same plan, but, not having access to the old Journal files, •"A Biography of Isaac Pitman, Inventor of Phonography." By Thomas Allan Reed. London : Griffith, Parran, Okeden, and Welsh. 1890. Harding. — Certain Decimal and Metrical Fallacies. 99 I have no details. The disturbance of measures by complete duodecimalisation would amount to no more than systemati- zation, and would be comparatively slight, but it would have been otherwise with weights. It will be noted that a single radix would have governed arithmetical notation, measure- ment, and coinage. To those who have any knowledge of the life and work of Isaac Pitman it is needless to say that he was the reverse of an idle dreamer. He was one of the most industrious, methodical, and practical of men, possessing extensive know- ledge and an inventive mind. Without these qualities he would never have made the practical success he did of his system of phonography, which, on its own merits alone, dis- lodged every previous system of shorthand, and still holds its ground against all rivals. When he received his somewhat belated honours from royalty, they were generally approved as having been bestowed on a public benefactor. Any man who looks forward in advance of his time must bear the penalty of being ignorantly esteemed a paradoxer ; but even in the field of speUing-reform, to which he devoted years of apparently fruitless toil and expense, his work has not been lost, for he has familiarised the millions who write short- hand with the idea of a rational alphabet, of which they make dailv use. But the reform of arithmetical notation, however desirable in theory, seems to be too large a contract for any man, or even any nation, to undertake, and its foremost advo- cate was well advised to let it drop. As notational signs the Pitman figures could scarcely be improved upon. While conforming in character to the familiar numerals, they can also be read as the initial letters of the words "ten" and "eleven" respectively. The following table of various numbers compared in the two notations gives an example of the symbols as they appear in actual use : — Decimal. Daodecimal. Decimal. Duodecimal 12 10 287 = 122 22 18 432 = 300 100 84 999 = 623 107 82 1570 = lU 144< = 100 1728 = 1000 Apart altogether from any theory of reform, a little prac- tice in this notation is a remarkably illuminating exercise in arithmetic, showing, as it does, that the decimal system con- ceals more than it discloses of the properties of numbers. Awkward fractions disappear, while numerical relationships come out in a simple and beautiful manner. One important series after another, broken and marred by decimal misrepre- sentation, falls into regular and harmonious sequence, and the 100 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. geometrical relations, which to the worker in any branch of science or art are of essential importance, in a larger measure than is possible under any other radix, are represented in their real significance. This is in itself no slight advantage, for geometry is of all sciences the most tangible and practical. How comes it to pass that the dozen holds its ground so persistently in com- merce, notwithstanding the convention of reckoning by tens? Very much because there are so many ways of making a con- venient and compact parcel of twelve equal units, while tens and hundreds pack very badly indeed, making misshapen parcels and wasting space. To those who have to pay freight charges — as all must do, directly or indirectly — this is a con- sideration of importance. The two ratios with which the practical work of life brings us into constant contact are graphically represented respec- tively on the clock-dial and the compass-card. With both of these decimals are in constant discord. The old Baby- lonian division of the circle into 360 degrees is comprehensive enough to take in the decimal, but its place is subordinated to the more important and significant geometrical angles, which only duodecimal division can give. It may be regretted that a numerical system so nearly perfect as the duodecimal — simplifying as t would all the practical mathematical work of the world to an amazing extent — can never, unless humanity develops an unforeseen capacity for the acceptance of great reforms, be adopted. If it were merely a matter of relative merit there could be no doubt of the result, for mathematicians are unanimous as to its superiority. But one of the great arguments against the metric system applies witli equal force to duodecimalism. The decimal radix is so strongly entrenched in tradition, in notation, in thought, speech, and literature, that its dislo'dg- ment may be reasonably assumed to be impossible. We find a tacit recognition of the place that twelve should occupy of right in the significant facts that our popular multiplication - table extends to 12 x 12, and that children are taught simple multiplication and division up to twelve, not ten. And ham- pered though we are in all directions by our defective arith- metical radix, we still are free to use, in weighing and mea- suring, the divisions that the experience of many ages has proved to be the best adapted to our needs. That freedom it is the avowed object of the metrists to destroy. They would widen still further the gulf that unfortunately divides arith- metic from geometry, and make our bondage to the decimal complete. In any notation two radices are required — a major as well as a minor — and it is important that there should be Harding. — Certain Decimal and Metrical Fallacies. 101 due correlation between the two. There is a notable differ- ence in this respect between the ancient system, universal in the British Empire, and the modern French scale. While our own system does not appear to be the best possible, this corre- lation is duly observed ; in the French scheme it is neglected, with the result that the nomenclature is unscientific and mis- leading. It is the usual convention to break any long series of figures into groups of three for the sole purpose of facilitat- ing reading. The comma, usually employed for this purpose, is no more a mark of grammatical punctuation than the period when used as a decimal point. But French numeration is so glaringly anti-arithmetical that it can be explained only on the theory that in their inveterate habit of mistaking arbitrary symbols for scientific facts the devisers of the scheme attached some occult mathematic significance to the triple grouping. In fixing the major radix the question arises at which stage to abandon ten and substitute a multiple. Theoretically, as it is easy to show, the second radix should be a power of ten which is (1) a square number, and (2) the roots of which are also squares till we reach the square of ten. Such numbers are successively one hundred, ten thousand, and one hundred millions. Either of these, radically subdivided, brings us in the end to ten ; any other multiple of ten will yield as its root number an interminable decimal. For the larger radix one hundred is obviously too small ; multiplied by a million it is inconveniently large. The point naturally indicated for the break, therefore, is the myriad, in which case the ciphers would properly be grouped not in triplets but in fours. By this arrangement the numeration table would stand thus, the square numbers being indicated by small capitals : — One ... ... ... ... 1 First Series (Minor Radix). Ten ... ... ... ... 10 Hundred (10'^) ... ... ... 100 Thousand (10«) ... ... ... 1000 Myriad (10^ = lOO'^) ... ... 1,0000 Second Series (Major Radix). Decamyriad (10')... ... ... 10,0000 Million (10'' = 1000^) ... ... 100,0000 Milliard (10^) ... ... ... 1000,0000 Billion (10« = 100^ = 1,0000-) ... 1,0000,0000 Trillion (1,0000^^ = 100,0000'^) ... 1,0000,0000,0000 Quadrillion (1,0000^ = 1,0000,0000^) 1,0000,0000,0000,0000 In this scheme the first and second series are consistent and complementary ; the powers of the minor radix are in- 102 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. dicated by the number of ciphers and those of the major radix by the number of groups, the index-prefixes " bi," " tri," &c., agreeing with the power. By this plan, and this alone, the comma dividing the groups becomes a significant arithmetical sign as well as an aid to legibihty. Both the British system and the French are defective in starting from the million, which, though itself a square number, has not a square for its radix. In the British scheme, however, the terms " billion," " trillion," &c., representing as they do the successive powers of the greater radix, are correctly used ; but the French nomenclature, in which a thousand millions is called a " billion " and a thousand " billions " a " trillion," is worse than meaningless — it is misleading. If we seek the root of the British billion, the cube-root of the trillion, and so on, we shall always come back to the starting-point — the million, or 10**. Applying the same process to the French table, we have a series of anomalous results — the root of the "billion" is 31622777 with an endless decimal fraction; the cube-root of the " trillion " is 10,000. The fact that the French have their own specific word, " milliard," for their modern "billion" seems to indicate that the numeration scheme has undergone alteration ; and, in fact, I find it explicitly stated by one authority that in France the " older writers " use the same system as our own. I have been unable to ascertain whether the change was made as recently as the revolution at the close of the eighteenth century, so few writers concern themselves with the historic aspects of the question ; but I am inclined to think it belongs to a remoter period. Unfor- tunately for the English-speaking world, the French method has become prevalent in the United States, causing such confusion in the interchange of newspaper items and literature in general that one meeting with a i-eference to a " billion " in print, unless assisted by the context, can never be sure whether a thousand millions or a million millions is in- tended. Stranger still, the French notation was most un- warrantably introduced into at least one important Eng- lish text-book — the Sandhurst Military College Arithmetic — but appeared, 1 am informed, in one edition only. Its temporary adoption in this academy, however, has led to serious confusion. When the present Education Act came into force the Department found both systems being taught to the children of New Zealand, certain provincial Inspectors apparently preferring the French method, and it became necessary to issue a special direction insisting on the uniform use of the British notation in all the public schools. Apart from scientific defects, a low base of computation, especially when combined with a low unit of currency, is not in keeping with the dignity of a great people. Mark Twain Hakding. — Certain Decimal and Metrical Fallacies. 103 has humorously described the dismay of a small dinner-party at the Azores when the landlord presented his bill, amount- ing to " 21,700 reis," which amount was found after much inquiry to equal 21 dollars 70 cents. But the small billion, in conjunction with a dollar unit, is a boon to " yellow " jour- nalists and others addicted to "tall talk." The "billions" so glibly paraded, even if genuine, which is not always the case, represent about two hundred millions sterling in British currency, and it requires five times as much wealth to con- stitute a millionaire in Britain as it does in the United States. Not the least instructive chapter in the history of the French reformers is the record of their failures — failures which shattered the boasted unity of their system even at the outset, and which the metrists of to-day keep judiciously in the background. But it is not quite forgotten that the scheme of these same " reformers " included the consummation of the Christian era, and the institution of the new order in which mankind should recognise one object of adoration only — the Goddess of Eeason. In October, 1793, the new calendar, designed for all time, was promulgated. Books dated in the year 1 are still extant. The week was abolished and the decade substituted. The whole scheme of time was de- cimalised, but the solar system persisted in pursuing its incommensurable movements as before. Doubtless it was this perverse conservatism on the part of bodies celestial and terrestrial that caused a certain astronomer to wish that he had been present at the creation to give the Almighty the benefit of his counsel. The new era was inaugurated with much ceremony and indecorum — for was it not to abide for ever ? All books of chronology record the date of its institu- tution, but few give the date of its disappearance. In a very few years it had vanished like a wreath of mist — imperceptibly but effectually. The geometric circle, like the arc of the meridian, was regraded into 400 instead of 360 degrees. As under the re- formed arrangement many of the most important angles could no longer be expressed in degrees, this was one of the first points in which the scheme broke down. In any case, the preliminary quartering of the circle was in itself a silent but none the less eloquent admission of the essential inadequacy of decimalism. In fact, examination of the pretentious scheme, no matter at what point that examination begins, reveals fallacy piled upon fallacy. Even if our own ancient system had no particular scientific value — if it were really as defective as its assailants assert — we might well hesitate to exchange it for a substitute so- ill-considered and so imperfect, quite apart from the incalcul- able loss and inconvenience such a change would impose upoa 104 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. us. " History," as a writer of a past generation has well said, "shows that, while Governments change with great facility their money systems, their constitution, and even their religion, weights and measures seem immovable. They are, indeed, so mixed and, as it were, matted with every concern of property that they cannot be essentially altered without violence and confusion. Nor are these evils of a temporary nature. The habits, customs, and prejudices of the multitude are not to be speedily changed." The experi- ence of every country where such a change has been decreed sufficiently confirms the statement. But it is not in the interests of "the multitude" that the change is made, nor are their " habits, customs, and prejudices," if such happen to conflict with the prevailing fashion in science (so called), deemed worthy of consideration. Happily, fashions in science, as in costume, have a way of becoming unfashionable, while despised "habits, customs, and prejudices" — often the in- tuitive wisdom of the many, or embodying the concrete results of the experience of a distant past — have a perennial vitality extremely irritating to the exponents of the latest theories. After all, our national measures, which — in these days of rampant "Imperialism," too! — it has become the unpatriotic fashion to contemn, are fundamentally more scientific, as well as more generally convenient, than their foreign rivals. They are no mere "accidental " inheritance, nor do they show any signs of haphazard origin. Whence the Saxons derived them, and how, is not known ; but they can be shown to possess a venerable antiquity, and to have passed down the ages prac- tically unchanged. A jealous regard for accurate standards is an ancient characteristic of our race. Were there such a thing in nature as an imnmtable standard, convenient and everywhere accessible, no doubt it would have been accepted, but no such natural unit has ever been found. The wise men of old everywhere selected the nearest approach which has yet been found to such a unit. They did not take a random terrestrial measurement with neither scientific nor practical value. They recognised that measures were subordinate to man and not man to measures, and from first to last, there- fore, their standard was "the measure of a man." Proof of this fact is built into the very structure of language. There is not an ancient term of measurement in our tongue, save those denoting infinitesimals, that cannot be referred to the human frame.* * The fathom is the height of a well-developed man, and also the stretch of his p^rins, which, in fact, tlie woni itself signifies. Philologists refer it to the root " fat," to extend. The Saxon word " fivSm " signifies " the space reached by the extended arms — reach, embrace." In Danish, Hakding. — Certain Decimal and Metrical Fallacies. 105 Can creation furnish a better unit ? I do not think so. All men are not six feet high, nor are their feet usually twelve inches in length, and it is obviously true that any one who should in his own person combine all the precise measure- ments which derive their names from the human frame would not be a model for an artist. The necessity that each measure should bear an aliquot relation to all the others — the variations in human stature and build — make exact corre- spondence with any of them the exception rather than the rule. They are, as it were, the rough draft, from which, by comparisons and averages, the actual standards of reference have been derived. They are, however, near enough for most of the practical needs of daily life ; they are universally accessible as no external standard can possibly be ; and the man who takes the trouble to ascertain and make due allow- ance for his own " personal equation " may still serve as his own standard, and be to a great extent independent of external aid. I have seen a tall Maori measuring off a fabric by the "faddom," using his arms as a gauge, and he did not give himself short measure, as a tape afterwards proved. I have seen women measure off yards with great correctness by hand and eye alone ; and the accuracy with which dis- tances can be " paced " does not need to be pointed out. The so-called " patriotic " exercises in our schools, instead of taking the questionable form of homage to a flag, would be better devoted to explaining the beauty and value of our far more ancient standards. If the children were exercised in weighmg and measuring by the eye and hand, their work being afterwards tested — m drawing and sub- dividing six- or twelve -inch scales from memory — they might in after-life be to a great extent independent of artificial standards, except where commercial or scientific accuracy was required. The antiquity of our measures may be inferred from the fact — which is abundantly demonstrated — that they are built into the Great Pyramid of Egypt, the oldest of all the pyra- mids, the others being very indifferent imitations — sepulchral an allied language, the expression for "to embrace" is at tage i favn, literally " to take in fathom," the two nouns being identical. The cubit, yard, and ell refer to arm-measurements ; the span, the hand, the foot need no interpretation. " Inch " and " thumb " are convertible terms in more than one living language, and the old " finger-breadth " was two- thirds of an inch. The "pace" is the unit of the longer measures; " mile," a numerical term, literally means a thousand paces. Measures were also calculated by days' or hours' journeys and variously subdivided. Naturally among different peoples these have diverged more widely than the smaller measures ; hence we have the modern mile varying from 11,700 yards in Sweden to 1,165 yards in Russia. But from the finger- breadth to the league the man himself is always the ultimate standard. 106 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. monuments embodying no mathematical science.* In the Pyramid we find most unmistakably the inch and the cubit of 26 inches ; all the measures of weight and capacity are based upon the inch, and the central chamber where they are deposited is perhaps the most perfect contrivance for securing uniformity of temperature ever devised by the skill of man. In the Pyramid standard measure of capacity, equalling four British '• quarters," we find the origin of the term, the larger measure having been so long disused that the fractional name has been somewhat of a puzzle. f A further example of the little change which a traditional standard may sustain when carefully preserved is found in the fact that our inch differs from its prototype in the Pyramid by only the thou- sandth part (miniis). If the basis of our measure be the noblest of all — man himself, so its popular divisions are in practice more adapted to his daily needs than the new ones. Only last year a photographic journal complained that the French system provided no convenient-sized storage-bottles, and said that photographers who, perforce, did laboratory work on the metric • So many strange and fanciful theories have been associated with this structure — specially built to embody the astronomical and mathe- matical science of its founders, and to afford an enduring record of their standard of weights and measures — that it is almost necessary in referring to the subject to disclaim the reli£;ious theories which — unfortunately, I think — have been associated with it. Such, for example, as that its builders were divinely inspired, and that it is "a prophecy in stone." To the late Professor Piazzi Smyth, Astronomer Eoyal of Scotland, belongs the credit of making the first exact measurements and of inter- preting the mathematical and astronomical significance of the venerable monument ; but I cannot but think the usefulness of his work was marred, though its accuracy was not affected, by his theological bias. He disliked the division of the circle into 360 degrees not on scientific grounds, but because that method was used by the idolatrous Babylonians. He accepted as fact the Rabbinical tradition recorded by Josephus, that Cain added to his iniquities by devising weights and measures that he might defraud those with whom he had dealings — a story in much the same category as that in the apocryphal Book of Enoch, whence we learn that an evil demon, Pcnemue by name, taught the children of men writing and the use of ink and paper, with every secret of wisdom, whereby many have gone astray from every period of the world, and by their knowledge they perish. f A remarkable feature of the Pyramid standard is that it deals only with the concrete, avoiding notation of any kind. It cannot be said to be binary, decimal, or ducdccimal — it is, like number itself, independent of them all, and its interpreter must find and apply his own radix. In this respect it is consistent with its plan, for it is unique among Egy-ptian monuments in that it is absolutely without inscription, bearing neither hieroglyph nor alphabetic symbol. Piazzi Smyth was as thorough a decimalist as he was an opponent of the " atheistic mrlre," but he could find no decimal or other radix in the structure. In form it is a five-sided crystal, and if it has a key-number (which is doubtful) that number would seem to be 5, for its cubit is 5 x 5 inches. Harding. —Certain Decimal and Metrical Fallacies. 107 system kept Winchester quart bottles for storage, and in preparing solutions thought and worked in the old standards. Yet another worker in the same field, criticizing the nomen- clature, said it was, according to all the laws of thought, a defect. A separate characteristic name for each successive unit gives it individuality, whereas the cumbrous and indis- tinctive names in the metric system are found in practice to be a source of error. As we have seen, the French scientists went to great pains and expense to have some kind of cosmic basis for their sys- tem. Our own system has not only the microcosmic basis supplied by man himself, but according to the late Sir John Herschel (who, by the way, did not take the Pyramid into account at all) has relations to earth and water more striking and harmonious than any the rival system can boast. Sir John could speak on this subject, if any man could, with authority. He was the ablest and most learned member of the Standards Commission, and his letter to the Times, written more than thirty years ago, is so much to the point that I quote it in full : — As Mr. Ewart's Bill for the compulsory abolition of our whole sys- tem of British weights and measures, and the introduction in its place of the French metrical system, comes on for its second reading on the 13th proximo, I cannot help thinking that a brief statement of the compara- tive de facto claims of our British units and of the French on abstract scientific grounds may, by its insertion in your pages, tend to disabuse the minds of such, if any, of our legislators who may be under the impression (1 believe, a very common one among all classes) that our system is devoid of a natural or rational basis, and as such can advance no n priori claim to maintain its ground. De facto, then, though not de j\ire (i.e., by no legal definition existing in an Act of Parliament, but yet practically verified in our parlia- mentary standards of length, weight, and capacity as they now exist), our British units refer themselves as well and as naturally to the length of the earth's polar axis as do the French actually existing standards to that of a quadrant of the meridian passing through Paris, and even in itself better, while the former basis is in itself a preferable one. To show this I shall assume as our British unit of length the Imperial foot, of weight the Imperial ounce, and of capacity the Imperial half- pint, and shall proceed to state how they stand related to certain proto- types, which I shall call the geometrical ounce, foot, and half-pint ; and shall then institute a similar comparison between the French legally authenticated metre, gramme, and litre in common use with their (equally ideal, because nowhere really existing) prototypes, supposed to be derived from the Paris meridian quadrant, distinguishing the former as the prac- tical, the latter as the theoretical, French units. Conceive the length of the earth's axis as divided into five hundred million equal parts or geometrical inches. Then we will define : — (1.) A geometrical foot as twelve such geometrical inches ; (2.) A geometrical half-pint as the exact hundredth part of a geo- metrical cubic foot ; and (3.) A geometrical ounce as the weight of one exact thousandth part of a geometrical cubic foot of distilled water, the weighing being performed, as our Imperial system prescribes, in air of 62° Fahr. under a barometric pressure of 30 inches. 108 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. In like manner the theoretical kilogramme and litre of the French are decimally referred to their theoretical metre on their own peculiar con- ventions as to the mode of weighing. This premised — (1) The Imperial foot is to the geometrical in the exact proportion of 999 to 1,000, a relation numerically so exact that it may fairly be considered as mathematical ; and (2) and (3) the Imperial half-pint and ounce are, each of them, to its geometrical prototype as 2,600 to 2,601. Turn we now to the practical deviations from their theoretical ideals in the case of the French units. Here again (1) the practical metre is shorter than its theoretical ideal. The approximation is, indeed, closer, but the point of real importance is the extreme numerical simplicity of the relation in our case, more easily borne in mind and more readily calcu- lated on in any proposed case. (2 and 3) Any error in the practical value of the metre entails a triple amount of aliquot error on the practical kilogramme and litre, so that in the cases of these units the proportion between their practical and theoretical values is not that of 6,400 to 6,401, but of 2,133 to 2,134. Here, then, the greater degree of approximation is in our favour ; and it is to be observed that in our case this triplication of error does not hold good, since by a happy accident our standard pound has been fixed quite independently of our standard yard, and our gallon is defined as 10 pounds of water. Like all other terrestrial things, the earth's axis is doubt- less subject to minute secular changes ; but it is at least a right line, and a line of unique significance, as it is used by astronomers as the unit-measure for distances within the solar system. It is therefore very convenient that it should harmonize with our ordinary standards. Moreover, its length — five hundred million inches — is a consistent decimal rela- tion, which the forty million metres of the French system is not. "Was it, however, by a mere "happy accident" that such remarkable concordances occurred ? I have more faith in both the knowledge and wisdom of the men who devised them of old than to think so. Astronomically and mathe- matically, the self-complacent French scientists of a hundred years ago were as babes compared with the architect of the Pyramid. Sir John Herschel's casual reference to the " peculiar con- ventions" of the French method brings out another instance of the practical nature of our system as contrasted with the artificial and doctrinaire methods of the metric system. British observations and tests are made under reasonable and normal conditions of atmospheric pressure and temperature. The French observations have to be corrected to the prac- tically impossible conditions of sea-level and the freezing- point of water. The British people are free to use, and do habitually use, decimal divisions of their own standards wherever such division is found to be right and convenient. Any instru- ment-dealer will supply rules graded into eighths, tenths, or twelfths, as desired. Foreigners are nob so ignorant of our standards as the metric advocates would have us believe. Hakding. — Certain Decimal and Metrical Fallacies. 109 For British buyers they are quite willing to manufacture to British measures. Beautiful and accurate scales to English feet and inches are " made in Germany." Time has been decimalised for the navigator's convenience, as the Nautical Almanac tables show ; but it would be an intolerable inconvenience to have to exchange our present clocks for ten-hour dials. That our foreign trade would benefit by the change is more than doubtful. While we were painfully and laboriously discarding all our patterns and making new tools — probably we should find it necessary to purchase most of them abroad — our foreign rivals, with all their scales ready to hand, would have an unprecedented opportunity of invading all our markets, and during the time of transition, at all events, would have an overwhelming advantage. Just as free trade and exchange throughout the United States has brought vast prosperity, so, high authorities maintain, British success in trade has been in great measure due to the uniform system of standards existing throughout the British-speaking world. Is this colony desirous to strike the first blow to break it up ? France was once kind enough to hint that she would consent to reckon from the Greenwich meridian if Britain would adopt the French measures. Was the suggestion made for Britain's advantage? Scarcely. France would be the gainer in such a compact by both changes. The question is a vital one. Even if the change could be shown to be for the better, would it be worth the price we should have to pay ? Every individual in the community would be injuriously affected. Every map, from the magnificent British Ordnance Survey to the diagrams on the margins of deeds, would require recalculation on an incommensurable scale. In the case of city frontages particularly, where fractions of inches are precious, the recalculation would be a fruitful source of dis- satisfaction and dispute. All contractors' calculations of quantities, all measure- ments of bricks, timber, and other building material, would be affected. All graded instruments, from the artisan's two-foot rule to the costly and delicate apparatus of the engineer, would have to be replaced, all patterns superannuated, all calculations translated. If workmen only realised what it meant to them the trades-unions would make inflexible oppo- sition to the change the foremost item on their programme. They will protest loudly enough, we may be sure, the day that it is sprung upon them. Then it will be too late. Those concerned are not so supine in the United States. I read, only a few days ago,''' that the American Society of Civil * Engineer, 7th August, 1903. 110 Transactions. — Miscellaneous. Engineers sent out a ballot-paper with a series of questions on the subject. There were 514 responses, and the adverse votes were three to one. Our textile goods would be affected. The housewife would no longer buy fabrics by the yard, nor could she do her marketing by the pound. All familiar landmarks, such as milestones and railway distance-pegs, w^ould be obsolete. No doubt the State, to set an example, would at once set about pulling them up and grading in kilometers. " A frightful waste," says a cor- respondent of the Engineering World (London), "and for what use? " To the astronomer it closes the ledger which, as Proctor told us, has been kept posted for three thousand years. The navigator's tables and books of reference will be obsolete, and the shipowner will have to forget his tonnages. The occupier of land — owner or tenant — must recalculate boundaries and recompute superficial areas. The Land and Survey Depart- ment would have the same costly task, and on a truly mag- nificent scale. Two-thirds of the world's trade would be disorganized while the change — necessarily slow — was in pro- gress. It would play ciuel havoc with our national inheritance of literature. The nomenclature is barbarous and unconform- able to the genius of our tongue, while our classics, if the pre- sent standards ever became obsolete, would require continual annotation. Let us open an edition of Shakespeare, say, of A.D. 2003:— A merry heart goes all the day, Your sad tires in a mile-a.* This bond is forfeit, And lawfully by this the Jew may claim A pound [= 0-454 kilo.] of flesh. Full 9'144 meters thy father lies ; Of his bones are coral made. How the substituted nomenclature could be worked into English verse (other than burlesque) is a question that poets would have to settle. On patriotic and commercial grounds alike we should resist the change. The widest charity does not require us to com- mit commercial suicide that France and Germany may enjoy increased prosperity. I have already referred to the impossibility of restoring the metric standard by repeating the original measurements ; also to the fact that after the lapse of a century the old standards are not extinct in Erance. Will it be credited tliat a German advocate of the meter urges the necessity for careful preserva- • Mile. — An ancient lineal measure 1-G09 kilometers. Harding. — Certain Decimal and Metrical Fallacies. Ill tion of the neglected ancient standard in order that it may remain as an authoritative check by which the accuracy of the meter may be tested ? It reads hke comic opera, but it is true. In the " History and Review of the Toise Measure Standard," pubhshed by Ferdinand Dummler, Berhn, Pro- fessor Dr. W. Foerster, who writes the introduction, says, — The old French system, whose unit was the toise graduated in six Parisian feet (= 72 Paris inches = 8B4 Paris lines) is also at present, next to the universal and exclusively recognised (legal) metrical system, of great scientific and practical value, since the same has not only been the starting-point for the fixing of the basis of the metrical system, but even at the present time has found employment in pendulum observa- tions, and, by reason of its inclusion in numerous good measure scales and basis-measure apparatus, in land-surveying, especially in Germany. In order to secure a fixed and accurate transition from all the old French units of measurement to measurements according to metric units, and thereby to take the last step to overcome the old system, and finally to attain a homogeneous basis for all measurements, it is of great importance that there should be made as soon as possible in the Inter- national Weights and Measures Office a new comparison between the unit- lengths of the old French system and of the metric system. The whole passage, though not so intended, is a powerful iiidietment of the pseudo-science which wantonly cast aside an established and useful standard for a newly devised and nondescript substitute. Professor Foerster, it may be ob- served in passing, does not speak disparagingly or contemptu- ously of the old inch-and-foot scale ; but, on the contrary, acknowledges its "great scientific and practical value" — as British folk will begin to do after they have lost it, if the metrists have their way. It may be as well to explain, how- ever, how this dependence of the accuracy of the metric standard on the ancient Paris standards arose. Of course, the arc of the meridian could not be measured in ''metres," because that measurement was a preliminary to its establish- ment ; and the surveyors necessarily made use of the autho- ritative scale which it was their purpose to supersede. The meter is usually described as equal to 36-9413 French or 39-3708 English inches. Its precise length, however, was reduced to French lines, of which it equals 443-296, and to this standard it would require to be referred should any ques- tion hereafter arise. Evidently there is considerable vitality in the old inch-and-foot scale still, even where it has been most rigorously suppressed ; and in the coming Battle of the Standards for the supremacy of the world it may yet come off victor. By clearing the field of all inch-and-foot systems save the British it has greatly simplified the issue. What the result of the conflict will be it would be idle to predict ; but there can be no question that the fittest will survive if the English-speaking world, awakening to the importance of its trust, remains united, and "England to herself be true." II. — ZOOLOGY. Abt. VIII. — The Kohoperoa or Koekoea, Long-tailed Cuckoo (Urodynamis taitensis) : An Account of its Habits, De- scripiion of a Nest containing its (supposed) Egg, and a Suggestion as to how the Parasitic Habit in Birds has become established. By EoBEET Fulton, M.B., CM., Edin. [Laid on the Table at the Annual General Meeting of the Otago Institute, November-, 1903.] So little is known of the breeding-habits of the Long-tailed Cuckoo that the description of a nest containing what I believe to be the egg of this interesting bird may be considered of some ornithological importance. The Long - tailed Cuckoo is a native of the South Sea Islands, and visits us annually in the spring, breeding with us, but the task of feeding its young is very frequently carried out by the Grey Warbler {Gerygone flaviventris), a species which actually hatches and brings up the young of the Bronze or Shining Cuckoo (Chalcococcyx lucidus), another summer visitant(l). How the egg of the Shining Cuckoo is placed in the nest of the Warbler is as yet unknown ; the Cuckoo probably lays the egg on the ground and then places it in the nest with its beak, for it can hardly get inside the nest without seriously damaging it ; and when we come to consider the size of the Long-tailed Cuckoo the difficulty is im- measurably increased. Sir Walter Buller says of this point, " It is difficult to conceive how a bird of the size and form of the Long-tailed Cuckoo could deposit its egg in the domed nest of Gerygone flaviventris; and, even supposing that it did, it would seem almost a physical impossibility for so small a creature to hatch it ; and, again, were this feasible, it is difficult to imagine how the frail tenement of a suspension nest could support the daily increasing weight of the young cuckoo "(2). This objection has been raised by others, (3) and from my own observations of the nests of Gerygone, and the fact that the barely fledged Shining Cuckoo fills the nest to almost bursting-point, I am convinced that the Warbler rarely, if ever, hatches the egg of Urodynaims. Sir Walter Buller was long of the opinion that the Cuckoo hatched its own egg and then cast its offspring upon a charitable world 8— Trans. 114 Trafisactions. — Zoology. for support. This view was suggested by the fact that he once shot an adult female of this species in which the under- parts were quite denuded of feathers, as though the bird had been long incubating(4). In addition to this the strange fact that birds of many different species had been seen to feed cuckoos(5) gave him the idea that the true parent hatched the egg, and then left the chick to the " bird world in general " for its support and maintenance. It is reported of the Kermadec Islands that a resident, thoroughly familiar with the birds there, and a reliable observer, has frequently seen the old Cuckoos feeding their young, and considers that they build their own nest, and bring up their young themselves(6). It is not, however, stated whether this nest-building is mere surmise or gathered from actual observation. It is quite possible that an occasional Cuckoo may, under the influence of atavism, actually build a nest and hatch an egg or eggs. An instance is recorded of the Great Spotted Cuckoo of Europe having been said to have bv;ilt a nest and hatched its young ; but all ornithologists of the time discredited the accuracy of the observer, and said that it was a manifest error(7). In Australia we find Cuckoos, almost without exception, depositing their eggs in the nests of other birds. The Channel-bill [Scythrops nova-Jiollandia) lays her egg in the open nests of the Crow, Sparrow-hawk, (8) Black-backed Magpie, and Pied Crow-Shrike; and the Koel {Eudynamis cyanocephala) in the nests of the different Friar-birds and Orioles, all open-nested birds ; the Pallid Cuckoo also lays in similar open or cup-shaped uests(9). Nearly all the other Australian Cuckoos, including several large ones, and three of the four Bronze Cuckoos, carefully select dome-shaped or covered-in nests for the home of their young(lO). Now, the question arises. How are these eggs placed in their respective uests? Dr. Eamsay asserts that they are laid in the nests, and not deposited in any other manner, for he says that the average width of the entrances of the nests of the Acanthizw which have not been visited by the Cuckoo is 1 in. ; while those which have contained Cuckoos' eggs vary from 2 in. to 2^ in. (11). Mr. Archibald Campbell is of the contrary opinion, asking, " How can the Fantail Cuckoo, a bird about 10 in. long, including a tail 5 in., enter the small, covered, dome-shaped nest of a Tit, Acanthizce species, the longest exterior diameter of which is only 4|in.?" The side entrance that hardly admits of one's finger may be enlarged by the Cuckoo thrusting its head in (12). Dr. Brehm gives us an account of the egg of the European Cuckoo, which was deposited in the nest of the Water-wagtail. The hole leading to the nest was large enough for the passage of the Wagtail, Fulton. — The Long-tailed Cuckoo. 115 but not of the parent Cuckoo, and the young Cuckoo, which was hatched out in due time, delayed his departure from the nest until too late, his size being the cause of his permanent iniprisonment(12a). Mr. Jesse refers to the fact that he has found the egg of the Cuckoo in a nest, where it was impossible for the bird to have deposited it other than by its bill(126). M. Oustalet says, "The Cuckoo watches the moment when the mother quits its nest then, laying its egg, seizes it by its mandibles, passes it into the throat with the agility of a con- juror, and flies to deposit it delicately in the stranger's nest.'" The fact of the Cuckoo carrying her egg in her bill is now generally admitted. If such be possible with the European Cuckoo, why not with our Australasian species also ? Mr. Best, of Branxholme, Victoria, says, " In the season of 1888 I shot a Fantail Cuckoo, and on dissection it proved a specially interesting specimen, as in its ovary I found a nearly perfect egg, and in its gizzard another egg, which, though much broken, was evidently an egg of the same species, probably of the same bird. The season was a late one, and the con- clusion I drew was that the bird had carried the egg about for a considerable time, and, being unable to find a suitable nest, had simply swallowed it. In Tasmania a fresh egg of the Fantail Cuckoo was found deposited on a bare stump. Doubtless it had been laid there by the bird, which was probably disturbed before it could convey it away to some suitable nest "(12). There have been a few fortunate observers who have actually seen the deposition of the egg upon the ground by the Cuckoo, who then, taking it in her bill, introduces it into the nest. The most positive evidence on this point is that of Herr Adolph Muller, a forester at Gladenbach, in Darmstadt, who says that through a telescope he watched a Cuckoo as she laid her egg on a bank and then conveyed the egg in her bill to a Wagtail's nest(13). "With one exception, all the Australian Cuckoos are parasitic, and it seems to me reason- able to believe the same of the Long-tailed Cuckoo of our Islands. The occasional supervision by adult Cuckoos of their young ones, and even feeding of them, to which I shall presently refer, has possibly led to the belief thit these birds sometimes hatch their own eggs ; but there is no evidence that this ever occurs, beyond the curious fact mentioned by Sir Walter Buller as to the female bird he shot. We may therefore assume that the Long-tailed Cuckoo, like its Aus- tralian kindred, either lays its egg on the ground and then carries it to a suitable nest, into which it drops it by its bill, or else it finds a nest with a good-sized opening and, settling upon it, lays its egg therein. It no doubt chooses the nest of a bird which is insectivorous, and trusts to Providence, and 116 Transactions. — Zoology. the fact that most of the smaller birds will minister to any unfortunate fledgling which by plaintive piping shows signs of hunger. During the months of October and November it is no uncommon sight to see the smaller Australian birds feeding the young of the Cuckoos. Even the little Acanthizce. which are seldom, if ever, the foster-parents of the PalHd Cuckoo, join in supplying the wants, which are made known by the continual peevish cry, which stops only while feeding is going on or when the appetite is fully appeased. So with the New Zealand birds : the Mocker, the Tui, the Warbler, the Tomtit, the Eobin, the Brown Creeper, the Canary, the White-eye, and the imported House-sparrow are all known to feed the Cuckoo bantlings, not because they are purely duped, but very often from a true philornithic spirit(19). There is no doubt that at times the parent Cuckoos exercise a sort of general supervision over their young ones, to watch, as it were, in order to see if they are well tended, and at times to actually assist in feeding the youngsters. This is at variance with what we are told by Professor Newton, who says, '• The assertion that the Cuckoo herself takes any interest in the egg that she has foisted on her victim, or of its product, there is no evidence worth a moment's attention "(14). To show that there is some evidence that the parent bird does occa- sionally take interest in the welfare of the product of the egg we need only refer to Miss Bell's report of the Kermadec Cuckoos, and to Mr. Archibald Campbell's book, which men- tions several instances: "Channel-bill Cuckoos make their appearance just before or during floods, laying principally in Crow's nests. Later on, or prior to leaving, the old Channel- bills go round and gather up their young, when some hard fighting between the Channel -bills and the Crows usually ensues "(15). The young Koel, or Flinders Cuckoo, was found in the nest of the Friar-bird near Chinchilla, Queens- land. Mr. Broadbent watched the young Cuckoo coming out and the old Friar -birds feed it. The adult Koel used to come about the nest at night, remain until dawn, and then fly away till next night(16). Miss Fletcher, writing to the Austra< asian , 30th May, 1896, says, " I myself have seen a full-grown Pallid Cuckoo feeding a young one of the same species. The young one when flushed flew feebly, and I judged it had only recently left the foster-parents' nest "(17). Mr. Campbell as-ks, " Do Cuckoos sometimes assist the foster-parents in fee