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VIEW
OF THE
CAUSES AND PROGRESS
OF THE
FRENCH REVOLUTION.
Br JOHN MOORE, M. D,
IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I.
Opus opimum cafibus, atrox praeliis, difcors feditionibus, ipfa etiam pace fevum. Tacit.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR G. G., AND J. ROBINSON,
PATERNOSTER-ROW.
1795.
CONTENTS
OF THE
FIRST VOLUME.
CHAPTER I.
1 HE Refources of France — Henry IV. — Lewis XlV. — * The hove of our Country — Loyalty — The Regent—* Lewis XV. page t
CHAPTER II.
Lewis XVI. — Diffujion of Knowledge — of Riches — The- Bourgecifie of France — The Ancient Noblejf — the Mo- dern— The Courtiers — The Queeti — American War- Abolition of Houfehold Troops — German Difcipline-— Practice and Theory. p. 21
CHAPTER III.
The Notables— M. de Calonne — The Clergy — The Arch- bifoop of Touloufe Minifler — Abbe Vermon — A Bed of fufice — Parliament of Paris refufe to regijler the King's Editls — Parliament banifhed — Duke of Orleans ■ — Two Gounfellors of the Parliament fent to Prifon,
p. 48. A 2 CKAP~
F viii ]
CHAPTER IV.
Difcontents — Parliament remonjlrates — Couv Pleniere—> Bed of Jujlice at Verfailles — Members of the Parlia- ment of Paris protefl — Certain Peers addrefs the King- Mild Anfwer of the King— -Other Courts imitate the Example of the Parliament of Paris — The Minifler refigns—lnjlances of Bigotry and Perfecution — Re- flexions. V' 75
CHAPTER V.
Exhibition in the Street— M. Necker*— Political Pamphlets — Opinions rejpecling the Number of Deputies of the Tiers-Etat — Search for Precedents — Second AJembly of the Notables — French Parliaments — The Notables give their Opinion — The States-General are conflituted on a different Plan-— The Minifler 's Motives for this.
p. 94.
CHAPTER VI.
The Nobility of Great Britain and Ireland — The Noblejfe of France. 124
CHAPTER VII.
The Affembly of the States-General — Jealoufies — Difputes rejpecling the Verification of the Powers of the Deputies — The King attempts to conciliate the Three Orders — The Tiers-Etat poflpone his Compromife — Artful Pro- pofal of the Clergy — Eluded by the Commons — The Soli- citude of the King — The Tiers-Etat proceed to the Veri- fication of the Returns without the other* two Orders^ and ajfume the Legiflative Government — Difpute con- cerning
[ i* 3
cerning the Name the AJfembly Jhould a][ume— Obfer- vations and Difcourfes of Mirabeau. p. 137
CHAPTER VIII.
Mirabeau— Refolutions of the National Ajfembly-— Diffe- rent Conduct of the different Orders — Inflexible and un- feeling Behaviour of the Tiers-Etat — Imprudent Con- duel of the higher Clergy — Popularity of the inferior Clergy— Libels, Lampoons— -Univerfal Prejudice againfi the Nobles and Clergy — Reflections on the different Light in which the French Revolution is viewed by thofe in different Situations all over Europe— "Mirabeau* s Jour- nal— Conference between him and M. Necker. p. 172
CHAPTER IX.
M . Necker forms a Plan of Government, which with little Alteration is approved of by the King and Council of State — Majority of the Clergy determine to join the Tiers-Etat — Proclamation for a Royal Sejfion — The Tiers-Etat excluded from their Hall — Oath taken in the Tennis Court — The King's Declaration and Speeches— Marquis de Breze — Mirabeau' 's Anfwer to him — De- crees of the Affembly — The Timidity of the Council — The Caufes of it. p. 211
CHAPTER X.
Great Popularity of M. Necker — Diforders in Paris- Part of the Order of Nobles join the National Ajfembly — Reflections on that Event — Populace demand to be admitted,, contrary to the King's Orders — Deputation to the King on that Subjecl — The King defires the Nobles and Clergy to unite with the Tiers-Etat — De- bates
c * ]
hates on that Subject — The two fuperior Orders join the National Affembly — Univerjal Joy — Difcourfe of Mir a- beau — Reflexions, p. 24S
CHAPTER XI.
Means nfed to prejudice the People againfl the Nobles—* Imprudent ConduB of the Count d'Artois- — Eleven Sol- diers of the French Foot Guards appeal to the People- are taken out of Prifon and protected — Treafonable Ex- prefftons — Troops approach Paris and Verfailles — Dif- courfe of Mirabeau — An Addrefs from the Affembly to the King — His Anfwer — Secret Councils — General Alarm — Feafl in the Ely fan Fields — Dfmiffion of M. Necker — Tumults at Paris. p. 281
CHAPTER XII.
Ref.eclions on the Influence of public Opinion — >on Govern* ment — King's Anfwer to the Affembly s Addrefs occa- jions ill Humour — Formation of an Armed Force by the Inhabitants of Paris — 30,000 Mujkets found at the Jnvalides — Bafille attached and t. 'ken — Murder of M. de Launay and others — Deputations from the Affembly to the King— Scene at the Orangerie — Speech of Mirabeau • — The King changes his Mcafures — comes to the Na- tional Affembly — A Deputation feat to Paris — Rejoic~ ings — The King vifits Paris — Refeclions. p. 315
CHAPTER XIII. M. Necker is recalled — His triumphant Reception at Pa* ris — recommends a general Amncfly — difpleafes the Sec- tions— Some Members of the Affembly blame the condutl cf M. Necker, who begins to lofe his Popularity — Dif- 7 orders
[ & ]
orders all over France — The National AJJembly greatly alarmed — Decrees of the fourth of Augujl — The Duke of Rochefoucault — Sacrifices made by the Clergy, p. 370
CHAPTER XIV.
Refections on the Cruelty to which the Clergy were fuh- jecled — On the Power to be given to the King — The Projecl of two Chambers — The Galleries of the Na- tional AJJembly — Manoeuvres respecting the Audience—' A Feafl given by the Gardes- du- Corps to the Regiment of Flanders at Verfailles — The National AJJembly dif- pleafed with the King's Anfwer to their Addrefs — The Tranjaclions of the Entertainment mijreprej'ented — In- furreElion at Paris — M. La Fayette endeavours to quell it, without Effect — The firfl Conductors of the Re- volution jujrifed — M. La Fayette marches with 20,000 men to Verfailles. . p. 405
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TO HIS GRACE
The DUKE of DEVONSHIRE.
MY LORD DUKE,
TT is very difficult to write on the fubjecl: of the French Revolution without being accufed of partiality. I endeavoured to avoid that imputation in my Journal ; but a very near con- nection of yours told me, that, when ihe was abroad, thofe who are called Democrates, and had read the book, declared that, with other faults, it had an intolerable leaning towards arifto- cracy. Thofe, on the other hand, who are denominated Ariflo crates were of opinion, that its greater! fault was a A 2 fcrong
[ iv ]
ftrong bias to democracy. In the wri^ ter's mind, however, there is no more inclination to either than is to be found in the Conititution of Great Britain, as it was eftabliihed by the efforts of your Grace's anceflor, in con- junction with thofe of other patriots, at the Revolution in the year 1688. The prefent work has been executed in the fame difpofition, and will be expofed to the fame cenfure.
At a period when prejudices operate with unufual acrimony ; when, mere- ly from viewing a particular object in different lights, two lets of men in this country reciprocally acenfe each other of deflgns, of which, I am con- vinced, neither are capable ; when that fpirit of hatred which alienated the minds of men from their countrymen, and even relations, on account of a difference of religious opinions, about
the
[ v ] the middle of the fixteenth century, feems to revive on account of political ones at the end of the eighteenth ; at fuch a time, the qualities of mode- ration, of candour, and benevolence, under the direction of a good under- Handing and fcrupulous integrity, de- rive uncommon luftre from their un- common rarity. This conlideration induced me to addrefs the following \vork to your Grace.
I remain, my Lord Duke,
Your moft obedient and Obliged humble fervant,
J. MOORE.
(JiifForJ-ftreet, 6, 1795,
A
VIEW
OF THE
CAUSES and PROGRESS
FRENCH REVOLUTION.
CHAPTER I.
The Refources of France — Henry IV, — Lewis XIV. — 'The Love of our Country — Loy- alty— The Regent — Lewis XV, '
^TpHE prefent revolution in France is one of the moft awful events of which hiftory affords any record.
The crimes with which it has been ac- companied will remain a ftain on the na- tional character, which all the pcrfeverance B and
( 2 )
and intrepidity with which France has re- pelled external attack cannot efface.
The mifery which the revolution has already produced, is of a nature fo extenfive and fo acute, as no rational hope of future profperity can compenfate.
The only way we have to judge of the probability of what is to happen, is by re- flecting on what has happened; and the _i- fureft means of avoiding evil of any kind is by difcovermg the caufcs which lead to it.
To enumerate fome of the circumftances which tended to haften, and are reckoned among the remote caufes of the French re- volution, may be ufeful.
Many imagine, that it will be a very long time before the finances of France can recover the extraordinary drains they have of late undergone : it mull be re- membered, however, that her refourccs are prodigious, of which nothing can afford
more
C 3 )
more convincing proofs than the rapidity with which, on former occafions, ihe ac- quired riches and profperity, after being exhaufted by civil difTenfions or foreign wars.
She revived from all the difafters of the bloody civil war of the League, with won- derful quicknefs, and acquired new dignity and unprecedented profperity under Hen- ry IV.
A very fhort time "after the civil diifen- fions and war of the Fronde, her greatnefs and wealth excited the jealoufy, and refitt- ed the force, of feveral powerful Rates which combined a gain ft her.
The Hidden recovery from the difaftrous condition to which France was reduced at the two epochs above mentioned, was part- ly owing to the talents of the two Princes who reigned immediately after them.
The firft, being blefled with benevolence B 2 and
( 4 )
and genius, had at once the inclination to raife his country from the calamitous date in which fhe was, and the power to execute it— he was in reality a great King.
The fecond has been called the beft actor of a great King that ever lived.
The fine perfon, dignified deportment, and impofmg manners of Lewis XIV, com- manded the admiration, and even the awe, of his generals, minifters and courtiers ; and towards the end of his reign, when he was at once ailailed by domeftic and public misfortunes, the attachment of his fubjccts feemed to make them feel the forrows of their King as their own, and fubmit with alacrity to heavier exactions than were ever wrung by tyranny from men.
Mankind are governed by force and by opinion. Lewis made ufe of both theie agents in a fupreme degree. Befides the immenfe army which he kept up, in peace
ae
( 5 )
as well as war, he alio kept in a&ion all thofe" fp rings which have been found friendly to the maintenance of implicit obedience in the fubject, and arbitrary power in the monarch. By various means he kept his nobility entirely dependent on his favour. Jealous of allowing the Princes of the Blood occafions of acquiring military fame, he feldom gave them the command of armies, and never for a long time. He command- ed in perfon only when conqueft was fe- cure ; and without being expofed to hard- fhip or danger, he claimed the merit of having reduced every fortrefs, which was either bought by his money, or fubdued by the (kill of his engineers : even in his cabinet at Verfailles he affected to direct the operations of his generals in the field, and vainly expected that, their victories being imputed to his military fkill, the greater fhare of the glory would remain with himfelf.
B 4 He
( 6 )
He was taught that he had a right to controul the conferences and feize the mo- ney of his fubjecls ; and, as he was at once iuperftitious and haughty, he revived the ipirit of perfecution, partly from zeal for the religion which he himfelf profefled, and partly to punifh the arrogance of thofe who dared to entertain opinions different from his.
Compenfating the. difference in quantity by that of quality, he feems to have thought himfelf and family, including his illegitimate children, of more value than all his fubjecls together.
Other Monarchs have rated themfelves and fubje&s in the fame manner ; but Lewis XIV. is perhaps the only King who ever brought his fubjedts to the fame way of thinking. He and his glory occupied their thoughts more than their own welfare, or that of their country. Thofe endearing 3 ideas,
( 7 )
ideas, which are conne&ed with the expref- fion our country ■, roufed his jealoufy ; at lead, pains were taken, in his time, to root them out of their native foil, and tranfplant them around the word King : the expref- fion la Patrie fell out of ufe during his reign, and continued fo for a long time afterwards : — le Roi fupplied its place.
That men mould reverence the chief Magiftrate of a Conftitution, where power is limited and prerogative afcertained, is highly rational and becoming ; that fubjects mould admire a great King, and love a be- nevolent one, is natural and juft. The heart owns, and the understanding approves, thofe fentirhents. There is nothing in them, however, to fire the imagination, or greatly to captivate the affections, But the expref- fion native country prefents itfelf to the mind, decorated with many ideas from the wardrobe of imagination. To tell men
B 4 they
( 8 )
they have difgraced their country, is the moft bitter of all reproaches ; to fay that they have done it honour, is the moft footh- ing of all praifes. The oflicer on the day of battle is fenfible of this ; and that he may infpire thofe under his command with ad- ditional courage, and roufe them to the ut- moft efforts, he reminds them that they are fighting for their country. That iimple fen- tence contains all the magic of eloquence. Conjuring up the ideas of protecting our property, our homes, the abodes of our fore- fathers, the beloved fcenes of our earlieft pleafures and firft affections, it implies de- fending from outrage our conflitution, our religion, all that is valuable and endearing, our friends, parents, wives and children. The love of our country is mentioned with the love of fame by the Roman poet, as the feeling of a noble mind : " Vinc^t ani'.r patrix, .laudumque immenfa cupido."
It
( 9 )
It not only excites to virtuous exertions during life, but a Toothing recollection in death :
" dukes moriens reminifcitur Argos."
The Romans, fond of fighting as they were, would not have unftieathed a fword for the greateft man their country ever pro- duced, if he had infinuated that they were to fight for his glory, and not for their country.
But the French, in Lewis the Fourteenth's time, feem to have thought of nothing but the Monarch. When a battle was loft, their greateft concern was the affliction it would occafion to him — they rejoiced in victory, becaufe it would afford him pleafure, and increafe his glory. The great empire of France, and all which it inherit , feemed to have been concentred in the perfon of the Grand Monarque — as if there had been a general conviction of the abfurd doctrine,
that
( io )
that the People were made for the King3 and not the King for the People; which has a bad effect on the minds of both, render* ing the one more proud, and the other more fervile.
This was the cafe in France during the reign of this arrogant Monarch, whofe affected grandeur impoied on the whole nation ; and who, whether he was a hero in the eyes of his valet de chambre or not, certainly was admired as a great Mo- narch, even by the truly great men of his own time. His generals talked of the ho- nour of fhedding their blood for his glory. The proudeft of his nobility folicited offices, fome of them almoft menial, near his per- fon ; and the great Conde himfelf dwindled into a mere courtier, to fatisfy the vanity of the inflated Monarch.
Confiderations of policy and felfimnefs intermingled, in thefe inftances, with that
A-tr&t'ii' wondflr-
( « )
wonden#ef# with which the nation at that time looked up to their Monarch ; the ge- nerals probably thought a little of com- mands and regiments, the courtiers of places and penfions, and the prince of mitigating that jealoufy which, he well knew, Lewis bore him. It is impoflible to imagine, that they had any affectionate attachment to his perfon.
How could a referved, yet orientations tyrant, who continually facrificed the feel- ings of all around him to his own caprice and conveniency, excite affectionate attach- ment ?
A King of fuch a charade* as Henry IV. would certainly carry men a great length in the mod cordial loyalty ; but let thofe who wi(h to embody patriotifm, and many of the fentiments which beautify and harmonize fociety, with whoever inherits the office of King, recoiled the characters of
all
( M )
all Henry's fuccefibrs, except the laft ; let them alio reflect, that if Lewis XV. had died before his marriage, then all the loyalty of the French nation, with all the duty and affection which belong to it, and that ar- dour to fried their blood for their King's glory, which the French of thofe days were fo fond of profeffing, would have been the lawful inheritance of Philip Egalite.
The impreffion which the long reign of Lewis XIV. made on the minds of his fubject?, continued during the govern- ment of the Regent, whofe character and conduct were in many refpects the re- verfe. Naturally of a companionate difpofi- tion, and a lover of juftice, if wifhes could have done it, he would have made the people happy ; but indolence and the inordinate purfuit of pleafure prevented him from the exertions neceffary for that purpofe, or from
• controlling
( '3 )
controlling the conduct of unfeeling and rapacious minifters.
Endowed with courage and wit, he de- fpifed, as dull and fuperfiuous, the formali- ties which politicians have found ufeful in government ; he fcorned that affected dig- nity and referve, by which imbeciility fc* often gains refpecl, and ignorance is fo of- ten concealed ; and falling into the oppofite extreme, he introduced a laxity of manners, which rejected all the reflraints of polilhed fociety, wounded decency, and revived that profligacy which had been banifhed from the court of France fince the days of Catha- rine of Medlcis and her fon Henry III.
Nothing can be a ftronger proof of the fubmiffive fpirit which prevailed at this period in France, than that the fame fyftem of government continued, in fpite of the wanton imprudence of the Regent, the fraudulent fcheme by which fo many thou-
fand
( u )
fand'indivicluals were ruined, and the defpi- eahle character and naufeous manners of his prime miniiter, who was at once a diigraqe to the priefihood, to the nation, and even to the court.
Inftead of wifhing for any alteration in their government, the French of thofe days were proud of the unlimited nature of their monarchy, with all its crimes broad-blown ; and, after they had defpaired of the Regent, they centred their hopes of a redreis of grievances in the young Prince, who had now attained the age at which he could af- fume the government.
No maxim of holy writ ieems to have made lefs impreflion on mankind than this, Put ?2ot your truji in Princes, In fpite of their numerous difappointments, the higheft. expectations arc always formed by the po- pulace of the heir apparent of the throne. Hiftory hardly makes mention of one who died young, who is not faid to have pof-
iefled
( '5 ) fefTed all the virtues of humanity. Of how many Marcelli have we heard, each more blooming than the other, whole wonderful fpriog of talents promifed the moft aftoniih- ing harveft ! Even the monfter Caligula was, when a boy, the favourite of the Roman army ; and if, for the good of mankind, lie had died then, the world would probably have beea told by fome poet or hiftorian, that he was juft {hewn to the earth*, which being unworthy of him, he was foon carried to heaven. If, however, among thofe born the immediate heirs of empire, fo many are endowed in this extraordinary manner, whofe virtues would add fplendour to the throne, and dirTufe happinefs among their fubjecxs, how infinitely is it to be lamented, that they mould be fo early cut off, rather than their furvivors !
Many circumftances united in Lewis XV.
to * Oflendcnt terris hunc tantum fata.
( 16 )
to conciliate the affections and raife the hopes of the nation.
He was the onlv child of the virtuous Duke of Burgundy (the pupil of Fenelon) and Adelaide of Savoy, whofe playful cha- racter is painted in fuch amiable colours by the writers of that age. The Duke fell a iacrifice to the grief he felt for the un- timely death of this Frincefs ; and the lofs of both filled France, not only with that external mourning which is equally worn for Princes at whofe death the public re- joice, as for thofe they lament, but alfo with real forrow.
The young King porTefTed likewife all the charms of comelinefs of countenance and fymmetry of perfon : to thefe the people added, of courfe, all the beft quali- ties of the head and heart.
Whatever fhare of the latter he had was
foon rendered ufelefs by indolence, and
2 perverted
( 17 )
perverted by the corruptions of a court.
He poflefTed not, like his great-grand- father, that lofty referve, which keeps men at too great a diftance to judge of the real worth of the object they contemplate. — With more weakneiTes to conceal, he had lefs the power of concealing them ; and the more the man was feen, the lefs was the Monarch efteemed.
He appeared at the head of his ar- mies, without endeavouring to acquire any knowledge in the art of war. They gained victories, and his General had the glory.
In peace, he became devoted to an artful woman, who governed the ftate with as un- limited fway, as his General had done the army. Even when fhe had loft the charms by which his affections had been feduced ; abandoning his perfon to others, fhe kept what fhe moft valued iri the connection, by maintaining her power until her death.
C She
( i8 )
She who fucceeded the Marchionefs of Pompadour, as the acknowledged miftrefs of Lewis XV. was not fo haughty and am- bitious as her predeceflor.
Intermeddling lefs with the affairs of ftate, (he was at more pains to amufe and entertain her lover. With all her good humour and gaiety, me found it impof- fible, however, entirely to ward off the tedium to which a vacant mind is pecu- liarly expofed.
Although no man was evermore oppreffed with mental indolence than Lewis XV. he was fond to excefs of bodily exercife, and paffed great part of his time in hunting, from which he derived the double advan- tage of repelling the intrufions of reflection, and obtaining fleep.
The wretched monarch was relieved from the burden of exiftence, by a difeafe which he had taken great pains to avoid through the whole of his pad life, and which he
caught
( 19 )
caught wantonly in his old age*. He died
a memorable proof, that the united advan- tages of external gracefulnefs, riches, high birth, quickneis of apprehenfion, and even benevolence, cannot preclude tedium or mifery, and fecure public efteem to thofe whofe minds are incapable of laudable ex- ertion.
The death of this Prince, who at the "be- ginning of his reign had received the appel- lation of Lewis the IVell-Behvcd, was heard at Paris with fatisfaction rather than forrow.
It had been the ouftom, in times of pub- lic danger, to make a proceflion of the fhrine of St. Genevieve, the patronefs of that city, in the hopes that by the Saint's interceilion the threatened calamity might be averted. This ceremony was performed
* Lewis XV, died at the age of fixty-five, of the {mail pox, which he caught from a young woman, on whom that difeafe appeared foon after fhe had beea with the King,
C 2 during
( 20 ) during the laft illnefs of Lewis XV. He expired notwithftanding. When his death was announced in a certain company, one obferved that the proceffion of the fhrine feemed to have loft its efficacy. " What " happier effecl: could it have prod needs" laid another, " Js he not decjd?"
CHAP.
( 21 )
CHAPTER II.
Li wis XPT.—Dijfufon of Knowledge — of Riches — The Bourgeoi/ie of France — The Ancient Nobhjfe—ihe Modern — The Cour- tiers—The Queen — American War — Abe- lit ion of Houfekold droops — German DifcU pline — Practice and Theory.
IT was net poffible for the perfonal cha- racter of the King to be feen, during the greater part of a long reign, in this de- grading point of view, without diminishing, in a considerable degree, the national vene- ration for royalty.-
At the acccffion of Lewis XVI. however, the public opinion feemed to have a ten- dency to return to its ancient bias. In the candour, affability, and love of juftice, which appeared in the young King, the Ration found a refernbiance with the charac-
G 3 ter
( H )
ter of its lafl Henry, whofe memory was cherifhed with filial veneration.
The young Queen united in her perfon many qualities, which might have been ex- pected to render her popular in any coun- try, but peculiarly fo in France — beauty, good humour, gaiety, and a great defire of pleafing ; preferring affability to etiquette, and the manners of the nation to which fhe had come, to thofe of that which fhe had left ; and forming a bond of union between the two, which promifed a termination to long rivalfnip, and a commencement of mutual fupport and prosperity.
Thofe circumftances certainly had a ten- dency to remove the impreffions which the conduct of Lewis XV. might have made, and to revive the languishing loyalty of the nation.
At this time, however, the fpirit of phi- lofophical difcumon prevailed very much in F nr": The Englifh writers on the fubjecTr
i of
( 23 )
of government were more read and retim- ed than they had ever been before. The works of Montefquieu, RoufTeau, Raynal, were univerfally admired;
Many old prejudices, hurtful to fociety, though fupported by the felf-intereft of a few, and the ignorance of the multitude, were combated by the authors above men- tioned, and others. The writings of Vol- taire, diftinguifhed for wit, and a happirtefs of expreflion which baffles imitation, con- tributed more than all the reft to form the tafte and bias the opinions of the age, They were more univerfally read than the works of any other author ; becaufe, to bor- row the words of one who knew him well, they pofleffed " le precieux avantage d'etre " toujours clair et fimple, fans jamais etre u infipide, et d'etre lu avec un egal plaifir, " et par le peuple des lectures et par l'elite
" des philofophes*."
While
* The precious advantage of being always clear
C 4 and
( 24 ) While the edge of his ridicule is turned againft perfecution and hypocrify, the mod virtuous applaud : but Voltaire was not a believer in Ghriftianity — that was his mif- fortune ; but it cannot excufe his attempts to turn into ridicule the eftablilhed religion of his country. One among many pecu- liarities of this author is, that he treats Ghriftianity with becoming refpeel: in his dramas, and that fome of his plays are at once the rnoft moral and religious of his works.
The Encyclopaedia, that great monument of universal fcience, was finiihed about this period. The avowed object of this work was the promotion of general knowledge, and men diftinguifhed in every branch of fcience had been employed in it -, but what fome of the principal undertakers are fup-
and fimple, without ever being infipid, and of being read with equal pleafurc by a perfon of plain common ''< nfe r.nd by a philofopher.
pofed
I 25 )
pofed to have had chiefly in view, was to promulgate certain free notions on the fubje&s of government and religion, in - which there is no doubt they fucceeded, not only in France but in other countries of Europe.
As by thefe means, and the increafing commerce of the nation, literature and riches became more diffufed among the middle and inferior orders of fociety, many ancient pre- judices were weakened and effaced. That haughty fuperiority, which the meaneft of the NobleiTe affumed over their fellow-citi- zens, became more intolerable to the Bour- geoifie than before : what had been fub- mitted to by men when poor and ignorant, was not fo eafily brooked by the fame clafs when they found themfelves richer, and thought themfelves wifer, than many of thofe who were ranked their fuperiors.
That Ruffian, Polifh, and Bohemian pea- fants, who are attached to the lands, and
have
r 26 >
have no means of improving either their minds or fortunes, mould continue to bear infult and oppreffion from thofe whom they look up to as fuperior beings, is not won- derful ; neither is it furprifing that the Turks continue Haves, becaufe what know- ledge exifts among them belongs to their rulers : but if a gradual progreftion of in- duftry and knowledge takes place in that part of any nation which is moft opprefied, while diffipation and effeminacy prevail in that part which is moft privileged, a fpeedy revolution in fuch a nation may with cer- tainty be predicted.
This alteration had, in a great meafure, taken place in France. The better fort of theBourgeoifie had gained what a great por- tion of the NoblefTe had loft ; and that eleva- tion of mind, (enfe of honour, and fpirit of enterprife, which in the days of yore be- longed exclufively to the latter, wTas now extended, in a great degree, to the former,
A claim
( *7 )
A claim of fuperiority is irkfome to many people, even when they are confcious that the claimant excels them in natural qualities and attainments. A confklerable degree of deference, however, will be fpontaneoufly paid to thefe, by the befi: part of mankind, and will be greatly in- creafed, wherever to fuch attainments the circumftance of high birth is added ; but a continued afliimption of fuperiority in thofe who are inferior in every praife- worthy quality except that of birth, is always felt with indignation and treated with contempt, when the open difplay of that fentiment is not reflrained by interefted motives.
In ancient times, the power of the ftate and the whole fpirit of the French armies depended on the Nobleffe, as gallant a clafs of men as the world ever produced. The Greek and Roman hiftories exhibit not brighter examples of generous intrepidity than the annals of France. The Noblefle
therefore
( 23, )
therefore were at once refpe&ed by the Sovereign and by the People.
But becaufe a race of men, diftinguifhed for the virtues of the age in which they lived, who were .always foremoft in the ranks of battle, their fons fighting by their fides, were refpedfced and admired, and had privileges granted to them, does it follow, it was afked, that the fame are due to men bred in effeminate luxury, diftinguifhed for their follies and debafmg amufements, who, childifhly fond of the trappings of a foldier and the pomp of war, fhrink from its real dangers, and are equally devoid of the har- dihood of ancient times, and of tafte for the elegance of modern refinement?
The following is the defcription which Montefquieu gives of that part of the no- bility of France which formed the Court :
" L'ambition dans l'qifivite, la balfeffe
" dans I'orgueil, le defir de s'enrichir fans-
8{ travail, 1'averfion pour la verite, la flatte-
6 " rie,
( 29 )
*' rie, la trahifon, la perfidie, l'abandon de ■" tous fes engagemcns, le mepris des dcr e" voirs du citoyen, la crainte de la vertu dii " Prince, l'efperance de fes foibleffes, et, plus *? que tout cela, le ridicule perpetuel jette " fur la vertu, forment,je crois, le caractere " du plus grand nombre des courtifans*." The general alteration of manners which Europe has fuftained of late, produced, in the opinion of many of their countrymen, a mod ftriking alteration in the character of the Noblefie of France. The opportunities of diftinguifhing themfelves in the field more rarely occurred ; and when they did, it was generally in diftant climates, to which thofe
* Ambition with indolence; meannefs with pride j defire of enriching themfelves without labour; aversion for truth ; flattery, perfidy; contempt for the duty of a citizen ; fear of the virtues of their fovereign, and hope from his foibles ; and, above all, a continual attempt to turn virtue into ridicule, form the character of the ma- jority of courtiers.
Of
( 3° )
of the higher rank feldom like to go, and therefore are Hot fcnt. Riches and promo- tion at home were obtained by court in- trigue more than military merit, or merit of any kind ; and the favours of the Crown, being too often diitributed by the Princes, by their minions and their miftrefles, occa- fioned much indignation. Many of the NoblelTe, who came from the diftant pro- vinces, were treated fo fupcrciliouily by the affiduous and favoured courtiers at Ver- failles, that they were greatly difgufted with the prefent fyflem, and as ardently defireda change in it as any roturier in the nation. Many officers of the army, after having long ferved abroad, when they came to Versailles, found their fervices forgotten ; and the neglect which they experienced was rendered more poignant by the atten- tion which they faw paid to courtiers, fuch as Montefquieu defcribes.
This accounts for the cold fupport which,
at
( 3« )
at the beginning of the Revolution, the King and the court party received from ibme of the nobility, and a confiderable number of the officers of the army.
At the fame time the conduct and de- portment of the Queen were different from what long eftablifhed forms dictated. So iar from wifhing to imprefs a continual re- collection of the diftance between herfelf and the courtiers, that diftance was to her irkfome. Her natural impreffions as a wo« man had more influence on her conduct, than the artificial deportment dictated to her as a Queen. She loved to defcend from the throne, that fhe might enjoy the comfort of fociety. However neceffary the pomp of etiquette and the frigidity ofreferve may be to high-born dulnefs and infipid vanity, they were taftelefs and fatiguing to a beautiful and lively woman, infpired with the defire, and confcious of the power, of pleating. Her heart delighted in the confidences of friend- ship,
( 3* )
fhip, and preferred that ftyle of fociety where there was at lead an appearance of equality. She gradually introduced, there- fore, a familiarity of intercourfe between the King and fubjec"t, unknown before at the Court of Verfailles.
There are people however in every court who, being confeious that they can derive importance or attention from no fource but that of birth, are infinitely obfervant of the degrees of rank, and anxious that each indi- vidual fhould receive the precife portion of refpect to which birth gives him a claim ; but while the various gradations and fhades of heraldry were diftin&ly perceived by many perfons of this defcription, the daughter of Maria Therefa was by birth raifed fo high above them all, that to her they all feemed on a level. She diftinguifli- cd people by a different criterion — as they feemed to be more or lefs accomplished or agreeable ; and by this means mortally of- fended
( 33 )
fended many illuftrious perfons of both fexes, who had no pretenfions of that na- ture.
The King and Queen not only gave frequent private entertainments, but accept- ed of them from the Princes and other per- fons of the court ; and each of them had oc- cafionally parties, without the other being invited. The Queen, who was much fond- er of fuch entertainments than her huiband, had often private fuppers, with dancing, where deep play was allowed, and where the ufual topics of Parifian converfation, with all the vivacity and freedom of the Parifian focieties, took place.
This did not exift long without malig- nant interpretation. Thofe who loved eti- quette, and derived what distinction was fhewn them from it ; thofe who were left out of the Queen's parties ; the prudes and duennas of the Court were offended. Had the Queen been better able to fupport the
P languor
( 34 )
languor of pomp and the flavery of etiquette, the eye of fufpicion would have been lulled or kept at a diftance, the tongue of flander overawed ; and the gloom of formality, removing all idea of pleafure, would have given the Court the appearance of more righteoufnefs, by being lefs gay.
In a beautiful, fprightly, and unguarded woman Calumny found an eafy prey ; and afterwards being united with Sedition, they made a joint attack on the Queen, with a ■view not only to injure her, but to debafe the King, and vilify royalty itfelf in the eyes of the people.
Reports and infinuations of the vileft na- ture were circulated by many who did not believe them, and believed by many more on no better grounds than that they were often repeated ; and me, who, for the rea- fons above mentioned, feemed dcftined to give Jafting peace and profperity to France, was, by malignity in conjunction with fcdi- 4 don,
( 3S )
tion, reprefented as the caufe of public mi- fery, and the determined enemy of the country.
The oftentatious and far more expenfive magnificence of Lewis XIV. although per- haps it would have been cenfured in Lewis XVI. yet could not have raifed more indig- nation, than that fpecies of profufion which the latter, contrary to his own tafte, per- mitted, in compliance with that of thofe around him.
The magnificent palaces, extenfive gar- dens, and numerous retinue, belonging to the former, could afford, it may be thought, as little enjoyment to a peafant or manufac- turer in the provinces of France, as the pe- tits foupes at Trianon or the bals mafques of St. Cloud ; he might alfo be allured, that the one as much as the other was at the expence of his labour and the fweat of his brow. Still he had a pride in hearing, that his King had finer palaces and gardens than
D 2 any
( 3« )
any King in Europe ; whereas he felt mor- tified in hearing, that a parcel of worthlefs courtiers were banqueting at his expence, while he could with difficulty procure brown bread for himfelf and his family. — What the Court of Verfailles may perhaps have gained in enjoyment, by the rejection of etiquette and the introduction of eafe and familiarity, it loft in that admiration, which folemnity, ceremony, and diftance, excite in the minds of the people. Objects in general appear fmaller, in proportion to the diftance at which they are placed ; but the reverfe is often the cafe, in contemplat- ing thofe who are vulgarly called the Great. The degree to which fome of them dwindle^ when brought nearer and viewed with pre- cifion, is wonderful,
Some of the Princes of the blood, who
were not judicious in the choice of their
companions, lojing their princely privilege
with vile participation, contributed greatly
7 tQ
( 37 )
I to lower that fenfe of awe and refpecl for
royalty, which it is of fo much importance to preferve in all countries whofe govern- ment is monarchical
The expenfive diffipation of the Court, and of the Comte d'Artois in particular, has been greatly exaggerated ; but although that, taken at the higher! calculation, could con- tribute little to the diminution of the public treafure, it contributed more to the public difcontent than much deeper fources of ex- pence would have done : a flngle year, for example, of an unjuft and unnecefiarjs war would have coft the French nation much more money, and probably a great deal of blood, and yet the Court might have been allowed to commence it, without exciting any murmurs
The part which France took in fupport
of American independence unqueftionably
haftened the French revolution. In Ame^
rica many French officers caught republican
D 3 fentiments
< 3« )■
ientiments and principles, which at their re- turn fpread with the rapidity of a new fafhion all over France. The fentiments of loyalty became every day cooler in the breafts of Frenchmen ; they began to value popularity and the huzzas of the mob more than the fmiles of the Sovereign ; political clubs were eftablifhed as in England ; the conduct of Government was canvafTed in coffee-houfes ; and the Palais Royal, without ceafing to be the rendezvous of profligacy, became alfo the focus of fedition.
The Cabinet of Verlailles expected, no doubt, that, without weakening France, the affiftance given to America would greatly impoverifh England. The effect has turned out otherwife ; that meafure, without much affecting the riches of England, has made France poor r deed.
The abolition of the houfehold troops of France may aKo be reckoned among the re- mote caufes of the revolution. The Crown
was
(- 39 )
was by that meafure deprived at once of a great fupport and a confiderable fource of fplendour. It is abfurd to imagine, that the people can abftract the impreffion made on their minds by the magnificence which they are accuftomed to fee accompany their King, from what they owe to his rank and perfo- nal qualities : diminifh the firft, and they will think more flightingly of the two others. This ill-judged reform, therefore, wrhile it leiTened the veneration of the fub- jects for their Sovereign, overfpread the provinces with difcontented gentlemen, and converted thofe who at Verfailles would have remained fubmiffive fervants, into acrimonious cenfurers at Paris.
It is impoffible for any government to
fupport itfelf long, after a great majority of
the governed are of opinion, that it is un-
juft and oppreffive, and wifh for an altera-
. tion.
This opinion had gained fo much among D 4 .people
( 4° )
people of all conditions in France, with refpect to their government, that it would have been wife in the admlniitration to have acquiefced in the wifhes of the people, by forming fome moderate and prudent plan of reformation. Some things, for example, which had been thought proper and becom- ing at the time they were eftabliihed, but by a change of manners and other circum- flances were now confidered as ridiculous, oppreflive, and odious, might have been abolifhed gradually, with fuch efficacy as entirely to preclude, or greatly diminifh, the probability of any of thofe rapid and violent revolutions, which are never effected with- out bloodfhed and injuftice.
But this meafure of abolifhing the houfe- hold troops, and thereby fo confiderably leffening the influence and obfeuring the luftre of the Crown, feems fo violent, that' it is difficult to conceive how it could have been adopted by any minifter, however fond
of
( 41 )
of public freedom, who was at the fame time a friend to monarchy in France.
The introduction of the German cuftom of punifhing the foldiers by blows, as it difgufted the men, and led to that defection which afterwards appeared in the troops, has alfo been thought to have contributed to the revolution. This kind of punifh- ment certainly occafioned great defertion when firft introduced, not only among the private foldiers, but alfo among the ferjeants and corporals ; for it was thought debafing to thofe who were ordered to inflict it, as well as to thofe on whom it was inflicted. Punimment is peculiarly neceifary to keep thofe who have arms in their hands in due order and obedience ; but when permitted to be arbitrarily inflicted by men often under the influence of paffion, it cannot appear fo juft, nor have fo good an effect, as when appointed by a cool and impartial court martial.
One
( 4* )
One would naturally imagine that the. practice of caning has a tendency to break the fpirits of foldiers, and to make them think meanly of their profeffion ; and it can hardly be conceived, that to keep men's minds under the continual impreffion of fear is a likely means of infpiring them with courage. But we have been told with peculiar emphafis of late, that what feems excellent in theory is abfurd in prac- tice ; and that many things which are very horrid to the mind to contemplate before- hand, are, notwithftanding, very advan^ iageous when put in practice. From the frequent repetition of this obfervation, and the manner in which it is applied, one would almoft fufpect, that the following are meant to be recommended as axioms :
i. We ought to avoid every new mea- fure which, to our feeble and circumfcribed understandings, feems likely to produce a
good effect.
2. Although
( 43 )
2. Although a meafure, from apparent ab- surdity and the cruelty requifite in the exe- cution, revolts at once the head and the heart, it is not rafnly to be rejected on that account, as it may be attended with confi- derable advantages nothwithftanding.
3. With regard to the practice of caning foldiers, as it has been of late entirely banifh- ed from the French armies, that circum- fiance is fufficient of itfelf to determine a prudent and humane general to adopt it, and order the foldiers to be caned with more zeal than ever, that he may not be accufed of imitating the French.
The fame train of reafoning goes to prove, that the patriotifm which actuated many Frenchmen at the beginning of the revolution, and the efforts they made to re- form abufes and obtain a free conftitution, having failed of fuccefs, ought to ferve as a warning to mankind never to make a fimi- lar attempt again j but rather to combine in
eftablilhing
( 44 )
eftablifhing defpotic governments of Her- culean force to crufh the hydra of demo- cracy wherever fhe tries to rear her favage heads. And as the fpirit of freedom in France has been perverted to the mod wick- ed purpofes, by a fet of the mod abomi- nable men that ever the earth produced, therefore the fpirit of paflive obedience and ilavifh fubmiflion mould alone be cherifhed in every country, and honoured by every government, for the tranquillity of the hu- man race. And, completely to fecure the peace and profperity of the governing pow- er in all nations, which is the chief object of government, it would be expedient to grant it the power, in times of alarm, to oblige all fufpected perfons to wear fetters, fince nobody can deny the wifdom and juf- tice of putting madmen and murderers in chains.
Another circumftance which had confide- rable influence in haflening, and much more
( 45 )
in perverting, the revolution in France, was the fixing on Verfailles as the place for the States General to meet at. Although it was impoffible to forefee all the mifchicf which has arifen from that meafure, it might na- turally have occurred, that an AfTembly which, it wTas fuppofed, was to act with freedom and independence, would have been placed with more propriety at a greater diftance from the populous and turbulent city of Paris.
This is fo evident, that many have thought it could not efcape M. Necker; yet he firft advifed the King to convoke the AfTembly at Paris, and did not propofe Ver- failles, until he found the King and the Mi- nifters pofitively againft that meafure -> and as it is not eafy to aflign a good reafon for this, it has been imputed to M. Necker's fondnefs for popular applaufe, and to his thinking, that the more evident his popu- larity was, the greater would be his influence
with
I 46 )
with the Aflembly. He little thought, that the very fcheme which he formed for the augmentation of his own influence was, in a fhort time, to be a principal caufe of the annihilation, not only of his influence, but of the influence of reafon, juftice, and humanity, and of fubjugating the National Aflembly, and the nation itfelf, to the moft dreadful tyranny that ever oppreffed man- kind.
It may be thought improper to mention the arbitrary nature of the French govern- ment as a caufe of the revolution, becaufe it has fubfifled many years, and becaufe it fubfifts Mill in other countries where no re- volution has taken place ; but that may prove a powerful caufe in certain fituations, which would have remained inactive in others ; in no other nation do the circum- ftances above enumerated occur in addition to their arbitrary government, nor did they ever before occur in France.
Perhaps
t 47 )
Perhaps all thofe caufes together would not have produced the revolution, without the calling together of the States General ; and notwithstanding the greatnefs of the deficit, it is the opinion of fome, that this meafure might have been eluded. However that may be, the diforder in the French finances was fo great, fome time before the year 1789, that the irripofition of very con- fiderable additional taxes was thought the only effectual remedy ; but as the people thought themfelves already overloaded, and were in a ftate of mutinous difcontent, the application of this remedy required pru- dence and delicacy.
CHAR
( 48 )
CHAPTER III.
The Notables — M. de Calonne — The Clergy — - The Archbtfhop of Touloufe Minifter — Abbe Vermon — A Bed of Juflice — Par* /lament of Pan's refufe to regifter the King's Edicts — Parliament banifhed — Duke of Orleans — Two Counfellors of the Par- liament fent to Prifon,
FT had been long the ufage for the Parlia- "*• ment of France to regifter every new impofition. The tax was indeed not con- fidered legal by the people, till the registra- tion had taken place ; and it fometimes hap- pened, that, inftead of obeying the edicl:, the Parliament made a remonftrance, point- ing out the hardfhip of impropriety of the lax, and praying the King to reconfider or withdraw it.
So
( 49 )
So much the Kings of France themfelves admitted that the Parliament had a right to do ; but having made the remonflrance, it was infilled that the parliamentary function was completed, and it remained with the King to give what weight to it he pleafed. If he ftill infilled on the tax, it was then the duty of the Parliament to regiiter with- out farther refiftance, on a letter from the King, called Lettre de Jaffion, being ad- dreffed to them.
The friends of prerogative afTerted, that this regiftration of taxes was a mere mat- ter of form, and that the King's edict gave them all their efficacy, independent of that ceremony ; whereas others contended, that no tax could be legally levied till it had received the fanction of Parliament.
The fpirit of Whig and Tory had this
extent and no more in France, before the
American war ; but foon after that period
E the
( 50 ) the fpirit of the firft became much more ar- dent and encroaching.
In times of difficulty, when new taxes were abfolutely neceflfary, and yet minifters were afraid to impofe them, it had ou various occafions been found neceflary to fummon the States-General (les Etats Ge- neraux), and leave it to them to point out the propereft method of impofing and levy- ing the necefTary taxes.
Les Etats Generaux are an aflfembly con- filling of deputies from the three orders of citizens in France — namely the Nobility, the Clergy, and the Tiers Etat ; the laft im- plies all the citizens of France who are neither of the nobility nor clergy.
The meafure of fummoning the States- General was much talked of at the time when M. de Calonne was controller ge- neral of the finances ; but it required much prudence and circumfpeclion on his part, 7 before
( s* )
before he decided how to adt in the prefent circumftances.
When moderate reforms only are re- quired in a government with which the people in general are well fatisfied, the fooner they are made the better ; becaufe they prevent the progrefs of difcontent, and may be made without rifk : but when great abufes have taken place, when the people are highly difcontented, and demand im- portant changes, at the very time that there is a neceflity to impofe new taxes, it. is difficult to know how to proceed.
To attempt the impofition of taxes, with- out firft agreeing to the reformation requir- ed, may drive the people to refiftance. To yield entirely to the requifitions of the people, may be confidered by them as a proof of weaknefs in the government, and encourage them to rife and go beyond reafonable bounds in their demands.
If it is attempted to make reformation E 2 and
( # )
and taxation go hand in hand, by commits ting both to the confideration of a general aiTembly of the States, it may be difficult afterwards to take the management of the public affairs out of the hands of fuch an aflembly, delegated by the nation at large ; becaufe a number of men convened for fuch a purpofe naturally create courage, and communicate a fpirit of enterprife to each other ; and, in a country where many op- preffive privileges and invidious diflinclions, or in other words abufes, exift, the intended reformation may very poflibly turn out a revolution.
M. de Calonne feems to have been aware of this ; and therefore, however folicitous he might be to avoid the odium of new and heavy impoiirions, he alfo wifhed to elude the calling the States-General, by adopting a lefs formidable expedient.
It was an eftabliihed practice in France, for every municipality to elect a number of
its
( 53 )
its moft refpectable citizens, who, on ex- traordinary and important occafions, being joined to the common and ufnal council, became the general affembly of the munici- pality. This laft additional body was call- ed the body of Notables, It has likewife been cufiomary for the Kings of France, on certain emergencies., to fummon thofe of their fubjects of whofe judgment they had a good opinion, and confult with them. Thefe men, while their political function continued, were alfo called Notables. The moft efiential difference between fuch an afTembly and the affembly of the States-Ge- neral feems to be, that the latter is entirely chofen by the King ; whereas the former is appointed, under particular regulations, by the people.
M. de Calonne determined to fummon
an affembly of Notables, in the expectation
that a council fummoned in the King's
name, and elected by himfelf, would rea-
E 3 dily
( 54 )
dily approve of the plans which he intended to lay before them ; and as part of thefe plans were of a popular nature, he imagined they would render him popular alfo. The effect was the reverfe ; for people who are pre- judiced againft any perfon are more apt to conceive an ill opinion of a good propofal, on account of the propofer, than a good opinion of the propofer on account of the propofition.
The principal tax propofed by him was the Timbre or Stamp Tax, which it was thought would have produced about thirty millions of livres annually.
Many of his other operations would have been chiefly at the expence of the Clergy — which drew upon him the hatred of that body, without procuring him the love of the reft of the nation. His propofed regu- lations were moftly directed againft the ec- clefiaftical droits feigneuriaux honorinques ; as their right of appointing judges, the
rights
( 55 )
rights refpe&ing fiihing and hunting, and lbme others equally unconnected with the functions of clergymen. Although theie produced but a fmall revenue, while in the hands of eccleiiaitics, who, on account of their not refiding on their benefices, could not reap the full advantage of them, yet the droits honorifiques were purchafed at a great price by the gentlemen of the country, wTho were all ambitious of becoming feigneurs. Many people faw no injuflice, but great propriety, in diverting the clergy of rights fo foreign from their profeffion. The in- difference with which men fee the rights of others invaded, often forms a ftrong contrail with their fenfibility when the lead attack is made on their own. Many of the laity on this occafion infilled on the impropriety and injuftice of the original grant, but laid no ftrefs on the hardmip of taking from men what they had porTefTed for ages. The Clergy on the other hand exclaimed againft the impiety of robbing the Church, and E 4 • the
( J6 )
the iniquity of {tripping men of rights which they have long enjoyed, but left entirely cut of the argument the abfurdity of ever granting them fuch rights. Had the men's fituations been reverfed, their reafoning would have undergone the fame change.
By the alienation of thofe privileges fo ufelefs to the clergy, the government would, as I am allured, have gained an yearly revenue of four or five hundred thoufand pounds flerling. The number of clergy at that time in France was pro- digious, as the following calculation will fiiew : Forty-five thoufand cures ; the fame number of vicars ; cathedral and collegiate canons, comprehending the grand vicars, fifteen thoufand j poftulants and expectants, ten thoufand ; old men retired from the duties of their profeflion, three thoufand ; making in ail one hundred and eighteen thoufand men ; to which number may be added, forty thoufand monks, and about
twenty- five
( 57 )
twenty-five thoufand nuns : in all one hundred and eighty-three thoufand perfons, employed exclusively in the duties of reli- gion, and fupported by donations of vari- ous kinds at the public expence.
It is curious to obferve how effects fome- times change into caufes, which produce other effects of a nature diametrically oppo- fite to what fird produced themfelves.
A fervent zeal for religion, no doubt, was the came of the vail accumulation of wealth belonging to the church in France ; and the ample provifion made for ecclefiaf- tics of all denominations, was the caufe of the vaft number that were of that pro- feifion : and there can be as little doubt that the great numbers of ecclefiaftics, with that profuiion of revenue for their ufe, contributed greatly to the prejudice wThich took place again ft the clergy, and which has ended in a coolnefs and neglect, not only of them but of the religion they teach.
Every poffible effort was made by the
clergy
( 5« )
clergy to turn M. de Calonne from his plan of attack upon them ; but as he perfevered, the animofity of that body againft him aug- mented every hour, and at length came to that degree, that none of them went to his houfe. Among the other extraordinary things, therefore, to be feen in France at this period, one was, the levee of a Minifter without a fingle ecclefiaftic attending it.
The Archbifhop of Toulcufe had long in- dulged the defire of being Minifter. His hopes of fuccefs were chiefly founded on the protection fhewn to him by the Queen. He had hitherto been difappointed, how- ever, by the fmall eftimation in which the King held his talents and character.
The Abbe de Vermon was a creature of the Archbifhop of Touloufe. He had for- merly been at Vienna, and, at the recom- mendation of the Archbifhop of Touloufe, had been one of the Queen's inftructors be- fore flie left that court, and had retained a confiderable fhare of her confidence. It
was
C S9 )
was through the Abbe Vermon that thfc Archbifhop had acquired the Queen's fa- vour. The fame Abbe had always kept the Archbifhop in hopes of fucceeding in obtaining the fituation of Minifter, and now aflured him that nothing could fo much fa- vour his ambition as the difgrace of M. de Calonne. He reprefented this as a fortu- nate moment for the accomplishment of his wiihes ; for the King, who was known to have a ftrong defire to appeafe the irritated minds of the clergy, could find no more confpicuous opportunity than by choofing a diftinguiihed member of that order as fue- ceflbr to their enemy. To this he added, that the great reputation of the Archbifhop as a man of talents and a ftatefman, his weight in the Aflembly of the Notables, with the protection of the Queen, would fecure to him the fituation he wifhed for in the adminiilration, as foon as M, de Calonne fhould be difmified ; and therefore all means
ihould
( 6o )
fiiould be taken to incline the King to that meafurc, whenever any pretext fhould offer.
M. de Calonne imprudently furnifhed one himfelf foon after ; for having per* ctived that the debates of the Affembly made a great impreflion on the public mind, and hurt the public credit, he caufed a me- morial to be publifhed in the King's name, and circulated with much profufion, afTert- ing that it was not true that the majority of the committees of the Affembly of Notables refufed the demands of the King ; that the neceiTary previous difcuffions on thofe de- mands, which had taken place and ftill con- tinned, ought not to be confidered as a refufal ; and that it was evident, that the Affembly intended almofl unanimoufiy to adopt the principal demands of his Majefty.
This affertion, which was not literally exact, and which it was improper to pub- Urn, if it had been ever fo much to be ex*
pecled3
( 6i )
pelted, offended the majority of theAfiem- bly, and produced a violent clamour againft M. de Calonne, which being aflifled by the
Ml
Queen, and by the King's aunts, whofe piety made them take part againil him as the enemy of the clergy, at laft the King determined to difmifs him.
The Archbilhop of Touloufe was named M inifter ; but, to lave the odium which would accompany his taking the identical place of the perfon he had undermined, he had another appointed to the office of Controller of the Finance, who performed the duty under his direction, as all the other Minifters did ; the King, for fhat pur- pofe, having conferred on the Arehbifhop the title of Principal Minifter.
M. de Calonne thus difgraced at Court, abandoned by the Affembly of the Notables, and unpopular in the nation, quitted France full of rage and indignation.
The Aflembly itfelf was foon after dil-
folved :
( 6* )
folved ; but the effecls which the meeting of this Affembly had produced were not fo eafily effaced. During their continuance, the general topics of converfation all over France were very different from what they ufed to be. The immenfity of the deficit, the prodigality of the Court, the diftrefled ftate of the kingdom, were the prevailing fubje&s of difcuffion in all companies, and were treated with equal warmth and nearly equal volubility by both fexes.
The Abbe de Vermon and others had lamented thefe increafing evils, and had in- dicated the adminiftration of the Archbifhop as the remedy. The remedy did not prove equal to the difeafe. The new Minifter condemned fome of the meafures of his pre- deceflbr, and fo far the public went with him ; he propofed others to fupply their place, but they proved as unpalatable as the former. Inftead of regiflering the decrees for his taxes, the Parliament of Paris remon-
ftrated
( 63 )
itrated againft them. The cry for the affembling of the States General became louder and more general ; and people talked with more boldnefs than ever. If the go- vernment, faid they, cannot difpenfe with frelh fuccours from the people, neither ought it to difpenfe with afking them from thofe who, being delegated by the nation, have the fole right to grant them.
The Notables, previous to their diflblu- tion, had recommended a land and a {lamp tax, the edicts for which were fent to the Parliament to be enregiftered. As it was forefeen that the Parliament would be averfe to the firft, which was to be an equal im- pofl affecting thofe of its own members, who had been hitherto exempted as part of the Nobleffe, extraordinary meafures were thought expedient.
With a view of linking awe and produ- cing fubmiffion, by a difplay of pageantry
inter-
( 64 )
intermingled with military parade, the Mi- nifter prevailed on the King to funimon a bed of juftice.
This meafure would have had a better chance of being fuccefsful before the fitting of the Notables. The difcuffions that had taken place during thofe fittings, had heat- ed the public mind and rendered the people more daring. The Parilians fhewed more indignation than terror at the military force which attended the King to the Parliament. Monfieur, the King's elder brother, though of that ferious and referved character which is generally fo much difliked in France, was received with applaufe by the people, be* caufe he had declared himfelf againft M. de Calonne. The Count d'Artois, whofe difpo- fition and manners had more affinity with the national character, was infulted by them, becaufe he had been confidered as his pro- tector.
It
( % )
It was expected that the Parliament would not have the boldnefs to dlfobey the King's orders pronounced by his own lips. To advife his Majefty to riik the experi- ment, however, was no proof of the Mini- ster's prudence.
The Parliament, driven to the alternative of difobeying the King or provoking the People, chofe the former. This circum- ftance alone proves, that the revolution was already wonderfully advanced. After having for ages exercifed the right of fanc- tioning taxes, and having maintained the doctrine that this right belonged to them exclusively, the Parliament now declared, that they had not the power of regiftering taxes which were not confented to by the nation ; and humbly demanded the fpeedy aiTembling of the States-General.
This unexpected declaration difconcerted the Court, and threw the Parifians into tranfports of joy.
F It
( 66 )
It was imagined that nothing could have rendered the Parliament more popular than this declaration. The Minifter proved that this was a miftake ; for he at once brought a great degree of odium on the Court, and raifed the popularity of the Parliament ftill higher than it was before, by prevailing on the King to banifh them to Troyes.
Popularity in France is more fluctuating and of fhorter duration than in any other country. That of the Parliament of Paris was very fhort-lived ; it was extinguished by their doing in exile what they had re- fufed in the capital. They were prevailed on to regifter a tax, and foon after returned to Paris.
A loan was propofed by the Minifter, and approved of by feveral members of the Parliament. This meafure was to be de- creed in the King's prefence. The Duke of Orleans protefted againft fome proceed- ings on this occafion.
It
( 6; )
It was a new thing in France for a Prince of the blood, not in actual rebellion nor at the head of an army, to oppofe the will of the Sovereign. By fome this conduct was imputed to confcientious motives, and by others to criminal ambition. Mod probably it proceeded from neither. The Duke had been in England, where he acquired a violent tafte for the drefs and fome of the amufe- ments of that country, particularly that of horfe-racing, in which he obtained fome knowledge, and was thought to have con- verted it to his advantage at his return to France. He had alfo been delighted with the oppofition occafionally exhibited in the Britifh Parliament to the meafures of Go- vernment; and his vanity was flattered with the idea of tranfmitting this pradice, with other novelties, to France; thinking that, during the prefent tide of popular opi- nion, he might with perfonai fafety lead that fafhion.
F2 The
( 68 )
The Duke of Orleans, however, was banifhed to one of his eftates near Paris ; and two counfellors of the Parliament, who had fpoken in fupport of his proteft, were feized, and fent to feparate prifons.
After the declaration which the Parliament of Paris had made, there was very fmali probability that the public would be fatis- fied without the aflembling of the States. The Court, however, was exceedingly averfe to this meafure, and ufed every de- vice to evade it ; but it was not likely that what had been attempted in vain under the direction of M. de Calonne, in times of lefs turbulency, would be accomplished at the prefent moment by a Minifter of lefs fhrewd- nefs and capacity. It was not in the power of the Court to fharpen his wit, or enlarge his capacity ; but what was poffible to do was done for him. The Archbifhop of Touloufe was- declared Principal Minifter ; and encouraged by this new dignity, he
formed
( 69 )
Formed a fcheme which he hoped would enable the Government to difpenfe with the Parliament as well as the States-Ge- neral.
This fcheme was to eftablim a number of courts of juftice in France, and at the fame time to create a grand court under the title of Conr plemere% all the members of which were to be named by the Crown ; and the exprefs purpofe of this lad. court was to enregifter the King's edicts.
The edict ordaining this important in- novation, with fome others, was printed at Verfailles ; the whole being intended to be kept fecret, until it mould be laid before the different Parliaments at the fame moment in the beginning of May.
There is no queftion that, if this fcheme had been fubmitted to, it mud have had the effect propofed. The credit of defeating it has been generally attributed to M. d'Efpre- menil, a member of the Parliament of Paris, F 3 who
( 7° )
"who had the addrefs to procure a copy of the intended edicts, which he immediately communicated to that body, among whom they excited great indignation and the fpirit of refiftance. It feems exceedingly probable, however, that they would have excited the fame indignation and as effectual a refift- ance as foon as they appeared, although the publication had not taken place until the time fixed on by the Minifter. I cannot give the fame importance, therefore, that fome have done, to M. d'Efprcmenil's difco- very ; nor do I think the policy of keeping the project fecret, wonderfully profound : for before the cony of the edicts was ob- tained, it was known that a paper was printing by orders of the Adminiftration at Verfailles, inftead of being printed at the ufual prefs at Paris ; that fentries were placed in the printing-houfe, to prevent thofe employed from converting with any other perfons. Thofe circumflances, with
the
( 7i )
the myfterious conduct of Minifters, could not fail to create a prejudice againft the edicts, before the nature of them could be known. Men are ufually more afraid of objects in the dark than in the light. Or- donnances, concealed with fo much care, created, it is probable, more terror than if they had been published in the ufual way without any air of myftery or concealment. Violent harangues were pronounced in the Parliament againft thofe edicts, and ftronger insinuations were rifked againft the conduct of the Minifter, than had been heard in that AfTembly fince the days of the Fronde.
M. d'Efpremenil became the peculiar object of minifterial refentment, for hav- ing brought the project to light a little fooner than was intended. A lettre de cachet was ifTued againft him; he efcaped from the exempt, and took refuge in the Parliament, which immediately decreed F 4 that
( 7* )
that he was under the fafeguanl of the King and of the Law ; and at the fame time fent a deputation of their members to Verfailies, with a petition to the King in favour of D'Efpremenil, and another member of their body againft whom an order of arreft had been alio iifued. It was decreed at the fame time, that the Court ihould continue their fitting until the * deputation, which confided of the Firfl Prefident and four Counfellors, mould return.
They arrived at Verfailies at feven in the evening ; at midnight they were given to underftand, that they could not be received by his Majefly. And the next day a body of troops furrounded the hall of Parliament, and no perfon was allowed to enter or go out. At eleven in the morning, an officer who commanded the troops entered, and required that M. d'Efpremenil mould be delivered up to him. The whole Court, 6 anfwered
( 73 )
anftvered one of the members, is cooctpofeJ of Iifpremenils.
The officer not knowing how to proceed in circumitances fo new and fo delicate, retired, and fent a melTage for freih orders. In this date things remained for the fpace of twelve hours, the Parliament furrounded with troops, while a vaft concourfe of the inhabitants of Paris viewed the fcene with indignation, and might, by the ilightefl: in- cident, have been provoked to attack the troops, and begun a fcene of mutual Llood- fhed and llaughter.
This was prevented by the prudence of M. d'Efpremeinl and his friend ; who feeing there was a determination in the Minifler to feize them, delivered themfelves into the hands of the officer j and one was carried to the Mate prifon in the ifle of St. Marguerite ; the other, M. Monfabei t, to that of Pierre-Encife.
This open rupture between the Court
and
( 74 )
and the Parliament, while it tended to weaken the influence of each, foftered a third power which had not hitherto been properly attended to by either, and ha* finally proved the deftru&ion of both.
CHAP,
( 75 )
CHAPTER IV.
D if contents — Parliament remcrflrates — Co ur Pleniere — Bed of Jujiice at Verfailks — Members of the Parliament of Paris pro- iejl — Certain Peers addrcfs the King — ■ Mild Anfwer of the King — Other Courts imitate the Example of the Parliament of Paris — The Minijler refgns — In/lances of Bigotry and Perfecution— -Reflections.
IN the prefent difpofition of the public, nothing could- be more imprudent than giving a fpeclacle fo likely to roufe indig- nation, as the fight of two Magiftrates in their robes carried through the ftreets by a military force ; and that it palled without bloodfhed before the eyes of a multitude of exafperated Frenchmen is not the lead ex- traordinary circumftance.
But what feemed to have been prevented, § as
( 7« )
as if by miracle, on this remarkable occa- fion, was threatened on many trifling oc- currences afterwards. The hatred againft the Archbifhop was fo great, that his name could not be mentioned, nor any thing that could be conftrained into an ailufion to him uttered, without exciting fymptoms of fury againft him.
The tragedy of Athalie was advertifed at the Comedie Francoife. It is a religious piece ; and many were furprifed to find the houfe crowded : but they underftood the reafon when they recollected, that there is a wicked prieft, who is alfo a favourite at court, among the dramatis perfonas, and when they obferved in what manner the following verfes which he pronounces were applied by the audience :
(>u'importe qu'au hazard ufl fang vil foit verfe ? Efl-ce aux Rois a gardcr cette lente juftice ? Leur furete fouvent depend d'un prompt fupplice, N'allons point les gener d'un foin embarraiTanr, Des qu"on leur eft fufpecr, on n'eft plus innocent.
To
( 77 )
To this it is anfwered,
He quoi, Mathan ? D'un pretre eft-cela ]e langage? And the whole houfe refounded with ap- plaufe, which was followed by many curfes directed againR: Mathan ; and nobody mif- took who was meant by Mathan.
The Parliament, encouraged by the fpirit which the people difplayed not only at Paris but all over the kingdom, fo far from being intimidated by the violent fteps taken againft them by the Court, manifefted more courage than ever. They prepared a remonftrance to the King, on the violence of invading the feat of juftice with armed men, the tyranny exercifed in the feizure of two of their members, and the refufal of receiving their deputation. They proceed to ftate their apprehenfions of a defign of overthrowing the ejlablified cofiftitution> in fuch terms as convey an idea, that France was poflefTed of a very free and excellent form of government ; for they infinuate
that
( 78 )
that there has exifted, ever fince the year 1 77 1, a plan to overturn it, and introduce an arbitrary government in its ftead ; but that the King's authority would be refpecl:- ed only in proportion to its being regulated by law and equity.
The Parliament were much to be praifed for doing all they could to obtain freedom to their country ; but if they required no more than the polTeiTed in the year 1771, their demand was certainly too moderate. If the Parliament imagined, that ftoutly afTerting that the government had been for- merly free would contribute to its being -in future what they declared it to have for- merly been, the alTertion was ona of the mod excufable, not to fay laudable, devia- tions from truth, that ever was made by a body of men.
The M miller, in the mean time, pro- ceeded in his favourite fcheme of eftablifh- ing the Cour pleniere, which was to be
compofed
( 79 )
eompofed not of lawyers only, but alfo of perfons of higher rank and other profef- Hons, and intended in many refpects as a fubftitute for the Parliament, particularly in the office of regiftering the King's edicts. For the formation of this court a bed of juftice was held at Vcrfailles on the 8th of May, to which the Parliament of Paris was fummoned, and attended accordingly.
It feemed peculiarly fevere to the mem- bers, not only to be condemned to ruin, but -alfo to be fummoned to lend a helping hand to their own deftruction.
This bed of juftice was opened by a long fpeech from the King, in which he accufed the Parliament of having deviated from their duty, and interrupted the ufeful operations of government in many inftances, for a year paft, and of having encouraged- the provincial Parliaments to follow their ex- ample. His Majefty added, that although he had been obliged to ufe fome acts of
rigour
( 8o )
rigour to fome of their body, he did not in- tend to deftroy his Parliament, but to bring them within the limits of their original in- ftiiution, which they had greatly overleaped. He finifhed by giving a general idea of the new court, the nature of which was more particularly explained by M. deLamoignon, the Keeper of the Seals ; after which the various ordinances were registered, and the King concluded by a fecond fpeech, in which he expreiTed a hope that thofc mem- bers of Parliament whom he had nominated to form part cf the Cour pleniere would by their fidelity and obedience merit his favour, and induce him to call others of their body to that Afiembly ; adding, that he was fully convinced that the new inftitution would, upon the whole, contribute to the good and profperity of the nation at large.
If his Majefty believed that this lad ob- servation would have made thofe to whom it was addrefled fatisfied wTith a meafure
which
( 8' )
which was evidently hurtful to their own particular intereft and importance, he muft alfo have thought them more difmterePced and virtuous than mankind in general, or even than that clafs whofe peculiar duty and profeffion it is to explain law and admi- nifter juftice, are fuppofed to be.
The King's fpeech was heard in filence. That this filence implied difapprobation ap- peared early the following morning, when all the members of the Parliament, who were to compofe the Cour pleniere, drew up a proteft againft the proceedings of the former day, in which they difclaimed hav- ing given any fanclion to them ; and de- clared that they all declined any feat in the Cour pleniere.
Along with this proteft, a letter from fix Peers was delivered to the King, in which they exprefs their forrow that an attempt fhould have been made to fubvert the fun- damental principles of the government ; G that
( te )
that they could take no part in the func- tions which the new court impofed on the peerage ; and that they were prompted in this by zeal for the true intereft of his Majefty.
It was to be expected, that fuch a proteft of the Parliament, fupported by fuch a letter from fix Peers, would have made the Court either renounce the whole fcheme of the Cour pleniere, or elfe immediately bring forth thofe means, which hitherto had been concealed from the public, on which they relied for making it effectual ; the King's advifers muft have thought the means they were to ufe very powerful, fince they had to overcome the refiftance of the whole Parliament and part of the Peer- age, the difapprobation of the majority of the Clergy, and that marked averfion which had been fhewn to the meafure from the beginning by the public at large.
A few hoxirs after the Parliament's pro-
tefi
( 83 )
teft and the Peers' letter had been prefented to the King, that part of the Parliament which was to be of the Cour pleniere was unexpectedly fummoned by his Majefty to re-affemble in the hall from which they had juft withdrawn. -And when the King ap- peared in perfon, all were perfuaded that they were about to hear that the obnoxious meafure was to be abandoned; or, if they fhould be difappointed in that expectation, they thought they would be fo far gratis fied at leaft, as to learn what they had tortured their ingenuity in vain to di- vine— namely, what the refources were on which the Minifter depended for making it good.
But after fo much expectation and curio- fity had been excited, every body was fur- prifed to hear his Majefty repeat, with little alteration or addition, what he had faid the day before, refpecting his determination to carry the new ordinances into execution ; G z imme-
( 84 )
immediately after which he difmifTed the A (Terribly.
The moft probable conjecture that was made to account for a fcene which feemed fo devoid of meaning was, that on receiving the proteft and letter, fomething had been re- folved on by the Court, which required to be directly announced to the Parliament ; and that after the members were fummon- ed, the meafure fo fuddenly adopted had been as fuddenly renounced, and the King obliged to meet them before a plaufible pre- text had been thought of for calling them together.
Whatever may be in this,thofeMagiftrates met again the fame evening, and in a new addrcfs to the King confirmed their former refolutions, and ordered the fame to be printed, and difperfed all over the kingdom. The following paragraph will give an idea of this fecond declaration :
" Nous declarons que nous perfifterons
juiqii'a
( 85 )
jufqu'a notre dernier foupir dans les ang- les precedement pris par ladite cour, et dans les principes y contenus*."
The King fent back to each of the fix Peers his letter with the following anfwer :
" Mon Coufin, pour ne pas vous marquer trop de deplaifir de la lettre que vous m'avez ecrite, je vous la renvoie. Je veux bien ne I'attribuer qu'a un premier mouvement, eC je vous prie d'y reflechir ferieufementf."
Whether it was the extreme moderation of this letter, or fome other confideration, that produced the effect, is not known ; but three of the Peers withdrew their fupport of the Parliament's proteft immediately after they had received the King's anfwer.
* We declare that we will perfift to our laft breath in the protefts already taken by the Parliament, and in the principles they contain,
f My Coufin — That I may net {hew too much dif- pleafure at the letter you have written to me, I fend it back to you. I am willing to impute it to a hafty impulfc, and I defire you will reconfider it with at- tention.
G 3
( 86 ) *In the mean time orders had been fent to Paris, for clapping the King's feal upon the bureaus containing. the papers and archives belonging to the Parliament, and for lock- ing them, and carrying away the keys. The other Parliaments in the kingdom were alfo fufpended from their functions, from hold- ing any meetings, and from ifiuing any me- morials or refolutions on public affairs.
The Court of Chatelet, fo far from being intimidated by, or fhewing obedience to thefe meafures and orders, after a long fit- ting, publifhed a declaration containing a proteft in the ftrongeft terms againft them. This example was followed by other Courts in the provinces. Strong fymptoms of dis- content were manifefted all over the king- dom, which ended in infurreclions in Bri- tany, Dauphiny, Languedoc, and other parts.
An hurricane of unexampled violence, which happened on the 13th of July 1788,
( 87 )
"by its extenlive devaluation in various parts of France occalioned much private mifery, in addition to the public difcontent which before exifted.
The Minifter, now Archbifhop of Sens, being terrified from holding any longer a place which had produced to him fo much inward anguifh and outward odium, or re- maining any longer in a country where the elements as well as the people feemed to declare againft him, fuddenly refigned, and fet out with all poflible expedition for Italy.
It is faid that he earneftly advifed the King to replace M. Necker in his former fituation as Minifter of the Finance. "Whe- ther this was true or not, it is certain that the Archbifhop's friends took great pains to fpread the report, with a view to render him lefs obnoxious to the people ; and it has even been afferted, that to this report the Minifter was indebted for effecting a Cafe retreat out of France ; as the people G £ were
( 88 )
were often difpofed to flop and infult him — - but defifted, upon being allured that it was, by his advice that M. Necker was re- appointed.
This fact will appear the more curious when it is recollected, that in the year 1572 a King of France iflued an order to maffacre all the Proteftants in his dominions, and the order was obeyed with alacrity by his Ca- tholic fubjects in the capital and in fome of the provinces.
In 1593, the moft accomplifhed of all their Princes was obliged to abjure the Pro- tectant religion, to render himfelf acceptable to the French people.
In 1685 the edict of Nantes in favour of the Proteftants of France was revoked, and prodigious numbers of the moft induftrious inhabitants were driven out of the kingdom by the defpicable bigotry of their Grand Monarch and the furious zeal of the people.
3 Even
(-«9 )
Even fo lately as the year I 762, the Pro teftant clergy' were executed legally for the exercife of their profefhon. One of the name of Rochette was taken up for that crime at Montauban, and carried to Tou- loufe, where he was condemned and execut- ed. Three brothers of the name of Grenier, Proteftants, of a noble family in Langue- doc, having made fome endeavours for the releafe of the minifcer Rochette when he was firft taken up, were apprehended, conveyed to Touloufe with him, and con- demned to lofe their heads ; which fentence was put in execution.
But the fpirit of bigotry and perfecution which prevailed in the fouth of France, particularly at Touloufe, appeared in a flil! more mocking fhape, in the cruelties exer- cifed on the unfortunate Calas family, as they are particularized in the writings of Voltaire, and were proved before the Par- liament of Paris.
One
( SP )
One example among many, of the great and rapid alterations that have taken place in the public opinion within thefe few laft years, is, that notwithstanding fome of the instances above mentioned occurred in the year 1762, yet in the year 1788 a Prime Minifter of France, the Archbifhop of that very Tculoufe, found protection in travel- ling through France, and was fkreened from the indignation of the people, through the influence and popularity of a man who was at once a flranger, a republican, and a heretic.
Any material alteration in the opinions and prejudices of a whole nation took much long- er time in former ages to be brought about. Since material alterations in the public opi- nions may, for reafons which are fo obvious that they need not be pointed out, be effect- ed with infinitely more rapidity than here- tofore, it is of more importance now than e#er for all Governments, particularly Thofe
cf
( 9' )
cf free countries, to be alert in attending to thefe alterations as they occur, that they may be able in time to preclude the mif- chiefs which arife from the current of pub- lic opinion bearing one way, and the mea- fures of Government another ; for, to main- tain tranquillity, one of two things muft be done : a Minifter muft either adapt his mea- fures to the public opinion ; or, which is a much more difficult tafk, and requires very uncommon talents to accomplifh, he muft turn round the public opinion in favour of his meafures — which tafk, difficult as it is, has fometimes been performed with infinite ability and addrefs.
No minifter of this ftamp had appeared for a long time in France. The general fentiments of the nation had been flowing for feveral years in oppofition to the nature of the exifling government. Many ancient inftitutions, eftablifhed by power, cemented l5y craft, and venerated by fuperftition,
were;
( 9* )
were now looked on as ridiculous, and corn- plained of as oppreffive. A few well-judged eonceffions and alterations, had they been made in time, might have proved fatisfac- tory, and reftored tranquillity. But old grievances remained unredreiTed,new fources of complaint were daily fpringing up, and fuch an accumulation of difcontent had been formed as obfcured the political hemi- fphere, and threatened an approaching fiorm.
The vefiel of the ftate never was in a more mattered condition, never was affailed by more violent ftorms, and never had been entrufted to a pilot lefs qualified for fleering her through the fand banks and rocks among which fr\Q was involved.
The Archbilhop of Touloufe, although he might have forefeen all the dangers he had to encounter, before he took fuch pains to fuperfede M. de Calonne, feemed not to have difcovered them till after he was Mi-
nifter,
( 93 )
riifter, and to have been deprived of all pre- sence of mind as foon as they opened to his view. He adopted meafures equally weak and inconfiftent. Firft he afTumes an air of courage, and tries to flrike terror by the pa- rade of a bed of juftice, and by baniming the Parliament. He then recalls the Parlia- ment, and feems difpofed to court and con- ciliate the members ; and immediately after- wards he quarrels with them again, feizes two of their number, and fends them to diftant prifons. But on finding that thofe rigorous meafures no way intimidated the people, who dill continued to refill, he himfelf became intimidated, and fuddenly quitted the helm. The Archbifhop feems in point of courage to have been fuch a Minifter as Ancient Piftol was a foldier — fierce and fwaggering to a yielding foe, but ready to fly from a Barbary hen, if her fea- thers turn back in any pew of r cf fiance.
CHAP.
( 94 )
CHAPTER V.
Exhibition in the Street — M. Necker — Poli- tical Pamphlets — Opinions refpedling the Number of Deputies of the Tiers-Etat — Search for Precedents — Second AJfembly of the Notables — Trench Parliaments — Ihe Notables give their Opinion — 'The States General are conftituted on a different Plan— The Minifters Motives for this,
THE hatred of the Parifians to their late Minifter, and their joy at his difgrace, appeared by certain exhibitions in the ftreets of Paris, which are chara&eriftic of a French mob. Some of thefe fcenes were of a ludicrous nature, and fome faintly typify the wanton and atrocious tranfac- tions on the fame theatre at fubfequent periods.
£ A number
( 95 )
A number of idle people, having dreflcd the fluffed figure of a man in the robes of an Archbifhop, carried it through the ftreets in proceffion to the place of execution, where it was to be publicly burnt ; and fome of the mob perceiving an ecclefiaftic among the fpectators, laid hold of him, called him Abbe Vermon and Father Con- feflbr to the Archbifhop, and having oblig- ed him to mimic the ceremony of con- feffing a condemned criminal, they threw the effigy of the Minifler into the flames. When the populace were preparing to re- peat this piece of mummery the next day, the military were ordered to interfere : the confequence was, that feveral people were killed and more wounded.
Every incident that tended to irritate the minds of the people againft the executive power was particularly unfortunate at this time, when the States General were about to be affembled.
A eonfl-
( 96 )
A confiderable number of men convened together, with powers delegated by the na- tion at large, for the exprefs purpofe of re- forming abufeSj naturally communicate courage and a fpirit of enterprife to each other ; and where many grievances are to be redreffed, what was intended merely for the pnrpofe of reformation is exceedingly likely to be the caufe of a revolution.
The former Minifters had forefeen this, and therefore ufed every art to preclude, and afterwards to poftpone, the convention of the States. The moft erTe&ual means would have been a timely reformation of the moft oppreffive abufes ; but this had been neglected. No meafure was adopted for reforming any, until they were forced into this fcheme for reforming all.
The fcenc which had been a&ed in the ftreets of Paris, at the execution in effigy of the Archbifhop, was imitated in the provin- ces, where various tumults occurred. Some
blood
( 97 )
blood was ftied, and a general infurrection was dreaded : but the replacing M. Necker in the office he had formerly held, put an end to thofe apprehenfions, and gave an almoft general fatisfa&ion all over the nation. M. Necker was a citizen of Geneva, bred a banker ; and in that bufinefs at Paris he accumulated a very large fortune, fuftain- ing the character of a man of integrity. His fortune enabled him, and his incli- nation prompted him, to live in a ftyle at once fplendid and hofpitable ; his houfe was frequented by men of rank and by men of letters. His education, according to the cuftom of his country, had been more of a literary nature than it is ufual in other coun- tries to give to thofe who are bred to what is called bufinefs ; he cultivated his tafte for letters in the intervals of bufinefs ever after ;. he was thought to have juft, extenfive, and philofophical ideas on the fubjects of com- merce and finance i to be an able calculator,
H and
( 98 )
and indefatigable in bufmefs ; his great- er enemies have not been able to injure his reputation for probity.
At a time when the finances of France were in great diforder, it is not furpriiing that a man of fuch a character, and fo con- nected, mould be thought of as a proper perfon to regulate them : yet it has been aiferted, that he owed his appointment to the office of Director of the Finance to the recommendation of M. de Pczay, who had great influence with M. de Maurepas the Prime JVlinifter, and whofe recommenda- tions are faid to have been fometimes very 'expensive to obtain.
This took place feveral years previous to the revolution. The public had the higheft expectation from the meafure ; for M. Necker's talents had been praifed with an exaggeration which the enthufiafm of the moment alone could have rendered credible.
If any attempted to infinuate that the
office
( 99 )
office was too high and confidential for a foreigner, a banker, and a heretic, thofe very circumftances were retorted as proofs of the wifdom of placing him in it ; for what eife, it was faid, but the mod fuperla- tive abilities could have made a foreigner, a banker, aad a heretic, be thought of as Mi- nifter of France ?
Notwithstanding his fituation, however, M. Necker had no immediate communica- tion with the King in the way of his office, it being part of the duty of M. Taboureau, the Controller General of Finance, to com- municate on that bufinefs with his Majefty : but the fuperior knowledge of M. Necker, or perhaps the prevailing opinion that he pofTefTed a fuperior knowledge, was fo mor- tifying to M. Taboureau, that he refigned his office ; which placed M. Necker in the fituation he earneftly defired.
Soon after he had been appointed Director
General* he fuppreffed the offices of Inten-
H 2 dants
( 1& )
dants des Finances, which were occupied by members of the King's Council. The ene- mies of M. Necker have afferted, that his only reafon for this reform was, that he did not find thofe gentlemen fufficiently con- vinced of his fuperior talents ; for there was nothing faved to the public by this reform, becaufe the value of the places was paid to each of thofe gentlemen, and the intereft of the money was nearly equal to the emolu- ments of the office.
M. Necker, thus gratified in the defire of communicating directly with the King on the bufmefs of his office, ftill found himfelf excluded from the Council of State. His religion prevented his taking the oath exact- ed of all before they could be admitted into that Council. He did not relifh this ex- clusion, and imagined that his credit with the public, and the need which he con- ceived the Council had for the lights which he could throw on their deliberations,
would
( ioi )
would prevail on his Majefty to difpenfe with the oath in his particular cafe. He therefore thought proper to addrefs the King by letter, reprefenting the inconveni- encies which arofe from his not being per- fonally at the Council, and requefting that he might be admitted in future.
M. Maurepas had been for fome time difpleafed with M. Necker. He reprefented the requeft as arrogant ; and to M. Necker's aftonifhment and mortification, inftead of being admitted into the Cabinet Council, he was difmiffed from the Adminiftration.
However furprifed he and his friends were at a difgrace fo unexpected, he did not lofe the hope of being foon re-inflated in his office j and his friends and admirers, of which he had a great number, never ceafed afTerting that there was only one man in France capable of re-eftabli filing the finances and tranquillity of that country, and M. Necker was that man.
US The
( 102 )
The conduct of M. Necker's fucceflbrs did not prove that the firft claufe of this af- fertion was falfe ; nor did his own con- dud after he was re-inftated in his office prove that the lad claufe was true. If the man in queflien really exifts, unfortunately for France he has not as yet been dis- covered.
A laboured work on the fubjecl of French finance was the fruit of M. Necker's re- treat, and the means wrhich he thought moft likely to bring about his recall ; which however, although this work threw new light on the ftate of the revenue, developed his own plan of economy, and was greatly relifhed by the public, did not take place until the retreat of the Archbifhop of Sens, as mentioned above, which was three years after the publication of M. Necker's work.
One of the firft ads of M. Necker's administration was, recalling the exiled Magiftrates, and re-eftablifhing the Parlia- ments
( i°3 )
ments in the exercife of their functions. He was alfo determined upon the popular meafure of afiembling the States-General ; but whether he was decided in his mind as to the mGde of their being conftituted or nor, he feemed at leaft to have the appear- ance of deliberating on that pGint.
The public mind had been for fome time kept in continual agitation with political cifcufnons in general, and on this in parti- cular. The prefifes all over France poured forth political pamphlets without number, in the greater part of which the abufes of Government and the faults of Adminiftra- tion were enumerated with exaggeration. Thefe writings, like moft political pam- phlets, were highly praifed, and reprefented as irrefiftibly convincing, by all who were of the writer's opinion, before they read them. The praifes were fo loud, and fo often re- peated, that many who never before thought pn political fubjects, and fome who had H ^ long
( io4 )
long renounced the practice of reading on any fubject, were induced to perufe them with avidity. Politics became the univer-? fal topic of converfation, and political pamphlets the fafhionable fludy ; it extend- ed to both fexes and to every condition. Novels lay neglected, like fermons, on the Shelves of the bookfellers ; and the manu- facturer fufpended that labour which was to procure his dinner, that he might finifh the Eflai fur les Privileges, and be able to an- fwer this important queftion, Qu'efi-ce que le Tiers-Etat ?
The effect of thefe lucubrations was, very often to make people complain of op- preffions which they had never before felt, and view thofe with hatred whom they had before regarded with love and refpect.
In fome of the publications it was pro-
pofed, that the reprefentatives of the Tiers
Etat, at the afTembly of the States, mould
confift of a number equal to the NoblerTe
and the Clergy.
Some
( 105 )
Some people thought this of little im- portance ; becaufe they believed that the AfTembly would vote by orders, and not by individual voices ; in which cafe the Tiers, whatever their number was, would have but one vote.
Others on the contrary thought it of con- fiderable importance, even although it mould be decided that the three claries, of which the States-General were to conflft, mould vote by orders ; becaufe, in a variety of cafes which might occur independent of voting, the influence of fix hundred deputies might carry points in the AfTembly, when that of three hundred would have failed.
But it was not very difficult to forefee, that, if it were once determined that the Tiers-Etat mould conflft of twice as many deputies as either of the other two orders, that determination would in all probability prove alfo decifive of the other qu cftion, pf the manner in which the States fhould
vote:
( io6 )
vote : for, on the fuppofition that all the three orders confifted of the fame number of deputies, the NoblefTe and the Clergy join-< ing, which it was natural to think they would do, would be able to carry every queftion againft the Tiers ; whereas, if the latter confifted of double the number, they, with a fmall addition from the other two orders, which they were certain of having, would carry every queftion againft them : and it could not be doubted, that they would begin by fecuring the great and im- portant point, that the Apembly mould net vote by orders, but by individual votes. It was a mattery therefore, of the utmoft im- portance, what number of deputies the third order fhould be directed to fend to the Afiembly of the States.
M. Necker, finding the public impatience for the aflembling the States-General to in- creafe every day, appointed certain perfons to fearch hiftorical regifters, and make a re- port
( io7 )
port refpecting the plans and forms t&al hid been obferved in constituting the A'Jsmu.y of the States on formet oc^a^ons.
A report was made accordingly ; but it was not deemed of fufficient authority by M. Necker for any meafure to be founded on it. Some have aiTerted, that the true reafon of this report not being publifhed or acted on was, that no inftance was difcover- ed of the Tiers having deputed a double number to the AiTembly of the States-Ge- neral. M. Necker, therefore, prevailed on the King to convene the Notables, and take their opinion on this very delicate fubject. They were fummoned, and they afTembled accordingly; but before the Notables had given any formal opinion on the fubjecl:, the Parliament of Paris, which had been fo lately reflored to the exercife of its functions, took a Hep which furprifed many, was di- rectly in oppofition to the conduct which had pccafioned the banifiiment of the members, 3 and
( i°S )
and which ruined them for ever with the popular party. They patted a decree, ordaining that the States fhould be con- ftituted in the fame manner they had been in the year 1614, when the Tiers- Etat had about the fame number of repre- fentatives with each of the other two orders. The various Parliaments of France, parti- cularly that of Paris, had on certain occa- fions, when Government was weak, refufed to enregifter the King's edicts, and thereby conveyed an idea that their fanction was neceflary to give them force. This was ufurping a fhare in the legiflation which it was never intended they fhould poifefs ; but in which they had been fupported by the people, becaufe the remonfirances of the Parliaments againft oppreflive taxes and other oppreflions had occafionaliy proved a check on the arbitrary power of Govern- ment.
Thefe lawyers, therefore, who bought 8 their
( i®9 )
their offices in the Parliament, had wrought themfelves into an importance which it was not originally intendedthey mould have; and although they formed a peculiar fpecies of ariftocracy between the Commons and the Noblefle, they were all that the people of France had for their reprefentatives, and their only defence againft the injuftice and rapacity of Minifters.
The Parliament of Paris, on the prefent occafion, may have been afraid of the con- fequence of the Tiers having a double num- ber of reprefentatives, as a meafure which might diminifh their own power ; but it is probable that they were prompted to this meafure by the influence of the Notables, with a view of rendering their own deci- fion more palatable to the public. Without this fuppofition, it feems highly improbable that the Parliament would have ventured to decide a point of this nature, while it was a&ually under reference to the Notables.
if,
( no )
If, however, their decifion had been in favour of the double number claimed by the Tiers, there is no queftion but that their conduct would have been praifed by the public as highly becoming, inftead of being decried as impertinent and officious.
In the mean time the Notables continued their deliberations. They were divided into different bureaus or committees, as on the former occafion. The committee of which Motijieur was Prefident decided, by the ma- jority of a fmgle vote, that the third order fhould delegate double the number of members. All the other Committees, and there were ten or a dozen, decided that the Third Order fhould only have an equal number*.
After the Notables had pronounced their
* During this fecond AfTembly of Notables, the Duke of Orleans feldom appeared at Verfailles, and never prefided at the Committee of which he was Prefident.
opinions
( I" )
opinions in fo decifive a manner in favour of the NoblefTc and Clergy, it was to be expected that the Minifler would direct the States to be conftituted and to affemble ac- cording to the rule which the court, to which he himfelf had referred the matter, had recommended ; for nobody could have imagined that the principal perfons of the nation would have been formally affembled, arid their advice afked on purpofe to re- ject it.
Their advice was rejected however : the King's proclamation, by which the Stated- General were ordered to be conftituted and affembled, appointed that the number of the deputies from the Tiers-Etat mould be equal to that of the two others united.
People were much at a lofs to account for M. Necker's motive for a conduct appa- rently (o inconfiftent.
Some affert that, when M. Necker fum- sioned the Notables, he really wifhed the
bufinefs
( II* )
bufinefs arranged in the manner he was convinced they would determine, by recom- mending only an equal number of deputies to the Tiers ; but that after they had given their opinion, he was affined that, if that method was adopted, it would ruin his po- pularity for ever. On this he made his famous report to the Council, on which the proclamation above mentioned was founded.
Others have fufpected, that his referring the queftion to the Notables, publifhing their opinion, and then deciding in oppofi- tion to it according to the wifhes of the people, was a contrivance to raife his popu- larity to the greater!: poflible height, by de- monftrating that the opinion of the greater! men in the country was of little weight with him in comparifon with the defire of the people.
But this is afligning a degree of diffimula- tion and duplicity to M. Necker, which at
no
( **J )
no time belonged to his character. It muft have occurred to him, however, that he had little chance of ever acquiring great influ- ence with the NobleiTe, the majority of whom defpifed him on account of his birth, more than they admired him for his talents or integrity. He had as little chance of becoming a favourite with the Clergy, who hated him on account of his particular re- ligion, more than they efteemed him for his general piety : but by augmenting the power of the Tiers Etat, and thus attaching them to him, he might exped to enfure his own, and be enabled to do all the good he intended, and acquire all the renown which his ambition defired.
The Notables gave their decifion in the month of December 1788. M. Necker towards the end of the fame month laid his report before the Council, concerning the fame fuhject on which the Notables had previously given their opinion. In this
I rep or';
( m )
i eport three queftions are dated for the con* federation of the Council : the firft regards the manner in which the Deputies were to be elected ; the fecond, the number of which thofe of the third order mould confift j and the third queftion was, whether each order mould be obliged to choofe the Deputies from their own clafs, or might elect them from all the three. M. Necker's report was a laboured reafoning on thefe three quef- tions, all of which he decided differently from the Notables : the fecond queftion is by much the moil important ; and the chief object of M. Necker is to prove the expe- diency of the Tiers having double the num- ber of Deputies.
This report, having been approved by the Council, was publifhed at the beginning of 1789. All Europe were certainly fur- prifed, that a meafure, which many forefaw would operate fo powerfully againft the Crown, mould have been recommended by
the
( *>3 )
the King's Minifter, and approved of by his Council : yet M. Necker faid, that in this he only followed what he called le bruit fourd de V Europe.
He alfo declares, what nobody will think improbable, that it was the general defire of the Tiers-Etat themfelves ; and their defire, he adds, miift be confidered as the defire of the nation. This feems rather hard on the NbblefTe and Clergy, who had been accuf- torried to cdnfider themfelves as a very con- fiderable part of the nation. They were now informed that their importance was nearly gone, and that the bed way of retaining a little would be to amalgamate themfelves with the general maf s of the People. Some of them took the hint very foon afterwards.
Another of M. Keeker's reafons, as little flattering for the Nobleffe and Clergy as the former, was, that by calling a great number of Deputies from the Tiers, a greater quan- tity and Variety of knowledge ufeful to Go- I 2 v em meat
( "6 )
Vernrnenfc would be concentred1, than by tbs- fame number of Deputies from either of the other two orders ; but as if he had been afraid that it might be fufpetted that he meant to infinuate, that the third order of the State had the fuperiority in every kind of knowledge, that they even excelled the NoblefTe in polite aecomplimments and the Fifhops in divinity, he qualifies the aflertion by particularizing commerce, manufactures, agriculture, with the knowledge of finance, and of the propereft meafures for fupporting public credit, as the branches in which the Tiers excelled.
He next admonimes the third order to iifc the power which is to be devolved to them with prudence and moderation, and by no means ever to think of making ufe of it to force the Affembly to decide queftions by individual votes, but always by their dif- ferent orders.
M. Necker muft have ideas very diffe- 5 rent
( **7 )
rent from "what are generally received re- garding the efficacy cf advice, and the manner in which newly-acquired power U ufually exercifed, if he really expected that the third order would acl: with all the mo- deration he fo wifely advifed. What ren- dered this the lefs to be expected was, that this order confidered themfelves as having been for a long period or time very fcurvily ufed by the two others, and might therefore have been fufpe&ed of being difpofed to in- dulge in retaliation ; efpecially as the Chrif- tian religion, and the divine precept of doing good for evil, feemed to make lefs impreflion than ever on the minds of the French nation at this period.
M. Necker proceeds to affure the King, that he will on the whole be a gainer by the diminution of his own power and the augmentation of that of the people. In the language of philofophy he tells the Mo- narch, <c La fatisfa&ion attachee aun pouvoir I 3 fans
( ii8 )
fans limite efttoute d'imagination. Votre
Majefte, en s'entourant des Deputes de la Nation, fe delivre d'une fuite cruelle d'incer- titudes et de balancemens, de defiances et de regrets, qui doivent faire le malheur d'un Prince, tant quil demeure fenfible au bien de l'etat et a l'amour de fes peuples*."
This argument to perfuade a King to abridge his power, becaufe of the folicitudes which attend it, however ingenious and juft it may be, is not more fuccefsful than the common one a gain ft riches. Men have been long told, that money is the root of all evil, and that heaping up riches is heap- ing up care. Nobody difputes the truth of the maxims ; but nobody gives away
* The pleafure of unlimited power is imaginary. By furrounding your perfon with the national- Deputies, you will he freed from much anxiety and folicitude, and many of thofe fources of regret which create the unhappinefs of every Prince endowed with fenfibility for the gnod of the ftate and the love of his fubjecls.
money,
( "9 )
money, on purpofe to be relieved from care : on the contrary, we fee men of im- menfe wealth, whofe only pangs and vexa- tions in life arife from money; yet, like the man who put a ferpent in his bofom, they hug it, although it flings them, and the more it flings them, they hug it the more.
The argument is feldom ufed, therefore, in the hope of prevailing on people to refign their riches voluntarily ; it is only applied to thofe who by fome accident have loft part of their fortune, to confole them for what cannot be helped ; and in this fenfe M. Keeker's reafoning muft be underftood — not as intended to perfuade the King to give up power which he could keep, but to com- fort him under the lofs of what he could not retain.
M. Necker concludes with a fuppofition
of the poflibility that the Tiers might not
act with all the moderation that was to be
wifhed ; in which cafe he mentions, as his
I 4 laft
( t»0 )
laft advice, a meafure from which it is difficult to imagine that any great comfort could flow : " Cependant," continues he, " fi une difference dans le nombre de De- putes du Tiers-Etat devenoit un fujet ou un pretexte de difcorde ; fi, par des vties par- ticulieres, on cherchoit a laffer Thonorable conftance de V. M. ; fi votre volonte, Sire, n'etoit pas fuffifante pour lever ces obftacles ; alors quel confeil pourrai-je donner aV. M.? Un feul, et ce feroit le dernier, celui de facri- fier le Miniftre qui auroit eu le plus de part a votre deliberation*."
As this lad meafure could remedy none
* Neverthelefs, if a difference in the number of Deputies of the Tiers- Etat becomes a fubject or a pre- tence of difcord ; if, from private views, they tried to tire your Majefty's conflancy ; if your will, Sire, fliould not be fufHcient to remove thefe obftacles s what ad- vice can I then give to your Majefty ? Only one, and it fhall be the laft — namely, to facrifice the Minifter who has had the principal (hare in advifing you tq this meafure.
Of
( !*| )
of the mifchiefs fuppofed to be done by the advice which the Minifter had pre- vailed on the King to follow j and as it will appear of fmall importance in the eyes of mofl people, it is a little furprifing that M. Necker mentions it with fo much emphalis.
Senfible that his influence in the cabinet depended on his popularity, and believing that his popularity would be ruined, if the favourite point of a double reprefentation of the Tiers was not carried, he perfuaded the King into that meafure ; yet it is not difficult to perceive his fears, left a bad ufe {hould be made of it, breaking through his reafoning in its favour. ,
His ambition lulled his fears, and tempt- ed him to riik all the evils which threat^ ened, but which his vanity made him believe he had ability to overcome. Had {ie forefeen with certainty half the mif- phiefs that were the confequence of that
meafure,
( *22 )
meafure, no confideration could have pre- vailed on M. Necker to advife it ; for he unqueftionably had the profperity of the iFrench nation fincerely at heart, as his greateft ambition was to be the inftrument of it. Although born a republican, he was of opinion that a republican form of government neither fuited the extent of
O
the French empire, nor the character of the Frencli people He was the friend of Liberty ; but thought me could be fure of a permanent and happy reficlence in France under a limited monarchical form of go- vernment only : yet his conduct immedi- ately before the afTernbling of the States^ General, and for fome time afterwards, has been thought to have greatly contributed to the deftruction of monarchy in France, and to the eftablifhment of a republic which hitherto feems of a more terrible nature than any government that ever was known, in as much as it feems to
combine
( "3 }
combine all the tyranny of which repub- licans accufe monarchy, with all the anar- chy of which the friends of monarchy accufe republics,
CHAP.
C *H )
CHAPTER VL
The Nobility of Great Britain and Ireland— The Noblejfe of France,
flT^HE Deputies to the States-General -*• being elected were, in the terms of the King's proclamation, to affemble at Ver- failles, and the Affembly was to be opened on the fifth of May 1789.
The public at large expected the redrefs of many grievances, and the reformation of many abufes, from this Affembly ; but as the Nobleffe and Clergy enjoyed many pri- vileges and immunities at the expence of the Tiers-Etat, it may eafily be imagined that a number of thofe would appear abufes in the eyes of the latter, which were re- garded as wife inflitutions by the former. The privileges poffeffed, and the fupe-
riority
( m )
liority affumed, by the NoblefTe of France over the inferior orders, were evils of great- er magnitude than they may feem to thofe Englifhmen who judge by the impreffiort which the privileges and conduct of the Nobility of their own country make on the minds of their countrymen.
The precedency and diftin&ions which the Nobility enjoy in common fociety in England are never refufed, unlefs when ar- rogated ; and therefore are feldom or never aJTumed, but always granted.
When the Peerage is poflefTed by perfons of truly great and amiable characters, which fometimes happens, all the world are pleaf- ed to fee honours fo well beflowed. When the reverfe is the cafe, thofe who afford the example generally have the privileges and diftindtions of the Peerage fo cruelly coun- terbalanced by other moral and phyfical circumftances, that on the whole they are far from being the objects of envy.
• It
( >*5 )
It has been averted, that thofe Britifli Peers who form examples of the firft alter- native were not born to the Peerage, but obtained it on account of their diftinguifhed merit, and therefore form no exception to the pernicious effecl: of hereditary honours. But there is more fatire than truth in this tibfervation ; for, after all that can be alleged of the torpor which the certainty of enjoy- ing honourable distinction independent of perfonal merit may throw on the mind/ there are inftances of men born to the* higheft titles and greatefl fortune^ who rie- verthelefs have added luftre to their coun- try and to human nature by the moft power- ful virtuous exertions*
The privileges of the Britifli Nobility^ when compared with thofe of the Noblefle of France before the Revolution, will in general be found at once more valuable and lefs invidious : they are afcertained by the known laws of the land, fully underftood,
and,
( **i )
and, for the mod part, cheerfully acqut- efced in.
The mod important of thofe privileges confifts in the hereditary fhare they have in the legiflature; not in their forming a part of the pageantry of a Court, or in having their lands exempt from taxation.
The Peers of Great Britain are few ia number. The Peerage being confined to the perfon who has the patent, and not pafling to more than one of his defendants; the brothers and fons of a Peer, whether Baron, Earl, or Duke, are Commoners, This naturally forms a ftrong connection between the Peers and Commons, which is conftantly cemented by intermarriages, by friendfhip, by the reciprocal power of being of fervice to each other, and of courfe by mutual attentions and good offices.
So great a portion of the Commons of
Great Britain being connected by thefe
various bonds with the Peerage ; fhould ever
2 the
( 128 )
the privileges of the latter be attacked, a ftrong phalanx of the former would imme- diately appear in their defence,
The fituation of the French Noblefle, with refpect to the Commons, or, as they call them, Roturiers, was very different. The privileges of the former were in many inftances vague, unafcertained by pofitive law, and depending merely on ancient ufage.
The importance of a Britifh Peer, and the confideration in which he is held at Court, particularly by the Minifter, depend in a great meafure on his influence and popula- rity in the country. The importance of a French Nobleman depended entirely on Court favour, and dwindled into nothing at the frown of his Sovereign.
A Britifh Peer, therefore, has a ftrong motive to cultivate the good will of all the inhabitants around bis eftate; whereas a French Marquis or Duke had no motive
but
( 129 )
but the fentiments of benevolence and humanity, to behave with attention and kindnefs to the peafantry. Motives of that nature were no doubt fufficient with many ; but the inferior orders of mankind always were, and always will be, treated with more regard by their fuperiors, when they have fomething in their power to beftow in re- turn, than when that is not the cafe.
The NoblefTe of France were not legifla- tors, nor did they form a court of law in the laft refort, as the Peers of Great Britain ; but they had the right of appointing judges for the decifion of both criminal and civil caufes on their own domains, as well as other invidious privileges which have been long abolifhed in England. It is believed by many people in this country, that the lands of the NoblefTe were entirely free from taxes. This is a miftake ; they are fubject to the vingtieme, which, as there are three, is equivalent to a dixieme and a half; the K NoblefTe
( 13° )
NoblefTe were alfo fubjeft to the capitation; but as they certainly were free from the taille, and had many advantages in other refpecls as well as in the article of taxation, this tended to render them unpopular and odious to their fellow-fubjects who did not enjoy the fame privileges.
Letters of NoblefTe were not very difficult to be obtained in France ; and when obtain- ed, the fame dignity and all the privileges were tranfmitted to all the defcendants of the perfon ennobled.
They were by no means, it is true, con- lidered as on a footing with the ancient Nobility ; but they immediately entered into the poffeffion of every odious privilege, which they were apt to exercife in the moft odious manner. The confcioufnefs of be- longing to an ancient and honourable fa- mily, and the refpect that is fpontaneouily accorded to thofe who enjoy that advan- tage, preclude all jealoufy or folicitude on
the
( *3* )
the fubject, and in general render their be- haviour natural and polite : but new and unaccuftomed dignities often infpire weak minds with a difpofition to difplay fuperci- lious airs and a ridiculous deportment to- wards thofe whom they then confider as their inferiors, and from whom they are jea- lous of a want of refpect, becaufe of their late equality.
Something of this kind is obfervable even inEngland, particularly in the wives of new- created Baronets, and the families of new- created Peers ; but in England airs of this kind are received with fuch contempt, and fornetimes repelled with fuch feverity, that they are feldom aflumed*
But the exuberant plantation of Noblefle in France was fo extenfive, and the branches fornetimes fo extravagant and cumberfome, that it tended to check and deprefs the natural and mod ufeful vegetation of the foil : for in that country the airs of fupe- K 2 riority?
( W )
rlority, which the molt petulant part of the Nobility were apt to aflume, were more dif- ficult to reprefs, and were apparent in every place. Even at the table of the citizen, the deportment of Monfieur le Comte or Mar- quis often reminded the entertainer of the honour done him by their condefcending to accept of his entertainment. The fmile of protection, the proud politenefs, the gefture, the tone, and a thoufand circumftances, marked the vaft diftance that was conceived to be between them, and told him as dis- tinctly as any language, that, although he had dug a fortune from the dirty mines of commerce, he mult ftill preferve a flavifh fubmillion in the company of gentlemen. The loweft of the NoblefTe declaimed all connection with the higheft roturier; no cordial bond of union, no reciprocation of good officee, no friendfhip, could fubfiil between the two ranks. They wTere two diftinct planets, one of which difdained to
be
( itt )
be connected with, or influenced by, the motions of the other ; the interval between them being filled with an attnofphere of re- pullive particles which kept the two fpheres afunder, and prevented their moving har- monioufly in the fame fyftem.
The comparative moderation and unaf- fuming behaviour obfervable in the Britiih. Nobility towards their fellow citizens, is not to be imputed fo much to any original dif- ference in their difpofition from that of thofe of the fame caft in France or other coun- tries, as to the government and cuftoms of England, which do not tolerate that degree of infolence that was formerly difplayed with impunity in France, and ftill continues in other countries in Europe : for although we fee men in this country of high rank, who take as warm an intereft in the general rights of their countrymen, and in the maintenance of the Britifh Conftitution, as in any private rights of their own — men K 3 whta
( 134 ) who have fuch a horror at oppreflion that no degree of power could render them tyran- nical— yet we are not certain that even thefe men wTould have pofTefled this degree of equity, if they had not been educated under impartial laws.
The ufual effect of a tyrannical and par- tial Government is to render the powerful unfeeling, and the weak abject. " Les " efclaves," fays Rouffeau, u perdent tout " dans leur fervitude, jufqu'au defir d'en " fortir ; comme les compagnons d'Ulilfe lt aimoient leur abrutil^ement*.,,
That this natural effecl: did not continue to operate in France, was owing to the nu- merous writings which have appeared in the language of that country, and particu- larly thofe of Rouffeau himfelf. Thofe
* Slaves, fays Rouffeau, are fo debafed by their fitu- ation, that they lofe all fentiment, even the defire of being emancipated ; like the companions of UlyfTes, who loved the brutal fkte into which they were funk.
writings,
( *3S )
writings, in which the debafing influence of defpotifm and the happy effects of liberty were exhibited in the molt glowing lan- guage, with other incidental caufes, conti- nuing to act on the heated and elaftic minds of Frenchmen, at laft overcame all compreffion, and produced an explofion of wide and lamentable devaluation.
To arreft the ruinous effects of this, and prevent other events of the fame nature, requires more wifdom and delicacy than any thing which ever engaged the attention of thofe who are entrufted with the govern- ment of the different nations of Europe.
The embers of this eruption, which have been thrown, for example, on a foil for- tunately fo ill adapted to their reception as that of England, would, it is probable, cool of themfelves without any other mif- chief than the detefted odour of their exha- lation ; whereas, if, from an imprudent zeal to difperfe them, they ihould be ftirred with K 4 violence,
( 136 )
violence, they may communicate their fire, and fpread new flames.
To return to our fubjett. — It may rea- fonably be believed, that the numbers of the Noblefle of France might have been re- ftridted, and fome of their privileges re- moved, with more fecurity to the Conftitu- tion which was afterwards cflablifhed, than was produced by abolifhing the order al- together. But it is evident, that there was fo great a difference between the fituation of the Peerage of Great Britain and that of the Noblefle of France, that the fame per- fon who is of opinion that the abolition of the privileges of the latter was neceflary for the freedom and happinefs of France, may alfo be convinced, that the maintenance of thofe of the former is a fecurity for the freedom and happinefs of Great Britain*
CHAP-
( *37 )
CHAPTER VII.
The AJfembly of the States-General — yea- loupes — Difputes refpetl'mg the Verification of the Powers of the Deputies — 'The King attempts to conciliate the Three Orders — ■ The Tiers-Etat pojlpone his Compromife—' Artful Propofal of the Clergy — 'Eluded by the Commons — The Solicitude of the King — ■ The Tiers-Etat proceed to the Verification of the Returns without the other two Or- dersy and ajfume the Legi/lative Govern- ment— Difpute concerning the Name the AJfiembly U?ould affume—Obfervations and D'ifcourfes of Mirabeau,
A LITTLE before the meeting of the
States-General, and during the heat
and commotion which elections and party
animofity always produce in a populous
city, a cataftrophe of a melancholy nature
7 took
( '38 )
took place, the fource of which has never been clearly afcertained.
A man of an excellent character, of the name of Reveillon, carried on an immenfe paper manufactory in the fuburb of St. An- toine, by which he employed a great num- ber of the poor in that quarter. A report was fpread that he intended to diminifh the wages of the workmen ; and what rendered this more alarming to thefe poor people and their families, there was a fcarcity of bread at the time in which this rumour arofe. The bare falfehood was foon accompanied with many additional and aggravating circum- ftances, and particularly certain expreflions of an infulting nature to the diftrerTes of the poor were repeated as having been ufed by M. Reveillon.
Although nothing could be more oppo-
fite to the general conduct and character of
the man, thefe rumours were readily believed
by the unthinking multitude.
They
( J39 )
They dragged the figure of a man with a label around the neck, infcribed with the name of Reveillon and with the offenfive words he was faid to have uttered, to the Place de Greve, and there performed the ceremony of an execution. Having parTed the night in drinking and riot, they went the following day and burft into M. Reveil- lon's houfe, deftroyed his furniture, burnt his books and papers, broke into his cellars, in- ' creating their fury by renewed intoxication.
There had been a relaxation in the police of Paris unknown before that period, during the whole time occupied in the elections. The Lieutenant of Police, from timidity or negligence, had taken no meafure for crufh- ing this infurrection at the beginning. A party of foldiers, too weak for the purpofe, were fent when it was too late, to protect the houfe of M. Reveillon ; they were re- pulfed by the pillagers. A large body of the French and S wifs. guards then marched
againft
( Ho )
againft them with two pieces of artillery. After having in vain fummoned the mob around the houfe to retire, the commanding officer ordered the foldiers to fire over the heads of the multitude, in the hope that it would have intimidated and difperfed them. It had a contrary effect : the multitude pelt- ed the guards with ftones from the ftreets, the windows and the top of the houfe. By a fecond fire the enraged foldiers killed a con- fiderable number of the rabble ; and then, milling into the houfe, put all to the fword whom they found in the rooms or in the cellars. The fcene was horrible ; above one hundred of the populace are faid to have been ilaughtered ; a confiderable number of the military were wounded, and a few killed.
Ii has been repeatedly afferted by one party, that the fource of this melancholy affair was a manoeuvre of the Court, to furnifn a pretext for ordering fo large a
body
( Hi )
body of troops near the capital and Ver- iailles as would overawe the populace, and render the AfTembly of the States more complaifant to the views of the Court than they were fuppofed to be.
On the other hand the partifans of the Court have averted, that the infurreclion was excited, at a great expence of money, by certain leaders of the popular party, on purpofe to mew the people their own ftrength and the weaknefs of Government, and to intimidate the King into acquiefcence with their meafures.
As neither party have been able to efta- blifh their affertions on any thing like proof, the probability is, that both are unfounded ; and that the commotion which was attended with fuch fatal confequences originated either in private malice againft M. Reveii- ion, or {imply in a falfe report haftily believed by a profligate populace, whofe
natural
( off )
natural credulity was fharpened by the fear- city of bread and the hope of pillage.
When a nation is divided in opinion on fubjedts which heat the underftanding and inflame the paffions, there is hardly any wickednefs of which one party is not capable of accufmg the other ; and by thefe reciprocal accufations of crimes, which per- haps neither was capable of committing, they become familiarized with ideas which they never before entertained, and are gra- dually prepared for deeds which they would otherwife have fhrunk from wich horror.
On the day of the aifembling of the States-General, the Deputies attended the King to the church of St. Lewis at Ver- failles, where they heard a fermon preached by the Bifhop of Nancy. The drift of this difcourfe was to prove,, that all wife legifla- tors had cherifhed religion, as the pureft iburce of happinefs to nations, or, as he ex- 8 preffed
( •« )
t
prefTed It, la fource unique et intarifTable de leur profperite. The fermon was abun- dantly interfperfed with praifes of the King ; and the Queen was apoftrophized in the following terms : " Fille des Cefars, etnule et confidante des bienfaits de ton augulle epoux*!" There is certainly nothing ex- traordinary in a Bimop's praifing religion in a church, or a King and Queen in a fermon preached before themfelves; but it is a fubjecl: of melancholy reflection to think how all the three have been treated fince by fome of thofe who heard their praifes with applaufe at that time ; and it i& impofiible not to imagine, that if the French nation had not been deprived of all regard for the firft, they, never would have behaved in the barbarous manner they did to the two laft. It is likewife worthy
* Daughter of the Ccefars ! You who emulate and are the confidante of the benevolent actions of your auguft hufband !
of
( '44 )
of notice, that the ftate in which the inhabi-4 tants of France have been fince they loft re- ligious impreffions, is no refutation of the Bifhop's doctrine.
From the church the King went to the hall appointed for the States. He was feated on a throne erected for the purpofe, the Queen placing herfelf at his fide on a feat not fo high as that of the King ; the Royal Family were feated around ; the Clergy on one fide of the hall, and the No- bleffe on the other ; the Tiers-Etat at the bottom.
Such an afiembly, the reprefentatives of a great nation, and, above all, the purpofe for which they were convened, to reform long- continued and feverely felt abufes, and to make regulations on which the happinefs of millions of human beings in a great mea- fure depended, muft have produced warm emotion, and raifed the highefl expectation.
The King pronounced a difcourfe adapted
to
( H5 ) to the" occafion, which was followed by one from the keeper of the feals ; and the meeting concluded with a very long one from M. Necker, which however was more attended to than either of the other two.
Confidering the different views, interefts, and prejudices of the auditory, M. Necker muft have poffeffed more addrefs than falls to the lot of humanity, to have compofed a difcourfe which would have entirely pleafed an audience whole views and wifhes were fo different, and the minds of many of them fo ill difpofed towards the fpeaker. The Nobles looked on him as a low-born upftart, who by intrigue and talents fit for a count- ing-houfe had Wriggled himfelf into a fitua- tion to which he had no right : the Clergy were jealous of him as a Proteftant : and as M. Necker' s difcourfe did not point direct- ly to the object aimed at by the Deputies of the Tiers-Etat, whofe views were the mofl exalted, they alio were difpleafed L with
( H6 )
with it ; and they would have been Rill more fo, if they had not perceived that it difpleaf- ed the Noblefie and the Clergy.
There exifted a great jealoufy in the three orders which compofed the AfTembly 5 two of them dreading to be ftripped of privi- leges they had long enjoyed, and the third being filled writh indignation at the degra- dation and oppreffion under which they had long fuffered : to this original jealoufy, which already burned with too great heat in the breads of fome of the Deputies, certain circumftances of a frivolous nature ferved as additional fuel. In the ceremonial of prefent- ing the Deputies to the King, a diftindion, wrhich it would have been wifer to have omitted, wras made between the two firft orders and the third. la admitting the Clergy and Noblefle, both foldings of the door were thrown open, and they were received by the King in his cabinet : but in admitting the Deputies of the Tiers-Etat
the
( '47 )
the opening of one half of the door was thought fufficierit ; and they were received by his Majefty in a kind of anti-chamber. This circumftance of the door might have been thought equally impolite, but it would not have been quite fo imprudent, if the Tiers-Etat had not previously obtained a double representation.
Such diftindYions may be proper for keep- ing up the idea of fuperiority, when neither the fuperiority itfelf nor the power of Sup- porting it is to be called in queftion ; but when the iirft is difputed, and the fjcond declining, they had beft not be brought forward. The very circumftance of the States-General being fummoned wras of it- felf a proof that the Tiers-Etat were not to be treated with the appearance of indignity. Infolence, when fupported by power, is mean ; without that Support it is ridiculous. Inftead of permitting any appearance of that kind, the Court would have done well to L 2 have
( J48 )
have coniidercd the ftate of the public mind at the time : that thofe to whom the marks of difregard were fhewn, formed, by the concellion of the King himfelf, one half of the AfTembly, and were the repre- fentatives of the majority of the nation — a nation diRinguifhed for fpirit and inge- nuity, among whom fcience and the arts had been cultivated with nearly as much fuccefs even in the opinion of their greater!; rival, with more in the opinion of the reft of Europe, and with a great deal more in their own opinion, than in any other country in the world : that thofe men came fraught with the idea, that they had been opprefTed by the Court, infulted by the Nobles, im- pofed on by the Clergy, and were inftructed by their conftituents to require redrefs. — Had thefe confederations been duly attended to, every invidious and unneceflfary diftinc- tion, and every circumftance which could be conceived to add irritation to minds
already
( 149 ) already higjily irritated, and too ready per- haps to conflrue things indifferent in them- felves into caufe of provocation, would have been avoided.
The drefs of ceremony prefcribed for the different orders afforded matter of offence alfo : that of the Nobleffe and higher Clergy was of itfelf pompous, which fome of them fpared no expence in rendering flill more magnificent by additional ornaments ; that of the Tiers- Etat confifted fimply of the little black cloak worn by lawyers, which, when attached to the moulders of thofe who did not wear black, had a prepofterous and mean appearance. But when it was ob- ferved that this was a fubjecl of ridicule to fome of the Nobleffe, the People, however difpofed they may be in general to laugh at pitiful jokes, obftinately refufed to give any encouragement to this, and fhewedthe high- eft refpect for the motley-clothed Depu- ties, cheering them with repeated fhouts of L 3 Vive
( '50 )
Vive le Tiers-Etat ! while they allowed their fplendid rivals to pafs in proceffion unnoticed. So that in a fhort time a little black cloak en a brown thread-bare coat became refpectable ; and afterwards, when the cloaks were laid afide, on the converfion of the States-General into a National Af- fembly, a great plainnefs or rather fhabbi- rtefs of drefs was, upon the fame principle, confidered as a prcfumption of patriotifm.
This might have ferved as a warning tq Adminiftration and the Clergy, to be ex- ceedingly camious how they proceeded ; for after the nation had proved, by this in- ftance, thac they were capable of a fudden and complete change of opinion on a fub- iect which had alvyays occupied them fo much as that of drefs, it was to be expedled that they might alter their way of thinking, with ft ill greater eafe, on matters which hi- therto had appeared to be of far Ids import-' ance to them — namely, Government and
Religion.
Before
( i5i )
Before the Affembly could proceed to the bufmefs for which it was convoked, the veri- fication of the powers of the Deputies was neceffary, and for this purpofe their writs of return were to be examined. The Nobi- lity and Clergy propofed, that this mould he done by each of the orders feparately, in a chamber appropriated for itfelf : but the Third Eftate were of a different way of thinking ; for although they had gained the point of a double repreieutation, they knew that the Court partly expecled that it would be rendered of little importance, by the re- solution the Nobles and Clergy had formed net to vote by poll, but by orders, each in- verted with the privilege of putting a nega- tive on the decifion of the other two. M. Necker himfelf had, in his difcourfe at the opening of the Affembly, talked in fuch equivocal terms on this head, that each party might have imagined he favoured their wiihes. Yet that they mould guard JL 4 again ft
( W ) againft voting by orders, and fecure the point of voting by poll, formed a principal article in the inftru&ions of many Deputies for the Third Eftate ; and they were aware, that if a precedent were once eftabliihed of doing bufmefs of any kind feparately, that tingle inftance might prove decifive of the queftion. When they affembled in the common hall, therefore, they refolved that the three orders mould verify their powers together ; and finding that the Nobles and Clergy did not join them, they feparated without proceeding to the verification of their own powers : and when they met after- wards, they declared it was only as indivi- duals, without any political character or right to act ; and that they waited for the two other orders in the common hall, that the verification of their powers might be made in the only valid way, when all were prefent.
In this flate things continued for feveral
weeks ;
( *53 )
weeks ; the NoblefTe and Clergy meeting in their refpective halls, and the Deputies of the Third Eftate afTembling daily in the common hall, but abftaining from verifying their powers on account of the abfence of the other orders.
The Commons, having the voice and af- fections of the vaft majority of the nation with them, and being convinced that this circumftance muft render them victorious, made a fliew of great temper and modera- tion. They fent repeated meflages to the Nobles, in the raoft refpectful terms invit- ing them to the hall, that the great interefts of the nation might not be retarded, Re- ceiving no fatisfactory anfwer from them, the Commons fent a. deputation to the Clergy, inviting them to the common hall, that they might mutually deliberate on the moft effectual means of reftoring tranquillity and happinefs to the nation. On this occa- sion the Commons conjured the Clergy to
agree
( !54 )
agree to their requeft: in the name of the God of Peace. This form of entreaty was adopt- • ed as peculiarly applicable to thofe who called themfelves the fervants of the God of Peace, and in the belief that it could not be rejeded without their being thought dif- refpeclful to their m after, and of courfe without being of prejudice to them in the minds of the People.
The Clergy, who were fenfible of the value of popularity in the prefent exigency, and who conlidered the pathetic terms of the exhortation as turning their own artillery agajinft them, determined to retaliate, by puiliing the Commons into a troubkfome
ifflma, and perhaps dealing from them fome of their popularity. For this purpofc they fent a deputation to the Third Eftate, lamenting the miferable condition of the people, arifing from the high price of bread, and propofing that a committee, drawn from each of the three orders, mould be appointed
2 tO
( iss )
to concert the fpeedieft means for alleviaU ing the diftrefTes of the poor.
The Clergy thought it would he difficult to elude a propofal, whofe object was to re- lieve the diilrefTes of the people ; and knew at the fame time, that a Committee appoint- ed in the manner they propofed would have functioned, in a great meafure, future deliberations in which the diftinction of orders mould be preferved — which was pre- cifely what the two fuperior claries had in view : and the Clergy were in hopes that the Commons would be driven either to confent to agree to the Committee, or run the rifk of difpleafmg the people by re- fiifmg to concur with fuch a benevolent meafure.
The Third Eflate were not caught by the fnare that was laid for them. Compre- hending fully all that was intended by this propofition, they precluded its confequences by the following anfwer to the Clergy :
" Penetrated
( *56 )
c: Penetrated with the fame fenfe of duty that you are, and affected even to tears at the diftrefs of the people, we entreat and conjure you to unite injlantly with us i?i the common ha//, to concert meafures for the remedy of thefe calamities."
Inftead of flattening to meet the Com- mons with the expedition which their mef- fage and the urgency of the cafe imported, the Clergy returned for anfwer, that they would continue to meditate on the properefl means of relieving the diftrefles of the poor, which they acknowledged to be an object of the moft important and interefting na- ture, and which they had infinitely at heart, but that mod unfortunately there was not a fufficient number of Deputies prefent in their hall to decide on fo weighty a bufinefs.
Each party, perceiving that their real de- figns were feen, dropped any farther ufe of pretexts which deceived neither; the name of the God of Peace was no more mentioned ;
the
C '57 )
the high price of bread gave no farther uneafinefs ; and the poor were left in the fame diftrefs as before.
In the mean time the King feemed to have the general profperity more at heart, and to be more ready to make facrifices for obtain- ing it, than any of the three orders : for while two of them were obftinately infilling on verifying the powers of the Deputies apart, and the third declaring that it mould be done together, other important bufinefs was fufpended, to the great lofs of the pub- lic ; and befides, in plain common fenfe, it would feem, that no particular order, nor all the three orders united, could with pro- priety verify the powers of the Deputies. This right evidently belonged to the King. The AfTembly of the States had been called by his proclamation ; it belonged to him to examine whether the Deputies had been elected according to the terms of the pro- clamation. It would appear abfolutely re- quisite, that he mould authorize thofe at 4 leaft
( ijl )
]eaft who were to begin the verification ; for with what propriety could men fcruti- nize or verify the powers of their brother Deputies, whofe own powers had not been examined and verified ? Without infilling, however, on what feemed to be his right, he propofed, as a conciliatory meafure, that they fhculd verify their powers feparately, communicate the verification to each other 5 and, in cafe any difputable matter mould arffe on which they could not agree, he of- fered to be the umpire.
The Nobleffe and Clergy agreed to the King's propofals, and appointed commif- faries to meet with thefe of the Commons; who on their part, without direclly reject- ing the compromife, declared that they poft- poned their final decifion until they mould receive the report of their commiflioners after the conference. It was evident that they were refolved it ihould come to no- thing : new matter of difpute arofe, as was pre- determined, at the conferences
which
( *59 )
which were held in prefence of the Mini- fter ; and the King's mediation, to his great mortification, proved ineffectual.
With an averfion to intrigues of every kind, and little reliih for the magnificence cf a court or the exercife of power, the good-natured Prince fupremely defired the happinefs of his fubjects and his own tran- quillity. Ke had long endeavoured to mo- derate the duTenfions of the contending par- ties ; and their increafing animofity greatly afflicted his mind. " Je n'ai eu depuis quelques annees qui des injiam de honhcur," iliid he to M. Necker, fpcaking of the vio- lence of the parties and their reciprocal accufations, and perhaps under the general appiehenficn of fome of the fubfequent evils. As to the complicated and unexampled atrocities that have taken place Grace, they could not have entered into his imagination, or fcarcely into that of the moft gloomy- minded prophet of evil that ever lived.
It
( 1 6a )
It is painful to reflect, that a Prince fc sverfe from difturbing the peace of others fhould have his own fo cruelly deftroyed ; while thofe who, from ambitious or felfiih. views, anxioufty feek for a caufe of difcord, cry havock and let Ioofe the dogs of war, are permitted to pafs their lives in luxu- rious eafe.
There was this ftriking difference between the conduct of the Nobleffe and the Tiers-- Etat, that the latter, by perflating in a plan of apparent moderation and even inactivity, allowed their popularity, or in other words their power, to increafe ; whereas the for- mer fwelled in the pride of their preten- fions as their power dwindled, and pro- ceeded to the verification of the powers of their Deputies in their own particular hall, and to other acts, as if they were a com- plete and legal Aflembly ; without confider- ing that they thereby weakened themfelves on the fide on which the moil dangerous
attack
( i6i )
attack was to be expected, and where they were already too weak. While they thus ruined their own popularity, they increafed that of the Third Order, and furnifhed them with an example, which they followed as foon as they thought they would be fup- ported by the approbation of the public.
Having made a new effort for the union of the orders, by fummoning all the Depu- ties, including thofe of the Noblefle and Clergy, they declared that they would pro- ceed to the verification of the returns ; and after that ceremony, thofe Deputies whofe powers fhould be then verified in the com- mon hall would be conftituted a legal affem- bly, and would inftantly arTume the legifla- tive authority.
On the thirteenth of June they accord- ingly began to call the Deputies, and to verify the powers of thofe who appeared ; in which number were none of the order of Nobility, and only three of that of the M Clergy.
( '6- )
Clergy. A few more of the latter joined them the following day ; and on the 17th of the fame month the Tiers-Etat, with this fmall junction from the Clergy, aiTumed to themfelves the legiflative government of France, amidft the applaufe of a prodigious multitude of fpe&ators.
This great and important act of power met with no oppofition j but when the title which the Affembly mould affume came to be mentioned, a long debate enfued, which was carried on with more heat than could have been expected from the fubject. On this occafion the fpeakers difplayed fuch powers of verbal criticifm, and fuch a de- gree of dialectic fubtlety and metaphyseal difcritnination, as is more fuitable to gram- marians and profeffors than to ftatefmen and legiflators. One member propofed, that the Aflembly mould be denominated " Af- femblee legitime des reprefentans de la ma- jeure partie de la nation, agilTant en Tab- fence
( i63 )
fence de la mineure partie." Others pro* pofed titles ftill more tedious and complex. The Abbe Sieyes recommended the follow- ing : " Afiemblee d'es reprefentans connns et verifies de la nation Francoife;" and fupport- ed it with much metaphyseal ingenuity.
In the reply which Mirabeau made to the Abbe's arguments, he fhewed the incon- venience which might arife from applying metaphyfics to the exereife of government or legiflation. The following extract from Mirabeau's difcourfe is no badfpecimen of his eloquence. Mirabeau recommended the fim- ple name of " Reprefentatives of the French People," acknowledging that thofe propofed by the Abbe Sieyes and others were more conformable to certain theoretical opinions, and what might be expected from phi- lofophers and metaphyficians. It would have been happy for the French nation, that the Aflembly in forming their Conftitu- tion had paid more attention to the follow- M 2 ing
( i6+ )
ing remark made by Mirabeau on this oc- cafion : " II eft cette difference effentielle entre le metaphyficien, qui, dans la medita- tion du cabinet^ faiiit "la verite dans fon energique purete, et 1'homme d'etat qui eft oblige de tenir compte des anteeedens, des difficultes, des obftacles ; il eft, dis-je, cette difference entre l'inftruclcur du peuple et Tadminiftrateur politique, que Tun ne fonge qu'a ce qui eft, et l'autre s'occupe de ce qui peut etre.
" Le metaphyficien, voyageant fur une mappe-monde, franchit tout fans peine, ne s'embarraffe ni des montagnes* ni des de- ferts, ni des fleuves, ni des abymes ; mais quand on veut realifer le voyage, quand on veut arriver au but, il faut fe rappeller fans ceffe qu'on marche fur la terre, et qu'on n'eft plus dans le monde ideal*,"
After
* There is an eflential difference between the meta- phyfician who in his ftudy feizes truth in all its ener- getic
( i6j )
After a long difcuffion, however, the name of National Aflembly was propofed by M. le Grand, and adopted by the majo- rity ; on which the hall refounded with the cryofViventleRoi et l'AflembleeNationale!
This debate, refpe&ing the. name by which the Aflembly was to be called, re- minds us of the difpute which took place in the year 1689 between the Peers and Com- mons of England, on the words abdicated and deferted-, which, however, was not merely verbal ; for it is more conformable with Tory principles to declare, that a King,
getic purity, and the ftatefman who is obliged to confidcr antecedents, difficulties, obftaclesj there is this difference, I fay, between the inftruftor of the people and the political adminiftratpr, that the one only thinks of what really is, and the other of what may be.
The metaphyfician, travelling on the map, pafles over mountains, deferts, rivers, and abyfTes, without difficulty; but he who intends to make the journey in good earned, muft keep conflantly in his mind, that he is to travel on this earth, and not in an ideal world,
M 3 in
( 166 )
in confequence of mal-adminiftration and having withdrawn himfelf out of the king- dom, had deftried the government, than that he had abdicated it ; the Tories, therefore, contended flrenuoully for the former. The genuine Whig principle dictated the decifive word forfeited, as preferable to either ; and accordingly that word was adopted by the Scottifh Parliament, which kept no meafures with the Tories of their country : but the Englifh Whigs, as Hume remarks, having been joined by the Tories in bringing about the Revolution, waved a word which was offenfive to them, and, by way of com- promife, ufed abdicated — to which the To- ries of the Houfe of Peers were at lafl plea fed to agree.
The word Peuple having by the French been long applied to the loweft order only, it was confidered by many members as lowering the Deputies to denominate them Reprefentans du Peuple Francois. Mirabeau,
having
( »67 )
having obferved this, added : " Je fuis peu inquiet de la fignification des mots dans la langue abfurde du prejuge ; je parle ici la langue de la Rberte, et je m'appuye fur i'exemple des Anglois, fur celui des Ameri- cains, qui ont toujours honore le nom de Peuple^ quiTont toujours confacre dans leurs declarations, dans leurs lois, dans leur poli- tique. Quand Chatham renferma dans unfeul mot la charte des nations, et dit la Majejie du Peuple\ quand les Americains ont oppofe les droits naturels du Peuple a tout le fatras des publicities fur les conventions qu'on leur oppofe ; ils ont reconnu toute la fignifica- tion, toute l'energie de cette exprefiion, a. qui la liberte donne tant de vaieur*."
In
* I give no weight to the fignification of words according to the abfurd language of prejudice \ I here fpeak the language of liberty, and am fupported by the example of the Englifh and of the Americans, who have always refpecTed the name of the People^ and have al- ways adopted it in their declarations, in their laws, and M 4 ia
( 1 68 )
In another difcourfe he acknowledges, that the word Peuple was often underftood to have the fame fignification with Valgus in Latin, Mob in Englifh, what the arifto- crates in France infolently called Canaille \ and for that very reafon he prefers the title of Reprefentans du Peuple Francois to any other denomination for the AfJembly. " Je perfevere dans ma motion," continued he, " et dans la feule expreflion qu'on en avoit attaquee j je veux dire la qualification du Peuple Francois. Je l'adopte, je la defends, je la proclame, par la raifon qui la fait com- battre.
*' Oui : c'efl parce que le nom de Peuple
in their politics. When Chatham comprefled the char- ter of nations in a fingle expreflion, and pronounced the Majejiy of 'the People; when the Americans op- pofed the natural Rights of the People to all the trafh, publifhed againft them ; they fhewed that they under- ftood the true fignification and full energy of an ex- preflion, to which freedom gives (o great a value.
n'eft
( >69 )
n'eft pas afTez refpe&e en France ; parce qu'il eft obfcnrci, couvert de la rouille du prejuge; parce qu'il nous prefente uce idee dont l'or- gueil s'ailarme et dont la vanite fe revoke ; parce qu'il eft prononce avec mepris dans les chambres des ariftocrates ; c'eft pour cela meme, Meffieurs, que je voudrois, c'eft pour cela meme que nous devons nous im- pofer, non feulment de le relever, mais de 1'ennoblir, de le rendre deformais refpedable aux miniftres et cher a tous les cceurs.
" Plus habiles que nous, les heros Bataves qui fonderent la liberte de leurs pays prirent le nom de Gueux : ils ne voulurent que ce titre, parce que le mepris de leurs tyrans avoit pretendu les en iletrir ; et ce titre, en leur attachant cette claffe immenfe que l'arif- tocratie et le defpotifme aviliffoient, fut a la fois leur force, leur gloire, et le gage de leur fucces. Les amis de la liberte choififTent le nom qui les fert le mieux, et non celui qui les flatte le plus ; ils s'appelleront les
. Remontrans
( 17° )
Remontrans en Ameriqiie, les Patres en Suiffe, les Gueux dans les Pays-Bas ; ils fe pareront des injures de leurs enncmis ; ils leur oteront le pouvoir de les hurnilier avec des expreffions dont ils auront fu s'ho norer**."
* I perfifl: in my motion, and in the only expreffion which is found fault with ; I mean that of the French People. I adopt it, I defend it, I proclaim it, for the very reafons for which it is attacked.
Yes : it is becaufe the name of the People is not fuf- ficiently refpecled in France ; becaufe it is obfcured and covered with the ruft of prejudice ; becaufe it conveys an idea which wounds pride and mortifies vanity ; becaufe it is mentioned with difdain in the houfes ofariftocrar.es ; it is for tfyofe very reafons tnat I adopt it — it is for thofe very reafons that we ought to affume it, ennoble it, and render it refpedtable in the eyes of Minifters aud at Courts.
Thofe heroes who founded the liberty of Holland, more judicious than we, took the name of Gueux (beg- gars) ; and they would have no other title, becaufe the pride of their tyrants made them imagine they would be lowered by it ; and that very title, by attaching to them that immenfe clafs which ariflocracy and defpotifm
vilify,
( tp )
vilify, became at once their ftrength, their glory, and the pledge of their fuccefs. The friends of Liberty chofc the name which would beft. ferve her caufe, not that which was moft flattering to themfelves. In Switzer- land, they aflumed the name of Herdfmen ; in the Low Countries, that of Beggars ; glorying in the injurious appellations of their enemies, and receiving their abufe, not as what could humble them, but as that which did them honour.
CHAP-
( J72 )
CHAPTER VIII.
Mirabeau — Refolutions of the National Af
fembly — Different Conduct of the different
Orders — Inflexible and unfeeling Behaviour
of the Tiers-Etat—- Imprudent ConduB of
the higher Clergy — Popularity of the hi-
ferior Clergy — Libels , Lampoons — TJn'iver-
fal Prejudice againfl the Nobles and
Clergy — Reflexions on the different Light
in which the French Revolution is viewed
by thofe in different Situations all over
Europe — Mirabeau ' s Journal — Conference
between him and M. Necker.
T^yTIRABEAU had offended many per- fons of weight in the order to which he himfelf belonged, by his extravagancies and profligacy, more by his fatirical wit, and moft of all by a fuperiority of genius which they could neither conteft nor brook.
Perceiving
( *73 )
Perceiving that he had no chance of being ehofen a Deputy to the States-General by the NobleiTe? he immediately ufed his en- deavours to be ehofen by the Tiers-Etat, His endeavours were fuccefsful : he not only was ehofen a Deputy for Aix en Pro- vence and Marfeilles, that very part of France which had been the fcene of his youthful follies, and where his character was beft known, but he alfo acquired a degree of popularity among his conftituents, which was never furpafled, and which he retained unimpaired till his death. In general he enjoyed the fame popularity in the capital, though during fome fhort intervals he loft it to fuch a degree, that the populace of Paris called him a traitor, and threatened him with the lanterne ; particularly when he oppofed the decree excluding the Mini- fters from being members of the National Affembly, that concerning the King's Veto, and a third on the right of declaring war
4 and
( *74 )
and making peace ; yet perhaps he never had more reafon on his fide, nor did he ever act more in conformity with the poli* tical principles which he always profefled than on thofe occafions : for Mirabeau was not a republican.
The knowledge he had of the temper and character of his countrymen, of the hiftory of republics ancient and modern ; his own reflections on the internal commotions that exifted during even the moll brilliant pe^ riods of the Roman commonwealth, the only one which could with propriety be adduced as an example to fo extenfive a country as France ; the favourable idea he had of the Britim Constitution ; all thofe confiderations determined his mind in fa- vour of a limited monarchy. But as no man ever poflefled in a fuperior degree the art of gaining the confidence of the people, and of leading a popular aflembly ; and as his own importance and power depended on i the
( 175 )
the importance of that clafs who were nei- ther Nobility nor Clergy, he wihhed to raife them from the debafmg light in which they had been long viewed in France, and to fe- cure to them a reafonabie degree of powei and refpect. In contending that the Af- fembly fhould adopt the name of Reprcfen- tans du Peupley he certainly meant no more. He who diiliked a government like the an- cient Roman republic, becaufe it was com- pofed of a Senate and People only *, mud have been more averie to one in which the People alone were Sovereign, which pre- tended to annihilate all difttn&ions of rank, and to eftabliih an iniipid equality, in which the luperiority of talent, which peculiarly diftinguifhed himfelf, would be confidered as a fpecies of ariltocracy that might lead to the guillotine.
It was unfortunate for France that Mi- raheau was not on good terms with M.
* Senatus Populufque Romanns.
Necker :
( '76 )
Necker : if he had, the talents and addrefs of the former, co-operating with the good intentions and correcting the theories of the latter, as they were both friends to freedom, and neither wifhed for a republic, a practi- cable government, of a monarchical form and founded on freedom, might have been formed : or at any rate, had Mirabeau lived a few years longer than he did, his difcern- ment would have detected, and his power- ful ridicule would have expofed, the folly of thofe vifionary politicians, who, travelling over the world on a map, like his metaphy- fician, regardlefs of mountains and rivers, declared that all power came from the people, neglecting to eftablifh at the fame time, that the people could exercife no part of that power but muft delegate the whole. His triumphant eloquence, it is probable, would have precluded the abfurd title of Peuple Snive^a'm^ and the mifchievous ideas which have attended it ; he would have been able to
convince
( '77 ) convince the National AiTembly and the Nation at large, that although thofe Princes ■who pofTefled arbitrary power were often cruel and tyrannical, yet it fometimes hap- pened that they were the reverfe ; whereas le Peuple Sotiverain, acting individually and not by reprefentatives, had ever been in all ages and in all countries an unrelenting fa- vage ; that the natural impetuofity of the French national character gave no reafon to expect, that he would reign with more mo- deration in France than elfewhere ; but that, as foon as he mould obtain that title and the power which it implies, the innate violence and fury of his difpofition would appear ; that he would brandifh his pike, overawe the National AfTembly, plunge the fuperior orders into the mire from which he him- felf had juft emerged, murder thofe who had raifed him to power, and overwhelm, the land with bloodfhed and terror. Such are the horrors which the penetrating genius N of
( 178 )
of Mirabeau, forefeeing, would have pre- vented ; and they will warn other nations ftill labouring under defpotifm, what they have carefully to avoid in their exertions to obtain a free government.
After a difcuiTion which occupied more time, and occafioned more heat, than could have been expected from the mere queftion of a name for the Aflembly, that of National AJjembly was adopted. The members hav* ,ing taken the oath to fulfil their duty tc> their country with fidelity, a declaration was made, that the National AiTembly being compofed of members delegated by an im- menfe majority of the French Nation, would remain no longer inactive on account of the abfent Deputies or of any particular clafs of men, but would immediately begin the great work of reformation, for which they had been appointed by their country.
They pronounced, that no tax or impo- fition was legal that was not confirmed or
enacted
C 179 )
enacted by the reprefentatives of the nation. That neverthelefs, to prevent confufion, the exiftirig taxes mould be continued to be le- vied until they were annulled by the A {Terri- bly, or Until the AfTembly feparated. They declared that they would, in concert with his Majefty, take the national debt into confede- ration as fcon as poflible ; and in the mean time they put the national creditors under the fafeguard of the national" faith and honour.
Thefe refolutions were heard with ap« plaufe by the numerous fpeetators ; they were carried with all poflible expedition to the capital, where they produced the ftrongeft fymptoms of joy, which became univerfal over the nation ; for thofe who were difTatisfled and alarmed at the proceed- ings, were obliged to conceal their fenti- ments in this moment of enthufiafm.
By this act of fupremacy without the
concurrence of the two other orders, and
without waiting for the approbation of the?
N 2 King,
( 180 )
King, they decided the queftion which had not been yet agitated, namely, whether the. National Affemhly fhould vote individually or by the united voice of each order. They acted not as part of an affembly of men de- legated to remedy certain abufes in an exift- ing government, but as a complete affembly authorifed to form a new government. In effect, they aflumed the whole power of the State.
It has been faid, that a different conduct; on the part of the two higher orders would have prevented the third from adopting fo violent a meafure. The fame kind of re- flection hardly ever fails to be made, when any conduct whatever has unfortunate con- iequences. As that which the Nobles and Clergy purfued has led to their ruin, it is now clear that they would have been no lofers by choofmg another. When they faw that the Tiers, with the approbation of the People, were determined that the 2 powers
( 181 )
powers of all the Deputies mould be verified in common, perhaps it would have had a happy and conciliatory effect not to have difputed that point ; their meeting and con- verting daily together might have confirmed their union ; whereas the refufal of the two firft orders to meet at all became a frefh fource of jealoufy and hatred, and was per- haps the caufe of their being deprived of fome privileges which they might have been allowed to retain.
The joy manifefted by the nation at the deciiive conduct of the Tiers-Etat tended to give them at once frefh courage and addi- tional ftrength ; whereas it only gave to the other two orders frefh indignation, of which they pofleffed a fufficient quantity before, and tended to diminifh their ftrength, of which they had not enough.
As the NoblefTe and the Clergy had
rallied under the Court, were directed in
many points by the King's minifters, and
N 3 belonged
( *8? )
belonged in general to that clafs of foc'iety in which the violence of private paflion is more under the restraints of intereft or de-? corum, it might naturally have been ex- pected that they would have conducted themfelves with more policy, unanimity, and energy, than the third. The fact, however, was otherwife. We find the Nobles and the Clergy divided among them- felves, acting without fyftem or courage, affecting an importance which they no longer had, and making claims which they were afterwards obliged to relinquish $ whereas the Commons, from the firft meet- ing of the States-General until the union of the three orders, never advanced a ftep which they* afterwards retracted, never turned to the right hand or to the left, but moved on ftedfaft to their object, making good every new right which they claimed, although moil of them were at firft refufed,
and
( 183 )
and fome of them mockingly ill-timed. Of the laft the following is a remarkable example.
Soon after the aflembling of the States- General, and during that interval in which the Tiers- Etat feemed to be patiently wait- ing the moment when the two other orders would unite with them, it wras obferved that, on fending a deputation to the King, the Deputies of the Third Order were received by the Keeper of the Seals, who according to ancient cuftom carried their requefts to the King, whereas deputations from the Nobleffe and Clergy were received by the King in perfon; the Third Order refolved to put an end to this diftinction, and for that purpofe appointed a new de- putation— ordering at the fame time their Dean, M. Bailiy, to wait on his Majefty in perfon, and inform him that the Com- mons acknowledged no intermediate perfon N 4 between
( m )
•between the King and his People, and begged to know the time when their depu- tation fhould wait on him. $> The young Dauphin died on the day when M. Bailly endeavoured to fulfil his commiffion. When the officer in waiting announced him, the King fent him word to communicate his bufmefs in the ufual way through the Keeper of the Seals. M. Bailly then waited on the Minifter, who having addrefTed the King on the fubjec~t received^ the following anfwer :
c' II nreft impoffible, dans les circon- ftances ou je me trouve, de voir M. Bailly ce foir, ou demajn matin, ni de fixer un jour pour la deputation. Montrez mon billet a JM. Bailly pour fa decharge,*"
* It is not pofuble for me, in my prefent fcate of mind, to fee M. Bailly this evening or tomorrow morn- ing, nor can I at prefent fix an hour for receiving the deputation. Shew my note to M. Bailly for his juftifi^ cation*
When
( «8.j ) When this billet was read in the AfFenv bly of the Commons, it excited murmurs of diicontent. Thefe murmurs, however un- reaf bnable they were, Teem to have made an impreffion at the Court ; for foon after M. Bailly received a letter in thefe terms: " M. ie Garde des Sceaux previent M. Bailly qu'il fort de chez le Roi, ou il etoit monte pour prendre fes ordres fur la deputation. Quoique fa Majefte foit dans la plus pro- fonde affliction, et que jufqu'ici elle n'ait youlu voir perfonne, le Roi recevra cepen- dant demain la deputation du Tiers-Etat entre onze heures et midi; fon intention eft que la deputation foit au nombre de
vingt .
The
# The Keeper ef the Seals informs M. Bailly, that he is juft come from the King, on whom he had waited tp receive his orders refpecling the deputation. Not- v/ithftanding his Majefty's being in the greateft aiHi&ion, and that hitherto he has not been able to fee any body, he will receive the deputation of the Tiers-Etat to- morrow
( '86 )
The deputation waited on the King ac- cordingly. Its avowed object was to repre- fent the earned defire of the Third Order to unite with the other two, and to complain of the obftacles by which the Nobles pre- vented this union, and thereby retarded public bufinefs. In the addrefs, which was pronounced by M. Bailly, the Commons alfo declared that they gloried in their at- tachment to the perfon of the King, and that they would be at all times ready to flied their blood and fpend their fortunes in fup- port of the true principles of the monarchy. The concluding words were, " Vos fidelles Communes font profondement touchees de la circonftance cu votre Majefte' a la bonte de recevoir leur deputation ; et elles pren- nent la liberte de lui adreffer rexpreffion de tous leurs regrets, et de leur refpectueufe
fenfibilite*."
This
morrow between eleven and twelve o'clock. He ex- pects that the deputation (hall confift of twenty. * Your faithful Commons are deeply affected at the
circum-
( i87 )
This addrefs, under the circumftances in which it was made, will not be confidered as a convincing proof of the refpectful fen- fibility of thofe who framed it, for the King's affliction ; but it is a pretty ilrong one of the perfeverance of the Tiers-Etat ia their claims, even during circumftances in which mod people will imagine that they might have been at leaft poftponed.
Although the Nobles did not act with all the fteadinefs and unanimity of the Tiers- Etat, there was but a fmall number who fe- ceded from the general opinion of their order ; but among the Clergy there was a confiderable portion whofe wiines went not along with the general inclination of theirs. This was fuppofed to have been owing to the proud deportment of fome of the Digni-
circumftances in whrch your Majefty had the goodnefs to receive their deputation j and they take the liberty of exprefling to you this teftimony of their regret and maft refpe&ful fympathy.
6 taries
( '88 )
taries of the Church, who, contrary to the fpirit of the religion they profefled, are faid to have treated their hrethren the inferior Clergy with fuch neglect and apparent con- tempt, as to annihilate that efprit de corps which uiually binds men of the fame pro- feffion together, and inclined them to favour the Tiers-Etat, with many of whom they lived on the footing of equality and friend- fhip. The unpopularity of the higher Clergy appeared ftrongly during the election of the Deputies, and occafioned a much greater proportion of the inferior clafs to be elected than would have taken place, had not the former deftroyed their natural in- fluence by an imprudent and haughty be- haviour.
What the Dignitaries of the Church loft in popularity about this period, the lower orders of the Clergy acquired, and retained until the government of the country was ufurped by a fet of men devoid of every
fentiment
( »89 )
fentiment of religion, gratitude, or com- panion.
This did not efcape the obfervation of thofe who compofed the little pieces for the iheatre, who of all authors are the mod attentive in feizing the reigning fancy of the times, and gratifying the public tafte : a Country Cure became all at once a favour- ite character on the ftage, and was often brought forward as the vehicle of patriotic fentiments. Sometimes M. le Cure was exhibited even in a more heroic point of view.
The beft apology that can be made for the praife which is fo often beftowed on Princes and on men in power who do not deferve it, is, that it fometimes infpires them with a defire of becoming what they are faid to be already. Thus we are told, that Auguftus was flattered into humanity. In the fame manner I have been affured, that many Cures and Parifh Priefts, who at
the
( *9° )
the beginning of the revolution were very cool on the fubjecl:, when they underftood that they were reprefented on the ftage as patriots and defenders of their country, at length caught fire, and became what they beheld — inculcating revolutionary opinions on the minds of their parifhioners, and fometimes leading them againft detached parties of the enemy. I was myfelf prefent at the reprefentation of a little piece in the year 1792, which I was told was founded in truth. The fcene of the piece was a fmall village on the frontiers of France, While, the Cure is exhorting a group of the inhabitants to maintain their freedom and defend their country, news is brought that a party of Hulans are at hand ; the Cure immediately trufles up his black robe, girds on a fabre, feizes a mufket, and marches at the head of his audience to meet the enemy. In the next fcene he returns victorious, and is welcomed with fongs of triumph by the
wives
( i9» )
wives and children of the band of villagers which has repulfed the invaders.
This popularity, however, was entirely confined to the inferior orders of ecclefiaftics. The prejudice again ft the higher claffes con- tinued augmenting without interruption.
It was evident, from the conduct of the Court immediately before the meeting of the States-General, from the ceremonies obferved on that occafion, and even from the difcourfe of M. Necker on the firll day of the Affembly, that it was intended that a diftinttion of orders mould be maintained, that the AlTembly mould vote by orders, and that each order mould have the prero- gative of putting a negative on the pro- ceedings of the other two.
It is difficult to know what M. Necker's real fentiments were on this queftion. A fear of weakening his popularity might prevent his recommending the vote by orders 5 un- willingnefs to difoblige the Court, and fome
dread
( *$* )
dread of the violence of certain leading mefl in the Tiers-Etat, might hinder him from recommending the voting by poll. He re- commended neither entirely, and yet hef recommended both in fome degree. He faid there were fome points on which it was preferable to vote by order, and others on which it would be moft expedient to vote by individual voices. What he faid in favour of voting by orders was greatly ap- plauded by the Nobles and Clergy. This was ill judged ; becaufe it fliewed the im- portance they put on that circumfhnce, and was an advertifement to the Tiers-Etat, had they needed it, to put an importance on it alfo.
In common fertfe, the ftand which the Court, the Nobles, and Clergy, were making againft voting by poll, and the diflike which M. Necker himfelf at laft mewed to it, all came too late. Whatever oppofition was intended ought to have been made againft
the
( i93 )
the Tiers-Etat having a double reprefenta*- tion : after that was yielded, the oppofitiorr was much more difficult ; it was firft agree- ing to admit the lion, and then attempting to muzzle him*.
Yet notwithstanding the decifive ftep which the Tiers-Etat, with fuch of the Cler- gy as joined them, had taken on the 1 7th of June, tne two higher orders continued their difcuffions in their refpeclive chambers, and ieemed (till determined not to fanction the proceedings of the Third Order with their prefence, which they imagined was abfo-
* During the debates in the Houfe of Commons in the reign of Charles II. on the Exclufion Bill, fome mem- bers who fpoke againft excluding the Duke of York from the fucceflion to the Crown acknowledged, how- ever, that they ought to limit his power when he fhould come to the throne ; on which a member who was for the exclufion afked whether,. if a lion was heard roaring in the lobby, it would be moft prudent to admit him within the houfe and then muzzle him, or fhut the door and exclude him ?
O lutely
( *94 )
lutety neceflary to render them legal in the eyes of the nation. They might have been convinced that this conjecture was errone- ous, by the fatisfaction and joy which was exhibited all over France, on account of the decided meafures of the Tiers-Etat, and the declarations made to fupport them. The Parifians turned the refufal of the Nobles and Clergy into ridicule : many epigrams were made on the fubject : a fong was fung in the ftreets, and all Paris joined in the chorus, which confifted of the following lines :
Vive le Tiers-Etat de France I II aura la preponderance Sur le Prince* fur le Prelat : Ahi ! Povera Nobilita !
So fudden and fo violent was the effect of this enthufiafm, and of the lampoons and libels which were fcattered all over France againft Nobility, that what had been former- ly confidered as the greateft advantage, and
without
( W )
Without fome pretentions to which, people were eXpofed to daily mortifications, was how almoft looked on as a crime, and be- came in reality a misfortune. This want of candour was not confined to the populace, but reached many of the higher claries of the Bourgeoifie, who joined in the outcry of prejudice, and fpoke of the Nobles as the mod worthlefs of mankind, and the deter- mined enemies of their country, for refuting to unite with the Third Order on the pre- fent occation.
It has been already obferved, that the Nobles and Clergy did not adopt the very bed means for precluding or mitigating the attack with which they were threatened, and that their exertions to that purpofe were not made at the proper time ; but it feems the height of injuftice to blame them for at- tempting fome refiftance, and for not fur- rendering all their privileges at difcretion.
To expect that thofe on whom diftinc- O 2 tions
( '96 )
tlons and privileges have devolved through a long feries of anceftors will yield them up at the firft call of public utility, even were it clearly proved that public utility made the demand, is to expect more than infinitely the greater part of mankind would be will- ing in a fimilar fituation to grant. Thofe who, without making any facrifice to the public good, abufe others for not making the greateft, are ieldom poiTeiTed of even an ordinary fhare of generofity or public ipirit; and there is little doubt but that many of the flaming patriots of the Third Order, thofe who declaimed the loudeft on- the juftice of their requifitions, and againft the obilinate arrogance of the Nobles, would, had they themfelves been Noble, have de» claimed with equal violence againfl: the ab- furd pretenfions of thofe whom in that cafe they would have called infolent roturiers : they would not only have called them fo, bu£r it is highly probable they would have*
really
( J97 )
Teally thought all their requifitions unj'uft and unnatural. By contemplating political queftions often in one point of view, men are very apt to be at laft convinced that what is moft favourable to their own pri- vate intereft is alfo moft for the intereft of the public ; and therefore there are not fo many hypocrites, or men who fpeak and act contrary to the dictates of their underftand- ing and confcience, in either party, as the violent partifans of each imagine.
If due weight were given to this remark, thofe men in every country of Europe who have viewed the French Revolution in op- pofite lights, would not reciprocally accufe one another in* the unqualified manner they ufually do.
The Nobles and dignified Clergy, who enjoy great privileges arid rich benefices ; thofe who poffefs ample finecure places under a government, of whatever nature that government may be ; the whole race of O 3 bankers ;
( igs )
bankers, to whom taxes are trifles ; and all government contractors, who grow rich as the State becomes poor, are peculiarly averfe to any alteration in the prefent ar- rangement of things, and of courfe to them the French Revolution was an object of dread from the beginning. The oppref- fion which the bulk of the French nation, fufFered from the nature of their ancient government, thofe men imagined would never reach their own country ; but the example given by the Revolution, and all the horrors which accompanied it, they thought, if not oppofed, wrould fpread over all Europe. This being their conviction, nobody can be furprifed at their lamenting an event which they thought pregnant with fuch extenfive mifchief.
Thofe men, on the other hand, who con- fider freedom as the greater! of human blefTings, who have a ftrong fenfe of the mifcries that flow from defpotifm, who be- hold
( 199 )
hold with indignation the cruelty and arro- gance with which daftardly power and un- feeling rank often treat the weak and the ingenious, men who, being acquainted with adverfity, have a greater fympathy with the unfortunate than thofe above mentioned ; men of this defcription behdd the beginning of the French Revolution with that compla- cency, which the expectation of feeing a large portion of their fellow creatures re- lieved from oppreffion naturally communi- cates. They faw its degeneracy with dif- appointment, grief, and horror ; but were unwilling to lofe the hope that fome rational iyftem of freedom, not the ancient tyranny, would arife out of that chaos of anarchy and bloodfhed which it had produced : and they had no fear that the excefles committed by the moft impetuous nation in Europe, on their being fuddenly unchained, would be imitated by other nations, who were in O 4. different
( 200 )
different circumftances and of oppofite cha- racters. This being their conviction, what candid mind can blame them more than the former ? And of two claffes of men, whofe different manner of thinking on this fubject feems in general to depend merely on the different fituations in which they are placed, why mould the one accufe the other of a defign to involve their country in a fcene of anarchy, bloodftied, and rapine, and the fe- cond condemn the firft as the enemies of free- dom and the friends of tyranny ? Both thofe claffes, in Great Britain at leaft, as I am per- fuaded, love their country and hate tyranny: but the one are more afraid of a mob than of a ftretch of prerogative ; and the other recol- lect that Wat Tyler and John Cade did not reign four months, whereas Henry VIII. reigned thirty-eight years, and James II. four. During the'Tittings of the Notables ML de Mirabeau had publiihcd feveral pam- phlets,
( soi )
phlets, with a view to fpirit up the public
• to infill on aiTembling the States-General.
After the Deputies for that meeting began to meet at Verfailles, he publifhed a regular Journal, the avowed object of which was to give an account of the proceedings of the States- General. There were frequent in- finuations againft M. Necker in this paper, and feme attempts to turn him into ridicule. It was univerfally read and pretty gene- rally approved of by the popular party in other refpects ; yet it feemed to have fmall effect in injuring M. Necker in the public opinion. But having attacked fome perfons in the two privileged orders, it was fup- prefled by a decree of the Council on the 7th of May. The electors of the Tiers-Etat of Paris immediately met, and publifhed what they called a reclamation againft the decree of the Council ; and Mirabeau conti- nued his Journal under the new title of H Lettres du Comte de Mirabeau a fes
Commettan8,,,
( 202 )
Commettans." From this an idea may be formed of the ftate of the King's authority even at this period. Mirabeau, who had not a high opinion of M. Necker's abilities, and who affected to defpife them more than he did in reality, was exceedingly jealous of his popularity ; but, by continuing to vent his gall againft him in his new publication, he injured his own more than that of the Minifter, or, what perhaps is more precife- ly the truth, his wit and talent of ridicule were relifhed, notwithstanding their being fometimes improperly directed. Indepen- dent of the great ftock of popularity with which M. Necker had formerly retired from office, he had acquired an immenfe accefhon from being univerfally confidered as the author of the double reprefentation which was fo unexpectedly granted to the Tiers-> Etat. This rendered him an object of ado- ration to one party, and of execration to the other. It muft be confefTed, that the % execrators
( 2°3 )
exeerators have been the moft perfevering < the former having long fince difappeared, the latter are to be found among the French emigrants all over Europe.
Had M. Necker been as judicious in the ufe of his popularity as he was afliduous in acquiring it, many people imagine, that fome of the moft intemperate meafures of the Tiers-Etat would have been prevented, and the monarchy faved without liberty being loft,
ProceiTes had been carried on in the crir minal courts of Britanny againft the authors pf infurrec~tions and other exceffes which had taken place in that province. When it was thought that the guilty were about to be condemned and punifhed as they deferv- ed, M. Necker prevailed an the Council to fufpend the deciiions of the courts, and thereby augmented the attachment of the populace to him. A little after the meeting pf the States-General, feveral leading men,
belonging
{ 204 )
belonging to the Tiers-Etar, who had a high opinion of the talents of M. Necker, and confidence in his integrity, gave him to underftand, that they were difpofed to be guided by' him refpe&ing their conduct in the AfFembly. To every proportion or in- finuation of this nature his anfwer was, " that it was the duty of the King's Mini- iler to convoke the States-General, and conduct the Deputies to the door of the AfTembly, but there he muft leave them — to the guidance of their own underftanding and the inftructions of their conflituents."
This conduct was approved of by fome people, as what all Minifters ought to imi- tate. Others gave him little credit for it, hecaule they imagined it proceeded from his prefmning, that the Tiers-Etat were difpofc. ed of themfelves, without his fecuring any particular members, to adopt his views'; or, if at any time a contrary difpofition mould appear, he thought he would have fufficient
influence
( 2o5 ) influence to fubdue it. Whatever M. Necker's motives for not liitening to them were ; that fuch proportions were made to him by various Deputies who had confider- able influence, and that he declined them, I am allured of on good authority.
But, independent of the Deputies above alluded to, M. Mirabeau himfelf, at this very period, notwithstanding all his jealoufy of M. Necker, did not fcruple to make ad- vances to him, and to mew a difpofition to co-operate with him in meafures for allaying the fermentation which exifted in the minds of the Commons, and threatened the ruin of the Monarchy. This we have on the authority of M. Malouet, a diiVinguifhed member of the Conftituent Ailembly, a man of integrity, and a friend to monarchy, but not that kind of monarchy which exifted in France previous to the Revolution — a lover of liberty, but not that kind of liberty which
has
( 206 )
has taken place there fince the loth of Auguft 1792.
Soon after the meeting of the States-Ge- neral, during the difputes between the or- dersj M. Malouet drew up an addrefs, well calculated to reconcile their differences, and which he propofed fhould be prefented in the name of the Commons to the King. It was on the point of being adopted, when it was prevented by a manoeuvre of MirabeaUj who, although he had been at one time well difpofed to fupport the principles of M. Malouet's addrefs, whifpered to the De- puties nearer! him, Ceci eft un mejfage du Chateau*. This immediately was fpread through the hall, and prevented the addrefs from paffing. Mirabeau intended this not fo much againft M. Malouet as againft M. Necker and the Adminiftration, to whom this addrefs would have been of fervice*
* This comes from the Court.
He
( s°7 )
He had been provoked to this by the follow- ing incident.
M. Malouet, whofe moral character was very different from that of Mirabeau, had avoided any acquaintance with him, until M. du Roverai of Geneva, at the requeft of the latter, brought them together at his lodgings in Verfailles, towards the end of May 1789. At this meeting Mirabeau addrefled Malouet in the following terms : *' J'ai defire une explication avec vous, parce qu'au travers de votre moderation je vous reconnois ami de la liberte, et je fuis peut-etre plus effraye que vous de la fer- mentation queje vois dans les efprits, et des malheurs qui peuvent en refulter. Je ne fuis point homme a me vendre lachement *au defpotifme; je veux une conflitution libre, mais monarchique. Je ne veux point ebranler la monarchic ; et (i on ne fe met de bonne heure en mefure, j'appercois dans notre aiTemblee de fi mauvaifes tetes, tant
d'inexpe-
( 208 )
d'inexperknce, d'exaltation, line refiftance, line aigreur fi inconfiderees, dans les deux premiers ordres, que je crains autant que vous d'horribles commotions. Vous etes He avec M. Necker et M. de Montmorin ; vous devez favoir ce qu'ils veulent, et s'ils ont un plan ; fi ce plan eft raifonnable, je le defendrai*."
* I wifhed to have fome converfation with you, be- caufe, through all your moderation, I perceive that you are a friend to Liberty. I am perhaps more afraid of the fermentation that I fee in men's minds, and what may be the confequence, than you are. I am not capable of bafely felling myfelf to the caufe of defpo- tifm; I wifh for a free confutation, but of a monarchical form. I have no defire to (hake the monarchy. But I perceive fo many wrong-headed perfons in our Affem- bly, fuch inexperience, fuch exaltation, fo acrimonious and inconfiderate an obflinacy in the two firft orders,* that I dread fome horrible commotion as much as you pofiibly can. You are connected with M. Necker and M. de Montmorin ; you ought to know what their intentions are: if they have formed a plan, and if that plan is reafonable, I am willing to fuppGrt it.
i To
( 2°9 )
To this M. Malouet replied, that he had no certainty of the Minifters having formed any plan. " He bien," rejoined Mirnbeati, " voulez-vous leur propofer de me voir et de conferer avec moi* ?"
On mentioning this to M. Meeker and M. de Montmorm, M. Malouet found both averfe to any correfpdndence with Mira- beaii. They talked of his moral character, &c. M. Malouet obferved in khfwer to their objections, that a man of fuperlative talents, who, notwithftanding the immora- lity of his character, feemed to have reafon- able political views, who was not decidedly fixed in any party, and who would add a great weight to whatever party he mould attach himfelf, was worthy of fome atten- tion, and deierved to be liftened to.
It was at lad agreed^ that M. Necker
* Well, wiM you prbpofe to them to fee me, that we may have a conference ?— — See Collection des Opinions de M. Malouet, tome troineme, Paris 1792.
P mould
( 3IO )
ihould receive Mirabeau the following morning. The meeting took place accord- ingly ; the Minifter's behaviour was cold in the higheft degree. Mirabeau, obferving this, reduced his to the fame temperature : each imagined it was the duty of the other to break the ice ; which neither condefcend- ing to do, their meeting was as ineffectual for the intended purpofe, as that of two watermen brought to row in the fame boat, who, en arriving at Whitehall Stairs, find the Thames frozen.
As Mirabeau retired, he faid to M. Ma- louet, " I mail not make them another vifit, but they fhall hear of me." M. Malouet obferves, that Mirabeau kept his word but too well ; and the firft opportunity he had of mewing his refentment was on the occa- fion above mentioned.
CHAP-
( 211 }
CHAPTER IX.
AT. Necfor forms a Plan of Government^ which with little Alteration is approved of by the King and Council of State — Majority of the Clergy determine to join the Tiers- Etat — Proclamation for a Royal Sejfon — 'The Tiers-Ptat excluded from their Hall — Oath taken in the Tennis Court — The Kings declaration a?id Speeches — Marquis de Brezi — Mirabeaus Anfwer him — De- crees of the Affembly — The Timidity of the Council — The Caufes of it*
TT is apparent that, from the firft afTem^ ■*■ bring of the States-General at Verfailles to the time the Tiers-Etat declared them- felves a National AfTembly, M. Necker counted too much on his own importance, and imagined that it would be at any time P 2 m
( 2I2 )
in his power to prevent their going into dangerous excefles. It muft be confeffed, that he at this period enjoyed a degree of influence at Court and popularity in the country that no Miniiter had ever before united. Without having the title of Prime Pvliniiter, he ahnoft dictated all the deci- fions of the Cabinet : for his advice was always adopted by the King ; the other members of the Adminiftration had more the appearance of his clerks than of his col- leagues, and found it abfolutely necefiary to be equally obfequious. His houfe was fill- ed with Deputies from morning to night, and feveral who were confidered as leading ones were of the number.
M. Necker's importance, from the time that he began to ad: a public part in France, had always depended either on the favour of the Monarch or on that of the People, or on both. The Nobles, the Clergy, and the Parliaments, were no way connected with
it :
( 2I3 )
it : none of thefe claffes h,ad ever fhewn any partiality to M. Necker, and certainly he never fhewed any partiality to them. It is mod natural for men to impute an evil rather to fomething from which they them- felves derive no benefit, than to that from which they derive the moft flattering ad- vantages. M. Necker might therefore be inclined to think, that the oppreffions fuf- fered by the French people, and the public misfortunes, proceeded infinirely more from the privileges enjoyed by the Nobles, the Clergy, and the Parliaments, than from the power of the Crown ; and that the double reprefentation granted to the Tiers-Etat would go more diredly to control the for- mer than the latter. He rauft alfo have known indeed, that the Nobles, the Clergy, and the Parliaments, formed the only checks to defpotifm that exifted in the ancient go- vernment of France ; but he might imagine that the new importance acquired by the
P 3 Tiers-
( 2I4 )
Tiers-Etat would render thofe checks unne- cessary, and that he himfelf poffeiTed the power of dictating to the latter — thus far Jhalt thou go, and no farther. But when he perceived the independent and triumphant manner in which the Third Order proceed- ed on the 17th of June, he began to fear that not only the privileged orders but the Crown itfelf, and that degree of authority which is necefiary to give effect and energy to government, were in danger ; and he imagined it was full time to pronounce his veto, and prevent the torrent of democracy from rolling any farther.
The Nobles, who had as little faith in M. Necker's abilities as they had love for his perfon, and perfuaded that the torrent could be no more flopped by his influence than the waves were by the voice of Canute, were ready to fink into defpair.
It was moved in their aflembly, that, after inviting the Clergy to join them, they mould
conPcitute
( 215 )
conftitute themfelves into an Upper Houfe, in imitation of the Britifh Houfe of Peers. Whether it proceeded from prejudice againft whatever is Britifh, or that they were mock- ed at the idea of depreciating the pure me- tal of nobility with fuch a mafs of eccleiiaf- tieal alloy, the propofal was heard with indignation and rejected with fcorn. In an addrefs to the King they juftified their own conduct, and ftrongly accufed the Tiers-Etat for their late ufurpations, parti- cularly for declaring all the taxes illegal,
M. Necker in the mean time compofed a kind of plan of government, or declaration of rights, which he expected would mode- rate the fermentation, and conciliate the minds of the Commons, while it would alfo prove in fome degree fatisfactory to the other orders. In the fyltem here traced out by M. Necker, many fources of complaint and opprefiion were removed ; and on the whole it was well conceived, and might have
P 4 formed
( ai6 )
formed the bafis of an excellent conftituhon. Had he advifed the King and prevailed on him to have made the fame propoial at the firfl meeting of the States- General, before the minds of the Deputies were heated by debate, and provoked by oppofition, it would in all probability have been joyfully accepted. Such a fedate and fteady ftep towards Li- berty would have led to her attainment with much more certainty than all the furi- ous ftrides and jumps, by which the French nation afterwards overfhot her, and caught Licentioufnefs in her ftead.
M. Necker prefented his plan to the King, advifmg his Majefty to lay it before the States General, at a royal fefTion to be dire&ly fummoned for that purpofe. The King, who had hitherto implicitly approved of M. Necker's propolals, fummoned an extraordinary council on the prefent occa- iion, to examine the piece which the Mini- iter had prefented to him.
The
( 217 )
The plan was in general approved of by this council. A very few alterations were made, and thofe, as I am aflured, not very material -, the mod important being in the words, and not in the meaning or import of the articles.
There had long been different forms of expreffion ufed by the Council for the an- nulling of ads or judgments of courts of juftice, or of municipalities. The moll ri- gorous form was in the ufe of the word, cajfatlon ; the moft moderate form confided in the following terms : fans sarriter a tel jugement que le Rbi declaroit comme non avenu — that is to fay, the King orders the contrary, as if the act or judgment had never pafied. In the plan delivered to the Council by M. Necker, he made ufe of the moft moderate form in annulling the decrees of the Tiers-Etat of the 17th of June. The Council, to mark with the greater force the Ring's difapprobation of thofe decrees, ufe$
the
( 2t8 )-
the moft rigorous term, particularly m the third article, Le Roi cajfe et annulle, comme anticonftitutionnelleSy contraires aux lettres de convocation, et oppofees a r intent de PEtat. M. Necker certainly was in the right : pro- vided the giant be deftroyed, it is of no im- portance whether he dies by a ftone from the fling of a (tripling, or by the thunder- bolt of Jupiter. Yet the King adhered to the alterations made by the Councils, which was unfortunate ; becaufe by that means the form of declaration mod likely to offend the Affembly was adopted ; and alfo be- caufe, however immaterial the difference between the two forms was, ftill that which was preferred could not be faid to be the work of M. Necker, which alone would have fecured it a more favourable reception. On the 19th of June, the Affembly of the Clergy, who had been difputing for fe- veral days where they fhould verify their powers, decided by a fmall majority to join
the
( 2I9 )
the National AfTembly — which (truck fuch an alarm into the AfTembly of the Nobles, that one of them propofed to addrefs the King to diffolve the Sta':es-General. This meafure was not adopted : but the Court feem to have been as much alarmed as the Nobles ; for a party of tbe guards were or- dered to take pofTeffion of the hall on the morning of the 20th of June, when the junction was to have been, and at the fame time a proclamation was made in the fol- lowing terms :
" De par 1^ Roi. Le Roi ayant refolu de tenir une feance royale aux Etats-Gene- raux, Lundi 22 Juin, les preparatifs a. faire dans les trois falles qui fervent aux afTem- blees des ordres, exigent que les afTemblees foient fufpendues jufqu'apres la tenue de ladite feance."
When M. Bailly, the Prefident of the Af-
fembly, came to the gate of the hall, he was
frefufed admittance, and then demanded to
6 fpeak
( 220 )
fpeak to the officer of the guard. The officer told him, that he had orders to per- mit no perfon whomfoever to enter the hall pf the States-General, " I proteft againft fuch orders," faid M. Bailly, " and I will give an account of this to the National jljfembly"
The Deputies were at this time in various groups (landing before the gate. A ru- mour was fpread, that the intention of the Court was to diffolve the States-General. This occafioned a clamour among the multi- tude which furrounded the groups of Depu- ties, every minute augmenting. *' Gentle- men," faid M. Bailly addreffing the Deputies, " it is not a particular fpace furrounded by walls which conftitutes a National Affembly ; we may aflemble within or without, in the plains or in the mountains ; wherever we meet, we equally are the National Af- fembly."
" Let us go forthwith to Marly," fatd
one
( 22I )
one of the Deputies, " and hold a feffion on the terrace ; let the King himfelf take his place among us, and hear the language of liberty."
But M. Bailly, having called the Secreta- ries of the AfTembly to accompany him, went again to the gate of the hall, and re- quired that all the papers belonging to the AfTembly might be delivered to them. The officer immediately allowed them to enter, and to take the papers. The workmen had already removed all the benches, and were erecting a throne, and making other prepa- rations for the royal feffion.
At this time it rained violently. Un- willing, however, to feparate before they had come to fome general refolution, the Prefident invited the Deputies to accompany him to an adjacent tennis-court, where they might hold a meeting.
The various groups of Deputies then
uniting into one body followed the Prefi-
2 dent ;
( 222 )
dent, and in the enthufiaftic ftate of then* minds it will readily be imagined, that the applaufe of the furrounding multitude was a full compenfation for the inconveniencies they fuffered from the rain : it is more than probable indeed, that the fhower which was then at the height, by rendering the fcene more affecting, and giving it the appear- ance of perfecution, increafed the enjoyment of many of the actors ; and although the rain was the only incident in thofe fcenes which could not poffibly be charged againft the Court, yet it contributed more than all the reft to augment the indignation of the multitude, rendering the Court more odious and the Deputies more precious in their eyes, by fixing on them in fome degree the charac- ter of martyrs in addition to that of patriots. When they were convened in the tennis- court, M. Bailly read a letter to the Depu- ties, which he had received that morning, informing him, that the King had ordered
the
( 22J )
the heralds to proclaim a royal feffion to be held on the 2 2d -t and that the hall mud of courfe be prepared for that purpofe. He alfo communicated to them the anfwer which he had fent to the Marquis de Breze, the Matter of the Ceremonies, and which was in thefe words : " N'ayant pas encore recu d'ordres du Roi, Monfieur, et l'Aflemblee etant annoncee pour huit heures, je me rendrai ou mon devoir m'appelle*."
The Prefident, no doubt, intended that it mould be under ftood from this anfwer, that he would take nothing as an order from the King, which did not come directly from his Majefty to him without the interven- tion of a third perfon.
M. Bailly had fcarcely finifhed reading the anfwer he had fent to the Marquis de
* Having received no particular order from the
King, Sir, and the Afiembly having been appointed to
meet at eight o'clock, I fhall go where my duty calls
jne.
Brez,e,
( 224 )
Breze, when he received another letter from the fame gentleman, declaring that it was by the pofitlve orders of the King he had fent him word, that as a royal feflion was to be held on the 2 2d, which required pre- parations in the three halls of the three dif- ferent orders, it was his Majefty's pleafure that there fhould be no meeting of the De- puties until then ; and that he had given orders, that no perfon fhould be admitted into the hall.
This excited frefh indignation and fome threats againft the Marquis de Breze. It was the univerfal opinion of the Deputies* that there was an intention to diffolve the •AfTembly of the States-General.
M. Bailly, having exhorted them to calm- nefs, defired their opinions with refpedt to the proper meafures to be adopted in the prefent emergency. M. Target, M. Bar- nave, and others, made difcourfes, the ten* dency of which was to increafe a heat^
which
( 225 )
which of itfelf was every moment augment- ing. At length M. Mounier, a man of moderation, whofe views were directed to a reform of government confident with the prefervation of the monarchy, propofed an oath to be taken on the fpot by the Depu- ties, never to part until the important ob- jects for which they had been chofen by their conftituents were attained, and the Conftitution was completed. This motion having been univerfally approved, M. Bailly in the mod folemn manner pronounced the words of the oath, to which all the Depu- ties, joining hands, announced their adhe- rence by an affirmative acclamation, which was followed by the fliouts of the fpectators, who, in the fervour of enthufiafm, poured many bleffings on the Deputies as the favi- ours of their country. M. Necker was at this time abfent from Verfailles, attending a dying relation, and entirely efcaped the Q odium
( 226 )
odium in which the Court and other Mi- nifters were involved.
The following day the Court returned from Marly to Verfailles, and a rumour fpread that the King had abandoned the meafure of holding a royal feflion. The joy which this news occasioned at Paris is a fufficient evidence, that fomething perni- cious was expected from that meafure. It was not abandoned, however, but only poft- poned for one day, and inRead of the 22d the 23d was announced by proclamation as the day on which it was to be held ; and, that M. Baiily might have no reafon to complain of not being made acquainted with the King's pleafure by a direct mef- fage from his Majefty, a letter was fent to him in thefe words :
" Je vous previens, Monfieur, que la feance que j'ai indiquee pour demain, Lundi, n'aura lieu que Mardi a dix heures du ma- tin,
( 227 )
tin, et que la falle ne fera ouverte que pour ce moment. $igne, Louis*."
The Marquis of Breze, who tranfmitted this note from the King to M. Bailly, re- queued at the fame time, that the latter would acknowledge the receipt of it — which the Prefident did in the following laconic terms :
" Jai recu, Monfieur, la lettre du Roi, qui m'eft addrefTee, et que fa Majefte vous a charge de me faire tenir. J'ai l'honneur d'etre, &c.f"
In advifing the King to addrefs his letter dire£ily to M. Bailly, in confequence of the hint given in his former note to the Mar-
* I premonifh you, Sir, that the feffion which I in- tended for to-morrow, Monday, will not take place till Tuefday at ten o'clock, and that the hall will not be open till then. Signed, Louis.
+ I have received, Sir, the King's letter which was addrefled to me, and which his Majefty ordered you to tranfmit to me. I have the honour to be, &c.
Qj quis
( "S )
quis de Breze, there appears a degree of condefcenfion which does not at all accord with the lofty meafures of the Court on the 20th, and feems to indicate a difpofition to relinquifh them. It was evident, however, from the King's note, that his Majefty ex- pected that no attempt mould be made to aflemble the Deputies in the common hall, or elfewhere, before they met at the royal feflion. This did not prevent M. Bailly and the Deputies from going to the tennis- court, with a view to hold tkeir AfTembly and unite with the Clergy ; but they found it fo much crowded with the people who were deiirou3 of being witnefs to that cere- mony, that they retired in fearch of a more commodious place, and firft applied to the Monks of the Convent of Recolets for the% ufe of their church. Thofe fathers repre- fented, that as they depended on the bounty of the King for their maintenance, they begged that their church might not be made
ufe
( 229 )
ufe of for a purpofe which their benefac- tor difapproved. From the Recolets M. Bailly and the Deputies repaired again to the gate of their own hall, and were again refufed admiflion by the guards. As they muft have forefeen that this would be the cafe, the fecond attempt could only be in- tended to augment the rage of the people againft thole wrho treated their reprefenta- tives with fuch indignity, and forced them to wander from place to place for ilielter, and in fearch of a hall to aifemble in. What renders this conjecture the more probable is, that the inftant the officer of the guards re- fufed them admittance, the Prefident and all the Deputies betook themfelves to the church of Saint-Louis -, into which having entered without difficulty, the oath taken at the tennis-court was adminiftered to thofe Deputies who had not been prefent on that occafion. While they wrere employed in this manner, and in fettling fome other Q^3 cere-
( 23° ) ceremonials, the majority of the Clergy were affembling in the choir. When all were adjufted, the Clergy, with feveral Bifhops at their head, joined them. The doors of the choir were thrown open. The Deputies of the Tiers-Etat received their new allbciates with open arms, and the vault of the church refounded with the acclamations of the fpec- tators. The Clergy took their feats on the right hand of the Prefident. The Marquis of Blaeon and the Comte Antoine d'Agoult, Deputies from the province of Dauphiny, attended on this occafion, and had their powers verified. They faid that they were prompted to this Rep, without waiting for the reft of the order to which they belonged, by their confciences and by love for their country. They were the only Deputies of the order of Noble fie who joined the Tiers- Etat previous to the royal feffion.
On the 23d of June, all the ftreets of Verfailles leading to the hall of the Aflem-
( 231 )
bly were filled with detach nents from the French and the Swifs guards, while parties of the Marechaufice patrolled around the hall, and through all the (treets, with orders to difperie crowds or groups, wherever they were obferved to be forming.
By the proclamation the Deputies were directed to attend at ten in the morning ; but, according to the ceremonial which was obferved, the Clergy were admitted lirft, and placed at the right hand of the throne prepared for the King. The Nobles were introduced next, and feated on the left. This took up a confiderable fpace of time, during which the Deputies of the Third Order were obliged to feek fnelter from the rain in an old wooden houfe near the hall, and on the great avenue.
As the two privileged orders were not placed fo foon as was expected, it was ima- gined that the time was prolonged unnecef- farily. JM. Bailly had foine (harp alterca- Q^4 don
( 2J2 )
tlon with the Marquis de Breze on that ac- count ; but the Tiers-Etat were at lait ad- mitted, and placed themfelves below the two other orders on each fide, and at the end of the hall oppofite to the throne.
The King having left the palace as foon as the Deputies were placed, arrived with a pompous retinue, and feated himfelf on the throne a little after eleven. He was fur- rounded by the Princes of the blood, the Dukes and Peers, and certain officers of the houfehold ; four heralds, with their king at arms, flood in the middle of the hall ; and the Minifters were feated around a table immediately before the throne. But one chair was vacant : M. Necker was iiill in attendance on his fick relation. Some think that he facrificed public duty a little too much to private feeling on this occafion ; others accufe him of having abfented him- felf from pique, becaufe the memorial and plan which he had drawn up was not literally
adopted
( 233 )
adopted by the Council and approved by the King. But, whatever was the caufe, his abfence had an ill effect ; it gave the public an impreflion that he did not approve of the meafures of the Court, and it ren- dered the Deputies fufpicious even of thofe parts of the King's declaration which were the mod agreeable to their own principles. This jealoufy and diftruft threw a gloom over the meeting, which was augmented by the accident of one of the King's fecretaries dying of an apoplexy in the middle of the Jiall.
The King having pronounced an intro- ductory difcourfe, the Declaration or Plan of a new Conftitution and Syftem of Govern- ment was read. By this the proceedings of the National AiTembly were annulled ; the liberty of the prefs was recommended, but with fuch refirictions as might have had a tendency to render it of little utility. A defire to fecure perfonai freedom was ex-
preffed ;
( 234 )
preffed ; but the Affembly were invited to
reconcile the abolition of lettresde cachet, fo
univerfally wifhed for, with the fafety of the
government, the power of reprefling the
fir ft fymptoms of fedition, and fecuring the
honour of private families *.
On
* The lafr. article may feem extraordinary to Britifh fubjeits, who will naturally think, that the honour of private families would have a greater chance of being injured than protected by lettres de cachet. But, during the ancient government, when any perfon of a noble family was condemned by lav/ to be publicly executed, a.11 their relations, whether they had any regard for the condemned perfon, or any belief of his innocence or not, ufed their intereft to prevent his execution — be- caufe, from an old prejudice (Ironger in France than in any other country, a public execution was confidered as difhonouring the whole family. When the cafe, there- fore, was thought too atrocious to give hopes of obtain- ing a full pardon, the relations made intereft for a lettre <le cachet, to fhut up the criminal for life. This is probably what is alluded to in the King's declaration, by the exprefljon of fecuring the honour of private fa- milies, Yet no maxim was more admired or oftener
quoted
( ^5 )
On the other hand, the King was by this plan bound from eflablifhtng any new tax without the confent of the reprefentatives of the nation. No privilege or diftincUon of orders was to prevent the equal pay- ment of taxes. The Corvee, fo oppreifive on the peafantry, was to be entirely abolifh- ed. The diflincTion of orders was to he preferved ; but the Deputies were to af- femble and debate in common, and the public reprefentation was to be facred from the encroachments of the Crown. Many other falutary plans of reform were recom-
(juoted by the French, than the fine expreffion of one of their own poets,
Le crime fait la bontey et nan pas V cchajfaud.
This prejudice was removed by the Conftitution, which was accepted by the King on the 14th of Sep- tember 1 79 1 i and moft fortunate it is for private families that this precaution wits thought of, other wife there are very few private families in France who would not at prefsfftt be considered as difhonoured.
mended;
( 23<5 )
mended ; the whole manifefting fuch a dif- pofition to meet the wifhes of the people as merited a return of gratitude, and formed a foundation upon which a happy and per* manent ftru&ure of free government might have been built.
Of all the articles in the King's declara- tion, perhaps the mofc unpopular and offen- five was that prohibiting any perfon except the Deputies themfelves from being prefent at their deliberations, whether they were held in common or in the chambers of the jefpedive orders ; yet none could be more neceflary for the maintenance of order, de- cency, the, freedom of debate, and for the public weal.
That all the concefiions which the King fcemed willing to make to the wifhes of the nation were not received by the Deputies of the Tiers- Etat with fatisfaction, feems to have been owing, lit, To their having been delayed until the majority of the Clergy had 2 united
( 237 )
united with them, which it was firmly be- lieved would be foon followed by that of a great part of the Nobles. 2d, To fome of them having been delivered in terms too dic- tatorial, it was faid that thofe who wifhed well to the caufe of freedom would not adopt the language of defpotifm ; the maxim, fuaviter in modo at for titer in re, was never more ne- ceiTary and never lefs obferved than on this occafion. 3d, To M. Necker's having reject- ed the advances made to him by Mirabeau ; for, had the latter been on a good underftand^ ing and co-operated with the former, there can be little doubt but their conjoint influence would have prevailed on the Tiers to have been fatisfied with the plan as it was, or with a few alterations. 4th, The abfence of M. Necker from the ceremony of the royal feffion, which convinced the people and the Deputies that he did not approve of the plan of government, and rendered them diftruftful of the intentions of the Court. 5th, The ill humour into which the Depu- ties
( *3S )
ties of the Third Order were thrown, by the fudden (hutting up of their hall, and by the marks of neglect or contempt which were (hewn to them on various occafions between that period and the royal feffions. 6th, The numerous military detachments that patrolled through the flreets ofVer- failles, and around the hall of the AfTembly, on the day of that feflion. At a time when fo manv incidents concurred to fill the minds of the people with prejudice againfl the No- bleiTe, diffidence of the Court, and an enthu- fiaftic veneration for the Deputies of the Third Order ; when the Deputies themfelves had caught frcfh enthufiafm from that of the people, and frefli courage from a view of the fupport they had ; nothing could be worfe judged than the oftentatious procef- fion of the Court from the palace to the hall, the embroidered heralds and numerous guards, as like wife the unufual difplay of pompous carriages and gaudy liveries of the
NoblefTe;
( 239 )
NobleiTe ; while the Deputies of the Tiers- Etat, who m fact had the power of the ftate in their hands, were huddled together under the {hade of an old houfe, until thofe who were thought worthy of attention being commodioufly feated, they at laft were al- lowed to enter and ftand like a mob at the bottom of the hall. Pompous ceremonies and proceffions, when the minds of the fpec- tators are averfe to the occafion of them and alienated from the performers, inftead of veneration excite difguft or contempt. It is performing high mafs with Romifli fplen- dour before a congregation of prefbyte- rians.
After the declaration was read, no mark of approbation or difcontent, except that of profound filence, was given. The King then rofe, and addreiTing the AiTembly once more faid, " Vous venez, Meflieurs, d'en- tendre le refultat de mes difpofuions, et de mes vues ; elles font conformes au vif defir
3 4llc
( H° )
que j'ai d'operer le bien public ; et fx par une fatalite loin de ma penfee vous m'aban- donniez dans une ft belle entreprife, feul, je ferai le bien de mes peuples, &c. &c.
" Reflechiffez, Meffieurs, qu'aucun de vos prqjets ne peut avoir force de loi fans mon approbation fpeciale. Ainfi je fuis le garant naturel de vos droits refpeclifs, et tous les Ordres de l'Etat peuvent fe repofer fur mon equitable impartialite'. Toute defiance de votre part feroit une grande injuuice. G'eft moi jufqu'a prefent qui fais tout pour le bonheur de mes peuples ; et il eft rare, peut- ctre, que Tunique ambition d'un fouverain foit d'obtenir de fes fujets qu'ils s'entendent enfin pour accepter fes bienfaits."
He
* You have heard, gentlemen, the refult of my inten- tions or views ; they are conformable to the lively defire I have for the public good ; and if you, by fome fatality far from my thoughts, fhould abandon me in fo praife- worthy an enterprife — I alone will accomplifh the hap-
pinefs of my fubjects, &c„
Recollect,
( 24I )
He concluded by ordering them to fepa- rate di redly, and to affemble the following day, each in the chamber appropriated to the order to which he belonged.
If it were not known, that no part of the fpeeches pronounced by the King on this occafion, nor of the declaration read in his name, were of his compofition, the felf-fuf- ficiency and loftinefs of this fpeech are fo contrary to the natural diffidence of his cha- racter, that it would be quite apparent that this at lead could not be his. It is certainly
Recoiled!, gentlemen, that none of your projects can have the force of law without my particular ap« probation. Thus I am the natural guarantee of your re- fpective rights, and all the orders of the State may rely upon my junice and impartiality — all diffidence on your part would be doing me great injuftice : it is I who have hitherto done all for the good of my people ; and it is perhaps a little fingular, that the fole ambition of a Sovereign fhould be to prevail on his fubjedts to agree with each other, that they may receive his favours to the greater advantage.
R not
( 242 )
not tmufual for Minifters to regale the So- vereigns, in whofe fervice they are, with occafional treats of panegyric ; but they ge- nerally contrive to have them pronounced by fome other orator than the Sovereign himfelf; and the Minifters of Lewis XVI. were blameable for having deviated from the eftablifhed cuftom in the prefent inftance ; but they were ftill more blameable for plac- ing their mafter in the awkward fituation of giving commands, without having fecured the means of enforcing obedience.
As foon as the King had pronounced this peremptory order, he retired, and was fol- lowed by the Nobility and the majority of the Clergy. The Deputies of the Commons remained. They feemed indignant, but not intimidated. As a hint to them to with- draw, workmen were fent into the hall to remove the throne and the benches near it. More refpe&ful than thole who fent them, the workmen fufpended their labour, on
perceiving
( 243 ) perceiving that the Deputies did not retire. When their perfeverance was known at the Court, M. de Breze, an officer, was fent to remind them of the King's orders. To this admonition M. Bailly, the Prefident, replied, that the National AfTembly received orders from no perfon. An interval of filence followed, during which it was doubt- ful whether all the Deputies approved the Prefident's anfwer or not. Mirabeau feiz- ing the critical moment exclaimed, " Nous avons entendu les intentions qu'on a fugge- rees au Roi"; and then, addreffing the officer of the court, continued, " et vous qui ne fauriez etre fon organe aupres des Etats Ge- neraux, vous qui n'avez ici ni place, ni voix, ni droit de parler, vous n'etes pas fait pour nous rappeller fon difcours ; allez dire a ceux qui vous envoient que nous fommes ici par la volonte du Peuple, et qu'on ne nous en arra-
chera que par la puiilance des bayonettes*."
The
* Yes, we have heard what the King has been prevailed
R 2 on
( 244 )
The immediate effect of this fpeech of Mirabeau was, that the Deputies, by a ge- neral acclamation, announced their affent to what he had pronounced. The Prefident then addreffing himfelf to M. de Breze faid, Cl The Affembly decreed yefterday, that they would continue their meeting after the royal feffion j I can make no alteration in this de- cree."— " Shall I carry that anfwer to the King r faid M. de Breze. " Yes, Sir," re- joined the Prefident.
When De Breze was withdrawn, Mirabeau propofed, that the perfons of the Deputies ihould be declared inviolable, and that whoever fhould make any attempt againft their liberty fhould be deemed traitors to
on to expref?. But you, who cannot be his organ in this affembly ; you, who have here neither feat nor vote, nor any right whatever, are not the proper perfon to remind us of his difcourfe. Go and tell thofe who fent you, that we are here affembled by the will of the French people, and nothing will make us retire but the bayonet.
the
( 245 ) the country, and guilty of a capital crime ; which parTed into a decree immediately. The Abbe Sieyes made an harangue, the tendency of which was to encourage them to adhere to their purpofe of re-eftablifhing the nation in its rights, and forming a free conftitution, which no power on earth, he faid, had a right to do for them ; and he ufed an expreffion, which was admired at the time, and has been often quoted fince : " Do you not feel, gentlemen, that you are to-day what you were yefterday ?" He finiihed his fpeech by moving, that their Affemblies mould be public, No authority, he added, mould prevail on them to exclude the People from hearing their debates. This alfo was agreed to, and the AiTembly foon after broke up.
When M. le Marquis de Breze made1 his report to the Council of the manner in which the King's orders had been obeyed, they feemed in a greater dilemma and much
R 3 mor
( 246 )
more alarmed than the AfTembly had been when they heard them delivered*.
As there were four thoufand guards under arms on the day of the royal feffion, and feven or eight regiments in the neighbour- hood of Verfailles, the paffive timidity of the Council may feem extraordinary. The following circumftances are faid to have made a ftrong impreffion, and to have con- tributed to an alteration in their meafures.
* Thofe who fuggefted thefe peremptory orders given by the King on the prefent occafion, feem to have acted on the fame principle with Bays in the Duke of Buck- ingham's Rehearfal — who, to make fure of the fuccefs of his piece, faid, that he would appear on the ftage in mourning, attended by an executioner, and roundly tell the audience, that if they did not immediately applaud his play, he would order the executioner to cut off his head before their faces ; on which, adds he, they will all applaud. But on its being fuggefted, that poflibly the audience might not applaud, Bays had thought of no fubterfuge, by which he might avoid the other alter- native.
At
( 247 ) At the ceremony in the tennis-court on the 20th, feveral of the guards had appeared greatly affected ; and it was believed, that none but the foreign troops would have obeyed, if any violence had been ordered to be ufed to the Deputies. When the King returned from the Affembly to the palace on the 23d, although the ftreets were crowded with people, they maintained a fullen filence. No fign of applaufe, not fo much as a fingle Vive le Roi ! was heard — an event without a precedent in the annals of the French mo- narchy; for the French populace hitherto had been as much accuftomed to applaud their King, whatever his character was, as often as he appeared in public, as the ancient Egyptians were to worfhip whatever the Priefts prefented to them, whether in the form of a crocodile or a calf,
R 4 CHAP-
( 248 )
CHAPTER X.
Great Popularity of M. Necker — D if orders in Paris — Part of the Order of Nobles join the National Jlfembly — Refeciiojis on that Event — Populace demand to be admitted, contrary to the King's Orders — Deputation to the King on that Subject — The King de-
frcs the Nobles and Clergy to unite with the Tiers-Etat — Debates on that Subject — The two fuperior Orders join the National Af
Jbnbly — Univerfaljoy — Difcowfe of Mir a- beau — RefletHons.
GREAT numbers of the Deputies, after the breaking up of the AiTembly, went dire&ly to M. Necker's hotel ; but he, on the pretext of being indifpofed, law very few of them. It was foon after rumoured, that the King was difpleafed with the Mini- mi fter,
( 249 )
fter, becaufe he had not attended the royal feflion, and that he was to be difmifled from the Adminiftration. In the evening, how- ever, he went to wait on his Majefty. This was no fooner known, and it was known immediately, than the courts of the palace were crowded with the populace, who from time to time exclaimed, Vive M. Necker I Point de demijfion ! but no cry of Five k Rot I was heard.
After his conference with the King, as M. Necker returnedto his own houfe, the multi- tude furrounding him infilled on his giving his promife not to refign his fituarion. This they obtained without much difficulty. The aflurance was heard with tranfport ; thofe nearefl: him held him up in their arms to gratify their fellow citizens with a fight of this favourite Minifter, and then actually carried him in this triumphant manner to his hotel.
The Nobles, and the minority of the
Clergy
( 2JO )
Clergy who had not united with the Tiers- Etat, met the day after the royal feilion in their refpective chambers, as the King had enjoined ; but the other Deputies, ftill re- taining the name of the National Aflembly, met in the old hall, and deliberated as a complete legiflative body. Nothing can be a itronger proof how much all the King's in- junctions were difregarded, than that on this firft meeting, although he had ordered that none but Deputies mould be admitted to hear their debates, a great number of grangers were prefent. The fentries at the door afked of each perfon that prefented him- felf, if he was a Deputy ; but if by his hefitation there was reafon to fufpect that he was not, the fentry whifpered to him, Say yes, and immediately defired him to enter.
While the difputes concerning the union of the orders exifted at Verfailles, the minds of the Parifians were in continual agitation. Meflengers were difpatched feveral times
a-day
( *J« )
a day from Verfailles, to inform the groups and bands of politicians in the Palais R.oyal, of what pafTed at the Affembly ; and, if any one ventured to utter an exprefiion contrary to the prevailing opinion, he was expofed to the capricious infults of the multitude.
They obliged one perfon to make what they called amende honor 'able , by afking par- don on his knees and kiffing the ground ; others they punifhed with the rod ; and one unfortunate ecclefiaftic they treated fo rude- ly, by fhoving him from one fide to the other of the circle which furrounded him, that he was long confined to his bed, and with difficulty efcaped with his life from the confequences of this barbarous fport.
One wretch, who had a diabolical ran- cour againft M. d'Efpremenil, feized the moment when a bulletin juft brought from Verfailles was read to a group in one of the public places, accufing him as an apoftatc i from
( 252 )
from the caufe of the people, and made a moll violent harangue againft that gentle- man, which he concluded by a propofal, that, as his perfon was not immediately in their power, they ihould turn his wife and children into the ftreet, and burn his houfe. A perfon of prefence of mind and humanity, who heard this mocking propofal, and was afraid that fome of the moft furious might adopt it, exclaimed, ic that it would be no punifhment to the real criminal, becaufe the houfe and furniture belonged to the land- lord, his wife to the public ; and that as for the children, they perhaps belonged to fome of the beft patriots in the company."
This farcafm againft M. d'Efpremenil was believed neither by the fpeaker nor the audi- ence ; but as it put them in a humour incon- fiflent with the horrid propofal, which cer- tainly was the intention of the fpeaker, it may be confidered as a very happy jeft.
Befides the moveable groups which were
conftantly
( 253 )
constantly forming and diiTblving in the Palais Royal, a band of young men formed themfelves into a fociety, erecled a fcaffold fheltered from rain, in a form of a kind of hall, and, in imitation of the A {Terribly at Verfailles, chofe a Prefident and Secretaries, and debated on political queftions. Here the mod incendiary motions were made, and the moil: extravagant and ridiculous accufations againft the Minifters and perfons of diftindtion of both fexes belonging to the Court. Thofe accufations for being ridiculous were not the lefs dangerous ; as they expofed the objects of them to the in- fults and fury of the mob. At the conclu- iion of each debate, there was a decree or fentence, expreffive of the opinion of the fociety, immediately drawn up and announ- ced to the multitude. After a long debate refpecling M. d'Efpremenil, who, from being eftecmed as a patriot, was now detefted as a courtier, the fentence of this
fociety
( 254 )
fociety was, that his name fhould be efafed from the lift of Counfellors of the Parlia- ment, and he himfelf declared a traitor to his country.
L'Abbe Maury by the fame authority was to be placed on a pillory on the Pont- neuf, there to remain during the fitting of the States-General.
A third fentence was, that all perfons of the name of Polignac fhould be tranfported to the pooreft part of the province of Au- vergne, that it might be fertilized by their riches. This was directed againft Madame de Polignac, the Queen's favourite, who was fuppofed to have enriched herfelf and many of her relations at the expence of the na- tional treafure.
What was burlefque or humourous in thefe mock decrees made them a fource of mirth, till their confequences became not only ferious but horrible. Perhaps it is QharacTteriftic of the French more than of
any
( *s* )
any other nation, to blend fentiments of gaiety with thofe of atrocity, although every idea belonging to the latter ought to exclude all tendency to the former. Inftances of this unnatural mixture are not unfrequent in the writings of Voltaire ; and many mocking proofs of it occur in the courfe of the French Revolution.
To quiet the minds of the Parifians, and prevent diforder, M. Necker wrote a letter to M. de Crofhe, lieutenant of police, giving aflurance that the King had no intention of diiTblving the States-General. Indeed it was now apparent, both at Verfailles and at Paris, that they would be dillblved in no other way than by being all united with the Tiers-Etat, under the common name of the National Affembly. This was known to be the wifli of the Duke of Orleans, and generally imagined, in him, to proceed from childifh and ungenerous motives ; but there were members of the body of Nobles, who,
aotwith-
( 256 )
notwithstanding the privileges which they themfelves enjoyed, beheld with painful fenfibility the fufferings of the large mafs of their countrymen, under the manifold abufes of the ancient government. Their object was the reformation of abufes and acqnifition of freedom, by the eftablifhment of a government, in which the monarch as well as the people would be gainers ; becaufe the power of doing wrong, and of becom- ing corrupt and unhappy, would be limited on his part, and the neceffity of crouching under oppreffion and infult would be re- moved on theirs ; becaufe he would acquire fubjects whofe love would do him honour, inftead of flaves whole applaufe wTas a proof of nothing but their own debafement. But that portion of the Nobles who thought in this manner, alfo thought, that their object was not to be attained without abandoning on the prefent emergency the clafs to which they belonged, which they faw attached to
the
( 257 ) the old fyftem, and joining the Tiers-
Etat.
A gentleman of this country, who with a moll comprehenfive natural underftand- ing poiTeiTes a great ftore of ufeful and ornamental literature— not like thofe who polfefs that kind of nropertv. a" if it were all in land or en mortgage, which cannot always be turned to immediate ufe, but like one who has the value of a large eftate all in fteriing gold at his command, on every private or public occafion — this gentleman obferves, that " turbulent, difcontented men of quality, in proportion as they are puffed up with perfonal pride and arrogance, gene- rally defpife their own order : one of the firft fymptoms they difcover of a felfifh and mifchievous ambition, is a profligace difre- gard of a dignity which they partake with others. To be attached to the fubdivi&on,- to love the little platoon we belong to in S fociety,
( 2j3 )
ibciety, is the firft. principle (the germ as it were) of public affections ; it is the firft link in the ieries by which we proceed towards a love to our country and to mankind. The iiuerefts of that portion of focial arrange- ment are a truft in the hands of all thofe who compofe it ; and as none but bad men would juftify it in abufe, none but traitors would barter it away for their own perfonal advantage."
Theie obfervations are in fome refpe&s as juft as they are ingenious. Unqueftionably an attachment to the little platoon to which a man accidentally belongs, is a flep towards general benevolence beyond mere felfifh- nefs ; but it is a ftep which many people take without advancing farther. In de- fending the piivileges and claims of the par- ticular clafs to which a man belongs, he may only think of his own intereft ; and there are inilances of men who have diftinguifhed
themfelves
( 259 )
themfelves by that kind of zeal, without any good will to one individual of the pro- feffion or clafs to which they belonged.
It is an indifputable truth, that none but traitors would barter away, for their own particular intereft, any of the general privi- leges of that clafs of fociety to which they belong ; but it is equally true, that the man who is willing to join in a general facrifke of privileges or claims which have been long attached to the clafs or profeffion to which he belongs, but which he thinks unjufl in themfelves, and contrary to the good of fo- ciety in general, ads a nobler part than the man who at all events fupports and defends them. And, upon the whole, I am apt to think that more evil has accrued to marv- kind from their unjuft partiality to the divi- fion or particular clafs to which they be- long, than from their facrificing its intereft from any reafon whatever.
Has not the fellow-feeling, which exifts S 2 through
( s6o )
through all the branches of law and phyficy been long felt and complained of as the fource of many abufes by which the public - fuiTers ? Has not the efprit de corps which reigns among the Clergy afforded protection to much impofture, and produced much partiality to fome and much perfecution of others, particularly in Roman Catholic countries, where the power of the Clergy is greater, and where there are fewer and lefs affectionate bonds of relation between them and the laity ?
On the 24th of June it was propofed in the Affembly of the Nobles, that they ihould unite with the Commons \ and the propriety of this meafure was ably maintained by fome members, equally dif- tinguiihed for their talents and integrity ; and on the 25th forty-feven Nobles, at the head of whom was the Duke of Orleans, actually went and incorporated themfelves with the National AfTembly. Having men- tioned
( *6» )
tioned the leader, it is necelfary, in juftice to this band of Nobility, to add, tn£t the Duke of Rochefoucault, the Counts Lally Tolendal, Clermont-Tonnerre, and other men of unblemifhed character, were alfo of the number.
They were attended through the ftreets with the applauding acclamations of the people, and received with joy by. the Na- tional AfTembly ; but the crowd which had accompanied them to the hall of the AfTem- bly infilled on entering and being witnefles to the happy union of the orders. When the requeft of the multitude was announ- ced, it produced a demur, becaufe of the King's exprefs order that the people mould not be prefent at their debates ; for although the fentries allowed thofe to enter, who, from the decency of their appearance, might pafs for Deputies, they ftill kept out the mere mob. A debate therefore enfued on this cjueftion, Whether they mould attend S 3 to
( 262 )
to the King's command, or to the requifi- tion of the mob. The reader will per- haps be furprifed, that any debate fhould arife on fuch a fubjecT: ; but he cannot be more furprifed than M. Barnave feems to have been. He began his fpeech in thefq words : " II eft etrange et furprenant que Ton veuille defendre a la Nation l'entree de la falle nationale* !" Although he continued to fpeak with great energy, there was rea- fon to fear, from the noife at the door, that the people would not truft their caufe to the ftrength of his arguments, but were on the point of ufing more forcible means ; on which M. Bailly, the Archbifhop of Vienne, and the Count Clermont-Tonnerre, went to affure them that the Aflembly would fend a deputation of their members to the King, to requeft a free entrance for them into the,
* It is ftrange and furprifing, that the Nation fhould be refufed admittance into the National Aflembly !
hall a
( 203 )
hall, and that in all probability the doors would be thrown open on the following day. This fatisfied the people ; and the deputation was immediately appointed, and con fitted of fix Ecclefiaftics, fix Nobles, and twelve of the Third Order. This was put- ting the King to the difagreeable alternative of either increasing the difcontent of the people, or recalling the order he had given. It was not difficult to forefee the confe- quenee.
The majority of the Nobles, however, and the minority of the Clergy who had not united with the Tiers-Etat, continued to meet in their refpeclive halls. The only queftion they had to difcufs was, Whether they mould join their brethren, or continue to form chambers apart? In the chamber of the Nobles it was decided, that they, ihould at all events remain feparate ; in that of the Clergy the fame meafure was S 4 carried,
( 264 )
carried, but in a lefs determined manner—^ fome principal members feceded on the 26th, In the mean time the King was in the mofr. cruel perplexity ; frequent Councils were held, and nothing was decided. In a private converfation which he had with the Duke of Luxembourg, it is faid, that the King firft exprerltd a defire for the union cf the orders; Th^ Duke reprefented, that this ftep woiifd be more injurious to the Crown than to the Noble? ; that, by uniting in one Affembly with the Third Order, the Nobleffe, from their rank, the refpecT: due to their families, and their wealth, would retain a confiderable fhare of importance in the State ; but that the Crown had every thing to dread from the union, and there- fore that his faithful Nobles were deter- mined to refift to the laft, and die in defence of the monarchy. The King, who had a diilike to violent meafures, and fickened at
the 6
( **5 )
the idea of bloodfhed, anfwered, " Je n? veux pas qu'il perifTe un feul homme pour ma querelle."
It would be a curious, though painful, fubjecl of calculation, to endeavour to as- certain how many of the human race, who have been cut off fince that period, would be now alive, had all the Sovereign Princes in Europe been of the fame way of think- ing in this point with the unfortunate Lewis XVI. All the conquefts which the mod fuccefsful of them have made, and all the laurels which their Generals have obtained, will hardly be thought a compenfaiion for fo many hundred thoufand lives as by the loweft computation have been loft by the war, in the interval between June 1789 and this prefent December 1794.
On the 27th the King fent a letter to the Duke of Luxembourg, who was Prefident of the order of Nobles, then aflembled in their pwn particular hall. The letter was of the
fame
fame import with what his Majefty had ex* preffed the preceding night, and requefted that the Nobles fhould, without any farther delay, unite with the two other orders in their common hall, that they might accom- plifh the paternal objects he had in view.
The King's letter having been read, the queftion was ftated, Whether they fhould unite, in conformity to the King's defire, or not ? The majority feemed to be for the affirmative ; but a couliderable number were of the oppofite opinion. It was afferted, that it was their duty to endeavour to fave the King in fpite of himfelf. Some pro- pofed, that they fhould bind themfelves by a folemn oath never to yield up their privi- lege as Nobles, by uniting with the Tiers- Etat in a common AfTembly.
The Vifcount de Mirabean, whofe politi- cal opinions were the reverfe of his brother's, had not patience to wait for the decifion of the AfTembly on this motion, but inftantly
fwore
( 267 )
fwore that, for his own part, he would not leave the chamber until they had come to a refolution never to difgrace themfelves by an union with the Third Order. Notwith- fianding this particular oath on the part of the Vifcount, the motion for the general one was rejected ; on which it was evident, that the junction would be carried ; and therefore feveral protefts, very ftrongly ex- preffed, were taken by thofe who oppofed it. In the midft of this conteft, a letter was delivered to the Prefident. It was from the Count d'Artois, affuring the Duke that a longer refiftance would put the King's life in danger*.
When this was communicated to the A£- fembly, M. de Cazales, a courageous friend
* The Count d'Artois had long been unpopular; and, in fome people's opinion, if an infurre&ion had happened, the Count's life would have been in more danger than the King's.
Of
( 268 )
of Monarchy, who imagined he faw its ruin in the union of the orders, faid, " If either the King or the Monarchy muft perifh, our firft duty is to fave the Monarchy ; and, if the King is in danger, let us go and form a rampart with our bodies for his defence."
The Duke of Luxembourg, however, ob- ferved, that there was not time to deliberate longer ; it was now their duty to unite, and afterwards endeavour to fave both. It was then agreed, that they mould go directly and unite themfelves with the National A ffembly ; and, that the Vifcount de Mirabeau might not be under the neceffity of remaining in the chamber all the remainder of his life, the Prefident told him that he releafed him from his oath — which of courfe quieted the alarmed confeience of the Vifcount.
The Cardinal de Rochefoucault received a letter from the King at the fame time and to the fame purpofe with that fent to the Duke of Luxembourg, When the Cardinal
had
( »&> )
had communicated its contents to the mino- rity of the Clergy who remained in the hall of their order, they agreed without a debate to obey the will of the King.
At about four in the afternoon it was un- derilood in the National AfTembly, that the two privileged orders were coming to join them. If the Noblefle and Clergy had dis- played an imprudent and invidious magni- ficence at the firft affembling of the States- General, they avoided that error in the cere- mony of uniting with the Third Order. However applauded the union was by the Nation at large, it was performed by the Nobles without orientation, and by the Clergy with Chriflian humility. They chofe a time when very few members were in the hall ; the Prefident himfelf was ab- fent ; he Was immediately fent for, and ar- rived in time to receive the Clergy and Nobles. They entered at the fame time at
( 270 ) two different doors, the Clergy at the right, and the Nobles at the left, and walked to their places in two parallel lines. The Car- dinal de Rochefoucauk as Prefident of the Clergy, addrefling M. Bailly, faid, " We are conducted hither by our love and refpect for the King, by our regard for our coun- try, and our zeal for the public weal."
The Duke of Luxembourg, on the part of the Nobility, faid, ■• Gentlemen, the order of Nobles have this day decreed to meet at this national hall, that they may give to the King a proof of their refpect, and to the Nation a proof of their patri- otifm."
M. Bailly, the Prefident of the Aflembly, declared that he could not find words to ex- prefs the joy he felt on this happy union of all the branches of the national family ; that by the jun&ion of the Clergy and Nobility with the Third Order, the profperity of
their
( 27i ) their common country was fecured, and that day would be for ever celebrated as a feftival in France.
As foon at it was known that the union of the orders had taken place at the defire of the Kings the inhabitants of Verfailles, tranf- ported with joy, ran in crowds to the pa- lace. The guards, alarmed at their num- ber and the violence of their emotion, were preparing to refill their entrance, when hearing the cry of Vive le Roi ! the gates were thrown open, and the extenfive courts of the caftle were immediately filled with a multitude of people of both fexes and all conditions, who begged to be gratified with a fight of the King. The Monarch foon appeared at the balcony with the Queen at his fide : both were received with applaufe, and nothing was heard but exprefiions of gratitude and admiration.
As M. Necker had been abfent from the royal feffion, and had been often with the
King
( 272 )
King and a clofe attendant on the Council at the time when the refolution was taken, on the part of the King, to prcpofe the union of the orders, the merit of this was imputed to him. As often as he appeared in the ftreets of Ve'rfailles, he was fur- rounded by applauding crowds, who ex- acted of him to renew the affu ranee that he had no intention to refign ; which when he gave them, the cry of Five kRoil was joined to that of Five Jtt. Necker ! which they had been exclaiming from the beginning.
Couriers were continually pafling and re- pairing between Paris and Verfailles, while the union was in agitation ; and, notwith-> (landing that it was pretty generally ex- pected, yet the news of its having actually taken place produced as great demonftrations of joy among the Parlfians, as if they had been afraid it could not happen. The moft flattering ideas of national peace and profpe- rity were entertained by all ranks of people.
Mirabeau
( 273 )
Mirabeau feems to have entertained the fame hopes of this coalition The follow- ing are his words : " Qu'il fera glorieux pour la France et pour nous, que cette grande revolution ne coute a l'humanite ni des forfaits ni des crimes I Les pins petits Etats n'ontfouvent achete une ombre de liberte, qu'au prix du fang le plus pre- cieux. Une nation, trop Mere de fa coifti- tution et des vices de la notre, a foufFert plus d'un fiecle des convulfions et des guerres civiles, avant que d'affermir fes loix. L'Amerique meme, dont le genie tutelaire des mondes femble recompenfer au;ourd'- hui rarTranchifTement qui eft notre ouvrage, n'a joui de ce bien ineftimable qu'apr^s des revers fanglans et des Combats longs et douteux. Et nous, MefTieurs, nous verrons la meme revolution s'operer par le feul con- cours des lumieres et des intentions patrio- tiques ! Nos combats font de fimples dif- cu/Tionp, nos ennemis font des prejuges par- T donnablesj
( 274 )
donnables, nos vi&oires ne feront point cru- elles, nos tricmphes feront benis par ceux qui feront fubjugues les derniers.
'* L'hifloire n'a trop fouvent raconte les actions que de betes feroces, parmi lef- quelles on diftingue de loin en loin des he- res. II nous eft permis d'efperer que nous commencons l'hiftoire des horames, celle de freres, qui nes pour fe rendre mutuellement heureux, font d'accord prefque dans leurs diffentimens, puifque leur objet eft le meme, et que leurs moyens feuls different*."
The
* How honourable will it be for France and for us, that this great revolution mould be accomplifhed with- out offences and without crimes ! Some of the moft inconfiderable States have not been able to obtain the {hadow of liberty, but at the expence of the moft precious blood. One nation, too proud of her own conftitution and of the faults of ours, underwent a whole age of civil wars and convulfions before fhe had her laws confirm- ed. America herfelf, the confirmation of whofe liberty was our work, which the guardian genius of the world
feems
C 275 ) The records of the world do not afford a more ftriking example of the vanity of human fchemes, and the fhortfightednefs of thofe who are celebrated for the molt pene- trating judgment, than the rapidity with which confequences, directly contrary to what were expected, followed each other
feems this day to recompenfe, did not enjoy that inefti- mable blefling until after many fevere ftruggles and many defperate and bloody battles. And we, gentlemen, have the happinefs to fee a revolution of the fame nature brought about by the union of enlightened minds with patriotic intentions. Our battles are mere difcuflions; our enemies are pardonable prejudices ; our victories, fo far from being cruel, will be blefled by the conquered themfelves.
Hiftory too often records actions which are worthy only of the moft ferocious brutes, among whom, at long intervals, we can fometimes diftinguifh heroes. There is now reafon to hope, that we have begun the hiftory of men, of brothers, who, born for mutual happi- nefs, agree even when they vary, fince their object is the fame, and their means only are different.
T 2 from
( 276 )
from this period — A NoblefTe degraded and driven into exile — a Clergy maflacred— ■ fome of the moft diftinguiihed Deputies of the Tiers-Etat brought to the fcaffold by the influence of men, whofe names were un- known to the public when the States-Gene- ral were affembled. Mirabeau himfelf did not live long enough to be a witnefs or a viclim of the cruelleft of thefe fcenes of anarchy and bloodfhed, and to prove whe- ther, as is the opinion of fome, his extraor- dinary talents could have at once fecured liberty and preferved the monarchy : but Bailly, the firft Prefident of the National Affembly, was afterwards put to death, when a tribunal of afTaffins became the in- flruments of a thoufand murders, and when, inftead of liberty and equality, a defpotifm was eftablifhed, which rendered the whole inhabitants of France equally flaves.
That the hopes of fo many millions of men have been fo miferably blafted ; that
they
( 277 )
they have miffed the fair expectation of founding a government upon the folid bafis of rational freedom, inftead of rearing a caftle in the air on the ideal pillars of im- practicable equality, will be regretted by every friend of liberty and of humanity. While France is at war with Great Britain, it is the duty, and will be the endeavour, of every good Britifh fubjecT:, to do all in his power to defeat her fchemes, and aflifl his country againft her ; but how wretchedly narrowed muft that man's mind be, by national or political prejudices, who joins in the defpicable cant, that France is the natural enemy of Great Britain ! Can the two moft enlightened nations of the world, who cultivate philofophy, all the fciences, every liberal art, with more fuccefs than any other, be naturally enemies ? To judge of the French nation from a few monfters, who have been engendered in the courfe of this revolution j and, from the crimes which T 3 they
( »7« )
they have committed, to conclude that the people are naturally cruel and blcod-thirfty, is reafoning as profoundly as thofe who about a century and a half ago, when England was under the yoke of an hypo- critical ufurper and a fanatical army, con- cluded that the Englifh were all a fet of hypocrites or fanatics. In fpite of tem- porary confufions, the national characterif- tic of both countries remains the fame. That of France has always been vivacity and in- genuity, her inhabitants being diftinguifh- ed in every art to which they applied. In times of tranquillity they excelled moft nations in the arts of peace ; and fince they have been driven to confine themfelves to the art of war, it does not appear that they are inferior to the moft warlike of their neighbours. 1 cannot help confidering them, therefore, in point of ingenuity, and in every thing which requires the powers of underftanding or genius, as the fecond na- tion
( 279 )
tion in the world. My decided opinion is, that they are the fecond ; but T fhould rather hope, that the other nations of Europe would rank them only as the third; and this I do on the principle of the ancient Roman, who faid, that what convinced him that the Romans were the fir ft nation in the world was, that all other nations allow- ed them to be the fecond.
When the delightful climate and cheer- ing productions of the line and fertile coun- try of France are taken alfo into confidera- tion, and, above all, when we recollect the natural temper of the inhabitants, fo open to all the fources of cheerfulnefs and fo fhut againft thofe of melancholy, which made them enjoy profperity more and feel mis- fortune lefs than any other people ; that en- viable gaiety which taught them to banifh ennui, relax the ftiff features of formality, enliven gloom, and render joy more joyful ; when we reflect on thefe circumilances, and T4 on
( 280 )
on the unexampled calamities into which fo many millions of human creatures, fo formed, are involved j we muft acknowledge that the fum total of human happinefs deftroyed is greater, than would have happened from the fame calamities falling on the fame num- ber of any other people in the known world.
CHAP-
( «8x )
CHAPTER XL
Means ufed to prejudice the People againfl the Nobles — Imprudent Conduct of the Count d Artois — Pleven Soldiers of the Trench Foot Guards appeal to the People — are taken out oj Prifon and protected — Treafon^ able Expre/Jions — Troops approach Paris and Verfailles — Dlfcourfe of Mirabeau — An Addrefs from the Ajffembly to the King '■ — His Anfwer — Secret Councils — General Alarm — Feafl in the Elyjian Fields — Dzf- mifjion of M. Necker — Tumults at Paris.
A S the refufal of the privileged orders *■ -*• to unite with the Tiers-Etat had been made ufe of as the pretext for the cla- mour and difcontent to which the populace had been incited, it was naturally to be ex- pected that, this fource of difcontent being
removed
( 232 )
removed at the defire of the King, tranquil- lity and confidence would be reftored.
The univerfal rejoicing which took place at Paris and all over France feemed to indi- cate this ; but thofe appearances were of fhort duration. Some Deputies were ftill convinced, that the Court meant the diflb- lution of the Aflembly, and waited only till a fufficient number of troops wrere drawn together near the capital to render the mea- fure fafe. Thefe men were at great pains to fpread this opinion, and to remind the public that the King had not defired the two orders to unite until he thought himfelf in perfonal danger by their remaining any longer feparated ; and that they had agreed to it at laft not in compliance with the wifhes or for the good of the people, but merely in obedience to the King, whofe mandates they were ever ready to obey without any regard to the public benefit. To give this opinion the moft rapid and
extenfive
( *83 )
extenfive circulation, they ufed a means which in France far exceeds the power of pamphlets or newfpapers — namely, convey- ing it in a kind of witticifm or play upon words. It was faid, that the Nobles and Clergy were fo fond of deliberating par ordre, that they could not be united to the Commons otherwife than par ordre ; and it was added, that the two privileged orders could not be prevailed on to deliberate par tctey until they found themfelves in danger of being forced to deliberate/^ ttte. Thefe jokes will not be thought marvellouily bright ; they were repeated, however, by nine out of ten who heard them, and had the effect which their authors intended.
The political theatres erected in the gar- den of the Palais Royal above mentioned continued their factious debates in the hear- ing of the populace ; and many individuals wTere on thofe occafions reprefented as the determined enemies of the people, particu- larly
( 284 ) larly M. Berthier, Intendant de Paris, M. Foulon, Confeiller d'Etat, the Count d'Ar- tois, the Prince of Conde, the Duke of Bour- bon, and many others. The impreffion againft them, which was thus given to the populace, proved fatal in a fhort time to the two former, and contributed no doubt to the flight of the latter, which has been fince thought to have had fuch ruinous confe- quences to the whole French Noblefle.
The Duke of Orleans was fuppofed, with great probability, to encourage thefe debates, and all the factious proceedings in this garden, which provoked the Count d'Artois to a meafure, than which nothing could have been more ill timed.
It had long been the cuftom, as a mark of refpect to the Orleans family, for a de- tachment cf Swifs to mount guard at the Palais Royal. The Count d'Artois was Colonel of the Swifs guards. In a moment of indignation at the Duke of Orleans, he
gave
( 2»5 )
gave orders that the guard fhould be dif- continued, the immediate effect of which was, rendering himfelf more odious to the people, and the Duke more refpected ; and what puts this inconfiderate meafure in a ridiculous point of view, the Count found it neceflary to reftore the guard a few days after it had been removed.
The heat and animofity againfl the Court, which was continually kept alive in the cen- tre of faction at the Palais Royal, diffufed its influence over the whole circumference of Paris, and produced frequent diforders. The King's foot guards themfelves, by their conftant intercourfe with the inhabitants of Paris and Verfailles, were infected with the fpirit of the times, and had fhewn on fome occafions a mutinous difpofition, and On others had even joined in certain difor- derly fcenes in the ftreets and fquares ; fo that a government, with the purer! inten- tions, might have thought it expedient at this- 5 time,
( 286 )
time, when, independent of other caufes of tumult, there was a fcarcity of provifions, to order a confiderable reinforcement of troops towards the capital, with no other view than the maintenance of tranquillity and the protection of the inhabitants. But this confideration did not prevent the arri- val of troops to the neighbourhood of Paris being imputed to fome fcheme of overawing the capital and diflblving the AiTembly; and this was not the fufpicion of the factious only, but alfo of many well- meaning citizens of Paris. On account of the diforderly conduct of the French guards, they had been ordered to remain in their bar- racks ; in contempt of which many of them had publicly appeared in the Palais Royal, and had been entertained by the people there with wine and other refreshments. For this and other acts of difobedience, eleven were confined in the prifon of the Abbaye until a court martial mould be fummoned for their
triaj.
( 287 )
trial. On the evening of the 30th of June, a letter was thrown into the Cafe de Foy, the mod frequented in the Palais Royal. It was an appeal from the prifoners to the patriots in that cofFee-houfe from the cruelty and injuftice of their officers. The letter was read, not only to the company within but to the groups without the coffee-houfe. The foldiers reprefented themfelves " as the victims of their patriotifm; that their real crime was, their having refufed to fire on the people during a late tumult ; and that they were to be tranfported that very night to the infamous prifon of the Bicetre, if they were not protected by their fellow- citi- zens. 'c Shall we allow thofe brave foldiers to be punifhed, becaufe they would not fhed the blood of the people?" cried an ora- tor mounted on a chair. " Let us go im- mediately to the Abbaye, and fet them at liberty." The cry a V Abbaye ! a V Abbaye ! was inflantly heard on all fides; and with- 8 out
( 288 ) out farther proof of the facts alleged by the prifoners, about two hundred men rufhed out of the fquare of the Palais Royal The band augmented on the way, and con- firmed of feveral thoufands by the time they reached the prifon. They immediately broke open the gates ; and as they were re- turning with the prifoners, a troop of dra- goons and another of hufiars galloped up to them with fabres drawn. The people feizcd the reins of the horfes, and afked if they meant to flaughter their friends. Thofe on horfeback directly fheathed their fwords, pulled off their helmets in proof of arrity, and joined the crowd in the cry of Five la Nation I The prifoners were then carried in triumph from the Abbaye, which is in the fuburbs of St. Germain, to the Pa- lais Royal on the other fide of the Seine, where they were received with acclamations of joy, treated with wine and provifions from the ceffee-houfes, and guarded during
the
( »89 )
the night by a great number of armed citi- zens, who offered themfelves for this fer- vice, on its being fuggefted that the prifon- crs might be feized in the night by the or- der of their commanding officer.
It was next determined to fend a deputa- tion to the National Affembly in favour of the prifoners. Twenty of the mod active of thofe who had effected their deliverance were chofen, and fet out directly for Ver- failles. On their arrival they went to the houfe of M. Bailly, and delivered to him a letter in the name of the public, requeft- ing the protection of the National Affem- bly for the foldiers, whom they denomi- nated the victims of their patriotifm. M. Bailly, having read this letter, faid that he did not think the Affembly could receive this deputation, which, although they pre- tended to have been fent by the public, had in truth no public character. This affair, however, produced a long debate, in which
u it
( *9° )
it was obferved, that the NoblefTe iff general were for the maintenance of dis- cipline ; the Clergy, without exprefling any indignation at the conduct of the prifo- ners, abftained neverthelefs from any re- commendation in their favour; whik the Deputies of the Tiers entirely favoured them, and were for recommending them to the King's goodnefs. The debate termi- nated in a refolution, that the Prefident mould inform the deputation from Paris, that the AfTembly would in an addrefs to the King beg of him " to employ, for the eftablifhment of public tranquillity, the in- fallible means of clemency."
The deputation was fent accordingly. It was compofed of Deputies from all the three orders. The Archbiihop of Paris being of the number, delivered the addrefs to the King, whofe anfwer imported that he ap- proved of what the Affembly had done, and that he would within a fhort time let the
States-
( «9» )
States-General know his final determination. As nobody had any doubt what his final determination would be, the anfwer would have given general fatisfaction, had his Majefty not ufed the term States-General, which difpleafed fome members. This term was fuppreffed, however, in the ac- count publifhed of the proceedings by the AiTembly.
In the mean time the eleven foldiers were lodged and feafted in the Hotel de Geneve contiguous to the Palais Royal, which, with other houfes near it, was illu- minated during the night ; and in the day the prifoners were under the neceflity of remaining cOnftantly at the windows in fight of the populace.
The final anfwer of the King imported that the liberty of the foldiers would be the immediate confequence of the re-eftabliih- ment of public order. Nobody could be deceived by thefe formalities : it was evident U 2 that
( *92 )
that the King's authority was held as nothing, and that he had it not in hi» power either to puniih the fokliers, or thofe who had forced the prifon and fet them at liberty. On receiving this anfwer, however, thofe who had the foldiers under their pro- tection were inftru&ed to conduct them to the Abbaye as prifoners ; which they did, under the full perfuafion that they were to be fet at liberty by an order from the King. If this article was not exprefsly ftipulated, it is evident that it was fully underftood. For this reafon the praifes of the King's cle- mency, which were oftentatioufly poured forth in the AfTembly on this occafion, were confidered as ironical and infulting, and perhaps haftencd the ram meafures which were foon after adopted.
Every intemperate and infolent expref- fion uttered by the Deputies in the AfTem- bly, and many which fell from them in pri- vate converfation, were carefully repeated
2 t©
( 293 )
to the King by thofe who wifhed to prompt him to fome more vigorous meafures than any he had hitherto adopted.
None of the reports of this nature car- ried to Court was likely to make more im- preffion than what was reported of Mira- beau — namely, that on a certain occafion, while he declared himfelf a friend to mo- narchy, he had added, that " it was of little importance whether they had Lewis XVI. or Lewis XVII. on the throne." There is the more reafon to believe that Mirabeati might have allowed this or fome expreffion to the fame tendency to have efcaped from him, as he had often declared that it was a fortunate circumftance for Great Britain, that fhe had deviated from the direct here- ditary fucceffion in the act of fettlement of the crown ; and whether this obfervation was made in confcquence of a plan in fa- vour of the Duke of Orleans, or, which is much more probable, was" merely the effect U3 of
( 294 )
of a fpeculative opinion unconne&ed with any formed defign, the mention of fuch a thing, with the comments which would probably be made by thofe who repeated it, was likely to ftrike terror on the mind not only of the King, but of his brothers and other Princes of the Blood who detefted the Duke of Orleans*.
The ftrong impreflion made by thofe re- ports might contribute greatly to induce the King to adopt a more vigorous and de- cided plan of conduct than he had hitherto done.
To what extent this was meant to be carried cannot be known. That was pro- bably never fixed upon by the parties them-
* There is no fufHcient reafon to fufpe£t, that Mira- beau ever had formed a confpiracy for placing the Duke of Orleans on the throne : all the length he ever went was for having him created Lieutenant General of the kingdom ; and even that he foon abandoned, from the .contempt he had for the character of the Puke.
felves,
( *95 )
themfelves, and would have depended on future incidents ; but it was evident, from the great numbers of troops which by re- peated orders had been drawn nearer and nearer the capital, from the manner they were polled, and from the character of the Marfhal Broglio under whofe command they were put, that fome very important object was in view. It is not furprifing^ therefore, that the popular Deputies were under apprehenfions both for the exigence of the AfTembly and for their own perfonal liberty.
The alarm was hourly augmenting, and the danger loudly announced by Mirabeau, in a fpeech which he pronounced in the AfTembly on the 8th of July, from which what follows is an extract : " Deja un grand nombre de troupes nous environ- noient, il en eft arrive d'avantage, il en ar- rive chaque jour ; elles accourent de toutes parts, Trente-cinq mille hommes font deja U 4 reparti*
( 296 )
repartis entre Paris et Verfailles. On en attend vingt mille. Des trains d'artillerie les fuivent ; des points font defignes pour des batteries -, on s'aflure de toutes les com- munications ; on intercepte tous les pafTages ; nos chemins, nos ponts, nos promenades, font changes en poites militaires. Des evene- mens publics, des faits caches, des ordres fe- crets, des contre-ordres precipites, les pre- paratifs de la guerre, en un mot, frappent tous les yeux et rempliflent d'indignation tous les cceurs.
" De quel ceil ce peuple, afTailli de tant de calamites, verra-t-il cette foule de foldats oififs venir lui difputer les reftes de fa fub- fiftance \ Le contrafle de l'abondance des uns (du pain aux yeux de celui qui a faim eft l'abondance), le contrafte de l'abondance des uns et de 1'indigence des autres, de la fecurite du foldat, a. -qui la manne tombe fans qu'il ait jamais befoin de penfer au len- demain, et des angoifles du peuple, qui n'ob-
tient
( 297 )
tient riea qu'au prix des travaux penibles et des fueurs douloureufes ; ce contrafte eft fait pour porter le defefpoir dans les
cceurs* f
This
* We were already furrounded by a great number of troops ; more were ordered ; more arrive every day; they hurry from all quarters. Thirty-five thoufand are ported between Paris and Verfailles ; a reinforcement of twenty rhoufand is expected ; artillery follow, and the proper places for erecting batteries are fixed upon ; all pafTes are ^ized ; our highways, our bridges, and our public walks, are changed into military polls. The events which are pubiifhed, thofe which are endeavour- ed to be concealed, fecret orders, fudden counter orders ; in a word, all thofe warlike preparations frrike every eye and fill every heart with indignation.
How will a people, affailed with fo many calamities, bear that a crowd of idle foldiers fhould come and difpute with them the remnant of their provifions ? The contraft between the luxury — (for bread is a luxury in the estimation of thofe who are hungry) — the contraft between the luxury enjoyed by one and the indigence of the other ; the eafe of the foldiers, to whom manna falls without their needing to think of to-mor-»
row ;
( *98 )
This was one of the mod eloquent
fpeeches that Mirabeau ever pronounced,
and made an irrefiftible imprefljon on the
Aflembly. He concluded by an obferva-
tion which merits deep attention. <c Enfin,
ont-ils prevu, les confeillers de ces mefures,
ont-ils prevu les fuites qu'clles entrainent
pour la fecurite meme du trone ? Ont-ils
etudie dans l'hiftoire de tous les peuples
comment les revolutions ont commence,
comment elles fe font operees ? Ont-ils ob-
ferve par quel enchainement funefte de cir-
conflances, les efprits les plus fages font jettes
hors de toutes les limites de la moderation,
ct par quelle impulsion terrible, un peuple
enivre fe prccipite vers des exces dont la
premiere idee l'eut fait fremir* f
The
row ; and the, painful efforts of the people, who obtain nothing but by hard labour and the fweat of their brows, is fufHcient to make men defperate.
* Have the counfellors of thefe meafures forefeen •r eftimated what their confequences may be to the
Crown
{ 299 )
The eonfequence was an addrefs from the A (Terribly to the King, that he would order the troops which alarmed the citizens, and conftrained the debates of the Aflem- bly, to withdraw from the neighbourhood of Paris and Verfailles. The addrefs was drawn up by Mirabeau. What follows is a fhort fpecimen : a Prets a refifter a. tous !es commandemens arbitraires de ceux qui abufent de votre nom, parce qu'ils font enne- mis des loix ; notre fidelite me me nous or> danne cette refiftance ; et nous nous hono- rerons toujours demeriter les reproches que notre fermete nous attire.
" Sire, nous vous en conjurons au nom de la patiie, au nom de votre bonheur, et
Crown itfelf? Have they ftudied in the hiftory of na- tions, how revolutions have begun, and how they ope- rate ? Have they obferved, by what mournful concate- nation of cirsumftances, men of the grcateft prudence are fometimes led beyond the bounds of moderation, and with what a terrible jmpulfe an intoxicated populace are hurried into excefles, of which the firft idea would have ftiocked them .?
de
( 300 ) de votre gloire ; renvoyez vos foldats aux poftes d'ou vos confeillers les ont tires; renvoyez cette artillerie, deftinee a. couvrir vos frontieres ; renvoyez furtout les troupes etrangeres, ces allies de la nation, que nous payons pour defendre et non pour troubler nos foyers. Votre Majeftc n'en a pas be- foin : eh pourquoi un Monarque, adore de vingt-cinq millions de Francois, feroit-il accourir a grands frais autour du trone quelques milliers d'etrangers ? Sire, au mi- lieu de vos enfans, foyez garde par leur amour. Les Deputes de la Nation font ap- pelles a. confacrer avec vous les droits emi- nens de la royautc, fur la bafe immuable de la liberte du peuple ; mais lorfqu'ils rem- pliffent leur devoir, lorfqu'ils cedent a leur raifon, a leurs fentimens, les expoferiez-vous au foupcon de n' avoir cede qu'a la cramfe?"
It
* Determined to refift the arbitrary orders of thofe who abufe your name, becaufe they are the enemies
of
( 3°* )
It was known that an addrefs of this nature was to be moved, and feveral mem- bers were prepared to oppofe it ; but the
©f law, our fidelity to your Majefty exacts this refiftance, and we will always glory in deferving the reproaches which our firmnefs draws upon us.
We conjure you, Sire, in the name of our native country, in the name of your own happinefs and glory, fend your foldiers to the pofts from which ycur coun- cilors have drawn them ; fend back that artillery which was deftined to defend the frontiers j above all, order back the foreign troops, thofe allies of the nation whom we pay that they may defend, not overawe, the inhabitants. Your Majefty has no need of fuch auxiliaries. Why fhould a Monarch, adored by five-and-twenty millions of Frenchmen, furround his throne at a great expence with fome thoufand ftrangers ?
Sire, in the midft of your children, your beft guard is their affection. The Deputies of the Nation are called to confecrate with you the eminent rights of royalty, on the immoveable bafis of public liberty ; but while they are fulfilling this duty, while they are obeying the dictates of reafon and of auction, would you expofe them to the fufpicion that they were determined by fear only? &c<
impreffioa
( 3°2 )
Impreflion which Mirabeau's fpeech made" was fo ftrong, that it was evident that all op- pofition would be vain; they alfo dreaded left their oppofition fhould be imputed to fear. It was obferved by the Abbe Sieyes, that it was a maxim in the province of Britanny, that no troops fhould be allowed to come nearer than ten leagues to the place in which the States-General were aflfembled ; and it was propofed by another Deputy to impeach the advifers of this manoeuvre, of ordering the troops fo near to the Aflembly, that the execration of their cotemporaries, added he, might anticipate that of poflerity. But, in the midft of all this warmth, M. Biauzat obferved, that it would be but decent to ex- punge one article from the addrefs propofed by Mirabeau, namely, that of eftablifhing a guard of citizens, becaufe it was too much to arm the people at the very time when they addreffed the King to difarm himfelf. This was thought reafonable, and M. Biauzat's 6 motion
( 3°3 )
motion was adopted. The addrefs was or- dered to be read a fecond time, becaufe the ! frequent and loud burfls of applaufe pre- vented it from being diftincHy and connect- edly heard at the firft reading. A deputa- tion of 24 members, fix from the two firft ©rders, and twelve from the third, were ap- pointed to carry it to the King. Among the latter was Mirabeau himfelf, with one who has become molt notorious fince, and who, from the circumftance of being chofen for this deputation, it is probable, was in fome degree diftinguifhed even at this period, namely Maximilien Roberfpierre.
The addrefs being carried by the deputa- tion to the palace was read by M. Clermont- Tonnerre to the King, who in his anfwer declared, that the frequent difbrders in the eapital were the fole reafon for his having called the troops around Paris, as it was an e (Tential part of his duty to watch over the?
trao*
( 3°4 )
tranquillity of that city, to protect the citizens, and prevent new diforders; that this meafure, fo far from putting any con- straint on the debates of the AfTembly, would free the members from all dread of tumults and diforders. Neverthelefs, if the prefence of the troops, fo neceflary in the neighbourhood of Paris, gave umbrage, he Was willing at the requeft of the AfTembly to transfer the States^General to Noyon or SoifTons; in which cafe he himfelf mould repair to Compeign, that he might maintain the requifite intercourfe with the AfTembly.'* When the King*s anfwer was read to the AfTembly, it was applauded by fome, and did not feem difpleafmg to any. 3VL de Crillon faid, that as his Majefty had given his word, that he had no other view in ordering the troops to advance but the protection of his own perfon and of the capital, the AfTembly ought to reft fatisfied.
We
( 305 )
We have done our duty to the natioa, lie added, in requiring freedom to the Affem* bly; we ought next to manifeft our duty to the King, by fhewing we have confidence In his royal word.
This reafoning of M. Crillon will not appear conclufive to all the world. None of the Deputies, however, feemed inclined to exprefs any want of confidence in th« King's word until M. Mirabeau obferved, that whatever reliance they might have on what the King had faid, they could have none on Minifters, who were always ready to miflead his good intentions ; that the not attending fufficiently to this diftinction had often made the affectionate confidence which Frenchmen placed in their monarchs produce the effects of a vice rather than of a virtue, and had drawn the French na- tion, century after century, into much mi- fery ; but he hoped that their eyes would bow be opened, unlefs they were refolved X to
( 3o6 )
to act for ever the part of children, and con- tinue always mutinous and always flavifh. He proceeded to fhew them that the King's anfwer was a complete refufal of their re- queft ; that they had not petitioned to have the Affembly removed to any other place ; but that the troops mould be ordered to re- move from the neighbourhood of Paris and Verfailles ; that if they were inclined to transfer their meetings elfewhere, Noyon or Soiflons ought to be among the laft places in which they fhould wifh to affemble, becaufe there they would be between the troops which inverted Paris, and thofe which might be fuddenly drawn from Flanders and Alface.
Although the Affembly were ftruck with, the force of Mirabeau's reafoning, he did not prevail on them to renew the petition ; and their moderation in this inftance, which could only proceed from a fentiment of refpect to the King, makes the violent mea-
fures
( 3°7 )
fures that were immediately taken by the Adminiftration appear the more rafh and impolitic.
Secret Councils were held within the palace. The principal officers of the troops attended the King's levee every morning. Couriers were obferved continually paffing from Verfailles to the different detachments pofted at St. Cloud and Seves, and not unfrequently in the middle of the night. The King's life guards were in conftant activity ; thofe who were not on guard within the palace were patrolling around it on horfeback ; all the Swifs guards were kept on duty near it ; and cannon were placed facing the avenues.
Thofe appearances were fufficient of them- felves to have roufed expectation in all, and to have created terror in fome who were in fituations to obferve them. Various re- ports of myfterious import were alfo in cir- culation, and dark menacing expreflions X 2 were
( 3°S )
were whifpered as having fallen from per-* fons ftippofed to be in the fecrets of the Cabinet. A ftrong fufpicion exifted among the Deputies, that fome new plan waft adopted ; what it precifely was they could not know, but they were pretty certain, that whatever danger there might be mult depend on the troops, and for that reafon the greateft pains had been taken by the leaders of the popular party in the Affem- bly and their friends at Paris to gain them. They knew that they had already fucceeded in a confiderable degree with regard to the French foot guards ; and they ftirove, with their afliftance and every other means in their power, to make the fame impreflion on the other regiments as they arrived. Parties of citizens of both fexes were chofen to mix with the foldiers, and occafionally to treat them with wine. On the ioth of July, a fcene took place on the plain called the Elyfian Fields, adjacent to the gardens of
the
( 3°9 )
die Tuilcries, which, it is probable, {truck the Court fo much as to accelerate the exe- cution of their plan. A confiderable number ofcannoniers, of French guards, of dragoons of different regiments, were invited to an enter- tainment prepared in thefe fields at the ex- pence of fome citizens of Paris, and in the fight of an immenfe crowd of Spectators. The Sol- diers were plentifully feafted, and a Sufficient quantity of wine was ferved to increaie their gaiety, without rendering them disorderly. At eight in the evening the ferjeants and corporals came in fearch of the foldiers j they were invited to partake in the feaft, and to drink fuccefs to the Tiers-Etat ; which they did, and returned in high good humour to their barracks, finging the praifes of the citizens of Paris.
The account of this fcene which was
carried to Verfailles feems not only to have
filled the King's new counfellors with alarm,
but alfo to have deprived them of common
X 3 prudence.
( 3*° )
prudence. With no certainty of the obedi- ence of the troops, with even confiderable reafon to doubt it, and an abfolute certainty of the feditious difpofition of the people, and of their enthufiaftic attachment to M.Necker, it was hardly to be conceived that the firft ftep the Council would take mould be the difmiffion of this favourite Minifter. On the i ith of July, however, he received an order to leave the kingdom in twenty-four hours, Without acquainting any individual even of his own family with the order he had re- ceived, he fet out the fame evening ; and it was not publicly known at Verfailles till the following day, when a new Adminiftra- tion was announced, at the head of which were the Marihai Broglio and M. de Breteuil.
Although nothing could have been lefs
expected than the difmiffion of M. Necker
at this particular time, yet nothing was
more probable than the general alarm and
a. indin-
C 3" )
indignation which it produced. Paris was filled with confirmation ; the fhops and theatres were immediately fhut ; the people crowded the ftreets and fquares ; to increafe the emotion and confufion, the buds of M. Necker and of the Duke of Orleans, who was reported to have alfo been ordered into exile, were paraded through the ftreets co- vered with crape in mournful proceflion. A party of dragoons were foolifhly ordered to attack the attending multitude, and break the bufts. The Prince de Lambefc was at the head of a body of cavalry on the Place of Lewis XV. Some ftones were thrown ; the cavalry made a charge on the crowd, and the Prince was faid to have wounded with his fabre an old man in the Tuileries. The affrighted populace rufhed from the garden into the ftreets, crying To arms ! the alarm bells were founded ; the armourers' fhops were broken open ; every one armed himfelf as he could ; many of the French X 4 guards
( 3" )
guards left their barracks to join the people 5 the cavalry that had been affembled to overawe them durft not appear ; bodies of armed men patrolled the ftreets during the whole of this night of alarm, for the protec- tion of the citizens. Some ruffians, how- ever, under the fame pretence committed ads of robbery and pillage ; but not a twen- tieth part of the excefles took place that might have been expected at a time of fuch univerfal confirmation.
On the following day it was propofed, that a regular body of militia fhould be im- mediately formed, as the beft means of pre^ venting a general pillage. This meafure being approved, the execution was render- ed eafy by Paris having been divided into diftricts, on account of the late election of Deputies for the States-General. Thofe electors afTembled at their refpective fec- tions, claffed the citizens, appointed com^ manders to each divifion, moil of them
officers
( 3*3 )
officers retired from the fervice, and a body of 48,000 men was formed that very day, which entirely relieved the inhabitants from the fear of pillage in the enfuing night, and greatly diminifhed their apprehenfions from the regular troops which furrounded them*. A deputation from the committee afTem- bled in the Hotel de Ville was fent to the National AfTembly at Verfailles, acquainting them with the meafures they had taken for reftoring the public tranquillity. The Af-
* This circumftance of the capital having been di- vided into diftricls, and the electors in each afcertained, had more influence on the revolution than is generally imagined ; for, when any danger was dreaded, the elec- tors were ordered to aftemble at their refpe&ive diftricls, who had all an intercourfe with each other ; an army was inftantly formed, and in forne meafure, according to their phrafe, organized. Whatever benefit may have arifen from this on the prefent occafion, it certainly had one baneful effect, namely, that of giving the depart- ment of Paris a controul over ail the other depart- ments.
6 fembly
( 3*4 )
fembly petitioned the King with more ear- neftnefs than ever to order the troops to be withdrawn, ftating their prefence as the caufe of all the infurreclions.
CHAP.
C 3*5 )
CHAPTER XII.
Reflections on the Influence of public Opinion-— on Government — Kings Anfwer to the Af femblfs Addrefs occafons ill Humour — Formation of an armed Force by the Inha- bitants of Paris — ■ 3 0,000 Mujkets found at the Invalides — Baflille attacked and taken- — Murder of M. de Launay and others — De- putations from the AJfembly to the King — Scene at the Orangerie — Speech of Mir a- beau — 'The King changes his Meafures — comes to the National AJfembly — A Depu- tation fent to Paris — Rejoicings — The King v'ifits Paris — Refections.
T is highly probable from the character of Lewis XVI. that he was inclined to the fuppreffion of many abufes of the an- cient government, and fmcerely wifhed the
happinefs
( 3'6 )
fiappinefs of his fubjects, even at the expence of a diminution of his own authority; but it was difficult to perfuade the nation, that fuch were his wiihes and intentions from the moment that it was believed he had been prevailed on to employ military force. Thofe who perfuaded him to have recourfe to fuch an expedient acted not only contrary to juftice and prudence, but alfo contrary to the nature and difpofition of the Prince they pretended to ferve ; for the moft ignorant of them muft have known, that in the actual (late of France it was im- poffible to controul the National AfTembly, to diflblve them, and to re-eftablifh the ancient government by force, without fo much bloodfhed as he would have thought infinitely too dear a purchafe for the objects to be obtained. In prevailing on the too eafy tempered Monarch to adopt this mea- fure, therefore, it is plain, that like the generality of thofe who affect to be in a
peculiar
( 3*7 )
peculiar manner the friends of Kings^ their own places and penfions, and offices which they faw in danger, were all they were anxious to preferve, and for which they were willing to rifk all the horrors of war, and to facrifice the glory, happi- nefs, and even the life of the Prince to whom they profeffed fuch wonderful at* tachment.
Indeed it was evident, that the public ©pinion on the fubject of government wras fo univerfally changed, and the minds of the people fo heated with the idea of free- dom, that double the military force that was fufficient to maintain the ancient go- vernment could not re-eftablilh the fam« fyftem, nor fuftain it for any length of time in France, even if it could have been xe-eftablifhed. It is not pofiible for a go~ vernment to fubfift long in any country where knowledge is pretty generally diffus- ed, againft the decided opinion and wifhes
of
( 3'8 )
of a great majority of the inhabitants; and a great majority of fuch inhabitants are feldom or never brought to be decidedly againft their government unlefs it is oppref- five. For, although it o'ccafionally hap- pens that ignorant men, and thofe who are needy from idlenefs, may be induced by the ambitious and defigning to make a clamour againft oppreffions which they never felt, and for rights which they do not value, it is fortunate for the peace of fociety, that unfounded clamours of this kind oftener end in the difgrace or deftrudtion of thofe who make them, than of the government againft which they are made : but when grievances are felt by the mod induftrious, and acknow* lodged by a great majority of the moft in- telligent to proceed from the vices of the government, that government cannot exift long in the prefent ftate of men's minds all over Europe.
In Turkey, indeed, a very fmall military
efta-
C 3*9 )
ertablifhment in proportion to the popula- tion of the country is adequate to the pur- pofes of government, and to keep the people in flavery ; becaufe they have no idea of any other kind of government but a defpotic one. They are taught to believe, and in general they do believe, that it is the will of Heaven that the defcendants or fucceflbrs of Ma- homet mould reign with uncontrouled fway over them -, that it is their duty to fubmit to his orders as to the decrees of Providence, however unaccountable or fevere they may be ; that refinance would be impious and fruitlefs in both cafes, as in the one they would have the hoft of Heaven againft them, and in the other not only that, but alfo the Janiffaries of the Sultan.
The fame opinion prevails, and of courfe the fame defpotifm exifts, all over Afia and Africa. The time was, when the right di- vine of Kings to govern wrong, the abfurd and impious doctrine, that the crown is
held
( 3*o 1
iield by divine, hereditary, and indefeafibfe right, was taught with fuccefs in Europe3 That doctrine was exploded in England % and the confequence was the admirable con- ftitution eftabliihed in the year 1688, which: every Briton has fo much reafon to blefs and maintain.
The immenfe armies which a jealoufy of the neighbouring powers renders necefiary to be conftantly kept up by fome nations of Europe, are not the only eaufe of the arbi- trary nature of their governments. The' peafants and a very large proportion of the other inhabitants of Ruffia and a great part of Germany never knew freedom, have no ideas on government, and are rather pleafed with the fupreme and unlimited power of their Sovereign, becaufe it is from that alone they expect relief from the more intolerable5 oppreffion of their immediate lords* Bui give the majority of the inhabitants of Ruffia and Germany the fame opinions
that
( 321 )
that prevail in Great Britain ; and an anni- hilation of the oppreffion of the Lords, with a limitation of the Sovereign's power, would follow in fpite of the efforts, but more probably with the concurrence, of the armies.
Ignorance and impoflure have been the chief and lafting fupports of every defpotic government. When ignorance is removed from any country, impoflure and abufes muft fly alfo ; and although ftanding armies may continue to be the defenders, they. will refufe to be the enflavers of their country*.
However
* This is believed and dreaded by many whofe im- portance and wealth arife from the oppreffive privileges granted in the days of ignorance, and by thofe who fat- ten on abufes and in the enjoyment of finecure offices. They wifh every abufe to remain facred and untouched, and fear nothing fo much as the diffufion of knowledge. They confider the exercife of reafon as a curfe to the lower claiTes of fociety, affert that ignorance is the greateft blefling that can befal them, and execrate phi- Y lofophy
( 322 ) However extraordinary it may appear, many circumstances evince, that, at the time when M. Necker was difmiffed, the Court of Verfailles had no idea of the very critical ftate in which things were. The night. of the 1 2th, which had fpread fuch general ter- ror at Paris, was fpent by the courtiers at Verfailles in dancing and revelry. The Kind's anfwer to this new addrefs from the
'©
lolbphy and philofophers as the difturbers of the peace of mankind. In fupport of thefe aflertions, they quote the crimes of thofe monfters of wickednefs who have difgraced the French Revolution and the caufe of Free- dom. The queftion fimply is, Whether it be expedient or not that rational creatures fhould improve and exer- cife their reafon ? . If that is anfwered in the affirma- tive, it is to no purpole to i'ny that fome men ufe their reafoning powers to ill purpofes : by the fame train of reafoning they might endeavour to prove, that lamps and candles, and all the inventions by which men have contrived to obtain light and difftpate darknefs, are per- iiicious to focicty, becaufe houfe-breakers and murderers make ufe of dark lanterns.
National
( 3^3 )
National AfTembly fufSciently fhewe'd the fmall impreflion it had made. It imported, " that he was the proper judge how to employ his troops, and where to place them; that, although fome cities could maintain tranquillity within their walls by their own municipal force, the immenfe population of Paris rendered it impracticable there."
The AfTembly were at no pains to con- ceal their ill humour at this anfwer. They decreed, that M. Necker, and the other Mi- nifters who had been difmifTed, retained the efteem and confidence of the AfTembly; that they confidered the new Minifters as refponfible for the difafters that might at- tend the prefent meafures, particularly that of advifing the King not to fend the troops away from Paris and Versailles, which the AfTembly perfifled in requeuing; finally^ they put the public debt under the fafe- guard of the national honour, and ordered thefe refolutions to be preferred to the King Y 2 by
( 324 )
by the President, and with their former de- crees to be printed, for the information of the public. The Affembly continued fit-, ting all the night.
The accounts of the King's anfwer, and the fubfeq.uent decrees and conduct of the Affembly, arrived at Paris on the morning of the 13th, when the inhabitants hadjuft learned>that the regiments encamped in the Elyfian Fields had moved from thence, without the motive of their removal or the place to which they had gone being known. Hie raofl difmal apprehenfions of an inv pending attack were conceived ; rage and. indignation augmented ; the committee of electors in the Hotel de Ville redoubled their zeal for enrolling men and forming new batailions ; what mufkets could be found were diftributed among thofe who had been firft regimented ; all the workmen were employed in making pikes and fuch amis as could be foqnefl formed, and were 1 moft
( 32S )
mod fuitab'e to undifciplined troopa ; the ftreets in fome parts were unpaved in expec- tation of a bombardment; the women car- ried quantities of (tones to the upper ftories, with the defign of throwing them on the enemy as they marched through. the ftreet beneath ; and the cries of vigilance and alarm refounded at intervals all the night in every quarter of the town, which was partially and dimly illuminated, fo as to render the general gloom more finking.
The fteadinefs and addrefs (hewn in fo fuddenly forming into fome degree of regu- larity and fubordination fo large a body of men, in a capital fo licentious as Paris, and this by no eftablimed authority, but entirely by a committee chofen by the electors, forms a.ftrong contraft with the negligence and want of forefight of the Cabinet at Verfailles. After the bold meafures of dif- rnifling a moft popular minifter, forming a new adminiftration of men difliked by the Y 3 people.
( 3*6 )
people, and rejecting the earnefl: and repeat- ed petition of the National Affembly, it was naturally to be expeded that fome means would have been ufed to prevent in- furredions in the capital, where there was fo much reafon to think they wrould take place, and to fupprefs or render them abor- tive in cafe they fhould. It was natural to expect, that the Baftile would have been provided and ftrengthened, and that a place of fo much importance as the Hofpital of Invalides would have been fecured by a large detachment from the troops cantoned around Paris. None of thefe obvious meafures were thought of.
On the 14th the Hofpital of Invalides was forced, and 30,000 mufkets found, which, with a variety of weapons difcover- ed the fame day at the Garde-Meuble, were diftributed among the people, who being elevated by this fuccefs, hurried in crowds from the Invalides to the Baftile, in the
refolutior}
( 3^7 ) refolution to affault and deftroy that de- tefted fortrefs. Some fquadrons of dra- goons had been obferved that morning near the entrance of the fuburbs of St. Antoine ; and it was noticed at the fame time that, contrary to cuftom, the cannon of the Baf- tile were pointed towards the principal ftreet of the fame quarter. A meffage had been fent by the committee at the Town- houfe to M. de Launay, the Governor, to remonftrate with him on this menacing ap- pearance. It was while this wras in agita- tion, that the Hofpital of Invalides had been forced, and the arms feized, which had de- termined the people to exact that the Baftile mould be delivered up to them alfo. That fortrefs was foon blockaded by the multi- tude : a deputation was fent from one dif- trie!: of Paris to make propofals to the Go- vernor ; the Deputy was attended by a pro- mifcuous crowd, which, while he was con- ducted to the Governor, were left in an Y 4 outer
( 3^8 )
outer court. This parley having proved ineffectual, the Deputy retired ; but at the fame moment fome of thofe in the outer court having advanced beyond the pre- fcribed limits, and ftill continuing to ad- vance, were checked by a fire from the gar- rifon, which killed and wounded feveral.
It is probable that this happened through miltake on the one fide or the other ; but, if there was defign, it feems moil likely that it was on the part of the people, in atr tempting to furprife the gairifon. The ftory which was fpread, and generally be- lieved at the time, of the Governor's having allured them within the court, with a de- fign to maffacre them, is improbable and almoft abfurd. He muft have perceived, that fuch an open piece of treachery would end in his own destruction; he muft have known that at all events he would be obli- ged to furrender foon ; for, independent of many other neceffaries, he was in want of
provifions i
( 3^9 )
provisions ; and after Inch perfidious con- duel, nothing could have faved him from the.. rage of the people. Whatever occafioned the firft firing of the garrifon upon the people, its immediate effect was to fwell their rage into madnefs. Propofals of capi- tulation and indications of a difpofition to furrender were no longer regarded. The fortrefs was aflaulted with impetuofity, and defended feebly. However zealous the Go- vernor may have been, he could not infpire the garrifon with the fame ardour. After many proofs of the mod daring intrepidity by thofe who headed the affault, the fortrefs was carried. Thofe who had the merit of the exploit faved M. de Launay from being immediately torn in pieces by the multitude which poured in from all quarters, and con- ducted him with difficulty and danger to the Hotel de Ville, but were unable to pre- vent his being maflacred by the cowardly rabble which furrounded it, and who had
no
( 33° $ no part in the taking of the Baftile. M. dc Lofme, his Major, a perfon diftinguifhed for his humanity to the prifoners, was at the fame time a victim to the undiftinguifh- ing fury of thofe wretches. Their thirft of blood was fo great, that although the Marquis de Pilleport, who had been con-* fined five years in the Baftile, ruined among them and proclaimed the humanity of M. de Lofme to himfelf and other prifoners, he was not liftened to, but infulted, wounded, and efcaped not without difficulty, with his life. M. de Fleffelles, the Prevot des Mar- chands, of a character lefs popular, but who feems to have been guilty of nothing which candour could have thought a proof of guilt, incurred the fame fate, and the heads of all three being fixed upon pikes were carried in triumph through the ftreets.
To this fhocking practice, begun in a moment of phrenfy, is owing perhaps that tafte for bloody exhibitions, which the
Parifian
( 33l ) Parifian populace are accufed of pofleffing to fuch a degree. Even if the death of the perfons were juPc, to gratify the multitude with the fpectacle of carrying their heads on pikes is mod injudicious ; for it perverts the public mind, and has a tendency to create a tafle for cruelty where it does not exift, and to cultivate and cherifh it where it does ?
Rumours of the enemy's approach be- came more frequent as the night advanced, and towards midnight it was afferted that they were juft at hand. This induced a numerous body of the inhabitants to drag fome cannon to the barrier d'Etifer ; for as in the opinion of the multitude the enemy's great auxiliary lay in that quarter, it was univerfally agreed the attack would be made from thence. When the citizens arrived with their cannon, however, it was fo dark that no enemy could be feen ; and they niade fuch a noife and clamour, that he
could
( 332 ) could not have been heard, however near he might have been. To make fure in all events, however, they difcharged their artil- lery and mufkets, and then returned in triumph with the comfortable news to their fellow citizens, that the aflailants were en- tirely defeated and difperfed.
That there was no account of the lofs on the part of the enemy in this engagement is not wonderful ; but, confidering the dark- nefs of the night, with the confufion and inexperience of the Parifian army, it is a little furprifing that no mention was made of any killed or wounded among them by their own fire in this action.
The National AfTembly continued fitting from the 13th to the 15th. They had fent two new deputations to the King, on the old fubjecl of ordering the forces to be remov* ed. To the firft the King anfwered, that he was doing all in his power for the re-efta-
bliihment
( 333 )
blifliment of public tranquillity, and with that view had ordered certain general offi- cers to put themfelves at the .head of the citizens who had taken arms at Paris.
This was thought evafive and unfatisfac- tory. A new deputation, at the head of which was the Archbifhop of Paris, was al- mofl inflantly fent with the fame requeft, founded on the confufions and alarms in the capital. To this the King replied, " You tear my heart more and more by the recital of the fcenes at Paris. It is impof- fible that the orders I have given the troops can be the caufe. I have no alteration to make to the anfvver I fo lately gave you.'*
If the imprudence of thofe who directed the councils of Lewis XVI. was evident at the time when the States-General firft af- fembled, as was attempted to be (hewn, it muft be admitted that his new counfeliors feem in the prefent inftance to have im- proved upon the imprudence of thd old.
After
( 334 )
After it had been found impoffible to re- fill the affemblmg of the States-General ; after a double reprefentation had been granted to the Tiers-Etat ; after the voting. by orders had been rejected, and the three orders had been melted down into one Na- tional Afiembly; after a numerous body of men had been formed into regiments and occupied the capital ; and after the troops of the line had betrayed fymptoms of defec- tion ; — to advife the King to give fuch an anfwerwas foolifh in the extreme, and expof- ing his authority to contempt and derifion.
It was no doubt expe&ed by thofe who had prevailed on the King to give this an- fwer, that the army was ready to obey what- ever orders they mould receive from the Duke of Broglio and the other officers at- tached to the Court ; but to what extreme neglect muft it have been owing, that a cir- cumftance of this importance was not afcer- tained before the King was advifed to act
and
( 335 ) and fpeak in this manner ; and if the army had been ready to obey, when the citizens were prepared to refift,what fcenes of blood- fhed and (laughter muft have been the con- fequence ! — Scenes fo revolting to the dif- pofition of Lewis XVI. that he could not have perfevered in countenancing them, even although he had thought them the only means of fecuring his crown.
Thofe therefore who are of opinion that fuch counfel would have been politic and wife to a prince of a different character, will ftill think it was injudicioufly given to one who, although he might be prevailed on to adopt it through perfuafion, was fure to relinquifh it from principle and feeling, before it could produce the defired effect.
On the morning of the 15th it was de- creed that another deputation fhould be fent to the King, with a remonftrance conceived .in ftronger terms than any of the preceding. The following fentiment was much applaud- 1 ed:
( 33^ )
ed : The French adore their King\ but they ere no longer inclined to be under the necejjiiy of 'fearing him.
An incident of the preceding day had given much offence. Among the troop9 cantoned in Verfailles., a regiment of Ger- man huiTars were encamped in the Orange- rie of the Palace. The Queen, M. d'Artois, Madame de Polignac, and other perfons of both fexes belonging to the court, had thought proper to walk into the Orangerie at this time, and were no doubt received by the troops with every demonftration of joy. Thefe circurnftanccs Mirabeau thought were of fufHcierit importance to be commu- nicated to the King by the deputation. Witn all the exaggerations of eloquence, he de- fired them to inform his Majefty, " Que les hordes etrangeres dont nous fomme6 in- Teftis out rccu hier la vifite des princes, des princeffes, des favoris, des favorites, et leurs -carefles, et leurs exhortations, et leurs
prefens.
( 337 )
pre'fens. Dites-lui, que toute la nuit les fatellites etrangers, gorges d'or et de vin, ont predit dans leurs chants impies raflervifTe- ment de la France, et que leurs vceux bru- t&ux invoquoient la deftruclion de rAfTem- bleeNationale. Dites-lui, que, dans fon palais meme, les courtifans ont mele leur danfes au fon de cette mufique barbare, et que telle fut Tavant fcene de la St. Barthelemy V
As this deputation were about to go out of the hall, they were prevented by the en-
* The bands of foreign troops by which we are fur- rounded were vifited yefterday by the princes, the prin- ceiTes, the favourites male and female of the Court, and were careffed by them, received prefents from them, and were exhorted by them to perfeverance. Tell the King, that thofe favoured mercenaries, inflamed with wine, predicted in their impious fongs the fubjugation of France, and with brutal fury invoked the deftrudtion of the National Affembly. Tell him, that even in his palace the courtiers danced to that barbarous mufic ; and remind him that fcenes of the fame nature were the harbingers of St. Bartholomew.
Z trance
( 338 )
trance of the Duke of Liancourt. Tfmt nobleman had in the middle of the preced- ing night obtained an audience of his Ma- jefty, and made fuch a reprefentation of the ftate of Paris,and the dangers with which the Royal Family were threatened if a change of meafures was not immediately adopted, as determined the King to order the troops to be withdrawn ; and the Duke at the fame time announced his Majefty's gracious in- tention of coming in perfon to the AiTem- bly to give them this aflurance.
The immediate effect of this news was a fhout of joy. This natural demonftration of grateful fenfibility was checked hy one Deputy, whofe conduct, it is probable, was more under the influence of a cool head than a warm heart. He obferved that " fuch demonflrations of fatisfacYion formed a revolting contrail with the calamities which the people had already undergone ; that to receive the King with fevere and
ferious
( 339 )
ferious refpeft was more fuitable to the fad pofture of affairs ; that the filence of the People often proved an ufeful leffon to Kings."
The difcourfe of this philofopher pro» duced a temporary fuppreffion of feeling and an affectation of formality. The King was received with the mod profound filence, although the Deputies mud have been ftruck at feeing him appear in a ftyle fo different from that in which they had been accuflomed to view him, without pomp, almoft without attendants, and in the plainer!: drefs. Stand- ing and uncovered, he addreffed them in the moil conciliatory terms, profeffmg his forrow for the disorders at Paris, his regard for the AfTembly, and affuring them that the reports of any defign on their perfonal li- berty were calumnious. He ended by de- claring that he had ordered the troops to re- move from the neighbourhood of the capital
This difcourfe was not heard to an end Z 2 without
( 34° )
without interruption. The emotion it produced was too powerful for the ftern maxims above mentioned. Feeling over- came philofophy, and the hall refounded with fhouts of applaufe.
When the King withdrew,all theDeputies (for this AfTembly was not compofed of fuch callous materials as the fucceeding ones) — all the Deputies followed, and forming a refpe£tful ring around his pcrfon attended him to the palace, in the balcony of which the Queen appeared with the Dauphin in her arms, whom frie prefented to the ap- plauding multitude. An account of this agreeable alteration of affairs was fent to Paris. The Committee of Electors were permanently fitting in the Town-hall, form- ing the different corps of militia, and naming the officers. Having armed them in the beft manner the prefent circurnftances would permit, they gave them the name of National Guards, and appointed M. de la Fayette 6 their
( 34i )
their commander. M. Bailly was at the fame time chofen Mayor of Paris, under which appellation he exercifed the fame functions that were formerly exercifed under the title of Prevot des Marchands, which was abolifhed.
A deputation of eighty-four of the mod diftinguifhed members of the National AC- fembly followed the accounts of the late events at Verfailles to the metropolis. This deputation was met by the whole of the Parifian militia. The Deputies, having come out of their carriages at the Barriere, were conducted to the Hotel de Ville, amidft the acclamations of the citizens of both fexes, who, in the ftreets, from the windows and the tops of houfes, hailed them as the faviours of their country.
The Dukes of Rochefoucault and Lian- court, M. Clermont-Tonnerre, Lally-To- lendal, and others, the mofl eminent mem- bers of this deputation, addreiTed the Com- Z 3 mittee
( 342 ) mittee in the Hotel de Ville in particular difcourfes, the tendency of which was to conciliate the minds of the citizens to the King, to place his late conduct in the leaft unfavourable point of view, and to allure them that his wifhes were for the happinefs of the people. " Your good King," faid M. de Lally, " has been deluded by calumny 5 fufpicions were inftilled into his mind of that nation which he has the honour and happinefs of governing : but we have un- veiled the truth before his eyes ; he is fen- fible of havingbeen deceived; he has thrown himfelf into the arms of your National Af- fembly ; he puts his truft in them, or rather in you, and will henceforth be guided by their counfels, that is, by yours.
From the Hotel de Ville the Deputies were conducted to the church of Notre- Dame, where Te Deum was performed, in gratitude to ths Supreme Being for the happy agreement between the King and the
National
( 343 )
National Reprefentatives, and for the public profperity which was expected to be the confequence.
The manifestations of joy were fo uni- verfal, and their expreffions of attachment to the King fo warm, that a ftranger who had entered Paris at that time would have thought it the moft loyal town in Europe. For the eagernefs with which the populace of all countries feize every event which for- tuitoufly occurs, or is defignedly held forth to them, as a caufe of rejoicing, is often mif- taken for a proof of their genuine fatisfactioa in that event. It fhould be remembered, however, that the multitude love noife and riot and acclamation and illumination, inde- pendent of any fatisfa&ion in the event, or any love or regard for the General or Ad- miral, or popular Leader or Monarch, who ferves as a pretext for their indulging their favourite paiTion. This feems to be com- mon to the populace of all countries : what Z 4 diftia*
( 344 ) diftinguiflies that of France is the wonderful rapidity with which they fly from the ex- tremes of love to thofe of hatred, and from admiration to contempt, which makes them cry Vive le Roi! one day, with the fame fince- rity that they cry Five Petion ! another; and they accompany Egalite to the fcaffold with as much exultation as they had before fhewn in parading the butts of Orleans through the ftreets.
There is every reafon to believe, that MM. Cazales, Mounier, Malouet, as well as the members of this deputation before men- tioned, and others, had no other view in af- fifting in the Revolution than that of efta- blifhing monarchy en the bafis of freedom, as the happieft government for their coun- try. Such men of courfe muft have felt fa- tisfaclion in obferving the indications of returning royalty in the people ; but there exifted in the Affembly and in the Muni- cipality of Paris men, at this time of no
note,
( 345 )
note, but who afterwards acted important parts, who viewed with an evil eye every indication of the nature above alluded to ; becaufe they feared that a return of confi- dence in the King would tend to the dimi- nishing, perhaps the annihilation, of their own rifing importance. The immenfe in- fluence of the capital with the Affembly probably flrft became apparent to them at this time, and was the ground work of the ftrudhire of ambition they afterwards built. Thofe men, therefore, were aclive in fowing new feeds of fufpicion in the minds of the people; they whifpered that, notwithstanding the King's fair profeffions, frefh troops were on their march to Paris ; and they trumped up a ftory, that an attempt had been made to feize again upon the Baftile for the ufe of the King. They employed agents to excite the people to clamour for the recall of M. Nf.cker, and fucceeded fo effectually that a deputation was fent on the 1 6th of July from
Paris
( 346 )
Paris to Verfailles, the object of which was, that the AfTembly fhould infift on the dif- miffion of the prefent Minifters and the recall of M. Necker.
A motion wras made accordingly to that effect. In the debate which this occafioned, M. Mounier gave it as his opinion, that the National AfTembly ought not to interfere in fuch appointments of the executive power, and produced the example of the Parliament of Great Britain, wmich he afTerted had never interfered in the choice of the King's Minifters without the mod ruinous confe^ quences.
The reply which Mirabeau made to this argument is fo remarkable, that I fhall in- fert the following extract from his fpeech ; " S'il eft une maxime impie et deteftable, ce feroit celle qui intcrdiroit a l'AfTemblee Nationale de declarer au Monarque que fon peuple n'a point de confiance dans fes Mi- nifies. Cette opinion attaque a la fois et
la
( 347 )
la nature des chofes, et les droits efTentid* du Peuple, et la loi de la refponfabilite des
Miniftres.
" Eh ! comment nous refuferiez-vous cc fimple droit de declaration, vous qui nous accordez celui de les accufer, de les pour- fuivre, et de creer le tribunal qui devra punir ces artifans d'iniquites, dont, par une contradidion palpable, vous nous propofez de contempler les ceuvres dans un refpec- tueux lilence ? Ne voyez-vous done pas combien je fais aux Miniftres un meilleur fort que vous, combien je fuis plus modere? Vous n'admettez aucun intervalle entre un morne filence et une denonciation fangui- naire. Se taire ou punir, obeir ou frapper, voila votre fyfleme ! Et moi, j'avertis avant de denoncer ; je recufe avant de fletrir ; j'offre une retraite a. l'inconfideration ou a rincapacite avant de les trailer de crimes. Qui de nous a plus de mefure et d'equite ?
*' Mais voyez la Grande-Bretagne ! Que
£'agi-
( 348 )
d'agitation populaire n'y oecafionne pas cc droit que vous reclamez ! Ceji lui qui a
-perdu P Angle terre^ dites vous L'Angle-
terre eft perdue ! Ah, Grand Dieu ! quelle finiftre nouvelle ! Eh ! par quelle latitude s'cft-elle done perdue? Ou quel tremble- ment de terre, quelle convulfion dela nature a englouti cette ile fameufe, cet inepuifable foyer de fi grands exemples, cette terre claf- fique des amis de la liberte ? Mais vous me raflurez : l'Angleterre fleurit encore pour 1'eternelle inftruction du monde ; TAngle- terre repare dans un glorieux filence les plaies qu'au milieu d'une fievre ardente elle s'eft faites ! L'Angleterre developpe tous ks genres d'induflrie, exploite tous les filons de la profperite humaine, et tout-a.-1'heure encore elle vient de remplir une grande la- cune de fa conftitution avec toute la vigueur de la plus energique jeunefle, etl'impofante maturite d'un peuple vieilli dans les affaires publiques. Vous ne penfiez done qu'a
quelquei
( 349 ) quelquesdi{Tenfionsparlementaires(lacomme ailleurs ce n'eft fouvent que du parlage qui n'a d'autre importance que l'interet de la loquacite) ; — ou plutot c'eft apparemment la derniere dhTolution du Parlement qui vous cfFraye ?
" Qu'eft-il arrive, en effet, dans cette cir-
conftance rare, ou le Roi d'Angleterre, etaye d'une tres-foible minorite, n'a pas craint de combattre la formidable Affemblee Nationale et de la diflbudre ? Soudain Tedifice phan- taftique d'une oppofition coloffale s'elt ecroule fur fes freles fondemens, fur cette coalition cupide et faclieufe, qui fembloit menacer de tout envahir. Eh ! quelle c£t la caufe d'un changement fi fubit ? C'eft que le Peuple etoit de l'avis du Roi, et non de celui du Parlement. Le chef de la nation dompta l'ariftocratie legiflative par un fimple appel all Peuple — a ce Peuple qui n'a jamais qu'un interet, parce que le bien public eft Q^eri- tiellement le fien. Ses Reprefentans, revetus
d'une
( $5* )
d*une invifible puiffance, et prefque d'urie Veritable dictature, quand ils font les or- ganes de la Volonte generale, ne font que des pigmees impuiftans; s'ils ofent fubftituer a leur mnTion facree des vues intereffees ou des paffions patticulieres*."
It
* If there ever was an impious and deteftabie maximr it would be that which precluded the National AfTem- bly from declaring to the King, that his people placed no confidence in his A'linifters. Such an opinion at- tacks at once the nature of things, the eflential right? of the people, and the refponfibility of Minifters.
But how can you refute the fimple right of fuch a de- claration, after granting to us the right of accufing and profecuting, and even of creating a tribunal for punifh- ing thofe workers of iniquity, whofe crimes, by a ma- nifeft contradiction, you defire us to contemplate i» refpecTful fdence ? Do you not perceive then that I am more indulgent and moderate to the Minivers than you ? You admit no interval between a gloomy filence and a fanguinary accufation : to be fiknt or to punifh, to obey or to ftrike, that is your fyftera. As for me, I am for warning previous to accufing ; I object before I di£- n honour :
( 35< )
It was carried, that an addrefs fhould be prefented to the King, expreflive of the
wifhes
honour ; I offer a retreat to inconfideratenefs or inca- capacity before I treat them as crimes. Which of us has raoft moderation and equity ?
But we are defned to look at Great Britain. What diforders are produced there by this right which we vviili to eftabliih in France ! That right has ruined
England England is ruined, you fay: ah! Great
God ! What dreadful news ! Where, or by what means is England deftroved ? By what earthquake or convul- fion of nature has that famous ifland been fwallowed up ? That abounding theatre of great actions, that clafllc ground of liberty. But you remove my fears : England ftill flourifhes for the eternal inftrucTion of the world ; England in a glorious tranquillity heals the wounds fhe had given herfelf during the delirium of a fever ! Eng- land developes every fpecies of induftry, traces every fource of human profperity, and very lately fhe has filled up a great gap in her Conftitution with all the vigour and energy of youth, and all the maturity of a people long verfed in politics. What — you only alluded to certain debates in Parliament, which there, as elfe where, often arife from nothing but the mere
pleafure
( IS* ) wifhes of the Affembly, that he would dif- mifs his prefent Minifters. This was ren- dered fuperfluous, by the refignation of the new Minifters ; and it was announced to the
pleafure of fpeaking ; or rather, perhaps, it is the laft diflolution of Parliament which frightens you.
What happened in effect on that extraordinary occa- fion, when the King of England, fupported by a feeble minority, was not afraid to refiir. that formidable Na- tional Affembly, and to diflblve it. Inftantly the fan- taftic edifice of a coloflal oppofiticn was fhakenfrom its feeble foundation, and that greedy and factious coalition, which threatened to carry all before it was crufhed. And what was the caufe of fo fudden a change ? Becaufc the People were of the King's opinion, and not of that of the Parliament. The head of the nation overcame that legiflative ariflocracy by a fimple appeal to the People — that People who never can have but one interefr, becaufc the public good is efTentially theirs. Thofe reprefenta- tives, clothed with invifible, almoft with dictatorial power, when they are the organs of the general will, are only a fet of impotent pigmies, when they dare to fubftitute their own private intereft and paflions in the place of the true object of their facred million.
Affembly
( 3S3 ) AfTembly at the fame time that the King had written to M. Necker, inviting him to return.
The fame deputation from the Electors at Paris to the National Aflembly at Verfailles, which had brought the requeft of the for- mer to addrefs the King on thofe fubjects, conveyed alfo their opinion that a perfonal vifit of the King to his faithful fubjects in the capital would be highly acceptable, and perhaps the moft expedient ftep he could poffibly take in the prefent circumftances. This was no part of their public miflion, but infinuated to the Deputies as their pri- vate fentiments, founded on the fufpicions which ftill remained on the minds of the citizens of intended mafTacres, and which this mark of confidence from their Monarch would tend to efface.
When this was mentioned to the King,
he refolved upon the meafure, notwithftand-
ing the condensation which it fpread over
A'a hii
( 354 )
his family, and the apprehenfions which he himfelf entertained for his own life. The news of this refolution was fent to Paris in the middle of the night.
The King left Verfailles on the morning of the 1 7th of July, with only one carriage befides that in which he was himfelf. He was attended by the Dukes of Villeroy and Vilquier, the Marfhal Beauveau, the Count d'Eftaing, and one or two other perfons of the Court. The militia of Verfailles accom- panied the carnages to Seve, where they were met by M. La Fayette, at the head of a large body of National Guards ; a party of cavalry headed the proceflion from Seve, followed by the French Guards with their cannon ; a deputation of the National Af- fembly in their robes alfo attended, and were followed by the Parifian National Guards. The proceflion was flow, and to the King would be the more gloomy that he no more heard the ancient cry of Vive
k
( 355 ) k Roil whereas that of Five la Nation ! was incefTantly fcreamed from all fides. That this did not happen by accident was evi- dent ; for men were heard admonifhing the people, Ne criez pas Five le Roi. There are many reafons for believing that the King's journey to Paris and his reception there were planned by a few who had influence in the Committee at Paris as well as in the AfTembly, with a view to ftrike him with terror, and bend his fpirit to an acquiefcence in their future projects. It is not therefore furprifmg that he looked pale, melancholy, and with difquietude. He was met at the barrier by the Mayor, who prefenting him with the keys of the city informed him that they were the iden- tical keys which had been prefented to Henry IV. obferving at the fame time, in language more quaint than flattering, that Henry had re-conquered his People, whereas in the prefent inflance the People had re-con" A a 2 quered
( 3S<5 ) quered their King. He told the King alio, what he might other wife not have believed, that this was a very glorious day for the French Monarchy ; and added, what might have occurred to him without being told, that it was a day which it was not likely his Majefty would ever forget. — Whatever the King's thoughts were, he faid nothing.
Finding himfelf equally embarraffed to anfwer all the fine fpeeches which were ad- dreifed to him on his arrival at the Hotel de Ville, his Majefty obferved nearly the fame filence there.
Indeed it was impoflible for him to afTent to all that was expreffed or implied in the different harangues on this occafion. In one, the truth of the bloody defigns againft the city of Paris, of which the Court was accufed, was ftrongly infinuated ; in another, it was propofed to raife a monument to Lewis XVI. as the overthrower of the Baf~ tile, and the reftorer of Liberty.
M. de
( 357 )
M. de Lally-Tolendal, who certainly was not of the number of thofe faid to have plan- ned the King's vifit to Paris for the purpole above mentioned, expreffed himfelf in lan- guage dictated equally by the fpirit of loy- alty and of freedom ; obferving " that the King himfelf was defirous that the Repre- fentatives of the Nation mould fhare with him his authority, as he wifhed to referve in his own hands no more than was neceffary for the happinefs of the People, and which their intereft required mould always belong to the Crown." And afterwards addrefling the King, he faid, " II n'eft pas ici un feul homme qui ne foit pret a verfer pour vous, pour voire autoiriU legitime, jufqu'a la der- niere goutte de fon fang*."
Unfortunately for the French nation, as
* There is not a fingle perfon here prefent, who is not ready to fhed, for your Majefty and your legal au- thority, the very lad drop of his blood.
A a 3 well
( 358 )
■well as for the Monarch, fucceeding events have not confirmed what an ardent defire that it were the cafe prompted M. de Lally to alTert.
M. Bailly, the Mayor, having prefented the national cockade to the King, who ap- peared at the window with it attached to his hat, the populace in the fquare fhouted ; — the cry oiVlve le Rot I was then heard for the firft time that day, and refounded through the Itreets as the King returned from the Town-houfe to Verfailles, where he was expected with fearful inquietude by the Queen and all his family.
The joy which the Parifians manxfefted after the King appeared with the national cockade, and their behaviour when he de- parted from Paris, have been thus defcribed 2 " Le depart du Roi fut un vrai triomphe. LesParifiens etoient ivres de Jeur amour pour lui ; fa voiture etoit entouree de citoyens de tcutes les claries ; les uns etoient derriere la
carroiTe,
( 359 ) carrofle, ceux-ci a la portiere, d'autres fur le liege du cocher, il y en avoit jufques fur l'imperiale *."
If the Parifians were intoxicated with love at this particular time, it muft be acknow- ledged that they were intoxicated with rage foon after ; for it feems to be in their na- ture to be always intoxicated with fome- thing or other.
The members of the new Aiminiftration which had been fo fuddenly and imprudent- ly formed, fenfible of the quick tranfitions to which the French populace are liable, an,d by no means certain that they would be fatisfied with their reiignatiou, refolved to withdraw from the kingdom. The Count
* The Parifians were ^uite intoxicated with love for
the King. His coach was furrounded with citizens of
all clafles ; fome were mounted behind the coach ; fome
before and fome on the coach box ; there were even a few on the very top.
A a 4 d'Artois
( 3^° )
d'Artois with his family, the Princes of Conde and of Conti, with many of the No- bility, did the fame.
M. Foulon, who in the formation of the late Miniftry had been placed in the War Department as an affiftant to M. de Broglio, was not fo fortunate as to efcape out of France. Senfible of the people's prejudice againft him, he kept himfelf concealed, and caufed the report of his death to be fpread abroad. He was difcovered by the peafants while he was under hiding at a country- houfe near Paris. Some of the enemies of this unhappy man had circulated the incre- dible ftory, that he had often declared, that, if he mould ever be Minifler, he would make the people live on hay. The furcfl way of gaining the belief of the populace is to fpeak to their paffions. This abfurd expreflion was repeated by every mouth ; and it kindled the more refentment in the
breads
( 3«' )
breafts of the rabble at this time, becaufe many of them actually experienced hunger from the exifting fcarcity.
The cruelties which thofe peafantSj and fome of the populace of Paris, committed on M. Foulon and his fon-in-law M. Ber- thier, in fpite of all the efforts of the Mayor of Paris and the Commander of the National Guards to prevent them, are fhocking to humanity, and difgufting to narrate.
M, de Fleffelles, at that time the chief Magiftrate of Paris, was aflalTinated as he re- tired acrofs the fquare from the Hotel de Ville. This murder was in confequence of a letter from him faid to have been found in the pocket of De Launay. As the ori- ginal letter never was produced, the report was probably a calumny invented by fome enemy to deftroy the man. For, at this pe* riod of anarchy, the credulity of the Pari^ fians in giving belief to every calumny
however
( 362 )
however abfurd, could only be equalled by their cruelty.
It was with difficulty that the wretched Invalides, who had been brought prifoners from the Baftile to the Town-houfe, were faved from the fury of the rabble, who wifhed to maflacre them in cold blood in the fquare. They owed their preferva- tion to the French foot guards, to whom the reduction of the Baftile was chiefly owing, and to M. Elie who led them on. Thofe brave men could not bear that their victory fhould be difgraced by fuch an act of cowardly cruelty, and requefted of the multitude an amnefly to the prifoners as the moft defirable reward they could receive for their own conduct.
It has been faid, that the populace of Paris have become fanguinary and cruel by being familiarized to fcenes of blood ; but the circumftances of wanton barbarity with
which
C 363 )
which the murders of Meffrs. Foulon and Kerthier were accompanied took place at the beginning of the Revolution, and they have not been furpafied by any that have hap- pened fince : indeed it is almoft. impoffible they could.
Ic is well known, that profligacy and wickednefs of every fort are puihed greater lengths in capitals, where vaft numbers of mankind are affembled, than in the provin- ces. Paris has been long thought a place of greater profligacy than any other capital in Europe. At London the induftry of the city ferves as fome check to the diffipation of Weftminfter. The other capital cities in Europe are fmaller and poorer. Paris, although not fo large nor fo rich as London, was more luxurious ; becaufe, on account of the univerfality of the French language, the general imitation of French manners, and other reafons, it was not only the capital of France but in feme degree of all Europe,
and
( 3^4 )
and was much more frequented by the rich and diffipated from every country than London ever was. At Paris, pleafure was not only to be had on eafier terms, but was alfo ferved up more to the tafte of foreign- ers in general than at London. There is a greater refort of induftrious ftrangers to the latter, becaufe of a more extenlive field for induftry ; but undoubtedly a greater num- ber of gamefters, {harpers, and adventurers of every denomination, from the different countries of Europe, were to be found at Paris than in any other town in the world. Such men became the ready agents ofthofe who had the moft criminal views in the pro- grefs of the Revolution, and pufhed the Pari- fians to a greater degree of violence againft royalty than was fhewn by the generality of the provinces ; although it is evident that the former had a greater intereft in the pre- iervation of it. The city of Paris owes its moft admired ornaments, fome peculiar
rights,
{ 3$5 ) rights, and a great part of its wealth, to the favour of the Monarchs and to the neighbourhood of the Court, and unquef- tionably will lofe more by the continuation of the republican form of government than any part of France.
In the account of thefe exceiTes tranfmit- ted to the provinces, their caufe was always affigned to a dreadful confpiracy againft the National Aflembly and the National Free- dom, which had been carried on by the Court and a part of the Nobles. This account was induftrioufly fpread, and occafioned fimilar exceiTes in various provinces of France. Thofe of whom the Municipal Councils were compofed being accufed of favouring the old government, new Common Councils were appointed in many of the towns, con- futing of men fuppofed to be of the mod patriotic principles. The peafantry rofe againft certain unpopular Noblemen, burned their caftles, obliged them to fly for their 5 lives,
( 3^ )
lives, and a general rage againft the No- blefTe feemed to fpread all over the king- dom.
This proceeded, no doubt, in a confi- derable degree from the inferior order of people becoming more and more licentious by impunity and the hopes of pillage ; but its becoming fo univerfal forms a flrong prefumption alfo of a fenfe of oppreflion and ill ufage received by the peafants from their lords.
It is moll fervently to be hoped, that, in Great Britain, Government will always have fufficient energy to maintain the laws in force, and equally to protect the high from the feditious violence of the low, and the low from the infolent oppreflion of the high : but if, from whatever caufe, this ifiand were fubjecled to fome political con- vulfion, and the populace excited againft the higher orders of fociety, I am perfuaded that the Nobility and Gentry of England,
fo
( 3^7 )
fo far from being attacked with peculiar rancour by the peafantry of their own eftates, would in general be protected and defended bv them.
The yeomanry of England are a clafs of men, to which no other country has any thing exactly fimilar. The farmers of land love and refpect the Country Gentlemen and Nobility of Great Britain, and have more reafon to do fo than the fame fet of , men in any other nation. What is this owing to ? In Great Britain popularity is of more confequence to a Gentleman or Nobleman than it was in France before the Revolution, or is at prdent in Germany and other European countries. There are many, no doubt, who would (hew attention and hofpitality to their neighbours in the lower ranks of life, from the mere fentiments of benevolence and generofity ; but it has been obferved, that nothing has more influence in keeping thofe fentiments alive in the bofoms
3 °?
( 36S )
of the great, than their having fomethingto aik or expert from the favour of the little. This is the cafe in England, at leaft once in feven years. The love and attachment of the county in which he lives is not only foothing to the heart, but alfo worthy of the ambition of the greater! Nobleman of Great Britain. It increafes his political importance, whether he fupports or oppofes the meafures of Adminiftration. It is much to be feared, that thofe are apt to neglect and even defpife the people, who think that they can do them neither good nor harm. The inferior orders in France had been long in this ftate of neglect and even contempt : when by the Revolution they found that this was no longer the cafe, they were fo impatient to prove it, that they began by doing mifchief to fhew that they were now of fome importance. Liberty would be a greater blefling to a people who have been long in fervitude, if it could be given by
degrees :
( 369 )
degrees : when it is obtained too fuddenly^ inftead of being falutary, it is fometimes noxious — like victuals ferved up in profu- fion to men half famifhed, the confequence of which is often furfeit, and fometimes death.
B b CHAP-
( 57° )
CHAPTER XIII.
M. Necker is recalled — tiis triumphant Re- ception at Paris — recommends a general Am- nejly — difpleafes the Seclions — Some Mem- bers of the Ajfembly blame the conduct ofM, Necker, who begins to lofe his Popularity — D {/orders all over France — 'The National Ajfembly greatly alarmed — Decrees of the fourth of Augujl — ^he Duke of Rochefou- cault — Sacrifices made by the Clergy,
1i If NECKER, who had left France in • obedience to the King's order on the i lth- of July, had patted by BrufTels, iand arrived at Bafle on his way to Coppet near Geneva. He there received the letters from the King and National Affembly, re- quefting his return to the fituation he had juft quitted in the Admin) Oration.
M, Necker
C 371 )
M. Necker has taken great pains to be confidered by the world in the light of a Philofopher as well as a Minifter of State. It is fortunate for Philofophers, that they can do pretty well without being Minifters of State ; but it is very unfortunate for a Minifter of State not to be fomewhat of a Philofopher. It is probable that he will have frequent occafions for the exercife of philofophy during his adrniniftration, and he will Hand in need of a great deal of it, in cafe he mould be turned fuddenly out of it. After the univerfal obfequioufnefs to which Minifters have been accuftomed while in office, the wonderful alteration which they experience on their removal, however natural it may feem to the reft of the world, generally is fo fhoeking to them, that inftead of philofophers it is apt to make them mif- anthropes. There are, however, books in abundance in the library of every Minifter, tending to {hew the folly of ambition, the B b 2 inquietudes
( 372 )
inquietudes attending power, and how infi- nitely preferable a life of tranquillity and retirement is.
The love of power is perhaps more deep*- ly rooted in the heart of man than any of his affections, and often furvives them all : it is ftronger than friendfhip ; for we fee even thofe who are counted honed men abandon their friends to enjoy it : it is ftronger than hatred ; for we fee men con- ned: themfelves with their enemies for the fame purpofe. And we have been affured, that the friends of M.Necker endeavoured to confirm him in the resolution of retirement, by pointing out the danger of refuming his office among a people io unfetded and fo liable to excefTes as the French ; but not- withftanding all the remonftrances of his friends, and all his own philofophy, initead of proceeding to Coppet, he determined to return to Paris.
The figns of efteem and attachment
which
( 373 )
which were exhibited in every village and town through which he parTed in his way from Bade to Paris, the tranfports of joy which the Parifians manifested, and their acclamations on his entering their city, with the very honourable reception he met with from the National Aflembly, muft have been peculiarly gratifying, and no doubt render- ed him highly fatisfied with his determina- tion of returning ; which, however, he foon after had much reafoii to repent. M. Necker has been accufed of being too fond of the noify applaufe of the multitude. The vifit he made to the capital immediately after he had waited on the King and the National Aflembly has been imputed by many to a defire of prolonging the pleafure he took in hearing his own praife. But even the enemies of M. Necker allow, that he is a man of diftinguilhed humanity. His impa- tience to vifit Paris, therefore, may natu- rally be afflgned to the defire of faving the B b 3 life
( 374 )
life of M. Bezenval. As his intentions were known, he was waited for at the harrier by a multitude of the inhabitants; the ftreets and windows were crowded with admiring fpectators ; while his carriage was drawn to the Hotel de Ville, it was beheld with the fame appearance of refpect as the fhrine of Genevieve, the tutelar faint of Paris, was for- merly, when carried in procelTion through the ftreets. At the Hotel de Ville M. Necker was received by the Electors with every mark of profound refpecT: ; the populace from all parts of the city hurried to obtain a fight of the admired Minifter. He was re- quefled to appear at the balcony, to gratify the multitude which filled the Place de Greve ; and to render their gratification complete, his wife and daughter had the goodnefs to appear with him, one on the right, the other on the left. What render- ed this fublime fpedtacle entirely new, was, that a man and his wife were hardly ever
feen
( 375 )
leen in public together at Paris. It required a revolution in the State, and all M. Necker's popularity, to prevent an exhibition fo con- trary to eftabliihed manners from feeming ridiculous in the eyes of Parifians. So far from appearing ridiculous, M. Necker, although his wife was at his fide, was beheld by the people in the fquare with the moll: enthufiaftic admiration : His Hoii- nefs himfelf, when from the balcony of St. Peter's he pronounces his benediction on the adoring multitude beneath, was never more loudly and more perfeveringly ap- plauded.
After returning from the balcony to the hall, M. Necker's firft care was to inform the Eledtors, that on his way to Paris hav- ing heard that Baron de Bezenval, com- mander of the Swifs guards, had been arre fl- ed by the militia of Villenaux, he had written in the Baron's favour to the muni- cipal officers of that town ; but they had delayed fetting him at liberty without an B b 4 order
( 376 )
order from the permanent committee of the Hotel de Ville.
After relating thofe particulars, M.Necker gave the moft honourable teftimony regard- ing the character of M. Bezenval ; repre- fenting how unjuft it would appear in the eyes of all Europe to detain a meritorious officer as a prifoner, when he was on his way home by the leave of the King ; and entreated, that orders might be immedir ately fent for releafing him. Perceiving that his propofal was approved of, and that the audience were in a cheerful and humane difpofition, he proceeded in a pa- thetic and eloquent manner to lament the diforders which had already taken place, / and to recommend a general amnefty as the fureft means of reftoring tranquillity, and infinitely the greatefl mark of regard which could be (hewn to himfelf.
M. Necker's difcourfe was heard with
rapture. Orders were fent for the releafe
of M. Bezenval, and a general amnefty was
5 decreed^
( 377 )
decreed, par acclamation^ by the General Aflembly of the Electors.
M. Necker has been much cenfured for this part of his conduct. It has been faid, that the granting of pardon, whether gene- ral or particular, legally belonged to the King, and that to apply elfewhere to obtain it was affrontive to his authority. The an- fwer to this is, that the King at this period had no authority.
It has been alfo faid, that he ought to have made this application to the National Aflembly, as the next exifting power which could with any appearance of lawful autho- rity grant pardon or indemnity. The an- fwer to this fecond objection is, that M. Necker plainly faw that the Aflembly were at that time overawed by the decided and active meafures which had been taken by the Electors, and durft not then interfere; whereas the Aflembly of Electors having manifcfted the plenitude of their power in fo
many
( 378 )
many inftances, he was eager to make it fubfervient in this inftance to the caufe of humanity and mercy ; and it is to the ho- nour of M. Necker, that when he faw that the interefting objects he had in view were not to be obtained by regular means, he tried thofe means which he thought would fucceed, without regarding whether they were regular or not.
There were thofe prefent in the Hotel de Ville, who did not partake of the humane enthufiafm, were enemies of M. Necker, and who immediately difperfed themfelves among the diftricts, making an outcry againft the Council at the Hotel de Ville for having ordered the releafe of Bezenval, and for daring to fend a proclamation for general pardon and peace round to the dif- ferent municipalities. They attributed the propofal of M. Necker to an inclination to regain the favour of the Court, and of all the confpirators againft national freedom.
The
( 379 )
The agitation of the diftricts was fo fudden, and the popular fury became fo violent, that the Council at the Hotel de Ville retracted their meafures ; and the Committee of Elec- tors, which had been enabled to form an army of the turbulent citizens, fufficient to keep in check the regular troops which en- circled Paris, and to ftorm the Baftile, found itfelf unable to maintain one illegal act of humanity and compaflion.
One of the diftricts was fo much afraid that M. Bezenval would be fet free in con- fequence of the nrft order of the Electors, that they fent deputies to prevent it ; and other diitricts fent a deputation to the Na- tional AiTembly to complain of the conduct of the Electors, and to warn the AiTembly againft giving a fanction to it.
The National AiTembly were well pleafed to check the power of the AiTembly of Elec- tors, and would have been equally pleafed to have been able to oppofe that of thofe I which
( 3§o )
which fucceeded them in the capital, namely, that body which was called the Reprefenta- tive Body of the Commons of Paris ; but the latter they durft not venture to touch.
Meffrs. Mounier, Lally-Tolendal, Ma- louet, and others, men of probity, regret- ting that the act of the Electors had ever been called into queflion, were for declar- ing the general principle, that, without any regard to popular clamours, no perfon fhould be arretted without a pofitive accufation, and that Bezenval mould be directly fet at liberty.
Mirabeau, who knew that the releafe of M. Bezenval and the indemnity had been granted by the Electors to the general efteem for M. Necker, and in confequence of an eloquent and pathetic difcourfe pronounced by him at the Town-houfe, oppofed the re- leafe of M. Bezenval and the decree of am- nefty. His motive is generally attributed to jcaloufy of M. Necker's popularity, and
' a ftrong
( 38. )
a ftrong inclination to render him fufpetted by or indifferent to the people ; in which he foon after fucceeded. " Nous-memes n'avons pas 3e droit de prononcer une amniftie," faid he. " Le pouvoir de faire grace, tant qu'il exifte, reiide eminemment dans la per- fonne duMonarque : je dis, tant qu'il exifte; parce que c'eft une grande queftion que de determiner ii ce pouvoir de faire grace peut exifter, dans quelles mains il refidera s'il exifte, et fi les crimes contre les nations devroient jamais etre remis, <Scc.*"
Mirabeau was not naturally an inhuman or blood-thirfty man : but on this occafion
* We ourfelves have not the right to pronounce an amnefty: the power of pardoning, while it fhail exift, belongs to the King alone : I fay, while it fhall exift; beeaufe it is a matter of great importance to decide, whether this power of pardoning ought to exift, in whofe hands it ought to be placed if allowed to exift, and whether crimes againft nations ought ever to be forgiven.
he
( 38* )
he mewed himfelf a man of violent paflions and of unjuftifiable refentment ; for in all probability it was merely to mortify one who had neglected him, and of whofe po- pularity he was jealous, that he fpoke againft the pardon of a man he could not think guilty of any crime, and againft a general indemnity, which, whether properly order- ed or not, he knew to be highly expedient
Roberfpierre, who was little known at this period, betrayed fomewhat of that cruel and unrelenting fpirit which fince has fpread fuch dread and horror all over France, by fpeaking on this occafion againft pardon or amnefty. He feems alfo to have feized fome of the hints thrown out by Mirabeau, and to have made ufe of them long after- wards as the foundation of part of his rea- foning in the procefs againft the King.
The AiTembly determined that a Com- mittee fhould be appointed to examine into the accufations ; but being fenfible, that, if
M. Bezenval
( 3^3 )
M. Bezenval were concluded to Paris, all their authority could not protect him from the rage of the populace, they ordered that he mould be carried to a caftle of fome ftrength near the place where he had been arretted, and there guarded till his trial.
Thus the earned: wifhes of M. Necker were crofied and defeated when he feemed to be at the height of popularity, by the very people of whofe applaufe he was fo fond ; and he had now reafon to be convin- ced, that, whatever their regard and admira- tion of him might be, their thirft of blood, and rancour againft thofe whom they ccn- fidered as their enemie,0, was ftronger. Any pleafure which he may have derived from the contemplation that he poflefied the afFedlion of fuch people, mult have been mightily diminiiTied after he made this difcovery.
In his letter to the Secretary of the Com- mon Council of Paris, who flrft informed him of the fudden turn which had hap- pened,
( 3§4 )
pened, M. Necker exprerTes himfelf in the following words : " J'ai re9U la trifle nou- velle que vous m'avez fait l'honneur de me communiquer. J'en rendrai compte au Roi. Mon bonheur ria guere dure *."
What fhews of how very little import- ance the King was already become in the eyes of all parties is, that the mention made of him in this letter is the only notice that feems to have been taken of him in this whole tranfaction. An officer is arrefted by the militia of a provincial town, as he is on his way to his native country: the King's Minifter, returning at the call of the Nation to the capital, declares that the officer had his Majefty's permiffion, and requires of the municipality to allow him to proceed : they refufe until they mall receive orders
* I have received the fad news you did me the ho- nour to tranfmit to me. I (hall communicate them to the King. My happinefs has not been of long duration.
from
( 385") from a Committee at Paris : the Minifter afterwards applies for the fame purpofe to this Committee : but no more notice is taken of the King, than if he had not been in exiflence.
In fad, the King was already deprived of all authority, and what he had afterwards was no longer confidered as an effential pre-' rogative of the Crown, but a gift of the National Affembly. And it foon afterwards appeared, that the Affembly were not able to maintain him even in the exercife of that mare of power which they placed in his hands: for when, inftead of an abfolute veto on their decrees, the National Affem- bly refolved that the King fhould only have a fufpending one, it was found that he could not make life of it without raifing a violent clamour, and expofing himfelf and his fa- mily to the outrages of the mob.
The vindictive difpofition and excefles of
the Parifian populace were to be regretted
Cc not
( 3§6 J
not Only On account of their effects at Paris, but alfo on account of the example thereby given to the lower orders, and particularly the tenants of land, and the peafantry, all over France, among whom great diforders continued after fome appearance of regula- rity had taken place in the capital. It will be naturally imagined, that many took advan- tage of the general confufed ftate of the country, and? made it a pretence for refus- ing to pay the taxes to Government, and even the rents due to their landlords. Com- plaints of this were frequently made to the Aflembly, who thought proper to refer them to a Committee, wThich was directed to make a report and fuggeft a remedy for fo dan- gerous an evil.
The remedy which the Committee re- commended was, that the Aflfembly mould publifh a folemn Declaration of their entirely difapproving of the unlawful practice of re- fufing to pay taxes and rents, and advifing 6 all
( $7 )
all perfons concerned to pay them regular- ly for the future. It is furprifing that this Committee, when they were recommending fuch efficacious means for putting a (lop to unlawful practices, did not recommend at the fame time a folemn proclamation againft the unlawful practice of fornication, which is of flill longer (landing, and had as good a chance of being put an end to by a pro- clamation.
It would appear that the meafure adopt- ed had entirely failed ; for while the Na- tional AfTembly were occupied at Verfailles in framing that bill of rights which they intended as the foundation of their new Conflitution, accounts came from all quar- ters, that the fpirit of revolt feemed to in- creafe inftead of diminifhing in the pro- vinces ; that to a refufal of paying taxes and rents many inflances of pillaging, robbery, and houfe- breaking, were added ; that the Nobility in particular were expofed to thefe C c a depre*
( 388 )
depredations; that many of their family feats had been plundered and demolifhed, and in fome cafes their wives and children abufed and infulted in the groffeft manner. As almoft all the proprietors of land in the AfTembly, and the other mod refpectable Deputies, received accounts to the fame effect, they made a deep impreffion and fpread a great alarm. Many letters of this nature were received on the fourth of Au- guft. When the Aflembly met in the even- ing, flrong fymptoms of vexation, anxiety, and terror, were vifible in the countenances of the members, particularly thofe belong- ing to the two flrft orders, who feemed now convinced of the neceffity of uniting with- out referve with the third, as the only means of preferving their property and fecuring their families from infult.
The extraordinary impreflions with which
the Deputies were fo feverely and fo fud-
denly affeded, produced confequences as
i extra-
( 339 )
extraordinary and as fuddexi. While every one feemed engroffed with his own feelings, and waited to hear what might be propofedby fome other, the Vifcount de Noailles opened the fcene by afferting, that the people were driven to thofe excelTes by the accumulation and weight of the burdens under which they laboured ; that they were become de- fperate by the exa&ion of taxes which they could not pay, and feudal fervices above their flrength ; that it was now become as neceflary for the fafety ""of the rich as for the relief of the poor, that many fources of op- preffion mould be immediately abolimed, left the country people mould proceed far- ther lengths than they had hitherto done, and take upon themfelves the tafk of doing themfelves juftice. He then enlarged on the glory which the Nobility would derive from facrificing private intereft and import- ance to the public good ; and concluded by moving, that thofe fources of tyranny and Cc3 injuftice
( -39° )
injuflice mould be abolifhed 5 that all public charges mould be equally fupported by the whole community, and all taxes levied in proportion to the income of each indU vidual ; that all feudal claims mould be re- deemable at a fair valuation ; that eorvees, and all rights of the lords to the perfonal fervices of the peafantry, mould be entirely abolifhed, and other grievances, under which the people fuffered, alleviated.
The Vifcount de Noailles' motion was fe- conded by the Duke d'Aiguillon, who made another tending to the fame purpofe, which created more furprife than the former, on account of the Duke's ample eflate and ex- tenfive royalties, which rendered his facri- fices greater, although his patriotifm was perhaps only equal to that of the Vifcount.
When certain ancient feudal claims, which are indecent in themfelves, and degrading to humanity, were begun to be enumerated, a cry of horror burft from the audience, and
prevented
( 39* )
prevented the Deputy from proceeding. This circumftance, however, increafed the enthufiafm for reformation which animated the AfTembly. And the bright examples of the noble Vifcount and Duke above men- tioned, joined to the thundering applaufe with which their propofals were heard, ex- cited great emulation. The virtues of felf- denial and patriotifm became fo precious in the eyes of fome who had never before feemed to put any great value upon them, that hardly any facrifice was thought too dear for the purchafe cf even the reputation of poflefling them, which was bid for on this occafion, like a valuable ftatue or pic- ture at an auction, with an ardour which drew frefh applaufe, excited frefh emula- tion, and made the Nobles outbid each other in a manner that aftonifhed the gal- leries, and delighted the Commons, who, having no facrifices to make, could not enter into the competition.
C c 4 Some
( 392 )
Some of the Nobles, however, were pro- voked at certain facrifices which affected themfelves more than the propofers, and in revenge they moved for different facrifices which affected the others more tiian them- felves. This kind of retaliation is not un- natural to lofty minds, if Homer was a judge of nature : " If I am to be deprived of my miftrefs," faid Agamemnon to Achilles," you fhall be deprived of yours alfo." In what other particulars the Nobles in queftion re- fembled the Greek heroes, I know not ; but it is faid that to the heat raifed by this col- lifion of emulation, patriotifm, and revenge, the heat and expanfion of heart produced by wine were added — fo that on the whole more was obtained for the people at this one fitting after dinner, than the molt fanguine reformer had expected in many days.
The Deputies of certain provinces which enjoyed peculiar privileges, took upon them- felves, without inflructions from their con-
flituents,
( 393 )
ftituents, to propofe, that the charters and franchifes of thefe provinces mould be added to the facrifices of this memorable night.
Tbe Clergy had hitherto remained afto- nifhed and filent fpectators of a fcene fo awful and unexpected ; and a motion hav- ing been made to put an end to the meeting, the Prefident was proceeding accordingly, when fuddenly he made a paufe, and re- proached himfelf for want of attention in being about " prematurely to clofe the meeting before any of the venerable body of the Clergy, ever fympathifing with the dif. trelTes of the people, had declared their fen- timents on fo interefting a fubjedt."
There was no evading this apoftrophe. The Bifhops of Nancy and Chartres fpoke in the name of their brethren. The firft not only approved of a motion which had been made that the feudal rights, and all other jurifdictions of lords of manors efta- blifhed in the fame manner, fhould be
abolifhed ;
( 394 )
abolifhed ; but he propofed befides, that the price of the ranfom of ecclehaftical feudali- ties mould be applied to the relief of the poorer part of tb,e ecclefiaftical body, and not to the profit of the actual incumbent.
The Bifhop of Chartres, after infifting on the injuflice of the game laws, and painting in glowing colours the cruelty of obliging the poor farmer to be the paffive witnefs of ravages on his property, propofed the fuppreflion of thofe laws and all the pretended rights of the chace.
The exclufive rights of fifheries, to war- rens, and to dovecots, all of which con fi- derably affected the revenue' of the Clergy, were alfo abolifhed ; and fome Dignitaries of the Church, who poffeffed more benefices than one, declared that they were refolved to limit themfelves to a fingle one.
The Duke de la Rochefoucault, who was a friend to liberty and had promoted the Re- volution, was however no republican, but a
well-
( 395 )
well-wifher to monarchy, and perfonally at- tached to the King, took this opportunity of doing honour to the Monarch he loved, by reminding the Affembly that his Majefty had anticipated one of their decrees, by hav- ing already given freedom to all the ferfs in his own demefnes ; and the Duke at the fame time did honour to his own heart, by expreffing a wifh that before the end of the feflions the ArTembly would take into conli- deration the deplorable condition of the Negroes in their colonies.
How came this enthufiaftic friend of freedom to prefer a monarchical form of government to a republican ? Not furely for the fake of the monarch or his family. Were it even clear that royalty conveyed happinefs, he could not have preferred the happinefs of a fingle family to that of the millions who inhabit France. No ; it mufi: have been from a conviction that a well re- gulated hereditary monarchy would be more
conducive
( 396 )
conducive to the happinefs ©f thofe millions than a republic. The proofs which expe- rience has afforded of the truth of that opinion are the only right which Kings have to their crowns ; a good King would not wifh for a ftronger ; a wife one could hardly believe they ever had any other.
It would have been fortunate for the
French nation, that they had adhered to
this opinion of the Duke de Rochefoucault.
They have thought otherwife ; it is their
affair. Perhaps they may come of them-
felves to alter their way of thinking on that
fubject ; which is certainly moft likely to
happen when no attempt is made to force
them to it ; but mould they endeavour to
turn monarchies into republics, or mould
monarchies endeavour to force republics to
affume a monarchical form of government,
there can be no tranquillity or happinefs in
Europe. If indeed it had been ufual for the
different nations of Europe to manifeft a dif-
interefled
( 397 )
interefted regard for the profperity of each other ; if there were many proofs recorded in hiftory, that, fo far from taking advan- tage of the accidental diftrefTes or calamities in which any of them were involved, the others had {hewn a readinefs to relieve their unfortunate neighbours, and to extricate them from their difficulties ; then indeed the cafe would be different : but as there are not many inftances of this nature on record, it is not furprifmg that the French mould not confider the hints they have received from their neighbours to renounce the republican and refume their old form of government, as proofs of good will, or that they hefitate a little before they determine to take them. To return to the National AfTembly : — ■ In commemoration of the facrifices made, this famous fitting concluded with a decree conferring the title of Reftorcr of French Liberty on the King ; and a deputation was appointed to inform him of this, and to re*
queft
( 398 )
queft his prefence at a Te Deum to be cele- brated throughout the kingdom; which ceremony was performed accordingly, at- tended by the King and the whole Aflembly.
The Third Order were fo expreflive of their admiration of the generofity and felf- denial that appeared in the conduct of the Nobility and Clergy, that it might have been expected they would have tried to check an enthufiafm which, if carried far- ther, might prove too injurious to thofe two orders ; and this was the more to be ex- pected from men of candour and equity, as mod of the Deputies of the Tiers-Etat could not imitate the other two orders in making fuch facrifices, and were little affected, in point of intereft, by thofe which had been propofed.
It appears, however, that the Commons .did not labour under any delicate diftrefs of this kind; for the Committee appointed tv reduce the various propofals that had
been
( 399 )
been made Into the form of a law, included the tithes as a feudal vafialage or tax levied on the lands, which had never entered into the minds of the Clergy, who conficlered ecclefiaftical tithes as a rent-charge for the maintenance of the Church, for which a proper allowance had been made to the actual proprietors in the purchafe of their eftates ; and therefore they imagined that the Legiflature could not without injuftice transfer this from them, whofe property it was, to the landlords, who had no claim to it. This article being ftrongly and juftly ob- jected to, produced feveral warm debates, in which the Abbe Sieyes made the mod con- fpicuous figure, defending the rights of the Church, and proving -the injuftice of Hop- ping the Clergy in this arbitraiy manner. The Abbe was not liftened to on this occa- fion with that attention which had been ufually paid to him, and which the ftrength
of
( 400 ) of his reafoning deferved. He pleaded the caufe of the Church on the principles of plain good fenfe and equity, without calling the afliftance of fophiftry, or giving the leaft hint of the divine right of tithes. Had the Abbe been inclined to make ufe of them, he knew that no arguments de- rived from fuperftition could have weight with his prefent audience ; he found that thofe founded on juftice had as little.
The impatience of the audience during the Abbe's reafoning did not arife from any eagernefs to anfwer his arguments ; it was the impatience which men predetermined to be unjuft feel on hearing their injus- tice made manifeft. He concluded one of his fpeeches by obferving, that " if they wifhed to be free^ they mould begin by beings."
A country vicar, perceiving that the un- anfwerable difcourfes of the Abbe produced
no
( 40i )
no effect:, with great vehemence addreffed the Commons in thefe words : <c Was it to plunder us that you invited us to join you in the name of the God of Peace .?"
The Nobles were as unrelenting as the Commons. They feemed to have been ac- tuated in fome degree by refentment againft the Clergy for having abandoned them on the important queftion of the manner of voting ; and the ungrateful return which the Clergy now met with from the Commons, it is probable* was more fenfibly felt by them than the retaliation of the Nobles. But the Nobles acted very unwifely in indulging their refentment in this manner. Many of the greateft mifchiefs in fociety fpring from the fecret fatisfa&ion which one clafs of men fometimes take, or the indifference at leaft which they feel when the rights of another clafs is attacked ; without consider- ing, that the moment a law is pafled which
Dd is
( 4^2 )
is oppreflive on any fet of men, a fource of oppreffion is opened againft every fet of men. Even thofe, therefore, who refpect no man's rights but their own, are ftrongly interefted to forget private refentment, and to defend the rights of all their neighbours.
The cooled heads among the Clergy, perceiving that the Nobles and Commons were united againft them, and thinking that longer refiftance would only ferve to irritate thofe on whom they and their bre- thren muft at laft rely for fupport, deter- mined to fubmit with the bell grace they could.
The Archbifhop of Paris, when the con- teft was at the warmeft and the noife at the height, arofe and declared in the name of his brethren, that their only anxiety was that divine worfhip might continue to be celebrated with dignity ; that the gofpel might be preached by virtuous and well in-
ftructed
( 403 ) ftru£ted clergymen ; that the poor might be relieved and fuccoured ; and mould thefe purpofes be effected, that they would refign the whole of their tithes into the hands of the nation, and for their own future fuppOrt truft entirely to the juftice of their country.
As the Archbifhop continued his dif- courfe, and the purport of it opened upon the audience, the bluftering of the conteft which had fo long prevailed in the hall gradually abated, and the noife at laft fub- fided into a general whifper of fatisfaction, as a ftorm fubfides at the appearance of the twin ftars —
Defluit faxis agitatus humor ; Concidunt venti, fugiuntque nubes,
Et minax ponto
Unda recumbit.
Some of the people in the galleries, after
remaining a few moments filent and mo-
tionlefs, clapped their hands in applaufe of
D d 2 the
( 4°4 )
the great facrifice which the Clergy had of- fered ; but the generality of the Affembly, confidering it as a conftrained and not a free-will offering, while they rejoiced at the facrifice, derided the facrificers.
CHAP-
( 4°5 )
CHAPTER XIV.
Reflexions on the Cruelty to which the Clergy were fubjecled — On the Power to be given to the King — 'The Projecl of two Chambers — The Galleries of the National Affembly — Manoeuvres refpe cling the Audience — AFeaJl given by the Gardes-du-Corps to the Regi- ment of Flanders at Ver failles — The National Affembly d'fpleafed with the King s Anfwer to their Addrefs — The Tranfaclions of the Entertainment mifreprefetited — Infurreblion at Paris — M. La Fayette endeavours to quell it, without Effecl— Thefirfl Conductors of the Revolution jujlified — M. La Fayette marches with 20,000 Men to Verfailles.
THE National Affembly have treated the Clergy of France fomething in the fame cruel manner that the Roman D d 3 Senate
( 406 )
Senate behaved in the third Punic war tq the Carthaginians.
When the Carthaginians heard of the hoftile preparations of the Romans, con- fcious of their own weaknefs, they declar- ed themfelves willing to fubmit to the dis- cretion of the Roman people, and to the terms of peace they fhould exact. The Se- nate applauded their prudence, and required hcftages as pledges of their fidelity. The hoRages were lent. The Roman Conful, who was at Utica with his army, then re- quired, in the name of the Senate, that the Carthaginians fhould deliver up their arms and warlike flores ; fuch things being ufe- lefs to a people now under the protection of the Roman republic. The MagiArates of Carthage were mocked at the rigour of this demand : after fome hefitation, however, they acquiefced, faying they had an un- bounded confidence in the juflice of the Se- nate, The Gonful, after highly praifmg their
conduct.
( 4°7 )
conduct, informed them that they muft abandon Carthage, which it was the plea- fure of the Senate mould be destroyed.
With fimilar perfidy the Clergy of France were allured to join in the Revolution, to make many facriftces in the hopes of being protected in the poiTeffion of what remain- ed, and then obliged to rely on the juftice of the AfTembly, which (tripped them of the whole, except on conditions which their confeiences prevented many of them from agreeing to. This refufal being reprefented as a crime, the unhappy Clergy have at va- rious periods been perfecuted and maffacred, all over the nation. The moft (biking dif- ference between the cafes is, that thofe whom the Romans treated in this perfi- dious and cruel manner had been for ages their ancient and inveterate enemies; whereas thofe whom the National Affembly treated thus unjuftly were their own countrymen, and that part cf their countrymen whofe D d 4 peculiar
( 408 )
peculiar duty it was to teach benevolence and good will towards mankind.
One of the moft important queflions that was agitated by the National Aflembly, while they were employed in forming the Conftitution, regarded the degree of power to be placed in the hands of the King, and particularly whether his confent mould be made neceflary for giving the force of law to the decrees of the Aflembly. The Latin word veto, of which the Tribunes of the Roman People made ufe when they gave a negative to a law, was adopted on this occa- fion to exprefs the King's negative. The debates on this fubject continued from the end of Auguft till the middle of September, were carried on with extraordinary heat, and created a divifion in the Aflembly, which has continued through fubfequent legislatures with augmenting hatred.
On this matter there were three opinions.
I. That the decrees of the Aflembly
mould
( 4°9 )
fhould be law, without any fancYion from the King.
2. That the King fhould have an abfo- lute negative on all decrees.
3. That the King's negative fhould not be abfolute, but only fufpenfive.
During the debates on this fubjecl: it ap- peared, that the majority of the members were fo apprehenfive of a return of the old tyranny, that they overlooked many other dangers. They were fo folicitous to fecure the legiflative power from the attempts of the executive, that they feem to have for- gotten that it was a monarchical conftitu- tion which they had profeffed to eflablim ; and weakened the executive power to fuch a degree as ahnoft to render it ufelefs ; — the confequence of which has been, that, in the progrefs of the Revolution, the ArTembly itfelf has been infulted in the grofleft man- ner, and the monarchy overturned.
JVlirabeau, who wifhed to preferve the
monarchy
( 4'o )
monarchy while he laboured to give free- dom to his country, endeavoured to fhew, that giving an abfolute veto to the King tended to both thofe purpofes; that it would prove a check alio to crude and precipitate decrees, and might on fome future occafion prevent an ambitious majority from tyran- nizing over, perhaps expelling, the mem- bers who oppofed them, and forming at laft an odious and defpotic ariftocracy with the name of a republic.
All Mirabeau's eloquence in fupport of the abfolute veto proved ineffectual within the Affembly ; and without doors the preju- dice againft it wras full greater. The open and unreftrained difcufhon of a political queftion was ftili a new enjoyment in France, and on the prefent occafion was purfued with all that ardour which new pleafures generally excite in that country. Very few underftood what the word meant, or ever troubled themfelves to enquire ; yet 3 men,
( 4^ )
men, women, and children, although accord* ing to the cuftom of the country eternally fpeaking, fpoke of nothing, during feveral weeks, but the veto. In the fame manner as fome years ago, when the whole nation took a fancy to be eternally finging, they fang no other fong but Maibrouck. To ha- rangue againft the veto in public places be- came a mark of patriotifm ; lifts of the members who fpoke in its favour were handed about, and all thofe whofe names were in the lifts were execrated as traitors. In fhort, upon this as on many other occa- fions during the Revolution, a violent florm was raifed, and furious fpirits rode in the whirlwind and directed it.
The molt judicious as well as the moll eloquent members were for giving the King an abfolute negative en the decrees of the AfTembly. The majority, however, were fo much intimidated by the clamours with- out doors, that they adopted the fufpenfive
veto ;
( 4i2 )
veto ; decreeing that it mould continue in force for two fucceflive legiflatures ; but, if the third fhould approve of the fufpended decree, it fhould then become a law without the royal fanction.
This meafure, which was recommended by Necker and is praifed by Rabaud de Saint Etienne, did not fatisfy the King, and was fiill more difpleafing to the people, who per- ceived little or no difference between this and the abfolute veto. Mirabeau mewed more profound political knowledge than M. Necker or Rabaud, by placing him- felf among thole who fupported it ; and at the fame time he gave a proof that his love of popularity could not in a point fo material make him act contrary to his opi- nion. The idea, that giving to the King an abfolute veto on the acts of the Affembly would gradually bring back the old defpo- tifm was what influenced the Deputies who cppofed it. Mirabeau faw that other articles
in
( 4*3 )
in the Constitution would prevent fuch an effect, and that the fpirit of the times alone rendered it almoft impoffible. He probably alfo forefaw, that the fufpenfive veto would become a continual caufe of jealoufy and dif- cord between the King and the AfTembly. But even if this prerogative, which feems to have been highly neceflary, had been efta- blifhed in the Confdtution, ftill a prudent Minifter would not have advifed the King to make ufe of it, until the jealoufies of the people were diflipated, and the government regularly formed; and perhaps not even then, unlefs it was evident that the Monarch, in giving his negative to a decree of the AC- fembly, had a refpectable minority of the Affembly, and a very decided majority of the People at large, of his opinion. With all thefe precautions, the veto in particular in- ftances might ftill be erroneoufly given : the King, the minority of the Aflembly, and -the majority4fOf the Public, might be in the
wrong?
( 4H )
Wrongs and the majority of the AfTembly in the right : yet if the King's negative were never ufed except in fuch circumftances, it never could create jealoufy of the power of the Crown on the one hand, or fears for the freedom of the Nation on the other*
The lufpenfive veto became ? foon after the King's acceptance of the Conftitution, an object of jealoufy, and was no fooner made ufe of than it became the caufe, or was made the pretext, of the raoft fatal difcord.
The next important fubject of debate happened in confequence of a propofal made by M. de Lally-Tolendal in the name of the Commiffton of Conftitution, that the Legiflature fhould confift cf a lower and up- per houfe. According to the firft idea, the upper houfe was to be compofed of mem- bers chofen for life. M. Mcunier prefer- red their being chofen for feven years.
Thofe who had oppofed the veto were as violent againft the two chambers or houfes.
They
< 4J5 )
They dreaded that the influence of the Court would at fome time or other form the upper houfe of the higher Nobility, and render it hereditary. They endeavoured to ridicule the idea of a balance of power in the various branches of the Legislature ; and, {hutting their eyes to all the advantages of the Britifh Conftitution, they declaimed againft its abufes. Yet, if two houfes have been found beneficial in the Britifh Legisla- ture, and if two chambers of reprefentatives have been of ufe in the American, by af- fording time for reflection before decrees are finally parted ; fo far from oppofing their introduction, it might have been ex- pected of thofe members who were belt acquainted with the characters of French- men, that, inftead of two chambers, they would have tried to eftablifh three in the new Conftitution of France : but two at leaft were highly neceifary, as they would not only have been of fervice in preventing
intemperate
( 4«6 )
intemperate decifions and indigefted decrees, but in precluding in a great meafure, if not altogether, the necefnty of the King's hav- ing recourfe to his veto.
Perhaps this propofal of the two cham- bers might have been carried, had it not met with ftrong oppofition from a quarter where it was leaft expected -s for many of the Nobles themfelves were againft an upper chamber ; and for various reafons, arifing, as was fufpected, from their different filia- tions and views. From the fuperabundant NoblefTe of France, only a fmall portion could be chofen to form an upper chamber. Many of thofe who faw but little probabi- lity of their being of the number, could not bear that others, whom they confidered on a level with, or perhaps inferior, to themfelves, but who had a better chance of being placed in the upper chamber, mould obtain that advantage over them ; and therefore were againft the meafure. Some imagined that
5 the
( 4i7 )
the forty-feven members who had firft joined the Tiers-Etat would he firft promoted ; and it filled them with indignation to think that men whom they looked on as little better than traitors, many of them of the lower! clafs of Nobleffe, mould, as a reward for betraying its caufe, be placed at the head of the order. It is alfo believed* that the propofal of two chambers was oppofed by fome of the higher orders who were ene- mies to the Revolution in any form, and thought that fuch a regulation would give {lability to it, and prevent that difcord, pre- cipitancy, and anarchy, of which they faw the feeds in the prefent Affembly* and from which they augured its fpeedy overthrow, and the reftoration of a government more to their tafte.
The project of the two chambers being clifliked by the public in general, and con- fidered by many of the Deputies of the Third Order as a plan calculated for railing a favoured portion of the NoblefTe above the E t other
( 4>8 )
6ther members of theNationalA{Tembly,an<i forming a new and more important fpecies of Peerage ; and as it was not fupported by the whole body of the Noblefle themfelves* and oppofed by feveral of them, it is not furprifing that the motion was loft by a great majority.
The notion that an Upper Chamber, by creating a more important fpecies of arillo- cracy though lefs numerous than what ex- ifted formerly in France, would have proved deftructive to freedom, feems erroneous ; but the objection might have been eafily obviated, by electing the Upper Chamber not from the NoblefTe alone, but promifcu* oufly from the general body of Deputies without regard to birth; to be continued, ac- cording to M. Mounier's propofal, only for. feven years, or fome other limited term ; to confift of not more than a fourth or fifth of the general Aflembly of Reprefentatives, and of members of a more advanced age than was requifite for being chofen of the Lower
AfFemblyo
( 4*9 )
Affembly. This, or fome contrivance to produce delay and re-confideration,was affu- redly highly requifite in a numerous affem- bly of Frenchmen, moft of them inexperi- enced in political fcience, novices in the bufinefs of legiflation, impetuous, and en- thufiaftic. To the want of fome falutary check of this nature much of the mifchief and mifery that has befallen France, and fome perhaps of what through her means has befallen her neighbours, may be afcrib- ed. Another circumflance from which fhe has greatly fuffered, has been the permit- ting the people in the galleries of the Na- tional Affembly to manifeft their approba- tion or difapprobation of the fpeakers in the noify and infulting manner they fome- times do.
At the firft affembling of the States-Gene- ral, the curiofity of the public to hear the debates was prodigious ; and the Tiers- Etat, who of themfelves firft formed the National E e 2 Affembly,
( 42o ) Aflembly, foon perceived the advantage which refulted to them from the prefence of a numerous auditory in the galleries. They were not always fure of having the argument, but they were'abfolutely certain of having the galleries, on their fide.
At the beginning the audience ventured to applaud only; and as many members fpoke more for the purpofe of drawing a little applaufe than any other, the prefence of ftrangers was rather agreeable than other- wife. But the ftrangers foon took the liberty of giving the moll noify proofs of their dis- approbation as well as of their fatisfaction. This was complained of by feveral mem- bers, but never remedied ; and it was af- fumed as a right which belonged to the pub- lic, that as many of the people as the galle-* ries could contain might always fit there. This right was fupported by feveral of the Deputies, and ftill more ftrenuoufly by the people themfelves.
White
( 42i )
While the National Aflembly remained at Verfailles, the audience was not able fully to eftablifh thefe claims. It was not until fome time after the Aflembly was removed to the capital that they were exercifed in their utmoft latitude. Then indeed the audience became the arbiters of praife and cenfure ; and the Galleries of the National Aflembly were confidered as the Nation, as much as the Pit at a London playhoufe is confidered as the Town. The performers at both Theatres are no doubt much at the mercy of the audience — with this difference, however, that although what the Britifh actor pronounces is liable to be damned, yet he himfelf is in no danger of being abufed and infulted by the mob when he appears in the ftreets, as often happened to the un- popular orators of the National Aflembly.
In the progrefs of improvement, the
French audience were not left to their own
E e 3 unbiafled
( 422 )
unbiafled judgment, but inftru&ed what kind of do&rine they were to applaud, and what they were to condemn.
As a matter of curiofity, it may not be improper to give fome account of a man- oeuvre which was of fo much importance in the Revolution, and which I received from thofe who were fully acquainted with the manner in which the galleries were difci* plined, at the period when that kind of ta&ic was brought to the greateft perfection ; and that there may be no need of returning to the fubject, I fhall infert it here, though not the precife part of this narrative in which, according to method, it fhould be placed.
The galleries of the National Aflembly being open to people of every defcription, and filled by the firft comers, it will be rea- dily believed that, in a city fuch as Paris, nine-tenths of the audience were incapable of underflanding the debates. Thofe parts
( 423 ) of the fpeeches, therefore, which they mod admired, and at which they thundered their loudeft peals of applaufe, were not precifely what Longinus or Mr. Burke would have felected as examples of the fublime or beautiful. Every fpeaker, who had not the misfortune of being thought a royalift, who had a tolerably ftrong voice, who interfperfed his difcourfe with abufe of Ariftocrates, Emigrants, and Sovereign Princes ; who made frequent allufion to the Sovereignty of the People ; and who, no matter how they were introduced, often pronounced with emphafis the words La Nation, Liberie, and Egallte, was certain of the applaufe of the galleries.
Certain Deputies of the Court party hav- ing remarked the efficacy of thefe words, fometimes had the addrefs to intermingle them fo fuccefsfully with their harangues, as to draw loud applaufe from thofe who, if they had comprehended the tendency of the E e 4 reafoning,
( 424 )
reafoning, would have biffed them without mercy.
As the audience were fo apt to be mifled by their ears, it was thought proper to en- gage their eyes as an auxiliary to their un- derftanding ; and men were employed to throw out fignals indicating whom and when they fhould applaud or cenfure.
A member of the Affembly was fome- times employed to make thofe fignals, which were underftood by only one or two perfons in the galleries, who by a fimilar mode communicated their import to others.
The ufual fignals were the handkerchief hanging half otft of the pocket, fometimes out of the right, fometimes out of the left — the hat held in the hand in a par- ticular manner, or with the national cockade uppermoft — rubbing the eyes, or the nofe, or the ear. Ail thefe had their particular- meanings, with a variety of other figns
which
( 4^5 )
which may be eafily conceived; each of which denoted the nature of the explofion required, whether for approbation or dif- approbation.
To fecure the majority it was necefiary to have about a hundred and fifty perions in each of the two galleries. There were alfo one leader and five fubalterns in each gallery. The leaders only were acquainted with the fignal from tne hall. This they Immediately communicated by a different one to the ten fubalterns, who directly be- gan their marks of applaufe or cenfure, in which they were followed by all the merce- naries whom they had previoufly engaged ; and their loud clappings generally excited thofe of all the people in the galleries.
The common mercenaries were acquaint- ed with the fubalterns only, and precifely followed their example, whether they clapr ped or hooted. It was left to the fubalterns to engage their followers; but they were
often
( 4*6 )
often unacquainted with each other, and in confidential correfpondence only with the leader, who informed them previous to every fitting of the fignals they were to follow. The two leaders were not always known to each other, and both were entirely unac- quainted with thofewho originally employed the perfon who gave fignals from the hall.
The wages of the common followers were from forty fols to three livres each fitting. The fubalterns were paid at the rate of ten livres, and the leaders at that of fifty.
When an important queftion was to be debated, the galleries were always in the pay of one party or the other ; and fometimes each party had the ufual number of their mercenaries on duty there ; which never failed to occafion a great deal of noife, and a violent conteft between the applauders and the hooters.
It fometimes happened alfo, that a num- ber of the common hirelings deceived the 3 fubalternsj
( 4*7 )
fubalterns, and took money from thofe of both parties; in which cafe neither was well ferved, all was confufion and doubt, and the real fentiments of the Peuple Souve- ra'in feemed as ambiguous as the will of the Gods announced by the oracle of Delphos.
From this account a pretty juft eftimate may be made of the value of the applaufe or cenfure of that portion of the Sovereign People who were ufually feated in the gal- leries of the National Aflembly after it was removed to the capital, and which conti- nued to be one of the molt powerful en^ gines of the Revolution until the time that Roberfpierre eftablifhed the guillotine in lieu of all the reft.
At the period, however, of the infurrec- tion which obliged the AfTembly to leave Verfailles, Roberfpierre was little known, and of too fmall importance in the party with whom he a£ted to have his opinion ^vuch regarded 3 but I have been told that,
from.
( 428 )
from the time that the States- General af- fumed the name of National Affembly, he often inhfted on the advantages which would be derived from the Aflembly's be- ing removed to the capital. Whatever ad- vantage the popular party derived from the fupport of the galleries at Verfailles, it was eafy tojorefee it would be enjoyed in a much greater degree at Paris. Certain De- puties, therefore, formed the refolution to feize the firft pretext that mould prefent it- felf for removing the Afiembly to that city. An incident of an extraordinary nature did prefent itfelf, which ferved them for the pretext they wiihed, and which others at- tempted to turn to more heinous purpofes.
The incident alluded to was a feaft given by the Gardes-du-Corps, which oc- cafioned the march of the Parifian popu- lace to Verfailles. Thofe who wifh to ex- cufe or palliate that fhameful expedition affert, that previous to the feaft given by 5 the
f 429 )
the Body Guards, which they admit to have been its immediate caufe, there had been a general and well-founded fufpicion of a plan to carry the King and Royal Fa- mily to Metz, where they were to be joined by many of the Nobility and members of the Parliaments, who expected that num- bers of the people would flock to the royal ftandard as foon as it was erected, and de- clare againft the National AfTembly ; that this fcheme was to be aided and fupported by certain Powers on the Continent, with a view to excite a civil war, occafion the difmemberment of France, and avenge the , caufe of Kings, who had been infulted by the reftriclions which the fubje&s of Lewis XVI. had put on his power. The fame perfons infifted, that the King fhewed the greater!: reluctance to the wifhes of the Na- tion : that he had delayed giving his fane— tion to the decrees of the 4th of Auguft till the 1 6th of September j and then, inftead of
an
( 43° )
an abfolute affent, he had fent a commen- tary on the decrees, accompanied with a conditional afTent only ; the full fan&ion not having been obtained till the 20th of the fame month, after feveral very urgent addreffes from the Aflembly : that he fhew- ed the fame averfion to the declaration of the Bill of Rights and firft articles of the Conflitution, and poftponed his acceptance of them till the arrival of the multitude at Verfailles on the 6th of October, and until the carriages which were prepared for his efcape were flopped by the National Guards of Verfailles. And, giving every circum- fiance the worft interpretation, they infill- ed, that when, on the failure of a loan pro- pofed by M. Necker, the King facrificed his jewels and plate to the public neceffities, this was done merely with a view to blind the people to the preparations making for his efcape, and becaufe he was fully fen- fible that he could not have carried them
with
( 43* )
wlth-hlm* and of courfe that they would have been all confifcated.
That the King would have been very well pleafed to have been fafely at Metz with his family, feems highly probable ; but as no proof has hitherto appeared of his having made arrangements to fly to that place at this time, all thefe affertions are mere conjectures.
The Count d'Eftaing, who had the com- mand of the National Guards of Verfaiiles, having previoufly confulted the Municipa- lity, anq1 reprefented the neceffityof protect- ing the National AiTembly and the perfon of the King from any attempt againft them, required of the Minifter that a thoufand troops of the line might be quartered in Verfailles for that purpofe.
This, like all the reft, was by fome con- ftrued unfavourably, and imputed to a de- fign of affifting, and not preventing, the efcape of the King; efpecially as the Na- tional. AfTembly had not been confulted with
regard
( 432 )
regard to the propriety or neceflity of the meafure. However that may be, the regi- ment of Flinders, confiding of a thoufand men, were ordered to Verfailles. When they arrived, the officers were invited, with thofe of the National Guards, to an enter- tainment by the Gardes-du^Corps. The entertainment was given in the opera- houfe belonging to the palace. The guefts amounted to the number of 240, and all the boxes were full of fpectators. Towards the end of the entertainment the King and Queen had the curiofity to enter the hall, the Queen leading the young Dauphin, and attended by feveral ladies and gentlemen of the Court. This unexpected vifit to a com- pany, whofe hearts were already elated with gaiety and warmed with wine, could not fail to roufe the fpirit of loyalty. The healths of the Royal Family were drank with acclamations of joy. After walking through the hall, the royal party retired ;
the
( 433 )
the mufic ftruck up a favourite loyal tune, which was accompanied by the voices of the guefts. The gates of the hall were thrown open for the grenadiers of the two corps, who, having drank the healths of the Royal Family, hurried with jovial enthufi- afm to pafs the night in dancing beneath the windows of the palace. Some white cock- ades were diftributed among them by the ladies of the court.
This fcene paffed on the firft of October 1789. It was foon after circulated, and has been fince publifhed, that the entertainment was given and all the incidents arranged by certain perfons of the Court, who were at the expence of the whole for the purpofe of awakening the loyalty of the inhabitants of Verfailles, attaching the regiment of Flan- ders and the National Guards to the King and Queen, prejudicing them againft the National AiTembly, favouring a plan already formed for the King's efcape to Metz, and F f effecting
( 434 )
effecting a counter-revolution ; and as thefe things were arranged at a time when the' King pretended to co-operate with J^^Kt- fembly in eftablifhing a new Conftitution, to which he exprefTed general good will, al- though he was fcrupulous refpedting parti- cular articles, and wiflied to have them ex- plained before he would give them his fanc- tion, they are enumerated as proofs of the King's falfehood and hypocrify. But all this is founded on mere conjecture and af- fertion, fmce no proof is brought that the entertainment was at the expence of the perfons alluded to, or for the purpofes above mentioned ; and if both were proved, it would flill remain to be proved that the King was acquainted with, and had agreed to, the meafures. It is very certain, in- deed, that fome perfons of great influence who had emigrated were continually fchem- ing plans of counter-revolution, and ufing every means in their power to prompt him
to
C 435 )
to withdraw from the kingdom ; being con- vinced that his prefence with them would greatly facilitate the object they had con- ftantly in view. They feared nothing fo much as that the King mould be gained over to the fide of the People, and agree to a Conftitution in which a great part, per- haps as much as he wifhed, of his own au- thority would be fecured and confirmed, while they would remain deprived of their privileges and excluded from France for ever. But it is equally certain, that fome of the moft refpeclable members of the Af- fembly had taken great pains to infpire the King with a defire of becoming, and a pride in being thought, the Reftorer of Liberty to France. They had reprefented the ne- ceflity of his abflaining from all communi- cation with thofe who had emigrated from the kingdom ; as any appearance of that would tend to alienate the hearts of his fub- jects : and, above all, they had pointed out Ff2 the
( 436 )
the meafure of withdrawing from France as pregnant with the raoft fatal ccnfequences to himfelf and to his country. It is even faid, that the example cf James II. of England was mentioned as a warning to him by fome, who afTerted that the pofterity of that Prince might have been placed on the throne, had he poffefTed the firmnefs to have re- mained at all rifks in the iiland. Finally, the King was conjured to rely on the attach- ment and love of his own fubjetls, rather than on the humiliating protection and in- tcrefted aid of foreign powers ; for, even if they fhould accomplish the re-eftabliih- ment of his family, there was much reafon to fear it would be at the fevere expence of his kingdom.
Upon the whole, there is reafon to be- lieve that the King had not formed any de- fign at this time of withdrawing; that the feaft was given at the fele expence of the Gardes- du-Corps, with no other view than
C 437 ) to entertain the guefts who were invited ; and that the incidents which gave offence and created fufpicion were accidental ; for, however imprudent fome of the fcenes may- be thought, they were no way incnnfiftent with the character of the actors.
On the fecond of October, M. Mounier, as Prefident, prefented certain articles of the Conftitution agreed on by the AfTembly to the King for his acceptance. The King an- fwered, that he would in due time make his intentions refpecting thofe articles known. Some people imagined, that his Majefty was induced to give this anfwer by the marks of attachment to his perfon, and the ex<- preffions of loyalty that had paffed at the entertainment of the preceding night ; and that he meant to poftpone his acceptance till he mould effect his efcape. The AfTembly were not pleafed with the anfwer. What- ever were the King's motives, the news of his having delayed to fanction the articles F f 3 occa»
( 438 )
occafioned ftill more difpleafure at Paris, His enemies reprefented this as a deter- mined refufal ; and they refolved to fpirit up the people to infurreclion.
With this view, the circumftances of the entertainment at the Opera- houfe were mif- reprefented in the manner moft likely to alarm the friends of liberty, and to enrage the populace. It was repeated, " that the feaft had been given for the purpofe of fe- ducing the National Guards from the caufe of freedom ; that the general topic of con- verfation among the guefts was the un- happy condition of the Royal Family, and how meritorious it would be to free them from it ; that fongs breathing the fame fen- timent had been fung ; that the Queen, when Hie walked through the hall with the Dauphin in her arms, had recommended him to the foldiers in terms injurious to the people. It was faid that the national cock- ade, the emblem of liberty, had been trod-
dea
( 439 ) den under foot ; that a great number of fu- pernumerary officers and chevaliers of St. Louis were arTembled at Verfailles ; and that mercenary foldiers had be«m brought to that city of late, and more were expected, with a defign to controul the AfTembly, perhaps to mafTacre the members ; and that mea- fures had been already ufed, and were ftill continued by the Court, to incercept the provifions deftined for the capital."
Thofe mifreprefentationswere not thought fufficient to excite the mob to the point in view. By means of considerable fums diftributed among the agents of infurrec- tion, of whom there were abundance at this time in Paris, a numerous band of men, armed with pikes and other weapons, af- fembled on the morning of the fifth of Oc^* tober in the fquare of the Hotel de Ville. It was not difficult for the agents above mentioned to collect a multitude of defpe- rate perfons ; becaufe there really was a F f 4 great
( 44° )
great fcarcity of provifions. Many poor families, particularly in the fuburbs, were fuffering the pangs of hunger, and all were terrified with the idea of impending famine. The Committee appointed for fupplying the city with provifions were alfo accufed of negligence; and the multitude infifted on entering into the Town-houfe to remon- ftrate with them. They were faintly op- pofed by the National Guards, who foon gave way, faying they would not fight againft poor people who demanded only bread.
That this infurrection might have the lefs appearance of a premeditated plan, and be the lefs refilled at the beginning, it had been thought proper to employ women, and perfons in female garb. To their noify re- quifitions for bread the Committee declared that all poflible means were ufing to pro-f cure it ; but that they had met with unex- pected difficulties. A cry was immediately
heard,
( 44* )
heard, that thofe difficulties originated at the Court, and that they would go to Ver- failles and demand redrefs from the King. This propofal met with univerfal approba- tion ; and ibon after a man, known by the name of Maillard, offered himfelf as their leader. As this perfon had diftinguifhed himfelf at the taking of the Baftile, and was known to them ali, he was immediately chofen to that office par acclamation ; and the outcry was refumed of marching to Verfailles. Maillard led his band of Ama- zons through the unrefifting National Guards who filled the fquare, conducted them by beat of drum to the plain called the Elyfian Fields, where they muttered near five thoufand perfons, of whom four-fifths were women, or drefled like women, Many of thofe who were in men's drefs were dif- guifed with long beards, or in fome other fantaftical manner. Having previoufly broken into fome magazines, they were all
armed $
( 442 )
armed ; and they flopped as many coache as were neceffary to furnifh horfes for drag- ging fome pieces of cannon, a pohTarde be- ing mounted on each horfe and a couple on each cannon, which followed the main body In their march to Verfailles. This Maillard, who offered himfelf fo a-propos, and was chofen fo unanimoufjy as their leader, was niofi: probably one of the agents previoufly fixed upon for conducting this bufinefs, under the fecret influence and at the ex- pence of the Duke of Orleans.
M. La Fayette has been cenfured for not having difperfed this band of infurgents, and prevented their marching to Verfailles. It appears, however, that the fpirit of infur- recTion had gained upon the National Guards themfelves ; that they were deaf to the re- monftrances of their commander, and refu- fed to ufe any kind of force againft women. And in a fhort time the clamour became univerfal, that the General himfelf mould
lead
( 443 )
lead them to Verfailles, lay their grievances before the King, and invite him to refide at Paris.
M. La Fayette faid every thing he could think of to turn them from this ; and the whole of his conduct both at this time an4 previous to it proves his fincerity.
When a fermentation was excited fome time before this period by a very turbulent and feditious man of the name of St. Hu- ruge, who propofed this very meafure, that the King and the National Aflembly fhould be appointed to refide at Paris, it was greatly owing to the fpirited behaviour of M.La Fay- ette, that the mob which this man had aflem- bled was difperfed, and St. Huruge himfelf, with feveral other agitators, was feized and fent to prifon ; and there can be no doubt that the prefent infurretYion would have had a fimilar termination, if the National Guards had been equally obedient to M. La Fayette
on
( 444 ) ©n this occafion as on the former. Befides, the ill terms on which M. La Fayette was with the Duke of Orleans is fufficient of it- felf to clear him of this accufatiom No two men were lefs likely to be in intimacy with each other. Their characters were directly oppofite : M. La Fayette is defcribed by thofe who have known him long and inti- mately, as indefatigable in the purfuit of re- nown, difinterefted, brave, and generous — qualities never attributed to the character of the Duke of Orleans.
Some are fo irritated by the loffes they have fuftained, others by the confequences which they dread from the French Revolution, that they view with equal enmity thofe men who from the mod laudable motives joined in the meafures for obtaining a free Confti- tution for France, and thofe who rendered thefe meafures abortive, by involving the country in anarchy and drenching it in
blood,
( 445 )
blood. With equal difcernment might Hampden be confounded with Cromwell, or RuiTel or Sydney with Titus Oates.
To charge the Dukes of Rochefoueault and Liancourt, Meff. de Lally-Tolendal, Mounier, Clermont-Tonnerre, Malouet, and many others, whofe views were to reform the abufes of an arbitrary government, and eftabliih a limited monarchy, as in any re- fpect acceflaries to the bloody fcenes which have been adted in the courfe of this Revo- lution, is in the higheft degree abfurd. If fuch reafoning were admitted, Luther would be proved to be the author of the maffacre of St. Bartholomew; becaufe, unlefs he had attempted to detecl: the abufes of Popery, and brought about the Reformation, there wTould have been no Proteftants to maflacre.
The National Guards afTembled before the Town-houfe were fo determined on this expedition to Verfailles, and fo irritated at La Fayette's perfevering endeavours to
difluade
( 44-6 ) difiuade them, that a large body of them declared that they would no longer have him for their commander, and actually pro- pofed to M. Dogni, Intendant des Poftes and Commander of the Battalion of Su Euftache, to accept the chief command in- ftead of La Fayette, and to lead them to Verfailles, declaring that they would follow his orders in all refpects. He, however, pofitively refufed. Seeing that at all events they were decided on going, M. La Fayette at length faid, that if the Municipality would give him an order for that purpofe, he would go at the head of the National Guards to communicate to the King the diftreffes of the capital, and the grievances of which they complained.
Having obtained the order, he fet out with a body of 20,000 men for Verfailles* four or five hours after the motley band above defcribed had taken the fame route.
Whoever were the firft movers of this
infur-
( 447 )
infurre£tion, they had given different rea- fons for the neceffity of it, adapted to the different prejudices and difpofitions of the. perfons they wiflied to excite.
The National Militia complained of the indignity offered to the three-coloured cock« ade by the Gardes-du-Corps at the famous banquet; for whichj they faid, thefe Body Guards deferved death.
The old French Guards, who were in*- corporated with the National Guards, were provoked at not having been allowed to guard the perfon of the King. They laid that this was a clear proof that he intended to efcape out of the kingdom ; and they were inftrucled to call for his being remov- ed to Paris.
Some exclaimed againft his having de- layed to fanclion the decrees of the National Aflembly, and faid they ought to march to Verfailles, on purpofe to let him know that the People were impatient for that
meafure.
The
( 448 )
The Poiflardes cried out againft the fear- city of bread ; and as they proceeded to Verfailles, they often execrated the Queen as the fole caufe of the fcarcity. " I never heard," faid a Garde-a-Cheval as he pafled them, " that the Queen devoured more bread than another woman ." " Celt egal," anfwered one of thefe furies : U Tu vas a Verfailles; dis a la Reine que nous y ferons pour lui couper le cou."
The King had gone that morning to hunt the flag. He was informed, while in the midft of the chafe, that there had been great diforders in Paris, in confequence of which a multitude of armed people, many of them in women's drefs, were marching to Verfailles. His Majefty immediately left the field, and returned to the Palace. The Captain of his guards afked if he had any orders to give to him. The King an- fwered, laughing, Eh quoi, pour desfemmes! vous vous moquez.
Such accounts came afterwards, however, 7 of
( 449 )
of their numbers, of their rage, and of the threatening language which they held on their march, that this expedition began to be confidered as a very ferious bufinefs by thofe near the perfon of the King. It was even propofed in the Council, that the Royal Family mould be removed -, but that proportion being over-ruled, the Queen was informed, that as the fury and malice of the infurgents were peculiarly pointed againfl: her, it would be highly proper for her to withdraw, for fome time at leaft, from Ver- failles : to which, with a firmnefs which never forfook her on the raoft trying occa- fions, fhe anfwered, " I am determined never to forfake my hufband : if the Pari- fians are bent on murdering me, I will die at the feet of the King."
ENJD OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
ERRATA to VOL. I.
Page 8. at bottom, for vincet read vincit.
1 1, at top, for wonderment xzzAfooliJh nvmder* 228. line 3d from bottom, del. as.
2d from bottom, for they read and>
231, line 4th from top, del. all.
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