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GIFT OF HORACE W. CARPENTER
IFinIt @£ mm Teshoo
rj-
OIl|ien Sm$$ Jttsrri^tion.
TRANSLATED
BY
ERNEST LUDWIG,
PEKING. 1904.
TIENTSIN PRESS, ^IMITEJi
The
Wimit @ff the Teehoo Lama te Peking.
Ollfieit JMg'S Jmjmjjtton.
TRANSLATED
BY
ERNEST LUDWIG
PEKING. 1904.
TIENTSIN PRESS, LIMITED.
AtRPENTIH
ERRATA,
For Chih-La-T'an-T'an-La on page 3, line 14 read Chih-La-T'an-La
Chin-mu-tao ,, ,, 4, ,,11 ,, Chia-mu-tso
disgression ,, ,, 5, ,, 5 ,, digression
authentic,
12
27
authentic.
settlements <>f the Miao-tazu on page 11 line 24 read, settlements
of the Miao-tzu.
on page 11, line 25 read parenthesis before
"arab."
this arrival . . .
wealthly
sates
Dagaba
house which garden . .
poople
descriptton
mythologe ides
Czanpo
This is to also, philosophys
kpi
Reichtnm
als or
D'hltika
suggesthd
transliteration on
lloch wiirdige
13, 14, 17,
20, 21.
22
—
29, 30, 40, 57, 54, 59, 59, 67, 71, 72, 72, 74, 74, 75, 79,
79, 81,
30 28
his arrival
m m
17 omit parenthesis before
"as."
7 read wealthy
25 7
22
12
14
23
19
20
20
6
12
5
27
1
6
14
3
29
4
stales
Dagoba
house with garden
people
description
mythologie des . .
bzanpo
see the
This is also
philosophy
an
kyi
Reichtum
als Sternbild
Dhitika
suggested
transliteration is.
Hochwurdige
/^ ;
CB
THE VISIT
OF THE
Zlesboo 2Lama to Peking.
i.
The following inscription, of which the Chinese text and translation are given in the II. part, together with some explanations in the III. part, necessary for the comprehen- sion of the translation, refers to the visit of the Teshoo Lama to Peking, which occurred towards the end of the 18th century.
Besides this Lama there was only one more among the High Priests of the Tibetan clergy who paid a visit to an Emperor of China in Peking : i.e. the 5th in the list of the Dalai Lamas. I consider it appropriate to introduce here, first an abbreviated account of the visit of this dignitary to Peking, as recorded in the jfliji|^, and H^J^fiB since in current works of foreign authors, no, or only very little, mention is made of it; and I give it first, as in the chronological succession, this visit occurred about 130 years before that which forms the subject of my monograph.
MJ&8491
THE VISIT OF THE
The S*pfJiB informs us, that in the 2nd year of Emperor Ch'ung Te (1628) two princes of the Khalkha [Bt?Ji|B§#] Mongols petitioned to the Emperor to send money to defray the expenses of the proposed visit of the Dalai to Peking. In the 4th year of his reign (1630), an envoy of the Oelots (Eleuths JjjRf^jHp) arrived in Peking, and on his departure was entrusted with a written message to the Dalai. In the Vtb year (1633) this Dalai with the Pan-ch'an (Panshen, Pan-ch'en) as mentioned later, inaugurated diplomatic communication with the Imperial court. In accordance with an invitation of the Emperor Shun Chih, he started on his trip in the 9th year of the above emperor (1652). In the jfC^j&J^ mention is made of his letter to the Emperor, sent while he was en route, in the 8th month of the 9th year Shun Chih, asking the Emperor whether he could meet him at Sflj^ffi Kuei-hua- ch'§ng (fKuku Khotun) or f^Jjt| Tai-ka. J; The Emperor excused himself for — not being able personally to meet him at either place, owing to the JSEjPjj^JJ^jK^ ^ut woul<* send in his stead 5|g^I Aj£tSH& while he !£$!©
H$i§! WIPE'S:- *n tDe wmter °f tuig Jear> tDe Dalai entered the capital, and was received by the Emperor in the
Forbidden City in the ^fpggr.
He was entertained in the Western Yellow Temple — "the Dalai Lou j^jJ^flS/' built expressly for his accom-
* For further references vide the appendix.
+ The so-called " Blue Town."
$ For this name vide the appendix.
TSEHOO LAMA TO PEKING
modation by the Emperor. After some months' stay, he left Peking in the 2nd month of the 10th year (1653), and was accompanied by the Emperor as far as the £i|j|||^ in the j^J%. In f^f!|j, as the jf£^ji£Jt says, he was presented by the Emperor with a golden tablet and seal, through ?PlK!JP|'T,wh0J w^tn a guai'd of Manchu soldiers, was attached to his escort. In the inscription on the tablet he was designated by the Emperor as the "Very Virtuous, Happy Buddha of the Western Heaven and Supreme Leader of all Buddhists under Heaven, the Holder of the Diamond Sceptre of the Universe, Dalai Lama "
Ifij^JiS^fifl^ Hsi T'ien Ta Sban Tzu Tsai Fo So Lin£ T'ien Hsia Shih Chiao P'u T'ung Wa Chih-La-T'an-T'an-La
Ta Lai Lama )*
The visit of this Dalai is likewise mentioned in another inscription in the Yellow Temple. (fftfift JI^aE^
s m im ^ wmmm&mmmmWM'm
Notes : 1. Korosi Csoma Sandor says in his notes to " Tibetan grammar" that this Lama named Nag-dvang bio bzang rgya-mthso is that Great Lama, who in 1640 founded the hierarchy of the Dalai Lamas at Lhassa, 4 years before the conquest of China by the
* This seems to be Koeppens " Vadschradhara Bodhisattva (vide his Lamaische Hierarchie und Kirche " p. 1671) Vadjra the diamond club, sceptre, emblem of Buddha's power over evil (Eitel).
THE YISIT OF THE
Manclms. It was upon the solicitation of this ambitious man, that a Mongol Prince conquered Tibet and afterwards made a present of it to him. "
2.— The list of the Dalai Lamas according to the j^? jj£§B lB as follows : —
l.-^HfJ^Q Ken-tun Chu-pa.
2 ~aI<S lEfilMzH ^en-tun Chia-mu-tso (lived under the Ming Emperor Cheng T6 and from his time the Dalai Lamas are termed by Chinese Historians and the people : fp* |*^j Huo Fo).
3. — wi?i/1^||lllilg$j So-no-mu Chia-mu-tso (recognized by both Yellow and Red Sects.)
4.—^^^^^ Yunt-an Chin-mu-tso (of Mongolian offspring and through his Mongolian connections exercised a good influence on his tribe. It was said, that owing to his merits the Mongols in Mongolia proper and in ^ %/fjJ were peaceful for more than 50 years after his death, brigandage and murders being unknown.)
5--|SfifH£||i M^SS^ A"wang Lo-pu-tsang Chia-mu- tso, the one who visited Peking.
6. — ^"-g-^^^^g I-hsi Chia-mu-tso proclaimed by Latsang Khan to be the reincarnation of the 5th Dalai Lama.
^•~~ fiSiS^^S®^ Ka-erh-tsang Chia-mu-tso, proclaimed by Mongolians as the genuine reincarnation of the 5th great Dalai Lama, and installed by K'ang Hsi first in the jjj[[|.{j^p near BlWffJ then in j^^^f and on request of the if^^ at last enthroned in Lhassa, 5Sth reigning year of K'ang Hsi (1719.)
The complete list of these Grand Lamas is given in Waddell's "Buddhism in Thibet." It is to be noticed, that the designation "Dalai Lama" was first applied to the 5th in this list. The
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING
similarity between the Chinese transliteration of the Lamas in this list with that of Mr. Waddell's is striking and a good proof of his remarkable accuracy.
(For further references see the appendix.)
After this disgression, I will now take up my principal theme : the visit of the Teshoo Lama.
This Teshoo Lama, whose name is given as r Dsche b Tsun d Pal dan-i-si by Hilarion, and b Lo-bzan dpal-ldan ye-s'es by Waddell, is a rather familiar person to Chinese scholars and to the geueral public taking interest in Buddhism and Lamaism.
He has become known : first, through the transcript of Emperor Ch'ien Lung's letter to the 8th Dalai Lama (in his 46th reigning year, 14th day of the 2ud moon : which was prepared by P. Amyot, missionary at Peking) and is contained in the "Memoires concernant les Chinois," Tome IX; then through Mr. Dalrymple's references in the Vol. II, of the Oriental Repository : through Captain S. Turner's "Account of an Embassy to the Court of the Teshoo Lama in Tibet" ; through C. Friedr. Koeppen's "Die Lamaische Hierarchie and Kirche" etc. Apart from the foregoing- authorities, references are also found in the ||? jjfjftJ Shengwu chi, which is a compilation from Imperial Edicts and official Historical Records of the Empire ( __tfg and SUrfO, effected between the 22nd and 26th years of Tao Kwaug, by the official ^^ who must have held a position as secretary of the grand secretariat — ( f^I HH ^ fH )• ^n this work, this Lama is stated to have been the sixth of
THE VISIT OF THE
the Lamas residing in Tashi-lhunpo with the official title of Pan ch'an £(o-%h-tg-ni* ( gftif$£liif§Bfis ).
Of his predecessors, the names of the three first are not exactly identified. The first is called Pjj?lj5?|5lljy|§ ^M^ifyMlfif&W La-uhu-ni-ma ch'o-erh-chi chia-lo.
*The official list of the " Tashi " Grand Lamas is entitled pan-
sku-p'ren rim-pa ltar byon-ya-ni and gives no dates It begins
with the somewhat mythical disciple of Buddha, Su-bhuti.. including legendary Indian personages as re-incarnations, as well as the following six Tibetans, the fourth of which is usully held to be the first of the Tashi-lhunpo Grand Lamas. As, however, Tashi" lhunpo was only built in 1445, only the latter two of this list (supplementary list) could be contemporary with it, and as is noted in the text, their biographies show that they were ordinary monks who held no high post, if any at all, at Tashi-lhunpo. (Waddell: The Buddhism of Tibet or Lamaism.)
I give here both lists, as published by Waddell, as I think they are good standards of comparison for my List from the ^§ jf£ gjj
1. — Supplementary List of so-called Pan-ch'an Grand Lamas.
1. K'ug-pa lhas-btsas, of r Ta-nag monastery.
2. Sa-skya Pandita (1182-1252.)
3. g Yun-ston rdo-rje dpal (1284-1376.)
4. m K as-sgrub d Ge-legs-dpal zang-po (1385-1439.)
5. pan-ch'en-b Sod-nams p'yogs kyi-glan-po (1439-1505.)
6. d ben-sa-pa blo-bzan Don-grub (1505-1570.) 2. — List of ,, Tashi " Grand Lamas.
1. b Lo-bzan chos-kyi rgyal-mts'an (1569-1662.)
2. b Lo-bzan ye-she dpal bzan-po (1663-1727.)
3. b Lo-bzan dpal-ldan ye- s'es (1738-1780.)
4. r Ie-bstan pahi nima (1781-1854.)
5. r Je-dpal-ldan ch'os-kyi grags-pa bstan-pahi dban p 'yug
(1857-1882.) 6 1883.
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING
pu-ko-erh and is reported to have been born in the 10th reigning year of the Ming Emperor Cheng T'ung, which would be according to our era the year 1445, and is likewise the year of the founding of Tashi-lhun-po. His name appears in another place of the Igjj^fjJ as (Iffd^ flj fij i^^Q^ll^) K'ai-chu-pu ko-lo-k'o-palo-tsang and this transliteration comes nearer to the name given in Waddell's supplementary list.
The second name is (ji^BEffl ftfg*!^^
JfJJlfj) Chu-pai-wang ch'U So-no-mu ch'o-erh-chi lang-pu. The year of his birth is unknown.
The third is called ( Jg$£f|£ffl JHH^^I
ScQ ) Chieh-chu-pai-wang-eh'u lo-pu-tsang ta-( to )-wang- chu-pa and was born in the 18th reigning year of the Ming Emperor Hung Chih (1505).
The name of the fourth has also two transliterations.
0^ is (m$mbMf&mnMWi3) p*******
tsang ch'o erh-chi Chia-lo tsan and the other (||| |> J@^ff£j|| ^wiS^a) ^° Pu~tsang ch'ui-chi Chia-mu-tso. He was born in the 1st reigning year of the Ming Emperor Lung Ch'ing (156*7). This Lama is reported to have joined the 5th Dalai Lama in sending to the Ching Emperor Ch'ung Te, an envoy with a message and presents, in the 7th year of the Emperor's reign (1633). The messenger took an indirect way through Mongolia to Shingking (jg!| jj(), ^hence down to the capital. This is recorded to have been the first anthentic intercourse between the Tibetan Holy See and the Emperors of China.
In the 1st year of Shun Chih (1644), the two Lamas
THE VISIT OF THE
presented the Emperor with a golden idol of Buddha and a precious rosary. The monarch in return favoured them with gorgeous armour, fine bows and arrows, sables, etc., and invited them to come to see him in Peking. The Dalai Lama promised to come, while the Pan-ch'an excused himself as being too old and unfit for so long aud painful a journey.
The fifth is likewise called [&!$$£ [*$$&'$[> Pan-ch'an Lo-pu-tsang I-hsi in one place, and [ j|]| |> |l^$?'/ffj Lo-pu-tsang I-shih in another. He lived under the reign of the Emperor K'ang Hsi. In his 52ud reigning year (1713), the Emperor forwarded to him a golden tablet r^JW*] au^ a golden seal [^Ep] the usual gift of the Emperors of China to high dignitaries of the Lamaist church. On the tablet he invested him with the supreme power over Tashi-lhuupo and the whole country of Houtsang [HH] Ulterior Tibet.
His reincarnation, the 6th Pan-ch'an Erh-te-ni [$fjjj§i:{|f ffi^QKi^^^l Pan-ch'an Che-pu-tsun pa-lo-tan I-hsi or [^h^Q^^ff] L°-Pu-tsang pa-tan I-shih, is the subject of this monograph. He was born in the 3rd year of Ch'ien Lung (1738) but was installed only in the 6th reigning year of this Emperor (1741) (1743-Waddell).
In the 30th reigning year of Ch'ien Lung (1765), he was presented with an Imperial golden tablet [^JjJ}*] (without the gold seal apparently, as this is not men- tioned).
As recorded by Porungheer Gosein, who accompanied the Pan-ch'an on his journey, he had previously refused
TESIIOO LAMA TO PEKING 9
in the years 1777-1778-1779, several invitations from the Emperor, giving as excuses, that the air and climate of China were bound to be pernicious to his health, as he was not used to them. The Emperor, however, having urged the Dalai Lama and other prominent dignitaries to use their influence with the Pan-ch'an, at last prevailed upon him to accept, and he finally began his remarkable trip in the middle ol the year 1779. Changoo Cooshoo Punjun Irtiuue Neimoheim, Regent of Tashi-l'hunpo during the minority of Loptsang Paldan I-shih's successor, in his letter to Warren Hastings (1782) states the date to be the 17th of the month Rubbee u'sannie in the year of the Hegira 1193, i.e. 17th of June 1779.*
The Lama's retinue consisted of a gorgeous suite and 15u0 troops. He followed the route which passes near the Ko-Ko-Nor to Kumbum (^^^ T'a erh ssu), which lies 40 li south-westward from Hsiniug-fu [g§^ffj] on the Ta-shan (i|£|i|). It is the gfi^Hfa ot Tson K'a-pa, reorganizer of the yellow sect, and its monastery is well-known from the descriptions of P. Hue and W. W. Rockhill. Here and throughout his entire route afterwards he was the recipient of all the marks of worship, which are customarily shown by the devout to holy men of his rank. There were also many evidences throughout
* 33 Mohammedan years are equal to 32 Christian years, so in case of a transferring of dates, one has only to reduce the given Mohammedan dates, by its 33rd part and then add to the result 622, which stands for the 1st year of the Mohammedan era as inaugurated by the Caliph Omar. It is in this case: 1193 : 33=36+; 1193— 36=1157+622=1779.
10 THE VISIT OF THE
the trip of the sincerity of the Emperor's words when he wrote: "that he looked up to him as the first and most holy- being of those on earth, who devoted their time to the service of the Almighty and that the only remaining wish, he now felt, was to see him and to be ranked among3t his disciples."
The Emperor despatched as far as Kumbum, Generals and other grandees to greet him, and to present rosaries of pearls [{ftJjSjl, saddles and all riding accoutrements, utensils of silver, etc., etc.
On his further progress the Emperor sent the Ague [|BJ5|I1 who later was his eldest living son, accompanied by the Chang-chia 'Hut'ukht'u, the metropolitan. These met the Lama at the miao of Tai-han (Tai-ka*) presumably the Taygaw goombaw of Porungheer Gosein. This name as seen above is likewise mentioned in the Chinese records of the visit of the Dalai Lama.
After the Teshoo Lama had repaired from f^ttSSj to Dolon Nor, he was met by the princes, who bear the the title of ffi* Khau (Han), and other dignitaries and Lamas who presented him again with tokens of the mercy and kindness displayed towards him by the Emperor.
On the day of the Fire and the Cock (21st) in the 7th moon of the autumn in the year of the Golden Rat, which is the 45th reiguiug year of Emperor Ch'ien Lung (probably September 1780), the Teshoo Lama reached Jehol, where the Emperor was expecting him. The statement of this date is contained in both the letter to the Dalai Lama and in the inscription. The term |Jj)jJ [28 §] obsignates here undoubtedly the country seat of the Emperor in Jehol. The
For this place see the appendix.
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 11
|B?jjf gg records that the Emperor had built in anticipation of his arrival in Jehol a temple modelled after the Temple of Happiness and Longevity on the Mount Sumeru* in Tashi-lhunpo [^j||f ]j§ |J2I§j] This ImPerial munificence is alluded to in the inscription and in the report of Por- ungheer Gosein. Mr. Mayers in "Chinese Government' likewise mentions it. Edkins asserts, that one of the monasteries in Jehol is modelled after Potala, the residence of the Dalais at Lhassa. (Edkins Chinese Buddhism p. 266) As the wording of the inscription refers to the temple (or palace) of the Pan-ch'an in Tashi-lhunpo and the above statement of the Hijjfftg likewise confirms this, it seems to me probable that Edkins had confounded this palace with the Potala in Lhassa.
The Emperor met the Pan-ch-an at first in the
In order to converse with the Pan-ch'an intimately, the Emperor had previously learned the language of the !§]*?$£ Tang-ku-te (Tanguths.) The ig;g£ffB gives an interesting enumeration of the polyglot accomplishments of Ch'ien Lung, which is worthy of repetition: "At first he learned Mongolian, then, after the pacification of the Mussulman tribes and the ^ J|| (The settlements of the miao-tazu in Ssu-Ch'uan are called "^^/|| and >h^jl| Arab and Tibetan). Now that the Pan-ch'an was coming to see the Emperor, he learned S Tt/fefc "to avoid the transmit-
according to the g^J^ |>jt.
12 THE VISIT OF THE
ting of repeated interpretations, and so that their conversation would be like that of members of the same family."
35l
The l|§5Jf ff2 here explains that in ancient times the Dalais and Pan-oh'ans would simply kneel before the Emperor, without prostrating themselves, on account of their high rank. On this occasion, however, the Pan-ch'an so earnestly besought to be allowed to kotow that the Emperor, convinced of his sincerity, permitted him to do so.
[ m u m m m m t m n a si m js # n
The necessity for the "kotow" could have perhaps influenced the Dalais and Pan-ch'ans in their refusal to visit the Imperial Court, as they considered themselves to be the Emperor's equal or superior in rank.
The first interview between Ch'ien Lung and his illus trious guest took place in a secluded part of the Palace at Jehol. Ouly the Metropolitan [if!!!^ |U 5tLE1|] was allow- ed to be present. The Pan-ch'an was seated on an elevated seat, while the Emperor sat on a lower one between the Metropolitan and the Pan-ch'an. The subjects of this conversation, which is reported to have lasted about three bours, were the chief rules and principles of the True Law of Buddhism.
At a later conversation of a more public character, the Lama having craved permission to present a request,
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 13
availed himself of the opportunity to mention his previous intercourse with the Governor of Hindustan Warren Hastings, through Mr. Bogle, and asked the, Emperor to open friendly communications with this country. In fulfilment of a promise, which he had given to Mr. Bogle,, at the latter's visit to Tashi-lhunpo, iu the winter 1774-75, he obtained for him a pass to proceed from Canton to Peking. His intention was to introduce Mr. Bogle at court, and thus bring the Government of Bengal and the British into closer communication with the Emperor of China. Unfortunately, however, the nearly simultaneous death of Mr. Bogle and the Pau-ch'an made this scheme an illusory one.
After twenty-six days' stay — "jjgjf^ aDout a month," according to the inscription — , the Pan-ch'an set out for the capital, while the Emperor moved on to visit the tombs of his ancestors.
On the 2nd day of the 9th moon, the Lama made his entry into Peking.
The inscription states, that he was here entertained by Imperial command in the Yellow Temple. This seems not quite congruous with the statement of the Emperor in
his letter to the Dalai, wherein it is said: " that
after his reception, which was a splendid one and caused the assembling of many thousands of Lamas and people, he was conducted to the Yuen-ming-yuen, where the Emperor had assigned for his habitation that part of his palace which is named the Golden Apartment. The information on the tablet is, however, confirmed by the JpJjSfjfjJ as follows : "On this arrival at Peking, he was received in
14 THE VISIT OF THE
the fjj|^|^p m the £?J^£ and resided in the Hsi-huang-ssu, explaining here prayers and absorbed in contemplation."
Another inscription in the Yellow Temple of the 36th year of Ch'ien Lung (1*771), in mentioning the arrange- ments made by Emperor Shun Chih to entertain the envoys of the Dalai and Pan-clran every two years, in this Temple, further supports the IHjiEjjjtfl an(^ tne inscription uuder consideration.*
As the text of the letter must be credited, it seems that his stay in the Yuen Ming Yuen must have been v very short one.
By order of the Emperor, the Pan-ch'an was shown everything of interest in Peking and its environments, such as the §[Jj, the ^|§|Jj, the Winter Palace and all the noticeable temples in the capital.
A substantial description of the points of interest seen by the Lama in Peking is to be found in Captain Turner's account, as gathered by him at a meeting with Soopoon Choomboo, who was styled also Sadeek (cup-bearer) and held the second rank in the court of Teshoo Loomboo next to the above mentioned Changoo Cooshoo :
"In my next interview with Soopoon Choomboo, he entertained me with a description of the gardens, villas and palaces of the Emperor of China, and the various entertain- ments contrived to gratify and amuse the Teshoo Lama during his residence at that court. One of the first
#tta
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 15
spectacles he noticed, was a most splendid display of fireworks, exhibited in celebration of the commencement of the new year, * which greatly engaged his attention and admiration. This entertainment continued for three succes- sive days, during which time the Teshoo Lama in company with the Emperor, was a frequent spectator of their beauty and effect The singular magnificence of some of the Imperial Gardens had made an equal impression upon his mind. In one of these, according to his description, was a large canal, surrounded with figures of a gigantic size, representing the signs of the zodiac; each figure, as the sun entered its corresponding sign, becoming a fountain of water, which continued to play until its passage to the next. An extensive menagery, filled with rare and curious animals, among which were tigers, leopards, bears, deer and the wild boar, was equally successful in attracting their notice. He stated also, that the Emperor had ordered a ship to be con- structed on a large lake and armed with guns to resemble a first-rate man-of-war. The guns were discharged on board this ship, to give them an idea of a sea engagement. Feats of horsemanship were not forgotten, with a design to vary their amusements, and fill up the time. In this he said the
people of China displayed great agility and skill "
The Lama is too reported to have given on one occasion an audience to the ladies of the Imperial harem, who came to receive his benediction, which he bestowed upon them while sitting behind a fan of yellow gauze ; and fixing
* This statement seems improbable, as all the reports concur in fixing the date before the end of the year 1780, and Changoo Cooshoo even places it in July.
16 THE VISIT OF THE
his looks on the ground, to avoid troubles of conscience, as the chronique scandaleuse of Lamaism comments.
Throughout his stay he was in close intercourse with the Chang Chia 'Hut'ukht'u and seems to have spent some time in the residence of the latter, Yung Ho Kung
Regarding the Teshoo Lama's intercourse with priests in Peking, a cuvious anecdote is found in the ips8Pff2. It relates that a certain Buddhist priest of high morality from the western hills, came to discuss with him the Law of Buddha, and took the opportunity to reprove his coming to China and accepting undue reverence ( W j£( ~J& ^g[ A pfj [[I] ^ 3^ ^ $ ) recalling that the Dalai Lama too was overwhelmed with attentions from Shun Chih
( tl£ ffi SI H il ® •& ) He reminded him that his place was in Tibet, where he should remain to serve as a model of peacefulness and purity ( *@f^^^:/p|^^^?.) The story goes, that the Pan-ch'an thanked the priest for his kindly correction. This little account would suggest that the proper Buddhist clergy, the 5ftlfipJ, was inclined to envy the favours and distinctions shown to the Lamaist dignitaries by the Court.
The Emperor held the Pan-ch'an indeed in the highest esteem and manifested his satisfaction at having him in his capital in every possible way. Entertainments and feasts succeeded each other rapidly. Prayers were offered by the Lama for the prosperity and welfare of the Emperor and his people in the Temple of the Amplification of Charity and that of Concord and others. The Emperor seems really
TESII00 LAMA TO PEKING
to have felt indebtedness to this man, who, to quote the words in his letter to the Dalai: — "In undertaking a journey of 20,000 li, to contribute to the celebrity of my 'Wan-shou ' did more than sufficient to entitle him to all the distinctions that could evince my sense of his kindness; but the air of satisfaction and pleasure, which diffused itself on all around him, and which he himself manifested whenever he was admitted to my presence, impressed on my mind one of the most exquisite gratifications it ever felt". .
Unfortunately, in a very short while,
however, the Teshoo Lama wasjtaken with small pox, which in those days was the scourge and great dread of China and Tibet. The Dalai Lama, who visited Peking during Shun Chih's time seems to have shared the general dread of the disease, and acted very wisely in taking an early departure from Peking. ( ^ || $ ,j Jg ^ jft Jtfj # ± ^ S %
SMS$ A#jg3fi#i§ ) as reported in «<f||-; In spite of all available medical assistance, and though the Imperial Princes and the Emperor himself frequently visited his bedside, and in spite of the munificent charities bestowed on his behalf upon the poor, the holy man could not escape his destiny. "He returned from this perishable world to the everlasting mansions " (according to the words of Changoo Cooshoo to Warren Hastings) on the first day of the month of Rujjub, in the year of the Hegira 1194." This would be the 5th July, 1780. According to the letter of the Emperor to the Dalai Lama and the text of the inscription, however, his death occurred on the day of the Fire and Rat (2nd day) of the 11th moon, which is about December of that year.
18 THE VISIT OF THE
Some of the commentators of the Teshoo Lama's journey to Peking, such as A Remusat, and Koeppen, are inclined to attribute his death to poison administered by order of the Emperor, who, they say, suspected ulterior designs on his part, on account of his connection with the Government of Bengal and Warren Hastings, and who was afraid that the Lama, with British assistance, would try to overthrow the Dynasty and get hold of the Supreme power in the Empire. Although the records of the Dalai and Pan-ch'au's successions may abound with hideous nightmares of clandestine murders and poisonings, yet this particular supposition seems unfounded, and it is not at all likely that the Emperor Ch'ien Lung would have nourished fears of the above nature, and would have been driven to take refuge in the Borgiau method of eliminating dangerous rivals.
In his letter to the Dalai, the Emperor details his intense grief, which would, at least publicly, disclaim the truthfulness of the above suspicious accusation: "The afflicting intelligence" — he says — "was immediately com- municated to me. The shock overcame me. With a heart full of the most poignant grief, and eyes bathed in tears, I repaired to the Yellow Chapel (temple) where, with my own hands I fumed perfume to him etc., etc." The Emperor likewise issued orders to pay all due honor to the Pan-ch'an's earthly remains. A splendid receptacle was constructed for the purpose of holding his remains, which were enclosed in a pure gold shrine (^ffS). This was again placed in a copper case. Prayers were unceas- ingly uttered at the bier, and when the hundred days of deep
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 19
^mourning had elapsed, he made arrangements to have the .body conveyed to Tashi-lhunpo, with all possible funeral pomp, on the day of the Fire-Dragon (or the 13th) day of the 2nd moon in the year of the Golden Ox, which must be February or March of 1*781.
The Emperor in person went with the procession, as far as he "thought it proper," and his eldest son accompani- ed it the distance of three days' journey from the capital. Then the coffin was carried on the shoulders of men to Tashi-lhunpo, which the cortege reached after seven months .and eight days.
The Emperor erected a mausolem in Tashi-lhunpo, ta reference to which is found in Captaiu Turner's "Account
of an Embassy, etc." : The "Teshoo Lama,"
I was told, had lavished upon this shrine of his predecessor immense wealth; yet his own, which was nearly completed before his visit to the Emperor of China, had been since greatly enriched by the tributary offerings made to him on. that journey (by the Emperor), and was now considered as the
more splendid and magnificent of the two
It now appeared that the building we had hitherto seen, served only as a case to cover a most beautiful pyramid placed within it. At the base of this pyramid the body of the late lama was deposited in a coffin of pure gold, made by command of )the Emperor of China upon the decease of the Lama at his court, and in which the body was conveyed, with the utmost solemnity and state, from Peking through the provinces of China and Tibet to Teshoo Looniboo."
The Dagoba in the Yellow Temple for which the
20 THE VISIT OF THE
inscription had been prepared by Ch'ien Lung, is also in commemoration of the event. As appears from the text of the inscription, this Dagoba contains only the garments, shoes, and prayers of the Lama.
It may be of some interest to refer in this place to the custom which prevails throughout China of burning the bodies of the chiefs and other wealthly priests of both Buddhist and Lamaist monasteries.
The cremation takes place in court yards, (j^gTtjrJ) assigned for the purpose outside of towns. In Peking, for instance, there is the ^|j||^|ijg for the head priests of
pEj^'Jit for those of the g§f|l!$. Then there is the JglJJ^f near Jg^f^j for the Buddhists. The corpse is seated in an iron chair in the " meditation" attitude, as prescribed by Buddha and is placed iu the centre of the courtyard. Faggots are heaped around it, which are lighted at midnight by the pupils. The next morning an investiga- tion is made by the pupils to see whether the bones have turned yellow or black. The first color indicates that a life- of unsullied purity has been lived by the deceased, and this intimation is greeted with great rejoicing by the pupils and bystanders, who instantly do the fragments homage. If the "bones are discovered to have turned black, this unfortunate circumstance, indicating that the departed priest has been a man of evil character, is received with great sorrow and reviling, though the fragments are always collected in small xirns of pottery or porcelain, to be enshrined in j^ or Dagoba s.
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 21
Captain Turner stales, that "in Thibet it is the custom to preserve entire the mortal remains of the sovereign Lamas only, every other corpse being either consumed by lire or given to be the promiscuous food of beasts and birds of prey." It seems, however, that the corpse of the Pan-ch'an was burned, as the inscription speaks of /J' ('J^ni) (burnt) remains, and the term "3^$J (sarira) used by the Emperor, indicates the bodily relics or ashes left after cremation of a Buddha or saint. The aucient Chinese terms for the j££ in which these relics are enshrined, are 'fjfejljj, 3£!flr, corresponding to the topes or stupas in India, the chorten's in Tibet, while the term "tehaitya" [;£•$!, j^^] is used, according to the ^^£^j>k, °uly in describing the buildings containing no relics.
Koeppen states that the Emperor ordered the body of the Pan-ch'an "to be embalmed and placed in a receptacle of gold, shaped like a pyramid, in sitting position with under-crossed legs, as in this position Buddhist holy men are obliged to die." The text of the inscription seems to contradict this statement, and I am inclined to believe that Koeppen made a mistake, coufoundiug the attitude in which the priests are disposed for cremation with the subsequent enshriuement, which latter is of course only the arrangement for the preservation of half-destroyed fragments of bone. Koeppen sates further-more, that "the octagonal, 15 fathoms (Klafter) high obelisk of marble in the neighbourhood (?) of the monastery of Khuang-sse, where the prelate had died, is covered on its top with a pure-gold bonnet (Haube) of the shape of a Lamaist mitre." This obelisk is of course the dagoba, situated in the grounds of the Yellow Temple, and
22 THE VISIT OF THE
the precious bonnet is merely gold-plated — in its present state, at least. Mr. Koeppen has hardly seen the temple himself, and his statement seems to rest only on the report of Mr.Timkousky,who in 1820 had charge of the Russian caravan to Peking (vide Hue). If this bonnet were really genuine gold, when Timkousky saw it, its value must have been enormous.
This Dagaba stauds in the middle of the J^B^ of the Western Yellow Temple, joining the Dalai-louy the former residence of visiting Dalai and Tashi Lamas.
At present, this building is a complete wreck, and visitors are not even allowed to inspect the interior, for fear of falling bricks and beams. The Dagoba is no doubt one of the finest chefs d'oeuvre of Buddhist architecture in China, and one cannot but regret that the bas-reliefs on its plinth, representing scenes in the life and trip of the Tashi Lama, bear conspicuous traces of the vandalism of 1900, when troops occupied the building after the Boxer trouble. Around its base are littered rubbish, and the dung of animals who seem to have been stabled in the surrounding dependencies of the Temple, which itself stands empty and desolate, wrecked like so many other temples in 1900. The Monument has a Pai-lou in front and another at the back, both of soft white marble, which is, too, the material employ- ed in the monument. Four little turrets of marble surround the central dagoba, which are nearly covered with inscribed prayers. A flight of marble steps leads to the platform, on which the central structure stands. The sculptured ornaments and carvings reproduce Buddhist emblems, and the general, disposition of the monument crowned by the copper-gilt bonnet, is that of all chortens and dagobas.
TESHOO LAMA. TO PEKING
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THE VISIT OF THE
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TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING
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26 THE VISIT OF THE
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TESHOO LAMJL TO PEKING 27
INSCRIPTION ON THE STONE TABLET IN
THE EASTERN PAVILION OF THE
WESTERN YELLOW TEMPLE.
*♦* —
{Translation.)
Epitaph on the Dagoba, tomb of the ashes " of the Pure and Peaceful One.
" Thus have We heard, that the men of action are not " those of the law, but the law is inaction.
" Those who do not persevere, do not attain the " way. The way is never ceasing effort.
" Greatly compassionating mankind 2 and desiring and " striving to help them, he in his kindness travelled from " beginningless space. 3 \»
" His wonderful bright intelligence knew all things. *
" His benefit was all-pervading, alike to men and " heaven, comforting the rejoicing universe, 5 and fulfilling " all desire (for holiness). 6
" His wisdom was a lamp, that added to the eternal
1. — In spite of this term fltt which refers to burnt remains or ashes,
it is understood that the earthly remains of the Lama had been transported to Tashi-lhunpo and the use of it is here only an academical one.
2.— lit. people, (gf)
3. — ^fp jjp/J includes the idea expressed by ;yjjg£, which Giles
translated by "fatal calamity, cataclysm."
4. — i.e. the EEJtP;, causes and effects.
5. — lit. making joyful and comforting the Universe of all living beings.
6. — This desire seems to be more congenial with the mission of the Holy man, as, if the desire were for mere temporal benefits, it would be beneath his sanctity to fulfil it, besides being a mani- fest impossibility.
28 THE VISIT OF THE
" radiance, 7 and a help to keep the wheel of the Law " revolving to the greatest good.
"On tke day of the Fire and the Cock of 8 the 7th " month, in the autumn in the year of the Golden Rat, " the holy 9 priest, Pan-ch'an Erdeui, came from Hou " Tsang, 10 passing over 20,000 li to see Us.
7. — lit. added to the eternal buring lamp (of Buddhism). Manjusri is sometimes also styled the lamp of wisdom and supernatural power.
8. — i.e. the 21st day of the 7th month, presumably September of 1780.
9. — j|B?=holy is a higher designation than iB =true. perfect, ele- vated, which is often used as an honorific title for both pro- minent Buddhist and Taoist priests. It is higher than f|Jj = immortal.
10. — "^ SIB = Ulterior Tibet south-westwards from Central Tibet ffl|§^, as the j^J^§B calls it, while |jfj|fs^ comprehends
the Eastern part of Tibet with Chiamdo ^ ^C ^ a™* |5^ ffi,
Ngari= Western Tibet.
M^mmmmm w¥t\mm& 0*Pu*ifH% w^m\k&mhmG%m<szmmmw
Shigatse is the capital of Hou Tsang. Although the Central Government of Lhassa exercises a conspicuous influence on its temporal affairs, the Pan-ch'an Erdeni is considered to hold the balance of power. The highest representative of the Chinese Government in Hou Tsang is the flgjf^ in Shigatse. (vide also my article, " Einige Worte liber Tibet " published in the Ostasiatische Lloyd, XV. Jahrgang, 41 Nummer, 1901.)
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 29
" Therefore We built him a n pavilion, like that in " which he dwelt in Tashi-lhunpo, to enable him to " peacefully indulge in his meditations. After one month " he then proceeded to Peking, where We entertained " him at the Yellow Temple.
"Suddenly he announced12 his approaching demise, "on the13 day of the Fire and Rat of the 11th month ■* (which accordingly occurred).
"On the day of the Fire and Dragon 14 of the 2nd " month, in the year of the Golden Ox, his remains were " sent back to Hou Tsang.
" On bending the fingers to count from his coming to " see Us, till his death, and from his death till the sending " back to Hou Tsang, it amounts to about 100 days " altogether.
" The true inwardness of the cause of his going and " coming one cannot explain. 15
"Therefore, We,t he Emperor, order to have established " on the Western side of the temple a I(5 burying courtyard
11. — [l_]j|£=translated by Giles, — a temporary burying ground for strangers, would here not convey the right meaning, which is a house which garden, a country-seat, a summer resort in the hills (t^^Lujti) an°l used in the Chinese accounts to designate the Palace in Jehol.
12. — i.e. announced to his disciples who surrounded his bedside.
13 — i.e. 2nd day of the 11th moon, presumably December 1780.
14.— i.e. 13th day of the 2nd moon, presumably March 1781.
15. — Lit. One really cannot think and discuss the cause ffj| ^* which lies behind his going and coming.
^'~^^ ' where the remains are burnt, as mentioned in III. part.
30 THE VISIT OF THE
" with Dagoba, being the tomb of the ashes of the Pure and " Peaceful One, and the receptacle of his prayers, 17 garments " and 18 shoes, in order to bear witness to this remarkable " course of events.
" In the beginning on the arrival of the Pan-ch'an to " stay forever, 19 the Universe was moral and tranquil, and " the affairs of the people were peaceful and prosperous, and " he rejoiced to see, that the Yellow Church in China was "prospering. Aud the Mongol feudal 20 princes, just " hearing of this event, were most glad and bent 2l in " adoration, and poured out their hearts in service to him. " In the Inner Land, 22 the poople also stretched 2S their necks " and stood on their heels, and hastened to take refuge in
17. — The term f(§£ stands for "Sutra" containing prayers and the
immediate instructions of Buddhism on Dogmas. ^|t " Vinaya " in Sanskrit, are the precepts of moral asceticism and monastic discipline. |^(|^) " Abhidarma tt (pitaka) in Sans- krit, consists of discussions in many instances by known authors, on the Buddhist creed and on heresies (Edkins idem opus.) These three represent the primary division of the Buddhist books in China. For further information vide Edkins id. op. 18.— Kia-sha, Ka-shaya, Kasha in Sanskrit word for gown or robe worn by Buddhists as symbol of outward teaching (Edkins idem op.)
19.— jj< j||, being used here in the meaning of ^c7E§)f- This recalls to mind, the sentence of the Emperor's letter to the Dalai Lama. " I remarked with a peculiar sentiment of affec- tion, that he never once spoke to me on the subject of his return. He seemed to fix his abode near my person. "
»-»* = mm
2i-JfiI£=Tii!
22 — i e. the people, who lived in the inner provinces.
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 31
11 Buddha, u considering that it was an auspicious M event to " the Empire.
" And he was about to exhort all the laud 26 to observe " the (three) conveyances and to bring about a condition of " boundless 27 virtue, alas !
" How is it that you don't know, that by pointing out " the images and speculating on their origin, you will not be " able to obtain the proofs 28 of eulightenment ?
" And seizing the ladder and hunting for the path, you " cannot ascend the 29 mountain of instruction ?
" Whether he be alive or dead, or whether he be 30 here " or there, it is the same.
" He naturally has entered into the Quiet Place, but he " still and surely proclaims the conveyances.
" Because of the time when he was a 31 wandering priest
24.— Here fjj%ffi stands for
25. — lit good and lucky.
26.— jp|B. term used in the j^^E^^ for China ; " tan " mean- ing country as in Afghanistan, Hindustan, etc., (vide also Edkins idem op. )
27.— 3jty ffi very often used in Buddhist prayers as for instance in
f§5&^§i#i. ihW&Wi •*■• ■»*.' and in the &M
28*~~§ft7@ or 'Iftft? condition of enlightenment.
29.— vide III. part. In this paragraph ^g|Jj is a ^£J ^ to JJ $|.
30. — lit his going and coming is the same. 31.— Bikshu.
32 THE VISIT OF THE
" in India, his intelligence had been long complete, and he " labored not uselessly.
" Therefore in Jehol on the day when he delivered !{'2 " (the Sutras and Sastras) he left an injunction to his eminent " disciple 83 Lo-p(u)-tsang Tun-chu-p(u) and others in 84 Tashi- " lhunpo, to preach the practising of the Sutras and Sastras, " aud to proclaim and make clear the true doctrine.
" Thus the Tathagata, when he was entering into " Nirvana, spake : 'I have already committed to the trust ** 'of Mahakas'yapa the unsurpassed doctrine of the heart, M ' in order that you have a firm reliance upon which to lean.
"And yet, how is it, that you don't believe, that the " men of action are not those of the law, and that those who " do not persevere, do not attain the way ?
" So furthermore the Tomb of the burnt remains of the " Pure and Peaceful One, together with Tashi-lhunpo are " there to guide the attitude of the community, regarding the u conveyances, and to proclaim the four noble truths.
" Whether there be one or two, it is not to be expected, " that such difficult subject should be argued again and " again."
Endorsed by Emperor Ch'ien Lung on an auspicious day of the Water-Tiger mouth, being the mouth of the summer-solstice, in his 47th reigning year.
32.- _.m
33.— vide part III.
34.— i.e. in the temple in Jehol, built on the model of that in Tashi-lhunpo.
TSEROO LAMA TO PEKING 33
III.
The inscription is carved on a tablet standing upright on the back of the fetiche of Chinese, the tortoise, under the shelter of a pavilion to the right of the Dagoba.
It is — as are nearly all of them in China — presented in four languages, Chinese, Manchu, Tibetan and Mongolian. To the text proper, Buddhist prayers are appended, the translation of which I esteem out of place published here.
The inscription is for two reasons worthy of attention. Primarily it gives a clear, though not exactly detailed account of the visit of the Pan-ch-au Lama, then it comments upon the general views of the Emperor Ch'ien Lung on Buddhism — the Buddhism of his day. They prove him favorable to the Buddhist scheme just as much as, or more than, Emperor Shun Chih was, and they are certainly widely different from the views of the Emperor K'ang Ilsi, as exposed in his Sacred Edict. This latter sarcastically emphasizes those defects of Buddhism which must have been conspicuous to every mind trained in the spirit of Chinese classics. It had of course to decry "all that these Buddhists talk about, being absorbed in contempla- tion, comprehending intelligence and becoming Buddhas. " It was obliged to sneer at "their" (the Buddhist's) " classical writings, the Heart classic (^Vi|j*$?)> etc.," and had to express doubts as to "the existence of the Western Paradise," and the belief "that by serving Buddha one's life would be prolonged."
Yet this same Emperor K'ang Hsi was gracious to the Lamas and the whole Lamaiet hierarchy, when he planned to
34 THE VISIT OF THE
have Mongolia and Tibet brought under his yoke. Therefore he took part against the Regent (Ssangss rGjass rGja mThso) in Lh'assa, supporting the protege of the Mongolians for the succession to the Tibetan papal throne after the death of the 5th Dalai Lama. And that was the reason that he evinced a great interest in all Tibetan affairs, as an earnest of which he sent cordial invitations to the 5th Pan-ch'an Erdeni (SK#fll^#l|) to™itlmn.
The Emperor Ch'ien Lung, though also an autocrat of independent mind like his grandfather, was yet in contrast to him rather a protector of Buddhists and Lamas and the holy reincarnations of their church, and apparently not always entirely for policy. Certainly the present inscription gives a substantial digest of his views.
The way he begins is to pick up the two marked distinctions made in his time between the ^J^X "yuwei" and |ffi^§ uwu wei" divisions of Buddhism.
These terms are of ancient origin in China, being long in use before Buddhism was ever known. A quotation, which is often found in old Chinese records, I add here: u $$ j§ flS^" ''Rule consists in inaction; i.e. in non-ruling. "
It was the leading principle in the government of the Emperors Yao and Shun. Everybody was allowed to go his own way, the Emperor and government not interfering either with their subjects or government of other countries. Chinese pretend that through this indifference shown by the chief of state, which was, of course, so at least it is maintain- ed, diffused throughout the departments of administration,
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 35
commerce and general prosperity of the people could develop and increase, and China then enjoyed its happiest times. Naturally, expansive policy was thus practically banished from the scheme of government, as this would have necessi- tated the exertion of activity. The maintenance of this innocuous and comfortable principle supposed, however, a corresponding attitude from the surrounding neighbours. And later on when the Tartars, Huns, Mongols, etc., began to infest China, this peaceful inactivity had to be given up. Consequently, the succeeding Emperors were forced to gradually change this leading principle into the opposite: " ^l^njffijjcl" " Rule consists in action." In the times of K'ang Hsi and Ch'ien Lung, ruling according to the principle of " ^^f?5Ji& " certainly would have ruined the prosperity and power of the Empire, instead of furthering it.
The references Mr. Beal gives in his first lecture on Buddhist Literature in China (t^M^M^^, &&W
interesting from the point of view of the lexicographer, who seeks to get °out the real meaning of a term by careful comparison, but Mr. Edkins' explication of these two distinctions, applied to sects of Buddhism, is here more accurate. The Buddhists adhering to the ^fjjjj, those of action, or those who rely upon action, are the first establish- ed in China. The others existed in China for about 300 years. The Sect $j£j§|§£ was founded by Lo Huei Neng, called also the patriarch Lo, about 270 years ago.
Mr. Edkins says: "The name of the sect is Wu-wei-kiau, which translated literally means the 'Do nothing sect.'
36 THE VISIT OF THE
The idea intended by it is, that religion consists not in ceremonies and outward show, but in stillness, in a quiet meditative life, and in an inward reverence for the all pervading Buddha. Buddha is believed in, but he is not worshipped. They are temples, if they may be so-called, but they are plain structures, destitute of images, and having in them only the common Chinese tablet to heaven, earth, king, parents and teachers, as an object of reverence." He adds in another place ; "External Buddhism seeks after the Nirvana, encourages, appoiuts prayers for the dead and makes use of much outward show to win the multitude. This is 'yeu-wei' or 'reliance on action.' The mystic Buddhists resist such a method of attaining the ends of religion. They recommend inaction or wu-wei. It is from them that the wu-wei sect has sprung." Again: "The phrase wu-wei is one of the watchwords of idealistic and mystical schools in China; while yeu-wei, action, a phrase of opposite signification is the cry of systems which favor materialism."
I may add, that the wu-wei sect, which was at first persecuted, next prohibited by the Sacred Edict, then tolerat- ed, and afterwards encouraged until it finally triumphed, has in our times lost its prestige.
The Chinese say: "To clear out of one's heart the four important things — wine (vjgj), lust (|S ), wealth (fH*) and anger (||) -that is wu-wei [^ :fc|f ^#[S|| Mffi"
The following of this ideal is falling more and more into desuetude, and though there may be some few who take up their cudgels on behalf of the "wu-wei," the business of modern times does not offer them chances to carry out their
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 37
beliefs to any extent. The straggling followers of the " wu- wei " are to-day considered as " fei-jen " )S|^ or " good for nothings."
These quotations and remarks will suffice to enable one to understand the application of these two terms as the preamble to this epitaph on a great Lama's tomb.
The inscription begins : " Thus have We heard. Those of the action are not those of the law. But the law consists in inaction." Here, too, much stress need not be laid upon the fact that the Emperor sympathises with the " 4ff IS". As a matter of fact he does not declare himself for either one definitely, and, of course, the question is left undecided whether Ch'ien Lung was an actual believer at all. His ed- ucation and the training of his mind, together with his originally independent character, would certainly allow one to conclude that he was, like his enlightened grandfather, merely a clever actor in appearing to manifest beliefs where there were none.
The next phrases: "Those who do not persevere, do not attain the way. The way is never-ceasing effort, " form perhaps connecting links between the preamble and the intimation that the Lama followed the "wu-wei. " He was one who ever since his beginning had persevered in the true way, which consists in mental detachment from mundane things. The whole painful journey (the ${|§p}J3j has here the idea of both tremendous space and time, — kalpas without beginning ") was undertaken out of compas- sion, in order to show the multitudes of China the true way, to detach their minds from the world, and especially from the external forms of the religion nursed by the "yu-wei. "
38 THE VISIT OF THE
The Emperor here, it will be noticed, does not claim that the Pan-ch'an came to assist in the celebration of his "j§3^," as he rather complacently relates in his letter to the Dalai Lama.
Next, the Emperor extols the extraordinary capacities and the great merits of the Lama. The " [§J W " " yuan chiieh " is a watchword of Buddhist vernacular, applied to the Pratyeka Buddhas, those ascetics who have attained Buddhaship individually and are usually deprived of the ability to save others. It will be explained later on that the Lama was not lacking in this capacity.
The Emperor enumerates attributes of the Lama which are again watchwords of Buddhists, and especially of the "wu-wei." He is the one "who adds to the eternal Radiance the eternally burning lamp of the law of Budd- hism." This could be done only if he is credited with the faculties which distinguish the eminent exponents of the " wu-wei," as characterized by Edkins thus: "If there is light with in me, it illuminates all heaven and earth. If my own nature be always bright, heaven will never become dark."
Another such attribute is described in the phrase ' ' his benefit was all pervading alike to heaven and earth," just as we find it often expressed: "The pure doctrine of the < wu-wei' is pure incense, pervading all heaven and earth." And the honorific designation of the Holy Man in the heading of the inscription "The Pure and Peaceful One" (fipfjil) appears likewise in a work attributed to the founder of the "^]g^" in China' the fj?^^*.
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 39
— ■
Likewise, the Emperor relates that he built the Lama a Palace in Jehol, like his dwelling in Tashi-lhunpo, "to enable him to peacefully indulge in his meditations." The quiet indulgence in meditation is the main characteristic of the " wu-wei."
Then comes the brief statement of the journey of the Lama to Peking, his ensuing death there, and the sending back of his earthly remains to his native country.
The next phrases: "On bending the fingers to count from his coming to see us till his death, and from his death till the sending back to Hou Tsaug, it amounts to about 100 days altogether. The true inwardness of the cause of his going and coming one cannot explain. Therefore -We order, etc. etc.." contain an allusion to the law of causation (BHH yin-yuan).
" Yin-yuan " is perhaps one of the most frequently used watchwords in Buddhist books. To quote for instance from the &$&%■& («« tt£ VX ftH^ft
$>%mi&Wifc and GMfamn^zfom
ittSIt, etc.) or from the &R|$t£&&'$«: («
©^ and TOMaii^A^ii;*/. etc->-
These necessarily f orthcomiug effects of causes, originat- ed in previous existences, rule the whole system of the world, as believed by Chinese Buddhists and make of the IB Ht> a sy8tem ot fatality as compelling as that of Mohammedan fatalism, though the latter takes cognizance only of effects and neither seeks nor recognizes causes. The Lama having undertaken the risks of such a long
40 THE VISIT OF THE
journey to add to the prestige of the Lamaist Church and Buddhism, he (the Emperor) does not understand why he was not allowed to carry out his scheme. The E9||| must answer for it.
The following statements regarding the peace and the prosperity of the people, which were also shared by the Lamaist Church in China, give evidence of a certain com- placence on the part of the Emperor, who wishes to point out the blessings to the Empire of the reign of the Mauchu dynasty, whose sovereigns had pacified it after long struggles, and had restored order after the defeat of the Kalmuks, (Turguts), Sungars (Dsungars), Khoshoits, Oelots, and, last but not least, the Khalkha Mongols.
The descriptton of the adoration and reverence of the Mongolian princes and chieftains, humiliating themselves before the Lama and naturally also before the Emperor, seems to be given with satisfaction by him. Perhaps he is recollecting here the days when the Empire, under the reign of his grandfather, passed through some thrilling experiences, when the general ^^^ plotted against the Throne, after his disgrace, and stirred up the provinces of Yun-nan,Ssu-ch'uan,Kuei-chou, Fuh-kien and Kuang-tung, in order to extinguish the Manchu dynasty ; and the Khalkha Mongols under the successors of Chinghiz and Kublai Khan profited by this thrilling period to attempt the conquest of Peking with their hordes.
The people also were eager to get sight oi the Lama on his entrance into the capital, as he was considered by everybody to be a reincarnation of the Holy Teacher and Reorganizer of the Yellow Church, Tsongkhaba (the
TESSOO LAMA TO P EKING 41
6th or 9th according to Koeppen), and secondly, as he was looked upon as the one who had in the highest degree earned merit in life and had attained the aim of all: Bodhisatship on earth.
It is interesting to note how the Emperor manages to combine this distinguished representative of the Lama- ist Church with the particular beliefs of Buddhists, which in his days prevailed in China. As a living Buddha who had attained enlightenment on earth, the Teshoo Lama was appointed to be the authoritative teacher and com- mentator of the law. The cult followed by the "yu-wei," which indulged in vain outward exhibitions "such as the use of images, idolatrous rituals, consisting in the burning of paper, offering of presents, performing services for the release of souls, in order to avoid calamity, destroy sin, increase happiness and prolong life," and was stigmatized by the Sacred Edict of K'ang Hsi, still remained in vigor and apparently was at its apogee then. Now it appears from the Emperor's conclusion that the Holy Lama was the "Expected One", to encourage the "wu-wei" and to gradually lead the misguided " yu-wei " away from the above useless practices, towards the true path, and after his death the people would find themselves obliged to seek salvation by indulging in unaided, individual speculations. Hence the realization of the Emperor of the despair of the people at the loss of their teacher, and his attempt to comfort them with the assurance that although the Lama seems to be dead he yet lives in his teachings. Thus he claims, in a certain way, immortality for him, according to the ideas of the Northern Buddhists, who declared that
42 THE VtSIT OF THE
Buddha entering the Nirwana, where there is neither death, nor life, has not died, because he lives in his teachings.
The Emperor's idea could have been based on the words of Buddha as repeated in Buddhist works, as the ^MH^fiE • " Though I have entered the Nirvana, it has not been a complete Nirvana, therefore you ought to know the law that certainly remains, the unchanging law."
From another more material point of view, however, it would be inaccurate to use the term immortality. I refer here to the explanation of Mr. Beal, when speaking of the first sermon preached by Buddha, and recounted by
Asvagosha. It is said here: " Tath a gata on
this auspicious day has set revolving that which never yet revolved, ' and far and wide for gods and men has opened wide the gate amatam' I prefer leaving this last word untranslated, for it would be misleading to render it by our word ' immortality, ' and yet it means deathlessness, or, according to Buddhaghosha, the great southern authority, it signifies that condition which 'not being born, does not
decay nor die " and later, " In fact, the
whole creation is brought within the same power and from the lowest to the highest, for 'all living,' the teaching of the great sage is made serviceable. "
The references made by the Emperor to the Lama's unceasing proclamation of the law by teaching and explaining the three conveyances, are, taken as they stand in the text* not exactly in support of the Emperor's argument, that the Lama was a representative of the "wu- wei, " since the wu-wei's characteristics lie in not displaying activity. As a representative of the Yellow Church,
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 43
moreover, which was always and par excellence a religion of much outward show to attract the masses, he certainly could not entirely disregard its methods, which consist in idolatrous rituals, charlatanism and all kinds of delusions. This indicates that the Emperor had not definitely embraced the cause of the "wu-wei," as also his general ideas and the environments of his life would not have allowed it.
However, I believe that the ^fjlf does not mean here, "to observe the three conveyances" but "to observe the esoteric ideas of Buddhism, " and I believe it particularly as the Emperor, later on, when he speaks of the Lama's delivering his prayers, etc., to his excellent disciple
JiS j^ilS h iB^S&^fc'ltJ ad<i8: " Just as Buddha did, when he said: <I have already committed to the trust of Mahakas'yapa the complete and unsurpassed doctrine of the heart, in order that you may have a firm reliance upon which to lean." The esoteric school ^f^, as is known, has often pretended that by this declaration Buddha gave them 'their' doctrine, the doctrine of the heart, the mystic doctrine, "which was only for the advanced disciples, like Mahakas'yapa and others " (Edkins).
The doctrine has never been laid down as a whole in books, but some of the sutras give a good digest of the chief views and its metaphysics, such as the " Fa-hua-ching " $fg$g. the <£$pl "Chin-kang-ching"andthe ^^^ "Leng-yen-ching." The following sentence is taken from the c< ^Pflj$£ " tne M Diamond Sutra" and I give it on purpose, as it will be seen that the views sustained in it are quite as familiar to the esoterics, as they are to the wu-wei, " Reject 10,000 entanglements and to cleanse your mind and
44 THE VISIT OP THE
actions ; within, let your heart be completely quieted ; without, let your life be entirely pure. So, altogether, you will become aware of the true source, and so, by thorough study, you will grasp to the utmost the principle of the law"
A clear argument supporting the Emperor's sympathies for the " wu-wei" is expressed in the apostrophe : "How is it that you don't know, that by pointing out the images and speculating on their origin you will not be able to obtain the proofs of enlightenment. And seizing the ladder and hunting for the path, you cannot ascend the mountain of instruction ! " — The " Yu-wei " with their lavish employment of images can thus never climb [the "efficacious mountain" Sljj. This mountain probably means the Ghridhrakuta mountain (ff|iJi||J_l) where, according to tradition, Kas'yapa was instructing 500 disciples at the time when he was apprised by an earthquake of Buddha's entrance into Nirvana. We find another reference likewise in the Fa-hua- ch'ing, which states that Buddha was residing at the city Rajagriha, on the mountain Ghridhrakuta, with 2,000 Bikshus, all of them Arhats, at the time when he explained the Sutras of the Great Development, (vide Edkins "Chinese Buddhism.")
Another reference is made in the Mahavagga, where the story of Buddha's meeting with the elders of 80,000 villages of the Kingdom of Magadha is related. After the King of Magadha, Seniya Bimbisara, had instructed them in the rules of the visible world, he dismissed them, directing them
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 45
to the World Honoured One, with the words ; ' He, the World Honoured One, will instruct you in the affairs of the hereafter.' Then the 80,000 elders went to the Mount Gijjhakuta (Geierspitze) where Buddha was staying (Olden- berg, " Buddha "). Finally it is the mountain, where Pis'una or Mara in the form of a vulture hindered the meditation of Ananda. (Eitel "Handbook of Chinese Buddhism").
The Lama, who was exoteric and a "wu-wei," striving unceasingly for the highest attainments has ascended this mountain, just as Buddha had ascended it. This achievement was due to his efforts continued since his beginning in India, as a wandering priest, "not wasting, however, his time too long in ascetic life," as the terms
flft)H# seem t0 mdicate> though the term [jj W designates the Pratyeka Buddhas (see above), who, according to the belief, attain, as hermits, Buddhaship individually, but are not able to save others. But this restriction is not applied in every case.
Edkins in "Chinese Buddhism" says: "When a period occurs in the world's history, without a Buddha, Pratyekas appear, and arriving at the perception of doctrine in his absence, take his place as teacher till he arrives. " The reference made here to the Lama's previous early days intends to explain that the Lama had not long idled his time as a small religious mendicant, as a Bikshu, but had quickly abandoned vice and constantly aiming at virtue, "got the eyes of the pure law" as Buddhist vernacular has it, and came to the right knowledge of Buddha's doctrine, becoming
♦vide inscription, part II. f§ g ffi$%$t&£# $> B T
mm
46 THE VISIT OF THE
a sort of Pu'sa, ^§|§|, thus displaying " perseverence " in attaining the way. This perseverence might of course refer to both " activity in virtue" or in "meditation," but the second interpretation seems more congruous with the Emperor's idea.
The next paragraph in the inscription deals with the appointment of a substitute by the Lama, in order that the wheel of the law might be kept constantly revolving. The ^?3e£wE recor<^s tnat tne Lama had left behind his excellent disciple ^Stgjffi^ ^^IJ^^J (peranalogiamin- scriptionis), to be the head of 20 Bandis flfSHiH Zl"f"A (priests of second order placed under the f§(^ (Ko) (Ke lung) to reside in the Temple of Tashi-lhunpo and to transmit the Sutras and S'astras of Hou Tsang, choosing besides 180 native Lamas of China to learn. ( ^-Hf^l/ft*
jl|). It is understood, that the Tashi-lhunpo here and in the text of the inscription is the Temple built by the Emperor at Jehol, on the model of that in Tashi-lhunpo, in Tibet.
By this appointment the gap occasioned by his loss was tilled. Others came, assuming the task to revolve the wheel of the law after his death. The contrast, which appears to be obvious, between this statement and the other above one, that "the Lama, although having entered the quiet place, is still and surely proclaiming the conveyances" is, after all, only a seeming one. Indeed the appointment of a successor or successors does not destroy his influence on posterity, which is credited to him by the Emperor's saying "that he had ascended the mountain of instruction." This
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 47
may be perhaps only a mark of his great admiration for the Lama's extraordinary capacities and " all pervading wisdom." and may be even only used figuratively.
Herewith the arguing of the Emperor has come to an end. The last sentences are only an apostrophe to the people.
The Lama's whole appearance and career, his pure, unsullied life, his high moral achievements, his teachings and proclamation of the unsurpassed law, wbich is that of the "heart" seeking the way not in outward means and shows, but in inward striving for the attainment of the path, his committing this doctrine to his best disciple out of compassion for mankind, in order that it might be
henceforward propagated by Chinese priests , seem.
to be to the Emperor a strong enough argument in favor of that religous party, which states, that the law lies in "inaction." And yet there are some who don't believe that "those of the action are not those of tbe law, and that those who don't persevere do not attain the way ! "
Undoubtedly this apostrophe is intended for the unlearned masses only. The higher classes, who gained their enlight- enment from the study of the classics, probably did take as much interest then in divisions and discussions of similar kind as in our days.
Besides, not every one regarded him with the same eyes, as did the Emperor, providing, indeed, that the latter did really consider him as one who had "rejected the 10,000 entanglements" and "quieted his heart."
It is easy to observe from the i§ jjfffB 's account of the visit of the enlightened H6-shang from the Western
48 THE VISIT OP THE
Hills, as mentioned above, that the great honors shown to this chief of the Yellow Church met with disapproval in the ranks of his fellow priests of the Buddhist creed in China. So, either the Lama was not really the supporter of the then prevailing faction of Buddhists in China, or this prevailing faction was not that favored in the inscription by the Emperor's approval. But, after all, did the Emperor really consider him as this supporter, and does he really range himself on the side of the wu-wei ? The references to the Xamas "exertions" in undertaking such a perilous journey for the benefit of the people and prosperity of the Yellow Church, which is properly the religion of "exhibition" and of the " 10,000 entanglements;" his "activity" in proclaim- ing the conveyances, his early "busy life," etc., etc., seem to l>e a mighty counter-argument in favor of his attachment to the "yu-wei."
The Emperor's whole exposition of his argument, although mostly supported by watchwords only, is, from the point of view of the barrister, who must be able to equally advocate the pro and eontra, a splendid one. The last apostrophe resembles a sword of two edges. It is liable to cut on both sides, but is at a loss where to strike the blow, hence the Emperor leaves the question open, whether activity or meditation is required to serve Buddha. He only deems it appropriate and stimulating to posterity to com- memorate the Lama's visit and mission by the erection of a temple at Jehol and a D'agoba at Peking.
As for the further discussion of the question, he very wisely accords also to churchmen the privilege generally enjoyed by grammarians only, to be "always in fighting trim."
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 49
APPENDIX WITH EXPLANATION OF THE NAMES OF THE DALAI AND TASHI LAMAS.
Prof. Dr. Friedrich Hirth la states the Chinese system of transcribing foreign sounds (names) to be in some way a "circulus vitiosus," and he considers the modern dialects in Chinese to be the assistants to enable one to disentangle one's self from this "circulus vitiosus." He likewise pointed out the great value of the terms derived from foreign languages, which are preserved in the form, of transliterations. The transliterations of the Holy texts of the Buddhists from Sanskrit and Pali contain good specimens of these transliterated names and their importance for the translators of foreign works is materially enhanced by Stan. Julien's treatise on the way to spell Sanskrit names in Chinese texts. lb Hirth, Parker and others have likewise contributed some other valuable specimens of transliterations from the languages of the Turk-Tartar people. We possess, furthermore, transliterations of names
la. — Vide his " Sinologische Beitrage zur Geschichte der Turkvol ker." The plea of Hirth to demonstrate a similarity of Attila's genealogy as recorded by Joannes Thuroczyanus (the Hungarian Joannes de Thuroczy) and the list of the Hiungnu- Regents in the jfejfjj of ^,B|^, in the Inp^HfH and in the w*fc||(} is a proof of his keen linguistic discernment, although no proof of the fact of this similarity.
16. — A work of high standard, being a guide for the reconstruction of Sanskrit names is also Eitel's " Handbook for the Student of Chinese Buddhism."
50 THE VISIT OF THE
from the Mongolian, Arab, etc., languages. Among the Chinese glossaries I mention especially the HJ^^[^^
and the ^^TC^fit®^^ as two 8°°^ standard auxiliary works for the transliteration of Tibetan, Mon- golian, Manchu, Arab, etc., terms. Another useful assistant for transliterations from Sanskrit, Tibetan, Mongolian, etc. is also the ^J^[^^§i^. E- von Zacn 2 m nis emenda- tions of the Giles Dictionary has supplied us with an excerpt from the first, which is a very rare work. I have tried to give in the following, an explanation of the names in the lists of the two Chief Lamas of Tibet, and hope that the references to the Chinese transliterations may be of some use for corresponding researches. Waddell's respective lists have served to me as a base for comparisons, to which I added (passim) the names as presented by the Tibetan oJigs-nied nani-mk'a (vide Huth's "Geschichte des Buddhismus in der Mongolei)" Korosi Csoma, Griinwedel and others.
(1.) — The first in the list of the Dalai Lamas is "dGe- dun Grub-pa "="Siddhasamgha" Skt. (Huth) the first of the Tibetan Lamas to whom the title "rGyelva" "Jina," victor, has been applied.
"dGe" virtue, good morals; "dGe-,dun"="Samgha" Skt: general name of the clergy. From the same rootword derive also "dGe-ldan," Ga-ldan or Gahdan=" place of joys, where the Bodhisattvas are residing before their last re-incarnation," "the Tushita-Heaven," "name of the monastery eastward from Lhasa built by Tson K'apa in 1409;" and the name of the sect dGe-
2. — " Lexicographische Beitriige" E. v. Zach, Peking 1902. 2 vol.
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 51
lugs-pa=" lit., the sect of the " virtuous," who wear yellow caps — "Grub " = " Siddha" Skt. or " Siddhartha " or "Arthas'iddhi" or " Sarvartthasiddha " (vide Eitel")i he who has obtained Sidhi, he who became perfect through wonderful power; "Siddhi "=Tib. "grub-pa, "=magic powers, (vide Griinwedel 4) not to be confounded with " gro- ba "=" satva " Skt. living, being ; " grub-c'en " =Mahasid- dha " a wizard priest, follower of the Yoga principles, Yogi ; " Don-grub "=" Siddhartha" °Buddha's name as a prince and frequently used as a title for High Lamas (see Pan-ch'en Lama Xo 3), " Don (-yod) grub (-pa) "= 5 °" Amoghasiddha "Skt: one of the live Celestial Jinas (Pancajati Jinas); " Yongrub"="Parinishpanna" Skt. completely perfect, the unchangeable and unassignable true existence which is also the scope of the path, the " summum bonum," the absolute 6 (see Waddell); therefore dGe-'0dun-grub-pa"= " Siddhasamgha " Skt : 7 he who has a wonderful perfect community.
"dGe-'0dun" is also vulgarly used as "gen-dun" 8 and this brings it nearer to the Chinese "ken-tun." The Chinese historiograph of the ffi jffiE ren^ers tne name
3.—" Handbook of Chinese Buddhism " p. 150, 152.
4.—" Mythologe ides Buddhismus " p. 31, 36.
5. — Grunwedel's opus idem p. 99.
6.—" Lamaism of Tibet " p. 128.
7.— But in W. Wassiljew's '• Der Buddhismus " p. 8"> u dGe-0'dun- op'el "=u Kaljanavardhana " Skt. name of the first propagator of the Mahajana system in Kashmir ; see also W. W. RockhhTs "The Life of the Buddha" p. 13. "dGe-hphel? " = " Kalyanavardana " Amrita's son.
8. — See Jaschke's " Handworterbuch der Tibetischen Sprache " p. 87.
52 THE VISIT OF THE
by "°Tun-ken Chu-pa, " but the transliteration of the " tun "as first, and the "ken" as second character, seems to me only an inadvertent mistake of the transcriber, or it is perhaps a misprint. The j^&7CE:J&[Jllm|$? com" menting upon the term " jjj||5£ " states as follows:
Feh, f 'eh, w'eh, w'eh, keh, k'eh, geh g'eh, dgeh or dge and other similar sounds cannot be accurately rendered in Chinese; hence "ken "has been evidently selected by the transliterator to match the "n" in "tun," which stands here as the equivalent of " dun " or " 'hdun " in Tibetan. In the "grub-pa" the " chu " ^ had to take the place of the "gru" which Chinese cannot pronounce. The "grub" is nearly always transliterated so, or sometimes with the ^J " p(u)" abjoined to the j^. 9
(2.)— The second Dalai Lama's name is= " dGe-0 'dun rGya-mt'so" or with all his attributes " r Je t'anis-cad mk'yen-pa dGe-0'dun rGya-mt'so "=" Samghasagara " Skt. 10 Koeppen n translates his name " Geistlicher Ocean. " " rje "=saint, sublime, " arya" Skt. as in the name of the
9. — See E. v. Zach's, ' Lexicographische Beitrajje " p. 92. I. vol. tH^^fi? bsam-grub, and p. 93. J^3fe gm-gong, p. 84.
Hj^fc^ dngos-grub;
10. — See Huth " Geschichte des Buddhismus in der Mongol ei " p. 203.
11. — "Die Lamaische Hierarchie und Kirche" p. 133. " Rgya- mt'so"=" ocean" serviteur du Buddha futur, M dtreya (Mdo I.) see for this L6on Feer's " vocabulaire de 1' analyse do Kandjour " (Annales du Musee Guimet) and ibid. Sagara ocean, roi des Nagas, (questionneur de Mdo XII, 2°, 3°, 4°.)
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 53
reformer of the Lamaist religion "rJe Rin-po-c'e" i.e. "Tson K'apa"; "t'ams-cad mk 'yen-pa" Tib.=omniscient= sarvajna" Skt. ; 12 " rGya-mt'so "=" Sagara" Skt. "Dalai" Mong. ocean. The Chinese transliteration of this name is :
^JI8&#ISMh- ^ne Presence °f tne nnal an^ numerous ■compound superadded consonants, duplex characters in Tibetan, made the task very difficult for the Chinese transliterator. As is known, only n, ng, (n) rh (erh), are used as final consonants in the Northern Chinese, while some dialects in the Southern Chinese (Amoy, Swatow, Canton, Hakka) allow also the use of k, p, t and m besides the above as final consonants. 13 Moreover the aggregation of -consonants is with some few exceptions (as ts, tsz, dz) impossible in both the Northern and Southern Chinese dialects. Hence, when transliterating the word "mt'so," the transliterator had to cut out the "m" from the rest, and as this could not stand alone, he had to add a vowel. The "mu" becomes thus a =fe"t|' which are frequent in Chinese transliterations of foreign names. It is interesting that in the Records of the Ming Dynasty the Tibetan "rgya-mt'so" is also transcribed with
12.— See also W. W. Rockhill id op. p. 173 Now there was at
Vaisali a sthavira called Sarvakama (Thams-chad hdod-pa),
etc T'ams-cad mk'yenpa stands a'so together with
"zigs" seer. f.i. vide Huth op. id. p. 302. " T'ams-cad mk'yen-zigs c'en-po, etc." der grosse Allwissend-Allsehende, for " T'ams-cad " see also WaddelPa op. id. p. 346 " T'am-ch'ad- skyob" " Visvabhu,"=One of the Seven Heroic Buddhas or Tathagatas.
13. — See C Arendt's " Handbuch der Nordchinesischen Umgangs- sprache " I. p. 244.
14._See in the §g j^gg.
54 THE VISIT OF THE
(3). — The third Dalai's name is "bSod-nams-rGya-mt'so" or with all his attributes " r Je bSod-nams rGya-mt'so dpal bzan-po"="Punyasagaragribhadra" Skt. 15 Griinwedel calls him also "mk'as-grub bSod-nams rGya-mt'so." 16
" bSod-nams "=happiness, virtue, moral or religious merit. » In the Chinese glossary j|?^7£H&IIIlq$? we find the following note: %Mfcf§&&™^&i@t jjfcff fiUR-"dpal" adj— .noble, brave, is a title applied frequently to some divinities and to saints, as also to great cities ; 18 and also as subst. Glanz, Segen, Adel, hfg. als Epitheton ; 19 £ri or S'ri Skt. explained by §^ lit. lucky omen, a title given to many deities (Sarasvati, etc.) 20 — "Bzan-po"=Bhadra Skt. explained by ||x lit. virtuous, or by @ lit. a sage.
The Chinese transliteration is f^|Jyfcjf§i§^j or
15.— See Huth's op. id. p. 2 >0 ; for " Punya " see Waddel's op. id. p. 30, footnote 3, ; '• frlbhadra " also " Qrimanbhadra " this latter for the Tib. " dpal-ldan Czanpo," see Wassiljew's op. id. p. 294 (Name des Nag&rdschuna, Qakjagri u.s.w.)
16. — Griinwedel "Die Mythologie des Buddhismus " p. 80; " mKa'sgrub " he who attained perfection of knowledge, see also Jaschke's op. id. p. 55, " der Gelehrte," " auch wie hoch- weise."The Sanskrit transliteration coul dbe perhaps "Munindr- as iddha " although " Munindra " according to Huth, T'ubpai dban-po, op. id. p. 10. I also suggest " Mahavadi " see my remarks on the 1st Pan-ch'an Lama.
17.— See Korosi Csoma's " Tibetan and English Dictionary " p. 127.
18.— See same authors op. id. p. 71.
19. — See Jaschke's op. id. p. 327.
20.— See Eitel's op. id. p 158.
21. — See same author's op id. p. 29.
TSEhOO LAMA TO PEKING 55
"bSod" as a final, is even in the Tibetan pronunciation nearly always dropped, and more modern Tibetan grammars indicate its place by an apostrophe (Graham Sandberg, B. A., in his "Handbook of colloquial Tibetan") So also the " s " at the end of a syllable and styled second final after the low toned aspiratae gha, bha, and the nasalae nga, ma, remains silent. Accordingly the Chinese transcriber could eliminate these consonants. The "no "in JjjSSyfC ^8 no ^."S* but tne "mu" is. In the above quoted Chinese glossary (Jg & ^q= j£ (g] §g fj$) these half sounds are printed at the side near the others, indicating that they are only stop-gaps.
I refer under this heading to the title "Vajradhara" (vide part I.), which has been likewise conferred upon this Dalai Lama by Altan Khan, when the Lama visited him in Mongolia in 1575. The full title was : Dalai bLama Vajradhara (Tib. rDo-rje c'an Talai bLama), which Huth translates with "Allumfassender Herr,Vajrahalter." B (Vide my translation part I.) The bestowing of such or similar titles seem to have been common in the Tibetan and Mongolian Lamaist history.
We find another example in the titles, " Indian Devapu- tra,"23 (Tib. lHai sras-po), Tis ri24a etc. conferred by Hw obilai
22.— See Huth's op. id. p. 223 Abel Remusat translates it:"le supreme et immense porteur de sceptre "see his "Melanges posthumes d'histoire et de litterature orien tales " p. 449.
23. — See same author's op. id- p. 150. 156.
24a. — " Tis ri " the Tibetan sde-srid " a regent.
56 THE VISIT OF THE
Kb an upon the Sa-skya Pandita ° Gromgon 0 P'ags-pa. 24b He granted him likewise the whole country of Tibet. The Chinese transliteration of the name S^PjJ!|J |i?PjfcJ follows the general rules for the transliteration of Sanskrit names.
(4.) — The next Dalai's name is " Yon-tan rGya-mt'so" or ''Yon-tan rGya-mt'so-dpal bzan-po "=" Gunasagaracrib- hadra" Skt. *
" Ton-tan "—skill, good quality 26 ;Vorzug, Fertigkei- ten, Kenntnisse, mystische, phantastische Eigenschaf- ten. 27 — Griinwedel translates it by "Tugend." Its equi- valent in Sanskrit is " Guna" f^JcJjpl.28 For the explanation of the other attributes see above No. 2 and 3. Koeppen's translation of the whole name is " Verdienst Ocean."
The Chinese transliteration is H^HiHHfo Tne "yon" has in the pronounciation a sound like "yuan,"
246. — For this Lama's biography, see Fame author's op. id. p. 139. °P'ags pa=noble, holy, reverend, arya. Waddell translates it " Highness, Sublimity, " see his op. cit. p. 38. Its meaning is also "eminent," "wonderful," as in Huth's op. id. p. 141. The full name of this Lama, who had converted Khubilai Khan to Buddhism in 1261 is Lama Dharmaraja °P'ags-pa Blo-gros rGyal-mt'san Arya Matidhavaja Skt. ; see also Griinwedel's op. cit. p. 63. " Gro-mgon," Tibetan for the "Protector of human beings."
25.— See Huth's op. id. p. 232.
26. — See Korosi Csoma's op. id. p. 227.
27. — See Jaschke's op. cit. p. 553.
28.— See Eitel's op. cit. p. 61. His translation of the term is=nature, looked upon as an active principle, operating in the chadayat- anas (the 6 dwellings or entrances "^ jg| or /^ ^.
TESH00 LAMA TO PEKING 57
however is scarcely to be heard, hence the Chinese transcriber writing "yiin."
(5.) — "Nag-dban blo-bsan rGya-mt'so" is the fifth and greatest of the Dalai Lamas. His name appears as rGyaldban lna-pa c'en-po "according" to "0Iigs-med nam mk'a." 29=" Arya Lokecvara" Skt. This is not a transla- tion of the above name, but only a Sanskrit reconstruction suggested by Iiuth ; (the Tibetan of this, would be P'agspa Iig-rten dban-p'yug) the "Lokecvara" or "L6kec(s)vararadja" is considered as an epithet of Avalokitec(s)vara, while "arya's" meaning is "holy" (jjjj (vide above), attribute of all the Patriarchs. "Nag" speech; "dbang" or " dban"=powerful, sovereign ; " nag-dban " a fine speaker, orator ; 80 " bio " mind, intellect, genius ; 31 " bs-(bz an " good ; "blo-bsan" one having a good mind, understanding, sage; "rGyal-dban" (dbanpa power, dban-po sovereign) "rGyal-wa," "rGyel-va" victor, yina; "lna-pa" the fifth; "c'en-po" great. — A more literally accurate reconstruction of his name in Sanskrit would be " Vagarusumatisagara " or " Mahapaiicamajina." M The Chinese transcription of his
29.— See Huth's op. id. p. 265.
30. — See Korosi Csoma's op. cit. p. 40.
31.— See ibid p. 100.
32.— "Nag-dban "="vagaru," eloquent, also "vagmin," "vakpatu," "vakpali," vide likewise " vagdevi " and vagdevata" being the goddess of eloquence " Saraswati," (other names of her are " Mahalaxmi," Mah&gukla." and "gri") (S'ri) ; another epithet with analogous meaning is " Mahapratibhana i.e. one who discourses pleasurably; "bio (gros) bzan=u Sumati," the second son of Tchandra sarya pradipa (name applied to several Buddhas;) for " sagara," vide above No. 2, "lnapa" = " pancama " the 5th.
58 THE VISIT OF THE
name is: fa or MUM hK£8@ or jg bMMB
^j$. The use of "na" is here like in the transliterations of Manchu names, for instance "Ka o mo" ^ffy§pliJt, which is the honorific attribute of the Empresses of the
^^ffi). The meaning is "mother of the earth"
CHHWo
The "g" is not rendered in the Chinese and it is not quite easy to give an explanation for this omission. In the transliteration from other languages only the pu, mu, wu, and la, pa and the aspirated guttural k'e (khe or kh'eh), 83 were used as ^S*. This is never the case with ma, mo, me, meh, na, no, ne, neh, nu, ka, ga, ku, gu, ke (keh), ke, ge, (geh), ge (not aspirated), etc. These latter mostly do not exist in the Manchu and Mongolian languages, and it is known that the transcription from these languages is the most familiar with Chinese authors. But this is only an argument for the dropping of the "g" and does not claim to be an explanation, as it could be perhaps accounted for by accident. The "dbang" (dban) is rendered in the Chinese by |J£. u
The "b" in "bs-(bz)an" stands for the translitera- tion under the same rule as the "m" in "mt'so" above. The non-existence of duplex characters and compound consonants in Chinese necessitates a division of these characters. The "pu" and "mu" are here "panyins." A similar use of "pu" is that in the Manchu words
33.— This latter in nak', nek* (the Hungarian nbk) nik' (nick*),
chok', chik', chuk', etc. 33.-Vide also fl£ [Jtl!r4$§gS(f&]-
TESH00 LAMA TO PEKING 59
whim m^mmmm^zm^nm-kmm
5M^-tfj3lft^&TO lighten, raise; « andft
Thc"z," which in Tibetan sounds like the "z" in the English zest, zero, zeal, or the Hungarian " z. " (Zala, Zem- plem, Zagrab) cannot be rendered in Chinese, and "ts" is substituted for it — one of the few double consonants Chinese
possesses.
(6.)— The next Dalai in WaddelPs list is ''Ts" ans- dbyans rGya-mt'so. In Grunwedel's opus cit., his name is written with the attribute " Rin-c'en" and Koeppen adds to it the honorific title " bLo-bsan." " Ts'ans-pa" (Ts 'hangs-pa) pure, holy,Brahma 37 (vide Korosi Csoma's op cit.), "Ts'ans. dbyans " (chan-ma) Harmonia, Saraswati, " Brahma's wife.
I could not find the accepted Sanskrit name in any of the foreign records or glossaries and should therefore suggest as a reconstruction of it one of the following: "Ratna Brahmanisagara " or " Ratna Brahmacrisagara" or "Ratna Crisagara," " Ratna "=" rin-c'en " jewel;
35.— See |§F $J [j^] fj? $| This is to also the Mongolian word "obo"=heaps of stones, etc, piled up for purposes of veneration. The Tibetan term is " rdo-0jog " ?
36.— See in W.W. Rockhill's op. cit. p. 50, footnote 2. "Ts'ans" =sacred.
37.— One of the so-called Eight Defenders of the faith, also the "8 fiends" (in Tib " Drag-gsed)" is called "mgon-po dkar-po T'san- spa" see Grunwedel's op. cit. p. 164) for " dbyans-can-ma " vide likewise Huth's op. cit. p 188. Saraswati has become in the Buddhist Pantheon the female energy (Cakti) of Manjucrt. Her name in Mongolian is " agasiktti aka. "
00 THE VISIT OF THE
"Brahman!" the female energy of Brahma, who -still preserves a Place in the Buddhist Pantheon, although this- is only a secondary one. In " Brahmacrisagara " the mean.. uigs of both "Ts'ans" and "dbyans" are taken each separately, and it is left out of consideration, that in Buddhism " Saraswati "has turned out to be the female energy of the Bodhisattva Manjucri — "Qri" or "S'ri"is- an abbreviation for "Manjucri," or it is a title given to "Saraswati." *
The i§? jjfjfB does not take notice of the name of this. Lama, but places the Lama who was installed by La tsang Khan (ruler of the Khoshoit (^3#ljfefc), who had settled themselves northwestward from Lha-sa (Lassa) next to the 5th under the name of " Xag-dban ye-shes rGya-mt'so" (^ffiip§i|S$13)- This latter was, previous to his enthrone- ment, a Lama of fUj^f j|f|J]. * 9
38. — Vide Eitel's op, cit. p. 1"8. Koeppen in his " Lamaische Hierarchie und Kirche " p. 188, translates his name''der kostbare Weise des reinen Wohllaut's-Ocean."
39. — Bogdo (written also Bogda or Pogta as in Huth's op. cit. passim) is a Mongolian title to designate Majesty =" Arya Bhadanta " Skt. " rJe-btsun " Tib.=Reverend, Holy. It is the attribute of the great Lamas of Urga (Bogdo-Gegen). This mountain is to be identified with the " ICags-po-ri "=" Iron mountain, " south westward from the Potala in Lha-sa, and is especially consecrated to the cult of Mahacakra-Vajrapani (Grtinwedel's op. cit. p. 161). According to Koeppen, it is only one of the three peaks of the Potala on which bTson-k'a-pa is supposed to have delivered to his disciples discourses on medicine. At present, it is said also to contain the residence of the Dalai Lama. For "ICags-ri" Skt. " Lohagiri " see Huth's op. id. p- 11, footnote I.
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 61
I refer here likewise to the jjj^3lL-*fi?B ' ^c'a8sri — sgo " "Thor zum Eiaenberg" of Zach (vide his op. cit. I p. 89). The gate in question may be perhaps the gate of the lamasery on this mountain, which is also mentioned by Rockhill (in Sarat Candra Das "Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet " p. 196, in a footnote) — "It is strange" — so he says, — "that our author " (Candra Das) tells us nothing of this famous lamasery of " Chagpori. We know, however, that it is one of the oldest in " Tibet, that the medical school is attended by some 300 " students, and that it supplies with medicines, most of which " are simples collected by the lamas themselves not only Lhasa, " but remote parts of Tibet and Mongolia. I have seen " remedies bought at Chagpori used in the Tsaidam, the Koko- " nor and all over Eastern Tibet."
The |§jj jj£§2 recording the troubles after the death- of the 5th Dalai (which was kept concealed for a long time by the Regent in Lha-sa the De-pa *&&*»), only mentions that the De-pa after having been threatened by the Emperor with a military invasion of Tibet, sent the Emperor for his defense a secret message. Therein he stated at last that the 5th Dalai had died, and that he had kept his death concealed for fear that the people would rise. He had delayed this announcement till the Re-incarnation of the late Dalai had attained his 15th year of age. (His name is not mentioned, but he is undoubtedly the 6th Dalai of Waddell's list). He also promised the Emperor to install this Re-incarnation within a term of ten months. Whether this enthronement had occurred or not is not recorded exactly, but the refer- ences to the dissatisfaction of the people with the election of a j^Oij^ lama (Red-sect lama, for the protege-lama of the Depa belonged to this sect) allows it to be concluded that he had been enthroned, and had begun to lead such a dissolute life
THE VISIT OF THE
immediately after his installation that the people would have preferred to see him dethroned again. Owing to the fact, however, that he was supported by the ^p£$ja Depa, they did not dare to oppose him.
La tsang Khan, the grandson of Gusri gegen Khan, attacked Lha-sa and executed the De-pa, imprisoning his protege Dalai mock-king, who after some vicissitudes died.
This is a brief excerpt from the recorded historical incident, to which I only referred, as it was necessary to explain his substitution as the 6th Dalai by the Chinese historiograph. From the list of others, namely European, he is usually omitted, and the Lama mentioned under 6 of Waddell's list accepted as the 6th Dalai Lama. There are some, as Amiot, Hilarion, Koeppen, who do count him too, gaining their information from the reports of the members of the Catholic mission, which was established in Lha-sa in 1791.
The Sanskrit reconstruction of his name could be 11 Vagarujiianasagara." For "vagaru" see my note No. 32. " Jnana"=*(Djnana) " ye-sh'es "=knowledge, foreknowledge, supernatural intuition as the result of samadhi (Eitel), science etc. * 40 In the Chinese glossary
40. — See Burnouf's Dictionary p. 274. " Jnana " in the meaning of foreknowledge is one of the 10 Buddhist cardinal virtues (Paramitas). The Ekavyaharika, which was one of the two divisions originated after the schism of the Mahasang hika school (about 100 years after the death of Buddha Sakyamuni) asserted, that " with one wisdom (djnana=ye-shes) the four truths (i.e. the four noble truths Arya Satyani) are perfectly understood, etc." vide in Rockhill's op. cit. p. 188, and see also same author's " Udanavarga " chapter VI, p. 30.
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 63
^&^=lj6iil!m 1? we tind a note w*tn tne translit- eration and meaning of this term (see later). I think the BSJlfilEj^^S tran8cribes it "|p|;|||." The right trans- literation according to the Tibetan would be "ye-shes,'- the "sh" being high-toned and aspirated. Both Csoma and Sandberg transcribe this character "sh"; Jaschke writes it "sa" (semi-vowel).
" Ye-shes " is a frequent attribute of Buddhist deities, saints and illustrious priests. So we read in Prof. Was- siljew's "Dogmen, Geschichte und Litteratur des Budd- hisnius" p. 294, that the disciples of the Mahasamghika school, who used the Prakrit as their medium for communi- cation and considered Kacyapa as their teacher, etc., had their names mostly ending in "mitra," " Jnana," " gupta," garbha, as in Dipam kardjiiana, etc. One of the super- natural male Bodhisats has it in its name, i.e. "Ye-shes bLama " (Iiianaguru) master of divine foreknowledge,41 and Maiijucri wears it as attribute as the Manjucri Jnanasatva ('Jam-dpal ye-shes sems-dpa) and so likewise one of the "Lord-Demons" " niGon-po p'yag-bzipa" called "ye-shes mgon-po " the Lord-Demon of wisdom, i2 ; it frequently occurs in names of Lamas. 4*
(7.) — " Skal-bzan rGya-mt'so " is the next in the list. Griinwedel transcribes his name " bLo-bzan s'kal-ldan." This transcription seems to be, however, the less used. Korosi Csoma's and Huth's transliterations equalize that
41.— See Waddell's op. cit. p. 358.
42. — See Griinwedel's op. id. p. 175, 177.
43. — See at the 5th and 6th Pan-ch'an Lama.
64 THE VISIT OF THE
of Waddell. The divergence is of course no great one as both "skal-bzan" and "s'kal-ldan" have the same mean- ing. The complete name of this Dalai is recorded by 0Jigs-med nam-mk'a (vide Huth): " Tams-cad mk'yen-cafi Qzigs-pa c'en-po bLo-bzan bskal-bzaii rGya-mt'so."
"For " t'ams-cad mk'yen-pa" see above — "mk'yen-pa~ caii,=skilfnl, wise, " chaii "==" chi(h)ii" (with the low- toned aspirated "aa" or "ha" before the n)=every thing.44
" T'ams-cad rnk'yen-cin "=" sarvajiia " Skt, "0zigs-pa " =a seeing, " kun-Qzigs-pa "=all-seeing, " mk'yen-0zigs "' =knowing and seeing; the "Qzigs" not to be confounded with the "0shigs" as in " de-bzhin-0shigs "=lit. according to the Dead, to the Blessed ones i.e. "Tat'agata"' which is the attribute, of Buddha (^akya-muni. Its equi- valent in Sanskrit would be "loka " or better "darca" "darcana" and "darcin"=the seer, the observer, hence " T'ams-cad Qzigs-pa "=" sarvadarcin;" " skal-bzan "=for- tune, (skal=share, fortune, see Csoma's op. id.; bzan =^good, fortunate). In Sanskrit " B 'avya " 45 (Bhavya) or "B'aga" (or "Subhaga" as translated in Schiefner's "Taranatha, etc. etc." p. 84, 277.) This root "B'aga" is contained also in the name of the river Bhagirathi=
44. — See Csoma's op. id. p. 43.
45.— See in Huth's op. id. p. 101 and for bhavya=Legs-ldan ibid. p. 301. See also Schiefner's translation of " Taranathas Geschichte des Buddhismus in Indien " p. 136 where " legs- ldan " in its complete form " legs-ldan0byed-pa "=" Bhavavi- veka" — "Bhavya" in connection with "Skal-ldan ibid. p. 259. This translation is also adopted by Grunwedel.
TESIIOO LAMA TO PEKIXG
«kal-ldan shing-rta 46 by which is meant the ' ' Ganga " river; for this see also Csoma's publication in the vol. XX part I. p. 41, et sequ. of the "Asiatic Researches"; also Feer's " vocabulaire de l'analyse du Kandjour" in the Annales da Musee Guimet. < < Bhagirathi "=skal-ldan oing-rta=fleuve voisin de Kapilavastu, lieu de naissance de £akya (Dulva IV 106.) The whole name's version would be : The Great All-knowing, All-seeing Sage, Ocean of Fortune."
Koeppen translates it " Weisheit-und Gliicks-Ocean.n The Sanskrit reconstruction could be : "Mahasarvajna sarvadarcinsumatibhavyasagara " or instead of the termina- tion of the name "b'agasagara."
The Chinese transliteration of it is : U^S|S^@^ The "s" in the Tibetan surmounting the "ka" (tenuis) is silent. The proper transliteration ought to be on the model of Lo-p(u)-tsang |§ \\ |^, Ka-lo-pu-tsang JjgfJ h 1^ IIow" ever, owing to the rather difficult pronunciation, the "p^)" was dropped and instead of the "lo" as suggested above, the transcriber used an "erh." Thus the "r" takes here the place of "L" This method of substitution is not too frequent, but we find it used now and then, as in the
46.— See in Eockhill's "The Life of the Buddha" p. 11, when
giving the origin of the Ikshvaku family it is said The
Princes (i.e. the four sons of King Ikshvaku Virudhaka by his first wife, Rajyananda the son of his second wife being declared his successor) set out accompanied by their sisters and a great many people. They travelled toward the Himalaya mountains, and coming to the hermitage of the rishi Kapila, on the bank of the Bhagirathi, they built huts of leaves and fed on the produce of their hunting.
66 THE VISIT OF THE
transcription of the name of the Tibetan monastery dGa- Idan, which is written in Chinese UHfll;^ although the transcription fl|| *£)-# can also be found.
While the list of the Dalai Lamas is so far established by contributions of Tibetan, Chinese and foreign sources, it is a much harder task to identify the names in the list of the Tashi Lamas. As had been already pointed out above, there are two lists in existence of these Lamas, of which, however, the one : (the supplementary list of Waddell) contains names whose bearers had practically not yet been so-called Pan-ch'an Grand Lamas, but had only held some post as monks of higher rank in Tashi-lhunpo or Ga-ldan.
The three first of the Chinese list belong to this supplementary list.
(1.) — The first is "mk'as-sgrub dGe-legs-dpal- zang- po." He was a disciple of Tson-k'apa, abbot (Viharasvam- in" or " Upadhyaya" Skt., mkhan-po " Tib.) of dGaldan and first abbot of bKra-sis-lhun-po.
"Mkas-pa"=a wise man, a learned man, " vidvan " Skt., or " vidwas" from "vidya" 47=science or knowledge Eitel calls it=" mantras" of mystic knowledge; " grub- pa "=ready, perfect (vide above under No. 1), he who has obtained Siddha. It is, however, to be pointed out, that the word "Siddha" does not refer to those who have be- come free from rebirth, have attained ' ' mukti " ' ' moksha " the emancipation from re-birth. The "Siddhas" are considered
47.— But in Schiefner's op. cit. p. 131, " vidya "=" rig-snags," so likewise in Csoma, specialty for " medical science."
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 67
to be only semi-divine beings (yogis), with supernatural powers. " Mkas-grub "—the perfect in knowledge, he who has attained highest knowledge •' paravidya" and a person- ification of this degree of knowledge with both " Samyama,' i.e. perfect control of the powers of the mind according to the Yoga philosophy; and "Siddhanta" i.e. decisive knowledge.
" dGe " virtue (see No. 1), according to Jaschke also Gliick, Heil for which the etymological Sanskrit term is=" Kalyana," [Kalyana mitraj; " legs-pa "=good, pleasant, fulfilling one's wishes; and in the combination " legs-ldan "=also virtuous [see Jaschke's op. cit. p. 5*72. 48] This latter term has been identified by both Wassiljew 49and Huth 50 with the Sanskrit " Bhavya " or " bavya " [Burnouf] happy, lucky, good.
The "ldan" is like chan, ldan-chan, bchas-pa, etc., a particle to ' form affirmative adjectives from substantives.
48. — It is true, Jaschke considers this translation as doubtful, referring to it only on account of the authority of Csoma, who also gives it as a term for " legs-pa "= virtue.
49.— See Wassiljew's op. cit. p. 227; ibid. p. 45 he translates "legs, rgyal "=Bhadra dschaja (?) while this term is given as " Sudschaja " in Schiefner's " Taranatha, etc " p. 4.
50. — See his op. cit. p. 801, "Legs-ldan" is a frequent name in Mongolian history. The famous Hutuktu Hakan of the C'ahar-Mongols, born in 1591, was called "Legs-ldan Pagat'- wor" ibid. p. 49. 1 likewise refer here to Rockhill's transla- ions of this term in his op. cit. p. 13 and 23, and in his " Udanavarga " p. 29 and Eitel's " Svagata " (Tib. Legs-hongs) vide his Sanskrit Chinese Dictionary p. 167, and Schiefner's "Sudarcana "(Tib. Legs-mthon) vide in " Taranatha's, etc." p. 58.
68 THE VISIT OF THE
Griinwedel tells us, that by ' ' Legs-ldan " is termed a peculiar series of the Mahakalas (Lord Demons), represented always with robes with long sleeves holding long red sticks in their hands. According to L. Feer: "Legs-ldan "=moine coupable solennellement reprimande, qui demande et obtient son pardon [Dulva III, 235-9, vide his " vocabulaire de 1' Analyse du Kandjour" in the Annales du Musee Guimet]. For "dpal" and " bzanpo " see my etymologies as given at remarks on the 3rd Dalai Lama. An attempt at the Sanskrit reconstruction, which in this case is by no means quite easy, would be: "Mahavadi Kalyana crlbhadra " or "Mahavadi Kalyana bhavya crlbhadra "" Mahavadi " —lit. the great sage, is a title given to eminent scholars and priests of high rank. I adopted this term, although " mkas- grub-pa" may be perhaps also appropriately rendered by " Siddha-Guru " and I would not apply to it the term for " Don-grub "=Siddhartha or Sarvartthasiddha. For "Kal- yana" also "Kalyanakrt" and " Kalyanaklrti " may be used.
There is a double transliteration of this Lama's name in Chinese. The first is ^f^VgffiftfcfaWStoM J the second gft^fU&J^^el^ Xt is obvious that the second comes much nearer to the above European transliteration than the first. The reconstruction of the name from the first Chinese Jtranscription could be: " Lha grub Ninia chhoskyi rGyal-po ko erh " "Lha, "=God, good demon, " Deva " Skt. " tagri " Mong,; "grub " vide above. Instead of " lha-grub " which combination scarcely occurs in any name perhaps '• bla-grub "=" the obtaining of the
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING
Lama, " 51 but even this would be uncommon as an attribute of a name. The Jijk may be transliterated by the ' ' Shugs " 52 in Tib.=powers, energy, and "lha-shugs" could be explain- ed by "one with the energy of god, or better "lha-zhugs," 53 [the latter being also written with <• j " and the low-toned aspirated "aa" as prefix [lhajugs], which Jiischke translates by "the Inspired," [i.e. inspired by a, god].
Another acceptable transliteration may be " Lha-tsun " which is the name of the patron saint of Sikhim. " Niina "==sun, "surya" Skt. This attribute is often given to Bodhisattvas or Devas, as for instance in the name of the Bodhisattva " Nimai snynpo "=" Suryagarbha." Griinwedel -says with regard to this terminology : "Von europaischem Standpunkte aus handelt es sich in diesem Falle einfach um Personificationen in antikem Sinne, im Prinzip verwandt den spat-antiken Lokalgottern, welche als Zeugen einer Handlung mit dargestellt sind." 5* The "Yi-dam" (Lord Protector)= " Kye (ba) rdo-rje"=" Hevajra " Skt. holds in his eight left hands (he is represented with sixteen arms :) skull-cups with the figures of the gods of water, wind, fire, moon, sun, death, riches and earth. The sun-god's name is " Surya " Skt. "£fimai lha dmarpo " Tib. (the red sun-god*.
51.— Vide in WaddelPs op. cit. p. 222, where he speaks of the life of a village priest in Tibet.
52. — Vide in Jaschke's op. cit. p. 5-2.
53.— Vide ibid. p. 489 and 623.
54.— Vide Grunwedel's op. id. 120. "Ni-ma" Tib in Sanskrit "Arka," " Bhanu," " Aditya " "S(irya"=le soleil saisi par Rahu (eclipse) et delivre par Pintervention de Qakya (rado XXX 230. Vide Feer's vocabulaire de I'aaalyse da Kandjour, (annales du musee Guimet). Ibidem for u Saryagarbha."
10 THE VISIT OF THE
Moreover, many prominent heads of the Lamaist hier- archy have this attribute in their names, as for instance the Great Lama of Urga (K'ure) "bJe-btsun dampa rin-po-c'e nag-dban blo-bzan c'os-kyi iii-ma bstan'dsin dban-p'yug" or the Anido Lama " Tu-bdan bstan pahi iiima" etc., etc.
"Chhos (C'os) kyi rGyal-po " or in abbreviated foi*m " c'os-rgyal"=Dharma raja, a religious king or patron of religion (Csoma) ; ' ' der Gesetzeskonig " (Griinwedel) ; "Fa-wang" J|=^F in Chinese=prince of the religious law (F. Mayers). So is also called in an honorific way the King of the Dead, in Mongolian "Nom-un-khan" " Arlik khan," "gSin-rje" in Tibetan i,e- "Yama." 55 It may be noticed, that the Chinese transcriber used here two characters to transcribe the sound "chhos" (c'os). The "lo" ^fj is a ^{r^, the "pu" #j in this exceptional case is not. The last two characters f"§flf seem to be the substitutes for Wti^fJll as giyen m the second transcription, "=dge-legs" =" virtue" (happiness) and "goodness" and not as Zach translates them=Ort des Wohlstandes. His authority the g§j^J^ aJt^ is here, like in some other places, inexact. 56 He may perhaps have recurred to the Mongolian, where "koro" or " ger " (Khalkha dialect; see Baron V Male's- Mongolian grammar and vocabulary), means bouse and
property. ^§|j§ l^1$fi£8t is tne ancient name of a place in Inner Mongolia, being apparently inhabited by rich people, who are house-owners, etc.
55. — Griinwedel's op, id p. 168.
56. — Vide E. v. Zach's " Lexicographische Beitriige " I. part p. 95. An other wrong explanation is that for ^ jS5^ SS^ rdo-cen rGyal-mt'san=Ort der grossen Steintafel. " rGyal-mt'san "
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING Tl
fHlfll tfcXf^BPHSlj] aS St{lted hl the ClllueSe Gl0S8aiT
With regard to the transcription of the "r" from foreign names in Chinese, I may insert here that the Chinese have three distinctions. Primarily, when the "r" is very much rolled ['ffa^flffl, tney transcribe jBf as in the Manchu word for "strong" J|^^ ya-erb-chien (yarchien). Secondly, when the "r" is roiled slightly, they transcribe it as in the Mongol name for "black"
there is no rolling at all the transcription is as in the Manchu
word $& [MmRTM&XftftM °pp°site term
to a honorific place.
In the second Chinese transliteration it is easy to identify ^[|^^j with " mk'as-grub." The "s" in
is a sign of victory, a kind of ornament of cloth (Csoma), a victorious banner (vide also Jaschke p. lll,=ein Sieges-zeichen ,. Standarte,) and Sarat Chandra Das, "Journey to Lhass a and Central Tibet " p. 166, gyal-tsan=canopy 1. I reproduce here a highly interesting note of Gr. Sandberg from his op. cit. p. 195, " rGyal-mt'san" pronounced gyen-td'en=the Buddhist " flag of victory." Seen in two styles: (1) a tall cylinder of black folt" with a white line or insertion encircling its near lower end, and two vertical lines of white running from the top where it narrows so as to be often almost like a shut umbrella, and sometimes surmounted by a metal trident, (2) alsoj made up of three colours red, yellow and blue, arranged flounce-like one above the other, with a white flounce between each colour ; and placed on tops of poles which are planted in the ground near temples and chortens. The first kind decorate the eaves of gompas and palaces.
72 THE VISIT OF THE
mk'as" is an ordinary final and sounds like "i," hence the Chinese transliterator's spelling it S|t. For the f&J^fj^ see above. Idem for dpal-l(o) tsang. 57
(2.) — The next in the list is "Pan-clran bSodnams p'yogs-kpi glan-po"=Dinuaga, Skt. (according to Grtin- wedel). Is by this meant Dignaga, as stated by Eitel op. cit. p. 50? Ample reference to the name of this celebrated Buddhist moralist is to be found in Schiefner's "Taranatha, etc." p. 126-130-135 and passim. Jigsmed nam-mk'a (Huth's op. cit.) adds the attribute "grub-dban" to his other names.
Tib. "Pau-c'eu" (Pan-ch<an)="pandita" Skt., is the usual title of the head-lama of the bKra-sis-lhun-po- monastery; but also a title applied to the abbot of the Burjats, as reported by Griinwedel. For "bSod-nams" vide above at the 3rd Dalai Lama.
"p'Yogs"=side, part, party, quarter, corner, "Dik" "Dish" in Sauskrit (Csoma ; for this Sanskrit term see his Tibetan grammar, p. 133, and Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. Ill, p. 6,) Seite, Richtung, Weltgegend, Partei, (Jaschke). To these terminologies I add some other references with a view of ascertaining
57.— Zach translates " dpal-ldan " (Bf|)J/T)=0rt der Segnungen, while this term is simply the adjective-form of " dpal " which means glory, majesty, magnificence, splendour, renown; and as an adjective, noble, brave, Csoma p. 72. Jaschke translates it with Herrlichkeit, Glanz, Reichthnm, Uberfluss, Heil, Gliick, Segen, Adel, etc Although the term is used by Zach for the designation of a place, I don't understand why he suggests the " blessings of Buddhism " in the connection.
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 73
the exact meaning of this term in the present case. Wassiljew translates the name " Zab-moi p<yogs"= Gambhirapaksha; "zab (po)-mo " deep, profound="gam- b'ira" Skt. " p'yogs"=" paksha" or better written "paxa" Skt. has also the meaning of "side, flank, partisan;" M in another 59 place he translated "Sans rgyas-py'ogs" with "Buddhadic" (?); " Sans-rgyas "=the most perfect being, a Buddha; " p'yogs "=" di9 " Skt. the meaning of which is : region, coast, celestial space, cardinal point. This is likewise the root used by Griinwedel in his Sanskrit reconstruction of the name. Schiefner suggests " Buddhapakscha " for "Buddhadic" as the better form (" Tarauatha, etc." p. IX). Rockhill m translates " phyogs " by "cardinal points." Waddell cl uses the term "direction" (p'yogs-bc'ui p'yogs-dral," or "description of the ten directions") — liuth 62 has it with "paxa" in " dKar-p'yogs "=" gukla-paxa" the fortnight of the crescent rnoon 63" and with " dig" in "bsTan-pai iii-ma p'yogs t'ams-cad-las roam-par rgyal-ba "=Skt. " Sarvadig- vijayagasanaditya " 64
"Glan"=ox, great cattle, bullock, and "glan-po- chhe"=an elephant (Csoma); Rind, Ochs, Elephaut, Stier
58. — See in his op. cit. p. 225.
59.— Ibid p. 223.
60.— See in his " Life of the Buddha " p. 131.
61.— See in his " Buddhism of Tibet " p. 195.
62.— See in his op. cit p. 204.
63. — Csoma translates the same term with " the light fortnight," the
angels, in opposition to "nag p'yogs "=the dark fortnight
(of the moon) the devils ; 64. — See in his op. id. p. 205.
74 THE VISIT OF THE
als or Sternbild (Jaschke) — Waddell95 commenting upon the universe of the Buddhists, gives for the continent on the West "Godhanya"=" wealth of oxen" the Tibetan version with " ba-glan-spyod " — Rockhill68 translates "glang-po" with "elephant." "The sthavira Upagupta " (taught) the venerable D'hitika, and the venerable Dhitika " having accomplished the requirements of the doctrine, " (taught) the venerable Kala (Nag-po), and he the venerable " Sudargana (Legs-mthong), and in this order the ' mighty "ones' (lit. the elephants) passed "away." To this he " adds, that the 'glangpo,' 'elephant,' may imply here that " these first patriarchs were the mightiest of their order, " and were not succeeded by as "great oues."
In the " Udanavarga " 67 he translates " Glang-po tche,"=having the perfect qualities of "Mahesvara," which is the attribute of Brahma (Civa) 68 and of the Bodhisattwa " Avalokiteyvara," and can be translated by "Great Lord" (Maha Igvara) "Supreme Ruler, the highest possible conception through reason of the absolute, which is beyond all thought," as we find it stated by the Swami Vivekananda in his lectures on Raja Yoga. w Eitel translates this term by "great sovereign, a king of devas, Shiva," a deity with eight arms and three eyes, etc. We know, finally, that the < « Elephant " (white)=Tib. < < Glan-po (dkar-po)"=Mong, " dzagan "=Skt. "Hasti"is one of the seven precious
65. — See in his op. id. p. 80. 66.— See in his " Life of the Buddha " p. 170. -67. — See p. 195 of this opus.
68. — See Burnouf s " Sanskrit-French Dictionary." 69.— See his " Vedanta Philosophy " p. 356.
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 75
gems " Sapta ratnani" which form the enviable possession of the Buddhist " Cakravarti " "King of the Law" and /'Universal Monarch." The others are the wheel=cakra, jewel=ciutamani, queen=stri, niiuister=uiantri or girti, horse=agva, general=senapati (or Kshatri). The elephant is a constant figure in Buddhist temples. It is represented carrying on its back a lotus-flower with Buddha resting on it in the usual meditative pose. 70 It is used symbolically as the personification of universal sovereignty.
The foregoing remarks taken all together will give us a clearer idea of what is meant by this attribute in the name of this Lama. "The Elephant of the cardinal-points" i.e. "the Universe," would be a literal version of it and it is suggesthd by it that the Lama is an Elephant or " Mighty One " adopting RockhilPs term, or a "Sovereign of the Universe" i.e. here principally the "Buddhist's Universe." One meaning of "Naga" is "elephant," and this would explain the Sanskrit translitera- tion of Griinwedel " Dinnaga " (=the dragon of the great region "fciffcfHl vide EitePs op. cit. p. 50). I don't consider it a very appropriate reconstruction, but every one would find the same difficulty Griinwedel has found in supplying a better one. I should only suggest to complete it by adding
70. — See for references WaddelPs and Griinwedel's quoted works as well as Griinwedel's " Buddhistische Kunst in Indien " p. 136. Abel R6musat's "Melanges posthumes, etc." p. 452, and Baber's (R. G. Soc. paper p. 33 where he describes the image of Samantabhadra Bodhisattva the P'u-hsien P'u-sa of Chinese in sitting position on a huge elephant cast in magnificent bronze. "The image" so Baber relates "is generally called a Buddha."
76 THE VISIT OF THE
the lama's other attributes: "grub-dban "=" siddhecvara " and "bSodnams"=" pun-ya"or " pun-ya-kri."
The Chinese transcription is l^^BE ft !^l§/k#? filJIMKtfj- ^e four lultr<i^ characters seem here curious, and, in fact, are incongruous with the European transcription. It appears to me quite sure that the Chinese transcriber adopted here the attributes generally given to " Mi-la-ras-pa,'r the " Holy Mila," " Grub-pai dban-p'yug mila" Tib., who lived 1038-1122 and who performed a conspicuous part in the history of Tibet throughout his life. " Grub-pai dban- p'yug " Tib. = " sid-dhe9vara " Skt. This is also the attribute of the " Mahasiddheyvara Mitrayogin " "grub-pai dban- p'yug e'en-po Mitradsoki " vide in Huth and partially of " Avalokitecvara" (P'ags-pa Jig-rten dban-p yug "="Arya Lokecvara," Skt. "the Holy Lord of the Universe.") With regard to the transliteration, the first three characters deserve no explanation; they follow the general rules. " Chu," for "p'yug" is not quite exact, but it must be noticed that both the"k"(g)and " p " (b) are, as finals, often elided in the Tibetan, and although the "u" mostly sounds like the "oo" in English, we find many cases in the Central-Tibetan where the "u" is pronounced like "ii." So, for instance, "srunpo" is pronounced " siimpo "=quiet (of horses, etc.); "dpul-pa" " ulpo "=poor, etc., etc.71 The "Glang-po"is pronouuced "lang-po, "as in Tibetan the k, gh, bh, r, s, with subjoined "1" result in the souud "la." Hence the Chinese transcriber could transcribe
it M "
71. — Vide in Graham Sandberg's " Handbook of Colloquial Tibetan.""
72.— Zach translates jfJJ ^ jj£ $|j=''glang-sbug-t'ang" with
" Ulmen-ebene." This version is quite unacceptable—" glang "
never means "elm "and " glang-sbug-t'ang " could be very
appropriately rendered by " waste plain for cattle " (^F,BtJ<&+
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 77
"a cattle-hollow-plain" or "hollow-plain for cattle." The "sbug" has here, as I was assured by different Tibetan lamas also the meaning of " *£^§lt = waste, void, and desolate. " Sbug-t'ang "=desolate plain, where only scanty grass grows for cattle. Of course the Tibetan plain must not be identified with our idea of "plains." I quote here what Hue says in his Travels in Tartary, Tibet and China p. II. p. 278. " A detailed account of a journey in Thibet being extremely susceptible of monotony, we abstain, tbat we may not fall into unnecessary repetitions from describing the ordinary mountains. We shall content ourselves with mentioning the most celebra- ted. Those, which, in the Chinese phrase, 'claim the life of travelers.' This method, besides, will be conformable with the style of the inhabitants of these mountainous countries, who call whatever is not lost in the clouds " plain," whatever is not precipice and labyrinth, "level road." Therefore, I believe, that this " hollow plain " is only a " hollow, where many cattle pasture," or perhaps a " valley." The development from the meaning " hollow " into " valley " seems to me here analogous with that in the term " shon " (shons) (vide both Csoma's op. cit. p. 292 and Jiischke's op. cit. p 536 (lithographed edition). For curiosity's sake I add here, that in all the reports and books of travelers in Tibet, I looked up, as for in- stance Hue. Prinsep, Prj6valski, Bower, Welby, Deasy, Young- husband, Knight, Desgodins, Bonvalot, Beauregard, Gamier, Ujfalvy, Rijnhart, Carey-Taylor, Sarat Candra Eas, etc. I could not find any mention made of elm-trees occurring in the different regions of Tibet, — Graham Sandberg's list of " plants and trees of Tibet proper" does not contain even the name of it; neither is this to be found in Th. Herbert Lewin's " Manual of Tibetan (English-Tibetan), or in W. Ramsay's Western Tibetan dictionary. So it seems that the ' elm-trees ' must not be very frequent in the flora of Tibet. Only Pvockhill mentions them in his ' Land of Lamas ' p. 23G, 237. I quote
THE VISIT OF THE
him : ' At Ribo ' (place in Eastern Tibet near Derge) commences the garden of this part of Tibet, the fertile valley of Rungbatsa ; and villages are as thickly scattered over the country as in Switzerland. Around each, grow some fine elms or other trees and walls or hedges inclose tlie fields, etc." According to the Tibetan- Mongolian Dictionary "brda0 yiga min don gs-al bad by£dpi zlapi od (s)nan zh£s bya pa zhug(s) so" the elm's proper Tibetan name is " Yo-0bog-shin " [^J^TI. An other more vulgar term for it is "Nya-stod" or " Nyastod-po." The name of the mountain-elm [jjj^] is " riiyo-0bog " and never " glang-sbug " as the tJfjjEg£|5t fr^fe erroneously translates. All these terms are missing in Csoma and Jaschke. (See, however, Jaschke's op. cit. p. 544, " ri0bog "=Hiigelvor- sprung, also referred to by Zach in his op. cit. p. 98. This meaning cannot be applied here, although keen etymologists may find some connexion between " a Hiigelvorsprung " and "elm-trees." The name of the above place "Ribo" which Rockhill identifies with "mountainous cavern" " ri-sbug \ could perhaps, likewise, be brought in some connexion with " rii-yo-0bog"=elm-tree, while the combination ' glang-sbug- t'ang" is similar to another: " glang-rii-t'ang " which is the name of a place in " ^jS|lj6 " or S Anterior Tibet" and could be rendered by mountainous, elevated plain, i e. plateau for the cattle.) I finally add, that " Yo-0bog-shin " /i^yjgj==:" chala ssu motu "
Mong) is a designation frequently used by Mongolian Lamas for one of the twenty or more Living Buddhas in Kumbum, Rahu ' Hut'ukht'u.
(3). — The next Lama's name appears iu Waddell's list as : "dben-sa-pa bLo-bzan Don-grub." The name "dben-sa is mentioned in the Record of 0Jigs-med iiam-rak'a 37 as a place on the way from Lha-sa to bKras'is lhun-po-. " dben-sa- pa's" meaning here is ''hermit," "the Great Hermit "=
73. — Vide in Huth's op. cit. II part, p. 211.
Schiefner, in " Taranatha's Geschichte des Buddhismus in Indien p. 271, 273., translates this term by " Samkrantivadin."
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 79
"dben-sa-pa c'en-po." " Don-grub" ="Siddhartha," Skt. vide my remarks on the 1st Dalai Lama.
The Chinese transliteration: t&^ftf&^MlfiM *3i^3E^B* "The dben-sa-pa" is here dropped, but the "rje grub-pai dban-p'yug," being an attribute|of the holy monk and wandering ascetic Mila-ras-pa is appropriately chosen in its stead by the transcriber. Indeed he, Mila-raspa, is one of the most popular saints of Tibet, owing his popu- larity greatly also to his 100,000 songs.
The 3^T in Chinese, to come near to the sound "don" is a nice specimen of the " 2$C^3 " "fan-chie- method" of spelling foreign characters [SRI. By the contraction of the two characters we get approximately the right sound.
A Sanskrit reconstruction of his name would be "Qramana Sumatisiddhartha," the " cramana's " being those, who alike to the " Qramana Gautama", carried on a Hfe of "Acrama," living in forests and wandering from one place to another.
(4.) — This Lama's name is given "bLo-bzan ch'os-kyi rGyal-mt'san" by Waddell. He is the first Panc'en of bKra-s'is-lhun-po. The Sanskrit reconstruction of his name is given by Griinwedel "Mahapandita Sumatidharmadhvaja." His full name is recorded by 0Jigs-med nam-m'ka "Pan- c'en t'ams-cad mk 'yen-pa bLo-bzan c'os-kyi rGyal-mt'san dpal bzan-po," for which the Sanskrit equivalent would be: " Mahapandita sarvajiiasumatidharmadvajacribhadra."
The Chinese list has two transcriptions. The better is
80 THE VISIT OF TUB
E3 ImS^n-'' *n ^ie ^rst' no^1Ge 18 taken of the meaning of the characters, as phonetically the two terms " rGyamt'so " and "rGyal-mt'san" may approach each other, but they widely differ in their meaning, (rGya-mt'so=the ocean, rGyal-mt'san=the victorious banner.) The different way of transcribing the same names plainly gives evidence of the fact that the records of the ^^P§2 are only compilations of historical memoranda, which had been gathered at different times by different persons, and it also shows how difficult it can be to identify foreign names, particularly if these are not at all or not entirely known from other reliable sources.
(5.) — The next Pan-ch'an Lama's name is "bLo-bzan ye- she dpal bzan-po " or with all attributes "Panch'en T 'aims-cad mk 'yen-pa bBlo-bzan ye-sh'es dpal-bzanpo," as mentioned by QJigs-med nam-mk'a. n The Sanskrit transcription is given by Griinwedel " Sumatijnana-cribhadra," which when tran- scribing his full name ought 'to be preceded by the usual " Mahapandita sarvajna." " Ye-sh'es "=knowledge, etc. Mong, "balgabilik," Skt. "jfiana." There are equally two Chinese transliterations j^lf|]||§^|i!({^lJ and §|>^ ^ff*. For other transliterations, I refer to the jj^^TCrH
68). Vide also my remarks on the 6th Dalai Lama.
(6).— The following Lama, terminating this list, is "bLo-bzan dpal-ldan ye-sh'es. His full name is Pan-ch'an Ta'ms cad mk'yenQzigs e'en-po rJe btsuu bBlobzan dpal-ldan
74.__Vide in Hnth's op. id. p. 283 (and passim).
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 81
ye-sh'es." 75 Griinwedel's Sanskrit reconstruction of the name is '' Sumatigrijiiana " which is to be completed by "Mahapandita Aryabhadanta sarvajnasarvadargin, etc."
Koeppen translates it with "der Hoch wiirdige, die Heilige Andacht." The two Chinese transliterations are
The dropping of the Jjfy (lo) in the second is a rather uncommon proceeding.
The name f^J§ or f^B§® to which I have referred in part III of this book, is probably identical with the ' bsTan-rgyas-glin " in ' Alagsa (=|5^ Jfe^?) as reported by "Jigs-med nam-m'ka. 7(? I give here an
excerpt of the translation of Iluth: " Then in the
Iron-Rat year (1779), on the 10th day of the 3rd month, he (the Pan-ch'an Lama) directed his horse away from sKu- Qbum. At this time the HighTreasurer and the rest of the retinue were not free from small-pox "(lha-brum" Tib. vulgarly also " lhen'-dum.") So the Lord (the Pan-ch'an) ordered the Ku-mky'en bla-ma dKon-mcog jigs-med dban-po: " Do pile up for them a heap of stones !" Accordingly, the latter piled up a heap of stones, while the Lord proceeded with a retinue of three hundred priests and laymen, among whom were also the HighTreasurer, to the monastery bsTan-rgyas-glin in 'Alagsa. Thus he freed them all from
small-pox, without harm to any of them "
The description of Poorungheer Gosein of the Pan-ch'an
75. — Ibidem p. 302 (and passim). 76.— Vide Huth's op. cit. 313, 317.
82 THE VISIT OP THE
Lama's route confirms my supposition that " Tai-ka" and the above monastery are identical. His spelling is "Taygaw Goombaw" and "Allasseah" (for " 'Alagsa"). The Royal monastery "Tan-gye-ling " bears the same name ("bstan=" doctrine of Buddha, orthodox religion, rgyas=extensive, ample, large.)
The name " Tai-ka" also strongly reminds one of "Ta-ka Tashidin" in Sikhim, said to have been built by Lhatsiin c'en-po. n "Brag" (Ta)=rock, 1 1 brag-dmar "= name of a rock in or near Lha-sa but not identical with "dmar-po-ri" "the Red Hill"78 the hill, where the King Sron Tsan gam-po is stated to have built his Pho-dan Marpo Palace.
I am not quite certain of the exact locality of this place. From information gained from some Pekinese lamas and the JlH^PSnj, I gather that it is situated on the pilgrim route from Peking to Tibet (Lha-sa) which leads through the Northern provinces of China, the Koko-nor and so on southward, somewhere on the Western frontier of Kansuh or in the J^ttfl, the so-called land of grass, which is northward from the 'Elfjf^. This determination would bring it near to the town called "Tankar" on the westerly frontier of Kansuh, known from the description of many travelers : as, Rockhill, Captain Welby, Sven Hedin and particularly the plucky lady-traveler and indefatigable missionary Dr. Susie Rijnhart, who was settled in this town for a considerable time. Rockhill, however, gives "Tanka-
77.— The Patron Saint of Sikhim, see in Waddell's "Lamaism in
Sikhim " and his op. cit. (passim). 78.— Jaschke p. 385.
TESHOO LAMA. TO PEKING 83
erh" as the Chinese equivalent of the name and states in a footnote that it was called " Tang-keou-eul " by Hue and "Tonkir" or "Donkir" by Prjevalsky. 79 " Tibetans and Mongols name it " Dungkor," or "Tungkor." The name is not Chinese; it may be " tang-mk'ar" "fort (commanding, the steppe " if it is a Tibetan name, of which I am not sure (vide his " Land of the Lama's " p. 199). Com- pare with this last name also Zach's " t'ang-dkar-rdsongs" ^[Jll|||£j2==Stadt mit weisser Mauer in der Ebene (in his op. cit. p. 93.) Playfair does not mention a place called " Tai-ka," neither is this name to be found in the ^~j^^ ]j& with reference to its placement in [JPJ^ll^. The identification of Tai-ka with Tankar seems, however, to be rather incorrect, and I would suggest "Tai g(h)in Nor" (Mong,)="Tas gin mt'sho" (Tib. pronounced Tai gi mcho)=-|^JgJ'Jfl in Chinese, as the better one. The name of this place is apparently derived from the fact that springs (waters) had gathered and accumulated there for many years. It is also not mentioned in Playfair, because it is only a small place, although well-known to lama priests ; but it figures on the J^l||}fi|,^itjjjl|^|ll|. It is situated between §j|^j|J!i in Ta-t'ung Fu; (Lat. 40° 30', Long 113° 15') and ifi|J|J|i in So-p'ing Fu (Lat. 40° 20', Long 112° 55') in Shansi, and the temple erected there for the devotion of the pilgrims is called •fp£]^jjj§]j thus, the reference to the < ' bsTan-rgyas glin " of 0Jigs-med nam-m'ka can also be applied here.
79.— Dutreuil de Rhins spells this name "Dong-gar," Don-kur," "Tan-kor" "Dounggar," "Tonker"and "Tongkor" see his op. on " L'Asie Centrale " p. 479.
84 THE VISIT OF THE
I may be permitted to add iu conclusion some words on names of Lamas in general and particularly of their — sit venia verbo — " Sanskritization."
In analysing these names, it will be obvious to us that most of them are mere titles, which are at least very frequently subject to repetitions and that usually there is only one portion which bears and saves the individuality of the Lama in question. Among these titles constantly repeated one could perhaps roughly distinguish such as are conferred upon the Grand Lamas of a certain monastery, including attributes, which are due only to the heads of these monasteries ; and such as may be used deliberately without any rule or system in the names of various dignitaries of the Lamaist Church, and are perhaps only occasioned by the individual merits of these priests. Au other more appropriate division would be the following, containing five categories.
(1.) — To the first category belong the titles Dalai Lama, Pan-ch'an Lama, Bogdo-Gegen Hutukutu or Jeptsun Dampa, Dharma Raja of Bhotan, Hutukutu in general, and many others, which, however, I have no space to specify here and which moreover have been dealt with exhaustively by Waddell, Griinwedel, etc. The above titles are the attributes of the head-lamas of Lhasa, Tashi- lhunpo, Urga-Kuren, Bhotan, etc. (the last of the great reincarnations of the Lamaist Hierarchy) and could be looked at just as the titles of Church dignitaries in Western Countries: Pope, Primate, (as is called in some countries the first Archbishop; in Hungary the Archbishop of
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 85
Esztergom, (Gran), in Spain, the Archbishop of Toledo (formerly); Patriarchs (of Constantinople, Venice, Lissabon); Archimandrites (title given to some head-priests of the Greek-Oriental Church), and Cardinals (the "hinges" on which the Christian Church turns).
(2.) — Then there is a series of titles given in honorific sense and which mostly, though not exclusively, are used in the names of one of the above-mentioned High Lamas, as for instance Jina (rgyal-va=the victor) for the Dalai Lama ; titles suggesting teaching and similar spiritual powers, with which the Pan-ch'an is credited to be qualified in first degree as the Pan-ch'an Lamas were always selected to act as the spiritual teachers of the new Reincarna- tions of the Dalai Lamas. Moreover, their name's meaning is "teacher," "pandita," "mahapandita" and I think that from this point of view also my translation " mahavadi" for "mk'asgrnb" in the title of the first Pan-ch'an (even if he is ranged only among the " so-called " Pan-ch'an Lamas) is justified, as this title is given only to great scholars and religious teachers. "Ch'os-kyi rGyal-po" "King of the Religion," " Dharma Rhaja" is also one of these inasmuch as it is not considered to be the designation of the Bhotan hierarch only. Here, an appropriate com- parison may be that with the titles which are awarded to the Popes: "Servus Servorum," "Vice-Regent of the Most High" "Key of the whole Universe," " Successor of St. Peter," etc. and also with the permanent attributes, adjoined to the names of certain Sovereigns as the titles " Apostolic Majesty " ( due to the Emperor of Austria as King of Hungary) "Rex Fidelissimus " (due to the King of Portugal).
86 THE VISIT OP THE
"His Catholic Majesty" (due to the King of Spain) and previously "Defender of the Faith (King of England. Henry VIII) ; " Most Christian King" (Kings of France).
(3.) — Then, we note titles derived from the Dhyani- buddhas and Dhyanibodhisattvas, of which certain Lamas are considered to be the Reincarnations. Such are "Lokes'vara," "Is 'vara," etc. usual attributes of the Dalai Lamas as the Reincarnations of " Padmapani-Avalokita"; " Sumati " from " Sumatikriti "=" Tsong khapa " incarnate in every Bogda Gegen in Mongolia, therefore this title is often applied to the latter; "Ch'an-skya Lama " due to the Head Lamas of Peking as the Reincarnations of the illustrious Mongolian Lama and teacher "Ch'an-skya Rol- pahi Dorje."
(4.) — The next titles are given in honorific sense, and bear already some marks of individuality as they are rather granted to certain highly qualified and popular priests only. These are, "P'agspa" "Highness" "Sublimity" "Reverend"= " bhadanta " Skt. ; "rJe "==" Arya "; " t'ams-cad mky en-pa " = "sarvajna"; "grub dban," etc., etc. These may be equal to those titles which History has bestowed in our countries upon men of great lustre and eminent capacities. So we speak of a " Beda Venerabilis," a " Divino Dante," of the "Ever-living poet Shakespeare," "the poet of liberty PetSfi," "the Grand Old Man Gladstone." " The Father of his Country (Washington)," etc., etc.
[5.] — Finally, we come to the proper names of the individual Lamas, though even these are only adopted religious names. These names in Tibetan are the translat- ions of Sanskrit names of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, Tutelaries
TESHOO LAMA TO PEKING 87
Defenders of the Faith, Mahasiddhas, etc. One of the best guides we possess for the reconstructions of these lama names, is the " Mahavyutpatti," an encyclopedia containing all the Buddhist nomenclature in four languages. Griinwedel has supplied us likewise with an excellent dissertation on the successive increase of the Pantheon of Buddhism, which was in connexion with the propagation of Buddhism and the development and variation Buddhism was undergoing in the different countries. There are many thousands of these deified Buddhist Arhats, etc., but this monograph is not intended to give either a systematic list of them [as was successfully initiated by Mr. Pander] or to enter into any closer discussion of the whole scheme of this evolution out of the limited, original forms, as has been exposed by Griinwedel in his " Buddhistische Kuust iu Iudien." I think, however, that the name of the Tibetan Lamas, though being the translations of Sanskrit names, must not necessarily be translations of Buddhas or Buddhist saints and holy priests, reported in Buddhist legends, etc., who have actually lived. After all, the origin of the name "Padmapani" "being simply an adjective iu substantive form" (vide Griinwedel's op. cit. p. 168) is a good specimen of such a nomenclature. I am of the opinion that the adoption of simple distinguishing names for the Lamaist High Dignitaries, or of mere epithets, also worn by deceased illustrious priests or legendary Saints, often occurs according to the general form of conferring religious names upon the simple novices. Of course, in the latter case only the head lama of the monastery (usually), officiating at the initiation of the novice, gives the names, while
88 THE VISIT OF THE
in the former case this will be done by the Dalai Lama and for the Dalai Lama by the Regent, or by an assembly of High Priests. As a rule this religious name is selected from the Buddhist Pantheon for the novice but this is not an absolute necessity. And, likewise, it seems to me, that this is not a compelling necessity with the great Reincarnations of the Lamaist Church, as their Tibetan' names often show combinations of names of ancient saints, patriarchs, teachers of morals (atcharyas) and of mere epithets and honorific attributes. I mention this especially in support of my versions for " Nag-dban "=<< vagaru " (though this rather belongs under heading 4); " Tsans- dbyans "==" Brahman! " or " Brabmacri ": " mk 'as-grub dge-legs"="Mahavadi Kalyana-bhavya" or the latter part also "Kalyanakirti" as simple epithet, " Skal-bzan rGya- mt'so=also " B'aga-sagara."
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