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THE 


WILTSHIRE 
Archenlogival ont Hotwal wistory 


MAGAZINE, 


Publishes under the Pirection of the Sactety 
= © \ 


FORMED IN THAT COUNTY, A.D. 1853. 


VOL. XVII. 


DEVIZES: 
H. F. & E. BULL, 4, Sant JOHN STREET. 


1879. 


DEVIZES: 
PRINTED BY H F. & E, BULI, 
ST. JOHN STREET, 


CONTENTS OF VOL. XVIII. 


No. LII. 


Francis, Fifth Duke of Somerset: By the Rev. Canon Jackson, F.S.A. 
Sheriffs of Wiltshire (Continued): By the Rev. Canon Jackson, F.S.A. 
Longleat Papers, No. 3 (Continued): By the Rev. Canon Jacxson, 
TSW Sd ptniciROGE On Rad bberk Gc Gc DRE RE RE ARC CORRE RS one COCR CE rer ner eane eOeee 
On the Habits of Ants: By Str Jonn Lussocr, Bart., F.R.S., M.P., 
NOD ce cc cca dghandhred aausdtieateiee eae newond ove seek seattae teal teedeemaalednetee’ 
On an Early Vernacular Service: By the Rev. H. T. Kinepon ......... 
A Biographical Notice of Samuel Brewer, the Botanist, A.D. 1670: By 
T. Bruges Firower, F.R.OC.S., F.LS., &e. ..c.cccccecesceseeeeeseeeeesenens 
Some Notice of William Herbert, First Earl of Pembroke of the Present 
Creation: By J. H. NIGHTINGALE, F.S.A. w.eccecseseeceecnen eee senseeees 
NMR EE orci Sein Ros oh Peed Gdks sven FEA Céai ape seb ame osuaNie se ieee 


No. LIII. 


Manual Meeting and Report, 1878 .......ccsccscccsscssvssescesecsssscceversesses 
Justice in Warminster in the Olden Time”: By W. W. RavENuILL, 
Esq., Honorary Secretary to the Wiltshire Society, and Recorder of 


The Black Friars of Wiltshire: By Rev. C. F. R. PALMER ............0008 
Observations on the “ Water-Supply” of some of our Ancient British 
Encampments, more particularly in Wiltshire and Sussex: By Siz 
PRORGH DUCKED: DAs, theascduecnseseacasisessccdesusedeverensenrassacere 
“ Kestrels and Crows”: By F. Stratton, Esq. ....cc.ccccccessesseeeeeeeeees 
On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds in the Neigh- 
bourhood of Salisbury ( Coa: By the Rev. ArtHuR P. Morezs, 
MGM Ob ETMGLOLG Ss. cehiacssn scat eeetaet iaioswebedudcsaoccesdausdedeaveranssctecaes 
The Bishops of Old Sarum (Continued) : By Canon W, H. Jonzs, M.A., 
BYS.A., Vicar of Bradford-on-Avon....c.cs.scoccecctccleccscsevcctecevaveceeeece 
Verses from the Crewe MSS. on the Assumption of Knighthood, temp. 
James I.: Communicated by Str GrorGE DuckKErt, Bart. j..sccssesee 


PAGE 
1 


7 


132 


133 


136 
162 


177 
181 
183 
213 


254 


lv CONTENTS OF VOL. XVIII. 


No. LIV. 


Longleat Papers No. 4 Continued) : By the Rev. Canon Jackson, F.S.A. 
Consecration of Nuns at Ambresbury, A.D. 1327: By the Rev. Canon 
WAGKSON; LDcAs) = ocecpeeen oem moteecses odor tnuserecnssvanenetesetareomtrean 
On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds in the Neigh- 
bourhood of Salisbury (Continued): By the Rev. AnrHuR P. Morrss, 
Wicar of Brithond weaer smeare ser aese sisi: uesesesoetlongeesaens auc teep urged 
A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury: By the Rev. A. C. Smiru, M.A. 
(Rector) Pose capescsecterserce orecstenecseusubasomgaceetay se csise cons avieeeys Camhiniam 
Proposed Repeal of the Test and Penal Statutes by King James the 
Second, in 1688; His Questions touching the same, to the Depnty- 
Lieutenants and Magistrates in Wiltshire, with their Answers thereto: 
including Confidential Returns of the Parliamentary Interests at that 
period (from the Original State Papers and Documents in the Bodleian 
Library): By Srz GEoRnGE DUCKETT, Bart.............ccsccsecceecrseensens 
Original Letters from the Wiltshire Commissioners to Cromwell in 1655 
(extracted from the Original State Papers in the Bodleian Library): 
By Sra, GEoRGw DUCKETT, Bartjd. ace cduen+sseasensi sol «cmdetevey deers pare 
Avebury.—The Beckhampton Avenue: By the Rev. Bryan Kine ...... 
Review Of Books iy. ivcaivcascvescavecsadaatnsass@hdvesheows inn sks euyawivaims Hass op oats 


[lustrations, 


PAGE 
257 


286 


289 


319 


359 


374 
377 
384 


Extract from Seymour Pedigree, 2. Fac-simile of an Aspersio written on 
spare leaf of a Sarum Breviary, 66. Pembroke’s Portrait and Autograph, 81. 


Sketch of Wilton House, 89. Lady Pembroke’s Figure, 99. 


Yatesbury Church, from the south-west, 319. Wards of a key, found in a barrow 
at Yatesbury, 331. Blade of a hunting spear, found in a barrow at Yatesbury, 


333, Font at Yatesbury, 344, Section of the Font at Yatesbury, 344. 


WILTSHIRE 


Archwological and Aatual Bistory Society. 


Ist JANUARY, 1879. 


Patron: 
THe Most HonovraBie tHE Marquis oF LANSDOWNE. 


President : 
Siz Jonny Luppocx, Barr., M.P., F.R.S., D.C.L., &., &e. 


Vice- Presidents : 


The Most Hon. the Marquis of Bath 
William Cunnington, Esq. 

Gabriel Goldney, Esq., M.P. 

The Right Hon. Lord Heytesbury 
Sir Henry A. Hoare, Bart. 

The Rev. Canon Jackson 


Sir John Neeld, Bart. 

The Right Hon. Earl Nelson 
R. Parry Nisbet, Esq. 
Charles Penruddocke, Esq. 
W. H. Poynder, Esq. 


Trustees : 


The Most Hon. the Marquis of Bath 
Sir F. H. H. Bathurst, Bart. 

The Right Hon. E. P. Bouverie 
William Cunnington, Esq. 

G. T. J. Sotheron Estcourt, Ksq.,M.P. 
G. P. Fuller, Esq. 

Gabriel Goldney, Esq., M.P. 


Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M.P. 
Sir John Neeld, Bart. 

The Right Hon. Earl Nelson 
Charles Penruddocke, Esq. 

W. H. Poynder, Esq. 

J. W. G. Spicer, Esq. 


Committee : 


T. B. Anstie, Esq., Devizes 

Rev. E. L. Barnwell, Melksham 

Henry Brown, Esq., Blacklands 
Park, Calne 

Robert Clark, Esq., Devizes 

A. B. Fisher, Esq., Potterne 

W. Hillier, Esq., Devizes 

Rev. C. W. Hony, Bishops Cannings 


Joseph Jackson, Esq., Devizes 

Rev. Canon Jones, Bradford-on- 
Avon 

H. E. Medlicott, Esq., Sandjfield, 
Potterne 

Alexander Meek, Esq., Devizes 

Rey. A. B. Thynne, Seend 

Rev. Canon Warre, Corsham 


Honorary General Secretaries : 


The Rev. A. C. Smith, Vatesbury Rectory, Calne. 
Charles H. Talbot, Esq., Lacock Abbey, Chippenham. 


Honorary General Curators : 


The Rev. H. A. Olivier, Powlshot Rectory. 
Henry Cunnington, Esq., Devizes. 


Honorary Local Secretaries : 


G. Alexander, Esq., Highworth J. E. Nightingale, Esq., Wilton 
H. E. Astley, Esq., Hungerford J. Noyes, Esq., Chippenham 
W. Forrester, Esq., Malmesbury The Rev. W. C. Plenderleath, Cher- 
N. J. Highmore, Esq., M.D., Brad- hill 
ford-on-Avon The Rev. T. A. Preston, Marl- 
H. Kinneir, Esq., Swindon borough 
The Rey. G. S. Master, West Dean, J. Farley Rutter, Esq., Mere 
Salisbury J. R. Shopland, Esq., Purton 
Alex. Mackay, Esq., Trowbridge H. J. F. Swayne, Esq., Wilton 


W. F. Morgan, Esq., Warminster 


Treasurer: 


F. A. 8. Locke, Esq. 


Financial Secretary : 
Mr. William Nott, 15, High Street, Devizes 


LIST OF SOCIETIES, &C., IN UNION WITH THE 


GMiltshire Archxological and PHatural History Society, 
For interchange of Publications, &e. 


Society of Antiquaries of London. 
Royal Historical and Archzological Association of Ireland. 
Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. 
Royal Archeological Institute. 

Kent Archeological Society. 
Somersetshire Archzological Society. 
Oxford Architectural and Historical Society. 
Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club. 

Essex Archeological Society. 

Professor L. Jewitt. 

Bath Antiquarian and Natural History Field Club. 
Dr. F. V. Hayden, United States Geologist. 
Bristol Naturalists’ Society. 

Watford Natural History Society. 
Powysland Club. 

Bristol Natural History Society. 

Bristol and Gloucestershire Archeological Society. 


Teist of Members. 
Infe Members. 


Bruce, Lord Charles, M.P., Wilton 
House, Eaton Square, London 

Clarke, Henry M., 25, Mount St., 
Grosvenor Square, London 

Clutterbuck, Rev. Canon Henry, M.A., 
Buckland Dinham, Frome 

Duke, Rev. Edward, Lake House, 
Salisbury 

Ellis, Rev. J. H., Stourton Rectory, 
“Bath 

Fitzmaurice, Lord E., M.P., Bowood 

Graves, A. R., Charlton Ludwell, 
Donhead St. Mary, Salisbury 

Grove, Sir Thomas Fraser, Bart., 
Ferne, Salisbury [head 

Hoare, Sir Henry A., Bart., Stour- 

Holford, R. 8., Weston Birt, Tetbury 

Jackson, Rev. Canon, Leigh Dela- 
mere, Chippenham 

Lansdowne, the Most Hon. the 
Marquis of, Bowood, Calne 

Lowndes, E, C., Castle Combe, Chip- 
penham 


Lubbock, Sir J. W., Bart., M.P., 15, 
Lombard Street, London, E.C. 

Morrison, George, Hampworth Lodge, 
Downton 

Neeld, Sir John, Bart., Grittleton, 
Chippenham 

Nisbet, R. P., Southbroom, Devizes 

Penruddocke, C., Compton Park, 
Salisbury 

Poynder, W. H., Hartham Park, 
Corsham 

Prior, Dr. R. C. A., 48, York Terrace, 
Regent’s Park, London 

Selfe, H., Marten, Great Bedwyn 

Shaftesbury, the Rt. Hon. the Earl 
of, St. Giles’s, Cranbourne 

Walmesley, Richard, Lucknam, 
Chippenham 

Wellesley, Lady Charles, Conholt 
Park, Andover 

Wyndham, the Hon. Percy, M.P., 44, 
Belgrave Square, London 


Annual Subscribers. 


Adderley Library, Marlborough Col- 
lege, Librarian of 


Alexander, G., Westrop House, 
Highworth 

Anstice, Rev. J. B., the Vicarage, 
Hungerford 


Anstie, G. W., Park Dale, Devizes 

Anstie, T. B., Devizes ; 

Archer, Col. D., Fairford House, 
Gloucestershire 

Arundell of Wardour, the Rt. Hon. 
Lord, Wardour Castle, Tisbury, 
Salisbury 

Arney, Sir G. A., Hanover Square 
Club, London . 

Astley, H. E., Hungerford 

Awdry, Rev. E. C., Kington St. 
Michael, Chippenham 

Awdry, H. Goddard, Notton, Chip- 
penham 

Awdry, Justly W., Melksham 

Awdry, West, Monkton, Chippenham 

Awdry, Rev. William, St. John’s 
College, Hurstpierpoint 

Awdry, Rev. W. H., Ludgershall, 
Andover 


Baker, T. H., Mere, Bath 

Banks, Mrs. G. Linnzeus, 82, Green- 
wood Road, Dalston, London 

Banting, Rev. W. B., Newbury 

Barnwell, Rev. E. L., Melksham 

Barrett, 8. B. C., Pewsey 

Baron, Rev. J., D.D., F.S.A., the 
Rectory, Upton Scudamore, War- 
minster 

Barrey, H. G., Devizes 

Bateson, Sir T., Bart., M.P., 12, 
Grosvenor Place. London, S8.W. 

Bath, the Most Hon. the Marquis of, 
Longleat, Warminster 

Bathurst, Sir F. H. H., Bart, 
Clarendon Park, Salisbury 

Batten, John, Aldon, Yeovil 

Bennett, Rev. Canon F., Maddington, 
Shrewton 

Bennett, F.J., M.D., Wilton, Salisbury 

Bethell, S., The Green,’Calne 

Bingham, Rev. W. P. S., Berwick 
Bassett, Swindon 

Blackmore, Dr. H. P., Salisbury 

Blake, F. A., 39, Market Place, 
Salisbury 


iv LIST OF MEMBERS. 


Bleeck, C. A., Warminster 

Bouverie, the Rt. Hon. HE. P., 
Market Lavington 

Brackstone, R. H., Lyncombe Hill, 
Bath ; 

Bradford, R., Midge Hall, Wootton 
Bassett 

Bramble, Jas. R., 2, Bristol Chambers, 
Nicholas St., Bristol 

Brewin, Robert, Cirencester 

Brine, J. E., Rowlands, Wimborne 

Britton, Mrs. Helen, 39, Croydon 
Grove, West Croydon, Surrey 

Brown, George, Avebury 

Brown, H., Blacklands Park, Calne 

Brown, James, South View, London 
Road, Salisbury 

Brown, Henry, Salisbury 

Brown, John, Manor Farm, Pewsey 

Brown, W., Browfort, Devizes 

Brown, W. R., Highfield, Trowbridge 

Brown, T. P., Burderop, Swindon 

Bruges, H. Ludlow, Seend, Melksham 

Buchanan, Ven. Arch., Potterne 

Buckley, Alfred, New Hall, Salisbury 

Buckley, Rev. J., Sopworth Rectory, 
Chippenham 

Bull, Messrs., Devizes 

Bullock, William H., Pewsey 

Burges, Rev. J. Hart., D.D., the 
Rectory, Devizes 


Caillard, C. F..D., Wingfield, Trow- 
bridge 

Calley, Major, Burderop, Swindon 

Carey, Rev. T., Fifield Bavant, 
Salisbury 

Carless, Dr. E. N., Devizes 

Chamberlaine, Rev. W. H., Keevil 

Chandler, Thomas, Devizes 

Chandler, W., Aldbourne, Hungerford 

Cholmeley, Rev. C. Humphrey, 
Dinton Rectory, Salisbury 

Clark, Robert, Prospect House, 
Devizes 

Clark, Major T., Trowbridge 

Clarke, W. A., Chippenham 

Cleather, Rev. G. E., the Vicarage, 
Cherrington, Devizes 

Clifford, Hon. and Rt. Rev. Bishop, 
Bishop’s House, Clifton, Bristol 

Colbourne, Miss, Venetian House, 
Clevedon 


Colfox, Thomas W., Rax, Bridport, 
Dorset 

Colston,Mrs.,Roundway Park, Devizes 

Colwell, J., Devizes 

Cooke, Dr., Wilts County Asylum, 
Devizes 

Cooke, Rev. G. R. Davis, B.A., 
Shalbourn Vicarage, Hungerford 

Cosway, Rev. 8., Chute, Andover 

Coward, Richard, Roundway, Devizes 

Cowley, the Rt. Hon. Karl, K.G., 
Draycot Park, Chippenham 

Crowdy, Rev. Anthony, Bankton, 
Crawley Down, Crawley 

Cunnington, H., Devizes 

Cunnington, William, Argyll House, 
361, Cold-Harbour Lane, Brixton, 
London, 8.W. 

Cunnington, W., jun., 57, Wiltshire 
Road, Brixton, London, 8. W. 


Daniell, Rev. J. J., Winterbourne 
Stoke, Devizes 

Daubeny, Rev. John, Theological 
College, Salisbury 

Dear, George, Codford St. Peter, Bath 

Dicks, W. B., The Limes, Trowbridge 

Dixon, 8. B., Pewsey 

Dodd, Samuel, 27, Kentish Town 
Road, London, N.W. 

Dowding, Rev. W., Idmiston, Salis- 
bury 

Duckett, Sir George, Bart, Oxford 
and Cambridge Club, Pall Mall, 
London 

Duke, Rev. H. H., B.A., Westbury 

Dyke, Rev. W., Bagenden Rectory, 
Cirencester 


Eddrup, Rev. Canon E. P., Bremhill, 

~ Calne 

Eden, The Hon. Miss E., Chapman- 
slade, Westbury 

Edgell, Rev. E. B., Bromham, Chip- 
penham 4 

Edmonds, R. S8., Swindon 


- Edwards, Job, Amesbury 


Elwell, Rev. W. E., 49, Sussex 
Square, Brighton 


LIST OF MEMBERS. Vv 


Errington, Most Rev. Archbishop, 
Prior Park, Bath 

Estcourt, G. T. J. Sotheron, M.P., 
Estcourt, Tetbury 

Estcourt, Rev. W. J. B., Long 
Newnton, Tetbury 

Everett, Rev. E., Manningford Ab- 
botts 

Ewart, Miss M., Broadleas, Devizes 

Eyres, Edwin, Lacock, Chippenham 

Hyre, G. E., The Warrens, Bram- 
shaw, Lymington 

Hyre, G. E. Briscoe, 59, Lowndes 
Square, London, S.W. 


Fisher, A. B., Court Hill, Potterne 

Fisher, Major C. Hawkins, The 
Castle, Stroud 

Flower, T. B., 9, Beaufort Buildings 
West, Bath 

Forrester, William, Malmesbury 

Fowle, T. Everett, Chute Lodge, 
Andover 

Fowle, Miss, Market Lavington 

Freke, A. D. Hussey, Hannington 
Hall, Highworth 

Fry, J. B., Swindon 

Fuller, G. P., Neston Park, Corsham 


Gaisford, William, Worton 

Gidley, Rev. Lewis, St. Nicholas’ 
Hospital, Salisbury 

Goddard, Ambrose L., M.P., Swindon 

Goddard, Edward Hungerford, Hil- 
marton, Calne | 

Goddard, Rev. F., Hilmarton, Calne 

Goddard, H. Nelson, Clyffe Pypard 
Manor, Wootton Bassett 

Godwin, J. G., 76, Warwick Street, 
London, S.W. 

Goldney, Gabriel, M.P., Beechfield, 
Chippenham [penham 

Goldney, F. H., Rowden Hill, Chip- 

Gooch, Sir Daniel, Bart., M.P., 
Clewer Park, Windsor 

Gordon, Hon. and Rev. Canon, 
Salisbury 

Gore, Arthur, Melksham 

Grant, Rey. A., Manningford Bruce 


Griffith, C. Darby, Padworth House, 
Reading 

Grindle, Rev. H. A. L., Devizes 

Grose, Samuel, Melksham 

Grove, Miss Chafyn, Zeals House, 
Bath 

Guise, Sir W., Bart., Elmore Court, 
Gloucester 


Haden, Joseph P., Hill View, Trow- 
bridge 

Halcomb, John, Chieveley, Newbury 

Hall, Capt. Marshall, New University 
Club, St. James Street, London,S. W. 

Hanbury, Edgar, Eastrop Grange, 
Highworth 

Harris, Rev. H., Winterbourne Bas- 
sett, Swindon 

Hart, C. F., Devizes 

Hartley, Rev. Alfred Octavius, 
Steeple Ashton, Trowbridge 

Hawkins, F. G., Hordley House, 
Ramsgate 

Haynes, Richard, 4, Maze Hill, St. 
Leonards-on-Sea 

Haywood, T. B., Woodhatch Lodge, 
Reigate 

Heard, Rev. T. J., The Rectory, 
Sherrington, Codford, Bath 

Heytesbury, the Right Hon. Lord, 
Heytesbury 

Hicks, Rev. G. G., Little Somerford, 
Chippenham 

Highmore, Dr. N. J., Bradford-on- 
Avon 

Hill, Miss A., Asby Lodge, Carlton 
Road, Putney, London, 8.W. 

Hillier, W., Devizes 

Hitchcock, Dr. C., Fiddington, 
Market Lavington 

Hitcheock, Dr. C. K., Ivy Cottage, 
Market Lavington 

Hobhouse, Sir C. P., Bart., Monkton 
Farley, Bradford-on-Avon 

Hodgson, Rev. J. D., The Rectory, 
Collingbourne Ducis, Marlborough 

Hony, Rev. C. W., Bishops Cannings 

Horsell, W. B. C., The Marsh, 
Wootton Bassett 

Howlett, Rev. W., Devizes 

Hughes, Rev. J. H., 57, Euston 
Square, London, N.W. 

Hulbert, H. V., Manor House, West 
Lavington 


vl LIST OF MEMBERS. 


Hulse, Sir Edward, Bart., Breamore, 
Hants 

Humphries, A. R., Fernbank, Wootton 
Bassett 

Hussey, James, Salisbury 

Hutchings, Rev. Canon R. 8., M.A., 
Alderbury, Salisbury 

Huyshe, Wentworth, 6, Pelham 
Place, Brompton, London, S.W. 


Inman, Rev. E., West Knoyle 
Rectory, Bath 


Jackson, Joseph, Devizes 

Jenkinson, Sir George, Bart., M.P., 
Eastwood Park, Cirencester 

Jennings, J. S. C., Abbey House, 
Malmesbury 

Jones, H. P., Portway House, War- 
minster 

Jones, Rev. Canon W. H., Bradford- 
on-Avon 


Jones, W. 8., Malmesbury 


Kemble, Mrs., Cowbridge House, 
Malmesbury 

Kemm, Thomas, Avebury 

Kemm, W. C., Amesbury 

Kenrick, Mrs., Seend Cottage, Seend, 
Melksham 

King, Rev. Bryan, Avebury 

Kingdon, Rev. H. T., Good Easter 
Vicarage, Chelmsford, Essex 

Kinneir, R., M.D., Sherborne 

Kinneir, H., Redville, Swindon 

Knight, Rev. J., Heytesbury, Bath 


Lawson, R. de M., Trowbridge 

Leach, R. V., Devizes Castle 

Lewis, Harold, B.A., Herald Office, 
Bath 

Liardet, John E., Broomfield House, 
Deptford 


Linton, Rev. G., The Vicarage, Cor- 
sham [bury 

Littlewood, Rev. S., Edington, West- 

Lloyd, Rev. John A., Broad Hinton 
Vicarage, Swindon 

Locke, F. A. S., Rowdeford, Devizes 

Long, W. H., Rood Ashton, Trow- 
bridge 

Long, Walter J., Preshaw House, 
Bishops Waltham, Hants 

Long, William, West Hay, Wrington, 
Bristol 

Lukis, Rev. W. C., Wath Rectory, 
Ripon 

Lyall, J.,Blunsden Abbey, Highworth 


Mackay, Alex., Trowbridge 

Mackay, James, Trowbridge 

Maclean, J. C., M.D., Swindon 

Malet, Sir A., Bart., K.C.B., 19, 
Queensbury Road, London, 8.W. 

Mann, William J., Trowbridge 

Marlborough College Nat. Hist. 
Society, The President of 

Maskelyne, E. Story, Bassett Down 
House, Swindon 

Maskelyne, N. Story, F.R.S., 112, 
Gloucester Terrace, Hyde Park 
Gardens, London, W. 

Master, Rev. G. S., West Dean, 

Salisbury 

Matcham, William E., New House, 

Salisbury 

McNiven, Rev. C. M., Perrysfield, 

Godstone, Surrey 

Medlicott, H. E., Sandfield, Potterne 

Meek, A., Hillworth, Devizes 

Meek, A. Grant, The Ark, Devizes 

Merriman, E. B., Marlborough 

Merriman, R. W., Marlborough 

Merriman, 8. B., Philip Lane, Tot- 
tenham, Middlesex 

Methuen, Right Hon. Lord, Corsham 
Court 

Miles, Col. C. W., Burton Hill, 
Malmesbury 

Miles, E. P., Earlwood, near Bagshot 

Miles, J., Wexcombe, Great Bedwyn, 
Marlborough 

Mitchell, Arthur C., The Ridge, 
Corsham 

Money, Walter, F.S.A., Herborough 
House, Newbury, Hon. Sec. New- 
bury District Field Club 


LIST OF MEMBERS. Vil 


Morrice, Rev. Canon W. D., St. 
Thomas’s Vicarage, Salisbury 

Morgan, W. F., Warminster 

Moulton, 8., Kingston House, Brad- 
ford-on-Avon 

Mullings, Richard B., Devizes 

Musselwhite, John, Worton, Devizes 


Nelson, Right Hon. Earl, Trafalgar, 
Salisbury 

Nelson, Lady, Trafalgar, Salisbury 

Nightingale, J. E., Wilton 

Normanton, The Rt. Hon. the Earl 
of, 7, Prince’s Garden, Prince’s 
Gate, London, 8.W. 

Nott, William, Devizes 

Noyes, George, 11, Bassett Road, 
Notting Hill, London, W. 

Noyes, John, Cook Street,Chippenham 


Olivier, Rev. Canon Dacres, Wilton, 
Salisbury 

Olivier, Rev. H. A., Poulshot 
Devizes 

Ottley, Capt., Luckington Rectory, 
Chippenham 

Ottley, Rev. G. L., Luckington 
Rectory, Chippenham 


Palmer, George Ll., Trowbridge 

Parfitt, Rt. Rev. Dr., Midford House, 
Midford, Bath 

Parish, Colonel, C.B., Conock, Devizes 

Parry, Joseph, Allington, Devizes 

Parsons, W. F., Hunt’s Mill, Wootton 
Bassett 

Peacock, Rev. E., Stone Hall, Haver- 
fordwest 

Pearman, W. J., Devizes 

Peill, Rev. J. N., Newton Toney, 

Salisbury 

Pembroke and Montgomery, The Rt. 
Hon. Earl, Wilton House, Salisbury 

Penruddocke, Rev. J. H., South 
Newton Vicarage, Wilton 

Perry Keene, Col. T., Minety House, 
Malmesbury 


Petman, A. P., Wootton Bassett 

Philipps, Rev. Canon Sir J. E., Bart., 
Warminster 

Phillips, Jacob, Chippenham 

Phipps, Charles Paul, Chalcot, West- 
bur 

Plendeloatl, Rey. W. C., Cherhill 
Rectory, Calne 

Poore, Major R., Old Lodge, Stock- 
bridge, Hants 

Powell, Mrs. M. E. Vere Booth, 
Hurdcott House, Salisbury 

Powell, W., M.P., Eastcourt House, 
Malmesbury 

Preston, Rev. T. A., Marlborough 
College 

Price, R. E., Middle Hill, Box, Chip- 
penham 

Proctor, W., Elmhurst, Higher Erith 
Road, Torquay ; 

Prower, Major, 
Wootton Bassett 


Purton House, 


Radcliffe, C. H., Salisbury 

Radcliffe, P. Delmé, Newnton 
Vicarage, Marlborough 

Randell, J. A., Devizes 

Ravenhill, W. W., 5, Fig Tree Court, 
Temple, London, H.C. 

Ravenshaw, Rev. T. F. T., Pewsey 

Read, C. J., St. Thomas’s Square, 
Salisbury 

Rendell, W., Devizes 

Richmond, George, R.A., Potterne 

Rigden, R. H., Salisbury 

Rogers, Walter Lacy, 32, Onslow 
Square, London, 8.W. 

Rolls, John Allan, The Hendre, 
Monmouth 

Rumming, Thomas, Red House, 
Amesbury, Salisbury 

Rutter, J. F., Mere, Bath 

Rutter, John K., Mere, Bath 


Sadler, S. C., Purton Court, Swindon 

Sainsbury, Capt. C. H. S., Bathford, 
Bath 

Salisbury, the Right Rev. The Lord 
Bishop of, The Palace, Salisbury 


Vill LIST OF MEMBERS. 


Salisbury, The Very Rev. The Dean 
of, The Close, Salisbury 

Saunders, T. Bush, Bradford-on-Avon 

Schomberg, Arthur, Seend, Melksham 

Seymour, A., Knoyle House, Hindon 

Seymour, Rev. C. F., Crowood, 
Hungerford 

Shopland, James R., Purton, Swindon 

Simpson, George, Devizes 

Skrine, H. D., Warleigh Manor, Bath 

Sladen, Rev. E. H. M., The Gore, 
Bournemouth 

Sloper, A. M., Bishops Cannings, 
Devizes 

Sloper, Edwin, Taunton 

Sloper, G. E., Devizes 

Sloper, 8. W., Devizes 

Smith, Mrs., Old Park, Devizes 

Smith, Rev. A. C., Yatesbury, Calne 

Smith, J. A., Market Place, Devizes 

Soames, Rev. C., Mildenhall, Marl- 
borough 

Southby, Dr. A., Bulford, Amesbury 

Spencer, J., Bowood 

Spicer, J. W. G., Spye Park, Chip- 
penham 

Stancomb, J. Perkins, The Prospect, 
Trowbridge 

Stancomb, W., Blount’s Court, Pot- 
terne 

Stanton, Rev. J. J., Tockenham 
Rectory, Wootton Bassett 

Staples, I. H., Belmont, Salisbury 

Stevens, Joseph, St. Mary Bourne, 
Andover 

Stokes, D. J., Rowden Hill, Chip- 
penham 

Stokes, Robert, Salisbury 

Stratton, Alfred, Rushall 

Stratton, Frederick, St. Joan a Gore, 
Devizes 

Stratton, William, Kingston Deverill, 
Warminster 

Strong, Rev. A., St. Paul’s Rectory, 
Chippenham 

Swayne, H.J.F., The Island, Wilton, 
Salisbury 


Tait, E. S., 54, Highbury Park, 
London, N. 

Talbot, C. H., Lacock Abbey, Chip- 
penham 


Tanner, C. A., Yatesbury, Calne 

Tayler, G.C., M.D., Lovemead House, 
Trowbridge 

Taylor, S. W., Erlestoke Park, 
Devizes 

Thynne, Rev. A. B., Seend, Melksham 

Toppin, Rey. G. Pilgrim, Broad Town 
Vicarage, Wootton Bassett 

Tordiffe, Rev. Stafford, Devizes 


Wakeman, Herbert J., Warminster 

Walker, Rev. R. Z., Boyton Rectory, 
Bath 

Ward, Rev. H., Aldwincle, near 
Thrapston 

Ward, Col. M. F., Bannerdown House, 
Batheaston, Bath 

Warre, Rev. Canon F., Monks Park, 
Corsham 

Waylen, G. S. A., Devizes 

Waylen, R. F., Admiralty, Whitehall, 
London, S.W. 

Wayte, Rev. W., 2, Cambridge 
Terrace, Regent’s Park, London, 

WwW 


Weaver, Henry, Devizes 

Weller, Mrs. T., 22, Tamworth Road, 
Croydon, Surrey 

Whinfield, Rev. E. T., Woodleigh, 
Bradford-on-Avon 

Wilson,’ J., M.A., Chippenham 

Winterscale, Major J. F. M., Great 
Cheverell - 

Wyld, Rev. C. N., Westbury 

Wyld, Rev. Edwin G., Woodborough, 
Marlborough 

Wyndham, C. H., Wans, Chippenham 


Yeatman, Rev. H. W., Netherbury, 
Bridport 
Yockney, A., Pockeridge, Corsham 


Zillwood, F. W., Salisbury 


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WILTSHIRE MAGAZINE 


“MULTORUM MANIBUS GRANDE LEVATUR ONUS. —Ovid. 


Francis, fifth Duke of Somerset, 


Shot by mistake, A.D. 1678. 
By the Rev. Canon J. EH. Jackson, F.S.A. 


N the year 1671, on the death of William Seymour, third 
Duke of Somerset, a young man of nineteen years of age 

and unmarried,! the estates of Tottenham, Savernake, and others, 
came to his sister and heiress, Lady Elizabeth Seymour, who married 
the Earl of Ailesbury. The title passed to his uncle, John Seymour, 
fourth Duke, husband of Sarah Alston, the Duchess of Somerset 
who founded in this county the Broad Town Charity, and the Hos- 
pital at Froxfield.2 Duke John dying at Amesbury, April, 1675, 


1 William, the third Duke, died of the small pox. A letter (from one of the 
Thynne family), dated London, 12th December, 1671, the day on which he died, says, 
“We are like to lose another Duke who is taking a longer journey, the D. of 
Somersett; he is fallen ill of the small Pocks the infection whereof is soe malig- 
nant that they” [the plural “pocks” was always used in those days] “ appear 
rather in purple than red spots. The Phisitians have given him over, to the 
universal griefe of the Towne.’ It was this, the third Duke, whom Samuel 
Pepys saw at Arundell House in attendance upon the Duchess of Newcastle, and 
whom he describes as “a very pretty young man.” See his Diary, 30th May, 
1667. The Editor of the Diary errs in his note when he says it was “ Francis, 
5th Duke, murdered in Italy :”’ for in 1667, Francis, fifth Duke, was only four 
years old. The same mistake is made in the Preface to the Fourth Report of the 
Historical Commissioners, p. xv., speaking of certain riotous proceedings at 
Whetstone Park, in which the Duke of Monmouth, the Duke of Albemarle, and 
the Duke of Somerset were engaged. Of this William, third Duke, there is a 
fine engraving by Vertue from a picture by Lely. 

2 The noble foundress of the Froxfield Hospital [mis-called Sfrazfield on her 
monument in Westminster Abbey] does not appear to have enjoyed much happiness 
with her second husband, Lord John Seymour. In 1672, on his succeeding to the 
dukedom, she presented to the King a petition for a separate maintenance, the 


VOL. XVIII.—NO. LI, B 


2 Francis, fifth Duke of Somerset, 


without leaving any child, the title passed to a younger branch, the 
Lords Seymour of Trowbridge, who resided at Marlborough Castle 
and were then represented by Francis Seymour, born in January, 
1657. (See opposite page.) ; 

Francis succeeded (1675) as fifth Duke in his eighteenth year, 
but his enjoyment of the title and estates was very brief, and 
terminated sadly. On reaching the age of twenty-one he went on 
his travels into Italy, accompanied by his maternal uncle, the Hon. 
Hildebrand Allington (afterwards the fourth and last Baron Alling- 
ton). This gentleman, being on the spot, sent the following 
account of the affair, which is preserved in the British Museum, 
Lansd. MS., 722, fo. 183: —t 


“An acct. of the murther of Francis Seymour, D. of Somerset, reed. from 
Hildebrand, late Ld. Allington, who was with him at the time of his death. 

“F. Seymour, Duke of Somerset, arrived at Lerice,* on the Territories of the 
Genoeze, on the 20 April, 1678. At his entrance into the town, he had the 
misfortune to fall into the company of some French gentn., who travelled as the 
Duke did, only out of curiosity. It was about the middle of the day when they 
reached this place, a time when the Churches usually are open, and consequently, 
where the Italian Ladies were most likely to be seen. Upon this motive they 
went into the Church of the Augustinians, where the French gentlemen were guilty 
of some indecencies towards certain ladies of the family of Botti, of that town 
which was severely revenged upon the Duke soon after. For Horatio Botti, the 


Duke having, as she stated in the petition, “by the instigation of some eyvil- 
disposed persons, without any the least cause given by her, withdrawn himself 
from her and refused to cohabit with her, and would not permit her to come 
either into his house in London or in the country, and left her quite destitute of 
maintenance, exposing her to contempt and scorn and her inexpressible grief.” 
She brought at marriage a fortune of £10,000: and it was by her marriage 
settlement that she had, as survivor, the power of dealing with certain landed 
estates. She married thirdly Henry Hare, second Lord Coleraine. There is a 
letter from her (1683) to Lord Coleraine, cautioning him “ not to eat too much mus- 
millon—Lord Conway had just died of a surfeit of it.” What Her Grace meant 
by “mus-millon” it is difficult to guess. In an old play by Middleton, called 
“The Witch,” one of the contributors to the cauldron says, “I have mar-martin 
and man-dragon :”’ whereupon Hecate corrects her, “ Marmaritan and mandragora 
thou wouldst say.’ So, perhaps the Duchess meant to say “musk-melon.” There 
is a large portrait of her as a benefactress, in the Hall of Brasenose College, Oxford. 

1Tn Collins’s Peerage I., 191, there is a short account of this murder: apparently 
taken from that in the Lansd. MS. given above. 


*Lerici is a small place on the sea-coast in the Bay of Spezzia, about sixty miles from Genoa on 
the way to Leghorn. 


An EXTRACT from the SEYMOUR PEDIGREE will more clearly place 
before the reader the state of the family at that period :— 


Edward, Earl of Hertford. 
younger son of Protector Somerset. 


Edward, Lord Beauchamp, 
died 1612. 


| | 
William, Marq. Francis, Lord= Frances, d. of 


of Hertford, Seymour, of Sir Gilbert 
SECOND DuxgE Trowbridge. Prynne, of 
of Somerset Built “the Allington, 
(restored) Castle” at near Chip- 
died 1660. Marlborough penham. 
1640. Died 
1664. 


| Ist 2nd Ist | 2nd 


Henry, Lord John, rourrH=Sarah,found-=Lord Charles, =Elizabeth, dau.=Sir John 
Beauchamp, Duxe of  ressofFrox- Cole- Lord Sey- of William, Ernle, of 


died 1654, in Somerset, field Hospi- _raine. mour, of first Lord Whetham, 
father’s life- died s.p. taland Broad Trow- Allington, d. near Calne. 
time. 1675. Town Char- bridge, d. 1691, sister Chancellor 
| ity. Died 1665. of Hon. Hil- of the Ex- 
| | 1692. debrand Al- — chequer. - 
William, Elizabeth.=Earl of lington. 
THIRD Ailes- Francis, FIFTH DuxKE of Somerset. Born 17th Jan., 1657, 
Duke of bury. Shot at Lerici, 20th April: buried at Great Bedwyn. 
Somerset, 15th October, 1678, s.p. The title passed to his brother 
died unm. Charles, the sixth (the “ Proud”) Duke. 
12th Dec., 
1671, ext. 
19. 


ee EE ———————————u6aa Cl rrr Uh 


Shot by mistake, A.D. 1678. 3 


husband of one of the ladies, having intelligence where the gentn. dined, watched 
his opportunity, and shot the first person that appeared at the door of the Inne, 
which proved unhappily to be the D. of Som., of which wound he instantly dyed. 
An act of barbarity the more to be- resented, because the Duke’s part, in the 
rudeness offered to the ladies, was least offensive. 

Upon the Duke’s death, his uncle Mr. Hildebrand Allington (late Ld. Allington), 
immediately notified it to the Republick of Genoa, with a demand of justice for 
so great a crime. That Government seem’d to be highly incensed against the 
Criminal, and in all appearance used its utmost endeavours to apprehend him and 
bring him to justice: but he timely quitted the Genoeze Dominion, and so 
escaped. All that the State could then do, was to fixe a brass plate over the door 
where the murther was committed, declaring the crime, and promising a reward 
to those who should apprehend him. 

Afterwds. K. James, the 2nd, upon application made to him by the Family of 
Botti, was prevailed with to give his consent that Horatio Botti, the assassin, 
might be pardoned. And this, it is sd. he was induced to do, out of resentmt. 
towards the present D. of Som. (brother and heir to the murthered Duke) for re- 
fuseinge to give his attendance on the Pope’s nuncio at his arrivall in Engd., 
which the King had desired of him. By this act the Somerset Family were so 
highly disobliged, that their respect for that unhappy Prince was much abated.” * 


The following letters relating to this unfortunate affair occur 
among the papers of Mr. Henry Coventry, Secretary of State, temp. 
Charles II., preserved at Longleat. It is evident that the Genoese 
Government moved very slowly in the matter, as, under the circum- 
stances, was perhaps to be expected. A MS. journal kept by a Mr. 
Muddiman (which is also among the Marquis of Bath’s documents), 
says that the Frenchmen who were the real offenders, having warning 
of the intended vengeance of the Botti, made their escape to the 
mountains. 


Secretary H. Coventry to Mr. George Legatt, Consul at Genoa. 


“ Whitehall, May = 1678. 


“Mr. Leearr. 

“The news of the Duke of Somersett’s death hath been very surprizing 
here: His Majty. hath seen -a letter wrote from the Senate hither to their 
Consul; and taketh very kindly the care they have taken to enquire after the 
Murtherers and the resolution they say they have for the severe prosecution of 
them. And you are in His Maty’s name to thank them for it. But I am like- 
wise by the King’s command to tell you that you look narrowly that there be no 
connivence in it, and upon any omission of justice or of search, to quicken 


* Charles, Duke of Somerset, was First Lord of the Bedchamber. Ina ‘** Memoir of his Life ” it 
is stated that in consequence of his refusal to attend the reception of the Nuntio, King James re- 
moved him from all the offices he held. 

B 2 


4 Francis, fifth Duke of Somerset, 


them; and in case you find any neglect to acquaint His Maty. or me with it. 
Besides the misfortune of losing so hopefull a young Lord, the damages that 
arise to the Family are very important, and though it should be forgotten in 
Genoua, it will not be so in England. And the King is obliged not onely in 
justice, but by many of the important considerations to shew his resentment. 
And therefore you are to be very vigilant to observe all the steps are made in 
this prosecucion, and be sure to shew your own activity in it, and you shall want 
no encouragement or protection from hence. This is what I have to say to you 
upon this matter, and I doubt not of your care and industry in this particular 
that is of so great concerne. I am with all reality, 
“Sr. 
“Yr. most affectionate humble Servant, 
“H.C.” 
“To Mr Legatt, 
Consul at Genoua.” 


The matter appears to have slumbered for three months. 


Mr. Legatt, to the Hon. Hildebrand Allington, Turin, 14th Sept., 1678. 


* SIR, 


“T should have returned answer to yr. most obliging letter 31 past the 
last ordinary, had ought then innovated here in the Duke’s business of moment, 
I am now to tell you that the 10th instant they had a Great Councill here, who 
gave full power and authority to the Collegio, wh. is the Duke and Senate, to passe 
sentence on the Murtherers in the nature they shall think fitt. But this morning 
I was privately informed by one who knows very well how this affair goes at 
pallace, that one of the two pallace senators, or Duos di casa, should say the proces 
imust be begun again ab integro: wh. if soe, must certainly be with a designe 
to blame the good Duke, and favour, if not acquit the murtherers ; so you will do 
well to give Sr. John Ernly notice thereof this very post, and to wish him to 
acquaint his Majesty hereof, and to moove Him in Privy Councill to write a most 
resenting letter to this Duke and Senate in this business, and presse them without 
further delay to passe sentence on the 2 Brothers Botti the assassins as 1 now 
desire Mr. Secretary Coventry may be done whom I now acquaint with the 
premises: also what I have allready insinuated here, that, t’is there expected 
sentence of death be not only past on the murtherers, but that their dwelling- 
house be rased to the ground and a Tallie put on their heads. And you will do 
well to write as much to Sr. John Ernly, that this State’s Consul be not only briskely 
told as much by him as also by Mr. Secretary Coventry, but likewise that His 
Maty gives this Duke and Senate to understand in his Letter such is His Maty’s 
expectation. I shall in the interim not fayle to presse this Duke and 2 Pallace 
Senators to dispatch the proces and sentence ; and I shall desire a Coppy thereof 
to send for England, holding it necessary in severall respects ; and I doubt not 
but you will see I be reimbursed for charges thereof. I shall not need to make 
any apology for myselfe that this business mooves thus slowly you having been 
an eyewitness of the delays they give me, and the many voyages I have made to 
the Pallace herein. If my life lay on it I can doe no more then I doe in it, having 


Shot by mistake, A.D. 1678. 5 


not His Majesty to backe me, neither to this day have I had one line from Sr. 
John Ernly. Your other 2 letters you mention I duly recd. Of that from Mr. 
Secretary I have had the sight and perusall. Your other, for the taking in of the 
Duke’s Corps by one of His Majty’s. Frigates, I sent immediately for Leghorn, 
but I am not certain whether it arrived there in time, receiving no answer from 
Mr. Duncan to whom I sent it. Pray favour me with your answer hereto and 
wherein else I may be serviceable to you heere, please to comand me with all 
freedome. F 

“Sr. your most obliged faithfull and humble servant, 

* Genoa, 14th Sept., “Go. Lecatt.” 
1678.” 


“ To the Honble. Hildebrand Allington, E'sq., Turin.” 


Then follows a letter from Secretary Coventry to Consul Legatt 
to this effect :—} 


“ Whitehall, 30th Sept., 1678. 
“His Majesty has understood that the Great Council of Genoa has empowered 
the Duke and Senate to pass sentence on the murderers of the Duke of Somerset 
in whatever manner they please; but fearing that delay may arise, dishonourable 
to the young Duke so cruelly murdered and favourable to the murderers, H.M. 
- commands me to signify to you the great indignation he feels at so horrible a 
deed done on a person of such high rank and quality ; and to make pressing ap- 
plication in his name for the immediate passing of sentence on the two homicides 
Botti: not only that they be put to death but that their houses be razed to the 
ground, their goods confiscated, and a Tally set on their heads, with the other 
rigorous penalties that are usually enforced in the case of similar delinquents in 
cases of even less importance: That this demand be complied with at once; 
otherwise, his Majesty will be obliged to shew his resentment in some other 
manner.” 


Mr, Legatt to Secretary Coventry. 
“Sir, 


“On receipt of your Hon. Letter of the 10 Sept. I immediately ac- 
quainted this Duke with the contents of it, and not satisfied therewith, I went 
into First Senates to represent unto them His Maty’s. sense and expectation 
‘about the Duke of Somersett’s unhappy business: and that it might have the 
greater efficacy, I translated such part of the letter into Italian as was convenient, 
and presented the same unto them, and inclosed yr. Honrs. Letter and duplicate 
thereof. A day or two after one of the Secretarys of State gave me for answer 
_ that now sentence will be forthwith past on the Murtherers of the Duke with all the 
rigour of Justice these lawes do permitt. He wd. not distend himself farther, or 

enter into farther discourse with me about the matter, though I pressed it: soe 


Se 


1The letter itself is not forthcoming, but it was rendered into Italian by Mr. 
 Legatt for the purpose of being laid before the Genoese authorities, and is here 
_ re-translated from the Italian copy. 


6 Francis, fifth Duke of Somerset. 


I very much feare the sentence in the end will not answer the King’s expectations. 
When passed I shall see to transmit yr. Honour a coppy thereof, and in the interim 
shall see to hasten it and procure all I can it may be made accordinge to the con- 
tents of the aforesaid Letter: what innovation or alteration has been made in the 
proces I am not able to resolve you, having not been able to get a sight thereof 
since the two pallace senators were impowered to inspect it; but I find they have 
changed the notary, and added another counsellor to the Podesta to examine 
things and consult thereabouts, which confirmes me in my aforesaid feares they 
intend not to goe much out of the ordinary rodeway, notwithstanding the high 
degree of the person murthered. I shd. be glad to be deceived however, that the 
sentence in the end may give his Maty. full content and satisfaction wh., God 
willing, I shall endeavour rigorously what lyes in me. 


‘ Genoua, 16th Novr., 1678. 
“Sr. yr. Honrs. most obliged faythfall 
“and obedient servant, 
“ GrorcE Lrcat.” 


“To the Honble. Henry Coventry, Esq., 

His Majty’s Principal Secretary 

of State.” 

There is a letter, dated April, 1678, from the State of Genoa to 
their agent, beginning “ Magnifico nostro agente,” among Sir 
Alexander Malet’s papers: and among the Duke of Northumber- 
land’s, at Syon House (Sixth Report Histor. Commission, p. 221) 
four letters about this murder, and a copy of the sentence. The 
murderers were hanged—in effigy. 


J. E. Jackson. 


Sheritts of Hiltshive. 
(Continued from vol. ii., p. 235. 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.S.A. 


A.D. Victorta. (Continued,) 


290 | 1857 | Alfred Morrison, of Fonthill, Esq. 


21 1858 | Francis Alexander Sydenham Locke, of Rowde- 
ford, Esq. Brother of the Sheriff of 1847. 


92 | 1859 | John Neilson Gladstone, of Bowden Park, Esq., 
R.N. Brother of Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone. 
Died 1863. ‘ 


23 | 1860 | Horatio Nelson Goddard, of Clyff Pypard, Esq. 


24 | 1861 Charles Penruddocke, of ,Compton Chamberlayne, 
Esq. Great Nephew of the Sheriff of 1817. 


25 1862 | .John Elton Mervyn Prower, of Purton House, 
Swindon, Esq. 


q 96 | 1863 Thomas Fraser Grove, of Ferne, Esq., M.P. for 
j South Wilts from January, 1865, to February, 
1874. Created Baronet, 18th March, 1874. 
| Grandson of the Sheriff of 1789. 


27 | 1864 | John Lewis Phipps, of Leighton House, Westbury, 
Esq. Son ot the Sheriff of 1803. 


28 | 1865 | Thomas Henry Allen Poynder, of Hartham Park, 
Esq. Died November, 1873. 


29 | 1866 | Ambrose Denis Hussey Freke, of Havnington 
Hall, Highworth, Esq. Son of the Sheriff of 
1841. 


40 
41 


1877 
1878 


Sheriffs of Wiltshire. 


Henry Calley, of Burderop Park, Swindon, Esq. 
Nephew of the Sheriff of 1807. 


Charles John Thomas Conolly, of Cottles, Melk- 
sham, Esq. Died 1871. 


Ralph Ludlow Lopes, of Sandridge Park, Melk- 
sham, Esq. 


John Ravenhill, of Ashton Gifford, Esq. Died 
1878. 


John William Gooch Spicer, of Spye Park, Esq. 

Sir John Neeld, of Grittleton, Bart., M.P, for 
Cricklade, 1835—1856; Chippenham, 1865 
—1868. 


Nathaniel Barton, of Corsley House, Warminster, 
Esq. 


Edward Chaddock Lowndes, of Castle Combe, Esq. 


Charles Paul Phipps, of Chalcote, Westbury, Esq. 
Brother of the Sheriff of 1864. 


William Henry Poynder, of Hartham Park, Esq. 
Brother of the Sheriff of 1865. 


Richard Walmesley, of Luckenham, Esq. 


George Pargiter Fuller, of Neston Park, Corsham, 
Esq. Son of the Sheriff of 1852. 


1 

Mongleat Papers, Blo. 3- 
By the Rey. Canon J. E. Jacxson, F.S.A. 

(Continued from Vol. xiv., p. 253.) 


9. A.D. 1438 (?). Lapy Ferrers. Lerrer to HER Son, Lorp 
FERRERS OF CHARTLEY. 
A Hovmeste Petition to Her From ALICE 
Swanton, FoR Payment or some Money. 
» 9 1469. Enizapeta, Lavy Ferrers. Morrteace or a GoLp 
CHAIN AS SECURITY FOR A LOAN. 
10. ,, 1542. Assasstnation or Joun Ponnz, Esq., SomERsET 
HERALD, IN SCOTLAND. 
ll. ,, 1554, Jan. 13th. QugEen Mary to Sir Jonn Tuynne. 
Instructions For Recetvine Puitip, Kine or 
SPAIN, IN CASE HE SHOULD Lanp aT BristoL or 
ANY Port In THE West oF ENGLAND. 
12. ,, 1554, Dec. 6th. THe Porr’s SupREMACY REVIVED. A 
Letrer or News rrom Lonpon. 
: 13. ,, 1568. Lawrence Hype, GranpratHer To Lorp CHAN- 
. CELLOR CLARENDON, TO Sir JoHN THYNNE, ASKING 
TO BUY FROM HIM SOME PLACE IN THE West, 
“70 PLANT HIS ISSUE IN.” 
14. ,, 1570, June llth. Tue Pops’s Butt agatnst QUEEN 
ELIZABETH READ FROM THE PULPIT IN SALISBURY 
CATHEDRAL BY BisHoP JEWEL. 


From Papers relating to Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester: 
to No. 27 inclusive. 
15. A.D. 1559. Mrs. Astiry to Lorp RoBERT, COMPLAINING OF 


THE QUEEN’S UNKINDNESS To HER HusBanp, 
Joun ASTLEY. 


1 Tt is believed that not one of these Papers or Letters (except No. 17) has ever 
appeared in print before. 


10 


+) 


16. 
” 


“WE 


Le; 


” 


33 


”» 


19. 


20. 


21. 


22. 


9 


28. 


29 


3) 


3) 


+”) 


7) 


3? 


2 


3) 


PP 


» 


3 


oP) 


33 


3) 


Longleat Papers, No. 8. 


Mr. Astiey, or Merton, Co. NorFo.k, TO THE 
SAME. 


1559, July 2nd. Lorp Jonn Grey to Lorp Rosert 


DvuDLey. 


1560, Oct. 30th. THE SAME TO THE SAME. 
1558—1563, April 8th. Sir Tuomas Lucy, or Cuart- 


core [The “ Justice Shallow” of Shakespeare], 
TO THE SAME. 


1565, March. Ducuerss oF SuFFoLK’s EARNEST APPEAL 


33 


» 


3) 


TO THE Earu or LEICESTER, FOR HELP TO SOME 
RELATIVE IN PERIL. 

Tue sAME TO WALTER Devereux, First Ear oF 
Essex, FOR DITTO. 

THE SAME TO THE Eart oF LEICESTER, DESIRING 
HIM TO GET HER EXCUSED FROM WAITING AT 
Court. 

THE SAME TO THE SAME ABOUT THE POOR RELATIVE. 


1572, May 8th. Ricnarp Farmer To THE Hart, FROM 


PP] 


”» 


THE TOWER. 

June 12th. Str Tuomas Wrortue, a/ias WRIOTHESLEY, 
Garter Kine at ARMS, TO THE SAME, ABOUT 
THE COMMITTAL OF ONE RAWLINS, FOR UNLAW- 
FULLY PLAYING THE GAME OF RIFFE. 

June 21. Jonn BULLINGHAM TO THE EARL, APPLYING 
FOR THE BENEFICE oF Upton on SEVERN, Co. 
Worc., IN EXCHANGE For Brineton, Co, Hun- 
TINGDON. 


1572, March 18th. Sir Pure SrpNey, on Is 


TRAVELS IN HIS NINETEENTH YEAR, TO HIS UNCLE, 
THE Eart oF LEICESTER, FROM FRANKFORT. 
March 23rd. THE SAME TO THE SAME, FROM 
DITTO. 


1574, April 14th. Jouw Scory, Bishop or Hererorp, 


To THE Eart, ComPLAINING OF AN ASSAULT 
upon HimsEL¥ AND HIS SERVANTS WHILST HE 
WAS RIDING TO THE PaRLIAMENT. 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.8.A. 11 


24. ,, 1578, June 18th. Sir CuristopHer Hatron, To THE 
Eart, at Buxton, ABOUT A RUMOUR OF HIS 
[Harron’s] BEING ABOUT TO MARRY QUEEN 
ELIZABETH. 

June 28th. THE SAME TO THE SAME: DISMISSING 

_ THE RUMOUR as “A WoMAN’s TALE.” 

25. » 1578, Oct. 23rd. Henry Bespecne, Lanp-STEwARrD AT 

KenitwortH CastLe, TO THE EArt His Master. 

Bart) sa » Nov. 20th. THe SAME TO THE SAME. 

1579, March 22nd. Tue same To Mr. BeynuamM, THE 

Earw’s AUDITOR. 
» 9» 1580, March 28th. THE SAME To THE SAME. 
26. ,, 1578, December 12th. Customer THomas SMYTHE TO 
THE Earu or LEICESTER. 
27. ,, 1580, February 18th. Lerricze Knoxiys, Countess oF 
Leicester. Deposition By Humpury Tindal, 
THE OFFICIATING CHAPLAIN, AS TO THE SECRET 
MarriaGe or Letrick Knoutys, THEN CouNTEss 
: Dowacer oF Essex, with Ropert Dubey, Earn 
: oF LeicesTeR, AT WansTEAD Hovss, on 2lst 
SEPTEMBER, 1578. 
3» 1689, March 7th. lLerrer From Lerrice Kwnottys, 
Countess Dowager or LEIcEsTeR, TO Lorp 
TREASURER BURLEIGH, ABOUT THE PAYMENT OF 
HER LATE HusBanvd’s Dest To QuEEN ELIZABETH. 
» » 1590. Two Lerrers ro THE same CounTzss [his Mother 
. by a former Husband] From Rosert Devereux, 
Seconp Eart or Essex, BEHEADED IN THE 
Reian oF Queen ELizaBeEru. 


PPI 39 3) 


2) ”» 


_ IX.—A.D. 1438 [26 Hen. VI.]? Lapy Ferrers To HER son 
Lorp Ferrers or CHARTLEY. : 


[This letter having been found among papers of the ancient Roche 
family, the lady was probably Helen, daughter and co-heiress of 
Thomas De la Roche, of Castle Bromwich, and widow of Edmund 
Ferrers, fifth Lord Ferrers, of Chartley, who died 1435. Private 


12 Longleat Papers, No. 3. 


and domestic letters of so early a date being extremely rare, this 
specimen may be interesting from the quaintness of the language. ] 


“My dere and well be loved sun I grete you well wyth my hole hert pryneypaly 
desyring to here gode tythinges of yow and my dowtere yowre wyfe and of my 
litell dowtere* y* wyche I prey God to encres to his plesaunce and to yowre hertes 
most ese And hit lyke yow to here of my wellfare I have ben ryte seke sythen 
I come fro yow I thank God I am well amendede and yf hyt lyke yow to here 
tythynges of this cuntre y* Kyng will be at Wodestoke atte Seynt Jame tyde and 
so he cometh doun to Kenyllyngworth + and to Tuthery odere tythynges cannot 
I tell yow no thes for sothe but be here sey I wold ryte fayne have yow yn y® 
cuntre and yowre wyfe my dowtere and hit were plesynge to yowe _ yf hit like 
you I wyll send aftere my harnes thys wyke that cometh yon and yf there be 
ony odere tythinges I schall send you worde be my man that schall come fro 
me to you. I wryte no more atte y° [this] tyme but god yncrease yow to his 
plesauns Wryten atte Wytakeret on y* morrow aftere Seynt Swythen day I 
prey yow be not dysplesede y* I send not aftere yowre brodere for his brodere had 
y° pokkes [small-pox] as sone as they be hole I wyll send for hym 

“ Be yowre modere y* Lapy FxrReks.” 
“To my dere and wellbelovede sun 
y° lorde Ferrers.” 


Aticr Swanton’s Petition To Lapy FErrers. 


[A former Lord Ferrers had left xxxiijs. iijd. of wages unpaid to 
his servant, R. Cheyne. Cheyne had in his will bequeathed that 
sum to the churchwardens of Walsall Church, Co. Stafford, to- 
wards its repairs. The churchwardens pressing Cheyne’s daughter, 


Alice Swanton, for payment of the legacy, she applies to Lady 
Ferrers for it.] 


“Unto my gracious and good Lady. 

“In the most humble wyse and as lowly as I can or may, I recommaunde me 
unto your good and gracious ladyship Besechyng yow to remembre howgh Robert 
Cheynemy fadir whos sowle God pardone the whiche was of olde tyme servannt and 
bedeman unto the worshipfull lord my lord fadir unto my lord late youre husbonde 
whos sowles god have in his blessed kepyng And for asmoche that my lorde 
your lordes fadirs fadir owid unto my fadir for his services xxxiijs. ilijd. the 
whiche money was assigned unto the behove of the Chirch werk of Walsale in 


®* This would be Anne, the heiress, who carried the title of Ferrers by marriage to the Devereux 
family. ‘*My little daughter,” according to the French usage “‘ma petite fille,’ scems a more 
appropriate phrase than the one now in use—‘‘ grand-daughter.” 
+ Kenilworth Castle at this time belonged to the Crown, and was occasionally visited by Henry VI., 
in whose reign this letter was written. One of the scenes in Shakspeare, 2 Llenry VI. lies there. 
4 Whitacre, Co. Warwick, near Drayton. 


By the Rev. Canon J. hb. Jackson, F.8.A. 13 


Stafford shire Wherfor my fadir chargid me upon his blessing when yt were 
recoverid that I shulde se that his will were performed and done And now late 
the seyde Chirch werk ys new bygon And the wardens and rewlers ben come 
unto London for certeyn causes, they manessyng [menacing] and shortely seying 
unto myn husbonde and me to sewe [swe] and abex [vea'] and trubill us in the 
lawes bothe temporall and spirituall for the seid money, dredying us dayle to be 
arested and enprisoned to owre utter undoynge with owte your gracious remedie 
in haste Wherefor now showe your merey and gracious ladyship as I may as 
your pouer oratrix pray God for youre wele bothe bodyly lyfe and sowle. And 
for the sowles of my lorde your husbonde and hys progenitors and all crystyan 
and in the wey of charite. 
“By your pouer Oratrix and bedewoman 
Atice Swanton dowter late of R. 
Cheyne.” 


A.D. 1469 (9th Edw. IV.) 2Ist August. Evizapera, Lapy 
Ferrers, Morreace or a Gotp Cuan AS SECURITY FoR A Loan. 


[The formality of pledging articles in the reign of Edward IV., 
contrasts strangely with the shabby Pawnbroker’s Ticket of A.D. 
1878. In Riley’s “Memorials of London,” extracted from the 
Archives of the City, are several similar instances. | 


“To all cristen people to whom these present letters shall come see or hear 
Elizabeth lady Ferreres Wydowe send gretyng in oure Lord God. Know ye we 
the aforesaid Elizabeth to have bargayned and sold the day of making these 
letters unto Thomas Cokes of London, gentilman, A cheyne of golde weyghing by 
the weyght of Troye xiiij une iij gr. and 3 of an unc’, for the somme of xx£ of 
sterling to me therefor well and truly paid To have and to hold the forsaid 
cheyne of golde to the s?. Thomas to his Executours and Assignees frely ‘ 
and in peas, therewith to do his own free-will for evermore without eny Reclayme 
perturbance or lettyng of me the forsaid Eliz‘ or eny other in tyme comming. 
Nevertheless the said Thomas graunteth by these present letters that when the 
said Elizabeth doth pay unto the s‘. Thos. or his Attourney or Executours £xx 
of sterling on the xxviit® daie of August next comming after the date of this 
present wryting without eny further delay that than (the said gold cheyne) shall 
be delyvered ageyn by the seyd Thomas or his executors to me the seyd Elizabeth 
or to myn Att. [? attorney, appointed to receive] the said paiement And yf I 
the seyd Elizabeth fayle or yf defaulte be made in paying the seyd xx on the 
seyd day of payment thereof that than the seyd graunte by the saide Thomas 
made to me the seyd Elizabeth of the deliverance of the seyde cheyne of gold be 
voyde and had for naught And than I the said Elizabeth woll and graunte and 
do bynde me by this present Wryting for to warraunte the said bargayn and sale 
of the said cheyne of gold to the said Thomas his executors and assignees ageynst 
all manner persons for evermore. In witnesse whereof I the forsaide Elizabeth 
to this present wryting have sett my seall the xxi*t day of the moneth of August 
the ix'® yere of the reigne of King Edward the Fourth.” 


14 ' Longleat Papers, No. 3. 


X.—1542. Assassination oF JoHN Ponpe, Somerset HERALD 
AT ARMS, NEAR DvuNBaR. 


[In the year 1542, King Henry VIII. sent a hostile expedition into 
Scotland under the command of Thomas Howard, third Duke of 
Norfolk, who was accompanied by the Earl of Shrewsbury, and 
Edw. Seymour, Earl of Hertford (afterwards Protector Somerset) 
on whom Sir John Thynne was in attendance. The murder to 
which the following letters relate is thus mentioned in Cooper’s 
Chronicle (p. 316.) :— 


“In this season an heralde of Englande, ridyng on the bordere side to doe a 
message, was mette by certayne rebelles, which cruelly against all lawe of armes, 
slew him in his coat armure. But they for this moste vengeable deede were sent 
to the King the yere followyng, who worthyly executed them for that offence.” 


The victim was John Ponde, Esq., of whom there is this account 
in Noble’s History of the College of Arms, p. 125 (1804) :— 


“John Ponde, Esq., Somerset Herald, went to the Interview between the 
English and French Monarchs. Henry VIII. sent him into Scotland to deliver 
a message to James V. He unfortunately fell beneath the stroke of an assassin 
upon the borders of that Kingdom near Dunbar, in that skirmish * in which 
Lord Bowes and his brother, Mr. Sadler, Sir John Witherington, Mr. Salisbury, 
Mr. Heron, some of the Percys of Northumberland, Sir Ralph Ives, Mr. Brian 
Latour and other captains of the Borders were taken prisoners. As this was in 
open violation of peace and in defiance of all honour, Somerset being basely slain 
in his tabard, Henry ‘ vowed to God, singularly, that he would have a revenge for 
the same,’ telling James that if he did not make reparation, ‘he would put such 
order to him as he had done to his father, having the self-same wand in keeping 
that dang his father ;” meaning the Duke of Norfolk who whilst Earl of Surrey, 
had defeated and slain James IV. at Flodden. The Scottish monarch saw his 
danger and felt the disgrace, which is allowed by historians to have greatly con- 
tributed to bring on that complaint of which he died. The Scots fearing the 
effect of a potent sovereign justly enraged delivered up Leech, bailiff of Lowth, 
Edward Leech his brother, with a priest, who were all executed at Tyburne as 
traitors: the first, May 8, 1543; the other two June 12 following. Leech who 
killed Somerset was an Englishman by birth having been one of the Lincolnshire 
rebels. I presume he [Mr. Ponde] married a daughter of Wriothesley, York 
Herald, who, surviving him, received a legacy of £40 from her brother Thomas, 
Earl of Southampton, K.G., Chancellor of England.” 


*The Longleat papers appear to say that the herald was not killed in any actual skirmish, but 
was assaulted while riding on his journey on the King’s highway. 
+ This seems to be a mistake. The name of the third person was Presteman, 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.S8.A. 15 


Of Henry Ray, Berwick Pursuivant extraordinary, who was in 
company with Mr. Ponde, all that Noble says, is “That he re- 
ceived instructions for the delivery of Letters to the Regent of 
Scotland, which of them is not mentioned, and an order for his 
conduct during his journey. He died in his office in or after the 
year 1568.” (Hist. of Coll. of Arms, p. 188.) 

The following are the three letters relating to this affair, among the 
Longleat papers :—] 


1.—1542, 14th Nov. Ray’s declaration for the death of Somerset. 

“Memorand’ that Somerset Herald at Armes and Borwik Pursuivante came to 
~Eddenburghe the xiiij* daye of Novembre A° xxxiiij H. vii] And the same 
daye the said Somersett and Barwik was by a heralde of Scotlande brought before 
the Erle of Morrey * levetennante, the Cardynall,t the Erle of Argile, {the Bussop 
of Aberdene, Sir John Camell and dyvers others of the counsaillours of Scotlande, 
And the Cardynall did demaunde and axe the said Somersett and Barwike, Frome 
whens they came? Who answering said, they came from my Lorde of Norfolke § 
the King’s lovetennant with a letter to the King. Thene the Cardynall did make 
answer and said, The King was beyond the water of Furthe, hawking, but in 
what place or where he could not tell, shewing us that the Kinge hadde lefte his 
counsaill there to receive and take all his letters that did come, And commaunded 
us to delyver oure letters unto theym and they wolde see us have an answere as 
shortly as they coulde, and therupon we delyvered the same letters unto the 
Cardynall and others of the Counsaill, whiche Cardynall comaunded the said 
heralde of Scotlande to have us to our lodgingis and to see that we hadde good 
chere, and the said heralde did sende us everie daye wyne, and there we remaned 
and taried for an answere from the said xiiij* daye of November unto the xxv‘h 
daye of the same monethe. Which daye Sir John Camell was appoynted to 
delyver us the answere and then delyvered us a letter directed unto my Lorde of 
Norfolke And said Because yee bee commen frome the King youre maistur’s 
lovetennante, the King our maister’s lovetennante hathe made answere agayne 
unto hym, and delyvered us twentie crownes to Rewarde, saying that it was the 
lovetennant’s reward And if that we hadde comen from the King oure maister 
we shuld have hadde a better rewarde and an answer agayne frome the King 
their maistir. And uponne foure dayes before we departed oute of Eddenburghe 
a Scottishe Pursuivante called Dingwell and dyvers others Scottishmen amongis 
othere commynycations with us hadde, did say unto us ‘ Take hede of yourselfis 
in your retourning homewards, for there bee certayne men myendid to doo you 
harme.’ And therupon we desired to have a pursuivante with us for our sauf- 


ee Vit ee 


* Earl of Murray. brother of King James V. of Scotland, 
+ Cardinal Beaton, the “ Wolsey”’ to King James V. 
+ Archibald Campbell, fourth Earl of Argyle. 
4 Thomas Howard, third Duke of Norfolk, died 1554, 


” 


16 Longleat Papers, No. 8. 


garde And they appoynted us the same pursuivante Dyngwell whiche did give 
us warnyng to take hede to ourselfis. 

* And the xxv‘! daye of Novembre the said pursuivante Dyngwell and wee 
retourned homewards furthe of Eddenburghe towards Dunbarre and was there 
appurposed to bee lodgid that night. And when we were within two myle of 
Dunbarre it waxed nere evene and it begane to bee darke Somersett and his boye 
riding before, and I, Barwike and the Scottishe Pursuivante riding bihynde theym 
And thene ther came riding twoo men on horsbakk and oon on fote with theyme 
and overrode Barwike and the Scottis pursuivante and ranne to Somersett with- 
oute speaking anye oon woorde unto hym and oon of thies thre strange men ranne 
him thorowe with a launce staf byhynde hym and oon othere did stryke hym to 
the harte with a dagger and the thirde stroke the said Somersettis boye on the 
face with his swoorde and soo they fell bothe to the grounde And then the said 
strange men did light of theire horssis and their said hors did ronne from theyme 
And streightwey the said Barwik and the Scottish pursuivante came to theym 
and said Fie on you trators he have done a shamefull acte And with that they 
did leve Somersett lying deade and he that was on fote did runne after their owne 
horssis and the twoo horsemen did runne to Maister Somersettis horssis and did 
take theym and lepte upon theyme oon saying to the othere ‘ Fie, we have loste 
the other herityke’ meanyng the same by the said Barwike And Barwik hering 
this did spurre and ronne his hors from theyme And they perceiving that they 
coulde not gette the said Barwik wente bakke agayne and spoiled the said Som- 
ersett of his purse, his cote, his swoorde with all his othere gere but his dubblett 
and his hois [hose], and did give Somersett’s said boye x bluddie wounds. 

“ And when they hadde soo donne the said thre strange men did speake to the 
pursuivante of Scotlande thenne beinge presente and as he the said Scottishe 
pursuivante and the boye said, badde hym beare wittenes and testifie to the 
Counsaill and all otheres that it was John Prestman, William Leche and his 
brothere, banysshed Inglishmen, whiche did sley the said Somersett and no 
Scottishmen. 

* And after this Barwick fledde by the waye up to the mountaynes and he came 
to a Castell called Ennerwik * and there remayned all that night And on the 
mornyng I the said Barwik desired James Hamyltone larde of the same castell + 
to sende to the counsaill that I mought come to speake with the King and theym. 
And they sente answere to me agayne by a letter that I shulde bee conveied into 
Englande ground by the said James Hamyltone and oon William Hume with 
their companyes extending to the nombre of xx" horses, and soo it was done. 

“But yet the said Barwik on the next mornyng accompayned with xx families 
in harnes of the s* James Hamyltone’s retourned unto the bodie of the said 
Somersett and caused the same to be honestlie buried in the parishe Churche of 
Dunbarre. And alsoo he caused the said Somersett’s boye to be loked unto by 
wey of surgerie for healing of his wounds but whether he shall live or die the 
said Barwik knoweth not.” 


* Alnwick ; from which the next letter is dated, written after Ray’s arrival there. 


+The title of Percy, Earl of Northumberland, was, at this time, under attainder: which may 
account for ‘* James Hamilton”? (second Earl of Arran) being “ lorde of the castle.” 


By the Rev. Canon J. EH. Jackson, F.8.A. 17 


2.—Earl of Hertford (2) to the Council.* 

“From Alnwick 29 Nov. xii of the clock 

“My Lords after mooste hartye Recomendations unto your good lordships it 
maye pleas the same to understand that yesterdaye at night arrived here with 
me Henry Rey pursuyvant at Armes declaring unto me at length the mooste 
eruell mooste pitifull and moost shamefull murdre of the Kings Maties true 
servante Somerset Harrold at Armes as he was coming in his retorne hitherwardes 
with aunswere from Th erle of Murrey touching the delyvree of our prysoners 
nowe in Scotland whos letter I was soo bold to opene and to loke uppon the 
contayne thereof, which if I had knowen a little sooner thene I did it mought per- 
chance have coste many of their lives. And in my pore opynyon, my lords, this 
despitefull murder is oon of the greattest dishonour that ever came unto the King 
and Realme of Scotland, and cannot otherwise bee takene but that it was con- 
spired, ymagyned and prepensed before by some maynteyners and berers of the 
murderers considering that after the murdre commytted, they disclosed theyr 
names to bee Leche and Presteman as if this prepensed murdre shuld be done by 
Englishe traytors and not by Scottish men, and as me seemeth by the discovere 
of Barwik’s declaration, that the said Leche and Presteman having none other 
Refuge but oonly in Scotland, durste never have reveled their names soo many- 
festly upon the commytting this detestable murdre; whiche thing and sundry 
other conjectures gaddered oute as well by the demeanour of the said Somerset, 
he never being at quarrell nor distaunce with any man in Scotland nor none there 
with him as, by the discourse of the said declaration, causethe me to think that it 
was done by some othere malitious Scottishmen namyng themself after the mur- 
dere to be Leche and (Presteman), and that it was a murdre rather prepensed by 
conspiring enemies than otherwise. But surely, my lords, the King’s Matie 
hath by theis meanes loste oon wise discrete and trusty servant and as toward a 
man for his tyme by such knowlege as I have herd of hym as any was in th’ 
office at Armes. 

“TI doo sende unto your lordshipps herewith as well the said Erle of Murreys 
letter and also oon other letter of his sente unto the said Barwick, to my Lord of 
Norfolk as the declaration of the same Barwick conteyning the said murdre, and 
also such other newes as he perceived at his retorne from out of Scotland.” 


[The rest about military movements. | 


| 3.—Copy of “a letter sent to the King of Scots by the Earl of Cassels, fe. 


*6 Dec. 1542 

“Sir, it will please your grace, this ferd (?) day of December my Lord of 
Hertford cam fra the bordures to this town [Newcastle] and showed to us that 
Somersed Harold was lately slayn comand [coming] fra your grace within 
Scotland. And syns we have hard qwho [how] your grace hais apprehendit 
the comitters of the said habominable crime. And sir we your graces subjects 
coulde do noa lesse nor advertis your grace; beliefand [believing] surely your 
grace will cause the said cryme be duly punished and prinsipally that the execution 


* This letter is in the original rough draft, and is endorsed “ the copy of a Ire to the counsaille 
| *‘XxXix. nov. at xii at noon.” no writer’s name is given, but it appears to be in the handwriting of 

the first Sir John Thynne, and, from the corrections, to have been composed by him for the Earl of 
Hertford. 


VOL. XVIII.—WNO. LII, Cc 


18 Longleat Papers, No. 3. 


of Justice may be made within this Realm on the persons comitters of sic an 
. horreble offence.to your grace hye honor and forth-showing of your grace mynde 
to the punyssion of sic trespassers sen never sic like hais been don in your grace 
Realm, and ferder the eternall God mot presyrve your grace highnes. At New- 


castle this VI day of December. 
“Yor grace humble servants 


GEORGE OF CASSELLS 
MAXWELL 

Lorp SomvELL 
Lorp Gray.” 


XI. 1554, Jan. 13th. QurEen Mary To Sir Jonn THyNnnNeE. 
INSTRUCTIONS FOR RECEIVING PHILip OF SPAIN IN CASE HE SHOULD 
Lanp At Any Port rn tHE West or ENGLAND. 


* By the Quene. 
“MARYE THE QUENE. 


“Trustie and welbeloved we grete you well. And where the right high and 
excellent, our good Cousin the prince of Spayne is resolved within short tyme to 
come into this our Realm: Forasmuch as we doo much desier to have him both 
at his landing and in all other places of his passage well and honorably used and 
enterteyned as to the estate of so great a Prince, and the propinquitie of bloud 
and straite alliaunce betwene us apperteynith. Albeit we thinke his best oper- 
tunity of landing shalbe about Southampton or Portesmouth, yet doubting how 
the winde and wether may serve and that therefore it may chaunce him to land 
at Bristow or in some other our portes in the west countrey, we have thought 
good to pray and require you to putt yourself in order with suche gentlemen of 
your neighbours and friends as you may to give attendance upon him yff he doo 
land in any of the said western portes, as sone as he shall come nere the borders 
of that our Countie of Wiltes, and for that purpose to harken diligently where it 
shall chaunce him to land attending upon him continually untill you shall perceive 
other personages of honour to repaire unto him for the same effect, And during 
the tyme of your attendaunce upon him, we pray and require you to take order, 
that things necessarie for him and his trayne may be supplied in all places as 
honorably as may be whereby you shall administre unto us right acceptable 
pleasure which we will not faile to reteigne in our good remembraunce to be 
considered towards you as occasion may serve. Yeven under our Signet at our 
pallace of Westminster the xiiij day of January the first yere of our Reign. 
“To our trustie and welbeloved Sir 

John Thynne Knight.” 

[The seal used is that of K. Edw. VI.] 


XII. (1 P. & M.) 1554, Dec. 6th. Tue Porn’s Supremacy 
REVIVED. A Lerrer or News From Lonpon. 


Richard Roberts to Sir John Thynne. 
“6 December 1554 
“We say here and it is so published openly, that the supremacy is lefte and 
by common consent restored again to the Pope’s Holynes as to our Supreme Head 


By the Rev. Canon J. EB. Jackson, F.S.A. 19 


on earth. And the L. Chauncellor* at Powles Crosse on Sonday last, being 
present the King’s Majt* and Cardynalls theare, with a marvellous multitude of 
people, signified to the people that the Houses of Parliament had so determined 
the same, inducing not onely th intent and meaning of K. Henry the 8" to be 
soe to have yelded that title up again to the Pope (w™ had taken place in case 
certen obstacles of worldly pollicy had not ben), but also how the title of Supremacy 
was abused in the tyme of the late King Edw. VI; who, being a child, for the 
first part of his Reign had a Protector or Hedde over him, that ordered, ruled 
and governed him so as therby he proved, that the same K. Edw. who bare the 
name of Supreme Hedde had a hedde above him, and therefore concluded that 
the Kinge was but the shadow of the supreme Hedde, and in all his Reign no 
Hedde at all. And then after the Duke of Somerset was goon then succeeded 
another (naming the D. of Northumb*) who for a while also ruled the roste + and 
all was as he wolde have it, and then had the King another hedde over him; 
and this said last duke, without any title took upon him a like authority, as 
Capt. Kett of Norfolk might have done in case he had wonne the battle at 
Norwich. And then came the Quene’s Highness and she w*. not medle at all 
with the supreme Hedde so as thys long tyme we were, by my Lord Chauncellor’s 
argument, without that which now God be thanked we have.” 


XIII. A.D. 1568. Lawrence Hyps, GranpratHer or Lorp 
Cuancettor Ciarenpon, To Sir Jonn THYNNE, ASKING TO BUY 
FROM HIM SOME PLACE WHERE HE MIGHT “ PLANT HIS ISSUE,” IN 
THE West oF ENGLAND. 


[This letter is written from Wardour Castle, which had been con- 
_fiscated in 1552 by the attainder of Sir Thomas Arundell and 
granted to William Herbert, first Earl of Pembroke. It appears 
that at this time, 1568, Laurence Hyde had a lease of Wardour, 
which had six years to run and would expire in 1574. The 
_ Earl of Pembroke died in 1569: and the Arundell family soon 
_ recovered their estate by purchase. 
Laurence Hyde was a lawyer, doing county business, managing 
“estates, elections, &c. He lived for some time at West Hatch in 
in the parish of Tisbury. In the Wilts Institutions he is named 
as “de Warder, gent.” Patron in 1564 of Stratford Tony.] 


* Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester. 


+In common usage this word is spelled ‘* roast,” as if the meaning were “ to preside at a dinner,’” 
dd, in his edition of Johnson’s Dictionary, suggests that the word may have been originally 
ist, a tumult; and that ruling it, meant, managing the rioters. But is it not more likely to be 
ived from the A.S. hrost, the roost on which a bird sits, in which case, he who ruled the roost 
uld be, in barn-yard phraseology, the ‘* Master bird,’”’ or cock of the dung-hill? 


c 2 


20 Longleat Papers, No. 3. 


“Now that th’ Erle of Pembroke ys become your good Lord I trust there wyll 
be no lett for you to make your sute to the Quene’s Highnesse to exchaunge your 
Prebend of Thame [Co. Bucks] with hyr Ma‘estie; wherein I hoope you will 
helpe me awey with my parsonage of Kyveleigh * for some land in these West 
parties; as heretofore you have thought you should be well hable to do, yf th’ 
erle were no impedyment to your sute. I have no frend that ys hable to helpe 
me therin but only yow, or some by your meanes. Mary, I wyll shyft yf nede be 
for a hundrith poundes to bestowe upon such one as you shall thynke mete to 
further the matter to effect: although I sell a quyllet + of land for hyt. Where 
hyt hath pleased you to graunte me a leasse of your land in Clopton ¢ for terme 
of my lyff and my sonnes, I beseche you let me intreate you for the fee symple 
thereof, bycause I woold be gladd to plant myne issue in thys cuntree to lyve 
with that lyttle that I have provyded quyetly, and not be dryven from post to 
pyller as I have bene. And I verely trust so to brede my chyldren as they shall 
be both hable and wylling to serve your posteryte, as I have (to the best of my 
small connynge) served you. The profett of the land ys not great: hyt lyeth 
ferre from you. And although I knowe you may have more money for hyt then 
hyt ys woorth yet I trust yf you lett me have hyt for reasonhable money you 
shall not thynke hytt yll bestowed. I wyll with a good wyll gyve you £200 for 
hytt and thynke myselfe muche beholdynge to you besyds. My terme in Warder 
ys but syx yeres in whiche tyme I myght make upp suche a house there as I 
woold content myself withall, so that when I shulde be dryven to remove yet I 
myght remove to a plase of myn own, and not after to seke a newe. Also I 
desyre hyt the rather for that a man shall not in all hys lyff tyme fynde a place 
voide of leasse. And although I know that th’ estate of Jacobb § ys not good, yet 
the quyett possession wyll not be hadd without some trouble, or yll, or yll speche 
at the least. Thus leavynge to troble your Mastershyppe any further at thys 
tyme, I end, and commytt you to God, who send you contynuance of helth with 
increase of muche worshippe. From Warder Castell the xxt* day of Januarye 
1568. 

* Yours at comaundement 
“To the Right woo'shypfull “TL. Huype.” || 

S'. John Thynne Knyght 

at hys house, Channon Rowe J 

yeve these w* spede.” 


[Seal: Arms of Hyde.] 


* Keevil, near Trowbridge, Wilts. 

+A quillet (from quidlibet, Johns. Dict.), when used in speaking of land, meant a small outlying 
piece. 

+ A farm of this name in Co. Som. belonged at that time to the Thynne family, {R. C. H. Heyt. 
Dp, 78.) 

3 An allusion, perhaps, to the Patriarch’s early peregrinations. 

|| There are many of his letters at Longleat, and he invariably spelled his own name ‘* Huype.” 
He was deputy to Sir John Thynne, who held the office of Queen’s Surveyor to the Co. Wilts. 

‘I Sir John Thynne’s house in London at this time was in Canon Row, at the back of Parlia- 
ment Street, with a garden down to the river; and next to the Earl of Hertford’s house, The 
ground belonged to the Dean and Canons of St. Stephen’s Chapel, It is sometimes in old plans 
miscalled ‘* Channel Row.” 


a 


By the Rev. Canon J, E. Jackson, F.S.A. 21 


XIV. A.D. 1570, June 11th. Tse Popn’s BuLL AGAinst 
Queen Evizapero READ IN THE Puprr at Sarum CATHEDRAL BY 
 Bisuorp JEWEL. 


“xi June 1570. 


| “Thys daye in the pulpit at Saram my Lord dyd uppon good considerations 
 showe furthe a Bull from Rome,* in the whyche the Pope dyd declare the Quene 
an heretique and therefore no lawfull Quene of thys realme. By the same bull 
all her leage subjects discharged of theyre obedience, and that yt maye be lawfull 
unto all that do receave the same Bull to burne, robbe, spoyle and kyll the Quene’s 
frynds as the Pope’s enemies. Thys day solemly it was shewyd. Uppon 
Sundaye next my L. will read yt and expounde the same. I would spend a fatt 
oxe that my L. the Erle + were present at the same: unto whom I praye you do 
my humble commendations expecting when yt shall please hym to commaunde 
me into hys crue [crew—company), good reason wolde so, for bycause of hym I 
am not nombryd of any other crue.” 
“To the Right worshipfull 
_ & my very lovinge frende 

Sire Jhon Thynne Knyght, 

and Shreve of Wiltshire.” 


| Henry Parry to Sir John Thynne. 
. 
} 


The neat Letters, to No. xxvii. inclusive, were found among Papers 
relating to Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester. 


XV. Mrs. Asnetey To Lorp Rosert DUDLEY, COMPLAINING OF 
THE QUEEN’S UNKIND TREATMENT OF JOHN ASHELEY, HER HusBAND. 


[This letter is neither dated nor signed: but the date must have 
been before September, 1563, when “ Lord Robert” became Karl 
of Leicester. The hushand’s name being mentioned in it, gives 
that of the writer.] 


“My very good lorde I beseke you now remeber me for I have had suche 
greffe to be so ny [nigh] my helper and can not be helped y* I have axsed leve to 
departe and gonne I am. but I wyssche you dyd se yn what case I am, yu will no 
ow] more than far off, for I can not outter y* tenth part off my wrachednes 

[wretchedness!, but yff I continue a lytel thes [thus] I am sure I shal never se 
you agayne. I wel not wrette but one worde y‘ y® quenes mageste said unto me 
and y* was sche cowde never forgeve my husbond nor never love hym; yf yt be 
so my good lorde for christes sake let hym never troble hyr presence | better yt 


_ * This was the celebrated Excommunication of Queen Elizabeth, as an usurper and a “‘ servant of 
_ Wickedness,” by Pope Pius V., which Camden calls “a vain cracke of words that made a noise only.” 
+The Earl of Hertford, son of Protector Somerset, 


22 Longleat Papers, No. 3. 


ware y' we wraches [wretches] ware ded than comber hyr and I wel go yn to my 
cotre [country] and dwel w* my pore kynge [kin] and pray for hyr grace dayely. 
I have a sister a wido yt well be glad of us bothe for al though I had rather chuse 
dethe than go from hyr hyt [yet] suche ys my bonde as wel off frendshep as off 
mariage yt I wrache mouste folowe. I never se so woffull a man as I fonde off 
my husbond: for he thynketh as he had good cawse y* al hys service ys forgote 
for intendyng nor menyng harme moust never Juge y* sche has sum other mater 
to him than thes which bereth y* face, or els sche cowd never dele thes [thus] with 
Jhone Asheley: who never had other Joye than to drawe al menes harttes to hyr 
wt suche comendacyons and presses [praises] yt sche was beloved or [i.e., ere} 
sche was knowen / you can be a wyttenes to thes and cowd he now be Juged y* 
had any intent to dyshonor hyr? No! No! My lord forgeve me and bere wt 
my foly for I cannot wel tel what I write.” 


Address : 
“to my very good 1 r” [Lord Robert] 


Mr. Astiey, To Lorp Ropert Dubey. 


[There is neither name of writer nor date of year to this letter: but 
being docketed by some Secretary “‘ January 1559. A—y,” and 
being written “ from Melton in Norfolk,” it is at once identified 
as coming from one of the Astley family, ancestors of the present 
Baron Hastings, of Melton Constable, near Thetford in that 
county. “ Astley” and “Ashley” being often used indiserimi- 
nately, it is probable that the writer of this letter is the “ John 
Asheley, the husband” referred to in the former one. There 
was a John Astley connected in, some way with the establish- 
ment of Elizabeth whilst only Princess. There is a letter 
written by him from Hatfield to Roger Ascham, who had 
been the Princess’s tutor, but was then abroad, in which Astley 
speaks of their friendly fellowship together at Hatfield, Her 
Grace’s House, and at other places: of their studies in reading 
together Aristotle, Cicero, &c., their free talk mingled with honest 
truth, and their conferences about the troubles of the time (R. 
Ascham’s Works, 8vo., 1815, p. 5). There was also a John 
Astley, of the Melton family, Master of the Jewel House to 
Queen Elizabeth. It is probably the same Mr. Astley to whom 
the following passage in Camden’s Hist. of Elizabeth (p. 227) 
refers. The Duke of Anjou being announced as a suitor for the 
Queen’s hand, some French noblemen belonging to his suite were 


By the Rev. Canon J. EB. Jackson, F.8.A. 23 


so kindly received at the Palace at Richmond, that Leicester began 
to be very uneasy: “And indeed a little before, when Astley 
had covertly commended Leicester unto her for a husband, she 
answered in a chafe, ‘ Dost thou think me so unlike myself and so 
unmindfull of my Royal Majesty, that I should prefer my servant 
whom I myself have raised, before the greatest Princes of Christen- 
dom, in chusing of my husband ?? ”’] 


“ Wher I have not satysfyed yo" lordshyps advyce in fulfilling my duty to have 
wayted thys Crystmas, I trust your lordshype wyll never the more accompte me 
forgetfull of your good wyll. for neyther lyght regardyng your lordshyps 
advyce nor want of consyderacion of your wontyd favours was the cause of my 
slackeness herein. but beyng more then half drownde in dett, thorough mysery 
in tyme past, and some other charges (as your lordshippe partly knowethe) make 
me gladd to toyll, to stope the ery of suche as hathe hetherto forborn to call on 
me: in hoape that my releef (at thys daye) sholde have made me suffycyently 
able to satysfye theyr fryndly expectations. Whyche beynge voyd, in seekyng 
their own, they call on me that (therby) am dryvyn (with toyle of boddy and 
unrestfull mynde) to keepe my credytt, to save myn honestye: and for that I see 
my servyce too slender, to deserve any worthynes of reputation, I am the bolder 
to absent myself, to serve thys needfull turne rehearsyd: but my poor servyce 
though yt be mean, carryeth as grett good wyll as he that ys best able to serve: 
yt pleasyd your lordshype to gyve me sume comforte of my sute, wherby Tam 
the more desyrous to hear how you remember me therein. Yff yt maye therefor 
please your lordshype to bestowe your lettre on me by thys berer. I must a 
gret dele the more thynk myself bound to you And thus lest I shold too much 
troble yo" lordshype I humbly take my leave From Melton in Norfolk the 
xxx day of January 
** To the Ryght honorable the lord 

Robert Duddeleye, Master of 

the Horse.” 

Endorsed: “ January 1559. 
A.y.” 


XVI. A.D. 1559, July 2nd. Lorp Joun Grey to Lorp 
-Rosrrt Dub ey. 


[Lord John Grey was brother of the Marquis of Dorset, and uncle 
to Lady Jane Grey. He was convicted of high treason in Queen 
Mary’s reign, but restored in blood by Queen Elizabeth. ] 


- “My good lord robert, I hartely thank you for yor taulbut” [talbot : a dog for 
hunting] “ wyche thoghe he be not the swyftest, yet wold I be lothe at thys tyme 
to comende him unto you for the shurest unlest y* be when he hathe the dere yn 
_ his mouth, and then assuredly he ys won of the shurest holding houndes that 


24 Longleat Papers, No. 8. 


ever I sawe / Well my Robert I perseve by M‘. Elmes you are wylling to make 
amende and agaynst amende no man ought to be / wherefore I hartely desyre you 
to send me a good sure flyte in recompens of this bolte and bobtayell for I am 
nowe become a flyngger, thowge I be but a farmer / my lord I most requier yo" 
lordshipp to dyscharge my dewty w** my most humble comedatyons to the 
queene’s hyghnes whos good helthe (God I cawle to wytnes) I dayly pray for / 
wysshyng that she wold not to moche presume of her owen strengthe as to be let 
bludde bothe in the fute and arme all at won tyme, becawes yt was more then 
ever I heard don to onny / you may be well assured my fayre was the greater / 
I have chosen this later part as it wer to compel you to wryte unto me a gayne 
wyche yf you do not at yo". parell [peril] be yt. Yt pleased the quenes highnes 
at my departure to geve me to [2] bouckes [bucks] in Haufnaker* and ij in 
Goodwood / the warrauntes wer left wt Tome ascheley / yf they be not syned then 
I pray yo" lordship to get me syned and sent / I wold also requier you to get me 
a warraunt for a stagge in the forest of Wolmer and send me a good hound that 
shaull recover him when he ys strycken and I will send you haulfe of him / do I 
not offer you reason. 

“from Haufnaker the second of July 1559. 

“by yor lordshippes asshuredly dowring lyfe 


Addressed : “ JoHN GREY.” 
“To the ryght honorable 
and my very good Lord 
the L. robert Duddely 
Master of the quenes Seal. Unicorn salient: the 
magesty’s horsys geve thees.”’ sun behind. 
Endorsed : “ Sulii 1559. [Crest of Earl of Stamford.] 
John Grey.” 


1560, October 30th. THE SAME TO THE SAME. 


“My Lorde i am verye sorey that i have put youre Lordshype to this travell 
and payne, seying the matter ys lyke to come to no better pas / butt this I wyll 
saye to yo" Lordeshyppe, that the Queenes Mat nether was nor ys lyke to be 
agayne so muche dessayved in no exchaynge of Lande as she ys lyke to be in 
this / for I assuer you she shalle gyve for every peney of that exchaynge xij. 
whyche in the holle jwyll com to an on resonabell som, for i tell you truly the 
woodes that be appon that Lande that my~Lorde of Arrendell + shalle have wyll 
purches the holle Land that he geves for exchange butt yff there be no remedy 
but that he must needds have hyt, I pray you my Lorde, be an erneste suter to 
hyre magestey, to gyve me leave to pull downe suche old rotten howses as sarves 
for nothyng, butt puttes me to greate charges, the repayryng of them, and maye 
cause hym to pycke quarrels to my lese / also too have a good Bande [7-e., bond] 
of hym, that I maye injoye my yeres queyetley, for he that threteneth me wyth 


* Halnaker Park, near Goodwood; mentioned by Leland as * Halyenaker, a pretty house by 
Chichester.” 
+ Henry Fitz-alan, Earl of Arundel, was John Grey’s brother-in-law. 


eee ————E == 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, V.8.A. 25 


the enteryng or ever he have hyt wyll nott lett me be in rest after hyt ys his 
From Halfe-naker the xxx daye of October. 
“by yo" lordshippes 
: “assured frynd to 

“To the Right onnerabell “my power 

my verey good lorde the “JoHN GREY.” 

Lorde Roberde Dudle 

master of the Queenes horse.” 
Endorsed : “ October 1560 

L*. John Grey” 


XVII. 1558—63, April 8th. Str Tuomas Lucy, or Cuart- 
core [The “ Justice Shallow” of Shakespeare], to Lorp Roserrt 
Dub ey. 


“Right honorable, and my singuler good lorde: pleasith it youar honor to be 
advertised that according [sic] youar lordships request and my one promyse I 
have sent you my sarvaunt Burnell whom I feare will not be hable to doo yo" 
lordshipp such sarvice as I could wish nor as his hart woold sarve, for that by 
occasion of longe sicknes his strength is greatly decayed and thereby his shuting 
much hinderid. Youar lordshipp must take hede in making of yo" matches that 
Burnell be not overmarked for that at this instante he is hable to shute no farr 
ground which if youar lordshipp forsee I doo not mistrust but he will be hable to 
shute with the best. Thus as one of the lest of youar lordshipps friends in power 
or habilitie to doo youar lordshipp any sarvice or pleasure, allthough as willing 
as the greatest in hart and good will as youar lordshipp shall well understand 
when occasion shall sarve, I comende you unto Almightie God who send you long 
life in the feare of God with increas of honor according to youar lordshipp’s one 
desier. From Charleot the viij'* of Aprill, at youar lordships comaundment 
during life 
Addressed : “Tomas Lucy.” 

“To the right honorable 

and his Singuler good 

Lorde, my L. Roberte 

Dudley, M*. of the 
~ Quenes horse.” * 


XVIII. 1565, March. Tue Ducuess or SurroLk’s EARNEST 
APPEAL TO Ropert DuDLEY FOR HELP. 


[Katharine Willoughby, in her own right, Baroness Willoughby 
_ D’Eresby, was the fourth wife of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. 


* There is no date of year on the letter; but as Dudley was not appointed to be Master of the 


_ Horse before 1558, and ceased to be ‘‘ Lord Robert” in 1563, when he was created Earl of Leicester, 


the letter must have been written in the interval between those two years, A copy of it was com. 


 municated to N, and Q, in 1867, 


26 Longleat Papers, No. 3. 


After the Duke’s death in 1545, she married Richard Bertie; and 
being a zealous supporter of the Reformation, was compelled with 
her husband to make their escape abroad. They suffered great 
privation, travelling on foot, without food or shelter. This is 
made the subject of a ballad, printed in Burke’s Extinct Peerage 
(“ Duke of Ancaster”). Their story is also told in Fox’s Book 
of Martyrs, in Collins’s Peerage (‘ D. of Ancaster”), and in Lady 
G. Bertie’s “ Five Generations of a Loyal House.” On Elizabeth’s 
succeeding to the throne they returned to England. It does not 
appear for whom, both in this and the following letters, she was 
applying so earnestly to Dudley. 


“Nowe me good lord evene for gods sake thenke un my poore cossen / and 
speke for him to the quens majeste, hows [%.¢., whose] most honorable charette I 
troste wol for God’s cawse conseder the poor man and his messerable estayt / I 
pray you pardon my tho I be so bolde so offen to trobele you mor then any other; 
yo". gentlenes towards me is the cawse off it / for others have so moche to do 
that the seme [i.e., they seem] always wyre [weary] off me, and truly I do not 
blame them tho they be so, for I am even wyre of me selffe in thys mater / never 
the lyes I fend master tresserer vere gentel to my, also howe [i.e., who] hathe 
promesed me faythefule to do his beste when so ever it shal plese you to cal un 
him: and for the rest of our godfathers for crestes sake speke to them yo" selffe 
and help that my poor cossen war but out of the tower, and he she and I, wt al 
ther cheledren, shal ferst acording to our dutes pray for the quenes mageste / and 
nyxte for you as our ownle helper under her / helpe, help, helpe, helpe my good 
lord that it war don. 

“ yo" poor humble suetter 
Docketed : “March 1556* “ K, SuFFOULK” 
K. Suffolk.” 


Tur saME TO Water Devereux, First Eart or Essex.! 


“T have resayved yot. lo. corteos letter and thankes you for it, but I am sore 
that you shold so understand off me that I shold seeke any meanes to make you 
do any theng to offend har highnes no my good lorde I have benne alwayes I 
troste clear from any suche towche bothe for my nowen doings or procurings off 
any me frends, and I hope be gods lyve so to countenue / for the takeing off the 


* The date is not given in the body of the letter, but docketed 1556 on the back by some other 
hand. It appears to be a clerical error for 1565: because in 1556 Mary was Queen, the Duchess 
herself in exile, and Dudley by no means possessed of such influence at Court as he had in the 
following reign, 

1 There is no date upon this letter. It is similar to the foregoing one, but it is 
only by conjecture that it is considered to refer to the same subject. It was 


found, not among Dudley’s papers, but among those relating to the Earls of Essex. 


By the Rev. Canon J. B. Jackson, P.S.A. 27 


manes I wol no forder press yo". lordship / but for my selffe I pray yo". lo: to 
have a better jugement off me / iff I haydde not knowen his true harte and 
humble obaydens to har maieste I wolde not have wrytten for him nyther have 
kepett him me selffe al thes tyme off his mezssere [misery | | wtout wyche help 
he his wyffe and poore cheldren myght have deyd in the stretts / and that I am 
suer wold not have plesed har maieste / and on the other seyd I thenk iff any 
worthe or juste eryme cold have benne proved a genste him / my howes colde 
not have saved him from feling the smart off his desserts / and thus me good 
lord I lyve any forther to trobele you / praing God to send you a prosperos and 
comfortable joyerny 

“ Yo". lo: poore frend 

“to me power 

“To my vere “K, SuFFOULK.” 

good lord the 

Erle off Essexe.” 


Tur SAME TO THE Ear. OF LEICESTER, DESIRING TO BE EXCUSED 
From Warrine at Court. 


“For so muche as I acounte yot. 1. me vere speshel frende I am bold my good 
lorde to troble you / I understond be some off me frendes har majestie lookethe 
for me wayting thys halledays and also when memeranse coumethe / God knowthe 
but for har maiesties plesser a parsson most unfyt for a corte evere ways / and 
yett not mor unsemely / than unably (nowe in me old age to rome up and dowen 
the stretes twyes a day and hathe no plase to rest me in) beseyds me paynes me 
shame is as grette / for nyther they off the citey nor my countrey frends but 
jugethe iff I was not outerly out of har maieste’s favor I cold not be lyse con- 
sydred off nowe than I have benne in my younger days | and suche dyskredet 
makethe M*. bartey * and me unable ether to serve har maieste in the cort or in 
the countrey / meght it plese har maieste therefor so gratiously to connsedder off 
har poor old subiecte / as ether altogether to pardon me from wayting or eles 
when I shall wayt I may be ‘better oused [7.e., used] than so to rome upe and 
dowen lyke a kaste away / my request is but onle at har maieste’s standing 
howses I may have a loging notw'*stonding without har maiestes goodlyking and 
commandment to wayt I myne not to troble it muche, nyther at any tyme to be 
chargeable to har maieste / thus me good lorde for god’s sake doo yo". beste herin 
that you may obtayne ether the on or the other / and so I pray God blesse you in 
all yo doings. 

“Yor. 1. asured frend to me 

* poor power 
Address : “K, SuFFOULK.” 
“To my vere good 

lorde and vere frend the 

Erle off lesseter.” 
Docketed : “The duchesse of 

Suffolke touching 

her waighting.” 


i 


* Richard Bertie, Esq,, her husband, 


28 Longleat Papers, No. 3. 


Tue same TO R. Duptey. 


“Tf it had so plesed God I had rather have cume thys day to have donne my 
dewte in watting on the quene’s majestie and so to have spoken with you me 
’ selfe then to have trobled you with my elve [7.e., evil] hand and worse engleshe / 
but with the good wyl of God I must be conntent praing you therefor my good 
lord if you hier har majeste speke of me to declare unto har for me the truthe of 
me absence wyche is onle sekeness and that so exstremle wons yesterday that I 
thowght I shold no mor have senne har / but God be praysed I am a lettel and in 
cumparesone a grette dele better to day and as thys [be] our coumfortes in 
sekenes adversettes persecussens or wat eles in thes world can hapene us that they 
be sent of God for our profett and that nothinge can hapene ames [amis] to his 
elect chelderen / and he hathe also geven us hys Dere sonne to be a saveyr and 
medeator suche a won as ways countent to abayse himself for our sakes as to 
come dowen and take on him thys wyke fleshe in the wyche he sufered al things 
for our sakes, senne onle exsepte, wherfor he hathe the mor pette [pity] of his 
aflected and after his exsample tychethe us so to pette won another as we wolde 
be pettede wyche makethe me wons more bolde to troble you be cawse I beyng 
seke and other ways at leberte and much mayd of makethe me the better to thenke 
and conseder they wyche be in lyke case of sekeness and laketh bothe the on and 
the other wat sorows they fend when we in better case be resone of sekenes can 
fend no comfort / Alays, I knowe the quene’s majeste wantes not thys pytte for 
I have hard har myselfe lement thos wyche hathe loste duble the presse of calles 
[double the price of Calais] as Boner layte bashope of Londone by his wyling 
cruelte no fue nomber of the saynctes of God hathe loste ther lyves, no fue nom- 
ber ther soles, wyche inded is the gretter losse of ij. and I thenke he ways no 
grett frend to har majesty’s persone and yet throwe har mercy he lyvethe at 
suche leberte as he him selfe, consedering his owen cruelle factes, I thenke cold 
not have hoped for Nowe whey sholde I then dyspayr in har majeste’s mercy 
for me Ingnorant cosene, howe [who] I am suer, ways and ys of al men to be 
exskwesed for any wylfule tryspasse in the losse of the castel* / and as touchyng 
the counsel I can not but also have a good hope that they wol showe themselves 
so honorable in doyng justes that in no wyes the seely mane cane suffer wrong 
whyer so many other of coumpaynes as gret in honor and truste have found such 
mercy Wel this is al no man dothe in suche things wat he lyste but as God 
apointhe him Wherfor I wool commet bothe you and the casse to him howe 
[who] saythe Blessed is the merciful for he shall fend mercy, praying him in al 
things to aseste you with his grace 

“Yor assurede to my powre 
“K. SUFFOULK.” 


XIX.—1572, May 8th. Ricuarp Farmer To THE Ear. OF 
LEICESTER, FROM THE TowER. 


[Richard Farmer was, apparently, an officer or agent about the 


* This seems to have been the cause of the disgrace into which the ‘ poor and ignorant cousin ’” 
for whom these letters of the Duchess of Suffolk plead so strongly, had fallen with the Queen, But 
nothing has been met with to explain the case more particularly. 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.S.A. 29 


Tower of London, and he reports to Dudley the conduct of certain 
persons then in custody for being connected with the plot for 
marrying Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, to Mary, Queen of 
Scots.! The names in the letter are Powell, Bannister the Duke’s 
counsellor at law, Barker, a secretary, Hyckford (Higford), Sir 
Henry Percy, Gudyere, Lowder, the Bishop of Rosse (John Lesley 
the champion of Mary, Queen of Scots), and Lord Lumley. All 
these names are mentioned in Camden’s history of this affair 
(Camden’s Elizabeth, pp. 162, 163, edit. 1675.) 

The sarcasm about “a Horse-keeper becoming Lord Steward of 
England,” which Powell is here stated to have used, has generally 
been attributed to Mary, Queen of Scots. Dudley was Master of 
the Horse; a title which on his monument in the Beauchamp 
Chapel, Warwick, is rendered “ Hippocomus.” 

In this letter, dated 8th May, 1572, Bannister is called “‘ the 
late Dewk’s man.” The Duke of Norfolk was not actually be- 
headed until 2nd June following, but his title would have ceased 
on his attainder. | 


“Yn most humeble wyse and yt may please yow" honor to pdon my bowldnes 
yn troblyg yow Lordshyp wt thys my symple lett™. wh. ys to advetes yow y* 
Powell layte pencyoner y° ii day of thys istat moth or thereabouts sayd unto 
Bannyst* y* layte Dewks man, ‘ How say yow, yow shall se shortly a horse kepper 
made L‘. steward of Ingland, and dyd ‘speake y* same w* so lowd a voyce, y* 
those words were herdd of syche as stode wtowt y* Tower apon y® Wherff, and as 
thay say y* herd yt myght easyly have been herd to y* furth’ sydeof Tems This 
ys to be proved by [dyvers persons w*. herd y* sayd words / Hys Lybbertye is 
syche that he hayth dayllye used conferans of talk to all y* presoners that lyeth 
both abowt the upper and nether gardyngs. Powell’s lodgig ys yn thed of y* 
_gallarye betweyn y* sayd gardygs allso hys mother, hys oak, and hys brother 
hayth comed to se him dyvers and many tymes to the Wherff nere to hys lodgyg, 
hayth spoken together and thay have used bowld and manyfest toknes and sygnes 
[signs] and sendyng of messayges to hym and from hym att there pllesewres by 
hys keypper Mr. Levetenad’s servad, and as for Powells brother he hayth comed 

dyvers tymes bowldly yn to the Tower to y* getleman portter’s howse. 

“Forther, y* vi day of thys ystat moth y® sayd Bannester dyd say to Powell 
yt he was burdened to have resseved letters yn syffers [cyphers], but Bannester_ 
sayd y* he cofessed but one letter w*. my L. and Berker and Hyckford had cofessed 


1See Wilts Magazine, vol. xiv., p. 196. 


30 Longleat Papers, No. 3. 


affore and he sayd Thus yt ys to have to doo wyth syche weake men / Allso 
Bannester sayd y' he was burdened to have ressayved dyvers letters and bowks 
from beyond y° see but that he cofessed none / Howbeyt he sayd he thoght that 
thay cowld not have dryven yt so ferr as thay have done. Thes words of 
Bannyster I dyd here and so dyd a gerdiner yt wrowght yn y* Qweynes gerden. 

“ Moreover, S'. Herrye Persaye and Gudyere hayth had great coferans together 
both yn y® day tyms and y* nyghts / Allso my Ladye Persaye was one tyme 
secretlye browght to S'. Herrye by Mr. Levetenad and so cotenewed one day wyth 
hyr husband and wythyn ij days after y* she toke hyr yorney ynto ye North. 

“ Allso gudyere’s Keypper whose name ys Gowdge hayth rydne ynto Suffolk 
and Norffolk dyvers tyms yn great hayst and retorned agayn as he did now 
laytely and at hys last retorn home Mr. Levetenad semed to dyschardge hym 
forth of hys servis, but yett he werrethe hys Lyveray and hayth dally recours yn 
to y® Tower and yesternyght layt yn y* evenyg y* sayd Gowdge presed to gett so 
nere as he could unto ye waytter syde agayst Gudyers lodgeyng there to have 
spokene wt. Gudyere and mayd dyvers synes to hym yn so mych as one of y* 
qweyns gunners whose name ys Geordge Fawkener challenged Gowdge for 
maykyng syche synes and toknes, but Gowdge asked Fawkener what he had to doo 
withall? Fawkener answered y* he had to doo therewith for y* he ys y* qweyns 
sworn servant and sayd, I tayke not yow to be y® qweyns frend yt mayks syche 
synes and toknes to hyr enemyse at so unlawfull a tyme, and another lesser man 
of Mr. Levetenads stode thereby ryddye to have done ye lyke as semed for he 
dyssyred Fawkener not to say any thyg of hym, syche a like man named Hoklay 
of layte Keypt th erll of Sowthampton y* w" Hoklay dyd come wyn thes ij 
days forth of Suffolk and Northfolk but senst hys comyg home last Mr. Levetenad 
semes not to soffer hym to Keype y*® sayd Erll. y* sayd earll and Mr. Hare 
may have conferanse wt S'. Henry Persye and Gudyere everye day at ther 
plesewres. Allso Mr. Hares wyff and hys men hayth daylly recours to hym and 
rydes oftne yn to Suffolke and Northfolke and other playces and retorn to ther 
M'. agayn at there plesewres. 

“Moreover Lowdder useth dayly to walk upon y® Leads above hys Lodgyg 
and ther he maykes synes and toknes to y° Buysshop of Rosse wh. bysshop useth 
dayly to walk yn Mr Levetenads gardidg and lykewyse mayks synes and toknes 
to Lawdder / and thys have I and others dyvers tyms seyn 

“Allso y® iij day of thys ystat moth my Lo. Lumlay walked upon y* Leads 
above hys lodgyg opnely, sayd to a presoner yn y° nether gardyng, I wyll tell 
Mr. Levetenad, ye presoner answered, I care not one hallfpenye for Mr. Levetenad. 

“ Thus for y* dyscherdge of my most bowndayn dewtye unto ye qweyns mayesty 
and to yowr hono' I have presumed to troble your Lo. yn thys rude manner 
maykyg bowld to send for your L. Servad Robert Constable on Monday last and 
wylled hym to declare thes prowd and hanos words of Powell agayst yowr hono’, 
besechyg God yt he and all other trators may have strayte Jvstes accordyg to 
ther Just dysserts, and for the more tryall of my dewty and gudwill to bryg to 
Lyght so mych as hayth lyne yn my power thes layte tresone even from y® 
begynnyg yt ys not unknowen to ye ryght honorable S'. Francis Knowlls and 
S". Walt". Myldmay besechyg yowr L. to stad my gud L. yt I may susteyne no 
dysplesewre for thys doyg so I shall dayly as my accostomed man" ys pray for 
y° qweyns mayestyes pres’vatyon and for th ecrease fellyssetye and honor 


By the Rev. Canon J. EL. Jackson, F.8.A. 31 


long to cotenewe. from y® tower of London thys eght day of may 1672. 
“ Yow". honors most humeble 
assewred at yow". comandmet 
“To y® Ryght honorable dewrg lyff 

my vray sigler gud L. “RycwarD Farman.” 

th erlle of Layster M' of 

the qweyns mayestyes horse 

one of noble ordd' of ye gertt*. 

and of hyr mayestys most honorable 
Cowsell dellyv' thes 
wt speyd.” 

XX.—1572, June 12th. Sr Taomas Wrorue, alias WRIOTHESLEY, 
Garter Kine at ARMS, TO THE SAME, ABOUT THE CoMMITTAL OF 
ONE RAWLINS, FOR UNLAWFULLY PLAYING AT THE Game or RIrrE. 

“Mine humble dutie done to yo". Lordship; concerninge the comittinge of 
John Rawlins otherwise Yonge this is the truthe. / On sondaie was sennight he 
cam to me aboute ix of the clock or som thinge before to speake w*". me being 
in my bed, sicklie as I am still. I sent to him to sende me worde what the 
the matter was, he sent me that it was aboute a licence, to playe at games which 
yo". lordship, and others of the Councell had graunted him / and that he desyred 
to speake wth me his self. So I sent for him to my bedds syde, and Loked uppon 
his License: and fyndinge there a greate meanye of Lawfull games named, and 
in the ende and laste this worde Riffe was written; and after generall words to 
kepe playe at all other Lawfull and usuall games. I then asked him (Yonge I - 
meane) what game this Riffe was, he sayd it was a game at Dise cast out of a 
dishe, and so forthe, a thinge I knewe well enough. Then I tolde him that that 
word putting in had hurt his Licence and made it suspitiouse : albeit I knew ther 
hands that were at it / for I tolde him I thoughte he had begyled y*. Lordships 
in thrustinge in that worde Riffe, which is not onelie an unlawfull game, but also 
a disceytfull game: wherein he did somewhat stand with me in the defence of 
_ the game. Well, in the ende after Longe talk, I tolde him that I did honor all 
y° Lords of the Councell doing as became me, and wold further then as became 
me, and to them that had sett ther hands to his Licence I was so bounde, and 
especiallie to y'. Lordship, as, they might comande me bie message to do in anye 
thing what I might Lawfullie doo / And so sayd unto him that for all his Law- 
full games, he shuld not onelie have mye furtherance for yo" Lordshipps sakes, 
but I wolde also comaunde the highe constable and other offycers to assist and 
further him the best they colde, but for the Riffe because it was an unlawfull 
game and an eyell example to the Queene’s people and that I thought yo' Ll. 
were scante previe to that worde and the meaninge of it, I told him that I colde 
in no wise suffer him to Kepe play at that game: he answered me flatlye that 
except he might have playe at that game he wolde Kepe playe at none, for all 
the games he said were losse to him, his gayne was onelie at that. I told him it 
was unlawfull, and therefore he must not playe at it. He urged me verrie moch. 
I tolde him then somewhat shortlier, but with good words that he shulde not 
Kepe playe at that game in Midd*. if I might knowe it, and said unto him that 
I was lothe to hurte him and therefore praied him to forbeare that game, for I 
assured him if he Kept plaie at that game in Midd*. I wolde comit him which I 


82 Longleat Papers, No. 3. 


wolde be sorrie to doo. So he departed moch greved, saying that he thought I 
wolde deale better than I spake. So when he was gone I sent for the constables 
and willed them to attend upon Yonge and to assist him and further him in 
Kepinge plaie at all the games named in his Licence savinge the Riffe but that 
they shulde not in anye wise suffer him to Kepe plaie at that game. They did 
soo. After dinner tyme Yonge went owt with his drom to call the players to- 
gither into the felde the Constables attended unto him and told him that they 
had commaundment not to suffer him to play at the Riffe which they wolde 
execute, so becawse he might not plaie at the Riffe he wolde plaie at nothing, and 
so passed that daye and the Sondaye following he went over the other syde 
Enfield Chase neere to Hadley but in Enfeld parishe, and there w' sounde of the 
drom he Kept his playe at the Riffe, that daye which when I herde of, I wrote 
to the highe Constable to bringe him and the players, with his partners unto me 
whiche they did the next daye: the players were gone because it was late before 
the constable had my letter: but having Yonge and one Thomas Carter a 
shomaker of London (who sayth he is Yonge’s partner) before me, I sayd unto 
them that they had doble offended, being warned and forbidden, yet wold pur- 
poselie break the lawe to the offence and hurte of the Quene’s people. My dutie 
therefore was to commit them which I wold doo....They intreated me: I said, I 
must doo the lawe. In the ende I said, if they had seuerties to answer the doinge 
I wold bayle them. Yonge said he had no seuerties: his partner the shomaker 
desyred that one of them might be taken to be bounde for an other: I was con- 
tented (for in deede I was lothe to comytt them) and so the recognizance was 
writinge [7.e., being written]: then Yonge after a longe pause sayd—He wold 
be bounde for no man, nor no man shulde be bounde for him: he had rather be 
comitted, I tolde him it was better to be bayled and used some perswasions but 
he wolde not, he wolde rather goo to prison, and so I committedd them bothe : 
Seure, mye Lorde, I thought it a dangerouse example chefely at this tyme of the 
yere, to suffer a sorte of lawles persons to caule bie sounde of Drom all the 
unthrifts in a countrie to gither to do unlawfullie. This is my whole doing in 
this matter and the causes of it. If I have offended my Lords of the Councell 
or yo". Lordship in it, I am verrie sorrie for it. My devotion to her Mat* and 
her Lawe, mye-thought bounde me to it. Your Lordship I trust dothe knowe 
not onelie howe lothe I am to offende yow but also howe glad I wolde be to 
honor or pleasure you, which opinion I humblye beseech you to continew: you 
shall never have cause to the contrarie of my part. And thus wisshing your 
Lordship Increase of God’s good gifts in you I will humblie take mye leave. 
From my howse in Enfelde this 12th of Jun. 1572. 
“Your Lordships humblie to comaunde 

*To y° righte honorable my “THoMAS WROTHE” 

singular good lorde the Earle 

of Leycester, one of her Mates 

most honorable privey conncell 

M. of y® horsse and Knighte of 

the most hon’ble Order of the 

Garter. Del.” 


Docketted : “xij Junii. 1572 
S*. Tho. Wrothe.” 


a naire 


By the Kev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.S.A. 33 


XXI.—1572, June 21. Joun Buiiinenam To THe Har or 
LeicrsteR, APPLYING FoR THE Benerice or Upton upon SEVERN, 
Co. Worc., 1N EXCHANGE For Brineron, Co. Huntinepon. 


“My bounden deutie towards your honour in maner most humble premised. 
May it please the same to be advertised that aboute a yeere paste a certen gentle- 
man of yo" honours, named Mr. Drewell did me to understand that yo" honour’s 
pleasure was, yf I were mynded to geve over at any tyme my benefice of Brington 
in the countie of Huntingdon (being valewed aboute £xxxvi in the Gueon’ s 
Ma‘ booke) that then I should signifie the same unto your honour. O wold to 
God I poore Bullingham were hable any thing to doce that might be acceptable 
unto yo" honour, Whiles lyefe lastethe I must remember howe courteouslie and 
earefullie yo". honour obteined of the Queen’s ma*® for mee, my prebend of 
Woorceter. my natieve countreye, wheare I am resident, and wheare my worldlie 
joye is to bee. I shall never forgett howe honourablie yowre honour did boethe 
speake for me to the queenes highnes, and write alsoe to my lorde of Canterburie 
in my behalfe, comaunding me at that tyme to repayre to yo" honour, if I have 
anie suite to the Queene’s Ma‘, who standeth my most gratious Ladie : the Kyng 
of heaven preserve her, and all her welwillers. Nowe I am redie and wylling to 
comitte to yowre honour’s disposition my benefice of Brington, lying in countreye 
farr of from mee, for a meaner benefice being within seaven myles of Woorceter : 
the name of it is Upton upon Syverne. Boethe Brington and Upton are of the 
queene’s Ma'** gyefte. God knoweth I seeke this chia for the quieting of my 
conscience for nerenes and partlie for the maintenance of my poor hospitalitie, 
whereunto whether I be geven, or not, I report mee to God and the countrye. I 
have byn at charges this yere in repayring the Chauncell and howse of Brington, 
and nowe all the fruites are to be receaved, w"". yowre good honour may dispose as 
to the same shall seeme good, soe that it maye lieke yo" honour to obteine the gyefte 
of Upton upon Syverne in the Countie of Woorceter at the Queenes Mates hands 
for mee poore Bullingham. The late incumbent’s name was Dee alias Dye, who 
ys dead, as we are crediblie enformed here in the Countreye. Iam unhable (my 
good Lord) to travell at this present: otherwise to ryede and runne had byn my 
part, guia mora trahit periculum: but soe soone as god shall hable mee I will 
wayete on your honour to dooe my deutie. The resignation of Brington I am 
redie to yeld upp imediatelie, the gyefte of Upton being obteined. Thus craving 
pardon most humblie of yo". honour for my boldness, I beseche the lyving Toads 
to be yowre honours defendour boethe here and hereafter. 


“From Woorceter this xxi of June. By 


“yo™ honour his humble and faythfull oratour 
“To the right honourable, my “Joun BULLINGHAM.” 
singuler good lorde, my Lorde 
Earle of Leicester, &c. ° 
theise geve./” 


Endorsed : “John Bullingham, xxi. June, 1572.” 


VOL. XVIII.—WNO, LII, D 


34 Longleat Papers, No. 3. 


XXTI.—1572, March 18th. Sir Puiire Stoney, on nis TRAVELS 
IN HIS NINETEENTH YEAR, To HIS Uncte, tHE Ear or Letcxster, 
rroM Frankrort.! 


[Sir Philip Sidney, born at Penshurst, in Kent, 29th November, 
1554, was the son of Sir Henry Sidney, by Lady Mary Dudley, 
sister of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester. With Wiltshire he - 
was much connected by the marriage of his sister Mary with 
Henry, second Earl of Pembroke. He was often at Wilton, and 
at Ivy Church. John Aubrey, among other anecdotes of him 
( Letters from the Bodleian, vol. it., pt. 2, p. 5527’) says: “ My 
great uncle, Mr. T. Browne, remembered him: and sayd that he 
was wont to take his table book out of his pockets and write down 
his notions as they came into his head, when he was writing his 
Areadia (weh. was never finished by him) as he was hunting on 
our pleasant plaines.” In 1585 Queen Elizabeth having taken 
the Protestants in the Netherlands under her protection, sent a 
military force to their assistance, and appointed Sir, Philip 
Governor of Flushing. He was followed by his uncle, the 
Earl of Leicester, who made him General of the Horse. He died 
16th October, 1586,- about a fortnight after receiving a wound 
at the Battle of Zutphen, and his body was brought back to 
England and interred in St. Paul’s Cathedral. After the burning 
of the Church Aubrey saw Sir Philip’s leaden coffin, under 
“Our Ladies Chapel.” 

Sir Philip has had several biographers, some recently.? Letters 
written by him are very rare. In his “ Works,” collected by 
W. Gray, 1829, only six are given, of the years 1572, and 1586, 
His handwriting was remarkably neat and precise. He spells his 
own family name, “ Sidney ;”’ but his father, Sir Henry, in letters 
preserved at Longleat, writes “ Sydney.”] 


“Ryghte honorable and my singular good Lorde and Unkle, this bearer 
havinge showed me the woorkes he dothe cary into Englande gave me ocasion 


1In Collins’s lives of the Sidneys it is stated that his license to travel was dated ~ 
25th May, 1572. But both the letters here printed are dated from Frankfort in 
March of that year. 


2H. R. Fox Bourne, and Julius Lloyd. 


By the Rev. Canon J. EB. Jackson, F.8.A. 35 


humble to sende these few woordes unto yowr Lordeshippe, thoughe my wrytynge 

at this presente unto yow by an Englisshe gentleman that dothe now returne, 

take away any other cause of enlarginge the same. This bearer hathe promised 
“me to lett no man see that whiche he cariethe untill he have showed them unto 

yowr Lordeshipp, If they may seeme unto yowr Lordeshippe unworthie of 

whiche I shoolde wryte unto yow, I do most humblie beseche yow to con- 

demne therein nothinge but my ignoraunce, whiche bendinge it selfe wholie 

to content yow, if it do erre, I hope yowr goodness will suffer the dutifull mynde, 

to recompence the wante of judgemente, whiche beinge all that I have at this tyme 

to trooble yow witheall, I will most lowlie committ yow to the eternalls protection. 

Frome Francforde this 18'* of Marche A° 1572. 

“ Yowr moste humble and moste 
* obediente nephew 
Addressed : “ PHitip SIDNEY.” 


“To the ryghte honorable and my 
singular unkle, the Earle of Lecestre ’ 


1572, March 23rd. THe SAME TO THE SAME, FROM FRANKFORT. 


“There being nothinge of whiche j am so desyrouse (ryghte honorable and my 
singular good Lorde and unkle) as to have continuall and certaine knowledge 
what your pleasure is by whiche I may governe my little actions. I can not be 
witheout some grief, that neder since I came into Jermanie I coold by anie 
meanes understande it. Wherefore I have moste humblie to beseche your 
Lordeshippe that if in any of my proceedings I have erred you will vouchesafe 
to impute yt to the not knowinge youre Lordshippes and their pleasure, by whose 
commaundemente I am lykewyse to be directed. I was uppon Thursdaie laste 
withe Count: Lodowick the prince of Oranges seconde brother, whose honorable 
usage was suche towardes me, and suche goodwill he seemes to beare unto your 
Lordeshippe, that for wante of furdre habilitie, I can but wishe him a prosperouse 
success to suche noble entreprises as I dowte not he will shorteley ( w't the helpe 
of God) put in execution. I founde one Shambourg an Allmaine withe him, a 
gentleman whom I knew in y® courte of Fraunce, allways very affectionnate to - 
the Kinge’s service. I dowte not but that he assaiethe to draw the Cownte to 
serve the Kinge, but I hope he laboureth in vaine. All mens eys are so bente to 
the affaires of Fraunce and Flaundres that there is no talke here of any other 
contrey. I have an humble requeste unto your Lordship which is that it will 
please you to thanke Maister Culverwell the bearer hereof, for the courtoisie he 
showed unto me, in employinge his creditt for me, being drivne into some 
necessitie. Thus craving pardon for the continewance of my wonted manner in 
vainely trobling your L. I will moste lowlie leave you in his garde who ever 
preserve you. Frome Francfort this 23' of Marche, 1572 

“Your most humble and most obedient nephew 
Address: “Puitip SIDNEY.” 

* To The moste honorable and my 


-very good Lorde and unkle 
The Earl of Leicestre, etc.” 


36 Longleat Papers, No. 38. 


XXIIL.—1574, April 14th. Jonw Scory, Bisnop or Herr- 
FORD, TO THE Ear or Leicester, CompLaAINING OF AN ASSAULT 
upon HIMSELF AND His SERVANTS WHILST HE WAS RIDING TO THB 
PARLIAMENT. 


[John Scory, consecrated Bishop of Rochester, 30th August, 1551, 
translated to Chichester, 28rd May, 1552. Deprived by Queen 
Mary, 15538. In 1559 made Bishop of Hereford by Queen 
Elizabeth. Preached at the Consecration of Archbishop Parker.] 


“Mine humble commendations unto your honor remembered. Whereas yt is 
not unknowen to your L. that the last yere riding towardes the Parliament 
House I withe my servants was assaulted by ij of the Pitchars of this contrie 
and theire complices on whiche assaulte one of your honors servantes was by the 
said Pitchars then most shamefullie and wilfullie murthered Since whiche time 
the said Pitchars like fugitives absenting themselves from these parties could not 
by any meanes be apprehended untill that upon the 12 daie of this Aprill one of 
the said Pitchars with his man well weponed did in the market place of the towne 
of Worcester assault one of my house being naked without weapon and then and 
there sore wounded him insomoche as it is doubtfull wheather he will live or dye. 
Wherupon the said Pitchar being by the officers of the said towne apprehended, 
my soonne and your honors servaunt immediatelie went thether and did arrest 
the said Pitchar for the wilfull murther by him comitted upon his felowe the last 
yere, and also did enter into band of x1" to prosecute the said arrest against the 
said pitchar with all effect; Maie it therefore please your honor to be favorable 
to this suite which my Soonne and your servaunt hathe undertaken onlie for 
duetie that he oweth to your honor and affection to his fellowe and if it shall not 
thus seeme good to your L. that yett you will not hinder the suite of your good 
servaunt whereby the said offender might escape without punisshment for the 
said horrible murther Otherwise I assure your honor that nether I nor anie of 
mine shall be able to remaine in this countrie for the continual danger of losse of. 
our lives by the said pitchars and theire adherents And thus praying your 
honor to have consideration of the dangerous state of me and mine I commend 
the same to the Grace of Christ At Whitborne * the 14 daie of Aprill 1574. 

yo". honors humbly to comaunde 
* To the right honorable “Jo: HEREF.” 
the Erle of Leycester his good Lordship.” 


XXIV.—1578, June 18th. Sir CurisrorpHer Hatton, To THE 
Ear or Leicester, AT Buxton, ABOUT A RUMOUR OF His [ Hatron’s] 
BEING ABOUT TO MARRY QUEEN ELIZABETH. 


“My singuler good L. I most humbelye thanke yo" for yo" most honorable 
Lres. And towching yo" Lp. most earnest and carefull dealynge too remove 


* Whitbourne, six miles from Bromyard, Co. Hereford, The Bishop had a palace there, 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.8.A, 37 


us out of the passwage too my Lo. Northe his howse: my L. Chamberlayne* 
hathe broughte it well too passe, thoughe not in that course your Lp wisshid : in 
respect he made hir Ma prevye of the impossibilytey (the time considerid) his 
Lp found too furnishe his howse accordinge too his dewty and honorable good 
will, delyverynge very frendlie the alterracons of the times with all other circum- 
stances that might make good for the matter.t . . . - Before God, Sir, hir 
Ma‘ standithe muche grevid with your impayrid state of helthe w®. I delyverid 
too be worss then yor. selfe suspectyd She muche mislikethe that yo". L. had 
not Juliot with you in respect of his acquaintance with your bodie and his con- 
tinnall judgement uppon the state of the same and much blamithe Mr. Baylye 
that ho wrightithe not how he procedithe with you. I suppose she will send Mr. 
Julio for in trothe this matter troublythe hir. 

“Since your Lp. departure, the Q. is found in contynuall great Malencoly : the 
eause thereof I can but gesse at, notwithstandinge that I beare and suffer the 
whole brunt of hir myslike in generallytey. She dremithe of mariage that might 
Seeme injurious to hir: makynge my selfe too be ether the man or A paterne 
[patron] of the matter. I defend that noo man can tie him selfe or be tyid too 
suche inconvenyence as not to mary by law of God or man, except by mutuall 
consents as bothe parties, the man and woman, vowe too mary, eche too other, 
which I know she hathe not done too any man and therfore by any man’s 
maryage she can receve noo wronge: with many more arguments of the best 
waythe I could gether: but my L. I am not the man that should thus soddenly 
mary, for God knowithe I never ment it. By my next I thynke you shall here 
moore of this matter I fere it wilbe found some evell practise: For matters of 
state I leve them to Mr. Secretary, but in them and all the rest I will performe 
A thankefull dewtie towards yow while I live. And soo my good L. with prayer 
on the knes of my hart for your good helthe and contynuance of prosperous estate 
I humbelie take my leve, this xviij'* of June 1578. 


“Yor, good Lp. most bound 
Addressed : “ durynge his liffe 
“To the ryght honorable my “Cue: Harton.” 
singuler good L. th Earle 
of Leycester geve these.” 


— 


1578, June 28th. Sire Curisropaer Harton to Tue Haru or 


* Thomas Ratcliff, Earl of Sussex. 


+ The “passage to his house” appears to mean, some visit that the Queen intended to make him, 
and which Lord North was, at the moment, not quite prepared for. The Queen however did visit 
him at lis house, Kirtling, near Newmarket, and was received in a way, says Holinshed, “not in 
the least behind any of the best.’’ 


+ Dr. Julio, an Italian Physician (whose surname was Borgarucius), about the Court of Elizabeth. 
His name, as well as that of Mr. Baylye, mentioned in this letter, appear unfavourably in the 
malicious book entitled ‘ Leicester’s Commonwealth,” where they are described as auxiliaries to 
Dudley in procuring the removal of persons who were supposed to be in his way. There is much 
about Dr. Julio in Strype’s Life of Archbishop Grindal (8vo., p. 333, Anno 1576). He had “married 
one that was wife to another man,” which proceeding gave great offence to the Queen, and was 
partly the cause of the disgrace into which Archbishop Grindal fell ; alluded to in a subsequent note, 


38 Longleat Papers, No. 3. 
LEYCESTER,! DISMISSING THE RUMOUR AS “A Woman’s TALE.” 


“My singuler good Lo. yo". lres to me were acceptably receyved wt hir Mats 
unto whom I was bold to present them: becawse they cheffelye recorded the 
testimonye of yo". most loiall disposition from the begynninge too this present 
time. The Q. rejoyced muche in the matter, and was pleased too protest y* she 
full well believed it: whatever the malice of the world wold make of the contrary. 
Twise she hathe red them: and in that I see this course of your dealynge dothe 
worke suche comfort and contentment in hir I wold wishe you often wrotte too 
soo good profytt in the same or suche like propoticions. Hir highness praithe 
you excuse hir yf she now writtithe not to your lp. w". she lothelye deferithe be- 
cause you take soo great joye as she percevithe in hir scribelyd lynes : w’. thoughe 
in paper you fynd crokyd and awrye, in matter you shall ever fynd to be treu 
and straite and as full of faythe as any meaner friend could make them. Her 
Matic thynkithe your absence muche drawen in too lengthe, and spetially in that 
place, supposinge in dede that A shorter time wold worke as good effecte with 
you, but yet chargithe you that you now goo throughe accordinge too your 
physitians opynion, for if now thes watters worke not A full good effect, hir 
highnes will never concent that you cumber yo" selfe and hir with suche lonnge 
iorney agayne. My good 1. yo" brothers busenes goythe slowlye on. The indis- 
position of hir Ma*** bodie forbiddithe us in reason too troble hir in matters of 
suche nature. but my good L. I will noo lesse deale [therein] then I am most 
bound when I shall fynd A tyme that [I may] aptelie further o". good purpose. 

“The byssop of Canterbury [Grindal] has ofte sent too me too enquire of y" 
good Lp. helpe in re[spect]] off his cause.* I have not answerid that yo" Lp hathe 
effectually written in the same. And I have delt accordyngly with hir ma“* at 
whos hands when good may grow (w. yet I fynd not) I will soo deale: it shalbe 
delivered by yo". hands. Of the matter of mariage w. I supposed in A practise 
I here noo more: nether can I suspecte reson{ably] otherwise then that it was 
some folishe woman’s tale. Hir Ma** beginnithe to stande doutefull of hir 
progresse, and in dede if hir helthe be not moore constantly assuered too hir it 
were not fitt to take so longe a iorney. 

“Hir highnes most earnestlie requerithe yo". Lp. that you comaunde some 
speciall provision too be made for geldings for hir owne sadell: she fynding 
greatt want of them, and without she may be better furnished she thynke it im- 
possible she should passe the progresse without hir great travell and disease. 
The great warrant is . . . Lp. there w*" (as Grise saythe) is nedefull to be 
passed . . . Ther be diverse new occurrents from Flanders, France and other 
parts, w°®. in dede I have not yet seen. Mr. Secretary I trust will acquaint your 


1The Earl of Leycester was at Buxton, Derbyshire, taking the waters. The 
original of this letter is in a very frail and undecipherable condition. Sir 
Christopher Hatton, on reaching the foot of the first page, turned the paper 
upside down, to continue his writing: and in a Postscript makes a droll apology. 

* This probably alludes to the disgrace into which Grindal had fallen with the Queen, about the 
« Exercises or Prophesyings,”’ which she very much disliked, and ordered him to putdown. It 


ended by his being confined to his house and being ae ed for six months. See Strype’s Life 
of Grindal, 8vo., p. 343. 


: 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F-.8.A. 39 


Lp. with them. All matters within my knowledge at this present are within 
the ordinary course: and therefore I would not trouble your Lp. with them. I 
have receivid letters from my L. of Shrewsbury wherein he thankethe me for 

all dealeings towards him with most earnest asseveration of faythe to 
hir Ma** and care of his charge.* I will not fayle Sir (for suche is your charge) 
too doo him all the service I can, for suerely I doo beleve he dothe and ever will 
deserve most soundelie well of hir Mat. I humbely beseche you Sir, that you 
will thanke him for his honorable letter withe suche.comendations of my pore 
good will as it pleasethe you to say for me. My L. Chamberlayne wrott to yo" 
Lp. by the . . . he fearithe you received not his letters because you made 
no answere by this messinger. This court wantethe your presence. Hir Mat* 
is unaccompanyed and I assure you the chambers are almost emptie. I pray 
God you may [return] with good helthe and contynew here with most prosperous 


- . . and best contentment. I most faythefully and . . . acknowledge 
the . . . my dewtyfull service unto y". Lp: and soo with my most humble 
recommendations of the same I take my leve. Godl . . .- yours, amongst 


whom I know and pray for my good Lo. of Pembroke who may in trothe comend 


my service which I trust you have warranted unto him. At Grenewich the 
Court this xxviijt® of June 1578 


yo". most honorable 
“Lps. bound poor frend 


“TJ pray Sir pardon this error : “Cur: Harton.” 


for many times great hast § 
makethe evell spede: the 

lower end of this paper had not 

els byn turned upwards.” 


XXV.—1578, Oct. 23rd. Henry Bespecue, LAnp-StewarD at 
KenitwortH Castie, To THE Eart. or LEIcesteER. 


[These letters from Mr. Besbeche have so far a claim to being in- 
teresting, that they were written from a castle of historical noto- 
riety, now a mere ruin; and that they refer to the domestic 
affairs of its celebrated owner. Such men are generally known 
to us only in their stage costume and by the parts they are made 
to play in the great political events of their day. It is sometimes 
not unpleasant to get a glimpse of what was going on at their 
own homes. ] 


“T had bothe writen and sent rather to yo" L. but that I thought yo" had bene 
on yo" Jurney to Wilton: and some staye I had also by meanes of the wekenes 
and imperfytnes of my hande w™ (I thanke god) I have reasonably recovered yet 
not perfytt hole nor like to be this thre weks but no daunger at all. I came in 
a luckye owre from London for I fownde lesse offence in traveling then I had 
ease in a solitary chamber at London. I have sent yor. L. a brase of does suche 


* Mary, Queen of Scots, 


40 Longleat Papers, No. 8. 


as yo’ grounde in my keaping will yelde. I woulde they nad bene suche as I 
wolde have wisshed them, but hereafter you shall have better, they bealing * at the 
rutt and the wett wether w*" we have had hathe hindred them moche. I have 
also sent yo" L. the graundam of the black sprits: + for sure yf any infernall 
sprits cum above grownde they ar kyn to her and her breede: the great dis- 
pleasures they dayly doe ar to long to wryt and therefore we have fyrst kilde 
the mother and hereafter you shall have the childerne from tyme to tyme. Sir 
H. Leye was at the killing of her, whoe can reporte her fercenes, &c.” 


[Then follows a long statement about rents. The Earl had reckoned 
the amount he was to receive out of his rents in Warwickshire 
at £700 a year. He is informed that it does not exceed £500.) 


“Sir J. Hubaudet hath bene here att Kennelworth one weke in weak estate 


and kept his chamber: what he intendeth to do I know not as yet. He hath - 


bene verye ill tormented but no daunger as I hope and gesse. He takithe yt 
verye kyndly the sending downe of H. Gouldingham wherein yo" L. hath com- 
forted him very moche. And I beseche God send your L. comfort of any thing 
yo. L. hath . . . . From yo" L. castell of Kennelworth the xxii of 
October 1578. Your moste bounde servant Henry BresBecHE.” 


1578, Nov. 20th. THe SAME TO THE SAME. 


“T had thought to have sent yo" L. at this present tyme bothe a great bore and 
principall does, but the wether hathe faulen owte so extreme wyndye and rayny 
all this weeke as we colde not performe our intent: one of the greatest wilde bores 
lyethe aboute Henlye in Arden and dothe moche harme in the country and they 
have sent woorde sondry tymes to the castel that yf yo" L. will not kill him the 
contry will kill : whereuppon I pointed Rychmonde and Duck to go this Thursdaye 
last to go kill him, but yt woulde not frame: but before yt be long yo" L. shall 
have him. And I the same daye hunted for good does but the wether was so 
extreme fowle that we coulde not meete with the best, but yet good does for suche 
a grounde: but there are better, as hereafter yo" shall se, yf this wet wether mar 
them not. I trust Graunt will use some more diligence in the carriage of theis. 
I am to advertise yo™ L. of that w will nothing like you, but I said as moche 
to yo" L. this somer. The black buck of Stonelye wood is ded in the woods 
there. I founde him so weake the last winter as I was sure he coulde not live 
an other winter: but yo" L. made warrants of him. Nowe he is ded. There is 
also 2 great Staggs ded in the chase, th’one killed w his fellows, th’other with a 
pale: I had also in my parke a young Stagg and an owlde hinde killed uppon the 


*i.e., * belling :” the low guttural sound made by the animal at the rutting season. 


+ Probably some wild sow: for in the next letter animals of that kind scem to have abounded at 
that time in the neighbourhood. 


¢ Sir John Hubaud was one of the executors named in an original will of the Earl’s (but apparently 
not bis last will) which is among the papers at Longleat. 


By the Rev. Canon J. Ei. Jackson, F.S.A. 4] 


pales. I have yet 4 staggs left and 3 hinds and hersts and 2 calves. All other 
your things are well, thanks be to God: I have ree!. agayne yo' L. grew-hounde 
the poorest that ever I sawe: no marvell though he ranne slenderlye, for he was 
skarce able to goe. I meane to restore him agayne, and then he that cane fore 
runne him shall wyn best horse. I am glad of yo". L safe returne in helthe after 
yo" travell, w°® I beseche God longe to contynewe with honor. Yor L. Castell 
of Kennelworth the xxt* of November earlye. 1578. Yo" L. most bownde 
servant “Henry BEsBECHE.” 
“To the right honorable my 

singular good L. and Mr 

th’ Erle of Leycester” 


1579, March 22nd. Tue same To Mr. BeynuaM, THE Ear 
or Lricester’s AUDITOR. 


[Mr. Besbeche, through the machinations of Mr. Dockwray and 
Mr. Edmunds, is about to be dismissed from his place. 


“Mr. Beynham. I marvaile whye you wryte to me for my frendshipp in 
seasoned tymber for yo' building, when you y™ selfe knewe that my kingdom 
ys overthrowne. I towlde you at my last being with my L. that I fownde by my 
L. that there were divers practises in hand to overthrowe my credit I was verye 
well contented therwith and so you and all the worlde shall se I will not be sorrye 
for the same and nowe I fynde by my L. lres they have the conquest and I right 
willinglye yelde conquered but my L chardging me so hardly as yf I shoulde use 
right and apt termes I shoulde saye that perhapps that w°" might offende, but I 
am to wrongfully chardgid with to moch dishonestye. A tyme ys for everye 
thing w tyme shall trye H. Besbeche right honest and them as they ar, &e. I 
maye not saye as cause geveth. Let Mr. Dowkarye triumphe w* his conquest a 
while. §*. John [Huband] and you may easelye withstande his mallice but we 
poore men of the contrey shall smart for yt as he saiethe. I for my part will do 
well enough, for yf he houlde on with his tryumphant words the next newes 
perhaps you here may be that he will be well and truly beaten: and then every 
man’s honesty therby maye be tryed in the common Haule at Warwik. other- 
wise I see iniquytye will have the upper hande: for yf my L. will comaunde men 
to syfte owt the truthe of unjust dealing, and will deliver the offender, and 
aucthorize him then the more, my L. castell shall be carred away before I stir my 
foot. of the other syde Mr. Edmunds hathe receaved Ires and because they shall 
not be consealed they have alreadye bene shewed and red in every alehouse in 
Warwick and pubblysshed through owt the sheere. Thus Mr Dowkarye and 
Wm. Edmunds rule the rost nowe and waulke to gether in suche pontyfycaule 
sort as you woulde laughe to se them: they have bene at Kennelworth castell to- 
gether and there have taken order for every thing and vewed the grownds and 
abbaye parke and taken a note of all the cattell they have fownde and done many 
wonders, and wonderouse works will doe. And I am not made aquainted with 
any thing. My Lo. wrat to me to advertise him howe the fyre came into the 


42 Longleat Papers, No. 3. 


eastell, and more then I wrat to you I know not nor cannot learn but by all 
likeliode yt came by a lyttle negligence of moris, w* yf yt did was verye strange 
and almost against reason: but under xxs. will repayre all that was don, yf we 
might get but halfe a lode of tymber. You rested dowtfull of H. Sarpsforde’s 


death ; flatlye and playnelye he was most abhomynablye murderid, but yf there - 


were any search therin yt woulde be wrapt upp, as others matters ar and therfore 
let god for me deale therin I fynde by my L. that my dischardge wil be shortly 
w" yf you come downe before Whitsontyde I will staye the delyvering upp of 
my accompt, yf not at Whitsontyde I will come upp and bring upp my 
accompt and make even with my L. but yf yt were soner I showlde be moche 
gladder, and when I deale in any cause agayne I wil be fyrst torne in peces. 
And so fare you well, and let spite and envye work his worst. 
“ Kennelworthe, y* xxij of Marche 1579 


“yo to use HEnry BrspecHe” 


“To the worshipfull M'. W™ 
Beynham Esquire” 


1580, March 28th. THE SAME To THE SAME. 
[About a brewer having come down to Kenilworth for hops. | 


bie I received a.lre from you that W™ Edmunds warranted you to 


sell ae hoppes as might be spared: he both denyeth it, and also refuseyth to 
sell: and since your going away hath not holpen a chapman: but some mennes 
woords is better husbandrye then others good doings. I am glad to se my credit 
increase so fast that am not sufficient to waye a few hopps without W™ Edmunds. 
Well, I fynde daylye and owrely my Lord’s woords trewer and trewer I hope 
shortlye I shall have ease. My Lord hath so conceived of me by some folks 
good means as I am an arrant knave. I trust I shall come to the triall and 
then I knowe what I have to saye. My L. hathe willed me to sende you all my 
books of the receipt of plate to Kennelworth from tyme to tyme and that I shall 
have them safe delyverid me agayne saving that wh. is noted in the margent 
geven and lost, and that which now remaynithe, as a paper therof apparithe 
Kennelworth the 28 of Marche 1580 


“Yo not able to be afrende H. BrspecHE” 
“To the wourshipfull Mr Will™ 
Beynham esquire.” 


XXVI.—1578, December 12th. Tuomas Suyrux (called “ Cus- 
romMER SmyTHE” as Farmer of the Customs) to rue Hart or 
LEICESTER. 


[Customer Smythe was owner of Corsham and built, in 1582, the 
oldest part now remaining of Corsham Court. He removed to 


a 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.8.A. 43 


Westenhanger, in Kent, leaving Corsham to hisson Henry. See 
“ Wiltshire Collections, Aubrey and Jackson,” p. 79.] 


“T have receaved yo" honors Ire, perceavinge therby that yo". Lordshippe hath 
== ce xx 
bought of Alexander Vancore of the nomber of £ij iiij xiiij [294] Pearle to 
c xx 
the price of xxvj° the peece, w"*. amounteth to £iij iiij ij iiijs [£382 4s.] Y' L. 


c xx 

lre doth specefie but of £iij iiij j. so that by this Reckoninge the account is 
east to short by j*. iiij®. [£1 4s.], wot yt maye please you allowe or desalowe 
of, accordinge to yo" L. lre I ame content to geve my Bond havinge yo" honors 
counterbond for my indempnitye. Whereas I gave ereditt by yo" honors Ire, 
and MT". Seacretarye Walsinghams unto Mr. Dee for one hundred pounds to be 
paid hime at Hambrogh w**. monye he hath there receaved, and delivered a Bill 
on me for the same, to be paid here the xv of this moneth, prayinge yo". L. to 
move Mr. Seacretarye, that order maye be taken for the awnsweringe of the same. 
I have demaunded of Mr. Peter for the custome of the Pearle, and he sheweth 
me that theie were sent for by your honors order, and therfore youe must paye 
for them Custome of them. Thus the Holy ghoste preserve yo' honors long life 
and good healthe. London the xij of December An®. 1578 


“yours honner’s ever Redy at comaundment 
“To the right honorable “Tomas SMYTHE” 
my singular good Lord 
the Earle of Leicester. 
Yeve these.” 


XXVIT.—1580, February 18th. Lerrice Kwyottys, Countess 
or LEICESTER. 


[Lettice Knollys, daughter of Sir Francis Knollys, K.G., of Rother- 
field Grey, Co. Essex, married, first, Walter Devereux, Earl of 
Essex, and by him was the mother of Robert Devereux, second 
Earl of Essex, the unfortunate favourite of Queen Elizabeth. 
After Leicester’s separation from his second wife—Lady Sheffield 
—he married Lettice, then Countess Dowager of Essex. After 
Leicester’s death, in 1588, she married, thirdly, Sir Christopher 
Blunt, who was beheaded in 1601 for having been concerned in 
her son Robert’s rebellion. No lady was ever more involved in 
family dishonours and troubles, the history of which is so full of 
contradictory statements that it is almost now hopeless to arrive at 
the truth. Leicester’s enemies said that as he had poisoned her 


44, Longleat Papers, No. 38. 


first husband, Walter Devereux, Earl of Essex, so, she had “served 
Leicester in his own kind” by poisoning him. It is almost 
beyond belief that she could have done so, and afterwards have 
inscribed upon his monument in the Beauchamp Chapel, Warwick, 
such words as are there still to be seen: “ optimo et charissimo 
marito mestissima Leticia.” She lived to the great age of ninety- 
four: and saw, says Dr. Plot (Hist. of Staffordshire, p. 328), the 
grand-children of her grand-children. Dying at Drayton, near 
Tamworth, “upon Christmas Day, in the morning, in 1634,” she 
was buried in the same Chapel as the Earl of Leicester : where an 
old wooden tablet exhibits a long eulogy of her in verse written 
by. “ Gervas Clifton.” ! 

' Two letters are subjoined, written to her by her son, Robert 
Devereux, the unfortunate second Earl of Essex, about her 
jointure, and occupation of Wanstead House. Letters from this 
nobleman are of the greatest rarity. These are in a tone of great 
courtesy and affection. | 


1580, February 18th. Deposition sy HumpHry TYNDALL,’ THE 
OrriciATING CHAPLAIN, AS TO THE Secret Marriage or Lerricr 
Kwottys, Counress Dowager or Essex, with Rosert DuDLey, 
Eart or Leicester, at Wanstead Hovss,* on Sunpay, 21st 
SreTEMBER, 1578. 


[Camden (Hist. of Queen Elizabeth, p. 217,) has a passage 
which throws a little light upon the “ Deposition of Tyndall, the 


1 This was the polygamous Sir Gervase Clifton, of Clifton, Co. Notts, who was 
remarkable for having married seven wives: the first being Penelope Rich, 
grand-daughter of Lettice Knollys. 

2 This document is signed, in the chaplain’s own autograph, “ Umphry Tendall.” 
Fourteen years afterwards, in 1603, there was a ‘‘ Umphrey Tyndall, Doctor in 
Divinity, Master of the Quene’s College in Cambridge, and Vice Chancellor.” 
(Proc. of Soe. of Antiq., vi. 517.) 

3 Wanstead belonged to Robert Dudley. A fine folio inventory of | the furniture 
there, is among the Marquis of Bath’s MSS. The house of Dudley’s time dis- 
appeared in or before 1715, when Sir Richard Child built another, the fine one 
taken down in 1822. 


EE eT — 


By the Rev. Canon J. BE. Jackson, F.8.A. 45 


Chaplain : ”—* Leicester had been suspected of causing the death 
of Walter Devereux, Earl of Essex, by poison. The suspicion was 
increased by Leicester’s presently putting away Douglas Sheffield 
with money and fair promises (whether his paramour or his wife 
I cannot say) on whom he had begotten a son, and now more 
openly making love to Lettice, Essex his widow, to whom after- 
wards he joyned himself in a double matrimony. For though it 
were reported that he had already privately married her; yet Sir 
Frances Knolles father to Lettice, who was acquainted with 
Leicester’s Rambling and inconstance in his Love, would not 
believe .it (fearing lest he should put a Trick upon his daughter) 
unless he might see the Marriage performed in his own presence, 
with some witnesses by, and a publie Notary.”’] 


“Saturday 18th Feb. 1580. Humfry Tindall, clerk, Bachelor in Sacred 
Theology, 34 years of age or thereabouts, of free condition, &c., being produced 
and sworn, &c., saith. That uppon a Saterday being as this deponent now re- 
membereth the xx‘" day of September in the yeare of our Lorde 1578, The right 
honourable Robert Dudley Earle of Leycester, brake with this deponent (being 
then attendant uppon him at Wanstede nere London as his chappelin) to the 
effect following, viz., he signified that he had a good seazon forborne marriadge 
in respect of her majestie’s displeasure, and that he was then for sondrie respects 
and especially for the better quieting of his own conscience determined to marry 
with the Right Honourable Countesse of Essex, but for so much as it might not 
not be publiquely knowe without great damages of his estate, he moved this 
deponent to solemnnize a marriadge in secret betweene them, and finding this 
deponent willing thereunto, he appointed him to attende for the dispatch thereof 
the next morninge about vij of the clocke, w* this deponent did accordingly, and 
theruppon (betwixt seaven and eight of the clock on the next morning being 
sonday) was conveyed up by the Lorde North into a little gallery of Waynstede 
howse opening uppon the garden, into wh gallery their camme within a while after 
together with the aforesayd Earle of Leycester the Right Honourable the Karl of 
Pembrook, the Earle of Warwick,* and Sir Frances Knowlles, and within a little 
while after them the Countesse of Essex herself attired as he now remembereth in a 
loose gowne. And then and ther he this deponent did with the free consente of them 
both marry the said R*. hon. Robert Dudley earle of Leycester and the Lady 
Letice Countesse of Essex together in such maner and forme as is prescribed by 
the communion booke, and did pronounce them lawfull man and wife before God 
and the worlde according to the usuall order at solemnization of marriadges : and 
farther this deponent sayeth, that he well remembreth S". Francis Knowlles did 


* Robert Rich, third baron, afterwards created Earl of Warwick, was son-in-law of Lettice 
Knollys; having married Penelope Devereux, her daughter by her first husband, Walter, Earl of 
Essex, 


46 _ Longleat Papers, No. 3. 


at that time give the sayd Lady Letice for wife unto the sayd Earle of Leycester, 
at the solemnizing of w‘* mariadge as he sayeth were then and ther present and 
sawe and hearde the same, beside the parties married and this deponent, the R*. 
Hon. the Earle of Penbrook, the Earle of Warwick, the Lord Northe, S*. Francis 
Knowlles, and one Mr. Richard Knowlles as he remembreth, and no more. And 
otherwise he cannot depose, saving that he this deponent was at y‘ time full 
minister and had bin ordered by the Rev. father in God the L. Bishop of Peter- 
borough in A°®. 1572: for profe whereof he exhibited at the time of his examina- 
tion his letters of orders under the authenticall seales of the sayd Bushop, the 
tenor whereof ensueth, &c. ‘Tenore presentium, &c.’ 
“Umpury TENDALL” 


1589, March 7th.—Counress or Letcester, (widow of Robert 
Dudley, Earl of Leicester) tro Lorp TREasuRER BURLEIGH, ABOUT 
HER Huspanp’s DEBT TO THE QUEEN. 


“My very good Lord. I receved of late from Mr. Fanshawe and Mr. Bayn- 
hame, a book or charge (as thay tearme it) of my late lord’s debts unto hur 
magestye, wherin allthoughe thay offer to charge me with very manye thousands 
(I mene mor then xx) contrarye as I am parswaded to sum of ther knowledges or 
concyences, yet I fynd not that cours so strange as that they would alowe me but 
sume v or vi dayes ether to cleare or confes that imposed charge, and wher as 
thay havinge all possyble assystance from hur magestys offycers to thys ther 

goro searche and syftynge, have not bene able to fynyshe thys charge under 
at the least iij or iiij monethes worke, thay would inforce me being dysfavored 
therin to furnyshe my defence in lesse then vij days; wher-upon thynkinge my 
self very stranglye oppressed, I am dryven to appeale unto your honorable 
favoure, besechinge you to alowe me such competente tym therein as that my 
solycytors and sarvants may be able to parews and searche all such offyces books 
and accounts as shall be thought most fyte for manyfestynge of a truth in thys 
behaulfe; and becaus thys charge now layde on me doth in sum sort consarne 
sondrye other parsons wich were put in trust by my late L., my humble desyre 
is that by order from your Ip. a commyssyone may be awarded out of the ex- 
cheker (to sume such as your Ip. shall thynk fytt) that by vertue thereof thay 
may caule before them and examyne all such parsons as were any ways accompt- 
able unto my late lord or which ar uppone any caus to aunswer any thyng towards 
the dyscharge of hys debts, to the ende that all such sums as shall be founde dew 
in ther hands may be in dewe sort aunswered unto hur magyestye, wich if your 
Ip. shall vouchsafe to doe and allso to move the marchants to whom Denbighe * 


. 


* Meaning the lordship of Denbigh, which kad been granted along with Kenilworth and other 
manors to the Earl of Leicester, 9th June, 5 Eliz. Me had mortgaged it. One of the ‘t Debts” 
claimed from the deceased Earl of Leicester amounted to £3619. That was stated to be the amount 
drawn by him in excess of his allowance when Lieut.-General in the Low Countries. The answer 
upon this point made by his widow was that in the patent of his appointment he had been authorized 
to ask for any sums at his pleasure : and that he did but take £10 14s. a day after the precedent set 
by the Earl of Pembroke, Lieut.-General for Queen Mary at St. Quihtin’s. (From original document 
at Longleat.) a 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, P.S.A. 47 


standeth mgaged in a lyne or toe [two] from your Ip. that the overplus upon the 
sale therof wich shall excede ther debts may with ther good lykynge be imployed 
towards the aunswerynge of my lords debts accordyng to the tenore of hys 
testament, I shall not only acknowledge myself very much behouldynge unto your 
Ip. but shall take such cours for the spedye satysfyinge of hur hyghnes debts as 
shall I trust very well content your good Ip., and so desyrynge your honorable 
favoure in thes poynts, I humblye take my leve, praynge allways for the con- 
tenewance of your best health and happynes. 

“ Leycester hous. thys vij of Marche. . 

“Your Ip. assured poor frend 

Addressed : “TL, LeycesTER *” 
“To the ryght honorable and 

my very good Lo. the Lo. 

tresurer of Ingland.” 
On the back is written in a small hand : 
“Marty. 1589. 

“Countess of Leycest. to my L, 

Prayes some longer tyme to make 

aunswer to the booke of charge 

offred by Mr. Bainham towching y® 

Erl of Leycest’. debt to hir Mat 
“ Commission for examination of such 

persons as were accomtable any wayes 

to y® said Erle wherby y° said debt 

may be y° better satisffied. 
“That the marchaunts morgagers of 

Denbighe may answer the 

over-value thereof towardes the 

payment of the said debt as the 

Erl appointed by his will.” 


1590, March 27th.—Roxsert Devereux, seconD Ear or Essex, 
mo uis Motuer, Lutricz, Countsss or LEICESTER. 


“ Madam. I have sent y*. ladyship a Ire to my L: Chancelor w*. y*. ladyship 
when you have read yt may seale and please you and ether send by this berer 
or whom els you please. to resolve y". ladyship that I will stand ffrme in this 
and in all other y" causes I do send you here mine owne to be a witnes against 
me yf I do not. for y" laps state w* you say is uncertaine. I will defend y* 


other titles wt all the witt creditt and frendes that I have. and for that w® 


y' lap hath of my land I will not refuse to confirme yt when y" lap shall say 
you desire that ther may be so free dealing on both sides as kindnes may be 
deerer then any thing els. for Wansteed though 1 confesse I do greatly affect yt 


*'The Countess’s handwriting is singularly neat and clear; her f, s, h, &c, being long: and 
the letter y being invariably dotted, as i is with us. Original letters written by this lady are ex- 
tremely rare, 


48 Longleat Papers, No. 3. 


yet I will not desire yt so as y’ lap shall loose one penny profitt or one hower of 
pleasure that you may have ther. The Q. hath divers tymes within these 4 dayes 
asked me whether I had yt and I doubt not but to have her there ere May day 
yf my lease were made. If y' lap thinke so good I will receave the conditions 
from any officer of yours for whatever you aske I will agree unto yt. The Q. 
hathe stayed me heere this day, but to morrow I will se y" lap yf I can. An so 
I comend y* lap to gods best protection. Grenwich this 27" of March 1590. 
« Yt sonne that will yeald 
you all duty R. Essex” 
“To my honorable mother 
the countesse of Leycester.” 


1590, July 20th.—Tuz Same To THE SAME. 


“Madam. I see a disagreem* betweene y* ladyship’s officers and mine for the 
drawing of the assurances betweene us. in some thinges I thought my officers to 
curious and therefore I yelded to yt w’. they wold not consent too. Now I must 
needes thinke y' ladyship’s officers do deale a great deale to partially for to aske 
200£ allmost for a 150. If y" ladyship will reforme this second error as I have 
done the former wee shall have a present agreement or els I see nott any end. 
and to breake of from the bargain I have made for the sale of Tollsbury [in Co. 
Essex] were great trouble for me and as much losse. I referr all to y* laps best 
and kindest judgment: I pray y' ladyship let this berer know y* pleasure. And 
thatt w is done lett yt be done w® speede. And so I comende y* lap to gods 
best protection 

“ Grenwich this 20 of July. ; 

yt laps sonne that owes you 
all duty R. Essex” 
Seal: nine quarterings within garter. 
“To my honorable mother 
the Countesse of Leycester.” 
Docketted : “Julie 
my Lo. of Essex. 1590.” 


[Zo be Continued.) 


49 


On the Babits of Ants, 


By Str Jonn Luszock, Bart., F.R.S., M.P., D.C.L., 
Vice-Chancellor of the University of London. 


(Read before the Society at Warminster, 23rd. August, 1877.) 


220UR, excellent secretary, Mr. Smith, has asked me to read a 
y) ; y paper this evening on the habits of ants, and has further 
suggested that instead of occupying the time thus placed 
at my disposal wholly with the details of the observations which I 
have made since my last paper in the Linnean Journal, I should 
begin with some general remarks on the whole subject. 
' [have kept altogether nearly thirty species of ants in captivity ; 
and have found little difficulty in preserving them in good health. 
‘One of my present nests I have had since the year 1874, and it is 
‘still in perfect vigour. As regards the longevity of individual ants, 
this nest stil contains the same two queens as when I first took it." 
They must therefore be at least four years old. Some of the workers 
too have probably lived as long. I have also several workers which 
I have kept under observation since 1875. 
- From my own observations I have been able to confirm to a great 
‘extent the remarkable statements made by previous observers with 
reference to these interesting insects. Nothing which has been said 
‘with reference to their architectural skill, their industry, their atten- 
tion to their young, their remarkable organization, their possession 
of domestic animals, and even the institution of slavery, has been 
exaggerated. I have over and over again watched their behaviour 
to the aphides, which they keep as cows, and from which they derive 
no unimportant portion of their sustenance, visiting them amongst 
the herbage and following them even up to the summit of high trees ; 
‘in other cases keeping them in their nests, and selecting a collecting 
species which feed upon the roots of grasses ; nay, the ants keep these 
insects throughout the winter, in a torpid condition, though they 


3 1 This is still true, July, 1878. y 
VOL, XVIII.—NO, LI. E 


50 On the Habits of Ants. 


are, for the time, useless: tending them nevertheless with the 
utmost care, and the most assiduous service, with a view to the re- 
turn of spring when they will again become of use; thus affording 
an instance of prudence and forethought, unexampled I believe in 
the animal kingdom. 

I have also had the opportunity of watching in my nests several 
of the other insects, &c., which live in association with ants. M. 
André, who has specially studied this part of the question, records, 
from his own observations and those of others, no less than 588 
species which are thus found in association with ants, and the list 
will no doubt be very greatly increased. In some cases indeed the 
association is accidental, in others it arises from the fact that the 
ants’ nests form a convenient place of retreat. In some cases the 
ants are perhaps unable to relieve themselves from undesirable com- 
panionship ; but there still remain many in which these so-called 
* Myrmecophilous” (or “ant-loving”) species are kept as we keep 
cows, and as the ants themselves keep aphides. 

Nor are the relations of ants to one another less remarkable. The 
common horse ant (/. rufa) is said in some rare cases to live in 
association with other ants; generally with Ff. fusca. Such cases 
however are very exceptional; nor has any instance, so far as I 
know, yet been met with in this country. A nearly-allied species 
however, /’. sanguinea, which occurs in some of our southern counties, 
is frequently, though not always, found associated with the same 
F. fusca. In these cases the nests really belong to the /. sanguinea. 
The queen is of that species, the young are of that species. The 
F. fuscas, though not subject to any restraint and free to come or 
go as they like, are still captives, having been carried off from their 
nests, while still pupze, by the 7. sanguineas. They have therefore 
not inappropriately been called slaves, although, so far as we can 


judge, they are quite reconciled to their position. They assist the. 


F. sanguinea in all the household duties and in foraging for supplies 
of food. There is however another species (Polyergus rufescens) in 
which slavery is carried to a greater extreme. In this case the slave- 
making species takes no part whatever in the duties of the nest, in 
the care of the young or in the search for food; nay, as Huber first 


oo 


| 
o~ — = = 


By Sir John Lubbock, Bart. 51 


observed, they have even lost the instinct of feeding, and will starve 
in the midst of plenty, unless they have a slave to put food actually 
into their mouth. I have repeated and confirmed Huber’s remark- 
able experiments on this point, and have kept isolated specimens 
alive and in health for months, by allowing them a slave for an hour 
or two every day, or every other day, to feed and to clean them. 

I confess however that I have not found the ants so ready to assist 
one another in trouble as they have been described by previous 
observers. 

It has been said, for instance, that if ants are accidentally buried, 
their friends belonging to the same nest will come and dig them 
out. Ido not doubt that the facts occurred as stated ; but we must 
remember that ants have a habit of burrowing in loose fresh soil. 
I have therefore, with the view of testing the fact, repeatedly buried 
ants under about a quarter-of-an-inch of soil close to which I have 
placed honey, on which many of their friends have regaled them- 
selves—but, though I have-left them thus buried for hours together 
I have never seen their friends take any steps for their rescue. On 
the other hand I found that if I made ants intoxicated and placed 
them in the neighbourhood of the nest, their friends would carry 
them off home; while, on the contrary strangers similarly treated 
were not. taken into the nest; showing, I think, that they can not 
only recognise their friends, but do so when these friends are not in 
a condition to make any communication or to give any recognised 
signal. Nay, not only do ants know all the other ants in the same 
nest but they even recollect them after a considerable interval of 
separation. I divided one of my nests of ants into two halves, which 
were kept quite apart, and then from time to time put an ant from 
one of these nests into the other. Now if a stranger from another 
nest is thus introduced she is invariably attacked and driven out, or 
sometimes killed. The old friends on the contrary were not molested. 


“The difference of treatment was the more marked because the ants 


were marked with spots of paint, and the friends were soon cleaned 
by their old companions. I have given the commencement of this 
experiment in my Linnean Society’s paper, and will now record the 
conclusion, 

| E2 


52- On the Habits of Ants. 


The nest was divided on the 4th August, 1875. ; 

February 11th, 1877. . I put in two friends from the other division 
at 10. I looked at 10.15, 10.380,-11, 11.30, 12, 2, 4, and 
6, p.m. They were on every occasion quite at home among 
the others. 

February 12. Put in three friends at 12, They were also quite at 
home. I looked at them at 12.30, 1, 2, 4, and 6. Only for 
a minute or two at first one appeared to be threatened. 

February 18th. Ditto, ditto. The ant was put in at 9.15, a.m., 

, and visited at 9.30, 10, 11, 12, and 1. 

February 15th. Ditto, ditto. The ant was put in at 10.15, a.m., 
and visited at 10.30, 11, 12, 1, 2, 3, and 4. 

February 19th. Ditto, ditto. The ant was put in at 10, a.m., and. 
visited at 10.15, 10.30, 11, 12, 1, and 2. 

March 11th. Ditto, ditto, at 9.30, a.m., visited at 10.30, 12.30, 
2.30, and 5.30. 

March 12th. Ditto, ditto, at 10, a.m., visited at 12, 2, and 4. 

March 18th. Put in two friends at 1, p.m., visited at 2 and 4. 

April 21st. Put in one friend at 9.30. At 10 she was all right, 
also at 12 and 4. 

April 22. Put in two friends at 8.30. Visited them at 9, and 10, 
when they were almost cleaned. After that I could not find 
them, but I looked at 2, 4, and 6, and must have seen if they 
were being attacked. 

April 28rd. Put in two at 12.30. Visited them at 1, 2, 3, 4, and 
6. They were not attacked. 

May 13th. Put in two friends and a stranger at 7.45 and at 9 the 
two friends were with the rest. The stranger was in a corner 
by herself. 11, ditto, 12, ditto, 1, the friends all nght; 
the stranger was being attacked. 2, the friends all right; 
the stranger has been killed and dragged out of the nest, 
The next morning I looked again,the two friends were all right, 

May 14th. Putin the remaining three friends at 10. Visited them 
at 11, 12,1,2,4,and6. They were not attacked and seemed 
quite at home. 

This completed the experiment, eek had lasted from August 


By Sir John Lubbock, Bart. 53 


4th, 1875, till May 14th, 1877, when the last ones were restored to 

their friends. 

Though the above experiment seemed to me conclusive, I thought 
it would be well to repeat it with another nest. 

I therefore separated a nest of Formica fusca into two portions on 
the 20th October, 1876, and kept them entirely separate. 

On the 25th February, 1877, at 8, a.m., I put an ant from the 
smaller lot back among her old companions. At 8.30 she 
was quite comfortably established among them. At 9, ditto. 
At 12, ditto, and at 4, ditto. 

‘June 8th. I put two specimens from the smaller lot back, as before 
among their old friends. At 1, they were all right among 
the others. At 2, ditto. After this I could not distinguish 
them among the rest, but they were certainly not attacked. 

June 9th. Put in two more at the same hour. Up to 3 in the 
afternoon they were neither of them attacked. On the con- 
trary, two strangers from different nests, which I introduced 
at the same time, were both very soon attacked. 

July 14th. I put in two more of the friends at 10.15. Ina few 
minutes they joined the others and seemed quite at home. 

_At 11, they were among the others; at 12, ditto; and at 1, 
ditto. 

‘July 21st. At 10.15, I put in two more of the old friends. At 
10.30, neither were being attacked. At1l1,ditto. 12, ditto. 
2, ditto. 4, ditto. 6, ditto. 

October 7th. At 9.30, I put in two and watched them carefully till 
1. They joined the other ants, and were not attacked. I 
also put in a stranger from another nest. Her behaviour 
was quite different. She kept away from the rest, running 
off at once in evident fear, and kept wandering about, seeking 
to escape. At 10.30, she got out. I put her back, but she 
soon escaped again. I then put in another stranger. She 
was almost immediately attacked. In the meantime the 
old friends were gradually cleaned. At 1.30, they could 
scarcely be distinguished. They seemed quite at home, while 
the stranger was being dragged about. After 2, I could no 


BA On the Habits of Ants, 


longer distinguish the friends. They were however certainly 
not attacked. The stranger, on the contrary, was killed and 
brought out of the nest. 

This case, therefore, entirely confirmed the preceding ; while 
strangers were always attacked, friends were amicably received, even 
after a year of separation. 

Thus therefore, in these experiments, as in those previously re- 
corded, the old acquaintances were evidently recognised. This is 
clear, because they were never attacked, while any ant from a 
different nest, even of the same species, would be set on and killed, 
if she did not succeed in escaping from the nest. This recognition of 
old friends is the more remarkable, because, in one ease, the ants 
had not seen each other for more than a year. 

To test their intelligence I made the following experiment. I 
placed some honey suspended over the nest at a height of about 
half-an-inch, and accessible only by a paper bridge more than ten 
feet long. Under the glass I then placed a small heap of earth. 
The ants soon swarmed over the earth on to the glass and began 
feeding on the honey. I then removed a little of the earth, so that 
there was an interval of about one-third of an inch between the glass 
and the earth—but though the distance was so small they would 
not jump down, but preferred to go round by the long bridge. They 
tried in vain to stretch up from the earth to the glass, which how- 
ever was just out of their reach, though they could even touch it 
with their antennxy; but it did not occur to them to heap the earth 
up a little, though if they had moved only half-a-dozen particles of 
earth they would have secured for themselves direct access to the 
food. This however never suggested itself to them. At length they 
gave up all attempt to reach up to the glass and went round by the 
paper bridge. I left the arrangement for several weeks, but they 
continued to go round by the long paper bridge. 

It is remarkable that notwithstanding the labors of so many ex- 
cellent observers, and though ants’ nests swarm in every field and 
every wood, we do not yet know how their nests commence. 

Three principal modes have been suggested :—After the marriage 
flight the young queen may either 


By Sir John Lubbock, Bart. 55 


1. Join her own or some other old nest ; 
2. Associate herself with a certain number of workers and with 
their assistance commence a new nest; or 
3. Found a new nest by herself. 

The question can, of course, only be settled by observation, and 
the experiments made to determine it have hitherto been indecisive. 
Blanchard indeed, in his work on the Metamorphoses of Insects (I 
quote from Dr. Duncan’s translation p. 205) says, “‘ Huber observed 
a solitary female go down into a small underground hole, take off 
her own wings, and become, as it were, a worker; then she con- 
structed a small nest, laid a few eggs, and brought up the larve 
by acting as mother and nurse at the same time.” 

This however is not a correet version of what Huber says. His 
words are: “I enclosed several females in a nest full of light humid 
earth, with which they constructed lodges, where they resided ; some 
singly, others in common. They laid their eggs and took great 
care of them; and notwithstanding the inconvenience of not being 
able to vary the temperature of their habitation, they reared some, 
which became larvz of a tolerable size, but which soon perished from 
the effect of my own negligence.” 

It will be observed that it was the eggs—not the larve—which, 
according to Huber, these isolated females reared. It is true that 
he attributes the early and uniform death of the larve to his own 
negligence; but the fact remains that in none of his observations 
did an isolated female bring her offspring to maturity. Other en- 
tomologists, especially Forel and Ebrard, have repeated the same 
observations with similar results; and as yet in no single case has 
an isolated female been known to bring her young to maturity. 
Forel even thought himself justified in concluding from his ob- 
servations, and those of Ebrard, that such a fact could not occur. 

Lepeletier de St. Fargeau! was of opinon that ants’ nests 
originate in the second mode indicated above, and it is indeed far 
from improbable that this may occur. No clear case has, however, 
yet been observed, 


1 Hist. Nat. des Ins. Hyménopteres, vi., p. 143. 


56 On the Habits of Ants. 


Under these circumstances, I made various experiments in order 
if possible to solve the question. For instance, I took an old fertile 
queen from a nest of Lasivs flavus, and put her to another nest of 
the same species. The workers became very excited and killed her. 

I repeated the experiment, with the same result, more than once. 

I concluded then, that, at any rate in the case of Lasius flavus, 
the workers will not adopt an old queen from another nest. 

The following however shews that whether or not ants’ nests 
sometimes originate in the two former modes or not, at any rate in 
some cases, isolated queen ants are capable of giving origin to a new 
community. On the 14th August, 1876, I isolated two pairs of 
Myrmica ruginodis which I found flying in my garden. I placed 
them with damp earth, food, and water, and they continued perfectly 
healthy through the winter. In April, however, one of the 
males died, and the second in the middle of May. The first eggs 
were laid between: the 12th and 28rd April. They began to hatch 
the first week in June, and the first turned into a chrysalis on the 
27th; a second on the 30th; a third on the Ist of July, when there 
were also seven larve and two eggs. On the 8th there was another 
egg. On the 8th July a fourth larva had turned into a pupa. On 
the 11th July I found there were six eggs, and on the 14th, about ten. 
On the 15th one of the pup began to turn brown; and the eggs 
were about fifteen in number. On the 15th a second pupa began to 
turn brown. On the 21st a fifth larva had turned into a pupa, and 
there were about twenty eggs. On the 22nd July the first worker 
‘emerged, and a sixth larva had changed. On the 25th I observed 
the young worker carrying the larvee about when I looked into the 
nest. A second worker was coming out. On July 28th a third 
worker emerged,and a fourth on the 5th August. The eggs appeared 
less numerous, some having probably been devoured. 

This experiment shows that the queens of Myrmica ruginodis have 
the instinct of bringing up larve and the power of founding com- 
‘munities. 

The workers remained about six weeks in the egg, a month in 
-the state of larva, and 25—27 days as pupe. 

To determine if possible whether the ants have the power of 


By Sir John LInbbock, Bart. 57 


sending their friends to the honey, I have made a number of ex- 
periments, to one only of which I will now refer. I put an 
ant belonging to one of my nests to some food ; she partook of it 
and then returned to the nest, where no doubt she distributed it to 
her friends and to the larve. Having done so, she came out again 
as usual for more, accompanied by no less than ten friends. I did 
not however allow her to walk to the food, but took her up ona slip 
of paper and carried her to it. The friends wandered about a little, 
but by degrees returned to the nest, and not one of them found the 
food. This I repeated thirty-nine times with a similar result. The 
other experiments which I have made all point in the same direction, 
and I have not been able to satisfy myself that ants possess any 
power of description, or of sending their friends to a store they have 
discovered. I believe therefore that when large numbers of ants 
come to food, they follow one another, being also to a considerable 
extent guided by scent, 
Some species however act much more in association than others. 
Formica fusca, for instance much less than Lasius niger. 
To ascertain if possible whether ants have the power of summoning 
one another by sound, I tried the following experiments. I put out 
on the board where one of my nests of Lasius flavus was usually 
fed, six small pillars of wood about an inch-and-a-half high, and on 
one of them I put some honey. A number of ants were wandering 
about on the board itself in search of food, and the nest itself was 
immediately above and about 12 inches from the board. I then put 
three ants to the honey, and when each had sufficiently fed I im- 
prisoned her and put another; thus always keeping three ants at 
the honey, but not allowing them to go home. If then they could 
summon their friends by sound, there ought soon to be many ants 
cat the honey. The results were as follows: 
September 8th. Began at 11, am. Up to 3 o’clock only seven 
( ants found their way to the honey, while about as many ran 
up the other pillars. The arrival of these seven, therefore, 
was not more than would naturally result from the numbers 
running about close by. At 3 we allowed the ants then on 
the honey to return home. The result was that from 3.6, 


58 On the Habits of Ants. 


when the first went home, to 3.30, eleven came; from 8.30 
to 4, no less than forty-three. Thus in four hours only 
seven came, while it was obvious that many would have 
wished to come if they had known about the honey, because 
in the next three-quarters-of-an-hour, when they were in- 
formed of it, fifty-four came. 

On the 10th September we tried the same again, keeping as before 
three ants on the honey, but not allowing any to go home. 
From 12 to 5.30, only eight came. They were then allowed 
to take the news. From 5.30 to 6, four came; from 6 to 
6.30, four; from 6.30 to 7, eight; from 7.30 to 8, no less 
than fifty-one. 

On the 23rd September we did the same again, beginning at 11.15. 
Up to 3.45 nine came. They were then allowed to go home. 
From 4 to 4.30 nine came; from 4.30 to 5, fifteen; from 5 
to 5.30, nineteen; from 5.30 to 6, thirty-eight. Thus in 
three-and-a-half hours nine eame; in two, when the ants were 
permitted to return, eighty-one. 

Again, on September 30th I tried the same arrangement, again be- 
ginning at 11. Up to 3.30 seven ants came. We then let 
them go. From 3.30 to 4.30 twenty-eight came. From 
4.30 to 5, fifty-one came. Thus in four hours and a-half 
only seven came; while when they were allowed to return 
no less than seventy-nine came in an hour and a-half. It 
seems obvious therefore that in these cases no communication 
was transmitted by sound. 

To test the affections of ants, belonging to the same nest, for one 
another, I tried the following experiments. I took six ants from a 
nest of Formica fusca, imprisoned them in a small bottle, one end of 
which was left open, but covered by a layer of muslin. I then put 
the bottle close to the door of the nest. The muslin was of open 
texture, the meshes however sufficiently large to prevent the ants 
from escaping. They could not only see one another, but com- 
municate freely with their antenne. We now watched to see 
whether the prisoners would be tended or fed by their friends, but we 
could not see that the least notice was taken of them. The experiment 


By Sir John Lubbock, Bart. 59 


however was less conclusive than could be wished, because the 
prisoners might have been fed at night, or at a time when we were 
not looking. It struck me therefore that it would be interesting to 
treat some strangers also in the same manner. On September 2nd 
therefore I put two specimens of F. fusca into a bottle, the end of 
which was tied up with muslin as described, and laid it down close to 
the nest from which they had been taken. In a second bottle I put 
two ants from another nest of the same species. The ants which were at 
liberty took no notice of the bottle containing their imprisoned friends, 
The strangers in the bottle,on the contrary, excited them considerably. 
The whole day one, two,or more, stood sentry as it were, over the bottle, 
In the evening no less than twelve were collected round it—a larger 
number than usually came out at once. The whole of the next two 
days in the same way there were more or less ants round the bottle 
containing the strangers; while as far as we could see no notice 
whatever was taken of the friends. On the 9th, the ants had eaten 
through the muslin and effected an entrance. We did not chance 
to be on the spot at the moment, but as I found two ants lying 
dead, one in the bottle and one just outside, I think there can be no 
doubt that the strangers were attacked. The friends throughout 
were quite neglected. 

‘September 21st. I then ‘repeated ‘the experiment, : putting three 
ants from another nest in a bottle as before. The same scene 
was repeated. The friends were neglected. On the other 
hand some of the ants were alfvays watching over the bottle 
containing the strangers, and biting at the muslin which 

_ enclosed them. 

September 24th. I repeated the same experiment with the same 
nest. Again the ants came and sat over the bottle contain- 
ing the strangers, while no notice was taken of the friends, 
The next morning again, when I got up, I found five ants 
round the bottle containing the strangers, none near the 
friends. All day the ants clustered round the bottle and bit 
savagely, though not systematically, at the muslin. The 
same thing happened all the following day. 

These observations seemed to me sufficiently to test the behaviour 


60 - On the Habits of Ants. 


of the ants belonging to this nest, under these circumstances. It 
seemed desirable however to try also other communities. I selected 
therefore two other nests. One was a community of Polyergus 
rufescens, 11 Which the majority of the slaves were Formica fusca. 
Close to where the ants of this nest came to feed, I placed, as before, 
two small bottles, closed in the same way : one containing two slave 
ants from the nest; the other two strangers.. These ants however 
behaved quite unlike the preceding, for they took no notice of either 
bottle, and showed no sign either of affection or hatred. One is 
almost tempted to surmise that the warlike spirit of these ants was 
broken by slavery. 

The other nest which I tried—also a community of Formica fusca 
—behaved exactly like the first. They took no notice of the bottle 
containing the friends, but clustered round and endeavoured to force 
their way into that containing the strangers. 

It seems therefore that in these curious insects hatred is a stronger 
passion than affection. 

From the observations of Sprengel there could of course be little, 
if any, doubt that bees are capable of distinguishing colors ; but I 
have in my previous papers, read before the Linnean Society, re- 
corded some experiments which put the matter beyond a doubt. 
Under these circumstances, I have been naturally anxious to ascertain 
if possible whether the same is the case with ants. I have however 
experienced more difficulty in doing so, because ants find their food 
so much more by smell than by sight. 

I tried, for instance, placing some food at the bottom of a pillar 
of colored paper, and then moving both the pillar and the food. 
The pillar however did not seem to help the ant at all to find her 
way to the food. I then placed the food on the top of a rod of wood 
8 inches high, and when the ant knew her way perfectly well to the 
food, so that she went quite straight backwards and forwards to the 
nest, I found that if I moved the pillar of wood only 6 inches, the 
ant was quite bewildered, and wandered about, backwards and for- 
wards, round and round, and at last only found the pillar as it were 
accidentally, though the board on which the pillar was placed was 
only 18 inches by 12, and the pillar was 8 inches high. Comparing 


a a 


By Sir John Lubbock, Bart. 61 


this with the human standard, it is as if a man had a difficulty in 
finding a pillar 250 feet high—higher, that is to say, than the Duke 
of York’s column—in a space of less than an acre. 

_ Under these circumstances, I could not apply to ants those tests 
which had been used in the case of bees. At length however, it 
occurred to me that I might utilise the dislike which ants, when in 
their nests, have to light. Of course they have no such feeling 
when they are out in search of food, but if light is let in upon their 
nests, they at once hurry about in search of the darkest corners, and 
there they all congregate. If, for instance, I uncovered one of my 
nests, and then placed an opaque substance over one portion, the 
ants invariably collected in the shaded part. 

I procured therefore four similar strips of glass, coloured respectively 
green, yellow, red, and blue—or, rather, violet. The yellow was 
rather paler in shade, and that glass consequently rather more 
transparent than the green, which again was rather more transparent 
than the red or blue. I then laid the slips of glass on one of my 
nests of Formica fusca, containing about one hundred and seventy 
ants. These ants, so 1 knew by previous observations, seek darkness, 
and would certainly collect under any opaque substance. I then, 
after counting the ants under each slip, transposed the colors at 
intervals of about half-an hour, so that each should by turns cover 
the same portion of the nest. 

The results were as follows, the numbers indicating the approxi- 
mate numbers of ants under each glass, as there were sometimes a 
few not under any of the strips of glass. 

Altogether there were, in twelve observations, under the red, 
eight hundred and ninety ants; under the green, five hundred and 
forty-four; under the yellow, four hundred and ninety-five; and 
under the violet only five. The difference between the red and the 
green is very striking: and would doubtless have been more so, but 
for the fact that when the colors were transposed, some of the ants 
which had collected under the red, sometimes remained where they 
were. Again, the difference between the green and yellow would 
have been still more marked, but for the fact that the yellow always 
occupied the position last held by the red, while on the other hand 


62 An Early Vernacular Service. 


the green had an advantage, in coming next the violet. In consider- 
ing the difference between the yellow and green, we must remember 
also that the green was decidedly more opaque than the yellow. 

The case of the violet glass is more marked and more interesting. 
To our eyes the violet was as opaque as the red, more so than the 
green, and much more so than the yellow. Yet, as the numbers 
show, the ants had no tendency whatever to congregate under it. 
There were in fact quite as many under the same area of the uncovered 
portion of the nest as under that shaded by the violet glass. 

It is obvious that these facts suggest a number of interesting in- 
ferences. I must however repeat the observations and make others, 
but we may at least I think conclude from the preceeding that ants 
have the power of distinguishing colors, and that they are very sensi- 
tive to violet, It would also seem that their sensations of color must 
be very different from those produced upon us. 


An Garly Gernacular Serbice. 


By the Rev. H. T. Kinepon. 


(Read before the Society at Warminster, 22nd August, 1877.) 


AICNYTHING which helps to throw light upon the great 
2 A\S§ movement which resulted in the Reformation of the Church 


of England cannot fail to be of interest. It is only in consequence 
of this persuasion that I venture to offer a few remarks upon a short 
service which I found some years ago in a fine manuscript portfory, 
or breviary of Sarum use, in the custody of the Dean and Chapter 
of this diocese. Much is now known about the stirrings of heart 
which led to the Reformation, but there is, without doubt, much 


By the Bev. H. T. Kingdon. 63 


more to be discovered, and each man should place on record the 
little he can discover in his own neighbourhood, leaving it for the 
historian to work up the material into his more comprehensive 
scheme. Warminster lies between the present resting-place of the 
manuscript of which I am about to speak and its former abode ; 
between the Church where it is at present in honourable retirement 
and the Church where it was in daily use some four hundred years 
ago, so that it may not be considered out of place to speak of the 
service at this meeting of the Society. 

It is perfectly well-known that the amendment of the English 
services was in progress at the commencement of the sixteenth 
century,! before that time we know but little on the subject ; but 
it is worthy of note that a majority of the manuscript office books 
of the English Church which have been preserved to our times date 
from the middle of the first half of the fifteenth century, as if even 
then there were a move in the direction of some alteration. 

The demand for a service in the vernacular was becoming more 
and more heard: and this took its rise from those services said in 
the nave amongst the people. It would be interesting to inquire 
how far this arose from the people themselves, and how far from the 
clergy desiring to promote the worship of the people in spirit and 
in truth. But it would almost seem as if the cry came from the 
people themselves. ‘Why do we have services among us in a 
tongue we do not understand? Whatever language you feel called 
on to use in the chancel, let us at least have in the vulgar tongue 
what you say in our very midst.” Some things there had been 
periodically recited in the nave in the vulgar tongue. The creed, 
the Lord’s prayer, and the ten commandments were from time to 
time read out from the pulpit. Then again there was the greater 
‘excommunication read out four times a year, there was the bidding 
the bedes, and so on; besides an occasional sermon. These are all 
represented in the Book of Common Prayer: but there was a tendency 


1 As early as the year 1516 we discern the first indication of a steady design 
and endeavour, never afterwards abandoned, of amending the existing condition of 
the ancient English service books.” Freeman, Principles of Divine Service, 
Introduction to part ii., section x., p. 102. 


64 An Early Vernacular Service. 


to increase not only the number of the services but their length. 
The “greater excommunication ” has been expanded into the com- 
mination service, which, like its predecessor, was to be read in publie 
at least four times a year.! Since all the services have been tran- 
slated the bidding the bedes is naturally shortened into the bidding 
prayer inthe canon. But there was such a tendency to prolong the 
sermon beyond the orthodox hour that even the Dean and Chapter 
of the King’s Church of Our Lady of Sarum painted up a good- 
humoured protest on the pillar over the pulpit as a reminder to the 
preacher before he commenced: ww NOT ON HOVR. 

As the demand for vernacular services became more and more felt, 
a commencement was made from this point of departure, viz.: the 
service in the nave. What was specially for, and amongst, the 
people, was to be in the people’s tongue. Hence no doubt it was 
that the first book of services and which we know to have been 
translated into English was the Processionale,? a book of litanies 
and other devotions to be sung in procession. “ It is thought con- 
venient in this common prayer of procession to have it set forth and 
used in the vulgar tongue for the stirring the people to more 
devotion :” so ran the introduction to the prayer of the litany and 
suffrages put forth in 1544, when the land was at war with Scotland 
and France. 

But a little less than a hundred years before this, there was 
written on a spare leaf of a Sarum breviary a short service in the 
vernacular, set to musical notation, and therefore manifestly intended 
for public use. It is an Aspersio, or sprinkling of holy Water, a 
service said in procession in the nave.* It is no vulgar or rapid 


1See Cranmer Letters, Parker Society, p. 281, and note. Lyndewode, Lib. 
v., Tit. 17, p. 355, Oxford, 1679. Also Ritual Commissioners’ Report, vol. ii,, 
p. 407, 418, &e. 

? See Cranmer Letters, Parker Society, letter cclxxvi., p. 412. 

3 See appendix to “ Private Prayers of Queen Elizabeth,” Parker Society. 

4 There were two forms of Aspersio in use in England, as in some parts abroad. 
The common form was the antiphon, “Thou shalt purge me with hyssop and I 
shall be clean, Thou shalt wash me and I shall be whiter than snow,” with the 
‘first verse of the miserere (the 51st) psalm. During Eastertide this was varied : 


By the Rev. H. T. Kingdon. 65 


scribble, but a beautiful piece of manuscript, carefully and elaborately 
written by an accomplished scribe. It is no hasty jotting down of 
a transitory ejaculation, such as we often find, but the deliberate 
penning of a beautifully-weighed phrasing. This Aspersio—like 
others—has an antiphon and the first verse of the Wiserere psalm, 
with the Gloria. But there is this notable difference, that whereas 
the Antiphon otherwise was a text of Scripture with reference to the 
sprinkling, in the present instance it is in the form of an address to 
the worshippers, drawing their attention to the meaning and teaching 
of the service. Before the commencement of the most solemn 
service of the Church, when the congregation was assembled, the 
priest went round to remind the people of their entrance into the 
Church by baptism, and of their consequent obligation to live a 
godly life according to their promise ; otherwise they had no right 
to be there. I must not allow myself to be drawn into a disquisition 
upon the interesting and edifying ceremonies connected with holy 
water, which were at an early period adopted into the Church. I 
will confine myself to the service in question. 
The service is as follows: first the antiphon runs thus :— 


“Remember your promys made yn baptym. 
And chrystys mercyfull bloudshedyng. 
By the wyche most holy sprynklyng. 

Of all youre syns youe have fre perdun.” 


There is a great amount of teaching in this antiphon which can- 
not, and I hope need not, be here spoken of. Observe the use of 
capital letters to mark the various linesofrhythm. It will be within 
‘the recollection of most of those present that in the prayers which 
are to be repeated by the congregation after the minister, the pauses 
for repetition are marked off by capital letters. Then there follows 
the verse of Wiserere psalm :— 


‘the antiphon then became “I saw water issuing from the Temple on the right 
side. Hallelujah. And all to whom that water came were made whole. Halle- 

‘Tujah. Hallelujah. Hallelujah;” with the first verse of the 106th psalm, 
“O give thanks unto the Lord, for He is gracious, for His mercy endureth for 
ever.” 


VOL. XVIII.—NO. LII, F 


66 An Early Ve ernacular Service. 


“Have mercy uppon me oo god. 
After thy. grat mercy. 
Remember, etc. [%.e., antiphon repeated. ] 
And acordyng to the multitude of the mercys. 
Do awey my wyckydnes. 
Remember, etcet. 
Glory be to the father and to the sun. and to the holy goost. 
As hyt was yn the begynning so now and ever and yn the 
world off worlds so be hytt. 
By the wyche. [i.e., last half of antiphon.]” 


Here it is natural to ask what grounds there are for giving so 
early a date to the manuscript in question, especially as on the 
authority of Foxe, Bishop Latimer is said to have given an antiphon 
almost precisely similar to be used in his diocese at the sprinkling 
of holy water. The words as given by Foxe are as follows :— 


“Remember your promise in Baptism, 
Christ, his mercy and bloodshedding 
By whose most holy sprinkling 

of all your sins you have free pardoning.” 


There is less rhythm about these words than in the MS. before 
you; and there is an attempt to make the second and fourth lines 
rhyme. This perhaps would show that the rhyming version is the 
later ; and there is very strong evidence in the testimony of experts, 
which is that the manuscript at latest must date about the time 
that Bishop Latimer was born. It cannot be much later than 1470. 
First then I would say a few words on the date, and then try to 
account for the words having become known to Latimer. 

The breviary, on a spare page of which it is written, is a magni- 
ficent volume. I was allowed, some ten or twelve years ago, to take 
the volume to the British Museum, in order to obtain the opinion 
of the authorities there on the date of the aspersio of which I am 
speaking. The learned were kind enough to produce all the MS. 
service books at the Museum of the same date, but none could 
compare with the Salisbury book. The pages are nearly 20 inches 
long by 143 wide. There are two columns on each page (the 
print is about half the size of the original). The book is 53 inches 
thick. The illuminated capitals are magnificent; but strangely 


# FX, ome! 2 de ps4 y rapes Nad 


~ afit haat Ss (Pat he f D-fhe af he. 


es ———_——___ were ae 
i sarin Cake > a AER a 
Se 


beh fe 3) the Tam fel 


‘By the Rev. H.-P. Kingion. 67 


enough, that which we should expect to be the finest—the Easter 
illumination—is cut out of an‘older MS. and pasted in. The date 
of the book is easily fixed at the earlier part of the fifteenth century, 
not only by the dictum of experts, but by internal evidence. For 
first of all, in the kalendar the entry at December 4th is certainly 
later than the rest: which is learned from the following consider- 
ations. The red paint used is different from most of the red paint in 
the kalendar, as it has a gloss upon it.; again new lines have been 
here ruled to guide the writing ; thirdly, the new lines are narrower 
than the old lines. But the entry is uot much later, from the 
similarity of the writing: it was probably the same hand that wrote 
it. The entry in question is “ Depositio Sti. Osmundi Epi. et 
Confessoris. ix lectionum.” Now S. Osmund, to the great satis- 
faction of the diocese of Sarum, was canonized in 1456. The book 
therefore dates before that year. This is also seen in the Sanctorale, 
where the service for S. Osmund’s Day is at the end out of its 
proper order, and is succeeded by the service for the Transfigura- - 
tion, which was ordained to be commemorated in 1457. The date 
of the book itself is about 1440. In the middle, dividing as usual 
the Temporale from the Sanctorale, comes the kalendar. This 
naturally begins on the right-hand page, and the preceding left- 
hand page is blank, as it was to spare. In the first column of this 
page the aspersio has been written. The MS. has been shown to 
many authorities, including the most renowned at London, Oxford, 
Cambridge, and Durham: and they are pretty well agreed that the 
date is about 1470!; it cannot be later than 1490, nor earlier 
than 1450. If this be right, it was written about the year in 
which Bishop Latimer was born: he therefore could not be the 
author. I may mention that when I was in the British Museum 
with the MS,, a Roman Catholic priest was present, who was very 


1 Mr. Maskell (Monwmenta Ritualia, vol. i., p. cciii.) has printed the aspersio 
with the following remark: “On a blank leaf of a most magnificent MS. breviary 
ad usum Sarum upon vellum in the library of the Lord Bishop of Salisbury is 
the following. It is noted; and the doxology is the earliest I remember to have 
-seen in English with the notation. The writing is later than the rest of the 
volume, being about 1470.” 


F 2 


68 An Karly Vernacular Service. 


angry indeed at the suggestion of so early a date. He said it was 
impossible. I mentioned this afterwards to a Jesuit priest, who 
naively remarked, “It is not wise to be positive, as you may be 
proved to be wrong.” 

I claim then for this service that it is earlier than the time of 
Bishop Latimer. How then was it brought to his knowledge? 

From the book itself we can tell to what Church it belonged. In 
the kalendar there is a contemporaneous note written cursively in 
the margin opposite August 2nd: “ Obitus Dni Walteri Longney 
olim Vicarii de Erlingham, qui mortem passus est anno do. mcccccij°. 
quarto nonas Augusti. Is me (librum) cum gradali Ecclesie dedit 
ut annuatim celebretur suum anniversarium perpetuo.” Again in 
the illuminated border at the commencement of vespers a bird is 
drawn holding a label in its beak with “Sir Walter Longney ” 
written on it. I need not mention that Sir was formerly, as we 
find in Shakspeare,' the title of a priest. There would have been 
some authority for such of my brethren who lately indignantly de- 
clined to be called Reverend, to have adopted the ancient title Sir, 
instead of some less wise suggestions. Again, in the fine border at 
the beginning of the sanctorale, on a label at the bottom of the 


page, there is written “ Orate pro animabus Walteri Retteforte et - 


Johanne uxoris ejus. 

From these data I would suggest that Walter Retteforte paid for 
the execution of the book, and presented it to his godson, Sir Walter 
Longney, Vicar of Arlingham, in Gloucestershire, who gave it to 
his Church of Arlingham. 

I maintain that Latimer saw the MS. at Arlingham, and it 
might have been presented to his notice in two ways (i) before he 
was bishop, and (ii) after his consecration. 

(i) If a straight line be drawn from Warminster to Arlingham, 
and it be bisected, the point of bisection falls, if my map be right, in 
the parish of West Kington. In A.D. 1529 (twenty-seven years 


Thus Viola, in Twelfth Night, act iii., sc. 4, says, “TI am one that would 
rather go with Sir Priest, than Sir Knight.” In the same play we have Sir 
Topaz; in Merry Wives of Windsor, Sir Hugh; in As You Like It, Sir 
Oliver; in Love’s Labour Lost, Sir Nathanael. 


_ 


By the Rev. H. T. Kingdon. 69 


after the death of Sir Walter Longney) Hugh Latimer, well-known 
as an advocate of the new learning, was appointed by the king to 
the living of West Kington, and, contrary to the custom of the 
time and the wishes of the court, went himself to reside on his 
benefice. While he was here we are specially told by Foxe that “ his 
diligence extended to all the country about.” It may well have 
been that during this time he became acquainted with this interesting 
specimen of a vernacular service. But again after he was bishop it 
might have been brought to his notice. 

(ii) Mr. Maskell, to whom the volume was lent by Bishop Denison, 
its former possessor, was inclined to think that the book had be- 
longed to some large Church in the diocese of Worcester. He was 
led to this conclusion from the insertion of the local feast of S. 
Wulstan upon June 7th. Had he observed the note of the obit of 
Sir Walter Longney he would have found his conjecture confirmed, 
for at that time Arlingham was in the diocese of Worcester. Now 
Hugh Latimer was made Bishop of Worcester in 1435, so that 
again he was brought into some near connection with our vernacular 
service. What more natural that now being in a position of au- 
thority he should give his sanction to the service, and at the same 
time add a jingle to be used at the giving of the antidoron, or 
blessed bread? For as there was holy water to remind Christians 
of their baptism, so was there holy bread handed round during or 
after service as a reminder to the non-communicant of the blessed 


“sacrament of the Eucharist. 


Some years ago, when I first recognized the value and interest of 
this service, I communicated with some courteous correspondents 
connected with Arlingham. Only two points of interest bearing 
upon the subject of this paper could be elicited. The one may be 
thought to have some hidden reference to a lingering attachment 
to holy water, the other has no doubt some connection with the 
former owner of the manuscript. 

First, there was prevalent in Arlingham a few years ago a per- 
suasion that the consecrated water in the font in which a child had 
been baptized was an infallible cure for the toothache. Next, the 
Vicar of Arlingham informed me that there were children of a 


70 An Karly Vernacular Service. 


Walter Longney baptized in Arlingham Church about the year 1550. 
(the registers commence in 1539). This seems to show that the 
former owner of the book, who gave it to the Church which he 
served, was so far in favour of the Reformation as to be a married 
man and to have a son, or at least a grandson, of his own name, 
settled in the parish where he was Vicar. ; 

It would be interesting to know how this splendid book was pre- 
served to our own times when so much has been destroyed. But 
all that I can learn about it is that it was presented to Bishop 
Denison, who bequeathed it—a most precious legacy—to the Dean 
and Chapter, who no doubt value it as it deserves. There has been 
an attempt to evangelize the book after a fashion by a poor endeavour 
to change the hymn Salve Regina into a psalm of praise of our 
Blessed Lord, but this would not be enough to save it from des- 
truction. 

So early as 1409 the Bishop of Salisbury presented a memorial 
to the Council of Pisa, complaining that many of the clergy of 
England were thrust upon a people whose tongue they did not 
understand. The Italian court regarded England as a sponge that 
would bear squeezing. At the time of the appointment of Bishop 
Jewel the Dean of Sarum was an Italian, living at Rome. The 
Dean and dignitaries of the Cathedral had been in the habit of living 
abroad, and spending the money of the Cathedral abroad, so that 
the wail of neglected work, and of the campanale falling in ruin, 
followed them. Such cases as these hastened on the desire for re- 
formation: and the people of England determined to have a clergy 
of their own people, living among them, speaking their own language. 
They therefore cut off all non-residents and foreigners. They also 
determined to have, if possible, the services in a language they could 
understand, and I venture to submit that the manuscript which I 
have brought to your notice is the earliest known evidence of this 
determination being carried out into practice. 


71 


A Biographical Aotice of Samuel Pretwer, 
the Potanist. 
A.D. 1670. 


By Tomas Bruces Frower, F.R.C.S., F.LS., &e. 


MONG the names of the earlier botanists of Wiltshire that 

of Samuel Brewer might justly call for respectful notice in 

the pages of the Society’s Magazine, more especially, as it affords an 

instance of that inconquerable attachment to a favorite branch of 

knowledge which sometimes engrosses the minds of those who by 

their lot have not been exempted from labouring in the lower and 
mechanical offices of life. 

From information which I have been able to collect I am in- 
formed he was a native of Trowbridge, being born in the year 1670." 
and had a small estate in the county. After an ordinary school 
education became engaged in the woollen manufactory of that 
town, where he proved very prosperous in business. Aubrey states* 
(temp. Jacobi II.), “ Mr. Brewer of Trowbridge driveth the greatest 
trade for Medleys of any clothier in England.” After continuing 
for some years in his trade he became unsuccessful, and devoted the 
remainder of his life to the study of natural history—more especially 
botany—to which he was ardently attached, and although confined 
to business during more than twelve hours of the day, yet contrived, 
by early rising, to cultivate a taste for his favorite pursuit. The 
town in which he lived furnished no persons of congeniai pursuits, 
with whom he could associate, but this circumstance, though it 
limited his progress, did not damp his ardour, and consequently led 


1 The following entry occurs in the baptism registers, in the parish Church of 
Trowbridge : “Samuel, son of William and Abigail Brewer. Baptized March 
8th, 1670.”— TBF. 


2 Aubrey, Nat. Hist Wilts, p. 113 —7.BL. 


72 A Biographical Notice of Samuel Brewer, the Botanist. 


him to make frequent excursions in a morning, several miles from 
home; so he became well acquainted with the localites of the indi- 
genous plants of the neighbourhood. His passion for English 
botany, his skill and assiduity in collecting, soon brought him 
into notice, and shortly afterwards Mr. Brewer made the acquaintance 
of the celebrated Dillenius, to whom he afforded great assistance, 
particularly in the subjects for his ‘‘ History of Mosses,”’ as in some 
instances he had done in the synopsis of the plants for Mendip and 
Cheddar. In the summer of 1726 he accompanied the Professor 
into Wales, Anglesea, and the Isle of Man. These excursions 
proved highly interesting, and being alluded to in the correspon- 
dence of Dillenius with Dr. Richardson, of Yorkshire, they may not, 
I think, prove unacceptable to our Wiltshire botanists by my quoting 
them fully in this paper :— 

“Mr. Brewer and myself left Trowbridge the early part of July, 
and went to the Mendip Hills, where we could not find the Wuseus 
denticulatus of Clausius,! mentioned by Lobel as growing there ; 
but instead of it we saw the Muscus lanuginosus alpinus,? and a new 
mushroom, of the Hungoides kind, very tender, ‘of a straw colour, 
and ending in sharp points, not branched.’ These hills are of great 
extent, and at one end of them, near Cheddar, is a remarkable place, 
as well for its singularity as for the plants there growing. We 
saw. there several Welsh plants, not known to grow in England, as 
Papaver luteum perenne ;* Sedum alpinum trifido folio ;* and several 
Welsh ferns; also a new Lichen,’ with very delicate bright green 
leaves. 

‘“‘ From hence we walked to Brent Down, a peninsula not noticed 
by geographers, though as remarkable as any of the Holm’s islands, 
over against which it lies. Here we found in plenty, on the top, 


1 Or, rather, of Gerarde, Lycopodium denticulatum. Linn, Sp. Pl. 1569. 
2 Trichostomum lanuginosum. F). Brit., 1240. See Dill. Muse., 372. 
3 Apparently Clavaria fastigiata.. Linn. Sp. Pl. 1652. Figured by Dill. 
in Rati Syn. t. 24, f. 5. 
4 P. cambricum. 
® Saxifraga hypnoides. 
6 This should be some Marchantia, Jungermannia or Riccia. 


By Thomas Bruges Flower, F.R.C.S., F..8., §c. 73 


and about the middle of the hill, Chameacistus montanus polii folio of 
Plukenet,! and an unknown grass, Spica Sparti, foliis reflexis angustis 
glaucis striatis radice crassd et fungosd. A little lower, Lychnis 
maritima, Behen dicta, flore et folio majore,’ first observed, after the 
Synopsis was printed, by Mr. Brewer, and sent to Mr. Sherard’s 
garden, where I believe you have seen it. The place mentioned for 
the Polygonum maritimum longius radicatum, &e., of Dr. Plukenet, 
is but two or three miles from hence, and we could not miss it, being 
of no great extent; but we searched in vain. Over against Brent 
Down, on a rocky hill, where Uphill Church stands, I gathered seeds 
of Peucedanum minus,’ and sent a few by post to Mr. Sherard, who 
raised them all, and you may have plants or seeds from him next 
year; which I mention, having lost the rest that I gathered. I 
have seeds of the Cistus for you, and a few others, which I will send 
the first opportunity. 

“ From these parts we set out for Bristol, and from thence travel- 
led through Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, and Shropshire, to meet 
Mr. Brown at Bishop’s Castle; he being desirous of going with us 
to Snowdon, but he went only as far as Cader Idris. We observed 
little remarkable by the way. Alcea tenuifolia crispa,* of John 
Bauhin, is pretty common that way, and no other. Ina hilly wood 
near Worcester, we observed a species of Campanula, with scattered 
flowers, on long slender spreading stalks, a square upright hairy 
stem, upper leaves very narrow, lower, broader, almost of the shape 
of Veronica officinalis, slightly hairy, minutely and elegantly crenate; 
the root short, annual, with few fibres.> I take it to be new. In 
boggy meadows here, as well as in other counties, I have observed 
this year and the last, a Gramen junceum with jointed leaves, and 
black shining heads, a root more fibrous and creeping than the 
common kind, the whole plant of more humble stature, and earlier.® 


1 Cistus polifolius. 
2 Silene maritima, With., 414. Fl. Brit., 468. 
3 Pimpinella dioica, Linn, Syst. Veg., and Fl. Brit., 332. 
4 Malva Moschata. 
> Campanula patula. See Hort. Elth., 68, t. 58. 
® Juncus lampocarpus, Davies, Tr. of L. Soc., v. 10, 13. 


74 A Biographical Notice of Samuel Brewer, the Botanist. 


This is as common, if not more so than the other. It is one of 
Micheli’s, in the Hortus Pisanus. 

“ Along the Severn, to a great extent, grows wild the Brassica 
sylvestris, rapum radice oblongi, and Sinapi siligud latiusculd glabra, 
&e.,20f J. Bauhin. We saw here and there, in Shropshire, Sphon- 
dylium foliis angustioribus,? which I believe to be a different species. 

“Near Norbury, four or five miles before we came to Bishop’s 
Castle, grows Pimpinella tenuifolia, of Rivinus,4 Pentap. Irr. t. 83. 
Travelling from Bishop’s Castle into Wales, in boggy ground upon 
the downs of Montgomeryshire, we observed Gramen miliaceum 
exiguum palustre, paniculd e locustis globularibus minimis constructa, 
new as I think. Towards Llanydlos, in the hedges, Oryacantha 
folio et fructu minore, noticed, if I mistake not, by Pontedera, 
Betwixt Llanydlos and Dolgelle, and between the latter and Car- 
narvon, we observed several new mosses of the Pulmonaria kind ; 
viz., Pulmonaria arborea minor, Micheli Nov. Gen. t. 45.5 Liche- 
noides arboreum foliis leté virentibus latis, scutellis fuscis, nondescript.® 
Lichenoides arboreum foliosum, ex cinereo glaucum inferné scabrum.” 

“The best country for Mosses that I ever was in is between 
Dolgelle and Carnarvon. We might have found a good many new 
ones there had not the violence of the rain and wind prevented us. 

“We had only one fair day at Dolgelly, on which we ascended 
the hill of Cader Idris, and found there many of the Welsh plants; 
but Snowdon has still the preference above this or any other moun- 
tain I have visited. Campanula alpina, foliis imis rotundioribus® 
grows there, as well as on Snowdon; but I think it only a variety 
of the common one. About the cascades, in ascending the highest 


1 Brassica Rapa, B. Fl. Brit., 720. 
2 Sinapis nigra. 
3 Heracleum Sphondylium, 8. Fl. Brit., 307. 
4 P. Saxifraga, 8. Fl. Brit., 331. 
5 A narrow variety of Lichen pulmonarius, Linn. 
6 Lichenoides, n. 98. Dill. Musc., 195, t. 25. Lichen latevirens. Light- 
Soot Scot., 852. 
7 Perhaps Lichen caperatus, Linn. 
8 C. rotundifolia, B. 


By Thomas Bruges Flower, F.R.C.S., F.L.S., §. 75 


part of the hill, I found a Lichenastrum, with round silvery, densely 
fibrous shoots, not described,! which I saw afterwards upon the 
Glyder; and a very elegant Muscus coralloides, facie coraline 
marine, growing out of the slate rocks. This I did not observe 
on Snowdon. Between Carnarvon and Dolgelle, amongst ferns in 
heathy ground, I found a very elegant upright Vetch, with pointed 
glaucous leaves, pods like those of the Lentil, growing many to- 
gether on a long stalk, no tendrils. I had no time, nor would the 
rain permit me, to look after the root, whether it were that of an 
Orobus, but the leaves do not agree with the O. sylvaticus nostras.§ 

“ Here, as well as in other parts of Wales, along the banks of 
rivers, grow two Salices, one with a sage-like rugged leaf,* the other 
with an obtuse, somewhat glaucous, leaf, neque compacto, neque 
laxiore, sed medio,® which I take to be different from all the rest of 
the English Willows. The weather being so bad, we resolved to go 
to Carnarvon, and to spend some time there and in the island of 
Anglesea, till it should settle fair, before we visited Snowdon, In 
the Carnarvon river which runs down from Llanberis, I met with 
the seeds of Subularia repens, folio minus rigido.® It has a naked 
seed, contained in a calyx cut into four segments. There is never 
more than one seed upon each little stalk or pedicle. Along the 
leaves come out, here and there, small horns beset with four or five 
marginal teeth, which may probably contain a dust, like the apices 
(or anthers) of perfect flowers. I was too late to ascertain this with 
certainty. The Subularia rigide’ ave of a quite different character, 


1 Jungermannia julacea. 
2 Lichen fragilis, Linn., Sp. Pl. 1621. 
3 This could scarcely be anything else than O. sylvaticus. 
4 Perhaps Salix cinerea. 
5 Possibly S. Lambertiana, Fl. Brit., 1041. 

6 Dill., in Raii Syn., 306. Nothing is more certain than that this plant is 
Littorella lacustris, mentioned as a Plantago in the same work, 316, n. 11. 
Whether insects caused the appearances described by Dillenius, and exhibited in 
in his Hist. Muse., ¢. 81, we can but conjecture. They seem to have been found 
only once. 

7 These are the Isoetes. 


76 A Biographical Notice of Samuel Brewer, the Botanist. 


for they bear at the bottom of their leaves, within, numerous seeds, 
like those of a Poppy in shape and size, which you may find, I 
believe, in your dried specimens, if you cut them in a sloping 
direction, just above the tuberous root. Some leaves contain 
nothing but dust, like what is in the head of a Moss. I know 
not whether this be unripe seeds, or a fecundating powder. It 
appears at the same time with the seeds formed. Anglesea is in 
its soil very like England, and except some marine plants, has no 
great variety or diversity. Lchiwm marinum* does not grow near 
Trefarthen ; but we found it afterwards plentifully by Llyffny river, 
where we went in search of it three or four miles before we got to 
the place mentioned (Clynog). Pnewmonanthe of Cordus’ grows 
plentifully on some boggy commons in Anglesea. In a wood I 
found Fungi digitelli of Parkinson, never seen by me before ; and a 
new Agaricus globosus anthracinus, destitute of either pores or gills.® 
Two new Sea mosses over against Prestholm island, where we found 
also in plenty, Chamefilix marina anglica.4 In a small river that 
runs out of a pond near Squire Bayly’s I observed a Spongia 
fluviatilis, a soft unbranched, very elegant species of a bright green; 
and a Potamogeton with oblong flat leaves, the lower ones alternate, 
the upper opposite; Plantago marina, the same with that found in 
Durdham, having thinner and more carinated leaves,’ a variety of 
the maritime one, grows all over the inland part of the island [of 
Anglesea.) Odontites,° with a white flower, in some pastures. At 
Llandwyn, near Newborough, besides other marine plants, grows 
the Chamefilix marina (above-mentioned) ; Thalictrum minus ; 
Ononis maritima procumbens,’ &c., of Plukenet; Vulneraria flore 


1 Pulmonaria maritima. 
2 Gentiana Pneumonanthe. 
3 Spheria maxima. 
4 Asplenium marinum. 
5 P. maritima, B. Fl. Brit., 184. 
6 Bartsia Odontites. 
7 Ononis arvensis, Y Fl. Brit., 758. 


By Thomas Bruges Flower, F.R.CS., F.LS., §e. 17 


coceinco'; Mr. Stonestreet’s Tithymalus,? but rarely on a small neck 
of land running into the sea; Viola alpina lutea cum flore 
minore,? a variety of the larger Welsh; at Abermeny ferry Cahile 
marina,* which I believe has been mistaken for Leucojwm marinum,> 
and Eruca monensis,’ a plant different from Boccone’s, but the same 
with Plukenets, though very ill figured by him. The flower is 
pretty large, like Rapistrum.’ I could find but very few specimens, 
and no seeds; but brought some young plants with me, which grow 
well at Mr. Sherard’s. 

“ After a week’s stay in this island we got a fair call for Snowdon, 
for the wind turning north-east cleared all the Welsh hills so that 
we left Holyhead, and the northern part of Anglesea, unsearched. 
We had pretty fair weather most of the time we were at Llanberis. 
There grows here and there, in wet places amongst the rocks, a 
Bryum or Hypnum, of a deep shining purple colour ;® and a green 
one, pointed and pungent at the extremities ;9 which I remember 
in the Consul’s collection, probably sent by you, but not taken 


notice of in the Synopsis. I could not find any heads on either of 


them. We found most of the Welsh plants then in season ; but 
missed some upon Clogwyn-y-Garnedh, viz.; Filia pedicularis rubre@ 
foliis” ; Salix pumila, folio rotundo;" Cirsium humile montanum, 
eynoglossi folio, polyanthemum.” At the very top of Snowdon we 
met with Muscus islandicus purgans of Bartbolin ; “ and at the 


Ol Deke hio. / 2a epee ae 


1 Anthyllis vulneraria, B. Fl. Brit., 760. 
2 Euphorbia Portlandica. 
3 Viola lutea. 
4 Bunias Cakile. 
5 Cheiranthus sinuatus. 
6 Sisymbriuwm monense. 
7 Raphanus Raphanistrum. 
8 Bryum alpinum. 

9 Sphagnum alpinum ; See Dill. Musc., 245. 
© Woodsia hyperborea, Brown, Tr. L. Soc., v. 11, 170, ¢. 11. 
1 Salix reticulata. 

2 Serratula alpina. 
13 Lichen islandicus, Linn. 


78 A Biographical Notice of Samuel Brewer, the Botanist. 


bottom of it, on the east side, in a meadow, Campanula foliis 
cymbalari@, in plenty. In a lake at the foot of Gribgoch I found 
Potamogeton lapathi minoris foliis pellucidis, D. Llwyd. On the 
green pastures near the top of Gribgoch I could find nothing like a 
Bistorta folio vario3 but an Acetosa lanceolato folio glabro spisso, 
obtuso et viz auriculato,* in great plenty, which I have seen on other 
hills in Wales, and found only one specimen in flower. The lower 
leaves are very small, and roundish ; that on the stalk broad at the 
base, long and tapering to a sharp point. Whether Parkinson mis- 
took this for a Bistorta I cannot assert. His figure does not agree 
with my specimen. I brought plants with me and shall see next 
year what they come to. The Hicracium latifolium uno vel altero 
Jlore,> is only a variety of the common Pulmonaria gallica.® Not 
far from Llanberis Church, along the road, grows a Gentianella 
pilosa, flore semper quadripartito,’ very different from pratensis flore 
languinoso of C. Bauhin. I find specimens of one amongst Consul 
Sherard’s, gathered near Malham, which agree with this, except that 
the Malham ones seem to have the flowers divided into five segments, 
If I had a loose specimen or two I could better determine the differ- 
ence. Our guide not being so well acquainted with the Glyder as 
with the hills on the other side, we could not get to the place where 
‘the Bulbosa alpina juncifolia, grows.8 Nor could we find, on the 
south side, of Llyn y Cown, the Hieracium mentioned to grow there ;® 


a i i ys, we 
1 Campanula hederacea. 
* Rati Syn., 150, n. 16 ; possibly P. heterophyllum, Engl. Bot., t. 1285. 
° A variety of Polygonum viviparum found here by Parkinson. 
‘ May be a variety of Rumex Acetosa, a very variable plant, if there be not 
more than one species confounded under it. 
° Raitt Syn., 170, n. 18. 
° Hieracewm sylvaticum. 
7 This may have been a four-cleft variety of G. Amarella. 
. 8 Anthericum serotinum. 
° See Rati Syn., 168, x. 7. Gerarde’s plant is Cineraria integrifolia. Dr. 
Richardson’s, found at Llyn y Cwm, appears by his own specimen to be H. 
sylvaticum, B. Tr. Linn, Soc., v. 9, 240. 


di. i tee el 


yp Wwe 


By Thomas Bruges Flower, ¥.R.C.S., F.LS., Se. 79 


nor the Virga aurea montana, flore conglobato.' There grows one 
on all the hills about Llanberis, and on other hills in Wales, which 
is indeed nothing but the common one. 

“JT am sure we were at the right place, for we found there 
Lycopodium foliis juniperi.2 In the lake at Cown we found the 
common Subularia folio rigido,? mentioned to grow only in Phynon 
Vreech, and the Juncifolia cochlearia capsulis,* pretty plentifully, 
which relieved me very much of our disappointment of not seeing 
more Glyder plants. In the lake near Llanberis a little further on, 
where you observed the Subularia fragilis, folio longiore, et tenuiore,° 
cast out of the lake, we found it growing there in great plenty. 
During our stay at Llanberis, we had very hard and uncomfortable 
lodging at the inn, and with difficulty got a young man to be our 
interpreter and guide.” 


After this excursion Mr. Brewer remained the winter and the 
greater part of the next year at Bangor, making it his residence, 
and taking his excursions to Snowdon and elsewhere, often accom- 
panied by the Rev. Mr. Green, and Mr. William Jones. While in 
Wales it it was intended that he should have gone over to Ireland 
to make a botanical tour through that kingdom but that expedition 
never took place. 

So long a residence gave him an opportunity not only of seeing 


the beauties of summer plants, but of collecting the Cryptogamia in 


winter, when they flourish most. Here he received instructions 
from the Professor, collected specimens of everything rare or un- 


known to him before, and sent them to Dillenius to determine the 


species and fix the names. A catalogue has been seen of more than 
two hundred mosses, many of which were ill-ascertained before, all 


1 Raii Syn., 177, », 4. Dillenius was surely more correct here than after- 
wards, when he published the Welsh Solidago as distinct. 


2 Lycopodium annotinum. 
3 Tsoetes lacustris. 
4 Subularia aquatica. 


5 Tsoetes lacustris, the long-leaved variety, described in Dill. Musc., 541, t. 
80, f. 2. : 


80 <A Biographical Notice of Samuel Brewer, the Botanist. 


sent at one time, with the references to the Synopsis affixed by 
Dillenius. This journey appears to have been designed to promote 
the “ Appendix ” to the ‘‘ Synopsis.” 

Before concluding this paper I would especially invite the attention 
of the students of “ Wiltshire botany ” to the investigation of the 
mosses. They form an extremely interesting group; to the agri- 
culturist and the geologist they are objects of engaging study. It 
may be truly stated that their wants are few—they live exclusively 
upon air and moisture, and the few articles of food which its currents 
may deposit on their arid fronds. The poet Crabde has elegantly 
pourtrayed the purpose which these inferior order of plants fulfil in 
the economy of Nature. By growth and decay they convert the arid 
surface of the rock into a rich bed of humus for the reception of 
higher forms of vegetables, as these lines inimitably picture :— 


“ There, in the rugged soil they safely dwell, 
Till showers and snows the subtle atoms swell, 
And spread th’ enduring foliage; then we trace 
The freckled flower upon the flinty base. 

These all increase, until, in unnoted years, 
The stony tower as grey with age appears, 
With coats of vegetation thinly spread— 
Coat above coat—the living on the dead; 
These, then, dissolve to dust, and make away 
For better foliage, nursed by their decay.” 


Thus, indeed, by a remarkable rotation of existences, in which one 

step is made the forerunner of another, is shewn “ Flora’s triumph 
‘over the falling tower.” 

In 1728 Mr. Brewer went into Yorkshire and resided the remain- 
der of his days at Bradford, in that county, in the neighbourhood 
of Dr. Richardson, by whose beneficence he was assisted in various 
ways. After his retirement into Yorkshire he meditated and nearly 

finished a work, which was to have borne the title of “ Zhe Botanical 
Guide,” but it never appeared. I cannot determine the time of his 
decease, but am assured he was living in the year 1742.’ 


. }Bodman makes no mention of the Brewer family in his history of Trowbridge. 
—T.BL. 


Prom a rare Medal in the British Museu. 


(Lute 1502); by Stephens, of Holland. 


VHRR 


facsimile Sf Lhe Autograph oY SP Wilttanm Herbert 
(A.D. 1549) 


UNRRW 


Fucstmile of the sume, as Earl of Penbroke. 
(AD. 15064) 


81 


Some Alotice of William Herbert, First Garl 
of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 


By J. E. Nieutineate, F.S.A. 


GeeGHE career of this remarkable man has had but scant justice 
done to it. He played no inconsiderable part in the event- 
ful alee of Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth. His 

connection with the county of Wilts began with the grants to him 
of the abbey lands of Wilton by Henry VIII. Sir R. C. Hoare’s 
account of him, taken mainly from Collins’ Peerage, is very short. 
Aubrey’s biography on some points is seareely to be relied upon; most 
of his information about the first earl must have come down to him 
by tradition. All I have attempted to do is to bring together such 
scattered notices of him as I have been able to find, with the ad- 
dition only of such matter as is necessary to connect them together ; 
for in truth a complete history of his life would be, in a great 
measure, the history of the period in which he lived. 

The publication of the calendars of State Papers by the Record 

Commissioners has opened up a rich mine of new information in the 
smaller matters of history. In the foreign series many personal 
details are supplied by the untiring energy of the agents of foreign 
courts, especially of the republic of Venice, who kept their masters 
well informed of the minutest details of passing events; these now 
form some of the most valuable and authentic materials for the 
history of Europe in the sixteenth century. To what effective pur- 
pose these materials have been put, reference need only be made to 
Mr. Froude’s work on this period of English history. 
_ The origin of the Herberts is somewhat cloudy. It is in South 
Wales where we must look for the early histury of the family. In 
the Priory Church at Abergavenny, is a remarkable series of monu- 
mental effigies ranging from the thirteenth to the seventeenth cen- 
VOL. XVIII.—wNO. LII. G 


82 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


turies ; amongst the most interesting are those of different members 
of the Herbert family, ancestors of the subject of our present notice. 
Mr. Octavius Morgan has published an elaborate memoir of these 
monuments, and has also given a full account of the pedigree of the 
Herbert family, the result, indeed, of a long series of careful and 
persevering researches which have been undertaken by the most 
reliable‘of the Welsh genealogists.!_ It appears then, that they are 
descended from Sir William ap Thomas, of Raglan, who was 
knighted by Henry VI. in 1426. His tomb is in Abergavenny 
Church, he was a native of that part of the country, and must have 
been the author of his own fortunes, as he was the fifth son of 
Thomas ap Gwilym ap Jenkin; and here his upward pedigree must 
stop as far as any authentic documentary proof is known to exist, 
although the heralds carry it back to Henry I. Sir William ap 
Thomas was a notable man in South Welsh story, and the father of 
sons, by Gwladys, daughter of Sir David Gam, of whom two were 
also remarkable: (1) Sir William; (2) Sir Richard Herbert, of 
Coldbrook. The fortunes of these brothers are matters of history ; 
they were among the boldest and most powerful supporters of the 
White Rose, and shared in the varying fortunes of that party. 
William gained the earldom of Pembroke with large Welsh estates, 
and on the occasion of his receiving the Garter from Edward IV., 
he and Sir Richard (of whom more hereafter) had the royal command 
to renounce the Welsh custom of varying surnames, and to bear 
that of Herbert, for it appears that the surname of Herbert grew 
up in the families of the Earls of Pembroke and Powis and their 
immediate kinsmen as the English name of the race or clan con- 
currently with the continuance of their old Welsh patronymies. 
They were called Gwilim ap Jenkin, otherwise Herbert, and so on. 
. This William, Earl of Pembroke, of the first creation in the 
Herbert family, known as “ Gwilim Ddu,” or “ Black Will,” was 
beheaded at Banbury -by Warwick and Clarence in 1469 ; he left 


- 


1 Some Account of the Ancient Monuments in the Priory Church at Abergavenny, 
by Octavius Morgan, Esq. Printed for the Monmouthshire and Carleon Antiq. 
Association. : 


*. » 


a ee 


ae 


7 
, 
‘ 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 83 


three sons by his wife, Anne, daughter of Sir Walter Devereux, but 
in these we are not concerned :* he also had by his mistress, Maud, 
daughter and heiress of Adam ap Howell Graunt, two other sons ; 
it is the eldest of them, Sir Richard Herbert, of Ewyas, who, though 
illegitimate, is ancestor of the men who have really, in modern times, 
rendered the name of Herbert illustrious. He married Margaret, 
daughter of Sir Matthew Cradock, of Swansea. His eldest son, 
William Herbert—the subject of the present memoir—was made 
Earl of Pembroke (second creation), and is ancestor of the existing 
Earls of Pembroke and Montgomery, and of Carnarvon, of the Duke 
of Powis, of Pool Castle (extinct 1747), and, in the female line, of 
the Marquis of Bute, who thence derives his Glamorganshire estates. 
This Sir Richard, of Ewyas, has a very fine canopied tomb in 
Abergavenny Church. It still retains traces of rich colouring, and 
is ornamented with several shields bearing the three lions of the 
Herberts with the bendlet, also the three boars’ heads and crosslets 
of the Cradock’s. 
. There is also a fine altar-tomb in alabaster, carrying the effigies 
of Sir Richard Herbert and his wife, of Coldbrook, already mentioned 
as brother to the Earl of Pembroke of the first creation. This Sir 
Richard, of Coldbrook, must be carefully distinguished from Sir 
Richard, of Ewyas, for by some strange mistake the effigies of this 
monument are figured in Sir R. C. Hoare’s account of Wilton, in 
his Modern Wilts, as those of Sir Richard Herbert, of Ewyas and 
his wife, ancestors of the Earls of Pembroke, they being really the 
effigies of Sir Richard Herbert, of Coldbrook, and his wife, who had 


nothing to do with the Earls of Pembroke. In the plate they are 


accompanied with shields of arms of Herbert without the bendlet,; 
which is most conspicuous in the real tomb of Sir Richard, of Ewyas,; 
and also the arms of Cradock, thus mixing up the two monuments 
by giving the figures of one with the arms of the other. Upon 


' } William, second earl (first creation), exchanged the dignity for that of Hun- 
tingdon in 1479, King Edward being desirous to confer the earldom of Pembroke 
upon his son, Prince Edward. This William left an only daughter and heiress, 
Elizabeth, who married Charles Somerset, first Earl of Worcester, but having no 
male issue his honours expired. (Burke’s Extinct Peerage), 


G 2 


84 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


this, Mr. Morgan says, “It is remarkable that so able a man as Sir 
R. C. Hoare, who had visited Monmouthshire in company with 
Archdeacon Coxe, and made many of the drawings for his tour of 
the county, should have made so great a mistake, and fallen into 
such an error, for on the Ewyas monument that word is most distinct; 
that being, in fact, the only monument of the series which has any 
inscription.” 

William Herbert was born in 1506: of his early history little is 
known. Aubrey says, “he was a mad fighting young fellow,” and 
then gives an account of a strange adventure which befel him at 
Bristol in 1527; this is in the main correct, but the details are more 
fully given by the Bristol historians. On Midsummer night in 
that year there was a great fray made by the Welshmen on the 
king’s watch, and on the following St. James’s day, the mayor and 
his brethren returning from a wrestling match, a dispute arose in 
which one Richard Vaughan, a mercer, was killed on the bridge by 
William Herbert, the cause being, “‘a want of some respect in com- 
pliment,” He escaped through the great gate towards the marsh, 
where a boat being prepared and the tide ebbing he got into Wales, 
and afterwards went to France; where, according to Aubrey, he 
betook himself into the army and showed so much courage and 
readiness of wit in conduct that he was favoured by the king, who 
afterwards recommended him to Henry VIII. 

His marriage with Ann, daughter of Sir Thomas Parr, must have 
had an important influence on his career. Sir Thomas Parr, who 
died in 1517, had three children—William, afterwards Marquis of 
Northampton, Katharine, and Ann; he left all his extensive manors 
to his wife for life. He willed his daughters, Katharine and Ann, 
to have eight hundred pounds between them, as marriage portions, 
except they proved to be his heirs or his sons’ heirs.’ Four hundred 
pounds, Ann’s moiety, would be scarcely equal to £2000 in these 
days, and seems but an inadequate dowry for the daughter of parents 
so richly endowed as Sir Thomas and Lady Parr. Both Katharine 


1 This afterwards happened to Lady Herbert’s son. The Marquis of Northamp- 
ton, says Dugdale, dying without issue, Henry, Earl of Pembroke (his nephew 
by one of his sisters), became his next heir. 


Ts 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 85 


and Ann appear to have been most carefully educated by their 
widowed mother.’ Katharine afterwards became the sixth wife of 
Henry VIII. She was of more distinguished ancestry than either 
Ann Boleyn or Jane Seymour. One of her ancestors was for a 
time settled in the country of the Herberts. ‘“ About 1093 Fitz- 
Hamon, who was a friend and follower of Rufus, made a conquest 
of the marches of Glamorganshire. Of the six unquestionable 
Norman settlers there contemporary with Fitz-Hamon, was St. 
Quintin, of Llanblethian. This family, however, had left South 
Wales in 1249. Their heiress was the lady whose blood, mingled 
with that of Fitz-Hugh and of Marmion, centred in Parr of Kendal, 
and now flows in the veins of the Herberts of Wilton.” ? 

In 1542 and 1544 Herbert received, by favour of Henry VIIL, 
the large grant of the Abbey of Wilton with its extensive estates. 
The first grants, dated March and April,> thirty-third of Henry VII. 
include the site of the late monastery, the manor of Washerne ad- 
joining, also the manors of Chalke: these are given to William 
Herbert, esquire, and Anne, his wife, for the term of their lives; 
with certain reserved rents to the King. In the interval the king 
had married Katharine Parr, sister to Lady Herbert. On the 4th 
January, 1544 (Patent Roll, 35 Henry VIIL., part 17) these estates 
are re-granted, together with a long list of possessions belonging to 
the late monastery, to Sir William Herbert, Anne, his wife, and 
their heirs male. 

This famous monastery for Benedictine nuns, over which many 
royal ladies had ruled during Anglo-Saxon times, had dwindled 
down to a house of moderate dimensions before the dissolution.* 


i a ee ee ee nie 


1 In the will of Dame Maude Parr, dated 1529, printed in the Camden Society’s 
vol., No. 83, particulars will be found of jewels, &c., bequeathed to her daughter 
Ann 


2The Land of Morgan, by G. T. Clark, Esq.. Journal of the Archzological 
Institute, vol. xxxiv., pp. 30, 31. 

3 The grant of the Manor of Washerne, dated April 8th, is printed by Sir R. Cc. 
Hoare, Hundred of Branch and Dole, p. 226. 

4A valuable document has lately been discovered amongst the records of the 
Cathedral at Wells which throws some light on the state of the abbey in the 


86 . ° Some Notice of William Herbert, 


The appointment of the penultimate abbess was the first cause of 
coolness between Henry VIII. and Cardinal Wolsey. Mr. Brewer, 
in his Introductions to Letters, &., temp. Henry VIII., under the 
date 1528, says, “The good understanding between the king and 
his minister was rudely shaken by unexpected events, that must 
have reminded Wolsey of the instability of greatness. On the death 
of the Abbess of Wilton, in the time of the sweating sickness, John 
Carey, the brother of Mary Boleyn’s husband, was anxious to secure 
the vacant appointment for his sister Elinor, one of the nuns. Her 
appointment was warmly espoused by Ann and the king, as might 


t 


eleventh century. It is simply a deed of sale of certain lands at Combe, in 
Somersetshire to the Bishop of Wells; but the transaction took place at Wilton, 
on February 28th, 1072, before the abbess, the royal Editha. The document 
itself is a transcript made in the 15th century, but from internal evidence it is 
considered by Professor Karle to be undoubtedly a copy of the original. It has 
been printed, together with’a translation, in the twenty-second vol. of the Pro- 
ceedings of the Somersetshire Archeological Society, where reference is made to 
an elaborate notice of the document by Mr. Freeman ; from which we incidentally 
learn “that the widow of Edward the Confessor, the sister of Harold, the daughter 
of Godwine, lived here in quasi-regal state, holding her court as Lady of the 
English, surrounded by a following purely English, with not a Norman name 
among the officers of her household. We mark at once that the English scribe 
speaks of the Old Lady with greater reverence than he bestows on her Norman 
successor, and the royal state which she is recorded to have kept is brought 
before us in a lively manner. The place too is eminently characteristic of the 
lady herself. The biographer of her husband tells us that, whereas the Church 
of Wilton had before been of wood, she rebuilt it of stone. It is therefore 
marked as a ‘stone church,’ and we even have something of its architectural 
design. It had an ‘upfloor,’ a triforium. The word is used in the Chronicle 
in describing Abbot Thurstan’s doings at Glastonbury ; and, as the upfloor was 
used for the transaction of business, attended by many witnesses, we may sup- 
pose that jit was a large, wide, lofty upper story, such as is found in many early 
Norman minsters. The Church of Wilton, in short, followed the proportions of 
Waltham and Norwich, not those of Gloucester and Tewkesbury. In that up- 
floor, nigh before the lady, Azor sold his land to the Bishop, and the purchase 
was witnessed by twenty-six witnesses, all of whom, save one or two, we may 
safely pronounce to be Englishmen. After a long list of names, some of which 
are not unknown in Domesday and the Charters, the last signatures are those of 
her two cooks. The abbess-queen had one cook bearing the good English name 
of Athelric; the other, Rabel, is more doubtful. But, as the deed was drawn up 
in Lent, the services of both of them were, for the moment, less important than 
usual,” 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 87 


be expected, but it was found upon examination that Elinor Carey 
had been guilty of gross incontinence. When this was made known: 
to Wolsey by Dr. Bell, it was reported to the king.” The king’s 
answer (printed in Sir R. C. Hoare’s account of Wilton) is strong 
in condemnation of Elinor Carey, he also refuses to give it to 
Wolsey’s candidate, Isabella Jordayne, the “ ancient, wise, and dis- 
creet” prioress of the Abbey, who was sister to the Abbess of Sion, 
The Cardinal, however, made the appointment, to the annoyance of 
the king. Mr. Brewer goes on to say “Justly alarmed by these 
indications of the king’s displeasure, Wolsey had recourse to various 
excuses. This drew from the king a remonstrance not less honorable 
to himself than the cardinal.” 7 

Some information as to the state of the abbey can be gleaned from 
two letters, still extant, written by Dr. Benet, a priest of Salisbury; 
to Wolsey. The first, dated April 24th, 1528, after announcing the 
death of the abbess, says, “The substance of the house consists in, 
wool to the value of 600 marks, there is but little money.” The 
proceedings of the nuns at this time seem to have troubled Benet, 
grievously ; three months later he writes to the cardinal to this 
effect: “ Repaired to Wilton, and used every effort to bring over 
the nuns to Wolsey’s wishes. Found them untoward, and put three 
- or four of the captains of them in ward. Has closed up the doors; 
that none might have access to the nunnery. Found only the new 
elect and her sisters compliant. As they are now visited by the 
plague, and much straitened in their lodging by the burning of 
their dormitory, thought it best to advise Wolsey before taking 
further proceedings.” From the circumstance of the nuns being so 
inconvenienced by the burning of their dormitory, it would seem 
that the accommodation provided for the inmates was but limited. 

We also find that the surroundings of the abbey had been much 
neglected. In the Particulars for Grants (Court of Augmentation), 
383 Henry VIII., a most careful valuation is made of the large 
amount of timber within the manor of Broad Chalke, which formed 
part of the posssssions of the Abbey, but the entry relating to the 
timber on the site and demesnes of the late monastery is, “ The 
trees growing about the said site, and in hedges inclosing the said 


88 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


demesnes will barely suffice to maintain and repair the fences and 
the said hedges—therefore not valued.” 

It is probable that Sir William Herbert made a clean sweep of 
nearly all the monastic buildings; there is certainly no part of the 
original abbey contained in the present house. Some of the stones 
themselves may have been, and probably were, brought from Old 
Sarum, many of the squared stones have all the appearance of 
having been previously used in Norman buildings. It is known 
that Old Sarum formed a convenient stone quarry for the neighbour- 
hood during several centuries. The only exception to this general 
destruction is found in the massive remains of a Gothic building now 
standing near the stables. It is good vigorous work of the fourteenth 
century, and has a capital example of the “shouldered ” arch; it 
possibly formed some part of the outbuildings of the original es- 
tablishment. Within the house the only probable remains of the 
abbey consist of some fragments of painted glass of the fourteenth 
century, now placed in an upper window of the entrance hall and 
once forming the rich canopy heads of a larger window. 

The original plan of the house was a quadrangle, pretty much on 
its present lines; but the east front is the only part which retains 
its original exterior, and this has been a good deal altered. When 
the south front was rebuilt in its present state by Inigo Jones, the 
wings of the east side were brought somewhat into harmony with 
it, but the central mags remained intact until the upper part was 
remodelled by Wyatt, early in the present century. The only ad- 
ditions to the old work being the two canopied niches containing 
thermes on either side of the porch of entrance. These were added 
by Henry, the second earl, probably soon after he came to the estate. 
They are surmounted by shields of armorial bearings, that on the 
dexter side carries the quartering of the first earl, the supporters of 
which rest on his initials, W.P., whilst that on the other side bears 
the shield of Henry, the second earl, the supporters resting on his 
own initials, H.P. The only connection of the building with Henry 
VIII. is found in a coat of the royal arms and supporters, with the 
monogram of that king, now built into the wall on the north side 
of the house, over the entrance porch, but this is not its original 


The Front of Wilton Houfe with the Court &Lodge before it. 
In the 5 year of Queen Elizabeth. 


AALUA AY EMEA Tethrrry 


nlite sO : 
u” LAE i aT Tire y ; SUT EET 
Fy l ied 


| 
lw. Hile, anasin€ 


Sketch of Witron House ,asi appeared A.D. 15635. 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 89 


position. It is of finely-cut work, as are many others of the 
heraldic shields found in different parts of the building.! 

The earliest drawing I have met with of Wilton House in its 
original state, is contained in an early manuscript copy of the 
Pembroke Terrier, in possession of the late Mr. W. Blackmore. It 
is merely a pen and ink sketch, and is dated 1563, six years before 
the death of Lord Pembroke; a reduced copy is given on the 
opposite page. This, like most of the early topographical drawings 
and engravings, is rather an indication of the general features of 
the building than anything else; the architectural details are very 
meagre, but there is no reason to doubt that it represents generally 
what the principal front was at that time. The large court, with its 
gate-house, was the scene of a grand reception of Queen Elizabeth, 
by the second earl, a few years later. This was standing at the 
time of the visit of Cosmo, Grand Duke of Tuscany, in 1669, and 
the foundation walls were lately found, during some excavations, on 
the exact lines indicated by the plan. This was the first, but by no 
means the finest, of the many Wiltshire examples of that interesting 
period of English architecture which arose after the Reformation, 
and must not be confounded with the renaissance of Southern Europe. 
The magnificent Longleat, the stately Longford, Littlecot, and 
Corsham, were all built within this generation ; not free from foreign 
influence, it is true, but still having a character of their own which 
might have been developed into a national style but for the over- 
powering influence of the classic taste which ultimately swamped 
all original efforts. 

The curious architectural erection now standing in the garden, 


1 The greater part of these were probably done in the time of Henry, the second 
earl, as well as the many shields of arms on painted glass, in a more or less 
perfect state, which are now placed in the heads of the windows in the cloisters 
of the house. We learn from Aubrey that “ His Lordship was the patron to the 
men of armes, and to the antiqaries and heralds ; he took a great delight in the 
study of herauldry, as appeares by that curious collection of heraldique manuscripts 
in the library here. It was this earle that did set up all the painted glasse 
scutchions about the house. Many a brave souldier, no doubt, was here obliged 
by his Lordship; but time has obliterated their names.” (Natural History of 
Wiltshire, part ii., chap. iii.) 


90 é Some Notice of Wiiliam Herbert, 


called Holbein’s Porch, is of the period of the original work, and- 


stood formerly within the quadrangle. Holbein is said to have been 
employed to design all these early buildings, but probably without 
sufficient reason. Holbein is now known to have died in 1543. Sir 
William Herbert only had the grant of the abbey in 1542. Besides 
this, there is nothing in the work which makes it probable. As 
well as being a great painter, Holbein, like many other artists of 
the renaissance period, designed goldsmith’s work, and decorations 
of a refined character, but these things had little in common with 
the architectural buildings which are sometimes ascribed to him. 
Besides his residence at Wilton, Sir William Herbert had after- 


wards the grant of Baynard’s Castle, a magnificent mansion standing 


on the banks of the Thames, near the spot now knows as Paul’s 
wharf, in the city. It is described in the grant as being parcel of 
the possessions of the Lady Katharine, late Queen of England, 
“like as the same hath always been reserved to the Queenes of this 
realm for their lodging when it hath pleased them to repair to the 
same, with the gardens, courts, grounds, edifications, buildings, and 
other appurtenances.” Stowe, in his survey of London, says 
“ Henry VII. repaired or rather new builded this house, not im- 
battled, or so strongly fortified castle-like : but farre more beautifull 
and commodious for the entertainment of any Prince or great estate. 
In the 20th Henry VII., the said King, with his Knights of the 
Order, all in the habit of the Garter, rode from the Tower of London 
through the city unto the Cathedral Church of St. Pauls, and there 
heard evensong, and from thence they rode to Baynard’s Castle, 
where the King lodged. The same yeere the King of Castile was 
lodged there.” 

_ January 24th, 1543-4, Herbert had a grant of the office of captain 
of the castle and town of Aberystwith, also the custody of Carmarthen 
Castle for life. In this year, too, he received the honor of knighthood, 
Henry VIII. died in January, 1547, his son, Edward VL., being 
then only nine years old. Sir William Herbert was one of the 
executors of the will of the late king, together with some other 
principal personages of the court. This carefully-prepared document 
was to some extent set aside by the appointment of Hertford 


a eee 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 91 


(Edward Seymour, of Wulfball), uncle of the boy king, as Protector. 
This was hastily done at a meeting of the Council, when Herbert 
was present. The funeral of the king took place at Windsor, it was 
conducted with the utmost magnificence. Sir William Herbert and 
Sir Anthony Denny were the only two that were carried in the 
funeral chariot with the royal corpse. Some curious particulars are 
given in a letter taken from the Venetian State Papers, by one 
Ludovico Montio, who had been in the service of Henry VIII. It 
is known that the body lay in state in the chapel of Whitehall, but 
what made most impression on Montio was the wax-work figure of 
the king wrought to the life, and most sumptuously apparelled in 
robes, being covered with precious stones; the obsequies lasted 
twenty days, there being one hearse at Westminster, another at Sion, 
and a third, the grandest of all, at Windsor. 

Sir William Herbert was left £300 in the will. It appears that 
the king, shortly before his death, was prepared to make considerable 
grants of lands and titles to the members of the council. Secretary 
Paget was directed to prepare a list of recipients for these gifts, but 
modestly left out his own name. The new schedule was read over 
to the king in the presence of Sir William Herbert and Sir Anthony 
Denny. “Mr. Secretary has remembered all men save one,” said 
Herbert. “You mean himself,” replied the king. “I remember 
him, and he shall be helped.” Upon the strength of the late 
king’s intention, the new Government made the Protector, Duke of 
Somerset ; his brother received the title of Lord Seymour of Sudleye, 
with suitable grants; Lord Parr, the brother of Lady Herbert, was 
made Marquis of Northampton, besides other preferments. 

The first grant of estates to Sir William Herbert by the Govern- 
ment of Edward VI: is dated July 10th, 1547, six months after the 
death of Henry VIII. “The consyderacion of the gifte” being 
“ffor the fullfillinge of a Determinacion made by Kinge H. the 
vuj by his last Will.'” This grant included the manors of North 
Newton and Hulcott, which remained in possession of the Pembrokes 
down to 1680, when they were sold by Philip, the seventh earl. 


1 State Papers, Domestic, Edw. VI., vol. 19. 


92 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


From an entry in the MS. Terrier I am enabled to add the names 
of the purchasers, and the sums paid for their several portions.’ 

Soon after the funeral of the king, Sir William and Lady Herbert 
were in London, probably at Baynard’s Castle. It was at this time 
that Lord Seymour, of Sudleye, married the widowed queen. He 
was handsome, courtly and courageous, and, like most of his con- 
temporaries, unscrupulous. He, like other members of his family, 
shared largely in the plunder of the Church. His ambition led him 
to aspire successively to the hands of the Princesses Mary and 
Elizabeth, and failing in this, he made advances to the widowed 
Queen Katharine, by whom he was more than readily accepted, the 
queen avowing, “ my mynd was fully bent the other tyme I was at 
libertye [that is, in her previous widowhood] to marry you before 
any man I know.” 

The queen (together with the princess Elizabeth) was then living 
at her manor of Chelsea, where Seymour was in the habit of privately 
visiting her. Their confidante was the queen’s sister, Lady Herbert ; 
this is evident from tbe following extracts from a letter written by 
Seymour to Katharine, describing the way he was cross-questioned 
by his new sister-in-law, and his anxiety, till he found Lady Herbert 
was in the secret. The letter is printed by Tytler, and is dated 
May 17th, 1547. 


1The Manor of Newton and Hulcott sold to the several persons hereafter 
named by Lord Philip, is. 


North Newton? To Mr. Christopher Gardiner pt'for ... . 930 0 0 
and Hulcott. } To Edward Alexander ptfor . . ..... 225 0 0 
To Rich* Chandler p* for Oe TOOL ato 225 0 O 

To Mr. John Priaulx p*for ....... 300 0 O 

To Mr. Tho* Blake pt for . . . . 1... . 470 0 0 

To Mr. Oliver Shergold ptfor . ..... 555 O O 

To: Mx. John-Dawis p'for 2/20. % Sis) « os 676 0 O 

To Mr. Charles Newberry ptfor. . ... . 490 0 0 

To Mr. James Pawlett ppfor. . .... . 260 0 0 

To Mr. Rich? Brownjohn p‘for. . . .. . +4130 0 0 


tt 
ns 
1) 
lor) 
| a 
(=) 
=) 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 93 


From Lord Admiral Seymour to Katharine Parr. 


* After my humble commendation unto your highness, yesternight I supt at 
my brother Herberd’s, of whom, for your sake besides mine own, I received good 
cheer; and after the same, I received from your highness, by my sister Herberd, 
your commendations, which were more welcome than they were sent. And after 
the same, she waded further with me, touching my being with your Highness at 
Chelsea, which I denied, being with your Highness ; but that indeed, I went by 
the garden as I went to see the Bishop of London’s house, and at this point stood 
with her for a time, till at the last she told me further tokens which made me 
change colours, who, like a false wench, took me with the manner. Then re- 
membering what she was, and knowing how well you trusted her, examined her 
whether those things came from your Highness, and by that knew it to be true ; 
for the which I render unto your Highness my most humble and hearty thanks ; 
for by her company, in default of yours, I shall shorten the weeks in these parts, 
which heretofore, were three days longer in every one of them than they were 
under plummet at Chelsea.” 


Four months had not yet elapsed since the death of the king. 
The exact date of their union being unknown, Miss Strickland, in 
her Lives of the Queens of England, considers this letter to be the 
earliest evidence of their still secret marriage, owing to Seymour 
ealling Sir William and Lady Herbert (not Lord Herbert, as Miss 
Strickland styles him) “ brother,” and “sister.” Seymour and the 
queen lived in great magnificence, Katharine in the misguided notion 
that he loved her for herself; but the period of their felicity was 
very short, she gave birth to a daughter and died at the time, 
Seymour closed his turbulent career soon after at the block. 

Sir William Herbert was actively employed during the eventful 
year of 1549. In the spring, the dispute between the peasantry 
and the commissioners for enclosing common lands had come to a 
crisis: the Protector Somerset, whose power was now on the wane, 
came into open collision with the council on this point, and coun- 
tenanced the rioters. The more energetic among the lords resolved, 
in consequence, to act for themselves; Sir William Herbert,-whose 
own parks had been invaded, attacked the rioters in person, and cut 
some of them to pieces. 

At this crisis came the news of the insurrection in the western 
counties, where the rebels demanded a return to Catholicism. Active 
measures were now taken; as the treasury was empty, the lords sold 
their plate and jewels to raise money ; before the rebellion was over 


94 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


nearly £100,000 had been subscribed by the nobility, to which Sir 
William Herbert was a large contributor. His personal influence 
was still among the Welsh, he immediately raised a force of one 
thousand mountaineers, and marched across the Somersetshire flats 
to Exeter. This place had been taken, however, by Lord Russell 
on August 6th. Herbert arrived immediately afterwards, “ too late 
for the work, but soon enough for the play, for the whole country 
was put to the spoil, and every soldier fought for his best profit. 
The services of the mountain cattle lifters were made valuable to 
Exeter; for the city being destitute of victuals, was, by their special 
industry, provided in two days.” ’ 

Sir William Herbert and Lord Russell were with the forces in the 
western counties during the two following months, so that they took 
no active part in the events which led to the fall of-the Protector 
Somerset. Upon the danger becoming imminent, Somerset, sent 
his youthful son, Lord Edward Seymour, to Russell and Herbert 
with instructions to push forward immediately, as the king’s person 
was in danger. This missive met them at Wilton ; they immediately 
started, and upon reaching Andover found letters from Warwick and 
the Council by which it appeared that the real danger to be feared 
was not from a conspiracy of the lords, but from a fresh insurrection 
of the commons, on the invitation of Somerset. Being still at the 
head of a portion of the army, the Protector had relied upon their 
aid, so that the defection of Russell and Herbert must have been a 
knell to the duke. From Andover they sent an answer back to the 
duke, by the hands of his son, Lord Edward; it enters fully into 
the political state of the times, and gives sufficient reason for their 
course of action. This admirable letter has been printed by Tytler, 
who says, “Its right feeling and good sense, with the pure and 
vigorous style of its composition, render it a remarkable document.” 
It is dated October 8th, 1549, and signed J. Russell and W. Herbert. 
Warwick and the Council were also looking anxiously for a reply. 
They had not long to wait; Lord Russell and Sir William Herbert 
must have returned to Wilton without a moment’s delay, for on the’ 


1 Froude’s History of England, ch. 26. 


Fg eh GOEL OLA AACE! LIES 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 95 


next day an explanatory letter was sent; this document is preserved 
in the State Paper Office. The following are some extracts from it : 


“Tncontinently upon our arrival here at Wilton, we received divers letters 
from the King’s Majesty and the Protector, to come forth to the Court with all 
diligence ; and especially one that he sent by his son the Lord Edward. Upon 
the receipt whereof, we prepared ourselves to come up; and with such gentlemen 
as were then in our company, and with our servants, came as far as Andover, 
where we understood many things, for the countreys every way were in a roar 
that no man wist what to do. Thus being at Andover, and weighing as well the 
state of the things above, as also the tickleness * of the country, which hitherto 
understandeth not what the matter may mean, we despatched the Lord Edward 
to the Protector with such answer as by the copy thereof, which we also send 
herewith, it may appear; and thereupon thought it very requisite to return to 
Wilton, there to abide the assembly of the gentlemen of all these parts, and to 
gather such power as may serve us to come thro’ withal to do good, if need should 
so require ; and have sent to Bristol for some light ordnance, and for money, with 
such other things as may be necessary. . . . And as we are glad that our 
chance was to be here now, where undoubtedly the place and the time have both 
served us to stand in better stead, and to do better service, than if we had been 
there with you, &c. From Wilton, 9th October, 1549.” 


They immediately took active measures to meet the expected 
rising; the same day a letter was sent by Russell and Herbert to 
the Sheriff of Gloucester and others, “to suppress the publication of 
any idle rumours, and to forbid all persons from assembling without 
due authority.” A few days after this, Somerset was arrested and 
for a time kept in the Tower. 

As the cost of providing funds for the suppression of the rebellion 
had fallen mainly on the Lords of the Council, they repaid them- 
selves by tampering with the currency, and still further adding to the 
base coinage which had already driven gold out of the country and 


produced other disastrous complications. On the 28th October of 


this year a warrant was addressed to the Master of the Mint, setting 
forth that whereas the well-beloved councillor Sir William Herbert, 
in suppression of the rebels, had not only spent the great part of 
his plate and substance, but also had borrowed for the same purpose 
great sums of money, for which he remained indebted—the officers 


of the mint might receive at his hands two thousand pounds weight 
in bullion, in fine silver—the said bullion to be coined and printed 


* Tickleness; tottering, uncertain state. 


96 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


into money current according to the established standard—the money 
so made to be delivered to the said Sir William Herbert, with all] 
such profits as would otherwise have gone to the crown, after 
deducting the expenses of coining. The profit to Sir William 
Herbert, beyond the sum which he would have received as a bullion 
merchant for the 20001b. of silver, was £6709 19s. ; and immediately 
afterwards the same privilege was extended to Warwick, Arundell, 
Southampton, Paget, Dorset, Russell, and Northampton, for an 
equal sum to be raised by similar means.! 

The distress and discontent in the country at this time were very 
great, the popular feeling was in favour of the deposed Protector, 
but Warwick, who was the soul of the ultra-protestant party, was 
paramount in the Council. On this point Mr. Froude says, “ Lulled 
by the panegyrics of the Protestants, who saw in them all that was 
most excellent, most noble, most devout, the lords, or rather, the 
triumvirate of Warwick, Northampton, and Sir William Herbert, 
who now governed England, were contented to earn their praises by 
fine words, by persecuting and depriving bishops inclined to be 
conservative, and by confiscating and appropriating the estates of 
the vacated sees.” 

Somerset now made a last attempt to regain power. In April of 
the year 1551, he had been on the point of flying to the northern 
counties with Lord Grey, to call out the people and place himself at 
their head, and had only been prevented by Sir William Herbert, 
who assured him that he was in no danger. The design of taking 
action, however, assumed form, the Duchess of Somerset invoked the 
aid of her brother, Sir Michael Stanhope, and her half-brother, Sir 
Thomas Arundell. A scheme was formed to arrest and imprison 
Warwick, Northampton, and Herbert, into which the Earl of 
Arundell entered eagerly and warmly; but Somerset’s mind mis- 
gave him, and his purposes were vaccillating. First there was a 
doubt whether Herbert should be included in the arrest ; afterwards, 
according to one witness, the duke changed his mind, “and would 
meddle no further with the apprehension of any of the Council, and 


1 Froude’s History of England, chap. 26. 


-_- > 


nn (a ee 


eco oe 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 97 


said he was sorry he had gone so far with the Earl of Arundell.” 
A few months more saw the end of Somerset. On the 16th October 
he was again arrested and sent to the Tower, where he was after- 
wards beheaded. 

It was only a few days before Somerset’s arrest that significant 
and important changes in the peerage were made amongst the 
principal members of the Council. Warwick became Duke of 
Northumberland ; Lord Dorset, Lady Jane Grey’s father, was made 
Duke of Suffolk; Sir William Herbert, Baron Herbert of Cardiff, 
and on the next day he was advanced to the dignity of the Earl of 
Pembroke. This title had been previously borne, as we have already 
seen, by his grandfather. 

Pembroke had sat on the trial of Somerset, in Westminster Hall 
(December, 1551), together with twenty-six other peers. The 
Protector’s death had been followed by the trial and execution of 
Stanhope, Sir Thomas Arundell, and others. The condemnation of 
Arundell was effected with great difficulty. The jury were shut up 
on a day in January, twenty-four hours, without fire, food, or drink , 
before they would agree on a verdict. The forfeiture of the estates 
of the Duke of Somerset gave occasion to a sharp debate in the 
Commons. Pembroke benefitted very largely by grants of Wiltshire 
estates, both from the late Protector and Sir Thomas Arundell. 
From the latter’s attainder he got Wardour Castle and Park, which 
afterwards reverted again to the Arundells by exchange and purchase.! 

The Duke of Somerset being acquitted of treason, but found 
guilty of felony, his dignities and entailed estates were not neces- 
sarily forfeited, but, of the remainder of his North Wilts property, 
Pembroke received a large share. The grant is dated 7th May, 
6th Edward VI. (Patent Rolls, part 7), and included the manor and 
parks of Ramsbury, Hundred of Kinwardstone, the Broil of Bedwin 
situated on Doddesdown, Baydon, Axford, the Earldoms, &c. 


1“Werdore Castle and park there which came to the Lord’s hands as an 
Escheat by the Attainder of Thomas Arundell K‘ as that which he held of the 


_ Lord by Knights service, as of the Bell house at Wilton by the iiij part of a 


Knights fee.” (Pembroke Terrier.) 
VOL, XVIII.—NO, LII, a 


98 * Some Notice of William Herbert, 


During the interval of the Protector Somerset’s fall and his second 
arrest, he devoted himself a good deal to building; in a letter from 
John Knox he is upbraided, in that he preferred the company of his 
architects and masons to attendance at chapel and sermons. It was 
about this time that he commenced the foundations of his new 
mansion at Bedwin Broil, so graphically described by Canon Jackson, 
in his paper on Wulfhall and the Seymours.! In the grant to Lord 
Pembroke the foundations, conduits, &c., are mentioned. 

Ramsbury Manor House was occupied by the Pembrokes down to 
the middle of the seventeenth century. Anne, Countess of Dorset, 
Pembroke, and Montgomery, in her diary, says that she lived here 
and at Baynard’s Castle during the troubled married life of herself 
and Philip, the fourth earl. About this time it was described by 
Symonds, in his MS. journal, as “ a fine square stone house—a brave 
seate, tho’ not comparable to Wilton.” Ramsbury Manor was sold 
in 1676, by Philip, the seventh earl, to “ one Powell,” for £30,155. 
This purchase was probably made on behalf of Sir William Jones, 
Kt., Attorney-General. The woodlands at the Earldoms, on the 
borders of the New Forest, remained in possession of the Pembrokes 
down to the present time, and were only sold in 1877, under powers 
of the Inclosure Commissioners, for the purpose of exchange.? 


1 Wiltshire Archeological Magazine, vol. xv. 

2 Just previous to this grant of the Earldoms, Pembroke had been engaged in 
settling a dispute between the Bishop of Salisbury and a family of the name of 
Light, relating to the office of woodward of the Langley Woods, in the immediate 
neighbourhood of the Earldoms. Pembroke’s award, dated 16th October, 5th 
Edward VI., and preserved amongst the muniments of the see of Salisbury, is 
printed in Hoare’s Wilts, Frustfield Hundred, p. 63. In the same volume (p. 
66) an account is given of the Harldoms, in which these woodlands are considered 
to represent one of the early grants to the Abbey of Wilton, under the name of 
Frustfield. This grant seems to have been included with South Newton, near 
Wilton, and had certain rights of pasturage and wood in the forest of Melchet. 
There is a Newton situated in the tything of Whelpeley close by Melchet. The 
description given of the Earldoms in the grant as well as in the Pembroke Terrier 
is “The Eardoms lye neare the fforest of Milshott in the fields and parish of 
Whiteparish, Landford and Plaitford.” The Terrier adds, “These Woods did 
Anciently belong to the Duke of Somerset, before his Attainder, but being then 
forfeited were granted out from the Crown as above.” (Granted in the patent of 
Ramsbury to William, Earl of Pembroke, and the heirs males of his body, 7th 
May, 6th Edw. VI.) 


re 


} af WY 8 Villy . a 


Wa 


ANNE, first wite of SiR Wittiam Herserr, 
and daughter of THomas, Loro Parr, of Kendal. 
(From stained glass, now uv Wilton Church.) 


Baw. Kite, arastat 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 99 


In November, 1551, the Queen Dowager of Scotland paid a visit 
to the court of Edward VI. in considerable state. The queen 
eame to London from Hampton Court, and lodged at Baynard’s 
Castle, thence riding to the bishop’s palace with many lords; she 
afterwards rode through the city of London with the Duke of 
Northumberland and the Earl of Pembroke, attended by more than 
a hundred gentlemen, well mounted and richly dressed in coats 
guarded with velvet, wearing chains, and hats with white feathers. 

Early in the year 1552, Lord Pembroke lost his first wife Anne, by 
whom he had two sons: Henry, afterwards second Earl of Pembroke, 
and Sir Edward Herbert; also a daughter, Anne, who married Lord 
Talbot, son of the sixth Earl of Shrewsbury. Lady Pembroke was 
buried in old St. Paul’s. An account of her funeral is preserved in 
the Diary of Henry Machin, citizen of London (Camden Soc., vol. 
42). “On the 28th February was buried the noble countess of 
Pembroke, sister to the late Queen Katharine, wife of King Henry 
VIII. She died at Baynard’s Castle, and was so carried into Paul’s. 
There were a hundred poor men and women who had mantle frieze 
gowns, then came the heralds ; after this the corpse, and about her, 
eight banner rolls of arms. Then came the mourners both lords 
and knights and gentlemen, also the lady and gentlewomen mourners 
to the number of two hundred. After these were two hundred of 
her own and other servants in coats. She was buried by the tomb 
of [the Duke of] Lancaster. Afterwards her banners were set up 
over her, and her arms set on divers pillars.” _ 

In the old chapel at Wilton House was preserved a stained glass 
window, in which were painted the kneeling figures of Lord Pem- 
broke and his two sons, also that of his wife, Anne Parr, and her 
daughter. The glass is now removed to the new Church at Wilton, 
and will be found in the first window to the right on entering. 
Lady Pembroke is represented as wearing a rich mantle, covered 
with her armorial bearings, an engraving of which is given on the 
opposite page. The lady’s mantle bears the following quarterings:— 


1. Argent, two bars azure within a bordure engrailed Sable—Pare. 
2. . Or, three water bougets Sable—Ros, of Kendal. 
3. Azure, three bucks trippant Vert—GREEN. 


100 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


> 


Gules, a chevron between three cross-crosslets, and in chief a lion passant 
Or—MAaBLETHoRPE. 

Azure, three chevronels braced in base, and a chief Or—Fi1rzHuGH. 

Vaire, a fess Gules—Marwron. 

Or, three chevronels Gules, a chief Vaire—Sr. QuENTIN. 

Gules, a bend between six cross-crosslets Or—FURNEAUX. 

Barry of eight Argent and Gules a fleur-de-lis Sable—Sravety. 

[This last quartering, now replaced by a fragment of flowered glass, was 
no doubt that of GzrNzGan—barry of ten Or and Azure an eagle dis- 
played Argent. ] 


SO DIAH 


In May, 1552, Pembroke mustered his band of retainers, with 
others, in Greenwich Park, the standard before them being of red, 
white, and blue, and a dragon with an arm in his mouth, his men 
being clothed in embroidered coats of his own livery. We learn 
from Strype that “a retainer was a servant, not menial (that is 
continually dwelling in the house of his lord or master) but only 
wearing his livery, and attending sometimes upon special occasions 
upon him. The livery was wont to consist of hats or hoods, badges 
and other suits of one garment by the year. These licenses were 
given many time to lords and gentlemen on purpose for maintenance 
of quarrels, and many murders were committed by the means thereof, 
and feuds kept up among the nobility and gentry.” 

In June, 1552, King Edward began his last progress in great 
state. It had been resolved that the extent of his journey should 
be to Poole, in Dorsetshire, and to come back by Salisbury homeward 
to Hampton Court; fifty pounds of gold was coined, of the new 
standard, to carry about in the progress. On this occasion the king 
paid a visit to Lord Pembroke, at Wilton. 

Northumberland had now succeeded in bringing the country into 
a state of great discontent ; the position of things is thus described 
by Strype: “The Court was very corrupt and extremely covetous, 
especially towards the declining of the king’s reign: raking con- 
tinually from the king (who was fain to borrow), for the enriching 
of themselves, and making prey also of one another.” He also 
speaks of Pembroke in the following terms: “Sir William Herbert, 
Earl of Pembroke, now grew great, having been lately advanced 
from a commoner to a nobleman, specially since the conspiracy of 
the Duke of Somerset, wherein it was pretended, that he, together 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 101 


with the Duke of Northumberland and the Marquis of Northampton 
his brother-in-law, should have been assassinated; whereby he 
became linked in with those two overtopping men. He was 
made president of the Council for the Marches of Wales in 1552. 
And in this last year of the king, he made two great purchases of 
land and lordships from the crown, which cost him upwards of £1800, 
He was made the first and chief of a commission to view and survey 
all church goods, plate, furniture, &c., belonging to any church, 
chapel, or guild, in the county of Chester. The king also bestowed 
upon him the office of keeping the forests and parks of Claringdon, 
Pauncet, Buckholt, and Melthurst, in Wilts; to him and his son 
for their lives. And he obtained, as of the king’s gift, the manor of 
Dungate, in Somersetshire, with other lands and possessions.” * 

As the health of the king was visibly declining, Northumberland 
began to prepare his scheme for diverting the succession, There 
Were rumours of disagreement at the council board. It was said 
that Lord Pembroke had desired to leave London, and had been 
compelled forcibly to remain. However that may be, Pembroke 
joined Northumberland in his plans, for the startling announcement 


1Strype, Ecc. Mem., vol. ii., p. 74. It is difficult to arrive at any exact 
estimate of the grants made on the part of the crown to Lord Pembroke during 
the reign of Edward VI. Mr. Froude credits him with having received a larger 
share than any other member of the Council, and refers to a report made to 
Parliament on the accession of Mary, professing to give the particulars of the 
various gifts made by Edward to his ministers. This document is evidently 
drawn up with the intention of giving as little information as possible. In this 
report (State Papers, Domestic, Edw. VI. vol. 19) there are thirteen entries of 
grants to Lord Pembroke, including some exchanges and purchases, but in only 
some cases are the values given, and the exact localities are in no instances men- 
tioned. The grant of the 10th October, 1551, on the occasion of Pembroke’s 
advancement to the peerage (Particulars for Grants, Exchequer, Court of Aug- 
mentation, 5th Edw. VI., Sect. iv.), refers to the rents reserved originally on the 
Wilton and other estates by Henry VIII. Also to Baynard’s Castle, of which 
he had previously been “keeper of the same by virtue of letters patent to him 
thereof made.” Also to the manor of Bishopston, formerly a possession of the 
late Bishop of Winchester. 

On Gardiner’s return to power in the time of Queen Mary, he did not fail to 
remind Pembroke, at the first meeting of the council, that he was in possession 
of estates which had been taken from the see of Winchester. 


102 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


was soon after made that Lord Guildford Dudley, fourth son of 
Northumberland, a boy of seventeen, had married the Lady Jane 
Grey; and Pembroke’s eldest son, the still more youthful Lord 
Herbert, her sister, the Lady Katharine. According to the will of 
Henry VIII., it will be remembered that these sisters Grey were 
next heirs to the crown, after his own children. That the duke had 
secured a powerful supporter in the Earl of Pembroke, was no longer 
doubted. The king rapidly got worse, and died July 6th, 1553. 
The announcement of her succession to the throne was made to the 
Lady Jane by Northumberland, attended by Pembroke and others. 
The Earl of Pembroke, as he approached, knelt to kiss her hand. 
A very few days sufficed to show that Northumberland’s attempt to 
change the succession by implicating the members of the council 
was of no avail, the popular feeling was running strongly against 
him, and Mary’s accession was secured. This marriage—in form 
only—between Lord Herbert and the lady Katharine Grey was 
‘hastily broken off and declared invalid.’ Her destiny, however, 


1 There are several later accounts of this quasi-marriage, most of them in- 
correct in some particulars. Sir Robert Naunton, in his Fragmenta Regalia, 
1641, says, “By the letter written [by Pembroke] uppon his sonn’s marriage 
with the Lady Katharine Gray, he had like utterly to have lost himselfe; but at 
the instant of consummation as apprehending the unsafety and danger of inter- 
marriage with the blood royall, he fell at the queen’s feet, where he both 
‘acknowledged his presumption, and projected the cause and the divoree together. 

‘So quick was he at his worke, that in the time of repudiation of the sayd Lady 
Gray, he clapt up a marriage for his son, the Lord Herbert, with Mary Sidney, 
daughter of Sir Henry Sidney, Lord Deputy of Ireland; the blow falling on 
Edward, Earl of Hertford, who, to his cost, took up the divorced Lady.” 

Sir Robert Naunton has placed this event, of the first marriage, in the reign 
-of Elizabeth, instead of Mary ; he also confuses the second and third marriages of 
Lord Herbert. 

Dugdale, in his Baronage (vol. 2, p. 258) also gives an account of the circum- 
stances connected with the marriage, and quotes the statement of Sir Robert 
Naunton, but in his MS. additions to the Baronage (Collectanea Topographia et 
Genealogica, vol. 2, p. 180) he says, “In this passage S* Rob. Naunton is some- 
what mistaken; for certain it is that upon the repudiation of the Lady Katharine 
Grey, being not ignorant of Queen Mary’s great affection to George, Earl of 
Shrewsbury, he marryed this his son Henry to Katharine, the daughter of that 
Earle: which Katharine shortly after departing this life, he speedily matcht 
himself to Mary, the daughter of Sir Henry Sidney, Kn‘ of the Garter, by Mary 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 103 


was still connected with Wiltshire; she was some years afterwards 
-married clandestinely to Lord Hertford, son of Protector Somerset, 
and now lies buried with her husband in Salisbury Cathedral, where 
a magnificent monument was erected to. their memory. 

The popular will having been so strongly expressed in favor of 
Mary, Pembroke did not hesitate to take an active part in the 
movement. On the 19th July, Winchester, Arundell, Pembroke, 
Shrewsbury, Bedford, and others, who were still under the eyes of 
the Tower garrison, found means of passing the gates, and made 
their way to Pembroke’s. residence at Baynard’s Castle ; where they 
sent for the Lord Mayor and other magistrates.of the city. The 
meeting was first addressed by Arundell, who said the country was 
on the brink of civil war, and if they continued to support the 
pretensions of Lady Jane Grey to the crown, civil war would in- 
evitably break out, and so lead to the interference of France and 
Spain. Pembroke rose next. The words of Lord Arundell, he said, 
were true and good, and not to be gainsaid. What others thought 
he knew not; for himself he was so convinced, that he would fight 
in the quarrel with any man; and if words are not enough, he 
cried, flashing his sword out of the scabbard, ‘‘ this blade shall make 
Mary queen, or I will lose my life.” * 

The lords, accompanied by the mayor and heralds, went to the 
cross at Cheapside, to proclaim Mary queen. Pembroke himself 
stood out to. read ; and this time there was no reason to complain of 
a silent audience. He could utter but one sentence before his voice 
was lost in the shout of joy which thundered into the air. ‘ God 
save the Queen” rung out from ten thousands of throats. “ God 
save the Queen,” cried Pembroke himself, when he had done, and 


his wife, daughter to John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland; by which he did 
no lesse endeavour to ingratiate himself with the Lord Robert Dudley [one of 
the sons of that Duke, and afterwards Earl of Leicester], who at that time began 
to grow powerfull at court; than by the former, to insinuate himself with Duke 
Dudley, the great man of his time.” 

The marriage of Lord Herbert, however, with Katharine, daughter of Lord 
Shrewsbury, did not take place till some ten years afterwards, in the time of 
Queen Elizabeth. 


1 Froude’s History of England, chap. 30, 


104 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


flung up his jewelled cap and tossed his purse among the crowd. 

Pembroke was one of the twelve mourners at the funeral of King 
Edward, at Westminster, according to the ritual of the Church of 
England; Mary having been with difficulty persuaded to abandon her 
intention of having a mass for the dead celebrated there. The queen’s 
residence in the Tower had already become irksome to her as she 
was still surrounded by thousands of armed men, the levies of Derby 
and Hastings, and the retainers of Pembroke, Arundell, and Bedford. 
Pembroke absented himself from the presence; he was required to 
return and to reduce the number of his followers. Lord Derby 
complained to Renard, the envoy of the Emperor Charles V., that 
those who had saved her crown were treated with neglect, while 
men like Arundell, Pembroke, and Bedford, who had been parties 
to the treasons against her, remained in power. Lord Russell was 
soon after placed under arrest, Pembroke and Winchester were 
ordered to keep their houses, and the court was distracted with sus- 
picion, discord, and uncertainty. 

The Queen restored the Roman ritual without delay, but some 
precautions were necessary. The late king had been buried on 
August 8th, We learn from Foxe, that on Sunday, August 20th, 
Dr. Watson, the Bishop of Winchester’s chaplain, preached at Paul’s 
Cross, at whose sermon were present the Marquis of Winchester, 
Pembroke, Bedford, and Rich; from a contemporary letter we also 
learn that “thear was 120 of the garde that stoode round aboute 
the crosse with their halberds to gard the preacher and to apprehend 
them that would stuire.’? Pembroke was also present at the 


1 Events passed rapidly in those days. Pembroke was godfather to a child of 
Underhill’s, the hot gospeller. The account of the christening is given by Strype 
(Ecc. Mem., vol. 2, p. 180), “In the days of King Edward he [Underhill] was of 
such good esteem and so well known and beloved by the nobility, that having a 
son born during the short reign of Queen Jane, she was godmother, and named 
him after her husband’s name, Guildford; Sir Nicholas Throgmorton’s lady 
being deputy, the Duke of Suffolk and the Earl of Pembroke godfathers. Im- 
mediately after the christening was done, Queen Mary was proclaimed in 
Cheapside, the deputy godmother returning to the Tower to wait upon her lady, 
found the cloth of state taken down, and all things defaced belonging to Jane as 
queen, and she, as well as her mistress, made prisoners.” 


—— "© dicta, paladicenin in) mel 


_ First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 105 


coronation of the queen, which took place on October lst of the 
same year. 
- The question of the Spanish marriage and Mary’s determination 
to suppress Protestantism speedily led to disunion in the Council ; 
Gardiner was the only statesman in the country who thought a 
return to Catholic union practicable or desirable ; while there was 
searcely an influential family, titled or untitled, which was not, by 
grant, or purchase, in possession of confiscated Church property. 
Aubrey’s story of the return of the nuns to Wilton on the accession 
of Mary, and of their subsequent dismissal in Elizabeth’s time in 
the coarse language attributed to Pembroke, is purely imaginary. 
One of the first things done by the Commons after Mary’s accession 
was to come to an understanding that lay owners of Church lands 
should not be disturbed in their tenure under any pretence whatever ; 
nor had the queen at any time afterwards power to alter this decision. 
Although Wilton was not invaded by the nuns, it was disturbed 
by local quarrels, notably by Lord Stourton’s servants, as appears 
by the following extract of a letter addressed to the Council, dated 
August 19th, 1553:—' “And towching the mattre betwene the 
Earle of Pembroke’s servantes and the Lorde Sturtons, what is all 
redy [? known to] you, my Lorde of Norffolk can well declare. 
This afternoone we will traveil to the best of our poures to make a 
parfight ende thereof.” The exact cause of the quarrel does not 
appear, it probably arose from some jealousy on the part of Lord 
Stourton, who belonged to the old Catholic party, and whose restless 
tendencies are too well known, from his quarrel with, and subsequent. 
murder of the Hartgills, at Kilmington.? The state of things at 


1 State Papers, Domestic, Mary, vol. i., No. 9. 


2 Lord. Stourton was executed at Salisbury for this offence. Bishop Burnet, 
in his History of the Reformation, gives an account of an attempt on the part of 
the Lord Lieutenant, the Earl of Pembroke, and the High Sheriff, Sir Anthony 
Hungerford, to evade the receipt of a reprieve or pardon which was said to have 
been brought down to Wilton on the night previous to the execution by Lord 
Stourton’s son. This improbable story has been shewn by Canon Jackson to be 
incorrect and most probably untrue, in his account of Lord Stourton and the 
Hartgills. (Wilts Maqg., vol. viii., p. 260.) 


106 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


this time can be very well understood from a passage in Aubrey :— 
“Wm., Ist EH. of Pembroke being a stranger in our country [Wilts] 
and an upstart, was much envyed, and in those days of sword and 
buckler, noblemen, and also great Knights, as the Longs, &c., when 
they went to the assizes or sessions at Salisbury, &c., had a great 
number of retainers following them, and there were in those days, 
feuds—e.g., quarrells and animosities, between great neighbours. 
Particularly this new Earle was much envyed by the then Lord 
Sturton, of Sturton, who when he went or returned from Sarum 
(by Wilton was his rode), would sound his trumpetts, and give re- 
proachfull challenging words. T’was a relique of Knight errantry.”} 
The marriage of the queen with Philip of Spain was deferred 
_owing to the strong opposition which found vent in Wyatt’s re- 
bellion. The queen rode boldly into London and appealed to the 
citizens. In St. Paul’s Churchyard she met Pembroke and slightly 
bowed as she passed him. Gardiner, more demonstrative, was 
observed to stoop to his saddle. When Wyatt was thundering at the 
gates, Mary was advised to take shelter instantly at Windsor. The 
lords were divided. Gardiner insisted again that she must and should 
go; the others were uncertain, or inclined to the advice of Renard, 
the emperor’s envoy, that she should stay. At last Mary said that she 
would be guided by Pembroke and Clinton. If those two would under- 
take to stand by her, she would remain und see out the struggle. They 
were not present, and were sent for on the spot. Pembroke for 
weeks past had certainly wavered ; Lord Thomas Grey believed at 
one time that he had gained him over, and to the last felt sure of 
his neutrality. Happily for Mary, he decided on supporting the 
queen, and promised to defend her with his life. At four o’clock in 
the morning drums went round the city, calling the train-bands to 
an instant muster at Charing Cross. Pembroke’s conduct determined 
. the young lords and gentlemen about the court, who with their 
servants were swiftly mounted and under arms ; and by eight, 
more than ten thousand men were brought together. Pembroke’s 


1 Lives of Eminent Men, ii., 479. 


es 


First Eari of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 107 


judicious disposal of his troops and prompt action carried everything 
before him; the rebellion was now at an end.! 

Peter Vannes, in his report to the Council of Ten, says “ If Lords 
Pembroke, Clinton, and the other captains could hear how loudly 
they are commended here, they would think their loyalty sufficiently 
rewarded.” ? 

Two factions, distinctly marked, were now growing in the Council 
—the party of the statesmen, composed of Paget, Arundell, Pem- 
broke, Lord William Howard, Winchester, &c.—the party of the 
Church, composed of Gardiner, Petre, Rochester, Jerningham, &c. 
Divided on all other questions, the rival parties agreed only no 
longer to oppose the coming of Philip. Egmont, the envoy of 
Charles V., had brought over presents and promises. Pensions of 
two thousand crowns had been offered to, and were probably accepted 
by, the Earls of Pembroke, Arundell, Derby, and Shrewsbury, 
other peers received a smaller amount. The pensions were large, 
but, as Renard observed, when Charles seemed to hesitate, several 
of the recipients were old, and would soon die; and as to the rest, 
things in England were changing from day to day, and some means 
would easily be found to put an end to the payments. 

On the 6th March, 1554, the ambassadors from Spain were con- 
ducted by Pembroke into the presence chamber, and the betrothal 
took place, Philip being represented by Count Egmont. Mary had 
still some weeks of uneasiness and depression before her long- 
expected husband came. Renard wrote that the tempers of men 
were never worse than at that moment. Gardiner persuaded the 
queen, perhaps not without reason, that he was himself in danger of 
being arrested by Paget and Pembroke. On the other hand, twelve 
noblemen and gentlemen undertook to stand by Mary if she would 


1A document in the State Paper Office (Domestic, Philip and Mary, No. 47) 


_gives the names of certain lords and gentlemen who were to be rewarded for 
-acting against the rebels, showing the additions by some person in high place 


suggesting the manner in which those who had served Queen Mary were to be 
rewarded. The Earl of Pembroke’s name was placed at the head by the same 
writer. Amongst the Lord Lieutenant’s: men was included the name of Mr. 
Penruddock, the standard-bearer. 

2 Venice Archives, 1553-4. 


108 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


arrest Paget and Pembroke; Winchester and Rochester discussed 
the feasibility of seizing them, but Lord Howard and the Channel 
Fleet were thought to present too formidable an obstacle. 

At last Mary was gladdened by the announcement of the arrival 
of the Marquis de las Navas at Plymouth, with the news that the 
Prince was by that time on his way. The marquis, who was major- 
domo to the Prince, is described as being “an ancient gentleman 
about the year of fifty or better, bearing himself very honorably.” 

The ‘marquis landed at Plymouth on the lst June, where he was 
met by Edward Lord Dudley, accompanied by the Earl of Pembroke, 
for the purpose of conducting him to court. Although Mary had 
never received a line of sympathy or love from Philip, he had sent 
her by the hands of the envoy a single diamond with its ornaments, 
valued at eighty-thousand crowns. An interesting letter is preserved 
in the Record Office,’ which I print in full, describing the visit of 
the envoy with his large retinue and attendants, to Wilton House, 
en his way to London, and their reception on the route by Pem- 
-broke’s youthful son, Lord Herbert,’ and other magnates of the 
county. It was sent by Lord Dudley to the Council. 


“May hytt please youre honors to vnderstand thatt, acordynge to my aduer- 
tysementt frome Shaftesburye, the Marques on Sonday laste lay att Wylton the 
Yerle of Pembrokes howse ; ande by the way, cummynge thytherwarde, the sayd 
Marques was honorably met wt my Lorde Harbartt, who had of hys owne nomber 
cc horse, gentylmen ande yemen, all well horsed and appoyntted; ande, besydes, 
the Shryfe of the Shyre, w‘ the gentyllmen thereof, ande theyre servantes, weere 
other cc horse; so thatt in the whole they weere fowre hundrethe. And as thys 
Marques ande Yerle wentt and rode to Wylton theyre weere certeyn cowrses att 
the hare, whyche was so pleasantt thatt the Marques muche delyted in feyndynge 
the cowrses so reddelye apoynted. As for the Marques greate cheyre, as well 
thatt nyght att sowper, as otherwyse att hys brekefaste the nextt day, surely hytt 
was so abundantt thatt hytt was natt a lyttyll marveyle to consyder thatt so 
greate a preparacyon cowlde be made in so small a warnynge. Surely the 
Marques hathe natt a lyttyll marveyled of hys enterteynmentt thatt he had w* 
my Lord Harbartt—whatt for the meatynge of hyme, hys pastyme by the way, 
w' hys greate cheyre; ande agayn, the hansomnes and commodyteys of Wylton, 
w' the goode apoyntementt and the goode fornyture thereof; in all thynges 
wherof the better hathe nott been seen. Ande surely hytt was natt a lyttyll com- 
fortt to my harte to see all thynges so honorablye vsed for the honor ande servys 
of the Queenes Maiestey. As for the lyttyll Lorde Harbartt, althoughe he 


1 State Papers, Domestic, Mary, vol. 4, No. 13. 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 109 


beynge a chylde of yeyres, yett he vsed hyme selfe, rather, lyke a mane; so 
dysereatly thatt the Marques dyd muche commende hyme, no less then he was 
worthey. Thys day the Marques, desyrous to make haste to the Quenes Maiestey, 
entendeth to be att Gyllford att sowpper; and thys beynge the remouynge day I 
was desyrous to haue stayed hyme. Yett I hearynge nothynge frome youre 
honors, thoughtt nott good otherwyse to apoynte hyme; and therefore haue sentt 
herein enclosed the names of them thatt cume wt the Marques. Theyre nomber 
of servantes, woone ande other, are natt aboue fyftey. Ande bycawse that thys 
day the sayd Marques entendeth to send sume of hys companye the nextt way to 
London, I cowlde natt therefore sende vnto youre honors the full ceyrteyntey,; 
butt fyftey ys the moste. Thys berar, my seruant, ys well practysed and knoen 
emongst them; wherefore yf hytt may stande w* youre pleasures to apoynte 
hyme w* the Queenes Maiesteys harbyngar, as well to vnderstand the place where 
the sayd Marques shallbee, as also to instructe the harbyngars the degrees of 
them, thatt they may be placed acordyngely. And so hyt may stande w* youre 
pleasures to retorne my mane wt youre full determynacyon whyther I shall 
brynge them. So I moste humbly take my leaue. Wrytten att Basynge, my 
Lorde Tresorar’s howse, the xix of Jun. 
“ Att the commandementt of youre honors 
durynge lyfe 
“EE. DuppELEY.” 

“T beseche youre honors to pardon me thatt I so rudely wrytt vnto youe, by 
reason wherof thatt I wt my men hathe as muche to doo as we cane turne vs; 
and natt hauyinge my clerke to wrytt, I was the worse fornyshed. Over and 
besydes they baylyfes here dysapoynted me in sendynge of thys letter, wherof 
also I humblye beseeche youe to pardon me.” 


[Addressed] 


“To the ryght honorable ande 
my especyall goode Lordes, my 
Lordes of the Queenes Maiesteys 
most honorable pryuey councell 
haste poste haste 
haste w' all dylygence.” 


The route from Shaftesbury to Wilton, at that time, would be 
over the downs, by what is still known as the old Shaftesbury road, 
and well adapted for “cowrses att the hare.” The “ lyttle Lorde 
Harbartt” probably knew the country well; he afterwards established 
the Salisbury Race over this same district. Aubrey says “ This 
race is of two sorts: the greater, fourteen miles, beginnes at White- 
sheet and ends on Harnham-hill, which is very seldom runn, not 
once perhaps in twenty yeares. The shorter begins at a place called 
the Start, at the end of the edge of the north downe of the farme 
of Broad Chalke, and ends at the standing at the hare warren, built 


110 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


by William, Earle of Pembroke, and is four miles from the Start.” 

It will not be uninteresting to see what impression of English 
life was, at this time, made on a foreigner. In the report on England 
made by Soranzo to the Senate, dated August, 1554,” he says, “ The 
nobility, save such as are employed at court, do not habitually reside 
in the cities, but in their own country mansions, where they keep 
up very grand establishments, both with regard to great abundance 
of eatables consumed by them, as also by reason of their numerous 
attendants, in which they exceed all other nations, so that the Earl 
of Pembroke has upwards of 1000 clad in his own livery. In these 
their country residences they occupy themselves with hunting of 
every description, and with whatever else can amuse or divert them; 
so that they seem wholly intent on leading a joyous existence, the 
women being no less sociable than the men, it being customary for 
them and allowable to go without any regard either alone or ac- 
companied by their husbands to the taverns, and to dine and sup 
where they please.” 

Pembroke had no sooner finished his reception of the envoy than 
he prepared to meet the Prince on his landing. On the 19th July, 
the Spanish squadron, now joined by the combined fleets of England 
and Spain, came to anchor in the port of Southampton.? On the 
23rd of that month, the Earl of Pembroke arrived with a brilliant 
company of two hundred mounted gentlemen dressed in black velvet 
and wearing heavy gold chains, to escort the prince to Winchester. 
He was attended, besides, by a body of English archers, whose tunics 
of yellow cloth, striped with bars of red velvet, displayed the livery 
of the house of Aragon. At Winchester the queen was attended by 


1 Natural History of Wiltshire, part. ii., chapter xv. 
2 State Papers, Venetian, vol. 5, p. 544. 


3 Some particulars of Philip’s arrival, not elsewhere recorded, are given in the 
report made by the French ambassador to his master. (Ambassades de Noailles, 
iii., 284) It states that when the Marquis de las Navas found that the prince 
was not far from land, he placed himself in a boat with Lord Herbert, of Cardiff, 
eldest son of the Earl of Pembroke, and five other sons of noblemen, and pro- 
ceeded to the ship in which the prince was; to whom he presented; the said 
English lords to be gentlemen of his chamber, to which he assented very graciously. 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 111 


almost the entire peerage of England. Pembroke played an im- 
portant part in the magnificent marriage ceremonial held in that city. 
Some embarrassment occurred as to the person who should give the 
queen away—a part of the ceremony which had not been provided 
for. After a brief conference, it was removed by the Marquis of 
Winchester and the Earls of Pembroke and Derby coming forward 
and performing the office in the name of the whole realm, upon 
which the people gave a great shout, and prayed God to send them 
joy. Directly the hand of Queen Mary was given to King Philip, 
the Earl of Pembroke advanced and carried before the bridegroom a 
sword of state, the symbol of sovereignty, which he had hitherto 
kept out of sight; the royal pair returned hand-in-hand from the 
high altar. 

The brilliant nuptial ceremonies could not, however, hide the 
wide-spread discontent. The peers who had collected for the mar- 
riage, dispersed to their counties. The Spanish followers of the 
king were looked upon with the gravest discontent, and it was even 
rumoured that in the month of September, Pembroke, Shrewsbury, 
and Westmoreland contemplated raising a standard of revolt at York. 
However this may be,it appears that two months later, November] 2th, 
1554,the king and queen rode in theirparliamentrobes to Westminster, 
to open Parliament, the Earl of Pembroke bearing the sword of state 
before the king. At this time Cardinal Pole obtained his long-wished- 
for permission to return to England as the Pope’s legate, and a re- 
conciliation with Rome was effected. In the spring of the following 
year—1555—the queen, who had strangely persuaded herself that 
she was about to present the nation with an heir to the throne, 
wished to celebrate the event by making peace between France and 
the emperor. For thirty-five years these two great catholic powers 
had been wrestling with but brief interruption, the advantage to 
either had been as trifling as their quarrel was insignificant. A 
conference was therefore agreed upon, in which England was to 
mediate. A village within the Calais pale was selected as the 
place of assembly, and Pole, Gardiner, Paget, and Pembroke 
were chosen to arrange the terms of a general peace, with the 
Bishop of Arras, the Cardinal of Lorraine, and Montmorency. 


112 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


Disappointment was the result all round. The conference came to 
nothing, the queen awoke to the melancholy consciousness that she 
was suffering from a mortal disease, and Philip began to tire of his 
bride and his newly-adopted country. 

All the energies and revenues of the queen had been so exclusively 
directed to the wants of the Church, that the fortresses of Calais 
and Guisnes had been neglected and allowed to fall into disrepair, 
Since the taking of Boulogne the French had never ceased to regard 
the expulsion of the English as a feat to be accomplished, sooner or 
later. In a letter written in cipher from Michieli, Venetian Am- 
bassador to the Doge and Senate, dated March 12th, 1555,’ he says 
“The king having sent in haste last week for the Earl of Pembroke, 
one of the chief noblemen of England, who, as usual with him, was 
livirg in retirement at his country seat, 60 miles hence ;* his sudden 
appearance in London caused a very general report of its being in- 
duced by war with France.” He afterwards finds “ that the object 
of Pembroke’s mission was to superintend the fortifications of 
Guisnes, and to give advice to the deputy at Calais; Lord Went- 
worth’s youth and inexperience might encourage the French to 
attack those places, should the queen’s confinement terminate in- 
auspicially.” 

Five days after this, Frederico Badoer, Venetian Ambassador with 
Charles V., writes to the Doge and Senate : 3 “ The Earl of Pembroke 
who is considered the chief personage in England, having more 
followers there than anybody, has arrived at Calais with only six 
servants, bringing letters from the king and queen for the warder, 
desiring him to obey the Earl’s orders. He has not said a word 
about the cause of his coming, which there and here has caused 
much comment. Many suppose, that to facilitate the peace with 
his most Christian Majesty, the emperor induced the queen to send 
Lord Pembroke because the French hold him in great esteem.” On 
his way from Wilton, to execute his commission at Calais, he assisted 


1 State Papers, Venetian, 1555-1556, No. 24. 
2 Not sixty miles, but eighty-three; this mistake, however, is not remarkable 
in a foreigner living in England at that time. 
3 Venetian State Papers, 1555-1556, No. 31. 


First Earl of Pembrohe of the Present Creation. 113 


at the consecration of Cardinal Pole as Archbishop of Canterbury. 
This took place on Passion Sunday, 1555, in the conventual Church 
of the Grey Friars, at Greenwich. The archbishop took his oath 
to the pope in the parlour, the queen being present. Pembroke 
was there with other officials, as he was again a few days afterwards 
at Bow Church, which was “hanged with cloth of gold and with 
rich arras, and laid with curtains, for the coming of the Lord 
Cardinal Pole.” 

Pembroke’s stay at Calais did not exceed two months, the reasons 
for his sudden return are learnt in a letter from Giovanni Michieli 
to the Doge and Senate, dated May 6th, 1555. In these com- 
munications it was usual to write important political matter in 
cipher; the passage printed in italics was so written. “The Karl 
of Pembroke has been unexpectedly recalled from Calais, he ex- 
pecting to remain there some time, having sent for his wife, who 
was already on her way. Persons the best informed attribute this 
return solely to King Philip’s wish to have him about his person at 
the time of this delivery, relying greatly, let happen what may, on 
his fidelity and power, and on being able to make better use of him 
here than across the Channel; and should it be necessary to make 
any provision, either by covertly mustering troops, as has apparently 
been ordered, or for anything else, through his numerous followers, 
he will be able to do it better than all the others.” 

Four days later we have another instance of how all minute par- 
ticulars were forwarded to foreign courts by their representatives, 
also the fact that Pembroke did not know any other language than 
his own. Badoer writes to the Doge and Senate, “The Earl of 
Pembroke, who was at Calais, having been appointed third com- 
missioner for the Queen of England, has crossed the Channel on a 
summons from the king; some persons say because the ministers 
_ know him to be unfit for this negociation, as he neither speaks nor 
understands any other language than the English. Others are of 
opinion that the king and Queen wish to have him near them in 
ease of any accident in those parts, he being their Majesties 


1 Venetian State Papers, 1555-1556, No. 72. 
VOL. XVIII.—NO. LII, . I 


114 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


lieutenant, a faithful subject, and one who has very great authority 
in that kingdom.” * 

Soon after his return from Calais, we find Pembroke attending 
the obsequies of the Queen of Spain, the king’s grandmother, at 
St. Paul’s; where “ the hearse set up was the goodliest ever seen in 
England; the bare frame whereof, the work of the carpenter, cost 
£15. After mass, a great dinner at the Bishop of London’s place, 
with great plenty.” 

Mary’s strange hallucination having now become apparent, she 
fell into a depressed state; persecution, distrust, and famine had 
caused grievous discontent ; Philip was now only desirous to return 
to Flanders, nor had he long to wait for the opportunity. 

In the autumn of 1555 the king received a summons from his 
father to leave England and join him in Flanders ; the cause of this 
sudden movement was one that filled the Castilians, as it did all 
Europe, with astonishment—the proposed abdication of Charles V. 
On the 4th September Philip made his entry into Calais and soon 
after resumed his journey with his splendid train of Castilians and 
English nobles, amongst whom were the Earls of Arundell, Pembroke 
and Huntingdon. On the road they were met by a military escort, 
sent by his father, and so entered Brussels, where the emperor and 
and his court were eagerly awaiting them. The royal party dis- 
mounted at the casino near the Louvain Gate; the king kneeling 
before his father, begging permission to kiss his hand. He then 
called by name the Admiral, Lord William Howard, the Earls of 
Arundell and Pembroke, and some other English gentlemen, and 
presented them to the emperor, who received them joyfully, but did 
not allow them to kiss his hand, it being his wont never to give it 
to such as are not his own subjects.? 

The year 1556 opened inauspiciously. The Dudley conspiracy 
had come to nothing, but disaffection had penetrated deeply, not 
only amongst the people, but into the English garrisons in France, 
where the French were still waiting for their opportunity. The 


1 Venetian State Papers, 1555-1556, No. 77. 
2 State Papers, Venetian, 1555-1556, No. 214. 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 115 


catholic party had not a soldier among them, Pembroke himself went 
over in command with reinforcements and supplies, in time to save 
Calais for a few more months. The date of his departure, we learn 
from Strype, was November 25th, “ The Earl of Pembroke took his 
barge for Calais.” 

In March, 1557, Philip paid his last visit to England for a few 
weeks, not for the pleasure of seeing the queen, but to make arrange- 
ments for an English contingent to join his forces in an attack on 
the French. The council gave their reluctant consent, and seven 
thousand men were to cross the Channel and join Pembroke in the 
Low Countries. The outward show of the “ pomp and circumstance” 
‘of war, was not disregarded. Heralds belonging to the sovereign 
receive gowns of the colours of the livery of the generals, upon 
whom they were ordered to attend, at the expense of the crown. In 
a warrant to the Wardrobe, in 1557, in which same year Chester 
Herald and Portcullis Pursuivant had blue guarded with red, being 
then appointed to attended upon the Earl of Pembroke, Captain- 
General of the army against France.’ 

Philip prepared for the campaign at Brussels; he had collected 
a large army, which he placed under the command of Philibert, 
Duke of Savoy, this was to be joined by the English contingent. 
Philibert, after having succeeded in distracting the attention of the 
enemy, and leading them to expect him in Champagne, turned 
suddenly into Picardy, and invested the town of St. Quentin. The 
French, under the Constable Montmorency, were taken at a dis- 
advantage; before they could recover themselves their defeat had 
become irretrievable. The Constable himself, the Duke of Mont= 
pensier, several hundred gentlemen—some of the, best blood of 
France—and thousands of soldiers, were taken in a victory almost 
bloodless for the victors. The English do not seem to have taken any 
part in the battle, they only arrived in force two days after the en- 
gagement. They now eagerly coveted the opportunity for distinction 
which had been denied them at the battle of St. Quentin, but there 
was little more to be done than to share, with the allied armies, the 


1 Anstis’ Order of the Garter, vol. i., p. 446. 
12 


116 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


sack and pillage of the place, which was defended by the brave 
Admiral Coligny. 

Montmorency was a prisoner in the hands of the Spaniards: on 
the king’s arrival at the camp after the battle, the Duke of Savoy 
laid at his feet the banners and other trophies of the fight. It 
is probable that the several fine suits of armour taken from the 
Constable Montmorency, the Duke of Montpensier, and others, now 
placed in the entrance-hall of Wilton House, as tokens of the battle 
of St. Quentin, were then given. 

In truth the English gained but little honour in this war, and 
the Pembrokes have more reason to be proud of the association 
of the name of St. Quentin with their family through the Parr 
descent, than from any glory acquired at the battle of St. Quentin. 
Pembroke was on this occasion accompanied by his eldest son and 
attended by one Richard Hurleston, who, as we learn from 
Strype, was a man of strong Protestant tendencies, servant first 
to Sir Thomas Seymour, afterwards Lord High Admiral—serving 
him in the place of a gentleman—and subsequently in a similar 
capacity the Earl of Pembroke at St. Quentin. “And from 
thence was sent with the charge and government of the Lord 
Herbert (son and heir of the said Earl) to Doway, where they 
remained, till the lord his father came thither. And so they went 
home, and then he (Hurleston) went into his own country, 
where he remained till the death of Queen Mary.”* Sir George 
Penruddocke, ancestor of the Penruddockes of Compton, was also 
present in this campaign, as standard-bearer to the Earl of Pembroke, 
and afterwards attended his funeral in a similar capacity. 

The French had not long to wait for retaliation. Mary had 
again fallen into a morbid state of ill-health, and the English 
garrisons on French soil were still in a deplorably weak state. The 


1This connection seems to have continued. In a letter from Chester, dated 
December 20th, 1567, from Ric. Hurleston to the Earl of Pembroke, he “ Gives 
intelligence by good information, of great preparations making by the King of 
Spain for the invasion of England. Certain gentlemen in Lancashire have taken 
a solemn oath not to come to the communion, and they rejoice greatly at the 
report of a Spanish invasion.” (State Papers, Domestic Series, 1567.) 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 117 


arrival of the army under Pembroke, a few months before, had re- 
moved the immediate ground for alarm, and after the defeat of the 
French the danger was supposed to be over altogether. Guise, 
however, made a vigorous attack, and no reinforcements being sent 
in time, Calais fell into the hands of the French in January, 1558. 
This blow, in her then state of health, proved fatal 1o the queen ; 
she died in November of this year. 

The Lady Elizabeth was at her seat at Hatfield, when Queen 
Mary died ; thither some great personages forthwith repaired to her, 
namely, the Earl of Pembroke, Clinton, Arundell, Cecil, and others, 
where they sat in this, her first, Privy Council. On the 23rd 
November she removed towards London, attended by a thousand or 
more lords, knights, gentlemen, ladies, &. Lord Pembroke car- 
ried the queen’s sword in the procession. One of the first acts of 
Elizabeth was her direction to a body of divines to revise the 
prayer book, and take from it that sectarian character which, in its 
latest form, it had assumed. Pembroke and others, with Cecil 
at their head, formed a committee of council to consult privately 
with the queen. 

The accession of Elizabeth was welcomed by all parties, and for 
a time, at least, her popularity was unbounded. On April 25th, 
1559, “The Queen in the afternoon went to Baynard’s Castle, the 
Earl of Pembroke’s place, and supped with him, and after supper 
she took a boat and was rowed up and down the river Thames, 
hundreds of boats and barges rowing about her, and thousands of 
people thronging at the water side to look upon her majesty, re- 
joicing to see her, and partaking of the music and sights in the 
Thames, for the trumpets blew, drums beat, flutes played, guns 

_were discharged, squibs hurled up into the air as the queen moved 
from place to place. And this continued till ten of the clock at 
night, when the queen departed home.”! At this time it was 
customary for Her Majesty to give and receive presents from her 
nobility on New Year’s Day. On the Ist January, 1561-2, the 
_ Earl of Pembroke offered a purse of black silk and silver knit, with 
£30 in new angells. In return he received “oone guilte bolle or 


1 Strypes’ Annals. 


weg 


118 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


spice plate with a cover, given to the Queen her Majestie by Mr. 
John Astley, Master and Treasurer of her Jewels and Plate, 31 oz. ; 
and one guilt cup with a cover 183 oz.” This bowl, presented by 
Astley, is mentioned as “ given to the Earl of Pembroke eodem die.” 
At the same time the Countess of Pembroke offered “a cherry bag 
of crymson satten with £15 in new angells;” and received from 
the queen, “ oone guilt cup with a cover 274 oz.”’} 

In the earlier years of Elizabeth’s reign Pembroke seems to have 
acted a good deal with Cecil, with whom he held strong views in 
favour of reformation in religion. When the queen sent Cecil to 
Scotland in May, 1560, to make a treaty of peace with the French, 
he went unwillingly, not knowing what influences might be brought 
to bear on Elizabeth during his absence. Sir Henry Killigrew 
writes, “ Pembroke, Clinton, and Norfolk were true to him, but 
other friends had he none; I know that none can love their country 
better than Mr. Cecil: I would the Queen’s Majesty could love it 
so well.” The treaty having been signed, Lord Clinton writes to 
Cecil, that “no better service had ever been done to England ; Lord 
Pembroke is your very good friend. Touching the matter of 
Scotland, he remaineth firm and sure as in the beginning without 
change or alteration, and hath hitherto stayed his going from the 
court until he might hear of a final order of the matter of your 
commissioner, which now he heareth to be such as is much to his 
contentation.” At the foot of the letter Pembroke adds his sig- 
nature to that of Clinton, who must have shewn Pembroke what he 
had written. The Scots were anxious to supplement this treaty by 
inducing Elizabeth to marry the Earl of Arran, and so counteract 
the French Catholic interest centred in Mary Stuart; the com- 
missioners sent from Scotland for this purpose were entertained with 
marked hospitality by Pembroke and Bedford, who, with all their 
friends, looked on this proposed marriage as a necessity. 

Pembroke himself was laid up with a serious illness at this time. 
In June, 1560, Lord Robert Dudley writes to the Earl of Essex to 
that effect, “The Erle of Pembroke is at Hendon, and as yet dare 
not his physicians assure his recovery.” 


1 Nichols’s Progresses of Queen Elizabeth, vol. i., p. 108. 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 119 


During the summer of 1561 the Irish, with Shan O’Neil at their 
head, worsted the English forces under Sussex. To such an extent 
was intrigue and faction rife at the court of Elizabeth at this time, 
that Cecil declared that Lord Pembroke seemed to be the only 
nobleman whose patriotism could be depended on; and in Pembroke’s 
absence there was not a person—“ no,” Cecil reiterated, “ not one, 
who did not either wish so well to Shan O’Neil or so ill to the Earl 
of Sussex as rather to welcome the news than regret the English 
loss.” 

Soon after this, Cecil was out of favour with the queen, and pro- 
posed to retire from the public service; in this he was joined by 
Pembroke, the cause being, the expectation that Elizabeth would 
marry Lord Robert Dudley. The queen was then believed to be so 
infatuated, that a powerful party was moving to prevent it. The 
secret mover was supposed to have been Cecil, he fearing that 
Elizabeth was about to abandon the Reformation. As long as the 
queen remained unmarried the question of the succession was always 
uppermost, each faction had an eye toa possible candidate. The 
Spanish ambassador had been coquetting with Katharine Grey for 
a husband in the interest of Spain. 

At this time we find the following passage in a letter from Sir 
Henry Neville {to Throckmorton, the queen’s ambassador at Paris, 
dated June 28th, 1561, “ My Lord of Pembrok cannot yeat bryng hys 
purpos to passe, for my lady Cateryn wyll not have his son, and what- 
soever ys the cawse I know not, but the Quen ys entryd in to a 
great mislyking w'her. . . . for that lam goyng‘into Wylsher, 
I do as well aquyt you for wrytyng as my self tyl my retorn.” } 

There can be little doubt that this refers to Lady Katharine,Grey, 
whose sudden marriage to Pembroke’s eldest son, and its equally 
sudden repudiation, about the time of King Edward’s death, has 
already been referred to. The Lady Katharine had some months 
previously been married secretly to Lord Hertford ; the cause of the 
queen’s misliking her was soon made known. John Somer writes 
to Throckmorton, “On Sept. 26, the Lady Catharine was brought 
abed in the Tower of a boy. Lord Hertford and she agree upon the 


' State Papers, Foreign, Elizabeth, 1561, 1562, No. 272. 


120 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


time, place, and company of their marriage, but cannot bring either 
witness or minister. They must either find out the minister, or 
determine what the law will say, if it be a marriage or no. The 
matter lies chiefly, notwithstanding all determination, in the Queen’s 


mercy.” ! 


Some persons of high rank were suspected to have been 
concerned in the disposal of the hand of the Lady Katharine; for 
if the queen married Lord Robert Dudley, as was feared, a revolu- 
tion was expected to follow, and she would then form the nucleus of 
anew party. A single glance below the surface when the explosion 
came satisfied Elizabeth that it was dangerous to look further. The 
queen wreaked her anger on the unlucky pair who had offended her ; 
they were kept for many years in the Tower, but their treatment 
there was not so harsh as has been generally supposed, as we learn 
from the interesting account of their lives in Canon Jackson’s paper 
on Wulfhall and the Seymours, already mentioned. 

It seems incredible that Pembroke should have contemplated 
renewing the marriage of his son with the Lady Katharine Grey ; 
it is just possible that the passage in the letter might refer to some 
proposal of a projected marriage which actually took place some 
eighteen months after, between his son, Lord Herbert, and Lady 
Katharine Talbot, as appears from a letter, dated February, 1563, 
from Sir John Mason to Sir Thomas Chaloner, “The Earle of 
Shrewsburie’s sonne and heyre hath marryed with the Earle of 
Pembrook’s daughter, and the Earle of Pembrook’s sonne and heyre 
hath married with the Earle of Shrewsburie’s daughter.” This 
double marriage took place at Baynard’s Castle. Machin, in his 
diary, says that there was afterwards as great a dinner as had ever 
been seen, and this was continued for four days, and every mght 
there were great mummeries and masques. This was Francis Talbot, 
son and heir of George, sixth Earl of Shrewsbury, who married 
Anne, the only daughter of Lord Pembroke, and died in his father’s 
lifetime. Lord. Herbert’s married life with the Lady Katharine 
Talbot? was of short duration ; he afterwards espoused Mary Sidney. 


1 Foreign Series, Eliz., 1561, 1562, No. 540. 
2.On the occasion of Lady Katharine Talbot’s marriage, her father enforced the 
ancient feudal right of receiving a benevolence from his tenants as ayde pour 


‘First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 121 


This was not the first connection of the Herberts with the Talbots, 
Lord Pembroke himself, after the death of his first wife, Anne Parr, 
had married Anne, daughter of George, the fourth Earl of Shrews- 
bury, widow of Peter Compton, ancestor of the present Northampton 
family. Of this marriage there was no issue; this lady lived till 
1588, and was buried at Erith, in Kent. 

It was not only in military affairs that Pembroke was employed 


by the queen. After the fall of Calais great distress was prevalent 


amongst the merchant staplers, petitions for relief were sent to the 
Government, and these were referred to the Earl of Pembroke to 
report upon. He was also, with many others, interested in the 
commercial ventures of this period; the command of the sea and the 
restless spirit of adventure abroad was beginning to lay the foun- 
dation of the commercial prosperity of England. In March, 1563, 
a warrant was issued for delivery of the ship Jesws of Lubeck, lent 
by the queen to the Earl of Pembroke, Lord Dudley and others 
for a voyage. In October 1565, certificates are granted by officers 
of the Admiralty for allowing the acceptance of £500 for use of the 
ship Jesus, now returned, which had been granted to the Harls of 
Pembroke and Leicester, for a voyage to the coasts of Africa and 
America. 

_ About this time Pembroke’s health began again to fail, in Sept., 
1564. Clough, in a letter to Chaloner, says, “ The Earl of Pembroke 
lies at God’s mercy.” And again, in a letter written by Pembroke 
to Leicester and Cecil, from Basingstoke, he alludes to his own ill 
health. In the summer of 1567 the distress amongst the manu- 
facturers of the Low Countries was so great that they applied to 
Pembroke and Cecil in their extremity, and several manufactures 
were introduced into this country. There is a tradition that carpet 


fille marier. See a letter of his on the subject, dated from Coldharbour, March 
1562-3, in Lodge’s Illustrations of British History, i. 348; followed by an 
account of the sums collected in the counties of York, Nottingham, and Derby, 
which amounted to £321 7s.6d. This was one of the many services anciently 


exacted from tenants in capite; it could only be claimed on the marriage of the 


eldest daughter of the lord, in like manner as the ayde pour filz Chevalier was 


on the knighthood of the eldest son. These tenures were abolished by the Act, 


12th Charles II. 


122 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


weaving was established at Wilton by one of the Earls of Pembroke. 
If there is any truth in the tradition it might have taken place at 
this time. There are many letters preserved in the State Paper 
Office of this period which prove the commercial activity prevalent 
amongst all classes. In one, dated 1565, Mr. Daniel Hechstetter 
makes offers touching his suit and petition for privileges of water- 
works, for draining mines, &c., to form a company for the same, and 
to give certain shares to the Earls of Pembroke and Leicester, Sir 
William Cecil, and others. In the following year a letter is written 
by the same noblemen to the Merchant Adventurers, requesting 
they will promote the lottery established in London by the queen’s 
proclamation, by adventuring for their company in general, and 
themselves individually. The increase of communication with 
foreign countries also told on works of art introduced into England. 
In February, 1567,one Dominicque Troisrieux, a Frenchman, brought 
certain works of marble jasper into England for Sir William Cecil 
and the Earl of Pembroke. They do not seem to have been works 
of high art, but are described as “ one door of marble jasper, one 
other of white marble, eight great tables, &c.””! Frenchmen seem to 
have had the same difficulty in those days of writing English proper 
names as they have in our own times; in the original document my 
Lord Pembroke’s name appears under the guise of “ millort penbrout.”” 

The year 1569 was an unquiet time for Pembroke. He, witha 
majority of the Lords, was restless under the ascendancy of Cecil, 
believing the country to be in a critical state, and not a little danger 
to be apprehended from the conflicting schemes in favour of Mary 
Stuart. He took an active part in the plot for making a match 
between Norfolk and the captive queen of Scots, in which he was 
joimed by Leicester and Arundell. This was done secretly, and on 
Pembroke’s part in perfectly good faith, but Elizabeth had already 
got the threads of the conspiracy into her own hands, and Leicester 
hastened -to purchase forgiveness by abandoning his colleagues ; 
Norfolk was sent to the Tower, Pembroke was, for a time, under 
arrest at Windsor, and he was ordered to forbear coming to court. 
An examination of the noblemen implicated was undertaken by the 


1 State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, 1567, vol. 42, No. 19. 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 123 


remaining members of the Council, the full particulars of which are 
preserved in the Burghley papers. Pembroke avowed his desire for 
the Norfolk marriage, and did not shrink in any way from the 
responsibility of having advised it. So far as the lords had acted 
together, they had done nothing which could be termed disloyal, 
and Pembroke, both with dignity and success, defended the integrity 
of his own intentions. 

Later in the year a serious attempt was made at an insurrection 
in the North of England, by the Earls of Northumberland and 
Westmoreland, with the intention of releasing the Queen of Scots ; 
this made it necessary to raise a southern force without delay. 

At this time Pembroke, as Lord Steward, wrote a letter to the 
queen, vindicating his loyalty, “ From my poore Howse at Wilton, 
the 5th December, 1569.” After complaining “how my Name is 
moast falselye and wickedly abused by the wicked Protestation of 
those two traiterous Erles,” he goes on to say, “ I have according 
to your Majesties Commandment, in parte answered the Matter by 
my Letters to my Lords of the Counsill. But in fuller satisfaction 
thereof, I do reverently before God, and humbly before your Mujestie 
protest, that in all my Lief I was never privey to somuche as a 
Mocion of any Attempt, either of these banckerupt Erles, or of anie 
Mans ells, against either Religion (in defence whereof onelye I am 
redie to spill my blood) or yet your Majesties Estate or Person; and 
that I am ready against them and all Traitors to make good with my 
Bodie, when and howsoever it shali please your Majestie to commande: 
For God forbid that I shoulde lieve the Houre, now in myne olde 
Age, to staine my former Lief with a Spott of Disloyaltie.” + 

With graceful confidence the queen accepted his offer, and named 
him at once general of an army of reserve. The insurrection, how- 
ever, failed, and Pembroke’s services were not required. This was 
the last public act of his life. His end was now approaching ; 
“life’s fitful fever o’er,” he was no longer concerned in the plots 
and counter-plots which still continued to harass the queen’s govern- 
ment. He died at Hampton Court, on March 17th, 1570, and 
thus closed his eventful and restless career at the age of sixty-three. 


1 Haynes’ State Papers, p. 568. 


124 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


He was engaged to the last in the politieal complications of that 
feverish period. Camden, speaking of his death, says, “ presaging 
some disaster to himself he departed this life in his climacterical 
year. An excellent man, who was in a manner the Raiser of his 
his own Fortunes. Under Queen Elizabeth he was made Great Master 
of the Household ; whose Favour he lost, for a time, for that (though 
with no ill Meaning nor bad Intent) he was a great fartherer of 
Norfolk’s Marriage with the Queen of Scots: and be missed but 
little of having been proscribed after he was dead, by means of 
certain matters then brought to light, and some strong Presumptions 
against him.” ! 

In a gossipping letter from Sir F. Englefield to the Duchess of 
Feria, dated from Louvain, April, 1570, he says, ‘‘ Lord Pembroke 
is dead in Court; a great loss to many, and a gain to some; all of 
the faction of Lord Hertford’s children triumph at his death. The 
Queen of Scots, Duke of Norfolk, and Earl of Leicester have lost 
much thereby.” 

Aubrey’s statement that ‘“‘ he could neither read nor write but had 
a stamp for his name,” could hardly have been correct. It was not 
uncommon at that period for letters to be written by secretaries, 
and the documents signed only by the sender; the correspondence 
carried on by Pembroke must have been very considerable, it will 
be seen that two secretaries attended his funeral. That “ he was of 
good naturall parts, but very colorique,” is probably true enough. 
The long examination of Sir William Herbert, on the articles 
touching Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, during his many visits 
to that prelate in the Tower, shows that his power of argument and 
aptitude for business were of no mean order. 

Pembroke did not escape in his own day the charge of being a 
temporiser. Ponet, Bishop of Winchester, in his treatise of Politic 
Power, probably alludes to him and some others as being notable 
examples. That he was in some matters unscrupulous, and that he 
benefited largely by the opportunities offered of the constant con- 
fiseations of both ecclesiastical and civil property, is well known; 
but in this he did little more than his contemporaries ; he must be 


1Camden’s History of Elizabeth, ii book 


First Karl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 125 


judged by the standard of his own day rather than by that of our 
own. The enormous political changes which took place in England 
during the period of Pembroke’s life were not worked out without 
great difficulties and perplexities at the time; we now see the results ; 
but “ if the results were inevitable, the characters which assisted to 
produce those results were inevitable also.” Undoubtedly the 
revolutions of these eventful reigns were productive to him of con- 
tinued accession of power and wealth, for his peculiar characteristic 
was pliancy. . 

Of Pembroke’s personal appearance, Aubrey says, “ He was strong 
sett, but bony, reddish favoured, of a sharpe eie, sterne looke.” 
There are several portraits of him extant, the best authenticated is 
a silver medallion, dated 1562, at the age of fifty-six. It is by 
Stevens, of Holland, who was an excellent medallist as well as 
painter of portraits, a copy of it is given at the head of this paper. 
The subject on the reverse, with the inscription, Draco hic verus 
vurtutum custos—This dragon the true guardian of the virtues—is 
probably only a complimentary allusion to Pembroke, whose badge 
wasadragon. A full-length portrait of him accompanied bya dog 
is now in the library at Wilton House, this is said to be by Holbein, 
but is not considered so by Dr. Waagen ; it was probably painted 
several years later. Of this picture Aubrey says, ‘‘Mem: This 
Wm. (the founder of his family) had a little cur-dog which loved 
him, and the E loved the dog ; When the Earle dyed the dog would 
not goe from his masters dead body, but pined away, and dyed 
under the hearse; the picture of which dog is under his picture in 
the Gallery at Wilton.” 

There is a well-engraved portrait of him in Holland’s Heroologia, 
published in 1620, which was probably taken from the preceding 
picture. A full-length figure of Pembroke is included in the large 
picture of Edward VI. presenting a charter to Bridewell Hospital : 
this too has been ascribed to Holbein, by Vertue, but without any 
truth, as Holbein died several years before the accession of Edward 
VI. It is believed to have been painted by an artist named Streetes. 
Another three-quarter painting of him in his declining years, be- 
longing to the Countess Delawarr, was exhibited at the National 


126 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


Portrait Exhibition, in 1866, incorrectly described in the catalogue 
as being that of William, the third earl. Besides these, his kneeling 
figure, clad in armour, and wearing the blue mantle and badge of 
the order of the Garter, accompanied by his two sons, appears in 
the stained glass window in Wilton Church, but as the faces are 
restorations their authenticity is lost, ! 

His last will and testament bears date December 28th, 1569, 
whereby he orders his body to be buried in the Cathedral of St. 
Paul’s, where Anne, his late wife, lieth interred, if so be he died in 
or near London; but if he died at Salisbury, his body to be buried 
in the Cathedral there, with such funeral solemnity as to his estate 
and calling appertaineth, and directs his executors to bestow yearly, 
for the space of two years next after his death, £200 to the poor in 
Baynard castleward in London, Salisbury in Wilts, and Hendon.? 
He bequeaths to his daughter, Anne Talbot, 500 marks in money 
and jewels, having by assurances and conveyances already advanced 
her to marriage with the Lord Talbot; and constitutes Henry Lord 
Herbert, his son, sole executor, charging him to have due consider- 
ation to the rest of his children, friends, and servants. He bequeaths 
to his son, Edward, plate to the value of 500 marks; and appoints 
over his will, his very good lords and friends, Robert, Earl of 
Leicester, Master of the Queen’s Majesty’s Horses, Sir Walter 
Mildmay, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, Knights, and Gilbert Gerrard, 
Esq., the Attorney-General, and to every of them £50, to be de- 
livered either in money, plate, or jewels, within one month. 

1There seems at one time to have existed a large allegorical picture in which 
a full-length portrait of Pembroke was painted, together with other figures. It 
is mentioned by Aubrey in his account of the pictures at Wilton as having been 
once there, “Here was the Table of Cebes, a very large picture, and done by a 
great master, which the genius describes to William, the first earl of his family, 
and lookes on him, pointing to Avarice as to be avoyded by a noble person.” 
(Natural History of Wilts, part ii., chap. ii.) It is noticed again by Gambarini, 
of Lucca, in his description of the Pembroke pictures, 1731, “There is one 
remarkable at London sixteen foot long, and nine foot broad, by H. Goltzius, the 
Table of Cebes of Virtues and Vices, the six figures at bottom are as big as life, 
one of them is with the Order of the Garter.” 

?The grant of Hendon, in Middlesex, to Lord Pembroke is dated April 9th, 


4th Edward VI. It passed to his second son, Sir Edward Herbert, ancestor of the 
Marquesses of Powis, extinct in 1747. The property was sold soon after this date. 


® 
First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 127 


And by a codicil it is mentioned that he declared to the Earl of 
Leicester, and to his son, Edward Herbert, March, 16th, 1569, late 
at night (which was just before his death), that the Lord Keeper of 
the Great Seal, Sir James Crofts, and Mr. Secretary Cecil, be joined 
to his overseers and have the same gifts: He also bequeathed to the 
Queen’s majesty his best jewel, named the Great Ballace, and his 
fairest and richest bed; and to the Lord Marquis of Northampton 
his second-best gold sword, and to the Earl of Leicester his best gold 
sword. 

A few days after his death the following letter from the Queen 
was sent to Lady Pembroke ; the rough draft is in the bold hand- 
writing of Cecil, by whom it had been carefully amended and 
corrected :—! - 


To ye Countess of Penbrook. 

“We grete you well. Althovgh it be grevoos to Vs and most of all vncom- 
fortable to you, to enter into y® memorye of y° loss of so deare and loving a 
Counsellor to Vs, so honorable a husband fo you as our late Coosyn y® Erle of 
Penbrook was, yet can We not omytt to call to memory his wordyness many 
wayes whylest he lyved, and his constancy at y° tyme of his deth towardes 
Almighty God, wherat, as we ar comforted consideryng by Godes ordinance he 
hath bene called at this tyme and many yeres long passed, so also We require 
you to moderat your gret sorrow w We vndoutedly here you do conceave for 
his deth, w* the lyke consideration of his wordyness whylest he lyved, and of his 
christian and godly behaviour whan he dyed, being the only thynges that he cold 
leave behynd hym of most and trewest vallew to comfort them that loved hym, 
And if you had not now sent on hyther to Vs, We wer determined to have sent 
one of Our servantes to you w* Our letters to this intent; meaning specially also 
to have gyven you knolledg how honorably and lovyngly Our Cosyn y° Erle your 
sonne in law doth offer hymself in all thynges towardes you, expressly sayeng to 
Vs y‘ there shall no worldly thyng left to hym by his father move hym to neglect 
your good will, but y* he will by all manner of meanes labor to kepe you his good 
mothar as if you wer so to hym by natvre: aand surely We ar fully so perswaded. 
of hym, not only by his owne speche, but y® assurance We conceave of his good 
natyre, so as We trust ther shall never be any occasion gyven for any other to 
deale in ye matters betwixt you. But if there shuld be any nede thereof, We 
wold have you. Madame make your assured accompt yt you shall fynd Vs not 
only, as by Godes callyng We ar, y° protectrix of wydows, but besyde that you 
shall fynd Vs a deare and lovyng Lady and sister to you in all your resonable 
casees.”” 

Endorsed : “M. xxij Martij 1569 
from the Q. Mat to 
the Countesse of Penbroke ” 


1State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. 67, No. 28. 


128 Some Notice of William Herbert, 


Lord Pembroke filled the office of Lord Steward of the Household 
at the time of his death. He was buried with great state and cere- 
mony in old St. Paul’s Cathedral, on the 18th April, 1570. As 
will be seen from the order of proceeding, his funeral was attended 
by all the principal members of the Government, as well as by the 
numerous officers of his own household. 

A magnificent monument was erected to him and his first wife, 
on the north side of the quire; this was subsequently destroyed in 
the disastrous fire of London, but the details are preserved by an 
engraving in Dugdale’s History of St. Paul’s Cathedral. 


* An ordre of Proceedinge at the funerall of the late nght 
Honorable William Erle of Penbrooke one tuisdaye the 
xviij* daye of Aprill 1570 * 


First ij yeomen Conductores ea) “e feo Hale 
blacke staves Ae " (Robert Hall 

The pooremenijandij . .... C 

The Quyre of Pawles 

The Precher . . . . viz. M'. Nowell, Deane of Pawles. 

The Standart bearer ere ‘whoode iz: Me, William Margen of Eenbaniia 
one his heade 

The Defunctes gentlemen withe hoodes one their heades ij and ij 

William Jordane 

Phillippe Williams 

All Esquyres and Knightes ij and ij 

The Defunctes ij chaplaynes 

The Bishope of London + 

The Defunctes iij cheif officers far Higate Stuard 


The ij Secretaryes viz. 


withe ther whyte staves andj M™ Vaughan Threasorer 
hoodes one their shoulders M' Grove comptroller 
The banner bearer with his hoode one his heade viz. 8* George Penruddocke 
Knight 
Yorke Herauld with the Defunctes coat Armour careinge his heaulme and creaste, 
Chester Herauld to carye the Targe of his Armes. 
Richmond Herauld to carye his sworde. 
Garter Kinge of Armes to carye his coat of Armes one 


either oo of him a gentleman Vssher withe whyte Roger Earthef 
roddes with thar hapten one their heades, one of $ viz, and 
theim hauinge the Defunctes whyte staffe in a case William Aluier 
of leather 


pe SS ee 
*State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol, 67, No. 64. 
+ Edmund Grindall, 
+ “ Roger Erthe, alias King, Servaunt to Therle of Penbroke, and William Ferror, Servaunt to the 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 129 


Richard Souche 
Myles Mathewe 
Dauid Moryce 
The Corpes caryed bye viij gentlemen ae Thomas Williams of Trickeleake 
with ther hoodes one their heades * | Richard Badger 
Anthony Stylman 
Thomas Scudemore 
James Baskervyle 
John ap Watkines 
Edward Williams 
Thomas Jones 
Re . ; Francklyne of Cannones 
To theire viij yeomen assistantes viz. Richard Francklyne 
Alexander the rannger 
John Thurchwarde 
Thomas Browne 
Mr: Roger Mannors 
Fower assistantes to the bodye ‘ae ty Sir Henry Compton* 


ther hoodes one their heades Sir John Parrot Knightes 
Sir George Speake 
iiij Esquyeres to carye the iiij bannerolles MY Honneage 
4 : M' Cary E 
about the bodye withe ther hoodes one ¢ viz. Buy res 
their heades M* Dyer 
M: Hatton 


Cheif mourner . . . . .. . . . « « Henrye Erle of Penbrooke 
Two gentlemen Vsshers one eche syde of him ase Gorbart 
with whyte roddes in ther handes and ¢ viz. 
hoodes one ther heades 
The gentlemen of his horsse to cary his Trayne . . - William Jones 


Henry Morgan 


Lord Sturton, were, for making a Fraye, committed to the Charge of Warden of the Fieete.”’ 
(Haynes’ Burghley Papers, Queen Mary, 19th August, 1553, p. 171.) 


This Roger Earth, was probably of Dinton, A short Pedigree of Earth, showing a connection 
with Dinton for at least two generations is given in the Heralds Visitation of Wilts, taken A.D. 
1618. In the chancel of Dinton Church is the following curious epitaph on a brass :— 


** From Earth wee came, to Earth wee mvst retvrne ; 
Wittnes this Earth that lyes within this Vrne ; 
Begott by Earth, borne also of Harth’s wombe; 

74 yeares livd arth, now Earth’s his Tombe, 

In Earth, Earths body lyes vnder this stone, 

Bvt from this Earth to Heaven Earth’s soule is gone. 
Roger Earth armiger, obiit 30 die Aprilis, 1634.” 


The person commemorated fn the above lines must have been born in the year of Lord Pembroke’s 
death. 


*sir Henry Compton was a son of Lady Pembroke, by her first husband, Peter Compton, of 
4 Compton Wyniate. 


/ VOL. XVIIL.—NO. Lil. K 
Z 


, 


130 Some Notice of Wilkam Herbert, 


( The Lord Keper* pi y 

The Erle of Leicester 1] 
vilj mourners assistantes ij and ij M’ Edward Herbert T } ij 3 
with their hoodes one tir} SE oe 3 
tee fo aad Ee S' William Cicill hi 8 
S' Walter Myldemaye y 5 

S' Nicholas Throckmorton }.. 

Li Gerard attorney generall j7J 


my Lord Admiral § 
my Lord chamberlayne || 
my Lord Talbot 
my Lord Cobham 
my Lord Grey of Wilton 
my Lord Buckherst 
S’ Francis Knolles 
Three Knightes with their hoodes one their shoulders {s Ralf Sadler 
S' William Cordall 
Two yeomen Vsshers with whyte roddes } viz. { Richard Boothe 
to goe before the Defunctes yeomen * ( John Maynard 
The Defunctes yeomen ij and ij 
The seruantes of other noble men and gentlemen mourners ij and ij 


The Proceedinge to the offringe as heerafter folowith : 

First the cheif mourner, his trayne borne, and all the rest of the mourners to 
folowe and none to offerre but he and the officers of Armes before him. 

Then the chief mourner to goe vpp alone, and to offerre for himself, and ther to 
remayne vatill all the hatchements be offred, whiche he shall receyue and 
delyuer to Yorke Herauld, who shall set theim one the communion boord : 
then he to be brought downe agayne to his place. 

Then the hatchements to be offred as folowith, and at alltymes . . MHerauld 
before theim 

First my Lord Keper epee ‘ 

The Erle of Leicester peed Bie Raat si 

Then M' Edward Herbert } 

Ba tame Cooke offred the sword 

Then St William Cicill } 

and St Walter Myldemay Girodithe Darge 


halaman Wane all offtred the heaulme and creast 


Then the viij mourners to offerre for theime selfes as folowith ij and ij 


First the Lorde Keper Rely of JK: Fein the 
The Erle of Leicester eenre eee ee 


Six noble men with ther rolles 


® Sir Nicholas Bacon, the first Lord Keeper that took the name of Lord Chancellor, 
+ Lord Pembroke’s second son, 
t Sir James Crofts. 
3 Edward, Lord Clinton ; afterwards Earl of Lincoln, 
{| Lord Howard of Effingham. 


First Earl of Pembroke of the Present Creation. 131 


M' Comptroller F P os 
M: Edward Herbert } Richemond Herauld before theim 
S$ William Cicill Seca 

S* Walter Myldmay | Chester Herauld before theim 


Bs ccciney eerestt | Richemond Heraulde before theim 

Then the iiij assistantes Yorke Herauld before them 

Then the noble men in blackes ioyntly togither Richemond Herauld befor theim 

Then the Steward Threasorer & comptroller; Chester Herauld before theim 

Then the Knightes Master Coferer and Clerkes of the greene clothe and all other 
Esquyres and gentlemen to folowe theime ioyntly ij and ij Richemond 
Herauld before 

a = ee of his armes } A Herauld before either of theim 

Then all other gentlemen having no blackes that will offere 

Then the offringe donn and a certayne collect readde all the cheif mourners and 
noble men departed leauinge the officers and assistantes to see the body 
buryed Which officers did putt the Defunctes staffe into the graue and brake 
eche of_theim ther owne staves and cast theim into the graue with him.” 


Endorsed : “18 Aprill 1570 ordre of y® Erl of Penbroke’s Buryall at Poules” 


*The Banner was originally oblong in form, that is, about twice the depth of its width, thus 
corresponding to the early fashion of the shield; but latterly it grew to be nearly square. It dis- 
played the armorial coat of its owner, spread entirely over its surface. The Standard was originally 
an ensign too large to be borne by a man into battle, it was fixed on a carriage and placed in the 
centre of the host, where it remained stationary, as their rallying point. In the reignof Henry VIII. 
the King’s standard for this purpose was of less dimensions, and those of other persons were gradu- 
ated according to their owners rank, from the duke’s standard of seven yards and a half in length, 
to the knight’s of only four. Standards differed from banners, not only in form, but in not bearing 
the arms of their masters. Every standard and guydon was ‘to have in the chief the cross of 
Saint George; next the beast or crest, with his motto; and to be slit at the end.”’? The standards 
borne at funerals were made after this model. Standards became more frequent in use than 
banners. They were borne by knights; but banners were confined to bannerets and persons of 
higher rank. The Bannerolls were banners of increased width, made to display impalements, 
representing the alliances of the ancestors of the deceased. The Helmet is still seen lingering in 
some country Churches; it is seldom found to be more than a fictitious helmet, made for the pur- 
pose to which it is applied. In early times a knight’s real helmet was offered. The Target was a 
shield of the arms of the defunct, the successor of the knights real shield,—(Notes upon Funerals 
by J. G, Nichols, Camden Society, vol. 42,) 


132 


“Abury lotes.” 


“My Dear Mr. Smita, 


“In the interesting paper under the above heading in the last number of 
our Magazine I am surprised to find that my late esteemed parishioner, Mr. 
Butler, of Kennett, should have expressed himself with such hesitation on some 
of the existing remains of the Kennett avenue as he does in his letter to Dr. 
Thurnam, given in a note at p. 331. Thus he writes, ‘on the south side of 
the road [i.e., from Kennett to Marlborough] is some of the stones which is 
believed to be a part of the avenue.’ 


“ Now, I submit that an inspection of the stones in question will amply satisfy 
any person that they formed part of this avenue. 


“They stand in the hedge-bank of the meadow at the south of the Marlborough 
road as it leaves the hamlet of Kennett; they cannot be seen from the road 
itself, owing to the massiveness of the hedge-bank, but must be visited from the 
meadow. They are four in number, all of them being ‘in situ,’ and standing 
about twenty-three yards apart; two of them are prostrate, and the two others 
have been partially broken.* 


“T am, 
“Yours very faithfully, 
* Avebury, Calne, “ Bryan Kine.” 
July 23rd, 1878.” 


® There is also another stone which doubtless formed part of the Kennet Avenue, now lying in the 
hedge-bank at the corner of the road which branches off from the London road to East Kennett, 
and though completely hidden by the hedge and bank from the passer-by will be found by anyone 
who searches for it: this stone is in the same line with those in the Kennett meadow above-men- 
tioned, and indeed is the easternmost stone of the ayenue now existing. (Ep.] 


i. F, & E. BULL, Printers and Publishers, 4, Saint John Street, Devizes, 


WILTSHIRE MAGAZINE. 


“MULTORUM MANIBUS GRANDE LEVATUR ONUS.’—Ovid. 


Annual A ceting and | Aeport, 1878. 


\ 


(SGHE General Meeting of the Society for receiving the report, 
Ai electing officers for the ensuing year, and other formal 
business, was held in the Library of the Museum, Devizes, on 
Wednesday, November 6th, 1878, at three o’clock; the Rev. Canon 
Jackson in the chair. 
The Rev. A. C. Smita, one of the Honorary Secretaries, read the 
REPORT FOR 1878. 

The Committee of the Wiltshire Archzological and Natural 
History Society desires to present to the Members a short Report 
of the proceedings of the past twelve months. 

“« As regards our numbers, we have to lament the decease of some 
of our most valued members; indeed this has been a year of un- 
precedented losses to the Society. Death has robbed us of no less 
than twelve of our body, of whom five were original Members, in- 
cluding the late Marquis of Ailesbury; the Rev. Alfred Smith, of 
Old Park; Mr. Richard Mullings, of Cirencester; and Mr. W. C. 
Merriman, of Marlborough: while of those holding office in the 
Society we have to mention Mr. William Blackmore, one of our 
Vice-Presidents, whose name will ever be held in esteemed remem- 
brance in this county as the munificent founder of the Blackmore 
Museum, at Salisbury, a museum of pre-historic archeology, second 
to none in the world. We have also lost another Vice-President in 
Sir John Awdry, who also held office as President for four years, 
and than whom none evinced greater or more continued interest in 
the Society from its inauguration to the day of his decease. And 
last of all our losses, but by no means least, by the death of Mr. 
VOL. XVIII.—NO. LI. L 


134 Annual Meeting and Report, 1878. 


Edward Stevens we have lost an accomplished archeologist, and a 
most able Secretary, whose talent of organizing the annual excursions 
of the Society, and carrying out details for the comfort and con- 
venience of the Members who took part in them, will long dwell 
in the remembrance of all who were present at our gatherings at 
Salisbury and Wilton. But Mr. Stevens was also a thorough 
archeologist, to which the many papers he contributed from time 
to time to various archeological publications, and notably his well- 
known volume entitled “ Flint Chips,” bear ample testimony. Your 
Committee will not readily forget the diligence and adroitness he 
showed in drawing up the new rules of our Society, which were 
mainly his work, and into which he threw himself with all the 
ardour he displayed about any matter he took in hand. This was 
nearly the last work he did for the Society, since which the long 
and painful illness, which terminated in his death, incapacitated him 
from further exertions. But his is a loss which cannot be replaced. 

«The number of names now on the books amounts to 375, being 
somewhat under the figure of last year, which may be accounted 
for by the unusual number of deaths which have occurred amongst 
us. 

“Tn regard to finance, the annual balance-sheet, which we now 
publish early in the year, contains such exact information as to 
render any details on this point at this season of the year wholly 
unnecessary : it will be enough to state roughly that our balance in 
hand is in some slight degree better than it was this time last year, 
and also a little better than when the balance-sheet for 1877 was 
published last March. 

“With respect to the work of the Society, two Magazines have 
been issued within the last twelve months, and the Editor desires to 
add that a third might have been published, did the funds of the 
Society allow, as there is no lack of valuable material in hand, and 
much more is forthcoming. 

“ But the great work of the Society in 1878 is undoubtedly the 
enrichment of the Museum by the deposit therein of the noble 
Stourhead Collection of Antiquities. For this the Committee desires 
in the first place to express its best thanks to Sir Henry Hoare, for 


Annual Meeting and Report, 1878. 135 


the readiness and liberality he showed in consigning such precious 
treasures to our custody: and then to record its obligations to the 
Curators, Messrs. Olivier and Henry Cunnington, by whose efforts 
(and they were indefatigable in the work) this most desirable transfer 
was brought about. Those gentlemen themselves went down to 
Stourhead, and packed and brought away the many valuable speci- 
mens, so precious in the eyes of all Wiltshire antiquarians, as the 
spoil of the barrows on our downs: and not content with simply 
depositing them in our Museum, they have since, at a very con- 
siderable expenditure of time and labour, admirably arranged and 
labelled the several specimens, with the greatest judgment and good 
taste. Your Committee desires to repeat its cordial thanks to those 
gentlemen, as well as to Sir Henry Hoare, for the ready permission 
he gave for this transfer of the Stourhead heirlooms to Devizes. 

“Tt only remains for your Committee to explain that the Annual 
Meeting of the Society for this year, which had been arranged to 
be held at Marlborough, was postponed till next year in consequence 
of the lamented death of Lord Ailesbury; to thank all who have in 
any way assisted in making known and preserving such archzolog- 
ical objects of interest as from time to time have been discovered ; 
and again to invite the co-operation of all in every part of the county 
in regard to the objects we have in view, viz., the ‘collecting and 
publishing information on archeology and natural history, more 
particularly in reference to the county of Wilts.’ ” 

The Report was unanimously adopted, and ordered to be printed 
in the Wagazine. 

The Presipent (Sir John Lubbock) whose three years of office 
had expired, was requested to retain office during one more year, in 
order to preside over the Annual Meeting of 1879, intended to be 
held at Marlborough. 

The following names were added to the list of Vicn-PresiDENTS 
of the Society: The Most Hon. the Marquis of Bath, The Right 
Hon. Lord Heytesbury, Sir H. A. Hoare, Bart. 

- The following noblemen and gentlemen were added as TrusTEEs 
of the Society: The Most Hon. the Marquis of Bath, The Most 
Hon. the Marquis of Lansdowne, Sir John Neeld, Bart., Sir John 

L2 


136 “ Justice in Warminster in the Olden Time.” ‘ 


Lubbock, Bart., M.P., The Right Hon. E. P. Bouverie, G. T,S. 
Estcourt, Esq., M.P., G. P. Fuller, Esq., G. Goldney, Esq., M.P., 
W. H. Poynder, Esq., J. W. G. Spicer, Esq. 

The Commitrex was re-elected, with the following additions: Rev. 
E. L. Barnwell, A. B. Fisher, Esq., Rev. A. B. Thynne, Rev. Canon 
Warre. 

The Genera Secretarres, Locan SeEcrerarigs, GENERAL 
Curators and Treasurer were re-elected. 


“Anstice in Warminster in the Olden Gime.” 


By W. W. RavenHitt, Esq., 
Honorary Secretary of the Wiltshire Society, founded A.D. 1817, and Recorder of Andover. 
“T see men’s judgments are 
A parcel of their fortunes; and things outward 


Do draw the inward quality after them, 
To suffer all alike.” 


(Antony and Cleopatra, Act 3, s. 13.) 
IAA:HEN I received the summons of our Secretary, to address 
) | }) you ona subject connected with this locality, there appeared 
the difficulty, so commonly felt, that though it abounds with ancient 
remains, yet history had preserved but a few faint facts, and many 
of these had already been brought under your notice. However, of 
justice, as it used to be in this district, I have a few notes, which I 
offer to the future historian of Warminster. 

Did a Roman judge live at the villa at Pitmead? Were the 
Mauduits, Lords of Warminster, worthy successors of the Royal 
Manor Court? You can perhaps answer these questions for your- 
selves. You find an ancient Church,! an old nunnery, a good market, 
to which the memory of man runneth not to the contrary. Could 


1 Which an order of A.D. 1626 says: “Weeps many a fresh tear for her de- 
cayed house, especially when the wind is in the west.” In 1620 an action was 
brought by the Vicar of Warminster, against the feoffees of the chapel of St. 
Lawrence, for not doing their duty. Stirring times! 


By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 137 


these exist without lawyers? Wherever there are lawyers there 
must be justice. 
ASSIZES. 

In King Henry the Second’s time judges of assize first came to 
Wiltshire. We must give them precedence. 

Of the many charming pictures which that famous Wiltshireman, 
Mr. Addison, gives of his friend Sir Roger de Coverley, few are 
more vigorous than the visit to the assizes. Sir Roger (that worthy 
knight, who was at peace with himself and beloved and respected 
by all who knew him), Will Wimble, and Mr. Spectator, ride thither 
on horseback—it may have been from Warminster to Salisbury. On 
their way they fall in with two plain men, the first an honest and 
sensible yeoman, who had been several times foreman of petty juries, 
was just within the Game Act and could knock down a dinner with 
his gun twice or thrice a week; “a paragon, but that he shot just 
a few too many partridges.” The other, Tom Touchy, who would 
take the law of everybody, at his own cost or theirs, and, with his 
head full of costs, damages, and ejectments, had squandered a fair 
portion of his patrimony in litigation. 

How Sir Roger heard, at a good round trot, the legal argument 
between Will Wimble and Tom Touchy, as to the right of fishing 
in a certain hole, and then drawing rein for consideration, soothed the 
disputants with his judgment, “ That there was much to be said on 
both sides.” How, when the assize court was reached, Sir Roger’s 
brother magistrates made way for him, that he might sit beside the 
judge. How the old knight whispered to the latter that “he was 
glad his lordship had met with so much good weather on circuit.” 
The solemnity of the proceedings somewhat rather enhanced, than 
otherwise, by a little speech of Sir Roger’s to the judge and court ; 
the respect paid by the county gentlemen to Sir Roger at the rising 
of the court; the admiration of the general publie for the brave 
solemn knight who was not afraid to speak (Mr. Spectator says to 
no purpose) to the judge; the ride home; all this, gives us an 
assize as it was in Wiltshire in bygone days. 

The assizes for this county were, till recently (with two ex- 
ceptions) held at Salisbury. Now they are occupied chiefly with 


138 “ Justice in Warminster in the Olden Time.” 


the trials of prisoners and causes, but in the olden time those courts 
had cognizance of many other matters. There were heard appeals 
from quarter or petty sessions, concerning poor laws, or road repairs, 
&c., and a further jurisdiction as to men, women, morals, and 
property, quite paternal, though according to statute, common law, 
or custom. 

The assize commissions of the western circuit have been preserved 
from the sixteenth century, and there are four volumes of orders, 
partly civil, partly criminal, extending from 1629 to 1688 (that most 
memorable period of our history) which throw some light on seven- 
teenth century manners.! 

It will be remembered that no Parliament sat in England from 
1629 to 1640—King Charles I. was trying to get on without one. 
Then, in 1640, there was the Short Parliament (April 18th to May 
5th—twenty-two days) which was dissolved ; and on 3rd November 
following the Long Parliament assembled. Then came the Civil 
War, August, 1642; the king’s death, January, 1649 ; Cromwell’s 
rule; the Restoration, May, 29th, 1660; the Revolution bringing 
in William III., February, 13th, 1689. During the whole of this 
long agitated period of sixty years, assizes were held twice a year, 
except from the spring of 1643 to the summer of 1646, when almost 
every one was in arms. 

There is an order of the judge of assize, Sir Robert Foster, directed 
to the inhabitants of Sturminster, Dorset (Dorchester was the last 
place on this cireuit), to “ repair their bridges,” dated August 15th, 
1642, seven days before King Charles unfurled his standard at 
Nottingham; and there is an order of an assize held at Wolvesay, 
near Winchester, August 6th, 1646, made by Mr. Justice (afterwards 
Chief Justice) Rolle, “that care shall be taken that legacies and gifts, 
&c., heretofore given to the poor of Broughton, Hants, shall be 


) 


applied according to the true intent of the donors ;” and a further 


order for raising a rate to repair the Church of that parish. 


1 Warminster in the Seventeenth Century. See Ludlow’s Memoirs, vol. i., p. 
113, for a spirited account of that General’s attempt to relieve Woodhouse, near 
Longleat, and his advance over Warminster Heath (Common), skirmish there, 
and retreat over the downs to Salisbury. 


Eo f= 


> 


ee 


By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 139 


The law was thus often present to punish criminals, to exercise a 
municipal control suitable to those times, and to see that justice was 
done between man and man. It would be difficult to exaggerate 
the beneficial effect of such gatherings on the peace and well-being 
of the public at large. Only once was this interfered with, viz., in 
1655, by the Rising in the West, of which an account will be found 
in vol. xiii. of this Magazine. 

Permit me to give you a few more extracts from these records of 
the Western Circuit. During the summer circuit, 1646, four orders 
were made by Mr. Justice Rolle for all the counties included in the 
Western Circuit, strengthening the hands of the magistrates—as to 
the better regulation of the licensing of alehouses and suppressing 
those unlicensed, which had come into existence during the civil 
war. “Such a multiplicity of alehouses wherein were daily abuses 
and disorders, specially on sabbath dayes.” A second, against the 
profanation of the sabbath, and the last Wednesday in each month, 
then appointed as a fast-day throughout the kingdom. A third, as 
to the due observance “ of watch and ward in parish and tythinge ; ” 
and fourth, that no person presented to the grand jury for misde- 
meanor or offence should be discharged without proper precautions. 
_ These orders sometimes originated in the presentments of the 
grand juries, who, to their honour, were assisting the judges in the 
settlement of the country. 

But there are orders on many subjects. For instance, A.D. 1631, 
against John Moody, of Upton Lovell, for turning, &c., Mr. 
Lambert’s hedges and ditches. 1632, John Punchen, for baffling 
the law by lewd and cunning practices, in procuring that coseners 
Inigo Price, Peter Corinthe,‘ and George Hudson, be set at liberty, 
before they had satisfied their victims, which John is bound over to 
do. 1633, men drinking and wasting wine in a carrier’s wain, &c. 
1634, Thomas Smyth, a/as Goddard, is allowed to retain his cottage 
at Herringslade, in the parish of Warminster, and tything of Small- 
brook, which he had erected contrary to the statute 3lst Elizabeth, 


1 These names have a smack of the turf; there were Salisbury races in those 
days, which were prohibited by Cromwell as meeting-places for malignants. 


140 “ Justice in Warminster in the Olden Time.” 


which prohibited such erections. These are for Wilts. Dorset is 
lax in Church-going, and Queen Elizabeth’s fine—ls. for each 
offence—must be carefully levied. There is a great name from 
Warminster at this time, Edward Cromwell (no relation, I expect, of 
the Protector), in gaol for killing Robert Long, of Warminster. 
As there is no prosecution against him, “ let Dr. Chafyn inquire and 
bail him to next assize if he see cause.” Warminster inhabitants 
much troubled about their highways. 1639, presented both at 
sessions and assizes. Some of the dwellers, who had been at charges 
and paid, pray that the expense may not light altogether on them; let 
the recusants contribute. 1640, the Judges “ take it ill” that War- 
minster has so slighted their orders about the roads; order for general 
rate, and warrants for the disobedient. But the difficulty was not 
readily settled, for nearly seventeen years later—1657—Chief Justice 
Glynn refers the raising and payment of this rate to two justices, 
Messrs. Watchell and Redout, as the overseers (Messrs. Thomas 
Butcher, Will. Chaundler, Christ. Willoughby, and Humfry Buckler) 
cannot get their money ; they have paid it out of their own purses ; 
yes, the workmen and the ploughs to repair.! 

There are orders which show that which I can find no allusion to 
in any history, viz., the prevalence of the plague at Fisherton Anger, 
Salisbury, in 1646. At the summer assize of that year there was 


1 The original petition of the overseers is as follows :—“ That being chosen 
overseers for the amendment of the highwayes within in the parish aforesaid did 
according to the late ordinance receive a rate from the said parish confirmed and 
allowed by the Justices of this county for the repaire of the highwayes aforesaid 
whereupon they employed ploughes and workemen to doe the said service many 
persons w" yor petitioners paid out of their purses expectinge to receive againe 
from the parties w promised to pay the same But since the settinge of the 
Parleyam' they have refused to pay what they promised expectinge to be freed 
from the same because that the ordinance for the amendment of the highwayes 
was not putt into an act.” There may be a doubt whether “ ploughs” indicates 
teams of horses. But there is no mention of stone or other material. Wiltshire 
folk then travelled on horseback, ladies on pillions. Carriages rare. The grass 
roads, where furrowed by carts or waggons, could be turned in by the plough ; but 
there would be stone used in the streets of towns, and thus ploughs here may 
have the prior meaning. Note here, too, the ordinance of His Highness compared 
with the Act of Parliament. 


By W. W. Ravenhitl, Esq. 141 


a petition of the inhabitants to the Judge of assize; “ they had,” 
they said, “a warrant for Giles Eyre and Edward Tinker, Esq., to 
raise a rate of £6 13s. 4d. within five miles’ compass every fortnight.” 
Only £3 received; ought to have been £15 6s. 8d. They had been 
“at such great charges in buildinge pest houses for the releiffe of 
the poore wh. are 269 persons as that they have disbursed £30 out of 
their own purses, besides all charitable bequests from Sarum ; and not 
beinge able to disburse any more monyes for the relieffe of the said 
poor infected people, there beinge not above 8 persons in all the 
parish able to relieve themselves during this visitation wh. is very well 
known to the Justices of the Peace of this County.” And the 
inhabitants further shewed that “the charge of the infected persons 
and those that are not suffered to travayle for work and the want of 
commerce have growen to £3 a day and unles speedy course be taken 
for their releiffe they shall not be able to keep them in, wh. will be 
the endangeringe of the whole country.” Messrs. Eyre and Tinker 
desired to see that constables get in arrears ; increase rate if they 
think fit, till next quarter sessions, &c. 

The plague was heavy in Somersetshire, at Wiveliscombe: “The 
poor infected people doe break abroad and committ many outrages 
and cast infected things into mens windowes to the great danger of 
spreadinge abroad the infection, 440 poore infected people want 
relieffe £20 rate a week too little.” 

At Taunton St. James, rate for plague-stricken in default, and 
the constables had spent £140 out of their own purses “and more- 
over at this present [August 8th, 1646] there are above 40 poore 
infected persons in the fields at the said constables charges who must 
of necessity be provided for to prevent future danger.” 

No plague orders about Warminster I am glad to say! 

Next year—1647—Salisbury, March 6th, ‘the court having taken 
into consideration the great and lamentable complaint and ery of 
poor people in this time of dearth and scarcity, and also having taken 
into consideration the order made at the general quarter sessions of 
the peace, &c., for allowance of one bushel of barley out of every 
quarter for relieffe of the poor att a lower price than the markett, 
this court doth approve of the said order with this addition of 


142 “ Justice in Warminster in the Olden Time.’ 


allowinge of 2 pecks out of every sack of barley bought and sold to 
be served unto the use of the poore.” Supervisors of markets to be 
appointed to see and observe what corn is brought and bought and 
sold, &c., and allowance for use of poor duly observed. Justices of 
the peace desired to observe their monthly meetings; to suppress 
needless or unlicensed alehouses, and those which sold with lesser 
measure than statutable. Bakers to make their bread according to 
assize. ‘Constables do your duty or beware.” 

_In the following year, in Cornwall, an endeavour was made to 
stop malting altogether, on account of the high price of corn. 

Then there is an order, 31st August, 1648, to relieve the sufferers 
by the fire at Ramsbury, “ 14th June, last past.” There happened 
“in the same towne a sudden hideous and devouring fire weh. in 
very short tyme consumed and buryed up the habitations of six score 
and tenn families wth. most of their goodes to the value of £15,000 
att the least.”? Orders and orders. Goods and cattle, constables and 
riotous folk, poor and heiresses, all come under the purview of my 
lords the Queen’s justices of assize, without respect of persons. 
Robert Maundrell (March, 1672) is to bring Johanna Mortimore, 
‘a person of very considerable fortune of about the age of twelve 
years, whom he has unlawfully taken away in the highway, before 
the justices at the sign of the Bear, at Marlborough, and not en- 
deavour to marry her or permit her to be married till she attains 
fourteen years.” 

But time and patience fail. The two exceptions to assizes of this 
county being held at Salisbury in those days, already alluded to, 
were those of the summer of 1642, when they were held at Devizes, 
(21st of July, King and Commons at daggers,) and the summer 
of 1666, at Warminster. The latter was the year of the Great 
Plague, which raged at Winchester and Salisbury, and so circuit, with 
due caution, went to Andover and Warminster. The judges were 
Sir John Keeling and Sir John Archer. History is not altogether 
pleasant upon the former, with his grand cut of robe and gold chain, 
a martinet, and rough of tongue. Sir Roger de Coverley and his 
little speech would have been extinguished. Lord Clarendon might 
well doubt seven months before he placed such a man at the head 


By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 143 


of the “King’s Own” court; but there was no one else save Sir 
Matthew Hale, and he was not acceptable. Sir John (as he himself 
says, till then silent for twenty years) won some reputation for his 
conduct of the regicide Hackett’s trial—most dark matter—for 
Keeling doubted whether the indictment should be laid against 
the peace of King Charles II., who was at the time travelling 
abroad, or that of Charles I., whose head was off. It was settled by 
taking off Hackett’s head. A miracle of circumstances made Keeling 
Chief Justice, and he exchanged his silence at the bar for scolding 
from the bench. With interest and awe must the inhabitants of 
Warminster have looked on him. What said he a little later, to 
the foreman of the grand jury of Somerset (Sir Hugh Wyndham), 
on that body declining to find a true bill contrary to their consciences, 
“ You shall find it. All of you are my servants, and I will make 
the best in England stoop.” If he disagreed with petty juries he 
would sometimes fine them. At length an address was presented 
against him to both Houses of Parliament. He fought well at 
the bar of the House of Commons and saved his place. In 1670 
he was presented to the House of Lords, for his conduct to Lord 
Holles, and had to publicly apologise. But it is fair to his memory 
to add that Sir Thomas Raymond speaks of him as a learned, faithful, 
and resolute judge. 

Of Sir John Archer nothing need be said. 

There is no record of the counsel who were present on that circuit ; 
possibly Serjeant Maynard was here, then past sixty years, but full 
of vigour, who survived to tell Lord Jefferies “that he (Serjeant 
Maynard) was not so old but he had forgotten more law than Lord 
Jefferies had ever known;” and King William III. “ that but for his 
coming he might have survived the law itself.” He was appointed 
Chief Commissioner of the Great Seal at the age of eighty-seven. 
It is said he loved law so well, that he drew his will carefully to 
promote litigation. 

The commission of the assize precept and calendar, cannot be 
found. Permit me to draw attention to those of 1659, seven years 
earlier. We can tell those who attended, the clerk of assize has 
ticked them :— 


144 


' 


“ Justice in Warminster in the Olden Time.” 


“Tur NAMES OF THE JUSTICES OF THE PEACE FOR THE CouNTY OF WILTES. 


pxd 


pxd 


William Lenthall Speaker of Parliament ‘ 


John Bradshawe : eyes 
i Serjeants att Lawe Commissioners 


pn of the great seale of England 


John ffountaine 
Phillipp Earle of Pembroke and Monngomry 

Robert Nicholas one of the Judges of this Commonewealth 
Richard Newdegate one other of the Judges of this Commonewealth 
Hugh Windham one other of the Judges of this Commonwealth 
St Walter St John 

S' Anthoney Ashley Cooper peed 

S' John Evelyn Knighte 

Robert Wallopp 

Alexander Popham 

Edmund Ludlowe 

Edward Baynton 

Edward Tooker 

Alexander Thistlethwaite 

William Eyre 

William Hussey 

Michaell Oldsworth * 

John Harneley the younger 

Edward Hungerford 

Phillipp Smith 

Thomas Grove 

Wadham Windham 

George Cooper 

John Dove of + 

Thomas Estcourt one of the M™ of Chancery 

George Grubham Howe 

William Yorke 

George Joy 

Richard Grubham Howe 

William Cole of Downton 

Robt Hippesley 

John Bulkley 

Nicholas Greene 

William Ludlowe 

Thomas Eyre of Bromham 

Edward Mitchell 

firances Swanton 

Gabriell Martin 

James Ashe f 

Samuell Ashe Esq"* f 


* Present? This is a doubtful spot in the parchment. 
+ Undecipherable. 
+ Ancestors of the present Lord Heytesbury. 


By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 


Thomas Paine Doctor of physick 
. John Reade 
Thomas Mompesson 


HUNDREDS 
Bayliffes Constables 
- Anthony Batchellor Amsbury : 
Hugh Holloway Alderbury . George 
William Coleman Bradford . George 
John Parham Branch & Dole . Henry 
George Brother Chalke . Henry 
* the younger Calne : 
Samuel Cread Camden & Cadworth 
Dunworth 
Damham 
Damham Z 
. Merricke Gyles Downton (Dunch) . Nicholas 
aon Elstub and Everleigh . Edmond 
. Thomas Atkins firustfield . William 
. William Ewen Highworth Cricklade & Staple . Richard 
. Edward Meaden Heytesbury » William 
- Robert Ball Kingsbridge , Edward 
. John Hall Kinwardston . Richard 
. Edward Stratton Melksham sick William 
. Walter Gingell Malmesbury . Richard 
- Edmond Boyce [P] Meere . William 
. Thomas Parsons Potterne and Canninges . Henry 
- John Stone Ramsbury . Jonathan 
W™ Ingles Selkleigh . Thomas 
. John Tacker[Tucker] Swanborough . William 
. Samuell firy Warmister . Anthony Thresher 
- William Thirlwall Westbury . John Edwards 
. ChristopherMargerim Whorelsdowne . John Blagbury 
. John Lawrence Underditch . John Bur 
. Theophilus Bayliffe Libty of Chippenham . Nathaniel 
. James Hancocke Libty of Bromham & Rowde  . Robert 
_. Joseph Tarrant Burough of Wilton . Ge 


_. Merricke Gyles Burough of Dounton 
. W™ Gouldisborough Libty of Hindon Knoile and ffunthill 
. Edward Stratton § Libty of Trowbridge 

. Phillipp Orrell Burrough of Calne 
+ Merricke Gyles Libty of Bishopstone 


CoNsTABLES 


. Stephen Browne John 8” [S’=sworn] 
. John Reeves 8” : 


: . Christopher Mopham 8” 


* Undecipherable (Wm. Chapon 2) 
+ Undecipherable. 


145 


Sw 
Sw 
Sw 
Sw 
Sw 
Sw 
Sw 
Sw 


146 “ Justice in Warminster in the Olden Time.” 


John Buffield S” 
Richard Starke S¥ 
Robert Child 8” 

. Thomas Clarke S” 

. Nicholas Daniell S*¥ 

- Christopher ffoord S*¥ 


John Smith S” 
Tristram Tanner, S” 
Thomas Lawrence S* 
Thomas Smith S” 
Thomas Dowse S* 

. Richard White S” 

. W™ Mastirs Sv 
Thomas Lucas 8” 

. Henry Bowles 8” 

. John Phelps als Bromham 8”. 

. John Ruddle 8” 

. Leonard Jeffs 8” 

- Phillipp King 8S” 

. James Hancocke S*¥ 

. George Norris 8” 

- Peter Gale S” 

. Joseph Stephens, 8” 

. Roger Gibbons 8” 

. Robert Kinge S” 

pxd William Druce 

Richard Hall S"” 


Nineteen names so torn as to be undecipherable. 
Total, fifty-six constables. 


“Tae Names oF THE Mayo™ oF THE SEVRALL BorRovGHs 
& LiBeRTyEs OF THE COUNTY AFORES*. 

. Christopher Ball gent Mayo' of the City of New Sarm. 
William Goffe gent Mayor of the Burrough of Marlborough 
John Sloper gent Mayo' of the Burrough of the Devizes 
Henry Brasier gent Mayo’ of the Burrough of Wilton 

Mayo’ of the Burrough of Wootton Bassett 
Henry Bolton gent Mayo of the burrough of Westbury 
William Love gent Mayo’ of the burrough of Dounton 


“Tas Names oF THE CoRnonER® w*IN THE COUNTY AFORESAID. 
Jonathan Hill 
. Luke Weekes 
Thomas flower 
» John Amyatt 
“Tsaack Buraezs Esq. 
ye sheriffe ” 


By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. —147 


The rest of the parchment rolls connected with the above are 
indictments chiefly of the years 1658 and 1659. There are no entries 
in the order book from 1658 summer circuit to summer circuit, 1659, 
so that there may have been no assize in the spring of 1659; how- 
ever the indictments do not belong to the gaol list of July, 1659, 
for all the names of the prisoners do not coincide, and this remains 
in doubt. 

In the bundle I found a coroner’s inquisition and an indictment for 
throwing a man down a well at Warminster, Dec. 1658. 

An indictment against a fisherman named Fras Hartory and his 
wife Katharine making an assault “on an unknown man ” at the 
Warren at Wilton :— 

“On a certain man unknown in the peace of God and in the publique peace 
then and there beinge [June 20th, 1654] an assault and affraye did make And 
the afsd F H with a certayne sword of the value of 1/- w». he the s? F H in his 
right hand then and there had and did hold the afsd man unknowne in and upon 
the brest of him the s4 man unknowne then and there with the sword afsd 
feloniously voluntarily and of his malice before thought did strike and ‘thrust 
Giveinge to the s? man unknowne one mortall wound of w® s‘ mortall wounde 
the afsd man unknowne att Wilton afsd in the afsd place there called the Hare 
warren then and there instantly dyed. And that Kath H his wife at place &c 


was present aiding abetting &c. 
“SWANSTON ” 


Only one witness—William Kent—on back of indictment. 

True bill found. 

There is also a sentence to hanging for a burglary at Milford, near 
Sarum, against three men. An innkeeper also to be executed for 
“setting them up” to commit it. . 

The following docket, tied on to the roll, hung from it as it lay 
in the pile :— 


“Wiltes Rolls 1650—1659—Both inclusive. The following cannot be found 


Lent 1650 
do —54 
do —58 
do —59 


A few more documents remain which I trust I may be forgiven 
for setting out in full, as they may prove interesting to authorities 
on our county nomenclature and crime. 


148 


“ Justice in Warminster in the Olden Time.” 


List of jurors serving, summer, 1659 :— 


“Wiltes. The Juro® to Inquire for ye Keep'® of ye lybties of England by 
Authority of Parliamt and for ye body of the county aforesaid 


Jobn Alford 
Walter Parker 
John Goddard 
Hugh Webb 
Henry ffrancklyn 
Jeffery Pinnell 
Thomas Stoakes 
Robert Edmonds 
Arthur Vilett Swo 
Walter Webb 

John Newman Gent 

Thomas Sherston 

Antho: Manx Jun" 

John Jesse 

John Smith 

Robert Bayly 

Maurice Greene 


Esq" 


“Tsaac Buress Esqr 
Sheriffe ” 


On a piece of parchment next follows :— 


“Wiltes A pfect Kallender of all the prisoners that are remaininge in the 


goale of ffisherton Anger with theire sevall facts by them comitted as 
followeth. 


The names of thirty-two prisoners are then set out, the names of 
the committing justice and the cause of detention. 


it 


2 


Committing Mag 
Accused upon suspicion of . . . . amare colt W® Stone Esq 
about a yeare old 
ae of having set the booth in Weighill =} een piece 
W™ Stone 


Chged with breaking into a shop of Thos Phripp | 4 Middlecotte 
at Westbury 


Henry Eyre 
James Hely 
W™ Stone Esq 


Accused for do do 
do burglary on stable Francis Swanton 


do with felonies and burglaries 


f Tooker 


By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 149 


Not prosecuted ‘ . 
Convicted for marying his brother’s daughter f i eee 


8 Commit on suspttion of a felony & chged therewith W™ Stone Esq 
9 Robbery of Bacon &c fr house of Robt Everet of 
George Joy Esq 


Longlete 
10 Chged upon suspicion of sevrall felonies and burglaries E¢ Middelecotte Esq 
11 do by Gabriell Banks for breaking the mill at Thomas Mompesson 
Heytesbury James Hely Esqs 
12 Accused for murdering her Bastard Ed Peirce Esq 
Reman to Hampshire 
13 Felony 2 James Heley Esq 
14 Anne Smith on suspition of cutting 3 purses in E* Middlecote Esq 
Warminster Market 
15 Upon suspition of stealing Hen house barn grannary 
ye Property of M's Katherine Topwite of Tor- { George Fry 
marton Gloucestershire widow—£xors bound NicholasGreeneHsqs 


to prosecute to next assize 
16 Committed by Q' Sessions to remain till assizes 
17 Felony of a halter of Kath Randolph of Luckington 
Gloucestershire 
18 Takinge away a kittle out of the back side of John 
Tomlin alias Tomsson of Calne Thomas Eyre Heq 
19 Stealing 5/8 from Henry Gerrish’s Chamber at Codford  E*Mitchell Esq 


W" Sadler Esq 


20 Housebreaking John Arch Esq’ 
Not prosecuted 
E# Tooker 
21 Suspition of using Witchcraft {Fa Swanton 
Jas Helys Esqs 
22 Stealing sail cloth and stocking E¢ Mitchell Esq 


To remain according to her commitm* 
23 Committed untill she give security for her appear- 
ance at Session at Midsummer for that she if Francis SwantonEsq 
with child 
To rem: as above 
24, Committed to the house of correction for a bastard 
child 
To remain as above 
25 Katherine George Committed to the house of correction do 


| Francis Swanton Esq 


27 3 men reprieved after Judgment 
28 Rem reprd as before * 
29 Stealing clothes fr: Stable at Downton 


30 do pewter flaggon W™ Sadler Esq 
31 Brought fr London by Court Corpus 
32 do Somerset do 


ee ss Se 


* Different handwriting. 
VOL. XVIII.—NO. LIU. M 


150 “ Justice in Warminster in the Olden Time.” 


Copy of precept for Salisbury, July, 1659 :— 


“Robert Nicholas one of the Judges of this Comonwealth of England and 
Richard Newdigate one other of the Judges of the said Commonwealth Justices 
assigned to take all assizes Jurats and certificates arraigned before any Justices 
whomsoever as well by divers others writts as by divers of the writts of the keeper 
of the libtes of England by authority of Parliament w‘"" the county of Wilts to 
the sheriff of the s‘ county of Wilts Greetinge. Wee comand That you omit not 
for any acts [accounts] w™ in yo" county but that you cause to come before us att 
New Sarum in yo" county upon Saturday ye three and twentieth day of July next 
comeinge all writts of assize jurats certificates arraigned before any justice 
whomsoever as well by divers other writts as by divers of the writts of the said 
keepe' of ye libtes of Eng. by authority of Parliamt w'"in yo". county and others 
which are founded Attachm* reattachm" summons resummons and all other min- 
unds [missions ?] whatsoever concerning the assizes jurats and certificates aforesaid 
Provided allwayes That the attachm** re-attachm** summons resummons whereof 
be made fifteen days before ye said Saturday also that you cause to come before 
us the said Robt Nicholas Richt Newdegate justices to deliver the goale of the 
said county of the prison" therein being at ye day and place aforesaid all prison- 
ers remaining in the s* gaole togeather with their attachm* indictm* and 
[mismrs ?] all other those prison’ any waye concerning And of the venue of every 
town and place where the felonies were comitted whereof the said prion™ stand 
indicted appealed or arrested as well w‘*in libtie as wt*out fower and twenty good 
and lawfull men by whome the treuth of ye matter may be the better knowne 
and inquired of who have noe affinity to those prison" togeather w'" fower selected 
men of those towns and places to do those things w* on the behalf of the keeper 
&c. they shalbee then and there enjoyned and y* yo" cause to bee publiqueiy 
pdlaimed throughout your whole Bailwecke that all those who will pscute against 
the said prisoners may be then and there to psecute ag* them as shallbee just 
And alsoe yt you give notice to all justices of the peace mayors cron™ stewarfs 
bayliffes of hundreds and libtes w*in yo" county and alsoe to all cheife constables 
of every hundred and libtie yt they may bee then and there in their owne persons 
wt theire Rolls Records Indictm* and other remembrances to do those things 
which to their offices in that behalfe appertaine and that you yourself and ye 
under sheriffe togeather w'® yo" bayliffes other yo" ministers be then and there in 
your own persons to do those things which to yo™ and their offices appertain to 
be done and that you have then and there ye names of all justices of the peace 
mayo™ coron™ stewards juro™ bayliffes cheefe constables and the names of them 
by whom you shall so cause them to come and of them by whom and to whom 
you shall so give notice and also that you have then and there this Precept Dated 
att Westminster the twenty third day of June in the yeare of Our Lord 1659 

“ SWANTON ” 


The bottom of the precept, possibly containing the signature of 
Justice Newdegate, has been cut off. 

Indorsement on precept :— 

“ By virtue of this precept to mee directed I caused to come before the Justices 


By W. W. Ravenhill, Esg. 151 


win written att the day & place w" Conteyned all writts of Assizes Jurats and 
certific in my county Togeather wt the pannells Att®® Reattat* Sum Resum and 
all other helps the assizes Jur‘ [Jurats] and Certif in any wise touchinge to come 
I have caused before the aforesaid Justices att ye Gaole of ffisherton Anger the 
prisoners in it beinge to deliver assigned at the day and place aforesaid beinge 
w* their Attachm* and all other helps those prison™ in any wise touchinge. 
And from ye Venewe of Evry Toune and place where ye felonies (whereupon the 
same p'sons indicted appealed or arrested be) comitted were as well wit™ Libties 
As without xxiiij good and Legall men by whome the truth of ye matter may be 
better knowne and inquired, And whoe to those prison". are not at all allied 
Togeather wt" foure men of the cheife Towne or place to doe those things w*® then 
and there to them of the ptee (parte or peace) of ye keepers of ye Libty wthin 
named shalbe enjoyned. Publickly also I have caused to be proclaymed through 
my whole shire that all those whosr will psecute agst These prisonr* then they be 
there agst them (as just it shallbe) to psecute And alsoe I have caused to be 
made knowne to the Justices of peace Coronrs Stewards Bayliffes of Libties and 
Huddreds of ye county aforesaid that then they be there w the Rolls Records 
Indictments and other theire Remembrances to doe those offices w™ to them doe: 
app’taine 

“The residue of the Executon of this precept appeares in certaine Schedules and 
pannell to the same annexed 

“YTsaac Burczs Esq 
Wiltes Sheriffe ” 


Tur CoMMISSION oF ASSIZE. 


“The keepers of the Libty of England by Authority of Parliament To Richard 
Newdegate one of the Judges of this Commonwealth, William Swanton, Alexander 
Rolle, John Stevens, and Lawrence Swanton Greetinge Know yee that we have 
constituted you some three and two of you whereof wee will that you the said 
Richard Newdegate be one Justices to deliver the Gaole of the County of Wiltes 
and the prisoners therein being And therefore wee comand you that at a cteyne 
day w*" yee some three or two of you whereof we will that [you? the] said Richard 
Newdegate be one shall appoint on this behalfe yee meet at New Sarum to deliver 
that Gaole doeinge this [as toP] Justice doth apperteyne according to the law 
and custome of England saving to us the Amriaments [amerciaments] and other 
things thereof and [thereunto] belonging. #FFoR we have comanded the Sheriffe 
of the said County of Wiltes that at the cteyne day w*" yee some three or two 
[of you] whereof wee will that you the said Richard Newdegate be one shall 
make knowne to him hee shall cause all the prisoners in the said Gaole [with] 
_ their attachm* thére to come before you some three or two of you whereof wee 
will that you the said Richard Newdegate be one In Witness whereof wee have 
caused these our Lrts [Letters] to be made Patent Witness ourselves at Westm’ in 
the three and twentieth day of June in the year of Our Lord one thousand six 
hundred fifty nyne.” 


_ Signature, or signatures, cut off. 


Sir Richard Newdegate went summer circuit in the west, 1659— 
M2 


152 “ Justice in Warminster in the Olden Time.” 


at Winchester, July 20th, New Sarum, July 23rd, Dorchester, July 
28th. (Western Circuit Order Book.) 

In 1666 there would be changes, and we might find the name of 
that great patriot, Sir Walter Long, of Whaddon, and Sir James 
Thynne, and others, but alas! as I have already said, the rolls are 
lost. 

Of civil proceedings at the assize, other than those already men- 
tioned, I have none. There is, however, a correspondence! between 
Mr. Bullen Reymes of Whaddon, Dorset, and Miss Ann Coker of 
Mappowder, which, but for a happy termination, might well have 
figured in a suit for breach of promise of marriage. The lady was 
possibly connected with the Cokers of Deverill, well-known magis- 
trates at Warminster, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.” 
How and when commenced this tender attachment we know not, 
but it suggests recollections of Arcadia and junket, good cheer and 
refinement in pleasant places :— 

«Sir 
When you was hear* you told me that you could healp me to a dary maed 
if she can winnow corn and make malt she will be fitt forme I must have a 
daery maed that can do that. Since you went away I knew of her going so if 
you pleas to send her over you will very much oblige yor 
Affectionate Kinswoman 
June ye 29th And humble servant 


[1690] 90 Ann CoxKER.” 
Pray S* let me have an answer if you can by this bearer. 


Superscription :— 


“These for 
Bullen Reames Esq 
at his house at 
Whaddon” 


The next letter discloses the fatal position of the gentleman: 
«S 


I am sorry that the memory of me should case so great a dissatisfaction in 
you that you can take noe rest Loves deseases ar so easy to cure that you 
nede none of my relefe for being so much you Sir abrode in the world as you ar 


1 Miss Chafyn Grove’s MSS., which, by her kindness, I am allowed to publish. 


2 State Papers, Domestic, published by order of the Master of the Rolls. 
* No one spelt before Dr. Johnson. 


By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 153 


I thinke it not possible that such a passion should make you stoop for my parte 
I cannot think there is any such thing now a day in the world pray burne this 
and in so doing you will oblidge 

S* your Lo: Kinswoman 


“ Mappowder to serve you 
July ye 19th Ann Coker.” 
1690 
To Buller Reymes Esq ” 


The plot thickens. A warmer note from Mr. Reymes (which she, 
faithful heart, with a woman’s sagacity, has destroyed amongst the 
rest of his burning epistles) and warmer answer. Most proper 
maiden—her “ Ffather ” must be consulted. He, of course , is quite 
ignorant ! 

“Sr, 

I am extremely obliged to you for yor kind expressions which you ar pleased 
to Honour me with if it be Reall, you know that I am under the Goverment of 
A ffather whom I allways shall endeavour to please I am 

S*. your obliged Kinsw® 
“ Mappowder and humble servant 


Aug 23rd ANN CoxER.” 
I received the anchovies 


when I see you will;thankfully 
pay you” 


We must not think of comparing the great suit of Bardswell v. 
Pickwick and the tomato sauce, or how the anchovies were paid for, 
but go on. For weeks no record, and then Miss Coker again—a 
charming note :— 


“ee Ss 

Yours of the 12th instant I have received Wherein you have expressed 
such a reall and hearty affection towards me that I cannot chuse but gratefully 
acknowledg the same and wish that myselfe and ffortune were answerable there- 
unto, it is (S') much above my capacity or sex to make you the like returns of 
those generose expressions of yours towards me and being so is a plea for my 
excuse: I shall be really glad to see you here as soone as you thinke fitt pray 
excuse all that’s amiss being an umble request of 

S* your Affect® Kinsw? 
“ Mappowder Ann CoxEr.” 
Sep 20th 1690” 


After all this, can there be any doubt? Possibly, for there is 
another letter, which, if it belongs to this courtship, or was written 
in Miss Coker’s behalf, suggests too much delay. However, it may 


154 “ Justice in Warminster in the Olden Time” 


be in the interest of another lady, who snatched at winning Mr. 
Reymes once more, before it was too late. 


Anonymous letter to Bullen Reymes, Esq :— 


“ffor Bullen Reymes Esq 
att His House at Waddon 
Leave this at the Post House 
in Dorchester to be convayd 
Ms post Jan 2nd Dorsett” 

You may admier att my confidence to give you the trouble of this, whose 
only buisnesse is to Acquaint you that the Lady which was the owner of the 
Ring, we Drank a Health to when you were Last att this Place, hath bin heare 
[where?] and her mother this 3 weeks, and I belive may continew some Little 
time Longer, but with more Pleasantnesse, had we the satisfaction to enjoy your 
good company, of which the owld lady According to your owne Promise, hath 
expected Long since, tho she nor none else knowes, of my writing this which I 
hope will be soe fortunate to kiss your Hands, [Dear me! what next!] and 
withall make us soe hapey to see you heare next weecke, which is all from her 
that humbly begs your Pardon for this trouble, and is oblidged allways to subscribe 

your most Humble Serv 
ABC” 


How such letters as these bring back men, women, and manners. 
Sweet forgotten records of flirtations and courtships hid away in the 
bureau—thank goodness, not burnt. Mr, Reymes married Miss 
Ann Coker. Oh, fancy if either, specially the latter, could see us 
reading “ Her Letters!” 


II.—Szsstons. 

Since legal memory Warminster has always had quarter’ sessions. 
Formerly these were held in April. In the early records that we 
have of them it is interesting to find many names familiar to us as 
belonging to magistrates who are doing the county work to-day. 

Warminster Sessions, 1574; present, John Zouch and Walter 
Hungerford, Milites, William Hussee, Egidius Estcourt, John Eyre, 
William Dannywell, and John Penruddock. At the sessions, 1575, 
April 16th, we find present John Zouch, John Thynne, Walter 
Hungerford, Thomas Wroughton, Milites, and John Eyre, &c., 
Justices ; names well known here now. 

Here are a few notes of those days, from the Session Order 
Books. 


1574:— 


By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 155 


“Wilts Sessions ibm lent die Martis xxvit dec parchalis Anno regine Dom: 

Warm Majest* Elizabeth dei grat Angli ffra et hibirn fidei defensor ete xvii 
Coram John Zouch Walter Hungerford Milites William Hussee, 
Egidio Estcourt, John Eyre, William Dannywell, and John Pen- 
ruddock &¢ Justiciee domine Regine pacem &c.” 


1575 :— 


“ Warmistre. 


1576 :-— 


* Warmister 


1577 :— 


“ Wiltes 
Warnister 


Easter Sessions 18" Elizabeth. Before John Zouch John Thynne 
John Danvers Walter Hungerford and Thomas Wroughton 
milit: John Eyre William Brounker John Penruddock Kgidius 
Estcourt William Daniell Christopher Dodington and William 
Hussey Etc. Order It is orderyd at this Court that if eny 
person or persones shall at eny tyme hereafter prefer eny bill of 
Indictm* to the Sessions (unles they shall be Bills of Felony) 
that the ptie that prosecuteth or pties that shall prosecute or 
prefer the same Bills or Bill shall give his or their name or 
names to the Clerk of the Peace of this shire before the Grande 
Jurye be charged at eny genall Sessions of the Peace hereafter to 
be holden within this County or els his or their Bill shall not be 
receivyed unles good matter shall appear to the Court to the 
contrary.” * 


Sessio ‘pacis ibm lent xvj° die Aplis Regno dne nre Elizabeth 
dei gra Angl Frand &c xix° coram Johe Zouch Johe Thynne 
Walter Hungerford Jacobo Mervyn et Johe Danvers milit: et 
al: Justic: dete dne Regine ad pacem &e.” 


Sessio pacis ibm tent die Martis p’x [proxima! post [?]+ Pasche 
Anno Regni dne nre Elizabeth dei gra Angl Franc et Hibernie 
Regine Fidei Defensor &c vicisimo Coram Joha Zouch Waltero 
Hungerford Jacobo Mervyn Johe Danvers Thome Wroughton 
milit: Egidio Escourte Johe Eyer xrofro [Christophero] Dod- 
ington and Willmo Broncker ar: ” 


Easter Sessions 224 Elizabeth John Zouch John Danvers Thomas 
Wroughton Milit: William Bruncker Michael Earnely Egidius 
Estcourt Esquires (&e: ” 


"SS Seen ee ey 


* For this and some other extracts, and the story of King George ITI., I have to thank R. W. 
Merriman, Esq., Clerk of the Peace for Wilts. 


+ This contraction I think is “*sm elm” sanctam celebrationem, The same contraction precedes 


*¢ Epiphanie,”’ 


156 “ Justice in Warminster in the Olden Time.” 


Same names Easter Sessions next year (1580). 

The sessions then and early in the seventeenth century were ex- 
ercised much about men called “ Badgers,” (barley-bailiffs, for that 
seems the probable meaning of the term,') who having been specially 
licensed by the magistrates were permitted to buy corn in one market 
and sell it in another, a privilege which the laws of those days 
denied to men in general. There are many entries and orders 
relating to this matter, and I have here a copy of a petition addressed 


by the mayor and magistrates of Bath to the quarter sessions of 
Wilts :-— 


“ WoRSHIPFUL after our very hearty commendacons whereas there is not corne 
sufficyent brought to the markett of our Citty of Bathe to make provision of 
bread for the inhabitants thereof and others resorting thither and by meanes 
thereof his majties subjects abidinge and cominge to this Cittye are like to 
be destitute of bread for their money unless the bakers here or from and 
by yr allowance may have free libertye and accesse to [Warminster ?] marketts 
to buy wheate to serve their customers with bread wee therefore hartely praye 
you that you will be pleased that John More of Wraxall in the County of 
Wiltes husbandman may have for allowance weekly to buy for Mr. John Sarch- 
field the chief Baker of ye Citty in yor Market of Warminster four quarters of 
wheate and one quarter of barlee therwtn to make breade for the inhabitants and 
comers to our Cittye. In doing whereof we shall acknowledge ourselves very 
much beholding to you and will be reddy and pray to requite you the same and 
so not doubtinge of the grantinge of this our request do leave you to the saffe 
keepinge of the Highest and do byd you very hartily flarewell Bathe this Eight 
of July 1608 

Yr lovinge ffryend to ye 
THomas Wyatt, Mayor 
Wixiiam EGErton 
JoHN SARCHFIELD ” 


Indorsement :— 


To ye Rt Worshipfull 
Jas Marden and S* 
Jasper More Knighte and in 
their absence to any other His Majestes 
Justices in the County of Wiltes 
&e These ” 


At bottom of petition, in different hand :— 


1 As to “Badger,” Bailey’s Dictionary gives: “ Badger (Bagagier F.) a carrier 
of luggage. Badger (in Law) one that buys corn or other provisions in one place 
in order to sell them at another; a Huckster.” 


By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 157 


“A lycence to be graunted to the former to try to buy weat in Warminster 
Markett for ye use of Bathe commissioner for the use of the Inhabitants thereof 
by the assent of the Justices of the same Division.” 


James Marden and Sir Jasper Moore, Knight, and other justices 
of the county, to make provision of bread for “ his Majesty’s subjects 
alredaye coming to Bath.” It is prayed that John More, of Wraxall, 
Wilts, may be permitted to buy weekly four quarters of wheat and 
one quarter of barley, for Mr. John Sarchfield, chief baker [?] of the 
city of Bath to make bread for the inhabitants and visitors. O tem- 
pora! Omores! 

The Badgers.suggest a characteristic story of King George III., 
relating to Warminster. The King, whilst on a visit to Longleat, 
desired Lord Bath to present to him some of the farmers who fre- 
quented Warminster market. Having heard all about it—that it was 
not a sample market, but that there a sack was pitched as a pledge for 
the load, he expressed great pleasure at such honest arrangements. 
Some years afterwards His Majesty, whilst promenading on the terrace 
at Windsor on a Sunday afternoon, amongst his subjects, recognized 
one of these Wiltshire farmers. Beckoning the abashed yeoman to 
him he said “ Well! How are they all getting on at Warminster ? ” 
«Please your Majesty, I have left Wiltshire and am now farming in 
Gloucestershire.” ‘Bad! Bad! Bad!” said the King, “ you 
should have stuck to Warminster market and sacks. Along the 
Severn down come the Badgers and spoil the market! You should 
have stuck to Warminster and sacks.” Warminster men will 
treasure this dictum of the king of yeomen. 

The Sessions records of the county appear very similar to those of 
the assizes, but at present they are not arranged. I hope some one 
will be found to glean from them what is worth bringing under 
your notice. The Sheriff’s Turn has been made known to you by 
Canon Jackson, in the pages of our Magazine, and you will re-peruse 
with pleasure his paper on the Wiltshire Preparations against the 
Spanish Armada. 


III.—Mopegs or PunIsHMENT. 


Passing on to modes of punishment (see the late Mr. Carrington’s 


158 Justice in Warminster in the Olden Time.” 


paper, vol. i., Wilts Magazine,) Warminster deserves honourable 
mention. There were only the stocks: two in front of the old 
Town Hall, one on Bell Hill, one at Upton Scudamore. These, at 
least in more recent years, were chiefly used for those who would 
not go to Church. There were no branks or ducking-stools for 
scolding ladies! Howard was not wanted here,! as there was no 
prison, merely a lock-up or blind-house, and prisoners during the 
quarter sessions were kept in a malthouse, near the Town Hall. 

The old Town Hall, in which the assizes of 1666 were held, was 
where the King’s Arms stands now, but it has entirely disappeared. 

In later years, possibly 1711, a building was erected in the mid- 
street, near the Chapel of St. Lawrence. Here is a drawing. More 
of a market than a court, a block to traffic. It was removed in the 
year 1831, when the present building was erected at the sole expense 
of that munificent nobleman, Thomas, Marquis of Bath. The 
foundation stone of it was laid on the same day as that of Christ 
Church, Warminster, by Thomas Phipps, Esq., Chairman of Quarter 
Sessions. 

It was the custom formerly to hang people publicly near the scene 
of their crimes, 

The Lord of Warminster had a gallows here in 1275. Position 
not known. 

Amongst the modes of punishment will be remembered the hideous 
judgment peine forte and dure, only abolished a century since. (For 
a copy see note, p. 257, vol. xiil., of this Magazine.) It was used for 
those who would not plead but stood mute as of malice. An instance 
occurs of its use in 1726, and in 1658 Major Strangeways was pressed 
to death for refusing to plead to a charge of murdering his brother-in- 
law. The stone was a rough one, and turned by some friend upon 
his heart the more speedily to terminate his sufferings. I find the 
following sentence in the Western Circuit Order Book: ‘‘ Rebecca 
Donnington for poisoning her husband (summer assize Salisbury 
1782). To be drawn on a hurdle to the place of execution Saturday 


1 His visit to Salisbury and finding the debtor prisoners there fastened to the 
links of a chain by padlocks, outside the gaol; the chain fixed in the wall, the 
prisoners dragging each other about to sell nuts, &c., to passers by will be re- 
membered. 


By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 159 


July 21st inst and there burned with fire untill she be dead—respited 
until Monday and then let Execution be done.! In 1789 a reprieve 
of execution arrived too late—Judge Ashman, on request of Lord 
Westmoreland. One great solemn spectacle of death there was on 
the 15th of March, 1813, when George Carpenter and George 
Ruddock, two agricultural labourers, aged twenty and twenty-one 
years, were hung on the mound at the back of Frying-pan Clump, 
Warminster Down, for the murder of Mr. Webb, a farmer of 
Roddenbury, near Longleat. They had at the same time murdered his 
maid-servant in a very brutal manner. The ceremony began with 
a great procession of Wilts Yeomanry Cavalry; two hundred peace 
officers, with white wands, commanded by Captain Charles L. Phipps; 
the sheriff’s officers; the bailiff of Warminster; the under-sheriff 
and magistrates of the division, and one hundred gentlemen on 
horseback ; the Vicar of Warminster (whose sermon in Warminster 
Church first induced the criminals to confess) following the coffin 
and the cart containing the criminals; the county gaoler, sheriff’s 
officers, and javelin-men; the Yeomanry closing the long procession, 
whilst detachments of the same corps kept the line of march. The 
stumps of the gallows will be remembered by many here present. 

Warminster was the last place in the county where a publie 
whipping took place. This was in 1838, George Ruddock, for de- 
serting his wife and family. The sentence was “ that he be made 
fast to the breech of a cart and stripped naked from the waist up- 
wards and whipped through the market place from the one end to 
the other and so down again until his body be bloody and soe to be 
discharged.” 

We cannot be too thankful that an end has been put to these 
revolting and brutalizing exhibitions. 

IV.—Mewn anv Events. 

Passing by Lord Stourton’s murder of the Hartgills (young Hart- 
gill was a feofee of the Chapel of St. Lawrence, Warminster,) and 
the case of Thomas Thynne, Esq., of the Ten Thousand, already 
brought before you by Canon Jackson, I may mention a few men 
and events of Warminster and its neighbourhood. 

} This punishment was abolished by 30 Geo. IIL., c. 43. 


160 « Justice in Warminster in the Olden Time.” 


No Warminster men were out forthe rising in 1655, or for that 
of the Duke of Monmouth. Chief Justice Jefferies came not hither, 
but I have a document slightly anterior to the Bloody Assize, the 
order of the Privy Council for the proclamation of King James IL., 
signed by Archbishop Sancroft, &c.,! which is as follows. 

Order of Privy Council to Wm. Chaffyn, Esq., Sheriff of Wilts, to 
proclaim James II. as king.? 

Outside sheet, sealed with the sigillum of the Privy Council, and 
inscribed with the archbishop’s monogram, bears this superscription : 


“ For his Mat'*s Special service 
To our Loving Friend W™ Chaffin Esq° 
Sheriff of ye County of Wilts” 


Inside sheet :— 


“ After our hearty commendations It having pleased Almighty God this day to 
take to his mercy out of this troublesome life Our late Sovereign Lord King 
Charles the Second of Blessed memory. And therefore his late Majesty’s Only 
Brother & Heir King James the Second being here Parliament according to the 
Proclamation herewith sent you signed by us, and sevrall other Peers of this 
Realme together with another Proclamation Issued by His Ma* Entitled a Pro- 
clamation signifying his May® Pleasure that all men being in office of Government 
at the Decease of the Late King his Ma most Dear and most entirely Beloved 
Brother, shall so continue until his Ma‘ further directions. We do hereby will 
and require you forthwith to cause the said Two Proclamations to be Proclaimed 
and Published in the usuall Places within your jurisdiction with the solemnity 
and ceremony accustomed on the like occasion, and soe not doubting of your ready 
complyance herein We Bid you heartily farewell from the Council Chamber in 
Whitehall the 6th of February 1684 

Your Loving friends 


W Cant GuiLtForD C § RocHEsTER P Hatirax CPS 
BEAUFORT 
HUNTINGDON BatHE J BripGEWATER 
SUNDERLAND 
AILESBURY J FAUCONBURG 
C Craven 
MIDDLETON H Lonpon 
CLARENDON” 


The body is not written apparently by any signing, unless it be 
the archbishop. The signatures of this highly interesting document 


are apparently genuine. 
1 Saneroft, as Dean of St. Paul’s, the munificent patron of the old and present 
building. One of the seven bishops, “ honest pious narrow-minded.” Deprived 
of his archbishopric by William III., after much hesitation. 

2 Miss Chafyn Grove’s MSS. 


— 


By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 161 


Readers of Lord Macaulay’s History will remember that War- 
minster was the point where men turned towards William III. Hither 
the unhappy James II. was to have come from the Bishop’s Palace, 
Salisbury, had not the sudden bleeding of his nose prevented him. 
Here troops were massed and fell away to the Orange Camp at the 
beck of Churchill, and of Kirke. Justice in Warminster, in England, 
is Protestant, and desires not to be swayed by foreign bishops and 
potentates, nor the return of inquisitions, racks, ete., ete. 

In 1816 Samuel Newman was executed for obtaining near £500 
from Messrs. Phipps, Biggs, and Bannister, bankers of this town, 
by means of forged bills. 

Then there were the agricultural riots of 1830, and the special 
commission which followed. There may be some present who re- 
member the charge of the yeomanry in Knook fields, and the rioters, 
who were armed with scythes chiefly, taking to the river Wylye. 

In 1839 was the highway robbery of Mr. Dean, of Imber. Every 
one has heard of the Robbers’s Stone, and its story. And there re- 
mains but to mention one other. The claimant of the Smyth 
baronetey—Thomas Provis—was a national criminal, though a 
Warminster man. The famous trial at Gloucester Assize, 1853, 
in which the public took the deepest interest. Prisoner’s evidence 
broken down by Sir Frederick Thesiger (now Lord Chelmsford) 
owing to an accident, like Louie in the Titchbourne trial—the 
tradesman in Oxford Street, from whom he had purchased “the 
family ring,” having read the newspaper report, telerraphed in the 
midst of the cross-examination. 

Warminster parish—as a rule—is, remarkably free from crime, 
and bears an honourable name for its grammar school. Amongst 
its pupils was Dr. Arnold, of Rugby. But of native authors I 
find only one, Samuel Squire,! son of Thomas Squire, born A.D. 
1713, a writer on theology, who was consecrated Bishop of St. 
David’s, A.D. 1761. To this town, if to any, we must award the 
praise of the great Roman poet :— 


“Sacra Deum, Sanctique patres, extrema per illos 
* Justitia excedens terris vestigin fecit.” 


oS se 


1 Nichols’s Lite Anecdotes, iii., 348, 
rary 


162 


Che Black Friars of Wiltshire. 
By Rev. C. F. R. Patmer. 


IX years after the great mendicant order of friar-preachers— 

Black Friars, or Dominicans—was founded at Toulouse, it 
was introduced, in the year 1221, into England. The patronage 
which Henry III. bestowed on these friars was very powerful in 
promoting their work. This king summoned friar-preachers into 
the royal councils, and entrusted weighty matters of state to them, 
chose the guides of his conscience out of their numbers, and gave 
munificent aid towards the establishment of those convents, which 
they erected in his time. Within twenty-four years the order had 
spread throughout more than two-thirds of the dioceses of England 
and Wales, all of which it eventually entered, being distributed in 
fifty-two principal convents of brethren, and one community of 
sisters. It was probably through the influence of Henry III. that 
the friars first gained their footing in the diocese of Salisbury. 


<( 


WILTON. 


The friar-preachers entered the town of Wilton (once the episcopal 
city) in Wiltshire, in or before the year 1245. They secured five or 
six acres of land here, and began to erect a Church and convent, 
which were in progress for more than twenty-six years. A small 
churchyard was also laid out for the burial of the dead. The grounds 
appear to have been enclosed only with wattled thorns. Several 
benefactors lent a helping hand to the new religious community, 
amongst whom were Henry III., William Lungespre, Roger de 
Sifrewaster, and William de Mauduit, the last three being men of 
note in the surrounding country. William Lungespre gave eight 
beams to the friars “ad fabricam ecclesie sue,” and the king issued 
his mandate, July 10th, 1245, to Adam Coks, out of whose bailiwick 


The Black Friars of Wiltshire. 163 


they were to be taken, to allow the friars to fell and carry them.! 
The king bestowed thirty marks (£20) for the work. of the houses, 
June 24th, 1246, commanding the money to be paid by the sheriff 
of Wiltshire out of the amercements imposed by the justices in the 
forest pleas.2 Roger de Sifrewaster gave five oaks in the royal 
bailiwick of J. de Pless’, and William de Mauduit, five more in that 
of James Homes, for all which, July 21st, 1247, the king granted the 
chiminage.2 The same William Mauduit gave twenty beams out 
of his wood, which was within the metes of the royal forest of 
Selwood; and by a royal mandate of, June 26th. 1250, the friars 
were allowed to carry them without the payment of chiminage.* 
On November 27th following, the king too added his own gift of 
twenty oaks out of the forest of Chippenham ;* next day he ordered 
the sheriff of Wiltshire to have them carried to Wilton,® and Dec. 
26th, directed the justiciary of the forest to let the friars have 
the escheats of the same trees.’ In 1254, the friars enclosed 
their land, towards doing which they obtained of the king, March 
25th, fifteen cart-loads of thorn and underwood out of Graveling 
wood.’ During the ensuing four years, the buildings were still going 
on, towards which the king gave, December 18th, 1255, fifteen oaks, 
with all their escheats, for timber, out of Gillingham Forest ;° July 
10th, 1256, seven oaks with the escheats, where they could be most 
fittingly taken for carriage, in Clarendon Forest ;!° and May 25th, 
1258, ten oaks to be felled in Gillingham Forest where they would 
be most at hand for carrying.” Even as late as 1271, the cloister was 
not finished, as appears by a royal mandate to the keeper of the same 


- 1 Claus. 29 Hen. III., m. 7. 
2 Liberate, 30 Hen. III., m. 7. 
3 Claus. 31 Hen. III., m. 6. 
* Claus. 34 Hen. III., m. 9. 

5 Claus. 35 Hen. III., m. 23. 
©,Liberate, 35 Hen. III., m. 16. 
7 Claus. 35 Hen. III., m. 22. 
8 Claus. 38 Hen. III., m. 9. 

9 Claus. 40 Hen. III., m. 18. 
10 Claus. 40 Hen. IIT., m. 6. 
" Claus. 42 Hen. III., m. 7. 


164 The Black Friars of Wiltshire. 


forest, December 15th, to let the friars have six oaks “ ad maeremium 
ad claustrum suum inde construendum.” +! The bounty of the king 
also supplied firing to the community, by the following mandates 
for fuel out of Graveling Wood: July 12th, 1252, for five oaks 
(rowers) ;* March 25th, 1254, for six dry leafless rowers, taken where 
the least damage would be done; September 8th, 1260, for six 
rowers;* and December 15th, 1271, for four rowers.5 Edward 
I. gave, out of Clarendon forest, January 2lst, 1274-5, three 
rowers for fuel; ® September 10th, 1276, ten cart-loads of fire- 
wood ;7 June 8th, 1277, six rowers for fuel ;8 and February 17th, 
1279-80, four leafless rowers also for fuel.9 

And thus the friar-preachers went on at Wilton for about thirty- 
six years. All that time, New Sarum, or Salisbury, was steadily 
drawing into itself the best resources of the neighbourhood. Asan 
episcopal city, it presented a vast field of labour to an enterprizing 
religious order, and offered greater advantages than such a town as 
Wilton, sinking into hopeless decay. The friars had entered the 
diocese under the sanction of Robert de Bingham, a bishop whom 
Godwin styles “vir magna et eruditione et pietate;” and whilst 
Robert de Wykehampton held the see, they removed to Salisbury. 
Still Wilton was not altogether abandoned: the land and Church 
had been dedicated to holy uses, and could not be readily secularized. 
Wilton was, therefore, made a cell to Salisbury, the distance between 
the two houses being only three miles. 


1 Claus. 56 Henry III., m. 12. 
2Claus. 36 Hen. III., m.10. The guercus usually went for timber, and the 
robur for fuel. “Sept keisnes appellez Rowers pour foaill”’ were given by the 
king, Aug. 5th, 1404, to the friar-preachers of Gloucester. Register of Grants 
of the Duchy of Lancaster, vol. xv., fol. 69. 
3 Claus. 38 Hen. III., m. 9. 
4 Claus. 44 Hen. IIL. p. 1, m. 5. 
5 Claus. 56 Hen. III., m. 12. 
® Claus. 3 Edw. I., m. 23. 
7 Claus. 4 Edw. I., m 4. 
8 Claus. 5 Edw., I., m. 5. 
9 Claus. 8 Edw., I., m. 10. 
10 Godwin, De Prsulibus Anglie (1743), p. 344. 


ners 


By Rev. C. F. R. Palmer. 165 


SALISBURY. 


It was about the end of the year 1280 that the friar-preachers 
established themselves in Fisherton-Anger, in the west suburb of 
Salisbury, divided from the city by the river Avon, and communi- 
cating with it by means of Fisherton Bridge. Leland says, ‘‘ In 
this Fisschertoun, now a Suburbe to New-Saresbyri, was sins the 
Erection of the New Toun, an House of Blake Freres buildid not 
far from Fisherton Bridge.”! Speed sets down Edward I. and F. 
Robert de Kilwardby, Archbishop of Canterbury, as founders of 
this new house,” whilst Godwin ascribes it wholly to the latter.® 
Edward I. gave the land for the site, and his queen, Eleanor of 
Castile, was a great benefactress. Out of affection for the order to 
which he had belonged, F. Robert de Kilwardby might have en- 
couraged his brethren in their enterprise, and given them means to 
carry it out; but being raised to the rank of a cardinal in 1278, he 
quitted England towards the end of the summer of that year, long 
before the friars it seems settled at Fisherton, and he was certainly 
dead before they began to build. 

Edward I, bought some lands of William Dun, and for the weal 
of his soul and the souls of his ancestors and heirs, granted and 
confirmed them, May 12th, 1281, “ Fratribus Predicatoribus apud 
Fisherton juxta Sar’ commorantibus,” to be held in free, pure, and 
perpetual almoign “ad inhabitandum ibidem, prout sibi magis 
viderit expedire.” These lands had been acquired by William Dun 
as follows: a tenement granted by Geoffrey le Noton, Henry Dun, 
and Thomas le Fraunceys; a tenement quitclaimed by Thomas le 
Fraunceys, of Fisherton, fisherman; a meadow given by Thomas de 
Ripton ; a parcel of meadow quitclaimed by Nicholas de St. Quintin; 
a tenement with meadow and curtilage given by Elias de Fisserton, 
fisherman ; a meadow by the same Nicholas; and a tenement by 


_ William Florentyn. Dun’s deed of grant to the king was delivered 


0 SSS ee a Ee eee ee 


1 Leland’s Itin. (2nd edit.), vol. iii., p. 75. 
* History of Great Britaine: catalogue of Religious Houses. 
3 Godwin, p. 97. 
VOL, XVIII.—NO. LI. N 


166 The Black Friars of Wiltshire. 


to F. William de Faversham, who was probably the head or prior of 
the community.! 

In 1289, Queen Eleanor of Castile, for her own and her children’s 
souls, granted to the friars, December 8th, the yearly rent of 16s. 
which Sir Henry Fitz Ancher had been accustomed to receive “ de 
area quam modo predicti Fatres Predicatores de novo inhabitant,” 
and which he had made over to her in pure, free, and quit almoign. 
The king, April 17th following, confirmed his royal consort’s gift.? 

Edward I. farther granted, October 2nd, 1293, to the friar-preachers 
of Sarum, out of Clarendon Forest, “de spinis et tribulis quantum 
rationabiliter necesse fuerit ad placeam suam ibidem includendam, 
cum aliis ad hujusmodi clausuram necessariis.”? In aftertimes, 
stone walls supplied a surer fence than thorn and bramble. 

It was found by inquisition taken at Fisherton, April 29th, 1295, 
that Henry Fitz Anger, the capital lord, might freely assign 14a. 
of meadow to the friar-preachers, for enlarging their plot, except 
that the Earl of Lincoln, of whose fief the land was held in socage, 
would lose 2s. a year when the heir was in his wardship. But as 
far as the earl was concerned the friars met with no difficulty, for he 
made them a satisfactory grant. And so, June 1st, in compliance 
with a writ of privy seal, a royal license in mortmain was granted 
in accordance with the desires of the religious.® 

Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, in 1298, gave thirteen oaks out 
of Penchyt Wood, belonging to him within the royal forest of 
Clarendon, to the friars for timber, “ad operationes ecclesie sue 
faciendas:” and May 28th, the king ordered the justiciary of the 
forest to allow them to fell and carry the trees.® 

Edward III., by charter dated October 1st, 1328 ,confirmed the royal 


1 Cart. 9 Edw. I., m. 9. 
2 Cart. 18 Edw. I., m. 20. 
3 Claus. 21 Edw. I., m. 3. 
4 Inquis. post mortem, 23 Edw. I., No. 96. 
5 Pat. 23 Edw. I., m. 13. 
6 Claus. 26 Edw. I., m. 8. 


By Rev. C. F. R. Palmer. 167 


grants of May 12th, 1281; April 17th, 1290; and June Ist, 1295.¢ 

The Church was dedicated to the Most Holy and Blessed Trinity. 
It consisted of a choir, nave, aisles, chapel by the choir, belfry with 
two bells, and twelve or thirteen altars besides the high altar. The 
altar of St. Barbara had an image of the saint in the middle of it. 
Pope Boniface IX., on account of the great multitude of people who 
out of devotion to St. Peter Martyr resorted hither, granted, January 
2nd, 1392-3, the indulgence of two years, and as many lents to the 
faithful who visited the Church on the festival of that saint (April 
29th), in honour of whom and St. Anne an altar had been raised.’ 

There was an anchorage attached to this convent. 

The general history of this priory is very fragmentary. 

Edward I., July 5th, 1284, gave six rowers out of Clarendon 
Forest, probably for firewood.’ From the same forest, he gave for 
fuel, seven oaks, April 16th, 1292;4 six oaks, September 10th, 
1294;5 six oaks, March 6th, 1296-7;® seven oaks, April 13th, 
1300;7 and seven oaks, July 18th, 1302;® each time all leafless 
rowers. The same king, when he was at Christchurch, Hants, in 
1289, sent the friar-preachers at Salisbury, November 16th, an alms 
of 56s. 4d, for their food on the vigil, feast, and morrow of All 
Saints, during his stay at Clarendon. He was at Salisbury in 
March, 1296-7, and gave them 55s. 8d. for three days whilst he 
was at Clarendon (where he spent the Lady-day), and for one day 
on his arrival at this city.!° Being here again, December 15th, 1305, 


1 Cart. 2 Edw. III., m. 9 (No. 29). 
2? Bullarium Ord. Pred., tom II., p. 332. 

3 Claus. 12 Edw. I., m. 4. 
4 Claus. 20 Edw. I., m. 6. 
5 Claus. 22 Edw. I., m. 4. 
6 Claus. 25 Edw. I., m. 21. 
7 Claus. 28 Edw. I.,,m. 8. 
8 Claus. 30 Edw. I., m. 10. 

9 Rot. elemos. Regis, 17-18 Edw. I. 

10 Lib. gard. (elemos) 25 Edw. I. Additional MSS, of British Museum, No. 7965. 
N 2 


168 The Black Friars of Wiltshire. 


he gave an alms of 33s. 4d. on his arrival, through F. Henry de 
Chester, for two days’ food. 

In 1298 the provincial chapter of the order was held September 
8th and following days, at Salisbury. The king, August 24th» 
commanded the sheriff of Wiltshire to provide the friars with food 
for two days, one day for himself, the other for Edward, his 
son.? 

The princes, Thomas and Edmund, sons of Edward I., about 
May, 1302, gave an alms of 5s. to these friars, through F. Ivo de 
Langeton, for celebrating masses for their prosperity.’ 

F. John Baldewyne, prior here, and F. John Everard, prior of the 
friar-preachers of Oxford, March 4th, 1310-1, received the royal 
gift of ten marks for the food of the friars in their general chapter 
to be held at Naples,t and 40s. for the expenses of the friars who 
should carry the money abroad.° 

In the time of Edward II1., John, son of William de Tynhide, was 
imprisoned at Old Sarum, and was condemned to death by the 
justices-itinerant of Wiltshire, for some felonies. On his way to 
the gallows through Fisherton, F. John de Mulford, F. William de 
Halmerton, F. John de Bachampton, F. Francis Aubyn, and F. John 
de Styntesford forcibly rescued the culprit from the hands of the 
bailiffs, cut the cord that bound his hands, and delivered him from 
justice. These five friars received a royal pardon, January 6th, 
1317-8, for this flagrant transgression of the law.® 

The provincial chapter was again held here on the feast of St. 
Augustin (August 28th) and following days, 1319. The king gave 
£15 to F. John Bristol, provincial, for the food of the friars assembled ; 


1 Liber de hospitio regis, 34. Edw. I. 
= Rot. de Memorand (L.T.R.), 26 Edw. I., ro. 119. 


3 Rot. de expensis necessariis pro dominis Thoma et Edmundo, filiis regis, 29- 
30 Edw. I. 


4 This general chapter was held May 30th, etc. 
5 Exit. Scac. Mich., 4 Edw. II., m. 8. 
6 Pat. 11 Edw. IL, p. 1., m. 6. 


By Rev. C. F. K. Palmer. 169 


which sum was paid by the sheriff of the county, and it was allowed 
to him, April 23rd, 1320, in the exchequer.’ 

Thomas de Cotes, August 12th, 1326, acknowledged in Chancery 
a debt of £10 due to the prior of the friar-preachers of Salisbury ; 
and it was to be paid on the ensuing feast of the Nativity of our 
Lord.? 

Edward III. arriving at Salisbury gave an alms of 13s. 4d. August 
18th, 1334, through F. John Walran to the forty friars here. And 
November 14th following, he gave an alms of 14s. to the forty-two 
friar-preachers, through F. John Camol.* 

Elias Homes, in 1348, by will directed his body to be buried in 
the Church of the friar-preachers.® 

A royal licence was granted, June 29th, 1354, for Mary, Countess 
of Norfolk, to found a fraternity of secular brethren, in honour of 
St. Mary, St. Anne, and All Saints, at Fisherton-Anger; and 
also a chantry of six chaplains here, to celebrate mass for the 
welfare of the king, and the countess, and the brethren of the 
fraternity in life and after death. And July Ist following, the 
grant was repeated, fixing the foundation within the mansion of 
the friar-preachers; with mortmain-licence for the brethren to 
receive lands and rents to the value of £40 a year not held of the 
crown im capite, in aid of the maintenance of themselves and 
chaplains. If the purpose of the countess was ever carried out, it 
is probable that the chapel by the chowr mentioned at the dissolution 
belonged to this brotherhood, of which, however, no distinct trace 
now exists, even in the fraternity-returns of 1388, or the chantry- 
certificates of 1548, 

Elizabeth de Burg, Lady Clare (third daughter of Gilbert de Clare, 
last Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, by Joan of Acres, daughter of 


1 Exit. Scac. Pasch. 13 Edw. II., m. 2. 
2 Claus. 20 Edw. III., m. 12 dorso. 
3 Lib. Garder. regis, de annis 8, 9, 10, 11, Edw. III.: Bibl. Cotton, Nero C. viii. 
* Contrarot. Garder. regis, de expens. forinsec. 8-9 Edw. III. 
° Hoare’s Modern Wiltshire, vol. vi., p. 90. 
§ Pat. 28 Edw. III., p. 2, m. 20, 15. 


170 The Black Friars of Wiltshire. 


Edward I.) by will dated September 25th, and proved December 
8rd, 1360, bequeathed £4 to the friar-preachers and minors of 
Salisbury.’ 

Robert Strede, of Fisherton, and John Denburg, by their wills, 
in 1361, desired to be buried in this Church.” 

The master-general of the order, March 4th, 1389-90, restored F. 
Henry de Arun, of this convent, to the graces of the order,’ forfeited 
probably by some breach of religious discipline. 

Thomas Boyton bequeathed a tenement opposite the wool-market 
to be sold, and the proceeds equally divided between the fabrics of 
the Churches of the friar-preachers and friar-minors.* 

Thomas Sextayn, in 1401, by will directed his body to be buried 
in this convent-church. He bequeathed £10 for glazing the window 
of the choir, and a piece of silver-gilt plate to the high altar; and 
left also £20 for finding six brethren of this establishment to cele- 
brate during a whole year for the welfare of his soul.® 

Sir Roger Beauchamp, Kt., by will dated at New Sarum, April 
24th, and proved June 30th, 1406, ordered his body to be buried in 
the Church of the friar-preachers of Fisherton, near Sarum.® 

Alice, wife of George Meriot, and widow of William Teynterer, 
in 1406, left to the convents of friar-minors and friar-preachers here, 
each a bowl-maser to be kept and used for drinking.’ 

Thomas Meriot, in 1410, directed his body to be deposited in the 
Church, between two columns on the south side, namely in the 
middle behind the sepulture of Roger Beauchamp.® 

F. John de Thursby was a son of the convent of Guildford, and 
became prior here. “ Qui vitam religiosissimam ducens, et pater 


1 Nichol’s Royal Wills, p. 23. 
? Hoare, p. 90. 
3 Ex tabulario mag. gen. ordinis Romano. 
4 Hoare, p. 90. 
5 Hoare, p. 90. 
6 Nicolas’ Testamenta Vetusta, vol. 1., p. 168. 
7 Hoare, p. 96. 
§ Hoare, p. 90. 


By Rev. C. F. R. Palmer. 171 


[spiritualis] multorum existens, feliciter vitam consummavit, a.D. 
1458: cui propicietur Deus. Amen.” He died May 10th." 

William, Lord Botreaux, who died in 1462, by will dated July 
20th, 1415, bequeathed 40s. to the friars at Salisbury.’ 

Adam Inwys, a wealthy trader, left legacies to the church-fabrics 
of the friar-preachers of Winton and Sarum.? 

Leland visited the library of this convent about the year 1536, 
and notes that he found here: 

Quodlibeta Nicolai Triveti. 

Leo papa, de conflictu vitiorum et virtutum. 

Historia Britannica mediocri carmine scripta 4 Bruto ad 
Caduualadrum, incerto autore, sed qui secutus est Galfredum 
Monemutensem.* 

The destruction of this religious house was now at hand. F. 
Richard Ingworth, suffragan bishop of Dover, being the king’s 
visitor for subjecting the mendicant friars to the royal supremacy, 
and eventually for their suppression, came to Salisbury in the month 
of July, 1538, and about the 25th, wrote to Lord Cromwell, that 
he found the friar-minors of Southampton and the friars of Salisbury 
“in good order, & so lefte them.”*® But their compliance did not 
save them. At the beginning of October following, the suffragan- 
bishop again appeared, and to him, on the 2nd, the prior and thirteen 
friars surrendered their house. 


“M4” We y° pior & co'ue’t of y® blacke fryers of Salysbury, w* one assent 
and co’sent, wt owte any man’ of coaccyon or co’sell, do gyue ow’ howse In to y* 
hands of y® lorde vysytor, to y* kynges vse, desyerynge hys grace to be good & 
gracyous to vs. In wyttenes we subscrybe ow’ namys w' ow’ p’per hands, the 
ij day of october, In y* xxxxte yere of y* raygne of ow" most dred sou’eyn lorde, 
kynge he’ry y° viij’®. 


 Obituarium Conventus Guldefordie: Tanner’s MSS. in Bodleian Library. 
? Nicolas’ Testamenta Vetusta, vol. i., p. 191. 
3 Hoare, p. 96. 
* Leland’s Collectanea (1760), vol. iv., p. 67. 
§ Miscellaneous Letters, temp. Hen. VIIL., series 2, vol. lxxxiv., No. 132. 


172 The Black Friars of Wiltshire. 


Fr. Jon’rEs HeEsskyns P’or. Fr. Jon’s BEntTLEY. 
Fr. JoHn CHARDcow. fr’ RycHARDE sToNys. 
fr’ Lupovic’ MEMERJ. fr JoHn Burrier. 
fr’ THOMAS BROWNE. fr’ He’ry Crosse. 

fr’ Wit’ms Preston. fr’ PET’ TREURUA.” * 


fr’ THoMAS WARDEN. 
fr’ Rarr Coxe. 
fr’ Joun Rosy. 
fr’ RoGERUS PHyYLyps. 


The house was in debt to the amount of about £80, which was 
mostly due to the prior; but he and the other creditors had to be 
satisfied with £8 16s. Two old feather-beds, six poor cushions, and 
some kitchen-stuff and other things of little value were disposed of 
for £3 15s, 9d., and the visitor advanced the remaining £5 0s.3d. He 
earried off silver weighing fifteen score and three oz.: the rest of 
the goods (enumerated in an inventory) he delivered to John Shaxton, 
gent., and John Goodale, bailiff of the city, to keep for the king. 


The blacke freers of salisbery. 


“This indenture makith mencyon of all the stuffe of the blacke freerys of 
salisbery receyued by the lorde visitor vnder y* lorde p’uey seale, for y* kingis 
grace, & d’d to m" iohn shaxton gentilma’ & to iohn goodale baly of salisbury, to 
se & order to y® kingis vse, w the howse & all the app’ten*ncs, till y* kingis 
plesure be further knowen. 


The quere. 


It’ at y® hei alt’ a tabill of alabast’. 

It’ iiij small candelstickis laten. 

It’ ij alt’ clotheis y® on nowth’. 

It’ iiij pore pelowys w* ij small curteyns. . 

It’ a clothe before y° alt’ white & rede w* rokis. 

It’ an other alt’ clothe before y* alt’ w' garterys lining clothe. 

It’ a canapey ou’ ye sacrament. 

It’ a vestment blewe worstede. 

It’ a goodly fert’ copp’ & gillt for reliks. 

It’ in y® quere a litill lampe laten. 

It’ an egill & ij gret candelsticks laten, ye w°" father Browne cleymithe, but 
y‘* xij yeris thei haue be[en] ther in y* inventory of y* convent before: w’for 
I wolld not allowe yt he had y™ awey, but I causeed him to bring them 
ageyne. 

It’ a lecterne clothe of dorneks on y° lect’ne of timb’. 

It’ on holy water stoppe. 


* Treas. of Rec, of Exch., vol. 5 : Submission of Monasteries, No. 5. 


By Rev. C. FP. R. Palmer. 173 


It’ v cruetis stollen. 
It’ ij branchis of iron for tapers. 
Tt’ a sacry bell. 
It’ a peyer of organys. 
It’ stallys & organ soler sileid. 
It’ ij formys. 
The chirche. 


It’ xj alters, ij of y™ tabills, iij ymagery, on’ dobill tabill of alabast’ a nother 
large alter w* seinte barbara in y® mydds alabast’. 

It’ iij other tabillis of alabast’. 

It’ iiij sacry bellis. 

It’ a feyer candelbeme. 

It’ feyer setis before y* altarys. 

It’ feyer setis before eu’y alt’ in y* chirche. 

It’ certeyne tu’bbis in the chirche, on’ of them barryd abowte w* yron. 


In the chapell bi y* quere. 


It’ an olld chest & a frame for y* sepulere. 

It’ a bere & a forme. 

It’ in the stepill ij bellis. 

The vestre. 

It’ ij feyer chestis. 

It’ ij stolis for chaunters wt bullizans cop’. 

Tt’ yj cuscheynis, a crosse of cop’ wt Mary & iohn wt a staffe. 

It’ a tabill & on yt a sute of vestments, prist, deco’, & s’bdecon, veluit, w* 
many small perles on yt, y* offeras w' bers & castells very p’cius, wt diu’se 
olld buckrams on the tabill. 

It? prist decon. & subdecon redde silke wt garters and seinthe georgs crosseis. 

It’ a sute white silke, prist, deco’, & s’deco’, wt blew offeras- 

It’ ij other sutis, prist, deco’ & sb’decon, white silke. 

It’ prist, decon, & s’bdecon, white bustian. 

It’ prist, decon, & s’bdecon, diu’se colors silke. 

It’ prist, decon, & s’bdecon, durneks. 

It’ prist, deco’, & s’bdeco’ blacke worstede, y® prist damaske. 


Seingill Vestmentis. 
It’ ij white sengell, & ij blewe sengeill. 
It’ a not’ seingeill. 
It’ a blacke seingeill brancheid veluit. 
It’ iij seingeill for lent, fustian. 
It’ vj olld chesabills w* owt albis or other. 
It’ xvij copis of diu’se colors as y“ ley on y® presse. . 
It’ xxij corporas cases, wt viij corporas. 
It’ ix sirples, good & badde, wt iij rochetis. 
It’ v pore alt’ clotheis to hange before y° alt’. 
It’ v olld aut’ clothis to hange. 
It’ ij olld cow 'letis. 


174 The Black Friars of Wiitshire. 


It’ ij aut’ clotheis red silke, wt stripis golld. 

It’ iij small corse aut’ clotheis to hange before altars. 

T’ a gret meny of clotheis for lent. 

It’ a gret clothe to hange before y® rode. 

It’ in y® lowe vestre, ij basons, wt ot’ hab’dasche of litil value. 


The kechin. | 


It’ iiij small brasse potts & iij brasse pannys. 
It’ ij ketills, on cobiron, & ij rackis. 

It’ a barre of yron w' iij hengills for pottis. 
It’ ij brocheis small. 

It’ a chafer & a grediron. 

It’ a peyer pothokis & a colender. 


The Bakehowse. 


It’ a kneding trowe & a bulting hutche. 
It’ a buschell & an olld hutche. 


The hall. 


It’ ij tabills wt ij peyer of trestellis. 
It’ a cubberde & ij formys. 
It’ a feyer benche at y® hye borde sileid & a portall. 


The buttery. 


It’ iiij tabillclotheis & ij towellis. 
It’ a bason’& an ewar peut’. 
It’ ij salt sellars peut’. 


The chamberis. 


It’ a cownt’ & a yoynyd forme. 

It’ ij olld coferis & iiij cuscheyns. 

It’ in y® ynn’ chamb’ a cownter. 

It’ iij formys, a chayer, & a rownd tabill. 

Shetis or blankits non. 

Beside all y'* stuffe before wretin, was solld to paye the dettis & chargis, iiij 
olld fet’beddis, wt vj pore cuschenys, w* certeyne pore stuffe of y* kechin, w* 
oder abrode of litill value, for y° w™ was taken iij. xv’. ix. The dettis drewe, 
as by y® accowntis did appere, aboue j;;"., but all the substans was to the prior, so 
yt y® por & all war satisfied wt viij". xvj°, so y* y* howse ys clere owt of dett: 
and yt‘ ys to be notyd y* all y* evidens of y'’* howse be suarly leid in a chest aloft 
in the vestre; and further yt ys to be rememberyd y* y® visitor hath laide owt 
aboue y® mony here receyved v". iij*. for y° w he hathe w* him, to y* kingis 
vse, of silu’ yt longid to y** howse $} vne’ & iij vnc’, & so payde his owne chargis, 
and thus ys departyd aft’ iij days being here. 

p’ me JoH’EM SaxTon. 
p’ Me IOH EM GOODALE.” * 


* Ibidem, No. 11. 


By Rev. C. P. R. Palmer. 175 


With respect to lead, among “The Housses of Freres lately geven 
vp, which haue any substa’ce of leayd,’ was returned, “ The blake 
freres of Salisbury, half the queir, twoo Iles of the Church, & all 
the cloystr’, w' div’se gutt’s.” ? 

After the dissolution, the superfluous houses and buildings were 
sold to John, Earl of Bath, who seems to have pulled them down, 
and destroyed the Church. The lands were thus tenanted :— 


Site of the house called the Pryors Lodginge, with all buildings, gardens, etc., 
let to the Earl of Bath, 25s. 5d. 
Tenement with garden adjacent, by the great stream near Fisherton Bridge, with 
the fishery along the whole length, leased for 53s. 4d., and the pasture and 
herbage of the churchyard adjacent for 8s. 4d., to Ann Mussell, June 18th, 


1537, by the prior and convent, for 33 years, 6ls. 8d. 
A garden within the precincts, with a small house in it, leased to Thomas Potecarye 
alias Eston, April 4th, 1538, by the prior and convent, 6s. 8d. 


A dwelling built over the gate of the priory, which Charles Bulkeley lately in- 
habited, with a garden adjacent, leased, August 3rd, 1538, by the prior and 
convent, to William Michell and Agnes his wite, for their lives, 20s. 

A tenement near Canningmersche, late in the tenure of John Parvycote, now 
leased, May 14th, 1537, by the late prior and convent, to John Davis, inn- 


holder; with the dressing of the trees for fencing, etc., etc., 6s. 8d. 
Garden within the walls, called the Pryors Garden, let to the Earl of Bath, 3s. 
Another garden called the Ankeres Garden, let to the same, 3s. 
Garden called the Covent Garden, let to the same, 6s. 8d. 
Garden within the walls, let to Denis Shomaker, 3s. Ad. 
Garden let to John Elys, 15d. 
Garden within the walls, let to Nicholas Skynner, As. 
Garden let to Alexander Wikes, 2s. 
Garden let to John Shorston, i Qs. 
Garden within the walls, let to John Browne, 2s. 
Garden near the church-gate, let to John Churcheyate, 3s. 4d. 
Garden within the walls, let to Richard Stede, 2s, 
Garden let to Roger Moteley, 3s. 4d. 
Garden within the walls, let to John Sidnam, 20d. 
Garden let to John Skynner, Qs. 


Total yearly rents in 1539 and till 1544, £8.* 


The particulars for the royal grant were made out, January 6th, 
1544-5, for William Byrt and John Pollerd. The rents were re- 


1 Treasury of Receipt of Exchequer, vol. i : Inventories of Frieries, fol. 4. 


* Ministers’ Accounts, 30-31 Hen. VIII,, No. 136, and five following years. 


176 The Black Friars of Wiltshire. 


turned as above; and it was certified that the “ Woods and vnder- 
woods in and vppon the p’misses bene none but suche as ben in the 
hedges that done enclose the Gardeynes aforeseid.”*? On April 7th 
following, the whole was sold, with other ecclesiastical property, to 
John Pollard, Esq., and William Berte, yeoman, and their heirs and 
assigns for ever, to be held as of the royal manor of Bultford, by 
fealty only, and not im capite; with all issues from the previous 
Michaelmas.? 

When the convent of Salisbury was dissolved, the cell of Wilton 
fell to the crown. Four acres of land were then let to Jane Clement, 
widow, for 26s. 8d. a year, and the site of the house to the Earl of 
Bath for 3s. 4d. a year: the churchyard, containing 17., was let to 
the same nobleman for 12d. a year, but returned nothing to the royal 
exchequer for the first twelvemonths, as it was unoccupied. The 
renting of the premises began at Ladyday, 1539, and brought in 
81s. a year Henry VIII. sold all to Sir William Herbert, one of 
the royal councillors, but did not complete the bargain before his 
death. Then Edward VI. conveyed to the knight, July 10th, 1547, 
inter alia, the whole site of the cell, with the churchyard and meadow 
and all buildings, etc., to be held by him, his heirs and assigns for 
ever, by fealty only, and in free socage, and not in capite, and gave 
him all issues from the Michaelmas of 1544.4 

The house or priory at Fisherton stood on the bank of the river 
near Fisherton Bridge, opposite the sites where the common county 
gaol and the infirmary were afterwards erected. The cell at Wilton 
stood in what is now called West Street, but no traces of tbe house 
or the cell remain.° 


1 Particulars for Grants, 36 Hen. VIII.; Pollerd and Byrt, grantees. 
2 Pat. 36 Hen. VLIL,, p. 20, m. 24 (32). 
3 Ministers’ Accounts, wt supra. 
4 Pat. 1 Edw. VI., p. 4, m. 26 (23). 
5 Hoare, p. 58. 


177 


Observations on the “Water-Supply ” of some 
of our Ancient British Gucampments, 
atore Particularly tu Wiltshire and Sussex. 


By Sir Gzeorce Duckett, Bart. 


Wh earthworks of which the higher Jand in England, such as 
4 * the Wiltshire and Sussex Downs, exhibit so many examples, 
were, according to general opinion, military encampments, some 
previous to, others coeval with, the Roman conquest. But were 
these earthworks intended as military encampments, or as sites 
for religious purposes, or, according to the views of some antiquaries, 
as combining both these purposes? The latter is so greatly at 
variance with either primitive or modern warfare, that we put no 
faith whatever in any such combination. The designation usually 
assigned tu them, therefore, is probably correct ; but the question 
rests entirely on the ability to prove a supply of water sufficient 
for the use of the garrison, and failing this, we imagine that the 
camp theory falls to the ground. It is not enough to particularise 
that such and such an earthwork is provided with a single or double 
vallum, and so forth. The water-supply must be accounted for. 
The occupant, even if such earthworks were simply entrenchments 
thrown up for temporary defence, must of necessity have had access 
to water, and in the case of permanent encampments, this point is 
_ altogether conclusive on the subject. We allude in these remarks 
to camps on high ground on/y, quite removed from rivers or water, 
as on the tops of downs, and our object will be to show in what way 
the supply of water was apparently obtained. 

It seems in treating of these ancient earthworks to be very much 


178 Observations on the “ Water Supply”? of 


the habit of antiquaries to allude to them indifferently as British 
and Roman encampments. It is very doubtful in the greater num- 
ber of instances, for example, at Ogbury, near Stonehenge ; Winkle- 
bury (called Vespasian’s Camp), near Amesbury ; at Oldbury, or 
Codford Circle, in Wiltshire; with Cissbury and Mount Caburn, 
in Sussex; whether these earthworks were in any case Roman en- 
campments. Such positions have not ready access to water, and 
one of the first principles in the laying out of camps with the 
Romans, save under very exceptional circumstances, was the prox- 
imity to water. Hyginus, in his “ Castrametation,” observes on 
this point as follows : “ Flumen sive fontem habere debent in quali- 
cunque positione,” therefore the earthworks, such as those just 
named, totally removed from all water, can scarcely come under the 
Roman category. There is no difficulty whatever in accounting: for 
a supply of water by means of pipes, &c., in cases of encampments 
on lower ground, brought as it thus might be from some higher 
source, but the case is very different with earthworks in higher 
latitudes. As observed, such positions are generalised as encamp- 
ments, but we do not remember to have met with any endeavour 
to account for the water-supply, upon which alone the term “ en- 
campment” can be maintained. 

A recent visit to the above-named Wiltshire earthworks, to the 
presumed camp or entrenchment on the summit of Cissbury Hill, 
near Worthing, and to another on Mount Caburn, near Lewes, 
convinced us that the circular pits or excavations, in many cases 
adjacent to, and within the area of these earthworks formed by the 
bank or vallum, have been wrongly dealt with. Their manifest 
use was for collecting the rain water; and looking at the matter 
in a military point of view, unless the question of water can be 
established, we much doubt whether such earthworks could ever, 
under any circumstances, have been employed as encampments, for, 
even assuming that the art of sinking Artesian and other wells, now 
so thoroughly understood, could have been then employed, a matter 
rendered impracticable from the dominating position of these 
heights, it would have been simply impossible to have transported 
water from the low groands or valleys in quantity sufficient for the 


some of our Ancient British Encampments. 179 


requirements of even a moderate-sized camp. The “ fatigue parties” 
(to employ a modern phrase), to be told off for this purpose, would have 
taken nearly the whole strength of the encamping force, and would 
have had, even in barbarous times, to have been guarded by a strong 
“escort” in a hostile country. 

We submit the foregoing remarks, however, with a certain degree 
of reserve, seeing that the use of the pits in question has been, by a 
Sussex antiquary, otherwise explained, viz., for religious purposes ; 
and should this hypothesis be capable of undoubted proof, the camp- 
theory could not be maintained, or with it the necessary water-supply. 
There is doubtless some ground for this supposition, inasmuch as — 
the worship of certain deities was undoubtedly conducted on the tops 
of hills. Still, we think there can be no doubt, notwithstanding 
this belief in their use on the part of some, that the garrison of 
these works, assuming them as encampments, depended entirely for 
water on the circular pits alluded to, and employed them in the same 
manner as the “ sheep ponds,” which exist on the Yorkshire Wolds, 
the Wiltshire and Sussex Downs, and other high land. There are, 
in fact, at the present time two such sheep ponds at the base of 
Mount Caburn and Cissbury Hill. It is also not impossible that 
parts of the actual fosse might have been utilised for this purpose, 
of which there are indications in all these earthworks, and the humid 
climate of Britain would undoubtedly have enabled the occupants 
of these early camps to organise a water-supply by the aid of such 
reservoirs. The art of “ puddling,” as it is called, to prevent filtra- 
tion in soils unadapted for holding water, seems so simple, that from 
primitive to modern times no difference can have been required in 
the operation of rendering water-tight the bottoms of such reservoirs 
by that process. 

These pits, in the same way as the sheep or wold-ponds in ques- 
tion, would have been kept full, partly by the rain that fell, partly 
_ by the aqueous vapours of our humid atmosphere, and the dews or 
water thus deposited, to which in a similar way the fogs and mists. 
which hang about the tops of high ground, would equally contribute. 
In fact, such reservoirs on the Sussex Downs have been long known 
as “dew ponds,” a denomination which quite accords with a belief in 


180 Observations on the “ Water Supply.” 


the additional source of supply of water thus attracted.1 The 
Wiltshire earthworks, from the fact of their having been more 
disturbed and broken up, afford less conspicuous examples of these 
cloud or dew ponds, but it is not, we think, possible to account for 
a permanent water-supply in any other way, for the amount of water 
which could otherwise have been brought up, as observed, by the 
aid of parties told off for that duty, would have been totally in- 
adequate for even a moderately strong garrison, and an unsafe 
undertaking in the face of a hostile population. 

A writer on the “ Military Earthworks of the Southdowns,” implies 
that the encampment at Cissbury, in Sussex, was dependent for its 
water-supply from the wells of Applesham, some two miles distant, 
but this is quite improbable for the reasons we have given, 

By lapse of time, of course, the artificial stratum formed by means 
of © puddling,” which retained the water, would necessarily have 
become absorbed or destroyed, and in some cases entirely washed 
away, leaving simply the dry pits as we now see them. 


1 The following remarks from The Editor to the writer of this paper, are affixed 
as a suitable note to the present water-supply theory, which seems to have been 
one also long held by himself and other Wiltshire antiquaries: “I live (observes 
the Rev. A. C. Smith) in a district where such ‘cloud ponds,’ or ‘ dew ponds,’ are 
in constant use. The farmers of late have learned their value, and I can point 
to many new ones, made and puddled at great expense on the tops of our hills. 
I have seen such in the process of making, and it is really wonderful how the 
clouds at night keep them full, discharging water enough to admit of the daily 
supply of large flocks of sheep, as well as evaporation. The difficulty is to fill 
them in the first place, and this is done by means of snow, which is carted into 
them in great quantities, when opportunity occurs.” 


181 


“Aestrels aud Crows.” 


To the Editor of the Wiltshire Magazine. 


“My Dear Sir, 


“T last year had a rare opportunity of observing the kestrel during the 
two months of its breeding-time, the particulars of which I now send you in 
accordance with your request. One morning, about the 20th of May, last year, 
I was told there were two strange eggs laid in a hen’s nest, at my Down Barn, 

and my informant who ‘looked up’ the hen’s eggs there added that he thought 
**twere a Haak had led ’em there.’ On examining the spot I found one had been 
added to the two which the man had observed, and fearing lest some mischance 
might occur, by their being taken or destroyed, I took a specimen myself. Two 
more were then laid. The nest was in an old water-trough, put up on the beams 
of an open skilling, within reach of the ground. The birds at once began sitting, 
and I was delighted to find that, although a day’s shearing was done at the barn 
on the 2nd June, my people so respected my fancy that they did not cause the 
old bird to forsake, although the door opened back almost against her. When 
the young appeared my interest increased, for I much wished for evidence to 
support the theory I had always held, that the the kestrel was more useful than 
destructive. A porch in a frame barn is built at right angles to the skilling, so, 
by raising a ladder inside this, and boring a large gimlet-hole, I had an oppor- 
tunity of looking into the nest, and to the end of the trough, about 10 feet away. 
For the first few days the young ones were daintily provided with the brains of 
young lapwings ; the rest of the body, I noticed, was carried to the far end of the 
trough, I suppose to be used for the parents’ supper. In the course of a few days 
the young consumed all brought to them, at first at intervals of fifteen to twenty 
minutes at furthest. The parents’ approach seemed to be known very early to 
the young, and was shewn by a peculiar movement without noise. The old birds, 
I thought, had an idea they were watched, looking round towards my little 
‘look-out’ some times with great suspicion, and often hopping back to the trough 
edge to reconnoitre. Another very busy day’s shearing took place about 30th 
June, before the young ones were fledged, but the parents took it as a matter of 
course, and never left off the food supply. Iam very sorry to be obliged to say my 
favorable opinion of the character of my pets must be very much modified, when 
I state that at the lowest computation as many as one hundred young lapwings 
were sacrificed to bring up this family of four. On many occasions I caused the 
old birds to go off, that I might examine what they had brought, but only twice 
was the fare varied, when a solitary mouse and young linnet severally composed 
VOL. XVII.—NO. LI. ft) 


182 “ Kestrels and Crows.” 


the fare. Just imagine, what would be the food were there no lapwings? How 
the young partridges would be picked up im a district where two old and four 
young kestrels were ravaging about through July! I had almost forgotten to 
say that in the fir trees surrounding the barn a pair of my old favourite carrion 
crows had reared their family, three in number. You will not be surprised to 
hear that the savage fellows were constantly coming in contact with the hawks, 
and much fighting and screaming was the consequence. It so happened, by an 
accident the crows were bereaved of two of their family, and I believe that from 
July till March 1st the old birds were seldom separated from the survivor. I 
saw the three nearly every day in the neighbourhood. I mention this to shew how 
attached the bird is to its young, thoroughly educating them for nine months at 
least. Since March I have missed one, whilst the others are evidently hoping 
the weather may soon improve, in order that they may make preparations for 
another family. I could not succeed in rearing one of these crows, but have 
succeeded in partially taming one of the hawks. 
“ Believe me, Dear Sir, 
“Yours very truly, 
“2nd April, 1878.” “ PRED. STRATTON.” 


In a second letter, dated July Ist, 1878, Mr. Stratton writes :— 


“T have had considerable trouble since I wrote to you about my crow-pets. 
The wire-worm increased so much on the lands where the crows made their haunt, 
and had their nest, that I could not make it out until I was told by my carter 
that the crows. prevented the rooks from coming within a quarter-of-a-mile of 
the wood. Immediately after I heard this, I myself saw the same thing occur, 
so was compelled to get rid of my protegés at once. In two days the rooks came- 
again as usual, and almost cleared a small piece of late barley, proving that some- 
times they really do harm. 

The kestrels have again taken to the box I put up inside the owl-hole at the 
barn, adjoining which they bred last year, and the young ones, four in number, 
are now nearly fledged.” 


183 


ON THE 
Occurrence of some of the Raver Species of 
Airds in the Aleighbourhood of Salisbury. 
By the Rev. ArtHur P. Morrzs, Vicar of Britford. 


(Continued from Vol. xvii., page 127.) 
PART II.—INSESSORES. 


N continuing my papers on the ornithology of this district, 

I feel that I have undertaken a much harder task than I at 

first anticipated. Directly you turn your back upon the Rapiores, 
which (like some overbearing loud-voiced bullies of another biped 
race,) force themselves upon your notice whether you-will or no, and 
endeavour to trace out the habits of the more modest and retiring 
species. of the feathered race, which love to live unnoticed and un- 
_ known, you feel that Nature will not allow you to enter her Pene- 
tralia, unless you make her laws not simply a recreation, but a serious 
and persevering study. She demands from you both careful attention 
and ungrudging labour, would you be able to unravel her mysteries ; 
and how much there is yet to learn, even in the well-beaten track 
of British ornithology, the new species which constantly have to be 
added to our lists sufficiently testify. And may there not be some 
other species even yet undiscovered, which occasionally wander to these 
our shores, renowned for hospitality to all refugees of whatever race, 
saving to those who come clothed in feathers of an unknown hue, 
but which latter receive, if scant courtesy, yet so much attention, 
that they are literally killed by it, and are forthwith perpetuated, 
without their consent, in the public and private collections of our 
numerous ornithological friends. Yes! we live and learn, and it is 
most pleasant to find that under our very eyes, and in our own 
parishes, where we are sometimes tempted to think there is such 

02 


184 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


little variety to be found, all kinds of new and interesting facts are 
ever and anon occurring to reward the diligent observer. Do we 
not occasionally find that strangers come from a distance to our own 
boundaries to find some rarity in the natural history world, which 
we on the spot never even knew was located amongst us? And 
sometimes do we not ourselves roam far afield to search out some 
longed-for object of desire, when we are but like the man who 
hunts for his lost spectacles in every imaginable place, but the right 
one, finding out at last that he has them on his own nose all the 
time. Yes! the trout has been, as often as not, lying under our 
own bank, while we have been diligently flogging the water under 
our neighbours’. I do not, indeed, mean to say that every one is 
going to find some rare occurrences in his own district directly he 
begins 10 search for them, but I do say that every one had better 
thoroughly hunt up his own district first ere he goes further afield, 
and he will often, nay generally, be rewarded, by finding his own 
habitat much richer in local occurences than at first he had any idea 
of. But I must not digress any longer, lest I tire where I would 
fain interest; and I would only suggest that if to those who have 
some right to think themselves practical ornithologists, there is 
much room left for learning and observation, to those who really 
know but little about the birds of their native parishes and districts» 
there is an almost inexhaustible fund of interest lying open before 
their eyes, if they will only keep them open, or in any case make 
better use of them, than a neighbouring friend of mine who a few 
days ago asked me if I had heard anything more of those Red 
legged Bustards! I had mentioned to him a little while ago, and 
who could not understand my irrepressible burst of merriment, 
which I fear may have struck him as being somewhat uncourteous, 
as I enlightened him by saying that I concluded he was referring 
to some Rough legged Buzzards, which had lately been captured in 
these parts. But it was all the same to him, though not to me; as 
he had informed a neighbouring friend on my authority that I had 
assured him that some wonderful specimens of the former description 
had been lately killed near here, and his friend, a perfect stranger 
to me, was coming over to see me about it. 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 185 


But to proceed at once to the subject-matter in hand. I will only 
premise that it is not so much my intention to give a description of 
the birds themselves, as to mention whatever occurrences of our rarer 
species I can with due enquiry substantiate, and to jot down any facts 
concerning those which occur more commonly amongst us, which I 
think may possibly be interesting to the general reader. 


DENTIROSTRES. 


LANIADE. 

Lanius Exeubitor, “The Great Grey Shrike.” By an easy 
transition we seem to pass from the Raptores to that section of the 
Insessores (or perchers), distinguished by the term Dextirostres, or 
tooth-billed, amongst which, both as to size, colour, and character, 
the ash-coloured, or Great Grey Shrike stands out conspicuously in 
the fore-ground. This tribe of birds is commonly known by the 
name of the Laniade, or Butcher-Birds: a title they justly earn by 
‘the peculiar manner in which they are accustomed to secure their 
prey, loving to impale their victims with their deeply-notched bill 
on some sharp thorn, and then to tear it to pieces at their leisure. 
The Great Grey or“ Magpie” Shrike (as it is sometimes called) is a bird 
no one could see without at once noticing. Its light grey colour, 
with the jet blac band running across the eye, giving it a peculiar 
appearance, unlike any other bird. It is by no means common in 
this country, and it is not likely to be overlooked when it does visit 
us. I have several notices of its occurrence in our more immediate 
neighbourhood. ‘Two Grey Shrikes, as I am informed by Mr. 
Norwood, of the South Western Railway, were shot, about the year 
1853, in Hurstbourne Park, Whitchurch, by a keeper of Lord 
Portsmouth, named Ford, as they were flying amongst the big 
thorn bushes in the park. This was in the month of May, and in 
November, 1868, Mr. Norwood saw one himself at Pirbright, be- 
tween Woking and Farnborough. The bird was sitting on the top 
of a little fir tree, about twenty-five yards from the railway, and did 
not fly off while the train was in sight. “I was driving the engine 
at the time;” he writes me word, “and I have often noticed the 
Red-backed Shrike, sitting on the telegraph wires whilst all the train 


186 On the Occurrence of some of the fiarer Species of Birds 


has run by, apparently taking no notice whatever of either train or 
noise.” In 1845 one of these birds was shot near Mere by a Mr. 
E. Coward, as I am informed by Mr. E. Baker, of that place; while 
another was seen by Mr. Ryatt, of Upton Scudamore, in 1875. 
This bird was patiently watched for for a long time by him, but he 
could not succeed in getting near enough to secure it. In the same 
year another specimen was procured near Sherborne, and was sent 
to Mr. Hart, of Christchurch, for preservation. And I myself pro- 
cured a nice specimen for my own collection, which was killed in 
the parish of Bishopstone, about six miles from Salisbury, in the 
Easter week of 1876, by a nephew of Mr. Sidford, of that place. 
It was shot on some willow trees that fringe the bank of a little 
stream running through that parish. 

I believe there is no duly authenticated instance of this bird 
breeding in England, but I have a record of its nest having been 
taken close to Salisbury by a Mr. W. King, from whom I have 
made the closest enquiries, which satisfy me that he was not mistaken 
as to the identity of the bird, and I therefore think it worth while 
to give his letter im ertenso : “ The following is a description of the 
Grey Shrike’s nest taken by me about the end of May, or the be- 
ginning of June, 1839, about midway between the gas-house wall 
and the river, called Picked Point, on the left-hand side of the lane, 
at Fisherton, Salisbury. The nest was built in the upright forks 
of a very strong thorn hedge, interwoven with brambles. It was a 
large compact nest, composed of dry grass, moss, and small fibre- 
roots on the outside, and lined with soft downy feathers, intermixed 
with a little hair. It contained four eggs of a pale ash colour, I 
think about the colour of wood-ashes, thickly marked at the larger 
end with spots, and stripes, or blotches, of a yellowish-red colour. 
My cousin, Mark Bowey, who is now dead, was with me at the time, 
and at first I tried to lift him up to the nest, but the old birds came 
flying round our heads, and screaming at such a rate, that we were 
afraid of them, and I let him drop. We then commenced driving 
them away with sticks, and dry cow-dung, and succeeded in driving 
them to some trees at a little distance. I then took the nest myself, 
by cutting away some of the bushes; but before I could get at it, 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 187 


the old birds came back with greater fury. Sometimes they would 
come at our heads like an arrow, so quick that we could hardly see 
them, almost touching our heads, and at the same time uttering a 
loud shriek, and making a whirring noise with their wings. They 
continued to fly round us until we got quite out of the field by the 
gas-house wall. 

“T also shot a Grey Shrike, I think it was about the beginning of 
September, 1848, at Milford, as it was pitched on an ash tree that 
then stood on a high bank on the right-hand side of a lane leading 
from Milford Bridge to Clarendon. There were two of the birds 
in the same tree. When I shot the one the other flew down, like 
a stone, into the thick hedge, but before I could re-load the gun, it 
made off into a thick wood on the other side of the field, towards 
Laverstock. I took the bird home, and it was there for a day or 
two. I then threw it away, as I did not know anyone in Salisbury 
who stuffed birds at that time. I am certain that this was the same 
kind of bird of which I took the nest in Gas Lane.” And then 
follows an accurate description of the bird, in the end of his letter. 

After receiving this letter I wrote to King again, asking him 
various questions, about the occurrence, to satisfy myself that he 
had not mistaken this species for that of the Red Backed Shrike, and 
his answers, readily given, certainly carried entire conviction to my 
mind of the accuracy of his statements. He told me he remembered 
the date accurately, as it was the year before he left for France, 
where he had an engagement for five years. He showed the nest 
he had taken in 1839 (and the bird he shot in 1848), at the time to 
an old bird-fancier in Salisbury, of the name of Kite, who at once 


_ told him it was the Great Grey Shrike, a very rare bird in England. 


He saw the bird also, more than once, when in France—on one oc- 
casion being in company with a man named Stone, who had formerly 
been a keeper in Marlborough Forest, who had shot a pair there, and 
“ had been told by the young gentlemen of the College that it was 
the Great Grey Butcher Bird ”—and in 1853, when King had again 
returned to Salisbury, on a man of the name of Hart, a great bird- 
fancier, coming to live there, he described ¢o Aim also the taking of 
the nest, which had made a great impression on his mind. On Hart 


188 On the Oveurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


asking him if he should know the bird again if he saw it, King 
replied he “ should know it from a hundred different kinds of birds,” 
and on taking him to his collection he at once pointed out the Grey 
Shrike as being the bird he had shot, and the nest of which he had 
taken. I have King’s letters still by me, and should be glad to 
show them to anyone who took an interest in the matter. 

Lanius Oollurio. “The Red Backed Shrike.” This species, un- 
like the former one, is by no means uncommon in Wilts, and being 
one of our summer migrants, and the cock bird being dressed in an 
exceedingly striking garb, it is seldom passed by without notice. 
It is by no means so powerful a bird ag the last-named species, and 
confines its attentions chiefly to the larger insects, such as bumble 
bees, dragon flies, and beetles, but it also attacks small birds oc- 
casionally, I believe, as well as frogs and mice. One of the keepers 
at Clarendon told me he regarded it in no friendly spirit, and killed 
every one he came across, as he assured me, when the young 
Pheasants were newly hatched and just able to run outside the coops, 
they would dart down upon them and despatch them with one blow 
of their strong notched bill. I have noticed insects impaled by 
these birds on the hedge between this and Salisbury, but have never 
seen young birds or reptiles served in this manner. I should think 
there is scarcely a parish for some little distance round Salisbury 
that does not poseess its pair of Red-Backed Shrikes. This summer 
a pair frequented the neighbourhood of our churchyard, and hatched 
their young in safety. Mr. Norwood told me a striking instance, 
as exemplified in this species, of the quick way in which a widowed 
mate will at once repair its loss. He killed three male Red-Backed 
Shrikes at the same place, on three successive days, the female having 
already laid her complement of eggs and begun incubation. The 
hen bird he purposely left unmolested ; but wanting some specimens 
of the cock bird, he killed these three in rotation, and although he 
actually shot one or two of the birds off the very bush where the 
female was sitting, she did not forsake her nest oreggs. There isa 
peculiarity said to attach to the hen bird of this species, which in 
its usual garb differs considerably from its mate, viz., that in very 
old specimens the female assumes more or less the attire of the male 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 189 


bird, a fact which will be realised as not unlikely when it is remem- 
bered that in its congener, the Great Grey Shrike, and in other kin- 
dred species, there is little if any difference between the sexes. During 
the summer of 1877, near Wokingham, in Berkshire, I got within 
a few feet of one of these birds under an old pollard oak, and was 
convinced that the specimen before me was one of these old females. 
The bird was not aware of my presence, so that I had a long and 
eareful scrutiny of its plumage at a distance of not more than five 
or six feet off, and though its garb was undoubtedly that of the male, 
there was a dull greyish tint over the whole of its feathering, that 
I had never before noticed in a cock bird. I had no means of 
securing it, but felt convinced that it was one of these old females. 

Lanius Rutilus. “The Woodchat Shrike.” This species, with 
the exception, perhaps, of Lanius Minor (which latter bird has only 
quite recently been added to our British list), is one of the rarest of 
all our visitors, and though there have been occurrences recorded in 
many of the neighbouring counties, I cannot hear of one in Wilts. 
The nearest to us is a specimen which I have seen in Mr. Hart’s 
collection at Christchurch, and which was killed not many years 
since near that place. Mr. Harbour, the naturalist at Reading, 
_ told me of one that was killed about six years ago at Wyfold Court, 
near Henley, and which passed through his hands for preservation. 
The Rev. A. C. Smith also, I see, records an instance of its capture 
in Somerset, and Meyer another in Surrey, so that it is curious that 
no occasion has been recorded of its having been either seen or 
captured in our own county. 


MuscicaPip2. 


Muscicapa Grisola. ‘Spotted Fly-catcher.”~ Quite common, 
one of our latest migrants, lively and familiar; a bird that speaks to 
us of summer-weather, and would be sadly missed from its place on 
the garden fence or railing. 

_ Musecicapa Atricapilia. Rare, but I think gradually becoming 
more common amongst us than formerly. The cock bird could 
hardly escape without notice, from its clearly-defined black-and- 
white plumage, though the female, unless seen close at hand, might 


190 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


more easily remain unobserved. I have had:several instances of the 
occurrence of this bird in our more immediate neighbourhood lately 
brought before my notice. King, the bird-stuffer al Warminster 
(and a better is not to be found anywhere for giving the true 
character and spirit of a bird), tells me that they are not altogether 
uncommon in that district. He has had one or two brought to him 
regularly during the last few years, and sometimes he has had four 
at a time. There is an old bird-catcher in my own parish, of the 
name of Champion, who is well versed in all the smaller birds of 
the neighbourhood (having plied his trade regularly on our downs 
for forty years, or more, long before the “ Bird Act” came into 
operation), and he tells me that he knows the bird well, and has 
several times trapped it on the downs in the neighbourhood of 
Martin. In 1860 Mr. Norwood, of Fisherton, obtained a pair from 
the Salisbury district. Another was shot at Pertwood, near Mere, 
in May, 1872. One was seen by J. A. T. Powell, Esq., of Hurdcott 
House, as he informs me, as he was returning from Church one 
Sunday morning during the spring of 1877—a cock bird in fine 
plumage. Another male bird I also procured for my own collection, 
which was killed about the same time near Basingstoke. And 
during this autumn I myself saw a bird on the roadside between 
Twyford and Wokingham, when driving with a friend, which made 
me exclaim, “ Look, look, there’s a Pied Fly-catcher,” and though I 
could not get a second glimpse of it, I felt I was not mistaken. 
In other districts besides this, this pretty bird seems to have been 
noticed more frequently than formerly, and it is only to be hoped 
that ere long it will become not so uncommon as to invite that in- 
cessant persecution, which, in our over-crowded country, invariably 
marks the appearance of any rare bird amongst us. 


MERULIDA. 


Turdus Viscivorus. “The Missel Thrush.” We come now to 
the Thrush Tribe, birds well known to all, and general favourites. 
The Missel Thrush, or Storm Cock, is one of the boldest of birds, 
fearing neither Hawk nor Crow, and driving all intruders resolutely 
from its nest. A very amusing anecdote was related to me the other 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 191 


day concerning these birds, by Mr. Edward Kilvert, of Langley 
Burrell Vicarage, Chippenham. On the lawn of the vicarage a 
peculiar kind of fungus grew, which seemed to be considered a 
great delicacy by a pair of these birds, and also by a pair of Squirrels 
which frequented the garden, neither of them seeming to consider 
that the other party had any right to the dish. The Squirrels, as 
lords of the manor, would hop up to the fungus, and settling them- 
selves down on their haunches, would commence their repast with 
the greatest sang roid, nibbling round the edge with precise regu- 
larity. The Missel Thrushes, however, did not seem to see this at all, 
and would attack the Squirrels with the greatest pertinacity, scolding 
and chattering meanwhile, and endeavouring, byseizing the Squirrels’ 
tails, to pull them back by main force. The Squirrels, in their turn, 
would run after the Thrushes, barking at them like little dogs, and 
showing their resentment in every possible way. The Thrushes 
would, however, at last succeed, but Master Skug would not be 
beaten in this way. The Missel Thrushes had their nest in an acacia 
tree on the lawn hard by, and directly the Squirrels were driven 
from the fungi one of them would immediately mount the acacia 
tree,and annoy the Thrushes by peering into their nest and pretending 
that they were about to take possession, and roll themselves up in 
it. This being too much for the equanimity of the owners, they 
would in turn leave the fungus to defend their property, which took 
up all their efforts, and proved as much as they could do. The 
Squirrels then, having had enough of the contest, would once more 
descend from the tree and make for the fungus, when the same 
scene would take place over again; and thus the battle went on, 
day after day, success varying, now on one side, and now on the 
other, and affording my friend many a hearty laugh at the adroit 
manceuvres displayed by either side. For the last two years a pair 
of these birds have built in the same spot, close to my garden, in 
the fork of a small elm tree by the roadside, almost within reach of 
your hand from the ground, and, curious to relate, have hatched their 
last brood in safety. This is the more singular, as in their first nest 
they not only built it in the most conspicuous spot, which everybody 
passed and repassed as they went to and from Church, but also 


192 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


interwove into the fabric of their nest a large piece of newspaper, 
as big as half-a-sheet of writing paper, which first attracted my 
attention. This I carefully removed, in order to render the nest less 
conspicuous. The pugnacity of the Missel Thrush is often shown 
by a pair of these birds taking possession of some favorite bush, and 
defending it against all comers. There is a favorite yew tree just 
opposite my study window, which became the scene of a most ani- 
mated contest of this description.. It was a hard winter’s morning, 
and the tree being covered with berries, it attracted the birds from 
some distance all round. A pair of these birds, however, took legal 
possession, and for the whole morning resolutely defended the tree 
against a continual succession of opponents. I counted three or 
four other Missel Thrushes, as well as Blackbirds and Song Thrushes, 
which were continually endeavouring to effect a lodgment, and from 
9 to 11, a.m., there was a continual whir of wings and an incessant 
chattering kept up owing to the warfare which was carried on. One 
thing I saw for certain, that the two defenders got no berries for 
their pains, as they literally had no time to eat, much less to digest 
what they had eaten; and when I left the study the battle was still 
going on. It is a curious fact that some years back these birds are 
said to have been comparatively rare, while at the present day they 
may be said to be ubiquitous. 

Turdus Musicus. “Song Thrush.” The king of our singing 
birds, and one of our earliest breeders. I have noticed this bird in 
full song on the ground, on the top of a house, on a hay-cock. It 
is a most determined destroyer of snails, which form a great part 
of its diet during the winter, and in which habit it differs I believe 
from all the other thrushes. You may often see some favorite stone 
used by these birds to crack their shells on, surrounded by the debris 
of their repast. This custom alone, not to mention the beauty of 
its song, should powerfully piead for its protection. In Hart’s shop, 
at Bournemouth, I noticed a most peculiar variety of the Song 
Thrush. The bird was a dark brownish-black, and at first sight you 
would have taken it for a Blackbird. This bird had been kept in 
confinement for some years when it suddenly moulted this peculiar 
colour all at once, and was then preserved. 


oy ee 


7 
. free 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 193 


Turdus Merula. “The Blackbird,” or “Colly Bird,” as it is 
called in Somerset. Also a plaintive and beautiful songster, much 
more destructive to fruit, however, than the last, and not quite so 
much to be said in its favour in other ways. More abundant in 
winter than in summer, its numbers appearing greater either from 
fresh importations from more northern districts, or the local birds 
seeking more visibly the companionship and protection of man. 
In mowing the grass in my Churchyard one summer I very nearly 
mowed off the head of a hen bird sitting hard on its nest and eggs, 
which was built simply in a depression on the ground. 

Turdus Pilaris. “The Fieldfare,’ or “Pigeon Felt.” The 
school-boy’s delight, and very good in a bird-pie. The other day I 
saw a curious cream-coloured specimen of this bird, the only bird I 
have come across which has varied from its normal and handsome 
plumage. No sound speaks to you so clearly and yet so cheerfully 
of winter, as the familiar and harsh double note of the Fieldfare, as 
it flies high above your head in the clear sky, or takes its flight, one 
by one, from the topmost branches of the trees from which you have 
seared it. 

Turdus Iliacus. “The Redwing.” First cousin and bosom com- 
panion of the last, enlivening our fields and hedge-rows at a season 
when we most need it, but not condescending to breed with us, 
perchance being jealous of its congener, the Thrush—so like it to the 
casual observer, and so superior to it in song, though in its northern 
home the Redwing can sing too. 

Turdus Torquatus. “The Ring Ouzel.” This bird cannot be said 
to be uncommon in Wiltshire during the spring and autumn migra- 
tions. It is a bird which always gives one pleasure to turn and 
notice, affording you a pleasant surprise at finding, that what you 


_ the first moment thought was but a Blackbird, was, after all our far 


rarer visitor. It can almost at once be distinguished, however, from 
its congener, Zurdus Merula, by the more jerky manner of its flight, 
its greater proportionate length of tail, and the almost universal 
“tuk,” or “tak,” it gives vent to, as you surprise it from its lurk- 


_ ing-place, and which you feel could never have issued from a Black- 


bird’s larynx. I have noticed it several times in our immediate 


194 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


district. One in the garden of The Cliff, at East Harnham, where 
it stayed for a week or more in the spring. Another, a cock bird, 
at Britford, in February, 1872. This bird haunted a particular 
thorn bush for two or three days, which it could scarcely be induced 
to leave, always returning to its favorite resting-place, as soon as I 
had withdrawn from the vicinity. I saw another male bird about 
November, at Odstock in the autumn of 1875, from which parish 
also, I obtained a nice specimen for my collection, a year or two 
previously, which was shot in Odstock Copse. I have also seen 
several of them on the downs at Ebbesborne, about eleven miles 
from Salisbury, flying from one stunted thorn bush to another, 
always keeping just out of harm’s way. I have also noticed them 
on the cliffs between Weymouth and Lulworth, and round Broadmoor, 
in Berkshire. A fine cock bird was killed by flying against the 
telegraph wires, near Grately, in 1867, and is now in Mr. Norwood’s 
collection, and Champion, our village bird-catcher, tells me he has 
not unfrequently trapped them on the downs. King has specimens 
brought to him most years from the neighbourhood of Warminster ; 
while Mr. Baker, of Mere, tells me, they are seen in varying 
quantities on the downs in that district every spring and autumn. 
At Bathford, also, they are well known, where I heard rumours of a 
nest of the species having been found, but I cannot obtain sufficient 
evidence to verify the statement. But they are very fond of the 
rocks and broken ground that is to be found just above the village, 
and which might have formed a sufficient temptation for a pair of 
these birds for once to have made their home amongst us. The hen 
bird would doubtless often escape detection, the half-crescent on the 
breast being not nearly so well defined as in the cock. 

Oriolus Galbula. ‘The Golden Oriole.” This splendid bird it 
is impossible for any, even the most unobservant person, to pass 
without noticing, and were it not for the extremely bright plumage 
of the cock bird, which renders discovery almost inevitable, it would, 
I believe, be found to breed in our island more frequently than it 
does. A pair of these birds was seen in the spring of 1877, on 
some crab trees, at Dinton, on Mr. W. Wyndham’s property. They 
were observed by a friend of the Rev. R. S. Shaw Woodgate, then 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 195 


curate of Teffont Magna, who wrote to me thus on the matter: “TI 
_ myself never saw the male bird, the female I ¢#iné I did, but I was 
by myself at the time, and though I saw it on a tree where the 
others had also been seen, I never felt truly satisfied in my own 
mind, that the bird I saw was not a Green Woodpecker, being myself 
_very short-sighted. They were seen, however, last summer in Mr, 
Wyndham’s wood at Dinton, among four or five crab trees, which 
grew closely together. A gentleman who was staying with me saw 
them, one on one day, and one on the other, and he felt certain in 
his mind that they were the Golden Orioles. The female, he said, 
was greyish-green, while the male had a little black, on otherwise 
very yellow ground. I have been told that one was again seen 
this year near the same spot. I at the time said but little for fear 
of their being disturbed. I do not believe, however, they ever built 
_ there, as after a week they seemed to disappear, but I am sure they 
were not shot.” On asking Mr. Wyndham myself about the matter 
he told me they had been known to breed on Teffont Common, and 
had undoubtedly been seen there more than once. He has a nice 
pair of these birds in his collection, but, I believe, not local ones. 
About the year 1870 a fine cock bird was shot in an orchard near 
Mere. This bird was stuffed by King, of Warminster, and is now 
in the possession of Mr. Osborne, of Tisbury. On May 9th, 1870, 
a beautiful cock bird was seen by Mr. E. Baker, of Mere, an ardent 
and accurate ornithologist. He observed it in a lane near Bruton, 
on the borders of this county, between Creech Hill and Cobblesbury 
Farm. As he was driving down the lane this beautiful bird kept on 
pitching on a spray of the hedge in front of him, and on his ap- 
proach it would disappear on the further side of the hedge, and 
settle again in sight on the sunny side some little way off. In 
this way he had a perfect sight of the bird, which at last rose and 
passed directly over his head at a few yards’ distance, and he saw 
-itnomore. Mr. Hart informs me the bird has not very lately been 
procured near Christchurch, but it has been known to breed for the 
last three years in the Isle of Thanet, and Mr. Woodgate tells me 
he remembers a pair breeding in Enage Park, in Kent, the nest 
being found with eggs; the male bird in this case being cruelly shot. 


196 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


Cinclus Aquaticus. “ Water Ouzle,” or “ Dipper.” I am glad to 
be able to mention one well-authenticated instance of this peculiarly 
interesting little bird occurring in our county. This bird was killed 
in Mere stream, on November 9th, 1876, by Mr. W. Matthews, 
and is now in Mr. Baker’s collection, having been stuffed by King 
in his best manner. This is the only instance I can hear of of this 
little bird occurring in our neighbourhood, which does not afford it 
the kind of shelter necessary for its happiness. I have seen them 
myself at Bishops Lydeard, in Somerset, where they were uncommon, 
and in Cornwall, where there are plenty of them. In the last- 
mentioned county I remember being equally annoyed and surprised 
by the sudden disappearance of one of these little birds, which, after 
some trouble, I congratulated myself on having at last secured for 
my collection, but on going to pick it up out of the brook, where 
I confidently expected to see my prize floating dead on the surface, 
I could not discover the least sign of it; for (true to its name) it 
had ‘‘ dipped” instantaneously at the shot, and took care never to 
appear again while I was present. The power that this little bird 
has of keeping under water, while searching for its food, is very 
remarkable ; but, as Mr. Mudie remarks, in his “ Feathered Tribes,” 
it may be very simply explained: “ If it wishes to go down it strikes 
upwards with its wings and tail, if to come up it does just the re- 
verse. Any one who has ever seen a Dipper under water, or has the 
slightest knowledge of the elements of mechanics, can understand 
the whole matter in an instant. The dipper, indeed, is often adduced 
as an instance of the beautiful simplicity of animal mechanics.” It 
is a local bird, that will not make itself at home, except where it 
can find the rippling stream, the moss-grown rock, and spray of the 
waterfall, which are essential to its habits. 


SILVIADA. 


On coming to the family of the Warblers, which stands next in 
the large order of Insessores, the ornithologist will find quite enough 
to test his accuracy and practical knowledge. They are not only 
numerous in themselves, but, in many instances, so like each other, 
that personal handling alone can sometimes satisfy you of the nature 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 197 


of the species which you may have before you; and so many new 
species, also, have been of late years discovered that it adds to the 
difficulty, and proves how hard identification has been. If any one 
is well up in the warblers, I am bold to say no other class of birds 
will greatly puzzle him, not even the Sandpipers or Gulls, both of 
which require a pretty good apprenticeship ere birds in different 
states of plumage can be verified without hesitation. 

Accentor Alpinus. “ Alpine Accentor.” Nonotice. Mr. Baker 
has a nice specimen in his collection, but not local. One can only 
take refuge in the Rev. A. C. Smith’s description that “it probably 
visits us occasionally.” 

Accentor Modularis. “ Hedge-sparrow.” Abundant; a confiding 
little bird, of which we can tell no harm, sometimes called “ Shuffle- 
wing,” from its curious mode of progression. In 1875 I noticed a 
very pretty cinnamon-coloured variety of this bird in the parish, 
and asked the gamekeeper’s little son if he would catch it for me, and 
I own I felt myself reproved when he answered, “Please, Sir, I’d rather 

not, he does no harm,” and the little bird so gallantly defended was 
left in peace. I heard of another specimen, also, of the same colour 
- last year, that was nesting in the parish hard by ; this was a lighter 
coloured specimen than the last-mentioned one. 

Sylvia Rubecula. “ Robin Redbreast.” Familiar, fearless, jaunty, 
and bold. The only bird that sings all the year round! teaching us 
that there is no time when thankfulness is out of season. I re- 
member a curiosity in the way of a nesting-place of the Robin, 
which I discovered when a school-boy at Winchester. I was walking 
through a little spinney (“ Scards”) surrounded by houses, which 
was the receptacle of all kinds of broken crockery and useless 
material, when I chanced to kick against an old tin coffee-pot, lying 
on the ground, out of which flew a bird ; and when I examined the 
interior of the article there was a Robin’s nest, with five eggs in it. 
I once had an animated discussion with a lady friend of mine con- 
cerning the number of eggs that a Robin’s nest usually contained. 
The lady contended that there were generally six; I, on my part, 
stood up for five. As we could not agree—each, as is sometimes 
the case, preferring our own opinion—I suggested that the point in 
VOL. XVIII.—NO. LIL. ¥ 


198 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


question should be settled by reference to a Robin’s nest that we 
knew was to be found not far off in the garden-hedge. No sooner 
said than done. But when the nest was discovered, there were 
neither five nor six eggs, but no less than eight—a number that I 
have never known before nor since, but which impressed upon us 
the lesson, in a practical way, that sometimes there might be more 
than even two sides to a question. A little while ago there was a 
curious specimen of this little bird round the South Western Railway 
Station, the bill of which, through some malformation, had become 
like that of an exaggerated cross-bill, but notwithstanding all the 
observer’s efforts to trap it, a thing in the Robin’s case generally not 
very hard to effect, he failed to do so, and after some time it dis- 
appeared. 

Saxicola eananthe. “The Wheat Ear.” Common on our downs 
and other suitable places. A charmingly-coloured bird, and one 
that is sure to attract attention by its pure white tail coverts. 
Hundreds of these birds used to be caught at one time by the down 
shepherds in little turf traps, arranged so as to contain a hollow 
passage, through which the bird was sure to run. They used to be 
considered very good eating, which thus caused them to be perse- 
cuted in this merciless manner. 

Saxicola Rubicola, “The Stone Chat.” Just uncommon enough 
to make you notice it when you come across it. The cock bird, a 
very handsome little fellow, and with its lively jerky flight seeming 
to beckon you to follow it, and say, ‘‘Come on, here lam.” Ihave 
occasionally noticed this species between Britford and Salisbury, 
and generally in the autumn. 

Saxicola Rubetra. “The Whin Chat.” First cousin to the last, 
and of much the same habits, but perhaps more generally dispersed. 
I have found its nest at Claybury, in the next parish, and have also 
noticed ‘the bird in our own. Neither this nor the last species are 
very numerous with us, but are always welcome from their cheery 
attractive habits. 

Phenicura Ruticilla. “The Redstart.” Commonly called “ Fire- 
tail.” The cock bird is, without exception, one of our very prettiest 
coloured warblers, and a general favourite. They are widely dispersed 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 199 


around us, but scarcely plentiful. A pair have bred for some years 
in a walled garden in the middle of Salisbury. 

Phenicura Tithys. Tithys Redstart,” or the “Black Redstart.” 
This rare species I cannot obtain any information about, nearer than 
the mouth of our Avon valley, at Christchurch. Here, however, 
Hart informs me that three specimens of this bird were killed near 
that place in 1875, besides one or two other specimens previously. 
It is generally seen in England, I believe, in the winter months, 
although there are instances of its having bred in some of our counties. 

Salicaria Locustella. ‘The Grasshopper Warbler.” This little 
bird takes its name from the very peculiar character of its note, 
which much resembles the chirping noise made by a mole-cricket, 
an insect not uncommon in our parish. This noise it continues for 
a long time without cessation. I believe it is commoner than is 
generally supposed; but on account of its exceedingly skulking 
habits, which renders it almost an impossibility even to catch a 
glimpse of the bird, it is very seldom seen or recognised. Mr. 
Baker tells me it is not at’ all uncommon in the neighbourhood of 
Mere, from whence he has several times obtained specimens. It is 
not necessarily addicted to water, although it is most generally to 
be found in the vicinity of ponds, and rushes. In the Mere district 
it is commonly called the mowing machine bird, another name 
characteristic of the monotonous and unceasing nature of its note. 
I have never found its nest myself, but remember well a cousin of - 
mine returning in great triumph one afternoon, having, after a 
laborious search, discovered a nest of this species with its five pretty 
-pink-tinted eggs. 

_ Salicaria Phragmites. “The Sedge Warbler.” Abundant in our 
water-meadows, where any amount of specimens, with nest and eggs, 
may be procured with but little trouble. I have often listened with 
pleasure to this little bird making night melodious with its untiring 
song, which, however, is more of a chatter after all, when compared 
with the night melody of the unrivalled Nightingale. But it likes 
to be busy in the night, and lifts up its voice with a good courage, 
as though it was not going to be put down, though it might itself 
be called insignificant, and its note harsh. It is one of our commonest 
P2 


200 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


meadow-birds, and may be put up from almost every patch of rushes 
by the river-ride as you walk along. It can without difficulty be 
distinguished from the following species by the more mottled 
character of its plumage, as well as by the more decided mark that 
runs above the eye. I have found the nest of this species placed in 
very different situations, ¢.g., in patches of rushes by the water’s 
edge, or just inside the wattled hedges that commonly border some 
of our smaller streams, and very frequently in the thick stunted 
thorn bushes’ that line their banks. On one occasion I found a nest 
of this bird, fastened on to a wild rose-stock, covered with brambles, 
at least ten feet from the ground, a position not very usual with 
them, and which puzzled me not a little, ere I took it, as to what 
species of bird the nest could belong. 

Salicaria Arundinacea. ‘The Reed Warbler.” This little bird, 
in our own immediate district, is nearly, if not quite, as abundant as 
the last-named species ; a fact which will appear, when I mention that 
in May, 1876, I found from between sixteen to twenty nests in one 
field of nineteen acres bordering the river, just behind the vicarage. 
The nests, built on their three or four reeds, vary but little; but 
their eggs vary considerably, and I have some in my collection so 
much larger and so entirely different in their marking from the 
others, that I could not help fancying at the time that they might 
be the eggs of Acrocephalus Palustris, although the position of the 
nest on the reeds would, I suppose, forbid the idea. From these 
nests I took no less than four Cuckoo’s eggs, this being, in our 
neighbourhood, one of the most favourite nests for the Cuckoo’s 
parasitical habits. Last year, also, two boy friends of mine, wishing 
for some Reed Warblers’ eggs to add to their collection, asked me 
if I could find them some, and I accordingly took them down to a 
favourite reed bed, where I knew their want was pretty sure to be 
supplied, and I then said, “if we are lucky you may possibly find a 
Cuckoo’s egg as well.” On arriving at the spot, however, I found 
that somebody had evidently been there just before us; but on 
searching carefully we at last found one of their prettily-constructed 
nests, and on looking into it, one of the boys cried out in ecstacy, 

A Cuckoo, a Cuckoo; ” and sure enough the nest contained three 


Oe ie Se ne 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 201 


Warbler’s eggs and a Cuckoo’s, and this was the only nest we found. 
For the last two years one of these little birds has built exactly in 
the same spot in my garden—in the middle of a hedge of Chinese 
privet, quite away from the water—and most nights as I retired to 
bed, about eleven o’clock, I have heard the little bird singing away 
lustily amid the still silence, towards the end of May. The nests 


‘of this bird I generally found built on the Jad side of the reed 


beds, where the flag of the reed grew greener and thicker, and not 
so much in the middle of the bed, where I at first looked for them. 
When I once discovered this I found as many nests as one wished. 
They sometimes build on the rushes growing actually in the water, 
but of the numerous nests I found, three were built on the land side 
of the bed to one within the bed itself, or in reeds growing in the 
water. 

Philomela Luscima. “The Nightingale.” Abundant in our 
district, nay! in some particular spots you might almost say a 
nuisance, from their incessant song. In the neighbouring parish of 
Alderbury, and in Clarendon Woods, they may really be said to 
swarm, being as numerous there as the Reed Warblers are in the 
meadows just below them. As I have walked from Britford to 
Clarendon—some two or three miles—I am sure you might have 
counted a score of them, their notes surrounding you on all sides, 
as you walk along the road-side fringed by copses, and through the 
lovely rides of Clarendon Woods. It is astonishing how few people 
seem to know the nightingale by sight, when they see one. They 
imagine, it would appear, that their external beauty must coincide 
with the unrivalled nature of their note. Therefore, for the benefit 
of those who do not know their little friend, I would just say, that 
if they see a little brown bird, uncommonly like a Robin in its 
actions, but not quite so plump as our little red-breasted friend, and 
with a rather longer tail, of a ruddy brown colour, they will have 
seen that wonderful performer whose song has been the subject of 
author and poet from time immemorial, but which, if they are 


incapable of appreciating (and alas! I have known many who per- 


sistently and provokingly have declared that they should not have 
thought it superior to any other bird) you had better give them up 


202 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


as being a hopeless case, without insisting on that mellowness, 
variety, and plaintiveness of note, which no other feathered songster 
can rival. The birds vary much in the power and quality of their 
song; but the notes of a nightingale, however inferior they may 
comparatively be, can scarcely be equalled by any other bird. I 
need scarcely remind my readers that during the May month, and 
in the early days of June, it sings all the day long, as well as 
through the night—especially during the courting time, and before 
the young are hatched—only at night its notes seem to be much 
clearer and richer, from the stillness in which all surrounding Nature — 
is then wrapped. 

Curruca Atricapilla. “The Black Cap.” In our own district 
not nearly so numerous as the last species, but to be found scattered 
in likely places over the whole district. There are several places in 
the parish where I can always put my hand upon its nest, built in 
some favourite bramble-bush, a few feet from the ground. This bird 
has a most beautifully soft full eye, which peers at you confidingly 
from its nest, which it will not leave until you almost touch it. 
The Black Cap is but little inferior in song to the Nightingale 
itself, its note being very full and powerful for its size, and also of 
greatly variegated modulation. I found a nest last year with three 
of the usually brown marbled eggs, and one of a dull white, which, 
if not seen with the others, could never have been detected as being 
a Black Cap’s. This, I believe, is not uncommon in the species. 

Curruca Hortensis. ‘ The Garden Warbler. _ A pretty little soft 
brown bird of a fine song, and scattered like the former species in 
places suited to its habits. Not very numerous anywhere. I found 
a nest of this bird in the same little plantation as the Black Cap’s, 
last summer, the eggs being very similar to that bird’s as well as 
the nest. This little bird puts you something in mind of a small 
Robin, who has left his red waistcoat off by mistake. 

Curruca cinerea. ‘Common Whitethroat.” Quite common in 
all our hedges and brakes, flitting from bush to bush in front of 
you, or rising suddenly in the air, flitting about in a vague uncertain 
manner, singing as it goes, and then diving into cover out of sight. 


Well known to all. 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 203 


Curruca Sylvia, “ Lesser Whitethroat.” Not so numerous with 
us as the last species, but scattered generally far and wide. In 
1876 I had nests of ¢his species, the Reed Warbler, the Cole Titmouse, 
the Greenfinch, the Pied Wagtail, the Robin, (containing a Cuckoo’s 
egg), the Wren, the Blackbird, and Thrush, all built in one little 
clump of bushes in my garden, within a few yards of each other. 
It was a long time before I discovered the nest of these little birds. 
It was very small, the smallest nest I think I have ever seen, and 
most ingeniously suspended in a cluster of hanging ivy, which I 
passed again and again before I discovered it. In fact, I am con- 
fident I should never have found it at all, but from the motions of 
the parent birds, which told unmistakably that their nest was close 
at hand. 

Sylvia Dartfordiensis. “The Dartford Warbler.” Not so un- 
common amongst us as is generally supposed, and may usually be 
found in the thick gorse covers with which many of our downs 
abound. Mr. Baker tells me that it is by no means uncommon on 
the downs near Mere, where they are almost certain to be seen when 
the hounds are beating through the cover. They are, however, ex- 
tremely hard to procure as specimens, and when killed are as hard 
to find amid the thick furze where they are almost sure to fall. Mr. 
Hart shot a pair in 1874, and in 1876 he tells me he had more than 
twenty specimens brought to him. 

Sylvia Hippolais. “The Chiff Chaff. One of our earliest spring 
visitors, cheering us by its brisk little note in the March month, 
and telling us that spring has at last arrived. This is one of the 
numerous birds that derives its name from its note, uttered un- 
ceasingly from some tall branch over your head. If there is a pair 
of these little birds in the neighbourhood you cannot well be long 
left in doubt of their whereabouts, as no adverse circumstances of 
wind or weather seem able to silence the cock bird’s merry little 
throat. The egg of this species is more definitely marked than some 
of the other small Warblers, being sprinkled with dark chocolate- 
coloured specks on a clear white ground. 

Sylvia Trochilus. “The Willow Wren.” Not uncommon, and 
very like the last species, but very different in its note, which Meyer 


204 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


describes uncommonly well thus: “The song begins hurriedly, and 
ends very slowly; it seems to express Dididide, deay, deay, duay, 
duay, duay, deay, deay, duay, deda, deda, daa, da!” This bird is 
one out of eight or nine species that has killed itself against the 
plate-glass of my dining-room window, which seems a regular bird- 
trap. Within the last three years the following species have thus 
immolated themselves thereon: Willow Wren, hen Black Cap, a 
pair of Greenfinches, Big Tom Tit, various Thrushes, Blackbird, 
and, besides others, a fine adult male Sparrow Hawk, which I have 
now in my collection. 

Sylvia Sibilatriz. “The Wood Wren.” As far as I know, not 
common in our district, but it is a bird that may very easily be 
overlooked, and, if seen, not certainly recognised. I have never 
come across it myself, so as to verify it. But Mr. Baker tells me 
that it is to be found in the Mere district, and at Stourton, from 
whence he obtained some good specimens for his collection; while 
King, of Warminster, informs me they are to be found also in his 
neighbourhood in likely places, such as Southley Wood. This bird, 
like the last, builds its nest upon the ground, and its eggs are not 
easy to find, the eggs of the last species often being mistaken for 
the Wood Wrens. In two collections last summer I was shown 
eggs of the Willow Wren as being those of this species, but they 
are so different from each other that they ought not to be confounded 
together. The egg of the Wood Wren being thickly peppered all 
over with dark bluish-grey spots, while that of the Willow Wren 
is covered with light red spots on a whitish ground. 

Sylvia Auricapilla, ‘ Golden Crested Wren.” Common. Isee 
some every year in my own garden, from which I should be very 
sorry to miss them. Very tame and confiding. 

Sylvia Ignicapilla. “ Fire Crested Wren.” On October 24th, 
1877, a nice specimen of this little bird was brought to Hart by 
some boys, amongst a good many other small birds that they had 
killed. I saw it in his collection, and on enquiry he told me the 
history of it. He has had two others of the same species also 
brought to him before, in the same way, but they are by no means 
commonly met with. It seems most frequently to be found in the 


ihe 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 205 


southern and western counties, and to occur generally during the 
winter. It may, however, easily be overlooked, the chief difference 
from the former species consisting in the dark lines that run across 
and above the eye, which sufficiently mark it to the careful observer. 

Sylvia Troglodytes. “The Wren.” Jenny Wren, with Cock 
Robin, known even by every one who is not able to distinguish any 
other kind of bird. I once saw a Spanish hen gobble up two full- 
fledged Wrens one after another, which, unhappily for them, took 
their maiden flight into a pen of these fowls. I may have been 
unwittingly accessory to this sad tragedy, from having been ac- 
eustomed to throw the mice, which I had caught in some numbers, 
into the fowls’ pen, having observed how eagerly they were fought 
for, and relished by the fowls, but I was not prepared for this display 
of cannibalism. The egg of this species varies greatly in size. I 
have taken some that were nearly as big as Linnets’, and almost 
white, others being much smaller, and thickly covered with red 
spots at the bigger end. I have often had our little friend pitch on 
my shoulder and my feet, as I have been silently waiting under 
some willow-tree in the evening for wild fowl. 


Paripz&. 


Parus Major. “Greater Titmouse.” We now come to the 
family of Paride, who make up for their want of size, by their self- 
assertion. I am afraid they have a bad name for their destructive 
nature to the buds and young shoots of our garden shrubs, but 
who can tell the counterbalancing good they do, by the amount of 
noxious grubs and insects they consume. At the head of the family 
stands the Greater Tit, a most beautifully-marked bird with his 
yellow and black plush livery. Quite common, and well known 
everywhere. 

Parus Ceruleus. “The Blue Titmouse. Equally well known as 
the last. A most determined fighter for the sanctity of his nest and 
home, as many a pecked finger, hastily withrawn from his front 
door, will testify. 

Parus Ater, “Cole Titmouse.” Nearly as common with us as 
the last. A pair of these birds regularly build year by year in the 


206 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


same hole in our garden wall, with so small an entrance that you 
can scarcely imagine that the parent birds could squeeze themselves 
into it. 

Parus Palustris. “The Marsh Titmouse.” This species also 
you not unfrequently meet with here, though not so common as the 
last. It may be at once distinguished from the last species by the . 
absence of the white patch at the back of the head, and the more 
sombre tint of its general plumage. I think without doubt this bird 
often breeds in the old pollard willows, which abound in our water- 
meadows, though I have never yet actually found its nest. 

Parus Caudatus. “The Long-tailed or Bottle Tit.” This bird 
is also generally well known, flying about, as it does, in summer 
and autumn, in little parties of a dozen or more, so that you think 
you are never coming to an end of them as they flit past you. Every 
one knows the beautiful little nest built by this bird, out of which 
you may extract as many feathers as a conjuror does out of his hat, 
generally built, as it is, in a thick thorn bush, so that you often 
cannot reach it without the help of knife or bill-hook. Ihave found 
them, however, built in very unlikely places, one that I saw last 
year being balanced on the top of a horizontal bough of a large elm, 
some 15ft from the ground, and supported by a little twig or two 
sprouting out from it. 

Parus cristatus, and Parus Biarmicus. “The Crested and Bearded 
Titmice.” Of these two rare species I can gain no local information, 
saving that Hart informs me that one of the former and two of the 
latter were killed many years ago in the Christchurch district, and 
which he has in his collection, one of the two specimens of the Bearded 
Tit having been killed by the Hon. Grantley Berkley, and presented 
to Mr. Hart. I often hope to be able some day to stumble upon a 
pair of the latter species amongst the reed-beds and rushes of our river 
Avon, which seem to offer them here and there attractive retreats— 
but as yet I have not been successful. 


MoraciLuipz. 


The family of the Wagtails are among the most elegant of our 
smaller birds, three out of the five species which visit us being more 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 207 


or less abundant, the other two much rarer, but7which doubtless 
frequently occur without being noticed. 

Motacilla Lotor. “The Pied Wagtail.” This is by far the com- 
monest of all the species. One for several years has built in the 
same spot in my garden, every year, always rearing two broods in 
the season. The nest of this bird, also, is much used by the 
Cuckoo. 

Motacilla alba. “The White Wagtail.” A much rarer bird 
amongst us, and not easily to be distinguished in its winter plumage 
from the last. Hart tells me he saw a nice pair of these birds near 
Christchurch, in May, 1876, but not having his gun at the time he 
could not secure them, and he has also a beautiful specimen in his 
collection—a cock bird in summer plumage—which was killed in 
the neighbourhood of Christchurch not long since. This is the only 
notice I have been able to gather about them. 

Motacilla Boarula. “The Grey Wagtail.” Frequent with us in 
this parish in the winter, but I have never known it breed with us, 
and have never seen it with the characteristic black throat of its 
summer garb. Mr. Hart, however, showed me one he killed in 
1875, with the black throat well developed, and in very good summer 
plumage; this was early in October, as well as another which was 
brought in on February 20th, 1877. It is one of the most elegant 
of the Wagtails, and with the bright yellow of the under feathering 
and the lower tail-coverts is a very pretty bird as well. 

Motacilla Rayi. “Ray’s Wagtail.” Quite common with us 
during the summer, roosting in the withy-beds, and breeding amongst 
us freely. A fine plumaged cock bird of this species may be con- 
sidered one of our very handsomest ‘birds, no other bird eclipsing, if 
equalling, the bright golden colour of its breast and under plumage. 

WMotacilla Flava. “The Blue Headed Wagtail.” We come now 
to a species which I cannot say I feel quite certain about. In some 
_ states of plumage it is very difficult to distinguish from the last- 
named species. I delieve I have seen it in our water-meadows, and 
on one occasion felt certain about it, but I had no means of securing 
it, to decide the point. Mr. Norwood assures me he saw a pair of 
them in 1870, near the South Western Station, and King, of 


208 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


Warminster, informed me he had stuffed one for Mr. Baker, of 
Mere, killed by himself at that place. I have since, however, seen 
this latter bird and cannot say that it can certainly be proved to be 
a specimen of MZ. Flava. The head is damaged, which would have 
been the best part of the bird to decide the question, and Mr. Baker 
himself was obliged to allow that he was not quite certain on the 
point, although he believed it to be one of the rarer sort. 


ANTHIDS. 


We now come to a group of birds which has received much more 
attention of late years than formerly ; arfd this has resulted in the 
discovery of several distinct species having been recognised as 
visitors to our shores, which before were not known to be so. There 
are, however, only two of this tribe which are at all common in- 
land, all the others, more or less, being only found near the sea shore. 

Anthus Pratensis. “The Meadow Pipit.” Quite common, 
generally known by the name of Titlark. I have one of these in 
my collection, which I killed with an arrow at some 20 yards’ dis- 
tance—greatly to my own, as it must have been to the poor bird’s 
surprise. The eggs of this bird vary greatly in colour, from lightish 
grey to deep chocolate and pinkish-brown. 

Anthus Arboreus. “Tree Pipit.’ This species is also widely 
scattered, though not so common as the last, and is not so gre- 
garious in its habits. It may be detected in the spring by its 
peculiar mode of singing. Starting up from the bush or tree on 
which it is sitting, it will rise for some height into the air, and 
then descend again, with quivering wirgs and tail, and its feet 
hanging straight down as though anxious to grasp hold of the first 
convenient perch that might come within its reach after its descent. 
The eggs of this species, also, vary in colour a good deal, but can 
readily be distinguished from the last-named species, being blotched 
and mottled something in the same way as the Black Cap’s. 

Anthus Ricardi, ‘ Richard’s Pipit.” Of this species, as well as 
of the Rock Pipit—Authus Petrosus, and of the Tawny Pipit— 
Anthus Campestris, I can give no nearer local information than from 
the Christchurch district. They are all more or less lovers of the 


‘ 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 209 


sea shore, and therefore are not likely to be met with so far inland 
as this. But, on referring to Mr. Hart about these species, he told 
me that all three occur in and about the neighbourhood, and that, 
of the three, he should certainly say the Rock Pipit was the least 
frequently to be met with. Of the other newly-detected species the 
Water Pipit—A spinoletta, he could give me no information. 


CONIROSTRES. 
ALAUDID&. 


Alauda Arvensis. “The Sky Lark.” It is impossible to pass by 
this, the most characteristic of all our song birds, without a word of 
passing eulogy. Who can help being cheered by the swelling notes 
of praise that this little chorister gives forth, as, on untiring wing, . 
he mounts up and ever upwards, until you strain your eye in vain 
to catch a glimpse of your little friend, whose notes seem to increase 
in power the farther he leaves the earth behind him and the nearer 
he reaches heaven. It would seem at times to be filled with a burst 
of spontaneous and almost irrepressible praise, and to soar aloft as 
though drawn upwards by some unseen and magnetic attraction. 
It is happily one of our commonest birds, and needs no description. 
This bird affords, as may be easily understood, one of the finest 
flights in hawking that can be seen, the Hawk always flown at 
them being the Merlin. But so strong, and powerful, and rapid, is 


_ their ascent, that the hawker generally has to chose the time of their 


moult for his purpose, that they may not be able to rise quite so 
rapidly, as it is no uncommon thing for both Hawk and Lark to 
mount entirely out of sight, and if the Lark after this should take 
an oblique direction, the Hawk is not uncommonly lost. I myself 
witnessed a very exciting chase between a hen Merlin and a Lark, in 
Longford Park when I counted no less than fourteen stoops that the 
Hawk made after his quarry, the end of the chase being hidden from 
me by the trees. I once noticed a rather peculiar circumstance concern- 
ing this bird. I heard a Sky Lark in full song, but could not perceive 
from whence the sound emanated. It was apparently stationary, and 
evidently not in the air; and on looking round I at last saw my 
little friend sedately perched upon a gate-post, and singing away 


210 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


to its heart’s content, with crest erected and quivering wings. I 
think this rather unusual with them. 

Alauda Arborea. “The WoodLark.” This isa scarce bird amongst 
us compared with the Sky Lark, but is to be found in suitable 
localities in many places round us. This species, also, is a very sweet 
songster, and will continue its song for a considerable length of 
time, wheeling round and round in wide circles in the air, both as 
it ascends and descends. Mr. Norwood tells me it is far more 
numerous in Devonshire than in this district, while Mr. Baker says 
it is to be found round Mere, though sparingly. Champion, the 
bird-catcher, whom I have before referred to, tells me that one 
evening in 1868, a lovely autumn evening, as he was returning home 
from a bird-catching expedition on the borders of the New Forest, 

he put up about sixty of these birds in a wheat stubble altogether, 
not far from Trafalgar—the seat of Earl Nelson. He immediately 
laid down his pack, and setting his nets with his call-birds, they 
soon pitched again, and he caught nine of them. He has never 
seen so many of this species together before or since. Last year he 
heard one singing on the borders of the Forest, but he has not 
observed many of them of late years. | 

Alauda Alpestris. ‘The Shore Lark.” Six of these pretty birds 
were killed at Christchurch in 1875, two of which Mr. Hart still has 
in his own collection. This is the only notice I am aware of within 
reach, And, as its name implies, when they do occur amongst us, 
they are generally to be found on the coast. There are several other 
rare species of Lark, which are occasionally met with on the downs 
which border our sea coast, but I have no local notice concerning 
them. 

EMBERIZIDH. 

Plectrophanes Nivalis. “The Snow Bunting.” We now come to 
the Bunting tribe, to be at once distinguished from the Larks by 
the peculiar sinuous notch in the lower mandible, over which the 
upper one nicely fits. The Snow Bunting only occurs very occasion- 
ally amongst us in this district, one or two being seen now and then 
in very hard winters. In 1868, Mr. Norwood informs me a pair of 
these birds were seen some seven or eight miles from here, between 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 211 


Porton and Grately, associating with an enormous flock of Bram- 
blings. He tried to get near them several times, but without 
success, and at last they left the district in safety. One of these 
birds was killed some years ago at Brixton Deverell, and passed 
through King’s hands. And a few years back one was shot at Mere 
by a Mr. S. Doddington, as Mr. Baker informs me. Hart also says 
they occur occasionally at Christchurch, but they are by no means 
commonly met with there. 

Plectrophanes Lapponica. “ Lapland Bunting.” This extremely 
rare species of Bunting I mention inasmuch as I saw a specimen in 
Hart’s Museum, on November 13th, 1878, which he informed me 
had been killed in the neighbourhood many years back, and had 
belonged to the Rector of Studland, who had had a good collection 
of local birds. It, with some others, belonged now to a Mr. Pike, 
for whom he was going to re-stuff it, as well as an Ivory Gull, 
which had also been killed somewhere in the bay. It is an exceed- 
ingly rare visitant to us, and therefore I think it worth while to 
record this specimen as having occurred in the Christchurch district. 

Emberiza Miharia. “The Lark or Corn Bunting.” Quite com- 
mon amongst us, and may be seen and heard with its peculiar note, 
half twitter and half chatter, on almost every hedge-row dividing 
our cornfields, from which it will flutter with legs at first tucked up 
and then depending, to settle on some bent, or corn-stalk, in the 
_ middle of the field. Some little time since I surprised a Kestrel on 
an apple tree in the garden, and observing that it had dropped some 
prey, I went to look, and found it was a fine Corn Bunting, with 
which it was going to diversify its usual diet of frog or mouse. To 
a casual observer this bird may seem very like a Sky Lark at a short 
distance, but he will be always able to distinguish it at once by its 


habit of settling on the hedge, or some stalks of corn or grass, not 


far off from him. 

Emberiza Citrinelia. “The Yellow Hammer.” One of the most 
beautiful of our common birds. In fact some cocks—and they differ 
greatly in brightness—will match, or eclipse, any Canary in its 
depth of golden beauty. In Cornwall it goes by the name of 
“ Gladdie,” though what the derivation may be of the term, I know 


212 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds. 


not. ‘Their beautiful little nests, lined with horsehair, I suppose no 
man, who has ever been a boy, is ignorant of, nestling down in 
some snug hole in the bank, from which the bird flits up from under 
your very feet. The bird has a most peculiar and drawling kind of 
song, if you can call it one, the last syllable of which they prolong 
in a very quaint manner, and which always used to be likened in 
my younger days to the following words: “A very little bit of 
bread and no che-e-e-e-ese!” the first words being uttered very 
rapidly, and the latter prolonged ad libitum. The next time my 
reader hears our little friend, let him see if he cannot recognize this 
humble petition. 

Emberiza Cirlus. “The Cirl Bunting.” This bird is very likely 
to be mistaken by the unobservant ornithologist for a dull specimen 
of the last species, which it greatly resembles. They are not very 
numerous, but are widely scattered round the neighbourhood, and it 
would not be hard to procure specimens of them. About 1868 Mr. 
Norwood shot a pair of these birds not far from Salisbury. Champion 
also tells me that he has trapped them occasionally on the downs 
round the “ Great Yews,” a copse some three or four miles off, and 
near Red-lynch. They are always to be found round Mere, where 
they breed annually, and from which place Mr. Baker tells me he 
could procure specimens almost at any time, if they were wanted. 
But they are, no doubt, rather local in their habits. The cock bird 
can be at once distinguished from the Yellow Bunting by its black 
throat, and duller plumage generally. Of the Ortolan Bunting— 
Eimberiza Hortulana, I can gather no information. 

Emberiza Scheniclus. “The Reed Bunting.” A very prettily- 
marked little bird is this, which is also quite common in our water- 
meadows. The cock bird is not altogether unlike a small neat 
House Sparrow, with its black head and chin and mottled brown 
back, which has given rise to its sometimes being called the “ Reed 
Sparrow,” although in reality it is a very different kind of bird. I 
have taken its nest frequently in our withy-beds, which is generally 
beautifully concealed in an osier stump, and which very often would 
be undiscoverable, were it not for the anxiety of the parent bird, 
who flies off at your approach, and tries every method of decoying 


Bishops of Old Sarum. 213 


you away from the vicinity of its nest, with the same arts as the 
Partridge or the Lapwing. It will throw itself at your feet, 
tumbling about as if tipsy, and then shuffle along with seemingly 
broken pinions, using every effort it can think of to make you follow 
it, and then, when you are at a safe distance from its nest and eggs, 
it will fly off in the most provoking manner, rejoicing at having 
done you. Meyer notices a curious characteristic of this bird, 
which I can certainly bear witness to, that it invariably lines its 
nest with black horsehair, and d/ack only, and “ it would be a curious 
matter to observe,” ‘he says, “the lining of nests of this species in 
counties where black horses are not generally met with, as, for 
instance, in some parts of Suffolk.” Whether this peculiarity holds 
good universally in all parts, I cannot however say. 


Che Hishoys of Oly Sarum, 


By Canon W. H. Jonus, M.A., F.S.A., 


Vicar of Bradford-on-Avon, 
(Continued from Vol. xvii., p. 191.) 
Housert Water, 1189—1193. 


OR jive years after the decease of Jocutin DE Bouoy, there 
was no Bishop appointed for the see of Sarum. When we 
add to these the seven closing years of Bishop Jocelin’s 

life, in which, on account of his infirmities, he had to delegate 
his duties to a suffragan or assistant Bishop, it gives us a long 
period during which the see was bereft of the superintendence of its 
proper diocesan. Its administrators were Herbert Archdeacon of 
Canterbury, Jordan then Dean of Saram, and Richard Fitz-Ebrard, 
VOL. XVIII.—NO, LIII. Q 


214 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


who duly accounted for the income of the see, the offerings at the 
high altar at Whitsuntide, and the proceeds from the Rectory of 
Saldeburne (Shalbourn), then in the hands of the king, on account 
of a controversy touching the advowson of the same.! 

Nor were matters much mended, when a successor was at last 
appointed in the person of Husert Watrer, for it is questionable 
whether, during the four years that he nominally held the see, he 
resided at all in the diocese, In any case his history belongs rather 
to that of the Archbishops of Canterbury—for he was advanced to 
the primacy in 1194—and it has been well told by Dean Hook.? 

Husert Watrer, who is said to have been a native of West 
Dereham, in Norfolk, was nephew, pupil, and confidential friend of: 
Ranulf Glanville, Justiciar of England and Prime Minister of 
Henry II. Amongst others well able to befriend him, he seems to 
have been brought under the notice of Baldwin, once Chancellor of 
Sarum, who, after having held the see of Worester, became in 1185 
Archbishop of Canterbury. Through his interest with the king, 
Hubert Walter was, about the year 1186, promoted to the Deanry 
of York, in succession to Robert Boteville.* Three years afterwards, 
the king, Richard I., within a few weeks of his accession to the 
throne, at a council held at the Abbey of Pipewell in Northampton- 
shire, nominated him to the see of Sarum. He was consecrated 
shortly afterwards (October 22nd, 1189) by Archbishop Baldwin in 
the Chapel of St. Catharine, Westminster. 

In the year 1190, within a few months only of his appoitment 
as Bishop of Sarum, Hubert Walter went, together with Arch- 
bishop Baldwin and Ranulf de Glanville, to the Holy Land, to 
join the king in his crusade for the recovery of “ the holy sepulchre ”’ 
from the hands of the infidels. He was present at the siege of Acre, 
where, within a short time, died both Ranulph de Glanville and 
Archbishop Baldwin. By the latter he was appointed executor to 
his will. He continued in the camp till the close of the siege, 


1 Maen. Rot. 31 Hen. IT. 
2 Hook’s “Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, vol. II. 
3 Le Neve Fasti, III., 120, calls him “ Botivelein.” 


Hubert Walter, 1189—1193. 215 


proving on more than one occasion that he could wield the sword as 
well as the crosier. Together with other bishops he re-consecrated 
the principal churches of the city of Acre, which the pagans had 
polluted, and, building altars, once more celebrated upon them the 
holy mysteries. Moreover he obtained permission for priests to 
officiate, one at the Holy Sepulchre, and one at Nazareth. 
Immediately after the return of Hubert Walter to England, in 
1193, the monks of the metropolitical Church of Canterbury met 
together and elected him to the primacy in succession to Archbishop 
Baldwin. The election was not however unchallenged ; and, 
strangely enough, the principal appellant was Herbert Archdeacon 
of Canterbury, who so soon afterwards succeeded him in the see of 
Sarum. The grounds of the appeal, which was laid before the 
Supreme Pontiff, were, first of all, that the king was in captivity, 
and then, secondly, that the Bishops of England whose duty it was 
to have been present at such an election were not there.! Roger 
of Wendover however is careful to tell us that he was elected 
eanonically. He was duly enthroned at Canterbury on the day 
after the Feast of St. Leonard, 1193. Immediately afterwards, by 
command of King Richard who was still in captivity, the general 
administration of affairs in England was entrusted to his care. 
Much concerning him will be found in the introduction to the 
fourth volume of Roger de Hoveden, published in the Rolls Series, 
and edited by Professor Stubbs. He belonged rather to the secular 
and statesman school, than to that which may be termed the 


_ devotional and spiritual. Of the Bishops of Old Sarum, Roger 


and Hubert Walter belong tu the former, Osmund and Richard 
Poore to the latter. He could in any case have given very little 
personal care to his diocese; still his memory was for some 
centuries preserved here, and, according to Leland, an annual obit 
was observed for him in the Cathedral.? 


1Tum quia Rex in captione erat, tum quia Episcopi Angliz, quorum est 
interesse electioni Cantuarensis Archiepiscopi, non interfuerunt electioni ili, 
Hoveden, III., 213. 


2 See Wilts Mag., i., 168. 
Q 2 


216 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


We may conclude this brief sketch of the short tenure of our 
episcopate at Sarum by Hubert Walter, in the following words ot 
Professor Stubbs :—“ The special importance of his ministerial career 
arises from the fact, first of all, that having occupied a position 
involving close and constant intercourse with Henry II. during the 
latter years of his life, he had a thorough acquaintance with the 
principles that guided the reforms of Henry’s reign, and as probably 
developing those principles in the changes and improvements he 
adopted when practically supreme; and, secondly, that the period 
during which he exercised the authority of the crown as Justiciar, 
or in his offices of Chancellor, Archbishop and Legate, brought his 
powerful influence to bear on the sovereign and the people, was 
the last period of orderly government that preceded the granting of 
Magna Charta. On Archbishop Hubert’s death, the regular ad- 
ministration of the country was thrown out of gear by the tyrannical 
conduct of John. Hubert’s advice had been all powerful with 
Richard ; with John it had a certain weight, sufficient to modify if 
not to over-rule his self-willed behaviour. Hubert exercised a 
control, the removal of which was felt by the King as a great relief; 
whilst the nation, with whom, as his master’s servant, he had never 
been popular, found almost immediately that in him they had lost 
their best friend, the only bulwark strong enough to resist or break 
the attack of royal despotism.” 


1 Stubbs’ R. de Hoveden, IV., Ixxvii. 


Herbert Poore, 1194—1217. 217 
Herpert Poorz, 1194—1217. 


The successor of Hupert Watrer in the see of Sarum was 
Hersert Poort. We have already spoken of him as the Archdeacon 
of Canterbury, who was one of the administrators of the diocese on 
the decease of Jocelin de Bohun, and who thought it his duty to 
protest against Hubert Walter’s election to the primacy. Professor 
Stubbs thinks that some documents printed in Madox’ Formulare 
Anglicanum (pp. 47, 52) pretty well prove that he was the son of 
Richard of Ivelchester (or Ichester), first of all Archdeacon of Poic- 
tiers, then Clerk of the Exchequer to Henry II., in that office proving 
himself an energetic man of business, and afterwards Bishop of 
Winchester. However this may be, it may be observed, as a 
coincidence, that Adam of Ivelchester was the immediate successor 
of Richard Poore as Dean of Sarum. Herbert Poore would seem 
in any case to have been one of the old officials of King Henry IL., 
and we meet with his name more than once as a witness to royal 
charters, implying at all events that he held a high and responsible 
position. 

Hersert Poors succeeded Geoffrey Ridel as Archdeacon of Canter- 
bury, when the latter, in 1174, was promoted to the see of Ely.} 
He was one of the three Archdeacons whom Archbishop Richard 
constituted, the other two being Savaric and Nicholas. But this 
arrangement did not continue long, for in 1180 the Archbishop 
abrogated his appointment and made a grant of the whole jurisdiction 
to Herbert.? 

It has been usual—an example may be found even in the pages 
of Matthew Paris—to translate the name “ Poore,” or “ Poer,” by 
the Latin “ Pauper,” as if that were its equivalent. Professor Stubbs? 
thinks that the name may imply some connection with the Chancellor 
Roger “le Poor,” of Salisbury, and so with Nigel of Ely, and 
Richard Fitz-Nigel, and that so the brothers Herbert and Richard 
Poore, who successively ruled over the diocese of Sarum, belonged 
1 Le Neve, I., 38. 

* The grant is printed in Somners’ Antiq. Cantuar, App. No. lix. See Batteley’s 


remarks on the date of this charter, Part ii., p. 251. 
3 R. de Hoveden, IV., xci., note. 


218 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


to a generation of men intimately acquainted with public affairs, who 
acquired habits of business in the exchequer. But whilst in the case 
of Roger “ Pauper,” the presumed son of Bishop Roger, the name 
was evidently given in consequence of the impoverished condition to 
which he was reduced by the confiscation of his father’s and his own 
estates, the reason, is different in the case before us. The munificence 
of both brothers, especially of the younger, added to the express 
statement by William de Wanda concerning the elder, that he was 
“ dives et assiduus,” seem to shew its inaccuracy. Indeed there are 
incidental notices met with, which seem to imply that the brothers 
were not only wealthy, but of gentle if not of noble birth. 

The conjecture therefore is hazarded that the name of Poore, like 
that of “Le Poer” and “ Poure” or “ Power” so common in Ireland, 
originated in the Norman-French equivalent for the Latin word Puer, 
which was used in much the same sense as the Anglo-Saxon Cild. 
Both these terms were employed in the middle ages to denote the sons 
of nobles not yet in possession of their paternal estates. Thus “ Puer 
Anglicus” was an old designation of the Prince of Wales, as the heir to 
the crown. Brixi, in like manner, in Domesday is called ci/d ;1 as is 
also Wulfnoth, the father of the great Earl Godwin, under the year 
1009 in the Saxon Chronicle, being in other documents styled the 
“Thane,” or “ Minister,” of Sussex.” As confirmatory of the truth 
or feasibility of this conjecture, it may be mentioned that the 
Shropshire “Childs,” still existent, credibly claim descent from a 
family which was at one time called “ Le Poer,” and at another time 
“Child.” The fact moreover is of some little interest, and may 
go for what it is worth, that at no very great distance from Tarrant, 


1 Domesday, I., 6, 6 4, 35, IT.,48. See also Freeman’s Norman Conquest, v. 29. 


2«On Sys ylean timan Brihtric Hadrices broPer ealdormannes forweegde 
Wulfnod cild Sone Sudsexiscan Godwines feeder Eorles to Pam cinge.” [At 
this time Brihtric the alderman, Eadrics’ brother, accused Wulfnoth child, the 
South Saxon, Earl Godwin’s father, to the King.] See also Palgrave’s Anglo- 
Saxons, p. 294, and Hampson’s Origines Patricie, p. 327. 


3 See Eyton’s Shropshire, index, swb voce “Cuitp.” Not only have we the 
name Poors apparently from Pwer, but its diminutive Puerellus would seem 
to have been inyented by the Normans, and transmitted as the family name of 
PEVEREL through successive generations. 


Herbert Poore, 1194—1217. 219 


in Dorset, the birth-place of Richard Poore, there are places of the 
name of Poor-stock and Poor-ton—some of the oldest possessions of 
the see or cathedral of Sarum—as well as Chil-frome and Child- 
Okeford. 

Herbert Poore would seem to have been a Canon of Sarum, for 
we are told by Ralph de Diceto,! that, in the year 1194, the Canons 
of Sarum having at the time no Dean, unanimously elected as their 
Bishop, “‘fratrem suum et concanonicum,’ Herbert Archdeacon of 
Canterbury. At that time he was only in Deacon’s orders. On 
the Day of Pentecost (April 29th), 1194, he was ordained a Priest, 
and seven days afterwards, on Trinity Sunday, was consecrated a 
Bishop by Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury, his predecessor in 
the see of Sarum, in the Chapel of St. Catharine, Westminster. 
He was enthroned at Sarum on June 13th in the same year. 

The spiritual heritage to which Herbert Poore succeeded was indeed 
one of trouble and anxieity. For perhaps twelve years previously 
there had been practically no Bishop at Sarum. Moreover England 
and the Church were alike impoverished by the enormous sums 
exacted for the king’s ransom: as Wendover tells us, “all Bishops, 
Priests, Earls, Barons, and Abbots and Priors had to contribute one 
fourth of their incomes towards this purpose ; and moreover were 
forced to give their gold and silver vessels, even their sacred chalices, 
for this work of piety. No Church, no order, no rank, or sex, but 
was compelled to aid in releasing the King.” And when King 
Richard returned to his kingdom, a week or two only before the 
consecration of Herbert Poore, his first work was to hurry off 
to Nottingham, for the purpose of punishing those who had joined 
his brother, the Earl John, in rebellion against him. Then came 
the formal excommunication of the Earl John and of all who had 
been his abettors or advisers.? More exactions followed on the 
demand of the King; not only did he require ¢wo shillings to be 
paid from every carucate of land, but every man was to render him 
the third part of a knight’s service, according as each fee would 


Imag. Historiarum swb anno 1194, in Twisden’s “ Decem Scriptores.” 
2 Rog. de Hoveden, II., 313, 317. 


220 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


bear. Even the monks of the Cistercian order, who by special 
privilege could claim exemption, were commanded to give him, in 
aid of his expedition to Normandy, all their wool for the current 
year. Never was there a gloomier prospect than that which opened 
on the episcopate of Herbert Poore. 

In the year 1198, four years after his consecration, Eustace 
Dean of Sarum, was advanced to the bishopric of Ely. Her- 
bert Poore was then most fortunate in the election of his own 
brother (/rater germanus), Richard Poore, to the vacant deanry. 
Most probably he was for some little time previously a Canon of 
the Cathedral. Without all doubt, from the time of his election 
as Dean, the two brothers worked earnestly together for the re- 
moval of the cathedral from Old Sarum to a more convenient site. 
An inscription, copied by Leland from the Lady Chapel, states 
distinctly that it was in the time of Richard I. that a commencement 
was made. How far that King, who is said to have favoured the 
undertaking,! gave more than fair words, we are not able to say. 
He certainly appears rather as the exactor of benefits for himself 
from the Church, than as in any sense its benefactor. On one 
notable occasion indeed, in this same year of which we are speaking, 
we find our Bishop boldly resisting the royal oppression. In the 
great council of the nation assembled at Oxford, Archbishop Hubert 
announced a demand of the King that the barons should furnish 
him with a force of three hundred knights to be paid each of them 
three shillings a day. Two of the Bishops, Hugh—afterwards 
canonized as St. Hugh—of Lincoln, who represented at the time the 
religious party in England and the old school of liberty for which St. 
Anselm and Thomas Becket had contended, and Herbert of Salisbury, 
who, it may be, represented the old traditions of the Exchequer, 
resisted the grant on the ground that, whilst as loyal subjects they 
were bound to do faithful service to their king within his realm, 
they were not bound to contribute either men or money for 


1 William de Wanda says distinctly—“illustri Rege Anglorum suum ad id 
assensum et favorem liberaliter impendente.” Reg. Osmund (Wilkins’ Concil. i., 
551). 


EEE eT 


Herbert Poore, 1194—1217. 221 


undertakings beyond the sea. Whatever may have been the real 
grounds of opposition, the occurrence itself is a land-mark in English 
constitutional history. It may be placed on a par with Thomas a 
Becket’s opposition to Henry II. at Woodstock, but it is the first 
clear case of the refusal of a money grant demanded directly by the 
erown, and so a most valuable precedent for future times.! 

It was a terrible penalty however that Bishop Herbert paid for 
his independent stand against the King. The royal command went 
forth that the possessions of the two Bishops should be confiscated. 
The saintly character of Hugh of Lincoln seems to have been a pro- 
tection to him—no man dared meddle with Hugh, his anathema was 
dreaded as death. The sentence however was executed on Herbert 
Poore; he had, after’ many vexatious oppressions, to buy back his 
own possessions with a large sum of money.’ 

King Richard died in 1199. The accession of John to the 
throne gave at the first a faint hope of the cessation of some 
of those troubles which all along had oppressed the Bishop 
and Church of Sarum. Together with the Archbishop of Canterbury 
and other Bishops, and many Earls and Barons, Herbert Poore went 
to meet King John, and assisted at his coronation in the church 
of St. Peter, Westminster. 

He also acted from time to time as one of the King’s Justices 
at Westminster, and early in the year 1200 we find him engaged 
in the good work of reconciling Geoffrey Archbishop of York, 
with the Dean and Chapter of his Cathedral. Serious differ- 
ences had long prevailed at York; they were hardly indeed to be 
wondered at when we remember how Geoffrey, who was an illegi- 
timate son of Henry II. and so half-brother to Richard I., had been 
forced upon them as Archbishop even before he was in holy orders, 
how he held the temporalities of the see for some years without 
consecration at all, and with what recklessness he bestowed prebends 


* See Freeman’s Norman Conquest, v., 695, and Magna Vit., S. Hug. (Rolls 
Series), p. 248. 
? Magn. Vit., S. Hug., p. 251. Of Bishop Herbert Poore it is said “ Post 


vexationes et plurimas contumelias vix tandem maxima pecunia summa pacem 
et possessiones suas redemit.” 


222 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


on unfit or even unworthy persons.! A formal peace was at last 
concluded at Westminster, Bishop Herbert of Sarum and Abbot 
Alan of Tewksbury, the judges delegate appointed by the Pope, 
being accepted as arbitrators. After a long discussion Geoffrey 
received the kiss of peace from Simon the Dean, and Reginal Arundel 
the Precentor, and, personal enmity being at an end, all further 
questions were to be settled in the Chapter House at York.? 

The Bishop of Sarum was present in this same year at Lincoln, 
when William, King of Scots, did homage to King John—and also 
at the burial of his really great and saintly friend, Hugh, Bishop of 
Lincoln, in that Cathedral. 

But thick clouds soon again overshadowed the episcopate of 
Herbert Poore. Besides the well-known troubles between the 
Barons and King John, there were also grave disputes between 
England and the Holy See. In addition to these there were 
some very severe visitations, insomuch that in consequence of 
hard frosts which prevailed for two whole months—from January 
14th till March 22nd, 1205—the ground could not be tilled, and 
in the following summer a load of corn sold for fourteen shillings.? 
Three years afterwards—in 1208—the disputes between King John 
and Pope Innocent reached their climax, and the whole kingdom 
was laid under an interdict, many of the Bishops, especially those 
who were charged to proclaim it, fleeing from their flocks and 
seeking a place of safety abroad. Among the fugitives were the 
Bishops of London, Winchester, Ely, Bath, and Hereford. The 
name of Herbert Bishop of Sarum, is not among them. I like to 
think and believe that he and his brother Richard the Dean, re- 
mained bravely at their posts, and did what they could to mitigate 
the horrors of those sad times. For sad indeed they were—whilst 
that interdict remained in foree—for two whole years—all Church bells 
were silent,and all Church services ceased,and the whole nation seemed 
given over, body and soul, to the destroyer. The only exceptions 


1 See much on this point in the preface to the fourth volume of Professor 
Stubbs’ edition of Rog. de Hoveden (Rolls Series). 
2 Stubbs’ Hoveden, LV., lxxiv., and 126. 
3 Wendover, ii., 214 (Bohn’s edition). 


— a 


—a Dad aie 


Herbert Poore, 1194—1217. 223 


permitted at all were in the case of the baptism of children, and the 
administration of the eucharist to the dying. But in no case were 
funeral rites to be performed; the bodies of the dead were carried 
out of cities and towns and buried in roads or in ditches—without a 
priest’s blessing, without a mourner’s prayer. 

Nor was this the only trial endured ; for the King, infuriated by 
the interdict, began to wreak his vengeance on the unoffending 
priests—giving the bishoprics, abbacies, and priories into the charge 
of laymen, and ordering all ecclesiastical revenues to be confiscated. 
The corn of the clergy was everywhere seized; religious men, and 
others ordained of any kind, were, on their travels, ill-treated and 
robbed. The relatives especially of the Bishops who had proclaimed 
the interdict, were, by the King’s orders, wherever they could be 
discovered, to be arrested, robbed of all their property, and thrown 
into prison. 

In the year 1209 King John was excommunicated by name, 
and three years afterwards the Pope proceeded to pass on him 
the sentence of deposition from his kingdom. In 12138, terrified 


_ into submission, the craven-hearted king forced himself at last 


into the humiliation of resigning his crown to Pope Innocent. 
Soon afterwards followed Runnymede and “ Magna Charta,” wrung 
from him by his Barons. On the cruel, nay savage, treatment, 
of the clergy and all christian people, the chroniclers are pain- 
fully explicit! The King’s soldiers ransacked towns, houses, 
churches, and even cemeteries, robbing every one, and sparing 
neither women nor children. Even the Priests, standing at the 
very altars, clad in their sacred robes, were seized, ill-treated, robbed, 
and tortured. Markets and traffic ceased—goods were exposed for 


sale only in churchyards—agriculture was at a stand-still—no one 


dared to go beyond the limits of the churcbes whither they fled for 
sanctuary. 

No wonder, that, amid such and other troubles, nothing could be 
done in the way of removing the cathedral from Old Sarum. Many 
consultations indeed took place between Bishop Herbert and his 


1 Wendover, ii., 352. 


224 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


brother the Dean, and the Canons who formed his Chapter—nay 
even a plot of ground was at one time actually secured as a site for 
the new cathedral, and also sites on which each canon might build 
a house of residence—but, with the demands made on the resources 
of the Church, the expense was far too great to be incurred. Suffer- 
ing great losses and privations, stripped of all that he had devoted 
to pious uses by the rapacity of the King and his soldiery, Bishop 
Herbert was forced to abandon the effort on which he had set his 
heart, and to leave it to be carried out in more peaceful times and 
under happier circumstances, by his brother and successor, Richard 
Poore. 

He survived King John only a few months. He would appear 
to have removed—possibly to have been driven—from Old Sarum, 
and to have spent his closing days at Wilton. There also, it is 
supposed, he found his last resting-place. I know not that we 
have any memorial to him in our present Cathedral. The course of 
this narrative will shew that shortly after its dedication, in 1226, 
the bodies of S. Osmund, Roger, and Joceline, were translated from 
the precincts of the castle to the new fabric, and to each of these 
Bishops there is a memorial—still to be identified with probability 
—within the Cathedral. Nothing would have been more natural 
than that his brother should have provided a memorial also to 
Bishop Herbert. I have sometimes thought it possible that one of 
those thirteenth century effigies, which we have some difficulty in 
identifying, may after all be that of Herbert Poore. His obit 
was celebrated annually, on January 7th, in the Cathedral. 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 225 


RicuarD Poors. 
Dean, 1198—1215. 
Bishop, 1217—1229. 

The successor of Herbert Poore in the see of Sarum was his 
brother (/frater germanus) Richard Poore. He was a native of 
Tarrant (Crawford), in Dorset. He was, we may fairly presume, 
a Canon of the Cathedral, since the office of Dean, to which he was 
elected in 1198, could only be held by one who had been previously 
a member of the cathedral body. In 1215 he was consecrated as 
Bishop of Chichester by Archbishop Stephen Langton. His epis- 
copate there was but a brief one, for in less than two years he was 
recalled to his much-loved Sarum. He left his mark however at 
Chichester, for whilst there he obtained for that see the patronage 
of the Church of Hove, and founded in his Cathedral the prebend 
of Hove, afterwards divided into two, viz., Hove Villa, and Hove 
Ecclesia. He is also said to have purchased Amport in Hants, and 
to have given it to the same Cathedral.! 

William de Wanda, in the account of the building of the new 
Cathedral which he has left us in what is commonly now termed the 
* Register of S. Osmund,” though more correctly designated the 
* Old Register,” (vetus registrum), gives us a few touches, from which 
we glean sufficiently well the different characters of the two brothers.? 
Thus of the former he speaks as a “ far-seeing man and strenuous 
in temporal matters” (vir providus et in temporalibus strenuus) ; 
whilst of the other, as “ most quiet and peace-loving ” (quietissimus 
et pacificus). And without all doubt, during the time that Richard 


1 See Stephens’ “See of Chichester,” p. 73. 

? Bishop Herbert Poore was evidently no great favourite with William de 
Wanda, afterwards Dean. Thus he says of him [Reg. Osmund], “ Licet vir 
esset dives et assiduus, manum, quam ad fortia mittere proposuerat, sub axilla 
reposuit, nec eam ad os ulterius applicare studuit, ut opere compleret quod ore 
promisit:” and again, in words which seem to mean more than he quite likes to 
express plainly, “ Utrum idem Episcopus vir sanguineus fuerit, et ob hoc domum 
Domini edificare non licuerit, an in hoc suo successori, viro quidem quietissimo 
et pacifico, divinitus delatum fuerit, nescio. Deus scit.”—Wilkins’ Concil, i., 552. 


226 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


Poore was Dean he did much for the cathedral body of which he 
was the head. Thus as early as 1213 we have records of several 
statutes passed for its benefit, as, for example, respecting the residence 
of the Canons, their dress and demeanour in choir, and especially 
one entitled a “ Constitution respecting the Vicars.”! At what 
precise period separate prebends were annexed to the several canon- 
ries we are not informed, but it was probably during his time. For 
in 1214 a statute was passed entitled “ De visitatione prebendarum,” 
to which there were no less than thirty-eight assenting Canons, and 
by which he secured to himself and his successors in the office of 
Dean the right from time to time of visiting the various prebendal 
estates, and remedying any abuses that might be found in them. 
On every side there was rejoicing when Ricuarp Poors was trans- 
lated by the Pope to the see of Sarum. The Church itself was 
especially glad because he had long been known there as an earnest 
and painstaking Dean, and withal a man of learning and holy con- 
versation.2, The people at large moreover rejoiced because they 
remembered his loyalty to the crown and nation in days of difficulty, 
and how he was the true and open opposer of Louis, son of the 
French King, to whom the disaffected of the Barons would fain 
have handed over the kingdom and government. The Legate of 
the Holy See, moreover, anxiously promoted his translation because 
in him he had already found a most trusty adviser in “ treating of 
the ecclesiastical affairs of the kingdom.’ Hence it was a cordial 


1In the year 1213 statutes were passed: ‘‘ De majori sigillo custodiendo,”— 
“ De residencia Canonicorum,’’—* De fructibus percipiendis,’—“ De habitu Canon- 
icorum, ’—‘“ De silentio et gestu in choro,’— and, “ De conditione Vicariorum.” 
In the following year (1214) one was passed : “‘ De visitatione prebendarum per 
Decanum.” 

2 William de Wanda waxes quite eloquent, when he speaks of the translation 
of his friend and patron, Richard Poore, to the bishopric of Sarum: “ In ipsius 
translatione specialiter @stwabat ecclesia Sarum. Ad idem etiam totum 
regnum acclamabat, eo quod ipsum invenerat contra Ludovicum, filium Regis 
Francie et suos Francigenas, qui tune temporis regnum ipsum occupare venerant, 
pugilem fidelem et eximium. Dictus etiam Legatus translationem studiose 
procurabat, quia ipsum habuerat in tractandis regni negotiis socium fidelissimum. 
A Domino factum est illud, ut et omnes optarent quod Deus providerat, et quod 
Dominus tandem effecerat quod universalitas postulabat.’—Reg. Osmund. 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 227 


welcome that he received, when he came back from Chichester to 
be wedded to his new bride (nova nupte sue)—already no stranger 
to him—the Church of Sarum. 

Richard Poore’s thoughts at once reverted to his original design 
of removing his cathedral from Old Sarum to a more convenient 
site. The choice of such a spot for the seat of the bishopric in the 
days of the Conqueror shows that it must have been already a place 

“of importance, according to the standard of the time. Yet its 
importance must always have been mainly that of a military post ; 
one can hardly conceive Old Sarum being at any time a place of 
trade, or the home of any considerable population. Moreover the 
relations that existed between the authorities of the Church and 
those of the State whilst the Cathedral was within the precincts of 
the King’s castle, for such was the actual state of the case, were 
anything but amicable. As Dean Pierce tersely expresses it, “ The 
Bishop held the castle but as a keeper, or as a Maistre d’? Hostel, or 
as a tenant 1o the king—only in trust and during pleasure—often 
put in and out, as the King saw good.’’! Indeed Pope Honorius 
III., in his “ bull ” authorising the removal of the cathedral, names 
as a distinct reason for the step, that free access to the Church was 
not to be obtained without leave of the “ Castellan,” or governor of 
the castle.? 

There is among the muniments at Salisbury a document, a copy 
of which, as we learn from Dean Pierce,® was contained in the 
Register of Dean Davyson, which purports to give us an account 
of the circumstances which at last forced the Bishop to seek a new 
site for his Cathedral. It is entitled “ De prima fundacione Saris- 
beriensis Ecclesia.”’ A translation of this document is as follows :— 

“Tt is narrated in the annals of the Bishops of Sarum, among 


1 Vindication of the King’s Sovereign Rights, p. 42. 

2 © Quod non patet aditus ad ecclesiam sine licentia Castellani. Sicque contingit 
quod in capite jejunii, cena Domini, synodis et ordinibus celebrandis ac aliis 
diebus solennibus, fidelibus volentibus ipsam ecclesiam visitare, denegatur in- 
gressus, proponentibus custodibus castri per hoc munitioni periculum imminere.” 
Reg. Osmund. See translation of the bull of Pope Honorius in Ledwych’s 
* Antiquitates Sarisburienses,” p. 70. 

5 Vindication of the King’s Sovereign Rights, p. 40. 


228 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


the acts and doings of Ricuarp [Poorer], of blessed memory, Bishop 
of Sarum, that in olden days the Canons of the church of Sarum 
were wont to reside within the bounds [infra septa] of the castle of 
Old Sarum, and so resided up to the time of the above-named Bishop. 
But in his time there sprung up a persecution [ persecutio] through- 
out the kingdom of England from the Germans [ Al/emanni] and 
others. ‘In consequence of this, the King of England gave com- 
mand to all his sheriffs and castellans that they should carefully 
guard the royal places [/oca regia], and preserve them for the royal 
use, all privileges of ecclesiastical right notwithstanding. Where- 
upon the King’s officers, acting on such instructions, sought how 
they might by some contrivance get rid of the Canons heretofore 
residing within the King’s castle. And this they managed in the 
following way. 

“Tt chanced that on one Rogation-tide, all the Canons together 
with their attendants went in procession from the close of Sarum 
to the church of St. Martin, and, the Rogation-office being completed, 
were returning in due time to the castle, but the officers of the King 
closed the gates against them and would allow none of them to 
enter. Whereupon, as children to a father, and disciples to a master, 
sundry of the Canons went to their Bishop who was then at Wilton, 
telling him of the harsh treatment they had met with, and intreating 
him, as far as he could, with his fatherly care to obtain for them a 
remedy, 

“The Bishop after listening to them is said to have replied, with 
tears, ‘ When they persecute you in one city flee ye to another, —and 
then he added, ‘I vow and promise to Almighty God and the Blessed 
Virgin Mary, that, life being granted to me, I will labour earnestly 
to build an abode [cameram] and a Church for the chaste Virgin, 
the Mother of Christ, away from the King’s castle, and removed 
from the royal power; and you, my children, bear ye your burden 
yet a little while, for verily the days are evil.” And thus he com- 
forted them. 

“ After these things, the Bishop went to the King of England 
praying permission to build for himself and his clerks [sus clericis] 
a new church in honour of the Blessed Virgin, alleging the injury 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 229 


done to himself and his Canons, and to the church of the Blessed 
Mary, in the time of the persecution, and adding that such founda- 
tion should not be in derogation of the rights of the King or of 
the kingdom; and furtber asking from the King, as from his own 
lord, a helping hand [manus adjutrices}. The King graciously 
assented to the Bishop’s prayer, and moreover gave him permission 
to go to the Supreme Pontiff at Rome, asking for his sanction also 
for the building of his church. Whereupon the Bishop, giving 
thanks to God, and placing his manors, and his chattels moveable 
and immoveable [catalla mobilia et immobilia], as a pledge in the 
King’s hands, went to the Court of Rome, and asked from the Pope 
a license to found the aforesaid church. The supreme Pontiff not 
only assented, but graciously gave the Bishop a letter addressed 
to the King, in which he urged him, as far as he might, to assist 
the Bishop in carrying out his work. The Bishop left the Pope 
with joy, and was hastening back to his own country. Whilst 
on the way, there met him a messenger who told him that the King 
of England was dead. When the Bishop heard this he began to 
meditate seriously within himself, fearing lest all his trouble had 
been in vain. But when eventide was come, and the holy man had 
given himself to sleep, there appeared to him in his dream the 
glorious Virgin [virgo gloriosa], who straightway consoled him, and 
bidding him cast away his fears, and with perseverance carry out 
the wishes of his heart, promised to be his helper (adjutrix) in all 
his difficulties. Awaking from his sleep the Bishop was not a little 
comforted, and straightway hastened homewards. Meanwhile a new 
King (Henry III.) had been crowned, and was tarrying awhile at 
Westminster. To him therefore the Bishop, the first to approach 
him with a prayer after his coronation, went without fear, and asked 
permission to transfer his church from the castle at Sarum. The 
King, guided by sound counsel, assented to the Bishop’s prayer, and 
withal gave a royal charter bestowing upon him and his successors, 
and on the church of the Blessed Mary at Sarum, royal privileges; 
adding sundry gifts, and promising more. As soon as the holy 
pastor returned to his flock he called them all together, priests and 
people [clericum et populum], and then told them what he had done, 
4 VOL. XVIII.—NO. LI. R 


280 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


and what had befallen him on the way, and what were his hopes for 
his church, whereupon in their gratitude they chanted forth with 
joy ‘ Blessed be he that cometh in the name of the Lord.’ 
“Meanwhile the holy Bishop betakes him to his work, anxious 
now to find a proper site whereon to build his church. At last he be- 
thought himself that he might obtain one from the Abbess of Wilton, 
by reason of the surrounding advantages of water and wood, and a 
good town, already famous and supplied with all necessary things, 
Accordingly he proposed to the Abbess that he should build his church 
in a meadow close by Wilton. But when, on a certain occasion, 
the Bishop went over to Wilton on this business, to examine the 
proposed site, a certain old seamstress (quedam vetula filatria) said 
to one of her companions— I marvel,’ quoth she, ‘ concerning that 
Bishop who cometh over so often to Wilton: perchance he meaneth 
to marry the Abbess, for since he came from Rome he so often cometh 
hither. Methinks the Holy Father may perhaps have granted him 
a dispensation, so that he may take her to wife.’ But her companion 
answered her, ‘ Nay, it is not so—it is a false report concerning the 
holy man. He meaneth to transfer his church and his close to 
Wilton, and therefore he cometh hither.’ Then answered that old 
seamstress (t/a vetula filatriv), ‘Hath not the Bishop land of his 
own, but that he must needs spoil the Abbess? Verily he hath 
many more sites on which he may build his church besides this at 
Wilton.’ When the holy man heard of these words, he straightway 
bethought himself of choosing a site on his own proper demésne (im 
dominio suo proprio). But he was troubled in mind, and so com- 
mended himself to the Most High God, by whose Providence no 
one is deceived, and to the Blessed Virgin Mary. On the following 
night he was comforted by a certain vision. There appeared to him 
the Blessed Virgin Mary, telling him that he should choose as the 
site whereon to build his church a place called Myrrevp. ‘The 
Bishop, much comforted by the vision, gave thanks to God. <A few 
days afterwards, as the Bishop, unable to recollect where there was 
a place of the name indicated to him, was walking out, Almighty 
God so ordering it, one of his servants exclaimed in his hearing that 
he saw a yoke of oxen in a meadow which he called by the name of 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 231 


Myrretp. Whereupon the Bishop enquired of the people standing 
around more particularly concerning that place, and having certified 
himself respecting it, founded there the venerable church of the 
Blessed Mary at Sarum, in the year of grace, 1220; to wit, on the 
day of St. Vitalis the Martyr, in the month of April.” 

Of course some allowance must be made for the legendary form 
of the above narrative. There are chronological difficulties in 
a literal acceptation of its statements, inasmuch as Richard Poore 
did not become Bishop of Sarum till after the accession of 
Henry III. to the throne. Still there are certain facts which it 
seems fairly enough to establish, as to the various efforts made from 
time to time to remove the cathedral and the see from Old Sarum, 
and also as to a site having been at last found on land belonging to 
Bishop Richard Poore himself, in fact, on his private property, for 
the expression in the original “ in dominio suo proprio,” can mean no 
less than this. The reverence of the age for the Blessed Virgin may 
well account too for the idea which at all events was at one time 
prevalent—perhaps there are some that cling to it even to this 
day—that the name “ Myr-field” was, after all, but a form of 
“ Mary-field.” A far simpler explanation however is to be found 
in the fact, that the site chosen was at the very point of junction of 
the ¢iree ancient hundreds of Underditch, Alderbury, and Cawdon, 
and was therefore naturally enough called mer-felde, i.e., boundary- 
field. To this day the wall or boundary of the Close at Sarum, 
which itself is in the hundred of Underditch, is the division between 
the cathedral precincts and the parish of Britford which is in the 
hundred of Cawdon. 

It will be well to trace, as they are placed before us in formal 
documents, the various steps that were taken for carrying out the 
great work of Richard Poore’s episcopate—the building a Cathedral 
at New Sarum. 

Very shortly after his return to Sarum active efforts were com- 
menced. In 1218 he summoned his Chapter—a// his Canons that 
is, the only sense in which “ Chapter ” is used in olden days'—and 


! So it is expressly stated in the Statutes of Lincoln Cathedral :—*Quinquaginta 
et sex canonici cum capite suo corpus et capitulum constituunt ; negotia Ecclesia 
et secreta tractant.” Novum Registrum, p. 28. 

R 2 


232 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


took counsel with them. Without their concurrence he could, and 
would, do nothing. Well acquainted, as he was, with the laws and 
customs of his Church, he fully recognised the Canons of his Cathe- 
dral as forming together one corporate body, with the Bishop at 
their head, for the service of the cathedral and the administration 
of the diocese.' Amongst those who formed the “ Chapter ” on this 
occasion were Adam of Ivelchester (or Ilchester) the Dean, and 
William de Wanda, who had quite recently been appointed Precentor. 
It was determined, first of all, to send special messengers to 
Rome, asking permission from the Pope for the removal of the 
cathedral and for the blessing of the Holy Father on the under- 
taking ; and, secondly, as their own offering, to devote one fourth of 
their revenues for the next seven years to the furtherance of the 
good work.? The delegates from the Chapter, whom William de 
Wanda describes as “ suwmmos nuncios,’ carried with them letters 
from Cardinal Gualo, Legate of the Apostolic See in England, which 
had been framed on an inquisition taken by him concerning the 
matter with the object of laying open the necessities of the Church, 
the distresses of the clergy, and the inconvenience of the situation. 
In due time they returned from Rome, bringing with them a bull 
from the Pope (Honorius III.) fully sanctioning the work, and 
giving them authority to proceed with it. 

In the following year (1219) a real commencement was made, for 
the Bishop seems to have set apart a portion of the site as a cemetery, 


1The scrupulous way in which Bishop Richard Poore always consulted his 
chapter is especially to be noticed; many instances of this will occur in the course 
of the narrative. He must have been well aware of the reproof administered not 
many years before by Pope Alexander III. (in 1180) to the Patriarch of Jerusalem 
for making certain appointments without consulting his Chapter :—* Novit tue 
discretionis prudentia, qualiter tu et fratres tui unum corpus sitis, ita quod tu 
caput, et illi membra esse probantur. Unde non decet te, omissis membris, 
aliorum consilio in ecclesiz tue negotiis uti; cum id, non sit dubium, et hones- 
tati tue et sanctorum patrum institutionibus contrarium.” Decret. Lib. IIL., 
Tit. x., cap. iv. 

2A copy of this decree of chapter, translated, will be found in “ Antiquitates 
Sarisburienses,’ pp. 72-74. The quarterly payments were to be made in the 
Chapter House of Sarum on the Feast of All Saints, the Purification of S. Mary 
the Virgin, the Feast of the Ascension, and “Ad Vincula S. Petri.” See 
Wilkins’ Concilia, i., 552. 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 233 


and erected a temporary wooden Chapel,! in which, on the Trinity 
Sunday of that year, he celebrated divine service. Meanwhile he 
again called his Chapter together—for though summoned I presume 
by the Dean it is expressly stated that it was in pursuance of 
“the mandate of the Bishop citing all the Canons ””—on the Feast 
of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin (August 15th), and then, 
in addition to certain resolutions concerving building houses of 
residence,2 it was determined that the translation of the cathedral 
should take place on the Feast of All Saints (November Ist), then 
next following; and further that sundry of the Canons should go 
as “preachers,” or collectors of alms, in behalf of the new cathedral, 
to various dioceses. William de Wanda the Precentor went to the 
diocese of London; Hugh de Garherst to that of Winchester ; 
William de Wilton to Exeter; Luke, described as the King’s 
Treasurer (Zhesaurarius Regis), to Chichester; Robert, “ The Scot,” 
fittingly enough to Scotland.* 


1 A.D. 1219.—* Inchoata fuit nova capella lignea apud Novum Sarum in hono- 
rum Beatz Marie Virginis.” Reg. Osmund. Under the same year we have an 
entry also relating to Richard de Clifford, who on his decease left to the Church 
of Sarum, “unum cipheum aureum et cochlearium unum.” Wilkins’ Concil, 
1., 555. 

2 A decree was made that “the heirs of the first builders of houses of residence, 
as well Vicars as Canons, should receive two parts of the value of what should be 
built, the third part being yielded for the land; the collation and appointment to 
the houses, after the first sale of the vacant houses, to be left to the Bishop ; but 
the family of the deceased person who first built, or the persons to whom the said 
two parts were assigned, were to remain in possession of the said houses, till 
satisfaction were made of the aforesaid value according to the last will of the 
deceased Canon.” ‘ 

3 When a Cathedral needed rebuilding or repairing, the Bishop selected from 
among his clergy a few “ preachers,” and along with them sent a saint’s shrine 
(feretrum), in which were enclosed relics, to be carried by young clerks in pro- 
cession through the country. On reaching a town these relics were forthwith 
taken to the Church and left on one of its altars during their stay there. The 
“preacher” spoke to the crowds who flocked thither, and those who could afford 
it threw their offerings on the altar or on the shrine. Thus, in the old statutes 
of Lichfield (Mon. Angl. viii., 1257), we read “ Si contingat quod feretrum debeat 
per aliquas partes remotas ad elemosinas colligendas deportari, solempnis 
debet ficri pulsatio, quando feretrwm affertur et quando refertur.” See Rock's 
Church of our Fathers, iii., 481. 


234 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


William de Wanda gives us rather a graphic account of the diffi- 
culty the Bishop experienced in obtaining the services of such 
** preachers,” or, rather, “‘seekers of alms” (¢mmo magis elemosynarum 
petitores) in the various dioceses of England. He first applied to 
the “ Vicars,” and asked them to volunteer for such a good work, 
and they gave their assent. But on the morrow they changed their 
minds, and, notwithstanding the Bishop’s earnest words, declined to 
undertake the office... He then turned to the Canons of his church, 
and with “sighs and even tears” besought them, for the love of God, 
to take upon them this high office and privilege. Even amongst them 
there were not a few who excused themselves on various grounds, 
and the good Precentor, who writes the narrative and was himself 
one of the volunteers, is careful to explain that those who went on 
this errand did so at the cost of no small personal sacrifices :—“ in- 
stante Nativitate Domini, relictis propriis domiciliis et que sibi 
paraverunt ad dies festos, peregre profecti sunt, unusquisque ad 
regionem sibi deputatam.” 

We are not told, as far as I know, the result of their efforts. 
Enough success however seems to have been secured to justify 
further steps. For on the Feast of St. Vitalis (28th April), in the 
year 1220, the foundations of the new church were laid. It wasa 
solemn function proposed by the good Bishop, at which he had hoped 
for the presence of many of the chief people of the realm. But the 
King and his nobles were on the borders of Wales making a treaty 
with the Welsh. Still, though few earls or barons were present, the 
common people flocked in from all parts. And on the day appointed, 
after secret prayer, and solemn invocation of the grace of the Holy 
Spirit, the Bishop, bare-headed and bare-footed, walked slowly, ac- 
companied by the Canons of his church, singing the litany, to the 
place of foundation. There, after an address to the assembled people, 
five stones were laid by the Bishop—the first for the Pope, Honorius 
IIL.; a second for Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury and 


1 William de Wanda is very severe on the Vicars who thus changed their 
minds: “In crastino, vel pravorum consilio, vel instinctu diabolico, quod prius 
annuerant penitus renuerunt, nec unus ex omnibus eis inventus est, qui in se 
onus istud ob ecclesiz suze honorem susciperet.” Reg. Osmund. 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 235 


Cardinal of the Roman Church; a. third for himself; a fourth for 
William de Longespée, Earl of Salisbury ; the fifth for Ela, his wife, 
“a woman worthy of all honour because full of the fear of God.” 
After these, a few others, (quidam magnates, pauci tamen) each laid 
a stone; then Adam the Dean, William de Wanda the Precentor, 
Hugh the Chancellor, and then the Archdeacons and Canons who 
were present did the same, amid the acclamations of the people, 
many weeping for joy, and all contributing their alms with a ready 
mind, according to the ability which God had given them. Within 
a short time the nobles returning from Wales, several of them came 
hither, and laying each their stone, bound themselves to some special 
contribution for the seven years next following. 

And now the work was commenced in earnest. There is a tra- 
dition that the good Bishop watched its progress from time to time, 
and that for awhile, at all events, he built for himself a kind of 
“ prophet’s chamber,” in which he might lodge, so as to be on the 
spot, and able personally to urge on the great work which he had 
undertaken. And tradition further marks out the site of the Bishop’s 
lodging as having been at what is now called Mitre-corner, but which 
in olden times, if I mistake not, was an hostel designated by the sign 
of “The Lamb.” ‘To this day a Bishop, on the occasion of his 
enthronization, starts in procession from the spot I have indicated, 
and a very old custom it is; for I have seen a document by which 
certain officials of the cathedral are declared to be entitled to the 
carpet on which the Bishop walked—some to that strewn from the 
“Lamb Hostelry” (ad ostio hospicii agni) to the west-door—others 
to that from the west door to the high altar—or from the high altar 
to the Bishop’s throne—or from the throne to the altar in the 
Treasury... How far the tradition I have referred to has much 
truth in it I venture not to say, still it is one of those testimonies— 
the force of which we cannot gainsay—to the real earnestness with 
which the Bishop threw his whole soul into the great work of 
building a new cathedral. 


1 See a “Processional’’ of the date of the fifteenth century in the Cathedral 
library. MS. 145, fol. 45. 


236 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


Within three months of the solemn inauguration of his under- 
taking, on the Festival of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin 
(August 15th, 1220), another Chapter was held, the Bishop bemg 
present as himself a Canon, at which it was enacted, for the greater 
security of the performance of the work, in the event of any Canon of 
the Church failing to pay what he had promised to the fabric-fund, that, 
next after fifteen days from the term elapsed, some one should be 
sent, on the part of the Bishop and Chapter, to raise what was due 
from the corn found on the prebend, and, so long as the said Proctor 
of the Chapter should remain there for the purpose, he was to 
be maintained with all necessaries by the goods of the said prebend. 
And if the prebend of any Canon failing in the payment of what 
was proposed were in any other diocese, such Canon should be de- 
nounced to his own Bishop, by the letters of the Chapter, for his 
contumacy, and be suspended from entering the church, or from 
celebration of divine service, or excommunicated, as the Chapter 
might think fit. 

At the close of this general convocation of the Canons, which 
commenced on the morrow of the Feast of the Assumption, and 
lasted for three days, Adam the Dean went to Sunning where he 
arrived on the octave of the Assumption (August 22nd, 1220), for 
the purpose no doubt of visiting the prebendal estates, and enquiring, 
as was his duty, into various matters connected with the performance 
of divine service there. He was suddenly taken ill and died within 
two days, namely, on the eve of the Feast of St. Bartholomew, 
August 24th. His body was brought for interment to Sarum. 

The narrative of William de Wanda, who was elected Dean at a 
Chapter held on Sunday next after the Exaltation of the Holy Cross 
(September 14th), and who gives us a very interesting account of 
the way in which he was chosen by the votes of the Canons—the 
Bishop, as De Wanda takes especial care to tell us, being himself 
present as a Canon (Dominus autem Episcopus qui et Canonicus est) 
and, as it would appear, promoting his success—here has a break 
in it for some five years, and proceeds to describe the solemn 


1 Reg. Osmund. Wilk. Concilia, i., 556. 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 237 


consecration, in 1225, of such portion of the Cathedral as was then 
completed, comprising probably very little if any more than what 
we now call the Lady Chapel. 

During those jive years however both Bishop and Dean were 
exerting themselves strenuously for their cathedral, and, according 
to Matthew Paris, they succeeded in enlisting the help and sym- 
pathies of many others.’ He gives us what he calls an “ elegant”? 
distich in memory of it, which it is not easy to translate :— 


“ Rex largitur opes, fert Presul opem, lapicide 
Dant operam; tribus his, est opus ut stet opus.” 


It will be well to gather up from documents and incidental notices 
relating to those five years (1220—1225) some glimpses of Bishop 
Richard Poore and his fellow-workers. 

First of all, I may say that it was a noble band that he had 
gathered around him. To his Dean, who threw his whole soul into 
the work, we are indebted for a full account of the proceedings. 
There is an entry in the account of the election of Robert Bingham 
as the successor of Richard Poore which seems to imply, that, had it 
not been for the accident of his birth, William de Wanda himself 
‘might have been Bishop of Sarum. The Register which goes by 
the name of S. Osmund is far more accurately to be described as his, 
or—as I have once at least seen it called—that of Richard Poore. 
Then as Precentor in those days there was Roger of Sarum, holding at 
that time annexed to his stall the prebend of Teynton Regis,’ soon 
afterwards judged worthy of advancement to the see of Bath and 
Wells.2 Then there was Henry de Bishopeston, a man of real 


1The words of Matthew Paris, “Chronica Majora,” iii., 391 (Rolls Edition), 
are as follows: “ Ad quod opus promovendum, non tantum Episcopus, immo Rex, 
et cum eo multi magnates manum porrexerunt adjutricem. Unde quidam ait satis ~ 
eleganter. ‘Rex largitur opes,’ &c.” The lines are really from a poem entitled 
* De translatione veteris ecclesiz Sarisburiensis et constructione nove,” by Henry 
of Avranches, a kind of court poet to Henry III. See Warton’s Hist. of English 
Poetry, iii., 189. In the poem (which is in MS. Cantab Univ. Lib., Dd. 11. 78) 
the words are: “ Rex igitur det opes, Prasul det opem, Lapicide,” &c. 


2 See Oliver’s History of the Bishops of Exeter, p. 415. 
3 See Freeman’s History of the Church of Wells, p. 106. 


238 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


learning, who “read the decretals at Oxford” and then “ governed 
the schools” at New Sarum—by which I understand that he was 
Chancellor (ad cujus officium pertinet scholas regere), who in truth 
was elected Dean but declined the offered dignity. Then as 
Treasurer, there was Edmund Rich (or Edmund of Abingdon), so 
soon afterwards summoned from his prebend of Calne, where he was 
caring for the interests temporal and spiritual of his flock, to fill the 
chair of Canterbury, an Englishman in name, and race, and heart, 
who had to wage a weary strife alike against Pope and King—our 
second sainted Edmund, whose memory still seems fresh among us 
from the chapel in the cathedral which can still be identified as 
his, and the church of St. Edmund and its once noble foundation, 
dedicated to him in this city. And then, in his Archdeacon of 
Wilts, who was also a Canon of his cathedral, he had Robert 
Grosseteste, perhaps, in force of character, the greatest of them all, 
soon called to be Bishop of Lincoln, and whilst there the rebuker 
of Popes, the hammer and despiser of the Romans, whom neither 
favours nor threats could cause to swerve one hair’s breadth from 
what he felt to be the path of duty. Besides these there were Robert 
Bingham (his successor in this see) ; and Luke, described as the 
King’s Treasurer and Dean of St. Martin’s, London; and Martin de 
Patteshull, afterwards Dean of St. Paul’s; and Elias de Derham, 
described as “ Rector” of the new church for twenty-five years from 
its foundation, an office corresponding, it may be, with that of 
“Magister Fabrice ;” and Henry de Teissun, who had been the 
delegate from the Chapter to the Pope, and brought from Rome the 
bull authorising the translation of the Church ; and Philip, Abbot 
of Sherborne, who, in virtue of his abbacy held a stall in the cathe- 
dral, and who, though recently opposed to his diocesan,’ had now 


1 Philip, Abbot of Sherborne (c¢. 1222-26), had entered on his abbacy without 
the special authority of Herbert, Bishop of Sarum. There is a deed in “Osmund’s 
Register’ by which he pledges himself that for the future no abbot of Sherborn 
should be enthroned unless by the Bishop of Sarum, or by his special mandate. By 
virtue of his office the Abbot of Sherborne held a prebend, (ita ut qui Abbas 
fuerit locum in choro et capitulo obtineat) that of Loders being assigned 
to him. Reg. Osmund. fol. xxvii. See Hutchins, Dorset, i., 377, 384. 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 239 


made his submission, and no doubt worked well and zealously with 
his Bishop. These and others, a goodly array of great and worthy 
fellow-workers, rallied round the good Bishop in his efforts to build 
his cathedral. 

There are indications moreover that some contributed in kind, 
and others in personal labour, to the work. The expression in the 
couplet already quoted from Matthew Paris, “ Lapicide dant operam,” 
may fairly be interpreted as implying some such offering on the part 
of the workers in stone; and amongst things “ excerpted out of the 
Martyrologe Boke at Saresbyrie” by Leland, was this entry, that one 
** Alice Bruer gave all the marble to the church for ten years'’”! Itis 
some little interest to know that this same Alice Bruer held in dower, 
by gift of her husband, the manor of Worth (Matravers), in Dorset, 
and further, that Downshay, in the Isle of Purbeck, which is in 
that parish, is the “ stéus manerit.”” Now, close to the farm-house 
at Downshay, it so happens that are still to be seen the remains of 
worked-out quarries of marble. It is hardly possible to avoid the 
conclusion that the Purbeck shafts and capitals in our cathedral 
were derived from that source. 

As though in contrast with the band of really great and learned 
men that Richard Poore had gathered around him at Sarum, we 
find that the state of the clergy generally was very sad indeed— 
ignorance being prevalent everywhere. Of course the difficult times 
through which they had passed rendered such a state of things to 
a certain extent unavoidable. We have striking proof given us in 
some records found in the Old Register, to which allusion has been 
so often made.* ‘They relate to the visit paid by William de Wanda, 
immediately after his appointment as Dean, to those prebends or 


1See Wilts Mag., i. 169. 


2? The extracts from the Regist. Osmund. to which allusion is here made, are 
given, together with others to the same effect, in Maskell’s “ Ancient Liturgy of 
the Church of England,’ p. 181. In the Old Register itself they are written in 
a cotemporary hand, and were most probably the authentic record of the time. 
They are valuable as showing the discipline that was maintained, even in those 
disturbed days, and proving that the “Canon of the Mass” was made the test 

of competent knowledge. 


240 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


estates over which he exercised special jurisdiction. It may not be 
generally known, that, even to a very recent period, the Dean of 
Sarum exercised this authority, not only delivering charges and 
making the usual enquiries on the occasion of his visitation, but 
examining candidates for orders who were about to take charge of 
any of those parishes, and giving his certificate of their competency 
to the Bishop in order to their ordination by him, they after- 
wards holding their appointments with the formal license of the 
Dean. Accordingly, on the vigil of S. Michael (1220), William de 
Wanda commenced such a visitation at Sunning, enquiring not only 
into the state and competency of the clergy, but also concerning 
the “ ornaments,” including under this title the various service-books 
of the churches. An extract or two may be interesting. At Sunning 
there was one Vitalis, as Perpetual Vicar. He presented to the Dean 
one of his “ capellani,” by name Simon, who, asked concerning his 
orders, stated that he was ordained a Sub-Deacon at Oxford by a 
certain Irish Bishop named Albinus, then Suffragan (Vicario) of 
the Bishop of Lincoln; that he was ordained Deacon by the same ; 
and Priest, by Hugh, Bishop of Lincoln, some four years previously. 
Examined in the gospel for the first Sunday in Advent, he was found 
utterly wanting, not in the least understanding what he read. 
Tested concerning the “Canon of the Mass,” which commences 
“ Te igitur clementissime Pater rogamus,’ &c., he had no idea 
whatever in what case “TE” was, or by what word in the sen- 
tence it was governed. The Dean requested Simon the Chaplain 
to look again carefully at the words, when, after a little thought, he 
said that he supposed “Tu”’ was governed by “ Pater,” because 
“the Father governs all things.””! The Dean then asked him the 
case of “ clementissime,”’ and how to decline the word, and in truth 
its simple meaning—but on all points Simon professed his ignorance. 


1 The original account is as follows—‘ Nescivit cujus casus esset ‘Te’ nee a 
qua parte regeretur. Et cum dictum esset ei, ut diligenter inspiceret que pars 
competentius regere ‘Te,’ dixit, quod Pater, qui omnia regit. Requisitus quid 
esset ‘clementissime,’ vel cujus casus, vel qualiter declinaretur; nescivit. Re- 
quisitus super quo fuisset probatus quando ordinem presbyteratus accessit : dicit 
quod non meminit. Suflicienter illiteratus est.” Reg. Osmund. fol. xli. 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 241 


He further knew nothing about the antiphons—nor of the singing 
of hymns—not even of the well-known one ‘“‘ Nocte surgentes ?— 
nothing of the “ Divine office”—nothing whatever of the psalter 
by heart,’ though the ability to repeat the psalter was then required 
of every deacon before his admission to the order of the priesthood. 
Asked by whom and in what he was examined before his ordination 
as a Priest, Simon could not remember, and in the end, contented 
himself by protesting against the unbecoming course adopted by the 
Dean of examining one already ordained at all. Notwithstanding 
his protest the Dean—and no wonder—took a decided course, and 
pronounced him to be “ sufficiently unlearned” (sufficienter illiteratus 
est). 

In like manner the chaplains of Hurst, Sandhurst, Roscomb, 
and Erburgh—all then dependencies of Sunning—were examined. 
Several at the first entered into a private agreement among them- 
selves not to reply at all to the questions of the Dean, and only did 
so on his stoutly insisting upon it (2d magnam instanciam Dni 
Decani). They were found sadly incompetent—one could neither 
read nor sing—another, after floundering about a little while, refused 
to attempt any further answer, and was promptly suspended from his 
functions—a third, old and blind withal, could neither see nor repeat 
by heart the words of the canon or of the gospel, and he was for- 
bidden to officiate any more. Vitalis himself, the Perpetual Vicar 
of Sunning, was therefore admonished that, unless he obtained the 
services of more efficient “ capellani”’—in these days we should call 
them “ Assistant Curates ”—the Dean would take the benefices into 
his own hands. 

The extracts bearing on these matters from the Old Register are 
very interesting, as they contain an enumeration of the “ornaments,” 
both of the churches and ministers. Of course there were examina- 
tions in which the candidates were declared to be “ sufficiently 
learned ” (sufficienter literati), but they were the exception rather 


'See Rock’s Church of our Fathers, i1i.,5. A Vicar Choral of Sarum, when 
admitted a probationer, took an oath to the same effect :—* Psalterium bene 
_ addiscam infra annum.” See Cath. Com. Rep., p. 382. 


242 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


than the rule, and the good Dean was compelled, I fear, at the last 
to accept a very low standard of efficiency. 

There can be little doubt but that during those five years of which 
I am now speaking the Cathedral Chapter itself was reorganised. 
The number of Canons established by Bishop Osmund, including the 
“four principal persons,” was, it would seem, ¢hirty-siz. The suc- 
cessive charters contained among the episcopal muniments, and entries 
in the Old Register also, record manifold gifts during the intervening 
century, so that we find that in Bishop Richard Poore’s time there 
were no less than jifty-two Canons, the Bishop, in virtue of his 
prebend of Horton, having also a place in Chapter as a Canon, and 
making the fifty-third... Moreover a new, or at least an enlarged, 
constitution seems to be alluded to in what is called “ Capituli 
Sarisburiensis prima Convocatio,” which was held in 1225, a list of 
all the Canons cited to attend being given in the Old Register. 
We have no certain information, as far as I know at present, as to 
the precise period at which certain lands, or ‘ prebende,” were 
annexed to the several stalls held by the Canons, and without the 
possession of which no member of the Cathedral body—not even an 
Archdeacon—even though he might have a “stall in choir,” could 
claim to have a “voice in chapter,”? Originally, as we know, there 
was one common fund out of which all the members of the cathedral, 
in regular gradation, from the highest personage—the Dean—down 
to the humblest servitor, received his support and sustenance. The 
Bishop indeed, though described as the head of the cathedral, the 
Dean and Canons forming with him one body (unum corpus), would 
seem, from earliest times, to have had his separate estates. And ata 


1In the account given in the Old Register (p. 160) of the election of Robert 
Bingham as Bishop, in 1229, it is said “Summa omnium Canonicorum est 52, 
preter Episcopum qui est Canonicus, et est 53%.” At first the prebend of 
Horton was held by the Bishop but in the year 1254, in the time of William of 
York, this was exchanged for the prebend of Potterne. Reg. Osmund. fol. xx. 

2 There is in the statute book of the Cathedral, as framed in 1319 by Bishop 
Roger de Mortival, a statute entitled “ De non admittendis ad tractatus Capituli 
qui nondum sunt assecuti corpora prebendarum,” and to this there is a significant 
marginal note to this effect : “ Mota—contra Archidiaconos qui non habent corpora 


prebendarum.” 


a i 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 243 


very early period also each Canon obtained his separate “ prebend,” 
for in the charter of Henry II., in 1162, we have a distinct mention 
of the prebend of Rotefen (afterwards exchanged for Winterbourn 
Earls), and in the same charter it is stated that Bishop Jocelin had 
created a separate prebend out of the moiety of the oblations of the 
principal altar.’ There is mention also of a special grant of a virgate 
of land (about thirty-two acres) for the correction, or, as I take it, 
the repair of the books,’ a duty devolving on the Chancellor ; and 
it is an interesting fact, that, until quite recently, a small portion of 


land at or near Old Sarum (in Stratford in fact) was always held 


by lease under the Chancellor. Moreover, as early as 1141 (as 
appears by a charter of King Stephen) the Churches of Odiham and 
Bricklesworth (or Brixworth) were bestowed as an endowment on the 
same high dignitary (ad opus magistri scole Sar.), and we know 
that the prebend of Bricklesworth was always annexed to the 
Chancellorship, until in 1864, by an act of the Close Chapter to 
say the least of questionable legality, it was unhappily divorced 
from it, in defiance of the traditions of more than seven hundred 
years. Each prebend no doubt was sufficiently valuable to render 
the great majority of the Canons indifferent as to obtaining that 
increase in income which residence at the cathedral afforded from 
the common fund, the more so as the expenses of such residence 
were so disproportionate to such increase as to lead them to speak 
of it as “bearing the burden and heat of the day.”? Hence the 
necessity of statutes which should provide not only for the resi- 
dence of the Canons,* but also for the due visitation of the prebendal 
estates from time to time. During the time that Richard Poore 


_ 1“Medietatem oblationum principalis altaris sicut Jocelinus Episcopus dedit 


eam in prebendam. This is the prebend of “ Winor,” or (as it was sometimes 


termed) “ Media pars Altaris.” 

_ 2? This was made in 1220. The document is printed in Hatcher and Benson, 

p- 726. “Carta Ricardi Episcopi Sarum de donacone fact. Cancellario pro libris 

corrigendis.” 

_ 3 This is the expression used in Bishop Roger de Mortival’s Statutes. See cap. 

iv. De contributione pro communibus ecclesiz negotiis communiter facienda.”’ 
4 As regards the residence of the Canons there were two statutes passed, one in 

1214, when Richard Poore was Dean, and another in 1222, when he was Bishop. By 


244 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


held the office of Dean (as we have already intimated), and after he 
became Bishop, sundry statutes were passed—all implying that he 
made every effort that his Chapter should be efficient not only for 
the spiritual work of the cathedral, but, as the Bishop’s council, be 
helpful in the various works of his diocese. 

The same care for his Cathedral would seem to be implied in that 
very interesting inventory of the “ Ornamenta Ecclesia,” 1 which is 
contained in this same Old Register, which gives a list of them as 
they were found in 1214, the time when Richard Poore was Dean, 
and as they were accounted for by Abraham, Treasurer of the Cathe- — 
dral, in 1222. Of course this inventory refers to the cathedral of 
Old Sarum, and would seem to have been specially taken at this 
time with a view to the removal of these “ ornaments” to the new 
cathedral, the eastern portion of which was now slowly rising from 
the ground. Some few of them are interesting enough. There were 
no less than four pastoral staffs, one of them treasured no doubt 
highly, though broken, because once belonging to the saintly 
Osmund. Many a cope was also treasured up, once worn by Canons 
then resting beneath the shadow of the old Cathedral—of Bishop 
Roger—of Azo and Richard, successive Archdeacons of Sarum—of 
Ranulf, Treasurer—of John, Succentor. There was a pall which 
Bishop Herbert had offered at the tomb of St. Osmund. There 
was a large silken veil, besides smaller veils of the same costly 
material, for the sepulchre and the fonts. There was also in 1214 
a chasuble which was afterwards used at the burial of Thomas, 
Treasurer of the cathedral, for it was the custom for priests to be 
buried in their sacred vestments.? 


the former it was ordered that one fourth part of the Canons should reside together 
with the four dignitaries (Quatuor Person), or pay the fifth part of their prebends 
to the common fund; by the Jatter this provision was so far modified, for a time 
at least, “consideratis gravaminibus que sustinent canonici tam in edificatione at 
domorum quam in prestatione fabrice nove,” that each Canon for the seven 
next ensuing years should only have to reside forty days. This last statute was 
entitled “Constitutio Ricardi Episcopi Sarum cum consensu Decani et Canoni- 
corum de residencia facienda.” See Cath. Com. Rep., pp. 12, 370. 
1 This is printed in Hatcher and Benson, p. 718. 
2 Rock’s “ Church of our Fathers,” ii., 304. 


ee es ee 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 245 


But there is another great work, which, in the form at all events 
in which it appears in the Old Register, was, I believe, compiled at 
this same eventful period in the history of our Cathedral. What is 
commonly termed the “ Consuetudinary of S. Osmund ”—the oldest 
MS. of which is found in this same register—must have been so 
arranged about the year 1222, because (first of all) the handwriting 
is of the same character and date as the narrative of De Wanda 
the Dean (which is bound up in the same volume), and then, in the 
next place, because there is a reference in it to the “ Festival of S. 
Michael in monte tumba” (§. xliv.), which was appointed as a lesser 
holiday by the Council of Oxford in A.D. 1222. As regards S. 
Osmund himself, what he did was this—to choose out of the 
practices he saw in use around him and so to arrange the church 
offices that the clergy might have one uniform rule to guide them 
whilst performing their respective functions within the sanctuary, 
and their several duties amid their flocks. To a great extent, 
probably, the “ Consuetudinary ” is as Osmund left it; though the 
opening sentence (as we have it) seems to imply that it only professes 
to be an account of what he ordained, and not the original document 
itself." A work of this kind in any case could net at once have 
arrived at anything like completeness, but must have been gradually 
compiled, and adapted from time to time to the changing circum- 
stances of the church itself. 

As in some sort a corroboration of the view now advanced of the 
Consuetudinary having been arranged, as we now have it, in prospect 
of the consecration of the new cathedral, two interesting facts 
may be mentioned. Henry de Loundres, Archbishop of Dublin 
(1213-28), who was present on that occasion, was the prelate who 
in 1219 erected S. Patrick’s Dublin into a Cathedral Church, and 
very shortly afterwards a copy of the Consuetudinary was made for 
its use, that so its ordinal might be “ad exemplar insignis Ecclesia 
Sarum.” Again, in the year 1223, among the acts and statutes of 


1 The opening words are as follows: “ Personas, et eorum officia, dignitates, et 
consuetudines, quibus Ecclesia Sarisbiriensis ordinatur et regitur, juxta institu- 


onem felicis memorize Osmundi, presens tractatus explanat.” The document 
itself is entitled “ De officiis ecclesiasticis tractatus.” 
VOL. XVIII.—NO. LIII. Ss 


246 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


Gervase, Bishop of S. David’s, was one which established the pre- 
centorship there, and ordained that the office of S. Mary the Virgin 
and that for the dead should be according to the ordinal of the 
Church of Sarum.’ 

But now these five years are drawing to a close, and the Bishop 
saw the new Cathedral rising from the ground. The alms of the 
faithful were given ungrudgingly, supplementing the offerings made 
by the Bishop and his cathedral body. For, in obedience to 
his directions, all Priests in the diocese put dying persons in 
mind of a charitable contribution to the cathedral, and in many 
churches throughout England offerings were given on behalf of the 
same good object. Hence, in the year 1225, the Bishop seeing the 
new building sufficiently advanced to admit of divine service being 
celebrated in it, dtrected William de Wanda the Dean, to cite all 
the Canons for the Festival of S. Michael and All Angels then next 
ensuing. On the previous day, which, as it happened, fell on a 
Sunday, accompanied by Stephen Langton Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, and Henry de Loundres Archbishop of Dublin, the Bishop 
went in early morning and solemnly consecrated three altars, in what 
we now call the Lady Chapel and its two side aisles—all probably 
that was then completed of the cathedral. Enterimg in solemn 
procession through 8. Peter’s Porch, he went first to the eastern 
part, and there dedicated what was then the high altar, in 
honor of the Holy and Undivided Trinity and All Saints. There, 
henceforth, the mass of the Blessed Virgin was appointed to be 
sung day by day, the Bishop offering for the service of that altar 
two silver candlesticks and two silver ewers, which had been be- 
queathed to the church by Gundreda de Warren, and also out of 
his own property ten marks yearly to maintain lamps round the 
same altar, and thirty marks yearly to the clerks who might from 
time to time officiate at the said mass—the latter arising from the 


1“Servitium etiam de Sca Maria et servitium pro defunctis fiat secundum 
ordinale ecclesie Sarum.’ Of course it does not necessarily follow from these 
words that the “ Sarum use”’ should be the rule in other besides these two services, 
but they prove the recognition of that “use.” See Councils and Documents 
(Haddan and Stubbs), i., 459. Harl. MS., 1249, fol. 2. 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 247 


Rectory of Laverstock, which still to this day belongs to the com- 
monalty of the Vicars Choral. Next the Bishop consecrated an 
altar at the east end of the north aisle in honor of S. Peter and the 
rest of the apostles, and a third in a like place in the south aisle, in 
honor of S. Stephen and the noble army of Martyrs. This was the 
solemn inauguration of his great undertaking. Before going down 
again to the Bishop’s house they spent some hours in the new Church 
—no doubt part of them in private prayer—for none knew better 
than our Bishop that,— Except the Lord build the house, they labor 
but in vain that build it.” 

On the following day—the Festival of S. Michael and All Angels 
—the grand public function of consecration was carried on. First of 
all, a sermon was preached to the people, who flocked in numbers to 
listen, by Stephen Langton, the Archbishop. Where it was preached 
we are, as far as I am aware, not told—it was most probably in the 
open space between the Bishop’s house and the southern entrance to 
the cathedral, then by 8. Peter’s Porch, which was not removed till 
the close of the last century. The sermon ended, they entered the 
new church in procession and celebrated divine service therein, 
carrying out in this, without doubt, all the directions contained in 
the Consuetudinary."| Many knights and barons were present, to- 
gether with the Archbishop of Dublin, and the Bishops of Durham, 
Wells, Rochester, and of Evreux in Normandy. 

Four days afterwards, King Henry III., attended by Hubert de 
Burgh the Justiciary, came to the Cathedral, and after hearing the 
Mass of the Blessed Virgin, gave as offerings a costly piece of silk and 
ten marks of silver. At the same time the King granted the privi- 
lege of holding a fair annually from the vigil of the Assumption of 
the Blessed Virgin—eight days complete. The Justiciary, moreover, 


1 William de Wanda gives us no detailed account of the consecration of the 
of the cathedral; it is not worth our while therefore to draw upon our imagina- 
tion to describe the ceremony, which was no doubt very imposing. All he says 
is “Episcopus intravit novam basilicam, et in ea divina solemniter celebravit.” 
The reader who is curious in such matters may see the office “De Ecclesie 
Consecratione” from a Pontifical of Sarum Use, in Maskell’s Monum. Ritualia, 
i., 162—203. 

s2 


248 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


~ 


vowed that he would give a gold Text’ set with precious stones, 
and also relics of divers saints for the service of the church. And 
in accordance with this vow, a short time after, Luke Dean of 8. 
Martin’s London, and Thomas Kent, described as “clerks of the 
Justiciary,” brought the promised Text and offered it on the altar. 
By order of the Bishop and Canons then present, it was then de- 
livered to the Treasurer to be kept in safety. 

Three months afterwards—at Christmas-tide 1225—the King 
came again to the cathedral, and there, on Holy Innocents Day, 
offered a gold cup of the weight of ten marks, together with a gold 
ring adorned with a ruby ; commanding that the precious stone and 
the gold of the ring should be applied to the enrichment of the 
Text which had been the gift of his Justiciary. At the same time 
the Text itself was brought out, and again offered with much devotion 
upon the altar. 

On the following Sunday the Bishop obtained consent from his 
Chapter that the new chapel and altar should remain in his custody 
for the seven years then next ensuing, and that the offerings, except 
such as might be given specially for “ ornaments,” should be devoted 
to the fabric fund. After the seven years all was to be paid over to 
the Treasurer, and the proceeds applied to the common use. And 
as regards the general management, the Bishop committed every- 
thing to the care of Elias de Derham, in whom he reposed the 
greatest confidence.* 


1 The Texts, or Evangelarium, a codex containing the four gospels, whence the 
Anglo-Saxons called it “ Christ’s-Book,” was always beautiful, often magnificent. 
Sometimes not a few of its leaves were dyed purple, whereon the writing was 
traced in gold or silver characters, and many a page glowed with elaborate and 
dazzling illuminations. Sheets of gold studded with pearls and precious 
stones were not thought too good for its binding. In the thirteenth century 
there were belonging to the Cathedral at Old Sarum, according to the “Old 
Register” (fol. 84), “Textus unus aureus magnus continens saphiros xx. et sma- 
ragdos vi. et thopazios vill. et alemandinas xviii. et gernettas xiil. et perlas xii. 
Item Textus unus parvus, cum imagine beatz Mariz cum lapidibus xix. Item 
Texti quatuor cooperti argento, deaurati omnes preter unum,” &e. Rock’s 
Church of Our Fathers, iv., 32. Maskell’s Mon. Rit., L., li. 

2 In Hatcher and Benson, p. 600 it is stated that Elias de Derham, of whom we 
have already spoken as having been “ Rector” (=director) of the cathedral for 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 249 


One event however was destined to throw a cloud over the joy 
with which Richard Poore saw the great desire of his heart so far 
accomplished. Within a few days of the royal visit, of which we 
have just spoken, there came another distinguished visitor. For on 
the Sunday next after the Epiphany (January 10th, 1226) William 
Longespée, Earl of Sarum, the husband of the good Ela, the found- 
ress in one and the same day of the abbeys of Lacock and Hinton 
Charterhouse, himself a truly great and worthy man, having returned 
from Gascony—where he had been residing with Richard, the King’s 
brother, for the defence of the city of Bordeaux—visited the cathe- 
dral. He was received there with great joy, a large procession at- 
tending him both on his arrival and his departure. Two months 
afterwards he died very suddenly, not without suspicion of treachery 
on the part of Hubert de Burgh the Justiciary. He was the first 
that found his last resting-place within the new cathedral, having 
been honorably interred there, in the presence of many Bishops, 
Karls, and others, on March 8th, 1226. The epitaph placed over 
him was as follows :— 


“Flos comitum Gulielmus abit, stirps regia; longus 
Ensis vaginam cepit habere brevem.”’ * 


A few months after this, on the Feast of the Holy Trinity, 1226, 
Bishop Richard Poore removed the bodies of three of his predecessors 
—of Osmund, Roger, and Joceline—from the precincts of the castle, 
in which they had been buried, to the new fabric. It is believed that 
their memorials can still be identified. That of S. Osmund isa large 
flat stone with the simple date MXCIX inscribed upon it, just now 


twenty-five years (p. 238), has been supposed by some to have been the architect 
‘of the cathedral; and also, though on what grounds the statement is made we 
are not told, that he built the canonical house in the Close called ‘‘ Ledenhall.”’ 
Thus much is certain, that Elias de Derham accompanied Bishop Richard Poore 
to Durham; and any one familiar with our cathedral must at once be impressed 
with the striking similarity of the chapel of the “ Nine Altars”’ at the east end 
of Durham, to many portions of Salisbury. That addition was certainly in 
progress, if not quite completed, during the time that Richard Poore held the 
see of Durham. 
* This epitaph has been Englished thus :— 


“* Long-sword, his feats of warlike prowess past, 
Finds a short scabbard long enough at last.”’ 


250 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


lying under an arch in the north-east part of the Cathedral, but soon 
to be removed to a site which has been prepared for it in the centre of 
the Lady Chapel. That of Bishop Roger is most probably a slab with 
a cross inscribed upon it, lying still over what has been described as the 
site of his burial-place, “ within an arch of the north aisle.” That 
of Bishop Jocelin is, without doubt, the large effigy lying near the 
western entrance to the Cathedral on the south side, with an in- 
scription down the centre of the chasuble and also round the slab 
itself, on which we have made some remarks in a previous page.’ 
But Richard Poore’s work at Sarum was drawing to its close— 
not as regards the progress of the cathedral, but as concerns his 
superintendence of it. In truth the reverent translation of the 
bodies of his predecessors to the new fabric would seem to have been 
the last public function performed by him as Bishop of Sarum. 
Among those who had been present at the first dedication of his new 
cathedral was Richard de Mariseo (Marsh) Bishop of Durham. 
Very shortly afterwards that Bishop died suddenly at Peterborough, 
probably on his homeward journey, and his decease was the signal 
for the usual contests between the Church and the Crown. Several 
were nominated for the vacant see, but were set aside by Pope or 
King. The choice of the monks at last fell on Richard Poore. He 
received the news with unfeigned sorrow. His own wishes were 
over-ruled, and a decree, issued on May 14th, 1228 for his transla- 
tion,? terminated a connection with his much-loved Sarum, which, 
as Canon, Dean, or Bishop, had endured for well-nigh forty years. 
During the nine or ten remaining years of his life Richard Poore 
held the bishopric of Durham. There also, as at Chichester, and at 
Sarum, he left an abiding mark behind him. In truth he was a 
real benefactor to every place with which he had relations. We have 
seen what he did at Chichester, and at Sarum; at Durham he had 
the good fortune to terminate the disputes which had existed between 
the convent and the two preceding Bishops, besides discharging an 
immense debt—Matthew Paris? calls it “ debitum inestimabile,” and 


1 See Wilts Mag., xvii., 190. 
2 Anglia Sacra, i., 735. 
3 Chronica Majora, iii., 391 (Rolls Edition). 


SSS Ae 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 251 


says that it amounted to more than 40,000 marks (quadraginta millia 
marcarum)—with which his immediate predecessor, Richard de 
Marisco, had loaded the Church. 

Of one work however, which he carried out after he became Bishop 
of Durham, I must say a few words, because it is, so to speak, blended 
with the closing scenes of the life of this really holy Bishop. He 
became the second founder of a religious house at Tarrant in Dorset, 
which, no long time afterwards, became incorporated with the order of 
the Cistercians.' Originally established in the time of Richard I. by 
Ralph de Kaynes, it was considerably enlarged and also en- 
dowed by Richard Poore, who was a native of the place, and to 
whom William Kaynes, great-grandson of the first founder, had been 
given in ward during his minority. The whole society consisted in 
his time only of three ladies of good family, with their domestic 
servants or lay-sisters, who—without being attached to any of the 
recognized orders—retired from the world for the purpose of engaging 
in good and charitable works, at the same time employing 
themselves without let or hindrance in pious exercises and devout 
meditations—“ If any ignorant person ask you of what order ye are, 
say that ye are of the order of St. James. If such answer seem 
strange, ask him what is order, and where he can find it in Holy 
Scripture more plainly described than by St. James. He tells us 
what is true religion, and what is right order. Pure religion and 


without stain, are his words, is to visit and help widows and orphans, 


and to keep himself pure and unstained from the world. This is 
what St. James calls religion and order.” 

The words just quoted are from the “ Ancren Riwle,” or “ Rule 
for Anchoresses,” a treatise on the rules and duties of monastic life, 
which was addressed to these “sisters” at Tarrant. And there is 
every reason for believing that this remarkable treatise was the work 
of Bishop Richard Poore* Certainly his great learning, his active 


1 Rot. Itin., 50 H. 3. m. 8. 
2 This treatise, under the title of “The Ancren Riwle,” was published by the 
Camden Society, in 1853. The editor, Canon Morton, Vicar of Holbeach, gives, 
as it seems to me, conclusive reasons for believing it to have been the work of 


252 Bishops of Old Sarum. 


benevolence, the sanctity of his life, and his tender care for the 
spiritual welfare of his friends and dependents, shown in the pious 
exhortations which he repeatedly addressed to them immediately 
-before his death, agree with the lessons of piety so earnestly and 
affectionately addressed in this book to the “Anchoresses” of Tarrant. 

Well! to this little village of Tarrant—and the monastery which 
he there refounded—the place of his birth—after all, his first love 
—the thoughts of Richard Poore reverted, as he saw his own life 
drawing to its close. He would now willingly forget Durham and 
all its massive glory, and Sarum with all its chastened loveliness, 
and say— Let Thy servant turn back again, that I may die in my 
own city, and be buried by the grave of my father and of my 
mother.” And so to his native village he went, there, in its longed- 
for retirement, to prepare him for the Master’s call. Warned one 
day that the time was at hand when he must really leave the world, 
he assembled his attendants and the people, and spoke earnestly to 
them about heavenly things. On the morrow, when his illness 
increased upon him, he renewed his exhortations to them, asking 
forgiveness if he had offended any, and then bidding them all fare- 
well. On the third day, he sent for his domestics and retainers, 
distributed gifts among them according to their deserts, and calmly 
settled all his worldly affairs. Then he took leave of his relatives 
and friends, one by one, and gave them each his blessing. The hour 
of Compline had arrived ; the office was said in the chamber where 
lay the dying Bishop. He followed them as best he could through 
the first psalm till they came to the last verse—his lips softly 
murmured, “I will lay me down in peace and take my rest,” when 
his gentle spirit fled. Those around chanted solemnly, yet hopefully, 
on—* For Thou, Lord, only makest me dwell in safety.” 


i ne SEEN raneE 


Bishop Richard Poore. As regards the monastery itself, Matthew Paris says 
(Chronica Majora, iii., 392), “illam dedit Regine, ubi sibi elegit sepulturam.”’ 
Joan, daughter of King John and wife of Alexander King of the Scots, was 
buried there, and hence it was sometimes called “ Locus benedictus reginze super 
Tarente.” It was also called, after its second founder, “ Locus Ricardi Episcopi.” 
See Hutchins’ Dorset, i., 120. 


7 
{ 
4 

hey 


~ 


. 


Richard Poore, 1217—1229. 253 


Matthew Paris, who was his cotemporary, speaks of him asa 
man of “eminent sanctity, and profound knowledge.” ! It is for the 
former that we chiefly cherish his memory ; well worthy is he to be 
enrolled among the saintly Bishops of the Church, with not a few 
of whom we have been blessed in this our favoured diocese of Sarum. 

Leland, when he visited our cathedral in the year 1540, saw 
a tablet in the Lady Chapel with the following inseription :—? 


“Ex TaBetta IN Sacetto S. Maria. 


“ OraTe PRO ANIMA RICARDI POURE aquonpam Sarum 
Episcopr Quit EccLesiIAM HANC INCHOARI FECIT IN QUODAM FUNDO 
UBI NUNC FUNDATA EST EX ANTIQUO NOMINE MIRYFELDE IN 
HONOREM B. Virec. Maria 3 cat Matrm In Festo S. VITALIs 
Martyris An’? D. 1219 reGnante TUNC RecE RicarDo Post 
CONQUESTUM PRIMO. FuiTqure EccLEsIA HEC IN ZXDIFICANDO PER 
SPATIUM XL. ANNORUM TEMPORIBUS TRIUM REGUM, VIDELICET ANTI- 
Dictr Ricarpi, JOANNIS, ET HeEwnricr 3. ET CONSUMMATA 
8 Cat. Apriz. An? Dnr 1260. Iste Ricarpus Episcorus 
FUNDAVIT mMISsAM Brat# Marim VIRGINIS SOLEMNITER IN HAC 
CAPELLA QUOTIDIE CELEBRANDAM, ET APPROPRIAVIT RECTORIAM DE 
LAVERSTOKE AD SUSTENTATIONEM EJUSDEM MISSH. QUI QUIDEM 
Ricarpus Episcopus POSTEA TRANSLATUS FUIT AD EPISCOPATUM 
DUNELMENSEM ; FUNDAVITQUE MONASTERIUM APUD TERRAUNT IN 
Comir: Dorsrr: UBI NATUS, NOMINE RicaRDuS PouRE; IBIQUE COR 
EJUS, CORPUS VERO APUD DurEHaM, HUMATUM EST. Er? osrit 15 
pig Arrit:—An° Dyi. mccxxxvir. xxt H 3.” 


It will be observed that the statement on the tablet is very explicit 
as to Bishop Richard Poore’s body having been interred at Durham, 
whilst his heart was buried at Tarrant. It is natural enough for us 
at Sarum to wish that we also had a memorial of the good Bishop, 
and so, despite of evidence to the contrary, to bring ourselves into 


1 “ Vir eximiz sanctitatis et profunde scientie.” Chronica Majora, iii., 391, 
? Leland, Itinerary, iii., p. 92. 
VOL. XVIII.—NO. LIU, T 


254 Lines from the Crewe MSS. on the 


an actual belief that it is so. But after all, have we not the 
greatest monument of all in our glorious cathedral, of which he was 
the undoubted founder, though it was not completed till some thirty 
years after his decease, and in which, ever since that memorable 
Sunday before S. Michael’s Day, 1225, when he first dedicated his 
altars in the Lady Chapel, there has been offered almost without 
ceasing the daily sacrifice of prayer and praise. 


Gerses from the Crete USS. on the assumption 
of Ainighthood, temp. dames 4. 


Communicated by Sir Grorcr Ducxert, Bart. 


a refusal on the part of many country gentlemen to take 
i the order of knighthood, both in the time of King 
is ames I., and afterwards in that of his son, preferring rather to be 
fined He declining to do so, was based often upon more solid reasons 
than would at first sight appear, for to men of good lineage and 
descent, the honor, if indeed it could be so called, was not only a 
very doubtful one, as the ensuing lines clearly shew, but exceedingly 


1 The first person, as far as I know, who suggested Salisbury as the burial- 
place of Bishop Poore was Richardson, in his edition (1743) of Bishop Godwyn’s 
“De Presulibus Angliz,’ but in this he absolutely contradicts the statement 
made by his author nearly one hundred and fifty years before; for the work was 
published first in 1601. The monument attributed to him, which has lately been 
replaced on the north side of the altar, I believe to be that of Bishop Bingham. 
This also was the opinion of Canon Bowles expressed more than forty years ago 
(History of Lacock Abbey, p. 370), and of Mr. Planché, in a paper (1859) on the 
“ Sepulchral Effigies in Salisbury Cathedral.’ See British Archzol. Journal, xv.,119. 


assumption of Knighthood, temp. James I. 255 


repugnant to those, for whom the days of chivalry or feudal aspira- 
tions could not be said to have entirely ceased, 

At the time when Charles I., for the purpose of raising money, 
put in force the statute of Edward II., which obliged persons, who 
had the amount of £20 a year in fee, to take the said order of 
knighthood, the compositions or fines for not obeying the order 
were sufficiently numerous, especially those levied at the time in 
question, viz,, of that King’s coronations in the years 1630, 1631, 
and 1632. 

The following contemporary lines are from the Cole MSS. (vol. 
xxi., fol. 206) in the British Museum, quoting the Crewe MS. :— 


“ Verses upon the order for making Knights of such persons who 
held 40! per an. in King James's time.” 


“Come all you Ffarmers out of the countrey, 
Carters, plowmen, hedgers and all ; 
Leave of gestures rusticall, 
Bidd all your home-spun parssetts adue, 
And sute yourselves in fashions new: 
Honour invites you to delights : 
Come all to court, and be made knights. 


“He that hath fortie pounds per annum, 
Shalbe promoted from the plowe ; 
His wife shall take the wall of her gran’am, 
Honour is sould soe dog-cheap now, 
Though thou hast neither birth nor breeding, 
If thou hast money, thou art sure of speeding. 


“Knighthood in old time was counted an honour, 
Which the best spiritts did not disdayne: 
But now it is us’d in soe base a manner, 
That it’s noe eredditt, but rather a staine. 
Tush, it’s no matter what people do say! 
The name of a knight a whole village will sway. 


256 Lines from the Crewe MSS. 


“Sheapherds, leave singing your pastorall sonnetts, 
And to learne complements shew your endeavours, 
Cast of for ever your two-shillings bonnetts, 
Cover your coxcombs with three-pounds beavers : 
Sell carte and tarboxe new coaches to buy: 

Then ‘Good your Worship’ the vulgar will cry. 


“And thus unto ‘ Worshipp’ being advanced, 
Keape all your tenants in awe with your frownes, 
And let your rents be yearly inhaunced, 

To buy your new-moulded Maddams new gownes. 
Joan, Sisse, and Nell, shalbe all ladified, 
Instead of haycarts, in coaches shall ryde. 


‘¢ Whatever you doe, have a care of expenxes: 
In hospitality do not exceed, 
Greatnes of followers belongeth to Princes, 
A coachman and footman are all that you need: 
And still observe this, let your servants meate lacke, 
To keep brave apparell upon your wives backe. 


“Now to conclude, and shute upp my sonnett: 
Leave of your cartwhip, hedg-bill and flayle, 
This is my counsell: think well upon it; 
Knighthood and Honour are now put to saile, 
Then quickly make haste, and lett out your ffarmes, 
And I will hereafter emblazon your armes. 


“MS. CREWE.” 


WILTSHIRE MAGAZINE. 


“wULTORUM MANIBUS GRANDE LEVATUR ONUS. —-Ovid. 


Hongleat Papers, Bo. 4. 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.S.A. 
(Continued from Vol. xviii., p. 48.) 


98. A.D. 1548-76. Sim Tuomas Smits, Secretary or STATE TO 
Epwarp VI. anp Quen ELiIzaBETH, AND PROVOST 
or Eron Couttzcs. His Lerrers To Sir JonN 
TuyNNE, THE Founper or LoncLzat. 

29. ,, 1573 (?). Rossrt Deverzux, Szconp Hart oF Essex, 

]1. Siz Furxe Grevitte To THE EARL, FOR 
HELP TO BE RESTORED TO THE QUEEN’S 
FAVOUR. 

2. CuarLes Curster TO Mr. Meyrick, THE 
Earw’s STEWARD, FOR LEAVE TO WEAR HIS 
Lorp’s Ciot. 

8. Taz Eart to tHE Lorp Curer JUSTICE 
or Eneianp (Sir Joun PopHam), TO BIAS 
HIM IN THE D&cISION OF A CAUSE DEPEN- 
DING BEFORE HIM. 

2 4, EstTrMaTe OF THE Eart’s ExPENSES IN THE 

Querxn’s Servicz. SicgNeD By Sir GELLY 

Meyrick. 

30. ,, 1608, May. Samurt Danyer, Port Laureate To 
Queen ExizasetH. Two LeErrers FrroM HIM 
to Mr. James Kirton, Stewarp To EpwarD 

f Seymour, Eart or HErrrorp. 

VOL. XVIII.—NO. LIV. U 


258 
3l. 


32. 


33. 


34, 


3) 


35. 


Longleat Papers, No, 4. 


» 1636, Aprin 12TH. Epwarp Hype (arrerwArps Earn 
or CLARENDON) To BuLtsTRODE WHITELOCKE. 

» 1674-8. Awnrony A. Cooper, Earn or SHAFTESBURY. 
Lertrer From R. Incram to Witt1AM ERNELY 
ABOUT AN ASSAULT UPON THE Hart By Lorp 
Dicsy. 

» 1679. Guy Carteton, BisHop oF CuicHEsteR. Two 
LeEtrers FROM HIM To SECRETARY COVENTRY 
ABOUT THE RECEPTION oF THE DUKE oF Mon- 
MOUTH AT CHICHESTER, WHEN HE RETURNED 
FROM ABROAD WITHOUT THE KING’S LEAVE. 

CHURCHILL, DuKE or MariporouGH. 

» 1686, June 22np. Sir Winstone CHURCHILL, FATHER OF THE 
First Duxr, to Biur MantTLE, ABOUT THE 
History oF HIs Famtty. 

» 1706, Octoper lltu. Tur Duxr or MartBoroucH TO 
Rosert Harwuey (AFTERWARDS Hart oF Ox- 
FORD), THREATENING TO BREAK A PRINTER’S 
BONES. 

» 1708-9. Henry St. Jonun, Lorp Bortnesroxs, To Rr. 
Hon. Ropert HarLey, AND ANOTHER FRIEND. 
Four Lerrers. 


XXVIII.—A.D. 1548-76. Str Tuomas Suitu, SECRETARY OF 
State to Epwarp VI. anp QuzEn ELizaBETH, AND Provost oF 
Eron. 


[The life of this very eminent man was written by Strype, the 
ecclesiastical historian, to which some valuable additions have 
been recently made by Mr. J. G. Nichols, in the Archeologia, 
vol. xxxvill., p. 99. The letters here printed are a further con- 


tribution. 


He was a distinguished scholar and linguist at Cambridge. 


Fuller (Church Hist., vol. u., 254, 8vo), speaking of the pains 
taken by Henry VIII. to maintain learned youths in foreign 


courts, by selecting one or two yearly for that purpose, says that 
“ Sir Thomas Smith was one of the last educated in this manner. 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.8.A. 259 


These young men proved afterwards the picklocks of the cabinet 
councils of foreign princes: no king having better intelligence 
than Henry from beyond seas.” 

Sir Thomas Smith was one of the personal staff of the Duke 
of Somerset when made Protector of England, in which situation 
he became the intimate friend of Sir John Thynne, the founder 
of Longleat. In a defence of himself, written to the Duchess of 
Somerset, he refers to Sir John Thynne as one familiar with his 
affairs and witness to the falsehood of certain charges that had 
been brought against him. (See Archeologia, above referred to, 
pp. 121, 122.) He was appointed Secretary of State, 14th April, 
1548; dismissed, 10th October, 1549, sent to the Tower with 
Thynne, Stanhope, and other supporters of the Protector, fined 
and released. During Queen Mary’s reign he lived in retirement. 
On Queen Elizabeth coming to the throne, he was employed on 
various great duties, and again made Secretary, 13th July, 1572. 
He died 12th August, 1577, in his 65th year. In the account 
of his family in “ Burke’s Baronetage” it is stated that “the 
Patriarch John,’ the father of Sir Thomas, spelled his name in 
the peculiar form of “Smijth.” If this was so, Sir Thomas 
himself does not seem to have paid much attention to the “ patri- 
archal” eccentricity, for—as shewn by his signature to all the 
following letters—he was content with the ordinary spelling of 
his name. ‘Two of the letters at Longleat have their seals perfect, 
The arms are the same as those engraved beneath the portrait of 
Sir Thomas in Strype’s Life, viz., a fess dancettée between three 
lioncels, quartering Charnock. 

It was at Sir Thomas’s house, in Canon Row, Westminster, 
that the learned men and divines met, on the accession of Elizabeth, 
to settle the reformation of religion. Sir Thomas appears to have 
had two houses in Canon Row: one, “a little house,” let by him 
to Sir William Paget, the Comptroller, at 30s. a year. At Long- 
leat is a copy of the lease to Sir Thomas of this house, which had 
_been part of the possessions of the Abbey of Hulme, Co. Norfolk, 
united by King Henry VIII. to the see of Norwich. His other 
house, in which, probably, the divines met, was larger, and had 

U2 


260 Longleat Papers, No. 4. 


been bought by him from Sir Ralph Sadler (See Archzologia, 
xxxviil., 126).] 


1. A.D. 1549, Aprin 297TH, Greenwich. Sir THomas SmirH To 
Sir Jonn THynne, aBout Str WitiiamM SHerinetron’s Money. 


[Sir William Sherington, the purchaser of Lacock Abbey at the 
Dissolution of Monasteries, got into great disgrace by frauds in 
the coinage (see “ Wiltshire Collections,” p. 91, note 1). He was 
sent to the Tower and attainted. He owed Sir John Thynne a 
large sum of money, which had not been paid. Sir John had 
applied to Sir Thomas Smith to use his influence with Protector 
Somerset to obtain payment. The following letter is Sir Thomas’s 
answer. Thynne, however, did not succeed during the Protector’s 
life, nor for some time after, for among the Longleat Papers there 
is a letter from Sir Henry Sherington, brother and heir to Sir 
William, written 11th May, 1555, upon this subject, from which 
it appears that there was £600 still unpaid, but Sir Henry was 
preparing to pay it, together with interest, as soon as he and Sir 
John Thynne could agree as to the items of an account between 
them. 


“Sir. I moved my Lord’s grace in your mater for M’. Sheryngtons monye 
His answer was that ye shuld not have it before th’end was taken for all other 
also. He said ye shuld not lose it, nor ye shuld not be helped alone. I was so 
bold as to replie and say that ye had wrong in forbering the use of it so long / 
the which beyng such a som might be som profit / I had the warraunt redy and 
presented it / but in no wyse I could get his grace to signe it / I will not leave it 
so/ Mr". Honynge telled me it was his graces pleasure that my L. of South- 
ampton and I shuld examyn M’. Sharyntons detts / but I received yet no such 
commaundment. Yf that be done I see no cause whie your monie shuld lenger 
be staid 

For your mater with M'. Harman / I did not yet attempt. Nor I can not well 
tell how to do it / How be it if you will / I shall take a tyme, but I had rather 
furst have your money / Mr. Fulmerston telled me this daye that there was a 
cabyn for me and my wief now redy at Sion*: for soe he tearmed it. I thanked 
hym and said I thought no / because I had understod that the lodgynges there 
were few & the howse pestred [%.e., encumbered] and that my ladie of Suffolk 
was there. He said she was gone. I answered that my wife had tarried with 
me now awhile at the court / and lerned well to play the courtier and mich better 


® Sion House; which had been granted to Protector Somerset. 


By the Rev. Canon J. B. Jackson, F.8.A. 261 


amendid then she was in London / so that I perceive it mych better for hir to be 
abrode, & trusted that she would shortlie be through hole [thoroughly whole] 
except her agew tornyd to some other good sicknes. 

I can not tell whither he had commission to say so mych to me as he did / Y£ 
my wief can do my Ladies grace eny service, she shall wait as hir dutie is. 

Y¢£ hir grace hath enough all redie, as I understand ther is, & my wief shuld be 
eomberaunce, I had mych rather she tarrid still with me either here in the court, 
as me thynkes she had leifest be, or in London, or at Eaton, 

This bearer Watson my man still is suter unto you I pray yow ones dispache 
hym and then he shall troble you & me no lenger / and ye shall do me great 
pleasure if ye can sped hym. Fare ye most hertely well. From Grenewich 
xxix" Aprilis 1549. 

“Yor allwais assured 
To myne assured freend Sir “«T, SMITH.” 

John Thyn Knight, Steward of the 

Household to my lord Protector’s grace.” 

Docketed: “xxix®. Aprilis 1549 M'. Secretary Smyth to my M*. from Grene- 
wich.” 

2. 147H Junn, 1549, RicoMonp. ‘THE SAME TO THE SAME. 


“Sir I am moved by this bearer William Kelb to be suter unto you for the - 
office of the Custumership * now lately void by the death of one Eaton. He saith 
he will do as mych as an other will and requyreth this letter but onely to bryng 
hym to you bycause he hath no acquayntaunce all redy. Thus I bid you right 
hartely fare well. From Richemond the xiiij of June 1549. 

“yor assuredly 
“To the right worshipfull “T, SmirH.” 

and myn assured Freend 

St John Thyn Knight, 

steward of Household to my 

Lord Protectors grace.” 


Docketed : “xiiij° Junii 1549 M*. Secretary Smyth to my M".” 


3. Jung, 1567, Lonpon. 

[This letter supplies the date of Sir Thomas’s return from his second 
embassy to France, for which his biographers have been at a loss _ 
(Archeol. xxxviii., 111). What the domestic affliction was on 
which he condoles with Sir John Thynne does not appear. It 
could not have been Sir John’s first wife, for she had died in May, 
1565, and he had married again in 1566.] 

“Sir I am right sory for your mischaunce wherof I harde for my furst newse 


comyng out of Fraunce of a servaunt of yours dwellyng at Graveseand / But ye 
have knowen I trust so much of Christ that ye can take his visitacion and profe 


~® The Customs used to be let on lease to individuals who were called ‘* Farmers:” and a very 
profitable species of culture they found it. 


262 Longleat Papers, No. 4. 


of your pacience paciently And ye are to wise to make of one losse, two. God 
hath given, God hath taken away. This I am suer is your comfort for all 
worldly and transitory thyngs, which if they go not away from us whiles we live 
we shall go from them when we die. 

“Here is a proper young man of the Middle Temple of myne acquaintaunce 
who is desirous to be toward you as your Sollicitor here in the Lawe. I suppose 
he be not unknowen to you / For ye have of his nere Kynsmen about you. If 
your sollicitor (who now is welthy and therefore as it is thought will seke his 
ease), do forsake the travaile & office, he doth offer unto you his service. And 
thynketh the rather at my comendacion to be accepted unto it. His name is 
Ninian Burbage. What he can do in the lawe & in that service your sollicitor 
can tell, to whose judgement I thynk you will stand, or els to your owne profe. 
I have great hope that his diligence shall please you. Thus I bid you most hartely 
fare well. From London the xij‘" of June 1567. 

* Yo". assured Freende 
“To the right worshipfull and “7, SmirH.” 

my assured Freend Sir John 

Thyn Knight.” 

Docketed :. “Sir Thomas Smyth. xij°. Junii, 1567.” 


4, 197TH Jury, 1572, Havering. THe Same To THE SAME. 


[Sir Thomas Smith founded a colony on the coast of Ulster, in a 
district called “ The Ardes” (now “ Newton Ards”), by which he 
lost a great deal of money : see Strype’s Life, p. 131. This letter 


was written on his departure for Ireland. ] 


“Sir John Thinne I have ben despached from Court the xvi of this present 
moneth. I meane I have receaved her Maj® letres to the L. Deputy for his 
direction and for my comendacion unto him. I tarry now but my L* of Leycester 
Sussex and Burley’s private letres to the sayd deputy which I am to receave this 
day being already written. And so the xxij of this moneth from London to 
take my Jorney to Lyverpoole there presently toimbarke. There I look for your 
two horsmen to meet me as ye promised me at your owne howse therin.* If 
they be with me at Lyverpoole the last of this moneth it shall be well and soone 
enough / This I pray you do / At the least that the men be there furnished / And 
if they cannot bring the money which willingly as very needfull I wold faine 
have also Let them bring with them a bill of your hand for the same to be payd 
at London so sone as conveniently ye can. Hereof I look for an answer by this 
bearer who commeth to meet me agayn at Lyppoole. In the meane while with 
my harty comendacions to my good Lady your bedfellow I committe the rest of 
our matter for the assistauntshippe to my father, and you to Almighty God who 
graunt you helth and long lief and to me good succes. 


“ From Havering this xix of July 1572 
“yor. assuredly to my small power 


“To. SMITH” 
Docketed : “S'. Thomas Smyth. xix of July 1572.” 
CN Oi ee ee 


* Sir Thomasg’s friends supplied him with horse-soldiers and others, to join in the adventure. 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, FS.A. 263 


5. Sepremper 18Tx, 1574, Oattanps. Tur Same To THE SAME. 
THe QUEEN MUCH PLEASED WITH A GREAT JEWEL GIVEN TO HER BY 
Sir Joun THynne. 


[This and the letter next after it illustrate Strype’s statement (Life 
p. 130) that Queen Elizabeth about this time (1574) became very 
irresolute and would not be spoken to on matters of business: 
answering sometimes “So,” and sometimes “ No;” forbidding 
even Dudley and Hatton to move suits to her. “ And if they 
were forbidden, then,” said Sir Thomas, “had we need within a 
while to have a horse or an ass to earry bills after us, increasing 
daily and never despatched.” } 


“S* You may be assured I have not forgotten you but as sone as I could get 
convenyent tyme I moved hir highnes in your mater / Who gave me very good 
words of you, estemyng miche your good chere and specially the great Jewel you 
gave hir, saieng, that for goeng but V miles she had such a gift of you as never 
an Earle in England had given hir the like. * / I shewed your good affection & 
good will which you have borne to hir ma‘ at all tymes / as well in adversite as 
prosperite. Which hir highnes did affirme. Now for your sute. Furst she 
axed if you wuld not be content that she should be your neighbor as well as 
another? I [said] that yt lay in the myds of your lands, & for you, you had all 
redy the lease but you requyred to leave your son in quietnes, who, who so ever 
should either purchase it or have it in lease, might if he were froward work mich 
troble unto. In th’end she said, in hir [progres she wold be trobled with no 
sewtes. When she came to Hampton Courte or a standing house I might move 
itagayn. This answer I shewed streight to my L. of Hertford & to my L. Henry 
I knowe not whether they have certified it to you or no. / Fare ye well. From 
Otelande the of Sept. 1574 

“youre old freend 
Mo the right worshipfull «1. SmrrH.” 
my verie loving frend 

Sir John Thynne Knight” 


Docketed : “S*. Thomas Smyth xviii Sept. 1574.” 
Sir Thomas had not marked the day of the month in the letter itself. 


® Queen Elizabeth made a “* Progress” into the West of England in August, 1574. She was at 
Bath, 22nd August, being Sunday. On Monday, 28rd, to Lacock Abbey until the 28th. Thence to 
Stoke (Earl-Stoke). Thence, on the 3lst, to Heytesbury, from which house she probably went the 
** VY miles” to Longleat for which she was so handsomely rewarded, Besides the ‘‘ good cheer,” 
she received from Sir John Thynne ‘‘ A Jewell called a Phenix, set with one great emeralde, fifty 
other dyamonds and Rubies, with an appendant Perll at the same which my Master gave to Her 
Majesty being at Longleat 2d, Sept. 1574; bought of Henrie Pope of London for £140.” 

(Ola Account Book at Longleat.) 


264 Longleat Papers, No. 4. 


6. 4th NovempBer, 1574, Hampron Court. THe Same TO THE 
Same. THe QUEEN UNWILLING TO PART WITH SOME LAND WANTED 
BY Sir JonHn THYNNE. 


“S". I have received your letter of the xxx’ October. Without your letter I 
wold have remembred you, but I had no access to the Q. Ma“* for eny sutes 
sithens the Progres but yesterday, so loth is hir highness to give such audience / 
When I moved it, She was still in the same answer, ‘ Whie should not you be 
contente that she might have som lands emongs yours?’ I said the mater was 
not great, xx marks or xx li by yere / And you offrid to pay for it as mich as it 
was worth and rather more / bicause you wold leave your son in quietnes with 
that which he had. Hir Mat replied & still concludid that she wold sell no 
lande. Then cam I to the second degree, that you might have it in fee ferme / 
To that she semed more enclineable but streight went from it when I should 
conclude, and said she wold talk with my L. Treasurer / And she saw no cause 
whi hir lands might not lie emongs yours This is the somme of all that I cowld 
get yesterday. And yet I was earnest with diverst reasons which is superfluous 
to write, seying it had no better conclusion. Thus I bid you most hartely fare 
well with my like comendacions to my lady. I send you our last oceurrents & 
had sent you oftener, but comonly your messangers after they have delivered 
your letres I never se thens. From Hampton Cowrte the iiij of No. 1574. 

* Yo". old Freende 
“To the right worshipfull “7. Smirn.” 
my loving freend, S* 
John Thynne knight.” 


Seal: SmitH and Cuarnock quarterly (as engraved below the portrait of 
Sir Thomas in Strype’s Life of him, 8v0, Oxford, 1820.) 


Docketed : “Sir Thomas Smyth iiij of Nov. 1574.” 


7, 189n Juty, 1575, Kentworra. Tue Same To THE SAME. 


[The Queen still stubborn in refusing the land. Sir Thomas enquires 
very particularly and for a special reason, the exact date of the 
christening of his godson, Sir John’s eldest son. ] 


“Youre lettre of the vijt* of July I received this day and the certificat / Such 
occurrents as be here I send you also / Une thyng I can say more to you / I 
moved the Quene’s Ma at Tibalds for the fee ferme or buying of that which you 
wold have but I cowld obteyne neither. / A lease in reversion at the last hir Ma“ 
was content to grant to you. I required xl or xxx yeres. She wold grant but 
xxj & with that she seamed contented & pleased. Yf she do not forget it now at 
Michaelmas when I trust you will send it me faier written to get it signed / For 
it is not to be refused eny thyng that a Prynce will give. These certificats be to 
take a new order how penall lawes should be better executed & not by such 
grawntes as be-all redy made to certayne gentilmen nor by premonire but by 
an other ordinary way as shortly you shall know. I wold gladly know if my 
godson be maried or toward a wief & whom I wish therin good luck. But you 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.S8.A. 265 


must nedes send me in your next letres the day, if you can, if no the weke & 
yere in which he was christened & when I was there. For it will stand me I 
trust in more sted then you wold thynk. & I am suer you have marked it. I 
pray you do not forget it. Fare ye well. From Kenelworth the xiij™ of July 
1575. 
“ Your assured Freend 

“To the right worshipfull “7, Smirx.” 

my loving freend S* 

John Thyn Knight.” 


Docketed : “S* Tho. Smithe xiij™ of July 1575.” 


8. 18TH Aucust, 1575, Worcrster.. THe Same To THE SAME. 


[Having obtained the exact age of Sir John Thynne’s son, Sir 
Thomas hopes to detect some gross trick that had been played 
him in a transaction in which the young man’s age had been mis- 
represented. ] 


“S* you cowld not have done me a greater pleasure then to have sent me the 
day of the nativitie & christenyng of my godson Mr. John Thyn / I assuer you 
I thynk to discover by it as notable a forgery as hath bene committed many a 
day & to the troble of a good nomber of gentlemen / Thus God bryngeth to light 
with tyme & enquirie, the trouthe / and discovereth falshod that it may apere in 
his [i.e., its] own likenes, which is fowle and shamfull. This forgery hath been 
hidden & lurked these xx yeres at the lest as this wold prewve & iij or iiij yere 
before my godson was borne / Although it toucheth nothyng neither you nor 
your son, yet in knowing that tyme I can discover it. For the same time either 
~ eomyng to you or from you I christened an other child whose nativite will make 

_the forgery playne, either to be all together forged or shamfully antedated if ever 
_ eny such thing was. And emongs other yt towcheth me somewhat nere, who by 
no meanes can make myne adversarie to answer, whether it be true or forged. 
_ Which if he ones do I requier no more for the lease, I did but.as dewty of friend- 

‘ship wold, not so mich as I wold, but as in this world (that is so hard) I can [ 
- You shall do well to send me the lease so made as you write / I will do what E 
ean to get you mo yeres, yf no, as I can / I accompt nothyng done nor had untilk 

_ you have hir Matis hand to it. Fare you most hartely well & I pray you do my 
-eomendacions to my Lady. And I would wish my godson married as sone as 

convenyently you cowld both for avoidyng Inconveniences and that you might 
se some posteritie & issue from hym to your honour & worship. From Worcester 

the xviii of August 1575 

‘ “Yor. assured old freende 

To the right worshipfull “7. SmirH.” 

my loving freend S' ; 
John Thynne Knight” 


Seal: same as before. 
Docketed : “S'. Th°. Smithe the 18 of Aug. 1575” 


266 Longleat Papers, No. 4. 


9. 147H Aprit, 1576, Canon Row. Tue Same To THE SAME. 
Sir THomas’s HEALTH BEGINNING TO FAIL. 


“S', I thank you for the paynes taken with yong M’ Barkeley about that mater 
whereof he was the furst mowver [mover] but as it apereth you gessed right. 
Yt was but a yong mans talk. I have hard no more of it sithens. This berer 
Morice Browne my servant & Kynsman hath a mater to do in that contrey wherin 
he must requier your aide & help. I pray you shew hym the favour that you 
convenyentley may. The matters of France & Flandres stand in the same un- 
certayntie as you left them. Nother peax nor war nor good agreament, not one 
trusting ‘there an other. Fare ye well. From Chanon Row whither I am now 
com to consult with phisicions whom I fyend as uncertayne what to do, as I 
whom to folow. I pray you to commend me to my lady & my godson, 14 Ap. 


1576. 
“y*, old assured freend 


“To the right Worshipfull “T. Smirg.” 


my lovinge freend 
8". John Thynne Knight.” 


Docketed : “S*. Thomas Smyth xiiij® Aprilis 1576” 


10. 3lst May, 1576, Monrnavute (Hitt House, Essex). Tur 
SAME TO THE SAME. 


[Strype (Life, p. 146) mentions, at some length, the distemper that 
was fatal to Sir Thomas Smith, “a rheum that fastened itself in 
his throat and tongue. The physicians having exhausted their 
experiments and only increased his discomfort, at last all agreed 
in advising him to give up medicaments, and apply himself to 
‘Kitchen physic,’ giving him leave to eat and drink what he 


would.”] 


“Sir I thank you for your letre of the VI™ of this moneth which cam to me the 
last of the same save one / For my helth I fyend small amendement but sith the 
phisicions gave me over, and I to take my self to myne owne diet & phisick I have 
a little recovered my self, whom they left, without flesh, without strength, 
without appetite to meat or drynk, in so weak a case as eny man might almost 
be. For the rest I thank god I fyend my bodie in reasonable good takyng now 
without fever or other distrest. My speache is as evill as ever it was, for the which 
to recover the phisicions had so tormented my bodie & brought it so weak but all 
in vayne. For as it appeareth to me now by readynge of old authors, yt is a 
mater to be done with cuer of the hand of a surgean & to be cut away, that doth 
let my speache. Wherof neither phisicion nor surgean in England that I yet 
know can eny skill. Now I am about it, & have brought som of them to be of 
myne opinion, and do hope yet to brynge it to pas. Where you speak of diet, I 
never yet had cawse to fyend fault with my diet nor now have. For he that is 
lxiij yeres old & can not tell better then eny phisicion what meate drynke or 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, P.8.A. 267 


other diet is most fit for his bodie"must confesse hym self a negligent & careless 
foole & to have lived to long. As I must confes my self a very foole that I 
yelded so miche to the phisicions, who in a short space whiles Ityelded my self to 
them and their diet brought me in that case that neither I had flesh or strength nor 
could eate or drynk to get it me agayne. The same Nature and tyme that make 
us old doth teche us also for the tyme by our owne experience, what meate drynck 
or exercise is most fit for us and doth best agrea with our bodie more playnly & 
truly then eny phisicion can, who doth not feale nor se what is within us but by 
blind gesses. Fare you most hartely well with comendacions to my good Ladie. 

“From Monthaule the last of Maii. 1576. 

“ Yor. assured old freind 

Your son my godson I thank hym 7, SmitH.” 

cam to se me & brought me your 

letre by whom I writ this.” 


“To the right worshipfull 
my loving freend S 
John Thynne Knight” 


Seal: as before. 


Docketed, in the handwriting of the first Lord Weymouth: “S*. Thos. 
Smith. ultimo Maii 1576. about his owne health” 


1]. 18rH Sepremper, 1576, Baru. Tue Same To THE Same. 
APPEARS TO BE AN APOLOGY FOR NOT BEING ABLE TO VisiIT LONGLEAaT. 


[According to Strype (p. 150, note) “Sir Thomas, in July, 1576, 
intended to go to The Baths in Somersetshire; but instead of 
there, he went to Buxton’s Well which was more in vogue in those 
times.” From this letter, however, it is clear that he did try the 
Bath waters. | 


“Sir I most hartely thank you for your so good remembrances of wield fowle 
& partriches which you sent now by your servaunt to heape up still your other 
-frendly kyendnes upon me but this I must entreate you, to be content that at 
this tyme I mak as mich hast to go streight home as I can, as my wief did. I 
fyend no manner of ease here by eny of the bathes. For now I am removed & 
at M'. Mayor’s to trie his & the hoter bath, but I se they be all alike to me / 
they bryng greate weakeness, want of sleape, & no ease at all to eny part of my 
grief And so is also now D. Turner's * opinion, that I should go home & recover 


* Dr. William Turner: a compound of Physic and Divinity: being M.D., Physician to the Duke 
of Somerset, Prebendary of York, Canon of Windsor, and Dean of Wells, an enthusiastic Church 
reformer and parent of many eontroversial treatises. He was also author of ‘‘ The Herbal,” and 
the first who printed any account of the Bath waters. ‘* Materia medica ’’ seems to have been not 
very well understood in those days: for Turner says that when he was a student of plants at 
Cambridge, ‘*he could learn never one Greek neither Latin nor English name, eyen among the 
physicians, of any herb or tree; such was the ignorance of those times.” 


268 Longleat Papers, No. 4. 


strength, rather to com agayn at the Spryng, then now to tarie the slow workyng 
of them. And therfor with my harty comendacions to my good ladye & to my 
godson I take my leave of you with infinite thanks, & commit youto God. From 
Bathe the xviij" of Septemb. 1576. 
“ your old assured 

To the right worshipfull “ freende 

my loving frend St “7. SmirH.” 

John Thynne Knight” 


Docketed: “S*. Thomas Smyth 18 Sept. 1576.” 


XXIX.—c. 1573. Ropert Devereux, Seconp Ear or Essex. 
1. Str Futke GReEVILLE To THE HARL FOR HELP TO BE RESTORED 
TO THE QUEEN’S FAVOUR. 


[This letter is undated, but it was probably written by Sir Fulke 
Greville, the third of that name, afterwards created Lord Brooke, 
who met with a violent death, being stabbed by his own servant 
at Brooke House, Holborn, in 1627. In early life ' he was very 
eager to distinguish himself in foreign enterprize, but not being 
able to obtain the Queen’s leave, went abroad without it; for 
which on his return he “ was made to live in her court a spectacle 
of dishonour, too long, as he conceived.” As he advanced in 
years he became less ambitious, “ finding it sufficient for the plant 
to grow where the Sovereign’s hand had planted it.” That hand 
having planted him at Warwick Castle, it may be considered that 
Sir Fulke deserves no particular praise for having so soon “ learned 
to be content.””] 


“Right honorable & my very good Lord, whyle I am absent I feare ether to 
be forgotten or misconstrd, for princes must not looke into ther own princely 
minds or fortunes to Judge the passions wherein private men languishe, kings 
being not able to be so little as they must be, that can see or feele want. My Lord 
all this whyle I accuse no body, but myselfe, for her maiesty hathe bene all I 
have to me, & more then I can deserve / yet noble Lord because princes graces, 
be the only merits of subjectes let me presume to tell you I fly very near the 
water so as the wings of my fortune grow wett and heavy, yeat yf I leave looking 
of the star I fall into the ditche, soe my tyme that is gone hath carried all other 
hopes and thoughts a way with it / 

“Noble lord by a better mouthe then yours she cannot hear of my estate, it 
will at the least excuse my absens, & make her see that I have done lyke them 
that fale into deepe waters, catched hold of thorns & briers to kepe me in her ser- 
vice, when she sees her tyme she can retreve me or do something with me that 


1 See Collins’s Peerage. ‘“ Greville Lord Brooke.” 


o By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.8.A. 269 


may please her, She hath promysed and he is to blame that doubts eyther 
*her word or her nature. 
“God prosper her & your Lordship in her favor. / From solytary Broxeborne* 


this tewsday. 


“yo'. Lordships poore cosen 
To the right honora “FouLk GREVILL” 
ble Harle of Essex.” 


2. ce. 1593. Cartes CuesteR To Mr. (Getty) Meyricx,} 
_ Srewarp to THE Hart or Essex. 


“M". Merik. In few wurds of great wayte I protest without dissimulation to 
[be] bound to you all dayes of my liff, & in lew thearof to deliver you a C£ if you 
_ will procuer me my lordes cloth,t whome I have loved from his infancy. I will _ 
- till death honor him, & esteem his h. cloth more than Aiax or Ulisses did Akilles 
armor, or more then Hercules the lions skin he wore, and more reverently use yt 
_ then Cumberland { will esteem his robes of parliment wh. is the rudest Earle by 
reson of his northerly bringen up & great societe ever syns the first race at 
_ Salsburi § and amunckst mariners that he hath gotten thear good wills, as he 
thincketh to make him admirall on[e] day wh. may be never. It was thought x 
"years agon that you should never have fortune or Audacite, to do me good or any 
that could scarse speak, but now contrary to that prownd scornfull opinion, do me 
good, for God I se by you doth exalt only the humbell & meek, & let me prayse 


*In Hertfordshire. 
18ir Gelly Meyrick, the Harl’s Steward, joined with Tee in his rebellion, was. 
ried, condemned and executed at Tyburn in 1601. Cuffe, one of his companions, 
hanged at the same time, had been making a long speech. Sir Gelly, “with a 
soul undaunted, as if he were weary of his life, interrupted him once or twice, 
wishing him to spare his wise discourse which was altogether unreasonable now 
that he was ready to die.” (Camden’s Elizabeth, p. 628.) 


_+**To wear his cloth,’’ i.e., to become a retainer in his service. In former times noblemen gave 
: clothes, a cloak, &c., not only to their servants or followers, but to others not of their family, to 
engage them to their quarrels for that year This was prohibited in the time of Richard II. In 


LP EAT ILI ES PN 


id at the back of the lease it was recorded ‘* That the said John Hyde shall during his life serve 
said Sir Walter & wear his livery, so the said Sir Walter will bestow his cloth upon him, and also 
de with the said Sir Walter upon reasonable warning and to make his lyvery himself or at his own 


eg OF Ca 


+ George Clifford, third Earl of Cumberland, a great mathematician, had so decided a passion for { 
Nayigation that he undertook at his own expense several voyages for the public service; but that, 
and a passion for tournaments, horse-racing, &c., made such inroads upon his fortune, that he is 
said to have wasted more of his estate than any of his ancestors, K,G., 1592, Died, 1605, et. 47, 
See an account of him in Whitaker’s Hist. of Craven, p. 270. 

_ %The Earl of Cumberland’s victory at Salisbury races is thus noticed in Hatcher and Benson’s 
“Hist. of S., p. 294: “‘ The following memorandum is perhaps among the earliest notices of a sport, 
now become in a manner national. 

*1585. These two years, in March, there was arace run with horses at the furthest three miles 
from Sarum, at the which were divers noble personages, whose names are underwritten, and the 
Earl of Cumberland won the golden bell which was valued at £50, and better, which Earl is to 
ace the same again, next year, which he promised to do, upon his honour, to the Mayor of this 


270 Longleat Papers, No. 4. 


God by his benefits & wunders shewed to you as to speak to my Lord & get me 
my liberte to wear his honors cloth & then I shall be a free captive from my 
enemies & all those that hate me: & my soule will be joyfull & submissive all 
wayes to love you, & those that bodely & ghostly love my lord, & then God damne 
those that doe not. This Wensday last by yowr poore & honest contriman CHARELS 
CHESTER. 

“Yf you dispayer to get me my lord’s cloth procuer this as my last suet & in- 
treat to his honor that I may be in London tyll the Queen cummeth & for that 
I shall be bound to you. I pray you let me be behoulding to you for this or 
nothyng. 

“Sir John Winfeeld will help you in eny thing he can with my lord I 
knowe, & take him to be the truest honorabelest knight in this land. 
IT am wunderfully bound to him. 


To the wurshipfull & his loving 
cuntreman Mr Merik cheefst 
attendant to the right honorable 
Earll of Essex at Lester house.” 


38. 1594. Tae Earn to THE Lorp Cutier Justice or ENGLAND 
(Str Joun PopHam) TO BIAS HIM IN THE Decision or A Cause 
DEPENDING BEFORE HIM. 


My Lord. I trust y* Lp will the rather hold me excused for this importunitie 
bycawse it is to satisfie the desire of my neere Kynesman & very good frend Sir 
Thomas Knyvett of Norfolk whose rightfull cawses I woolde gladlie further to- 
wards y'. Lp. befor whome there is a matter depending betwene one Booty & 
Brewster w® doth gretly consarne hym, tending as I am informed to the over- 
throwe of the auncient customes & royalties of all his Manners in those pts I 
doe commend the equitie of this cause to y" Lp. good consideration, prayinge yow 
for my sake to have speciall care thereof, & that his lerned counsaile may be fully 
harde, w" I doubte not will satisfie y" Lp. uppon any difficultie to be made 
therein And what favor it shall please yow in this or any other his lawfull 
cawses to afforde hym I will most thankfully acknowledge towards y* Lp. by the 
best offices I can / So I committ yow to Gods best protection / From London 
this 29 of January 1594 

“Y", Lp*. very assured frende 

Addressed : “ Essex.” 
“To my honorable good frend 

the L. Chiefe Justice of 

England,” 


Docketed : 

*T,4, Essex’s Letter to the L* 
Chief Justice, to bias him 
in the Decision of a cause 
depending before him, 

29 Jan’. 1594” 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.8.A. 271 


4. An Estimate oF THE Hart or Essex’s Expenses IN QUEEN 
Exizapety’s SERVICE: MADE out BY Sir Getty Meyrick, HIS 
Srewarp (BY wHom THE ORIGINAL AT LONGLEAT IS SIGNED). 


£ 
cli 
 Parsonages impropryatt iij in feefearme made clere 8500 
1 
Glybe lands 100 in fee simple 
more in feafearme 100 soe in the ‘ : 2 : < 12000 
“hole £300 by yeare 


1 
The exchaunge of Bisshopes lands was 400 by yeare - : 8000 


1 
Then out of the Eschequer 50 by yeare 
The swet wines 25 years Ss - - - 


__ eee ee So ED 


Spent in her ma*i’* service ; I may well saye soe £ 
for the inabeling of his Lp. to doe her ma‘’* service 
Fyrste, his Journey into the lowe contreys cost his Ip. att the leste 4000 
| Next, her Mat'* being plesyd to comand my L. attendance att een 5000 
| afore he had any sh.* his Lo. spentt over & above his revenue 
Then, the spaniards beinge on the coste his Lps preparation for that 3x09 
service was : . 


Then, my L. Jorney to Portingale, coste him one waye or other a 7000 
leaste . : 


The intertaynment of the Vydam + and the french one moneth att 
Yorke House, the french geven to understand that her ua} 
would paye for it, it cam toe besydes pryvatte gyftes : 


The French Journey cost my L. above 14000, owt of his own purse 
besyde his frynds & followers : as shall appear by the yonyeulsr} 14000 
recconinges : 6 : - - - : : 


£ 
Since my L. of Lester dyed [1588] it hath coste my L. 400 or 500. by 
yeare att leaste intertayninge of strangers. 
My L. gyftes to pore soldyers & men thatt had noe means and were 
: owt off intertainment. It is & hath bynne more then I will 
stett [state]; & shure I am it hath bynne for her Ma*e’s honor 
thatt pore men myght have relife. 


ee nee 


4 ® The word is indistinct. The sense would seem to imply some official salary. It occurs a second 
time in this paper. 

+“Vydam.” The Vidime (French, from the Latin Vice-dominus) of Chartres, John de Ferriers 
Governor of Havre (then called New-Haven) was one of the chief noblemen who favoured the 
Trotestants and the surrender of Havre to the English. Of his narrow escape at the Massacre of St, 
Bartholomew there is an account in Strype’s Life of Archbishop Parker IL., 125. There is a portrait 
of the Vidame at Longleat. A Vidame, or Vice-dominus, exercised delegate jurisdiction under a 
_ bishop, as Vice-comes did under a duke or count, and took his denomination from the bishoprick, as 
at Rheims, Amiens, Chartres, and the like,” (Selden’s Titles of Honour, part II, p, 334.) 


272 Longleat Papers, No. 4 


I hope it is not doubtyd of butt thatt my L. hath byne att charge with 
intelygence. Thatt is a matter of secrett and therefore I can 
make noe estymatt, but leave it. 

For Jewells geven to her Ma** as new year’s gyftes and att other 
tymes not fittinge to be sett down butt as a matter of charge to 


my L. / And-his own Jewels w™ he bought, the whole coste him 11000 
att leaste £11000, soe I countt thatt one expence, and ytt is a 
reason how my L. hath spentt his ...... & his land soe 

Then his Lp’. platt [plate ] coste 1200 . * - 1200 


My L. diett att courtt his apparell, his men’s wages & fe Sie 
with his extraordynarie charges, in spandynge: butt as a man 30000 
of his place, I hope can nott be lesse estemed then between 
£4000 & 5000 which for this 7 years comes toe 
His Lp’. revenue is’ aboute £2500 during his £ 
mothers life his greatt aunts his unkell and cher 15000 soe my L 


annuyties, soe thatt his revenue in vij years is) hath sold of his own / wh. was 
annuytye & land £400 ¢ sold for 


by yeare £15000 
The rest my 
L: oweth of his 

expence.” 


XXX.—Two Lerrers rrom Samue, Danyet, Port Laureate, 
TEMP. EvizaBeTH, TO Mr. James Kirton, StewarD To THE HaRL 
or Herrrorp. 


[The next letter seems to supply an entirely new fact in the life of 
Samuel Danyel, historian, and—after Spenser—Poet Laureate : 
namely, that in 1608 he was acting as farm-bailiff to Edward 
Seymour, Earl of Hertford, grandson of Protector Somerset, at 
South Wraxhall, near Bradford-on-Avon. Monkton Farley Priory 
had been granted to the Protector, and part of its land lay in South 
Wraxhall. It is doubtful whether S. Danyel was a native of 
Somerset or of Wilts. He was born about 1562, one authority says 
near Taunton, another, near Beckington, a third, “ at Wilmington 
in Wilts near the plain of Salisburie.” There is no such place in 
Co. Wilts: and if Kilmington on the border of the two counties, 
near Frome, is meant, the register of that parish goes no farther 
back than 1580. There is a small place called Wilmington, in 
Priston parish, in Co. Som., about five miles from Bath. 

S. Danyel’s history, in brief, is that he was educated at Magdalen 
Hall, Oxford, was domesticated in the family of the Earl of Pem- 
broke, was afterwards tutor to Lady Anne Clifford (daughter of 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.S.A. 273 


George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland), afterwards the celebrated 
Countess dowager of Dorset Pembroke and Montgomery (about 
whom see Whitaker’s Craven, p. 313). Danyel was patronized 
at Court and became Groom of the Privy Chamber to Queen Anne 
of Denmark, for whom he wrote masques. His principal poem 
was on the Civil Wars of the Roses. He also wrote a History of 
England to the end of the reign of King Edward IV. Of his 
poetry Michael Drayton says :— 


“His Rimes were smooth, his metres well did close, 
But yet his matter better fitted—prose.” 


Towards the latter part of his life he retired to a small property, 
probably at Ridge, near Beckington, where he died in October, 
1619. In Beckington Church is a tablet to his memory, placed 
by Lady Anne Clifford, an exact copy of which is given in “ Se- 
lections from his works by J. Morris, Bath, 1855.” A memoir 
of him was published in the “ Bath and Bristol Magazine, 1833.” 

The words (which we have marked by itudics) seem to intimate 
that he was at this time busy writing his poetical history, and 
that stooping from so sublime an occupation to such vulgar mat- 
ters as the squabbles of tenants, the selling of hay, the price of 
pigeons, &c., was a disturbance to his elevated thoughts, and that 
he found the employment not altogether to his taste. This com- 
plaint, and the “longing to hear about the receipt of his pay,” 
make it likely that some financial pressure had driven him to 
accept the situation. ] 


1. 1608, May 20rxH. 


“Charissim® patron’ mio. I mervayle I cannot heare one worde from you 
whether you live or what you doo in yo" world w® is a world I know of busynes 
and misery. I sent to your Brother concerning Wraxhall and inclusively to yor 
self a very volume of a le’r, w" methinks might require the answere of a lyne in 
all this tyme, that we yo" pore Baylifs have expected yo' directions so long, as 
We are now at a stand. Keeping comes to me w a complaynt that Maltman 
seeing he went from his bargayne w" he held before, cavells with Moxham* for 
an half Acre of land w® he claymes uppon exchange w‘ Billingley, enters uppon 
the same & disquiets the man. I wrote unto him to forbeare to molest his 


- *In a MS. List of Wilts Freeholders of A.D. 1660 at Longleat occur the names of ‘Thomas 
Maltman of South Wraxhall,” and ‘‘ Christopher Moxam of Leigh [Bradford].” 


VOL. XVIII.—NO. LIV. x 


274 Longleat Papers, No. 4. 


neighbo' till we might heare from you, who yf he had right you would redress 
him, yf he did wrong you would not take it. The Hay would not be sold at any 
rate reasonable, so it remaynes: Keeping w’ know yo" pleasure whether he should 
sell the 7 acres in the comon meade, whilst men would give money for it, w" 
hereafter, being provided, they will not. Four marks they offer. The farme is 
charged with 24. a week more then it was before ; w®. he desyres to know whether 
he shall codiscend to pay. My self have had 3 dozayn & 9 pigions for w* I owe 
you. Thus I am fayne to discend in my particulars that in my generall 
account do somme & cast up the busyneses of princes & convers dayly in my 
quiet w'h the best of the earth: * and so tell yo" witty, worthy, and happily 
compos’d wife from mee: &—look over the leafe. 

“ And write unto mee whether you will accept of my offer according as I wrote 
unto yo! brother in my le’rs of the 9 of Aprill or els forgive mee the eating of 
so many pigions, & I have donne, saving onely to wish it well. I long to know 
of the receipt of my pay, and what you heare out of Kent & that poor side of y* 
world w' in my account now is out of Christendome, or els I am turnd renegado. 
A word or two from your hand will much comfort my hart, wh*. shall ever be 
firme, and faythfull unto you my worthy frend whilst I live 
20 May. “SaMvuEL DAaNYEL”’ 

“To my worthy frend Mt James 

Kirton at Pye Corner.” 


FEindorsed : “ M* Danyell the Poet 
20 of Maye 1608.” 


Seal : a pale wavy between 8 cinquefoils. On the pale a crescent. 


2. 1608, May 3lsr. 


“Good Mt James Kirton. being come to towne w‘ as much speed as I could 
possibly make, uppon my Lords pleasure signified unto me by Mr. Hamon’s h’e, 
I doo here attend my directions wherein I shalbe used, wout w of my self I 
will not adventure to doo anything, but onely revive myne owne desyre, and 
understand as far as I can gather the disposition of the Ladies, w" I have donne 
in as ample manner, & w*" as good oportunitie as I could wish, my coming being 
exceeding welcome to them both. This wholle day I have there spent till 5, & I 
much desyre to relate the substance of what I gather by conference Wherein I 
am satisfyed of many thinges I doubted. To come to Chanon Row,f in respect 
of myne owne particular I am very unwilling, & to be often seene in y° cittie at 


* Readers of Juvenal will be reminded of— 
‘* Magne mentis opus, nee de lodice paranda 
Attonite, currus et equos faciesque Deorum 
Adspicere, et qualis Rutulum confundat Erinnys.”’ 
(Juvenal, Sat. vii. 66.) 
‘6 Q! t’is the exclusive business of a breast 
Impetuous, uncoutroull’d—not one distrest 
With household cares, to view the bright abodes, 
The steeds, the chariots, and the forms of gods: 
And the fierce Fury, as her snakes she shook, 
And wither’d the Rutulian with a look!” 
(Gifford’s translation.) 
+ Canon Row, near Westminster Bridge, where the Earl of Hertford and Sir John Thynne had 
town-houses, 


ee 
am: 


By the Rev. Canon J. FE. Jackson, F.S.A. 275 


this tyme of some I would not see, might much prejudice mee : for w' cause I 
ly private in a garden howse of Mr. Watersonnes, & do intimate this unto you 
being the neerest unto my lodging, desyring you to impart so much & to comend 
my humble service to my most honorable good Lord. I have, though much 
against my will at this tyme made two journies to the Temple where I was in 
hope to have met your brother Josias, but did not. I would we might once all 
agayne meet together conveniently, to consider thorowly of this good worke, w® 
were grete pittie being so worthy & honorable for all parties, should now fall to 
the ground for want of a little furtherance to hold it up & set it forward agayne. 
My L. is truly noble and wise e¢ sapiens scit quid velit, et quod semel voluit 
velle non desinit. I shall thinke this as meritorious a deed for mee yf it succeed 
as pore Peeter the Hermit did to combine in amitie all the Christian princes to- 
gether and I would most gladly imploy all my best powrs in it. So expecting to 
hear from Chanon Rowe by any word or writing I rest 
“Yo assured faithfull frend 
“This Sunday night ” “Sam. DAaNYEL” 
“To my assured good frend 
M James Kirton at 
Py Corner.” 
Endorsed by Mr. Kirton: “M*. Danyell the Poet 


the last of May 1608” 
Seal: same as last. 


XXXI—1636, 127H Aprit. Epwarp Hyper (arrerwarps Earn 
oF CLARENDON) To BuLstroDE WHITELOCKE. 
“ My good Frende. 


“T meant not you should have had the advantage of calling on me first, 
and I must excuse myselfe not only to you but to your honest waterman, whome 
I promised the last weeke a letter to you: but the truth is I was in the disorder 
of my remoove to my new chambre and forgott it, for which I beate my boy, 
whome I commaunded to remember me. Since Thursday I have obey’d the Dr. 
in my chamber, who hath eased me of a full pound of my bloode, so that I looke 
like a pale gyrle, newly recover'd of the greene sicknesse. Our best Newes is, 
that wee have good wyne abundantly come over, and the worst, that the Plague 
is in Towne, and no Judges dye, the old absurd Baron out of meere frowardnesse 
resolyinge to live. For your Bishops I know no new addicon, the one beinge longe 
since Deane of the Chappell, the other not mencion’d for any preferment. 

“T must give you both many thankes for my very free and hearty entertain- 
ment, and desyre you to believe no man prayes more for you, (and my wife joynes 
with me) nor is more at your disposall than 

*S" your moste affectionate 
“ Westm. this “ Humble Serv 

12 of Aprill . “ Epw. Hype.” 

To my most Honor’d Frende 

Bulstrode Whitlocke Esq 

at his house at Fawley Courte 

these.” 
Endorsed: “Ned Hyde” 


x 2 


276 Longleat Papers, No. 4. 


XXXII,—(1675, Aveusr 29r.!) AwnrHony Asuizy CoopER 
Earu oF SHAFTESBURY. Letrer From R. IncRam to WILLIAM 
ERNELEY, ABOUT AN ASSAULT UPON THE Ear By Lorp Dicsy. A 
SHAFTESBURY ELECTION QUARREL. 


“ Dounton. Sunday morning 

“ Deare Billy. 
“On Friday last I dyned with Mr. John Tregunnell * wheare I mett my 
L? Digby, 8". Nathanyll Napper,t} and severall other Countery Gent. After wee 
had dyned, came y* Earle of Shasbury, his sonne y¢ L? Ashly with severall other 
Gent. in his company. Nowe you must knowe this L* Digby stands for Knight 
of the shire in y® place of one Coll. Stranguidge ; { and itt seemes my Lord of 
Shasbury promised my L? Digby his interest for y® Election but att the same 
tyme used his power for another person whome all y* Countery hates and he is 
knowne to have been y® greatest villine livinge against ye King’s intrest: I have 
forgotten his name: When these Lords mett, my L*. Digby tooke my Lord 
Shasbury by y® arme and drewe him aboute 20 paces from y* company : What 
was said att y® tyme I knowe not, but my L‘. Digby had almost throwne him 
on y* grounde: but, gettinge loose my L*. Digby tould him that from his Cradle 
he had alwayes practised Tretchery to his Kinge Countery and all men that he 
ever had to doe withall: and that what he had lately done should cost him his 
head: Tould the company that within fewe days he had said, “The Kinge of 
England was nott fitt to governe,”’ with severall other things he should prove 
agaynst him. My L* Digby drewe on him, but M™ Trygunnell seased his sword. 
1 could write you a sheete on this purpose; but I have writt the heads of y® 
matter: soe I shall att this tyme saye no more of itt; but pray neglect not a 
minite soe soone as you have read my Letter, but to tell itt either to M" Thos. 
Killigrewe of the Bed-chamber, or to some other of your acquayntance that will 
imediately tell y® Kinge, for I fancy he will be pleased at y* passage: but you 
must neglect noe tyme for Trygunnell and some others will write this post: and 
I would willing have myne y° first: now I think on’t, no one will be soe fitt as 
Sir Joseph Williamson §: pray comunicate it to him, and write me by the first 
what he sayes, give hime my most humble service. I am sorry for pooer Pettes. 
I heare Jack Butler, Jack Howard, Kent & severall other of our friends are 
killed, but Noll Nickolas your freinde is escaped. You are a whimsicall fellowe 
to come heather for a night only. I dyned agayne this day with Mr Trygunnell, 


1The date of this letter is not given, but it is ascertained from another letter 
upon the same subject, written by Lord Shaftesbury himself to William Bennett, 
Esq., 28th August, 1675, and lately printed in the Appendix (p. 103) to “ The 
Pyt House Papers.” The actual scene of the assault was Fernditch Lodge, in 
South Wilts, on Friday, 27th August, 1675. 
* John Tregonwell, Esq., of Auderston, near Wimborne Minster, Co, Dorset. 
+ Napier, of More Crichell. 
+ Giles Strangways, Esq. 
3 Secretary of State, 1674-78, 


By the Rev. Canon J. EB. Jackson, F.8.A. 277 


my head is warme and wants rest, soe good night. All heare are well and re- 
memb* to you soe good night: pray write what newes you have. 
“R. Ineram.” 


In another hand, underneath :— 


“Sil vous ne faire pas un voyage exprés pour voir icy je dire que vous este un 
mechant frere, adieu 
“c M J ” 


Address : “To M* William Ernley belonging to her Majesty y* Queene. 
‘* Windsor.” 


Docketed : “M* Ingram to M* Ernely about L‘. Shaftsbury & L*. Digby” 


XXXIII.—Guy Carterton, Bishop or Cutcuester. Two Ler- 
TERS FROM HIM TO Henry Coventry, SECRETARY OF STATE, ABOUT 
THE RECEPTION GIVEN AT CHICHESTER, IN FrBruaRy, 1679, TO THE 
Duke or MonmovuTH ON HIS RETURNING FROM ABROAD WITHOUT 
Kine CuarLes THE SECOND’S LEAVE. 


[Guy Carleton, D.D.f(of the same family as George Carleton,) the 
forty-eighth Bishop of Chichester, was a native of Cumberland 
and Fellow of Queen’s College, Oxford. He had been deprived of 
two benefices by the Presbyterian “ Triers ” who imprisoned him 
at Lambeth and treated him with great severity. ‘ Worn out by 
hardships he plotted an escape; and his wife having conveyed a 
rope to him in prison, a boat was prepared to receive him and 
convey him away. The rope proving too short, he broke and 
dislocated some of his limbs by the fall ; but succeeded in reaching 
the boat, which carried him to some place of concealment. He 
used to relate to his friends that he was then so very poor that 
his faithful wife, to pay for medical assistance, sold her clothing 
and earned their joint subsistence by daily labour. After passing, 
more than a year in this misery he escaped to the continent. At 
the Restoration, Charles II. with more than his usual gratitude to 
the partizans of the royalist cause, appointed him Dean of Carlisle 
and Prebendary of Durham. In 1671 he was made Bishop of 
Bristol, and in 1678 translated to Chichester. He died in 1685, 
at the age of 89, and was buried in the choir.” ] 


1M. A. Lower’s Worthies of Sussex, p. 118. 


278 Longleat Papers, No. 4. 


se Ss‘ 

“On Feb: 7. the D. of Monmouth came to Chichester; the Lord Grey his 
Harbinger went out to bring him in, attended with broken shoemakers carpenters 
& their apprentices, about fifty or threscore of the scum of this city: noe maior, 
nor any gentleman either living in this city or countrey about us that apeard 
abroad or went out to meet him: and had his reception rested there it had bene 
no more than what could be expected from men of broken fortunes: but our 
great Clergiemen, in this cathedral, caused him to be welcomed with Bells & 
bonefire, theire own bonefire bene made before the doore where the D. lodged. 
One of them was tender footed having been blouded lately for the gout, the other 
Dr. Edes who is dominus factotum in this Cathedrall went in person to compli- 
ment expressing great joye to see him & proffering all they both had to serve 
him. Dr. Edes officiated as a chaplane & said Grace at Supper to him & Breman 
[or Bremore] the great villaine of this part of England he, and Penn. this was 
Satterday night, next day Dr. Edes conducted the Duke from his lodging to the 
Cathedrall ; from the Chapter door he was ushered into the quire with a volinterie 
upon the organ, and placed in the Dean’s seat till prayers were done. Before the 
sermon a pick’t psalome was...... being a parte of the first psalme in these wordes 
‘He shalbe like the tree that growes fast by the river side that bringeth forth 
most pleasant fruite in his due tyme & tide whose leaf shall never fade nor fall 
but florish still & glad: even so all things shall prosper well that this man takes 
in hand;” and then concluded. At evening prayer this Anthem was made choice 
of: viz. The slaughter of Saul & his peple upon the mountains of Gilboa: not 
a worde (I warrant you) of the King’s enemies to perish, or that upon himselfe 
that his crown might Long florish. These had been Apocryphall Anthems when 
the Comonwealth Saints apeard amongst us. 

“T would not joyne in their triumphant introduction of the Duke with bells & 
bonefires. I told them I thought it did the least become us of the clergie of all 
others, to open our arms so wide to receive any subject that had turned his back 
upon his Soveragne and continued obstinately in his disobedience. Whereupon 
when it was darke a clubb of the rout were sent to my house to demand wood for 
bonefires; ‘the least of the Clergie in towne,’ they said, ‘had made a bonfire 
before the D: lodging and I must doe so too.’ Some of my servants made 
Answere, that ‘they knewe I woold putt my wood to no such uses :’ Whereupon 
they shouted and said ‘the Bishop was an old popish Rogue therself, and all his 
family wur Rogues and whores ;’ & then shot thrice into my house & seconded 
those with a power of stones so that my people believed they would breake in 
upon us & cutt our throats, but for all that I went to church the next day and 
did not bow my body to him that would not bow his head to the King his father 
and Kept no compaine but his father’s enemies; for that I was mightily con- 
demned for by birds of that feather, but whether I did err in my judgement in 
that point or no I cannot tell. Iam sure I did, & I hope to my death ever shall, 
stand right in my affection & loyalty to the King my master. 

“This is a true Relation without addition of any circumstance that was not or 
diminution of what was: and I doe [it] to prevent fals reports which I dare say 
wil be many upon this occasion & very various. 

“TJ think you are wearie already, & yet I must begg leave to tell you one 
more: the present maior of Chichester an honest blunt man, of whom the fanatic 


By the Rev. Canon J. HL. Jackson, F.S.A. 279 


party say that the Bp. & the Maior pull both in one collar, this maior, after the 
D. had bene in towne some days went with his brethren to give him a visit 
Some about the D. said ‘he lookt very yong.’ ‘No,’ said the maior speaking to 
the D. ‘Ef am no yong man, for I bore armes for the late King against those 
Rebells,’ and ‘I remember’ said he ‘that they ushered in that Rebellion with 
petitioning the King as now they doe, and I believe these petitioners would turne 
things againe into the same Channel. ‘Why,’ said the Duke, ‘would you not 
have them petition the King for the sitting of a Parliament?’ ‘No indeed” 
said the maior, ‘the King having putt out his proclamation to the contrarie I 
think no man ought to doe it.’ ‘And are not you then for a Parliament to sitt P? 
*Yeas,’ said the maior, ‘ when the King pleases, and not till then.’ Then the Lord 
Grey interposed, & told the maior that ‘he would come to his house & convince 
him,’ & so that parle ended. Not one gentleman that I war of that went out to 
meet him at his coming, or that ever since apeard in the field to hunt with him, 
except Mr. Butler* of Amberley, an elected member for this parliament for 
Arundel, & Mr. Roger Bullos brother in law 

“About three weeks agoe im Midhurst here in Sussex some compaine being 
together amongst other things the King’s prorogation of the parliament fell in 
discourse amongst them. One of them peremptorily stood up & said ‘ Well, for 
all that the sword shall be drawn before May Day, and I care not if the King 
stood by & heard me.’ This I had from one that heard the wordes spoken. I 
am & ever shal be, honored Sir 

* Your most obliged servant 

“feb: 13 “G. CHICHESTER.” 


1679.” 


**To the honorable Henry Coventry, principal 
Secretarie to his Mat at his office 
in Whitehall, these 
present 
in London.” 


Seal : See of Chichester impaling erm. on a bend 3 pheons. 


2. THe Same To THE SAME (NO DATE). 


* Honored Sir 

“T have written five or six Letters to you of some passages as came to my 
knowledge and such as I thought your wisdome knew best to Judge of whether 
they might be for his Mat** service or no, as I thought it my duty to doe it so I 
knew not a faithfuller bosome to comitt them to, to consider of, then to Mz 
Secretarie Coventre. I did not expect any account from you of what I wrote, 
further then that you receaved those papers, which would cure my Jealosie that 
the postmaster never sent them because I never heard a word of your receipt of 
them; if you did receive them, then I am more troubled lest some body hath 
done some ill office against me. I doe call God to witness, and myne own con- 
science doe beare witnesse for me, that I have not been guilty of ill thoughts, 


* Mr, James Butler, M.P., purchased Amberley. 


280 Longleat Papers, No. 4. 


wordes or deeds, towards Secretarie Coventry (wittingly or willingly) from the 
first time I knew him to this very instant, and therefore if any mischevous person 
hath possest you with any ill opinion of me I heartily begg the knowledge of 
the crime laid to my charge, & if I doe not disprove that & cleare myne own 
innocence, Let me lie under your displeasure so long as I live, & I am unwilling 
to groan under such a weight a week longer. A gentleman whom I have long 
known passing through Sussex, upon his own occasions, & coming to Chichester 
gave me a visit, & told me that many ill affected parishes there he came [to] were 
all very well armed, & said they had bene bid to lay down their armes, but they 
would not; their lands and their armes should both be taken away together. 
Others, he said, were full of hope that within a small tyme they should neither 
pay customes nor...... On Sunday night last the newes was brought to Chichester 
to the Coffee house that the Duke of Monmouth was returned to London but 
without the King’s leave; for that the K. was heighly incensed against him, & 
would not look upon him. This newes so rejoiced the fanatick party that they 
made bonefires & drank the D. M’s health & shot of gunnes all the night & 
drank his health bareheaded. Diverse townsmen came to me for wood & money 
to make bonefires & drynk the D. health & to have the bells at the cathedral ring 
for Joy. I told them if theire judgment were not blinded with prejudice they 
must believe that I had as much kindness for any branch of the Royall Family 
as any of them could have: but till I knew that the D. M. was returned with 
the King’s leave & approbation I would not Joyne in any such publick action : 
& told them I thought it would be wisdom in themselves not to be rash & for- 
warde in such an action till they were satisfied that it stood with his Ma* good 
pleasure that they should doe so; not withstanding all this they made bonefires, 
drunk & shott of gunnes all the night. This I thought my duty to acquaint you 
with, whose wisdom knowes best what use to make of it. Honored Sir, I remaine 
“Your very humble & much obliged Servant 
“Guy CHICHESTER.” 
“To the hone 
Henry Coventry 

principal Secretarie of state 

to his Ma*® at his office in 

Whitehall. 

these 
present 
in London.” 


XXXIV.—1686, June 22np. Cuurcuitt, Duke or Marti- 
BOROUGH. 


1. Str Winstone Cuurcuitt, Faruer or THE First DvuKs, TO 
Buve Mantz, asout THE History or wis Famity. 


“ Deare Sir 

“This is to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 10% instant which I 
cannot but take extreme kindly from you, being (as we say) a tast of your Office, 
& that which you have formerly (as did allso S'. Edw‘. Bish in his life tyme) with 


: 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.8.A. 281 


no lesse reason then affection offer to me. However, I doe not suspect in the 
least my tytle to the ancient armes (as you call it) should be forgotten or questioned 
since the monuments of my Ancestors will cleare that dispute, & which armes 
was born by the father I think no man will deny to belong to the son: besydes 
the very grant itselfe by whiche I am licensed to ware the lyon without the bend, 
evinces that till the tyme of that grant it was borne with the bend: And as to 
the canton I take it not to be given me as any essentiall part of my coat, (for so 
I refuse to accept it) but (as t’is expressed in the grant,) as an Augmentation of 
honour: & if my son think it not so, I know not but that he is at liberty to 
omit it, & bear the lyon without it. To thes you object, that were to assume 
the Coate of divers other families as for instance, Mathewes, Verdon, Pendoker 
& Planck (to which you might have added Williams & Cromwell) which I take 
are so many presedents against your allegation, to prove that divers families 
may give one and the same armes & why not mine as well as others, deriving my 
authority from the same fountaine (the King) who may dispose of all Armes as 
he pleases: but I must further tell you (as I have formerly) that I take not this 
as a Grant of new Armes, but a restoration to the olde: for however you call the 
Lyon under the bend the ancient bearing (which is indeed very ancient) yet it is 
not the antientest: the originall coate being only Sable a Lyon Rampant Argent: 
w was the coate of Otho de Leon (as may be seen in all the French Heralds) 
Castelan of Gisor (whom we call our Common ancestor) of whome we have this 
account. 

“The said Otho had 2 sons, Richard, Lord of Montalban, & Wandrill, lord of 
Courcelle: Richard had issue, by his wife Yoland Countess of Gramont, Claud 
whose posterity continued the sirname De Leon: Wandrill had issue by his wife 
Beatrice de Tria, Raoule & Roger, who tooke the sirname of Courcelle. Roger 
the younger brother came into England with W™ the Conqueror, & had by guift 
from the said King, the forfeited estates of Brictric & Bond, Englishmen of 
great note in the West: He married the lady Mabel de Solariis by whom he had 
issue Roger commonly called the Blind Baron of Soleigny, who took the Sirname 
of Fitz-Roger & gave his Mother's Armes, viz quarterly Arg: & Gules: he had 
issue by his wife Gertrude dau. of Sir Guy de Torbay, 3 sons: 1. Roger, 2. Hugh 
& 3, John: from Roger the elder brother (who was the second Baron of Soleigny) 
descended the Fitz Rogers Ancestors to the familys of Clavering & Ewers in the 
- North. Hugh the 2nd brother was Lord of Corfeton in Dorsetshire (so tis call’d 
in the Doomsday book which for ought I know was Corton) who havinge the 
estate of the above said Bond given to him in franch mariage with his only 
daughter, his posterity assumed the name & Armes of the said Bond who was 
Lord of Fisherton in Somersetshire; Viz: in a feild sable a fesse Or. John the 
84 Brother was Lord of Currichill, or as t’is in divers records Chirechile, since 
called Churchill in Somersetsh.: who marying the lady Joane de Kilvington had 
issue by her Sir Bartholomew de Churchill, a man of greate note in the time of 
K. Steven: for whome he defended.the Castle of Bristow against the Empress 
Maud, & was slain afterward in that warr: he was father of Elyas de Churchill, 
who had 3 sons, Otho, Christopher & John. Otho having bin active in the Barons 
Warr in the tyme of K. Henry 3, his son K. Edw. 1. seised on his lordship of 
_ Churchill, which continued in the Crown till Edward the 3° tyme who gave it 

to a domestick of his one St Low who had deserved well of him in his French 


282 Longleat Papers, No. 4. 


warrs. His posterity continued the possession of it till nere about Hen. 8 his 
tyme: when it came to the family of Jennings, & was continued in that name 
till my daughter Churchill’s father* sold it to St John Churchill the late Master 
of the Rolls: & had come to my son in right of his wife had it not been so 
unfortunately alienated by her father. Christopher, lord of Lyneham in Devon- 
shire the 2¢ brother to Otho left only one daughter maryed into the family of 
Crocker who are yet lords of Lyneham: John the 3% brother was lord of 
Letleham in the sayd county: who had 2 sons John L‘ of Letleham after him, 
& Giles, lord of Rockabere: This last John had issue, by his wife Joane one of 
the daus. & heirs of Roger Dauney of Norton Dauney by his wife Julian the 
only dau. & heir of Widdibere of Widdibere alias Woodbere in Devonshire only 
2 daus.: who carryed away his estate to the 2 familys of Hillersdon of Memland 
& Gifford of Thenborough. Giles the younger brother of John L* of Rockbere 
was Ancestor to Charles Churchill of Rockebere, who marying the only dau. & 
heire of Wildyarde of Wildyarde Co. Devon had issue Thomas: who maryed the 
dau & heire of Tylle of Tyle house by whom he had 3 sons: 1. William from 
whome discended Churchill of Corton in Dorsetshire, whose estate is since passed 
away by two daughters, to familys of Williams & Mohun; 2. John who was 
ancestor of the present Churchills of Muston: & 3. Roger who by Eliz. dau. of 
Peverell of Bradford Peverell, Relict of Nicholas Meggs, had issue Mathew 
father of Jaspar my grandfather, who by Elizabeth Daughter of Roger Clapcot 
of Horrington had issue John my father: who by Sarah one of the daus. & 
coheirs of Sir Henry Winston of Standish in the Co. of Gloucester, had issue 
John my elder brother, who died presently after his birth, & myselfe who by my 
wife Elizabeth 3rd daughter of Sir John Drake of Ashe, have had a plentifull 
issue: to wit: 8 sons & 3 daughters: My eldest daughter & the only daughter 
now living is Arabella, now wife of Coll. Charles Godfry: my eldest son is the 
present Lord Churchill, who has maryed Sarah one of the daus. & coheires of 
Richard Jennings of St Albans: the unfortunate broker of the Manner of 
Churchill, which is now to be sold, but my son being disappointed of having it 
given to him as Sir John Churchill allways did promise him, refuses to buy it. 
Tf I have troubled you with this tedious narrative of the concerns of my family, 
thank yourself for it that gave me the first provocation. I have nothing further 
to adde but that I am with all sincerity 


“ec Ss 
“ Mintern. “yt, most affectionate freind 
224. of June & servant 
1686.” W. CHURCHILL, 


Address : “ For my worthy freind M' John 
Gibbon Blew Mantle Herald 
to be left at the Heralds office (Seal gone.) 
or at his own house in §*. Catharine’s 
cloyster 
nere the Tower 
in London” 


* He means his daughter-in-law, Sarah, daughter of Richard Jennings, Esq., wife of his son- 
John Churchill, the great duke. 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.8.A. 283 


2. Tap Duxr or Marteorover To Rospert Harvey (AFTERWARDS 
Eart or Oxrorp), THreatentne TO Break A Printer’s Bones. 


[The Duke had been often attacked and slandered in some weekly 
publications, particularly in one called the ‘‘ Observator.” The 
following letter was sent by some private hand, the names both 
of the sender and receiver being suppressed. ] 


“Oct. 11. 1706 [on the Continent, but no place named.] 

“T have by this post sent an “Observator” to M' St Johns. I shon’d be 
extreamly obliged to you if you woud speak to L* Keeper, and see if there be 
any methode to protect me against this rogue who is set on by Lord Havershame,* 
if I can’t have justice done me, I must find some friend that will break his, and 
the printer’s bones, which I hope will be approved on by al honest Englishmen 
since I serve my Queen and country with all my heart. When I have been at 
the Hague I shall be better able to let you know if Franco’s coming may be of 
any use, but I fear the ill humour is already gone beyond his reach. 

Address on cover: 
“To your self.” 


XXXV.—1708-9. Henry Sr. Jonn (First Viscount Botine- 
BROKE). 


[The first Viscount Bolingbroke, the celebrated statesman (see Wilts 
Mag., vii., 143) married for his first wife, Frances, daughter and 
co-heiress of Sir Henry Winchcombe of Bucklebury, Co. Berks : 
and in right of his wife resided there occasionally (Lyson’s Berks, 
253).' In the third of the following letters he speaks of (West) 
Lavington as his hunting residence. He must have lived there 
only as occupier: because the house then standing (of which, as 
also of its famous gardens, described by Aubrey, “ Natural History 
of Wilts,” no traces are left) belonged in 1709 to Montagu Bertie, 

Second Earl of Abingdon, whose father had obtained a large 


* Sir John Thompson, created Lord Haversham, 1696, a leading M.P, and a great promoter of the 
Revolution. 


1Tn a letter, 15th May, 1711, H. St. John thanks Mr. Drummond for some 
bay-trees imported, and desires to know of their arrival “that I may have one of 
my gardeners ready to take them out of the ship and to convey them to Buckle- 


_ bury. I cannot plunge myself so far into the thoughts of public business, as to 


forget the quiet of a country retreat, whither I will go some time or other, and 


am always ready to go at an hour’s warning.” 


284 Longleat Papers, No. 4. 


property at Lavington by marriage with a representative of the 
family of Danvers. He sat in Parliament for Wootton Basset. 
The published “ Letters and Correspondence” of Henry St. John, 
four vols., 8vo., 1798, begin 13th October, 1710.] 


1. Henry St. Jonn to Rr. Hon. Ropert Harney (AFTERWARDS 
Eart or OxrorpD). 


* Dear S™ “ Bucklebury. May 1. 1708 


“ Mr Long is now with me, & the account he gives me is that there are 3 
candidates att Cricklade, M™ Dunch,* M* Vernon & one M' Goddard. the two 
former have engaged all the votes but 50, which are 30 short of the N°. necessary : 
so that if the latter sh? resign to me still it is impossible for me to succeed. Mr 
Long & another gentleman of my friends have talked with the Bailiff & others 
whom they can trust, & you may depend on this as a true state of the matter I 
have seen Mr Child’s Letter to M* Long from the Devizes + wherein he owns it 
impossible to do any good there: & in short the intention was only to have drawn 
me into a share of the expense. 

“Mr Long is clearly of opinion, that M* Robert Bertie does not care to stand, 
& that I might be chose att Westbury if my Lord Abingdon pleased w" I am 
very far from thinking he will. 

“T neither have omitted nor w4 omit any trouble, care or expence in my power 
since my friends think I might be of some little use to them & to my country, 
but know not w way to turn myself. 

“ My father { makes a scandalous figure, neglected by all the gentlemen & sure 
of miscarrying where his family always were reverenced. 

“Tt is late at night. Iam ever y' most faithfully 

“H. 8. J.” 
“You will acquaint Harcourt 
with these matters. 
Rt Honb® R. Harley.” 


2. THe SAME TO (NAME NOT PRESERVED). 


“ Bucklebury. Nov. 14. 1708 
“Dear Tom. I never was more vex’d in my life than when I rose this morning 
to find ye servants I had order’d to attend you in y® morning had been drunk all 
night & neglected to wait on you. I have sent them a-grazing, & I ask y" pardon 
for y° ill-usage you had. 
“T forgot to speak to M* Harley att Oxford in a matter w" concerns me very 
nearly & w" I desire you to mention to him. A Kinsman of mine, & as honest 


#In 1708 Edmund Dunch, Esq., of Down Amney, near Cricklade, and James Vernon, Esq., were 
returned for Cricklade. 

+ The Child family were of Headington, Devizes, and Yatton Keynell, in Co. Wilts. John Child, 
Mayor of Devizes, 1694, 1702. Sir Francis Child, M.P. for Devizes, 1698, 1701, 1710. Robert 
Child, 1713. 

+ Sir Henry St. John died at Battersea, his family-seat, July 3rd, 1708, in his 87th year. 


ae -. 2+ 


By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.8.A. 285 


a good man as ever was born, is put on the list of Sheriffs for Wilts. I 
w' never solicite to have him excused, nor w4 Mr. Pleydell desire it, was it 
possible for him to discharge y® office but his health is so extreamly ruin’d by 
sickness, & his mind so broken by misfortunes that it w* be an act of barbarity 
to force him into this employment. 

“Tf M*. Harley c* prevail upon the Duke of Newcastle, L* Pawlet, or any 
other Privy Counsellor to appeare for him, it w‘ be a never to be forgotten 
obligation & I pawn my honour & word the excuses are true in fact. Dear Tom, 
make my comp*t to all my friends & believe me ever yr H. S. J.” 


8. Tae Same To Rr. Hon. R. Hartey. 


* Bucklebury. Sep. 17 1709. 

“T send this note to express my concern y‘ I am not able to wait on you att 
Oxford as Mr. Granville & I had proposed to do. 

“You can have nothing to communicate to me w® will not be so far welcome 
that it comes from you. But I begin to expect neither peace abroad nor good 
order att home. 

“T wish you perfect health & good weather, two articles of no small importance 
to y® satisfaction & joy of life. In 3 weeks time I intend to go to Lavington. 
My Hounds & Horses are already there, my Books will soon follow. In that 
retreat, if I may hear sometimes yt you & y° few friends w* I have in y® world 
are well, all will be well with me. Iam ever Dear Sir 

“faithfully yours.” 


4. ‘THE Same to Rr. Hon. R. Har ey. 


“ Bucklebury. Sep. y® 21° 1709 

- Having an opport? of sending a letter safely to Oxford, & Stratford having 
formerly told me that he had a very sure way of conveying anything to you, I 
transmit this to him. 

“JT sh* have been very glad to have known y* particulars of this noble project, _ 
since it’s hard to imagine what air of probability c4 be given to any story cal- 
culated for such a purpose. But there is an ill-nature in y® world w» makes 
men incapable of submitting to y° laws of friendship themselves & of patiently 
seeing it prevail among others. 

“JT thank you for those kind comprehensive wishes w" you bestow upon me. 
In this obscure & private life I am perfectly easy, & shall with y® same ease 
return to y° noise & business of an active publick life, whenever y* service of my 
country or of my friends calls me forth. 

“Since you are so indifferent as not to trouble yrself either about y® peace, or 
abt ye measures w® our Governours at home will pursue, my indifference will 
increase upon me, & I will likewise wait with patience for that something wh. is 
not much expected. 

* Adieu, Dt St, may you still continue involv’d in y* virtue & shielded by y* 
innocence, safe from every dart of malice. May all y" designs for y* good of y* 
peony prosper, & every other blessing light upon you 

“Sic vovet 
gels Sy 
(To be Continued.) 


286 


Consecration of Aluns at Ambresbury, A.A. 1327: 


By the Rev. Canon Jackson, F.S.A. 


Ki YOOME particulars about Ambresbury Priory, derived chiefly 
y? from papers at Longleat, have already been given in this 
Magazine (x. 61); and various documents relating to it may be 
found in Hoare’s “ Modern Wilts”! and the “ New Monasticon.”? 
Among them are two lists of nuns of this house: one, of thirty-four 
who were dismissed with pensions at the Dissolution; the other, of 
twenty who were still living and receiving their pension in 1556-7 
(2 Phil. & Mary). 

The following document (here translated from the Latin) has, 
hitherto, escaped discovery. It was found * in Drokensford’s Register 
in the Episcopal Registry at Wells. It relates to the consecration 
of nuns in A.D. 1527, a very early period in the history of the 
Priory. How it came to be in the registry of Wells, in Co. Somerset, 
Ambresbury being within the diocese of Sarum, is explained in this 
way. The Bishop of Sarum of that day being hindered from per- 
forming the ceremony himself, issued a Commission to his brother 
Bishop of Bath and Wells to discharge the duty for him :— 


“CoMMISSION FROM THE BisHoP oF SaRUM TO THE BisHop oF BaTH 
AND WELLS To CoNSECRATE ViRGIN Nuns at AMBRESBURY. 

“To the Venerable Father in Christ and Reverend Lord, the Lord Joun * by 
divine grace Bishop oF Barn & Wettis, Roger t by the same permission 
BisHop oF Sarum, Greeting & continual increase of brotherly love. Our be- 
loved daughters in Christ the Prioress and Convent { of the Priory of Ambresbury 


1 Hund. of Ambresbury, p. 65. 
‘ 2 Dugdale, New Monast., Amesbury, pp. 334, 340. 


3 By the late Rev. John Wilkinson, of Broughton Gifford. 
* John de Drokensford, Bishop of Bath and Wells, A.D, 1309—1329. 
+ Roger de Mortival, Bishop of Sarum, A.D. 1315—1330. 


+ Here the word ‘‘ Convent,” used at a later period for the building, clearly signified the society : 
as in Shakespeare, Hen. VIII, :— 
**the reverend abbot 
With all his convent, honourably received him,” 


Consecration of Nuns at Ambresbury, A.D, 1327. 287 


in our Diocese having besought us that certain Nuns of the said Priory being 
Virgins & having made profession, being of suitable age and otherwise qualified 
according to canonical regulations, may be consecrated by you on the next ensuing 
Feast of the Ascension of our Lord, We, yielding to their request, do of our 
special power grant permission unto you to bestow on the said Nuns the gift of 
consecration, and unto them to receive the same. As witness these present letters 
confirmed by the impression of our seal and addressed to your reverend Father- 
ship. And may the Supreme guardian of Virgins of his mercy preserve you in 
all desirable prosperity for the government of his Church. Given at Nonesle 5" 
May, A.D. 1327.” 


Names of the Nuns consecrated at Ambresbury on Ascension Day. 


© Domina Isabella de Lancaster * Domina Johanna le Rous 
au Margareta Florack Ms Johanna Pauncefot 
A Alicia Groucet Elyzabeth de Wyncester 


ns Agnes de Horncastel * Umania [?] de Sombourne 
* Johanna Aucher of Alicia Baudich 

» Elena de Babynton 5 Margeria de Burton 

a3 Margeria de Pyrebroke + 39 Maria Mautravers 

‘3 Editha Bisshop ae Hawysia le Veel 

aA Agnes de Wynkenholte rf Alicia de Sombourne 

x Amisia Knouel - Margareta de Cranle 

si Johanna de Wrotham Be Katharina de Oxenford 

3 Margareta de Bottenham. op Margareta Archur 


cv Mary Fitz Gautier [ Walter]. 
oy Agnes de Kyngesle a Agnes de la Folye 

3 Katharina Galruge Pe Christina De la More 
an Margeria de Donestaple. 5 Alicia Kytewyne 

4 Lucia de Oxenford Alicia de Depeford 

» Agnes de Seynte Lieger. H Sibilla Pycot” 


5 Claricia Sylveyn 


This list of ladies’ names (though little or nothing may be known 
about the greatest part of them) suggests one or two remarks :— 
ea The first on the list, Isabella de Lancaster, was daughter of 
_ Henry Plantagenet, Earl of Lancaster, son of Edmund Crouchback, 
‘son of King Henry III. She being of blood royal, some at least of 
_ her associates may be presumed to have belonged te an upper, rather 
than to any lower rank in society. So that we probably have here 
a fair illustration of John Aubrey’s account of female education in 
old times. 


“The young mayds were brought up (not at Hackney, Sarum Schools, &c., to 
4 learne pride and wantonnesse but) at the Nunneries where they had example of 


* By some said to have been Prioress: but see Wilts Arch, Mag., vol. X., 67, note, 
+ Prioress in 1349 ( Wilts Institutions). 


288 Consecration of Nuns at Ambresbury, A.D. 1827. 


Piety and Humility, modestie and obedience to imitate and to practise. Here 
they learned needlework, the art of confectionary, surgery, physick, writing, 
drawing, &c. This was a fine way of breeding up young women who are led 
more by example than precept, and a good retirement for widowes and grave 
single women to a civil virtuous and holy life.” * 


All very good, so far as the early education of the young ladies was 
concerned: but the solemn dedication of them, by vow, to single 
blessedness for life (and such would be the effect of the consecration 
for which the document above given was the warrant) was a very 
different affair. When carried to so great an extent as it used for- 
merly to be, it became a serious national question, which at length 
was seriously answered. 

2. As to the formation of surnames. It is well known that many 
of what are now become established family surnames were originally 
merely the names of the homes or places at which persons were 
born, or to which they belonged; the particle “de” (“of” or 
“from ”) being prefixed. This was very common, especially in the 
fourteenth century, and among ecclesiastics. In the earlier episcopal 
registers at Salisbury, the greater part of the clergy are so described : 
not as sons of certain parents, but simply as coming from such or such 
a place. The present list is not a bad instance of the same custom 
prevailing in the case of females. The reason was simply this. In 
early days the Church, then all-powerful, acknowledged only the 
Baptismal name: so that in order to distinguish one John or one 
Katharine from another, it was usual—in Latin or French, one or 
other of which was almost invariably the language of official papers 
—to describe, say, John a Devizes-man, as “ Johannes de Divisis,” 
or Katharine an Oxford maiden, as “ Katharina de Oxenford.” Some 
families have retained, and some adopted, this primitive fashion of 
nomenclature, a fancy at which Erasmus, in his colloquy called 
“The False Knight,” has an amusing hit, 


* See ‘‘ Wiltshire Collections, Aubrey & Jackson,” p, 12, 


289 


ON THE 
— Occurrence of some of the Maver Species ot 
Birds in the Reighbourhood of Salisbury. 


By the Rev. ArrHur P. Morrgs, Vicar of Britford. 


PART III.—INSESSORES (CONIROSTRES). 
(Continued from Vol. xviii., page 213.) 


FRINGILLIDZ. 


Passer Domesticus. “The House Sparrow.” We now arrive at 
the large family of the Finch tribe, at the head of which we may 
fitly place our friend Cock Sparrow. Bold, obtrusive, and uncom- 
monly well satisfied with himself, there is no fear of his remaining 

unknown to anyone, so that without further remark, I may safely 
leave him to fake care of himself, which he is quite capable of doing, 
and proceed at once to his near relation. 

Passer Montanus. “The Tree Sparrow.” This is a beautifully- 
marked bird, and, though one which we cannot call uncommon, yet, 
TI should think, as little known as any of our smaller birds, which 
do not actually thrust themselves into notice. The head of this 
bird is a beautifully rich brows, and the rest of the plumage, though 
generally resembling the last species, is more clearly and delicately 
marked. A year or two ago there stood a very old and thick thorn 
hedge between the Great and South Western Railways, in an un- 
frequented spot, and there they used frequently to build; but the 
hedge has been now cut down, and their retreat lost to them. 
‘Champion has found them in most of the neighbouring parishes, 
_ and taken their nest near Martin, and they are also to be found round 
the Warminster district. In conversation with Mr. Hart he told 
me that he had noticed them in great numbers at Market Harboro’ 
‘in Leicestershire, where they seemed almost as common as the 
VOL. XVIII.—NO. LIV. Y 


290 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


House Sparrow; but he only occasionally noticed one near Christ- 
church. I have shot them myself as a boy at Wokingham, in Berk- 
shire, and I should judge that they were widely scattered throughout 
the country, though perhaps little known. 

Fringilla Celebs. ‘ The Chaffinch,” or “ Pink ” as it is sometimes 
called, from its note. Of bachelor habits, as its Latin name implies, 
the males during the winter remaining together in the more northern 
parts, the females as a rule penetrating further south. One of our 
most beautiful nest-builders—its mossy cup-shaped nest, perched on 
some apple-bough, or against the side of some forest-tree, being a 
perfect pattern of neatness. Its reiterated spring song is very lively 
and cheering. 

Fringilla Montifringilla. “The Mountain Finch,” or “Brambling.” 
This very handsome bird is almost entirely a winter visitant to us, 
though I see Meyer mentions one or two instances of its breeding in 
Suffolk and Surrey. It is very irregular in its appearance amongst 
us; but when it does come, it is very often seen in enormous flocks. 
In the year 1868 these birds visited our neighbourhood in vast num- 
bers, one might say, in thousands. Forty were killed by a man, at 
one shot, whom Mr. Norwood asked to obtain some specimens for him, 
and they were common in that winter throughout the entire district. 
It was about this time that Champion tells me he saw a flock of 
many hundreds in the parish; and one evening, when he put them 
up in Longford Park, the noise of their wings in rising made a 
rushing sound which could be heard a long distance off. Since 
that date he caught six or seven dozen in a day at Pentridge, near 
Martin, and could have caught, he tells me, as many more as he 
liked, but not being good songsters, he did not care for them. 
King, of Warminster, also bears witness to the large flocks that are 
seen about here occasionally. ‘“ Why, Sir,” he said to me, “some 
winters you may get hats-full at atime.” During the last two 
winters, however, ,I have neither seen, nor heard of any being seen, 
in the neighbourhood. 

Carduelis Spinus. “The Siskin.” This little bird is not very 
uncommon in our immediate district, and in winter it sometimes 
appears in considerable flocks. In 1875 they were plentiful in the 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 291 


neighbourhood. Champion has taken a good many at various times 
in Longford Park, in the parish, and in 1876 he trapped some nice 
birds there, two of which I secured for my collection, being “ parish- 
ioners.” They are tame confiding little birds, and occasionally will 
come into the conservatory at Bishopstone Rectory, as Mr. E. Lear 
informs me. I believe at times that some remain with us all the year, 
and occasionally breed in the district. This is pretty well proved 
by the following fact, 7.¢e., that Champion, in 1871, when he was 
catching young Linnets at Broadchalke, trapped seven Siskins, two 
of which he told me were old birds, and the other five evidently 
young ones, It was late in July when he caught them, and being 
an unusual time of year to meet with them, he remembered the 
circumstance as being worthy of note. I have heard also of their 
being seen very late in the spring in the neighbouring parish of 
Nunton, where one of the lads told me he thought he might be able 
to find a nest of them, and I asked him to look out for further in- 
formation about it. Champion’s testimony, however, there is no 
reason to dispute. 

Carduelis Elegans. “The Goldfinch.” There is no land bird I 
think that is benefitting more by the Wild Bird Preservation Act 
than this little gem of all the Finches. In more than one place I 
have heard them spoken of as being more common than they used 
to be, and I have noticed them myself more frequently than before. 
Only once, however, have I seen a flock of some thirty or forty to- 
_ gether, and that was many years ago, in Berkshire. There is no 
_ doubt at all (as the Rev. A. C. Smith mentions in his papers on the 
birds of Wilts) about there being two distinct species of these birds 
_ recognized by our bird-catchers. On asking Champion if he thought 
so, he said, “‘ Yes, Sir, surely, every bird-catcher knows that—we 
_ eall the bigger sort ‘ Three-pound-tenners’ amongst ourselves, and 
j they are quite different from the others. You can distinguish them 
readily by the largeness of the white spot on the end of the quill 
_ feathers of the wing; and also by their white throat, and the bigger 
black crescent, which comes much further round the side of the 
_ face, and they are of a more slender shape altogether than the others. 
They are worth more because they will breed more readily with the 

x 3 


292 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


canary than the smaller kind, though the latter will do so some- 
times.” Another bird-fancier also told me that he knew the two 
kinds well, and that they called the bigger sort “ The Chevil,” or 
“Chevril.” About the year 1857 Champion trapped a beautiful 
white specimen of the larger sort, at Miles Court, near Fording- 
bridge. This bird was pure white, with the exception of the yellow 
on the wing, and the black and crimson on the head, and was a most 
beautiful specimen, as may easily be imagined. He sold it the same 
evening for 5s. 6d., as he feared it might get hurt amongst the other 
birds, of which he had trapped a great number. 

Linaria Cannabina. “The Linnet.” Common in suitable places. 
Few people know the extreme beauty of the cock bird in his nuptial 
dress. It is then one of our handsomest Finches, and its colours 
when caged never reach in any degree the perfection it attains to in 
its wild state. As Meyer says, “In adult summer plumage the 
forehead and great part of the breast are brilliant scarlet, or poppy- 
red, shining with metallic lustre,” and there is many a person who 
would not even know what bird it was, who has only been accustomed 
to see them as immature or caged specimens. I had a very pretty 
pied specimen of this bird sent me from Hurdcott this autumn— 
the whole plumage being speckled and spangled with white feathers. 

Linaria Montana. ‘ Mountain Linnet,’ or “Twite.” Here, 
again, is a bird very little known or noticed amongst us, but which 
is occasionally seen, and visits us, I believe—anyhow in the winter 
—annually. It may not at first sight be easy to distinguish it from 
the hen or the young birds of the last species; but by the careful 
observer it can be at once distinguished from either Linnet or Red- 
pole by its slenderer form, and greater proportionate length of tail. 
Tn the cock bird also the lower part of the back is of bright crimson, 
shading into brown, and this patch of colour in the male can always 
be detected, at all seasons of the year, though it is less brilliant in 
the autumn and winter months. Champion knows the bird well, 
and has occasionally trapped them, though they are not so common 
as most of our smaller birds; but he has frequently taken three or 
four of a day, and has caught them at Odstock Pond, and on Witts- 
bury Down, during the months of August and September, The last 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 293 


he trapped were in 1872. Mr. Baker says they are not unfrequently 
to be met with on Mere Downs, and thought most likely that they 
occasionally bred there. He once asked a bird-catcher in the autumn 
to secure a pair for him, and he brought them to him the very next 
day, and this was in the early autumn of 1870, so that it impressed 
him at the time with the idea that they might possibly have bred 
somewhere near. But they generally choose far more northern 
breeding -places. 

_ Linaria Minor. “The Redpole.” This bird also, like the pre- 
ceding species, is a bird more commonly met with farther north, but 
it occasionally visits us in small flocks, and is certainly commoner 
than the Twite amongst us, and is more likely to be met with as 
occasionally breeding with us. King, of Warminster, assures me 
that he knows of several instances of their having done so, but he 
did not give me further particulars about it. Mr. Baker says they 
are to be found in small flocks on the Mere Downs, both in summer 
and winter. That they do sometimes breed in the south is sub- 
stantiated by Meyer who mentions a couple of nests of this species, 
which were taken in Shanklin Chine, on May 17th, 1848. 

Linaria Borealis, “The Mealy Redpole.” Concerning this 
species I cannot say much. Mr. Baker has a specimen in his 
collection, which certainly bears a strong resemblance to this variety 
in its plumage, though in size it corresponds with Linaria Minor. 
In the neighbouring county of Somerset there was a very nice 
specimen caught by some boys under the eaves of a barley rick, one 
_ very cold winter’s evening some years back. This came into a Mr. 
- Gatcombe’s possession, of North Petherton. He not knowing what 
it was, asked my brother about it, and on going over with him to 
‘inspect it, there was no doubt about the bird’s being a Mealy Red- 
_ pole, and a very good specimen. I have not, however, heard of or 
seen one since myself, although Hart tells me that they are oc- 
_easionally to be obtained in the Christchurch district, the bird- 
 eatchers there knowing them well, and not considering them any 

very great rarities. 
Coccothraustes Vulgaris. ‘The Hawfinch.” This is a bird that, 
‘though at one time looked upon rather as a rarity, is certainly be- 


294 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


coming more common amongst us year by year. They are always 
to be found in small parties in our own parish every winter, and 
sometimes may be said to be numerous. Mr. Jervoise’s gardener’s 
son caught two during the winter of 1876-7, in gins which he had 
set for mice, one of which—a nice cock bird—he kept alive for some 
months. They are to be met with also not unfrequently in the 
Warminster district, King informing me that twelve or more were 
killed during the summer of 1877, in Mr: Wheeler’s nursery garden, 
in that town, so that there must have been one or two broods of 
them hatched out not far from that place. The Rev. G. S. Master, 
also, Rector of Dean, tells me that his gardener looks upon them 
with no friendly eye, and knows them well ; as summer after summer 
they come and attack his green peas, and do more damage among 
them in a short time than all the sparrows and other small birds 
put together. On writing to Dean last year about them Mr. Master 
thus replies, ‘‘ My gardener tells me that yesterday (July 7th, 1877) 
when he was on the look out for Jays, which trouble him much in 
the garden, a family party of Hawfinches—two old and five young 
ones—with mnch chattering and screeching, invaded the garden, 
and making straight for the rows of peas, commenced their depreda- 
tions. They always visit us in this way, and at this season, but we 
have never been able to ascertain their breeding-place. These last 
seem to have come from the other side of Dean Hill. I find they 
are well known at Whiteparish.” Hart also informs me that a year 
or two ago they were very common in the Christchurch district, 
numbers of them being killed with the boys by catapults. The cock 
bird is a very striking fellow when in good plumage, putting you 
rather in mind of a gigantic cock sparrow, from the black mark 
that extends down the throat from the lower mandible. A nip from 
one of these birds is by no means to be coveted, bearing rightly as 
it does as one of its common names, “ The Grosbeak,” from its un- 
usually thick and powerfull bill. 

Coccothraustes Chloris. “The Greenfinch.” Too common to need 
description. Last year my two little boys were at their lessons as 
usual, when they were surprised by a double-barrelled thud against, 
the plate-glass of the window, which reaches down to the ground, 


ee a or 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 295 


and on looking up they saw a halo of feathers in the air, and lying 
panting on the ground were a cock and hen Greenfinch, which soon 
expired from the crash with which they had flown against the glass, 
and are now perpetuated in their juvenile collection. 

Pyrrhula Vulgaris. “The Bullfinch.” Perhaps the most beautiful 
of all our small birds ; nothing being able to eclipse the softness with 
which the black, grey, white, and rosy-pink of the cock bird are 
blended together. Like the dog among the quadrupeds, whose bad 
name only fits him for a halter, so I am afraid the poor Bullfinch, 
anyhow by the gardener, is thought only fit for shot. I am afraid 
he does commit depredations and shorten the existence of many a 
tender shoot; nevertheless, may his single plaintive whistle often 
be heard amongst us, and his charming plumage still frequently be 
seen, for no one can well pass by him without pausing to admire his 
lovely dress. 

Pyrrhula Enucleator. “The Pine Bullfinch.” An exceeding great 
rarity in the South of England. Wart informs me that he remem- 
bers well one of these birds occurring in the Christchurch district 
some years back, and passing through their hands for preservation. 
He remembers the occurrence of it as being a great rarity, but he 
did not make a note of it at the time, and therefore could give me 
no further information about it- 

Loxia Curvirostra. “The Crossbill.” This quaint bird is not of 
every-day occurrence, but when it does visit us it often occurs in 
considerable numbers, and from its active and restless habits is sure 
to be noticed. I have a nice pair in my collection which were killed 


amongst many others near Devizes in 1861, and I have numerous 
notices of their appearance from various quarters. Mr. Baker tells 
me that a large flock of these birds visited that neighbourhood in 
the winter of 1868-9, when numerous specimens were secured. Mr. 


James Sinton had a group of six or seven of them mounted under a 
shade, forming a very striking group. About six years ago many 
were brought in to King, of Warminster, from the Stourton district, 
and T, Powell, Esq., of Hurdeott, writes me word that a good many 
of these birds were shot by his uncle in a plantation of Scotch and 


_ spruce fir, some time back. Champion says that he knows them, 


296 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


and has trapped one or two of them, with the Bramblings, but only 
on one or two occasions. One was procured by Hart, in 1876, but 
in some years, as he says, they occur in any numbers. The colours 
of these birds vary indescribably, the adult plumage of the cock 
bird being rosy red, the female being of a greenish hue; and ac- 
cording to age and sex they are found of all kinds of tints, in which 
grey, green, yellow, orange, and red predominate in turn. 

I have no notice of the two rarer sorts, “The Parrot Crossbill,” 
Loxia Pytiopsittacus, or the white winged species, Lowia Leucoptera, 
occurring in our neighbourhood. 


AMPELIDE (DENTIROSTRES). 


3 


Ampelis Garrulus. “The Bohemian Waxwing.” I have only 
heard of one instance of this rare bird having been killed in our 
more immediate neighbourhood, and one has to travel back a long 
time ago for this one. The specimen I allude to was brought in to ‘ 
King for preservation now some forty years ago. It wasa beautiful 
cock bird in fine preservation, and had been killed by Mr. Fussle, at 
Corsley, about two miles from Warminster, and, as the old stuffer 
described it in his own words, “ when it was brought in to me it quite 
made my hair stand on end, and I remember it as though it were 
yesterday.” When it does come among us it sometimes comes in 
large flocks, but it has not been common of late years. Hart in- 
forms me that one was killed near Christchurch, in 1872, this being 


the only instance occurring lately in his district. 


STURNIDE. 


Sturnus Vulgaris. “The Starling.” No birds would make a 
more interesting case in their various stages of plumage than the 
Starlings. The plain grey dress of the young bird, the mottled garb 
of the first moult, and the dark suit of the adult with its handsome 
metallic lustre forming some charming contrasts. Observe an old 
cock Starling some fine morning in spring, carolling forth his pecu- 
liar song of praise, and surely you will seem to have witnessed the 
perfection of happiness. He cannot keep still a minute, his quivering 
wings open and shut in indescribable attitudes, and he seems to be 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 297 


“off his head” with enthusiastic rapture! They are wonderful 
imitators of other birds, one of their notes being exactly like the call 
of a young Brown Owl, which so took me in one day that I spent 
some time hunting in an old ivy bush to discover the nest of the 
latter bird. There is a great Starling roost in Odstock Copse, the 
next parish to ours, where in the winter thousands on thousands 
congregate together. The first time that I noticed them they were 
about a mile off from me, and I could not imagine what they were. 
Every now and then, as they performed their evolutions round and 
round the copse, ere they settled for the night, they appeared in the 
distance like a cloud of smoke, and then turning simultaneously they 
seemed to disappear altogether. Then as suddenly they would divide 
into two bodies, and wheel round, and charge each other, and amal- 
gamate into one again, with all the precision of troops on review. 
I have spent many a half-hour in watching them since. And then, 
their noise on finally alighting for the evening! It is something 
beyond description! It is a perfect babel, in which each bird seems 
determined to have his say, and recount the occurrences of the day, 
and what /e has done and seen, ere he retires to rest. 

Pastor Roseus. “The Rose coloured Pastor. This beautiful bird 
is but a rare straggler amongst us, and he is a fortunate man who 
has a British-killed specimen in his collection. The only Wilts 
_ specimen which I know of is the one in the Rev. G. Powell’s 

collection, of Sutton Veney. It was killed many years back on 
‘Salisbury Plain, by a shepherd-lad, who managed to preserve it after 
a fashion by peppering it, and so, as it were, embalming the body. 
_ It came eventually into Mr. Powell’s posession, and was re-stuffed by 
King some seventeen years ago. A beautiful bird of this species 
_was killed by Mr. Saunders, near Wallingford, in 1873, and was 
_ preserved by Harbor, of Reading, who informed me of the occurrence. 
And another fine bird was shot by Mr. W. Hart, the father of 
_ the present naturalist at Christchurch, in an apple tree in his own 
orchard. A very curious coincidence happened in Sarum about the 
. time I first came to reside in these parts, in 1862. The Rev. A. 
‘Earle, now Archdeacon of Totness, was then Curate of St. Edmund’s, 
- Salisbury, and he told me that there was a very curious bird, mating 


298 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


apparently with a common Starling in a pipe at the back of his 
bedroom window, where he noticed it every morning. He described 
the bird to me as having a good deal of pink about it, and thought 
it might be a rose-winged Starling. I went one day to see if I 
could see it, but was not fortunate enough to obtain a glance of it; 
but I always thought it might possibly have been one of these birds. 
After some little time it disappeared, and I heard no more about it. 


CorvIDz. 


Corvus Corax. “The Raven.” This grand bird rightly heads 
the list of the Corvide, or Crow tribe, and still breeds in the county 
in several place, although I much fear it is annually getting scarcer 
and scarcer amongst us. You are still enlivened (?) now and then 
however by its sonorous croak high over your head, where your 
attention is drawn upwards to the grand pair circling high above 
you, and the inspiriting sight of which you would otherwise in all 
probability have missed. The last pair I saw was in the summer of 
last year (1877), at Hurdcott, the unmistakable croak then calling 
our attention to them. They used to breed regularly, and I think 
still occasionally do, at Claybury Ring—the highest point in South 
Wilts—and in 1876 they bred at Badbury Ring. I have also seen 
them and their nest in a fir plantation on Wittsbury Down. I no- 
ticed there that there were two nests in two adjoining trees, which 
struck me at the time as being rather peculiar, as they usually cling 
with great tenacity to any tree or spot when once definitely chosen 
by them. At the same time I saw our sable friends themselves 
eyeing us askance at a safe distance from their point of observation 
on the downs, and soon after came across a full-grown rabbit, which 
they had evidently surprised in the open down and killed—its eyes 
being pecked out, and bearing upon it other plain marks of their 
irresistible sledge-hammers of bills. I had a pair of young Ravens 
some years ago from Breamore, where the tree had been cut down 
which had borne their nest, one of which proved a most amusing, as 
well as mischievous pet, pecking off my finest flowers under my eyes 
and hopping off with them with the greatest sang-froid, as though 
he had achieved a most praiseworthy deed. Some years ago the old 


_ 


a 


: 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 299 


clerk of our parish, James Oates, told me a very curious tale con- 
cerning these birds. He -was out working one day when he saw a 
Pigeon fly past him closely pursued by a couple of Ravens, one of 
which, just after they had passed him, struck the pigeon on the 
head, which fell in an adjoining hedge. He ran up and secured the 
Pigeon for his dinner, when he found the bird’s head and neck laid 
bare by the stroke of the Raven’s bill. This I should fancy was 
rather an exceptional incident, although they doubtless attack any- 
thing that affords them a fair opportunity. In 1877 King had 
three birds brought to him for preservation which had been killed 
at the head of Shearwater Lake. But before I take leave of these 
noble birds I cannot help relating an occurrence concerning them 
which was told to me by Mr. E. Baker, of Mere, and which would seem 
to afford a striking instance of the power of scent which is often at- 
tributed to them. It was in the May of the year 1871, when Mr. 
Baker was attending the funeral of two little nieces who had died 
from diptheria. Their sad way lay along the downs for a mile or 
more, and they had not proceeded far when a pair of Ravens made 
their appearance, and followed the party closely for nearly a mile. 
During this time these birds made repeated and determined swoops 
at the coffins in which the bodies were contained, which they con- 
tinued to do, until approaching a hollow in the downs where a rook- 
ery was located, the Rooks sallied out, and mobbed the Ravens, so 
that they at last turned tail, and left the party. The swoops that 
the birds made at the coffins were, as Mr. Baker describes, most 
frequent and decided, leaving on his mind no doubt that their 
wonderful power of scent had detected the corpses, although pre- 
sented to them in such an unusual and unaccustomed form. 

Corvus Corone. ‘The Carrion Crow.” The Raven in miniature, 
as regards shape and appearance, but without the beautifully glossy 
plumage of the latter. Scattered generally everywhere. We have 
a pair that have built rom time immemorial in our, water-meadows, 
finding ample provision in the dead fish and other matter that is 
always to be found in our “ carriages and drawings,” as our water- 
courses are called. In 1877 I took their first nest—as I wanted 
some eggs for my boys’ collection—which was built in the topmost 


300 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


boughs of an ash in a hedge-row, inaccessible except by cutting 
with a bill-hook the slender branch on which it rested, and thus 
lowering nest and eggs in safety. This nest we took on Monday, 
and by the following Thursday a second nest had been built in a 
neighbouring ash tree, and to all appearance finished, which cer- 
tainly would read us a lesson of ‘‘ Nid desperandum,” but rather, 
when misfortune befalls, to lose no time in doing our best to amend 
it. I should be very sorry to miss their triple “ caw-caw-caw ”’ from 
the meadows, of which there is little chance, however, as they are 
not much persecuted, and know pretty well how to take care of 
themselves. 

Corvus Corniz, “The Hooded Crow.” This bird, once not un- 
common on our downs and in our water-meadows, would seem for 
some reason or other to be getting annually scarcer and scarcer in 
our district. A few years ago there always used to be one or two of 
these birds in our water-meadows in the winter, but for the last 
eight or nine years I have not seen one in the parish. _ King, also, 
says much the same, telling me that they were common in the 
Warminster water-meadows some twenty years ago, but that now 
they have quite deserted them. Champion has noticed them oc- 
casionally on the downs round Martin, but never in any numbers, 
I cannot account for their thus deserting us, unless it be that 
our winters for some years past have been, on the whole, milder 
than they used to be. They are the most troublesome of all birds 
to the game-preservers in the north, and do more harm to the Grouse 
in the nesting season, by running off with the eggs directly the 
nest is left exposed, than all the Hawks and Peregrines put together. 
A friend of my brother’s, in Scotland, once saw a pair of these birds 
mobbing a poor unfortunate rabbit on the opposite bank of the 
stream to that from which he was fishing. Not being able to cross 
the stream he at last drove them off by shouting and pelting them 
with stones, but as the rabbit did not move most likely they had 
already done their work effectually and blinded the poor animal, who 
therefore was not able to take advantage of the protection thus 


afforded him. 
Corvus Frugilegus. “The Rook.” Too well known to say much 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 301 


about. They are very fond about us of feeding on the acorns of 
the ilex oak, in which occupation I have watched them for half-an- 
hour together. There are eight or nine large ilexes round the Moat, 
the seat of F. J. E. Jervoise, Esq., and I have frequently noticed quite 
an animated scene, as the Rooks crowd round them on some fine 
autumn morning, balancing themselves on the outward sprays of 
the branches in endeavouring to secure the best vantage-ground 
from which to secure their coveted prize. It is very amusing, also, 
to notice how two or more of them will often persecute some un- 
fortunate Heron to which they have taken a sudden antipathy, pur- 
suing it relentlessly for a long distance and causing it often to give 
vent to the most weird and unearthly noises, 

Corvus Monedula, “The Jackdaw.” Everyone knows “ Jack.” 
I have, however, a pair in my collection which not one person out 
of ten would recognize at first sight. One of them was bred in the 
Cathedral, and shot on a sheepfold at the neighbouring parish of 
West Harnham. This bird in its entire plumage presents a most 
curious medley of brown and grey. The other specimen is of a 
uniform dun-brown colour; the bird was six years old, having been 
kept as a pet by its former owner, when it was unfortunately killed 
by a cat in the street. I have never seen any other specimens like 
them at all, though I have now and then seen pied varieties. One 
of these was a remarkably handsome bird, that gave you the idea 
that it had been out in a snow-storm and still retained the snow- 
flakes all over its plumage. This bird I used to see, Sunday after 
_ Sunday, as I walked to my duty at Cothelston Church, a little parish 
lying at the foot of the lovely Quantock Hills, in Somerset, but I 
- could never procure it for my collection. 
Corvus Pica. “The Magpie.” Not numerous in our district. 
_I do not remember having seen one in this parish more than once 
or twice ever since I have been here, which speaks pretty plainly of 
the due attention paid to them by the gamekeepers. There are 
some, however, left in Clarendon Wood. Mr. Norwood, who has 
given much attention to the subject, fully believes there are two 
_ species of the Magpie found amongst us, though he does not think 
they are to be divided into the two classes of the Tree and the Bush 


302 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


Magpie, on account of the different positions which they may chose 
for nesting. In Northamptonshire, where his home lies, he tells 
me he has observed them very accurately, and they used to abound 
there, it not being an unusual thing for him to find six or seven 
nests in a daily excursion, and he distinctly recognizes two sorts, 
one of which is nearly three inches larger than the other. Both of 
these sorts would build indiscriminately in trees high or low; but 
the thing which he had noticed, and which had most effect in con- 
vincing him of the distinction between the sorts, was that he never 
found an instance of the two varieties mating with each other. He 
never found one of the long-tailed sort mating with the smaller 
bird, or vice versd. 

Fregilus Graculus. ‘The Chough.” <A very handsome bird is 
the Chough, but I fear one of which it will not be much longer true 


to sing 
“The Chough and Crow to roost are gone,” 


as being seen in each other’s company, in many of our counties. 
They used to visit our downs occasionally in former years, though I 
know of no recent instances of their doing so; but King informs me 
that he remembers one of these birds being killed by a shepherd lad 
at Battlesbury, on the downs about a mile-and-a-half from War- 
minster, but the bird was, unfortunately, not preserved. I have a 
fine pair in my collection, which came from Tintagel, on the Cornish 
coast, some six years ago. But even then the person who procured 
them said they were very scarce, and were not commonly seen about 
there. Hart, however, tells me that they still breed in the neigh- 
bourhood of Swanage, and that he has specimens not unfrequently 
brought him from that district. Thus he had a pair from thence in 
1869; three, in 1873; a pair from Hengistbury Head, in 1871, and 
another pair from Swanage, in 1875, and from what he told me I 
gathered that they were not considered altogether as such great 
rarities in that district; and perhaps now the Bird Act may enable 
them to hold their own better than formerly. 

Garrulus Glandarius. “The Jay.” This bird is as cunning as it 
is handsome, as well as being an audacious thief. I noticed one of 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 303 


these birds, in the spring of 1875, fly into a tall poplar standing on 
the Vicarage lawn, and after causing a great commotion, it flew off 
with a young thrush in its bill, pursued in vain for some distance 
by the parent birds. As another instance of this kind, J. A. T. 
Powell, Exq., tells me that he one day shot one of these birds with 
a full-grown chaffinch half-way down its throat, which seems to 
show the tricks he is often up to in this way. This bird is a great 
adept at keeping you in entire ignorance as to the whereabouts of 
his nest, not altogether from the care with which he hides it as from 
the fact that he never allows you to see him in its immediate vicinity. 
Mr. Powell thus writes to me on the subject: “I think, without any 
exception, Jays’ nests are the most difficult of any birds to find. In 
a covert here there are annually two or three trips of young Jays 
bred, and I can sometimes find out within thirty or forty yards 
square, where they are; but never—and I try every year—can I 
discover the nest until the young are flown.” As an instance of . 
which he once showed me an old nest, which he had hunted for over 
and over again, but which hatched out in safety, when he discovered 
it in the middle of a thick thorn bush, which actually hung over the 
keeper’s cottage, and though he was there almost daily not once had 
he detected the old birds near the place. 

__—~-Nucifraga Caryocatactes. “The Nuteracker.’? This very rare bird 
I cannot find any instance of in this county: but Mr. Hart informs 
me that two fine specimens of this species were killed near Christ- 
church about the year 1857, one of which is now in his own museum, 
and the other went to a Mr. Gurney. Its beak is uncommonly 
_ powerful, and it would seem to be a greater enemy to small birds 
even than the Jay. Meyer mentions that it has been known to 
attack and devour a squirrel; its usual food, however, would seem 
to consist of nuts and acorns. 


Scansores (PIcrDz). 


We come now to the family of the Scansores, or Climbers, of 
_ which the Woodpeckers form the chief group; and of all birds there 
are none more interesting, both from the beauty of their plumage 
and their comparative rarity, as well as from their peculiar habits, 
i 


7 


304 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


which are unlike most other birds. At the head of these stands 

Picus Martius, “The Great Black Woodpecker,” a bird which has 
always been included in British lists, but whose visits are, at any 
rate, very few and far between. No one who ever saw this bird 
could well mistake it for any other of the same tribe. Hart, of 
Christchurch, has a notice of this bird having been seen in the New 
Forest not many years back. The person who saw it was well known 
to him, and wrote him an account of it at the time, which quite 
convinced him of the truth of the occurrence. He put the letter by 
in a safe place to preserve it, and has not been able since to lay his 
hand upon it, but he is well assured of the occurrence, and has 
kindly promised to send me the date and circumstances of the case, 
as soon as he can. Mr. Rawlence, of Wilton, has a nice specimen 
of this bird, which he bought with many others as being local 
specimens. I cannot, however, give further information concerning 
the former history of the bird. 

Picus Viridis. “The Green Woodpecker.” On coming to speak 
of the Green Woodpecker we feel more at home, few people, I 
suppose, having failed both to hear and see the laughing Yafile in 
their country rambles. They are scattered throughout the length 
and breadth of our country, wherever the land is sufficiently wooded 
for them, and there are always a pair which breed in the vicinity of 
the Vicarage here. There are few British birds more beautifully 
coloured than the Yafile, with its crimson head, yellow back and 
generally bright green coat. I was admiring one the other day in 
a poor person’s cottage (where I do like to see a case of stuffed birds 
occasionally) when the owner said to me, in reply to my remarks, 
“Yes, Sir, it 7s a beautiful bird; we call it the English Parrot,” a 
name I never heard given to it before, but which seemed to be the 
usual one in that district. If anyone is not practically acquainted 
with this bird, let them, on the next occasion they may have of 
handling one freshly killed, pull out its tongue to its extreme length, 
and they will think of the conjuror who produces unlimited yards 
of tape from his mouth, which you think you are never coming to the 
end of. Itis of a surprising length, wonderfully adapted for reaching 
insects in the deep crevices of the bark of the trees, where it finds 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 305 


its food, and for licking up the ants and eggs from the ant-hills, 
which is their favorite diet. The young birds of the year are 
curiously mottled and speckled, very different from the old birds, 
and I once saw a very curious pair, which were mottled all over with 
flakes of yellowish-white, which gave them a curious piebald appear- 
ance, but they do not generally vary much in their plumage. 

Picus Major. “The Great Spotted Woodpecker.” This is, cer- 
tainly the most uncommon of the three varieties of Woodpeckers 
that are generally seen in England. I have only seen them two or 
three times since I have been in these parts—on one occasion being 
startled by its clear single note, which, being quite an unusual sound 
to me, made me at once look up, when I saw one of these birds 
flying directly over my head in the direction of Longford Park. A 
pair used to breed regularly just outside the park, in the village of 
Bodenham, but they have not been noticed there lately, I believe ; 
and at Hurdcott their nests are always to be found in the woods, 
although it is ever a matter of patience to reach the eggs, if wanted, 
as they can generally only be secured with the aid of saw and hatchet. 
It has often been a matter of dispute, as to whether there are more 
than two kinds of Spotted Woodpeckers inhabiting England; and, 
until lately, I certainly thought that there were but two—the varie- 
ties Picus major and minor, the Greater and Lesser Spotted; but 
last year I received a bird which certainly alters my opinion, and I 
now believe there is a second and distinct variety of the larger- 
spotted species. This bird was killed near Basingstoke, in the early 
summer of 1877, being apparently of full growth, and fully feathered, 
though evidently a young bird ; and there are many distinctive marks 
about it, in which it certainly differs from Picus major. It is evi- 
dently a male bird; but the crimson on the head, instead of forming 
a patch on the nape of the neck, as in P. major, covers the whole 
forehead, as in P. minor; and surely no future moult would cause 
this colour to move from the crown of the head and settle itself 
in a distinct patch on the nape of the neck. It is, besides, a size 
smaller, though decidedly much bigger than P. minor, and the beak 
_ is not so thick at the base or so long as in P. major. The general 
_ markings are very similar to the larger species; I could detect 
VOL. XVIII.—NO, LIV. Zz 


806 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


differences, but not so marked as to make a substantial difference ; 
nor are they so decided as to render it improbable that any change 
should take place after the first moult. But the crimson head, smaller 
size, and slighter bill, convince me that it must be a distinct variety. 
Being in doubt, I looked in at the Salisbury Museum to solve my 
difficulties,and there my convictions were unexpectedly strengthened, 
for I found two specimens of Picus major of the usual appearance, 
and one, evidently an adult male, of the second sort; the crimson 
on the head of this latter bird covering the whole erown of the head, 
as in my younger bird, and being much brighter, as you would 
expect it to be in an adult specimen. I wish this matter may be 
cleared up, and perchance it will be in Professor Newton’s new 
edition of Yarrell; but I cannot help thinking that there must be 
three distinct species of Spotted Woodpeckers amongst us, the middle 
sort of which has never yet been definitely and accurately des- 
cribed.' 

Picus Minor. “The Lesser Spotted Woodpecker.” I may say 
not at all uncommon in our immediate neighbourhood, nor are they 
in Berkshire or Somerset, in both which counties I have often ob- 
served them. From their small size they doubtless frequently escape 
detection, and people who hear the peculiar jarring noise they so 
often make are content to say, as a rule, “ Ah! there’s a Woodpecker 
at work” (if they should know enough about birds to know as much 
as this), and would not credit that so small a workman could make 
so great a noise. It is a beautiful little bird, most lively and ani- 
mated. One of its notes is a sharp reiterated ery, not altogether 
unlike that of a Kestrel—a clear sharp note, repeated six or seven 
times in rotation. I have seen it all round the Vicarage in various — 
places—climbing about our fine old elms and poplars; on the apple 
trees in the garden; on the osiers in the withy-beds; and once I 
surprised it in my garden, where I had just time to see it was busily 
occupied with something on the ground, probably an emmet’s nest, 
ere it rose. One winter the gardener at the Moat shot some five 
or six specimens of this little bird, until I was afraid he would ex- 
terminate them altogether, but now the close time will doubtless 
prove their friend. Last spring, when at my old home at Wokingham 


———-_—” ~ 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 307 


in Berkshire, wishing for a memo’ from the place in the bud 
line, I asked my brother to shoot me a Green Woodpecker, which 
was busily employed on the ground not far off on an ant-hill, and, 
rather curiously, in about an hour he shot a male P. Viridis, a male 
P. Minor, and a pair of Nuthatches, which made up a very pretty 
case, now in my possession. One of the favorite haunts of this 
pretty little species is to be found in the old elms of Kensington 
Gardens, which would doubtless prove as safe a place for them as 
they could well choose, proving—as is often the case—that a bold 
policy is the safest in the end. 

Yunex Torquilla. “The Wryneck.” One of our most beautifully- 
marked birds, and fairly numerous, though it is seldom observed on 
account of its generally sober-coloured plumage. Its spring note, 
however, is sure to betray its presence, for it cannot be mistaken, 
when once known, for that of any other bird. It consists of one 
high, sharp, clear note, quickly reiterated some nine or ten times in 
succession, and tells us that spring is come, quite as surely as the, 
opening of any of our spring flowers in garden or hedge-row. It is 
often called the “ Cuckoo’s mate,” amidst the varieties of other local 
names given to it; and in old days it used to be considered an 
effective charm in recalling the wandering footsteps of the husband 
back to his home; my ornithological taste having caused me to 
remember the only line of Theocritus which I can call to mind, and 
which tells of this supposed power in the poor Wryneck, which used 
to be fastened to a wheel and spun round and round, during the 
singing of the following incantation :—“ "Iiy& &\e Td Thvov éwov 
mot) Sapa Tov d&vdpa”—which being interpreted is, ‘ Wryneck, 


; -prithee, draw the good man to my home.” © Would it not be well 


if the little bird could be used in the good cause still, in many an 
instance? though I am afraid the power of the little necromancer 
would be found but small in the cases where it would be most de- 


_ sirable to find it exerted. Its general plumage may be described as 
_ being a mixture of pepper and salt, with intervening bars and streaks 


of brown, presenting on the whole a most pleasing effect. It lays 


an unusually large number of eggs, commonly ten or eleven, of a 
_ dull white, in the hole of some decaying tree or stump. 


z 2 


308 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


CERTHIADA. 


Certhia Familiaris. ‘‘The Common Creeper.” Quite common. 
Sometimes amongst us called the Treemouse, running round and 
round the trees and peering into every crevice and nook for its 
diminutive insect prey. Some years ago a Creeper built its nest in 
a very curious place in the garden next to mine. The door of a 
wood-house was kept usually open, and fastened by a catch over 
the latch against the side of the house, and the little bird chose the 
latch of the door to form the foundation of its nest. Had the door 
once been touched of course the whole nest would have been pulled 
to pieces, but the owners, observing the little bird’s labours, were 
careful to leave it untouched, and it hatched out in safety. 

Sitta Europea. “The Nuthatch.” I must say this is one of 
my favorite birds. It is a lively and indefatigable worker, never 
still for an instant, and enlivening us continually with its untiring 
chattering voice. Round and round, and up and down the stems it 
runs, being apparently up to all occasions and positions in life, and 
every now and then showing that it knows how to make the best 
use of every scrap of muscular power that it possesses in its small 
body, from which many a man might take a useful hint how properly 
to punish a barter (half-volley) at cricket. Laying firm hold of the 
bark with its claws, and taking a good purchase with its tail-feathers 
against the tree, it will put the whole weight of its body into blows 
which it continues to deal in the most determined manner until it 
has cracked the nut, or split the piece of wood on which it has set 
its heart. This little bird has a peculiar habit of plaistering up the 
hole in the tree which it has fixed on for its nest, with mud, so as 
only to leave a hole just big enough for itself to enter. Sometimes 
you may find a considerable space filled up in this way, and which 
must have caused the little plaisterers much time and trouble to 
have accomplished. 

Upupa Epops. “The Hoopoe,” This bird not unfrequently 
occurs amongst us, and were it not so persistently shot down would 
no doubt occasionally breed amongst us, but, owing to its beauty 
and its rarity, directly one appears it is sure to be persecuted until 


~ 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 309 


killed. I have a good many notes of their occurring both here, and 
all down the Avon Valley, and during this year (1878) there have 
been several specimens procured round Christchurch. Thus Mr. 
Hart informs me one was shot at Christchurch, on August 7th; 
another killed by Hart himself on August 14th; a third was shot 
on Cranemoor on September 2nd, and a fourth at Longfleet. Besides 
these specimens others have been killed lately at the undermentioned 
places: one killed at West Knoyle, in May, 1865, by Mr. Thomas 
Grey ; another, at Breamore, in May, 1869; a third since that date 
was shot on Mr. Crook’s farm at Dean ; another, about the same 
date, at Upton Scudamore; a fifth was shot by Mr. Richard Brine, 
at Mere, on April 2nd, 1873; while a sixth was picked up dead on 
Mr. Rawlence’s farm, in 1874, one or two of them having been seen 
together, and fired at, on the Race Plain a day or two previously. 
There are several other occurrences I could record of these birds, but 
these are quite sufficient to prove their frequent visits to us. Before 
I leave them, however, I wish to record an occurrence that was 
mentioned to me by Mr. Norwood. On Saturday, June 16th, 


_ 1877, he informed me that his clerk, W. Holbech, had seen a party 


of Hoopoes in a withy-bed on the river at Stratford-sub-Castle, some 
two miles from Salisbury, and on questioning him myself, Holbech 
told me that he was floating down the river quietly in a boat when 
his attention was attracted by some birds in an osier bed, that he 
had never seen before. They were six in number, and appeared to 
him to be two old birds and four young ones. He kept perfectly 
quiet, and they allowed him to approach within some ten yards of 
them. The old birds kept flitting on in front, and every now and 


_ then erecting a magnificent crest on their heads, “something like 


this,” as he said, holding up his hand, and dividing his fingers ; and 
the younger birds followed them, picking insects, apparently, off the 
withies, as they went. He observed them closely for some time, 
and then, being convinced that they were rare birds, he rowed back 
at once to Mr. Norwood and begged him at once to bring his gun > 
and try and secure some of them, which, however, he could not do. 
Norwood at once suspected what the birds were, and taking Morris’s 
Birds, he showed him several other plates first, and then turned to 


310 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


the Hoopoe, when Holbech at once exclaimed “ That’s the bird ; 
there’s no doubt of it, that’s the bird I saw.” The next day they 
were not, however, to be seen, and nothing more was heard of them, 
but it is quite possible that they might have been hatched out 
somewhere in the neighbourhood. 

Cuculus Canorus. ‘The Cuckoo.” Very common in the neigh- 
bourhood of our water-meadows. On one summer’s evening I 
remember thinking I could detect six birds euckooing around me at 
one and the same time. I remember on one occasion hearing their 
familiar note apparently sounding from the heavens themselves. It 
was an early day in spring, and, on looking up, I saw at an im- 
measurable distance above my head three Cuckoos, apparently on 
their migration flight to our shores, and the first sound of their 
welcome descending upon me in that unsuspected manner had an 
indescribably pleasing effect. One of the watermen here tells me 
he has often found the young Cuckoos in the Reed Warblers’ nests, 
but I have never actually seen one myself in them, although I have 
taken their eggs frequently from them, and can scarcely understand 
how such a big bird as a young Cuckoo can possibly support itself 
in them until it is able to fly. As far as I have noticed, should the 
Cuckoo lay its egg in any nest before the owner itself has deposited 
any the nest is generally deserted. I found this so in two cases, in 
that of a Robin’s and a Reed Warbler’s, but I do not know whether 
it is generally so or not. 


FISSIROSTRES. 
HaLcyontp2. 
Alcedo Ispida. “The Kingfisher.” This beautiful bird is com- 


mon in our water-meadows, where I have often seen five or six of a 
day in the course of a day’s Snipe shooting. Mr. Hart tells me in 
the Christchurch Harbour and district they increase in numbers 
perceptibly during the winter months, when they are numerous 
about there. He has one very peculiar specimen in his collection, 
the entire under-parts from chin to vent being pure white, instead 
of the usual rich orange colour. In the winter of 1876-77, when 
the floods were higher in the Avon Valley than they have been for 


~ 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 311 


twenty or thirty years, several dead Kingfishers were picked up in 

the parish. They appeared to have been starved out of their usual 
feeding-places, the waters being so swollen and turbid that it was 
impossible for them to find the small fry on which they feed, or even 

to know where to look for them. But it was a curious effect for a 
water-bird to be killed by an excess of water, affording a practical 

. illustration of the old adage, that “ you can have too much of a good 
thing.” I once, in our water-meadows, noticed a Kingfisher securing 

- his prey in a very adroit manner. I observed a small bird poising 
itself in the air some ten or twelve feet from the ground, just in the 
same way that you may see a Kestrel hovering, and then descending 
perpendicularly apparently to the earth, as though it were attacking 
some enemy or prey immediately beneath it. This action it kept 
on repeating, ascending to the same height again and again, and 


continuing to make the same bold and downward swoops. On 
creeping up to a hedge, however, from which I could watch the 
bird better I saw at once it was a Kingfisher taking splendid headers 
into a stream, which was hidden from me before, and there being no 
kind of shrub or perch from which it could watch its finny prey, it 
was obliged to adopt the method above described, both to see and secure: 
the minnows below it. Its actions reminded me of the bold swoops 
the Gannet makes, as I have observed them off Portland, as they 
dash headlong with closed pinions into the surging sea beneath them. 


HIRUNDINIDA. 


_ Hirundo Rustica. “The Swallow.” Every one knows and loves 
“the Swallow twittering in its straw-built shed.” The harbinger 
of summer, and a bird against which not one single bad word can 
_ be said; it is, surely, the most harmless and useful of all our summer 
_visitants, and should be protected by every one. A pure white 
_ swallow once flew down one of the chimneys at my old home at 
- Wokingham, but I was too young then to understand the rarity of 
it, and it was not preserved. 

 Hirundo Urbica. “The Martin.” Makes its appearance with 
_us rather earlier than the last species, and is very numerous. There 
is one favorite house in the parish where you may at times count 


us 


312 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


forty or fifty of their nests all packed close together. They are 
sadly persecuted, however, by the House-Sparrows, who will not let 
them build in peace, but frequently take possession of their nests 
and turn the original owners out. The Martins, however, are some- 
times up to the occasion, and have been known to club together and 
build the intruder up in his nest, closing up the aperture with mud, 
and letting him perish miserably in his usurped domain. The 
plumage of this pretty little bird is very striking, the snow-white of 
all the under parts, and patch above the tail, contrasting most 
beautifully with the bright steel-blue of the head and back. 
Hirundo Riparia. “The Sand Martin.” This little bird is less 
pleasing in its plumage than all others of the Swallow tribe, but 
makes up for that by its vivacity and early appearance. In the 
autumn it assembles in our meadows in countless myriads, roosting 
in the osier-beds; in such numbers that you would think they could 
scarcely find room to settle. On these occasions you have a very 
good chance of securing a good specimen of the Hobby, one of which 
little Falcons is not uncommonly to be seen dashing in amongst 
them, and securing one or more of them for his supper. It is most 
curious to listen to the noise which the large flocks of these little 
birds make just after they have pitched and ere they have settled 
down for the night. Like the Starlings, they also will have their 
say out ere they go to sleep; but unlike the chatteration of the 
Starling roost, you cannot distinguish any single note in their con- 
eert. The myriads of little voices all seem to blend into one confused 
sound, which puts one 'in mind of the sound of rushing water, or, 
as it struck me, of an engine blowing off steam ; and if you hear the 
noise without having seen them first pitch, the effect is most curious. 
You cannot tell where it comes from—now it seems to be in the sky 
above you, now from the ground beneath you ; at one time it would 
seem to be far off, and now to be close at hand ; neither is the riddle 
solved until, by startling them from their roosting-place, you realise 
what thousands of little throats have united to form the volume of 
sound which so perplexed you. They nest very late, their eggs 
generally not being laid till the July month, when you may find 
any number of them in their little colonies in some favorite sand-bank. 


S 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 313 


Cypselus Apus. ‘The Swift.” <A bird that rightly earns its name 
from the velocity of its flight. Renowned as they are for their 
marvellous power of endurance on the wing, I have more than once 
picked them up apparently in a state of exhaustion. One of these 
birds I picked up in our churchyard, unable to move, or make any 
effort to use its wings, but, after holding it for some time, it all of 
a sudden gathered itself up and flew away as though there were 
nothing the matter with it. I once saw a most curious variety of 


this bird. The whole of the body was pure white, both on its upper 


and under parts, while the head, tail, and wings were of the usual 
dusky black. It was flying with a quantity of other Swifts up and 
down the stream and circling round and round one’s head, approach - 


ing at times so closely that I almost could reach it with my umbrella, 


and after watching it for some time I ran off to obtain a gun, asking 
my wife, who was with me at the time, to watch it till I returned. 
I did sv in a few minutes, hoping to secure my prize, when she ex- 


claimed “There it goes,’ and sure enough it did go from that 


moment, and I never saw it again until some six weeks afterwards, 
when I noticed the same bird close to Salisbury. It would have 
been worth preserving as it is very unusual to find one of these birds 
varying from the normal colour. When I was at school at Win- 
chester I remember catching one of these birds in a most peculiar 
manner. I was out with another boy fishing, and the Swifts were 
circling round us as they sometimes will, threatening almost at times: 
to fly against you. I had a landing-net in my hand, and, observing: 
one of these birds flying straight at my head, I allowed for the pace 
at which it was flying, and when a yard or so from me I whisked 
the net over my head in the same direction in which the bird was 
flymg, and landed him safely ; and—if I remember rightly—this 


was all we did land. 


CAPRIMULGIDA. 


Caprimulgus Europeus. “The Night Jar.” This interesting bird 
is not uncommon amongst us, though not, perhaps, very generally 


_ known, owing to its retiring habits by day, never showing itself 


unless disturbed. Their mottled plumage is very pretty, especially 


314 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


that of the male bird, enlivened as it is by the large round white 
spot on the outer quills of the wing and tail feathers. I once shot 
a curious specimen of the bird at Odiham, in Hants, the whole 
plumage being of a light grey tint. The width of the gape of this 
bird is something surprising, the little bill itself being not so large 
as a Robin’s, while the gape is large enough to secure within it the 
largest moths, twelve of which—consisting of Yellow Underwings 
and similar sorts—I remember extracting from the mouth of one I 
had shot. I have the notice of one being shot on November 11th, 
1875, at Eastleigh Lodge, near Warminster, which is a very late 
occurrence for it. 


MEROPID&. 


Coracias Garrula. “The Roller.” The last two birds that I have 
left to mention in the order of the Insessores are both rare stragglers 
to our shores, showing, by the very brightness of their plumage, that 
they belong to sunnier climes. Of these ‘The Roller” stands the 
first, and I am able to record a fairly recent specimen of this bird, 
which was killed near Christchurch, on June 16th, 1868. It was 
stuffed by Hart, and is now in Lord Braybrook’s collection. W. 
Wyndham, Esq., of Dinton, has also a beautiful pair of these birds in 
his collection, but I cannot claim them as local specimens. Some years 
back, as Hart informs me, there was one of these birds discovered 
nailed up on the black board of one of the keepers of the New Forest, 
who doubtless enrolled it in his imagination as a kind of Jay, and 
considered it worthy only of the malefactor’s gibbet. Iam not able 
to record any further instance of its having been observed lately in 
the Avon Valley. 

Merops Apiaster. “The Bee-eater.” The second species of the 
Meropide is that of the Bee-eater, another most beautifully-coloured 
bird, and of which I have a nice specimen in my collection, which 
was kindly brought me by Colonel Everett from Malta. Hart in- 
forms me that Lord Braybrook has two nice pairs of these birds, 
killed on the estate near Christchurch, but he was not able at the 
moment to give me the exact date of their capture, which, however, 
could be obtained if required. There is a nearer occurrence, however, 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 315 


to be recorded of this species, which happened near Warminster. 
In May, 1866, a fine male specimen of this bird was shot by a mason 
named Turner, at Boreham, about a mile from the town above-men- 
tioned. While at his work he observed a pair of these birds playing 
round an apple tree. He watched them for some time and then 
ran off to get a gun, and on his return he shot the male bird, which 
was in beautiful condition, and set up by King, of Warminster. It 
is still, I believe, in Mr. Turner’s possession, who is quite alive to 
the value to be attached to an English-killed specimen of this rare 
bird. 

With this bird we come to an end of the long list of the Insessores, 
or Perchers, and I can only hope that this paper may contain interest 
enough to the lover of birds to cause it not to appear tedious, or 
spun out to too great a length. I wish I could have adduced more 
actual and decided proof concerning some of the occurrences men- 
tioned, especially concerning the nesting of the Grey Shrike, and 
the occurrence of the young Hoopoes.. But having personally sifted 
the matter as closely as I could, and being convinced myself of the 
truth of the facts, I did not wish to withold the statement of the 
eases, which were most readily and obligingly given me, and I would 
here thank all those who have very kindly furnished me with the dates 
and other circumstances connected with the occurrences mentioned 
in this paper, without whose assistance it must needs have contained 
but a very meagre and imperfect list. I would remark that I have 
noticed some occurrences of our very rare birds, which cannot per- 
chance be called strictly local, but with these exceptions I have 
restricted myself to those happening in the valley of our own river 
Avon, the mouth of which, at Christchurch, affords such a rich 
harvest to the ornithologist that it ought not to be omitted. It is 
there that our migratory birds in many instances first reach our 
shores from other lands, and where we must perforce go to gather 
our chief local information concerning the rarer species of the 
Grallatores and. Natatores, consisting of the wading and swimming 
portion of our indigenous birds. 


316 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds 


oa 


oe 


oR PERCHERS. 


INSESSORES. 
DENTIROSTRES. 


LAniaDz, or BurcHEeR-BrRDs. 


Lanius Excubitor, 
Lanius Collurio, 
Lanius Rutilus, 


“The Great Grey Shrike,” 
“The Red Backed Shrike,” 
“The Woodchat Shrike,” 


MuscicaPips&, or FLy-cATcHERS. 


Muscicapa Grisola, 
Muscicapa Atricapilla. 


“The Spotted Fly-catcher,” 
: “The Pied Fly-catcher,” 


MERULIDS, or THRUSHES. 


Turdus Viscivorus, 
Turdus Musicus, 
Turdus Merula, 
Turdus Pilaris, 
Turdus Iliacus, 
Turdus Torquatus, 
Oriolus Galbula, 
Cinclus Aquaticus, 


“The Missel Thrush,” 
“The Song Thrush,” 
“The Blackbird,” 
“The Fieldfare,” 
: : “The Redwing,” ; 
. . “The Ring Ouzel,”  . 
“The Golden Oriole,” 
“The Dipper,” 


SILVIADZ, or WARBLERS. 


Accentor Modularis, 
Sylvia Rubicula, 
Saxicola Ainanthe, 
Saxicola Rubicola, 
Saxicola Rubetra, . 
Phenicura Ruticilla, 
Phenicura Tithys, 
Salicaria Locustella, 
Salicaria Phragmites, 
Salicaria Arundinacea, 
Philomela Luscinia, 
Curruca Atricapilla, 
Curruca Hortensis, 
Curruca cinerea, 
Curruca Sylvia, 


Sylvia Dartfordiensis, . 


Sylvia Hippolais, . 
Sylvia Trochilus, . 
Sylvia Sibilatria, . 
Sylvia Auricapilla, 
Sylvia Ignicapilla, 
Sylvia Troglodytes, 


. “The Hedge Sparrow,” . 
“The Robin,” 
“The Wheat Ear,” 
* The Stone Chat,” 
“The Whin Chat,” 

: “The Redstart,” i 
. ©The Black Redstart,” . 
* The Grasshopper Warbler,” 
. “The Sedge Warbler,” . 
“The Reed Warbler,’ 
“The Nightingale,” 
“The Black Cap,” 

. “The Garden Warbler,” . 
“The Common Whitethroat,” 
“The Lesser Whitethroat,”’ 
“The Dartford Warbler,’ 
“The Chiff Chaff,” 
“The Willow Wren,” 

. ©The Wood Wren,” 
“The Golden Crested Wren,” 

“The Fire Crested Wren,” 
5 “The Wren,” 2 


List oF BirDS MENTIONED IN THE ORDER OF THE INSESSORES, 


As observed in 
the district. 


scarce. 
common, 
rare. 


. abundant. 
scarce. 


. abundant. 
. abundant. 
. abundant. 


common. 
common. 


. occasional. 


rare. 
rare. 


. abundant. 
. abundant. 


common. 
common. 
common. 
frequent. 

scarce. 


. occasional. 


common. 
common. 
common. 
frequent. 
frequent. 
common. 
frequent. 


. occasional. 


frequent. 
frequent. 
scarce. 
frequent. 
rare. 


. abundant. 


In the Neighbourhood of Salisbury. 317 


F : Paripx, or TITMIcE. 5 
* 36. Parus Major, Z . “The Greater Titmouse,” . - abundant. 


. Parus Ceruleus, . ; “The Blue Titmouse,” - . abundant. 
Parus Ater, : ; * The Cole Titmouse,” F - common. 
Parus Palustris, . F “The Marsh Titmouse,’ . - frequent. 
Parus Caudatus, . . “The Long-tailed Titmouse,” . - common. 
Parus cristatus, . . “The Crested Titmouse,” . . rare. 
Parus Biarmicus, . “The Bearded Titmouse,” . _ rare. 


Moraci~iipm or Waeraits. 
Motacilla Lotor, . ‘ “The Pied Wagtail,” : . abundant. 
Motacilla alba, . : “Tne White Wagtail,” : : rare. 
Motacilla Boarula, . “The Grey Wagtail,” S . common. 
Motacilla Rayi, . : - “Ray’s Wagtail,” . 5 - common. 
Motacilia Flava, . . “The Blue Headed Wagtail,” . - rare. 


ANTHIDZ or Pirits. 
Anthus Pratensis, : “The Meadow Pipit,” : . abundant. 
Anthus Arboreus, J . “The Tree Pipit,’ . ; - common. 
Anthus Ricardi, . 3 . “Richard’s Pipit,” . : . occasional. 
Anthus Petrosus, : . “The Rock Pipit,” . : .. occasional. — 
Anthus Campestris, . . ‘The Tawny Pipit,” . . - occasional. 


CONIROSTRES. 


ALAUDIDH, or LarKs. 
Alauda Arvensis, : . “The Sky Lark,” . : . abundant. 
Alauda Arborea, 5 - “The Wood Lark,” . : . frequent. 
Alauda Alpestris, . . “The Shore Lark,” .  . . scarce. 


EMBERIZID&, or BUNTINGS. 


Plectrophanes Nivalis, “The Snow Bunting,” & : scarce. 
Emberiza Miliaria, . . “The Corn Bunting,” . s - common. 
Emberiza Citrinella, . “The Yellow Hammer,” ‘ . abundant. 
Emberiza Cirlus, = . “The Cirl Bunting,” . : . frequent. 
Emberiza Scheniculus, .“‘ The Reed Bunting,” . : - common. 


Plectrophanes Lapponica, “The Lapland Bunting,” : = rare. 


q FRINGILLID#, or FINCHES. 

.. Passer Domesticus, . “The House Sparrow,” ; . abundant.. 
Passer Montanus, . . “The Tree Sparrow,” . > - occasional. 
Fringilla Celebs, . . “The Chaffinch,” . 5 - abundant.. 
Fringilla Montifringilla,. “The Brambling,” . .  . occasional. 


Carduelis Spinus, . : “The Siskin,” : - - occasional.. 
Carduelis Elegans, . . “TheGoldfinch,” . . . frequent. 
Linaria Cannabina, . 2 “The Linnet,”’ 4 = . abundant. 
Linaria Montana, . 5 “The Twite,” : : - occasional. 
Linaria Minor, 5 ; “The Redpole,” : 5 - occasional. 


Linaria Borealis, . . “The Mealy Redpole,” . 5 . scarce. 
Coccothraustes Vulgaris,. “The Hawfinch,” . . . frequent. 
Coccothraustes Chloris . ‘The Greenfinch,” , . abundant.. 
Pyrrhula Vulgaris, . - © The Bulfinch,” , ° +» common. 


318 On the Occurrence of some of the Rarer Species of Birds. 


75. Pyrrhula Enucleator, . “The Pine Bulfinch,” . 
76. Loxia Curvirostra, . 5 “The Crossbill,” - 


= _»., AMPELIDE, or Waxwinas. . 
(i. Ampelis Garrulus, » “The Bohemian Waxwing,” 


paeanay  STURNIDS, or STARLINGS. 
78. Sturnus Vulgaris,.- . © “The Starling,” ; 
79. Pastor Roseus, . “The Rose coloured Pastor,” 


: _ CoRvIDz, or Crows. 
80. Corvus Coraz, s ; “The Raven,” 
81. Corvus Corone, é 5 “The Crow,” 
82. Corvus Corniz, : . “The Hooded Crow,” 
83. Corvus Frugilegus, . : “The Rook,” 
84. Corvus Monedula, . 4 “The Jackdaw,” 
85. Corvus Pica, k ; “The Magpie,” 
86. Fregilus Graculus, . : “Tke Chough,” 
87. Garrulus Glandarius, . . “The Jay,” . 
88. Nucifraga Caryocatactes, ‘The Nutcracker,” 


SCANSORES. 


Picipm, or WooDPECKERS. 
89. Picus Marticus, . “The Great Black Woodpecker,” 
90. Picus Viridis, : “The Green Woodpecker,” 


91. Picus Major, . “The Greater Spotted Woodpecker,” 
92. Picus Minor, . “The Lesser Spotted Woodpecker,” 


93. Yuna Torquilla, . | “The Wryneck,” 


CERTHIAD®, or CREEPERS. 
94. Certhia Familiaris, “The Tree Creeper,” 
95. Sitta Europea, . “The Nuthatch,” . 


96. Upupa Epops, : . “The Hoopoe,” : 
97. Cuculus Canorus, . - “The Cuckoo,” . F 
FISSIROSTRES. 


HAtLcyonip#, or KINGFISHERS. 
98. Alcedo Ispida, . . “The Kingfisher,” . 


HiRUNDINID#, or SWALLows. 
99. Hirundo Rustica, . . “The Swallow,” 
100. Hirundo Urbica, . . “The Martin,” 
101. Hirundo Riparia, . “The Sand Martin,” 
102. Cypselus Apus, . . “The Swift,” 


CAPRIMULGIDE, or NIGHTJARS. 
103. Ciprtoaalinas Europeus, “The Nightjar,” 


MeErRoPIDs, or BEE-EATERS, 
104. Coracias Garrula, . “The Roller,” 3 : 
105. Merops Apiaster, . “The Bee-eater,” . . 


rare. 


. occasional. 


rare. 


. abundant. 


rare. 


. occasional. 


common. 


. occasional. 
. abundant. 
. abundant. 


common. 
scarce. 
common. 
rare. 


rare. 
frequent. 


. occasional. 


frequent. 
frequent. 


common. 
common. 


. occasional. 


common. 


frequent. 


. abundant. 
. abundant. 
. abundant. 
. abundant. 


. frequent. 


eee eee ee eee ee 


SHAH LITUS dibs UO a4 anh) J Gd a JOY ak ~ 


319 


A Shetch of the Parish of Patesbury. 
. By the Rev. A. C. Surry, M.A. (Rector). 


INTRODUCTION. 


is DO not think there could have been found a more retired 

\ village in the county of Wilts a hundred years ago than 

+ the village of Yatesbury. It may, indced, with truth be said that it 

L i is retired enough now, but compared to what it was a century ago, 

righ is now qtite in the world. Of late years Imber, on Salisbury 

Plain, has claimed this distinction, and asserted its rights in the 
a ell-known couplet :— 


*Tmber on the down, 
Four miles from any town,” 


4 and in truth Imber has had some qualifications for this post of 
honour, inasmuch as it was not, until quite recently, approachable 
\ by a hard road : and thas means, that so far as carriages with springs 


its budget. of news. 

- But a hundred years ago neither had Yatesbury any hard road 
ading to it: and inasmuch as its population was one third less 
an that of Imber, it is clear that it had so much fewer resources 


‘ Having been appointed in 1862, by our late revered diocesan, “ Good” Bishop 
amilton, as Secretary to the Parochial History scheme, which was instituted 
der his auspices for this diocese, and having been re-appointed to the same 
e by our present Bishop, I have, in pursuing my duty, been not unfrequently 
e' with the remark from Incumbents of our smaller rural parishes, that in their 
ificant villages there was really nothing to record; and I have been often- 
invited to lead the way, by publishing some account of my own little parish. 

then with the hope that others may follow in writing down all they can discover 
the past and present history of their several villages, that I have ventured to 
nt these scanty records of one of the smallest, humblest, and most retired 
parishes on the Wiltshire downs. 


820 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


within itself to fall back upon; and I therefore venture to assert 
that a hundred years ago Yatesbury was pre-eminent in this respect 
of isolation. 

It may here occur to some of my readers that any reference to a 
parish only a hundred years ago deserves no place in an archeological 
magazine: why it is but the other day, in the lifetime of our grand- 
fathers! it is a tale of quite modern times! there cannot be much 
difference between a date so recent and the present day! But here 
I venture to reply that such objectors scarcely realize what the 
absence of a hard road to a village means. If I do not very much 
mistake, it means complete banishment from the rest of the world 
for a very large portion of the year: it means inaccessibility to any 
vehicle with springs for many consecutive months at least, if not 
altogether: and, therefore, not only is it unapproachable from with- 
out by the world in general; but to the majority of its inhabitants 
there was no escape from it, and only those who had means to ride 
on horseback or on pillion, or had strength to wade through the deep 
mud of the lanes on foot, could leave their village home through 
the entire winter.! 

Under these circumstances there must have been a considerable 
stagnation of intelligence. The inhabitants would live in a world 
of their own, absorbed in their own and their neighbours’ every-day 
affairs, concentrating all their hopes and fears and desires in the 
local trifles of the village, and making their own parish the focus 
of their political world. With their daily thoughts thus running 
in a circle—and a very confined circle, too—there could not have 
been much scope for the expansion of the mind. Rumours from 
without would doubtless arrive from time to time, more or less per- 
verted from the real facts to which they referred: exaggerated 


1 Even so lately as twenty-five years ago the labouring classes in this parish 
had become almost rooted to the spot, the women more especially seldom left 
their homes except to work in the fields, and several of the elder women assured 
me they had never been so far as Devizes in their lives. That was before the 
passion for roaming and for change, now so prevalent among all classes, had 
seized upon the people, a passion doubtless aroused by facilities of locomotion 
through the introduction of railroads; but whether it is a taste which conduces 
to their real happiness admits—as I think—of considerable doubt. 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 321 


rumours of actual occurrences, passing through many mouths, would 
reach the ears of these isolated villagers in anything but their 
original truth ; and we may conceive what a strange and ridiculous 
mass of fiction, the offspring of ignorance, exaggeration, and super- 
stition, must have circulated amongst the unsophisticated inhabitants 
of our village: and when news of even the greatest events at length 
reached the parish, there was doubtless a large admixture of addition, 
springing from the fancy of the relater, or a dilution of the original 
circumstance: moreover the gravest occurrences to the welfare of 
the State may probably have taken place many weeks before tidings 
of them would have reached our retired village.’ 

There is a story told of a solitary inhabitant of a little island in 
the Baltic, who resigned himself every autumn, when the ice began 
to accumulate, to a lonely life of six months’ isolation from the rest 
of mankind, till the thaw set in and opened a communication for 
him with the outer world, in the spring. What his employment 
was, and why he shut himself up alone, I have forgotten: but the 
point which impressed itself on my mind was that this recluse was 
a great politician, and liked to read the papers every day, and know 
what was going on in the world: but, inasmuch as he was cut off 
for six good months and more from his supply of newspapers, he 


adopted the remarkable device of putting himself back just one year 
-)pehind the rest of the world; and so he could take with him to his 


winter quarters all the journals of the previous twelve-months, and 
when November the first came, he would open the paper with that 
date on the top, regardless of the figures which followed it, and 
revel in the news of the day; and so on with each subsequent day 
throughout the winter: and what mattered it to him that the 


- occurrences therein recorded had happened just one year before? he 


had his news and enjoyed it, and what harm if he was just one year 
in arrear of the rest of mankind ? 


1 During a three months’ tour in the interior of Norway in 1850, when that 
primitive country was almost unknown to the British tourist, and internal com- 
munication was of the most limited order, as soon as I had left the capital, I was 


_ wholly cut off from all letters and newspapers for many weeks, and the great 
loss which England sustained in the death of Sir Robert Peel was not known to 
~ me until two months after the sad accident occurred. 


- VOL. XVIII.—NO. LIV. 2A 


322 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


Not quite so far behind in the news of the day, were the in- 
habitants of our village a hundred years ago. And yet, with a post 
which irregularly brought the letters—if there chanced to be any 
for the parish—once or twice a week: without any newspaper, tor 
such an article seldom came into the village; indeed, with very few 
of the inhabitants able to read, for no sort of school had ever existed 
there, it may be imagined that our parish was a little behindhand. 
The farmers indeed cultivated the soil on the old-fashioned system, 
and the labourers ploughed the land with their slow-paced oxen, 
spent the livelong winter in the barns, laboriously threshing with 
the flail, mowed the grass, and reaped the corn by hand, before 
steam engines and reaping-machines were invented, and plodded on 
in the slow old-world fashion now altogether out of date. So far, 
however, they were pursuing the same course as others all around 
them, and probably, from the excellent wheat-producing quality of 
the land, secured at least as heavy crops as any of their neighbours. 
But in carrying their corn to market, they had to contend against 
a real dificulty : for how were the loaded waggons to be dragged 
through the muddy lanes? There is, however (says Sancho Panza), 
“a remedy for every evil;” and patience overcomes all difficulties ; 
so the method pursued was to convey to the hard turnpike road, 
through the mile-and-a-quarter of mud which intervened, first the 
market-waggon, to be there loaded, and then—in not by any means 
flying detachments—the sacks of corn which were to compose the 
load; and six or eight horses could haul through the deepest ruts 
only a few sacks at a time. 

Here then we have a sample of the difficulties of transport between 
our retired village and the outer world. Necessity being the mother of 
invention, our village was doubtless in the main self-supporting : wood 
was universally burnt in the farmhouse and straw in the cottage,‘ for 


1 Even within [the last thirty years, straw tied into knots was often burnt on 
the cottage hearths, and quite recently ovens were universally heated with it. 
This was a remnant of the good old times, when the villagers were allowed to 
take it home from the yards for these purposes ; in the days before straw began 
to be appreciated as it now is, and when it was comparatively valueless in the 
eyes of its owner. 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 323 


coal would have been by no means procurable: home-baked bread 
was the universal rule of the parish: home-brewed beer was, until 
recently, manufactured, not only in the farms, but in the cottages ; 
and the knitting of woollen stockings and the plaiting of straw for 
hats and bonnets, were two employments for which our village was 
notorious, even till within the last twenty years, when machine-made 
articles rendered such handiwork unremunerative, and completely 
drove the straw-plaiter at least out uf the market. 


SITUATION. - 

With this preliminary introduction of our retired village and of 
life therein a hundred years ago, I proceed now to treat of some of 
its individual characteristics, and first its situation. 

The parish of Yatesbury lies at the height of 536 feet above the 
sea,! on the broad plateau of the Marlborough Downs which stretches 
eastwards from the top of Cherhill Hill to the foot of Hackpen. It 
is true there is a very slight dip on this table-land, extending through 
its whole length, into which the fields on both sides drain, so that 
quite a respectable stream? runs during the winter months right 
through the parish from west to east, towards Abury, enriching the 
land, and forming a long succession of water-meadows; though 
during the height of summer it generally exhibits a perfectly dry 
water-course, an Indian xwi/ah, in fact, in miniature, to compare 
small things with great. In this depression—if so flat a surface 
deserves the name—lies the parish of Yatesbury: in shape not un- 
like a conical helmet with horse-hair plume depending behind, for 
it rises to a point like a sugar-loaf at the north, and at the south- 
east corner depends a long narrow strip, some half-mile in extent, 


_ 1T speak with confidence on this point, inasmuch as my friend Colonel Ward 
on one occasion brought the well-known meteorologist, Mr. Symonds, and a whole 
army of aneroids, to test our exact height above the sea. 


- 2 "This is indeed one of the real sources of the Kennet, which rises in Highway 
Field, one mile north of Yatesbury; the other source being in Winterbourne 
Bassett, three miles or more to the east: both unite at Abury, and flow to 
Swallow-head, south of Silbury, the reputed and very picturesque, but not actual, 
source of the Kennet, though the springs there are abundant and largely increase 
the infant river. 


~ 


2a2 


324 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury.. 


which runs over the crest of Cherhill Hill, and down into the valley 
below, the lower part of which is the only portion of down land in 
the parish. 

Yatesbury is bounded by Abury on the east, Cherhill on the south, 
Compton Basset on the west, Highway and Hilmarton on the 
north-west, and Winterbourne Monkton and Berwick Bassett on 
the north-east. Though apparently on table land, and actually in 
a very insignificant depression, which is scarcely perceptible unless 
on a close scrutiny, Yatesbury lies at a considerably lower level than 
Broad Hinton,! to which the land very gradually rises in an almost 
continuous though gentle ascent of some four miles to the north: 
but it stands somewhat higher than Abury, from which it is distant 
three miles to the west, and which, lying on the same plateau, is 
visible from the whole parish, together with the long range of 
Hackpen beyond it, stretching across the eastern horizon as far as 
Barbury Camp. Then, while five miles from its post and market 
town—the ancient and loyal borough of Calne—Yatesbury claims 
the distinguished honour of being equidistant from the four largest 
towns of North Wilts, Swindon on the north, Devizes on the south, 
Marlborough on the east, and Chippenham on the west ; and though 
it is true they are somewhat too distant for constant communication, 
being each nine miles off as the crow flies, it is not to be denied 
that with respect to position, and in reference to the most important 
towns of North Wiltshire, Yatesbury is a remarkably central spot! 

The area of the parish is small, comprising only 1667 acres: the 
gross estimated rental standing at £2750 2s. 10d., and the rateable 
value at £2502 18s. 4d. The general character of the land is the 
broad open down, which has been long since reclaimed and brought 
into cultivation, for the soil—chalk and clay—is heavy and productive 
and notoriously good for wheat crops. By far the greater part of 


1 Broad Hinton stands higher than any other village on these downs, indeed 
may well be called the watershed of our district ; inasmuch as the springs which 
rise to the south flow to the Kennet and so to the Thames, while those which . 
rise to the north flow into the Avon and so into the Bristol Channel. Stukeley 
says “the country here is very high though not appearing so to be: they pretend 
"tis the highest ground in England.” (‘“ Abury described,” page 18.) 


Eee 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 325 


the parish is under the plough,! and—in common with the great 
bulk of this part of the county—the great expanse of cornfields is 
unbroken by trees or hedges. This is more especially the case in 
the southern and eastern parts of the parish : but northwards, though 
the fields are large, they are usually divided by hedges. Almost all 
trees thrive here luxuriantly, but the beech is par excellence the tree 
of the district: it seizes so firm a hold of the ground that it is 
seldom blown down in the fierce hurricanes we often experience from 
the south-west, and as it often retains its leaves through the winter, 
it forms a valuable protection from the cutting blasts, which at 
times roar over our exposed downs with amazing force. Evergreens, 
too, take kindly to our heavy retentive soil ; and the yew, the holly, 
the box, and the laurel flourish with remarkable vigour. The Scotch 
fir, again, grows well here and is most valuable for shelter, while 
the spruce fir seems scarcely able to stand the buffetings it meets 
with, and the larch, when arrived at a certain size, invariably becomes 
stag-headed, and declines. 

So retentive is the clay which overlies the chalk that the drier 
the summer, the better are our crops of corn; and that, notwith- 
standing our broad fields have little shade or shelter, but are exposed 
to all the evaporating influence of the sun: not so, however, our 
grass lands, which need copious rains throughout the spring and 
summer, and are never so productive of hay as after a dripping 
season. 

For the most part our wells provide ample supplies of excellent 
water: they are very deep, never less than sixty, oftener eighty 
feet, sometimes—as in the case of the rectory well—one hundred 
and twenty feet, and even—in the case of a well I had occasion 


? At a rough computation the following are about the relative proportions :— 


Arable. i i= s:=-t-tgvet = = =) =. - 1175 acres. 
Pasture - - - - - - - = = 410 ,, 
Down ei 2 ee NGMer 
Woods and Plantations - - - - 14 ,, 
Homesteads and Gardens - - - - 20 ire 
Roads and Lanes - - - - - - emt ss 


Total 1667 ,, 


326 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


to sink for a cottage on the glebe—one hundred and forty feet. 
Still, during a dry summer, water becomes very scarce in our parish : 
the stream which runs through the winter entirely fails: the wells 
gradually diminish their supply, till they are exhausted altogether : 
the ponds dry up, and in exceptionally parched seasons, the fetching 
of water in water-carts for the supply of men and animals is a very 
toilsome as well as expensive business. Here, however, the “ dew- 
ponds,” as they are called, prove their value, and notwithstanding 
the strong and scientific evidence brought to bear against them, I 
cannot but accept the assurance of those practical men, whose own 
senses convince them that these exposed ponds on the tops of the 
hills, and into which no water can run from the surrounding ground, 
do, in dry weather, continue to afford drink to the sheep, and keep 
up their supply; nightly fed—as I believe—by the heavy dews, 
vapours, or mists which hover over and replenish them. 

Notwithstanding the undoubted cold, Yatesbury is a remarkably 
healthy spot; the fresh air blowing over the downs, and bearing 
much resemblance to the sea breeze, is so pure and invigorating, 
that it drives away many complaints to which more sheltered 
districts are exposed, and fevers are altogether unknown in our 
parish: indeed “chills” and “ rheumatics” are nearly the only 
maladies prevalent amongst our villagers. Thus, if our situation is 
somewhat bleak and exposed, we have no slight compensation in the 
general immunity from epidemics which we enjoy. I know not if 
there is any truth in the belief commonly held by nurses, that to 
breathe the air of a sheepfold is most conducive to the health of 
children: but if so, then that may partly account for our general 
salubrity, inasmuch as large flocks of sheep constitute the principal 
live-stock of the parish, and give constant employment to many of 
our people. 

With regard to temperature and rainfall, though I took regular 
memoranda of maximum and minimum thermometers, aneroid read- 
ings, and rain-guage for several years, I refrain from giving any 
averages, feeling assured that such are of no value, indeed only mis- 
lead, unless they are the result of observations protracted over a long 
series of years. In proof of the great variations experienced in 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 327 


certain seasons, I may mention that in 1872 my rain-guage measured 
47 inches, in lieu of the 26 or 27 inches which was more commonly 
our usual fall of rain. I may also mention that during the period 
of my observation my thermometers have ranged over no less than 
one hundred degrees, the maximum having risen to the extraordinary 
height of 96° on the fourteenth of August, 1867 ; and the minimum 
having on Christmas Eve 1859, fallen to the no less remarkable 
depth of 4° below zero (Fahrenheit). Both thermometers were in an 
open exposed spot, in a regular “‘ Glaisher” thermometer stand, the 
bulbs of the thermometers exposed to currents of air while protected 
from the sun, and at the orthodox height of four feet from the ground. 
Such excessive readings prove how little reliable are the averages 
taken even from the most accurate observations, unless they are 
extended over a very long period of time: I would mention, how- 
ever, in regard to the rainfall, that I incline to the opinion that 
Yatesbury is not a very rainy spot, inasmuch as the heavy clouds 
which come up from the west appear oftentimes to divide at Chip- 
penham, part following the course of the Pewsey vale and part 
passing on towards Wootton Bassett and Swindon. Neither do I 
think that the thermometer for the most part sinks so low in severe 
frosts as in the neighbouring parishes which lie below the hill, and 
this notwithstanding our elevation and exposure to cold winds: but 
then I attribute this immunity from severe frost to the greater 
dryness of the soil, which is in great measure the effect of such 
exposure: certain it is that we are oftentimes left unscathed, when 
our neighbours are lamenting the loss of their evergreens under a 
more than ordinary frost. 


Roaps anp Langs. 


In regard to roads, of which I have said there were none in the 
parish one hundred years ago, if there were no hard roads, there were 
plenty of soft lanes: and these, diverging in every direction, are 
even puzzling to the stranger from their number, and are pleasant 
enough in the summer months; while as sheep-droves they are in- 
valuable to the farmer: and who—more especially amongst huntsmen 
—does not know the lane, originally marked on the maps as “Corten 


328 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


Laines,” but now yclept par ercellance, “Yatesbury Lane,” which 
stretches away due north for several miles in a direct line, and which 
possesses more bottomless sloughs and more deep tenacious clinging 
mud than you shall find in a winter day’s journey elsewhere? Not 
however that the parish is altogether destitute of hard roads in these 
days of improvement. You may see no less than six stoned roads 
diverging on all sides from our village, like the six legs of an insect; 
this is the result of doing a little—a few yards at a time—year by 
year, to the improvement of our roads by stoning them: but then 
at a short distance from the village they all end in soft muddy lanes, 
so that with the single exception of the one hard road which joins 
the turnpike-road on the south there is no entrance or exit for wheels 
to or from the village,’ and we are in so effectual a eu/ de sac that 
every carriage or cart which enters our village, must perforee—ex- 
cept in very dry summers—return by the same route, there being 
no hard thoroughfare leading through the parish in any direction. 

But Yatesbury, though behindhand in regard to roads of its own, 
has from the earliest times of which we have any record, been 
singularly situated in regard to its vicinity to great thoroughfares 
through the country. Thus the famous “ British Trackway” having 
crossed the vale of Pewsey by Honey Séreet, ascended the downs at 
Alton, traversed the village of Kennet and mounted Overton Hill, 
winds along the brow of Hackpen, within sight of our village, and 
within four miles on the east: a trackway much used by smugglers 
in past years, who managed by this unfrequented route to convey 
vast quantities of contraband goods from the southern coast into the 
heart of the country; and which, within very recent times, until 
turnpikes were abolished, was as much traversed by drovers and 
others, who would thus save the tolls they would go any distance to 
avoid. Again the “ Roman Road,” following a direct course from 
Verlucio (Wans) to Cunetio (Marlborough) strikes along the side of 


1 There does however occur from time to time, some reckless driver, who re- 
gardless of the springs of his cart, or of the strain on his horses, will plough 
through the deep mud of our lanes in the winter; but when he reaches the 
village, his equipage generally presents an appearance suggestive of warning 
rather than of encouragement to follow his example. 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith. M.A. 329 


the downs, and passes within two miles of Yatesbury on the south : 
and as this was one of the great arteries of the kingdom, connecting 
the west with all other parts, in the admirable net-work system by 
which the rulers of the world knew how to ensure communication, 
when required, with every part of the province, those who lived 
within easy reach of it must have had some experience of the manners 
and customs of their civilized rulers. Then, to come to more modern 
times, the old London and Bath Road ran along the ridge of the 
hill from Beckhampton towards Calne; and when, about eighty 
years ago, it was altered, and brought down to its present position, 
on a lower level, it only advanced nearer to Yatesbury, and just 
before the introduction of railroads, to such a prodigious extent had 
the traffic increased on this road, that a perpetual stream of com- 
munication was always pouring along between the West of England 
and the capital; and a constant succession of stage-coaches, post- 
chaises, fly-waggons and heavy wains passed day and night, and all 
within sight of our village: though it was only now and then, when 
a more than common snow-drift had bloeked the road, and effaced 
all land-marks, that a coach has been known to flounder so far out 
of the road as Yatesbury, a circumstance which served the gossips. 
of the village with an anecdote never to be forgotten, and which 
they are never tired of repeating, and to which I have patiently 
listened over and over again. 


ANTIQUITIES. 


Retired however and secluded though our village in all historical 
times must have been, it would in very early ages have been by no 
means unknown, from its proximity to the famous Temple of Abury; 
and when the multitudes who flocked together and thronged the 
_ great bank of the enclosure to witness the spectacles or the rites 
celebrated within the mystic circle (whatever and whenever those 
rites or spectacles may have been), it is only reasonable to suppose 
_ that the adjacent villages would be frequented by the multitudes on 
_ their way to and from, if not during the ceremonies at which they 
assisted: in short, Yatesbury, some 2000 or 3000 years ago, was 
‘not improbably, a kind of ecclesiastical suburb to its noted and 


330 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


much-thronged neighbour. Midway between the two villages, skele- 
tons have, within the last few years, been from time to time met with 
by labourers digging post-holes in the open ground, where no vestige 
of a grave marked the interment: and only three years since two 
large sarsen stones lying one upon another, just below the surface, 
and which endangered the ploughshare, were removed, and these— 
we may conjecture—would indicate the burial of one more honoured 
than common. Other vestiges of that early British period we have 
in four large barrows, one in the centre of the village, another within 
the village at the south-east, and two outside the village, to the east, 
near the lane leading to Abury, universally known as “ Barrow- 
way.” ‘There are also several earthworks of unknown origin, to wit, 
on the north-west of the village, in a field called Cow-Leaze, a very 
small square enclosure, from which on three sides long lines of 
banks diverge to a considerable distance: and near the bottom of 
the village—the “ Street,” as it is called here—there is much broken 
irregular ground, trenches more or less deep and important, with 
mounds in correspondence. In reference to this broken ground, 
Dean Merewether suggested—though there is not a scrap of evidence 
to countenance any such supposition—that “it is not impossible 
that a detachment of forces, in their march previous to the battle of 
Roundway Hill, near Devizes, may have halted here, and thrown 
up a hasty earthwork for their defence during the night, although 
fhe adds] the general unevenness in question cannot be thus ac- 
counted for.”! I would venture to submit, that if such was the 
origin of the earthworks, it was more probably at a period some two 
thousand years or more before the battle of Roundway. All the 
barrows in the parish were opened and the earthworks exarhined by 
Dr. Merewether, then Dean of Hereford, when he was superintending 
in 1849 the driving a tunnel into the heart of Silbury, under the 
auspices of the Archeological Institute, then holding its annual meet- 
ing at Salisbury; and a full account of them and the results of their 
explorations was given in the Salisbury volume of that society. The 


1 Salisbury volume of Archeological Institute, on examination of barrows and 
earthworks near Silbury, page 95. 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 331 


barrow first opened was that in the centre of the village, close to 
the house of Mr. Tuckey, but “it did not produce any indications 
of former sepulture, except fragments of charcoal, and something 
like the oxidation of iron. It was composed of a close clayey soil, 
very different from the material of the barrows on the hills, as were 
all the four examined here. In the second mound”—for so the 
Dean called these two, doubting if they were barrows—situated in 
the village, at the south-east corner, “ the attack was made from the 
side by way of trench, on account of the size and the top being 
covered by a clump of fir trees. Many bones, of the ox probably 
and smaller animals, the hare in particular, one or two pieces of 
corroded iron and a part of the wards of a key ' were found ; but no 


Wards of a key, found in a barrow at Yatesbury. 


sepulchral deposit, although tbe trench was carried into the centre.” 

The two barrows in “ Barrow Field” were then attacked, with 
anticipations the most encouraging, as they were distinguished by 
traditions which ranked them highly in the estimation of the in- 
habitants: moreover a few hundred yards to the south-east of these 
barrows, in a field called Foxbury, the termination of which word 
perhaps denoted the existence of some earthwork which has dis- 
appeared before the plough, various Roman coins from Trajan to 


ee ___  EEEESEENS ae 


. 1 Figured under the letter S in the Salisbury volume of the Institute, and re- 
produced here by permission. 


332 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


Valens had recently been found. Both barrows had been about 
twenty feet high, and their bases were still of an extent to admit of 
such a proportionate height. The man who had been employed to 
lower them sixteen years before gave the following account as to the 
first of the two which we examined, being that towards Abury. 
He said, he had “cut it down a matter of nine feet, throwing the 
earth over the sides. There was a little box of metal three inches 
leng: it had a lid at one end, and a chain fixed in the middle, and 
it had been fastened to the end where it opened: it was round. 
About a yard deep, there were three beads—terra cotta, one was 
produced—as big as his finger round; a knife fit to stick a pig, and 
two skeletons lying at full length.” At a depth of eight feet in 
this barrow, we came to a large quantity of very black substance, 
like charcoal, or rather burnt straw, numerous bits of bone of the 
various kinds, fragments of pottery, &c., and a large cist containing 
a considerable quantity of burnt human bones. The closeness of the 
soil of which these barrows were formed, and the depth to which it 
was necessary to descend, precluded the Dean from reaching the 
bottom of the other barrow, but the following day, under the super- 
intendence of the Rector of the parish—the Rev. J. S. Money-Kyrle 
—the workmen came to a layer of the black substance, burnt straw 
apparently, and below that to a most curious deposit, a cist, at the 
depth of eight feet, formed at the level of the adjoining land, con- 
taining an unusual quantity of burnt human bones. These had been 
deposited in the hollow of a tree, and a piece of the cleft wood, the 
side of the tree, had been placed over it. From the peculiar clayey 
and damp quality of the earth, it was so greatly decayed, that it 
might be difficult to determine its former substance, although it 
appeared, by the remains of fibres, and lines of the grain of the 
wood, to have been oak: the wood was four feet long by two-and- 
a-half broad, and eighteen inches thick, being reduced in places by 
compression. About the middle of this, on the apex of the mass of 
bones, and beneath the wooden cover, lay a bronze blade of a hunting 
spear :} the two rivets which had fixed it to the staff remained in 


1 Figured under the letter T in the Salisbury volume of the Institute, and re- 
produced here by permission. 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 333 


their respective holes, but the metal, from the extreme moisture of 
the situation, had become oxydised throughout, and when dried 
extremely brittle and friable ; it was four-and-a-half inches in length 
and one-and-a-half inch in breadth at the broadest part.””} 


Blade of a hunting spear, found ‘in a barrow at Yatesbury: 


In addition to these records of the contents of our barrows, 
Stukeley gives the following account of previous successful openings 
here: “ Mr. Bray of Monkton open’d a barrow, among many others, 


1 Salisbury volume of Institute, page 97. 


334 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


at Yatesbury. There was a great stone laid at top, just under the 
surface. When taken up, they found a body laid in a stone coffin, 
form’d by several stones. He says, in another they found a body, 
with a flat gold ring, which was sold for 30s., and a piece of brass, 
about the bulk of a pint mug, with spear-heads of iron.” 

The only other relies of past time which—so far as I know—have 
been found at Yatesbury, are some encaustic tiles discovered in the 
churchyard, and a quarry of stained glass, bearing the arms of 
Fettiplace, from a window in the old rectory, which were exhibited 
by Mr. C. May, of Marlborough, at the temporary museum formed 
in that town during the meeting of the Society there in 1859.1 


NAME. 


With regard to the name of Yatesbury, I have in the course of 
years listened to an immense amount of learned disquisition, positive 
assurances, unhesitating assertions, and bold conclusions about it ; 
much of which would have been very admirable and very edifying, 
if it had not proceeded from a wrong basis, and so been altogether 
wide of the mark. Thus I have heard a great deal about the 
meaning of “ Yat” or “ Yate,” as being identical with gate; and 
I have been assured that our village was once a fortified town, with 
gates to defend the approaches; while of course the termination bury 
—which everybody knows frequently denotes a place of defence or a 
fortress—triumphantly vindicates such a conclusion!? It is really 
ludicrous to think how our poor little retired roadless village should 
be thus lifted from its humble state and dignified as once a fortified 
gated town! it is not more ridiculous than wide of the mark; be- 
cause there is not the smallest ground for any such fancy, and it 
would be well if, before people begin to investigate the meaning of 
a name, they would first ascertain accurately what the word which 
they are about to examine really is. 

Yatesbury then, as it is now called, though often corrupted in 


1 Magazine, vol. vi., p. 259. 
2 See Hoare’s Ancient Wilts—-North, p. 53. 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 335 


vulgar parlance into Yatsbury; Yeateshury as it was in 1700; 
Yeattisburye in 1553, when an inventory of Church goods was made 
throughout the county; but Yatesbury, just as it is spelt now, in 
the ninth year of King Edward IL., A.D. 1316; Zateshury,' Jetesbury, 
Hyatebiri, Sitesburi, Yactebury, Yattesbury,? as it has been variously 
written; was in Domesday book put down as Hesberie; and as we 
have no historical record of the name prior to A.D. 1086, we can 
push our enquiries no farther, and must therefore be content to ac- 
cept this as the earliest name for it we know. It is true that when 
we see Ltesberie and Yatesbury printed side by side, there certainly 
seems a wide divergence between them: but when a Wiltshireman 
comes to pronounce them with the addition of the initial y before 
a vowel—and especially before the vowel a—in which the true 
Wiltshireman specially delights,’ the ear of the listener will detect 
but a very slight variation, and whether it be written Etesberie, 
Zatesbury, Jetesbury, Yeatesburye, or otherwise, Yatesbury will be 
very nearly the true pronunciation in the mouth of a native. But 
when we desire to pull the word to pieces in search of its meaning, 
and for this purpose of dissection trace out the original name as far 
as we can, we find we have nothing to do with gates or fortified 
places, but are confronted with the word Hiéesberie: what then does 
that name signify? To begin with the latter part of the word, 
which is clear enough; derie signifies in Anglo-Saxon “ a large open 
field,” “a flat plain,” or “a wide champaign ”‘: and derie-meadows 
have been interpreted as “ demesne or manor meadows, thence any 
flat or open meadows that lay adjoining to any vill or farm”: and | 
surely no word could more accurately describe the exact appearance 
of the district around Yatesbury that this: inasmuch as broad flat 


1 Zate was another ancient spelling for gate. See Promptuarium Parvulorum. 


- 2 Canon Jackson’s Aubrey, page 46. Canon Jones’ Names of Places, Magazine, 
xiv., 276. 

3“ Gie I a yapple,” said one boy to another in my hearing, not long since. “I 
sprained my yarm,” said a parishioner to me the other day. “I yast un [asked 
him] when er would return,” said a third: but these are only samples of every- 
_ day conversation in Wiltshire. 


4 Magazine, xiv., pp. 255, 276; xv., p. 77. 


336 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


open meadows extend on all sides of our village for a considerable 
distance. But in regard to the first portion of our name, I must 
own that there is no such ready solution to be offered, and su I can 
but give the opinions of some who have interested themselves in the 
enquiry. It is now more than twenty years since the late Mr. 
Richard Falkner, of Devizes—who will long be remembered for his 
philological and antiquarian rezearch, as well as for the courtesy and 
modesty with which he imparted the information he had gained — 
corresponded with me on this question. He owned that he had 


“not succeeded in finding any Anglo-Saxon word that would explain° 


the meaning of the first part of Etesberie, though he felt no doubt 
that it had some signification characteristic of the place, which dis- 
tinguished it from other deries or éurys, such as Abury, Silbury, 
Chidbury, the prefix of some of which is well understood.” In a 
subsequent letter Mr. Falkner observed that as the village of Yatton 
(Etone or Getone in Domesday) became Gatton and Yatton, so 
Etesberie had become Yatesbury, and Yeat or Geat—for the letters 
y and g in Anglo-Saxon are interchangeable !—may have constituted 
the first portion of the word ; but then he disclaimed all signification 
of gates in regard both to Yatton and to Yatesbury; and suggested 
that possibly gat (goat) may be the origin of the name, perhaps 
signifying that it was a place where those animals were kept in such 
numbers as to give it the designation, as Goathurst and Goathill in 
Somerset, and Goatacre, near Hilmarton, in this county. Mr. 
Falkner afterwards suggested that our village may have derived its 
name from the Geats, Ytas, or Jutes, who were the first to visit 
the South of England, after the Romans had finally retired from it, 
A.D. 449; and that one colony may have settled at Yatton and 
another at Yatesbury. Others have maintained that geat, yeat, or 
yate (the old pronunciation of our modern gate®) is the true origin 
of the name of our village, not at all however with the modern sense 


‘In English words directly formed from the Anglo-Saxon, g is often changed 
into y, as year=year: deg=day : dagas=days : gea=yea (yes) : gearn=yarn : 
gealew=yellow. 

* Spenser wrote yate for gate: and yeates is the reading for gates in an old 
document bearing date A. D. 1551, published in Magazine, vol. viii., p. 287. 


iL. || ee 


NE — eel 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, UA. 337 


of a gate in a wall or otherwise ; but rather as a gateway or opening, 
a road, an entrance, an approach, or way.! Indeed the word gate 
had originally both these significations. In the “ Promptuarium 
Parvulorum” we have it both as a way, “via,” “iter”; and as a 
door, “porta,” “ores,” “janua”, the former probably derived from 
the Icelandic gata, a way, a road, from gaa, to go:? the latter from 
the Anglo-Saxon geat, “porta.” Hence the cause of no little con- 
fusion from confounding two independent etymologies. As early 
as the tenth century geat had the common meaning of a roadway, 
for in a charter of Eadred, A.D. 955, Wayland’s Smithy is repre- 
sented as situated on the west side of a wide road or opening (geat) 
near the Ridgeway.* Even now too, gate in the sense of a “ road,” 
is common enough in the South of England: Ramsgate, was so 
called from the way here which leads to the sea. Margate again, 
from there being here an opening or gate through which there was 
an outlet into the sea.6 Merk-yate Street, in Hertfordshire, now 
Market Street, is another case in point, its ancient name in 1145 
and 1290 having been Merkyate or Markyate, “in bosco.”7 In the 
Chronicles of Abingdon we meet with the names of Geatescum, 
Gatecliffe, and Gatawic. Besides these there is in Kent Snargate 
and Sandgate; in Somerset Lanyatt and Donyatt and Skilgate; in 
Sussex Eastergate, &c., in all of which “gate” is a synonym for 
“way.” Inthe North of England “ gate,” which is still pronounced 


1 Magazine, vol. v., p. 203. Speaking of Nain, Lieutenant Kitchener says, 
«There are—as far as we could see—no traces of a wall, and I think we should 
understand by ‘gate of the city,’ the place where the road enters among the 
houses, just as the word is often used in Greek, and in modern Arabic in such 
expressions as ‘ gate of the pass,’ ‘ gate of the valley,’ and even ‘ gate of the city,’ 
where no wall or gate exists.” (Palestine Exploration Fund Reports for 1878, 
p: 115.) 

2 See Journal of Archeological Institute, vol. xx., p. 395. 
3 Rev. Mackenzie Walcott. 
4 Magazine, vol. vii., p. 328. 
5 Hasted’s Kent, iv., p. 372. 
6 Thid, p. 347. 

7 Clutterbuck’s Hertfordshire, iv., 157, 133, 348, 39. Dugdale’s pr eo 
lii., 373. 

VOL, XVIII.—NO. LIV. 2B 


338 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


* yate,” * is commonly applied in villages which never had walls, 
the street and village green—all the space on which people are free 
to go—being comprehended in the term town-gate from gyate. In 
the wide upland pastures of these counties the rights of individual 
proprietors are assigned as so many “ cattlegaits” or “‘ gates,” 1.e., 
licence for so many ¢o go (and feed). And so in Yorkshire “ sheep- 
gates” signify the right to turn sheep on to the moors, and these 
are let in specified numbers with each farm.? But again gate, as 
the name of a street, is very often found in the old towns of Scotland 
and North of England which never had walls; for example Penrith, 
in Cumberland, which had its Castlegate, or street leading to the 
castle; its Sandgate, leading to the fell; its Middlegate and Borough- 
gate, streets in the heart of the town.? Ripon again, with its Cow- 
gate, or Coltsgate, its Skellgate, and so forth, though it was an 
unwalled town.t Shall I add that “to gang one’s own gate,” or 
the line, “I gaed a waeu gate yestreen,” are well-known Scotch 
uses of this meaning of the word, which in England is usually 
written “gait,” as by Shakspeare? Again our early Reformers 
speak of “ Pilgrimage gate-going,” that is, “ going by the road” :° 
while in 1576, the question is put by the Primate, whether the 
parson, vicar, &c., in the days of Rogation—commonly called the 
gang-days—walk the accustomed bounds.® 

If then Yate or Gate, with the meaning of “approach to” or 
“passage towards,” be thought the true origin of the name of our 
village, the enquiry naturally arises to what place does such passage 
point? and here I can have no hesitation in answering, most un- 
doubtedly to Abury, the greatest British Temple in these islands, a 


1 Magazine, vol. vi., p. 78. Gate-posts are known in Westmoreland as yat- 
stoops. See Journal of Archzological Institute, vol. xviii., pp. 27—30. 
2 Zoologist for 1879, p. 355. 
3 Rev. Mackenzie Walcott. 
4 Journal of Archeological Institute, vol. xxxii., p. 401. 
5 Coverdale, ii., 271. Bradford, i., 280; ii., 293. 
6 Cardwell, Doc. Ann. 1407 and 1572. Jb. 372. See Journal of Archzol. 
Institute, vol. xix., pp. 54, 57, 60, on local names in Gloucestershire, where ‘‘ Yate ’’ 
is given in Domesday as “ Giete.” 


a 


reo 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, UA. 339 


little farther down the bourne, on the same plain, but three miles 
distant, and within sight of our village. Indeed proximity to the 
noble sanctuary of Abury, being the only cause of distinction to 
this retired village, I have thought it not unlikely that its name 
might somewhow be derived therefrom: and finding the Anglo- 
Saxon Vite meaning “ outermost,” or “ more outward,” I have sur- 
mised whether this could be the source whence the name of Yatesbury 
came: certainly it has the advantage of applying equally to the old 
form Etesberie, as well as the more modern name ; and would signify 
perhaps the utmost limits, or suburbs, of Abury.1. I should add that 
Canon Jones in his interesting papers “ on the Names of Places in 
Wiltshire,” suggests the possibility of Yatton on the west and 
Yatesbury on the east, signifying the gates, entrances, or openings 
into “the tongue of land” stretching from Cricklade and Malmes- 
bury some fourteen miles broad and extending southward some fifty 
miles long, which Dr. Edwin Guest? affirmed was still left in the 
possession of the old inhabitants though in the very midst of what 
had become English territory. Canon Jones however himself in- 
clines to the opinion that the former part of our name is some cor- 
ruption of a personal name. 

But whatever Yeatesbury or Etesberie may have been—and I fear 


that part of our subject must for ever be wrapped in oblivion—there 


is no question that modern Yatesbury is a very small unpretending 
village, containing but fifty-seven houses, almost all of them cottages 
of the very humblest type, universally built of the soft chalk-stone 
of the locality, and thatched: moreover the village is compact, 
without a single outlying cottage, though the houses for the most 
part are detached, and stand singly in their several gardens. Not 
that our village is without its pretensions: it can hold up its head, 
and parcel itself out into divisions no less than its more populous 


alm 


1 In connection with this view, I must not omit the strange tradition prevalent 
in the parish that at one time houses extended from Yatesbury to Abury, and 
that the two villages joined ! 

2 On the history of the early settlements of our English ancestors in this 
country.” Journal of Archwolog. Institute for 1859, vol. xvi., pages 105—131. 
Magazine, vol. xiv., p. 276. 

2B2 


340 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


neighbours: thus while the centre of the village is denominated 
“The Street,’ the upper or northern portion—comprising five 
cottages—is known as “Townsend,” and the southern portion— 
containing eight cottages—rejoices in the aspiring name of “ Little 
London.” Moreover there is a small cluster of three cottages near 
the Church, which, time out of mind, has been designated “ Vulpit,”” 
which I take to be a corruption of “ Fullpit,” in allusion to an ever- 
brimming pond hard by. Outlying parts of the parish are also 
known to the inhabitants by strange provincial names, such as 
“Steert Pond,’ “Guilden Ash Road,” “ Pack-gate,” ‘ Lymers 
Lane,” &c., &e. 


History. 


As to the history of our village, I have little enough to say, and 
if happy is the place which has no history, then supremely blessed 
must the village of Yatesbury be. Certain fragments however may 
be gathered of local history, such.as names of lords of the manor 
from time to time, enough to show that the place had an owner, 
and that owner sometimes a man of mark in his generation. 

Thus in A.D. 1086 Domesday Book tells us it was one of the 
royal manors, and held of the king by a Spaniard, who was either 
a foreign ecclesiastic or one of those who assisted William in his 
conquest, and was made a thane for his services. The following is 
the account as given in Domesday :—‘‘Aluredus de Ispania tenet de 
Rege Eressrriz. Alwi tenuit tempore Regis Edwardi, et geldabat 
pro 5 hidis. Terra est 4 carucate. De ea sunt in dominio 3 hide 
et dimidium, et ibi 2 carucate, et 2 servi; et 7 bordarii, et unus 
miles, cum 1 carucata. Ibi 20 acre pasture. Valuit 3 libras; modo 
4 libras.” 

“ Alured of Spain holds Erzsperte of the King. Alwi held it 
in the time of King Edward, and it paid geld for 5 hides, The 
land is 4 carucates. Of this there are 34 hides in demesne, and 
there are 2 carucates, and 2 serfs: and there are 7 bordars, and one 
‘miles’ with one carucate. There are 20 acres of pasture. It was 
worth £3, it is now worth £4.”} 


1 Canon Jones’ Domesday for Wiltshire, p. 112. See also p. 22, note. 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 341 


As to the much-vexed question of the extent of a hide of land, 
and of the carucate, I cannot here enter an opinion, but refer those 
who desire enlightenment on these points to the valuable introduction 
to the Domesday for Wiltshire, by Canon Jones. Enough that our 
village possessed seven Bordarii, whose business it was to supply 
the lord of the manor with provisions of some kind or other, and 
one soldier “ miles”’—or esquive as understood in olden time—who 
had to render services to a feudal lord, and through him to the king, 
and so obtained rank in proportion to the service rendered. 

In the reign of John, A.D. 1205, Barville and Fitz Everard were 
landowners in the parish.! 

In the time of Henry III., A.D. 1240, Reginald of Calne and 
Fitz-Matthew. 

In the second year of Edward II., A.D. 1309, Walrond held in 
right of an heiress of Longespée. Her property—not a large one— 
passed by another marriage to Sir Baldwin Freville, of Warwickshire, 
whose family in 1 Richard II. contested with the Dymocks the 
championship of England. 

In the ninth year of Edward II., A.D. 1316, it is mentioned 
among the manors or townships of the county which were ordered 
_ each to supply one soldier towards the military levies granted to the 
king for the wars in Scotland, and at that time Yatesbury was 
owned by Henry de Wyleton, Radulf de Botiller, and the Dean and 
Chapter of Sarum.’ 

In A.D. 1330 Edmund, Earl of Kent, was lord of the manor in 
right of his wife Margery Wake. 

In A.D. 1331, Sir Peter Doygnel, in right of Agnes Bourdon, 
his wife: he became High Sheriff of the county in 1337, and served 
in Parliament as Knight of the Shire, A.D. 1338.3 


1 Much of this information is gathered from Canon Jackson’s notes to Aubrey, 
page 46. 

2 Extract from the Nomina Villarum for Wiltshire, or the Return made to 
writs addressed to all the sheriffs throughout England as to what Hundreds and 
Wapentakes, and how many and what cities, boroughs, and townships there were 
in each Hundred or Wapentake. Printed by Rev. W. H. Jones in Magazine, 

vol. xii., p. 24. 
" 3 Magazine, vol. iii., p. 198. 


342 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


In A.D. 1366, towards the close of the long reign of Edward III., 
some of the land was held by Baldewin Frevill, who received it in 
recompense for military service to Gilbert. “49 Edw. III. Balde- 
winus Frevill, miles, ten: terras in Yatesbury de Gilberto de per 
servic: mil; 771 

In Henry IV., A.D. 1410, John Preston held “as of the Castle 
of Devizes.” 

In Henry the Sixth’s reign, A.D. 1432, the family of Ernle came 
into possession, and held for above three hundred years, during 
which period they were also patrons of the living. They were also 
lords of the manors of Bishops Cannings, Bourton, Conock, and 
Etchilhampton. Not a few of the members of this powerful family 
served as High Sheriffs of Wiltshire, represented their county in 
Parliament, and were otherwise distinguished.” 

To the Ernle family succeeded, as lords of the manor, the still 
more powerful family of Hungerford: and by his will, A.D. 1764, 
George Hungerford, Esq., L.L.D., of Studley House, near Calne, 
bequeathed his manor farm of Yatesbury to his second wife and 
widow, Elizabeth (Pollen), who died 1748.3 Their monument is in 
the Church : indeed this was one of the last—if not the very last— 
burial place of that family. The funeral of Lady,or Madame or Dame 
Hungerford—as she was better known to the people—still remains 
in the recollection of some of the oldest inhabitants, when in October, 
1816, with much parade and procession of horses, the body of that 
lady was brought from Bath by torch-light, and buried in a vault 
within the Church, where already several other vaults of the same 
family existed. 

About A.D. 1848 the estate was sold by Sir Richard Hungerford 


1 Magazine, vol. xii., p. 24. 


2The Ernle family sprung originally from Ernele, an estate near Chichester, 
in Sussex. They flourished there as early as the thirteenth century. In 4 
Edward III. one of this family represented the county of Sussex in Parliament. 
In the reign of Henry VIII. another of the same family rose to great distinction 
in the profession of the law. Appointed successively to the offices of Solicitor 
and Attorney-General, he was raised at last to the Chief Justice of the Common 
Pleas, 1519, and received the honour of knighthood. (Magazine, vol. xi., p. 191.) 


3 Canon Jackson’s Aubrey, p. 46, note. 


:_- - iw 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 848 


Pollen, Bart., to Mr. John Tanner, already a large landowner at 
Yatesbury. The prebendal estate was also sold by the Heclesiastical 
Commissioners to the same family about A.D. 1864, and, with the 
exception of twenty-six acres of glebe land, belonging to the Rector, 
two acres of “ Church Land,” in charge of the churchwardens,! and 
four acres belonging to Major Heneage, the whole of the parish is 
now both owned and occupied by the Tanner family: the several 
small farms—to the number of seven or eight, which existed in the 
parish within the memory of some living—having gradually become 
absorbed in their larger neighbours. 


Tur CuHurcH. 


The pride and glory of our parish is the Church, dedicated to 
“ All Saints”: though small in size, and without any pretence at 
grandeur, it is a very gem of a village Church, and the masonry of 
the tower, the porch, the south side of the nave, and—above all— 
the little turret staircase leading to the old rood loft and the roof of 
the nave, is exquisitely good. Aubrey indeed passes it by with the 
most off-hand negligence, saying “in the Church here is nothing to 
be found”: but I take leave to think that our good old Wiltshire 
antiquary, either never visited it, or was nodding when he wrote 
that depreciatory verdict—“ Aliquando bonus dormitat Homerus”—2 
for-certain it is that our Church shows many marks of the care that, 
at various periods, was bestowed upon it, and which perhaps may 
be attributed to the several powerful families who successively owned 
property in the parish. 

The present Church consists of a tower at the west end, nave, 
chancel, north aisle and south porch. In the original Church, which 


? The origin of this “Church Land is altogether unknown, and the object for 
which it was devised, as well as the name of the donor, are alike forgotten. Like 
so much other Church land and other Church property, the annual proceeds 
merely go to help the rate, though doubtless this was far from the intention of 
the charitable individual who gave or bequeathed it. 

? Aubrey indeed has very little to say of the parish. The following sentences 
comprize the whole of his account : ““ Yarespury. In the Church here is nothing 
to be found, neither is there any tradition that I can yet learn of any remarkable 


_ thing in the parish. In the field eastwards from the towne is a barrow or two.” 


344 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


was Norman, there was a south aisle as well, and one of its round 
arches with the pillars supporting it, was disentombed from the 
plaster which buried it, when the Church was restored in 1854: the 
font also is Norman, and an admirable example of good workmanship 
of the period: it was well figured in the “ Builder” in 1844, and 
I have been fortunate in securing the wood-blocks for the embellish- 
ment of this paper. LEarly in the thirteenth century the Church 


Section of the Font at Yatesbury. 


was re-built, and the pointed arches springing from pillars with 
transitional or semi-Norman mouldings mark pretty accurately the 
date of such work: there is also a small triplet window at the west 
end of the north aisle, which was an extremely elegant specimen of 
Early English work, till the masons, in restoring it! chipped away | 


WAN 


FONT AT YATESBURY. 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 345 


all the inner mouldings, and ruined it for ever.’ Towards the end of 
the fourteenth century the Church again underwent extensive repairs, 
and then it was that the south aisle was removed, and Perpendicular 
windows were inserted, and the general fabric left as it now stands ; 
with the exception however of the chancel, which was re-built from 
the ground in 1854, to replace a hideous erection, with square win- 
dows and flat whitewashed ceiling, of the last century. The nave, 
aisles, and tower are roofed with lead, and the latter contains four 
good bells, the tenor being—so far as I can ascertain—the largest 
and heaviest of a peal of four in the county, weighing about 9 ewt. 
and measuring 384 inches in diameter.? They were re-hung in the 
spring of the present year (1879), and they bear the following in- 
scriptions :— 
2 1, Ano Dni 1636. W. F. 

2. (No inscription.) . 

3. Ano. dni. 1636. 

4, I. Washbourne, T. Ranger, R. Walter, Churchwardens. 

R. Wells, Aldbourne, fecit 1773.5 


Within the Church a small doorway may be seen at the extreme 
south-east end of the nave, opening on a staircase, and above it, 
but rather more to the east another door of the original rood-loft, to 
which that staircase conducted: the stairs are also continued on to 
the roof of the nave. 

When the Church was restored in 1854, it was found necessary 
to pull down and re-build the chancel arch, which was effected by 
shoring up the whole of the east end of the nave roof by means of 
props from below. Though the chancel arch was so small and narrow 
as to be inconvenient for service, and showed such signs of settle- 


-1This window is mentioned with commendation by Dean Merewether in the 
Salisbury volume of the Archzological Institute, page 95. 
2 Magazine, vol. ii., p. 77. On Church Bells, by Rev. W. C. Lukis. 
3Tn the old Churchwardens’ Account Book, to be mentioned farther on, these 


items occur :— 
1773. Feb. 23, Pd. for caring the ould Bell and bringing back the 
new & expences £: 1:10:0, 
Mar 7. Pd. Mr Wells for a new Bell 34: 8,0. 


Paid the plummer Bill 20 :15.4 


346 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


ment as to necessitate its removal, it was not without considerable 
regret that it was taken down; as it was unmistakably of a peculiar 
horse-shoe form, contracted at the base, and bulging out in the 
centre; and that regret was not diminished when, on removing the 
adjoining walls on either side, there were found, though concealed 
by the plaster, on the north side a rude hagioscope or squint, and 
on the south side what appeared to be the remains of an ambry, 
though some supposed this too to be a hagioscope. 

On the east wall of the nave were also discovered faint traces of 
painting, but so obliterated by damp as well as successive coats of 
yellow-wash, that the pattern could not be traced : it seemed however 
to be simply a diaper. Much more visible and in far better pre- 
servation, was a bold and effective pattern of ivy leaves in scarlet 
paint, which were found beneath the white-wash, bordering the 
arches on the north wall of the nave: accurate fac-similes of these 
were obtained, and it is intended some day to re-produce them. 

At the upper part of the easternmost window of the nave are four 
small medallions of Early English glass, which have been much 
admired by connoisseurs : they are charged with the four evangelistic 
symbols. They were removed from the chancel in 1854, and placed 
in their present position for security. 

A new organ was added to the Church in 1869, built by Mr. 
Holdich, of London, to replace a second-hand instrument which had 
been erected by the same well-known builder when the Church was 
restored in 1854. 

The present communion plate is new: that which existed prior to 
1854 was of pewter, exceedingly massive, the flagon especially of 
huge capacity. These were melted down and converted into the 
font-ewer which is used at Holy Baptism. 

The stone screen, the stone pulpit, and the inner doorway of the 
porch, as well as the masonry filling in the arch above, were all new 
in 1854. 

When the Church was re-paved at its restoration, several vaults 
were disclosed at the east end of the nave, some of which at least 
belonged to the Hungerford Family; and at the east end of the 
chancel many other vaults were discovered, presumed to be the 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 347 


graves of former Rectors of the parish. There is but one monument 
in the Church bearing date previous to this century, and that is to 
the last of the Hungerfords buried in this Church, referred to above : 
it contains the following inseriptions :— 
Infra 
Conduntur cineres 
GEOR" HUNGERFORD. L.L.D. 
De Studley in hoe Agro Arm: 
Ex antiquaé stirpe Hungerfordij de Cadnam 
licet ultimi 
handquaquam indigni. 
Vir summa humanitate 
fide incorrupta insignis. 
Legum patriz bené peritus 
Et fidelis Dispensator. 
In elegantioribus Artibus 
multtim versatus. 
Ob:* 8° Die Jan: ij An:° 17649. 
JMtat :* 60. 
Chara et fidelis Conj:* Eliz:* filia John:* Pollen Arm:” 
Hoe monum: sac: Mem: ti# 
Posuit. 
Juxta deposita Corpora Marie Ux:* prime que Ob:* An:° 1747:° Atatis 47°. 
Et Eliz: th® unice filie ex eAdem Ux:?¢, que hac vita 
decessit An:° 1748° Aitat:* 11.° 


Hic etiam propé cineres mariti sepulta est 
ELIZABETHA 
Geo: Hungerford Arm:‘ Uxor secunda et vidua, 
Que juveniles et senescentes annos 
Aded pietate et benevolentia ornaverat 
Ut obiit suis precipué flebilis 
Die Octobris 17. A.D. 1816, Mtat. suze 83. 


Hoe functus est desiderii testimonio 
Nepos Aitate minor; R. POLLEN. 


348 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


Tue CuuRCHYARD. 

The churchyard is, I suppose, one of the smallest in the county, 
and has long been full, so many generations of the inhabitants 
having been crowded into the narrow half-acre which is as much as 
our so-called“ God’s Acre” will measure. It possesses one grand 
ornament in the form of a magnificent yew-tree which overshadows 
the porch and is in the prime of vigour, and is well-grown all round : 
it is the handsomest undecayed yew-tree—so far as I know—in the 
neighbourhood, and it is supported by several others of goodly size 
in the glebe around. 

A very elegant high stone cross, elevated on steps, stands at the 
north-west corner of the churchyard, and is generally mistaken by 
strangers for a churchyard cross. It is however merely a modern 
monument, erected in 1849 over the remains of a Monsieur Joscelin 
D’Emmerez de Charmoy, a native of the Island of Mauritius, and 
a friend and pupil of my predecessor. He entertained so pleasing a 
recollection of the peaceful quiet of our pretty churchyard, that he 
expressed a wish to be buried here; and when he died, at the early 
age of 27, his widow brought his body from London, and, though 
a Roman Catholic, he was interred here. 

Another pretty little stone cross under the large yew-tree at the 
south of the Church marks the grave of George Beale, a poor boy 
who was found dead in a ditch on the borders of two neighbouring 
parishes, in 1847; and when those parishes began to dispute whose 
business it was to bury the body, my kind-hearted predecessor, 
shocked at such ungenerous wranglings, settled the matter by 
bringing the poor boy here and burying him at his own expense. 

The registers are by no means perfect. There is in the parish 
chest a transcript which the Rev. J. S Money-Kyrle, when Rector, 
caused to be made at Salisbury of all the registers of the parish 
which remain in the Registry of the Bishop of Salisbury prior to 
1706, but these only begin with the year 1616, and have many wide 
gaps and omissions of years together. Since 1706 the registers are 
complete, and are scattered over no less than seven volumes, ex- 
clusive of the book of transcripts. Taking an average from the 
last thirty years, the following is the annual result: baptisms, 7 ; 


ain re 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 349 


burials, 5; marriages, 1$; and—so far as I can judge from the 
older registers—this is nearly the same average fifty, one hundred, 
and one hundred and fifty years ago: hence I gather that the popu- 
lation of the parish has neither diminished nor increased to any 
appreciable extent for the last century-and-a-half. The census in 
1871 declared our population to be two hundred and thirty-eight ; in 
1861, two hundred and thirty; in 1851, two hundred and fifty-one. 

But if our registers contain nothing of interest—and I see not a 
single entry worth recording—we have one quaint old treasure, in 
the “ Churchwardens’ Account Book,” which dates from A.D. 1752, 
and tells many strange tales of the way church money was expended 
in those days. The entry of one shilling paid for killing a fox 
appears in almost every page from 1753 to 1801, an expenditure of 
public money which would probably cause some little outery, if 
practised at the present day within this part of the Duke of Beaufort’s 
country.’ Sometimes as many as ten foxes were so killed in the 
twelvemonths, at an expense to the parish of ten shillings; more 
often three or four would be the annual number. “ Powleatts,” or 
** Paullcats,” as they are variously spelt, were still more numerous 
at the earliest of those dates, though they gradually diminished in 
number, and disappeared from the book altogether in 1792: they 
were charged at the rate of fourpence each. Mole-catching again 
was paid out of the Church rates from 1792 at the fixed sum of 
£2 . 12s. 6d. per annum. Somewhat more legitimate was the frequent 
entry from the beginning of the book and extending well into this 
century, “gave a sailor one shilling,” and sometimes eight sailors 


1On February 21st, 1872, the Duke of Beaufort killed a fox in the hall of the 


Rectory. It so happened that, the family and most of the servants being absent 


at a confirmation in a neighbouring parish, the house was very quiet and the 
front door shut: and the fox, hard pressed after a long run, and seeking safety 
in the first available place of refuge, ran in at the back door, and so through a 
long passage into the front hall; where it crouched in a vain hope to escape 
detection. There were however two hounds in pursuit close behind its brush, 
which followed through the back door and so into the hall: and here they were 


_ soon joined by the whole pack, which running in full cry by the window heard 


the noise inside, and dashing through the panes of glass, soon filled the hall and 
made short work of their victim. As a trophy of this incident, the brush of the 


fox now hangs in the Rectory hall. 


350 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


were so relieved in the course of a year, though how sailors came to 
be so often on the tramp through this unfrequented parish, with no 
thoroughfare through it, passes my comprehension. Again “ gave 
to the briefe three shillings” ; “ gave to the briefs two shillings” ; 
appear occasionally : and once in 1760, “ gave to the Brief of Hagon 
Church in the King of Prusos dominions one shilling ” ; a strange 
way of contributing from parochial funds to objects however worthy ! 
But the chief entry of all, which generally occupies three-fourths of 
every page, and for whose extermination one would suppose, on 
perusal of this book, that church rates were chiefly levied, is the 
item of “Sparrows.” They were massacred at the rate of fourpence 
a dozen for old, and twopence a dozen for young birds; and fifty, 
sixty, eighty, and even on some occasions up to nearly two hundred 
dozens in the year were thus destroyed in this parish alone: and 
this prominent tale of sparrows continued till the year 1843, when 
the charge was finally, but not without difficulty, banished from the 
church rates. It was however discovered some years later cropping 
up in the highway rate-book, disguised under the name of “ sundries,” 
and it was only after earnest remonstrance against the enormity of 
mending the roads with sparrows that the abuse was done away. 
The annual expenses of the Church are still defrayed by voluntary 
rate, and no instance has yet occurred of this being refused by any 
ratepayer. 

Hard by the churchyard, indeed abutting on it at its south-eastern 
corner, stood the old rectory, for many years used as a cottage, and 
inhabited by the parish clerk: here too the Sunday school was held, 
till in 1855 it was pulled down, and in its place, or rather more to 
the south, the school and school-mistress’s house were built by the 
Rector and his friends. At that period, and when the school was 
first opened in April, 1856, the total number of scholars—though 
the list included all the children of fitting age in the parish— 
amounted to no more than seventeen, but then there was a remarkable 
absence of large families in the village, not a single house containing 
more than four children. Since that time however a very different 
state of things has prevailed, and the day school has an average of 
about 88, the Sunday school of about 53, and the night school— 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 351 


which flourishes in winter—of 12, to which indeed it is limited. 

At the extreme north-east corner of the adjacent glebe stood the 
old rectorial tithe-barn, of enormous size and capacity suitable for the 
days when tithes were taken in kind: since however the tithes were 
commuted in this parish in the year 1850 and a rent-charge of £510 
in lieu of tithes was substituted, the barn became useless, and after 
serving during the summer of 1854 as a temporary Church, while 
the real fabric was under repair, it was pulled down, not without 
much labour and an astonishing amount of dust and dirt from the 
very ancient thatch, and re-built on a modest scale in a more con- 
venient spot. 

The present rectory was built in 1841 by the then Rector, Rev. 
William Money, who for forty years resided at the family seat of 
Whetham, near Calne, and served this parish from thence. He 
planted with great judgment the numerous belts and plantations 
which now shelter the house from the high winds; and to the ex- 
cellent taste of himself, as well as the son who succeeded him as 
Rector, is due the admirable laying out of the gardens and lawns in 
what till then had been a bare open field, over which many of the 
parishioners now living have many a time mown and reaped. 

The following list of Patrons and Rectors of the living is gathered 
partly from extracts made in 1844 by my predecessor, Rev. J. S. 
Money-Kyrle, from the Registry of Sarum, partly from extracts 
from the invaluable “ Institutiones Clericorum in comitatu Wiltoniz 
ab anno 1297 ad annum 1810,” of Sir Thomas Philipps :— 


Ecclesia, 
Date Vicaria 


val Patronus Clericus 
Capella 


1304 | E. Yatesbury | Rex, guia Custos Heredis |W™* de Wellop.* 
Nicolai Bourden defuncti. 
— | E. Yatesbury | Rex. Hugo de Whyteley per 
resig. W™i de Welhop. 
1305 |TV. Yatesbury | Dominus, per Jlapsum|W™ de Chelreth. 
temporis. 


1307 !+V. Yatesbury |! Hugo de Wheteley Rector. | Johannes Whetelay. 


* But because he was absent abroad with John de Throkesford, John, Vicar of Henton, was pre- 
Sented to it for six months (according to the rules of the last Council of Lugdunum) who declined 
it, and then Hugo de Wyteley was presented, 

+ In these two instances only do we find Yatesbury marked V. (vicaria.) 


352 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 
Ecclesia 
Date a Patronus Clericus 
Capella ers 
1317 | E. Yatesbury | Henry de Freynes e¢ Agnes | W™* de Whetelay. 
Burdoun, wxor ejus. 
1331 | E. Yatesbury | Petrus Doynel Et Agneta, | Patricius, jiJiws Henrici de 
UXOP EFUS. Frenes. 
1361 | E. Yatesbury Agnes Relict: Edmundi| W™* Wynebell. 
Bourdon. 
1362 | Yatesbury Wmus Wymbald R. et — 
Unio Vicaria.| Patronus. 
1365 | E. Yatesbury | Rex. Johannes Syuard. 
1366 | E. Yatesbury |Rex pro hered : Johannis | Johannes Syuard.* 
Burgherst. 
1383 | E. Yatesbury | Thomas Worston. Ricardus Waas. 
1432 | E. Yatesbury | Johannes Ernele. Thomas Swyft p.m. Ricardi 
aas. 
1439 | E. Yatesbury | Johannes Ernele Avmiger.| Johannes Richard p.r. 
Thome Swift. 
1456 | E. Yatesbury Johannes Ernele Armiger.| Johannes Rychard permut 
cum W™ Wareyn.t 
1471 | E. Yatesbury | Johannes Lunfford. Johannes Vernam vice W™ 
Wareyn. 
— | E. Yatesbury | Johannes Lunfford. Edwardus  Betrich pr, 
Johannis Vernam. 
1505 | EH. Yatesbery | Johannes Ernle.f Gul™s Waryn p.m. 
Edwardi Berryge. 
1512 | E. Yatisbury | Johannes Ernle Armiger. |Gul™* Ernle p.m. Ricardi 
Waryn. 
1522 | EH. Yattisbury | Johannes Erneley Avm.§ |Gul™*  Erneley p.m. 
Gulielmi Erneley. 
1537 | E. Yattesbury Joh:*** Ernley Avmiger|| | Robertus Richardson p.m. 
Gulielmi Ernley. 
1545 | E. Yatesbury | Joh:"* Erneley de Can-|Johannes Goode p.m. 
nings Armiger.4 Ricardi Richardson. 
1598 | E. Yatesbury | Rogerus Chever deQuemer-|Robertus Chever p.m. 
ford Clothier, ex concess| Thome Good. 
Michaelis Erneley de Whet- 
ham Armigert. 
1602 | E. Yatesbury | Thomasin, relicta dicti| Petrus Riche p.m. Roberti 
Roberti Chevers, ea] Chever. 
concess Johannis Ernle 
Armig: prefato Roberto. 
1637 | E. Yatesbury | Edwardus Bayntun, Wiles,|Henricus Norborne pm. 
de Bromham. Petri Riche. 


* This was an exchange with “[permut: cum] Petro de West Kyngton”’ incumbent of ‘‘ Ewelme 
(Oxon) ’’, ‘* Johannes Bordon ” being the patron thereof. 
+ This was an exchange with the Incumbent of Donhead S. Andrew, of which the Abbess of 
Shaftesbury (Abbatissa de Shaston) was Patroness. 


$ John Ernle, Esq , of Witham, was Sheriff of Wiltshire in 1504. 


(Magazine, vol. iii., p. 209.) 


%John Erneley, Esq., of Burton, son of Chief Justice Ernle, was Sheriff of the county in 1521 


(Zb., p. 210.) 


|| John Erneley, Esq., served as Sheriff in 1528. 


(b., p. 211) 


1 John Ernley, Esq., of Cannings, served as Sheriff, A.D. 1532; John Erneley, of Cannings again 
in 1539; John Erneley, of Cannings,.in 1543 ; John Erneley, of Cannings, in 1553 ; John Erneley, Esq., 
in 1562; Michael Erneley, in 1579, (Zb. pp. 211—215.) 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 353 
Ecclesia, 
Date eae Patronus Clericus 
Capella faivan 

1662 | E. Yatesbury | Johan.Erneley deWhetham | Thomas Johnson. 
Armiger. 

1680 | BE. Yatesbury | Johannes Ernle de Whet-| Franciscus Rogers p.m. 
ham Armiger.* Thome Johnson. 

1685 | E. Yatesbury |Johannes Ernle, MJiles,|Henricus Hindley pc. 
Cancellarius et sub| Francisci Rogers. 
Thesaurar Scaccarti 
Regis. ; 

1708 | E. Yatesbury | Thos. Fettiplace  de| Daniel Fettiplace. 
Fernham, Co Berks, 

Armig. 

1735 | E. Yatesbury | Constantia Ernle Spinster.| J 7 ee p.m. Daniel 

ettiplace. 

1794 . Yatesbury | William Money, Esq.,f of | Walter Hunt Grubbe p.m. 
Whetham. John Rolt. 

1801 | E. Yatesbury | William Money, of Hom| William Money pr. 
House Co Hereford Esq.,| Walter Hunt Grubbe. 
and of Whetham. 

1843 | E, Yatesbury | Rev. William Money-Kyrle| James Stoughton Money- 
of Hom House Co Here-| Kyrle p.x. William Money 

= ford, and of Whetham. (then W™ Money-Kyrle.) 

1852 | E. Yatesbury | William Money-Kyrle of} Alfred Charles Smith p.m. 


Hom House Co Hereford, 


James Stoughton Money- 


and of Whetham, Co 


Kyrle. 
Wilts, Esq. 


The above list of Patrons of the living will show generally who 
were the lords of the manor, when the Rectory fell vacant from 
time to time: and the uninterrupted -possession of the family of 
Ernle through so long a period is very interesting and very remark- 
able. It will be seen that the last Patrons and Rectors, though 
bearing the names of Money and Money-Kyrle, inherited from the 
Ernles ; and the connection between the names of Kirle and Ernle, 
above a century-and-a-half ago, will appear from the following 
extract which I made from the “Liber Regis” in the British 
Museum.! 

7 This Sir John Ernle was Chancellor of the Exchequer at the end of the reign of Charles II. Sir 
John founded a widows’ charity at Calne. He was one of the eighteen Privy Councillors who recom- 


mended King James to send the Bishops to the Tower. (Canon Jackson’s Aubrey, p. 39,) 


+The last male heir of the Ernle family, Sir Edward, died 1787, and the name has disappeared 
from the county. Whetham belongs to the representative by female line : William Money inheriting 
as son of the heir of Constantia Ernle; it is still owned by Colonel Ernle Money-Kyrle. 


_ 1 Liber Regis, vel. Thesaurus Rerum Ecclesiasticarum,” by John Bacon, Esq., 
1786. Diocese of Salisbury, page 875. D. Avebury, in the Archdeaconry of 
Wilts. 


VOL. XVIII.—NO. LIV. 2c 


354 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


Kings Books. 
£ Ss. d. 
17: 3:4 


Livings remaining in charge, Rectories, &c., with their) Yearly Tenths. 


Patrons, Proprietors, &c. 


ried 
Yatesbury, R. (All Saints.)— ) 
Archidiac 11/23, Prox 4/5. 
John Ernle Gent. 1662-1680. 1:44:4 


Thomas Fettiplace Esq. 1708. 


Jo Kirle Ernle Esq. 1720. 


(Constantia Ernle Spinster 1735. 


Though the prebendal estate has now passed out of the hands of 
the Dean and Chapter of Salisbury, it must not be forgotten that 
there were Prebendaries of Yatesbury, who in the good old days 
derived substantial benefit from this parish ; and there is still a stall 
of Yatesbury though it is an unremunerative one, in the Cathedral 


of Salisbury. 


By the kindness of Canon W. H. Jones, I am enabled to supply 
a tolerably complete list of those who have held the prebend of 
Yatesbury for the last six hundred and fifty years :— 


ce. 1226. 
1318. 


1322. 
1340. 
1361. 


1378. 
¢e. 1387. 
1388-9. 
{ 1399. 
1416. 
1423. 
1437. (May.) 


1437. (Nov.) 
1440. 

1443. 

1445. 

1446. 

1453. (March 1.) 
1453. (March 2.) 
1457. (Feby. 10.) 
1457. (Feby. 29.) 


Hugo de Wells. 


Osmund. Reg. 


Nicholas Hengate (or Hugate). 


Roger de Northborough, 


On the cession of N. Hengate. 


Bishop of Lichfield, 1322. 


William de Selton. 
John de Eccleshall. 
Peter Fitz-Waryn. 


Adam de Lakenhyth. 


John Clerenaus 
Walter Easton. 
William Littlington. 
Robert Bushe. 
Oliver Dinley. 


John Symondesburgh. 


John Tydeling. 


John Moreton. 

John Chedworth. 
William Normanton. 
Thomas Kirkby. 
Walter Colles. 
Ralph Drew. 
Richard Wilton. 
John Stretton. 

Rob. Parker. 


By cession of A. de Lakenhyth. 


On decease of W. Easton. 

On decease of R. Bushe. 

Archd. Wilts. 

On resignation of J. Symon- 
desburgh. 

On cession of J. Tydeling. 

Archd. Wilts. 

By resignation of J.Chedworth. 


By cession of W. Colles. 

By resignation of R. Drew. 
By “dimission” * of R. Wilton. 
By “dimission”’ of J. Stretton. 


* This is a literal translation of the phrase ‘‘per dimissionem,” as it appears in the registers— 
though ‘cession ”’ and ‘‘dimission ” seem to be almost convertible terms, 


4 


1461. 


1462. 

1471, (May 15.) 
1471. (Nov. 2.) 
1477. 

1493. 

1494. 


1513. 
1514. 
1515. 
1517. 


1523. 
1524. 
1546. 
1547. 
1549. 
. 1553. 


1565. 
1569. 
1570. 
1580. 


1591. 
1594. 


1621. 
1623. 


1629. 

1668. (Oct.) 
1668. (Dec.) 
1677. 

1678. 

1679. (Feb.) 
1679. (Oct. 3.) 
1701. 

1721. 

1759. 


By the Rev. A, C. Smith, M.A. 


John Russell. 


John Paynet. 
John Vernam. 
Roger Rotheram. 
Leonard Say. 


355 


On decease of R. Parker. 
Archd. Berks, Bishop of 
Lincoln, and Chancellor of 
England. 


On resignation of J. Russell. 
On decease of J. Paynet. 
On resignation of J. Vernam. 


Henry Carnbul (or Cambell). On decease of L. Say. 
Thomas Phillips (Sub Dean.) On lana of H. Carn- 
ull 


Henry Rawlins, archd. Sar. On decease of T. Phillips. 
Edward Finch, archd. Wilts. On resignation of H.Rawlins. 


William Pykenham. 


By “‘dimission”” of E. Finch. 


Richard Audley. (Precentor.) By “dimission” of W. 


John Biggs. 
John Cox. ; 
John Bodenham 
John Everode. 
Thomas Nelson. 
Thomas White, 


John Garbrand. 
Edmund Weston. 
William Overton. 
Hugh Langley. 


John Hopkinson. 
Richard Mulcaster. 


Hugh Gough. 


Humphrey Henchman. 


Edward Gough. 
Daniel Whitby. 
John Martyn. 
John Fielding. 
Isaac Walton.* 
Timothy Morton. 
Thomas Barford. 
Henry Rogers. 


Pykenham. 


On resignation of J. Biggs. 
On decease of J. Cox. 
On decease of J. Bodenham. 


Archd. Berks. Treasurer: 
Canon Residentiary. He died 
in 1624, aged 95, and had 
been connected with the 
Cathedral 71 years. 


On resignation of T. White. 


Bishop of Lichfield, 1580. 


By the Queen on promotion of 
W. Overton. 


Presented by John Tayler, 
patron “ pro hac vice.” 


By resignation of H. Gough. 
Bishop of Sarum, 1660. 
On cession of H. Henchman. 

Precentor. 

On resignation of D. Whitby. 
On resignation of J. Martyn. 
On resignation of J. Fielding. 
On resignation of I. Walton. 
On cession of T. Morton. 

On decease of T. Barford. 


John Squire. (Succentor.) On decease of H. Rogers. 
Charles Tarrant. (Succentor.) Dean of Peterborough 1764, 


ob. 1791. 


nD EE SSS ee 
' * Isaac Walton was nephew of the great fisherman, and Rector of Poulshot—or Polsholt, Poules- 


holt, or Pawlesholt—as it was originally written. 


He was also a Canon Residentiary. Among the 


treasures of the Muniment Room are “ Walton’s Collections” from the various Chapter records. 


2c2 


356 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


1791. John Harrington. On decease of C. Tarrant. 
1795. Thomas Henry Hume. (Treasurer.) 

1799. Edward Few. On cession of T. H. Hume. 
1802. Charles Francis. On cession of E. Few. 
1805. Kenrick Francis Saunders. On cession of O. Francis. 
1854. Arthur Fane. 

1872. Eldon 8S. Bankes. 


I am also indebted to Canon Jones for the following valuable 
comments on the above list: “ Yatesbury was a swb-deacon prebend: 
in value it was one of the smallest of all. It was anciently taxed 
at four marks,—Charminster being taxed at forty, and Ramsbury 
at sixty marks,—and in 1671 it had to pay only fourteen shillings 
and sevenpence towards £340 raised from prebendal estates for the 
repairs of the Cathedral. This will account for the extremely rapid 
changes in the Yatesbury Prebend, which will have been noticed 
above. It was evidently oftentimes accepted, and held for a time, in 
order thereby to carry out some little plan of ecclesiastical arrange- 
ment; for example, either the voiding of a richer prebend and 
securing therefrom a ‘ pension,’ or the qualifying for some dignity, 
or residentiaryship, which could not be held without a prebend. 
At all events those who held the preferment appear to have been 
not disinclined to exchange it for something better.” 

I should add that a Court was held about thirty years ago, in 
the time of my predecessor, when Mr. Tuckey was lord of the manor 
of the prebendal estate (for there were two manors within this 
parish), when various old-world customs, now obsolete and forgotten, 
were revived, such as the doing homage, the presenting of a turf by 
an old man, &c., &c. 

Here seems the place to mention Yatesbury Feast, which is held 
as near old All Saints Day as possible, viz., the first Sunday after 
November 18th, and the Monday and Tuesday following it. Like 
most other country feasts it has dwindled down even within my 
recollection to a shadow of its former greatness, and though still 
looked forward to by the children of the parish, and still in some 
degree the occasion of family gatherings, when young men and 
women return home from service for the two days, it is but the 
expiring remnant of a village feast, and the one solitary booth erected 


iti 


By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 357 


in “the Street,” which alone proclaims the ancient custom, threatens 
to visit us no more! 

I should scarcely be doing justice to a very important matter if I 
omitted to mention the various fairs in the neighbourhood, which 
serve as epochs, from which our villagers usually date: thus instead 
of specifying the end of November, they would say “ about a fortnight 
or so after Vatsbury Vee-ast”’? Other noted landmarks of time 
are Tanhill fair (August 6th) usually called “Tannul Vair ” ; Devizes 
fair (April 20th) generally known as “ Vize Vair”; Calne fair 
(May 6th); and Marlborough fair (August 22nd). 

There is yet another subject which demands attention before I 
take leave of the parish, to wit the winds which at times beset us 
with more than common violence, as might be conjectured when our 
position on the broad open table-land of the downs is considered. 
The winds which chiefly prevail here are the south-west, which come 
up from the Bristol Channel without let or impediment, and have a 
fair fling when they reach our downs. These however are soft- 
hearted well-disposed winds, which, however boisterous and rough, 
only tumble about the thatch of ricks and cottages in sport, and 
have no venom in their horse-play. Not so the north-easterly winds, 
which swoop down upon us in the early spring. and are spiteful in 
their attacks, bitter in their blasts, and deadly in their continuance ; 
man and beast, animal and vegetable, cower under their influence, 
and are the worse for their encounter; and then they often prolong 
their visits and refuse to depart, however hateful their presence. It 
is owing to these protracted gales from the north-east that our 
springs are generally so cold and backward; though we are com- 
pensated in the autumn by a prolongation of warmer weather some 
fortnight or more than in less elevated districts: and in the month 
of October, as you ascend the downs on an evening from the valleys 
below, you may often feel a sensible increase of temperature, as you 
mount to the level of our plain. 

On the 30th December, 1859, our village was visited by the most 
terrific storm of wind I ever heard of in this country: indeed Capt. 
Sherard Osborn declared that in all his experience of typhoons in 
- China and southern and tropical countries, he never had any idea of 


358 A Sketch of the Parish of Yatesbury. 


the power of wind till the day he visited the scene of our Wiltsh‘re 
tornado. This narrow belt of storm, which was concentrated within 
a breadth of about 400 yards, appears to have begun its devastations 
about a mile to the south of Calne, and coming up from the west 
shaped its course for east-north-east, and took a straight line in that 
direction for about thirteen miles. It attained the height of its fury 
as it reached our village, and though it was only three minutes in 
passing through, yet, during that short period, it overthrew barn, 
outhouse and cottage roofs, demolished ricks, and tore up the largest 
trees by the roots. So appalling was its appearance as it came on 
like a thin vapour or cloud, so loud and terrific the roar of its ap- 
proach, so strange and unearthly the darkness, so sudden and furious 
its onset, that men’s senses seem to have been paralyzed with terror 
during the few moments of its continuance: the air seemed filled 
with thatch and rafters and tiles and falling timber, and when it 
had passed by, desolation and ruin lay all around. Yet the havoc 
was not in a continuous line: this strange revolving storm selected 
its victims in its onward course, overthrowing some and sparing 
others with the most capricious partiality : uprooting several large 
yew-trees on my glebe on either side, but Providentially missing 
the Church and the magnificent yew-tree in the churchyard: and 
so it threw down garden walls and barns, unroofed cattle-sheds, 
cottages and ricks, but left quite unmolested others which stood 
hard by. Finally it hurled a large cart-horse from one end of a 
yard to the other; threw a cow into an adjacent pond; rolled over 
a man who had no time to seek shelter, but tried to cling to a bank 
for protection; and, as a climax, lifted a heavy broad-wheeled 
waggon clean off the ground and over a high hedge, depositing it 
on its side a dozen yards or more from where it stood! And yet, 
amidst all this destruction of roofs, cattle-sheds, barns, and timber- 
trees, not a single life was lost, nor did any serious injury occur to 
either man or beast: hair-breadth escapes there were in abundance : 
men and boys crept forth from the heavy beams and rafters which 
had fallen all around them in the barns which had been blown down 
over their heads; large elm-trees fell in all directions across roads 
and gardens; but mercifully all were preserved from harm; and 


—— =e 


Proposed Repeal of the Test and Penal Statutes 359 


though the storm left our village the picture of desolation and ruin, 
we felt thankful for the Providence which had so signally protected 
us.) 

ConciusIon. 

Thus it will be seen that our little retired parish on the open 
downs is not without its experiences of sunshine and storm, its rough 
and smooth, its ups and downs in the battle of life. If its barrows 
and its old Church had tongues, doubtless they could tell us many 
a stirring tale of British and Roman, Saxon and Norman times : 
but now nearly all is forgotten; and we can but trace an outline 
stretching through the dim ages into the distant past, and regret 
that so little remains to reward the search of the parish chronicler. 


Proposed Aepeal of the Test and Penal Statutes 
by Aing James the Second, in 1688; 


His Questions touching the same, to the Deputy-Aientenants 
and atlagistrates in Wiltshire, with their Answers thereto: 
including Confidential Returns of the Parliamentarp 
anterests at that period, 

[From tHe Oricrnat Strate Papers anp DocumMENTs IN THE 
Bopie1an Liprary. } 


By Srtz Gztoreze Ducxert, Bart. 


HE subject of the present paper is entirely connected with 

the object which James II. had in view from the commence- 

ment of his reign, viz., the restoration of the Roman Catholic faith 
as the religion of the country, and the necessary but preliminary 


1 See my account of this storm in Magazine, vol. vi., pp. 365—389. 


360 Proposed Repeal of the Test and Penal Statutes 


-step thereto, the Repeal of the Penal Laws and Test Act. He had 
become a Roman Catholic at the time he was in exile, during the 
Commonwealth, but had not openly announced his faith until 1671, 
and the passing of the Test Act in the late reign—by which he was 
compelled to throw up all his several appointments—was, doubtless, 
to him a subject of personal grievance, not to be forgotten or tolerated 
after coming to the throne, By virtue, therefore, of his sole Pre- 
rogative, he issued in 1687 his “ Declaration of Toleration and 
Liberty of Conscience,” abrogating thereby all oaths and tests, 
together with his instructions for the election of Members to serve 
in Parliament, and although this measure led to great discontent 
among those who looked upon it as jeopardising the Protestant 
doctrines of the country, it was repeated twelve months after, by 
another “ Declaration of Indulgence,” to be read from the pulpit, 
upon which occasion seven Bishops, who refused to distribute and 
circulate the same among their clergy, were committed to the Tower. 

The King, bent upon the repeal of the main obstacle to his Romish 
views in the next Parliament? that he might be disposed to convoke, 
had, in furtherance of this object, already instructed, through his 
Council, the several Lords-Lieutenant of counties throughout England 
and Wales, to propound certain questions to all the Deputy-Lieuten- 
ants and Magistrates in their respective lieutenancies, touching their 
views on these statutes, with a view naturally to calculate how far 
he could rely upon a majority in any forthcoming elections*; and 
also to give a semblance of constitutional authority to his acts, 
which, hitherto, relying solely on his own Prerogative, he had 
utterly disregarded. These different steps, especially the imprison- 
ment of the bishops—which caused profound indignation through- 
out the kingdom—brought about a crisis not many months 


1The Bishops who protested against the Declaration were : Canterbury, Ely, 
Peterborough, Norwich, St. Asaph, Bath and Wells, Bristol, Gloucester, and 
Chichester. Seven of them were imprisoned : Sancroft (the Primate), Ken, Lake, 
Lloyd, Turner, White, and Trelawney. 


2 He had prorogued his last Parliament indefinitely on 20th November, 1685. 


3 The King promised in his second Declaration to hold a parliament in November. 


by King James the Second, im 1688. 361 


afterwards, which hastened the Revolution and cost him his throne. 

In connection with these interrogatories the Lieutenants of 
counties were instructed to obtain all possible information as to the 
leaning and tendencies of the different constituencies and county 
interests, and Returns were sent in giving such information, and 
other Returns will be found, given in the sequel, by agents employed 
on this especial service. 

The Lords-Lieutenant not having met with the success expected 
in their questions to the Magistrates, &c., the lists of the Deputy- 
Lieutenants and Justices of the Peace were revised, and many struck 
out, the King continuing only those who would be ready to con- 
tribute to the repeal of these objectionable statutes ; whilst others 
were added, who would concur and assist towards this end. A sub- 
sequent declaration was issued to the same effect. The corporations 
of the several borough-towns were especially selected to be operated 
upon and re-modelled. By annulling their charters, and removing 
those who were hostile to his aims, the choice of the Members at any 
future elections was secured. 

It is, therefore, a matter of no little interest, at that critical 
juncture of our religious liberties, to consider the nature of the 
private and confidential information in these returns, in respect of 
the Wiltshire boroughs, for as a matter of fact the Lord-Lieutenant. 
reported (as stated by Macaulay) “That of sixty Magistrates, with 
whom he had conferred, only seven had given favorable answers, and 
that these seven could not be trusted”; so that taken in conjunction 
with these answers, and the evident disposition of the Magistrates: 
and country gentlemen at that period—the descendants of many of 
whom remain to this day—we believe the entries relating to the 
repeal of the laws in question, will prove of considerable local and 
historical interest. 

The volume, whence the ensuing extracts are made, contains the 
original returns, &c., on this question, from nearly every county in 
England and Wales, and forms one of those valuable and priceless 
MSS. of the Rawlinson Collection, now in the Bodleian Library. 

The period at which these events occurred was too eventful to 
cause it to be regarded save with the greatest interest. 


362 Proposed Repeal of the Test and Penal Statutes 


“ RETURN, TRANSMITTED ON THE PART OF THE LORD-LIEUTENANT OF 
WILTSHIRE, TO THE CounciL or Kine James II., 1687 
34 Parliament-men for Wiltshire. 


2 Knights of the Shire; 

My L# Cornbury,* and St James Long; y° old place of electing Knights of 
y® shire is at Wilton, but if it be removed to y® Devizes, all y* dissenters will 
come in, and carry it as they please w* a little help. 

SALSBURY, Mr Swaine, Strong dissenters: will certainly 
Mr Heely. be chosen, if there be a suplemen- 
tall charter: and a few new ones 
added to the corporation. 
Oxp Sarum, Is come to be a popular election, 
and the dissenters joyning w 
Kings friends will choose 2 fitt 
persons. Mr Pitt, interloper, has 
y° making: y* Baily returns the 
itt 


writt. 
WIiLToN, S John Nicholas Kn‘, My L* Pembroke has the chiefe 
Oliver Nicholas, Esq. interest here. 
Downton, S' Charles Rowly, A Lawyer, a strong dissenter ; 
Mr Eyres. |e manages my L‘ Arundell of 
Warders concerns. 


Mr. Lambert within mentioned, 
was one of the last Burgesses, but 
I prevailed w** him not to stand, 
WESTBURY, Coll Lewis My L* Abbington and Coll. 


Hinpon, Robert Hyde Esq Mr. Hide has the chiefe Interest. 


Mr. Bertie. Lewis have the chiefe interest, but 
there is one M*. Trenchard that 
lives just by may give an oppo- 
sition, if joyn’d with some person 
y* would spend monies, which will 
go a great way in y° little boroughs. 
Coll Lewis is a very nere man, and 
will spend little or nothing. 

HEYTSBURY, William Ashe Esq. These 2 have the sole interest in 

Edward Ashe Esq. y° Borrough. I was informed by 
M' Jefrys of y* Devizes, one of D* 
Coxes agents, and by another dis- 
senter, that they would be moderate 
men in this matter. 

CALNE, Mr. Davenant, M'. Davenant and M* Chivers 

Mr. Chivers. have the sole interest ; but if a new 
charter be found proper for the 
town, M' Davenant will be left out. 

DEVIZES, St John Hiles, { Very honest and fitt persons to 

M" Hope. serve his Maj‘ 

CHIPPENHAM S John Talbott. Mr. Richard Kent of y* custom 
house, and M*. Bainton have the 
chiefe interest, but if M* Kent 
sticks close to S' John Talbott, 
they will carry it. S' James Long, 
whom I can engage, has a good 

Uinterest too. 


* Lord Cornbury, eldest son of the Earl of Clarendon (which title became extinct, 1723), was the 
first who joined the standard of William of Orange. 


a 


by King James the Second, in 1688. 363 


MaLMEsBURY, This corporation is lately altered, 
and t’is supposed his Ma‘ may have 


Collonel Webb. they joyne will be chosen against 


any. 

Great BEDWIN, ( My L* Aylsbury has y® chiefe 
interest. There is one [obliter- 

ated | of 200" has a very good inter- 

J est, and says if a new charter comes 

down, they having lost their old 

one, and he named Bailiff, the King 

shall have any 2 persons he will 

name. 

LUG@DERSALE, M’. Neale. S' Anthony Browne, catholique, 
has y° chiefe interest. 

Wooton Bassett, { ‘My L* Rochester, and Mr. 


any. 
CRICLADE, S". Stephen Fox, { Have the chiefe interest, and if 


Moore, catholique, have the chiefe 
interest. 
MartesoroueH | S John Ernly, Chan- This charter must be altered, and 
cellor of y° Exchequer, | the Burgesses reduced to 18; M*. 
Mr. Rider, an atturney, | Lobbs opinion. 

dissenter. My L* Duke of Somersett and 
my L* Alsbury have y* present 
Ee but will not, when y° 

Charter is altered. 

Three Questions propounded by William, Earl of Yarmouth,* Lord-Lieutenant 
of the county of Wiltshire, to the Deputy Lieutenants and Justices of the peace 
within his Lieutenantcy, one by one, in pursuance of his Ma*** Instructions and 
commands, signified by a Letter from the Lord President, dated 25th October 
1687, together with their several names, to whom the Questions were proposed, 
and their respective answers to every particular question : 

1 2 3 
In case you shall bee Will you assist and © Will you support his 
chosen Knight of the contribute to the Majesties Declaration 

Shire, or Burgess of Election of such for Liberty of Conscience, 


a Towne, when y® members (of Par- by __ living friendly 
King shall think fitt liament) as shall with those of all Per- 
to calla Parliament, be for taking off | swasions, as subjects 
will youbefortaking the Penal Laws of y® same Prince, and 
off the Penal Laws nd Tests? good Christians ought 
and the Tests? to do? 


In obedience to His Maj*”* commands I have asked the three questions to the 
severall persons following : 
First, 
S' Richard How of Wishford, deputy lieutenant ; 
1 question, says he will not be for taking of any penall Laws or tests, till he 


®* William Paston, (second) Earl of Yarmouth; ob. s.p.m.1732. The late Lord-Lieutenant, Thomas 
(eighth) Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, had declined to put the questions proposed by James 
II.,;and like many other Lieutenants of Counties was removed, in this case being superseded by the 
Earl of Yarmouth, 


364 Proposed Repeal of the Test and Penal Statutes 


comes into the house of commons; 2, he will not contribute to the electing 
such members as shall 

8, Declares he wil live friendly with all persons whatsoever, and added when the 
Parliament mett, he hoped an accomodation would be to the Kings content 


M'. Hide of Hatch, 

1qu. He will not declare what he will do, before he comes into the house of 
commons 

2. He will not contribute to the election of such members as shall be for taking 
away the penall laws and tests, by reason t’would declare his opinion before 
hand. 

3 With all his heart he will live friendly with all persons of what perswasions 
soever, and is for a Tolleration. 


D Lt Coll. Windham of Salsbury, dep: lieutenant and justice of the peace, 

1 He wilbe for the taking away the Penall laws and Tests, so that the Church 
of England may be secured by laws made to enforce what the King has 
promised in the Declaration. 

2. He will be for choosing such persons as are undoubtedly loyall. 

3 That he will live peaceably and quietly with his neibors of all perswasions as 
long as the Government gives leave. 


Dit S' John Collins of Chute Lodge, 

1 Declares his Judgement is for taking of the penal laws and Tests. 
2 He will contribute to the election of such members as shall do it. 

3 He will live friendly and peaceably with persons of all perswasions. 


DL S James Long of Dracott, 

1 Is of opinion that Tolleration is best, and is for taking away the penall Laws 
provided there be a clause inserted against Atheisme, Blasphemy, and for 
the repealing the Tests he totally relys upon the Kings sense in parliament- 

He will be for those of the same opinion. 
3 He will live friendly and quietly with persons of all perswasions. 


Mr Hussy, justice of the peace, 
Says he will be for taking of the penal Laws and Tests. 
He will contribute and assist such as shall be for taking them of. 
That he will support the King’s Declaration, by living peacably and quietly 
with persons of all perswasions. 


Coll. Lewis, 

1 Declares he is for liberty of conscience, as far as it may consist with the peace 
of the nation, and will not declare what he will further do as to the repealing 
y° Tests till the house of Commons meets. 

2 He will not concern himself one way or the other in any Election. 

3 He will live peaceably and quietly with all his neibors of w* perswasion soever, 
and will serve his Maj’ to the uttermost of his power. 


Mr". Chaundler, deputy lieutenant, 


1 Is of opinion to take away all penall Laws and Tests, so farr as it shall not 
prejudice the Church of England. 


won 


by King James the Second, in 1688. 365 


That he will for such as are of the same opinion. 
That he will endeavour to live well with all men of what religion soever. 


S' Gilbert Talbott, 

1 If I am chosen a Member of Parliament when his Maj? shall call one, I will 
as I have ever done in former Parliaments, be entirely govern’d and dirrected 
by his Maj” in my votes. 

2 I shall give my best assistance to have such Members elected, as shall be for 
abolishing the penall laws and Tests. 

8 I will support the Kings Declaration for liberty of conscience (as a most 
gratious concession to his subjects), by living friendly with men af all per- 
swasions, as loving subjects and good Christians ought to do. 


D it Coll. Chivers, deputy lieutenant, 

With great intreatys and perswasions I prevailed with Mr. Chivers to be for the 
taking of the penal laws and tests, and will rely solely upon his Maj; his 
chiefest scruple was that he should be hang’d hereafter for what he does at 
present, and desired great security. 


S' Charles Rawleigh, 

1 Does not dissaprove of a liberty of conscience, and when he comes into the 
house, will endeavour to serve his Maj honestly, faithfully, and loyally, but 
will not declare before hand what he will do. 

2 He will neither meddle one way or other. 

3 He say’d he would live peaceably with all men. 


w vw 


D it S' Henry Coker, deput: lieutenant and justice of peace, 

1 If it be his Majt* pleasure to have the penall-statutes and the Tests taken 
of, and that it be for the safety of his Maj** person, I shall shew my 
obedience to his commands. 

2 The answer above I suppose is also to this. 

3 I have with all obedience done it, and shall be ready to obey my Kings so 
just commands. 


M". Fitzherbert, justice of peace, 
Declares he is for taking of the Penal laws and Tests. 
He will contribute to the election of such as shall. 
He will support y® Kings Declaration for living friendly and peaceably with 
persons of all perswasions. 


ow no Ke 


M' Seroope, justice of peace, a catholique 

1 He is very ready to take of all penall laws and tests. 

2 He will readily assist those that shall. 

3 He shall do it. 

: M*. Davenant, 

1 Say’d he intended to stand for Calne, and would not declare his opinion till 
he came into the house of Commons. 

2 He would not contribute to the electing of any y* should be for y* taking of 
y° penall laws and tests. 

3 He always did and always will do. 


366 Proposed Repeal of the Test and Penal Statutes 


Colonel Penrudock deput. lieutenant and justice of peace, 

Says he has served your Maj faithfully, and ever will with his life and 
fortune, and is for taking away pennall laws, but for the Test he will con- 
sider farther of that when he comes unto the house. 

He will not concern himself in the choice of any member. 

He will live friendly and peaceably w every body. 


M' William York, justice of peace, 

He is not for opposing the King in any of his great designs, provided the 
Church be secured, not doubting but his Maj* promise in the Declaration 
will be made good by a law. 

He will do his endeavours to assist the King in this matter. 

He agrees to it with all his soul. 


M' Hill, Recorder of Salsbury and justice of peace, 

Is for taking of the penall laws, but for y* tests is doubtful and desired 
longer time to consider of it. 

He will be for such as are of his opinion. 

He will with all his heart live peaceably w™ persons of all perswasions. 

M’ Harris, 

Is of opinion that the Dissenters ought to enjoy all the freedome the King 
has given them; is doubtful as to the Test. 

He has no voice to elect members. 

He is contented the King should do w' he pleases with his subjects and live 
peaceably with all men. 

M' Chamberlane, 

Says he is for giving reasonable Ease to all Dissenters, for the repealing the 
tests he submits that to parliament. 

He will not assist one way or other in any election. 

He has all’ways and is ready to live friendly with his neibors, and with those 
that will do so with him. 


M' Francis Moore, a catholique, 
Declares he will with all his heart and soule be for taking of the penall laws 


and tests. 
He will assist and contribute to y® election of such members as shall. 
He will live neiborly with persons of all perswasions. 


M' Bainton, deput. lieutenant, 
Declares when he heares the debates of the house of commons he shall do as 
his conscience directs him. 
He shall be for choosing Loyall men and leaves it to their consicence to do as 
they think fitt. 
He will endeavour to live peacably and quietly with his neibors of all per- 


swasions. 
M' George Wroughton, deput. lieutenant and justice of peace, 


Says he cannot be for taking away y* Penall Laws and tests, Judging it 
prejudicial to the Church of England. 


a 


by King James the Second, in 1688. 367 


2 He will not for any of another opinion. 
3 That he will endeavour to his utmost to live peacably and quietly with all 
persons, and adds he will not stand for parliament man though offer’d. 


M' Brewer, 
1 Is of opinion that no man ought to be prosecuted for meere matters of relligion, 
but for repealing Penall Laws and Tests reffers it for the determination of 
parliament. 


2 He will give his voice for such as he believes will serve the King and country 
faithfully. 
3 He is ready to do it. 


M’. Ashly, 
To the first he answers in the negative. 
To the second he says he has little or no interest to contribute to any. 
He will live amicably and peaceably with every body. 


M' Hirst, 
He is not for taking away the Penall Laws and Tests. 
Nor for assisting those that shall. 
He will live friendly with persons of all perswasions. 


Coll. Young, 
1 He will not declare his mind till he comes into Parliament, and upon discourse 
I found he was ill inclined to y® taking of Penal laws and Tests. 
2 He will not promise that he will, but say’d that his life and fortune should 
be ever at his M'® service. 
3 Tis his desire to live quietly and peaceably w** persons of all perswasions. 


M' Buckland, 
1 If he be chosen Burgesse he will serve y® King faithfully and Loyally. 
2 He thinks it not consistent to give a positive answer, it having so immediate 
relation to the former. 
3 He will live neiborly and friendly with persons of all perswasions. 


Mr’. Lambert, 

1 Says since his Maj’ has been pleased to give a Tolleration for liberty of 
conscience, is for securing it by law as his Maj‘’ and his great Councill shall 
think fitt; for y® test he has not so well considered of it, yett is doubtfull, 

2 So that he says he is incapacitated. 

3 He will live friendly and quietly with all men, and hopes they will do so with 
him. 


wonder 


wrre 


Coll. Deane, 
Sent a civill excuse for his not coming and say’d he had given his answer to y® 
D. of Berwick. 
Mr". Hungerford, 
1 Is of opinion to take of penal laws from Dissenters, but for the Tests he 
cannot be for parting with them. 
2 He will not contribute to such persons as shall be for taking of the Tests. 


368 Proposed Repeal of the Test and Penal Statutes 


wr 


T’is his desire to live peaceably with all men; he says his father lost all he 
had for y® old King. 


M. George Tooker, of Kennett, 
Says he is against taking off either the penal laws or tests. 
He will not be for those that shall. 
He will leave peaceably with all the world. 


M' Goddard, 
Says he will not come into any Publique employ, is not for taking of penall 
laws or tests. 
He will endeavour to choose loyall men, as shall be serviceable to his Maj‘. 
He will live friendly and well w*" his neibors of all perswasions. 


Major Grubb, 

He will not declare his opinion till he comes into parliament, and upon the 
debate of the house will governe himself to the best of his judgement to 
serve the King and Kingdome. 

He will be for such as are undoubtedly Loyall. 

He has always and ever will live peaceably and friendly with all persons. 


M" Kent of y* Devizes, 


He does not propose to be a parliament man, and will leave such matters to 
y* debate of the y* house. 

He will not concern himself for y* county being unfitt for travell by reason 
of indisposition of health. 

He answered with all his heart, t’is his daily prayer. 


The Marquisse of Worcester is out of y® country at Wansted; my L* Wey- 


mouth went out of y° county just before I came down; my L¢ Colraine lives on 
Hampstead hill; my L* Sterling and my Lé Stawell live in other countys; M* 
Swanton deput lieutenant went w y* judges in the cireuit, though he knew I 
was to be speedily in the country; M*. Nicholas, M'. Smith, M*. Maskellin would 
not come upon summons; S' Edmund Warneford went to London; and so did 
M". Clark and S' Thomas Mompeson ; there are five or six more in the com- 
mission of peace dwell constantly at London. 


The Catholiques that are fitt to be made Deputy Lieutenants and Justices of 


the Peace are as followeth : 


My Lord Sturton, 


D. Lt. MM. Thomas Arundell, 
D. Lt. S*'. John Webb, 


S. Anthony Brown of Lurgeshall, 


D. Lt. M. Cottington, 


ME Moere-(sic) * 
M'. William Browne, 
Mr". Bodenham of Ramsbury, 
M". Scroope, 
M Knipe. 
* Erased in the original. 


by King James the Second, in 1688. 369 


Dissenters that are fitt for Deputy Lieutenants and Justices of the Peace :—* 

S' John Eyles of the Devizes, 
S' William Pincen, 
M". Groves, 
M' Rider of Marleborough, 
M’ William Swain of Salsbury, 
M' Heely of the same place, 
M' Holton, 
M". Edward Hope, Junior Maior of y° Devizes, 
Charles Mitchell Esq’, 
Jacob Selfe Esq, 

D.Lt Mr’. William Trenchard of Gutridge by Westbury, 
M’. Nicholas Green, 

D. Lt Lionell Duckett Esq, 

‘ a favorer of Dissenters.” 


[Rawl. MS. A. 1389, fo. 191; Bibl. Bodi.] 


The return of persons who were to replace existing Magistrates 
and Deputy- Lieutenants, appears in the foregoing Report of the Lord- 
Lieutenant of the county; but care was also taken by the King to 
appoint agents to visit, especially, the borough and corporate towns, 
and ascertain and report upon their disposition, in respect of the 
laws he proposed to abrogate. Ifa borough or corporate town ap- 
peared hostile to the King, it was easy to have recourse to a forfeiture 
of its charter, and afterwards secure on its renewal an electoral 
element favorable to the Royal intentions, and certain to return to 
a new Parliament a member (or members), that would promote their 
fulfilment. 

* Report oF Kine’s AGENTS. 
Report from the King’s Agents sent into the country to influence the elections 


for parliament, respecting the counties of Wilts, Dorset, and six others; containing 
notes on the prospects of all the borough and county elections. 


To the Kings most Excellent Ma. 

May itt please your Mate 

Pursuant to your Ma‘** commands, some of our number, with others 
their associates, have visited several Corporations and Burroughs that elect Mem- 
bers of Parliament, and some of them being return’d, (viz D' Nehemiah Cox, and 
James Clarke, from Wiltshire and Dorsetshire; M*. Benj Dennis, and Richard 
_ Adams from Cambridge, Norfolke, Suffolke, and Essex; and M*. Nathanicsl 
Wade, John Jones, and Richard Andrewes from Somersett and Devonshire) ; We 
most humbly tender to your Ma a briefe acco of their transactions, pursuant 


* Another return was sent in by the King’s special agents (ut postea). 


VOL. XVIII.—NO. LIV. 2D 


370 Proposed Repeal of the Test and Penal Statutes 


to Instructions received by direction from your Ma**, and the most Hono Lords 
of y® Committee for regulating Corporations. 

They have discovered all sorts of men in the countrey, as to your Ma‘* most 
gracious intentions for Repealing the Tests and Penal Lawes for concience in 
matters of Religion, and doe find many of the Church of England, moderate and 
well inclined to part with those Tests and Lawes; their Religion being secured 
according to your Mat? Declarac’on ; and soe are the Presbiterians. 

The Roman Catholiques, Independants, Anabaptists, and Quaquers, that are 
numerous in many places, are generally in your Ma" interest, notwithstanding 
the many rumours, and suggestions to divide and create jealousies among them. 
These are unanimously agreed to elect such members of Parliament, as will abolish 
these Tests and Lawes. 

We also finde, that Mouns*. Fagells letter, and other Pamphletts are industri- 
ously spread through all parts, with discourses and endeavo™ to prejudice the 
mindes of those who are faithfull, or inclined to your Ma**: interest, and that 
theres noe way yet settled to spread a sufficient number of such other books, as 
may informe and furnish the countrey with arguments to discover and detect the 
fallacious subtleties of these pernicious pamphlets ; those few we have sent downe 
and disperst, have had very good effect. This we humbly submitt to your Ma**s 
consideration to give effectuall order therein. 

We have also settled fitt and proper correspondents in each of those Counties, 
Corporations, and Borroughs for all services relating to this affaire, by whom we 
can in a short time be truely informed of any person or thing, and influence any 
Election, which service, (we doubt nott), they will, from time to time, faithfully 
and heartily performe, without putting your Mat to any greater charge, than 
the nature of the worke requires, the effect whereof will farr surmount that charge. 

We do not finde that your Ma*** Revenue Officers have, or doe, improve their 
power for your Ma service in promoting this service, but on the contrary, 
severall of them, and of the Post Masters are utterly averse thereunto. 

Upon our most strict enquiries, conferences, and information, we finde upon 
the regulations and measures propos’d for those counties and places, which elect 
a hundred and forty members, that when your Ma** shall please to call your 
Parliam', you may expect above a hundred will be chosen, that will readily 
concurr with your Ma‘? in abrogating those Tests and Lawes, and we doubt not 
but many, if not the most of the others, will also declare their consents thereunto. 

By the further accounts from those of our number, that are not yett returned, 
we have good ground to believe, that the same proportions of such like men will 
at least be chosen in Hampshire, Sussex, Lincolnshire, and Yorkshire, where 
Highty eight are chosen, of which upon their returne, yo" Ma**. shall have a more 
distinct account. 

The farr greatest part of the Elections in Cornwall, Wales, and the Cinque 
Ports, which are Eighty four, may allso be secured for your Majesty. 

As a further satisfaction to your Mat*., we humbly tender an account (soe farr 
as we could learne from the Electors), who they intend to choose in each of those 
Counties, Corporations, and Borroughs, from whence those of our number are re- 
turned, and what their inclinations are respectively, (viz*) 
WILTSHEIBE, The County will incline to John Hall Esq’, who hath an un- 

doubted intrest to be chosen, who is esteemed right; and S* 


. Sarum, 


WILTON: 


DovntTon: 


Hinpon : 


WESTBURY: 


_ HEYESBURY 


CALNE: 


DEVIZES 


by King James the Second, in 1688. 371 


James Longe, an acquaintance of the L? Yarmouths*; a right 
man; for these two the Dissenters and county in generall will 
vote, unless the Lord Cornbury be proposed and recommended 
to them, for whome a good intrest may be made.f 

Is a Corporation: the Election is in the boddy Corporate, who 
are receiving their charter; and though that Citty for y® 
generallity are cross to your Ma‘** intrest, yett such persons 
are propos’d to be incerted in that charter, as intend to choose 
Bennett Swaine, and James Hely, who have great intrest in 
the Citty, and both undoubtedly right. 

Is a Corporation ; the Election is in the boddy corporate; the 
Regulation propos’d being past, they will choose John Read, 
and Mr. Grove, both dissenters. They have noe inclination 
to their former members. 

Is a Borrough: the Election Popular of above 100: they pro- 
pose to choose St Charles Raleigh, of whome they have no 
doubt; he being at great odds with the Church men; and 
Giles Eyres, that hath bin verry violent, but ambitious of 
Honour, and supposed he will be right to reconcile himselfe to 
your Maj*, but of those two we are not soe confident. 

Is a Burrough that chooseth by prescription. There are about 
120 Electors, of which St Matthew Andrewes hath about 50, 
as his Tenants. He is supposed right, but was not discovered 
by those on the place, he being then in London; nor noe per- 
sons yett named for this place; the former members have 
great intrest, but are not right. 

Is a Borrough that chooseth by Burgess Tenements. This 
towne is under the influence of the Earle of Abington,f who we 
know not how yett to engage; unless he will only propose 
Collonell Lewis, who may be inclined to be right; and then 
the Towne may be made for M' Trenchard, who is undoubtedly © 
right, and hath soe declared himselfe. 

Is a Borrough, that chooseth by prescription. The Election is 
in afew. The Towne is under the power of M’. William Ash, 
who is a right man, who, with his brother Edward Ash, thats 
allso right, will undoubtedly be chosen. 

Is a Corporation. The Election is in the boddy Corporate, 
who by the Regulation proposed will be much under the in- 
fluence of the Mayor of the Devizes, and Alderman Jeffreyes 
of that place. The towne hath yett proposed only S' George 
Hungerford, in whom they have a confidence that he is right ; 
they will fix on another good man. 

Is a Corporation. The Election is in the boddy corporate, who 
are soe regulated, that they will undoubtedly choose S* John 


* Recently nominated Lieutenant of Wiltshire in the room of the Earl of Pembroke, displaced by 


James II. 


+ See antea Lord-Lieutenant’s Report, 


+ First Earl of Abingdon, 
2D2 


372 Proposed Repeal of the Test and Penal Statutes 


CHIPPENHAM: 


MALMESBURY 


CRICKLADE: 


Great Bepwin 


Lua@prRsALE 


Oxtp Sarum 


Iles, and Edward Hope, (their present Mayor), who are both 
right. 

Is a Borrough that chooseth by prescription ; about 80 tene- 
ments elect; they propose to choose Henry Baynton, and 
Richard Kent ; of whom they are confident. 

Is a Corporation. The Election is in the boddy corporate, and 
if the Regulation be past, they will choose Walter White of 
Grittleton, a through right man; and another of whom they 
will be certaine. The Duke of Beaufort * undertakes for this 
place. 

Is a Borrough under the influence of Colonell Edward Webb; 
and M*. Charles ffox, who tis supposed will stand for this 
place. Of these two we are doubtfull, though we hope they 
may goe right. 

Is a Borrough and the Election popular. They desire to be 
incorporated, and have agreed on persons in order thereunto. 
They will choose such as shall declare themselves right. They 
are under y® influence of Marlbrough, who will advise w Dr 
Cox as to their choyse 

Is a Borrough. The Election popular; consists of about 75. 
They intend to choose Thomas Neale, who is supposed right, 
being ambitious to please your Majesty ; and Henry Clarke; 
who is a verry ill man, and nott to be reconciled to your Ma" 
interest, except the feare of looseing his office in the Allination 
Office, will engage him. 

Is a Burrough ; the Electors butt few; it is supposed they will 
choose their old Members, St Eliab Harvey, and St Thomas 
Mompasson, who have always favoured the Dissenters, and 
bin for liberty. 


Wooren Bassert.—Is a Borrough that is under the power of the Earle of 


MaRrLBROUGH 


Rochester,f and will choose such as his Lo??. shall nominate, 
which tis presumed will be such as your Ma“? will desire. 

Is a Corporation; the Election is in the boddy corporate ; 
there is a Quo Warranto issued against their Charter, and 
persons agreed upon to be named in a new one. They have 
consented to choose such as yo" Majesty, or Dt. Cox shall 
recommend unto them.” 


[Here follow the Dorsetshire, Cambridge, Norfolk, Suffolk, 
Somersetshire, and Devonshire Returns. ] 


“We further humbly acquaint your Majesty that for the other Counties, Corpo- 
rations, and Burroughs, We cannot at present give soe Distinct account of them, 
there haveing not as yett bin any person sent to them; but by answers to letters 


* First Duke of Beaufort; cr. 1682, ob, 1699, 


+ Lawrence Hyde, first Viscount Hyde, of Kenilworth (second son of Edward, first Earl of 
Clarendon) ; was created Earl of Rochester in 1682; was Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland; ob. 1711. 


4 


by King James the Second, im 1688. 373 


and information received, We have good reason to believe, that the greatest part 
by farr of those that will be chose for those places, will out of Inclination readily 
concurr with your Majesty, to abolish those Lawes and Tests. 


All which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty”’ 


[Endorsed] 

“ Report of Parliament men for 
Wilts, Suffolke, 
Dorsett, Essex 
Cambridge, § Somersett, 
Norfolk, Devon. 


April 19% 1688.” 
[Rawl. US. A. 139. B.] 


“ List oF Persons Proposep as Dreputy-LIEUTENANTS AND JUSTICES 
OF THE PEACE FOR THE County oF WILTs:— 


Persons proposed to be Deputy Lieutenants : 
S". James Long, 
S*. John Collins of Chute Lodge, 
S: Henry Coker, 
Coll John Windham of Salisbury, 
Coll Chivers, 
Chandler Esq’. 


new ones : 

Thomas Arundell Esq’, 
Henry Arundell Esq’, 
Coll Howard, 
S John Webb, 
S: Anthony Brown of Lurgeshall, 

Cottington Esq, 

Trenchard of Gutheridge Esq', 
Lionell Duckett, Esq’. 


Justices of the Peace : 

S: John Ernley, 
S* Stephen Fox, 
S$ John Talbott, 

Hussey, Esqr, 

Fitzherbert Esq-, 
Francis Moore Esq’, 
William York Esq’, 

Scroope Esq’. 


new ones : 
Lord Sturton, 
S' John Eyles of the Devizes, 


374 Original Letters from the Wiltshire 


St William Pincen, 


Coll, Stoakes, 

William Brown Esq’, 
Bodenham of Ramsbury Esq:, 
Knipe Esq’, 


Edward Hope Esq’, 
Robert Groves Esq’, 
Rider of Marlborough Hsqr, 
Samuel Eyres Esq', 
William Swain of Salisbury Esq’, 
[James] Heely of the same Esq, 
[Lionel] Holton Esq’, 
Charles Mitchell Esq, 
Jacob Self Esq’, 
Nicholas Green Esq’, 
Walter Green Esq',” 


[Endorsed] 


Dep’ Lts and Justices of Wilts 
June 1688” 


Original Aetters from the Celiltshire Commis- 
stoners to Cromtvell im 1655. 


[EXTRACTED FROM THE OricinaL Strate Papers IN THE BoDLEIAN 
Liprary. | 


By Sir Groree Ducrert, Bart. 


OriIGINAL LETTER FROM THE WILTSHIRE CommissronERs TO Crom- 
WELL :— 


“ May it please yo" highnes, 

“Tn obedience to yo" commands, wee this day wayted upon y® Right 
Hono” Gen’rall Disbrowe, who haveing communicated to us yo" orders, and 
Instruct’ons for the secureinge of the Peace of the Com’wealth, wee, humbly 


~ 


Commissioners to Cromwell in 1655. 875 


resenting them, as most just and reasonable, and most conduceinge to the end 
therein specifyed; will and doe most cordially ingage o'selves in the worke, and 
both in this and all other thinges else, shalbe ready to observe and obey yo" high- 
nes commands, who are ; 
“Yor highnes most humble 
and faithfull servants, 


** New Sarum the 7‘ (Signed), Joun Dover,* 
day of Dec 1655” Witt LupLowe, Hom: Eyre, 
{ T. Reve, Nicu: GREENE, 
RicHarp Hitt Liot: Hotton, 
W™ Buisserr Too: Eyre 
Ja: HELY JAMES BRIDGES” 
[Endorsed] 


“A letter fro’ the Commissts 
for the county of Wilts, ex- 
pressing their readinesse to put 
in execuc’on the instructions re- 
ceived from Major Gen. Disbrowe 
Saru’ Dec y* 7% (55) ” 


[Addressed] 


“Mo his highnes att 
Whitehall, these 
present 
for y® service of spd 
y® com’ wealth ”’ 


Seal in red wax: a cross charged with a leopard’s head, within a 
bordure ; crest, a man’s head in profile ppr, couped at the shoulders, 
wreathed about the temples, and tied in a knot.! 


[Rawl. MS. A. 33. fo. 157.] 


OrtqginaAL LETTER FROM TWO OF THE COMMISSIONERS OF WILT- 
SHIRE, TO CROMWELL, DATED FROM SatisBury, 13TH Marcu, 1655 :— 


“May it please yo" Highness, 

“Tt haveing beene your pleasure, to appoint us two of yot Highness 
Commissio's for this county of Wilts, who with others have made it our business 
faithfully to pursue our Instruccons, as alsoe to discover such of yot Highness 
Enemies, as heretofore hath beene concealed, divers whereof have beene brought 
under this new Assesment; but finding their have beene Applicacons made to 


* Colonel John Dove was High Sheriff of Wilts in 1655. 
1 These are the arms of Bridges, Lord Mayor of London, 1520. 


376 Original Letters from the Wiltshire Commissioners. 


your Highness, by and conserning some p’sons contrary to our expectacons, wee 
cannot but in faithfulness to yot Highness, and the trust we have undertaken, 
make knowne our thoughts unto you theirin. At our first Sitting in this county, 
the Commission's received a letter from your Highness to forbear the assesing of 
the Lord Seamor, which, in obeadience to your Highness sade letter, was done 
accordinglie; though for our parte, we are much unsatisfied of any change of 
his former principles. Since that tyme we finde their hath beene applicacons made 
to your Highness, concerning Mr. Seamor, sonne to the sade Lord, who was of 
the late Kings Commission for sequestring the Parliaments party for this countie, 
and satt in the execuc’on theirof ; as alsoe for one Mr Yorke, who was actually 


in armes in the late Kinges owne troupe, and otherwise a dangerous person, as - 


doth appear to us by his discouraginge honest men in their assisting the Parliament 
at the late Worcester fight, and is still a discountenanser of Religious people ; and 
as it is a wonder to us, how such a person as this latter, should lie unquestioned 
all this while, soe we cann noe less admire, that now he is bringing to the Light, 
any should appear to yo" Highness for him, as alsoe for the sade Mr. Seamor, 
soe as to hinder just proceedings against them; a thing of which nature, wee 
that have runn the Hazzards of our lives with your Highniss, for this Twelve or 
fourteen yeares, durst not adventure to attempt. Mt. Yorke hath never yett 
beene publiquely questioned for beinge of that party, by which meanes both him- 
self, as alsoe one Mr. Norden, another dangerous person in this county, obteined 
to be of the last parliament, through the disaffection of some people, to the great 
greife of honest men. Now my Lord, all that we aime at is, that the Masque of 
these men may be pulled off, and the country have a right knowledge of them ; 
as alsoe that we may be able to give an accoumpt of the justness of our proceed- 
ings, in carrying an equall hand to all that come before us, according to our 
Instruce’ons, w‘out respect of persons; and lastly, that they may not stand in 
the way of good people for the future. Thus haveing faithfully acquainted your 
Highness concerninge the persons aforesade, wee humbly leave it to yot Highness’ 
considerac’on, whether you will please to referr the sayd Mr. Seamor and Mr. 
Yorke to a tryall before the Commission's here, or otherwise doe as to yo" High- 
ness shall seeme meet; and soe craving pardon for this boldness and trouble, wee 
subscribe our selves, 
* Yor Highnesse most humble, and 
faithfull servants. 


“Sarum this 13 of (Signed) Liot. Hotron,* 
March 1655” Ja. HELy.” 
[Addressed] 


“For his Highnesse the Lord 
Protector at Whitehall, 
These humblie 
Presente.” 


[Rawl. MS. A. 36. fo. 437 ; Bibl. Bodl.] 


* This signature occurs in three or four other entries, and may be in one case taken for ‘* Hotton.” 


ee 


Ne 


377 


Avebury—Che Peckhampton Abenne. 
By the Rev. Bryan Kine, M.A. 


ANON JACKSON, in his valuable notes to Aubrey’s 

“ Wiltshire Collections,” is led to contrast the plans and 

descriptions of Avebury and its avenues as given by Aubrey and 
Stukeley respectively. 

He states that the ground-plans of Aubrey were drawn seventy 
years before those of Stukeley, and from this and other circumstances 
_ draws the inference of the greater authority of those of Aubrey. 

This inference seriously affects the question of the existence at 
any period of an avenue of stones leading in the direction of Beck- 
hampton corresponding to that which leads to Kennet. 

Thus, Mr. Jackson writes (p. 325), “of a stone avenue leading 
from Abury to Beckhampton (which is the great point in dispute) 
Aubrey says not one word. He mentions the three gigantic blocks 
of stone called ‘The Devil’s Coits,’ (now the Long Stones) which 
lay on that side of Abury and of which two are still left standing ; 
but no other, great or small, standing upright anywhere near them. 
If on that side of Abury there were any not upright, but lying 
about or half-buried in the ground, it is clear that they did not 
attract his eye as stones that had ever formed part of the general 
structure. Stukeley’s statement, on the other hand, is that coming 
out of the earthwork on the road towards Beckhampton he saw 
stones, some lying in the very road, some in the pastures ; and that 
he was told of others that had been broken up in the fields all within 
a few years prior to 1722. Upon what certainly must be called 
very slender evidence, he created an avenue of two hundred stones 
running some way beyond Beckhampton and ending in a point upon 
the open downs. . . The narrowing of the latter part of this 
supposed avenue, and its ending in a point, are admitted by Stukeley 


378 Avebury.—The Beckhampton Avenue. 


himself to be only a supposition. . . The end of the Beckhampton 
avenue being fanciful, it is not impossible that the same fancy may 
also have been at work in constructing other parts of it.” 

Now, Mr. Jackson is led to attach greater weight to the testimony 
of Aubrey than to that of Stukeley on the grounds that he visited 
Avebury seventy years before Stukely did (p. 323, note), that he 
* visited it frequently” (Jd.), that he noticed of the earthwork that 
it was an ill-shaped monument ” (p. 324), whilst Stukeley gives it 
as perfectly circular, which it is not, and that he depicts the Kennet 
avenue as “running straight” from Abury to Kennet (p. 324), 
whereas, according to Stukeley, “on coming out of Abury it curved 
a little.” 

Now, in presuming to traverse the above grounds of Mr. Jackson’s 
preference of the authority of Aubrey to that of Stukeley, I do so, 
not as venturing for a moment to place my own authority in com- 
petition with that which justly attaches to the venerable name of 
Canon Jackson, but solely on the ground that during a residence in 
Avebury of sixteen years, I have had unusual opportunities of ob- 
servation on a subject on which I have taken a very deep interest. 

I am led, then, to question whether Aubrey did make frequent 
visits to Avebury, and still more strongly to question his accuracy 
of observation when he did make his visits ; and this on the following 
grounds :— 

At the very outset of his remarks upon the subject he writes, 
“ Abury is four miles west from Marlborough” (p. 319), whereas 
it is full sia miles distant, and but little short of this “as the crow 
flies.” 

Then he writes (p. 323) “ Southwards from Abury in the ploughed 
field near Kynet, doe stand three huge upright stones, perpen- 
dicularly, like the three! stones (within the earthwork) at Abury ; 
they are called “The Devill’s Coytes.” Now these stones instead 
of being southward of Avebury and near Kennet, are in fact west- 
ward from Avebury, and near Beckhampton ! 


1T presnme these to be the three stones then forming the centre of the north 
circle or temple. 


By the Rev. Bryan King, M.A. 379 


And, lastly, in a note to his remarks upon the length of the 
Kennet avenue, he states (p. 370) “a shower of rain hindered me 
from measuring it.” 

Now I submit that the inevitable inference to be drawn from these 
extracts is, that the visits of Aubrey to Avebury were of a very 
casual and cursory character, and further that his observation 
founded on those visits was most careless and inaccurate ; for as Mr. 
Jackson justly observes (p. 324), “If we wish to know how far 
Aubrey is trustworthy as to what is gone, his plans should be tested, 
so far as they can, by what remains.” 

I have already instanced one such test in the case of the large 
Beckhampton stones; and in reference to that blunder, so utterly 
unaccountable in any person who had ever seen the stones in question, 
a blunder by which Aubrey has transplanted these large stones from 
their position in the Beckhampton avenue—a full mile eastward—to 
a position in the Kennet avenue, I may surely ask, “ Is it at all 
surprising that any other stones ‘lying about or half-buried in the 
ground,’ in the neighbourhood of those Beckhampton stones, should 
not have ‘attracted his eye as stones that had ever formed part of 
the general structure’ ?”’ 

I will now apply Mr. Jackson’s test to the two instances selected 
by himself, and then to some other similar ones. 

Aubrey, then, delineates the Kennet avenue as running in a 
straight line from Avebury, whereas Stukeley describes it as “curving 
a little’ Now happily we have left standing a very massive 
stone of this part of the avenue, in the east bank of the road 
leading from Avebury to Kennet, which conclusively proves the 
accuracy of Stukeley and the glaring inaccuracy of Aubrey’s plan. 
Of this part of the avenue Mr. Jackson says (p. 324), “ Its course 
in that part cannot be identified with certainty, but it may have 
made a little deviation to avoid going up a hill.” 

Now, for my part, I cannot conceive it even possible that those 
who had moved the stone in question a distance of a mile-and-a-half 
from the head of the “ Grey Wethers,” literally “up hill and down 
dale,” would be deterred from moving it a few yards further up a 
slight acclivity in order to place it in its allotted position ; but, how- 


380 Avebury.—The Beckhampton Avenue. 


ever this may have been, there certainly the stone stands, implying 
by its actual position a distinct curve in the part of the avenue as 
it left Avebury. 

And now with respect to the second test adduced by Mr. Jackson; 
i.e., the delineations, given by Aubrey and Stukeley respectively, of 
the vallum, or earthwork, surrounding the temple. On this point 
I admit that the engraving of Stukeley is too symmetrical ; this 
however may possibly have been the fault of the engraver, for I 
must here state that, however fanciful may have been some of his 
theories, this inaccuracy is the one solitary instance of the slightest 
deviation from scrupulous accuracy which I have ever detected in 
the plans or descriptions of Stukeley ; Mr. Long, in his admirable 
compendium, “ Abury Illustrated,” accurately describes this earth- 
work as “not quite circular;” but let anyone compare the two 
plans of Aubrey and Stukeley with that given by Mr. Long—which 
is, I think, singularly accurate—and he will see that the vallum of 
Aubrey deviates from that of Mr. Long much more in its irregularity 
than Stukeley’s does in regularity. 

Thus much respecting the two test instances noticed by Mr. 
Jackson. I will now notice two others in addition. 

Aubrey, in his “Survey,” draws the southern circle or temple as 
just one-half the diameter of that of the northern temple, whereas 
Stukeley makes them of equal diameter. 

Now happily we have remaining a segment of each of these 
circles or temples (five stones of the southern and four of the 
northern), sufficient to enable us to judge of the utter inaccuracy of 
this part of Aubrey’s plan; in which, over and above this grave 
blunder, he has dotted down the stones in the most “higgledy 
piggledy” manner and with the most utter disregard of their 
relative distances, whereas Stukeley has placed them all in their 
exact actual positions. 

And then, as a final test, both Aubrey and Stukeley have given 
an engraving of the Church ; and here I venture to say that whilst 
that of Aubrey would be almost equally appropriate as the drawing of 
any other Church in Wiltshire, that of Stukeley, considering the small 
scale, is given with an accuracy that is really marvellous, an accuracy 


By the Rev. Bryan King, M.A. 381 


which has even aided Mr. Withers in his present work of restoring 
the building to its original character. 

My readers will now be able to appreciate the relative accuracy of 
Aubrey and Stukeley in respect of their descriptions of Avebury. 

And now I come to the important question—the existence of the 
Beckham pton avenue. 

First then in the Kennet avenue we have remaining not only 
fourteen! stones in situ about mid-way between Avebury and Kennet, 
but we also have two stones on the Avebury side of those fourteen, 
and two on the Kennet side, all of an unusual size, and therefore offer- 
ing more than ordinary difficulty in their destruction; and in addition 
to all these, we have four others in the hedge-bank on the south side 
of the road leading from Kennet to Marlborough. How is it 
then that we have only two large stones remaining in their original 
position of the presumed Beckhampton avenue ? 

To this question there is an obvious answer. 

Between Avebury and Kennet there is not a single cottage nor 
stone wall, for the erection of which the stones of the avenue were 
needed; and so happily after all the smaller stones of the avenue, 
in the neighbourhood of Avebury and Kennet respectively, were 
used for building purposes, those fourteen—just midway between 
the two villages, and therefore the last required for such purposes— 
were left undisturbed; whilst the four in the hedge-bank were 
probably spared on the ground of their serving as a boundary-mark 
between the road and the adjacent field. 

And now compare this condition of the Kennet avenue with that 
of the presumed line of the Beckhampton one. 

Beginning then with the walls of the churchyard, and of the 
Church, and of the manor-house, with its enclosures, in an entire 
length of full half-a-mile from the earthwork on the west side of 
Avebury to the corner of the large field in which the two large 
stones near Beckhampton now stand, there are very few lineal yards 
which are not occupied by causeway, walls or cottages, all formed 


a se eee 


? Three of these stones are from a foot to eighteen inches below the surface. 


382 Avebury.—The Beckhampton Avenie. 


of sarsen stone, sufficient, and more than sufficient, to absorb all the 
stones of the Beckhampton avenue. 

But now as to some of the positive evidence for the axigienes of 
this avenue. 

Stukeley then speaks of ten stones of this avenue known to have 
been standing within memory between the exit of the avenue from 
the vallum and the brook (7.e., within a distance of about three 
hundred yards of the earthwork) and further states that “ Farmer 
Griffin broke near twenty of the stones” of the part of the avenue 
to the eastward of the cove; whilst Mr. Lucas, in 1795, who was 
an occupant of the vicarage-house in which I now reside, states, in 
some “general remarks”’ appended to a poem on Abury, that “the 
Beckhampton avenue was also visible, though not so perfect as the 
other, in the memory of the late Mr. John Clements (aged eighty- 
five at the time of his death), who could clearly point it out. This 
had been chiefly demolished by Farmer Griffin and Richard Fowler.” 

In confirmation of this testimony to the existence of the Beck- 
hampton avenue I will now give the results of my own observation. 

The late James Paradise, who died in the year 1871, at the age 
of sixty-eight years, informed me that he remembered a large sarsen 
stone, such as those within the earthwork, lying in the road nearly 
opposite to his house and outside the northwest corner of the vicarage 
premises, which was broken up on account of its being in the way 
of the gateway leading into the meadow at the west of the vicarage 
premises; a fragment of this stone, nearly five feet long, is now 
lying on the spot. 

On this line, leading westward from Avebury towards the large 
Beckhampton stones, I myself found a sarsen stone six feet long, 
now supporting the causeway,! a little on the eastern side of the 
brook; and another, a little further westward, at the base of the 
third pier of the bridge over the brook, five feet six inches long: 
whilst again a little further westward, lying on the surface of the 
causeway, is another sarsen stone, upwards of seven feet long, and 


1 The late Joseph Robinson, a descendant of the notorious “ Tom,” assured me, 
on his life-long experience as a mason, that all the stones of this causeway are 
the broken fragments of larger stones. 


=== eel 


By the Rev. Bryan King, UA. 383 


of nearly equal width; a little further to the westward again from 
this stone, in the farm-yard of the manor-house called “ Avebury 
Truslowe”’ there are several large stones ; whilst at the edge of the 
pond at the road-side near the corner of the field in which the large 
stones of Beckhampton stand, there are several large sarsen stones, 
one of five feet six inches, another of five feet in length and others of 
nearly the same size. Then, some years ago, I availed myself of 
the opportunity when the field had been recently ploughed, and 
found several “ sarsen chips” (7.e., small fragments of sarsen stones) 
near the north-east corner of the field in question, and other similar 
“chips” about mid-way between that corner and the “cove;” and 
others also a little beyond, or westward of, the cove itself; all these 
giving their mute testimony to Farmer Griffin’s destructive handi- 
work; for I have the assurance of my neighbour Mr. Kemm that 
such “chips” are only found in those places in which large sarsen 
stones have been broken up. 

I have already spoken of the almost continuous line of sarsen 
stones for about half-a-mile in length in this westward direction 
from Avebury, along the presumed route of the Beckhampton avenue ; 
and when I state-—as I now do advisedly—that on no other line out 
of Avebury, besides that of the Kennet avenue, is there one-tenth 
proportion of sarsen stones as now exist on this precise line, I am, I 
think, entitled to ask, whether the evidence of the former existence 
of the Beckhampton avenue is not irresistible, and whether the 
merely negative evidence on the point of one so utterly careless and 
untrustworthy as I have shewn Aubrey to be, is entitled to the very 
slightest weight. 

Bryan Kine. 
Avebury Vicarage, 
Sept. 10th, 1879. 


384 


Arebiety of Books. 


“The History of Warminster,” by the Rev. J. J. Daniell, Vicar of 
Winterbourne Stoke and Berwick St. James, and formerly Curate 


of Warminster :— 

Is just such a little volume of Parochial History as we should like to see 
‘ published for every one of the towns of this county, though we fear few possess 
so good an historian as Mr. Daniell. Entering into details without being prolix, 
and recounting the minutize which go so far to make up local history without 
being tediously diffuse, the author has hit the happy medium: and while he has 
left little or nothing untouched, never wearies the reader with too minute des- 
cription, but passes on from historical to parochial matters, and recounts things 
municipal, ecclesiastical, and personal, with impartial hand. In short, we heartily 
commend the “History of Warminster” as the very sample of what a Parish 
History should be. [Ep.] 

“ Fasti Ecclesiew Sarisberiensis,” or a Calendar of the Bishops, Deans, 


Archdeacons, and Members of the Cathedral Body at Salisbury ; 
from the earliest times to the present. By William Henry Jones, 
M.A., F.S.A., Canon of Sarum, and Vicar of Bradford-on-Avon. 


Such is the title of Canon Jones’ work on the Cathedral dignitaries of Salisbury, 
a most valuable and interesting memorial of the See of Sarum, the result of great 
labour and perseverance, and compiled from many and recondite sources only 
accessible to so accomplished an Archeologist as the indefatigable author. The 
work is to be completed in two parts, and the first portion has only just appeared 
as these last pages of the Magazine are going to press: we can therefore merely 
say on a very hasty examination that Part I. seems fully to come up to the high 
standard of merit generally expected from such a work by the pen of Canon 
Jones. The history of the Episcopate of Salisbury embraces a period extending 
from very early times to the present, shows the gradual formation of the diocese 
in Wessex from the early part of the seventh century, and includes a list of the 
Bishops of Winchester, Sherborne, Ramsbury, and Old Sarum, previous to the 
creation of the Diocese of Salisbury, as we now understand it. The history of 
the Archdeacons in the Diocese of Sarum concludes the book so far as it has yet 
appeared, and contains some account of the Archdeacons of Dorset, Berks, Sarum, 
and Wilts, from their earliest institution at the close of the eleventh century 
to the present date. The book is well and clearly printed by Messrs. Brown, of 
Salisbury, and we look forward to its completion next spring, when a full ac- 
count of the rest of the Cathedral Body is promised in the second part; the 
whole forming—we venture to predict—a very useful as well as interesting volume, 
for which the diocese at large, and the members of the Great Chapter of Salisbury 
in particular, are deeply indebted to the painstaking researches of Canon Jones. 

D. 
END OF VOL. XVIII. ee 


H, F, & E, BULL, Printers and Publishers, 4, Saint John Street Devizes.