Vi. NN WY N NN N fravey mW Mean ae . ae i * * ere td ie} i 4 yan Sy Tone sae be ges 2 Heat) Aa : ee eat THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE VOLUME 91 1998 Published by Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society 41 Long Street Devizes SN10 1NS Telephone 01380 727369 Fax 01380 722150 Registere d Charity Commission No. 309534 V.A.T. No. 140 2791 91 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE VOLUME 91 (1998) ISSN 0262 6608 © Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society and authors 1998 Hon. Editor: Kate Fielden, BA, D.Phil. Hon. Natural History Editor: Patrick Dillon, B.Ed., Ph.D., C.Biol., MIBiol., FLS Hon. Local History Editor: James Thomas, BA, Ph.D, FRHist.S Hon. Reviews Editor: Michael Marshman, ALA Editorial Assistant: Lorna Haycock, BA, Dip.ELH, Cert.Ed. Change of Title The journals issued to volume 69 as parts of The Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine (Part A Natural History; Part B Archaeology and Local History) were from volumes 70 to 75 published under separate titles as The Wiltshire Natural History Magazine and The Wiltshire Archaeological Magazine. With volume 76 the magazine reverted to its combined form and title. We acknowledge with thanks publication grants for this volume from the following bodies: English Heritage, for the paper ‘A Romano-British Settlhement and Inhumation Cemetery at Eyewell Farm, Chilmark’ by A.P. Fitzpatrick and A. D. Crockett; the Council for British Archaeology, for the paper ‘Malmesbury Abbey: The Sculpture of the South Entrance’ by Rita Wood; and Sir William Halcrow & Partners Ltd, for the paper ‘Excavation at Burderop Park in 1955’ by Sheila Passmore. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Society and authors. Produced for the Society by Avonset, 1 Palace Yard Mews, Bath Set in Plantin Printed in Great Britain WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY COUNCIL AND OFFICERS (31 July 1997) VICE-PRESIDENTS FOUNDATION TRUSTEES R.G. Hurn B.H.C. Sykes, MA N. Davey, OBE, Ph.D., D.Sc., FSA R.G. Hurn H.F. Seymour, BA Dr T.K. Maurice, OBE J.F. Phillips, B.Sc. Chairman N. de PE.W.Thomas, MA, FSA (1993) Deputy Chairman Mrs P. Sneyd, Ph.D., B.Sc., CBiol., MIBiol. (1996) Elected Members N.J. Anderson (1992) Lt. Col. C. Chamberlain (1994) Miss S.F. Rooke (1992) M. Darby, Ph.D, FSA, AMA, FRES, FRGS (1995) N. de PE.W. Thomas, MA, FSA (1992) Miss K.]J. Fielden, BA, D.Phil. (1995) Ms A. Borthwick (1993) Mrs G. Learner, BA (1995) L. Luckett, BA (1993) B. Coupe, LDS, RCS, M.Sc. (Dent.) (1996) C.J. Perraton, MA, CBiol., MIBiol. (1993) D. Lovibond, BA (1996) D.N. Shelton, BA, B.Sc., Dip.Ed., FRGS (1993) M.J. Smith, BA, FICE (1996) Ex-officio Members Mrs G. Swanton, BA, Dip. Ad. Ed. Chairman, Archaeology Committee *Miss K.J. Fielden, D.Phil. Chairman, Buildings & Monuments Committee and Hon. Editor *Mrs P. Slocombe, BA Chairman, Industrial Archaeology Committee K.H. Rogers, BA Chairman, Library Committee C.J. Perraton, MA, CBiol., MIBiol. Chairman, Natural History Committee *D.J. Williams, MA Chairman, Programme Committee R.S. Webber, FCCA Hon. Treasurer E. Stanford, ARBS Hon. Keeper of Prints and Drawings Co-opted Member Col. D. Part, OBE (Military), TD, DL (London) Nominated Members Mrs J.F. Greer, Mrs D.J. Main and A.H. Goring Members, Wiltshire County Council A.R. Taylor Member, Devizes Town Council TR. O’Sullivan Member, Kennet District Council Mrs M.F. Lloyd Member, North Wiltshire District Council T.W. Carbin Member, West Wiltshire District Council Mrs P. Slocombe, BA Wiltshire Buildings Record Ms K. Osborne, MA, AMA County Museums Officer, WCC Educ. & Libraries Dept. P.R. Saunders, BA, FSA, FMA Curator, Salisbury & South Wiltshire Museum *also Elected or Nominated Member Officers Secretary P.M. McG. Coston Curator P.H. Robinson, Ph.D, FSA, AMA Assistant Curator Miss A.J. Hoog, BA, MA Assistant Curator (Natural Sciences) A.S. Tucker, B.Sc., AMA Assistant Curator (Biological Recorder) Miss S. Scott-White, MA Sandell Librarian Mrs P. Colman, Dip. ELH, FRSA Assistant Librarian Mrs L. Haycock, BA, Dip. ELH, Cert. Ed. Education Officer Ms. J. Harvest, Cert. Ed. Contents Pleistocene Deposits and Palaeolithic Implements at Godolphin School, Milford Hill, Salisbury by P.A. HARDING and D.R. BRIDGLAND A Romano-British Settlement and Inhumation Cemetery at Eyewell Farm, Chilmark by A.P. FITZPATRICK and A.D. CROCKETT with contributions by M.J. ALLEN, M.C. CORNEY, R. GALE, S. HAMILTON-DYER, P.A. HARDING, J.B. LETTS, J.I.LMCKINLEY and L.N. MEPHAM Medieval Hanging Bowls from Wiltshire by SUSAN YOUNGS with a contribution by BRUCE EAGLES Malmesbury Abbey: The Sculpture of the South Entrance by RITA WOOD Excavation at Burderop Park in 1995 by SHEILA PASSMORE with a contribution by IAN W. YOUNG The Commonplace Book of William Stukeley by RICHARD HATCHWELL and AUBREY BURL Shaftesbury Abbey’s 12th-century Rentals for Bradford-on-Avon by ROBERT B. HARVEY Some Wiltshire Deer Parks by KENNETH WATTS The Ley Family of Teffont Evias and Westbury and the Earldom of Marlborough by RAYMOND J. SKINNER Gardens, Gardeners and Seedsmen in Wiltshire 1700-1845 by JAMES H. THOMAS North American Asters in Wiltshire by JACK OLIVER 1] 35 42 57 65 76 90 103 113 128 Notes 139 Stonehenge: Its Possible Noncompletion, Slighting and Dilapidation by PAUL ASHBEE 139 Late Bronze Age Sword Fragments from Market Lavington by ANDREW J. LAWSON 143 A Late Iron Age or Early Roman Spout in the Stourhead Collection by PAUL ROBINSON 145 An Appliquée Head of a Hound Found at Ramsbury 6y MARTIN HENIG 148 An Unusual Medieval Strap-end from Market Lavington by NICK GRIFFITHS 149 A Note on the Church Service for the Annual Feast of the Wiltshire Gentlemen, 1766 by JAMES H. THOMAS 150 Excavation and Fieldwork in Wiltshire 1996 152 Reviews 167 Matthew d’Ancona, The Ties that Bind us: A Study of Civic Society in an English Town (MICHAEL MARSHMAN) 167 Anne Hayes, Family in Print: Bailey Newspaper Group Ltd; A History (MICHAEL MARSHMAN) 167 Andrew B. Powell, Michael J. Allen and I. Barnes, Archaeology in the Avebury Area, Wiltshire: Recent Discoveries Along the Line of the Kennet Valley Foul Sewer Pipeline, 1993 (GRAHAME SOFFE) 168 Ken Watts, Exploring Historic Wiltshire, Volume 1: North (JOHN CHANDLER) 169 Books also noted 170 Obituaries 172 Edward Bradby LZ William Hogarth Dowdeswell L722 Stuart Piggott 73 Index 179 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY The Society was founded in 1853. Its activities include the promotion of the study of archaeology (including industrial archaeology), history, natural history and architecture within the county; the issue of a Magazine, and other publications, and the maintenance of a Museum, Library, and Art Gallery. There is a programme of lectures and excursions to places of archaeological, historical and scientific interest. The Society also maintains the Swindon and Wiltshire Biological Records Centre at the Museum. The Society’s Museum contains important collections relating to the history of man in Wiltshire from earliest times to the present day, as well as the geology and natural history of the county. It is particularly well known for its prehistoric collections. The Library houses a comprehensive collection of books, articles, pictures, prints, drawings and photographs relating to Wiltshire. The Society welcomes the gift of local objects, printed material, paintings and photographs to add to the collections. The Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine is the annual journal of the Society and is issued free to its members. For information about the availability of back numbers and other publications of the Society, enquiry should be made to the Secretary. Contributions for the Magazine should be on subjects related to the archaeology, history or natural history of Wiltshire. There is no fixed length. Papers, notes and reviews should be typed on one side of a page only, with good margins and double spacing. The style for footnotes, references and so on should be that found in this issue. The author-date system is preferred for references and footnotes should be avoided unless essential. Contributions of article length should be accompanied by a summary of about 100 words. Two copies, one of which is a top copy, should be sent to the editor at the Museum, 41 Long Street, Devizes, Wiltshire, SN10 1NS. A further copy should also be retained by the author. The editor and subject editors will be pleased to advise and discuss with intending contributors at any stage during the preparation of their work. They will also supply notes, if requested, which may be helpful in explaining house style and in giving advice on the compilation of references and bibliographies, and the preparation of illustrations. Proofs: authors will receive galley proofs only. Offprints: ten offprints of each article will be given free or shared between joint authors of articles (not notes or reviews). Further offprints may be ordered from the printer at galley proof stage, when prices will be indicated. Publication by the Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society does not imply that the Society endorses the views expressed; the factual content and the opinions presented herein remain the responsibility of the authors. Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol. 91 (1998), pp. 1-10 Pleistocene Deposits and Palaeolithic Implements at Godolphin School, Milford Hill, Salisbury by P.A. HARDING and D.R. BRIDGLAND An archaeological and geological watching brief at Godolphin School, Milford Hill, Salisbury has shown that the gravel capping the hill was laid down by a former course of the River Avon during a periglacial episode. This fast flowing river incorporated soliflucted Chalk, which had sludged down the valley sides to form its banks, carrying handaxes made by Palaeolithic hunters. Much of the Chalk in the gravel has subsequently been dissolved leaving a clay residue. INTRODUCTION In 1864 Mr. H.P. Blackmore, curator of Salisbury Museum, began watching the excavations for house basements and small gravel pits which were being dug for aggregates on Milford Hill, Salisbury. The Milford Hill spur forms the watershed immediately north of the confluence of the Bourne and Avon valleys. Blackmore recovered over 300 handaxes (Roe 1968, 310), including 41 from the area of New Godolphin School (Wessex Archaeology 1993, 109). These implements were principally of pointed forms (Roe 1981, 213), including ficrons (Roe 1969, 5), and some were in a sharp condition implying that they may not have moved far from where they were originally made, used and discarded. The gravel on Milford Hill is now mapped as Higher Terrace Gravel (B.G.S. Sheet 298), a classification implying that it is a fluviatile deposit and part of the terrace system of the Salisbury Avon. River terrace gravels are one of the most important sources of Lower Palaeolithic artefacts in Britain, the greatest concentrations of which occur in sediments laid down between the latest part of the Cromerian Complex (c.500,000 years ago) and the end of the penultimate Interglacial (c.175,000 years ago). The distribution of artefacts in the Avon gravel terraces, which can be traced downstream to the Solent, has recently been catalogued by Wessex Archaeology (1993). In addition to Milford Hill, gravels attributed to Terrace No.7 of the Avon system (as classified by Kubala 1980) at Wood Green (Bridgland and Harding 1987) have yielded over 400 handaxes (Wessex Archaeology 1993). Wood Green and Milford Hill are, by a considerable margin, the richest Lower Palaeolithic sites in the Avon. Whereas the fluviatile origin of the Wood Green gravel has been confirmed (Bridgland and Harding 1987), the various published descriptions of the gravel at Milford Hill (Blackmore 1864, 1865; Reid 1885, 1903; Evans 1897) have raised doubts about its supposed emplacement by the Avon. The earliest description of the deposits (Blackmore 1864) refers to ‘perfectly unstratified’ dark ochreous brown gravel containing subangular flints and considerable amounts of Greensand chert lying on a chalk surface which has been eroded into potholes. A section shows sand at the junction of the gravel and chalk, which is described as ‘loose whitish gravel with chalk marl’. Evans (1897, 631) described chalk rubble, large sandstone blocks, gravel and clay suggesting that the material may be a head or solifluction deposit. No opportunity to observe fresh sections having been been forthcoming this century, the development at Godolphin School provided an ideal opportunity to re-examine the site and its geology. THE. SITE In December 1995 work began at Godolphin School on the construction of a new performing arts centre (Figure 1). The site (SU 1520 2995) comprised a lawn of approximately 2,400 sq.m, which sloped gently away eastwards overlooking the Bourne valley. The plot lies at 70m OD, approximately 30m above the present flood plain. Evidence from geotechnic pits, dug by the contractors to assess ground stability, suggested that most of the proposed development site lay within an area of previous extraction. Areas of im situ gravel were, however, threatened by the construction of a classroom to the north and associated landscaping on the west side. Residual patches of gravel were also present in solution pipes across the floor of the old pit. A / THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Laverstock Alluvium ee Lower Terrace Gravel Higher Terrace Gravel Library Peg a, Section << PE ae: Classroom 7 Godolphin School / d 4“Handaxe . (A Section 2 Performing \ Arts Centre —~—-Extent of development S Soak-away Figure 1. Godolphin School: site location and plan PLEISTOCENE DEPOSITS AND PALAEOLITHIC IMPLEMENTS AT GODOLPHIN SCHOOL, MILFORD HILL, SALISBURY 3 watching brief was permitted during groundwork to observe, record and reinterpret the geological deposits at the site and to watch for additional implements. Temporary sections, footings, drains and soakaways were all observed and photographed and two representative sections, of which Section 1 was a composite section (Figure 2 ), were drawn and recorded in detail. The deposits, which had been truncated by former landscaping, were very unstable and allowed limited access. The Quaternary Geology The Milford Hill gravel is extremely variable in nature, at least in its upper metre or so (Figure 2.1). A combination of contrasting materials was exposed in section which gave a ‘patterned ground’ effect in plan. Four types of deposit were recognised. 1. White coombe rock: chalky debris, generally unbedded Exposures of unbedded chalky debris were observed in the north-western part of the site and in a soakaway west of the new building (Figure 1), where an unbroken sequence, 3m deep, extended to the surface. A detailed examination at the western end of Section 1 suggested that it changed laterally into bedded chalky gravel (see 2, below). The deposit typically comprised subangular to angular chalk fragments in a matrix of chalky argillaceous paste. Where it was ‘pure’, durable material was rare and was largely restricted to occasional fragments of flint, but where it was transitional with the bedded chalky gravel, pebbles of flint and other typical components of the gravel occurred in abundance. The unbedded chalky deposit was identical to material that occurs in the chalk areas of the Thames valley and near the south coast, where it is termed ‘“coombe rock’ (Reid 1887; King and Oakley 1936). Attributed to solifluction, a process involving mass wastage of material down slope under periglacial conditions, coombe rock is sometimes interbedded with fluviatile terrace deposits, as in the Thames valley. During periglacial episodes of the Pleistocene, when most of the terrace gravels in southern England accumulated, soliflucted material would have been added to the rivers’ floodplains at their valley-side edges (Green and McGregor 1980), becoming incorporated into the fluvial deposits either as blocks of unbedded material or by reworking of the more resistant clasts. This type of process would explain the occurrence of material transitional between the unbedded coombe rock and bedded chalky gravels. Chalk would probably have survived in the water-laid gravels only when rapidly deposited, in the vicinity of lobes of soliflucted debris from the valley side. The occurrence of coombe rock within the gravels at Milford Hill suggests a location near the valley side at the time of deposition, although the original topography has since been entirely destroyed by erosion, leaving the gravel capping an isolated hill. 2. White bedded chalky, sandy gravel This type of deposit occurred in isolated patches within the Milford Hill terrace remnant, often terminating in near-vertical junctions with the brown clayey gravel (see 3, below). This calcareous gravel was well exposed at the southern end of Section 2 (Figure 2.2), where it was sampled, but it was also observed as isolated blocks in other temporary sections. Chalk occurred within the sand and granule size component, and as water-worn pebbles, giving the gravel its whitish coloration. The deposit contained little material finer than sand, a feature suggestive of deposition by running water. In the larger patches, such as in Section 2, fluviatile bedding was apparent, giving rise to fluctuations in matrix and pebble sizes and in matrix colour. In Section 2, the bedding was sub-horizontal, with fluctuations between a clast- supported, almost open framework texture, and layers richer in sandy matrix. Clast lithological analysis of this type of deposit has shown it to contain variable amounts of chalk. In Section 2, where chalk was conspicuous amongst the coarse sand of the matrix, only 2-3% of the gravel clasts were of chalk. In Section 1, where very chalky gravel passed laterally into coombe rock, nearly 20% of the gravel component of the former was calcareous (Table 1; see below). Many of the durable clasts were encrusted with secondary calcium carbonate, which has also led to smaller clasts becoming cemented together to form small patches of calcrete. The single handaxe (Figure 3) found during the watching brief was recovered from this type of gravel, as is confirmed by the presence of encrusting calcium carbonate. 3. Dark yellow brown clayey gravel The brown clayey gravel is the most widely distributed type of deposit on Milford Hill. It was recorded in both Sections 1 and 2 and was seen in all other sections across the site. It varied from a clast-supported, sometimes almost matrix-free, vaguely bedded gravel to a deposit in which gravel and granule sized clasts floated in a matrix of clayey sand or sandy clay. This type of gravel lacked chalk, but lenses of sand occurred, such as that recorded from the 4 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE SECTION 1 Sample [2A] SECTION 2 Old gravel pit 7 68m OD Se: a | White coombe rock 10YR 8/2 White very chalky gravel 1O0YR 8/2 ———| White bedded chalky sandy gravel 10YR 8/2 Dark yellow brown clayey gravel 10YR 4/4 Very pale brown sandy gravel 10YR 7/4 Yellow brown sandy silty clay 10YR 5/6 Figure 2. Godolphin School: Sections 1 and 2 northern end of Section 2. The brown clayey gravel frequently passed laterally into the bedded chalky gravel, although the brown gravel sometimes filled what appeared to be hollows in the top of the chalky gravel. Junctions between the two gravel types showed no evidence of erosion and vertical junctions showed no change in grain size between the white and brown gravel, although bedding was too poorly preserved within the brown gravel for individual bedding details to be traced across such boundaries. These facts suggest that the brown clayey gravel represents the fluviatile Miulford Hill gravel after it has been decalcified. This leads to the supposition that the fluviatile gravel was once all of the bedded chalky, sandy type. Jn situ decalcification has subsequently taken place over much of the area, having presumably started with small invasions into the upper part of the gravel, akin to the conical pipes seen in the Chalk or in limestone gravels such as at Long Hanborough, Oxfordshire (Kellaway et al. 1971; Bridgland 1994, fig. 2.9). At Milford Hill the process has progressed to such an extent that pipes have expanded and coalesced, leaving only small patches of unaltered gravel. Decalcification also appeared to have affected the unbedded chalky debris, since this too was replaced sporadically by pockets of brown clayey, unbedded material with flints and by pipes, some of which extended up to 3m into the underlying chalk. 4. Greenish clayey sand Beds and lenses of sand are common in the flint- dominated terrace gravels of southern England, including those at Milford Hill. Rather than being classified separately, the sands should perhaps be regarded as lateral equivalents of the chalky and decalcified gravels. Patches of sand containing cons- picuous chalk, clearly unaltered by weathering, were observed. Greenish slightly clayey sand was also common, often interbedded with the brown decal- cified gravel (Figure 2.1). Whether this sand was once chalky is uncertain; decalcification of sand containing scattered chalk grains would have caused little disruption of bedding, but might have produced the noticeable clay component. Certainly, the sand lens in Section 2 was within the decalcified zone and so would have lost any chalk that it once contained. The greenish coloration probably results from glauconite, presumably derived from outcrops of Lower Green- sand, which occurs 12km to the west. Glauconitic sands have, however, also been reported in floodplain deposits of the Avon at Amesbury, whence they have been transported from the Vale of Pewsey (Cleal ez ai. 1994, 446). Greensand lithologies are common amongst the gravel component (Table 1; see below). PLEISTOCENE DEPOSITS AND PALAEOLITHIC IMPLEMENTS AT GODOLPHIN SCHOOL, MILFORD HILL, SALISBURY 5 It is apparent that calcareous deposits intermediate between categories 1, 2 and 4 occurred and that these related to lateral variation between the sediment types as originally laid down. It is clear that decalcification has affected all three types but that resultant textural alteration is most marked where the original chalk content was highest, in the unbedded coombe rock and, to a lesser extent, in the bedded chalky gravel. The sand presumably has a lower chalk content by volume and so was less affected by decalcification. STRUCTURES The bedding structures in the undecalcified fluviatile gravel comprise simple horizontal stratification, picked out by minor changes in the matrix and clast make-up and by the general horizontal disposition of clast long-axes. Remnants of bedding were observed in the decalcified gravel, although this was less readily discernable. In Section 1 many of the clasts in the decalcified gravel had a sub-vertical orientation and minor variations in texture, interpreted as residual bedding, also had a nearly vertical inclination. It seems unlikely that this amount of disruption resulted from decalcification; instead, it is probable that cryoturbation has affected the upper part of the gravel, either before or after decalcification, during one or more periods of periglaciation. There was little evidence for this type of deformation in the lower parts of the deposit, in Section 2. CLAST ANALYSES Two samples were analysed from each recorded section, one from pale-coloured chalky gravel and one from brown clayey chalk-free gravel (see above; Figure 2). All four samples were washed and separated into 11.2—16mm and 16—32mm fractions, which were subjected to clast lithological analysis (Table 1). An angularity roundness analysis of the flints from the 16-32mm_ counts was_ also undertaken (Table 2). Lithology As Table 1 reveals, no significant differences were detected between the chalky and the chalk-free gravels, other than the presence or absence of calcareous clasts. These calcareous clasts have been excluded from the totals to facilitate comparison between the durable component of the samples. This is standard practice in areas where non-durable material is rare and of highly localized occurrence (Bridgland 1986). On this basis, all 16-32mm counts contained between 91 and 97% flint and between 3 and 8% Greensand chert. In 11.2-16mm counts, flint ranged between 94.5 and 96.5% and Greensand chert between 3 and 5.5% (Table 1). Sandstones from the Greensand were most prevalent in sample 1B. These sandstones were typically glauconitic and cherty, often with sponge debris; the cherty type graded into sandy chert. Rarer clasts (listed as ‘Others’ in Table 1) included thin, fragile, quartz vein infills, presumably from the local Cretaceous deposits. Calcareous clasts, present only in samples 1B and 2A, are expressed in Table 1 as % total durables (they are not themselves counted towards this total). Chalk clasts dominate most of these four counts; they include soft white chalk from the middle and upper divisions and harder grey/brown clasts, some of them glauconitic, from the lowermost divisions of the Chalk. It is notable that the soft white chalk is Table 1. Clast lithological analysis of samples from Godolphin School 16-32mm DURABLES NON-DURABLES FLINT GREENSAND CHALK Vein Gsd|Calcrete SE Ternary| Nodular | Total |chert |sandstone |M&U |Lower |Calcite |Lst |Aggregates |Others | DURABLES —————e———— ieee oe en (ee J O ( M Y [Sl C6 PEM omsmealooaseno. le lace ol fey loa joa SL LO SLE EC DNS SRE ESP Ee CT ET RS BMNNSmls5 aves tale. \s7 [20 Jos loz los 02 lea [EE [OLB SC. ye (A Key: M&U = Middle and Upper Chalk Gsd=greensand Lst = limestone 6 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Table 2. Angularity/roundness of flint from the 16—32mm fraction, Godolphin School. Data from fluviatile, beach and other gravels are included for comparison. Sources: Bridgland (1983, 1988, 1994, in press); Bridgland er al. (1995a, 1995b). category (see key) locality wr r sr sa a va TOTAL Godolphin 1A 0.7 17.4 59.4 DOD 437 Godolphin 1B 0.9 17.0 56.8 DOP) By Godolphin 2A 0.2 1326 54.0 BO 411 Godolphin 2B 0.8 L5k8 58.8 24.5 473 Data for comparison: Thames gravels (excluding unbroken reworked Tertiary pebbles) Stifford 1A 0.2 4.0 50.0 25.9 19.9 532 Lower Thames Stifford 1B DD, 55.1 22.9 19.8 628 Lower Thames Linford 1 1.6 37.5 31.9 29.1 400 Lower Thames Linford 2 3.3 28.3 21.7 23.4 233 Lower Thames Barvills Farm 1 3.0 36.1 31.6 29.3 427 Lower Thames Mucking 1A 0.2 Br2 42.3 27.0 27.4 445 Lower Thames Mucking 1B el 49.1 29.0 20.9 283 Lower Thames Data for comparison: smaller rivers (excluding unbroken reworked Tertiary pebbles) Shakespeare Pit 1 0.6 Mesed/ 29.5 S)) 166 River Medway Shakespeare Pit 2A On7, 201 32.8 39.4 424 River Medway Shakespeare Pit 2B Teal 259 37.6 36.0 447 River Medway Shakespeare Pit 3A 0.8 Syl) 38.4 29.3 365 River Medway Shakespeare Pit 3B 0.9 36.6 49.7 44.9 332 River Medway Shakespeare Pit 3C 0.6 20.1 30.3 49.2 508 River Medway Little Hayes 1 0.6 26.7 34.8 37.9 546 River Crouch Little Hayes 2 0.6 30.5 41.0 28.5 466 River Crouch Rampart Field 4 18.3 54.5 PAP 226 Ingham River Eye Gravel Pit 1 0.9 14.2 65.8 19.1 225 River Nene? Data for comparison: marine gravels Aveley Al3 2.1 58.2 D221 4.1 1.0 14.6 294 Woolwich Beds Aveley Al3 5.2 50.0 35m 5y0) 0.4 9.0 268 Woolwich Beds Aveley Al3 7.3 65.4 Isha ¢/ Sei 0.9 Leh 107 Woolwich Beds Southwold 1 Sia PLU 16.9 MOR Bae 4.4 591 Westleton Beds Boxgrove 1 1.9 5.8 23.0 29.9 Pg) 18.0 618 Raised beach Boxgrove 2 1.4 7.4 38.5 28.8 19.1 4.8 B}5))| Raised beach Bembridge 1 9.6 21.0 30.5 24.6 11.4 2.9 509 Raised beach Bembridge 2 4.6 Wey 30.0 35.9 13.6 4.3 582 Raised beach Data for comparison: solifluction/fan gravels (excluding unbroken reworked Tertiary pebbles) Boxgrove GTP25 PG 0.4 4.6 16.4 44.5 34.0 238 Fan gravel Folkestone 1 3.4 Paeh 4.8 8.7 29.5 Sed 149 ?Fan gravel Folkestone 2 353. 4.6 3.8 9.2 26.0 lee 131 ?Fan gravel Gt Fanton Hall 1 0.6 Bo) ) 34.4 29.8 798 ?Fan gravel Skinners Wick 1 on 18.9 74.8 274 Solifluction St Marys Marshes 1 0.6 ave T B29 50.9 350 ?Solifluction Key: Angularity/roundness categories (after Powers (1953) and Fisher and Bridgland (1986)) WELL ROUNDED (wr) No flat faces, corners or re-entrants discernible; a uniform convex clast outline ROUNDED (r) Few remnants of flat faces, with corners all gently rounded SUBROUNDED (sr) Poorly to moderately developed flat faces with corners well rounded SUBANGULAR (sa) Strongly developed flat faces with incipient rounding of corners ANGULAR (a) Strongly developed faces with sharp corners VERY ANGULAR (va) As angular, but corners and edges very sharp, with no discernible blunting —— PLEISTOCENE DEPOSITS AND PALAEOLITHIC IMPLEMENTS AT GODOLPHIN SCHOOL, MILFORD HILL, SALISBURY 7 preferentially preserved in the two larger clast-size fractions. Sample 1B was significantly more chalky than 2A, confirming the impression gained during recording of the sections. All calcareous counts include calcite-cemented aggregates classified as fragments of calcrete. Minor calcareous components are glauconitic sandy limestone from the Upper Greensand exposures within the Avon catchment. Clasts of fragile vein calcite, very similar in their form to the vein quartz clasts described above, were encountered in both 11.2—16mm fractions. Angularity/roundness (Table 2) The method of analysing the angularity/roundness is a modification of procedures described by Powers (1953) for sand grains. The same six categories recognised by Powers were used but have been adapted for flint clasts of 16-32mm size by Bridgland (1983; in Fisher and Bridgland 1986). The results are compared with samples from known fluviatile, marine, solifluction and fan gravels. Analyses of this type, restricted to flint, are particularly valuable for determining depositional environment, since study of known fluviatile deposits reveals that only slight edge-wear affects this rock, even after considerable downstream transport in rivers. Flint seldom reaches the sub-rounded category in fluvial environments, although on beaches it can become ‘rounded’ or even ‘well rounded’. Further- more, flint is highly susceptible to frost shattering, so in solifluction deposits it will generally have ‘very angular’ edges with no post-breakage rounding by transportation in water, making such deposits easily recognisable using the technique. The categories themselves are rather subjective, but comparisons made here are with analyses by a single operator (D. Bridgland), thus minimising this problem. The samples from Godolphin School resemble most closely previously analysed samples from smaller rivers, the flint in marine gravels being considerably more rounded, whereas solifluction and fan gravels have a higher proportion of very angular flint. Gravels deposited by smaller rivers tend to have more ‘angular’ and ‘very angular’ flint by comparison with larger rivers like the Thames which is dominated by sub-angular clasts. A factor that may be of even more importance than size of river is the proximity to the flint source. The samples from the Thames all relate to sites downstream from London where some of the flint will have come from the North Downs, immediately to the south, but much of it will have originated upstream from the western part of the North Downs and the Chiltems. Amongst the data from smaller rivers, the sample from the Ingham River gravel at Rampart Field, West Stow, Suffolk (Bridgland et a/. 1995b) has an angularity/roundness_ distribution most _ closely resembling the results from Milford Hill (Table 2). The Ingham River was actually a large fluvial system draining from the Midlands into East Anglia prior to the Anglian glaciation. The relative angularity of the flint component from Rampart Field probably reflects the fact that the river had encountered the Chalk only upon reaching central East Anglia, so most, if not all, of the flint is quite locally derived. Table 2 also shows that there was little difference between the angularity/roundness characteristics of the four Godolphin School samples. This further supports their interpretation as part of a single sediment body of fluviatile gravel, the present differences between chalky and clayey ‘facies’ being the result of post-depositional modification. The Artefacts Handaxe (Figure 3.A) This implement was found in the foundation trench of the new building (Figure 1) immediately north of Section 2 in bedded, sandy, chalky gravel. Calcareous concretion adheres to one side. The handaxe is a ficron of Wymer’s Type M (1968, 59), characterised by concave edges which taper to a pointed tip, which in this case is missing. It measures 198mm long, 94mm wide and 55mm thick at the butt. It is in a slightly rolled condition (op. cit., pl. XI) and is stained orange brown. The elongated flint nodule from which the handaxe was made had a thick, chalky cortex, much of which remains around the butt. One edge has a large lump which the knapper wisely did not remove, realising that to have done so would probably have damaged the handaxe. Scraper (Figure 3.B) A convergent side scraper (Bordes 1979, 43) was found on the spoil during site clearance. This implement was made on a flake which was detached by hard hammer percussion. The semi-abrupt, continuous retouch extends along both edges to the distal end. The implement is stained dark brown and is in a rolled condition. Flake tools are rare from Milford Hill; Roe (1968) lists only seven other examples, most of which are in Salisbury Museum and are scrapers of similar type. Cores Three flake cores, in a rolled condition, were collected during the watching brief. They include 8 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Figure 3. Godolphin School: A, Palaeolithic handaxe and B, scraper. Scale 1:2 B one example with light blue patination suggesting that it originated from a chalky deposit. All cores show some degree of alternate flaking and none shows any deliberate preparation or intention to predetermine the flake removals. Only one core was previously recorded from Milford Hill. Flakes One waste flake and one other possible flake were recovered from gravel sample IB. Neither is diag- nostic. Discussion The gravels at Milford Hill have been the subject of considerable debate regarding their formation. In particular, the occurrence of abundant chalk and clay in the deposits was a principal reason for doubting their fluviatile origin. Chalk is incapable of surviving fluviatile transport of any great extent, not only because of its relative softness but also because, like any limestone, it is susceptible to chemical solution. Clay is not normally present in more than trace quantities in river deposits, as it is usually carried away in suspension even in slowly moving water. However, where it forms the subjacent bedrock, chalk is locally present, and occasionally abundant, in the gravels of even large rivers like the Thames (e.g. at Purfleet: Bridgland 1994). This is particularly evident where the river system is supplemented by soliflucted chalk from the surrounding area. The solution im situ of chalk and other limestones is a recognized source of clay in older gravels, the clay being part of the residue that remains after calcium carbonate is removed. If a gravel rich in calcareous material is decalcified not only does it become clayey, but its bedding structures PLEISTOCENE DEPOSITS AND PALAEOLITHIC IMPLEMENTS AT GODOLPHIN SCHOOL, MILFORD HILL, SALISBURY 9 are also disrupted or even obliterated as it loses volume. Thus, for example, unbedded clayey gravels at high levels in the Upper Thames basin, the so- called Northern Drift, are interpreted as ancient fluvial terrace deposits that have been decalcified, before which process they would have resembled the lower-level limestone terrace gravels of the Oxford district (Hey 1986). Chalk solution was suggested by Wymer (Wessex Archaeology 1993) as a possible cause of the disturbed nature of the Milford Hill gravel, although he appears to have been thinking mainly of solution of the underlying bedrock Chalk, rather than of chalk clasts within the gravel. The undermining and disruption of terrace deposits by the solution of underlying calcareous bedrock is a phenomenon widely recognized in chalk areas (e.g. Harding et a/. 1991 ). This process is also apparent at Godolphin School where solution pipes have formed in the underlying coombe rock. Consideration may be extended beyond God- olphin School to the remainder of Milford Hill. A visual examination of over 300 artefacts from the collection in Salisbury Museum has shown that calcium concretion, an indicator of calcareous deposits, is present on a small number of handaxes, usually on one side. Other implements retain chalky residue in the hinge fractures of flake scars. The distribution of 14 recovered implements shows that they occur throughout Milford Hill. The descrip- tions entered in the museum accessions book by Stevens reveal that he was aware that this provided some indication of their original provenance. References to ‘carbonate of lime’ are invariably associated with ‘loose white gravel’ or ‘white sand and gravel’, terms which were used by Blackmore (1864) in his original description of the site. The descriptions suggest that implements were more prolific in the bedded chalky gravel than in the unbedded coombe rock which had not been water sorted, while most implements were found in the decalcified masses. The watching brief at Godolphin School has revealed that the gravel which caps Milford Hill, the source of one of the richest Lower Palaeolithic assemblages in the valley of the Salisbury Avon, is a fluviatile deposit that, in unaltered form, contains large amounts of chalk, the extent of which has not previously been appreciated. Most of the gravel has been decalcified, giving it a clayey texture and a poorly bedded character. The occurrence of lenses and/or blocks of coombe rock at the Godolphin School site implies deposition proximal to the contemporary valley side. The upper metre or so of the gravel appears to have been affected by cryoturbation, indicating that at least one Pleistocene glacial has elapsed since it was deposited. The artefacts and the site archive are now held at Salisbury and South Wiltshire Museum. Acknowledgements. The authors wish to extend thanks to the governors and staff of Godolphin School and to the contractors, Grist Building Services, for their co-operation and especially for granting access to the site. REFERENCES BLACKMORE, H.P., 1864 ‘Discovery of Flint Implements in the Higher Level Gravel at Milford Hill, Salisbury’, Archaeological Fournal 21, 243-5 — 1865 ‘On the discovery of flint implements in the drift at Milford Hill, Salisbury’, Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London 21, 250-2 BORDES, F., 1979 Typologie du Paleolithique. Ancien et Moyen, CNRS, Paris BRIDGLAND, D.R., 1983 The Quaternary fluvial deposits of north Kent and eastern Essex, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, City of London Polytechnic — 1986 Clast lithological analysis, Technical Guide 3, Quaternary Research Association, Cambridge — 1988 ‘The Pleistocene fluvial stratigraphy and palaeo- geography of Essex’, Proceedings of the Geologists’ Association 99, 291-314 — 1994 Quaternary of the Thames, Geological Conser- vation Review series, Chapman & Hall, London in press ‘Composition of the gravel deposits’, in M.B. Roberts and S.A. Parfitt, The Middle Pleistocene Hominid Site at Boxgrove, West Sussex, UK, English Heritage Monograph Series, London BRIDGLAND, D.R., and HARDING, P., 1987 ‘Palaeolithic sites in tributary valleys of the Solent River’, in K. Barber (ed.), Wessex and the Isle of Wight, Field Guide, Quaternary Research Association, Cambridge, 45—57 BRIDGLAND, D.R., KEEN, D.H., GREEN, C.P., BOWEN, D.Q., and SYKES, G.A., 1995a ‘Last interglacial deposits at Folkestone, Kent’, Proceedings of the Geologists’ Association 106, 183-93 BRIDGLAND, D.R., LEWIS, S.G., and WYMER, J.J., 1995b ‘Middle Pleistocene stratigraphy and archaeology around Mildenhall and Icklingham, Suffolk: a report of a Geologists’ Association field meeting, 27 June, 1992’, Proceedings of the Geologists’ Association 106, 57—69 CLEAL, R.M.J., COOPER, J., and WILLIAMS, D., 1994 ‘Shells and Sherds: Identification of Inclusions in Grooved Ware, with Associated Radiocarbon Dates, from Amesbury, Wiltshire’, Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 60, 445-8 EVANS, J., 1897 The Ancient Stone Implements, Weapons and Ornaments of Great Britain, 2nd edition, London FISHER, P.F., and BRIDGLAND, D.R., 1986 ‘Analysis of pebble morphology’, in D.R. Bridgland (ed.), Clast Lithological Analysis, Technical Guide 3, Quaternary Research Association, Cambridge, 43-58 GREEN, C.P., and McGREGOR, D.F.M., 1980 ‘Quaternary evolution of the River Thames’, in D.K.C. Jones (ed.), The Shaping of Southern England, Institute of British Geographers, Special Publication No. 11, London, 177-202 10 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE HARDING, P., BRIDGLAND, D.R., MADGETT, P.A., and ROSE, J., 1991 ‘Recent investigations of Pleistocene sediments near Maidenhead, Berkshire, and their archaeological content’, Proceedings of the Geologists’ Association 102, 25-53 HEY, R.W., 1986 ‘A re-examination of the Northern Drift of Oxfordshire’, Proceedings of the Geologists’ Association 97, 291-301 KELLAWAY, G.A., HORTON, A., and POOLE, G., 1971 ‘The development of some Pleistocene structures in the Cotswolds and Upper Thames Basin’, Bulletin of the Geological Survey of Great Britain 37, 1-28 KING, W.B.R., and OAKLEY, K.P., 1936 ‘The Pleistocene Succession in the Lower Part of the Thames Valley’, Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 1, 52-76 KUBALA, M., 1980 ‘The sand and gravel resources of the country around Fordingbridge, Hampshire’, Mineral Assessment Report of the Institute of Geological Sciences No. 50 POWERS, M.C., 1953 ‘A new roundness scale for sedimentary particles’, Journal of Sedimentary Petrology 23, 117-19 REID, C., 1885 “The Flint Implements of Bemerton and Milford Hill’, WAM 22, 117-23 — 1887 ‘Origin of dry valleys and of Coombe Rock’, Quarterly Fournal of the Geological Society of London 43, 364 —— 1903 The Geology of the County around Salisbury, Memoir of the Geological Survey ROE, D.A., 1968 ‘A Gazetteer of the British Lower and Middle Palaeolithic Sites’, Research Report Council British Archaeol. 8, London — 1969 ‘An Archaeological Survey and Policy for Wiltshire. Part 1, Palaeolithic’, WAM 64, 1-18 —— 1981 The Lower and Middle Palaeolithic Periods in Britain, London WESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY, 1993 The Upper Thames Valley, the Kennet Valley and the Solent Drainage System, The Southern Rivers Palaeolithic Project, Report No. 1, Salisbury WYMER, J.J., 1968 Lower Palaeolithic Archaeology in Britain, as Represented by the Thames Valley, London Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol. 91 (1998), pp. 11-33 A Romano-British Settlement and Inhumation Cemetery at Eyewell Farm, Chilmark by A.P. FITZPATRICK and A.D. CROCKETT with contributions by M.J. ALLEN, M.C. CORNEY, R. GALE, S. HAMILTON-DYER, P.A. HARDING, J.B. LETTS, J.I. McKINLEY and L.N. MEPHAM Several human burials were disturbed during construction work for a new farmhouse at Eyewell Farm, Chilmark. Subsequent investigations revealed evidence for Romano-British occupation in the area consisting of a well-preserved grain drier, stone structures, a number of ditches and pits, and a small later Romano-British inhumation cemetery which included several cist burials. INTRODUCTION Project background In October 1990 several human burials were disturbed at Eyewell Farm (ST 9708 3216), during the excavation of foundation trenches for a new farmhouse. A further burial was excavated in April 1991. In July 1992 a grain drier, uncovered beneath the burial excavated in 1991, was recorded in plan and section prior to its reburial. Further investiga- tions took place in March 1994, following the discovery of several stone features during the final phase of groundworks. Geophysical and analytical earthwork surveys were also undertaken. Location and geology Eyewell Farm is situated to the south of the village of Chilmark, at the foot of a slope marking the east end of an east-west aligned ridge of land known as Ridge Hill (Figure 1). This ridge rises to a maximum height of c.183m AOD, with the farm at a height of c.107m AOD. The farm overlooks a small winter- bourne to the east, which ultimately flows into the River Nadder, c.2km to the south. Ridge Hill is part of a narrow east-west band of Upper Greensand, with Lower, Middle and Upper Chalk to the north and Gault and Lower Greensand and some limestone to the south. The Chilmark limestone quarries lie c.lkm to the south. Drift geology, comprising valley gravels, is restricted to a very narrow band following the course of the stream. Archaeological background Two other archaeological discoveries are known from the immediate vicinity of the site. Three cist burials of Romano-British date were uncovered in 1936 at Portash Cottage (ST 9700 3200; SMR ref. no. ST93SE305) c.200m to the south of Eyewell Farm (Figure 1). Finds, presumably grave goods, included a brooch and hobnails. In addition, a quantity of Romano-British pottery and a Kimmeridge Shale ‘spindle whorl’, were found to the west of East Farm (ST 9710 3250; SMR ref. no. ST93SE306) c.300m to the north of Eyewell Farm. A fieldwalking survey immediately to the south of Portash Cottage (ST 9690 3180) recovered a quantity of worked flint and chert, including retouched tools, together with several sherds of Romano-British pottery (Gingell and Harding 1983, 16). The geophysical survey, principally using a magnetometer, examined an area to the south-west of the new farm building; a small part of this area was examined using a resistivity meter. Although traces of possible features were detected using the magnetometer, the high level of background noise resulting from the large amount of modern ferrous debris in the area made it impossible to clarify these features. The resistivity meter did detect faint traces of a possible pair of parallel linear features, aligned north to south and c.12m apart; the eastern of these appears to correspond to a shallow linear earthwork recorded in the earthwork survey. The feature may represent the southern continuation of ditches 301/ 12 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE EYEWELL FARM, CHILMARK y ay Ai wis’ Eyewell _ nl ants se aantttigeneee quy v\\ = \= \= = = = = < = = = < qahy veayyehs oe eaceqnnnyrarteTeeeee! : yyyeryyyytellly? \ t Roman burials found RCH LAND YY Portash J] Cottage Z (after R.C.H.M.E.) R& Figure 1. Location of Eyewell Farm, Chilmark, based with permission, on a survey by the RCHM(E) A ROMANO-BRITISH SETTLEMENT AND INHUMATION CEMETERY AT EYEWELL FARM, CHILMARK WA Fence —a a es) fo) Pad _ o ; a / =a | eo i / 4 H ! l ‘ [Eas ; ! (ed eg 129 "730; SR KERH aay een ie ee { / Bos / ! J * ; 7 \ | H H / Ditch 300 | Pit 131+ } H / ie ve bed H [Ponvstl 5 | H | i as 33 I { ! (deg is 123. /125; 23 A Neel Peat at] | / = 7 I 4 SS ly { Sa ea —-——- | pas or lf 4 | / vo’ | : | / i A Ditch 302 4 | / / Af | Gt ew eae Sy lig / 121 / | 1 ca, | | / | I f J~-4 | / {! Ue / / | Pit 120 / fear! | / i] hl he H / | | ee (ss / / ii \ | a — = hel 3 4] | [ | nia? Say | } / ny, Pit 114 | Pit 26—+/ Hes net 4 elf | / / / | rt (hed a \3 e/a | | Pit 99-4; | / / t / / | | / / ' / / / | ii f ' 7; (2 ye Diteh S01 i [ | / | a4 | | | ah Pit 20 | | oN t Woucdiee (eee. seal Probable position! peee of Coffin 13 | ——— urial 203 = 2% | a yo J \ bi Rs jf Grain Drier \ 145 \ | | | Cut 60 ier is) aia Foundation ake L | trenches SS 5 10 m Figure 2. Eyewell Farm, Chilmark: plan of excavated and observed features 13 SEJ 14 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Plate 1. Eyewell Farm, Chilmark: grain drier 145 viewed from the north-west. Scales 1 and 2m 302 recorded in the area of the new farmhouse (Figures 1—2). (Full details of the geophysical survey are available in the archive.) The analytical survey revealed a series of field boundaries with traces of what may be a later trackway to the west of the site. Further boundaries and what may be settlement platforms were recognised to the north; at least some of these may be Romano-British in date. Methodology Although discovered by hydraulic excavator (JCB), the burials, grain drier and foundation trench sections were cleaned, recorded and excavated manually (Figure 2). Even so the work must, in some respects, be regarded as ‘salvage’. In identifying the features exposed in the machine trenches, it was initially assumed that features visible in opposing sections were ditches, and features only present in one section were pits. In the absence of a detailed ground plan, it is impossible to establish whether features identified as pits were ditch terminals, or if features identified as ditches may have been elongated pits, or graves. Although it cannot be verified, it will be assumed here that all pits were circular, and that the sections exposed represented a half-section. The features excavated in 1994 were initially exposed in the banked section face in the course of terracing using a mechanical excavator. The inves- tigation was conducted in a series of hand-dug boxes, excavation being limited to those areas of the section where large groups of stones were visible. Fieldwork by A.D. CROCKETT THE GRAIN DRIER The grain drier 145 had been cut into the foot of the slope leading up to Ridge Hill (Figure 3, Plate 1). The north end of the grain drier was removed by the JCB during its discovery, the surviving dimensions indicating a feature c.3m wide and at least 4.5m long. The drier consisted of a north-south aligned flue, 0.6m wide, at least 2m long, and sloping down from south to north. At the higher southern end was the stoking area/fireplace, measuring 1.2m east to west and 0.8m north to south. The western side of the stoking area/fireplace was rectangular, corres- ponding to the west side of the flue, whilst the east side was elliptical, curving back behind the line of the east side of the flue. Between the flue and A ROMANO-BRITISH SETTLEMENT AND INHUMATION CEMETERY AT EYEWELL FARM, CHILMARK 15 Grain Drier 145 Section Modern disturbance 99.97mOD EAS. ‘Sy Silty plays Clay loam) fie<=, Gravel Charcoal oa : . 1 2 ==] ps oe = M Figure 3. Eyewell Farm, Chilmark: plan and section through grain drier 145 16 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE stokehole were a series of low kerb stones, one of which appeared to be deliberately chamfered on its hearth side, and which may have been a baffle. In addition, severely heat-affected flagging survived in patches within both the flue and the stoke- hole/hearth. One im situ capstone, or perhaps vault stone, and another broken one survived over the flue, c.0.4m above the kerbstones. A third stone had slumped on to the upper surface of the 77 situ stone. Evidence for a superstructure or drying platform was provided by four short lengths of internally- faced wall, forming the west, south and east sides of the drying chamber which measured c.2m east to west and at least 1.6m north to south. The slightly different building techniques employed on each side of the southern wall appear to indicate that there was a break in the wall at this point. All the stone used was limestone. The flue and stoking area/fireplace were constructed using a combination of undressed drystone courses and upright orthostats, with large orthostats at the surviving north end of the flue. No evidence of bonding was found within the flue, but the hearth walls appeared to be mortared. The rectangular superstructure was usually of drystone courses, with a herringbone foundation course visible on the west wall and the section of south wall to the west of the flue. As with the flue and stoking area/fireplace, none of the stones forming the superstructure appeared to be dressed. Deposits within the grain drier consisted of a layer of ashy, clayey, silt along the base of the flue and stoking area/fireplace where it was overlain by a redeposited natural subsoil mixed with collapsed, coursed stonework. It is probable that the redeposi- ted natural subsoil was material infilled behind the hearth walls after construction. Overlying this in the higher fills of the stoking area/fireplace, and within a bowl-shaped depression, was a thick deposit of charcoal-rich silt. None of the Roman _ pottery recovered from these stratified deposits was closely datable. OTHER FEATURES Introduction To the north and east of the grain drier a number of features were recorded in the foundation trenches (Figure 2). Several features were also noted in the box sections to the north and west of the grain drier. All of these features contained Romano-British material. The degree of machine, and possibly animal, disturbance also resulted in a number of medieval sherds being recovered from some of the features exposed. The features identified included four ditches, three aligned approximately north-south and one east-west, seven pits and an east to west aligned broad shallow feature, whose fill was apparently capped by a low linear mound. Part of a wall, ori- ented north-north-east to south-south-west, and two other stone features possibly associated with col- lapsed structures, were noted. Evidence for at least seven, and possibly eight, inhumations, five of which were in cists or stone coffins, was also recovered. Ditches, pits and other features Ditch 300. This was the easternmost of the north-south aligned ditches, and was recorded in three separate sections as ditches 121, 127 and 133. Overall, the feature was between 0.5m and 0.8m wide, with moderate concave sides and a rounded base, with a maximum recorded depth of 0.45m. The recorded length for this ditch was at least 6m. Stratigraphically, its relationship to pit 120 was unclear, although they were probably not contem- porary. No finds were recovered from the sections recorded through this feature. Ditch 301. This ditch was c.0.8m to the west of ditch 300, and was recorded in five separate sections as ditches 22, 115, 118, 125, and 130. Between 1.2m and 1.8m wide, with a ‘V’-shaped profile, the feature had a maximum depth of 0.8m. The recorded length for this ditch was at least 17.5m. This ditch cut the west side of pit 114 and was cut along its west side by ditch 302. As with ditch 300, its relationship to pit 120 was unclear, although again they were probably not contemporary. Undiagnostic Romano-British pottery was recovered from two of the recorded sections, together with a single sherd of 12th-/13th- century pottery from a third section. Ditch 302. This was the westernmost of the north to south aligned ditches, and was recorded in five separate sections as ditches 24, 111, 117, 123 and 129. Overall, the feature was between 0.9m and 1.2m wide, with a slightly rounded ‘V’-shaped profile and a maximum depth of 0.8m. As with ditch 301, the recorded length for this feature was at least 17.5m. The ditch cut the west side of ditch 301, ditch 26 and pit 99, and was itself cut by, pit 13s Undiagnostic Romano-British pottery was recovered from two of the exposed sections, with three large sherds of 3rd-/4th-century material recovered from a third section. A ROMANO-BRITISH SETTLEMENT AND INHUMATION CEMETERY AT EYEWELL FARM, CHILMARK 17 Pit/Ditch 26. This east to west aligned feature was 0.6m wide and 0.6m deep, with vertical sides and a flat base. The ditch had been cut on its south side by pit 99, and on its east side by ditch 302. Pit 37. Measuring 1.25m in diameter and at least 0.4m deep, pit 37 had a moderate convex upper edge sloping down into a deeper vertical section, 0.65m in diameter. The depth of this feature was not established and no finds were recovered. Pit 33. This feature was 0.8m in diameter and 0.25m deep, with a concave, rounded, profile. No finds were recovered from the pit, its shallow nature suggesting that it may have been truncated by more recent activity. Pit 131. The pit was 1.3m in diameter and 0.55m deep, with convex, sloping, sides and a rounded base. Although no finds were recovered from the feature, it cut the west side of ditch 302. Pit 120. At least 0.75m in diameter and 0.3m deep, with a shallow, rounded, ‘V’-shaped profile, the pit was located between ditches 300 and 301. Although it intersected both ditches, no stratigraphic relationships could be determined. Undiagnostc Romano-British pottery was recovered from the section of this pit. Pit 114. This feature was at least 1.3m in diameter and at least 0.65m deep, with steep sides. The depth of the pit was not established. It was cut on its west side by ditch 301, and did not contain any finds. Pit 99. The pit was at least 0.9m in diameter and 0.45m deep, with a slightly irregular, stepped, profile and a rounded base; it cut the south side of ditch 26 and was cut on its east side by ditch 302. Pit 20. With a diameter of 0.7m and depth of 0.4m, this pit had slightly convex, sloping, sides and a rounded base, and contained undiagnostic Romano- British pottery. Cut 60/Bank 52. Cut 60 was a broad shallow feature at least 3.4m wide, 0.5m deep and _ aligned approximately east to west. Above a primary fill of a 0.01m thick spread of dark clayey loam was a 0.45m thick deposit of limestone rubble, some pieces of which had mortar adhering to their surfaces. Sealing this rubble spread was 0.05m of pale, greyish-brown, clayey loam, effectively representing the upper fill of this feature. Bank 52 was a linear mound of compact pale brown loam, 2.4m wide and up to 0.25m high, of similar alignment to cut 60 and sealing its upper fill. Their shared alignment may indicate that the two features were associated. A mixture of undiagnostic, Ist-/2nd-century and 3rd-/4th-century pottery was recovered from both cut 60 and bank 52, together with animal bone, and a quantity of human bone from cut 60. Cut 60 had disturbed an earlier cist burial (no. 76), which was probably the source of the human bone recovered from the fill of cut 60. It is also possible that a further cist burial (301) had been disturbed by cut 60 on the southern edge of the area examined. Cut 60 also contained a possible iron ‘tub-handle mount’. Wall 407. A section of walling 1.70m long and 0.57m wide, which survived to a depth of 0.12m, was noted in box 1. The inner and outer faces were of dressed limestone (404); the core was a medium sized limestone with a generally ordered overlap. The wall had been truncated at the north-north-eastern end by the terracing, and ceased at its south-south-western end with no indication of a faced-stone terminal. The wall appeared to be slumped slightly north-eastwards, possibly as a result of the modern terracing. The wall also appeared to have been cut through a shallow (0.03m deep), brown, slightly silty clay (409) with frequent flint gravel inclusions, situated above the natural clay with flints. Stone feature 411. A concentration of medium to large stone slabs, predominantly limestone, with one of sandstone (maximum 0.60 x 0.27m), formed the major feature in box 2. The full extent of the feature could not be ascertained. Along the western edge, a large flat limestone slab appeared to have one dressed face (west) and to be set on a north-north- west to south-south-west orientation. There did not appear to be a south-western continuation of this facing, and the feature was severely truncated to the north-east by the terracing, although one stone in the group of stones (415) to the north, may have been faced and was roughly in alignment. The other stones comprising 411, several of which were reddened by exposure to heat, showed no ordered arrangement other than being generally laid flat, and were up to three courses deep in places. Other small concentrations of stones were noted to the north-north-east of 411 (415) and to the south-south-west (417). Feature 415 was comprised of medium to large sized limestone and sandstone ‘rubble’, one limestone slab being reddened by burning. Medium-sized (maximum 0.25 x 0.15m) limestone extending in a rough curve from the southern end of 411, up to three courses deep, formed feature 419. All three stone concentrations were similar in nature and may form part of the same feature. The associated soil matrices were also very similar. 413, 18 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE ae Coffin }} &. nails C= => Burial 204 | Burial 202 uorrepunog Burial 201 s / \ A yey Coffin nails’ Coffin nails Foundation i BieO\e Dee NS Ge. Fe / TTP cee S ys Sa : Kk: Ww Figure 4. Eyewell Farm, Chilmark: plans of burials 416 and 419 were all very dark grey clay silts, with fairly frequent medium limestone and sandstone rubble inclusions (one burnt limestone fragment in 413), and occasional charcoal flecks. Burnt flint, Romano-British pottery and animal bone were recovered from 413 and 416. A layer of medium to large (average 0.26 x 0.20m, 0.06m thick), irregular limestone rubble (421), 2.1m long, 0.50m wide, to a depth of 0.20m was recorded in box 3 below the topsoil. A 0.05m depth of slightly silty clay with frequent flint inclusions separated 421 from the natural clay with flints. BURIALS Evidence for at least seven, possibly eight, burials was recovered (Figures 2, 4—5). These included three stone cists which had contained skeletons, two skeletons which were not in cists, one carved limestone coffin (Figure 6) removed by JCB prior to its examination by archaeologists, and a disturbed cist with no skeletal remains surviving 77 situ. It is also possible that there was a further, disturbed, burial. All the burials shared the same orientation. All the certain cists and one of the inhumations were arranged in a west to east line; the remaining inhumation was cut into the rubble layer sealing the grain drier, and the disturbed cist and possible burial were located beneath cut 60. At least two phases of burials would appear to be represented. Burial 204. A three- to six-month-old ??male was buried in the westernmost cist of the west to east line. The cist was 0.7m long, 0.5m wide and up to 0.5m deep. The sides were of limestone orthostats, with one stone forming each of the west, north and east sides, and two forming the longer south side. No capstones or flagstones were recovered from this cist, although several broken pieces of limestone covering the body may have been broken capstones. The body was laid with its head to the west. Skull fragments were recovered in the pelvic and thorax areas and a —— A ROMANO-BRITISH SETTLEMENT AND INHUMATION CEMETERY AT EYEWELL FARM, CHILMARK 19 Y V7 yy Y Hf VM Wi filled a a ee fo) iy Figure 5. Eyewell Farm, Chilmark: limestone coffin 13 over the feet: this may have resulted from decapitation. Undiagnostic Romano-British pottery was recovered from the fill of this grave. Burial 202. A 30+year-old ??male was buried in a rectangular cist, which had been damaged during its discovery by JCB. The surviving portions indicated a cist 2m long and 0.6m wide, and at least 0.4m deep. The sides consisted of limestone orthostats, with nine slabs surviving. In addition, both flagstones and capstones were recorded, although the capstones had broken and slumped down into the cist. The body was laid with the head to the west, iron nails recovered from the west, east and the south-east edges of the cist probably indicating that the body was buried in a wooden coffin. Animal bone was 20 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE recovered from the grave but may have been introduced during the’ discovery of the burial. The cist cut through burial 203 to the east, and undiagnostic pottery was recovered from the fill of the grave. Burial 203. A 17- to 18-year-old female, whose grave was heavily disturbed by the later burials 201 and 202 to the east and west respectively, leaving the lower torso and thighs of the body im situ, the body originally being laid with the head to the west. No orthostats, flagstones or capstones were recorded for this grave. The grave was at least 0.6m long, 0.55m wide and c.0.4m deep, and contained a single piece of worked flint. Burial 201. A_ c.25-year-old male was_ the easternmost burial in the west to east line. The rectangular cist had been cut through at its eastern end by a modern foundation trench, which had removed the feet of the skeleton. The surviving cist was 1.9m long, 0.65m wide and c.0.5m deep, the sides formed using at least six orthostats, one of which constituted the entire southern side. The cist also had flagstones and capstones, and as with burial 202, most of the capstones had broken and slumped into the cist. The body was laid with its head to the west and a single hobnail suggests that a pair of shoes or boots had either been worn by the deceased or been placed with him. Iron nails recovered from the north, west and southern edges of the cist indicated the presence of a wooden coffin. This cist cut through burial 203 to the west, whilst the fill sealing the skeleton produced a small sherd of possible late Bronze Age/early Iron Age pottery. Limestone coffin 13. The remains of an 18- to 25- year-old ??female were found in a coffin which was a single massive block of limestone measuring 1.65m long, 0.8m wide and c.0.45m deep (Figure 5). This had been hollowed out to form a subrectangular depression 1.55m long, 0.48m wide and 0.17m deep, with rounded ends. Tool marks are visible on the coffin. Although this was removed by the JCB, the workmen responsible indicated that it had been located directly to the east of burial 201, forming part of the east to west line. Several fragments of human bone were found in this coffin, together with pottery ranging in date from the Ist to 13th centuries. Coffin nails were also recovered from this coffin but they seem unlikely to derive from the grave. Two possible hobnails were also found. Cist 76. This cist was located to the south of burial 201 and had been heavily disturbed by both later cut 60 and modern foundation trenches. The surviving portion was 0.8m long, 0.6m wide and at least 0.3m deep, and consisted of a single orthostat forming part of the north side and the broken remains of flagstones. No skeletal remains were found within this cist, but numerous fragments of human bone from an 18- to 25-year-old ??female were recovered from the fill of cut 60. A fragment of a jaw from context 59 had heavy green staining on it suggesting that an object of copper alloy may have been present. Burial? 301. Located within cut 60 at the southern edge of the area examined was an east—west aligned depression which was at least 0.9m long and contained not less than five fragments of limestone slabs. Although not examined fully, it is possible that this feature represents a further cist burial. Burial 205 (including 206). This burial of a 35+year- old male was located to the south-west of the main group of burials listed above, in a grave cutting into the demolition rubble associated with the earlier grain drier (Figure 6). The south-west to north-east aligned feature had been partially disturbed by modern activity, the surviving portion of grave indicating a cut at least 0.8m long, 0.3m wide and 0.25m deep. Although not a cist burial, it appeared that an attempt had been made to line the grave cut with several small slabs of limestone, probably recovered from the rubble within which the grave had been inserted. The body was laid with the head to the south-west, and comprised most of the skull and the upper torso and arms. The remainder of the body, identified as burial 206, was recovered from disturbed layers resulting from modern activity. Figure 6. Eyewell Farm, Chilmark: plan of burial 205 A ROMANO-BRITISH SETTLEMENT AND INHUMATION CEMETERY AT EYEWELL FARM, CHILMARK PAM The finds by L.N. MEPHAM The finds recovered during archaeological examin- ation are summarised in Table 1, which demonstrates that the artefactual assemblage is relatively small, and limited in range. The major categories, metalwork, pottery and stone, are summarised briefly. THE METALWORK Finds recovered during archaeological work Of the 83 iron objects recovered during excavation, 78 comprise nails, and 51 of these derived from burials. With the exception of a hobnail from burial 201 and two possible ones from the stone coffin, all the nails from burials may be identified as coffin nails. Where identifiable the majority of the nails are of Poundbury type 1(i) small flat-headed nails (Farwell and Molleson 1993, 115), many of which have traces of mineralised wood, probably oak, adhering. These coffin nails were concentrated in burials 201 and 202, with a further three in limestone coffin 13. The only other identifiable object is a possible ‘tub-handle mount’ from cut 60 (layer 59) (Figure 7). Such objects are not common; Manning cites four examples, one of which, from Borough Hill, Northamptonshire, is comparable to the Chilmark examples (1985, 103-4, pl. 49, P28). From X-ray: Figure 7. Eyewell Farm, Chilmark: the Romano-British ‘tub-handle mount’ (drawn from X-Ray) Metal detector finds A number of metal objects have also been recovered by the landowner during metal-detecting over the site. Full details of these finds are available in the archive but they included the following 16 Roman coins. Roman coins by M.C. CORNEY Sestertius of Hadrian 117-38, very worn Tetricus II 270-73 Barbarous radiate c.270—-5 Allectus 293—96, two coins Maximianus, 286-305 Constantine I, rev. Camp. gate c.324—30 Constantius II as Caesar, rev. Gloria Exercitus (one standard), c.335—37 8. Theodora or Helena c.337—40 9. House of Constantine 330-40 10. House of Constantine c.330—46 11. Constantius II as Caesar 335-37 12. Constans/Constantius II, rev. two Victories c.340-46 13. Magnentius or Decentius c.350—53 14. Barbarous copy of Constantius IT c.350—60 15. Gratian 367-78 16. House of Valentinian 374-78 NDE OD - Objects of copper alloy by A.P. FITZPATRICK Apart from one bracelet fragment with ring-and-dot decoration, which may be of later Romano-British date, only one object of copper alloy, a brooch, was certainly from this period. The brooch (Figure 8) is a hinged T-shaped example with a fixed ring at the head. There is incised linear decoration on a rectangular moulding at the head of the bow, the ends of the wings and on the panel beneath the ring. Similar decoration occurs on the circular stud on the bow and on the front part only of the circular moulding at the foot. The circular stud and the setting at the foot may have held a setting of coloured glass, enamel or some other material. The ring relates the brooch to the Headstud type, but it falls within a distinctive but as yet poorly defined group. There are related brooches with coloured enamel settings on the bow from IIchester (Leach 1982, 243, fig. 116, 15) and Catsgore (Leech 1982, 105, fig. 76, 9) in Somerset, but the type is also found further afield. A particularly close parallel is alleged to come from Hadrian’s Wall near Newcastle (Hattat 1987, 101, fig. 42, 420). Although the example from Catsgore was found in a 3rd or 4th century AD context, by analogy with related forms the Chilmark example was probably manufactured in the later 1st or earlier to mid 2nd century AD. 22 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE eres Ges 0 Figure 8. The Romano-British brooch from Eyewell Farm, Chilmark Objects of iron by L.N. MEPHAM Amongst the iron objects, the relatively high propor- tion of hobnails to nails is noteworthy, and it is possible that the former derive from one or more disturbed Romano-British burials. Hobnails, either from boots or sandals, were commonly included in Romano-British inhumation burials (Clarke 1979; Manning 1985, 136), and such burials are usually dated from the later 2nd to the 4th century AD (cf. MeWhirr et al. 1982; Philpott 1991, 169-75). Some of the nails and dogs could also be Romano-British, perhaps from buildings or, alternatively, further coffin fittings, but this cannot be established. THE POTTERY The pottery assemblage comprises 230 sherds (2786g), of which one sherd has been tentatively identified as prehistoric (Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age), 12 medieval (12th/13th century) and one modern (19th/20th century). The remainder of the assemblage is of Romano-British date. In view of the circumstances of recovery a detailed fabric analysis of the Romano-British pottery was not undertaken, but the pottery has been divided into very broad fabric groups according to dominant inclusion type and firing conditions. Four non-local wares of known source are present in very small quantities: Dressel 20 amphora (1 sherd), samian (5 sherds), and colour- coated wares from Oxfordshire (2 sherds) and the New Forest (4 sherds). The rest of the assemblage comprises coarsewares. The only coarseware of known source is Black Burnished ware (BB1) of Poole Harbour origin (50 sherds). The remaining sherds have been grouped into buff sandy wares (48 sherds), grey sandy wares (98 sherds) and grog-tempered wares (8 sherds). These wares clearly derive from a number of different sources; the grey wares, for example, have potential sources in the New Forest (Fulford 1975), Westbury (Rogers and Roddham 1991) and to the west of Swindon (Anderson 1979). The range of fabrics present, although restricted, can be paralleled within larger Romano-British assem- blages from the area, e.g. Shrewton (Seager Smith 1996), Figheldean (Mepham 1993) and Butterfield Down, Amesbury (Millard 1996). ; Diagnostic sherds are scarce and represent common vessel forms which cannot be dated very closely. Everted rim jars of both early (1st/2nd century) and late Roman (3rd/4th century) type are present, as are dog dishes, a vessel form common A ROMANO-BRITISH SETTLEMENT AND INHUMATION CEMETERY AT EYEWELL FARM, CHILMARK 23 Table 1. Number and weight of finds by context Feature Context CBM Clay Fired Pipe Clay Unstratified — Topsoil 1=48 1/28 49 1/15 1/2 135 Grain Drier 19=136 145 144 254 256 264 265 Ditch 301 Sect. 22 23 1/2 Sect. 115 30 1/80 1/4 Sect. 130 36 Ditch 302 Sect. 24 25 Sect. 117 31 Sect. 129 35 Pit 20 21 1/7 Pit 120 32. 1/6 Cut 60 51 Bank 52 59 2/8 1/4 Burial 201 50 201 Burial 202 45 56 Burial 203 66 Burial 204 74 72 Burial 205 138 Limestone 8 Coffin 13 9 10 1/16 12 Wall 411 412 WAL 413 Wall 415 416 Wall 417 419 Total 8/154 1/2 4/17 CBM = Ceramic Building Material from the 2nd to the 4th century, and a drop-flanged bowl of late 3rd/4th century type. Several of the buff ware sherds appear to derive from thick-walled vessels with pre-firing perforations, probably strainers of some form. There is one flagon rim. The Romano-British assemblage is dominated by utilitarian wares, and is typical of a rural site with occupation covering most of the Roman period. The Flint Pottery Slag Stone Iron 6/86 29/398 1/56 1 1 10/128 3 1/9 29/392 9 2/43 35/400 1 8 1/10 WE 1/47 2/8 3/14 1/9 1 2/16 4/21 1/8 4/114 1/9 1/6 26/358 1/7 8/122 2/35 51/520 1/1 be oO eH 1/7 10 11/142 230/2786 1/56 4 83 evidence would seem to suggest that while there are early Roman elements within the pottery assem- blage, there was an increase in the intensity of activity in the later Roman period, and this is a pattern which has been observed on other Romano- British rural sites in Wiltshire, e.g. Durrington Walls (Swan 1971) and Butterfield Down, Amesbury (Millard 1996). 24 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE THE STONE Worked Stone Four pieces of worked stone were identified: three fragments of Greensand rotary querns, and one large fragment of limestone with incised but very abraded multi-directional linear grooves on one face. The function of this stone, which was recovered from the upper layer of grain drier 145, is uncertain but as the grooves are reminiscent of those on querns it seems likely to be a damaged quern or millstone. Worked Flint by PA. HARDING Eleven pieces of worked flint were identified, seven of which were from unstratified or topsoil contexts. The remaining four pieces were recovered from the fill of cut 60 and burial 203. The assemblage, including one core and at least two blades, provided evidence for both soft and hard hammer percussion. Although the bulk of the assemblage is largely undiagnostic, the blades are probably no later than early Neolithic, and possibly Mesolithic, in date. The human remains by J.l. McKINLEY METHODS Bone from 24 contexts was received for examination, including five certain grave contexts (201-205). Age was assessed from the stage of tooth develop- ment and eruption (van Beek 1983); the stage of ossification and epiphyseal fusion (Gray 1977, McMinn and Hutchings 1985, Webb et al. 1985); the length of immature long bones (Bass 1987); tooth wear patterns (Brothwell 1972); and the general degree of cranial suture fusion and degener- ative changes to the bone. Sex was assessed from the sexually dimorphic traits of the skeleton (Bass 1987, Schutkowski 1993), and post-cranial measurements (Bass 1987). Cranial, platymeric and platycnemic indices were calculated where possible (Bass 1987). Stature was estimated using Trotter and Gleser’s regression equations (1952; 1957). Pathological lesions and morphological variations/non-metric traits were recorded, and diagnoses suggested where appropriate. Anatomical terminology is used accord- ing to Gray (1977) and McMinn and Hutchings (1985). RESULTS A summary of the results is presented in Table 2. Details of identification may be found in the archive report. Condition of bone Bone from two of the cist burials, 201 and 202, was in poor condition, with erosion of the cortical bone and loss of spongy bone. Bone from the cist burial 204, context 59 (possibly originating from cist 76) and context 12 (from within stone coffin 13 removed by JCB) was in relatively good condition, as was the bone from burials 203 and 205 (no cist/coffin). Presumably the microenvironment resulting from different burial conditions was responsible for this variation. Demography A minimum of six, but probably seven, individuals were identified. Each burial from 201 to 205 com- prised a single inhumation. Bone from context 59 represents a sixth individual, possibly disturbed from cist 76. Several fragments of bone were recovered from limestone coffin 13. Bone from this context (12) probably represents a seventh individual, i.e. the original occupant of the coffin. The small quantities of bone from contexts 12 and 59 both represent the remains of a young adult female; the exact location of the bone within context 59 is not known, and although from contextual evidence the bones are likely to represent separate individuals, it is possible that one or other may represent redeposited bone. Three females (includ- ing one probable and one possible) and four males (including two possible) were identified. The 3- to 6- month-old infant was assessed as a possible male (Schutkowski 1993); the three females were all young, 17—18 years, and 18—25 years; the three other males were c.25 years, 30 yearst and 35 years+. While there is a noticeable difference between the sexes in the ages represented, the findings should be treated with caution. The small size of the group precludes any significant demographic comment. Pathology Table 2 gives a summary of lesions/pathological conditions and morphological variations, with bones/bone groups affected. Dental disease Full or partial dentitions were available for exami- nation, comprising two left and one right female A ROMANO-BRITISH SETTLEMENT AND INHUMATION CEMETERY AT EYEWELL FARM, CHILMARK 25 mandibles, two left and two right male mandibles (excluding infant 204), and two left and one right male maxilla. Three adult dentitions had mild—medium calculus deposits (calcified plaque). Two female and one male dentition showed indications of slight-medium periodontal disease (gum infection), the severity increasing with age. Five out of 51 (excluding unerupted deciduous dentition of 204) teeth were carious (9.8%), 4/17 (23.5%) female and 1/43 (2.9%) male. Female lesions were all from one individual (59), all mandibular premolar and molars. Molar lesions were small and occlusal. The male lesion was maxillary and in the occlusal surface. One of 64 (1.6%) sockets showed abscesses, no female dentitions were involved, one of 43 (2.3% mandibular male dentition. Two and a half per cent (2 of 81) ante mortem tooth loss was noted: no female dentitions were involved, 2 of 58 (3.4%) in one male mandibular dentition. The number of individuals is too small to draw any significant conclusions. Tooth loss and dental abscesses may be seen to have increased with age. The relatively high incidence of occlusal as opposed to cervical caries, especially in unworn teeth, is not the common pattern in ancient dentitions (Miles 1969), and may reflect a more acidic (?sugar rich) diet than usual. In general, dental hygiene appears to have been relatively good. Infections Slight—mild, but extensive periosteal new bone was noted along the lengths of both tibiae shafts in 205 and on the left proximal femur shaft. Lesions were also noted on the right distal humerus shaft, un- sided ulna shaft and visceral surface of one rib shaft in 203; involvement was light. Infection of the periosteum (the membrane covering the bone) may occur in consequence of a number of factors such as direct trauma, spread of infection via the blood stream from foci elsewhere, or in response to a vascular disorder. In no instance is there evidence of direct trauma, though the proximity of the tibia to the surface predisposes it to infection from soft tissue trauma. Periostitis affecting the visceral surface of the ribs is usually in response to a pulmonary infection such as pleurisy (Wakely ez al. 1991). In cases of spread of infection from elsewhere, the tibia and femur are commonly affected, though usually only one bone is involved (Manchester 1983). The tibiae are also likely to suffer most from vascular disorders such as varicose veins (Manchester 1983). A vascular disorder may be responsible for the extensive low grade involvement of the tibiae in 205. Degenerative disease Lesions indicative of osteoarthritis (pitting, osteo- phytes and eburnation) are present in seven joint groups of 205 (35 years+ male). Basically the result of age-related wear-and-tear, other predisposing factors to this disease included obesity, injury and previous disease (Adams 1986). Lesions were slight in thoracic dorsal joints, the left hip and most costo- vertebral joints. Slightly heavier lesions were noted in the left temporo-mandibular joint. Gross lesions were present in the left shoulder and right elbow joint, leading to extensive remodelling. One costo-vertebral and the third—seventh cervical dorsal joints also had heavy—gross lesions. The ankylosis of the fourth and fifth cervical vertebrae is probably not related to the disease; fusion is across all elements of the vertebrae via smooth new bone, and is most likely to be a developmental defect/morphological variation. Such gross lesions in the non weight-bearing joints of the shoulder and elbow would suggest more than normal wear-and-tear, particularly where the weight-bearing joints are so lightly affected. There is no indication of trauma or previous disease in the joints. Such involvement would suggest greater func- tional stress on the neck, left shoulder and right elbow. Slight—mild hyperostosis was noted longitudinally along the anterior mid line of six central thoracic vertebral bodies in 205. Lateral medium hypero- stosis was also present in one lumbar vertebral body. These lesions may indicate the early stages of diffuse idiopathic skeletal hyperostosis (DISH), extra-spinal manifestations of which may be represented by exostoses in the fibula, femur and clavicle (Rogers et al. 1985). However, exostoses (irregular bone form- ing at tendon and ligament insertions) also com- monly reflects age-related wear-and-tear, or may indicate minor traumatic events. Morphological variations Two interesting variations were noted. All seven metacarpals and nine metatarsals recovered in the infant burial 204 have unfused metaphyses at both proximal and distal ends of the shafts, i.e. all were developed from three centres of ossification. While Weddell (1939) notes double epiphyses in the first, second and fifth metacarpals and the first metatarsal as common, the third and fourth metacarpal rarely showed double epiphyses and, in studies made, other metatarsals never had double epiphyses. 26 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Table 2. Summary of human bone from all contexts Context Skeletal % age Age No. elements Skeleton 8 IL =context 12 9 ele =context 12 10 ele =context 12 12 a.u.l. c.4% 18—25yr. 16 S. =context 203 17 S.a. =context 202/3 19 ale =context 205 45 $.a.u. =context 203 48 animal bone 50 wale =context 201/3 56 a.u. =context 203 59 s. c.5% 18—25yr. 66 a.u. =context 203 74 S.a. =context 204 98 (u/s) s. ?=context 204 135 s.a.l. =context 205 138 as =context 205 144 a.u. =context 205 201 s.a.u.l. c.55% C2ayrE 202 s.1. c.20% 30yrt+ 203 a.u.l. c.40% 17-18yr. 204 s.a.u.l. c.70% 3-6 mth. 205 Starnes c.80% 35yr+ ?female male ??male Pathology ??female exo. — |.fibula; periostitis — tibiae shafts periostitis — r.humerus shaft; cribra orbitalia; ?erosive lesions — inner vault periostitis — ulna shaft, rib visceral shaft calculus; p.d.; caries calculus; o.p. — axis; exo. — 1.femur head calculus; p.d. exo. — |.fibula, 1.3rd metatarsal, r.patella; d.l. —r.lst metatarsal; m.v. — calcaneal double facet female ??male m.v. — all metacarpals/tarsals have three centres ossification male p.d.; calculus; abscesses; caries; hypoplasia; hypercementosis; 0.a. — cervical, thoracic, costo-vertebral, |.hip, l.shoulder, r.elbow, ].temporo-mandibular; ankylosis — cervical 4—5; d.d.d. — cervical; Schmorl’s — thoracic, lumbar; periostitis — 1.p. femur shaft; exo. — femora d.shafts, l.anterior proximal shaft, r.clavicle shaft; hyperostosis — thoracic & lumbar anterior bodies; pitting — l.auricular surface, clavicle lateral articular surfaces; o.p. — atlas/axis, lumbar, thoracic; m.v. — atlas central groove, mandibular r.1st molar three root branches, mandibular r.canine malformed, groove superior to r.supra- orbital notch Key: s.=skull, a.=axial, u.=upper limb, 1.=lower limb, ?=probable, ??=possible, exo.=exostoses, 1.=left, r.=right, p.d.=periodontal disease, 0.p.=osteophytes, 0.a.=osteoarthritis, m.v.=morphological variation, d.d.d.=degenerative disc disease, p.=proximal, d.=distal The right mandibular canine in 205, while main- taining a normal root form, has a large bulbous crown 10.2mm bucco-lingual, 7.3mm meso-distal. It appears to have a ‘skin’ of cement covering the crown, thinning towards the apex. A pronounced groove was noted extending 13mm laterally and superiorly at c.30° angle from the right supra-orbital notch, which subsequently turned to extend 26mm superiorly. The groove is 3.2mm deep as it leaves the notch, eventually levelling out with the frontal bone. This probably represents an impression from the pulsation of the ~ supra-orbital artery and vein which exit from the notch to join their respective temporal counterparts. Other such grooves have been described by Saul and Saul (1992). A ROMANO-BRITISH SETTLEMENT AND INHUMATION CEMETERY AT EYEWELL FARM, CHILMARK 27 Skeletal indices Cranial index was calculated in only one case, 205, which was of mesocrany type. Stature was esumated for the three males with a range of 169.8-172.4cm (c.5’7”—5'8”). Platymeric index (anterior-posterior flattening of the proximal femur shaft) was calculated for three individuals; two were platymeric (males 201 and 205), and one was eurymeric (female 203). Platycnemic index (medio-lateral flattening of the tibia shaft) was calculated for three males: one was mesocnemic, two eurycnemic. Coloured staining of bone The buccal area of the mandibular body in context 59 has heavy green staining between the first pre- molar to second molar. Such staining may have resulted from the proximity of copper alloy during burial but no copper alloy object was found in or near to this context. DISCUSSION Cemetery composition The inclusion of both sexes and a range of age groups would suggest the cemetery was of a normal domestic nature. The presence of such a young infant, 3—6 months, in a cemetery of this date is in contrast to many other contemporaneous ones, where infants of less than one year were often found buried outside the cemetery area (Philpott 1991). In this instance, the infant was apparently afforded exactly the same treatment as other members of the community, being inhumed supine and extended in a stone cist. Decapitation There is a suggestion from the excavation records that the skull of the infant was ‘removed and placed by the feet’, implying deliberate placing of the skull (Figure 4, Burial 204). The site drawings show apparently undisturbed lower limb bones with a large fragment of skull ?vault over the feet. However, the drawing also shows skull fragments in the pelvic and thorax areas. The upper body generally appears intact, with a slight jumbling of bones. That some disturbance has occurred is evident from the recovery of bone fragments from contents 74 and 98. There are no signs of trauma to the bone indicative of decapitation, but since there was incomplete skeletal recovery such evidence could have been lost. It is possible that pre- or post-mortem decapi- tation may have occurred. Though not a ‘common’ occurrence, Philpott (1991, 80) suggests an estimated figure of 2.5% for all inhumations of this period. Two instances of decapitation of such young infants are noted by Philpott (1991, 79) and repositioning of the skull by the feet is most common in contemporaneous cases of the decapitation of adults. In this instance however, the lack of clarity in the contextual record and the possibility of distur- bance, make the suggestion highly tentative. Environmental evidence CHARRED PLANT REMAINS FROM THE GRAIN DRIER by J.B. LETTS Methods One 5 litre sample from the primary fill of the flue of the grain drier (context 265) was processed by stan- dard flotation (0.5mm mesh). The drier showed clear evidence of intensive burning in the flue and stoking areas, and contained deposits of ashy, charcoal-rich silt. Seed, chaff and weed specimens were identified in the laboratory by comparison with modern reference material, and nomenclature follows Clapham, Tutin and Moore (1989). Discussion The specimens identified are listed in Table 3. The sample is dominated by fragmented remains of cereal grain and hulled wheat chaff, but most of these cannot be identified beyond very general taxo- nomic categories. Three of the cereal grains were relatively well-preserved compared with the bulk of grain in the sample. Their blunt, rounded forms suggest they are derived from a free-threshing wheat — probably bread wheat (7! aestivum), which regu- larly appears in small quantities on late Roman sites. At least 4 other grains can be safely attributed to spelt wheat (T° spelta). Spelt appears to have been the staple wheat in southern England during the Roman period, and probably makes up the bulk of the unidentifiable grain in the sample. One of the better preserved grains is reminiscent of barley, but cannot be conclusively identified as Hordeum vulgare. The sample also includes a single small ‘tail’ grain of wheat, a detached cereal embryo, a second embryo from a sprouted grain together with its coleoptile, and several additional coleoptile fragments. 28 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE The bulk of the chaff is made up of very frag- mented glume bases of hulled wheat. Several of the best preserved are clearly derived from spelt wheat, but the presence of emmer wheat (7. dicoccum) can- not be ruled out. The sample also contains a smaller number of rachis internodes of hulled wheat, frag- ments of lemmas or glumes, and both charred and silicified awn fragments. Silicified chaff occurs quite frequently in charred assemblages but is less commonly recovered by flotation. No free-threshing wheat chaff was recovered. The sample contains a small number of weed seeds. Dock (Rumex sp.), chess (Bromus sp.) and wild grasses have been common crop weeds for millennia and regularly appear on Romano-British sites in southern England. At least two of the species of small-seeded wild grasses are represented. The seven specimens of corn gromwell (Lithospermum arvense) do not contain charred tissue, and this species is one of the few weed species with a natur- ally silicified seed coat. It is a long-lived constituent of the arable seed bank and all of the specimens in the sample must be considered intrusive. Overall, the sample is typical of Romano-British grain driers in the predominance of spelt wheat and fine hulled wheat chaff (van der Veen 1989), and similar in composition to grain drier assemblages from Dorset (Letts 1993; 1997). It is routine to associate any evidence of sprouted grain in such features with malting, but sprouting can easily occur in the ear prior to harvest or during storage. Romano-British cereal crops were composed of genetically diverse landraces that were late and uneven in their ripening, so that some sprouting would have occurred even in an average year. It is also routine to interpret the presence of charred and silicified chaff as the remains of fuel, a conclusion based on ethnographic analogy with traditional Species grain: Triticum cf. aestivum L. T. cf. spelta Triticum sp. Triticum sp. (small) cereal indet. cereal indet. (frags) cereal indet. (frags) cereal sprout cereal sprout cereal embryo chaff: Triticum spelta L. T. cf. spelta T. spelta/dicoccum T. spelta/dicoccum T. spelta/dicoccum Triticum/Hordeum sp. Triticum/Hordeum sp. weeds and other items: Rumes sp. Bromus sp. Bromus/Avena sp. Gramineae indet. Gramineae indet. fungal sclerotia charcoal modern seeds: Lithospermum arvense L. Chenopodium album L. Table 3. Charred plant remains Common Name bread wheat spelt wheat wheat wheat wheat/barley wheat/barley wheat/barley wheat/barley wheat/barley wheat/barley spelt wheat spelt wheat spelt/emmer spelt/emmer spelt/emmer wheat/barley wheat/barley dock chess (grass) chess/oat grass grass fungi corn gromwell fat hen No. EP BRE +FNODEW BW +eOBN YH NON Comment plump, short grain hulled wheat poorly preserved tail grain large frags small frags coleoptile coleoptile frags scutellum glume base glume base frags glume base frags rachis internode glume frag awn frag (silicified) awn frag (charred) sharply triangular section Eubromus poorly preserved large-seeded medium-sized seed fruiting body (charred) minimal, comminuted . natural silification uncharred A ROMANO-BRITISH SETTLEMENT AND INHUMATION CEMETERY AT EYEWELL FARM, CHILMARK 29 practices used in the Middle-East (Hillman 1981). Unfortunately, the construction of Romano-British corn driers — let alone the various ways in which they were probably used — is far from well understood, and the archaeobotanical data itself is a biased reflection of the accumulated processes represented. The small sample from Eyewell Farm does not contain sufficient specimens to justify a rigorous ‘interpretation’; it can only be suggested that spelt wheat was being processed in a grain drier either to make the ears easier to thresh, to dry the grain in preparation for storage, or perhaps to roast sprouted grain before it was ground into malt. Bread wheat became a staple cereal only in the early Saxon period, but has been recovered from Romano- British sites throughout England. The presence of a few grains of free-threshing wheat amidst a pre- dominance of spelt wheat may seem unusual, but the interplanting of mixtures of cereal species was the norm in Britain until the 19th century. CHARCOAL FROM THE GRAIN DRIER by R. GALE A small quantity of charcoal from context 258, post dating the use of the bowl of the grain drier, was almost certainly elder (Sambucus sp.) but ivy (Hedera sp.) can not be entirely ruled out. PLANT MACROFOSSILS FROM OTHER CONTEXTS by M.J. ALLEN Only one of the other environmental samples taken during the course of the fieldwork produced palaeo- environmental evidence greater than 0.5mm in size. This comprised a grain of wheat or barley together with 2 small fragments of unidentifiable charcoal from a sample taken from within burial 201. These may be derived from the earlier grain drier or contexts associated with it. ANIMAL BONES 2 by SHEILA HAMILTON-DYER A small assemblage of 241 fragments of 143 bones was retrieved from 18 contexts, principally Romano- British in date. Bone from context 48, originally thought to be human, was not examined. The date of some contexts is uncertain, while others are modern. Forty-five bones were from modern and unstratified contexts. Bones of seven species can be identified: horse, cattle, sheep, pig, red deer, dog and toad (Table 4). Early Romano-British The toad leg bone came from the early Roman layers of the grain drier 145, and probably represents a pitfall victim. Two cattle bones and a cattle-sized fragment are also present. Later Romano-British Probable later Roman material in the grain drier included a cattle humerus fragment with cut marks and part of a horned skull, a neonatal calf jaw, and a sheep/goat tibia with a bleached appearance. The uppermost deposit in the grain drier contri- buted the only wild mammal remains in the assem- blage. These were the fragmentary remains of two, or perhaps the same, antler tines of red deer. The fragments are from the crown and tip of a large male. These could originate from any period although their eroded, chalky appearance suggests that they have been buried some considerable time. Cattle bones included fragments of a large tibia and humerus. These are just inside the range for later Roman material but could equally well be of Saxon date or later. Horse, sheep and pig bones were also recorded. The largest single group of bones is from the late Roman rubble in cut 60. Bones of sheep and sheep- sized fragments dominate, several of which had been gnawed. Bones of the hind leg are the commonest but fragments of the front leg and head are also present. A few bones of cattle (6), pig (4), and horse (2) were also identified. One of the horse bones is a jaw which had fragmented into several pieces during excavation. Examination of the crown heights of the teeth suggest an animal of around seven years (Levine 1982). All five occurrences of horse in this assemblage are of animals of working age. Other contexts contributed only a few fragments of animal bone. Context 206 in later Roman burial 205 contained a complete cattle metatarsus which gives an estimated withers heights of 1.194 using the factors recommended by von den Driesch and Boessneck (1974). Again this is large, but falls within the range for later Roman cattle in southern England. In addition to the indirect evidence of dog (23 fragments show signs of gnawing) there are two dog bones, both from post-Roman contexts, a scapula from the possibly post-Roman context 52, and a humerus from topsoil context 49. A cattle astragalus from the same context is large but within the range reported for later Roman material (Maltby 1981). Few definite butchery marks were observed; six fragments had been cut by a knife, three had been 30 chopped. Most of these marks are on cattle and cattle-sized bones. None of the horse or dog bones had any marks. The few butchery marks are not diagnostic of any particular period from the Iron Age onwards. Evidence of modern butchery using saws was absent. Bone elements are present both from the major meat-bearing body areas and from the less useful heads and feet of sheep and cattle. The six pig bones are all jaws, teeth, or maxilla. A bias towards head bones is often encountered with pig bones and is discussed by King (1978). This assemblage of mostly sheep and cattle with a few bones of horse, pig, and dog is not out of place for a rural Roman farmstead. Bones of wild mammals are absent except for the red deer antler, which may have been collected after casting. No meat bones of deer were found. Bird bones are frequently a minor component of bone assemblages. Here bird bones, even of domestic fowl, are absent but the sample size is so small that negative data need not be significant. Some of the cattle measurements are at the top end of the range for the Roman period but, as the dating of some contexts is insecure, this observation should be treated with caution. THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Discussion by A.P. FITZPATRICK Prehistoric The small group of flint recovered in the salvage work is no later in date than early Neolithic, and it may be Mesolithic. Previous work in the vicinity (Gingell and Harding 1983) has identified a large assemblage of Mesolithic worked flint at Teffont (ST 9970 3100), c.3km to the east. Mesolithic flint assemblages are commonly found on or near Greensand, particularly in Hampshire (e.g. Oakhanger: Rankine and Dimbleby 1960), Surrey (e.g. Farnham: Clark and Rankine 1939) and Sussex (e.g. Selmeston: Clark 1934), suggesting that the resources available on or near to the Greensand created a preferred habitat during this period (Gingell and Harding 1983, 24). The Eyewell Farm finds, while modest, provide another example which fits this pattern. Romano-British settlement The evidence for Romano-British setthement indi- cates occupation throughout the period. Other than a few fragments of ceramic building material, direct evidence for buildings is tentative; a short length of Table 4. Species distribution of animal bone Context Feature Date Horse Cattle Sheep/ Pig Red LAR SAR _ Dog Toad _ Total Goat Deer u/s — 1 1 — — 1 3 008 modern — 1 1 — — — 5 — — 7 049 topsoil modern 1 4 1 1 — 8 os 1 — 16 051 bankover60 postRoman? — 1 6 — — 12 1 — — 20 052 upper 60? post Roman? — 1 1 2 1 -- 5) 059 ditch 60 later Roman 2 6 ai, 4 — — 10 — — 39 009 coffin 13 later Romanu/s — — 1 1 — — 2 074 burial 204 later Roman — — 1 — — — 1 — — 2 138 burial 205 later Roman 2 2 206 burial 205 later Roman 1 5 1 —_ _ 1 — — — 8 019 grain drier 145 modern 1 7 1 1 2 3 7 == — 7) 135 grain drier 145 modern — _ — _ — — 2 — — 2 136 grain drier 145 later Roman? — 2 2 — — 9 13 256 grain drier 145 later Roman? — 1 1 — — 2 144 grain drier 145 earlyRoman — 1 1 — — 1 2 265 graindrier 145 earlyRoman — 1 1 024 ditch 302 early? — — 1 — 1 035 ditch 302 early? — it 1 Total 5) 32 34 6 2 BMT} 735) 2 143 Percent B.D lea 923.8 4.2 lawn 2529s lee 1.4 OFT, A ROMANO-BRITISH SETTLEMENT AND INHUMATION CEMETERY AT EYEWELL FARM, CHILMARK 31 wall and the possibly collapsed remains of others recovered on the western edge of the site, were not fully investigated. Other recorded features appear to represent storage/rubbish pits associated with a settlement and enclosure and/or field boundaries. It is possible that the grain drier was housed within a building which was not identified due to the limited scale of work. The obvious signs of burning relating to one of the layers of ‘rubble’ on the western edge of the site may indicate a structure contemporary with the grain drier. If the features recorded in the earth- work and geophysical surveys can be related to the ditches uncovered in salvage work, it is possible that some of the other earthworks recorded (Figure 1) may also be of this date. The stratigraphic relation- ships recorded in the excavation indicate at least four phases of activity, perhaps covering most of the period, and this longevity is borne out by the metal- work and pottery. The comparatively rare find of an iron ‘tub-handle mount’ is noteworthy. The late bias evident within the Roman coin list is typical of Romano-Britsh rural settlements. The grain drier, which was used to process spelt wheat, is of a well known and relatively long-lived type (Morris 1979, 5—22; van der Veen 1989), which only became popular in the later Roman period. The burial which was subsequently cut into it is likely to be of 4th-century date. A very similar “T’-shaped grain drier, probably of 4th-century date, was found nearby at Durrington Walls (Wainwright 1971). Several fragments of querns were found in or near to the Eyewell Farm grain drier and this association of querns with grain driers, which has been noted previously (Morris 1979, 18), may suggest the existence of a specific grain processing area at Eyewell Farm. This evidence and that from the animal bones, where sheep and cattle are predom- inant with some horse, pig and dog, would suggest that a mixed agricultural regime was practised. The association of a cemetery with a settlement may be compared with other examples in Wiltshire, for example at Figheldean (Graham and Newman 1993) or Maddington Farm, Shrewton (McKinley and Heaton 1996), but in the local context the location of the site away from Salisbury Plain and in a valley is noteworthy. The Romano-British cemetery The extent of the cemetery is unknown but it may have been associated with the settlement whose location had shifted by the mid 4th century. Inhum- ation burials in cist graves are characteristic of the later Roman period and more particularly from the mid 4th century onwards when they become increas- ingly common in central southern England (Philpott 1991, 61-3, 226). Similar Romano-British burials have been found close by at Portash Cottage (Figure 1), and in the immediate area at Fovant, Tisbury and Teffont (Philpott 1991, 293). At least two phases of burials are indicated at Eyewell Farm. The earlier of these phases is represented by burial 203, which was not a cist burial but nonetheless seems likely to be of later Romano-British date. The evidence from the human remains suggests equal numbers of females and males and includes those of a 3- to 6-month-old child which may have been decapitated and the head placed at its feet, a practice not uncommon in rural cemeteries (Philpott 1991, 78, 81). Although there was an increasing trend for the burial of children within settlements at this ume (Struck 1993), the burial of children in cists was also relatively common, although they were often placed in separate areas of the cemetery (Philpott 1991, 98, 100). It has been suggested that cemeteries with a clear linear layout, the so-called ‘managed cemeteries’, are largely associated with urban sites (Philpott 1991, 226-8), but just within Wessex rural examples such as at Nettleton Shrub, Wiltshire (Wedlake 1982, 90-2), Burntwood Farm, Hampshire (Fasham 1980) as well as at Eyewell Farm suggest that this layout was not exclusively urban. The orientation of the Eyewell Farm cemetery, approximately at right angles to an earlier or contemporary ditched field boundary, suggests that similar principles of layout were applied to rural cemeteries. The stone cists and coffin suggest the use of local stone resources, but the coffin is a relatively rare find and may be related to the status or wealth of the person buried in it (Farwell and Molleson 1993, 133). There is some association between the dis- covery of stone coffins and villa sites (Philpott 1991, 53). The wooden coffins in burials 201-2 are also characteristic of the later Roman period, as is the rarity of grave goods. Only two items of clothing and/or grave goods may be identified: boots or shoes with burial 201, and a copper alloy object, perhaps a coin, brooch or hair pin, with the remains of the individual recovered from context 59. The copper alloy object lay next to the outside of the jaw and this could derive from a coin in the mouth (Alcock 1980, 57-60), or from an object, perhaps a brooch or hair pin, at or near to the shoulder. These objects from items of clothing and/or grave goods are amongst the most common objects in later Roman cemeteries and were particularly 32 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE common in burials dating from the mid 4th century onwards (Clarke 1979; Philpott 1991, 139-42, 167-75, 211-17). Although animal bone and some cereals and charcoal were found in graves, they were not clearly placed deposits and it is_ possible, particularly given the proximity of an earlier grain drier, that they were introduced in the fill of the grave rather than having been offered as grave goods. Thus, in this respect and in many others, the Eyewell Farm cemetery may be seen as typical of the later Romano- British period. Acknowledgements. The fieldwork in 1990 and 1994, and the analysis were funded by English Heritage with support for the fieldwork in 1991-92 being given by Wiltshire County Council. The support of D. Morgan-Evans and A. Chadburn of English Heritage and H. Cave-Penney of Wiltshire County Council is gratefully acknow- ledged, as is the encouragement of C. Conybeare, then of Salisbury and South Wiltshire Museum, who first brought the site to our attention. The geophysical survey was undertaken by Geophysical Surveys of Bradford and the analytical field survey by M.C. Corney of the Salisbury Office of the Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England; permission to use the survey is gratefully acknowledged. Mr and Mrs N. Hayward of Eyewell Farm, Chilmark provided encouragement and practical help throughout the work. The illustrations in this Report are by J. Cross and S.E. James. The report was completed in 1994. Archive. The project archive has been deposited at Salisbury and South Wiltshire Museum, The King’s House, 65 The Close, Salisbury SP1 2EN. The site code is W401. 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Struck (ed.), Rémerzeitlicher Graber als Quellen zu Religion, Bevolkerungsstruktur und Soztalgeschichte, Archdologische Schriften des Institutes fir Vor- und Frihgeschichte der Johannes Gutenberg-Universitat Mainz 3, Mainz, 313-18 SWAN, V.G., 1971, “The coarse pottery’, in Wainwright 1971, 101-16 TROTTER, M., and GLESER, G.C., 1952 ‘Estimation of stature from long bones of American whites and negroes’, American Journal of Physical Anthropology 10 (4), 463-514 TROTTER, M., and GLESER, G.C., 1957 ‘A re-evaluation of estimation of stature based on measurements of stature taken during life and of long bones after death’, American Fournal of Physical Anthropology 16 (1), 79-123 VEEN, M., VAN DER, 1989 ‘Charred Grain Assemblages from Roman Period Corn Driers in Britain’, Archaeo- logical Fournal 146, 302-19 WAINWRIGHT, G.J., 1971, ‘The Excavation of Prehistoric and Romano-British Settlements near Durrington Walls, Wiltshire, 1970’, WAM 66, 76-128 WAKELY, J., MANCHESTER, K., and ROBERTS, C., 1991 ‘Scanning electron microscopy of rib lesions’, Jnter- national Fournal of Osteoarchaeology 1, 185-9 WEBB, P., OWINGS, A., and SUCHEY, J.M., 1985 ‘Ephphyseal union of the anterior iliac crest and medial clavicle in a modern multiracial sample of American males and females’, American Fournal of Physical Anthropology 68, 457-66 WEDDELL, G., 1939 ‘The frequency of double epiphyses in the metacarpals and metatarsals of man’, Journal of Anatomy 73, 360-1 WEDLAKE, W.J., 1982 The Excavation of the Shrine of Apollo at Nettleton, Wiltshire, 1956-1971, Reports of the Research Committee of the Society of Antiquaries of London 40, London 34 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE eS Sy Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol. 91 (1998), pp. 35-41 Medieval Hanging Bowls from Wiltshire by SUSAN YOUNGS with a contribution by BRUCE EAGLES Three recent finds of hanging bowl mounts are described and briefly considered in the light of earlier finds from the county. INTRODUCTION Each of the mounts described below was originally one of a matching set of three, or possibly four, made for attachment to the outside of a bowl, below the rim. The hooked ends held small rings from which the bowl could be suspended, a peculiar and defining feature of these early medieval vessels. The set could include a further internal and/or external mount on the base while the base itself character- istically had a recessed circular centre, occasionally decorated with incised compass-drawn patterns. As in the Wiltshire finds, bronze was the principal metal used for these bowls and their fittings and the mounts were often given a silvery finish which, where analysed, has proved to be tin. Probably the best known example of a complete hanging bowl was found with two others in the Anglo-Saxon ship burial at Sutton Hoo in Suffolk and many others have been found in Anglo-Saxon graves, the majority buried in the 7th century (see, z.a., Brenan 1991; and Bruce-Mitford forthcoming). Applied bowl mounts have traditionally been called ‘escutcheons’ or sometimes ‘prints’, terms which are themselves now obscure. Despite their recovery from furnished graves, hanging bowls were not of Anglo-Saxon manu- facture. Most bear decoration or have mounts modelled in a distinctively Celtic curvilinear style. They were also the products of a separate, non- germanic workshop tradition which includes the extensive use of enamel and the use of a lathe to make most of the bowls. We do not know what they were originally used for, but clearly they were precious and were made for the upper levels of society in the largely Christian territories outside the areas of Anglo-Saxon cultural domination. There is some controversy about whether these bowls were made in Britain or Ireland in the 6th and 7th centuries, but the distribution of bowls or their mounts, independent of Anglo-Saxon burials, and the absence of evidence of any other equivalent trading or exchange links with Ireland support the case for manufacture in Britain. An unfinished casting recovered from the River Avon at Seagry (see below) supports this contention and the only other manufacturing debris comes from the Pictish heartlands. The sheer variety of the mounts, exemplified by the examples below, suggests a number of manufacturing centres. Dating is difficult because while we are gradually improving the dating of the furnished graves in which many bowls have been found (which tells us about changing Anglo-Saxon attitudes in the late 6th and 7th centuries), it does not necessarily reveal the date of manufacture of individual bowls or mount types; for example, one of the most technically advanced bowls was deposited at Sutton Hoo in the 620s or *30s in a repaired state. Some bowls could therefore date from the second half of the 6th century (for a reappraisal of the dates of graves with hanging bowls see H. Geake, forthcoming). Most of the early bowl mounts are distinguished from a later series recovered from Viking graves by the use of solder for attachment instead of rivets. This is true of the three mounts discussed below which show no evidence of rivets. Detailed descriptions of these recent Wiltshire finds, listed according to prove- nance, are followed by a short gazetteer of other hanging bow] finds from the county and a discussion by Dr Bruce Eagles of their distribution. Chilton Foliat A hooked bird-shaped mount cast in leaded bronze, height 52mm, width 22mm, Devizes Museum accession no. 1996.34 (Figures la and 2a; qualitative Xray diffraction by Dr P.T. Craddock, British Museum Department of Scientific Research). The mount was found in 1994 by Douglas Wilson at Chilton Foliat, a short distance to the north of the 36 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Figure 1. Medieval hanging bowl mounts from Chilton Foliat (a), ‘Wiltshire’ (b) and below Waden Hill (c). Actual size. Drawing by Nick Griffiths River Kennet close to the Berkshire border. Other finds made in the vicinity of the findspot were principally of Roman and later medieval date. The piece is in excellent condition and shows no sign of any surface treatments or further decoration; the surface is now a uniform well patinated grey-green. The form is that of a bird with a long neck and the head very simply depicted by a thickened crown above angled notches towards the back of the neck; it is without eyes, the beak stepped to rest on the rim of a bowl. A collar 6mm high is moulded at the base of the neck. The body is modelled with the wings displayed and a broad tail and on the back is a raised flat disc. The back of the mount is slightly hollowed and rough with no evidence of solder surviving. The open-winged pose of this bird is without parallel among the rich sub-groups of bird-shaped mounts, another one of which is discussed below. While it is true that manufacture by a number of individual smiths produced many minor as well as major variations in the design of sets of bowl mounts, the Chilton Foliat mount is strikingly different and the form is unique. The pose recalls that of an Imperial eagle, part of the imagery of the Roman Empire, carried on the standards of the army, and an image which was adopted into the repertoire of the MEDIEVAL HANGING BOWLS FROM WILTSHIRE post-Roman west, most spectacularly in the gold and garnet jewellery of the Goths in the migration period where the body of the bird is also formed by a raised disc (Henderson 1987, 52). Here, however, the bird is seen from the back and although this is dictated by the construction of the bowl it also suggests a certain distance from any Imperial model. The lack of further ornament on the body or wings recalls, very distantly, the restrained decoration on the moulded birds on a bowl from York Castle (Brenan 1991, no. 15, 322-3). Like the openwork mounts from Faversham, Kent on which dolphins frame a Latin cross (Youngs 1989, 51), this looks to a Mediterranean model. Si More significant in the present case, an eagle ‘displayed, with wings inverted’ in heraldic terms, was taken into early Christian iconography. In Byzantuum the eagle was used as a type of Christ and in the western church as a symbol of the evangelist John. This is a context in which the bowl-mount should be considered because such objects were the products of Celtic societies at a time when most were officially Christian and had been long exposed to the associated artistic traditions of the Roman church. It is by no means clear how deeply the various kingdoms of Britain and Ireland had been pene- trated by Christianity and therefore whether all appropriate artistic motifs should be interpreted as Figure 2. Medieval hanging bowl mounts from Chilton Foliat (a); ‘Wiltshire’ (b); and below Waden Hill (c). Scale: approx. actual size. (Copyright: Trustees of the British Museum) 38 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE having Christian significance, particularly when there is an independent indigenous Celtic tradition of ornament which is largely abstract in late La Tene style, but the stance and style of this bird reflect an imported, post-Imperial tradtion. The pose is found again in the eagle symbol of the evangelist John in the Book of Durrow, a depiction commonly held to copy a metal original and usually dated to the last quarter of the 7th century (Henderson 1987, 52). A later bowl mount found in Tra, Hordaland in Norway, has a highly simplified and stylised circular body bearing a circular design and has a forked tail, but this wingless bird is more closely related to a small northern Irish series of flat compass-based mounts recently recovered from the _ River Blackwater. As in the case of the mounts with Latin crosses found at Faversham in Kent, the use of Mediterranean motifs suggest a Christian patron, but is not very helpful in pinning down the date of manufacture. Anywhere between 500 and 650 is arguable. River Kennet below Waden Hill A cast bronze hook mount, height 70mm, width 46.5mm (Figures lc and 2c) was found in soil dredged from the River Kennet below Waden Hill and opposite Silbury Hill. At present in private hands, the piece was seen and later published by Conor Newman (1989/90). It seems appropriate to include the mount in this group of new finds in the county journal and this is also an opportunity to express alternative views on its origin. The hook is in the form of a long neck and head, with a notch under the head to rest on the bowl rim but no detailing otherwise. A thick neck is decorated with curved lobes in low relief where it joins the main plate. The plate is decorated with a sub-rectangular panel of angled pointed ovals (some obscure), above a sub-circular field filled with four animal-headed spirals suspended from a stalk. At the centre there is an empty cell and four tendrils in relief run off from the spirals to fill the outer spaces of the design. All the recessed areas were originally filled with opaque red enamel, a little of which survives in a degraded whitish state. A small triangle of bronze runs in from the rim to fill a space in the top right-hand corner. This last detail is indicative of a quite careful but unstructured approach to the layout of ornament on this mount: overall symmetry has been abandoned. It is a clumsily executed piece in the tradition of the indigenous late Celtic La Tene style but here there are four simple, heavy spirals with stylised animal heads. Such heads are more finely depicted on a number of other hanging bowl mounts from, for example, Brill, Oxfordshire and the River Bann (unpublished; Youngs 1989, 52). The device of suspending four spirals from a stalk suggests that we are at the end of this tradition, where the basic geometry of what should have been compass-based decoration has been forgotten, or perhaps that craftsmen were coming under the influence of encroaching germanic art-styles, a process suggested elsewhere, for example, by the angular decoration and interlace of a bowl found at Lullingstone in Kent. When enamelled and mounted this would still have been an impressive piece. The mount was associated with a Roman coin and a curiously marked ball of Jurassic limestone, a stone foreign to the area. Recent survey work has located an extensive Romano-British settlement below Waden Hill (Corney 1997, fig. 1); although the majority of single mounts has been found in furnished Anglo-Saxon burials, a Roman coin would not be out of place in either context. It is difficult to assess whether the ‘degenerate’ but bold ornament indicates Anglo-Saxon influence on the smith and/or the end of a tradition, bearing in mind that the only workshop evidence we have comes from Craig Phadrig, Inverness-shire, with moulds for hybrid style ornament found at the Mote of Mark in Dumfriesshire. All these mounts could have been lost a long way from source. A date of manufacture in the first half of the 7th century is possible. ‘Wiltshire’ A stylised bird-shaped mount of leaded bronze with an oval body, height 48mm, width 17mm, ending in a tail with opposed scrolls like an Ionic volute (Figures 1b and 2b). It was acquired through a dealer and nothing further is known about the find spot beyond an attribution to the county (British Museum MLA 1992, 5—2,1). The head is bulbous with some corrosion damage and what appears to be a recess for one eye only; the beak has a flat undersurface to engage the rim of a bowl. The body is filled with a pattern of opposed spirals in pairs divided by a centre line and inlaid with discoloured enamel, as is the tail. This decoration is fine and controlled, in contrast to that of the River Kennet find. The back of the body is slightly hollow. There are a number of bowl mounts of similar form with a simple elongated oval used as a MEDIEVAL HANGING BOWLS FROM WILTSHIRE decorative field; one of the finest examples is from the rich Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Faversham, Kent (Youngs 1989, 51) and the type is seen in a rather later developed form on a bowl excavated in a coffin in St Paul-in-the-Bail, Lincoln (Bruce-Muitford 1993, 52, fig. 5.7(6-9)). The Wiltshire example appears to fit between these, judging by the development of the spiral ornament, although dating on art-historical grounds may be misleading when we know nothing of variations in centres of prod- uction. An educated guess would place this in the period 550-625. SHORT GAZETTEER OF OTHER WILTSHIRE FINDS Ford Down, Laverstock, (Salisbury Museum 18/1964): nearly complete bowl with three bird- shaped mounts (Musty 1969, 98-117; Brenan 1991, no.28). Seagry, River Avon, (Devizes Museum 86.1979): a bird-shaped bowl mount published by Malcolm Jones with discussion of other Wiltshire bowls and their possible functions (1980; Brenan 1991, no. 51). This mount was found in dredgings from the River Avon. It has an unfiled flange down one side, around the circular projection at the shoulder, and an excrescence of metal below the tail panel. It is unfinished but not a mis-casting; the attachment lugs at the shoulders are unpierced while the back is too rough to be soldered on to the surface of a bowl (observations made by Dr Paul Craddock, Department of Scientific Research British Museum). It was described as containing remnants of red enamel (Jones 1980, 191) and as inlaid with decayed yellow and green enamel by Brenan, who also remarked its ‘unfinished nature’, but there is no evidence for enamel amongst sandy deposits in the decoration. As an unfinished piece discarded before use it is unique evidence for manufacture in Britain outside Scotland. The attachment lugs were designed to replace solder and they are a late feature because they are also found on one other pre-Viking period bowl from Hadleigh Road, Ipswich which has a gilded base mount (Brenan 1991, no. 32; Plunkett 1994, 45 and back cover). This argues for both to have been manufactured in the mid to late 7th century. Wilton (Salisbury Museum, on loan): complete bowl with four openwork hook-mounts excavated during 39 sewerage works (WAM 10 (1867), 33; Brenan 1991, nos2). Related Material Liddington (Ashmolean Museum 1955.341): plough find ‘Bronze gilt object?; the surface channelled into scrolls, the hollows having been filled in with green enamel. This object ... was picked up on the surface of a ploughed field under Liddington Castle towards Medbourne’. (Passmore 1914, 584, pl.IV 5; Laing 1993, no. 181; Hirst and Rahtz 1996, 59). In the opinion of Reginald Smith it was ‘of the same date as enamelled bowl escutcheons’ which shows that he had rejected the possibility that this was a bowl mount. The form, a triangular field ending in a large disc, finds parallels in mounts from Chessell Down, Isle of Wight and Sarre, Kent (Brenan 1991, nos. 16 and 49) which are not enamelled. The broken top of the mount shows no signs of tapering to a hook, while the disc is pierced at the centre for a large rivet. Gilding is a late feature, only found on the bowl mount from Ipswich discussed above. These features support Smith’s view that the find is not from a bow]; it could be a bucket handle mount, although it is certainly of Celtic workmanship. Lushill, near Highworth (Swindon Museum 1977/ 161): substantial fragments of a thin bronze bowl which was accepted by Bruce-Mitford in 1962 as a hanging bowl, although the base is not recessed and there are no indications of lost suspension mounts (unpublished correspondence; Jones 1980, 190; information courtesy of J. Jefferson-Jones, Assistant Curator, Swindon Museum). The body was repaired in antiquity. In the light of subsequent work on other types of bronze bowls this is not a hanging bowl. Stanton St Bernard (Devizes Museum 73.1980): triskele mount with a central shank stump and decoration on both sides (Jones 1980, 191 and fig.2; Laing 1993, no. 185). Published as a bowl mount, this has been positively identified as an Iron Age harness fitting of Hunsbury type (Fell 1936, 66 no. 14, 92, pl.6B left). West Overton (Devizes WILTM:C 8600 ...): material from the disturbed fill of the central pit of mound 7, published as a Roman period cremation (Smith and Simpson 1964, 77-78, fig. 6). Early furnished Saxon burials were inserted into the barrows, some of which were badly disturbed (Eagles 1986). There has been some doubt about the date and nature of 40 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE the fragments of bronze sheeting in two gauges, parts of two circular bronze mounts, one with recessed curvilinear decoration which appears to be covered with silver, and a cast bronze ring with decorative moulding and slashing which has the fittings for two small strap attachments (ibid., fig. 6, 4 and 5). Despite the excavator’s comments none of these items appears to have been enamelled and the prominence of the slashing on the disc and ring make this unlikely. The disc fragments in thickness and detail are unlike other medieval bowl mounts; the original identification still stands. Acknowledgements. My thanks to Dr Bruce Eagles for information on other county finds, Nick Griffiths for the drawings, Mrs Jefferson- Jones and Sheila Raven for information, Dr Ian Maté for access to and information about the River Kennet find, Conor Newman for his publication and further help, Dr Paul Robinson for patiently waiting for me to publish the Chilton Foliat mount and for much help. Lynn Wootten, Assistant County Conservator for Wiltshire, kindly examined the Seagry bowl mount; Dr Helen Geake gave me access to her work in advance of publication; colleagues Dr Paul Craddock kindly looked at metal composition and at the Seagry mount, Valerie Rigby identified the Stanton St Bernard piece and Cathy Haith investigated parallels for the Lushill bowl. A Note on the Significance of the Distribution of the Celtic Mounts by BRUCE EAGLES These objects are distributed throughout much of Wiltshire: from Liddington, south of Swindon, to Wilton; and from Seagry to Chilton Foliat on the Berkshire border. The mount from Chilton Foliat provides further evidence for early medieval activity along the Kennet valley in Wiltshire. An entry in the Wiltshire SMR had been thought to relate to a spearhead from the same parish but the correct findspot of the weapon is in Berkshire (information kindly provided by Mrs P. Porter, Chilton Foliat). At Ramsbury, adjacent on the west, a 6th-century saucer brooch at Ridgelands hints at a site there, near the river (Eagles 1997, 381). The importance of the Kennet is underlined by the large-scale iron industry at Ramsbury in the middle Saxon period (Haslam 1980). Other pieces were found near Roman roads and one, from Liddington, by the Ridgeway. The findspot of the mount from below Waden Hill is by a ford on the road from Mildenhall (Cunetio) to Bath (Aquae Sulis). These locations suggest routes of transit of some of these Celtic products. The bowl from Ford is from a rich later 7th- century primary barrow burial by the road from Old Sarum (Sorviodunum) to Winchester (Venta Belgarum); other similarly located 7th-century barrows are known in Wessex and elsewhere (Eagles 1994, 25). Their positioning may have been connected with the growth in political power at that time and the need to control these vital arteries. The hanging-bowl from Wilton may hint at that place’s leading role among the Wilsaetan. The recovery of a mount from Seagry is of particular interest. Seagry lies well to the north-west of the known distribution of early Anglo-Saxon sites in the county. The most westerly of these follow an arc in a zone which reaches from Purton (Meaney 1964 or Eagles 1994 for this and other burial sites unless there is specific reference otherwise) in the north through, for example, Bassett Down (Lydiard Tregoze), Yatesbury (Cherhill), Roundway Down and Market Lavington to, in Somerset, Buckland Dinham, Camerton and Keynsham — which lies to the west of Bath and south of the Avon. The burials at Market Lavington (Williams and Newman, forthcoming; information kindly provided by Wessex Archaeology) and, probably, Bassett Down (Evison 1965, 39-40) began before AD 500. Other contexts —for example Yatesbury, Purton and the rich burials at Roundway Down and Keynsham — are 7th century. This raises the possibility that these sites mark a territorial limit which was already recognised in the late 5th century and was little changed a hundred or more years later. It is of note that there are two British penannular brooches, from Oldbury hillfort (Cherhill) which confronts this notional English territory, and from ‘near Calne’, a short distance further to the west (Youngs 1995). To the north-west there are only three known sites, all of which may be British, of this period in the county: at Kington St Michael (organic-tempered pottery); the possibly 6th-century settlement and _ probable church at Foxley, near Malmesbury; and Seagry. There is a similar dearth of early Anglo-Saxon sites in south Gloucestershire. It may be surmised, therefore, that an extensive territory, in which the putative Celtic workshop at Seagry could have operated, from Bath in the south to Chavenage (Avening) in the north and from the Bristol Channel in the west to Oldbury in the east remained in British hands until the 7th century. REFERENCES BRENAN, J., 1991 Hanging Bowls and their Contexts, BAR Brit. Ser. 220, Oxford BRUCE-MITFORD, R.L.S., 1993 ‘Late Celtic hanging-bowls in Lincolnshire and South Humberside’ in A. Vince (ed.), Pre-Viking Lindsey, Lincoln, 45—70 forthcoming ‘A Corpus of British Medieval Hanging Bowls, ed. S. Raven MEDIEVAL HANGING BOWLS FROM WILTSHIRE CORNEY, M., 1997 ‘New Evidence for the Romano-British Settlement by Silbury Hill’, WAM 90, 139-41 EAGLES, B.N., 1986 ‘Pagan Anglo-Saxon Burial at West Overton’, WAM 80, 103-119 — 1994 ‘The Archaeological Evidence for Settlement in the Fifth to Seventh Centuries AD’, in M. Aston and C. Lewis (eds.), The Medieval Landscape of Wessex, Oxbow Monograph 46, Oxford, 13—32 — 1997 ‘The Area Around Bedwyn in the Anglo-Saxon Period’, in E. Hostetter and T.N. Howe (eds.), The Romano-British Villa at Castle Copse, Great Bedwyn, Bloomington and Indianapolis, 378—97 EVISON, V.1., 1965 The Fifth-century Invasions South of the Thames, London FELL, C.I. 1936 “The Hunsbury Hill Fort, Northampton- shire: A new survey of the material’, Arch. F 93, 57-100 GEAKE, H., forthcoming ‘When were Hanging Bowls Deposited in Anglo-Saxon Graves?’, Medieval Archaeology HASLAM, J., 1980 ‘A Middle Saxon Iron Smelting Site at Ramsbury, Wiltshire’, Medieval Archaeology 24, 1-68 HENDERSON, G., 1987 From Durrow to Kells. The Insular Gospel-books 650-800, London HIRST, S., and RAHTZ, P., 1996 ‘Liddington Castle and the Battle of Badon: Excavations and Research 1976’, Arch. 153, 1-59 41 JONES, M., 1980 ‘Hanging Bowls, new Wiltshire Evidence’, WAM 74/75, 190-94 LAING, L., 1993 A Catalogue of Celtic Ornamental Metalwork in the British Isles c_AD 400-1200, BAR British Series 229, Oxford MEANEY, A., 1964 A Gazetteer of Early Anglo-Saxon Burial Sites, London MUSTY, J.,; 1969 ‘The Excavation of Two Barrows, One of Saxon Date at Ford, Laverstock near Salisbury’, Antiquaries Journal 49, 98-117 NEWMAN, C., 1989/90 ‘Notes on Some Irish Hanging Bowl Escutcheons’, The Journal of Irish Archaeology V, 45-48 PASSMORE, A.D., 1914 ‘Liddington Castle, Camp’ WAM 38, 576-584 PLUNKETT, S.J., 1994 Guardians of the Gipping. Anglo- Saxon Treasures from Hadleigh Road, Ipswich, Ipswich SMITH, I.F., and SIMPSON, D.D.A., 1964 ‘Excavation of Three Roman Tombs and a Prehistoric Pit on Overton Down’, WAM 59, 68-85 WILLIAMS, P.W., and NEWMAN, R., forthcoming ‘Excavations at Market Lavington’, Wessex Archaeology Report Series YOUNGS, S.M., (ed.), 1989 ‘The Work of Angels’. Masterpieces of Celtic Metalwork, 6th—9th century AD, London 1995 ‘A Penannular Brooch from near Calne, Wiltshire’, WAM 88, 127-31 Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol. 91 (1998), pp. 42-56 Malmesbury Abbey: The Sculpture of the South Entrance by RITA WOOD There are sufficient links with the Order of Cluny to suggest that it was the arrival of Abbot Peter Moraunt and his train c.1141 that made possible the conception of the scheme for the porch entrance. Manuscripts in the abbey’s library may have fired their imagination to produce this particular plan, which united their Cluniac past with the Anglo-Saxon past of Malmesbury. There is evidence that influences from here were transferred to Yorkshire in the late 1150s. MALMESBURY ABBEY IN THE MID 12TH CENTURY The Benedictine abbey at Malmesbury, with its pre- Conquest library’ and shrine of St Aldhelm, was no doubt a focus of pilgrimage even before the consecration of the great new church in the latter half of the 12th century. The main lay entrance was by the south door to the nave, and was provided with a spacious porch. In the 14th century the porch had its outside walls thickened as if to take a tower and this caused a moulded arch, using old ‘Malmesbury beast’ end-stops, to be added outside the original archway. Some 40 years before the Dissolution, the Gothic spire at the crossing blew down in a gale, ruining the chancel and transepts. Later, the west tower fell and reduced the nave, now the parish church, by a third. However, the south entrance, which was arguably the greatest achievement of the medieval craftsmen, has survived through the changes of eight centuries to delight modern pilgrims and to puzzle art historians (Figure 1). This entrance has one of the most attractive sculptural schemes remaining from the Romanesque period in England.’ The archway outside, of eight continuous orders,’ had 78 separate subjects carved 1. N.R. Ker, Medieval Libraries in Great Britain (2nd. edn., 1964), p.128; J Aubrey, Collections for the Natural and Topographical History of Wiltshire, quoted in K. Ponting, Wiltshire Portraits (Bradford-on-Avon, 1975), p.28, telling how in this area after the Dissolution ‘the manuscripts flew about like butterflies’; school books were covered with them and barrels bunged. This paper makes extensive references to L. Kalinowski, ‘The Frieze at Malmesbury’ in The Romanesque Frieze and its Spectator, (ed.) D. Kahn (1992), pp.84-96 and 198-201. The author is further indebted to its plates and footnotes. See also M. Q. Smith, The Sculptures of the South Porch of Malmesbury Abbey (Minety, 1975); H. Brakspear, ‘Malmesbury Abbey’, Archaeologia, Second Series, 14 (1912), pp.399-436. bo in exquisite detail and arranged in three orders, alternating with decorative patterns in the remaining orders. Inside the porch there are two impressive groups of apostles on the side walls and a tympanum with Christ and angels over the door. Compared with the frieze on the west front of Lincoln cathedral, for example, the Malmesbury sculpture is undisturbed, relatively complete and easy to see from ground level. Apart from some losses on the exterior archway by breakage at the lowest levels and by erosion higher up, the sculpture is still remarkably legible. The south entrance is a three-dimensional experience in architectural form as well as in sculpture: no photograph or plan can do it justice. Moreover, a visitor today must add to the glory that remains, the beauty of lost forms and colour.* While details of the sculpture may be compared with a multitude of other artworks,’ the porch as a whole has few parallels. There is nothing else like it in England, and ‘the most important but fortuitous parallel is with the famous south porch of Moissac, the Cluniac abbey near Toulouse’.° That work is thought to have been developed in two stages, around 1115 and 1135. Since the church at the abbey in Wiltshire was probably not started until at least 1145, there might seem to be little possibility of 3. A round-headed Romanesque doorway recedes to the opening in a series of concentric steps or ‘orders’. Each order is usually made up of sides or ‘jambs’, capitals, impost and arches. In the south entrance the orders run continuously from the plinth round the arches and back down again without capitals-or imposts. . 4. M.Q. Smith, op. cit., p.8. 5K. J. Galbraith, “The Iconography of the Biblical scenes at Malmesbury Abbey’, Journal of the British Archaeological Assoc. 28 (1965), pp. 39-56; G. Zarnecki, Later English Romanesque Sculpture 1140-1210 (1953), pp.40-43. 6. M. Q. Smith, op. cit., pp.7-8. MALMESBURY ABBEY: THE SCULPTURE OF THE SOUTH ENTRANCE 43 Figure 1. A view of the porch at Malmesbury Abbey, after a watercolour drawing by Thomas Hearne. Engraved for Britton’s Architectural Antiquities of Great Britain, vol.1 (1807) a direct connection between these already distant sites. However, there are hints in the few written records remaining and in the work itself which, combined, can connect the Cluniacs to the work of the porch at Malmesbury. The order was a Benedictine one at the height of its power and wealth in the first half of the 12th century, but little remains 7. R.B. Lockett, ‘A Catalogue of Romanesque Sculpture from the Cluniac Houses in England’, fournal of the British Archaeological Assoc., Third Series, 34 (1971), pp. 43-61 and plates. A map of Cluniac houses of the English province is in of its priories in England.’ It was a centralised organisation with all its houses subject to the abbey in Burgundy. At Cluny every monk took his vows, and the heads of the various houses met regularly, so that the culure of the order had an unusual unity. ‘Love of art was one of Cluny’s claims to greatness’® and the order’s influence in the arts was active and C. V. Bellamy, ‘Excavations 1957-61’, Publications of the Thoresby Society, no.110 (1962-4), fig.1. 8. E. Male, Religious Art in France, the Twelfth Century (Princeton, 1978) p. Xxx. 44 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE powerful. It attracted rich patrons and, in contrast to the Cistercians, sought to use every form of art lavishly in worship, church furnishing and building. This art was not just for decoration: Cluniac art ‘added philosophy to ornament, and a meaning to beauty’.’ In discussing the building at Malmesbury, Christopher Wilson’® lists nine distinctive features which ‘must be ascribed to the influence of Burgundian Romanesque architecture’, and links these features to the abbacy (1141-c. 1158/9) of Peter Moraunt. This man had formerly been a monk of Cluny and, according to Florence of Worcester, had held some office at the Cluniac priory of La Charité- sur-Loire. He was appointed Abbot of Malmesbury in 1141 by Henry of Blois, Bishop of Winchester and himself a former monk at Cluny. Katharine Galbraith! considered ‘it is decidedly more tempt- ing to associate the imagination of the building programme with the more outstanding personal- ity of Peter’ than with his colourless successor, Gregory (?1159-1168).'° Unfortunately, William of Malmesbury, who would have chronicled these things, died c.1143 and there is no written evidence as to the organiser of the building or of the sculpture. The porch scheme would have involved many specialists and needed lengthy preparation. Building plans could have been started in the 1140s under the new abbot and put into action at the end of the anarchy in 1154, if not earlier.'’ It is usually assumed that a monastic church was commenced at the east end with the parts used by the community and, if so, the south entrance would pre-date the west front and its less important doorway. A letter from Pope Alexander III has survived concerning a dispute over which bishop had the right to dedicate the church." This letter may date from 1177, but it does not make clear whether the church was finished or still being built at the time. ‘Medieval consecrations are notoriously uncertain evidence for building activity!’ and it is more useful to search for clues in the building itself. The architecture and sculpture 9. J. Evans, Cluniac Art of the Romanesque Period (Cambridge, 1950), pp.23-24. 10. C. Wilson, “The Sources of the late twelfth-century work at Worcester Cathedral’, British Archaeological Assoc. Conference Trans. 1975 (Leeds, 1978), pp. 3 and 88; idem, English Romanesque Art 1066-1200, Exh. Cat., Arts Council (1984), p.37. 11. K. J. Galbraith, ‘The Sculptural Decoration of Malmesbury Abbey’ (MA thesis, Univ. of London, 1962), p.15. 12. The Heads of Religious Houses in England and Wales, 940-1216, eds. D. Knowles, C. N. L Brooke and V. London (Cambridge, 1972), p.55. 13. Brakspear, op. cit. in note 2, pp.400-401, suggests that after the death of Roger, Bishop of Sarum, in Dec.1139 and a letter from have features which might justify a date as late as 1170 or 1180'° if they were English work but, if the project were organised by a Cluniac team with French craftsmen, the date could be earlier because French styles and technical proficiency were more advanced. Cluniac art, like Romanesque art generally, was eclectic. Nevertheless, when many of its favourite themes and motifs are found together at a particular site, the presence of the order may be suspected. The monks produced learned schemes, the meaning of which may not be obvious but is likely to be orthodox. Several Cluniac ‘finger-prints’, discussed by Joan Evans,’’ are to be found at Malmesbury. For example, they used any locally-available masons to carry out their work, since a higher value was put on content and meaning than on unity of style or what we might call beauty. In the porch geometric patterns common in the Cotswolds are used to border the curve of the central tympanum, and patterns from the Saintonge™ in the arch above. The range of patterns in Cluniac work was especially rich. They were among the earliest to use profuse foliage patterns in sculpture, and on the south entrance there are seven or more orders with such patterns. Many Cluniac works include a cusped border pattern, which is sometimes simple, as on the marble altar slab found in the ruined abbey-church known as Cluny III, sometimes elaborated with trefoil lobes, as over the main entrance to that church.'’ A very similar pattern to the latter is used at Malmesbury along the lower edge of the tympanum over the door (see Figure 8). Large rosettes similar to the paterae on the exterior clerestory jambs at Malmesbury were also used at the entrance to Cluny III and can still be seen on the tower of the church of La Charité-sur-Loire.” Decorative pierced arcading, as on the benches on which Malmesbury’s apostles sit, is another pattern seen in Cluniac work. A faceted ground pattern is used at Malmesbury on the arches of the second bay of the arcades, and a similar pattern is seen in a Pope Innocent II in 1142, revenues were restored to the abbey, making possible the building of the great church. 14. Galbraith, op.cit. in note 5, pp.39 and 56. 15. T. S. R. Boase, in H. Grivot and G. Zarnecki, Gislebertus, Sculptor of Autun (London, 1961), p.12. 16. Galbraith, op. cit. in note 5, pp.39,40. 17. Evans, op. cit. 18. G. Zarnecki, op. cit., in note 5, figs. 95,96. The Saintonge forms part of the modern departement of Charente-Maritime. 19. Altar slab: Evans, op. cit., in note 5, fig.130. Cluny II entrance: K. J. Conant, Cluny, Les Eglises et la Maison du Chef d’Ordre (Macon, 1968), Planche XXI, figs. 28,29; Male, op. cit. p.382 and ill. 272. 20. See Brakspear, op. cit. in note 2, fig. 3; H. Focillon, The Art of the West: Romanesque (Oxford, 1963), ill. 70. MALMESBURY ABBEY: THE SCULPTURE OF THE SOUTH ENTRANCE 45 Figure 2. Sketch of the head of St Peter on the western lunette within the porch, showing the tonsure fragment from the tympanum of the west door of Gluny Tn.2"~ Elongated figures, especially of angels, were features of the great Cluniac and Cluny-inspired tympana at Moissac, Cluny III itself, Vézelay and Autun. Such figures are more sinuous than the strongly-articulated ‘Anglo-Saxon’ figures — compare the two pairs of angels in the porch. The motif of apostles holding books was used in Eastern and Celtic art, and widely in the west at this time. It featured on one of Cluny’s own altar frontals, in St Hugh’s chapel at Berzé-la-Ville and at Charlieu in frescoes. Walter Cahn” suggests that the increasing use of the motif was a reaction to political tensions following the Gregorian reforms and that, by the apostles displaying the Scriptures it was intended to show that the Church wielded a higher power than that of earthly rulers. The Cluniacs, who were especially close to the Papacy, particularly promoted St Peter as a symbol of the power committed to the Church. St Peter, on the western lunette within the 21. Vetusta Monumenta, vol. 5, Soc. of Antiquaries of London (1835), plate IX, fig. 17; Conant, op. cit. in note 19, pl. LXXXIII, fig. 191. 22. W. Cahn, Romanesque Bible Illumination (New York, 1982), p.104. 23. Zarnecki, op. cit. in note 5, p.41. 24. T. S. R. Boase, English Art 1100-1216 (Oxford, 1953), p.209. 25. Galbraith, op. cit. in note 11, p.3, appreciates the presence of ‘a complete theological programme’. On_ pp.147-157, she discusses ‘the nature of the programme as a whole’. Not finding evidence of a typological scheme, she suggests the Biblical scenes were chosen for the purpose of historical narrative. Because the characters of the central arch (Noah, Abraham, Moses, Samson and David) are mentioned in Hebrews 11, she looks for evidence that the entrance might display the doctrine porch at Malmesbury, is clean-shaven and tonsured as were priests and monks at this time (Figure 2), and has a dominating aspect and almost regal posture. There are therefore many indications of a Cluniac presence in the porch sculpture. A 10TH-CENTURY POEM It is generally accepted that the outer archway and the inner porch are ‘of one date’? most clearly because similar sources for figure styles and patterns are used throughout. T. S. R. Boase appreciates the entrance as an artistic whole and describes the sculpture within the porch as ‘a fitting climax to all the slender elaboration of the outer doorway’.** More in keeping with Cluniac influence than mere artistic unity would be the existence of a logical teaching scheme for the complete entrance.” It is suggested that just such a programme is present and was inspired by a long narrative poem written by St Odo, Abbot of Cluny from 927 to 942. ‘His Occupatio gives a vast scheme of the history of salvation ... The essential evolutionary stages are the creation, the fall and the incarnation. The culminating point is the pentecost, when the Holy Spirit created the ideal community. Monasticism fulfills this final evolu- tionary stage.’ There must have been many narra- tives following this historical pattern. For example, Jean Leclercq notes that Laurance of Durham in the 12th century wrote a long biblical poem, the Hypognosticon, similar to that of Odo of Cluny.” Elsewhere, Leclercq describes how monks had a particular sense of history, keeping alive the greatest achievements of their predecessors by their own reading and meditation.” The seven Books, or sections, of Odo’s narrative, as described by Swoboda, Morghen and Hallinger, fit well to successive parts of the entrance (Figure 3). The biblical subjects on the exterior arches are closely paralleled by Books 2 to 6 of the Occupatio. Book 2 is on the condition of man and original sin and Book 3 on the expulsion from the earthly of faith and redemption as set out in that book, but is not convincing. 26. Odonis abbatis Cluniacensis Occupatio, (ed.) A. Swoboda (Leipzig, 1900). Also in Patrilogia Latina (Pat. Lat.) tome 133. There is no published translation of this difficult text. See also Cluniac Monasticism in the Central Middle Ages, (ed.) Noreen Hunt (London, 1971) which includes: R. Morghen, ‘Monastic Reform and Cluniac Spirituality’, (first published in Italian), pp. 11-28 and K. Hallinger, “The Spiritual Life of Cluny in the Early Days’, (first published in German), pp. 29-55. The quotation here is taken from Hallinger, p.33. 27 J. Leclercq, in The Cambridge History of the Bible, vol.2, p.190. 28. J. Leclercq, The Love of Learning and the Desire for God (New York, 1961), pp. 156-160; “The saints are, for them, intimate friends and living examples.’ (p.159). 46 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Books 6, 7 Figure 3. Simplified diagram of the south entrance showing its relationship to the seven Books of Odo’s text. Left: the outer archway. C, The Creator calling to Adam and Eve; A, The Annunciation; X, The Entry into Jerusalem; P, Pentecost; V, V, Virtues and Vices of the Psychomachia. The shaded area is shown in detail in Figure 4. Right: inside the porch. The doorway with its surrounding continuous orders, the side walls and the lunettes with the apostles. Figures 3 and 4 omit intervening patterned orders on the outer archway paradise and the increasing corruption of human nature: these parts of the poem are illustrated on the inner arch of figurative sculpture by the stories of Creation, Fall and Cain and Abel. Book 4 on the patriarchs and the natural and the Mosaic law corresponds to the middle order of figurative carvings, which shows events in the lives of Noah, Abraham, Moses, Samson and David. Book 5 is on the mystery of the Incarnation and Book 6 on the institution of the Eucharist and the triumph of Christ through his Death and Ascension, and the Pentecost: these subjects fill the outermost figurative arch. The subjects of the central medallions, God the Creator calling to Adam and Eve (C) and The Entry into Jerusalem (X), accord with the text suggested and, with Christ facing outwards to the spectator, give a desirable symmetry. The turning-points of the Annunciation (A) and the Pentecost (P) punctuate the arch as they do Odo’s narrative. The Occupatio could be said to be written in what Odo himself elsewhere called his ‘grandiose’ style.” Such a learned text could hardly be followed in detail by carvings. The poem had been ‘aimed at limited spiritual circles’*’ but the south entrance to the nave was to be used by an illiterate public, and consider- ation was given to this when planning the subjects to be carved. There are several examples of the careful preparation which went into this project. According 29. F. Gerard Sitwell (ed. and trans.), St. Odo of Cluny (1958), pp.92-93. 30. Morghen, op. cit. in note 26, p.22. 31. Galbraith, op. cit. in note 5, pp. 47-48. 32. The reference figures and letters used here are taken from the most recent description, that in M. Q. Smith, op. cit., where the to Swoboda, Book 4 of the Occupatio ends with the promise of redemption. In literature, it is very effective to present this both as a longing and a prophecy, but translating these intangible hopes into dramatic scenes is not easy. In art the actual event provides the more striking image, and so, in the carvings, the Annunciation is introduced to the narrative of the life of Christ. The richness of the Anglo-Saxon drawings in the abbey’s library probably exerted their influence, for not only were they models for many if not all of the scenes in the arches, but they could have inspired some of the subjects. For instance, it seems that Odo did not mention Samson (though he was a ‘judge’ and leader of the people) but the carvings include the popular episode of Samson wrestling with the Lion, and other Samson stories as well. Pre-Conquest, Anglo-Saxon sources are suggested for these scenes by Galbraith.” The neat correlation of subjects on the outer arches with sections of the poem encourages a search for parallels to Books 1 and 7 in the remainder of the sculpture. Book 1 of the Occupatio deals with the creation of the angels and the fall of the rebel angels. Below the springing of the arch, the two inner orders of figurative carvings in the jambs are set in 32 circular medallions (Figure 4).** Of eight medallions in the top two rows, five contain angels. No certain interpretation is known for the three other medallions medallions on the inner jambs are referred to as I to XXXII, and the Virtues and Vices on the outer jambs as A to H. Photographs and negatives of the sculpture of the entrance, dating probably from the 1940s and taken by Mr. O. Fein for Professor Saxl, are kept at the Warburg Institute. 47 THE SCULPTURE OF THE SOUTH ENTRANCE MALMESBURY ABBEY film, and from -site tracings onto acetate . From 13 on ive medallions bs with figurat inner jam Figure 4. The outer archway 22-23cm in or approx. 91 photographs (IV, VI, VII, XXII, XXVIII). Diameter of medallions 48 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Figure 5. Drawings of Medallions on the south doorway at Brayton (Yorkshire). Left: the Foolish Virgin (compare XXX in Figure 4). Right: the Wise Virgin, with torch and rising from a stool (compare XXVIII). Diameter of medallions 6/%in or 15cm and 6% in or 16cm respectively in these rows, but it is suggested that the pair of standing figures (VII) might refer to those ‘elect men (who) will replace the reprobrate angels’, as Anselm states in Cur Deus Homo. There may be some illustration of the fall of an unfaithful angel in the disorderly outlines of medallion XXXII. The pair of addorsed animals (XV) are not Zodiacal, as has been suggested, but are invented creatures having beaked heads (one of which is broken), fingered paws and simple tails which are held low under the body.” Morghen summarises the subject of Book 7 as a call to penitence, and a warning of the coming Judgment. It will be shown that the remaining parts of the jambs have subjects which could have been used in teaching moral behaviour. It is well-known that the outer jambs on either side had eight carvings derived from illustrations to the Psychomachia and showing Virtues defeating Vices (see Figure 3, V,V; Figure 9). Of the total of 32 medallions on the inner jambs, the upper eight have just been discussed. The lowest three rows, above the plinths and containing 33. This beast also occurs at Alne and. perhaps at Wighill (both Yorkshire). At Bradbourne (Derbyshire) it alarms the watchful cranes and therefore has some evil connotation on that doorway. 12 medallions, have long been illegible or broken away. The remaining 12 medallions are illustrated in Figure 4. On the left of the entrance, the first medallion has The Wanton or Lust punished by snakes (VI). Adjacent to that are a dancer (XIV) and a musician (V), two figures which occur at Barfreston (Kent) where accompanying animals indicate the fallen nature of their performances. The peacock CXIIT) is a creature which is variously moralised: the bestiary of Physiologus says it wakes with a cry after dreaming it had lost its beauty (or soul) in the night (the world). Medallion IV appears to be the Zodiac sign Pisces, but there is no need to suppose it is intended as a calendar subject because each sign had alternative interpretations. For example, in writing of Pisces about 1120 in his Livre des Créatures, Philippe de Thaun taught that as fish desire water, so our Creator wishes all men would desire repentance. De Thaun’s interpretation of the sign Sagittarius as Christ is used at several English churches. The sign Pisces and the labour for February when used at err RR ay ee MALMESBURY ABBEY: THE SCULPTURE OF THE SOUTH ENTRANCE 49 Bishop Wilton (Yorkshire) refer to Biblical texts about St Peter.** To the right of the entrance are two medallions, each with a standing woman (XXX, XXVIII). There is very little of the top figure left, but the outline is reminiscent of the stance and the dress with hanging knotted cuffs of the Foolish Virgin at Brayton (Yorkshire, Figure 5). With that parable in mind (Matt. 25: 1-13), the lower figure could be read as a Wise Virgin, who would have held a lamp, or torch as at Brayton. The pair of standing figures (XXII) and the seated figures (XXII and XII) are too worn to decipher, but may have indicated virtuous behaviour. This section of the porch contains a selection of illustrations taken from various sources and requiring different modes of interpretation, but all potentially depicting moral themes. Such subjects accord with the content of Book 7 of the Occupatio where it describes the vices which lead man astray, and reminds the reader of the punishment waiting for the wicked and the rewards promised to the good and penitent. The carving on the outer archway is small-scale and invites close attention. Seen in daylight and in its original colours, it would have made ideal teaching material. However, it is apparent that none of the themes is completed. The Biblical scenes stop short at Pentecost. The Psychomachia was usually abbreviated like this at the time, though the drama does not end with the individual victories shown here but with the co-operative ‘building of a symbolic temple, in which Sapientia is enthroned .. . bearing a symbol of her tumelessness’.” The earthly- life subjects which survive on the jambs do not allude to the presence or authority of the Church, which was the source of moral guidance, or to the Judgment which comes at the end of time. THE SCULPTURE INSIDE THE PORCH The Occupatio describes the mission of the Church at the end of Book 6 and variously in Book 7. The imminent end of the world and a vision of the coming Judge are described in Book 7. These 34. For the Psychomachia at Malmesbury, see M. Q. Smith, op. cit., p.11. For the Wanton, see A. Katzenellenbogen, Allegories of the Virtues and Vices in Medieval Art (1939), pp. 58, 59 and fig. 56; also Evans, op. cit., figs. 104a and 104b. For Barfreston, see Zarnecki, op. cit., fig. 87. For the peacock, see E. P. Evans, Animal Symbolism in Ecclesiastical Architecture (1896), pp. 311- 312. For Pisces and Sagittarius, see Philippe de Thaun, ‘Livre des Créatures’, Popular Treatises on Science in the Middle Ages (ed. and trans.) T. Wright (1841), p.35 ez. seq. 35. Katzenellenbogen, op. cit. in note 34, p.3. subjects, which are lacking outside, could reasonably be expected to be supplied by the sculpture inside the porch. The boldness of the work and the sense of enclosure, together with the possibility of artificial lighting, hint at a more dramatic and forceful impression being aimed at, but such urgency would be in keeping with the tenor of Odo’s text. However, the subject of the inner sculpture is uncertain. It is most recently discussed in print by Lech Kalinowski, who thinks that the Ascension is indicated, whereas George Zarnecki has described the central theme as Christ in Glory.*° That there can be uncertainty when the sculpture is in such good condition could indicate that standard iconography has undergone monastic re-working. Visitors find it physically difficult to consider all three areas of sculpture within the porch as one ‘picture’. The pieces have a relationship expressed in their common base-line, but enough separation to suggest that the apostle-lunettes and the tympanum over the door might have distinct, though connected, meanings. There are further difficulties with the suggestion that the three areas should be seen together as the Ascension. They do not present a literal version of the event, as, for example, is seen at Toulouse on the Porte Miegeville, using Greek iconography, or at Cahors, with the more familiar Western content.* In contrast to the description in Acts, the apostles do not look up. Four pairs of apostles seem to be discussing together, and two others have their heads averted downwards, as if in contemplation. Five have their heads turned in the direction of Christ, but perhaps only St Paul does actually look at him. St Paul was not at the Ascension, which happened before his conversion.” Further, traditional depictions of the Ascension, as in Ottonian illuminations and the York or Hunterian Psalter of c.1170, include the Virgin Mary in a central position: she is not present at Malmesbury. Although in medieval times the Virgin Mary was understood to have an important role throughout the earthly life of Jesus, at the Pentecost and later in recounting her experience to the apostles, she was 36. Kalinowski, op. cit., pp.85-86; G. Zarnecki, ‘English twelfth- century sculpture and its resistance to St. Denis’, Studies in Romanesque Sculpture (1979) III, pp. 88-89. 37. Galbraith, op. cit. in note 11, p.144, describes the ‘dismembered’ nature of the composition within the porch. 38. Male, op. cit., fig. 42; fig. 86. 39. Dr Rosalie Green comments in a letter that ‘St. Paul may appear (by prolepsis) in scenes from the life of Christ’. 50 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE | \—i a : / HF oh S : Me Cl ane a i ae ey TIAA Figure 6. Chartres Cathedral: sketch diagram of the north portal of the Portail Royal. Voussoirs have Zodiac signs and Labours of the Months not considered to have been active in the public mission of the Church to the world. Kalinowski mentions the fact that the Abbey had a church founded by St Aldhelm which was dedicated ‘ honour of our Saviour (to) St. Peter and St. Paul’. The order of Cluny was also dedicated to St Peter and St Paul and so it may be that a subject was chosen that could include both patron saints, but did not include the Virgin.” It is to Chartres cathedral that authorities turn for parallels to the iconography of the inner porch sculpture.*’ On the Portail Royal or west facade” there are three portals with tympana, the northern one of which is usually said to have as its subject The Ascension (Figure 6). If so, this is another Ascension without the Virgin, a remarkable omission at this 40. Kalinowski, op. cit., p.88, note 11, regarding the ancient church dedicated to St Peter and St Paul; note 12, another church within the precinct, dedicated to the Virgin and built by Abbot Aelfric (977-982). 41.F. Saxl, English Sculpture of the Twelfth Century (ed.) H. Swarzenski (1954), p.58; G. Zarnecki, Romanesque Lincoln: the Sculpture of the Cathedral (Hertford, 1988), pp.63-4, 81-2 Kalinowski, op. cit., p.199, note 14, gives further sources. 42. P. Kadson and U. Pariser, The Sculpture of Chartres (1958), plate 11 for detail of dove. The date of the Portail Royal is c.1145-1155. 43. Kalinowski, op. cit., p.199, notes 14 and 16. Gaibraith, op. cit. in note 5, p.53. 44. Kalinowski, op. cit., p.200, note 17. Active apostles are seen on other French tympana, notably at Vézelay, Angouléme and ancient shrine of the Mother of God. However, Willibald Sauerlander has drawn attention to the dove of the Holy Spirit in the first order above the tympanum, while Katharine Galbraith mentions the fact that Ascension and Pentecost were feasts whose celebrations were united in earlier times.*’ Pentecost is the greater feast, and must therefore have been intended as the main subject of the portal. This biblical and liturgical association can be read directly from the carving, which is inevitably dominated by the standing human figure, Christ. That He is ascending is evident from the action of the dove descending from above — ‘but if I go, I will send him to you’ (John 16: 7b). The dove in its original state, complete with its head and wings and probably painted and gilded in white and gold, would have been eye-catching and the second focus of attention. Following the dove’s flight, the eye would next go down to the lintel and to the apostles, who are therefore to be seen, not gazing up at their ascending Lord but as if empowered and activated by the coming of the Spirit. The repetitive angels on the upper register of the lintel are noticed last, and seem to add to the activity among the men. The twisting and alert figures of the apostles on this north portal are a contrast to the more conventional apostles on the lintel of the central portal, beneath the Majesty, who do not make violent or expressive gestures but are seen in heaven in state, with all done and nothing to fear from the Judge, with whom they sit as assessors (Matt. 19: 28). The figures on the north portal, impulsive earthly men, more nearly represent the immediately post-Pentecost apostles of Acts 2: 12-18." This revised interpretation of the north portal of the Portail Royal at Chartres as showing the apostles as the young missionary Church is an important clue to the meaning of the inner porch sculpture at Malmesbury. Comparing the two works, there are many of the same features, but at Malmesbury there is no dove of the Holy Ghost, for Pentecost is past, and St Paul, the apostle to the Gentiles, is Mars (Niévre). Vézelay and the Cluny lectionary, fol. 79v, are linked by Male, op. cit., pp.327-8, figs. 231, 232; p.498, notes 47-49, and interpreted as showing the Pentecost. However, the text he quotes is actually Luke 24:49. This records Christ’s commission of the apostles in Jerusalem before ‘he departed from them’ (Luke 24:51). J. Evans, Monastic Life at Cluny, 910- 1157 (Oxford, 1931), p.116, describes the miniature as being for the feast of the ‘Commission of the Apostles’. Whatever the version followed at Vézelay, action fills the tympanum. An Anglo-Saxon drawing, dated to the second half of the 11th century and perhaps from Worcester, shows apostles active preaching the word, see E. Temple, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, 900-1066, (London, 1976), fig. 58. MALMESBURY ABBEY: THE SCULPTURE OF THE SOUTH ENTRANCE 51 introduced. These changes distinguish the later phase of Mission from the actual Pentecost. At several points in his study of the ‘frieze’, Kalinowski approaches a recognition of this meaning: “The apostles ... make a terrestrial complement to His divine glory, and represent the eternal Christian society founded by Him’ and ‘In both (the Malmesbury reliefs and the Chartres north portal), the future mission of the disciples of Christ is virtually anticipated.... Kalinowski also gives quotations which show that the liturgy itself did not linger looking up at the Ascension, but moved on rapidly to the sequel, which was that the apostles should ‘go into all the world and preach the gospel to the whole creation’ (Mark 16: 15) and prepare it for ‘the end’ (1 Peter 4: 7). Like the liturgy, the iconography presents the Church in its mission to the world. Odo’s emphasis on monasticism has been tempered by the fact that since he wrote the Occupatio in about 924 the dreaded millennium had come and gone. With the passing of time, the Church under the Pope was seen as the ideal community, supervising the age between Pentecost and the End. Odo’s text, as well as mentioning the apostles in relation to events in Acts, also used ‘Peter’ and ‘Paul’ as symbolic of the Church. For example, in Book 7, lines 116-120, they grieve for the many who have lapsed after baptism. At Malmesbury, the apostles headed by Peter as a monk or priest therefore represent the Church. Their placing on the side walls indicates the historical position of the apostolic Church between Pentecost (the last of the Biblical scenes on the exterior arches) and the Judgment to come. Their elevation to the level of the scriptures and the heavenly vision expresses a continuity of spiritual purpose and power. The earthbound pilgrim, having studied the displays of biblical and moral subjects outside, comes to stand in the centre of the porch, and finds the almost life-size apostles above and around to direct and protect him. The wide band of decoration in three continuous orders at the door distinguishes the historic Church from the heavenly vision. Once coloured, this band 45. The quotations from Kalinowski’s study of the ‘frieze’ are from pp.88 and 91. For the ambivalence of the heavenly vision and the church, compare J. Daniélou, Symboles Cosmiques et Monuments Réligieux (Paris, 1953), p.64; 2 Chronicles 6:2ff; Genesis 28:17; Exodus 3:2-6. For early dedication services, see S. A. J. Bradley, ‘Quem aspicientes viverent: symbolism in the would have appeared as an immaterial haze of patterns, a contrast to the severe borders used on the side walls. These magnificent arches would have been an appropriate setting to enclose both the vision of Christ and the entrance to the ‘house of the Lord’, itself a place in-dwelt and awesome.” Without this understanding the ornamental passages may indeed appear extravagant, even ‘quite superfluous’*’ since their great width (34 inches or 86cm) has reduced the principal figure of the whole scheme to a mere 20 inches or 50cm in height. Using these suggested interpretations it is possible to solve two further puzzles in the sculpture. The first of these is the function of the angels above the apostles. Certainly, if the composition does not depict an Ascension, some new meaning or meanings will have to be found for them. There are two well- known biblical passages concerning angels which link the work of the apostles to the coming Judgment. A close examination shows that the angel on the west lunette is holding the remains of the long rectangle that is a medieval book (Figure 7). The top right corner has been broken off along the joint in the ashlar, so giving the impression that the form is a scroll, but the angel’s hands and the remaining edges describe a book. An appropriate Figure 7. Malmesbury: Sketch of the hands of the angel on the west lunette within the porch. The hatched area is the joint plane of the ashlar revealed by damage to the angel’s right arm. A similar break in the course above could account for the difficulty in recognising the shape of the book (pecked lines) early medieval church door and its ironwork’, Antiquaries Journal LXVIII.2 (1988), pp. 223-237. 46. G. Zarnecki, op. cit. note in 36, p.89. He is unusually scathing in this passage, but, like other commentators, perhaps not comfortable with the perceived layout within the porch. 52 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE text would be: ... 1 saw another angel flying in mid-heaven, having an eternal gospel to proclaim unto them that dwell on the earth, and unto every nation and tribe and tongue and people; and he saith with a great voice, Fear God, and give him glory; for the hour of his judgment is come: and worship him that made the heaven and the earth and the sea and fountains of waters.” The angel on the east lunette, with arms crossed, holds a scroll in the left hand towards the church door, and with the right arm and forefinger points back towards the outer entrance. As for this angel, an abbreviated text from the Ascension narrative could have been written on his scroll. Emile Male has pointed out, quoting Honorius Augustodunensis, that this is a text which can equally well refer to the Second Coming: This Jesus, which was received from you into heaven, shall so come in like manner as ye behold him going into heaven.” By the crossed right arm, the angel reminds us of the Ascension in one of the small carvings on the outer archway behind him,” and with his left tells us the subject of the tympanum over the door, namely the Second Coming. The other puzzling feature mentioned by most commentators is the small size of the figure of Christ on the tympanum compared with that of the apostles in the lunettes.” It was usual to show the chief person in a scene larger than the rest. In the Chichester reliefs, for example, Christ towers over the family and friends of Lazarus. However, the convention was not always followed, for in an illumination in the New Minster register (c.1031) in which King Cnut and his queen present an altar cross, Christ in a mandorla is a smaller figure than the donors. Again, in the New Minster charter (dated after 966) a large King Edgar is shown standing beneath a similar heavenly vision. In these 47. Revelation 14: 6, 7. 48. Acts 1: 11b; Male, op. cit., pp. 401-402. 49. Saxl, op. cit. in note 41, plate LX; Smith, op. cit., p.28 (diagram). No. 37 is the Ascension, roughly in the position indicated by the angel. 50. The estimated height of the seated apostles is 47in or 120cm. 51. For Chichester reliefs, see Saxl, op. cit., plates XVIII and XIX. For the manuscripts, see E. Temple, op. cit.in note 44, ill. 244, British Library Stowe MS. 944 f.6 and ill.84, Cotton MSS., Vespasian A. VIII, fol. 2v. If Malmesbury did not already have such New Minster manuscripts, perhaps they could have come Figure 8. Malmesbury: Diagram of the tympanum over the door, showing overlap of the main subject on the borders. Approx. width at lower edge 60in or 150cm Winchester manuscripts Christ in Glory is robed, seated on a bow and has a footstool’! just as on the tympanum. The effects of the variation in scale in the illuminations are subtle, but can hardly be accidental. First, it suggests that, though Christ receives the gift and hears the prayers, He is removed from the scene and at a distance in heaven. A second effect is to magnify the present power and generosity of the kings depicted.” It is suggested that the smallness of Christ compared with the apostles at Malmesbury is meant to express His ‘distance’ from earth. The size of the apostles in the lunettes is, correspondingly, to be seen as a claim by the Church to earthly power. Other details on the tympanum introduce a second form of perspective in that the mandorla and the angels that carry it overlap the decorative frame at both top and bottom (Figure 8).°? Because of the overlapping, the three figures are automatically perceived as coming rather than going. In the original condition, painted and gilded, a spatial distinction would have been immediately apparent. Overlap is a way of introducing a sense of position in space, and variation in size of similar objects is another. It is likely that these two simple artistic devices were deliberately used to back up the understanding of the sculpture in the porch and to reinforce the message that “The Church is with us, the Lord is coming’. The sculpture of the inner porch continues the themes of the outer archway and draws them together from Henry of Blois, Bishop of Winchester and patron of Peter Moraunt. 52. It is a feature of Ottonian illuminations to show emperors larger than figures in heaven or, for example, larger than their bishops. See J. Beckwith, Early Medieval Art (1964), ill. 77 (Fulda, late 10th century) and ill. 95 (Regensburg, 1002-1014); also H. Mayr-Harting, Oztonian Book Illumination, part one (1991), p.199, ill. 116 (Seeon, 1014-24). 53. This overlap is noted by Galbraith, op. cit. in note 11, pp.43-44. MALMESBURY ABBEY: THE SCULPTURE OF THE SOUTH ENTRANCE 53 - in the subject of the tympanum by showing the return of Christ as Wisdom enthroned bringing righteous judgment. Even this is not the last scene of the drama presented by the designers of the porch. The biblical narrative continues beyond Judgment to _ the celebrations at the Wedding Feast of the Lamb (Rev. 19: 7-9): the pilgrim’s journey ends within the church at the Eucharist, which is the foreshadowing of that Messianic Banquet. As Odo understood it: ‘Here Head and body come together and unite.” MALMESBURY AND THE YORKSHIRE SCHOOL Sir Harold Brakspear lists architectural features which made their first appearance at Malmesbury c.1150-60 and which characterise the work of a particular school of masons. These features contin- ued to be used, latterly with pointed arches, in a wide area of the West Country until at least 1200.” By contrast, Michael Smith states that there is no evidence that the sculptors at Malmesbury were members of a local school such as has been identified in Herefordshire and concludes that the impressive display at the south entrance is an isolated work.” This is curious, even allowing for the losses caused by rebuilding and destruction in following centuries. If a date in the late 1140s or 1150s for the porch sculpture is accepted, there would certainly have been time for further work in the Romanesque style by those who had worked at the abbey. It was while completing a survey of the Roman- esque in Yorkshire’ that a few similarities to the sculpture at Malmesbury were noticed on the south doorway to the parish church at Fishlake near Doncaster.”* This church, along with others in the area, had belonged to the Cluniac Priory of Lewes. Obvious similarities included carvings of seated figures with books and, notably, of women with spears (Figure 9). George Zarnecki linked the instances of these latter figures at Malmesbury and Fishlake to Western France; he also saw the 54. ‘Corpus hinc capiti, caput inde coheret et ilh. Occupatio Book 6, line 50, quoted from Morghen, op. cit. in note 26, p.26. Morghen also writes, p.24, ‘It is precisely the eucharist and the intimate connection between the eucharistic rite and the unity of the church which are the two most original mainsprings of Odo’s religious understanding’. 55.H. Brakspear, ‘A West Country School of Masons’, Archaeologia, Second Series, 31 (1931), pp.1-18. 56. M. Q. Smith, op. cit., pp. 6 and 15: ‘The Malmesbury master seems to have founded no school; he was one of the last exponents of the Romanesque in this part of Britain.’ 57. R. Wood, ‘Romanesque Doorways of Yorkshire, with special reference to that at St. Mary’s Church, Riccall’, Yorkshire ‘lightness and elegance of Anglo-Saxon drawings’ in some of the sculpture at Fishlake.” The doorway has foliage patterns in three of its four orders, and several minor foliage patterns as well. Such apparently random correspondences, though striking, are typical of this period in which sculptors tended to use portable treasures such as metalwork or illuminated manuscripts as models. The workmen also, of course, moved on from one building site to another. Exceptionally for stonework in Yorkshire, the doorway at Fishlake has an order of a quadrant section and two orders in which figures are carved across joints from one voussoir to the next. After further study of both the entrances, parallels were discovered in the iconography, notably that Fishlake also displays a ‘history of salvation’, which in this case concludes with the arrival of Christ on earth for His millennial reign. There are three depictions of St Peter, and one order entirely given over to matters concerning the Church. Within this order it is possible to identify the illustration of a text written by Peter the Venerable, Abbot of Cluny, who died in 1156.° Motifs and themes which are found together on the doorway at Fishlake are also found here and there in works of the Yorkshire School, suggesting that Fishlake represents an early influence. Foliage patterns and beaded medallions are the chief indicators of a connection with Fishlake. Related sites with further features and themes relevant to Malmesbury include Bishop Wilton, where the south doorway has a complex teaching programme presented in relatively unsophisticated carving; the church at Thorpe Salvin, which has a doorway with a cusped pattern and a font with depictions of the seasons in an advanced, probably French, form and, thirdly, a doorway at Riccall which has an assort- ment of subjects in two orders comparable to the mixture of subjects on the exterior jambs at Malmesbury Abbey. At Barton-le-Street the voussoir at the apex of the former north doorway shows a large central figure who is seated and holding key Archaeol. F., 66 (1994), pp. 59-90. 58. A paper on ‘The Romanesque Doorway at Fishlake’ is expected to be published in the Yorks. Archaeol. 7 in 1999. 59. G. Zarnecki, op. cit. in note 5, pp. 38, 37 respectively; for the Yorkshire School, see pp. 34-38; idem, “Techniques in Romanesque Sculpture in England’, Essays presented to Prof. Joh. Wilde, no. IV, pp.73-91: in discussing evidence for carving in the workshop or im situ, Zarnecki draws examples from Fishlake and Malmesbury (text at Courtauld Institute.) 60. The subject was also carved at Charlieu, a Cluniac priory, c.1140. See Male, op. cit., pp. 423, 424 and fig. 296. 54 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE asians 4 of 5 i % Figure 9. The women with spears. Left: Malmesbury. Virtue and Vice medallion C (Smith, op. cit.). The Virtue above this one, D, has her hair in the same style as at Fishlake. Height of standing woman approx. 16in or 42cm. From photograph by Michael Tisdall. Right: Fishlake. One of a pair of women with spears on the right hand side of the doorway. Height of woman 12¥%in or 32cm. From photograph by John McElheran and crozier, so representing St Peter. To the left is a small figure with book, enthroned at the top of a flight of steps, who points at St Peter. This is understood to show Christ in heaven indicating that His authority on earth is transferred to the Church. To the right a man brings a money bag to the central figure.*’ There are other instances in Yorkshire of Peter shown as the power or authority of the Church, but this one uses variation in scale of figures in the same way, and for the same purposes, as has been 61. Wood, op. cit. in note 57, fig. 3; also illustrated in J.R. Allen, “The Norman Doorways of Yorkshire’, Religuary, N.S.3 (1889), plate XVII. discussed in relation to the porch sculpture at Malmesbury. There are therefore many examples to show that influences from Malmesbury Abbey were transferred to Yorkshire and became important elements in the development of that regional school. There are no dates recorded for the doorway at Fishlake, but its construction could reasonably be supposed to have followed similar work at its mother church at Conisbrough” and that in its turn could be expected to have followed the repairs and improve- 62. The remains at Conisbrough church are few but consistent with their being contemporary with those at Fishlake. MALMESBURY ABBEY: THE SCULPTURE OF THE SOUTH ENTRANCE 55 ee et @ YORK | S ste re) al PONTEFRACT WF e . ®@ & MALMESBURY & oie é B by i sk: = 4 <= > Li wy ‘ ys : oa FISHLAKE KIRTLINGTON, Oxfordshire Figure 10. The Tiree motif as found on tympana (circles) and voussoirs (squares) in England. The map does not show sites where the Tree is combined with, for example, confronted animals. Tympana at Buildwas Abbey and Kirtlington after Keyser, Zympana and Lintels (1927) ments at the Cluniac Priory of Pontefract which were dedicated in 1159.°’ Repairs had been made necessary there following damage in 1141-51 and compensation payments were received in 1152. Perhaps it was then that Abbot Peter Moraunt organised a group to travel north to Pontefract to assist with the reconstruction. Both Pontefract priory and Much Wenlock, which is on one possible route north, were dependencies of La Charité-sur- Loire, the priory associated with Peter Moraunt by Florence of Worcester. A designer of doorways, familiar with the Cluniac themes and carrying Anglo-Saxon manuscripts with him, would have 63. Bellamy, op. cit. in note 7, notes not only extensive works east of the crossing, but the massive foundations of a doorway of four or five orders abutting on the main walling of the west facade. These are dated to the ‘later twelfth century’. Plan, fig.24. been a leading figure in the party. It is not possible to identify any particular ‘Malmesbury master’ at Fishlake, though a man skilful enough to reproduce Anglo-Saxon drawings in stone at Malmesbury could no doubt have made the best of the sculpture at Fishlake, which imitates some features of Roman work. One of the foliage patterns introduced at Fishlake is the Tree of Life, a symmetrical motif having leaves, trunk and roots. It also appears on voussoirs at a few of the related doorways in Yorkshire. Elsewhere in England, the motif is found on tympana which are all in the south-west Midlands.” The distribution of 64. C. Keyser, A List of Norman Tympana and Lintels, 2nd. edn., (1927). Figs. 29-33 illustrate examples of tympana with the Tree of Life alone. Fig. 40, a tympanum with affronted animals and an inscription at Dinton (Bucks), defines the Tree of Life. 56 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE these two forms of the theme is shown on the map in Figurel0. The appearance of the Tree in Yorkshire would seem to indicate that local workmen joined the group travelling to Pontefract. The map demonstrates clearly the transference of some part of a regional ‘Malmesbury School’ to Yorkshire. Acknowledgements: The author is grateful to the Yorkshire Philosophical Society for a research grant which enabled a visit to Malmesbury Abbey. Thanks are also due to the following for their time and assistance: Dr Michael Evans, Gordon Garrould, Dr Richard Gem, Alison Ireland, Martine Laurel, John McElheran, Michael McGarvie, Michael Tisdall, Benedicta Ward S.L.G., David Wheatley and Dr Christopher Wilson. For suggesting that I should read Cluniac Monasticism ... 1 am happy to thank Deirdre Mortimer publicly, and for tackling supplementary passages in the Occupatio I am indebted to Bernard Barr and the Revd Dr W. G. East. Particular thanks are due to Professor George Zarnecki for encouraging publication, to Dr Rosalie Green of Princeton for her observations on the first typescript and to Dr Michael Smith of Bristol University for reading the work in preparation and for providing the material for Figure 1. Opinions expressed and errors of fact are the responsibility of the author. Quotations from Katharine Galbraith’s M.A. thesis and information derived from it are published with the written consent of the University of London. Lastly, I would like to acknowledge the support I received from my late husband. ? Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol. 91 (1998), pp. 57-64 Excavation at Burderop Park in 1995 by SHEILA PASSMORE with a contribution by IAN W. YOUNG An investigation of parch marks outlining a suspected 18th-century building led to the discovery and excavation of sarsen foundations, possibly belonging to part of a medieval grange. INTRODUCTION Burderop Park is situated on the northern edge of the Marlborough Downs, three miles south of Swindon, in the northwest corner of the Parish of Chiseldon (SU 167802). Burderop House is now owned by the consulting engineers Sir William Halcrow and Partners. Permission was kindly granted by Halcrow to investigate a part of the garden which covered an area approximately 10m square, to establish the age and purpose of a building which showed as parch marks in the grass. An excavation was undertaken in August and September 1995 by a combined team from the Chiseldon and Wroughton History Groups. The area excavated was 28m east of the stable block flanking the east side of the forecourt to Burderop House. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The greater part of the Parish of Chiseldon was owned by Benedictine monks at Winchester from the 9th century, when King Alfred, at the request of his father, left the land to them in his will. After his death in 899 the monks of the Old Minster at | Winchester surrendered this land to his son Edward the Elder, who then regranted it to his newly | founded Abbey of St Peter, known as the New _ Minster. At the time of the Domesday survey in 1086 the monks at New Minster held 40 hides (about 4,800 acres) in Chiseldon (Crittall 1970, 10). The Abbey moved to Hyde at the north of the city in 1110 and became known as Hyde Abbey (Knowles and Hadcock 1953, 81). Agnes de Cardeville granted land in Cardevilles- wick, Burderop and Hodson to Hyde Abbey in 1305 and by 1355 this land was part of an estate called the manor of Burderop. The manors of Burderop and Chiseldon were held by Winchester until the Dissolution, Hyde Abbey surrendering to the King in 1538 (Crittall 1970, 10). The last abbot, John Salcot, was rewarded with the bishopric of Salisbury (Doubleday 1900, 121—22). Chiseldon is still in the Salisbury diocese. In 1540 Burderop Manor and a grange called Monkebaron were granted with Chiseldon to Sir John Bridges of Blunsdon, later Lord Chandos. The Stephens family were lessees of the estate at this time. Thomas Stephens, who continued in tenancy after his father Richard’s death in 1519, was granted a lease of 61 years by Hyde Abbey in 1537 and this lease had to be honoured by the new owner. The Stephens family eventually purchased the freehold from Edmund Bridges, second Lord Chandos in 1562 for £3,000 (Anon. 1898, 134). While the estate was owned by Hyde Abbey it was managed by tenants occupying a separate farm- house. A single wealthy lessee was preferred, who could pay a good rent and was able to maintain the buildings used by the monks, this being a condition of tenancy. The Stephens family had probably been tenants since the 15th century. After the Dissolution the grange remained in use as a farmstead, with Thomas Stephens continuing to occupy the farmhouse. At some time during the Stephens’ ownership the farmhouse was rebuilt and upgraded to a ‘mansion house’. A lease dated 23 July 1619 (shortly after Thomas’ grandson, another Thomas, sold the estate to Alexander Stafford and James Cottington) refers to the grange as ‘the old farmhouse without the court of the new capital messuage or Manor House’ (WRO 1178/38). It also mentions the new stable block belonging to the old farmhouse. This still exists, flanking the east side of the forecourt to Burderop House. The estate was sold on to William Calley on 20 November 1619, when it was described as the ‘capital 58 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE @Qiimen CAC TEES es F1 porIgery 9560593980 bby 2 209 9364 9904 9% 700,904 80 % 4,4, y 96 >,°989 00906, 240 264 43g 5 0 Mf Io 4? 40149 0 opyhyto 4 99% 0 6b0bo0 0 4 [sat es aeaeead SS as RON he Bev gr® Qn wy ’ SSS aage® mune 5 a o 6 SB gQgtea = 7 e®aBX{(a & .s A a ae”? » 1 £b00df 02 %% "4 i 406 x a wRPR 3d 514886 $- 3 4% o 2609045 4, 205! 03%, 96%, 0 4 $0 r) g 0 td 39 x a 0 g 0 4 y North facing section y TAS TS LOU TT OAT UNTO TT TOT l =o Me, 4 ‘4 DH wo ry o eo r Pp X02 009 9709 SF 3 2. 205}, 2 2, 2 ig Lo Fao DORI 90 OF ae %00° 00°O' 0 o oF & La. Orange brown soil = with Pree faaments (4) Chalk rubble aS {I} Top soil Packed rubble floor 9 Packed chalk floor [J] Drainage channel VA Natural Figure 1. Burderop Park excavation: plan and sections “EXCAVATION AT BURDEROP PARK IN 1995 Senessuage tenement or farm called Burderopp ... and all that grange called Monke Baron alias Monks Barn’. The area of the estate was given as 1,219 acres + (Anon. 1900, 175-176). Another lease (HRO 18M067/243), dated 1664, still refers to the capital messuage as Burderop Farm and mentions ‘all that grange called Monkebaron’. No later mention of Monkebaron has been found and it is possible that the grange was demolished around this time. The best of the materials were probably re-used in the building of the 17th-century farmhouse which stands to the west side of the fore- court of Burderop House. The grange had certainly gone by 1731 when a major rebuilding of the house, by then known as ~Burderop House, took place (WRO 1178/51), the original farmhouse being incorporated within the mansion. It was at this ume that a new brewhouse was built, the contents of which, listed in an inven- tory of 1829 (WRO 1178/53), included an oven, a two-hogshead (108 gallons) brewing copper and corresponding mash vat. The Excavation (Figure 1) The site was surveyed and marked out and the exca- vation commenced at the beginning of August 1995. Turf was removed in a 4m wide strip across the northern end of the parch mark to reveal the stone base of a wall (Feature 1) 9.25m long, aligned west to east, with wall bases extending south to 3.5m at the west end and 1.25m on the east. Beyond this the stone had been robbed out and the trench backfilled _ with rubble. | Loose topsoil was removed to show that the area within the remaining walls was floored with hard _ packed rubble and had been divided into 3 equal bays by two strips of brick (Feature 2), each 1.75m long and one course deep, which had _ possibly supported wooden partitions. Many hand-made nails in various sizes were found in the vicinity. In the eastern half of the area a pair of parallel red _ brick features each 0.8m long, 4 courses deep and 1.5m apart (Feature 3), had been mortared into the ground at an angle to give sloping surfaces of approximately 4 degrees, with brick stops at the lower ends. If these features had supported some- thing laid between them, they must have been of an earlier date than the partitions which would have _ been in the way and earlier than the floor which | partially covered them. | A break midway along the north wall was investi- | gated and the original cable (no longer live) supplying electricity to the house was uncovered (Feature 4). | | 59 Inside the northwest angle of the walls an area of soft brown ash was found beneath the rough floor. This covered a strongly made but well worn red brick floor, 84cm x 9lcm, neatly built into the corner and retained on the east side by a low stone wall (Feature 5). Two almost intact clay tiles were embedded in the ash, as were sherds of black, haematite glaze pot. South of the brick floor was a shallow brick-built gully. The feature continued south of the gully with a slab of dressed stone on the floor and low brick walls to east and south (Figure 2). These walls were of rougher workmanship and later date than the brick floor. Immediately to the east of the feature a blackened area was found to be the remains of a coal heap, consisting of large pieces of coal and coal dust (Feature 6). The walls could have supported some kind of oven or furnace, but when the stone slab on the floor was tapped it sounded hollow underneath, which led to speculation about the possibility of a well. A trench was excavated along the outside of the east wall to reveal large, curved blocks of limestone supporting the brickwork. The rough brick walls were then removed down to the level of the stone slab. This was lifted and proved to be resting on a bed of levelled ash and slag. All of this was excavated and sieved and pieces of corroded metal removed. The incomplete stem of a clay pipe 32cm long was found at the bottom against the rear wall. The ‘gully’ was the top end of a slope descending 0.5m to a flat brick floor 46 x 57cm, backed by a wall one brick thick (1lcms) to the south, with a wider (36cm) stone reinforced brick wall to the east (Figure 3). The brick wall on the west side was cut into the stone wall of the building and stepped as for a flue or chimney. A groove had been worn at the base of this wall at the side of the slope. A practical demonstration showed that two well-worn depres- sions in the upper brick floor were probably made by someone standing and shovelling ash out of the pit over many years, the shovel sliding neatly down the groove. A square cut notch in the west wall, level with the top of the east wall, may have accommo- dated a metal bar. An oven or furnace could have rested on the reinforced wall with the ash falling into the pit below it. Finds associated with this phase of the excavation were dated to the 18th century, including the brick- work and large quantities of flower pot in various sizes up to 38cm diameter. All of these pots had distinctive bands of cream coloured wash, perhaps an indication that the pots were either commissioned especially for the ‘big house’, or were purchased THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 60 (eseyd 101e]) wd yse Ainjusd-yI1g] :uONeAROXS yleg dossping °Z s1nStyz gyeos WIZ ‘UOTepuNo; [[B4 [BASIPoU SuOTe IsoM BUTYOO] ‘UOMeALDXS YIVg dosoping ‘pF s1in3LVy ? EXCAVATION AT BURDEROP PARK IN 1995 Figure 3. Burderop Park excavation: 18th-century ash pit (first phase) from a pottery with this trade mark. Some pieces of fine black pottery were identified as Wedgwood and Bentley black basalt Etruscan ware, c.1770. A late 17th-century Verwood pot base was also found. The whole area was littered with thin window glass, together with lead holding strips, lead ‘drips’, a lump of sheet lead and window furniture. Both stone and clay roof tile fragments were found in large numbers, as were oyster shells throughout the site. A report on the animal bones recovered is given below. , On the southern edge of the cleared 4m strip, two _ sarsen stones protruded above the floor level and their surrounds were excavated. They were found to be _very large and appeared to be part of a row aligned west to east. Further clearing revealed that the row extended right across the site but not on the same alignment as the north wall and consisted of a mixture | of sarsen stones and hard chalk blocks (Feature 7). Many of the stones were dressed on the outside edge to give a straight alignment and in some places there were two courses (Figure 4). _ A large pillow-shaped sarsen at the west end of the row, outside the line of the west wall had been dressed on two sides. i \ The fully cleared row resembled part of the foundation of a building. Pieces of glazed roof tile found in association with the feature were identified as being manufactured in the Salisbury area at the Laverstock or Alderbury kilns. They were dated as mid 13th to possibly early 15th century. Hundreds of snails of the variety Helix aspersa were tucked into the crevices between the stones as if they had been hibernating but were covered over before being able to re-emerge. A section cut to the north of the row of stones (Figure 1, x—x) showed that what had been taken to be natural chalk beneath the 18th-century building was in fact wall tumble from an earlier building. Another section to the south (Figure 1, y—y) clearly showed the outline of the rubble floor and the back- filled wall trench of the 18th-century building. A metre square sondage excavated at the southern end of the site exposed a section of stone- lined covered drain (Feature 8), running west to east. A trench was dug westward along the line of the drain to the southwest corner of the site. The stone covers had been neatly and tightly fitted, some square, others in opposing triangles which formed 62 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE SSE Figure 5. Burderop Park excavation: 18th-century sump. Im scale squares, so that there were no gaps in between. Odd intrusions were a dressed-stone window lintel and a brick used to repair a minor collapse. The covers were chalk but the kerbing lining the channel was sarsen. Fine silt was removed to show that the floor of the channel was packed clay. Part of a well-worn cobbled yard was uncovered at the west end of the drain (Feature 9); pottery sherds found in this context were from Laverstock and Minety kilns and dated from the 14th to 15th centuries. A roughly circular clay-bottomed hollow set in the cobbles (Feature 10) looked as if it might have been the head of the drain, until further investigation showed the drain to be curving north past the edge of the hollow. Another trench was taken northward and the drain was seen to terminate at a partly collapsed brick-built sump (Feature 11). This was contemporary with the brickwork found at the north end of the site. The sump was 45cm square, 3 courses high and stone bottomed. It had been built against the south west corner of the 18th- century building, presumably to take downpipes for rainwater off the roof. The remains of three very large flower pots had been thrown down behind the sump. A hard packed chalk floor (Feature 12) had been laid over the main part of the drain, starting in line with the corner of the building. Imported orange- brown soil had been used above this floor and the cobbled yard to raise the level to that of the 18th- century building. The drain sloped gradually from the sump to the main drain sloping downward to the east. It was assumed that the drain would continue eastward and run down into the narrow valley a few hundred metres away, and thence into a small stream. A trench was excavated in the southeast corner of the site to test the theory and another section of drain was found as expected. There were also signs of a drain to the north and another trench was taken northward. A second sump (Feature 13) was uncovered situated at the southeast corner of the 18th-century building, the robbed out wall and floor of which were well defined (Figure 5). A length of drain from this sump sloped down to meet the main drain at right angles and when the stone cover at the junction was lifted it could be seen that the drain did EXCAVATION AT BURDEROP PARK IN 1995 not continue east, but went south, towards the site of an old fish pond. Drains of this type were in use from Roman times until the 19th century and there was nothing to date this one positively to either the late medieval or the 18th-century construction. It may have been built originally in the earlier period and re-used for similar purposes in the later construction. The packed chalk floor above it appeared to be related to the 18th- century building, as it was of the same width and extended south from the front wall. In section, the wall footings of the building were directly above the level of the chalk floor. Imported orange-brown soil was also in evidence at the southeast end of the site and had obviously been used to fill the gap between the level of the drain and floor level of the 18th- century building. Some fragments of stone and clay floor tiles were found in the vicinity of the drain but their date is unknown. A parch mark had been noted 10m to the north of the row of sarsens and roughly parallel to it. This was outside our allotted site but five very small sondages were made along the length of the mark. In each case, sarsen or hard chalk was reached at a depth of 30cm. 63 ANIMAL BONE by IAN W. YOUNG One hundred and sixty-five bone fragments were found scattered through nine contexts; 54 of them were identifiable to species (see Table 1). The following domestic species were noted: horse, cattle, sheep, pig, goose and dog. There was also evidence of rabbit, hare, toad, pheasant or small domestic fowl and fallow deer. The criteria of Boessneck (1969), Payne (1985) and Clutton-Brock et al. (1990) were applied for the identification of sheep and goat bones. There was no evidence of goat being present. Where not otherwise identifiable, bone frag- ments were, as far as possible, categorised as coming from animals of the following sizes: large (horse, cattle); medium (sheep, pig); and small (dog, cat and bird). The assemblage is too small for detailed analysis. Fifteen bones bore chopper or knife marks and quite a number of others were fragments of large bones which might have been shattered by a heavy chopper in order to get at the marrow or to enable better extraction of the natural juices in the stock- pot. There was no evidence of industrial processing. Fifteen bones bear dog tooth marks. Table 1. Burderop Park: animal bone: species distribution according to context Context 101A 101B 201 202 401 Total 23 11 4. 18 31 Bone/Context Large Animal 4 4 4 2 18 Horse 2 1 0) 2 0) Cattle 6 0) 0) 4 0 Fallow Deer 0) 0) 0) 0) 1 Medium Animal 4 2 1 2 5 Sheep 4 1 1 2 4 Pig 2 0) @) 0) @) Small Animal 0) 1 1 3 2 Fowl 0) 0 0) 0) 1 Goose 0) 1 0) 1 0 Rabbit 0) 0) 0) 0 0 Hare 0) 0) 0) 0) 0 Dog 1 1 0 2 0 Toad 0) 0) 0 0) 0) Butchery Marks 4 1 2 1 4 Gnawing 2, 3 0 D, 2; Total Bones 402 403 404 405 All Contexts 18 34 11 1:2 165 1 8 8 0) 49 0) 0) 0) 0) 5 0) 2 1 0) 13 0) 0) 0 0) 1 4 3 2 0) 23 0) 3 0) 0) 15 1 0 0) 0) 3 6 14 0) 12 39 0) 0) 0) 0) 1 0 0) 0) 0) 2 5 1 0) 0 6 I 0) 0) 0) 1 0) 0) 0) 0) 4 0) 3} 0) 0) 3 1 1 1 0) 15 1 5 0) 0) 5 Key to contents: 101A: top layer below turf; 101B: packed floor level; 201: brick floor; 202: hearth; 401: W sump and cobbles; 402: at drain level; 403: in drain channel; 404: E end of drain; 405: E sump. 64 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The excavation was undertaken as a training exercise by an amateur team with limited time and resources. The initial time limit of one month was extended to two months with the unexpected discovery of part of an older building lying beneath the 18th-century structure being investigated. Recording of finds was limited by circumstances. Finds mentioned relating to the older building were few in number but were all identified and dated by experts. There were large quantities of material from the 18th-century building but no small finds of any significance. A representative selection of material was kept for future reference. Most of the animal bones were found in the top layers of soil, except for those found in the drainage channel. Documentary evidence backed up by dated finds and features indicate that the building delineated by parch marks was a brewhouse built in the early 18th century. The two sloping brick features (Feature 3) might have supported the mash vat mentioned in the inventory of 1829. The brewhouse appears to have been partly demolished soon after this date, with the northern section being retained and adapted for another use. From the large quantities of flower pot found during excavation it may be suggested that it became a potting shed or garden store, but this too was demolished by 1844, as a map of that date shows no trace of it. The existence of Monkebaron Grange was known from documents but its whereabouts was unknown. The substantial foundations uncovered during exca- vation provided the first possible indication of it and further documentary research revealed that the grange was close to the ‘new’ mansion (WRO 1178/38). It is believed that the foundations were part of the grange demolished in the 17th century to be superseded by a new farmhouse. The site was re- used in the 18th century but the huge sarsen stones were probably too much trouble to move and so the area was levelled with imported soil and the brew- house built on the resulting slightly raised platform. An aerial photograph taken during the excavation shows parallel parch marks to the north and south of the site. These extend eastward for approximately 30m beyond the excavation to another pair of parch marks between and at right angles to the first pair. This could be the outline of the rest of the grange. There may have been an associated medieval settlement, as tenants in Burderop held a croft called Chalvecrofte in the late 13th or early 14th century (Crittall 1970, 15). It is not known whether the tenancy was held from Hyde Abbey or from the Cardeville family. The locations of Chalvecrofte and Cardevilleswick are unknown but large quantities of late medieval pottery have been found in the garden and fields surrounding a farm house built on the far side of the narrow valley to the east of Burderop House. Acknowledgements. We are grateful to Mike Allen of Sir William Halcrow and Partners for permission to excavate and Walter Ineson for bringing the site to our attention. We would also like to thank Chris Chandler, of RCHME, for advice and encouragement; and Lorraine Mepham and Sarah Wyles, of Wessex Archaeology, for identifying pottery and molluscs. The excavation finds and archive material are held by Chiseldon Local History Group. BIBLIOGRAPHY ANON., 1898 “The Society’s MSS. Chiseldon and Draycot’, WAM 30, 38-54, 126-42, 221-29, 307-37 ANON., 1900 “The Society’s MSS. Chiseldon and Draycot’, WAM 31, 135-196 BOESSNECK, J., 1969 in Science in Archaeology (2nd ed.), eds. D. Brothwell and E. Higgs, London CLUTTON-BROCK, J., DENNIS-BRYAN, K., ARMITAGE, P.L., and JEWELL, P.A., 1990, Osteology of the Soay Sheep, Bull. Br. Mus. Nat. Hist. (Zool.) 56 (1), 1-56 CRITTALL, E. (ed.), 1970 ‘The Hundred of Kingsbridge’ in A History of Wiltshire, Vol.9, London DOUBLEDAY, H.A. (ed.), 1900 ‘Religions Houses’ in A History of Hampshire, Vol.1, 121-22 KNOWLES, D. and HADCOCK, R.N., 1953 Medieval Religious Houses, London PAYNE, S., 1985 Morphological distinctions between the mandibular teeth of young sheep, Ovis and goats, Capra, Journal of Archaeological Science 12, 139-147 PLATT, C., 1969 The Monastic Grange in Medieval England, London OTHER SOURCES Hampshire Record Office: Ref. 18M67/243 Lease 1664 Wiltshire Record Office: Ref. 1178/38: Lease 23 June 1619 Ref. 1178/51: Summary account kept by Wm. Calley for wages and materials to craftsmen employed in rebuilding Burderop House 1731-34 Ref. 1178/53: Inventory, Burderop House 1829 Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol. 91 (1998), pp. 65-75 The Commonplace Book of William Stukeley by RICHARD HATCHWELL and AUBREY BURL In the library of the Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, Devizes, is the manuscript ‘Commonplace Book’, begun in 1717, by the antiquarian, William Stukeley. Purchased for the Society im 1922 the book contains invaluable data about megaliths and other prehistoric sites many of which have been forgotten or destroyed. The background of the book and how it came into the Society’s possession 1s explained. It 1s followed by an account of the book’s contents which Stukeley copied from the notes of Fohn Aubrey and Edward Lhuyd. They frequently provide information that otherwise would be lost. An annotated list of the sites, many of whose names have changed but which have now been recovered, will be lodged with the Society’s Library. Those remaining unrecognised are quoted in this paper in the hope that they may be identified. THE HISTORY OF THE COMMONPLACE BOOK by RICHARD HATCHWELL The Commonplace Book of William Stukeley (1687-1765) is a small folio volume, 370mm x 248mm, bound in 18th-century vellum. In 1984 it was neatly rebacked in vellum for the Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society by John Smart of Brinkworth, who pencilled in a brief note of the repairs that he had made, at the end of the volume. The book contains 137 leaves, numbered in pencil by the present writer for the purpose of cataloguing the drawings that appear in it. An earlier owner, probably Stukeley himself, has numbered the book page by page, in ink, though a little erratically and giving up towards the end. The same watermark is present throughout, denoting paper probably made in the Netherlands in the early years of the 18th century. Stukeley first came to London to practise medicine in 1717, and this is the earliest date to be found in his Commonplace Book, on an endpaper, accompanied by his signature. A curious feature of this signature, which does appear to be that of Stukeley, is that it is preceded by the initials J or T, and Ge. Stukeley evidently intended his blank book to be a medical commonplace book, as on the leaves following the date 1717 are transcripts of two letters, presumably written to Stukeley, but beginning with the simple ‘Sir’, from contemporary medical friends. The first is a three-page letter from Dr Richard Mead on the Small Pox dated Feb. 11. 1717. The second, of two pages, is from a surgeon, Dr William Beckett, on Venereal Disease, and is dated Feb. 4. 1718. Richard Mead (1673-1754) was a physician and antiquary whose acquaintance Stukeley had made during his first stay in London in the first decade of the century. He was the author of a number of popular works on medicine, and on antiquarian matters. When Stukeley moved to London 1717, he established himself in Ormond Street, near to where Mead was living. William Beckett (1684-1738), a surgeon and antiquary, was like Mead an intimate friend of Stukeley, and like Mead had served for a time at St Thomas’s hospital. In 1718 he read three papers on the Antiquity of the Venereal Disease to the Royal Society. When he died, his books and papers were acquired by the notorious bookseller Edmund Curll, who seems to have sold them off piecemeal. Not long after he began his Commonplace Book Stukeley evidently decided to give up the idea. Perhaps medical matters were already giving way to archaeology and antiquarianism in his mind. He turned over and started at the other end with entries of an antiquarian nature. He entered his address on the new front endpaper, Ormond Street, Queen Square, and dated it 1718. Later he added his signature dated 1721. There are several printed insertions in the book, including a 17th-century broadside published at Lyon in 1689, containing a description of the 66 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE A Ride fronerst J “i Robe Fh P wondergul Role, nO 2 Oe te ¢ tyri ly af dowry tor | Hare wag 44 appear’ lo Us My VE ff $9. 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That paper scheduled 90 parks or groups of parks which formerly existed in Wiltshire. By describing several of the best documented Wiltshire parks—at Wootton Bassett, Ludgershall, Brook (near Westbury), Mere and Wardour—this paper demonstrates how it 1s possible by combining documentary research and fieldwork to confirm the former existence of deer parks and then reconstruct their bounds. The Parks at Wootton Bassett During the early Middle Ages extensive deer parks were created at Wootton Bassett which lies immediately south of Braydon Forest; they formerly covered the greater part of the parish. Two parks later known as Vastern Great Park and The Little Park of Vastern were founded by the family of Basset in the 13th century. In the early 14th century these parks were granted to the Despensers and they then became royal parks before being disparked in the late 16th century. When the Forest Laws were relaxed in the reign of Henry III (1154-1189), a number of local magnates were allowed parks near Braydon Forest and from at least the end of the 12th to the late 16th century a vast part of the parish of Wootton Bassett was enclosed as deer parks associated with the ancient manor of Vastern (SU048815)—recorded as Fetstern in 1229! and as la Vasterne in 1300.* Wootton is derived from the Anglo-Saxon Wudu-tun, meaning ‘enclosure by the wood’, which suggests that there could have been an earlier Anglo-Saxon deer park here, for the Anglo-Saxon rulers enjoyed hunting in their Wiltshire domains and appointed officers responsible for their sport.’ At Alan Basset’s acquisition of the manor before 1212* his surname was appended to Wootton. The manor house of Vastern was built by the Bassets during the 13th century. An order was given for a great house here, which was probably fortified, to be demolished as a consequence of Gilbert Basset’s part 1. J.E.B.Gover, A.Mawer and F.Stenton, The Place-Names of Wiltshire (1939 edn.), p.273. Ibid., loc. cit. VCH Wiltshire, Vol.4, p.391. Boarstall Cartulary, Oxford Historical Society 88, p.312. Sey in a rebellion against Henry III in 1233. By the following year Gilbert Basset, the son of Alan Basset, was back in favour and it is unclear whether the old house was in fact demolished. If the order was implemented the Bassets soon rebuilt Vastern, and its account rolls suggest a large number of buildings requiring frequent maintenance.’ The Bassets were an old Norman family who were often Justiciars of England. Alan Basset was favoured by both Richard I and King John, and his name appeared in Magna Carta as a king’s coun- sellor. In 1239 he was licensed by Henry III to create Vastern Park by enclosing with a hedge and ditch his wood at Vastern, and 3% acres of his wood at Wootton Bassett within it. Sir Philip Basset (d.1271) was in 1267 licensed for life for a deer park at his ‘old park’ at Ja Fasterne and for another at his new park under his town of Wotton (that is Vastern Little Park which was situated south of Wootton Bassett). The licence reads: Grant for life to Philip Basset that he may have a deer-leap at his new park under his town of Wotton and another at his old park under his manor of la Fasterne, within the metes of the forest of Bradene, so that if any deer enter the parks by the said deer-leaps, they shall remain to him.° Philip Basset was a royal baron and Justiciar of England. He supported the king against de Montfort, was entrusted with the castles of Bristol, 5. More information on this house, which was modernised in 1900 by Sir H.B.Meux, appears in W.F.Parsons, ‘Perambula- tions of Part of the Great Park of Fastern.. ”, WAM 28 (1896), pp. 176-9. 6. Cal(endar of) P(atent) Rolls), entry dated 28 December 1267. SOME WILTSHIRE DEER PARKS Oxford, Corfe and Sherborne, and was made Sheriff of four counties.’ In 1261 he was appointed Justiciar and in the following year was left in charge of the country when Henry III was visiting his French kingdoms. Philip Basset’s daughter Aliva married Edward II’s favourite Hugh le Despenser the Elder. In 1263 Basset was removed from the Justiciarship of England in favour of Despenser, but was compen- sated by being given Devizes Castle and made sheriff of the counties of Dorset and Somerset. At his death in 1271 Sir Philip Basset had three parks at Wootton Bassett® but only two survived, possibly as a result of Despenser combining two parks when he became the owner of Wootton Bassett during Edward II’s reign. At the death of Aliva, Lady Despenser in 1281, Vastern Old Park contained 789 acres, of which 616 were arable and 173 pasture, but a succession of enlargements ensued. By 18 November 1293 one enlargement had been made, and on 12 July 1316 reference was made to a park break at Vasterne, followed by a Grant of Fines on 14 July 1316. In 1320 Hugh le Despenser greatly enlarged Vastern Park: Licence for the abbot and convent of Stanley to grant to Hugh le Despenser the elder 300 acres of wood in Braden, which are the appurtenances of the manor of Miggehale, adjacent to his park of La Fasterne. . . and for the abbot of Malmesbury to grant 300 acres of waste in the manor of Brynkeworth adjacent to the same park. . . for the enlargement of his park; Licence also for the said Hugh to empark the same.’ Here the hand of Edward II may be detected requiring the ecclesiastical establishments to transfer land to his favourite Despenser. Brinkworth is west of Vastern Great Park, Midge Hall Copse (SU063846) is to its north, and Midge Hall (SU080839) is to the north-east, indicating that the 600-acre expansion was in these directions. In common with many Despenser lands, both parks at Wootton Bassett were wasted by the Earl of Hereford and the Mortimers during their 1321 campaign against the Despensers,'’ but the parks survived and on 1 February 1327 Fasterne and 7. Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. I, p.1304. 8. Wiltshire Inquisitions Post Mortem, 1242-1326, p.64. 9. Cal. PR., 1317-21, entry dated 25 February 1320. 10. J.Badeni, Wiltshire Forefathers (Trowbridge 1959), p.159. 11. Cal. PR., 1327-41, p.200. 12. Wilts Inquisitions Post Mortem 1327-77, p.361. 13. Cal. PR., 1364-67, p.235. 14. VCH Wiltshire, Vol.9, p.194. 15. Cal. PR., 1452-61, p.574. 91 Seende Parks were granted to the queen, having become available as a result of the executions of both Despensers in 1326. Five years later Edward de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, was granted the Vastern Parks.'! At his death in 1334 there were two parks at Vastern, ‘one called Lytelpark’. One of these parks had no coppice, the other contained undergrowth which it was forbidden to cut. In 1363 Park Field, 120 acres in extent, belonging to Wootton Bassett was taken into the Great Park of Vastern'? by order of Edward III. In spite of the enclosure of some of the common fields of Wootton Bassett and Tockenham by the vast expansion of Vastern Park, the commoners retained rights of grazing in the park. In the 14th century the keeper of the Wootton Bassett parks received four pence a day’’ and 14th- century accounts also reveal expenditure on gates and bridges, the latter implying that the park extended over streams such as the Thunder Brook. By the 14th century Vastern Great Park was in royal ownership and contained a royal stud.'* When in the possession of Richard, Duke of York, a claimant to the throne whose son seized the throne as Edward IV in 1461, the Great and Little Parks of Vastern were declared forfeit early in the Wars of the Roses in December 1459.!° In 1461 they again became Crown possessions, and in 1469 Sir John Greville was appointed for life to be ‘rider of the king’s Forest of Braydon and master of the king’s game within his parks of Vastern’.!° Leland recorded that in 1489 Henry VII hunted ‘in the good park of Vastern’.!’ Accounts reveal that the palings and hedges of the park were being maintained up to 1527'° and that large herds of deer were kept in Vastern well into the 16th century. In 1547 the Vastern Parks were granted to the Duke of Somerset.'? After Somerset’s execution in 1552 Queen Mary in 1555 granted Wootton Bassett to her Catholic adviser Sir Francis Englefield, with ‘the Great and Little Parks of Vastern and all manner of deer and wild beasts and liberty of park in the said parks.*° Englefield almost immediately began to let out both parks to the burgesses of Wootton Bassett, 100 acres known as Wootton Lawn being reserved as commons.”! The 16. Cal. PR. 1467-77, p.152. 17. H.C.Brentnall, ‘Venison Trespasses in the Reign of Henry VIT, WAM 53 (1950), p.194. 18. VCH Wiltshire, Vol.9, p.195. 19. VCH Wiltshire, Vol.4, p.403. 20. Cal.PR., 1554-55, p.55. 21. J.Aubrey, Topographical Collections, ed. J.E.Jackson (Devizes 1862), p.205; and E.Kerridge, “The Revolts in Wiltshire Before Charles ?, WAM 57 (1960), p.65. 92 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 09 nee | Ne YT Fadlar (pete ; Highgate Fm \ ne ; i Mi ; a Saree et LOPE i Z or A DN: ' ye SO Soir oy tt oni oe we Ne Ff * VASTERN GREAT PARK yoaticn “ont ooker’s— fa ta NS See Nie mcr RS yy y 5 : : bs ROO # 4 et) “ek i : ( Y \.. Greenbif! oa Commer Fr Aaa ae SA Gea ye “} a 6 M ce ee A SSD, * H x. Poy ; LITTLE PARK ils \ To Lyneham Va I ON Ss aS) < bey te et Little Park Em sath oO, % 2 shaw: \\ \ Greenhill \ alt He Ss Note < banmss SS N The ‘bounds of Vastern Great Park have x Wee been approximately reconstructed from * QQ 2 eae Court @ perambulation of 1602. Those of Little i i m Park are not known. 7 Cly ffe NG. Tockenham’ AG Breach Pypord sS Aan LAfan dt One km One Mile Figure 1. WOOTTON BASSETT PARKS break up of the two Wootton Bassett parks dates from this time, probably accelerated by the fact that when Elizabeth I succeeded to the throne Englefield was effectively exiled for his catholicism. The absence of Vastern Great Park from the 1583 Note of Parks in the County of Wilts confirms that it had been disparked by that date, although “The Little Park of Vasterne’ is included as one of Her Majesty’s parks. Both parks appear to have survived in some form as John Speed in 1610 and Robert Morden in 1695 indicated them on their county maps, the smaller being designated “The little park’. The west entrance to Vastern Great Park at Hooker’s Gate (SU043832) on the parish boundary was described in 1602 as ‘where the Duke had his 2. W.F.Parsons, op. cit. (note 5), p.173. 3. J.Badeni, op. cit., p.160. 2 > way forth,” the ‘Duke’ being either the Duke of York —who had been Lord of Wootton Bassett but had been killed at Agincourt in 1415—or more probably the Duke of Somerset who had acquired the park in 1547. The lodge of the keeper is said to have been at the moated site beside Thunder Brook on Whitehill Farm east of Hooker’s Gate.’? Vastern Great Park covered a large area west and north-west of Wootton Bassett, now bisected by the M4 motorway which passes between Park Ground Farm (SU051840) and Old Park Farm (SU049822). Examination of its bounds on the ground has been made difficult because in addition to the motorway the now redundant Wilts and Berks Canal and the Great Western Railway were constructed across its site. The railway branches south of Wootton Bassett and the two lines run westwards across the site of the park. The area incorporates many park names. Old Park Farm has ponds to its south, and was parco de Wutton in 1230. Park Grounds Farm was ‘Bar Ground’ on Andrews and Dury’s 1773 map. “Bar’ names frequently appear associated with deer parks. To its north Highgate Farm (SU047848) was formerly ‘Highgate Parks’, and Lawn Farm (SU066828) was Wotton Launde in the Mimister’s Accounts during the reign of Henry VIII, laundes being open clearings created for deer to graze. There are few evident signs of the park pale of Vastern Great Park surviving on the ground, and it would be difficult to establish the bounds of this extensive park were it not for a perambulation made in May 1602 after disparkment had commenced.”* This reveals that a Broadways gaat stood in Whitehill Lane (Broadway is the wide part of Whitehill Lane which crosses the site from the south end of Wootton Bassett). Broadways gaat probably became Hooker’s Gate since that gate was at the west end of Whitehill Lane. Highgate (now Highgate Farm at SU047848 on the parish boundary) was described in the perambulation as the gate from Braydon Forest into Vastern Great Park. From Baynard’s Ash (now Ballard’s Ash at SU066844) the park boundary ran south along the ridge towards Wootton Bassett, across the bottom of Wood Street (which runs north- west from near the town hall) to the upper part of Whitehill Lane, and along the high ground to the railway which it crossed on its way to the brook below Hunt Mill (SU057817) on the A420 which was formerly Hunt Mill Lane between Wootton 24. This perambulation is recorded in W.F.Parsons, op. cit., pp.173-5. SOME WILTSHIRE DEER PARKS 93 sorcaataeiats = PE hopin oe sian eoer serie waiamnsnes henastemmanoN Figure 2. Site of Vastern Great Park seen from Wootton Bassett It then crossed The Wilderness with its ancient ponds which lies east and Bassett and Hunt Mill. north-east of Vastern Manor House. More information on the bounds of Vastern Great Park is contained in the ‘Register of Protector Somerset’s Estates in Wilts’ in the Longleat papers. This describes the east bounds as being a hedge at Ward’s Lane (presumably Wood Lane), and the bounds toward Brinkworth being at Callow Hill (SU036846) in the extreme north-west of Wootton Bassett parish where ‘Brinkworth Gate’ was shown by Andrews and Dury in 1773. From this archival documentation it is evident that Vastern Great Park was bounded on the north by the B4042, designated by Andrews and Dury ‘Braydon Lane’, which follows the parish boundary from Callow Hill to Ballard’s Ash. Opposite, and a little west of Highgate Farm, there are possible signs of the park pale ditch along the south side of the B4042 on either side of a farm gate (SU045847). From Ballard’s Ash the park pale seems to have run south and then veered south-west and followed the lane along Springfield Crescent between Lawn Farm and Wootton Bassett to its east. It then followed the end of the gardens of the town houses to cross the 25. Ibid., p.175. bottom of Wood Street (at SU065826 near the chapel), ran a little north-west of the site of St John’s Hospital and on south-west to Whitehill Lane. From here the pale ran west, a little north of the A420 past Vastern Manor House, and probably included in the park the knoll south-east of Hart Farm upon which Vastern Wood is situated (SU043815). The south- west corner of the park is likely to have followed the parish boundary along the stream which skirts the Tockenham Wick Manor estate, and the west boundary was almost certainly the stream which coincides with the parish boundary and runs past Hart Farm (SU042818) a little east of the minor road from Tockenham Wick to Hooker’s Gate. From Hooker’s Gate the bounds ran on north-west along the road which practically coincides with the parish boundary to Callow Hill. This represents an area of approximately 1,900 acres suggesting that Vastern Great Park already enclosed about 1,300 acres prior to the 600-acre extensions of 1320 mentioned above. Vastern Great Park was in fact so extensive that an area within the park around Whitehill Farm, Old Park Farm, Hart Farm, and Hunt Mill Farm (SU056816) became a home park to Vastern Manor known as the Inner Park.”? No footpaths cross the 94 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE south end of Vastern Great Park towards Old Park Farm, but the northern end of the park is crossed by several footpaths which run west and north from near Wootton Bassett church. The second deer park at Wootton Bassett was Vastern Little Park. Much of the information in the description of Vastern Great Park above is equally applicable to the smaller park which was situated south-west of Wootton Bassett around Little Park Farm (SU054803). Both were associated with Vastern Manor, Old Park Farm being half a mile north of the manor house and Little Park Farm three-quarters of a mile to its south. The earliest record of Little Park appears in 1267 when Philip Basset was licensed for life for a deer park at his ‘new park under his town of Wotton’. This ‘new park’ became Vastern Little Park. In the 16th century Henry VIII’s widow Catherine Parr, who imme- diately after the king’s death married Protector Somerset’s younger brother Admiral Lord Thomas Seymour, became owner of Little Park and appoint- ed James Stumpe, the son of the Malmesbury clothier who at the Dissolution had obtained Malmesbury Abbey, as keeper of her park at ‘Little Vastern’. One mile south-west of Vastern Little Park is Queen’s Court Farm (SU041795) at Tockenham. Its name suggests that this farm may occupy the site of the residence used by Catherine Parr when visiting her park. Later Little Park was granted to John Boxall (or Boxwell), but in 1555 it was with Vastern Great Park transferred by Queen Mary to Sir Francis Englefield. In the 1583 Note of Parks in the County of Wilts ‘the little park of Vastern’ was in the keeping of Sir Henry Knyvet for Her Majesty, and was estimated to be two miles round, which probably represents a park of about 200 acres. The mapmakers Speed (1610) and Morden (1695) show ‘The little park’ on their maps of Wiltshire, south of Wootton Bassett and east of ‘Tockenham, and in 1773 Andrews and Dury marked it as “Che Little Park, Lord Folkestone’. Vastern Great Park was not shown by Andrews and Dury because by 1773 it had been disparked. In about 1676 John Carter of London bought Little Park for £4,925 and transferred ownership to his heir. When 26. A transcription of documents relating to Little Park was made by William Gough, ‘Documents in the Society’s Library Concerning Wootton Bassett and Vasterne’, WAM 49 (1942), pp.313-330. 27. Ibid., loc. cit. 28. J. Stevenson, “The Castles of Marlborough and Ludgershall in the Middle Ages’, WAM 85 (1992), p.70. Little Park was purchased by Sir Mark Pleydell in 1758 it was described as ‘a fine farm.*° The road which runs south from Vastern Great Park (at SU056817) from near Old Park Farm crosses the site of Little Park. It is called Breach Lane, possibly because it breached the park pale of Little Park. Little Park Farm (SU053803) survived for long with old fishponds to its north. Fishponds were frequently formed within deer parks: “There were formerly at Little Park, near the house, two large fishponds, but the site of these has since been covered with wood and now forms a rockery’.”’ The site of Little Park is best seen by following the public footpath which runs west from a point (SU057803) on Breach Lane past Little Park Farm towards ‘Tockenham. Ludgershall Parks Ludgershall, in the extreme east of Wiltshire, was closely connected with the royal hunting forests of Collingbourne and Chute and was the home of a Saxon Lord, the name being derived from Lutegar’s Hill. The Saxon King Ine of Wessex is reputed to have had a hunting lodge at Sidbury Hill three miles east of Ludgershall. Two early Crown deer parks were created in association with the Norman Ludgershall Castle. Ludgershall was linked with Marlborough Castle fifteen miles to its north, and the parks at Ludgershall are examples of parks being created in close association with early castles. North Park was the home park to the castle, and South Park was a larger outpark to its south. After about 1216 Ludgershall Castle gradually lost its significance as a castle and became a royal residence rather than a fortress.*° Land near the castle had been emparked as a royal park by 1203,”? and between 1234 and 1250 Ludgershall became a royal hunting palace associated with both the surrounding forests and its deer parks.*° Ludgershall Park is mentioned in the bounds of Chute Forest at the time of Henry III (1216-1272). By 1244 it was enclosed with a ditch and hedge,”! and by 1271 it was impaled.” At this time in the late ~ 13th century there was also a South Park which is believed to have extended into Hampshire.*? A map 29. Calendar of Pipe Rolls, 1203, p.161. 30. J. Stevenson, op. cit., p.72. 31. Calendar of Liberate Rolls, 1240-45, p.234. 32. Cal(endar of).C (lose) R(olls), 1268-72, pp.346-7. 33. VCH Wiltshire, Vol.15, p.126. SOME WILTSHIRE DEER PARKS a4 y OX | Colipavourge Forest t sm < a i haw wide Y 7 eee 1 Tedown = yo more | ne ~ Hintdgershail” S } Faberst: “SAcBarrack oy peeing WA /SOUTH PARK | ; meee FSG Wks : "QW WILTS "HANTS ae Deen a iy Ng re ® Note : The bounds of the Ludgershall Parks, Park ee particularly of South Park, are only partly’ << oe a aoe ae EN <7 =e re ett a 7 £ Boe 336 see? ¥ Grett~F 27S At \, Shoddesden™ nae ‘oy i WN ‘\ Coy j uy Z f oe = : 1 ay f a d “Ne wdown ie & / Copsey, a= Warren He WY Gena L One km One Mile Figure 3 LUDGERSHALL PARKS of Ludgershall in 1841 showed ‘SITE OF PARK’ north of the castle ruins, and ‘SITE OF SOUTH PARK’ between the castle and South Park Farm.** In 1254 deer from Ludgershall Park were sent to stock William de Valence’s park at Collingbourne Kingston.” This establishes that Ludgershall and Collingbourne were separate parks and not the same park under different names as has sometimes been assumed. Three deer leaps. were constructed at _Ludgershall Park for ‘Lord Edward’ in 1265,*° this being presumably Prince Edward, later Edward I, who was born in 1239. In 1305 royal officers spent three weeks trapping deer in Chute Forest and carting them to stock Ludgershall Park.*’ In the early 14th century Ludgershall was owned by Hugh le Despenser the Elder (1262-1326). John Britton recorded that ‘In the reign of Edward III this manor was invested in John, Lord Moleyns, who 34. Ibid., p.120. 35. Cal. C.R., 1254-56, p.17. 36. Cal. C.R., 1264-68, p.77. 37. PR.O. Special Collection SC6, 1267-68, Nos.1-2, p.9. 38. J.Britton, The Beauties of Wiltshire (1801), Vol. II, p.158. 39. Dictionary of National Biography, Vol.13, p.574. 40. Cal. PR., 1348-50, pp.148-9. 41. VCH Wiltshire, Vol.15, p.127. 95 obtained a grant to empark his woods.** This presumably involved the extension of the earlier parks. Moleyns (d. 1362?) had acquired Ludgershall when it was forfeited by Despenser in 1326. A few years later, in 1330, he arrested the rebellious Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, at Nottingham Castle, and during the next few years received many land grants from a grateful Edward III. His favour with the king enabled him to ‘multiply his territorial possessions to an enormous and dangerous extent’.*? In 1348 Ludgershall Park was extended over arable land,*® and in 1464 the park was enlarged again to the north when George, Duke of Clarence, was licensed to empark 200 acres of Coilingbourne Woods and construct a deer leap in them.*! This extension may represent an absorption of William de Valence’s Collingbourne Park into Ludgershall North Park. By the 14th century the castle had declined, the deer parks had become the most important element of the estate, and its principal officer was the parker. A 1401 record notes the appointment of John Morvyle as keeper of Ludgershall for four years, with responsibility for ‘enclosing the park, and finding in wintertime a sufficiency of hay for the deer there’,”” and in 1438 William Ludlowe was paid three pence a day as ‘parker of the park of Ludgarsale, co. Wilts’, with no obligation to repair the enclosure of the park.** The keepers of Ludgershall from the mid 14th to the mid 16th century included William Esturmy (1403-1433), William Ludlow for life (1433), and William Collingbourne for two terms of 21 years in 1462 and 1482. From 1510 Henry Bridges, MP for Ludgershall, and his son, who also became the local MP, were the keepers at Ludgershall.** Leland noted of Ludgershall that ‘the castell stoode in a parke now cleane down’. In 1583 Lurgatshall belonged to Lady Bridges and was recorded as being two miles in circuit,” a perimeter which suggests an area of about 150 acres. Park names which occur at Ludgershall include West Park, Long Park (immediately west of Crawl- boys Farm at SU270514), Wood Park (south of Crawlboys at SU272511), and Dear Leap,*® and there is an early reference in 1291 to Suthparco.” 42. Cal(endar of) F(ine) R(olls), 1399-1405, p.142. 43. Cal. FR., 1437-45, p.50. 44, J. Stevenson, op. cit., p.78. 45. 1583 Note of Parks in the County of Wilts (State Papers Domestic: PRO SP.12 162). 46. W.H.Audrey, ‘Ludgershall Castle and its History WAM 21 (1884), p.325. 47. Minister’s Accounts, quoted in Gover et al., op. cit. (note 1), p.369. 96 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE This was the South Park which existed at Ludgershall in the early 13th century and extended south into Hampshire. The ‘South Park Farm’ (SU273493) of Andrews and Dury in 1773 had become ‘South Park’ by the time of the first Ordnance Survey. In the 1841 Tithe Award a block of plots situated west of the road to Weyhill (at about SU273500) is designated ‘South Park’, and today this area is still known as South Park. The park at Ludgershall north of the castle survived to be shown by Speed in 1610, but the larger South Park, which occupied the more open area to the south (around SU268500), was dis- parked and ultimately converted to agriculture, although it was still stocked with deer as late as 1549.48 In 1720 South Park was owned by John Richard Webb.” Part of the southern boundary of the parish of Collingbourne Ducis is embanked over Blackmore Down, which suggests that it could have coincided with the park pale at the north edge of the park to Ludgershall Castle.*° The 1841 Tithe Award shows ‘Long. Park and Crowbush Piece’ (SU270514) beside this embankment, with nearby ‘Wood Park’ (SU272511) and ‘Bowling Alley Park’ (SU268512), implying that the park to Ludgershall Castle may have extended east of the castle site and south of Crawlboys Farm across the present minor road from Ludgershall to Crawlboys. In 1608 Crawlboys was recorded as being totally enclosed by banks and ditches.?! There are no other evident signs of the park pales to the Ludgershall Parks on the ground, although the southern edge of the parish boundary (from SU262500 to SU274500) — part of which is also the county boundary — may at some time have been the south edge of South Park with South Park (SU273493) at its extreme south-east corner. The South Park at Ludgershall is, as noted above, believed to have at one time extended into Hampshire, where Warren Hill (SU254479) situated a mile and a quarter south-west of South Park Farm may have been a rabbit warren associated with the Park There is free access to Ludgershall Castle, the road to Crawlboys probably runs near the east side of North Park, and a public footpath which runs west to east over Blackmore Down probably follows 48. J.E.Jackson, ‘Charles Lord Stourton, and the Murder of the Hartgills’, WAM 8 (1864), p.299; and VCH Wiltshire, Vol.15, p.127. 49. VCH Wiltshire, Vol.15, p.126. 50. This suggestion is also made in VCH Wiltshire, Vol.15, p.119: “.. . the west half of the boundary [of Ludgershall parish] is the north edge of North Park. The site of South Park is crossed by a number of footpaths. Brook Park The park at Brook near Westbury was a deer park of uncertain date of origin created in an area probably used by the Anglo-Saxons as a hunting ground associated with the Saxon borough of Westbury. The park was developed by Sir Robert Willoughby, the first Lord Willoughby de Broke, in the late 15th century. Brook Park was marked by Speed in 1610 south of Brook House (ST851534) straddling Biss Brook from which the house takes its name. It was within Selwood Forest until that forest was greatly reduced in size by disafforestation. Walter de Paveley is believed to have been given the Westbury hundred (including Brook) after the baronial wars against King John” and Brook House was built by Walter de Paveley. It was successively the residence of the Paveley Lords of Westbury, the Cheyneys, and the Willoughbys de Broke. Walter de Paveley was Sheriff of Wiltshire 1289-90, and Brook remained in the ownership of the Paveleys for 250 years until the last male Paveley died in 1361. The estate was then divided between his daughters Joan and Alice and descended to the Cheyney family. At Sir Edmund Cheyney’s death in the 15th century, his daughter Anne took Brook to her husband Sir John Willoughby.*? Their son was Sir Robert Willoughby (d.1502), a Devon man who although he had supported Edward IV deserted Richard III after he usurped the throne in 1483. Asa consequence, Willoughby was attainted and tem- porarily lost Brook when he fled to Brittany and his estates were forfeited. At the Battle of Bosworth in 1485 Willoughby was one of Henry Tudor’s commanders. In recognition of his services to the Tudor cause Willoughby was created the first Lord Willoughby by Henry VII and reinstated into the ownership of the Brook estate. He appears to have made Brook his principal dwelling and appended ‘de Broke’ to his ~ new name, Broke being the old name for Brook. In an attempt to retain her possessions after Bosworth, Richard III’s mother, Cecilia Duchess of York, made Lord Willoughby de Broke keeper of Vastern Great marked by the bank and ditch of the north park of the castle’. 51. VCH Wiltshire, Vol.11, p.111. 52. W. Illingworth and J. Caley, Rotult Hundredorum (2 vols., 1812- 18), Vol.2, p.279. 53. J.E.Jackson, ‘The Sheriffs of Wiltshire’, WAM 3 (1857), p.197. 54. VCH Wiltshire, Vol.8, p.151. SOME WILTSHIRE DEER PARKS Park at Wootton Bassett and of Bradon Forest, and steward of all her Wiltshire properties. As a result of continued services rendered to Henry VII as he consolidated his tenuous hold on the throne, the 1st Lord Broke became a royal favourite and one of the principal administrators in establishing the Tudor dynasty. When his son Robert, 2nd Lord Broke, died in 1521 his estates including Brook were divided between his two daughters, one of whom married Sir Fulke Greville. Brook passed out of the hands of the Lords de Broke and from 1599 until 1684, when it was sold, Brook was held by the Hungerfords. The present Brook House consists of a 17th- century farmhouse with a two-storeyed 15th-century buttressed wing with two-light windows which was probably built by the first Lord Willoughby de Broke. Jnguisitions held at Westbury in 1624 reveal that the Brook estate then extended from Trowbridge to Rode, and there are references to free-warrens, commons, and woodlands. A docu- ment dated 1323 refers to /e Park at Brook,” and in the 16th century Brook Park was noted by Leland: “There is a fayre park, but no great large thynge. In it be a great number of very fayre and fyne greyned oaks... .’.°° By 1582 the park had been disparked and sub-divided.”’ Brook Park was shown on Morden’s 1695 map of Wiltshire extending to Westbury Leigh. It may then have included the moated site at ST857528 (and possibly another at ST861509) which could be the sites of parkers’ lodges. Conigree Wood (ST853532) —a name indicating a rabbit warren—appears south of Brook House. Rabbit warrens were often included in deer parks and this one was recorded as Conynghay as early as 1277.°* Conigree Wood also contains ponds which are another usual feature in parks, being used to stock fish for consumption when the church forbade meat-eating. Earthworks to the south of Brook House may have been pillow- mounds for rabbits, or alternatively the site of a former settlement cleared to make way for the deer park. In this context it should be noted that in the 1332 tax lists Broke in Westbury returned a tax of los. 11%d., one eighth of the £6 4s. 9'Ad. paid at Westbury. This suggests a considerable population at Brook and the possibility that a settlement here was cleared away, although the reference to /e Park mentioned above indicates that a park existed at Brook by 1323. 55. Ibid., p.166. 56. Leland’s Itineraries, ed. Toulman Smith, vi, 83, pp.86-7, quoted from VCH Wiltshire, Vol.8, p.152. 57. VCH Wiltshire, Vol.8, p.151. : PEL freland a fj Ee Nisa \) Seotlanes ; Uy Folre.s » Note ; the bounds of Brook Park are only epee aey eae \ oe ea ae ai Fm S'Norlkaze od vitouse Fim sede: rot J gles Haw Aral site of mansion) PP feraree Wood : ‘ rhs Wood Fm ‘a > i oe Z, 5 / p Page & WS / . RWoddiend Hots \ “AS » auf YY Nee he 1 Pork ie Dh , Storridge £ Hamer i < on Wf : : ple NS eae pat © Soe \ ~~ . XN WH La WA foand a Kans I Weed, kerswood.“ ‘ ie) BremeridgeS” 4 fm One km One Mile Figure 4. BROOK PARK Brook Park is situated in the extreme north-west corner of Westbury parish and both Andrews and Dury (1773) and the first Ordnance Survey show the site of Brook Park as ‘Westbury Field’. The name Lodge Wood Farm (ST861533), half a mile east of Brook House, suggests proximity to a former park lodge. The ‘Westbury Field’ of Andrews and Dury and the first Ordnance Survey map suggests the possibility that Brook could have been the deer park mentioned in the 13th-century Close Rolls? as being owned by Ralph Hareng at Westbury. The Westbury Tithe Awards (1842) contain several names which indicate the extent of Brook Park. To the north-east ‘Lower Park’ (ST856538) and ‘Upper Park’ (ST857536), with curving bound- aries to their north-east, suggest that these field boundaries may have been the bounds of Brook Park. They run from ST856540 through ST858537 and east of Court Farm (ST859536)—at that time ‘Hawkeridge Farm’—to Lodge Wood Farm (ST861533). Several examples exist in Wiltshire of ‘Rail’ or ‘Rayle’ place-names commemorating the posts and rails of former park pales. South of Brook the ‘Storridge Rails’ (ST848521) of the Tithe 58. Forest Proceedings of Selwood (PRO; quoted in Gover er al., op. cit., p.149. 59. Cal. C.R., 1227-31, p.296. 98 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Award may indicate the southern edge of the park, and ‘Breach Paddock’ (ST852522) south of Storridge Farm a possible deer-leap breaching the park pale. Both seem to be rather distant from Brook House to be relevant, although a pronounced bank and ditch along the north side of Brook Lane (at ST856516 near Brook Farm) may indicate that at some time Brook Park extended as far south as Brook Drove (ST850519) and Brook Lane. It is likely that for most of its existence the enclosure of Brook Park was roughly oval, the north- eastern boundary taking in Court Farm (ST859536) and Lodge Wood Farm (ST861533) along the line already mentioned, and then looping in a clockwise direction on the map to follow as its western edge the parish boundary along Biss Brook past Storridge Farm (ST853526) and back to Brook House. This approximately coincides with the oval hatched area shown by Andrews and Dury on their 1773 map of Wiltshire, designated by them ‘Westbury Field’. On its south-west side the bounds may have followed the raised metalled approach to Brook House which runs alongside Biss Brook and coincides with the parish boundary. In this case the raised nature of the drive may be explained by its construction along the bank of the park pale, the natural stream being utilised as a boundary ditch. A park enclosed within these limits would take in Conigree Wood and the moated site at S1857528, and also contain an area of about 160 acres which represents a medium-sized park consistent with Leland’s description of Brook Park as being ‘no great large thynge’. The site of Brook Park has been successively disrupted by the railway, by iron workings, a Second World War army depot, and now by an industrial trading estate. It may be approached by the lane past Storridge Farm running west out of the West Wilts Trading Estate at Westbury, or by the public foot- path which follows Biss Brook to the ford (ST850534) immediately west of Brook House. From the minor road past Hawkeridge to its east the park is crossed by a footpath which forks immediately south of Court Farm, both branches crossing the site of the former Brook Park. Mere Park Mere is a fine example of a mid 13th-century deer park which is detached from its home establishment 60. T.H.Baker, “Notes on the History of Mere’, WAM 29 (1897), p.231. and is well documented and well-defined on the ground, although its pale ditches have been greatly eroded by ploughing. Mere Park was created by Richard, Earl of Cornwall (1209-1272), King John’s second son, as an outpark to the castle which he had built on Mere Hill. Richard of Cornwall was partic- ularly devoted to hunting. Having in 1227 been compelled by his barons to settle Cornwall on his brother, Henry III also granted Richard Dartmoor as a hunting ground. Richard of Cornwall led the baronial opposition to his brother, and in 1257 was crowned titular king of the Romans. In 1253 he had acquired the manor of Mere and built a castle on the hill above the town. A deer park at Mere soon followed, and on 7 January 1256 a park break was recorded at Mere Park, followed by another on 17 April 1296. In 1299 over a mile of fencing and hedging was accounted for at the park, and in about 1300 there is a record of a man being sent with a horse to the Earl of Cornwall’s principal residence at Berkhampsted with a salted buck from Mere Park.°° The park then evidently contained deer, although it was largely used as a horse park for the Earl’s brood mares and chargers.°! After Richard of Cornwall’s death the 1300 Inquisition post mortem on Edward, Earl of Cornwall, refers to ‘a certain park called the park of Conewich, in which there are no beasts’. ‘No beasts’ indicates occupation by domestic stock, probably still horses, as opposed to wild deer which were then often referred to as wild beasts. The ‘park of Conewich’ was Mere Park, ‘Conewich’ being now Conrish Farm (ST848309) near Park Corner at the north- west corner of the park. The 1300 Inquisition post mortem continued: “There is also another park called Deverlingewode’. This secondary park at Mere became Deverill Longwood (ST803338), the Deverells Wood of the 1901 25-inch Ordnance Survey,’ at Wood Farm a little north-west of Mere. This small park, which was conveniently closer to Mere Castle than the larger Mere Park situated three miles south-east of the village, may- have been retained as the castle deer park after the principal Mere Park was given over to horses. In 1303 wood was sold from Mere Park and a park entry (that is a trespass) was recorded on 12 March 1307. William Stourton, Lord of the Manor of nearby Stourton, was in 1386 granted by royal patent custody of the castle and park of Mere. As Duke of Cornwall, Henry IV paid a grant to 61. Ibid., p.232. 62. Ibid., p.239, f.n. SOME WILTSHIRE DEER PARKS Note » the bounds of Mere Park are very 150 > Hf precisely defined from 1568 records ¥ 2! } WS Conrish Fm = ; Je i \ Sone p ay jaPark Corner ; Lyemersh 4 >Barrow Y, SS Lie dicen lil skim -*: i Street Ah SSS SSS 2 ae I . f-\ Lugmarsh Frr é 4 \ - Sf Park Cottages po \ on = — if, Knowl aes Moor NUE 7 4 ie ee eee [ = Fm est aN Yp + / CaN po = VWF" Higher Mere Fark -. = oS eeew eee e / ~'New Leaze ANN “*s:2-Lower Mere Tine > ee ca) SP \ : Pee SS DORSET WILTS seat ee Lawn Fm s \ \ / z : \ aa zt ee ~ / ne : tees @Gutch poche: f mts im _2 See ee / Pe Vee Jee he “Sweetwell rues y, ‘\ Lawn Bridge \ aX : Fm ss i a Sedgehill One km One Mile Figure 5. MERE PARK William, Lord Stourton, to repair ‘our Lodge and Herbage of our park of Mere’ in 1399.°* Following the revolution of that year in which Richard II was usurped by Henry IV, Lord Stourton experienced difficulty in retaining his interests at Mere, but they were ultimately confirmed in 1401 after he had petitioned against his expulsion. In 1460 Edward, Earl of March was granted keepership of the parks of Mere and Everleigh.®* Saxton’s 1575 map of Dorset showed Mere Park three miles south-east of Mere and on the Dorset boundary, as did those of Speed in 1610 and Morden in 1695. A Parliamentary Survey in 1650 recorded that Mere Park was ‘Disparked about 60 years hence . . . surrounded by pales, hedges and ditches, . . . bounded east by Knoyle Common, west by Gillingham Marsh . . . containing 495 acres 3 roods.” Hutchins quotes a 1568 document which defines the bounds of Mere Park as being: ‘corner of Mere Park, adjoining to the north side of Pymperleygh hedge, and from thence along the hedge by the said park unto the water called Gouge Pole, of old called Horseappledore, and from thence by the Hedge of the said Park, called Double Hedge in the north side of Cowridge’.°° Pimperleaze Road is the road which runs south-east from Lyemarsh Farm (ST832305) towards Higher Mere Park Farm (ST845297). It is 63. Ibid., p.240. 64. Cal. RR., 1452-61. 65. T.H.Baker, op. cit., p.243. 66. J.Hutchins, The History and Antiquities of the County of Dorset (3rd. edn., 1861-70), quoted in T.H. Baker, op. cit., p.238. 99 the most direct approach to Mere Park from Mere. The cottages at the point where it reaches the park are Park Cottages (ST840296). ‘Gouge Pole’ is now Gutch Pool Farm (ST838285), situated over the county boundary in Dorset. This 1568 record precisely defines the bounds of Mere Park as a roughly rectangular park contained between Park Corner (ST849307) to the north, the county boundary north of Gutch Pool Farm to the south (where Double Hedge survives from ST841291 to ST847284 as twin parallel hedges with modern ditches outside them and the remains of a park pale between), the Gillingham to West Knoyle road to the west, and East Knoyle and Sedgehill parish boundaries to the east. On the north and west sides there are distinct signs of a much reduced park pale ditch within a bank, and along the north boundary double hedges with banks and ditches follow the road east from Park Corner. These bounds represent a total pale length of some four miles and enclose an area of about 500 acres which is consistent with the ‘495 acres 3 roods’ of the 1650 survey quoted above. The park contains Higher Mere Park Farm (ST844297) and Lower Mere Park Farm (ST845292), the former being the site of the original moated lodge, the latter of its replacement called New House built in about 1726.°’ Park Corner (S1T849307) is near Conrish Farm (ST848309) which was parco de Kunewyk in 1268, park atte Conwich in 1300, and park of Meere al. Couewich in 1453.°° Other park indicator names are the ‘Lawn’ element in Lawn Farm which is situated a little south-west of the park (at ST830287), and Lawn Bridge (ST841291) just outside its southern boundary. The southern end of Mere park is watered by the headwaters of the River Lodden. The many ponds which exist at this end of the park may once have furnished fish for the castle of Mere and possi- bly for the palace of Gillingham which lis three miles to its south-west. In July 1975 the pale bank and ditch on the west side of Mere Park was sectioned (at S1T85522983) by the Shaftesbury and District Archaeological Group.’ The short report of this excavation represents the only known example of an archaeological excavation of a park pale in Wiltshire.”° In 1577 Sir Walter Raleigh, who lived at Sherborne about fifteen miles west of Mere Park, 67. Ibid., p.241. 68. Gover, et. al., op. cit., p.179. 69. RCHME (Swindon), National Archaeological Record Card: ST82NW1 70. Ibid., loc. cit. 100 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Figure 6. Ruins of Old Wardour Castle from the Fallow Deer Park to its west and his brother Carew Raleigh were jointly appointed to the keepership of Mere Park. By 1583 it was in the keeping of Sir John Zouche, the rent of £5 per annum going to Lord North as lessee of the Crown.’! Mere Park was in 1595 sold to Sir Matthew Arundell, but was re-possessed by James I who was an ardent hunter. Nevertheless, the days of deer parks were by then numbered for, from about 1590, Mere Park was progressively disparked and converted to agriculture. Today the tenancy is in the hands of the Mitchell family who have been here since 1844. Closely associated with Mere Park was a royal park over the county boundary with Dorset at the King’s Court Palace at Gillingham, a royal manor and an important Saxon residence which continued to be used by the Norman and Plantagenet kings. Two miles east of Mere Park the Bishops of Winchester owned a deer park at East Knoyle. A single footpath runs west to east across the site from the minor road junction at Knowl (ST844303) past Higher Mere Park Farm towards Sedgehill. Access is otherwise rather restricted, although the 71. 1583 Note of Parks in the County of Wilts (State Papers Domestic: PRO SP12 162). 72. Gover et al., op. cit., p.197. park is easily viewed from the minor roads which follow its bounds to the west and north. The Parks at Wardour Castle The several late medieval deer parks at Wardour were created as adjoining parks around the castle. Werdore at Domesday belonged to Waleran the Venator, chief huntsman to William I and Ranger of the New Forest. This fact suggests that there could be a long-standing tradition of hunting deer at Wardour which may have been a Saxon royal manor. The suggestion that the second element of the name of Bridzor Farm (ST932273) a little north of Wardour may derive from the Old English geard— meaning enclosure’*—leads to speculation about whether this enclosure could have been a Saxon deer park. Park Mead was Parkmede in 1382,” and by 1393 Wardour was in the hands of John, 5th Lord Lovel, who in that year was licensed to crenellate his house at Wardour. The Lovel estates were forfeited at Edward IV’s accession as a result of John, 7th Lord Lovel’s support for the Lancastrian cause. 73. Ibid., p.486. SOME WILTSHIRE DEER PARKS Note : the bounds of the parks at Wardour have \: been defined from old maps as shown. g ee a oe y) ae Xe (Oeiiuvevs M oes 2 ! 98 < fi ¥ some = / Wor dst” Ne A = Red Deer Park Bombe Pac SSN = ‘The Lawn’ eC \ G D = ‘The Rayles Park’. dy One km One Mile Figure 7. WARDOUR PARK Wardour then went through many changes of ownership until in 1499 Lord Cheyne sold it to Robert Willoughby, lst Lord Broke (see Brook Park above), whose mother was a Cheyne. At Lord Broke’s death in 1502 his estates passed to his eldest son Robert, 2nd Lord Willoughby de Broke. When he died in 1521 he left a confused succession, dividing all his estates between his two daughters. At that time Wardour Castle was occupied by his brother Sir Anthony Willoughby who maintained that his father had intended him to have Wardour and tried to obtain it by litigation, in which he failed.”* In 1544 Sir Anthony finally surrendered his interest at Wardour to Sir Fulke Greville who had married into the Broke family, and to his heirs. Within three years Fulke Greville (in 1547) sold Wardour to Sir Thomas Arundell of Lanherne. By the time of Henry VIII Wardour was Warder parke.” Speed’s map of 1610 shows Wardour surrounded by a single park pale but Richard Harding’s map of 1618” is more precise. It shows two parks, one for ‘Fallow Deer’ and the other for ‘Red Deare’. The former was immediately beside the castle, the latter being more remote to its south-west around Horwood Pond (ST933253). The 1583 Note of Parks 74. R.J. Skinner, “The Willoughbys of Brook Hall, Westbury, and Wardour Castle’, WAM 87 (1994), pp.122-3. 75. Gover et al., op. cit., p.199. 76. Reproduced in WAM 22 (1885), facing p.149. 77. J.Aubrey, Collections for the Natural and Topographical History of Wiltshire (1969 edn.), p.123. 101 in the County of Wilts also records two parks, one two miles, the other three miles round. John Aubrey confirmed this arrangement when he _ wrote: ‘Wardour Castle, the seate of the Lord Arundell . .. Here was a red-deer parke and a fallow-deere parke.”’ Aubrey used the past tense because during the siege of Wardour Castle in the Civil War in 1643 the Parliamentary commander ruined the parks by breaking down the pales and allowing the deer to escape. Britton wrote of the troops having ‘pulled up the pales of two parks, one of red deer, one of fallow.”* The names ‘Lawn Park’ and ‘Wildbuck Park’ are also recorded at Wardour.’? The deer parks must have been reinstated because in 1653 the area of the park was given as 850 acres, and in a 1759 survey there is mention of ‘Near and Far Deer Parks’, although a little earlier the 4th Earl had taken up fox hunting and kept at Wardour the earliest pack of fox hounds of which there are records (1690-1700). The Arundell Rentals and Surveys record that Wardour Park was enclosed by pales, walls and ditches. Surviving 17th- and 18th-century maps of Wardour include one defining the bounds of Wardour Park as it was before 1570.°° One map shows the positions of the ‘Red Dear Parke’ and ‘The Fallow Dear Parke’, both contained within an enclosure surrounded by ‘Great Ditch’ which enclosed Old Wardour Castle in its north-east corner with an area called “The Rayles’ (centre at S1T943263) extending east towards Twelve Acre Copse. The name ‘Rayles’ probably arose, as elsewhere in Wiltshire, from the posts and rails of the park pale fence. Bridzor Manor had. included a common pasture south-west of Squalls Farm (ST948270) called Twelve Acres, said in 1599 to be of 100 acres. It was this area that was in about 1580 impaled, included in Wardour Park, and called The Rayles. The south-east corner of the Wardour Park enclosure immediately north-west of what is now Horwood Farm (ST939255) is marked “The Lawn’ (50 acres, centre at ST937257). The topography has been considerably changed since this map was prepared and this, together with the limitations of early cartography, makes it difficult to be absolutely precise, but the Red Deer Park of about 100 acres was west of Old Wardour towards the River Nadder (centre at about 925262) in the area which now contains Park Pond, and formerly Island Pond. The 78. J.Britton, The Beauties of Wiltshire (1801), Vol.1, p.263. 79. VCH Wiltshire, Vol.13, p.132. 80. WRO 2667/22 and 2667/21/14. 102 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE smaller Fallow Deer Park is shown (centre ST934262) between Pale Park Pond and Old Wardour Castle. The red deer were evidently kept farthest from the building, presumably because they were more aggressive and less easily controlled than fallow deer. The string of five ponds which existed within the curtilage of the Wardour Parks postdated the medieval parks, having been possibly formed at some time between 1700 and 1753.*! In 1768 the parks at Wardour enclosed about 344 acres, but in 1839 they had been increased to 619 acres. The park ditch included some lands in Tisbury parish to its north. A second 18th-century map at the Wiltshire Record Office—which marks New Wardour Castle (built 1769-1776)—-shows ‘Great Park’ south of New Wardour with ‘Pale Park’ to its south, and ‘Nower’s Park’ south of that and north of Nower’s Copse. “The Rayles’ of the earlier map has now become ‘Rails’, immediately west of Twelve Acre Copse. The south-east corner of the ditched enclosure (“The Lawn’ on the 17th-century map) includes several plots containing the name ‘Horwood’ which may mean ‘boundary wood’ since it adjoins the parish boundary near the site of the later Horwood Farm. During the early 18th century Wardour was formally landscaped** but later in the century the grounds around the ruined castle were deformalised. Both of these reorganisations of the Wardour land- scape have contributed to the removal of most signs of the former deer parks. The lakes in Wardour Park were, as already noted, the result of this 18th- century landscaping and were shown by Andrews and Dury on their 1773 map. Their names recall the deer park which formerly occupied their sites. One is Park Pond (ST923264), another Pale Park Pond (ST929258). Further west are Parkgate Farm (ST920259) and Park Copse (ST923256). 81. VCH Wiltshire, Vol.13, p.126. 82. As shown by Buck’s engraving of 1735. Access to Wardour Park is very good. From the small car park at Old Wardour Castle a public footpath runs west then south-west past Pale Park Pond to Park Copse. It crosses the sites of first the Fallow Deer Park and then the Red Deer Park. The tiny 17th-century ornamental gateway situated in the Fallow Deer Park near this footpath (at ST932261) should not be missed. Another public path runs a little east of north from Parkgate Farm beside the River Nadder and passes west of Park Pond before reaching New Wardour Park. This path follows approximately the west edge of the Wardour Parks. CONCLUSION More than forty years ago O.G.S.Crawford pleaded in Archaeology in the Field (1953) for local historians to ‘Go and walk along what looks, on the map, like the boundary of a park, and mark it in’. Two years later Professor W.G.Hoskins suggested in The Making of the English Landscape (1955): “The reconstruction of medieval parks and their boundaries is one of the many useful tasks awaiting the field-worker with patience and a good local knowledge.’ These pleas have gone unanswered in Wiltshire where the subject of early deer parks remains a practically unresearched subject. It is hoped that the descriptions of several deer parks in this paper, and the attempts to establish their bounds, will encourage local historians to undertake research into some of the other parks listed in the introductory paper to this subject on pages 95 to 98 of Volume 89 (1996) of this Magazine. Aclowledgements: The plans included in this paper are based on the Ordnance Survey with that organisation’s sanction, Crown Copyright reserved (ref. 85882M07/96). Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol. 91 (1998), pp. 103-112 The Ley Family of Teffont Evias and Westbury and the Earldom of Marlborough by RAYMOND J. SKINNER It is over a century since consideration has been given to one of Wiltshire’s most influential families. In 1889 Fames Waylen discussed the careers of the first three Earls of Marlborough in an article for this Magazine entitled ‘The Wiltshire Compounders’; this was followed, in 1891, by a more lengthy paper by the Revd WPS. Bingham on the life of the first Earl, James Ley, an important administrator whose career in the law spanned half a century. The present paper considers interesting material which has recently come to light locally and adds much detail to our knowledge of Fames Ley, his family and forebears. John Churchill, first Duke of Marlborough, is widely regarded, with Napoleon, Alexander, and Hannibal as one of the world’s greatest soldiers. In 1689, he was created Earl of Marlborough and in 1702, as a result of his outstanding military successes, he was created duke, becoming a national hero after his brilliant victories against the French and Bavarians at Blenheim and later at Ramillies.' It is not perhaps so well known, however, that the Earldom of Marlborough, in an earlier creation, dated back over half a century before to 1626, when James Ley, Lord High Treasurer and Lord President of the Council to Charles I, was raised to the peerage three days after the king’s coronation.” Ley, by profession a lawyer, was a leading member of the Elizabethan Society of Antiquaries and had an avid interest in the history of his family — one which could trace its ancestry back to the closing years of the 13th century and the time of Edward I.’ James Ley was the youngest of four surviving sons of Henry Ley, a soldier and retainer of Sir William Herbert, first Earl of Pembroke. The Leys came from a long line of royal servants, first establishing themselves at Canons Ley, Bere Ferrers, near the confluence of the rivers Tavy and Tamar as these flowed out to the sea at Plymouth. It was, however, in the early 1540s that Henry Ley first settled in Wiltshire, where he purchased the 1. It has been suggested that John Churchill, Duke of Marlborough, adopted the title because his maternal grand- mother, Ellen, was sister to James Ley’s third wife, Jane Butler, daughter of John, 1st Baron Boteler of Brantfield. 2. G.E. Cokayne (ed.), Complete Peerage, vol. 8 (London 1959), pp. 488-9, n. (c), (d). His peerage may have been due to the Figure 1. James Ley, 1st Earl of Marlborough (1550-1629). Reproduction of an engraving published in 1798 influence of his wife Jane’s uncle, the all-powerful Duke of Buckingham. G.D. Squibb (ed.), Wiltshire Visitation Pedigrees 1623 (1954), vol. 2, pp. 109-115. See also “The Declaracion of Ley, or Ley: his pedigree’: W.R.O., 366/1. 104 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE estate of Teffont Evias from Henry VIII,* having a short time before married Dioniz, or Dionysia, a daughter of Walter Seymour of Berwick St John and Imber. Henry Ley had only been about ten years old when his father died and was at first a ward of Robert, the second Lord Willoughby de Broke, who was lord of the manor of Bere Ferrers. When Willoughby himself died in 1522 Henry’s wardship passed to Walter Seymour, an executor of de Broke’s will.’ Further details concerning this period of Henry’s life and his imprisonment in Wardour Castle are contained in the ‘Declaracion of Ley’ following. Henry Ley obviously managed to pick his way through the political and religious minefield that was England in the 16th century. He had first seen service against the Catholic rebels at the Rebellion in the West, and then subsequently against Wyatt’s anti-Spanish marriage protest; finally he had fought in Philip and Mary’s quarrel against the Pope. Ley himself, born in Plymouth, came from a part of England where sympathy for the Catholic cause was widespread and he was, like many another of his station, by nature a Catholic but, by necessity as a soldier and servant of government, he had to support the ruling party of the time. Whatever his religious convictions, his fortunes were bound up with that ruling party, whether parliamentary or dynastic. When Elizabeth I came to the throne in 1558 her religious settlhement strengthened the Protestant cause and re-established the anti-Papal measures of Henry VIII’s and Edward VI’s time: England was henceforth to be a Protestant country which would, in a generation, bring her into open conflict with Catholic Spain. In the years of Elizabeth’s reign which remained to him, Henry Ley seems, like many of his contemporaries, to have involved himself in much litigation over his lands; in a contentious age he, like many others who found themselves enmeshed in the toils of the Chancery Court, ‘died before the Tearme in which his case should have been argued’.° Henry Ley was buried in Teffont Church in 1574 and the family monument is described as follows: 4. Letters and Papers, Foreign & Domestic, Henry VIII, vol. 20 (1), (846) (30), p. 418. W.R.O., 366/1, ‘The Declaracion of Ley, or Ley: his pedigree’ (unpublished MS.), p. 14. See also Raymond J. Skinner, ‘The Willoughbys of Brook Hall, Westbury, and Wardour Castle’, WAM, vol. 87 (1994), p. 123. On The monument to the Leys is in the north-east corner of the chancel. On a large altar monu- ment are three male figures in recumbent postures. That nearest the wall is elevated somewhat higher than the other two, and represents (in stone) Henry Ley Esq., in black armour, with his hands at his sides, his head resting on a double cushion, and his feet on a lion couchant. The other two figures, repre- senting his sons William and Matthew, are also habited in armour as worn in the reign of James I with trunk hose and large ruffs round their necks. All three have been painted, but the legs of all are broken. Above this monument, but forming part of it, are the arms of Ley, viz., Argent, a chevron between three wolves’ heads, caboshed sable, langued gules; impaling Argent, two chevrons Sable, a label in chief Vert.’ Teffont Manor House, behind the church, is said to have been built in its present form by Henry’s son, William, in the late 16th or early 17th century; the present battlements were probably added during the 19th century. The house is now converted into flats, but the following description is still apposite: An impressive flat front of 4 bays with regularly- spaced four- and three-light windows, those on the first floor with transoms. Battlements at the top. A big buttress runs up the middle. Originally there were two doorways, also placed symmetrically. One room has preserved its panelling. The house seems to be early 17th century. Behind Victorian outbuildings with two towers.® The charming composite of elegant church with its graceful spire, backed by mellowed and be-lichened gravestones; the sturdy four-square stone house surrounded by many tall mature trees; and the 6. W.R.O., 366/1, p. 15. 7. Sir Richard Colt Hoare, The History of Modern Wiltshire, vol. 4 (London 1830), p. 113. 8. Sir N. Pevsner, The Buildings of England, Wiltshire, (Harmonds- worth 1975), p. 518. THE LEY FAMILY OF TEFFONT EVIAS AND WESTBURY AND THE EARLDOM OF MARLBOROUGH 105 sparkling village stream, the Teff, a feeder of the River Nadder; these together present an idyllic picture unsurpassed even in an area of beautiful villages. To James Ley, the first Earl, is owed the history and genealogy of his family for, in c.1608, he wrote a narrative pedigree, ‘The Declaracion of Ley’, in which he traced the descent of his family back to 1296. The detailed knowledge contained in the “‘Declaracion’ was unknown to previous biographers of the family and would still be unknown were it not for the rather fortuitous survival of the document in the Wiltshire Record Office. The manuscript first came to rest in Trowbridge when it was transferred from the Dorset Record Office in 1951 where it had first been deposited by Mr. L.T.S. Bower of Childe Okeford, Dorset.’ Mr. Bower’s profession, however, meant that the majority of his time was spent in what was then Tanganyika; we do not know how the ‘Declaracion’ came into his hands. There is perhaps a certain irony that having apparently lain neglected and ignored for three centuries or more, the manuscript of the ‘Declaracion’ has comparatively recently been ‘discovered’ by several researchers. Joyce Lorimer, a Hakluyt Society editor, made use of that part of the ‘Declaracion’ which deals with the voyages of John Ley, sea captain, explorer, and elder brother of James, in her volume on English and Irish Settlement On the River Amazon (1989). In a footnote she ascribes the actual discovery of the manuscript to David Souden of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, who passed on to her a transcript of pages 29—42.'° It was in the year following publication of Lorimer’s book that the present writer first saw the manuscript at Trowbridge, having at that time no knowledge of either the Ley family, or of Professor Lorimer’s work. The first part of the ‘Declaracion’ (pages 8-17), deals with the Ley family when domiciled at Bere Ferrers in Devon, and a transcript by the writer has been reproduced elsewhere.'! For present purposes, the transcripts given here are in two sections: first, pages 3-7, and secondly, pages 14-17; the latter commencing with the birth of the Henry Ley 9. W.R.O., 366/1, notes that the owner of the documents was L.T.S. Bower, Esq., of P.O. Sanya Junc., Via Moshi, Tanganyika. (Per Dorset R.O.) 10. Joyce Lorimer (ed.), English and Irish Settlement on the River Amazon, 1550-1645, (Hakluyt Society, 1989), p. 20. See also Raymond J. Skinner, ‘The Life and Voyages of John Ley, 1550-1604’, (unpublished MS.). This substantial concluding referred to earlier in this paper. James Ley’s ‘Declaracion’ narrative ends in c.1608 with his appointment as the King’s Attorney of Wards and Liveries; there is, consequently, no mention of the important posts of state which he was later to hold. Ley commenced his history/genealogy, however, with a very detailed list of the births, baptisms and marriages of his own offspring, together with a further sheet headed ‘A Note of the Lady Leyes death’. This section, pages 3-7, has not, to the writer’s knowledge, been reproduced elsewhere. In the ensuing transcription, original spelling has been retained throughout. Areas of doubt have been followed by [?]. Contracted words have not been expanded. Some explanations have also been included in square brackets where they clarify the text and where they are deemed necessary. (A) THE FAMILY OF SIR JAMES LEY, LATER 1ST EARL OF MARLBOROUGH (pages 3—7 of original manuscript) James Ley of the parish of Westburie in the Countie of Wilteshire, fowerth sonne of Henrie Ley, of Teffont Evias in the said Countie of Wiltes, esquier, deceased, and of Dionize, his wief, deceased, and Marie Petty, eldest daughter of John Petty, late of Stoke Talmage, in the Countie of Oxon., esquier, deceased, and of Elizabeth, his wief, were maried in the parish church of Stoke Talmage, aforesaid, by Simon Lee, clerke, parson of Beconfferld in the Countie of Buckingham, uppon Twosdaie, beinge the second daie of June in the xxxiith yere of the raigne of Quene Elizabeth, Anno dmi. 1590. 1. Elizabeth, the daughter of the said James Ley and Mary, his wief, was borne at Stoke Talmage aforesaid uppon Twosdaie, beinge the second daie of March the xxxiiith yeare of the raigne of Quene Elizabeth, Anno dmi. 1590, betwene the houres of four and five of the clock in the afternoone, and was baptized uppon the section of the ‘Declaracion’ (not reproduced here), is based upon John Ley’s letters written to his brothers from the Cape Verde Islands in 1601, during his third voyage to the Caribbean. The letters describe his two previous voyages to the north-east coast of South America and to the Amazon in 1597/8. 11. Devon & Cornwall Notes and Queries, vol. 37 part 2, (Autumn 1992), pp. 58-64; vol. 37, part 3, (Spring 1994), pp. 101-102. 106 bo THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Thursdaie followinge. The godfather Xpofer [Christopher] Petty of Tettisworth in the said Countie of Oxon. esquier. The godmothers, Ursula, the wief of John Doyley of Chyselga [?] in the said Countie of Oxon. esquier, and Ffrances Lydcott, the wief of Leonard Lydcott in the said Countie of Oxon. esquier. Anne, the daughter of the said James Ley and Mary, his wief, was borne at Westburie above said, uppon Saterdaie, beinge the xixth daie of May, in the xxxvth yeare of the raigne of Quene Eliz., Anno dmi. 1593, betwene the houres of seven and eight of the clock, in the forenoone, and was baptized uppon Saterdaie being the second daie of June then next followinge. The godfather, Jeffrey Whitaker of Tynhed in the said Countie of Wiltes., gent., the godmothers Anne, the wief of Edmund Lambert of Boyton in the said Countie of Wiltes., esquier, and Margaret, the wief of Thomas Bennet of West- burie aforesaid, gent. Mary, the daughter of the said James Ley and Mary, his wief, was borne at Stoke Talmage above said, uppon Mondaie beinge the xxvth daie of November in the 37th yeare of the raigne of Quene Elizabeth, Anno dmi., 1594, betwene the houres of five and six of the clock in the forenoone, and was baptized uppon Sondaie beinge the first daie of December, the next followinge. The godfather John Petty of Ffawler in the said Countie of Oxon., gent. The godmother Mary, the wief of George Barston [?] of Chi ... enhurst [?] in the said Countie of Oxon., gent. Henry, the sonne of the said James Ley and Mary, his wief, was borne at Westbury aforesaid uppon Twosdaie beinge the xvilith daie of November in the xxxvilith yere of the raigne of Queene Elizabeth, Anno dmi. 1595, betwene the houres of five and six of the clock in the afternoone, and was baptized uppon Wednesdaie, beinge the third daie of December then next followinge. The godfather Edmund Lambert of Boyton aforesaid, esquier, and Walter Gawen of Imber, in the said Countie of Wiltes., gent. The godmother Mary, the daught- er of John Dauntesy of Lavington, in the said Countie. of Wiltes. esquier. Dionize, the daughter of the said James Ley and Mary, his wief, was borne at Westburie aforesaid uppon Wednesdaie, beinge the xxilith daie of November in the xlth yere of the raigne of Queene Eliz. Anno dmi. 1597, betwene the houres of two and three of the clock in the morning, and was baptized uppon Wednesdaie, beinge St. Thomas daie, the xxith of December then next followinge. The godfather, William Jones of Edington in the Countie of Wiltes., gent. The godmothers Xpian [Chrispian?] the wife of Walter Gawen aforesaid, and Agnes, the wief of Roger Markes of Stepleashton in the Countie of Wiltes. James, the sonne of the said James Ley and Marie, his wief, was borne at Westburie aforesaid, uppon Thursdaie, beinge the xxiith of November in the xluth yere of the raigne of Queene Elizabeth, Anno dmi. 1599, betwene the houres of five and six of the clock in the afternoone, and was baptized uppon Sondaie, beinge the ixth daie of December then next followinge. The godfathers, Alex. Clock [?] of Avington [?] in the Countie of Berks., esquier, and William Bower, the younger, of Bishops Lavington in the Countie of Wiltes., gent. The godmother, Cicely, the wief of Jo. Stileman of Stepleashton aforesaid, gent. Margaret, the daughter of the said James Ley and Mary, his wief, was borne at Westbury aforesaid uppon Sondaie being the 27th daie of Ffebruary in the five and forteth yere of the raigne of Queene Eliz. Anno dmi. 1602, betwene the houres of ten & eleven of the clock in the afternoone, and was baptized uppon the Twosdaie followinge. The godfather Roger Marks of Stepleashton aforesaid. The godmothers Jane, the wief of Roberte Knigton of Westbury and Anne Wylkins, the widowe of Anthoine Wilkins of Brookeden [?] Hester, the daughter of the said Sir James Ley and the Lady Mary, his wief, was borne at St. Thomas Court, neere Dublin, in the realme of Ireland, uppon Saturdaie beinge ye vilith daie of June in the yeare of the raigne of King James of England and Ireland the third, and of Scotland the xxxvuith [?] Anno dmi. 1608 [?], betwene the houres of six and seven of the clock in the morninge, and was baptized in the parish church of St. Katherins in Thomas Streete, neare Dublin, uppon Sondaie beinge the xix [?] daie of June then next followinge. The godfather Sir William Usher, Kt., Clerk of the Counsell there. The godmothers Hester, the wief of Sir Oliver Lambert, Kt., one of the Privye Counsell there, and Ann, the wief of Sir Henry Ffolliot, Kt., Govnor of Ballishanon. Baptized by Edward East parson of the parish of St. Katherins. THE LEY FAMILY OF TEFFONT EVIAS AND WESTBURY AND THE EARLDOM OF MARLBOROUGH 9. Martha, the daughter of the said Sir James Ley, Kt., and the Lady Mary, his wief, was born at St. Brydes, neare London, uppon Saturdaie beinge the vth daie of May in the yeare of the raigne of King James of England the eight, and of Scotland the xluith, Anno dmi. 1610, betwene the houres of twelve and one of the clock that daie, and was baptized uppon the Thursdaie then followinge, beinge the xth daie of May. The godfather Mathewe Ley of Har- peden in the Countie of Oxon., esquier. The godmother Johan, the wief of Sir Oliver St. John, Kt., Master of the Ordinance, and one of the Privie Counsell in Ireland, and Ffrances [?], the wief of Sir Thomas Gardner Kt., of Peckham in the Countie of Surrey. 10. Phebe, the daughter of the said Sir James Ley, and of the Lady Mary, his wief, was borne at the Grayfriars called Christ Church in London, uppon Sondaie the vth of May in the yeare of the raigne of King James of England, Ffraunce and Ireland, the thirtye [?], and of Scotland XLIIIth Anno dmi. 1611, at eight of the clock in the forenoone, and was baptized uppon Mondaie, beinge the xiith daie of May. The godfather, William Ravenscrofte of Lincoln’s Inn esquier, Clerk of the Petty Bagge. The godmothers Afra [?] the wief of Sir Anthonie St. Leger Kt., and Ann, the wief of Sir Myles Fleetwood Kt., Receivor Generall of the Courte of Wards and Lyvries. [The rest of this, page five of the original, is blank. There is one further entry on each of pages six and seven, as follows:] [page six] Maried Elizabethe, oldest daughter of the said Sir James Ley, and the Lady Mary, his wief, was maried unto Maurice Carent of To .. mar [?] in the Countie of Somerset, esquier, in the parishe churche of Westburie in the Countie of Wilteshire by William Tompson, Viccar of Westbury aforesaid, uppon the -twelth [?] daie of Januery, in the sixt yeare of Kinge James of England XR [?] and in the yeare of Our Lord God, 1608. [page seven] Buried _Martha, the seaventh daughter of the said Sir James ‘Ley, and the Lady Mary, his wief, died uppon ‘12. The second Lord Willoughby de Broke, 1472-1521; died s.p.m.s. of the pestilence at Bere Ferrers and was buried in the 107 Ffriday the xuth daie of October then followinge, viz., the daie of her birth, betwene the houres of tenn and eleven of the clock at night, and was buried uppon the Sondaie after the said xiith daie of October, in the parish church of St. Mary Overheyes in Southwark, in the southe side of the upper [?] end of the Chaunsell there. [There is a loose sheet of paper, written in a different hand, included with the Declaracion of Ley which reads as follows:] [Superscribed on the back:] A note of the Lady Leyes death The said Ladie Marie died uppon Sondaie the 11th of October, at three of the clock in the afternoone in the XLthe yere of his Majesties raigne of England XR [?] and of Scotland the XLVIIth Anno dmi. 1613 at Beckington in the Countie of Somerset, and was buried uppon Twosdaie after in the parish church of Westburie in the Countie of Wiltes. in the south ile there. Anne, the second daughter of the said Sir James Ley, and the Lady Mary, his wief was maried to Walter Longe of Raxhill [?] in the Countie of Wiltes, esquier, in the parishe church of Beckington aforesaid by Toby Walkwood, parson of Beckington, uppon Satterdaie, beinge the vith of Januarie in the xiith yere of the raigne of our Sovergne Kinge James of England XI [?] Anno dmi. 1614. Marie, the third daughter of the said Sir James Ley, and the Lady Mary, his wief, was maried to Jo. Trisham [?] of Bampton in the Countie of Devon, esquier, in the parishe church of Beckington aforesaid by Toby Walkwood, parson of Beckington, uppon Mondaie being Christmas Day, and the xxvth of December in the xiiith yere of the raigne of Kinge James of England, Ffraunce and Ireland. Eo xiith [?] of Scottland xlixth Anno dmi. 1615. (B) LEY: HIS PEDIGREE (pages 14—17 of original manuscript) A Declaracion of the family of Ley Henry Ley, the sonne of the said Henrie, succeeded him, and was borne at Plymouth, after which time Sir Robert Willoughby, knight and last Lord Brooke,!” beinge also the lord of church there: Complete Peerage, vol. 12, p. 687. 108 the mannor of Byreferrers [Bere Ferrers], beinge dead and having conveied the greatest part of his landes unto his two daughters; Elizabeth, maried to John Pawlet, afterwardes Lord Marques of Winchester, and Anne, maried to Charles, Lord Mountjioye. And haveinge made Walter Seymor of Berwick St John, Wiltshire, and others his executors,!? by meanes thereof greate controversie grewe betwene them and Sir Anthoine Willoughby, brother and heir male to the Lord Brooke, and Sir Fraunces Daughtry and Fowlk Grevil and their wyves, who were heires-generall to the same Lord Brooke, by meanes whereof Walter Seymor seised upon the bodie of Henrie Ley as ward, and brought him unto Berwick St John in Wiltes for a season, from whence he was stollen awaie by Sir Anthoine Willoughby, and kept closelie and secretlie by him in Wardor Castle by the space of vij yeres. After which he [Henry Ley], atteyneinge to yeres of discrecion, escaped from thence, and returned to Walter Seymour, who maried him to his younger daughter called Dyoniz; and thother daughter called Proteise he bestowed uppon John Gawen,'* which two daughters were his heires. This Henrie Ley, so soone as he had atteyned to the age of xxjtie yeeres, sold awaie all his lande at Ley, Beereferrers,!> Plymouth and Stone, in the Countie of Devon, and in Trevowan, St Enodar, Alternon, and else- where in the Countie of Cornewaile, unto John Servington for CCCli [£300], and warranted the same to be worth xviij [eighteen] pounds rent of Assize; and after- wardes he purchased of the Kinge the mannor of Teffont Evias in Wiltes, which came to the Kinge by the attainder of Walter, Lord Hun- gerford. When the Frenchman offered to lande in the Ie of Wight,'° he [Henry Ley] was Captaine of an C of Wiltshier souldiers, and served in the Ile with them; and in his march toward the THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE enimie a greate peece of ordinance shot out of a French ship, and the bullet passed soe neere his head that it touched his eare, soe that with the force thereof he was striken downe as dead, but presentlie rose and recovered againe, and was at thend of the service [action]. In the time of K[ing] E[dward] the 6, he with his two men, served on horseback in the West Contrey against the rebells which made the great comotion, where beinge in the third ranck of those horsemen that gave the charge uppon the enimy, at the lane called Clist Lane,’ he was received with two pikes, thone bent against his horse which was hurte therewith, and thother bent against himself, with which he was unhorst, and two of his short rybbs broken; and had bene presentlie shortly slaine by a billman yf John Smith of Kingston, who served in the 111jth ranck, had not charged his staffe at the billman and slaine him. By this onset of the horsemen the rebells were discomfeited and manie of them slaine and executed. And they comeinge unto Byreferrers, Sir William Herbert gave unto him [Henry Ley] the ransominge of a parish neere adioyneinge, who onlie ransomed the Parson for xlli [£40], and pardoned the rest without ransom, whose posteritie do at this present remember him for the same. He [Henry Ley] dwelt longe time in the Lodge in the Forest of Grovely, near Teffon Evias, Wiltshire, and had the Custody and Rangership thereof under K[ing] E[dward] the 6; and after that the Kinge had given the forest unto Sir William Herbert, Earle of Pembroke, yet he held the same longe time. In the begynninge of Queene Maires raigne he served at London with his two men, at his owne charges, on horseback under the Earle of Pembroke against Sir Thomas Wyatt;'® and afterwardes, about the end of Queene Maries raigne, he went under the same Earle unto St. Quyntins, and served there with his two men 13. Formerly P.C.C., 21 Maynwaryng: ‘And I will that the said 15. Succeeding Earls of Marlborough seem, however, to have Walter Semer shalhave yerely during his life XX li of the said disposed of other lands etc., at Bere Ferrers 1648-1683: Devon issues and profits, taking upon him as one of myn executors and R.O. deeds 346M/T 1-20. doing the charge and business of the recept of all my manors, 16. The threatened French invasion of July 1545, during which landes and tenementes assigned and appoynted by my Wille to Henry VIII’s warship, the Mary Rose sank in the Solent. be receyved by myn executors to and for the payment of my 17. The action between the rebels and the king’s forces at Clyst St. dettets, assignements and legacies.’ Mary, Devon: the so-called Rebellion in the West. 14. The Gawen family of Norrington Manor, near Alvediston, 18. Wyatt’s rebellion of January 1554. Wilts: a Catholic recusant family. THE LEY FAMILY OF TEFFONT EVIAS AND WESTBURY AND THE EARLDOM OF MARLBOROUGH on horseback, and was at the wynninge of the towne.!? He began suite in the Chancerie before Bishop Gardner, against Trelawney and others, for the recovery of the landes in Penhargerd, Charlton Lannoye, and other places in Cornwaile, which ought to have remained unto him after the death of Richard Moore and Jane, his wief, without yssue, but beinge dismissed without releif he renewed his suite in the time of Queene Elizabeth, before Sir Nicholas Baron, Lord Keeper of the Great Seale, and recovered the landes in Charlton against Langdon, which he left to descend to his heires; and was dismissed to the Comon Lawe for the residue. Whereuppon he served severall formedons [writs of right in property] in remainder for the same landes in the Comon place [Pleas], against Kingdon and others; wherein the matters groweinge to demurrers in law [legal argument], he died before the Tearme in which it shold have ben argued. He [Henry Ley] had yssue four sonnes who lived after his death, and two sonnes who died in his lifetime: William, his eldest sonne, Mathewe, the second, John, the third, and James, the last sonne; and Peter and Henrie who died yonge. He [Henry Ley] died the viith: daie of June in the xvijth yere of Queene Elizabeth [1574-5], and was buried in the parish church of Tevont Evias, where his tomb and armes do yt appeare, betwene the chappell and the chauncell. And Dioniz, his wief, afterwardes maried Richard Marsh, and died the iijth daie of Aprill, Anno domini 1589, and was buried in the parish church of Mere, Wilts. She was one of the daughters and heires of Walter Seymor, and of Anne, his wief, daugh- ter of Vanns [?] of Southampton, and the widowe of Thomas Woodshawe;”? and Walter Seymor was the second sonne of Stephen Seymor of Wilton [Wilts.], and of Agnes, his first wief, daughter of John Goodfellowe of Filkinge, in the Countie of Oxon.; which John Goodfellowe sealed with two barrs in base. This Stephen died Anno Dm. 1504. He was learned in the lawes, and was descended of the house of the Seintmaurs [St. Maurs] of Castle Carie [Somerset], and of Beckington [Somerset], whose armes are Or ii cheverons [?] g. [PGules] a labell. v. [?Vert]. William Ley, eldest sonne and heire of the said Henrie, was first brought up in the studie of the lawe, but by reason of infirmitie in his head he withdrewe himself into the countrie and helde a private course of lyf. He newe builded the house at Teffont where he dwelled, and by his great care was a helpe to his other brothers, and by his frugalitie greatlie en- creased his own abilitie. Mathewe Ley, second sonne, was at the first of Newe Inne in London, and maried Margaret, the widowe of Sir Humphry Foster of Aldermaston, in the Countie of Berks., knight, and daughter of [?] Barret of Essex, esquier, and in her right hold the mannor of Harpden in the Countie of Oxon., and of Wellowe in the Countie of Southampton, and dwelt at Harpden. The armes of which barrett is Barry of fower p pale countercharged .a. [?Azure] and Gules. John Ley, third sonne, was first a Child [pupil] of the College of Winchester, and afterwardes mainetained at Oxford for a season, and from thence removed to Clements Inne, London, but beinge nothinge affected to studie the lawe, he betook himself to marshiall courses, He first sailed twice with Martyn Furboiser?! to the North partes of America, then served in the Lowe Countries longe tyme and became a captaine there; went into Ireland with Sir William Russell, went divers times to sea uppon reprisals at his owne charge, served at sea with Sir Martin Furboiser and the Earle of Cumberland in the Queenes_ shipps;? he went to the Iles with the Earle and was captain of the ‘Alcedo’, and sailed to the West Indies thrice at his owne charges, saw manie 109 19. The Battle of St. Quentin, 1557, in which the French are said to 21. Martin Frobisher was knighted at sea by the Lord High have lost about 10,000 men against the Anglo-Spanish alliance Admiral, Charles, Lord Howard of Effingham, during the brought about by the marriage of Queen Mary to Philip II of action against the Spanish Armada in July 1588: D.N.B., vol. 7, Spain. p. 724. 20. For the background to Thomas Woodshawe see R.J. Skinner, 22. John Ley was present with Frobisher and George Clifford, 3rd ‘Thomas Woodshawe, “Grasiour” & Regicide’, The Ricardian, Earl of Cumberland, at the taking of the great carrack, Madre de vol. 9, no. 121, June 1993), pp. 417-423. Dios in August 1592. 110 countries and straunge things, as by his letteres conteyeinge the discripcion of his voyages maye appeare. Lastlie, beinge of the age of liij yeres, died uppon the vijth daie of June, in the second yeare of King James [1604—5], and was buried in the middle of the chauncell of the church of St Andrewe of the Wardrobe in London,” under a marble stone whereon his picture in his armes and an inscripcionn of the daie of his death, all in brasse. James Ley, fowerth sonne, was first brought up in Oxford, in Balliol and Brassenos Colleges, where he proceeded Bachiler of Arte, and had his grace to proceed Mr [Master] of Arte, but by reason of the death of his father he was removed unto Newe Inne, London, and from thence to Lincoln’s Inne, where he applied the studie of the lawe, and being called to the Bar, practized the Comon lawe; and haveinge first ben a Reader in Furnival’s Inne, and beinge called to the Bench, he became a Reader in Lincoln’s Inne in Lent, in the xliiijth yeare [1601-2] of Queene Elizabeth; and in the first yere of King James [1603-4] he was made one of the Cheif Justices of Pembrok, Cardigan, Carmarthen, and Havorfordwest in Walles, where haveinge served two Cercuits, and haveinge ben a Justice of the Peace and Quorn tenn yeres, and a Justice of Oyer and Terminer five yeres, he was in Michaellmas Terme, in the first yere of King James raigne, at Winchester, called Seriant-at-lawe, by writt dated xxij Novem., and was sworne in the Chauncerie at Wolveshey [Wolvesey] uppon xxi1j Novem., and was invested in the Colledge Hall upon xxvj Novem.; and the same daie was presented in the Comon place [?], and kept his feast in the Colledge Hall, in which Colledge he had formerlie ben a scholler. And afterwardes at Wilton, uppon the ixth daie of December followinge, he receaved the order of knighthood by the handes of the Kinge, and with the sword of the Earle of Devonshire, which was don in the Queenes Great Gallarie, and in the presence of the Queene and all the lordes and ladies. And the morrowe after he receaved the King’s Privie . The original church of St. Andrew was destroyed in the Great Fire of London in 1666 and probably, with it, John Ley’s memorial. THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Seale, to be Cheif Justice of the Kinges Cheif Bench in Ireland, and to be of the Privy Councell there. He maried Marie, the eldest daughter of John Petty of Stoke Talmadge, in the Countie of Oxon. esquier, and of Elizabeth, his wief, who was the sonne of John Petty of Tettis- worth, whose father and grandfather were also named John, and are descended of the Pettyes of Staffordshire. They beare in their armes Quarterlie .o. and .b. on a bend Vert, three martlets of the first. The said Elizabeth was daughter and heire of Thomas Snap of Fawler, in the parish of Charlburie, in the Countie of Oxon., whose auncestors came from a place called Snapp in the parish of Awbourne [Aldbourne] in Wiltes. The said James Ley hath yssue, two sonnes, Henrie and James, and six daughters: Eliz- abeth maried Mr. Maurice Carent of Tobmar; and Anne, Marie, Dioniz, Margaret, and Hester; which Hester was borne in Ireland. And afterwardes, he [James Ley] beinge sent for by letteres from the Lordes of the Counsell to repaier into England, with instruccions for the newe plantacion of Ulster, was by Letteres Patentes, dated the xviijth daie of November in the .6. yere of the Kinges raigne [1608—9], made the Kinges Attornie of the Wardes and Liveries, and uppon the xxijth daie of November followeinge he was sworne to execute the same office at Whitehall, before Robert, Earle of Salisburie, Lord Threr [Treasurer] of England, and Master of the Wardes and Lyveries. For a succinct summary of James Ley’s career during the period when he held several of the great offices of state including Lord Chief Justice, Lord High Treasurer and Lord President of the Council, the paper by W.P.S. Bingham has already been noticed." © In the light of his comments, however, some further consideration might be given to the difficult circumstances in which Ley found himself on his appointment as Lord Treasurer at the end of 1624. At this time there was intense financial difficulty aggravated by a mistaken foreign policy and a 24. The Rev. W.P.S. Bingham, ‘James Ley, Earl of Marlborough’, WAM 25 (1891), pp. 86-99. THE LEY FAMILY OF TEFFONT EVIAS AND WESTBURY AND THE EARLDOM OF MARLBOROUGH Na perennial domestic shortage of money. The monarchy had almost always found itself in straitened circumstances; perhaps only in the closing years of Henry VII’s reign over a hundred years earlier had the monarchy managed to ‘live of its own’. Charles I, and to a lesser extent his father, were usually short of money. James I’s Impositions were a considerable source of contention with Parliament, which was beginning to question the royal prerogative much more closely than in past days. When Charles I came to the throne in 1625, he intervened disastrously in the Thirty Years War on behalf of the King of Denmark, with a disastrous assault on Cadiz; the expected capture of Spanish treasure ships did not materialize. Danish soldiers now began to clamour for pay which was not forth- coming due to the failure of the promised English subsidies. These financial difficulties are well exemplified in the following letter dated 24 July 1625 sent by Secretary Conway to Lord Treasurer Ley: it will be hard to avoid an accident of dishonour to his Majesty, both in his own and the Queen’s household unless your extra- ordinary care and instant directions prevent it — One day’s delay will make the inconvenience and dishonour unavoidable. Thus the King has commanded me to signify his express pleasure presently to you that instantly upon sight hereof you send order to the Cofferer, if you have not done it already, to furnish the purveyors with money that they may perform their offices in furnishing the ordinary provisions. This is the charge I have received from the King, And now as a friend and servant to your Lordship I think it my duty to give you knowledge of what I hear... the purveyors’ wants are such as after one day they must and will fail, and so both King and Queen will be left unprovided, which how great a dishonour it will be you can well judge. You must use the least delay etc., etc.” Further letters in the same vein continued to be written in both 1626 and 1627 expressing concern over 25. Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Charles I, 1625, pp. 36-7. 26. Ibid., 14 August, 1626, p. 148; 1 March, 1627, pp. 199-201. 27. Bingham, op. cit., p. 97. 28. Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Charles I, Addenda 1625-49, p. 264. great want of present money for His Majesty’s important affairs, viz., payment of wages of mariners of the fleet lately returned, payment of the soldiers upon the coast, of the soldiers in Ireland and in the Low Countries and for the security of Burlamachi to whom His Majesty is indebted for almost £30,000 and likely to face ruin.° Bingham states, apparently in error, that Ley did not ‘hold this office long’.*’ In fact, he was appointed Lord Treasurer in December 1624 and was evidently still in his position as late as February 1628, as may be seen from the letters quoted above and from the following: February 29, 1628: Lord “Treasurer Marlborough and others to meet, treat, and conclude with the Ambassador Extraordinary sent from the States General of Holland, upon all points that shall be propounded by them for the public good of Christendom.’* There have been, in some quarters, suggestions that Ley as Lord Treasurer was ‘incompetent’, but if such had been the case, as Bingham himself says, he would scarcely have been made Earl of Marlborough in 1626, or Lord President of the Council in 1628. During these years James Ley was associated with English interest in developing settlement in the West Indies, principally at first in the Leeward/ Windward groups. As Earl of Marlborough he was granted Barbados in 1627.*? The island had first been settled by the English in 1625, and in the following ten years was said to have been brought to great perfection, ‘as many tons of goods being shipped from there as from Mexico or Peru’. At this time there were also English settlements on St. Kitts and Nevis. It is interesting to conjecture how much of James Ley’s interest in the area stemmed from his eider brother John’s very early voyages to Guiana in 1597-8, when the latter ‘directed our course to St. Vincent from thence to an Iland nere Nevis, where we tooke in wood and water’.*° Tobacco was also, of course, a much sought-after commodity, involving much compe- tition with Dutch adventurers in the area. The ongoing Ley family interest in the Caribbean also 29. Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, America & West Indies, 1574-1660, pp. 242-3. See also J.A. Winson, Caribee Islands under the Proprietary Patents (London 1926), pp. 21-23, 39 and 160. 30. W.R.O. 366/1, ‘Declaracion of Ley’, p. 32, lines 37-40. 112 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE extended to James, the third Earl of Marlborough, grandson of the first James, who in 1645 was appointed Lord of the Caribee Islands by Charles J.?! Milton’s ‘Good Earl’, the first James, died in his beloved Lincoln’s Inn four days after Charles I had dissolved his fourth Parliament, and declared that he would rule without the aid of parliaments. The Earl was said to have died of a broken heart for he had loved his misguided King and his now-divided country. He was buried in the parish church of Westbury, aged 77. His will mentions ‘All my 31. Cokayne, op. cit., p. 490. 32. Ibid., p. 489, n. (c). Parliament Roabes ... books ... pictures, portraits, portables and genealogies concerning my name and Family to my son Henry, Lord Ley’, (as heirlooms with the Barony of Ley).*? There seems little doubt that the manuscript of the ‘Declaracion of Ley’ discussed in this paper would have formed part of his bequest to his son. Subsequent Earls of Marlborough, however, do not seem to have shared James Ley’s interest in genealogy and the family, for there is no further apparent mention of such a document until it re- appeared in the Dorset Record Office in 1951. Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol. 91 (1998), pp. 113-127 Gardens, Gardeners, Nurserymen and Seedsmen in Wiltshire 1700-1845 by JAMES H. THOMAS Between 1700 and 1845 gardens and the people who worked and supplied them were of increasing importance for a variety of social, economic and aesthetic reasons. This paper examines their activities and significance in Wiltshire and 1s derived, in the main, from printed sources. Our British gardeners ... instead of humour- ing nature, love to deviate from it as much as possible. Our trees rise in cones, globes and pyramids. We see the marks of scissors upon every plant and bush. I do not know whether I am singular in my opinion, but for my own part, I would rather look at a tree in all its luxuriancy than when it is thus cut and trimmed into a mathematical figure. ! So wrote Joseph Addison (1672-1719), essayist, poet, statesman and M.P. for Malmesbury, in The Spectator in 1712. In so doing, he drew his readers’ attention to a growing liking for topiary, inspired, as so many elements of English life were in the late 17th and early 18th centuries, by Dutch influence and example.” Indeed, gardens and gardening were to be subject not just to influence from across the North Sea but also to that from both Quakers and Huguenots. As a result of such influences, in part, there developed a passion for gardening and gardens between 1700 and 1845. Books poured forth from the press on the subject. Winchester-born Stephen Switzer (1682?-1745), agricultural writer, gardener and seedsman, penned works such as Nobleman, Gentleman and Gardener’s Recreation (1715) and edited a monthly periodical entitled The Practical Husbandman and Planter, while also producing a number of other gardening works. Nationally, the trend of book production on gardens and gardening between 1700 and 1850 was certainly one of growth, as the table below makes clear. While the trend was one of growth, published evidence in the form of books, periodicals and seedsmen’s catalogues, clearly revealed the strength of interest in gardening. Much of that interest was, moreover, to be found in Wiltshire. 1. Quoted L. Harcourt, Mr Methuen’s House (Slough, 1981), p. 27. Table 1: Published works in English on gardens and gardening 1700-1850 1700-1709 V7 LO=1719 1720-1729 1730-1739 1740-1749 Li50-1 759 1760-1769 1770-1779 1780-1789 1790-1799 1800-1809 1810-1819 1820-1829 1830-1839 1840-1849 Total 103 a NJ PD WOWOMWOH HDA ANNYM UH B VU Source: British Museum Subject Index of Books to 1880 (4 vols., 1962) The county had early made an important contri- bution to gardening in general. John Rose (c. 1622- 1677), appointed gardener to Charles II at St James’s Park in November 1660 at £40 per annum, was born at Amesbury, the son of a yeoman. Prior to his royal appointment, Rose had been gardener at Amesbury House, where he was employed by the widowed Duchess of Somerset. It was Rose who was depicted by the Dutch landscape painter and engraver Hendrik Danckerts (1630?-1680?) pre- senting his royal master with the first pineapple raised in England. Thomas Fairchild (1667-1729), born in Aldbourne, to the north-east of Marl- borough, established himself as a nurseryman at Hoxton in the early 1690s. He was also the first 2. K.H.D. Haley, The British and the Dutch (1988), pp. 204-5. 114 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE nurseryman to become a_ leading botanist. Hybridization and horticultural town planning were to be his particular specialities. He contributed a paper on plant sap circulation to the Royal Society’s Philosophical Transactions, wrote on the culture of the Guernsey Lily, penned for periodicals and produced The City Gardener (1722). Some of his work appeared posthumously in the form of a contribution to Catalogue of Trees and Shrubs propagated near London (1730). Additionally, Salisbury was to be an early centre of horticultural importance in the county. Writing in the 1670s, Anthony Lawrence made reference to ‘the goodly Nurseries’ near the city.’ This paper’s purpose is to offer answers, in many instances far from definitive, to certain key questions. To what extent was the county’s early interest sustained and enlarged upon between 1700 and 1845? What was the size and extent of Wiltshire gardens during the period? Can gardeners, nursery- men and seedsmen be quantified? What of their work? Did any of them write about horticultural matters? How, and from where, were seeds and new plants obtained? Did gardeners and their confréres fall foul of the law? While it may not prove possible to find answers to all of these questions, at the very least a clearer picture should begin to emerge. Equally, the paper may inspire others to follow up some of these avenues of research in greater detail. I Between 1700 and 1845 the private libraries in Wiltshire’s country houses bore ample testimony to the fact that the early interest in gardening in the county had indeed been sustained. The catalogue of the Hoare library at Stourhead, for example, pub- lished in 1840, contained dozens of works on history and topography, as well as tomes on natural history, science, law, medicine and agriculture. Also to be found on the shelves were J. Abercrombie’s Propag- ation and Botanical Arrangement of Plants and Trees (2 vols., 1784), Walter Nicol’s Forcing Fruit and Kitchen Gardener (Edinburgh, 1802) and a copy of the 5th edition of Thomas Whateley’s Observations on Modern Gardening. There was also a copy of the 3- 3. Material drawn from J. Harvey, Early Nurserymen (1974), passim, Dictionary of National Biography and Calendar of State Papers Domestic 1660-1661, p. 369. The widowed Duchess of Somerset was the second wife of William Seymour (1588-1660), 2nd Duke. His first wife, whom he had married secretly in 1610, was Lady Arabella Stuart (1575-1615), next heir to the English throne after James I. volume catalogue of the plants at Kew, compiled by William Aiton, and some really specialised volumes. Among these were H.C. Andrews’ Geraniums (3 vols. 1805) and Charles Turner Cooke’s Observations on the Efficiency of White Mustard Seed (Gloucester, 1726). To help while away the time, members of the Hoare family could also leaf idly through William Walton’s work Historical and Descriptive Account of the four Species of Peruvian Sheep (1811).* While the libraries of other great houses such as Wilton and Bowood reflected similar horticultural strengths so, too, did those of more modest Wiltshire houses. Sale catalogues form a particularly useful source in this regard. Three from the period 1780-1820 merit comment. In December 1786 Peleg Morris’s library was sold off in Devizes in 192 lots, embracing categories such as History, Law, Novels, Divinity, Physic, French, Classics and the inevitable ‘Mis- cellaneous’. Among the last section were included Miller’s Gardeners Dictionary and the same author’s three-volume Gardeners Alphabetical Dictionary. Early in February 1818 the possessions of John Collins of Devizes were auctioned. The operation took nine days in all and revealed that, while Collins had 15,000 prints in his possession, he also had coins from the ancient world, maps of the Moghul Empire, ‘A Blunderbuss with Brass Barrel and Spring Bayonet’, “The complete Dress of an Highland Chief’, and ‘An elegant Feather-work’d Helmet, and Cloak of a Chief of Owhyee’. Among other items sold were ‘Eight Engravings of Trees’ and Laport’s Character of Trees with 8 plates. Late in May 1820 Joshua Smith’s library was sold off. An East India Company Director between 1771 and 1773 and Devizes M.P. for three decades after 1788, Smith had resided at Stoke Park. The impressive collection was sold by Mr Jeffery ‘at his Rooms 4, Colonnade, Pall Mall’. Consisting of 1,642 lots all told, and divided into appropriate sections, that for ‘Natural History and Botany’ contained seven relevant works, reflecting a strong interest. While the library included a copy of John Evelyn’s magnum opus Silva, which fetched £3 4s., it also held Whateley’s Observations on Modern Gardening (1777), Chambers’ work on oriental gardening, with engravings by Bartolozzi, which fetched 2s. 6d., a work on designs for stoves for ‘Pine, Plants, and c. 4. Catalogue of the Hoare Library at Stourhead, Co. Wilts (1840), passim. John Abercrombie (1726-1806), William Aiton (1731- 1793), Henry C. Andrews (ff. 1799-1828) and Thomas Whateley (d.1772) are all noted in D.N.B. GARDENS, GARDENERS, NURSERYMEN AND SEEDSMEN IN WILTSHIRE 1700-1845 13 and c.’ and Ellis’s Directions for bringing over Seeds and Plants (1775) which was purchased for 15s. While Smith may not have read them all, he at least attempted to keep up to date with his acquisitions.’ The local press carried advertisements for the latest published works on the subject, such as The Forest Primer and Pontey’s Profitable Planter, both offered for sale in mid February 1808.° Con- temporary periodicals and specialist journals were just as revealing. Wiltshire subscribers to The Gentleman’s Magazine in 1764, for example, could read of tree grafting and vine cultivation, and could learn how to eradicate caterpillars that damaged fruit trees, oaks and dwarf maples in particular. They could also read, at length, about the history and cultivation of sugar cane. Readers of The Annual Register a decade later could read about Scotch Pines and of a ‘ New Method of raising Early Potatoes’. Specialist journals were represented by the 33 numbers of the Gardener’s Magazine and the 6 volumes of J.C. Loudon’ s Gardener’s Magazine to be found on the library shelves at Stourhead in 1840.’ While the magazine for 1834 contained notes on gardens and country seats visited during an extensive summer tour, including some in Wiltshire, it also carried articles with such intriguing titles as ‘General Remarks on the Progress of Intellect among Gardeners’.*® Quite clearly, growth could be dis- cerned on many fronts. It was not, however, just a matter of increasing literary output and interest, significant though this was. Important innovations were introduced such as the Ha-Ha, developed by Charles Bridgeman (d.1738). The aristocracy and gentry could have their parks and gardens remodelled on graceful, sweeping lines by men of the ilk of painter and landscape gardener William Kent (1685-1748) who strove to abolish walled, closed-in gardens, and Lancelot ‘Capability Brown (1715-83) who did much to revive the natural style of landscape gardening. It was Brown who laid out the gardens at Kew and Blenheim, who worked on the lands surrounding the Methuen family seat at Corsham in 1760 and who was commissioned by the 1st Marquis of Lansdowne to improve Bowood’s rolling park two 5. Copies of the catalogues can be viewed in the W.A.N.H.S. Library at Devizes. For Joshua Smith (1732-1819), see R.G. Thorne, The House of Commons 1790-1820 (5 vols. 1986), V; pp. 197-8. 6. S(alisbury) F(ournal), 3705, 15 Feb. 1808. William Pontey was employed as Nurseryman, Planter and Forest Pruner to the Duke of Bedford. Copies of the books were available from B.C. Collins of Salisbury. years later. Having lost a fortune, Humphrey Repton (1752-1818) became a professional landscape gardener and worked on Corsham’s unfinished park- land in the late 1790s. While men such as Brown, Kent, Repton and Switzer became household names, there were others, legion in number, who did much of the actual work involved. These were the unsung heroes of the horticultural world during the century and a half after 1700. Furthermore, they worked on a range of gardens. II What were Wiltshire gardens like between 1700 and 1845? They were characterised by one word — variety. At the grand end were the sweeping elegant wonders attached to seats such as Bowood, Wilton House, Stourhead and Corsham. Parkland planting at the Methuen Corsham home in the closing years of the 18th century provides a clear indication of both size and scale. Table 2: Parkland planting, Corsham 1798-1801 Beech 1,450 Elm 600 Oak 2,700 Spanish Chestnut 1,550 Sycamore 100 Willow-leaved, Scarlet and Evergreen Oaks 1,800 Total 8,200 Source: L. Harcourt, Mr Methuen’s House (Slough, 1981 ), p. 70. To these could be added a profusion of chestnuts, maple, Scotch firs, spruce, walnuts and yew trees. The cost was considerable, oak plants alone being purchased at 2s. 6d. each. Wilton House, home of the Earls of Pembroke, witnessed substantial gardening changes. The great Caroline garden, created for the 4th Earl by Isaac de Caus in c.1632, had been both elaborate and impressive. When Dutch artist and poet William Schellinks (1623-1678) visited Wilton early in 7. The Gentleman’s Magazine XXXIV (1764), pp. 134, 135, 24-5, 483-8; The Annual Register for 1774 (1971 edn.), pp. 83-5, 118-19; Catalogue of the Hoare Library..., pp. 671, 673. Landscape gardener and horticultural writer, J.C. Loudon (1783-1843) is noted in D.N.B. 8. W.A.N.H.S Library, Wiltshire Tracts, Vol. 28, pp. 413-9, 139-40. 116 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE September 1662 he was certainly moved by what he saw: Thus ... we ... went with the gardener to see the gardens, which are extremely elegant, interesting and pleasant, with a wide avenue or promenade throughout its whole length with many cypress trees along it. First there are four flower beds with fountains in the middle, then some steps, flanked on both sides by four stone lions, two on each rise, then on both sides a maze with stone statues. Then two fish- ponds, where a lot of carp are kept. There follow two parks with cypress and fruit trees and in the middle of the promenade a bronze gladiator on a pedestal, then on both sides in the corners again two sitting stone lions. In the 1730s, however, all of this had been swept away by Lord Pembroke, to be replaced by extensive swards of lawn and by copious cedars and deciduous trees. Substantial alterations to the house in the early 19th century for the 11th Earl of Pembroke, with Wyatt’s design and Bernasconi’s execution of the cloisters, necessitated further changes in their surroundings. These included incorporating several acres of water meadows into the private grounds, creation of a large walled kitchen garden, the removal of a grotto and movement of the 32ft high column of Venus Genetrix to a secluded location near the river. Shrubberies were extended; new flower beds and walks were set out.’ But while the rebuilding programme was fraught with problems that are beyond this paper’s remit, the gardens were not unpleasing, as an American visitor to Wilton in 1810 observed: The site is low and flat; a velvet lawn, level as a piece of water unites to a real piece of water, artificial, and by no means bright, but of a good effect notwithstanding, and prodigious fine trees everywhere. They are such as are met with nowhere in the world except in an English park. 9. M. Exwood and H. L. Lehmann (eds.), The Journal of William Schellinks’ Travels in England 1661-1663, Camden Soc. 5th Series, Vol. I (1993), p. 133. T. Lever, The Herberts of Wilton (1967), passim. The Venus Genetrix was allegedly acquired in Rome by the diarist John Evelyn for Thomas, 2nd Earl of Arundel and Surrey (1586-1646), the noted collector. 10. Lyon-born Louis Simond emigrated to the United States of America shortly before the outbreak of the French Revolution. There he became a successful shipowner and married a niece of John Wilkes. He and his wife landed at Falmouth on Christmas Eve 1809 and sailed from Liverpool late in September 1811. 11. C. Hibbert (ed.), An American in Regency England (1968), pp. Subsequently the same visitor, Louis Simond,!° went to Stourhead. Built by Colen Campbell for banker Henry Hoare in 1722 and the first attempt in England to create the scenery associated with Italian romantic landscape painters, Stourhead did not impress the transatlantic visitor. Not only were he and his fellow travellers prohibited from sitting down during their conducted perambulations of the house, but the grounds left little impression on him either: The lawns are half covered and belittled by shrubs, planted everywhere, particularly endless tufts and thickets of laurels; beautiful in themselves but in too great profusion ... in fact, I think there is as much done to spoil, as to adorn this fine spot. Between Stourhead and Bristol, however, the country improved, Simond describing it as: a continual garden, full of gentlemen’s houses and grounds, and of neat cottages, single, and in villages ..."! On an equally impressive scale were the gardens and parkland of Bowood, seat of the Marquises of Lansdowne. In an unfinished state when acquired by the Ist Earl of Shelburne in 1754, the gardens were to be transformed by ‘Capability’ Brown with the creation of a lake and gentle lawns and the planting of protective belts of trees. Later in the 18th century the cascade and the associated, near obligatory, hermit’s grotto and cave were to be added by others, while Repton’s advice was sought on greenhouses. The results were impressive. Britton could wax lyrical on the way in which ‘the profusion of large, indigenous and exotic trees ... clothe every division of this charming spot, with the foliacious mantle of Nature’, but he also observed, from a practical viewpoint, that the grounds ‘furnish constant employment to twenty poor labourers, whose business is to keep them in that neat and elegant state which they are always seen’.'? How could contemporaries be other than impressed? 62-4. An earlier visitor to Stourhead, the Revd James Woodforde, went there with his family in 1763 observing “The Temple of Hercules in the gardens must cost Mr Hoare £10,000, it is excessively grand’: J. Beresford (ed.), The Diary of a Country Parson: The Reverend fames Woodforde (5 vols. 1924-31), I, p. 32. For Stourhead see, in particular, K. Woodbridge, Landscape and Antiquity: Aspects of English Culture at Stourhead 1718 to 1838 (Oxford 1970). 12. K. Fielden, Three Centuries of an English Country Garden (Catalogue for an Exhibition at Bowood Park, 1988), n.p.; J. Britton, The Beauties of Wiltshire, Vol. II (1801), pp. 220-21. GARDENS, GARDENERS, NURSERYMEN AND SEEDSMEN IN WILTSHIRE 1700-1845 I Slightly down the social scale were to be found other, equally impressive, gardens. When, early in October 1792, W. P. A’Court had advertised for a gardener at Heytesbury House, the appointee had to be somebody who thoroughly understands his business, the management of fruit trees, raising melons etc. and the care of a large green-house; he must be a single man, and have no undesirable character from his last place.!* As Cobbett journeyed through Wiltshire in 1826 he made pertinent, if at times jaundiced, comments. At Great Lyddiard he informed his readers: Here is a good old mansion house and large walled-in garden and a park, belonging, they told me, to Lord Bolingbroke. He also noticed that between Wootton Bassett, which he described as a ‘rotten hole’, and Highworth: All through the country, poor, as well as rich, are very neat in their gardens, and very careful to raise a great variety of flowers.!* He also noted the horticultural contrasts to be found within the county. At Amesbury House in the 1790s lived Sir Elijah Impey (1732-1809), the former chief justice of Bengal, who doubtless endeavoured to bring a touch of things Asiatic to his gardens. At Melchet Park, located on the Wiltshire-Hampshire border, the owner, John Osborne, was so imbued with the cause of Warren Hastings that he went so far as having a Hindu temple built in his grounds.’ European influences were also detectable. In mid September 1828 Benham Place was advertised as ‘late the residence of the Margravine of Anspach’. It included a beautiful 193-acre park, a mansion, 13. S.7., 2834, 1 Oct. 1792. 14. W. Cobbet, Rural Rides, (2 vols., Everyman edn. 1957), II, pp. 84, 85. 15. A Major in the East India Company’s army, Osborne had purchased the manor of Melchet Park early in the 1790s. The temple was erected in 1800 and demolished before 1908: VC.H. Hampshire, IV, pp. 541-2. 16. Devizes and Wiltshire Gazette, 662, 18 Sept. 1828. The Margravine (1750-1828) would repay further study in her own right. Elizabeth, daughter of the 4th Earl of Berkeley, she first married William, 6th Baron Craven (1738-1791). After six children they separated in 1783 and she journeyed in Europe, eventually settling in Anspach. On Lord Craven’s death she married Christian, Margrave of Brandenburgh, Anspach and Beyreuth (1736-1806). In 1792 the Margrave gave his principality to Prussia and the couple moved to England, offices, and a ‘Superior Garden, walled all round, with cross walls ... and in a high state of cultiva- tion’.'® In the village of Colerne, north-east of Bath, stood Lucknam House, owned from the late 1820s by Andreas Boode, a Demerara coffee plantation owner’s son. Two of the 24 servants employed there worked as gardener and under-gardener respec- tively.'’ At Bremhill parsonage, north-west of Calne, the garden had been turned into a veritable aesthetic and horticultural masterpiece complete with grotto. The Revd William Bowles wrote at length, and lovingly, upon the arrangements there, on which he and others had lavished such care and attention: The garden is on a slope, commanding views of the surrounding country, with the tour of Calne in front, the woods of Bowood on the right, and the mansion and woods of Walter Heneage, esq. towards the south. The view to the south-east is terminated by the last chalky cliffs of the Marlborough downs, extending to within a few miles of Swindon... Also to be found in the parsonage garden were a stretch of water, ‘a kind of cave’, an inscribed urn, an arched walk of hazels,'* and other impressive features. Valuable information about Wiltshire gardens can also be gleaned from newspaper advertisements and other sources. In late August 1790 a property offered for sale included a garden, walled in, well stocked with fruit trees, pleasantly situated near Melksham turnpike gate.'? In April 1798 ‘A respectable and convenient Mansion House’ at Downton was offered for let, the premises to include ‘two kitchen gardens, two orchards and a pleasure ground’.*? From the same decade came a perceptively sharp comment on gardens in the county, Thomas Davis observing: The gardens in this district are, for the most part, convenient to the cottages, consisting of purchasing a mansion at Hammersmith which they named “‘Brandenburgh House’. When the Persian Ambassador, Mirza Abul Hassan Khan, visited their house in late March 1810 he observed: “The lovely garden is planted with junipers and cypress trees. The tops of the firs seem to touch the firmament’: M.M. Cloake (ed.), A Persian at the Court of King George 1809-10 (1988), passim. 17. J. and J. Utting (eds.), The Village on the Hill, Vol. 2 (Colerne History Group, 1995), pp. 36-7. 18. W.L. Bowles, The Parochial History of Bremhill, in the County of Wilts (1828), pp. 249-50. For the creation of the garden see D. Slatter, ‘William Lisle Bowles: The Making of the Bard of Bremhill’, WAM 89 (1996), pp. 99-105. 19. S.F, 2725, 30 Aug. 1790. 20. S.F, 4020, 9 Apr. 1798. 118 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE from 20 to 40 perches each, and having frequently a few apple-trees in them. The rent of a cottage and garden is usually about £2 10s.; seldom so high as £4. But in the sandy veins, much land is applied to the produce of esculent vegetables. Near Devizes, Lavington, Warminster, Westbury etc. many families subsist by this kind of husbandry, occupying from two to five acres as garden. The produce supplies the adjacent towns in the district, and Frome and Bath, in the county of Somerset, with cabbage plants, pease, beans, carrots, turnips, and vast quantities of potatoes. The occupiers are in general industrious, both in themselves and families and give from 6d. to 2s. per perch rent for their lands.*! Writing thirty years later, in the late 1820s, William Cobbett made some equally shrewd judgements. Having commented upon his encounter with an octogenarian scything the short grass in his garden near Pewsey, he noted his stay with an unnamed farmer friend at Fifield, in Milton parish, who had one of the nicest gardens, and ... contains some of the finest flowers, that I ever saw, and all is disposed with as much good taste as I have ever witnessed. His visit to Wylye, however, was tinged with sadness. Cobbett could remember that it was ‘a gay place when I was a boy’, adding I remembered a very beautiful garden belonging to a rich farmer and miller. I went to see it; but alas! although the statues in the water and on the grass-plot were still remaining, everything seemed to be in a state of perfect carelessness and neglect.” Clearly, therefore, gardens in Wiltshire were hallmarked by a range in size, impressiveness, care and consequent productivity. III Given that this was the case, is it possible to quantify the numbers of people involved in working them? 21. T. Davis, General View of the Agriculture of Wiltshire (1813), p. 82. Of Longleat, Davis was Steward to the Marquess of Bath. The W.A.N.H.S. Library at Devizes holds a copy of the 1799 edn. of this work, inscribed ‘Jeremy Cruse from the Author 1794’. The answer to this, using early printed directories, must be a cautiously positive one. Bearing in mind the caveats attached to such sources, not the least of which was that people paid to have their names included, some trends over time do nevertheless become apparent. The emergent picture is listed in Table 3. Table 3: Gardeners, nurserymen and seedsmen in Wiltshire 1780-1845 1783 1795, 1830 Nea Gardeners — 26 6 14 Gardeners and Seedsmen — 4 12 — Nurserymen — — — — Nurserymen and Seedsmen 2 —_ 5 — Seedsmen — 4 1 — Total 2 34 24 14 Sources: W. Bailey, Western and Midland Directory (1783) p. 5; Universal British Directory of Trade, Commerce and Manufacture, Vols. II-V, passim; Pigot and Co., National Commercial Directory (1830); (1842), passim. What appears to have happened is a considerable expansion during the half century after 1780, followed by a slowing down and then stabilisation. When viewed geographically, however, the figures present a rather different picture, as shown in Table 4, below. Table 4: Distribution of gardeners, nurserymen and seedsmen in Wiltshire 1780-1845 1783. 1795) 1830) e842 Calne = 3 Chippenham — 5 Devizes <= > Highworth = — Marlborough -- 3 Melksham — 3 Salisbury 2 3 Swindon — = Trowbridge a Warminster — el Westbury — Wootton Bassett — = Total: 2. 34 24 14 os, | Oras BWW ee | Sources: as per Table 3. 22. W. Cobbett, Rural Rides, II, pp. 38, 61. GARDENS, GARDENERS, NURSERYMEN AND SEEDSMEN IN WILTSHIRE 1700-1845 119 It would appear that certain communities were better off than others, with a clear lead being taken by Devizes, which had a belt of nursery gardens by 1760, and Warminster. Details of the individuals concerned in 1795 are set out in the Appendix to this paper. Two other elements need to be taken into account — multiple occupations and allied occupations. The people working as outlined in this paper were doing sO in an economy which permitted only limited specialisation. In many instances, therefore, dual or multiple occupation was the norm. Thus Thomas Brewer (jun.) in Chippenham in the 1790s earned his income as both gardener and linendraper.*? Such business activity also spawned allied occupations, so that John Burch and Henry Perkins of Amesbury and Calne respectively were both listed as sieve- makers in the 1790s. In Salisbury’s Catherine Street in 1830 could be found William Elkins who, perhaps to be on the safe side, worked as an artificial flower maker!** It is essential, therefore, that the range of the job description be kept firmly in both context and perspective. What can be discerned of apprenticeship and working conditions? In some respects, printed sources provide only part of the answer. During the 18th century and, indeed, well beyond, appren- ticeship was both the norm and defined by law. Early in 1723 George Ham was apprenticed to Milford gardener John T. Baker. In the same year John Justrall, son of a Salisbury scribbler, was apprenticed to Bishops Cannings gardener William Edding. Six years later, Thomas Morris, son of a Salisbury gardener, was apprenticed to Abraham Morris, possibly a relative, of Alderbury, some three miles to the south-east of the city. Downton gardener Gabriel Beckford took on an apprentice John Clarke in September 1750. In some instances, the trend was in the opposite direction. Thus Trowbridge gardener Henry Long’s namesake son was apprenticed to Bath cordwainer John Chilcutt in June 1713 and gardener William Hiscock’s son was apprenticed to 23. U(niversal) British) Directory of Trade, Commerce and Manufacture), Il, p. 593. As a clear instance of what was possible William Tayler, also of Chippenham, was listed in the 1790s as ‘Mercer, Draper, Undertaker, Grocer, Cheese-factor, Hop-Merchant, Banker,’ and, almost for good measure, “Agent to the Royal Exchange Fire and Life Office’: zbid, II, p. 594. 24. U.B.D., U, pp. 37, 597, 598; Pigot (1830), p. 812. 25. C. Dale (ed.), Wiltshire Apprentices and their Masters 1710-1760 (Wilts Record Series, XVII, Devizes, 1961), passim. A scribbler was a person who carded wool, while a cordwainer was a shoe- maker. The writer’s late maternal grandfather left school, aged 10, in 1900 to serve a gardening apprenticeship and then worked at Sherfield Manor in May 1906, at Stourhead in Devizes cooper Henry Paradise late in November 1714. Nearly two years later Devizes gardener John Hill apprenticed his son, Benjamin, to one of the town’s barbers and peruke makers, John Brown.” Being a gardener was certainly not a male pre- serve. Gilbert White’s weeding woman at Selborne in Hampshire, Goody Hampton, usually dis- appeared for part of the summer to glean wheat. To his niece, Molly, White declared that were it not for the fact that she wore petticoats and occasionally produced a child Goody Hampton might well be mistaken for a man! His brother, Henry, employed Jane Thorn at Fyfield, paying her 5s. 6d. for 11 days’ weeding.”° At Bratton, on the edge of Salisbury Plain and to the east of Westbury, the greensand shelf on which the village was built was ‘ ideal soil for gardens and orchards’. There, in the late 1730s and early 1740s, schoolmaster Jeffery Whitaker employed William Hinwood and Thomas Gawen in his garden. In March 1739 Hinwood was ‘Diging and Sowing Seeds in the Garden’, planted peas and beans in the following month, and lopped the lower branches of the orchard elms. In April 1740 Gawen was kept busy putting ‘the flower Garden in order’ and ‘Graveling the Alleys in the little garden’. The peas and gooseberry bushes also needed his careful attention.”’ While the young and apprentice gardeners tended to live in the bothy, which helped to set them apart, there were other ways of establishing horticultural distinction and social gradation. At Oaksey Park, some five miles or so from Malmesbury, the Martin family employed six or seven men and boys in the garden in the late 19th century. Paid 5s. per week at first, they were each provided with a red cardigan. The head gardener’s cardigan, by contrast, was blue.** In the larger gardens the Head Gardener was certainly a figure to be reckoned with, tantamount to an outdoor version of the butler in terms of awe and respect. At Bowood John Spencer was Head Gardener and then Agent between 1836 and 1881 (Figure 1). Under his tutelage the Pinetum and November 1907, in Ireland in 1909 and in New York in 1914-16, before returning home, via Canada, for war service. 26. W. Johnson (ed.), Fournals of Gilbert White (1982), pp. 195, 197, 210, 224; M. Green, A Hampshire Treasury (1972), p. 42. 27. M. Reeves and J. Morrison (eds.), The Diaries of Feffery Whitaker, Schoolmaster of Bratton, 1739-41 (Wilts. Record Series, XLIV, Trowbridge 1989), passim. 28. E. Huxley, Gallipot Eyes: A Wiltshire Diary (1988 edn.), p. 22. I am obliged to Elizabeth von Arni for drawing my attention to this source. THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 120 SDUDUP 2Y] UO astvady, S joyieg Yos9q Aq ydesZo10yg *(69L1) 7¢dp-auty 40 Io[AR], Wepy jo ased ain oy] Jo uononpoiday °Z o1n3t{ ¢ NIN TOO WW sOutey et pup “SHarigsHoog sy yje hy fused wm fHoaON eHAgG‘*] Syimpung Ww SUtAaIks “YY * psofsupsy) us Gao" pea Liog fp ‘Gengenny ww ‘sNoLovint Py | adpinqule ue ‘aanvg yy ‘yyoomanl a2 MOWVIS “yy Sy47g SNVINASSEL "4 PUP NIV" “YY ‘ospiguv) tt ‘SITI XA CW oe Sig 4 ‘Nous ay yl fyieg we Rornaasad Al TPE vw “LUwoug pup AAWIVg TN S NOpUeTy prog bHfro * 744g ISO) i UN ASOY Yl $4IG PHOG MAN u; “NOSROY “Ay WHY edI/fiNJ-t2ivg i ‘SLAGBOY Pe NOSNIGOY ‘fyy Aq pls PUY ‘loyiny ogi Joy ‘HOMONUNG “yz, Aq pow SS @ 2144¢ veg wt Perro NOTA L NV GY bg oe oe wine m N a Se one mine (A er tenn Nh Seine 8 ws SR Neen Ni eh AMIS. *SNOTAIA] Stafins tof suciggeargy yn f ‘poppe 340 yom. oF *SINJEN UlOIE P MOTOS pT pi ay} Surmayy ‘Iayjour [ya £ apq 13 soy paidepe Apreynsed * om (AW ¥A-I NT powaaul Mou 2} Hg eJiqixa si piyM ul yr] g Jacdod juesaja UE YIM pasedynyty "BACIG Byi Woy Ue worggaliag asysiy yonue wy pup “a4ng inoyiea LIN AY WeTlaIxe oer « siyy Suyres 10} sucyperqy Ayeo puc wird Sururequoy ‘Id & Azeaqr] Aaypury ‘Ae1s0g Jernipnoniopy [eAoy ay Jo uorsstused pury Aq (€/8T) ydeisoloyg ‘Iouapsey peep] poomog (1881-6081) Jeoduedg uyof *] omstz GARDENS, GARDENERS, NURSERYMEN AND SEEDSMEN IN WILTSHIRE 1700-1845 121 Rhododendron Walks were created and Bowood became famous both for its gardens and for its muscadine grape.*? Here was a man not to be trifled with. There is evidence to show that some gardeners, like Spencer, took their involvement even further by writing about horticultural matters. In 1769 Adam Taylor, described on the title page as ‘Gardener near Devizes’ produced A Treatise on the Ananas or Pine- Apple, Containing ... Directions for Raising this Most excellent FRUIT without Fire. Printed for him by local bookseller T. Burrough, it was on sale at various London locations, from Mr Easton in Salisbury and from a wide range of provincial booksellers (see Figure 2). “The Pine-Plants’, observed the author, ‘require much Care and good management’, continuing: With the small ones we were formerly supplyed from abroad: But they are now produced in sufficient Plenty amongst Ourselves. The second half of the work dealt with the cultivation of the melon, which Taylor asserted stood ‘Next to the Pine-Apple for Deliciousness of Taste and Flavour’. There were, he observed, great variations in terms of rind, pulp, taste and smell, adding: We receive Seeds every Year from France, Spain, Italy, and ... the West Indies, as well as from its native Soil of Persia, from which it was first introduced into Europe.” Thomas Whateley, by contrast, came from a different social background. Ludgershall’s M.P. between 1761 and 1768 and then for the Norfolk seat of Castle Rising until his death in 1772, he was a prolific writer, in part because of his official positions. Secretary to the Treasury, a Lord of Trade and responsible for preparation of the infamous 29. K. Fielden, op. cit., n.p. Spencer was joint proprietor of The Florist and wrote regularly for horticultural journals. 30. A. Taylor, A Treatise on the Ananas or Pine-Apple (Devizes, 1769), pp. 15, 39, 41. The W.A.N.H.S. Library holds a copy of Taylor’s book. He was gardener to James Sutton at New Park. 31. The material on Whateley is derived from Sir L.B. Namier and J. Brooke, The House of Commons 1754-1790, (3 vols. 1964), II, pp. 627-8 and British Museum Catalogue of Printed Books. 32. A Treatise on Grafting-sold at 1s. per copy. The W.A.N.H.S. Library holds copies of both Legge’s publications in Wiltshire Tracts, vol. 35. Stamp Act, he resided in style at Nonsuch Park in Surrey. Of all his writings, however, it was his last — Observations on Modern Gardening (1770) — for which he is invariably remembered. Subsequent editions appeared in 1771, 1777 and 1793, ample proof of the book’s popularity.*! Less than ten years after Whateley’s book appeared A Treatise on Grafting and Inoculation, penned by ‘Mr John Legge formerly of Market Lavington’. Running to some 52 pages, with a 7-page preface, Legge’s work dealt with types of grafting, the timing of the operation and the types of fruit trees upon which the operation could be carried out. Legge, who deserves more attention, was interested in other issues as well, writing A Discourse on the Emigration of British Birds.*? While the Legge family were both legion and significant in the Market Lavington community, John Legge may perhaps be identified with the 45-year-old gentleman buried on 10 April 1802, whose cause of death was given, quite simply, as ‘Decline’.**? There were occasions, too, when others noted what Wiltshire gardeners were doing. Some 15 pages of Edward Lisle’s 2-volume Observations in Husbandry (1757) were devoted to gardening. Farming at Crux Easton in north-west Hampshire, Lisle included references to various items he had heard of from outside the county. One of these related to improving apricots. The spring of 1708 was wet and cold, with frosty mornings; an acquaintance of Lisle, being watchful of most contrary seasons, and finding the benefit of nursing his tree under difficulties, did by night cover it with rugs and blankets from the rain, the consequence whereof was, he had thirty dozen of apricocks on his tree: his name was Timothy Skrine of Broughton near me in Wiltshire.** Quite clearly, therefore, there was a definite link between gardening in Wiltshire and the printed word, a link that was doubtless mutually reinforcing. 33. B. McGill, Village under the Plain: the Story of Market Lavington (Warminster, 1995), pp. 105-6; The Bishop’s Transcripts and Parish Registers of Market Lavington: Burials 1622-1837 (Wiltshire Family History Society, n.d.), p. 56. 34. E. Lisle, Observations in Husbandry (2 vols. 1757, 1970 reprint), Il, pp. 278-9. The community in question was Broughton Gifford, four miles to the NNE of Trowbridge. 122 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE IV For all of the activities outlined above, however, there clearly had to be sources of supply. To what extent were nurseries important? How were plants and seeds obtained? What was the range of supply like? While there was a rudimentary trade in garden seeds before 1500, sources of supply varied con- siderably, from the local market gardener with excess stocks, to the grocers and general shopkeepers in London and provincial centres such as Norwich, from the provincial apothecary to the roaming pedlar.** How did Wiltshire fare in this regard? Was it better served than any other county? Newspaper advertisements and seedsmen’s cata- logues make it quite clear that there was on offer a wide and impressive range of plants. One or two advertisements should suffice by way of example. Late in May 1746 Stephen Harding’s nursery was put up for sale at the Three Tuns in Devizes. Containing ‘all Sorts of Fruit and Forest Trees, Flowering Shrubs and Quick-sets, with all other Sorts of Nursery and Garden Plants’, it was to be offered to ‘the best Bidder’. Just a few months later Sarah Phillips, also of Devizes, was running her late husband’s 14-acre nursery and had purchased a second nursery, this time of 15 acres, which had belonged to Roger Beaven. The new purchase was described as well stock’d with all sorts of Fruit, and Forest Trees. Viz Standards and Espaliers, Apples, Cherrys, Peaches, Nectarins, Apricoaks [sic], Plumbs, Pears of all sorts, large white Thorn, Crab Ditto, Likewise spruce and scots Firs, Flowering Shrubs of all Sorts, a Quantity of English and Dutch Elms, fit for drawing this Year, and in the highest Perfection, such Gentlemen as will be pleas’d to favour her with their Orders, may depend upon their being punctualy serv’d on the most reasonable Terms. N.B. All Gentlemen may be serv’d at the same place, with all Sorts of the best Seeds, consisting of Beans, Peas, Raddish, Mustard, Cresses; Spinage;« Carrot, ) Onion, Week 35. See, in particular, M. Thick, ‘Garden Seeds in England before the Late Eighteenth Century — II, The Trade in Seeds to 1760’, Agricultural History Review, 38 (1990), pp. 105-116 and U. Priestley and A. Fenner, Shops and Shopkeepers in Norwich 1660-1730 (Norwich, 1985), pp. 28-30; Sir A. Heal, The Signboards of Old London Shops (1988 edn.), pp. 139-40, cited 15 firms of nurserymen and seedsmen operating in London between 1731 and 1831. Anthony Stocker, apothecary of Newchurch in the Isle of Wight, had in his possession mustard Asparagus, Plants of all Sorts, and fit either for Gentlemen or Gardeners.*° Similarly expansively worded advertisements were to be carried in the later 18th century, particularly by Hugh Lavington and Robert Figgins, both of Devizes. In 1788, by way of example, Figgins placed the following advertisement in the local newspaper. To the CURIOUS in PEASE. ROBERT FIGGINS, Nurseryman, Seeds- man, and Florist, near the Crown Inn, Devizes, respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he now has for sale a quantity of extraordinary Fine PEASE, which prod- uceth pods that will run from four to eight inches in length, and transparent. The above pease have a remarkable fine flavour, and the pods will make a choice dish, price 10s. 6d. per quart. Likewise a new Pink, with remarkably fine colours, at 5s. per pair. Also 1500 Oaks, from 2 to 4 feet high, with a large quantity of Fruit and Forest Trees, Evergreens, and flowering Shrubs; all sorts of Garden Seeds, Flower Roots and Seeds; Split Pease, Flower of Mustard, Bird Seeds; and a large quantity of Quick-Sets, or White Thorn, Mats etc. N.B. The above warranted good, and sold on the most reasonable terms. One key question presents itself on the basis of this advertisement — from where did the Nurserymen and Seedsmen obtain their plants and seeds? The answer would appear to have several parts. Some plants were obtained from internal sources. Early in November 1788, gardener James Wheeler offered ‘in small Quantities, or together’ approximately 3,000 ‘fine young ash trees, standing at Warminster’. From Fisherton near Salisbury in 1809 William Phelps offered fruit and forest trees, shrubs and flowers ‘fresh from the first growers in the Kingdom’, along with seeds, garden mats, tools, apple and fir trees.*’ Supplies were also available from further afield, raising key issues regarding the movement of both plants and seeds. and carraway seed valued at ls. 44d. and ‘Carrett seed’ valued at 2s. 4d. at his death in November 1686: Hampshire Record Office, Probate Records. 36. S.F, 435, 19 May 1746; 456, 13 Oct. 1746. Similarly worded advertisements were also carried in 510, 26 Oct. 1747 and 515, 30 Nov. 1747. Sarah Phillips had also placed the 1746 advertisement in Bath Journal, 83, 23 Sept. 1745. 37. S.F., 2634, 1 Dec. 1788; 2630, 3 Nov. 1788; 3753, 23 Jan. 1809. GARDENS, GARDENERS, NURSERYMEN AND SEEDSMEN IN WILTSHIRE 1700-1845 1:23 Trees of various sorts could be transported over considerable distances. Late in November 1781, for example, Gilbert White recorded planting a Peterborough nectarine, an Elrouge nectarine, a Montaban peach and a Red Magdalen peach, observing “These trees came from Mr Shiell’s nursery at Lambeth and cost 7s. 6d. apiece on the spot. They have healthy wood, and well-trained heads’.*® William Cobbett provided a_ graphic account of the long distance transporting of trees. In 1824 he sold some locust-trees to Lord Folkestone who resided at Coleshill, perched on the Wiltshire- Berkshire border. When Cobbett made the sale, however, the trees ‘were in a field at Worth, near Crawley, in Sussex’. A Wiltshire waggon arrived at Worth on 14 March and Cobbett recounted what happened next. The waggon had been stopped on the way by the snow; and, though the snow was gone off before the trees were put upon the waggon, it was very cold, and there were sharp frosts and harsh winds. I had the trees taken up, and tied in hundreds by withes, like so many fagots. They were then put in and upon the waggon, we doing our best to keep the roots inwards in the loading, so as to prevent them from being exposed but as little as possible to the wind, sun, and frost. We put some fern on the top, and, where we could, on the sides; and we tied on the load with ropes, just as we should have done with a load of fagots. In this way they were several days upon the road; and I do not know how long it was before they got safe into the ground again. Lord Folkestone bought 13,600 trees from Cobbett who observed ruefully, ‘What a difference in the value of Wiltshire if all its elms were locusts!’*? Supplies of seed for the county came from various sources. In The English Gardener (1829) Cobbett offered his readers sage advice about obtaining seeds, when he observed: If, therefore, you do not save your own seed ... you ought to be very careful as to whom you 38. Johnson, p. 185. In the 1780s, James Shiels and Walter Hay traded from The Acorn, 21, Parliament Street, Westminster ‘and at their Nursery Gardens in Lambeth’: Sir A. Heal, p. 139. Between 1779 and 1781, Shiels supplied tree seeds to the Seaton Delaval estate in Northumberland: Harvey, pp. 87, 200. 39. Cobbett, Rural Rides, Il, p. 87. William Pleydell Bouverie (1779-1869), Lord Folkestone and 3rd Earl of Radnor, was a Whig politician, sitting.as M.P. for Downton in 1801 and Salisbury 1802-28. purchase of; and, though the seller be a person of perfect probity, he may be deceived himself ... all you can do, is, to take every precaution in your power when you purchase. Be very particular, very full and clear, in the order you give for seed. Know the seedsman well, if possible. Speak to him yourself on the subject, if you can; and, in short, take every precaution in your power, in order to avoid the mortifications like those of having one sort of cabbage when you expected another ... In the context of Wiltshire such advice was doubtless followed. It was, in some respects, also essential given the range of sources available. Late in November 1747 Superfine Flower of Mustard Seed ‘Just arriv’d, and free from any Adulteration’ was offered for sale ‘Wholesale and Retale at reasonable Rates’ by B. Collins in Salisbury and T. Burrough in Devizes. In fashionable Bath, enjoying the advantage of being geographically close to Wiltshire, could be found in 1800 seedsmen such as J. Barton, trading on Claverton Road, James Lily, operating from ‘Margaret’s-place’ and Richard Jones in Sion Row.*° To the south lay the noted Dorset lace-making town of Blandford Forum, whose inhabitants in 1782 included John Kingston Galpine. Described as ‘Nurseryman and Seedsman’, he issued A Catalogue of the most Useful and Ornamental Hardy Trees, Shrubs, Plants, etc. which also listed seeds, fruit trees ‘Flower Roots’ and other allied items. As well as thirteen varieties of cherries, seven of figs and numerous types of peach and: nectarine, and a veritable cornucopia of greenhouse plants, ranging from ‘Canary Bell-flower’ and ‘Square Leav’d Orpine’ to the ubiquitous ‘Balm of Gilead’, Galpine could provide a variety of seeds. Customers could be supplied with onion, leek, carrot, turnip and radish seed, as well as seed for seventeen varieties of lettuce, three of endive, of parsley and spinach, of asparagus, celery and cucumber. Seeds for greens were also available.*! The neighbouring county of Berkshire and the capital itself were not that far away. At least one Berkshire supplier traded into Wiltshire. Early in December 1766 William Pendar of Woolhampton, 40. W. Cobbett, The English Gardener (1980 edn.), pp. 41-2; S.f., 515, 30 Nov. 1747; Robbins’s Bath Directory 1800, pp. 18, 70, 65. Bath directories for 1784, 1792, 1805 and 1837 contain no entries for seedsmen. 41. A Catalogue of the most Useful and Ornamental Hardy Trees... (Blandford, 1782). The item, printed by S. Simmonds and priced at 6d. per copy, ran to at least 25 pages. I am obliged to Jude James for xerox copies of part of the catalogue. Galpine may perhaps be identified with the author of Synoptical Compend of the British Flora (1806). 124 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE approximately midway between Newbury and Reading, wrote to Lord Bruce of Tottenham at Savernake near Marlborough, some _ twenty-five miles away. Presented, seemingly, in the form of an estimate, Pendar’s communication reveals that he was prepared to supply a range of plants, shrubs and trees. These included 200 flowering shrubs at 2 guineas per 100, 50 small larches at the same price and 100 roses of assorted varieties. Laurels, Lebanon Cedars, Cypress and junipers, 200 ‘Silver Firrs’, 4,000 Quicksets, 50 Red Cedars, 2000 ‘small Spruce Firs’ at £2 10s. per 1,000 and a host of other items were also available. At the end Pendar added ‘My Lord, the Large Beeachs and Plains are to enlarge the Clumps in the Forist which your Lordship ordred — the Elms for the London road’.** While reference has been made already to London suppliers, it is as well to remember that the county’s links were reinforced by carrier services and by the Exeter Stage Coach. Taking three days for the journey from Devon to London in the 1720s, the Exeter coach formed another significant county link as it travelled via Dorchester and Salisbury to the metropolis.*? What could have been easier than to return with packets of seeds and well protected small plants? Clearly, therefore, there were sources available within Wiltshire itself and her immediate neighbours. This, however, was only part of the story. A sophisticated communications network meant that some Wiltshire communities enjoyed good links with the thriving port communities of Bristol, Southampton and Portsmouth. In the 1720s Defoe explained that the shopkeepers in Bristol ... are all wholesale men, who have so great an inland trade among all the western counties, that they maintain carriers just as the London tradesmen do, to all the principal countries [sic] and towns from Southampton in the south, even to the banks of the Trent north... 42. The item is reproduced in full in Appendix IV to Harvey, pp. 194-5. 43. R. Newton, Eighteenth Century Exeter (1984) pp. 19-20; W.G. Hoskins, Industry, Trade and People in Exeter, 1688-1800 (1935), passim. 44. D. Defoe, A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain (2 vols. Everyman edn.), II, p. 36; Sketchley’s Bristol Directory 1775 (1971 reprint), pp. 15, 19, 37. Fares charged from Bristol to Portsmouth were 1 guinea inside and 12s. outside. From Bath both fares were reduced by ls.: Bath Chronicle and Weekly Gazette, 1989, 20 Jan. 1800. In Bristol, the metropolis of the West, the services of seedsmen such as Edward Carter in Baldwin Street, Collins and Baylis in Peter Street and John Gould at 78 St Michael’s Hill could be called upon in the mid 1770s. A thrice-weekly coach service serving Bristol, Bath, Warminster, Salisbury, Southampton and Portsmouth,** meant that parts of Wiltshire were also linked to the two major south coast seaport towns. Trading links with South- ampton had long been established. In the 13th century wine had been hauled from the port to Salisbury and Wilton. Early in the 1440s madder had been carted to Devizes, onions and woad, the latter in prodigious amounts, to Salisbury. In 1451 a Salisbury merchant had brought in quantities of onion seed via the port.® By the late 1780s, when Southampton had developed as a fashionable spa resort, William Graves could inform provincial newspaper readers that in his High Street premises he had ‘laid in a Stock of Garden Seeds of all Sorts’, the high quality of which he was fully assured. He also maintained a register for gentlemen who required gardeners and ‘for gardeners out of place’. By the mid 1840s there were no fewer than nine nurserymen and seedsmen trading in Southampton itself, with another two in that community’s increasingly sprawling suburb.*° The links with Portsmouth were to be just as important. That port’s Books of Rates made provision for the importing of flax, onion and ‘worme seed’,*’ though that is not proof, of course, that supplies did come in. Locally produced broccoli seed was dispatched from the town to the provinces. Indeed, Portsmouth was famed for its broccoli, ‘allowed to be the best in the Kingdom’. And, continued the same writer: . although, in other places, many gardeners have endeavoured to cultivate it from the seed produced in the gardens near Portsmouth, it never has been rivalled in size, or, indeed, equalled in its excellence. 45. F.J. Monkhouse (ed.), A Survey of Southampton and its Region (1964), p. 214; O. Coleman (ed.), The Brokage Book of Southampton 1443-1444 (2 vols.Southampton Record Series 1960-1), II, p. 171, I, pp. 100, 140, II, pp. 322-4; M.Thick, loc. cit., Pt. II, p. 106. 46. S.F, 2537, 22 Jan. 1787; Post Office Directory of Hampshire; Essex, Hertfordshire, Kent, Middlesex, Surrey and Sussex (2 pts. 1847), pt. 2, p. 1328. 47. P(ortsmouth) C(ity) R(ecords) O(ffice) CF 12/2, Book of Rates, 1680; CF12/4, Book of Rates 1771. Worm seed, derived from a Levantine plant, was used to expel intestinal worms. et are 2S GARDENS, GARDENERS, NURSERYMEN AND SEEDSMEN IN WILTSHIRE 1700-1845 125 Some seed certainly was shipped in through Portsmouth. On 15 October 1805, for example, the Unity, skippered by Captain Stiles, arrived from Bridport with a cargo that included butter and a “Sack of seed’.*® Advertised for sale in the town in February 1818 were walnuts and apples recently imported from France and thirty bags of sainfoin seeds. There were also other, slightly more un- orthodox, ways of obtaining plants. On board the French vessel Naturaliste, held at Gosport on the western side of Portsmouth harbour in May 1803, were two black swans, a pair of emus and many potted plants.*° Links with ports such as Bristol, Southampton and Portsmouth were to be important inasmuch as the period after 1700 was to be the age of expansion and empire, a major result of which was a widening of the sources of seed supplies and the arrival of exotic and semi-exotic species in England.*° It was an age of vibrant colour, activity and change, with new plants and seeds arriving from many parts of the world. A few examples should suffice to demonstrate what took place. From the Bahamas late in February 1704 John Dudgeon sent botanist, entomologist and collector James Petiver in London berries from a poisonwood tree, an ‘Aple called a 7 yeare aple when ripe black as Jet and very delitious in its tast’, musk seed and pure gum.*! Francis Masson’s two visits to South Africa in 1772 and 1786 resulted in 90 species of Erica, ixias, nerines, gladioli and pelargoniums entering the country. The dispatch of the First Fleet to Australia in May 1787 resulted in aboriginal contacts and the bringing to England of exotic plant and animal life. Published works such as The Voyage of Governor Phillip to Botany Bay (1789) included drawings of items such as the Yellow Gum Plant. Archibald Menzies, Surgeon-Botanist with Captain George Vancouver’s circumnavigation of 1791-5, was particularly active. From Nootka Sound Zachary Mudge, the Discovery’s 1st Lieutenant, was sent via China with dispatches for the Admiralty 48. J.C. Mottley, The History of Portsmouth (Portsmouth, 1801), p. 17; P.C.R.O. CF 13/2, Wharfage Accounts 1803-10, n.p. 49. H(ampshire) T(elegraph), 960, 2 March 1818; William Cole to Sir Joseph Banks, 31 May 1803: W.R. Dawson (ed.), The Banks Letters (1958), p. 223. 50. See for example, A.M. Coats, The Quest for Plants (1969); D. Mackay, In the Wake of Cook: Exploration, Science and Empire, 1780-1801 (1985) and T. Whittle, The Plant Hunters: The Search for Green Treasure (1970). 51. John Dudgeon to James Petiver, 28 Feb. 1704: British Library Sloane MSS. 3321, f. 134. Petiver was, according to Sir Hans Sloane, ‘a Person sufficiently known by his Understanding in Natural History all over the learned World’: H. Sloane, A Voyage to the Islands Madera, Barbados, Nieves, St. Christophers and Jamaica (2 vols. 1707-25), I, p. iv. ‘and a box of Seeds directed to you, for his Majesty’s Gardens’. From ‘Monterrey’ Lieutenant Broughton was sent home, ‘by the way of Mexico’, with a second consignment of seeds, ‘together with all those I have been able to collect since we came to California’, From Karakakooa Bay, thirteen months later, were forwarded seeds from ‘the interior part of Owhyhee’. From South America came Araucaria Araucana, the Monkey Puzzle. When dining in Santiago with Chile’s Captain General, Don Ambrosio O’Higgins, Menzies had ‘liberated’ some nuts and cultivated them on the return voyage to England.*? From the East, too, came many new species. In June 1787, numerous seeds and plants were shipped from India for the ‘Public Botanical Garden at St Vincents’, and elsewhere. China hemp and flax seed samples were twice sent to the Society for the Encouragement of Arts for evaluative trials with ‘proper Persons in the Country’. In May 1789 St Helena’s Lt. Governor, Major Robson, sent home a ‘Package containing Plants and Seeds’.** To this could be added the horticultural spin-offs from Lord Macartney’s China Embassy in 1792 and the avail- ability of works by Irish-born James Ellis on the mango, the breadfruit and the coffee tree. It should come as no surprise, therefore, to learn that in April 1803 a man called Fierman advertised for sale in Portsmouth the fact that he had imported into this country from France, Holland, etc. a choice assortment of Flowers, Fruit, Trees, Seeds, Rare Plants ... These included varieties of jonquils and tarcettes, Tuber Roses of Peru, Ranunculas from Spain and Candy, the latter ‘smelling like cloves, paeonies, carnations, vines and 94 different species of pot herbs’.*? Once such plants and seeds had been landed in ports such as London and Portsmouth in particular, it was relatively easy to move them to Wiltshire. Ease of communications and residence in 52. Menzies to Sir John Banks, 26 Sept. 1792, 1 and 14 Jan. 1793, 6 Feb. 1794: W. Kaye Lamb (ed.), The Voyage of George Vancouver 1791-5 (4 vols. Hakluyt Soc. 1984), IV, pp. 1619, 1620-1, 1626. Menzies, noted in D.N.B., died in London in 1842, aged 87; M. Drummond, ‘“Dam the Flower Pots” Early Difficulties of Importing Plants by Sea’ in G. Hedley and A. Rance (eds.), Pleasure Grounds: The Gardens and Landscapes of Hampshire (1987), p. 71. 53. Thomas Morton to Matthew Lewis, 30 June 1787: Oriental and India Office Collections, E/1/225, Miscellanies - Home Letters Out, June 1786—-Aug. 1787, p. 611; E/1/78, Miscellaneous Letters Received, Jan.June 1786, f. 84; E/1/83, Miscellaneous Letters Received 1789, ff. 202, 235, 242. 54. H.T., 182, 4 Apr. 1803. 126 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE the county of men such as Sir Elijah Impey, John Osborne and others would have ensured a ready- made clientele. Vv As the foregoing pages have demonstrated, the men and women who peopled the Wiltshire horticultural world between 1700 and 1845 were clearly not without impact. While gardens ranged in size and significance from the grandiosely impressive to the rather more modest, they were both worked and supplied by a range of individuals whose ideas and stock were sometimes derived from both the Western and Eastern portions of the globe. Centrally located within a good communications network, Wiltshire was well placed to derive benefits, produce and plants coming in through the ports of Bristol, Southampton and Portsmouth, from the adjacent counties of Dorset and Berkshire and from the nation’s capital itself. The transformation of Wiltshire, particularly of Salisbury, with the coming of the railways in the 1840s and 1850s would have significant gardening spin-offs. When Salisbury changed from relative backwater to significant railway centre,’ it became even easier to transport garden and allotment produce as well as to move plants, seeds, implements, flower pots and other horticultural impedimenta. At the same time, it gave rise to that essential railway feature, the station garden. All of this, however, lay in the future. In the more immediate context, there are some aspects of which it would be nice to know more. Systematic analysis of probate inventories would reveal much about gardeners and their lifestyle, debts, credit and circle of contacts before 1730. Gardeners and the law merit consideration. Evidence from the 1740s reveals that they were certainly no strangers to the law and its processes. In June 1744 Littleton gardener William Cummins was summonsed for not paying his small tithes. In mid October 1745 Market Lavington gardener Robert Turner took two men to law for thieving turnips 55. J. Simmons, The Railway in Town and Country 1830-1914 (1986), pp. 273, 352. 56. E. Crittall (ed.), The Justicing Notebook of William Hunt 1744-1749. (Wilts. Record Series XXXVII, Devizes, 1982), passim. 57. At the Club’s dissolution, each member received £6 8s. as his share of the stock: P. Colman, The Baker’s Diary (Devizes and Trowbridge, 1991), pp. 86, 27. 58. For information about the Devizes feasts I am obliged to Lorna Haycock. The files of the Hampshire Telegraph reveal the following communities hosting similar events in the 1820s: Cucumber feasts — Alresford and Forton; Melon and Pink from his garden. In the same parish gardener Richard Winchester entered into a bond following his ‘begetting a bastard child on the body of Patience Draper and leaving the same on the parish to be maintained’. And so the cases went on.*° The devel- opment and impact of gardening clubs and the significance of fruit, flower and vegetable shows are an interesting subject. Devizes baker George Sloper joined his local club in 1754 when he was 24, remaining a member until the club’s dissolution in 1810.°’ The town hosted a cucumber feast from at least the 1780s and a pink feast from the early years of the ensuing century. Invariably accompanied by extensive gastronomic activity, such events were typical of many provincial communities by the mid 1820s. By 1825, for example, Portsmouth had three shows, each using the facilities of local inns.*® That gardeners’ hand and pocket books were available for purchase throughout the period provides ample testimony of demand, staying power and popularity. In May 1701, for instance, The Compleat Gardener: Or Directions for Cultivating and right Ordering of Fruit-Gardens and Kitchen-Gardens was offered for sale. In mid April 1802 Abercrombie’s Gardener (6th edition) was advertised for sale at 2s. per copy.*’ In some instances, but little trace of the garden remains, as Ida Gandy explained with regard to Bishops Cannings: ‘ Now only a gooseberry bush, a bit of box hedge, a few daffodils, or a name on an old map, bear witness to their previous existence’. And some of the once grand gardens contained impressive statuary, a dimension only touched on in passing in this paper. There were occasions, however, when such _ horticultural adornment exacted a price, as young Walter Vaughan had found to his cost at Northington to the north-east of Winchester, in 1723: Walter Vaughan, a youth of about nine or ten years, was killed in the Grange garden by one of the statues there, which he pulling it fell on his head.°° Shows — Chichester and Forton; Pink Shows — Winchester; Pink and Strawberry Shows — Emsworth. 59. Originally written by Monsieur De la Quintinye, The Compleat Gardener was ‘Now Abridged, and made of more Use, with considerable Improvements; by Geo. London, and H. Wise’: London Gazette, 3702, 1-5 May 1701. Abercrombie’s Gardener was advertised in S.7, 5136, 12 Apr. 1802. 60. I. Gandy, Round About the Little Steeple (1961), p. 97; W.A. Fearon and J.F. Williams (eds.), The Parish Registers and Parochial Documents in the Archdeaconry of Winchester (Winchester, 1909), p. 33. GARDENS, GARDENERS, NURSERYMEN AND SEEDSMEN IN WILTSHIRE 1700-1845 It is to be hoped that Wiltshire gardeners and their offspring were spared a similar fate. Appendix: Gardeners, nurserymen and seedsmen in Wiltshire in 1795 Set out below are the communities and individuals involved in gardening in the county in the late 18th century. While the list does not purport to be exhaustive, it may help as a starting point for others in their local and natural history researches. The material is derived from the Universal British Directory of Trade, Commerce and Manufacture, Vols. I1-V, passim. I. Calne Richard Button Stephen Duck Willam Green Chippenham Thomas Brewer Thomas Brewer (jun.) William Cross Samuel Perring William White Devizes Thomas Eden Robert Figgins Joseph Winterson Thomas Winterson Joseph Webb Marlborough William Anderson John Brimsden John Orchard Gardener Gardener Gardener Gardener and Seedsman Gardener and Linendraper Gardener and Seedsman Gardener and Seedsman Gardener and Seedsman Gardener Seedsman Gardener Gardener Gardener Gardener Seedsman Gardener Melksham Samuel Buckland George Croeme J. Reynton Salisbury John Brownjohn John Harris John Thring Warminster John Brown William Coleman John Daniell Thomas Daniell Bernard Giles John Mifflin John Ponton Charles Sly John Trap John Warlford James Wheeler Westbury Stephen Applegate Acknowledgements. Thanks are extended to the many archivists and librarians who eased the research for this paper. For constructive comments and criticisms, I am obliged to Betty and Michael Solley and to my colleague Robert Walinski-Kiehl. In preparing the final typescript copy Lorna Haycock was, as usual, a tower of strength. Gardener Gardener Gardener Seedsman Gardener Seedsman Gardener Gardener Gardener Gardener Gardener Gardener Gardener Gardener Gardener Gardener Gardener Gardener Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol. 91 (1998), pp. 128-138 North American Asters in Wiltshire by JACK OLIVER Since 1890, at least four North American Aster species and two hybrids have been found in the wild in Wiltshire but have been dismissed as mere (adjacent) ‘garden escapes’. The study reported here indicates some naturalisation of two hybrids and one species, Aster lanceolatus, the Narrow-leaved Michaelmas-daisy. Spread of the last into the wild in Wiltshire should not be automatically attributed to past horticulture. Its main concentrations in Army areas in the county could indicate chance arrival of seed with tens of thousands of Canadian and American troops and their vehicles during the two World Wars. Back-crossing with garden throw-out Aster hybrids and Asters on both currently active and long-discontinued railtracks also seems probable. Stands of these three main naturalised Wiltshire taxa all tend to die out rapidly when shaded by trees or shrubs. INTRODUCTION Only two members of the very large and complex Aster genus are native to Britain, and none to Wiltshire. The tall Asters introduced from Canada and the USA from 1710 onwards are the plants known in Britain as Michaelmas-daisies. The Wiltshire Flora (Gillam 1993) did not deal adequately with Asters in Wiltshire because of the very great problems in identification of species and hybrids, under-recording due to late flowering (the Wiltshire Flora Mapping Project (WFMP) cards were handed in on 1 October for every year of the project), and the mistaken assumptions that all the clumps recorded were localised or transient garden escapes. This paper combines the Swindon and Wiltshire Biological Records Centre findings (largely based on the WFMP) with a special study by the Wiltshire Botanical Society (WBS) and the author from 1992 to 1996. Other amateur botanists also helped, and we were given considerable assistance in identi- fication of species and hybrids by professional experts (see acknowledgements). Some of the find- ings were unexpected and may carry interesting botanical, ecological and historical implications. GENERAL BIOLOGY OF THE ASTER GENUS Asters belong to the Daisy family, once called Compositae but now the Asteraceae. The Chinese and Mexican ‘Asters’ belong to other genera, Callistephus and Cosmos within the Asteraceae, containing 1 and 26 species respectively. The true Aster genus has, however, between 250 and 500 species, with numerous further sub-species and complex hybrids. Most of these are from North America, but true Asters also occur in Eurasia and Africa. Europe has 15 native Aster species (2 native to Britain) but numbers also of naturalised North American species and hybrids. The Flora Europea lists 27 main species and established hybrids, and about 10 further sub-species (see Yeo, Merxmuller and Schreiber 1986). Asters are closely related to Daisies (Bellis) and Fleabanes (Erigeron), with arrangements within the capitula (flower heads) being similar. The disc florets are tubular, usually golden yellow and hermaphrodite, the outer florets being either female or sterile. Not all Asters have ray florets, the rare British native Goldilocks (Aster linosyris) just having the yellow disc florets, and our native fleshy Sea Aster sometimes likewise (Aster tripolium var. discoideus). However the rays (ligules) of the naturalised Wiltshire Asters can be white, or pink- lilac to purple, the characteristic colours of the Aster genus (see ‘Flowering’ subheading to follow). The fruiting achenes are wind-dispersed by the ciliate- hairy pappus. The leaves are not subdivided but can be toothed, and are alternately arranged. Most Asters are perennial, and this article is concerned with plants mostly 0.5 to 1.75 metres high, some- what woody below, with densely packed rhizomatous spread to form enlarging clumps which tend to occlude competing vegetations at ground level, as in the ancestral Canadian species Aster lanceolatus and Aster laevis (see next section), One of the American names for any Aster, the Frost Flower, hints at the toughness of these plants. NORTH AMERICAN ASTERS IN WILTSHIRE SOME GENETIC AND SPECIAL ASPECTS The Asters in the Canadian province of Ontario and adjacent parts of Canada and the USA are extremely variable, with races and perhaps sub-species that have evolved rapidly in the past 20,000 years (Semple and Heard 1987). This especially occurred in response to adaptations to glacial deposit soils in the vicinity of ‘Ontario Island’, the first area freed of glacial ice but not covered by melt-lake water. Base chromosome (X) numbers themselves vary, X equalling 5, 7, 8 or 9. Multiple polyploidies also occur: 2X, 3X, 4X, 5X, 6X, 7X, 8 and 10X sets of chromosomes. Different chromosome counts occur within as well as between the 32 different Ontario species. Parts of a quote from Semple and Heard’s book, in turn quoting another Aster expert, reads as follows: ‘I am half dead with Aster... I can’t tell what are species and... how to define any of them... I was never so boggled... if you hear of my breaking down utterly, and being sent to an asylum, you may lay it to INSEOrs. «y- In addition there are subspecies to be considered; both these and the thirty-two Ontario species hybridize. Naturally occurring interspecific hybrids have been found ‘many times’ in Ontario (Semple and Heard 1987). Where the parent species were fairly closely related, the crosses produced viable hybrid progeny. The Aster pollinators include bees, wasps, moths, butterflies, syrphid flies and beetles. Sexual behaviour amongst North American Asters is therefore varied indeed, but where the taxa have been brought more closely together in Europe such interbreeding has become even more abandoned. Three main North American ancestral species are to be considered here. They are A. lanceolatus Willd., A. laevis L. and Aster novi-belgu L., respectively: the Narrow-leaved, the Glaucous and Confused Michaelmas-daisies. All are established now on the European mainland and in the UK (Yeo et al. 1986; Stace 1991). The first two come from Ontario and surrounding parts of Canada and the USA, whereas A. novi-belgii comes from coastal North America. However Semple and Heard (1987) refer to a highly polyploid race of the maritime A. novi-belgii as comparable with, or the same as, Aster longifolius Lam. across northern Ontario, and variants of the same species-complex reach southern Ontario as adventives from further east. The most important ancestor of the Wiltshire plants, A. /anceolatus, has five defined variants or subspecies in Ontario alone, one of which (A. lanceolatus ssp. lanceolatus var. lanceolatus) being ‘the most common weedy roadside 129 Aster in Ontario and includes plants with 27 = 48, 56 or 64°! (Compare the findings for Wiltshire habitats in the results sections to follow.) ASTER HABITATS IN CANADA The habitats in North America from which the ancestors of Wiltshire Asters derive can be sum- marised as follows. Narrow-leaved Michaelmas-daisy. (1) A. lanceo- latus ssp. lanceolatus var. lanceolatus. Open fields, ditches, roadsides, prairies, to the edges of marshes and stream banks. Very common. Clones very extensive, producing hundreds of shoots. Narrow-Leaved Michaelmas-daisy. (2) A. lanceo- latus, the other four subspecies and variants, some also very common. Open areas as above, but also glacial deposits; the least common (var. Jaticaulis) also found by wood margins. Glaucous Michaelmas-daisy. (3) A. laevis. Fields and prairies, usually in drier soils than (1) and (2) preceding. Confused Michaelmas-daisy. (4) A. novi-belgii. Maritime and other open habitats (depending on variants of this species). For the thirty-six Ontario Aster taxa other than the seven listed above, the commonest habitats were, in order, as follows: open prairies and fields (12 taxa), woods (7), wood margins (5), wet soils (4), marshes, bogs and fens (3), rocky outcrops (3), and dunes, brackish soils, shores, sub-arctic areas, railroads, and stream sides. One species occurred in many of these habitats (Heard and Semple 1987). Asters from North America can_ therefore colonise a variety of habitats, some of which closely parallel colonisations by the three main Wiltshire taxa, where these are starting to naturalise. COLLECTION AND EVALUATION OF INFORMATION From 1992 to 1996, the sixty-five members of the WBS were asked to keep a look-out for Aster clumps, and not to cease looking after September! The writer also had records from the Army via the Salisbury Plain (Military) Training Area Con- servation Group, from the Wiltshire Trust for Nature Conservation, and from individuals who were known to members of these groups or to other organisations such as English Nature. The full print- out was obtained on the 1984-1991 Aster (genus) records from the Swindon and Wiltshire Biological Records Centre, derived in turn from the WFMP (see also acknowledgements at end). 130 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE y LET Ri ibla eis BNC NG Figure 1. Aster lanceolatus, upper third part of the Narrow-leaved Michaelmas-daisy, from Tidworth (probably some traces of A. x salignus also in its ancestry). Drawn by Katy J. Oliver NORTH AMERICAN ASTERS IN WILTSHIRE In addition to the map reference and site records, where possible pressed specimens were requested, as well as stem heights and flower colour which the referees required. The size and age of the clumps or stands, with information on any satellites, was important to temper the frequent assumptions that Asters were always ‘garden throw-outs’. An aged gardener might dump some 30x30cm clumps (heavy enough) of unwanted Asters at the edge of his village, or further afield if he used his car, but he would be unlikely to charter lorries to plant ‘4 acre of Asters along roadsides, riverbanks and field edges! The author has visited most of the 1992-96 sites, and sometimes local information has been forth- coming: ‘They’ve been there since before the War...’ (over 55 years) or ‘... fighting it out with nettles and purple loosestrife, from before we moved here...’ (over 30 years). The assumption that the varied and beautiful Asters for half a mile along the central Trowbridge railway cutting came from adjacent allotments was wrong. An allotment owner asserted that his plants came ‘from the wild ones’, not the other way around. Variability, hybridisation and back-crossing make Asters one of the most difficult of all flowering plant groups to identify at species level, for the reasons given under two of the preceding headings. We were fortunate in having the help of expert referees (see acknowledgements) who confirmed or arbitrated on about 80 (1993-96) pressed specimens in all. ASTERS IN THE WILTSHIRE FLORAS North American Asters were first recorded for Wiltshire in 1890, but the changes in taxonomy make the early specifications unreliable. Grose (1957) mentions A. novi-belgii, A. floribundus (now A. novi- belgu?), A. laevigatus (now A. novi-belgii ssp. laevigatus), A. versicolor (now considered a hybrid, see below) and A. lanceolatus. The recent Wiltshire Flora (Gillam 1993) listed A. schreberi Nees, A. laevis L., A. x versicolor Willd., A. novi-belgu L., A. x salignus Willd., and A. lanceolatus Willd., but unconfirmed by experts and dismissed as ‘garden escapes’ implying transient establishment adjacent to horticulture only. RESULTS (1) GENERAL Three main Aster taxa were found to be well established in Wiltshire in the 1990s. They are numbers 1, 2 and 4 in the semi-diagrammatic format below, two being hybrids. 1. A. lanceolatus, Narrow-leaved Michaelmas- daisy (See Figure 1). 131 2A. A. x salignus = A. novi-belgii x A. lanceolatus, the Common Michaelmas-daisy, A. lanceolatus ancestry dominant. 2B. A. x salignus, as preceding but a more balanced hybrid, with features of A. novi-belgii more apparent. 3. (A. novi-belgii, Confused Michaelmas-daisy). Not one specimen sent to expert referees was confirmed as the pure species. 4. A.x versicolor = A. laevis x A. novi-belgu, the Late Michaelmas-daisy. 5. (A. laevis, Glaucous Michaelmas-daisy). Not one specimen sent to the expert referees was confirmed as the pure species. 6. Possible complex hybrids between numbers 4 (or 5) and numbers 1-3. All but A. novi-belgii and A. laevis were found throughout most of Wiltshire with the exception of Grose’s (1957) Botanical District 9, the River Nadder, Tisbury and Mere in the south west of the county. The habitats were very varied. Only a small proportion of the stands of the hybrids, and none of the A. lanceolatus colonies were obvious garden escapes (compare Tables 1 and 2A). However a rather higher proportion was associated with intensive human activity (see Table 2B). The biggest and most varied colonies of A. x versicolor (with some A. x salignus) were seen by the main railway lines over quarter of a mile or so on the railway cuttings near County Hall, Trowbridge. The scatter of the full range of colours, the variety of sizes of the clumps and stands, and the occurrence of some single shoots and stems (a few of which were young) gave the appearance of occasional past seeding. In late October and November 1993 there was a beautiful display, with numerous bees and Vanessid butterflies and other insects. This colony (which may also have contributed to the occasional Aster in some Trowbridge car parks) is on steep ground, largely inaccessible, and is also guarded by fencing with minatory notices promising heavy fines and prosecutions; parts were threatened by en- croaching dense scrub. Much bigger and more extensive colonies than the Trowbridge railway cutting Asters were found in the south east of Wiltshire, in Grose’s smallest Botanical Districts numbers 5 and 6. These were predominantly A. lanceolatus, but with patches of A. x salignus whose ancestry was again almost all A. lanceolatus (2A at the start of this section). These stands extended on irregular or sometimes almost semicontinuous lines along or near the River Bourne from North Tidworth (through a small part of 132 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Table 1. Outline of the main findings Although A. x salignus was found at 48 sites, A. lanceolatus is the commonest Aster in Wiltshire because the stands were generally much more extensive at most of its 38 sites. The last group of numbers should not be totalled because many overlap. Numbers of sites at which Asters were found, but not firmly specified, mainly from the WFMP, mostly 1984-1991: 56 Numbers of sites at which Asters were specified, 1992-1996: 90 Numbers of specified types of Aster stand at the 90 sites preceding: 101 A. lanceolatus (sometimes ‘broad interpretation’, or ‘a trace of A. x salignus’ implying past gene flow from A. novi-belgit): 38 A. x salignus (A. lanceolatus ancestry predominant): 44 A. x salignus (A. novi-belgii ancestry more apparent than above): 4 A. x versicolor (A. laevis x A. novi-belgit): 11 A. x versicolor (as above, but complex features, possible triple ancestry): 4 101 Total numbers of sites (1984-1996) at which Asters were found (with the predominant land use shown in Table 5): 146 Habitats and microhabitats in which the Wiltshire Asters were found, most stands belonging to, or spreading into two or more categories: Roadsides and verges (see Table 6): 57 Railways, including disused (see Table 7): 27 Field sides and track (path) sides (see Table 8): 40 Grassland, scrub, woodfringes (see Table 9): 4) Rivers, waterside, ditches (see Table 10): 38 Military areas (see Table 11): 30 Human, recreational, and wasteland margins (see Table 2A and 2B): 72 Table 2A. Possible garden escape sites These numbers derive mainly from Tables 2B, 6 and 8. They include six long abandoned habitations, and possible past escapes from allotments Asters unspecified lanceolatus x salignus x versicolor all Adjacent to past horticulture 8 0 14 4 26 Table 2B. Asters on waste areas and margins Line three includes cracks in stonework and hard ground. Line four includes non-cultivated fringes of school and hospital grounds; urban redevelopment areas; marginal parts of golf clubs, sports grounds, arboreta, cemeteries, parks, villages and suburbs. The numbers are not totalled here, as many overlap Asters unspecified lanceolatus x salignus x versicolor all Landfill, dumps and depots 2 4 if 1 14 Edges of car and lorry parks 1 5 ff 2 15 Rubble, pavements, gravel etc. 5 4 9 2 20 Margins and waste ground 9 9 3 2 728) NORTH AMERICAN ASTERS IN WILTSHIRE Hampshire) for 10 miles towards Salisbury. They occurred in the bed and by the banks of the River Bourne, but in greater quantities in dry habitats near the Bourne, including dry chalk banks. Nearly all this extent is in or very close to a military area: army garrison, HQ, sports, training, and MOD land; even so nearly all the habitats shown on Tables 2B and 6—11 were also exploited by these two Bourne Valley taxa, including disused and (now) grassy railway lines from the pre-Beeching era. Some stands may have been 80 years old. Certain expanses are cut by the Army in September and/or October, others are being shaded out by maturing trees, but even in flower these clumps are surprisingly inconspicuous in comparison with the much smaller Trowbridge colonies. In the remainder of Grose’s Botanical Districts numbers 1 (including Trowbridge in the west), 2—4 (northern half of the county), 7, 8 and 10 (south- central and southern), there were only about ten sites found with large stands (either 20 or more metres long, or 20 or more square metres), or with multiple satellites. These were most often A. x salignus, but sometimes A. lanceolatus. Marginal and narrow sites tended to be favoured (Tables 2B, 5-8, 10), the most characteristic being a linear roadside/ fieldside spread, sometimes in association with a ditch or fence (Table 6). Asters have not yet made much impact on open Wiltshire grasslands, but were occasionally found in patches on the Salisbury Plain (Tables 9 and 11). Both here and in railway cuttings they could sometimes be associated with Canadian Goldenrods (Solidago gigantea Aiton, and S. canadensis L.), one member of the WBS remarking, ‘Just like being back in Canada again’. Wiltshire is, compared with most other English counties, rather dry, without much wetland. Even when allowance is made for this, North American Asters in Wiltshire have made more progress on dry or very dry sites than in wet or damp habitats. Nearly four out of every five Aster sites in Wiltshire are dry or very dry (Table 3). The three main Aster taxa in Wiltshire are all highly light-sensitive, and roadside and suburban Aster stems can be almost horizontal in their avoidance of encroaching overhead shade. They 133 survive light scrub, dense ground competition, or scattered trees, but suddenly succumb to denser shade. Colonies disappeared as shrubs and trees (especially Sycamores) cast their shade over them. There were ten colonies fringing woodland or copses, but A. lanceolatus, A. x salignus or A. x versicolor were never seen within (even moderately) shaded woods. Some wayside, field-edge, railway, riverbank and MOD clumps of Asters were known to be 15, 30 or even more than 50 years old, but such stands always fail rapidly and totally within one or two years under heightening woody vegetation, unless a rhizomatous shoot can reach an open area. Not much else kills a colony. RESULTS (2) FLOWERING Some dictionaries describe ‘mauve’ as purple (from the aniline dye), others as Mallow-coloured (from Malva, Mallows, therefore purplish pink). Most who describe Aster ray-floret ligules imply red and blue components; ‘mauve’ (in the first sense), ‘purple, violet-tinged’ etc. (Yeo et al. 1986; Stace 1993). Red weakness in colour vision is fairly common in men but rare in women. No women recorders called the Wiltshire Asters ‘blue’, the term used by (the male) Semple and Heard (1987), although ‘bluish’ was occasionally used. ‘Mauve’ and ‘purplish’ were the commonest descriptive colours, but the author prefers ‘lilac’ as everyone knows the colour of common Lilac (before the cultivars!) as a firm comparison. Some clones of A. lanceolatus change ray-floret colour ‘from white to blue’, depending on the variety and growing conditions (Semple and Heard 1987). In Tidworth there were common stands of A. lanceolatus whose small flowers (1.75cm_ across) remained dull white throughout, but also adjacent stands with slightly larger flowers which changed from white to pale lilac, before seeding, and other clumps with flowers (usually 2.5cm across) pale lilac throughout. Late flowering populations (after cutting by the Army or Local Authority) and popu- lations on dry sites also tended to have little or no lilac pigmentation. The tubular (central) florets were (with one exception, see below) yellow, but these Table 3. Association of naturalised Wiltshire Asters with water: 146 sites At some of these sites, the Aster clumps were found spreading between all three types of ground. Dry or Very Dry Damp (mainly ditches without standing or running water) Wet (mainly banks and beds of rivers and winterbournes) 78% 10% 12% 134 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Table 4. Main flowering months for naturalised Wiltshire Asters (Michaelmas Day, either 29 September or 12 October), from 88 sites. Most clumps were in flower for 5-8 weeks duration. August September October 1-15 October 16-31 November December 1% 10% 42% 36% 9% 2% also can change colour before seeding to a dull magenta or purplish-brown (see also Yeo er al. 1986). The colouration and sizes of the flowers of the naturalised and semi-naturalised North American Asters so far investigated in Wiltshire, as well as the usual heights of the flowering stems, were as follows. A. lanceolatus. Flowers usually 1.75—2.25cm dia- meter; disc florets yellow; rays dull white, or in some clones changing to pale lilac, or pale lilac through- out; heights usually 60cm—1.8m. A. x salignus, A. lanceolatus ancestry predominant. Flowers usually 2—2.5cm diameter; discs yellow; rays clear but usually pale lilac throughout; heights usually 70cm—1.6m. A. x salignus, A. novi-belgu features more apparent. Flowers usually 2.5—3cm (some 3.5cm, uncom- monly) in diameter; disc florets yellow or (rarely) magenta; rays strong lilac or purple; heights usually 30cm—1.5m. A. x versicolor. Flowers usually 2.5—3cm in diameter; discs yellow; ray colours sometimes pure white, red- purple or purple, but usually strong clear lilac or pink-lilac; heights usually 60cm—1.6m. In summary, masses of little dull-white flowers mean A. lanceolatus or hybrids dominated by this ancestry, whereas more beautiful and larger flowers indicate stronger infusions of A. novi-belgiit and A. laevis in the parentage. Flowering can last for two months per clone but is shorter in warm wet weather. Table 4 shows the main flowering months, the first and second halves of October being the best times for naturalised Wiltshire Asters. The date of Michaelmas Day was changed following the adoption of the Gregorian Calendar in 1752. From 1900 onwards there has been Old Michaelmas Day on 12 October (pre-New Style), and the Feast of St Michael on 29 September. Michaelmas-daisies in the wild in Wiltshire therefore mainly follow the ancient calendars, most approa- ching their peak on Old Michaelmas Day (see Table 4). They tend to be more forward in the south than in the rest of the county. There was no evidence in this survey that A. x versicolor, termed Late Michaelmas-daisy (Stace 1993), flowers later than the other taxa. Even uncut stands of A. lanceolatus and A. x salignus in Wiltshire often only start to flower from mid October to early November, unless the autumn is very warm and wet. An unexpected finding was the difficulty of spotting Asters in the distance. A. versicolor and A. x salignus (novi-belgu parentage obvious) were conspic- uous. However, the much commoner A. lanceolatus and A. x salignus (lanceolatus ancestry dominant) were not. On dull October and November days, distant massed very pale lilac or dull white flowers matched thistledown on the very common Creeping and Spear Thistle inflorescences, even when the purple thistle florets had faded. RESULTS (3) HABITATS AND NATURALISATION IN WILTSHIRE North American Asters are not as well naturalised in Wiltshire as the North American Solidagos (Golden- rods), but A. lanceolatus and A. x salignus occur in a greater variety of habitats. If the twenty-six probable adjacent escapes from horticulture (Table 2A) are subtracted from the total of 146 sites in Table 5 (this cannot be done for Table 2B) there are left 120 Aster sites which are not garden escapes. Most of these, perhaps as many as 80%, look as if they might have been dumped in the distant past, anything from 5 to 80+ years previous to 1992, on the basis of local history observations. This would apply to most of the roadside, track (path) side, wood fringe and waste ground Asters (Tables 2B, 6, and part of 8), and to some of the stands within the remaining habitats (Tables 7 and 9-11). A. lanceolatus does not appear on Table 2A, but was found in all the other | listed habitats and sometimes in quantity in Grose’s (1957) Botanical Districts numbers 5 and 6 in the south-east of the county, especially in Army areas. Spreads of the Asters have been by rhizomes, sometimes for 100m or more along roads or fences or around fields, into or out of ditches where present. Satellites of identical clones have been mainly created by ploughs, ditch-dredging, other earth-moving, and badgers, but other types of spread are likely to have occurred in some situations. NORTH AMERICAN ASTERS IN WILTSHIRE 135 Table 5. Principal land use for each of the 146 main sites at which Asters were found in Wiltshire Where the categories correspond with Tables 5—11A, totals in this table are lower, as only the one priority category was selected here. Main land use Nos. of sites Railways: currently in operation: 14 disused, dismantled, discontinued: 9 MOD, military training and prohibited areas: 23 Farmland (usually road verges, field verges, ditches, winterbournes): 4] Other countryside (including wood edges, National Trust, downland, etc.): 11 Suburban and villages: 19 Urban: 6 Special and recreational human activities. Fringes of golf courses and sports areas; hospital and school grounds (uncultivated parts); parks; car and lorry parks; depots and dumps; fringes of cemeteries etc.: 23 146 Table 6. Roadside Aster sites The second line includes roads bounded by walls, railway fencing, scrub, wood, commons, parks, village and suburban houses etc. Asters unspecified lanceolatus x salignus x versicolor all Roadsides by fields y/ 6 3 2 18 Roadsides, other 11 9 15 4 39 Roadsides, all 18 15 18 6 57 Table 7. Railway Aster sites These occurred on railway ballast, and grassy or scrubby cuttings or embankments. Three sites were near abandoned stations. Asters unspecified lanceolatus x salignus x versicolor all Railways, current 6 1 7 4 18 Railways, disused é) 2 3 1 9 Railways, all 9 3 10 5 21 Table 8. Rural fringe Asters Mainly arable farming areas. Line 3 includes villages, open woodland (unshaded) and estate footpaths and bridle ways, canal towpaths etc. Asters unspecified lanceolatus x salignus x versicolor all Field margins 2 9 3 p 16 Track sides, farmland 4 2 5 O al Other path sides 4 S) 2 2 13 Totals, rural fringes 10 16 10 4 40 Table 9. Rural Asters (cont.) Sites include National Trust and conservation land. Asters unspecified lanceolatus x salignus x versicolor all Grassland, chalk downs 4 4 2 0 10 Grassland, meadows 3 2 1 0 6 Scrubland 6 2 2) 2 15 Woodland fringes 3 3 4 0 10 bo oo — Totals 16 11 12 136 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Table 10. Wetsite and ditch Asters Asters were found in or by five Wiltshire rivers, but nineteen of the twenty-four sites (counting riverbank and river bed sites separately, even when adjacent) were associated with ten miles of the River Bourne alone. Asters unspecified Riverbanks and island 2 Riverbeds (winterbournes) 1 Other watersides 4 Ditches 3 All wetsites and ditches 10 lanceolatus 20 x salignus x versicolor all 8 3 0 13 8 1 0 10 2 ? 0 6 2 4 0 9 8 0 38 Table 11. Asters on Army sites These include MOD and prohibited areas (as in Table 5), but also garrison towns, military airfield, tank-crossings near roads, dismantled camps from both World Wars, army depots and sports areas, and HQ land. Asters unspecified All military areas 8 lanceolatus Q* sakes 2 30 x salignus x versicolor all * There were continuous gradations between these two taxa around Tidworth, see text. Nevertheless rhizome spread is unlikely to account for all the Aster colonies. Every stage of intermediacy was seen in Tidworth between A. lanceolatus and A. x salignus, suggesting back-crossings and seedings at some stages. However infrequently seedlings survive, and however demanding the conditions for successful germination and competitive growth, by late November there are thousands of inflorescences each producing hundreds of airborne seeds from the narrow interrupted clumps in the bed of the River Bourne, and much larger numbers from the bigger stands of weedy Asters with dull-white flowers on dry Army land near the Bourne. It is hard to envisage germination and survival of Aster seedlings in the dry areas, but the bed of the River Bourne is more often damp mud than running water. Occasional dredgings have been done in the past, and mud put on adjacent land; this might explain past establishment of weedy Asters in some of the areas proximal to the river if rhizomes were transferred with the mud. The other sites where varied plants (rather than just one or two clones) suggested the possibility of past or occasional seeding were railway ballast (Table 7) and impacted damp rubble or hardcore originally created as areas for vehicles (Tables 2B and 11). In these places the flowers could be larger with a range of colours suggesting the stronger influence of A. novi-belgu and A. laevis than in the duller weedier hybrids dominated by A. lanceolatus inheritance dis- cussed above. By the M4 in 1992, near Hodson, there were mixed populations of A. x versicolor and A. x salignus stretching for 100 metres with seven or eight satellites. These populations may have come in with the earth used to create the embankments for the bridge, and they were thriving amongst brambles in 1992. By 1996 trees had come up through the brambles and were casting shade; the A. x salignus population is now much less, stretching now only 20 metres, and the A. x versicolor has succumbed and disappeared. A population of A. x salignus (close to A. lanceolatus) was thriving in the Fordbrook marshes near Pewsey in 1990, but by 1994 had disappeared completely under willows and sallows. I have never seen an Aster colony in the open decline, except for one regularly mown. The plants associated with the Aster colonies were too varied to list in full, illustrating the diversity of habitats. Woody plants included bramble, and ash, elm, hazel, hawthorn, blackthorn, sallows, willows and elder at woodland fringes or wherever the farmers kept the hedging low; and young sycamores in urban, suburban and rural settings when these too were kept under close control. Asters fared well with Reed Canary-grass on riverbanks and in riverbeds, with Couch and ‘Tall Oat-grass by roadsides, or Rye and Meadow-grasses in fields, and amongst dry chalk land grasses. Asters (together with Solidagos) are almost the only introduced plants to compete well with Stinging-nettles, and all the various thistle and dock species on the much enriched soil of farmland. By contrast, large and old stands of A. lanceolatus and A. x salignus occurred on some parts of Salisbury Plain, in the military training areas where the soil is thin and infertile. In riverbeds Asters were also seen associated with Duckweeds, Water Plantain, Watercress and Purple NORTH AMERICAN ASTERS IN WILTSHIRE Loosestrife; and with Horseradish in winterbournes and by rivers and roadsides. On dry, bare or hard waste ground, the Asters could be accompanied by a variety of weeds including their relatives Groundsel, Oxford Ragwort, Pineapple Weed, and Canadian and Blue Fleabanes, as in Ludgershall in 1993. In summary, North American Asters are certainly not extensively naturalised in Wiltshire, mainly because seedling establishment needs ideal condi- tions. However, once a clump has formed, as long as there is no overhead shade, it will enjoy equally any of the following: muddy riverbeds with occasional standing or running water, or the dense vegetation of riverbanks or ditches; road sides or dry embank- ments; farmland enriched with nitrates and phos- phates or thin nutrient-deficient chalk; soft churned soil or hard impacted earth, or rubble, or cracks in stonework. Asters are no longer just found as garden throw-outs or as transients on dumps. DISCUSSION The recent rapid evolution of some of the Asters in North America (Semple and Heard 1987) wouid seem to be set to continue in some of the species transferred to Europe. The strategy of the three Wiltshire taxa seems to be to compensate for the rather poor establishment of seedlings by long-term perennating with rhizomatous spread, toughness in a variety of very different (but all unshaded) habitats, and copious airborne seed production in late autumn. Also the main vegetative growth between (August) September and December, even with early frosts, avoids competition with most of the fast- growing Wiltshire native plants. The related North American Solidagos (Goldenrods) seem to have naturalised in Wiltshire somewhat better than the Asters; again clump-forming tall perennials with numerous airborne seeds, they differ by late summer (rather than autumn) growth and flowering, and probably better survival of seedlings in some habitats. Another close relative of the Asters, Conyza canadensis is partly naturalised in Wiltshire, but this is an annual dependent on successful development of its seedlings each year. The Wiltshire Flora (Gillam 1993) shows that Solidago canadensis and Conyza canadensis are distri- buted throughout most of Wiltshire, like the Aster hybrids. However A. lanceolatus seems to be in its main concentrations in and around the garrison town of Tidworth, the Army HQ and military areas PSH. to the south. (This may also apply to Solidago gigantea, another mainly Canadian _ species.) Canadian troops, vehicles and training units came over at the start of the First World War in large numbers; Canadian and US troops and vehicles arrived in greater numbers still from 1915-1918 and 1940-1945. In 1915, a record wet winter and the troops caused ‘a sea of mud’ on Salisbury Plain and surrounding military areas (James 1987). It seems possible that A. lanceolatus could have come in with military vehicles, and it grows in some MOD restricted areas not generally open to the public since before the First World War. The crossing and back- crossing with other Asters may have then occurred either with local garden throw-outs or with the Asters on railway lines long since discontinued from either the implementation of the Beeching Plan in the 1960s, or (some) much earlier, perhaps 1918. Asters still flourish on these now grassy embank- ments, and in the grassy cuttings from decades past. Continued back-crossing seems improbable in the dry areas, but from large stands some seedlings may have survived to maturity in the wet mud of the bed of the River Bourne, or on muddy dredgings, since 1915. Introduction or spread of plant species by army vehicles is already known for the Salisbury Plain (Military) Training Areas. Erucastrum gallicum (Hairy Rocket) is a yellow annual crucifer from Europe which arrived near the SPTAs in 1985. Contrary to the comment ‘rarely persisting’ (Stace 1993), this plant has now become increasingly common in the tank-training areas over the past eleven years. Asters tend to form stands where the tank runs cross roads, or near depots, by the River Bourne, or on disused railtracks. The Hairy Rocket as a regularly successful reseeding annual is much more widely dispersed, but it seems probable that the Army has contributed significantly to the spread of both. Asters were first introduced from North America to Britain in the reign of Queen Anne (1710) but it was William Robinson in 1870 who encouraged the spread of Asters and Goldenrods from Victorian ‘wild gardens’ into wooded areas (Mabey 1996a, b). ‘Woodland walks’ are, as seen from these results, one of the few habitats in Wiltshire where neither Asters nor Goldenrods generally thrive, if they survive at all in the shade. None of the North American Aster species which favour woods has ever been recorded in Wiltshire. The author has sometimes been discon- certed by ecological purists who talk of eliminating any and all Aster patches seen in the wild: people 138 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE who would consider an annual cornfield weed intro- duced from the Mediterranean by Neolithic man or the Romans as a ‘good find’! There is no apparent evidence that any Aster or Solidago from North America has harmed any British species or habitats. These plants provide late summer, autumn and early winter colour, and nectar and pollen for many insects. The Aster flowers last much later into November than thistle flowers, sometimes providing feeding areas for several species of butterfly (espec- ially Vanessids) where there is nothing else for them. The 1996 Flora Britannica includes many origin- ally non-native plants now considered to be part of our British heritage, some so recent that they had not appeared here until 280 years after the first North American Asters. Mabey (1996a), considers some conservation measures of true native species and habitats ‘a sad necessity’, but writes particularly in defence of certain non-natives, especially Buddleia originating from China, and the North American Goldenrods and Michaelmas-daisies. “The act of breaking out by a garden plant, whatever its species, is in itself more natural (than deliberate nature conservation); a kind of liberation, a small but cheering victory by the wild against the manage- ment.’ It seems from these Wiltshire findings that two of the ancestral Aster species A. novi-belgu and A. laevis were just ‘garden escapes’. The two hybrids A. x versicolor and A. x salignus once broke out completely from gardens to reach railways, roads, rivers and ditches in the county. However, A. lanceolatus, the Narrow-leaved Michaelmas-daisy may owe more in Wiltshire to armies than gardeners. The back- crossed intermediates suggesting genetic intro- gression between this species and (mainly) A. x salignus are too dispersed, dull-coloured and weedy (an comparison with other Aster species and hybrids) to be attributed to horticulture, but may turn out to be better adapted to some Wiltshire habitats than the ancestral parents and hybrids; if so, this is evolution in action. Acknowledgements. Appreciation is given for difficult identifications and scientific help from Dr Alan C. Leslie (The Royal Horticultural Society and BSBI) and Dr Peter F. Yeo (Cambridge University Herbarium and Botanic Garden, and BSBI); also to Sally Scott- White and Jean Wall (Swindon and Wiltshire Biological Records Centre); and to all those forwarding specimens and details of sites, including Brenda Chadwick, Dorothy Cooper, Tony Dale, Beatrice Gillam, Daphne Graiff, Rita Grose, Barbara Last, Jean Maitland, Joy Newton, Maureen Ponting, John Presland, Vera Scott, Mike Stone, Audrey Summers, and Gwyneth Yerrington. REFERENCES GILLAM, B., 1993 The Wiltshire Flora, Oxford: Pisces Publications GROSE, D., 1957 The Flora of Wiltshire, Wakefield: EP Publishing Ltd., republished by WANHS 1979 JAMES, N.D.G., 1987 Plain Soldiering. A History of the Armed Forces on Salisbury Plain, Salisbury: The Hobnob Press MABEY, R., 1996a Midsummer Cushions, The National Trust Magazine 77, 39 MABEY, R. (ed.), 1996b Flora Britannica, London: Sinclair- Stevenson SEMPLE, J.C., and HEARD, S.B., 1987 The Asters of Ontario, University of Waterloo Biology Series No. 30, Ontario, Canada STACE, C., 1991 New Flora of the British Isles, Cambridge: CUR YEO, P.F., MERXMULLER, H. and SCHREIBER, A., The Aster genus, Flora Europaea 4, 112-116 Afternote Records from new sites have continued to arrive during the autumn of 1997, mostly A. lanceolatus from restricted Army (MOD) areas in south Wiltshire. Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol. 91 (1998), pp. 139-151 Notes Stonehenge: Its Possible Noncompletion, Slighting and Dilapidation by PAUL ASHBEE INTRODUCTION Beginning with Inigo Jones’ “Tuscan Temple’ (1655, ed. Parry 1972), which included an extra trilithon, plans and perspectives have reconstructed Stone- henge as an envisaged entirety (Hoare 1810, 151; Stone 1924, pls. 3, 4; Stevens 1924 (rev. 1929), front., 36; Cunnington 1935, 8; Atkinson 1987, 10; Richards 1991, 127, ill.104). Almost half of Stone- henge’s stones are missing while a proportion are fallen, broken, or beneath the turf. This means that, of about 160 or more, some 65 are absent while about 20 are mere stumps. Yet it is surprisingly intact and, unlike some circles (Burl 1976, 8), rather more of its unique structure has survived than might be expected. The trilithons, despite falls, are com- plete but the sarsen circle lacks 5 uprights and 22 lintels. Some 27 stones have vanished from the Bluestone circle, 7 or 8 from the U-setting and 4 or 5 sarsen stones from the outliers. Various writers have sought to account for the condition of Stonehenge. Notable are Flinders Petrie (1880, 16), who thought the sarsen circle incomplete, B.H. Cunnington’s (1935, 130) notion of Roman shghtng, supplemented by his’ observations regarding dilapidation (1935, 18-19), and R_J.C. Atkinson’s study of weathering (1957) which showed that the stoneholes would originally have been deeper than they are today. Incidental damage and delving has also led to dilapidation which was, untl about a century ago, largely unchecked. Stonehenge today is the product of three campaigns of rectificatory archaeology. The stone-straightening and precise excavation undertaken by William Gowland in 1901 (Gowland 1902) was followed by the comprehensive endeavours of William Hawley (Cleal et al. 1995, 12-15). Between 1950 and 1964, R.J.C. Atkinson, Stuart Piggott and J.F.S. Stone undertook work designed to answer questions raised by William Hawley as well as further restoration. This, recently published (Cleal er al. 1995), has presented us with more problems. In general, the reasons for missing stones and dilapidation have been little more than incidentally pursued. Noncompletion Flinders Petrie (1880, 16) was the first to consider the sarsen circle as unfinished. He completed his survey in 1877 (Drower 1985, 22-4), introducing the stone-numbering used to this day. He wrote: The evidence for non-completion of the outer sarsens is the much smaller stone 11 ... If the builders ran so short as to have to use such a stone as 11, is it not very probable that they had not enough to finish the circle? W.C. Lukis (1883, 147) regarded Stone 11 as an attempt to compensate for a cumulative error while E. Barclay (1895, 64) thought that it might have marked an entrance. E.H. Stone was, however, sympathetic to the notion of noncompletion (1924, 5, 73) and emphasised the problems of size and quality that had been encountered. R.J.C. Atkinson (1956, 24) observed that Stone 11 lacked its upper part because of breakage but that, nevertheless, its width and thickness had not been reduced since its erection. He added that the builders had been hard put to find sufficient blocks of the requisite size to complete the circle. C.R. Chippindale (1983, 14) considered that the supply of full-sized stones had run out before the sarsen circle was completed. More recently (Cleal et al. 1995, 205) it has been contended that even if Stone 11 did not function as a support it would not imply that the circle was unfinished in the sense that the plan was abandoned. Were the circle incomplete it must be regarded as complete because it must have been functional for many generations. The planned norm would appear to have been Stones 29, 30 and 1 to 7. There could have been a shortfall of sarsen stone lintels as 22 are missing, a number which, when compared with the other elements of the monument, is considerable. Although it is thought that convenient size attracted stone-breakers (Atkinson 1956, 24-5), they were harder and more massive than the Bluestones of which proportionally more have survived. Thus whether or not the sarsen circle was completed and entirely stone-lintelled is uncertain. However, five 140 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE lintels are in position, one is broken and there are two fragments, but only five uprights are missing. Besides the utilisation of unsuitable stones, lengths vary and many are shallowly set in their holes. This further illustrates the difficulties encountered in the realisation of the comprehensive intention. Although the uprights of the great central trilithon (55, 56) have been carefully fashioned on both faces and sides, the remainder are finished only upon their inner surfaces. While sides have been tooled, outer faces are rough, with irregularities and, here and there, coarse dressing. The great central trilithon, with its well-finished, turned and re- mortised lintel, was clearly the first to be erected and the archetype for the sarsen stone structure. Sadly, even the other trilithons could not be finished to this standard, let alone the circle, a fact which may reflect modifications made as preparation and construction progressed. Patently, the trilithons were a contem- poraneous creation and, because of manipulative considerations, they preceded the completion of the sarsen circle. As observed above, Stones 29, 30 and 1 to 7 were the standard as they match one another, and it is upon these that stone lintels remain. These, and the three principal trilithons, could have been of especial significance to the enterprise as they bear the carvings (Cleal et al. 1995, 30, fig. 17). An assessment of the overall sizes of Stonehenge’s sarsen stones is necessary, as is analysis of their nature. This, combined with the surveys of sources (Bowen and Smith 1977), and their past potential, might lead us to a more detailed insight into the problems encountered by those responsible for the sarsen stone elements. It has long been presumed that Stonehenge’s sarsen stones were from the Marlborough Downs despite the possibility that Avebury’s realisation, the massive circles, Cove and Obelisk, may have taken all the greater blocks. Indeed, lesser stones were used for the West Kennet Avenue (Smith 1965, 206-9). Today, the Marlborough Downs’ surviving boulders are mostly small-sized, although Stukeley said that he saw ‘... some of as large dimensions as any at Abury’ (Stukeley 1743, 48; Smith 1884, 127-9; Smith 1965, xxviii; King 1968; Bowen and Smith 1977). The only other source of large sarsen stones, suitable for Stonehenge, is Kent’s North Downs, by the River Medway, where grandiose long barrows with chambers, often 9ft in height, had been built, and even today considerable blocks can still be found (Ashbee 1993, 61). Transport, via the lower line of the North Downs may, despite distance, have been no more arduous than from northern Wiltshire. Stonehenge’s demands exhausted even this source and thus the grand sarsen stone circle may never have been completed. The Bluestones, it is thought (Howard 1982, 115-18), were set up simultaneously and sub- sequently to the sarsens. Although twenty-five are missing from the circle and eight from the U-setting, there is nothing to suggest that their intended use was unrealised. With the exception of two well- finished lintels, the circle’s stones were undressed. In contrast, the U-setting, at one stage an oval, consisted of carefully prepared pillars, two terminating in tenons. Two others have a tongue and a commensurate groove on their entire edges. At some earlier stage, these could have, together, been a sophisticated cove (Burl 1988). Their nature and intrinsic qualities may have been the cause of their destruction. Although it is conceded that the stone mortices and tenons, tongues and grooves, are adaptations of woodworking techniques and that the sarsen structures must be related to the carcassing of a circular timber building (Petrie 1880, 27; Cunn- ington 1929, 20; Cunnington 1935, 98; Atkinson 1956, 176), the possibility that it was the basis of a complete, circular, edifice can also be envisaged (de Pradenne 1937; Ashbee 1978, 152). This could have also involved a few matching timber uprights, and a number of timber lintels, to supplement and complete the sarsen stone circle, as well as timbers in the Y and Z holes. The preparation of timbers commensurate with the circle’s sarsen stones would have been well within the capabilities of the carpentry of the age and would have obviated the use of sub-standard stones. Such a procedure could account for the absence of so many lintels. At some juncture in later prehistory the timber component of Stonehenge was dismantled (Ashbee 1978, 150-4, 181), presumably with appropriate abandonment procedures and for use elsewhere. Sound, prepared, timbers were always at a premium. Various new foci had arisen. Soil, with-a wind-borne component, presumably from adjacent field systems, filled the Y and Z holes which could have been post- sockets (Cornwall 1953). The sherds of Deverel- Rimbury and later Bronze Age, as well as Iron Age, pottery, scattered at Stonehenge (Cleal et a/. 1995, passim) may reflect this melancholy event. Slighting R.H. Cunnington (1935, 130) was of the view that were Stonehenge connected with Druidism it would NOTES have been unlikely to have been spared after the Roman conquest of Britain. R.J.C. Atkinson (1956, 77-8), however, felt that it might have been slighted by the Romans to prevent it becoming a focus for British nationalism. As evidence, a grave by Y hole 9 and Roman pottery mixed with Bluestone chips in various Y and Z holes were cited. A quantity and variety of Roman pottery (1857 sherds, many abraded: Cleal et al. 1995, 435), together with some twenty coins, with some small metal and bone personal items, have been collected at Stonehenge. The coins are all bronze and some are the earliest and latest of the province. At Avebury sherds of Romano-British pottery and some coins were found among the circles and in the Avenue (Smith 1965, 243), while Roman coins were associated with the West Kennet long barrow’s fagade area (Piggott 1962, 55). Indeed, Roman coins and other materials are regularly associated with long and round barrows and are much more than casual losses by visitors (Grinsell 1967, 20-25; Ross 1967, 44; Ashbee 1993, 63). Roman coins, as well as an assemblage of gold objects, were found associated with Newgrange, Ireland’s great passage grave (Iopp 1956; O’Kelly 1982, 74; Harbison 1989, 87, 184). Anot dissimilar assemblage, without precious metal, was dug from the Rath of the Synods, on the Hill of Tara, Ireland’s premier secular site (Macalister 1931, 31—43; Harbison 1989, 191). Romano-British interest in such major prehistoric monuments as Stonehenge, Avebury, Newgrange and Tara, long and round barrows (Hartridge 1978) and the siting of temples on henges (Bradford and Goodchild, 1939; Greenfield, 1963) possibly represents a cult (Ross 1967, 5). This should militate against any Roman slighting of Stonehenge. Moreover, despite the dogged defence of Maiden Castle (Wheeler 1943, 62) for example, there is nothing to suggest that the excesses of Anglesey (Lynch 1970, 283; Salway 1981, 677-81) were ever enacted in Wessex. Pope Gregory’s advice to Mellitus had been that pagan fana should not be destroyed but only the images they might contain. From the 7th century onwards some bishops inveighed against those who frequented and worshipped stones (Thurnam 1868, 241-2). Theodore of Tarsus, Archbishop of Canterbury from 668 to 690, was emphatic regarding this prohibition (Burl 1979, 36), which was endorsed by Canute (1016-1035). Stone burial was recommended by the late 9th-century council held at Nantes (Thurnam 1868, 242). In Brittany numerous gallery-, passage-graves and standing 141 stones were Christianised (Daniel 1960, 71-111). During the late 13th and early 14th centuries there was consolidation of church authority coupled with the northern crusades to convert the Baltic pagans, a move supported by Edward I and II of England (Christiansen 1980, 148). At Avebury the wreckers, probably itinerant and not without a measure of power, were active shortly after 1320 when one of their number was killed by the fall of a stone (Smith 1965, 176, 186). Here, circle and avenue stones were buried and the Obelisk, the tallest stone, was toppled as well as West Kennet’s facade (Piggott 1962, 12, fig. 4). Other stone-built long barrows were deranged (Piggott 1947; 1948; Barker 1984). Stonehenge is likely to have suffered at the hands of those who wrecked Avebury. Despite the differences between the monuments, the slighting procedures were not dissimilar. A part of the sarsen circle was further breached on the south-west side and, thereafter, the great trilithon, like Avebury’s Obelisk, the tallest feature, was felled. Certain Bluestones may have been smashed, leaving only their stumps, a violent procedure as it would have been easier to have uprooted them. Although this selective onslaught recalls the obliteration of the setting within Avebury’s southern circle (Smith 1965, 199), there is the possibility that it was long before the 14th century. Fashioned Bluestones could have been equated with the idols in pagan fana and they could have suffered accordingly. An attempt was made to bury the Slaughter Stone and others may remain buried in the vicinity. Among the Medieval sherds from Stonehenge there are pieces attributable to West Berkshire and North Wiltshire which might remain from a despoiling company (Cleal et al. 1995, 435). Lucas de Heere’s (c.1574) sketch of Stonehenge was at pains to record the prominent fallen great trilithon (Chippindale 1983, 34, ill.21). If it is accepted that the stone element was practically complete prior to its slighting, it is likely that the sarsen circle, an integral structure, was mortally weakend by this. However, it is remarkable that the trilithons, bereft of any support other than their sockets from an early juncture stood for so long. All things considered, the damage, by slighting, to Stonehenge appears as no more than was strictly necessary. This may have been because of its prestige and mention in early literary and historical sources. In c.1130, Henry of Huntingdon referred to ‘Stanenges, where stones of wonderful size have been erected after the manner of doorways’ in his History of the English (Gransden 1974, 193; 142 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Chippindale 1983, 20). Geoffrey of Monmouth’s popular (and influential) romances stressed the non- local source of the stones (Piggott 1941; Gransden 1974, 246, f.n. 229). There was, indeed, a potent medieval historical tradition which may have prevented Stonehenge from becoming a general quarry, in an otherwise stoneless region. During the 16th century it received well-connected visitors such as William Lambarde (Ashbee 1993, 69) and became integral to Tudor nationalistic history (Kendrick 1950; Rowse 1951, 31—65), appearing on the new maps (Speed, ed. Nicholson and Hawkyard 1988, 185-8). Inclusion in Camden’s Britannia (Piggott 1957) confirmed its status, as did its notice by James I (Inigo Jones 1655, ed. Parry, 1972). Dilapidation From the 17th century onwards Stonehenge was a focus for tourists, artists and romantics, and in the 19th, for Victorian mass festivities. Paradoxically, all these may have been a protection against wholesale despoilment, particularly after the various falls from 1740 onwards (Chippindale 1983, passim). Although it is asserted that no stone has been taken from Stonehenge since the middle of the 18th century (Lawson 1995, 345), it is clear that there has been breaking and a measure of local use. In this respect there is no overt evidence of the use of fire, so dramatically recorded by Stukeley at Avebury (Smith 1965, 180, pl. XXVID, although incidental surface burning might have left little trace. The row of holes in the conveniently supine Slaughter Stone (Cunnington 1935, 41) is evidence of an organised attempt at breaking. Some of the early depictions show broken, isolated, stones and there are oft-cited stories of visitors detaching fragments (Chippindale 1983, ill. 47). Stones may well have been smashed to fill the ruts made by the iron-shod wheels of carts and coaches. An Avenue section, seen by the present writer during the 1950s, disclosed such ruts, infilled with much broken sarsen stone. This is not apparent from the section now published (Cleal et al. 1995, 291-329, figs. 175, 178, 178 cont., 182). Smashed sarsen stone, used in earlier years, probably lies beneath the adjacent modern road surfaces. Later 19th-century cleansing of the littered site may have involved the removal of detached pieces, although the 1853 photograph (Chippindale 1983, 149 ill. 119) depicts a not untidy surround. Were sporadic stone-breaking and removal undertaken, it is puzzling that outliers, the Heelstone, Slaughter and Station Stones have survived. Differential weathering (Atkinson 1956, 10; Ashbee 1960, 59, fig. 19) may have had an effect upon the stability of some of the shallowly set stones. The surface of the solid chalk beneath the bank is almost a foot higher than its general surround and the stone sockets are commensurately shallower than when designed and dug. Envoi At Stonehenge a complete sarsen-stone circle, as shown in numerous. reconstructions, is an assumption. There is evidence for neither a full complement of uprights nor lintels. The supply of suitable stones ceased and the grand design, perhaps aS a temporary expedient, could have been completed in timber. Its slighting, apart from the Bluestones, perhaps smashed at an early juncture, was by the Christian faction which had secured the wrecking of Avebury, and the stone-built long barrows. Stonehenge’s was minimal in that it was not carried out with the comprehensive zeal displayed in Kent (Ashbee 1993, 65). This was because of its place, from early times, in medieval historical literature. Indeed, it is, even today, rather more complete than might be expected in a stoneless region. Stonehenge was in the list which confronted Pitt Rivers, the first Inspector of Ancient Monuments, in 1882. Its restoration, excavation, and damaging modification for motor-borne mass tourism, is a subsequent story, much of which is now published for the first time (Cleal et al. 1995). Much, however, still evades us. Visitor-pressure has led to condoned damage and dilapidation, factors even more detrimental than the vicissitudes of later antiquity. BIBLIOGRAPHY ASHBEE, P. 1960 The Bronze Age Round Barrow in Britain, London — 1978 The Ancient British, Norwich — 1993 ‘The Medway Megaliths in Perspective’, Archaeologia Cantiana 111, 57-111 ATKINSON, R.J.C., 1956 Stonehenge, London — 1957 ‘Worms and Weathering’, Antiquity 31, 292-9 — 1987 Stonehenge and Neighbouring Monuments, London BARCLAY, E., 1895 Stonehenge and its Earthworks, London BARKER, C.T., 1984 “The Long Mounds of the Avebury Region’, WAM 79, 7-38 BOWEN, H.C., and SMITH, I.F., 1977 ‘Sarsen Stones in Wessex’, Antig. fourn. 57, 185-96 BRADFORD, J.S.P., and GOODCHILD, RG., 1939 ‘Excavations at Frilford, Berks., 1937-38’, Oxoniensia 4, 1-70 BURL, A., 1976 The Stone Circles of the British Isles, New Haven and London NOTES — 1979 Prehistoric Avebury, New Haven and London — 1988 ‘Coves: Structural Enigmas of the Neolithic’, WAM 82, 1-18 CHIPPINDALE, C., 1983 Stonehenge Complete, London CHRISTIANSEN, E., 1980 The Northern Crusades, London CLEAL, R.M.J., WALKER, K.E. and MONTAGUE, R., 1995 Stonehenge in its Landscape, Twentieth-century Excavations (English Heritage, Arch.Rpt.10), London CORNWALL, I.W., 1953 ‘Soil Science and Archaeology with Illustrations from some _ British Bronze Age Monuments’, Proc. Prehist. Soc. 19, 129-47 CUNNINGTON, M.E., 1929 Woodhenge, Devizes CUNNINGTON, R.H., 1935 Stonehenge and its Date, London DANIEL, G., 1960 The Prehistoric Chamber Tombs of France, London DROWER, M.S., 1985 Flinders Petrie, A Life in Archaeology, London GOWLAND, W., 1902 ‘Recent Excavations at Stonehenge’, Archeologia 58, 38-119 GRANSDEN, A., 1974 Historical Writing in England. c.550 to c. 1307, London GREENFIELD, E., 1963 ‘The Romano-British Shrines at Brigstock, Northants.’, Antig. Journ. 43, 228-63 GRINSELL, L.V., 1967 ‘Barrow Treasure, in Fact, Tradition and Legislation’, Folklore 78, 1-38 HARBISON, P., 1989 Pre-Christian Ireland, London HARTRIDGE, R., 1978 ‘Excavations at the Prehistoric and Romano-British Site on Slonk Hill, Shoreham, Sussex’, Sussex Arch. Coll. 116, 69-141 HOARE, R.C., 1810 The History of Ancient Wiltshire, I, London HOWARD, H., 1982 ‘A Petrological Study of the Rock Specimens from Excavations at Stonehenge, 1979-80’, Proc. Prehist.Soc. 48, 104-26 JONES, INIGO, 1655 The Most Notable Antiquity of Great Britain Vulgarly called Stoneheng (ed. G. Parry, 1972), Menston, Yorkshire KENDRICK, T.D., 1950 British Antiquity, London KING, N.E., 1968 “The Kennet Valley Sarsen Industry’, WAM 63, 83-93 LAWSON, A.J., 1995 ‘The ‘Twentieth Century’ [Stonehenge], in Cleal ez. al. 1995, 345-7 LUKIS, W.C., 1883 ‘Report on Stonehenge and Avebury’, Proc. Soc. Antigs. London (2nd Ser.) 9, 141-57 143 LYNCH, F., 1970 Prehistoric Anglesey, Llangefni MACALISTER, R.A.S.,; 1931 Tara, A Pagan Sanctuary of Ancient Ireland, London NICHOLSON, N. and HAWKYARD, A., 1988 The Counties of Britain, A Tudor Atlas by John Speed, London O’KELLY, M.J., 1982 Nezwgrange, London —— 1989 Early Ireland, Cambridge PETRIE, W.M.,; FLINDERS, 1880 Stonehenge, Plans, Descriptions, Theories, London PIGGOTT, S., 1941 ‘The Sources of Geoffrey of Monmouth: The Stonehenge Story’, Antiquity 15, 305-19 — 1947 ‘Notes on some North Wiltshire Chambered Tombs’, WAM 52, 57-64 —— 1948 ‘Destroyed Megaliths in North Wiltshire’, WAM 52, 390-2 —— 1957 ‘William Camden and the _ Britannia’, Proc. Brit.Acad. 37, 199-217 — 1962 The West Kennet Long Barrow Excavations, 1955-56, London DE PRADENNE, and VAYSON, A., 1937 ‘The Use of Wood in Megalithic Structures’, Antiquity 11, 87-92 RICHARDS, J.,; 1991 Stonehenge, London ROSS, A., 1967 Pagan Celtic Britain, London ROWSE, A.L., 1951, The England of Elizabeth, London SALWAY, P., 1981 Roman Britain, Oxford SMITH, A.C., 1884 British and Roman Antiquities of North Wiltshire, Marlborough SMITH, I.F., 1965 Windmill Hill and Avebury: Excavations by Alexander Keiller, 1925-1939, Oxford STEVENS, F., 1924 (rev. ed. 1929) Stonehenge, Today and Yesterday, London STONE, E.H., 1924 The Stones of Stonehenge, London STUKELEY, W., 1743 Abury, a Temple of the British Druids, London THURNAM, J., 1868 ‘On Ancient British Barrows, especially those of Wiltshire and the adjoining Counties (Part I, Long Barrows)’, Archaeologia 42, 161-244 TOPP, C., 1956 “The Gold Ornaments Reputedly found near the Entrance to New Grange in 1842’, Univ. London Inst. Arch. 12th Ann. Report, 53-62 WHEELER, R.E.M. (Sir Mortimer), 1943 Maiden Castle, Dorset, Reports of the Research Committee of the Society of Antiquaries of London, No. 12, Oxford Late Bronze Age Sword Fragments from Market Lavington by ANDREW J. LAWSON On 1 August 1997, Mr Peter Lewis reported to Devizes Museum the discovery of two conjoining fragments of a cast bronze sword (Figure 1). The find, made at Spin Hill, Market Lavington (P. Robinson pers. comm.), comprises the hilt and much of the blade of a Late Bronze Age weapon. No other finds of this date are known from the immediate vicinity. The hilt fragment (22.9cm long; 170gm) has steeply pitched shoulders perforated by six small rivet holes. Five pin-like rivets (1.4cm long; 0.3cm diam) remain in place. The tang, with central slot, has a slight median bulge but expands into a straight, albeit corroded terminal. The tang and shoulders are flanked by high (0.9cm) flanges. Light ogival scars below the shoulders mark the limit of the original hilt plates. The narrow blade has a cross section (0.6cm thick) of gently curved midrib, more angular towards the hilt, with concave sides but has no distinct bevels to the cutting edges. Corrosion of the 144 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Figure 1. Late Bronze Age sword from Market Lavington. Scale 1:2. Drawn by Nick Griffiths. edges may have removed slight yet typologically important features. The blade expands smoothly to meet the shoulders with no obvious ricasso notch, while the midrib reduces rapidly in width, contin- uing though the hilt web as a slight ridge. A low casting flaw crosses one face of the hilt at the top of the shoulders. The second fragment (12.0cm long; 2.9cm max. width; 87gm) comprises the central part of the leaf-shaped blade. Both parts bear the same dull green-brown patina with some more lustrous or granular, corroded patches. The fragments have been returned to the finder. DISCUSSION The production of cast bronze, flange-hilted swords in Britain was stimulated by the importation of novel types from the early Urnfield traditions of Conti- nental Europe in the 12th. century BC (Needham 1996, 135). The find from Market Lavington exhibits an amalgam of features taken from these early imports: for example, the high pitched, straight shoulders from the hilt of the Hemigkofen type, the fan shaped terminal and narrow leaf-shaped blade of the Erbenheim type, and the high flanges and long ricasso found in subtly different forms on both types. In their thorough review of British Bronze Age swords, Burgess and Colquhoun (1988) established a single evolutionary sequence in which the Wilburton type was the first British product manufactured in large numbers, from which the Ewart Park type later sprang. The Market Lavington find demonstrates few of the features of the Wilburton type: it has no distinct ricasso, no broad shoulders, nor large rivet holes. It therefore seems to fall earlier in the typological sequence, sharing a similar place to the few examples of Type Clewer (ibid., 31—3) at the end of the Penard metalworking tradition (or Period 6 in Needham’s (1996) scheme). Bearing in mind the fact that the majority of early imported swords have been found in the Thames Valley, it would not seem unreasonable to suggest that the Market Lavington example is a relatively early product from the smiths of southern England based on these imports. Late Bronze Age swords are much less common in the west of England than in the east. Whereas in eastern England sword fragments frequently occur with other bronze types in hoards, the relative dearth of hoards in Wiltshire denies us a large volume of material to study, even if it does provide evidence for different social practices (Thomas 1989). The only other examples from Wiltshire are the Wilburton sword from Upton Scudamore and the Ewart Park NOTES sword from Figsbury Ring, both in Salisbury Museum (Moore and Rowlands 1972, nos.73 and 72 resp.), and a second Ewart Park example in Devizes Museum from Badbury (Burchard 1970, 193-5). Acknowledgements. I am grateful to the finder and Dr Paul Robinson for making the find available; to Dr Stuart Needham for his helpful comments; and to Duncan Coe for information from the County SMR. REFERENCES BURCHARD, A., 1970, ‘Three Bronze Age Finds from Central and North Wiltshire’, WAM 65, 192-5 145 BURGESS, C.B., and COLQUHOUN, I., 1988 The Swords of Britain, Prahistorische Bronzefunde Abt IV, 5 bd, C.H. Beck, Munich MOORE, CN., and ROWLANDS, M., 1972 Bronze Age Metalwork in Salisbury Museum, Salisbury NEEDHAM, S.P., 1996 ‘Chronology and Periodisation in the British Bronze Age’, Acta Archaeologica 67, 121-140 (Denmark) THOMAS, R., 1989 ‘The Bronze-Iron Transition in Southern England’ in M. L. Stig Sorensen and R. Thomas (eds.), The Bronze Age—Iron Age Transition in Europe, Brit Archaeol. Rep. Int. Ser. 483, 263-286 A Late Iron Age or Early Roman Spout in the Stourhead Collection by PAUL ROBINSON An object which is published as No. 382 in the catalogue of the Stourhead Collection (Cunnington and Goddard 1896) is described there as the Bronze head of a dog, possibly forming the handle (with a ring in the mouth) of some vessel. Anglo-Saxon(?). Locality unknown. It was not illustrated in the catalogue and is illu- strated here for the first time (Figure 1). It is certainly the same object as the bronze spout described as ... another article with a grotesque head of an animal — hollow like a spout... which was shown by the Revd Charles Francis, vicar of Mildenhall, to Sir Richard Colt Hoare on 5 October 1807, and which had been found at St Catherine’s Mead, Marlborough in the same field as the celebrated Late Iron Age ‘Marlborough Bucket’ (Anon. 1885). The findspot lies approximately mid- way between Marlborough and Mildenhall, the site of the Roman town of Cuwnetio. It also lies close to the possible Iron Age hill fort on Isbury hill as well as to Folly Farm, Mildenhall, the site of a major Late Iron Age and Roman building. The Revd Charles Francis formed a collection of coins and antiquities found at St Catherine’s Mead and at Folly Farm, in the garden of the rectory at Mildenhall and in the adjacent churchyard. In 1812 he presented to Colt Hoare a number of the finds from St Catherine’s Mead including the Marlborough Bucket (Cunnington 1887, 223-4 citing a letter from Francis to Colt Hoare in the library of the WANHS). It is reasonable to accept that, although it is not mentioned in the letter, the bronze spout was given on the same occasion. The spout, which lacks the lower jaw and the upper part of the back plate with the adjacent part of the animal’s head, is almost identical to a complete bronze spout, excavated at Brentford and now in the Museum of London (Megaw 1978). It was found in a pit dated from the associated pottery of the Neronian to Flavian periods to the 1st century AD and has been compared with the Celtic spouts from Felmersham and Leg Piekarski, Poland, the latter of which is dated to the Ist century BC to the early 1st century AD (Megaw and Megaw 1986, 41). Better parallels to the Marlborough spout are seen in that from Wimborne St Giles, Dorset, which is in the form of a schematised bull’s head and is also dated to the Ist century AD (Hattatt 1989, 432, No. 67), and a schematised spout on a large bronze bowl or cauldron from the ‘physician’s grave’ excavated in 1996-97 at Stanway, near Colchester. The Colchester example is close in concept to the Marlborough and Brentford spouts and is dated to 50 AD but regarded as coming from a late Iron Age burial. Cunnington and Goddard (1896) identified the subject of the Marlborough spout as a dog. Megaw (1978) suggested that it represented a ‘Celticised lion’ or a dog, while admitting that ‘any attempt at guessing not just genus but species is clearly impossible’. It is perhaps more likely that the spout represents an unspecified monster rather than any particular animal. Most unusually, the eyes are not shown, although the mouth, nose, ears and hair are 146 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE clearly depicted. The two raised bands in front of the ears suggest instead that the animal is shown blind- folded, a feature for which the writer has been unable to find parallels in bronze or stone sculpture. If the creature is seen as representing the triumph of death over life as, for example, in the Linsdorf monster and the “Tarasque de Noves’ (Megaw and Megaw 1989, 170-71), the blindfolding of the eyes may allude either to the seemingly random choices which are made by death or to an attempt to control or limit the power of death by binding its eyes. The findspot, St Catherine’s Mead, is shown on Colt Hoare’s map of the Marlborough and Mildenhall area entitled ‘The Roman Stations of Upper and Lower Cunetio’ (Hoare 1819, Roman Era, facing p.90) divided into a number of smaller fields, in particular two called “Coleman’s Meads’ adjacent to another called ‘Barrow Close’. This was clearly the site of a Roman cemetery directly related to the Roman town of Cunetio. Both Colt Hoare and the Revd Charles Francis describe human skeletons as having been unearthed here by labourers exca- vating gravel (Anon 1885, 234; Cunnington 1887, 224) although Colt Hoare later describes these as animal bones (1819, 35) perhaps in error. When found, the Marlborough Bucket also included cremated human bones, suggesting that the ceme- tery was started in the late Iron Age as was, for example, the King Harry Lane cemetery. Robinson (1993) has shown that Cunetio may have started in the Iron Age on the evidence of the Iron Age coins found on the site of the town. Other recorded finds from the site seem also more likely to be grave goods rather then domestic losses. They include a complete ring necked flagon datable to the Ist or very early 2nd century AD and a complete New Forest Ware beaker, respectively Nos. 386 and 301 in the cata- logue of the Stourhead Collection. Both of these were originally in the collection of the Revd Charles Francis and were given by him to Colt Hoare. At least one other item in the Stourhead Collection is also almost certain to have been found originally in a Roman grave. This is the indented glass beaker, No. 354, the provenance of which is unknown but which could well be the same cemetery. The cemetery is reasonably associated with the now destroyed barrow located by Colt Hoare in Barrow Close, i.e. in the field adjacent to that in Coleman’s Meads where the Marlborough Bucket was found. It is possible that the barrow, which is depicted in a manuscript map drawn up in 1752 and preserved at Blenheim, was of Iron Age rather than Bronze Age date although there is no reason why an Iron Age and Roman cemetery should not have used an earlier Bronze Age barrow as its focus. Finally it should be noted that there are other finds from this site which may not be grave finds. They include Roman coins, a key and a Roman tile. The spout then may originally have been from a late Iron Age or early Roman grave, which may be relevant in considering its original function. While they would certainly serve as spouts attached to a metal vessel, the spouts from Marlborough and Brentford are unique among Celtic spouts in having a small circular recess at the innermost edge of the animal’s mouth. In the catalogue of the Stourhead Collection, Cunnington and Goddard interpreted the function of this recess as to hold a ring, suggesting that the objects are not spouts, but animal-head ring handles. They might then be com- pared to the classical lion’s-head ring handles which were attached to larger wooden objects such as doors, vats or chests, suggesting that the Marl- borough ‘spout’ was originally part of a chest which had contained an early cremation in the late Iron Age and Roman cemetery. However, the ring would have stood well out from the side of whatever it was attached to and would then not have been stable. It is perhaps more likely that it did indeed serve as a spout similar to the schematised one still preserved on the large bowl/cauldron from the Stanway burial. BIBLIOGRAPHY ANON., 1885 ‘Extracts from Note-book by Sir R.C. Hoare’ (WANHS’ Library, MS. 740), WAM 22, 234-238 CUNNINGTON, W., 1887 ‘On a Sepulchral Vessel Found Near Marlborough’, WAM 23, 222-228 CUNNINGTON, W., and GODDARD, E.H., 1896 Catalogue of Antiquities in the Museum of the Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society at Devizes, Part 1. The Stourhead Collection, Devizes HATTATT, R., 1989 Ancient Brooches and. Other Artefacts, Oxford HOARE, R.C., 1819 The Ancient History of North Wiltshire, I, London MEGAW, J.V.S., 1978 “The bronze spout’, chapter 14 in R. Canham, 2000 Years of Brentford, HMSO, London MEGAW, R. and V., 1986 Early Celtic Art in Britain and Ireland, Aylesbury MEGAW, R. and V., 1989 Celtic Art from its Beginnings to the Book of Kells, London ROBINSON, P., 1993 ‘Iron Age Coins from Cunetio and Mildenhall’, WAM 86, 147-149 NOTES Rca ( i a { Wen \ i mt a i i ae all hee | ah te egal | HET aa ly ae miti| | Be Ge NH (jf) tes WAY | { | ‘{h { u ee ASA in ' NT NIN 1 Figure 1. A late Iron Age or early Roman spout from Marlborough. Actual size. Drawn by Nick Griffiths 148 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE An Appliqué Head of a Hound found at Ramsbury by MARTIN HENIG Part of an animal appliqué in leaded bronze was found in 1995 on the north slope of the Kennet Valley at Ramsbury (see Figure 1).’ It is single-sided and cast in the form of the head of a hound in profile to the right. The animal has a long snout and laid- back ear. The piece is broken at the neck, possibly snapped off along the line of a dog-collar, and there is no way of telling how the object terminated. The length from the tip of the snout to the break just above the tip of the ear is 41mm and the maximum thickness is 9mm. The shape and contours of the head bring to mind the long muzzle and pointed ears of the well- known figurine of a hound from the temple of the god Nodens at Lydney Park, Gloucestershire.’ Hounds are associated with other deities in south- west Britain including, at Nettleton Shrub in this county, Apollo Cunomaglos whose epithet means ‘Hound-Prince’.* However it would be wrong to forget the many secular scenes of hare coursing from Britain including those on a stone relief from Bath and the engraved glass Wint Hill bowl.* In the present instance we should think of a range of appliqués including terminals of key skillet handles where the head is in the round.’ Single- sided heads of hounds embellish the handles of buckets and basins. A ring for a bucket handle from Hod Hill, Dorset is attached to the vessel by an appliqué in the form of a female mask flanked by canine heads while mounts of omega-shape from Jupille (Liege), from the Rhine near Doorwerth and the Waal near de Winseling with a dog-head at each side are attached to basins.° It is probable that the Ramsbury appliqué came from just such a handle. 1. Mr Douglas Wilson (the finder) has donated the bronze to Devizes Museum (Acc. No. 1997.5.6) and I am grateful to Dr Paul Robinson for bringing the piece to my attention. J. M. C. Toynbee, Art in Britain Under the Romans (Oxford 1964), 126-7, pl. xxxiv b and c. 3. J. M. C. Toynbee in W.J. Wedlake, The Excavation of the Shrine of Apollo at Nettleton, Wiltshire, 1956-1971, Rep.Res.Comm. Soc. of Ants. London no. XL (London 1982), 135-6 no.1; for hounds in religious contexts in western Britain see especially G.C. Boon, ‘A Roman Sculpture Rehabilitated: The Pagans Hill Dog’, Britannia XX (1989), 201-17. 4. Toynbee, op. cit. (n.2), 143, pl. xxxviii b (Bath); 376-7, pl. Ixxxvi (Wint Hill). 5. A. Kaufmann-Heinimann, Die Rémischen Bronzen der Schweiz. V. Neufunde und Nachtrage (Mainz 1994), 123 no.204, Taf. 82 key from Augst; J.M.C. Toynbee, Art in Roman Britain (London bo One obvious reason why hounds figure both in religious and (as is almost certainly the case here) secular contexts is that the animal is ‘man’s best friend’ and so has an apotropaic function. A curled up hound on the lid of a little box from Witcombe, Gloucestershire guards the contents while the same image on Roman cameos worn by young women often bears the admonition ‘Be wakeful!’’ The head of the Ramsbury hound with its companion (and doubtless a second pair on the other side) provided attractive guardians to what must have been a handsome piece of tableware dating, perhaps, to the second century. In this context the nearby Roman villa at Littlecote should not be forgotten. As Dr Robinson has pointed out to me, the place of discovery has not produced any other finds nor are there many in the immediate area. It is not unlikely, then, that the bronze originated in that villa, known to be rich (and certainly the source of two high quality appliqués of Bacchus), where attractive Campanian-style vessels would not have been out of place.® Figure 1. Bronze head of a hound from Ramsbury, actual size. Drawn by Nick Griffiths. 1962), 174 no.112, pl. 127 skillet from Canterbury. 6. J.W. Brailsford, Hod Hill. I. Antiquities from Hod Hill in the Durden Collection (London 1962), 15 no. I 3. fig.14; G. Faider- Feytmans, Les bronzes Romains de Belgique (Mainz 1979), 172 no. 135, pl. 132; M.H.P. den Boesterd, The Bronze Vessels in the Ryksmuseum G.M. Kam at Niymegen (Nijmegen 1956), 52-3 nos.172 and 173. 7. Toynbee, op. cit. (n.2), 334, pl. Ixxix b. (Witcombe); M. Henig, The Content Family Collection of Ancient Cameos (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, 1990), 26-7 nos. 47,48 (Cameos). Note that the type figures on minims of Verica, where it was surely copied from a Roman gemstone or sealing, see M. Henig, ‘Verica’s hound’, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 7 no.2 (1988), 253-5. 8. For the Bacchus appliqués see B. Walters and M. Henig, “Iwo Busts from Littlecote’, Britannia XIX (1988), 407-10. NOTES 149 An Unusual Medieval Strap-end from Market Lavington by NICK GRIFFITHS Archaeologists and museums owe their existence to man’s continuing fascination with his past; that this fascination has existed through the ages should come as no surprise, yet actual evidence is seldom forthcoming. An example may be found in Paul Robinson’s (1995) article on miniature socketed bronze axes from Wiltshire, where mention is made of the discovery and veneration of Bronze Age axes in Ist century A.D. Spain. The subject of this note is of rather later date and concerns imitation rather than veneration. A copper alloy object (Figure la), found at Market Lavington and reported to Devizes Museum in 1988 (Day- book 1452.2) is arrowhead-shaped; more particularly it takes the form of a flint arrowhead. The barbs and tang are shown, and a series of semi-circular recesses along the tapering sides imitate the edge-flaking of the original. Fine incised lines across both faces may be marking-out lines for the recesses, although they are possibly meant to suggest the flaked areas of the flint. A double row of small punched triangles runs down the centre of each face. The original flint arrowhead was probably of Green’s ‘Sutton type C’, of Early Bronze Age (Beaker) date and widespread distribution (Green 1980, 117-128). Figure Ib illustrates an unprove- nanced (but Wiltshire) example from the collections in Devizes Museum for comparison. It will be seen that the copper alloy object has a bifurcated point but is otherwise very similar in size and shape to the flint arrowhead. The construction method, two flat plates soldered to a cast frame to form a shallow box, 1s typical of strap ends from the 12th to the 15th centuries; in particular the distinctive punched decoration is common on buckle plates and strap eh tee le ee AAA ALA AAAADABE OS. f) VV VV PV VT VT ye aS sees OO veevvyvvve kal. Ee 444 n404 ends of medieval date, as well as other contemporary objects of copper alloy, for example mirror cases and censers. Examples of this decoration from excavations on the London water-front suggest a date range of late 12th to late 14th century (Egan and Pritchard 1991, 28-31 and fig. 15(B)). The notched tp is unusual, as is the absence of a rivet to secure the strap-end to the leather belt. However, given the narrow, tapering nature of the object, the strap may have tapered to pass through the notched up, where it could have been knotted to prevent the loss of the metal terminal. There thus seems little doubt that the Market Lavington object is a strap-end, made during the Middle Ages in imitation of a flint arrowhead of Beaker date. That it is not unique is shown by the recent sighting of another in a private collection in Dorset. Unprovenanced, though most likely found in Dorset, it is corroded but clearly very similar to that from Market Lavington. Together they suggest that production, perhaps in the South West, was intended to meet a demand for the unusual, and should perhaps serve as a reminder that objects were coming to the surface and exciting interest long before the advent of the metal detector! Acknowledgements: I am grateful to Dr Paul Robinson for his assistance with this note, and to Mike Tizzard for information on the Dorset example. REFERENCES EGAN, G. and PRICHARD, F., 1991 Dress Accessories c.1150- c. 1450, London GREEN, H. S., 1980 The Flint Arrowheads of the British Isles, B.A.R. British Series 75, Oxford ROBINSON, P.H. 1995 ‘Miniature Socketed Bronze Axes from Wiltshire’, WAM 88, 60-68 Figure 1. a: bronze strap-end from Market Lavington; b: flint arrowhead. Actual size. 150 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE A Note on the Church Service for the Annual Feast of the Wiltshire Gentlemen, 1766 by JAMES H. THOMAS Seventeenth- and 18th-century newspapers provide the discerning local historian with a veritable gold- mine of information though some of it has to be treated, of course, with a mixture of both caution and respect. One element of social life that the files reveal concerns the county feast, a somewhat elusive institution which appears to have been part sociable, part gastronomic, part demonstrative and part charitable in origin, nature and purpose. Seemingly, county feasts were also a way of keeping former county inhabitants in touch with one another and, quite clearly, were well organised. The London Gazette, for example, carried the following notice early in November 1683: The Hampshire Feast will be held at Captain Symmon’s at the Wonder Tavern in Ludgate- street, on the sixth of December next. Tickets may be had at the Kings-head Tavern in the Strand, at Captain Symmon’s above men- tioned; at Mr. Penton’s at the Bishops-head in the Old Change, London; and Mr. Joseph Marks at the Artichoak in Lumbard-street; and at the Hoop Tavern in New Fish-street, and at Mr. Bowles at the Greyhound Tavern in Fleet-street.! In the 18th-century feasting was a convivial and common occurrence taking place for a variety of reasons and to celebrate various events in the country’s past. The monarch’s accession and birthday, mayoral elections, notable victories on land or at sea would constitute such occasions. Thus the tradesmen of Southampton dined together in 1815 in the aftermath of Waterloo. Charles II’s Restoration on 29 May was another instance, with many communities celebrating up and down the land. Craftsmen would dine together, one example being the blacksmiths with their regular ‘Clem 1. London Gazette, 1876, 8-12 Nov. 1683. For the newspaper’s value see James Thomas, ‘The London Gazette and the Local Historian’ The Local Historian, vol.15 (1982), pp. 212-217. The Feast Day of St Clement, the patron saint of blacksmiths, was celebrated on 23 November. 3. Material derived from B. Mitchell and H. Penrose, Letters from Bath 1766-1767 by the Rev. fohn Penrose (1983), pp. 1-6. The account is taken from zbid., pp. 130-2. i) Suppers’ each November.” About county feasts, however, nowhere near enough is yet known. Some light on the Wiltshire dimension comes from a letter sent by an 18th-century Cornish cleric while visiting a Somerset community. In 1766 and 1767 the Revd John Penrose (1713-1776), incumbent of St Gluvias (Penryn) with Budock in Cornwall, visited Bath to take the waters. As one of his five daughters, Dorothy (1752-1817), wife of Capt. Francis Pender, R.N., was later to live at Hardenhuish House near Chippenham, Penrose could claim, albeit distantly, Wiltshire links. While visiting Bath in May 1766 Mr Penrose, with his wife Elizabeth (1712-1782) and eldest daughter Frances (1742-1834), who handled some of the cleric’s correspondence for him, witnessed a procession and service relating to the annual Feast of the Wiltshire Gentlemen. The account which follows was sent to his 19-year-old daughter Margaret, known in the family as ‘Peggy’, who had been left behind in Cornwall in charge of Penrose’s four younger children.’ It is to be hoped that the account will inspire others to probe a little further into what was clearly an important but hitherto relatively neglected aspect of Wiltshire county and social life. After Breakfast we received your welcome Pacquet, and are sorry you had not more Franks, that we might have received the whole you were so kind as to write: but we hope to receive the whole by Jacky and George?’ at Exon. Before we had read the Letters, the Bell tolled for Prayers: so away we hurried, but we might have staid longer, for Prayers did not begin till near twelve. This is the annual Feast of the Wiltshire Gentleman living in or near Bath. They meet in the Town-Hall, and go in Procession to the Abbey-Church, where a Sermon is preached on the Occasion, and after 4. Jacky was John Penrose (jun.) (1753-1829), who followed his father into the Church. His daughter, Mary, married the Revd Thomas Arnold of Rugby. George was a family servant. NOTES dinner a Collection is made for apprenticing poor Wiltshire Children. Ten pounds apiece is generally given with them. We saw the Procession, or rather I saw something of it, and your Mamma and Fanny were in the Mob, which saw more than any of us. First preceded a Wiltshire Shepherd, in the common Dress, worn in the Plains, when keeping the Flock; upon one shoulder he had his Crook, at which hung a little caj, and in one hand was a string, by which he led his Dog. He had a Blanket over his Shoulders, and Wads of Straw wrapt round his Legs. Next him went sixteen Boys, now Apprentices from this Charity, with every one a long white Rod in his Hand, as great as Mr. Apparitor:? then six musicians, playing on their several Instruments: then sixty Gentlemen, all in pairs, as were the musicians and Boys. The fad organ played them into Church. The President of the Society sat in the Mayor’s Seat, the rest in the Magistrates and other seats; and the Boys in the Boarding-school Misses Gallery. The Sermon was preached by one Mr. Robins, now of Bristol,° lately an Apothecary in this Town; a very good Sermon, and well delivered. The Preacher had his Book before him, but did not look in it. The Text, Matt XXV. 40. After the Second Lesson a man in the Organ Loft sung an Anthem, out of Psalm LXVIII. 32, etc. extremely well indeed.’ I am told, his Name is Anna Ford, and that he is going to be admitted into the Choir of Bristol. The Mr. Robins, who preached the Sermon to-day, is the same Clergyman, who was preaching yesterday when we [were] at Radcliffe-Church. ~ 5. An Apparitor was the public servant of a Roman magistrate, an Matthew 25: 40: ‘And the King shall answer and say unto them, officer of a civil or ecclesiastical court. It is an allusion to the Verily I say unto you, inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of wand of office as carried by Royal Household and pre-1835 the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me.’ municipal officials, particularly mayors — hence ‘Mr Apparitor’. Psalm 68: 32: ‘Sing unto God, O ye Kingdoms of the earth: O 6. In 1775 the Revd Thomas Robins lived at 2 Redclffe-paving, sing praises unto the Lord.’ Bristol: Sketchley’s Bristol Directory of 1775 (1971 reprint), p.83. Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol. 91 (1998), pp. 152-166 Excavation and Fieldwork in Wiltshire 1996 Alton Barnes: Newtown Farm (SU 1170 6414); None Monitoring of topsoil removal over an area of 800 sq. m. was carried out by AC archaeology. Though the site lies close to recorded prehistoric monu- ments, there was no indication of archaeological features or deposits. Amesbury: land off Salisbury Street (SU 154413); Iron Aget+ Machine excavation by Wessex Archaeology in a proposed development area revealed deep topsoil deposits sealing a feature ceramically dated to the Iron Age (or possibly the Saxon period) and containing well-preserved animal bone, burnt worked flint, and two undated ditches. The uppermost surfaces of the archaeological deposits within these features are coincident with the valley gravels which form the basal drift geology at c.0.7-0.8m below present ground levels. The upper parts of these gravels have, however, been severely truncated and their archaeological potential reduced elsewhere on the site. Amesbury: Pains Wessex, High Post (SU 1455 3689); Prehistoric A watching brief by Wessex Archaeology of three machine-excavated trenches dug in advance of factory road construction did not encounter expected Iron Age or Romano-British remains. Finds of worked and burnt flint recovered from the topsoil indicate the presence of prehistoric activity in the area. Amesbury: Sky House, Stonehenge Road (SU 145450); ?Prehistoric and ?PRoman An evaluation by AC archaeology, in advance of new development within the SW corner of Vespasian’s Camp, encountered no archaeological features. Six worked flints and a piece of probable Roman tile were recovered from the topsoil. Roman and Post-medieval Two trapezoidal areas (1 and 2) were stripped as part of a targeted watching brief by the OAU designed to investigate a single linear ditch and traces of ridge and furrow seen on aerial photographs of the area. A broad, shallow furrow, running roughly N-S, was found in Area 1. An E-W oriented feature proved to be two inter-cut ditches and a single sherd of post-medieval pottery was recovered from both the primary and the secondary fills of the earlier ditch. A second ditch, cut parallel to the first, presumably represents the re-cutting of a pre- existing field boundary. Further ditches appear to have formed similar field boundaries. A narrow (c.0.3—0.7m wide) slightly sinuous V-shaped gully, oriented approximately N-—-S, yielded no dating evidence. Other features proved to be either land drains or geomorphological in origin. In Area 2 a series of broad furrows running NE-SW overlay a series of narrower furrows running approximately NW-SE: whether this reflects a change from narrow to broad rig ploughing or the truncation of earlier broad furrows by later broad rig ploughing is unclear. A linear feature in the NE corner of the trench, on a similar orientation to that of the earlier narrow furrows, consisted of a ditch with a later recut: these may have been field boundaries. A single sherd of Roman date was recovered from the fills of both ditches. A number of irregularly shaped pits were also discovered, one containing a single probably Roman sherd; in all but one case, where a stratigraphic relationship existed with the linear features, they were earlier than the furrows and the supposed boundary ditch. Gravel extraction, perhaps of Roman date, seems a likely function for these pits. Latton: ‘Roman Pond’ (SU 084955); Pleistocene, Holocene, Roman to Modern Excavations by the OAU over an area of c.1.lha within SAM 899, in advance of a new road, were undertaken in March to May. Previous excavation work in the area by CAT had yielded Romano- British pottery of Ist- to 4th-century date within a c.0.5m thick peaty/organic fill, as well as other EXCAVATION AND FIELDWORK IN WILTSHIRE 1996 features, thought to be related to and possibly contemporary with the Romano-British enclosure seen as a cropmark in the NE section of the Scheduled area. Changes in excavation methodology were required to deal with the peaty stratigraphy encountered and the need for water management. It was concluded that the pond is likely to represent a shallow Pleistocene palaeochannel cutting the gravel terrace. It was probably dry over most of the Holocene and trees grew on its bed. A rise in the water table resulted in a very humic soil and formation of organic sediments in tree-throw holes. Eventually, perhaps during the Ist millennium BC, shallow water fen or carr developed and, subs- equently, alluvial clay partly filled in the palaeochan- nel. The gravelly clay along the NW edge of the palaeochannel was probably formed during episodes of cultivation. A ditch and two parallel gullies which cut the peat deposit are likely to have been for drainage or field boundaries. There is evidence to indicate that the two gullies may have been contemporary though confident interpretation must await detailed environmental and finds analysis. A sequence of five intercutting N-S aligned ditches cutting the gravel terrace marked the boundary between wet and dry land topography. No dates have been firmly established at this stage but it is likely the two earlier ditches in the sequence are Roman or medieval and the others, post-medieval. The boundary to this area of good and difficult land may have been continually re-established, perhaps from the Roman period to the present day. Latton: Street Farm (SU 090954 to SU 093952); Late Iron Age, Roman, Medieval to Post-medieval Evaluation and excavation work was undertaken by the OAU in advance of road _ building. Cartographic evidence for the outskirts of Latton shows that up to eight post-medieval properties with associated boundaries had frontages on to the west side of the A419 in the 18th to 19th centuries. Earthworks up to 1m in height, probably related to property boundaries, also confirmed the presence of occupation and other activities in the area. The evaluation revealed eight quarry pits of possible Roman date, representing local gravel extraction for the maintenance of Ermin Street. A possibly Roman roadside ditch was discovered sealed beneath a cobbled 19th-century surface over- lain by later limestone surfaces and repairs. No structural remains were located in the evaluation trenches. 159 An area of c.2.lha was stripped of topsoil and a 6m-wide corridor along the length of the site was excavated in advance of laying a haulage road. Here, dense quarry pitting was identified, together with some linear features (possibly boundaries), and a limestone building in two main phases. The earliest phase of this building was a 8.5 x 5m structure on a NW-SE alignment, about 23m back from, and parallel to, the road. The walls were 0.75m thick at most and constructed in a dry bond with rough facing. Two ovens were associated with this phase as well as an exterior limestone cobbled surface which may have continued in use into the second primary phase of the building. A limited number of late medieval sherds from the primary structure and the related stratigraphy suggest that it may have been built as early as the 13th/14th century. At the beginning of its second phase, the building was demolished, rebuilt and extended (13m x 5m). Its latest phase survived into the early 19th century, confirmed by the pottery assemblage of post- medieval and willow pattern ceramics. A number of structural features were found in the vicinity, including drains, walls, property boundaries, and a well. Two transects were also dug to investigate the extent and date of the quarry pits and location of possible roadside ditches. A road _ surface, comprising gravel layers, was identified sealing a buried soil, with a further four layers above representing erosion and road wash. The exposed extent of the gravel road gave a clear view of construction methods. No finds were obtained from the gravel layers though Late Iron Age to early Roman pottery from the surface of the buried soil provides a terminus post quem for the construction of Ermin Street. A further phase of investigation took place during relocation of a water pipeline opposite Latton filling station. A number of stone property boundaries were encountered together with poorly preserved metalled surfaces. A short length of probable Roman roadside ditch contained various (often intercutting) post-medieval pits. A number of medieval pits were also excavated. Latton: Court Farm (SU 096951); Prehistoric, Roman; Medieval to Modern The site, investigated by the OAU, had undergone earlier survey and evaluation by others; it lies within SAM 900, a cropmark complex consisting of a Romano-British settlement, a double ditched trackway and a number of Neolithic features. A 160 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE section of the infilled Thames & Severn canal and a Thames Water pipeline also form visible earthworks. A 20 x 500m area of the SAM was stripped in advance of road construction, to reveal a varying density of quarry pitting; from some of the sample excavated came a small number of prehistoric sherds but the majority of pits were thought to date to the Romano-British period. The trackway, linking Ermin Street with the 2nd- century settlement to the east, was identified across the centre of the site on a NE-SW alignment; it consisted of a thin rutted gravelly surface (max. depth 0.15m), flanked along both edges by a sequence of quarry and drainage ditches. The primary ditches were deep enough to have provided gravel for the track surface; both were recut on the same alignment and a further pair of parallel shallow side ditches, c.5.5m away from the track edges, may have been added at this time. Some quarry pits pre- dated the trackway while others were cut into the initial phase of the flanking ditches. Though a physical link between the trackway and Ermin Street was not found on site, it seems possible that the trackway may be later in construction. Several other linear or curvilinear gullies and ditches, mostly to the SE of the trackway, were sample excavated but their original function remains enigmatic owing to quarrying disturbance. They may have been boundaries of some kind. The final phase of activity on the site is represented by medieval ridge and furrow, the 1789 canal construction and a series of postmedieval and modern land drains. Latton: Weavers Bridge (SU 101944); Roman, Medieval and Post-medieval An area of c.155 x 30m was stripped and excavated by the OAU between the existing A419 and the River Churn: a tract where previous evaluation had identified a sequence of roadside ditches NE of a possible road surface thought to be Ermin Street, as well as a number of quarry scoops which may have been associated with it. A Roman midden site was investigated by excavation and augering. The earliest features identified were two wide palaeochannels which converged along the SW edge of the site. The fills of reddish stained gravel and grey silty clay indicated slow-movement. Five in situ wooden stakes were grouped towards the S edge of the southern channel. A series of narrow linear gullies containing Roman pottery were located to the SE of the southern channel, forming possible field boundaries. Cut through a distinctive alluvial clay, they were sealed by two midden-type deposits similar to that identified in the evaluation. The lower midden layer contained numerous poorly-preserved copper alloy coins, together with high concentrations of pottery, animal bone and other domestic artefacts. Up to 11 further ditches were encountered, whose nature, fill and alignment suggest a history of medieval and post-medieval channel control. An upcast gravel bank, originally thought to have been the gravel road, was associated with this sequence of ditch digging. Sampling for molluscs and carbonised plant remains was undertaken. Latton: watching brief A watching brief was undertaken by the OAU over all the areas of the road corridor between the excavated sites noted above. Few significant finds were made, apart from an Acheulian handaxe. Ludgershall: 8-12 High Street (“SU 264508); Medieval and Modern An evaluation was undertaken by AC archaeology within the likely area of medieval settlement crossed by boundaries which, on topographical grounds, may have fossilised an extension to the town defences centred on the castle to the north. The High Street frontage was considerably disturbed by infilled cellars and other deep disturbance. One truncated linear feature, possibly a gully, containing only medieval finds (not closely datable) was found to the rear of the former property line. Other trenches failed to locate any pre-modern deposits or finds, and demonstrated that there had been general truncation of levels coupled with a high level of localised disturbance in these backland zones. Malmesbury: Ivo Fuchs Centre (ST 933874); Saxon, Medieval and Post-medieval Observations of structural engineers’ test pits were carried out by AC archaeology on the site of the Athelstan cinema, where previous evaluation had demonstrated deep disturbance, probably quarrying infilled in the 18th century. A small area of intact medieval stratigraphy in the northern part of the plot had comprised mortar foundation layers for a floor (not surviving) containing pottery of late 13th- or early 14th-century date. It is now established that quarrying extended to depths of over 3m across much of the site. The medieval deposits were further clarified. Near to the Market Cross frontage, an 7 situ probably late Saxon or medieval burial was revealed in an area where the later quarrying was less deep. EXCAVATION AND FIELDWORK IN WILTSHIRE 1996 Malmesbury: Mill Lane (ST 932857); Post- medieval In the course of removing internal deposits, prior to restoration of a 19th-century stone-built projection or tower by Minerva Stone Conservators, the top of a stone wall pre-dating the existing structure was encountered. A watching brief by Wessex Arch- aeology confirmed the presence of earlier (probably pre-19th-century) walls but no clear dating could be established. Marlborough: rear of Wye House (SU 1915 6925); Medieval and Victorian Archaeological evaluation, including excavation, was undertaken by AC archaeology in three proposed development cells: two on a south facing slope and one in the Kennet River Valley. The hillside trial pits and trenches revealed evidence of redeposited soil layers, some containing significant quantities of residual medieval pottery which may have originated from settlement on the ridge to the north, and a deep colluvial deposit at the base of the slope. The ridge revealed evidence for deliberately cut terraces, possibly associated with formal gardens constructed for the house in the 1860s, and a former garden path. The valley trenches contained a largely consistent sequence of alluvial deposits across the site, with little evidence for settlement or river margin exploitation preceding or during the medieval period. Mere: North Street Nurseries (ST 8148 3248); Post-medieval A field evaluation was undertaken by AC archaeology. Two trial trenches, covering a total area of 57 sq. m. provided similar profiles, with up to 0.8m of comparatively recent cultivation soils overlying an abrupt surface of lower chalk. A small number of apparently man made disturbances cut into the chalk, but an early date could not be established for them. One flint flake was found and all the pottery recovered was of post-medieval date. Milton Lilbourne: Clay Lane (SU 1860); Modern The groundworks for a modern farm track south of Clay Lane were monitored by AC archaeology. Topsoil stripping removed the uppermost levels of natural greensand. A number of irregular subsoil features seemed to be natural in origin, perhaps tree holes. The only other possible archaeological feature observed was modern in date. Netheravon: Roman Villa (SU 148482); Roman The presence of a substantial Romano-British 161 building complex, possibly a villa, was established in the early 20th century during construction of the former Support Weapons Wing base. Wessex Archaeology provided technical support for an investigation by Channel Four’s Time Team, prior to landscaping of the now redundant site. A staged scheme of evaluation included geophysical and topo- graphical survey and cartographic research, followed by machine-trenching, manually-excavated test pits and watching briefs. Wall footings, roof tiles made from several non-local stone types, a small fragment of wall plaster and several sherds of fineware pottery confirmed a high-status building or buildings of Romano-British date, though whether or not a villa was indicated could not be determined. Nettleton: Nettleton Main (ST 81145 75095); Roman A watching brief by Wessex Archaeology was carried out during construction of a water main south of the village. The route ran parallel to, and occasionally along, the route of the Fosse Way and c.lkm SW of the site of the Roman shrine of Apollo at Nettleton Shrub. No archaeological finds or features were encountered during topsoil stripping of the pipeline easement or in the pipe trench excavations along the present road. A number of individual metal finds were made by a detectorist in a field in the southern part of the route: most were undiagnostic pieces of iron and copper alloy but the assemblage did include two coins, one Roman and one post-medieval. Patney: St Swithin’s Church (SU 0712 5842); Medieval A watching brief was maintained by AC archaeology during drainage and conversion works. A drainage trench across the churchyard revealed burials of 13th- and 14th-century date which were only partially exposed and left im situ. Fragmentary and disarticulated bone was found at higher levels and reinterred on site. No other archaeological deposits were encountered. The removal of a nave window and creation of a wider opening were recorded. Pewsey: Bus Station (SU 1650 6000); Medieval Two trenches, excavated by Wessex Archaeology in advance of redevelopment, revealed a small number of archaeological features, mainly pits and post holes. Three of the pits, together with linear features (a ditch and a slot) and a possible trackway could be dated to the 12th or 13th century and may represent backland activity associated with burgages fronting on to the High Street to the north. Post-medieval or 162 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE modern material was recovered from a further pit and four post holes. No coherent structures were identified. Salisbury: Clarendon to Cockey Down water main (SU 1700 3140); Late Bronze Age to Roman Monitoring and excavation by Wessex Archaeology was undertaken during insertion of a new water main. About 200m of the northern end of the pipeline easement was carefully excavated since archaeological investigation in 1989 had indicated proximity to an enclosed Iron Age and Roman settlement. Sixty-six features were excavated, of which 47 contained no datable material, ten were provisionally dated to the Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age (1100-400 BC) and six were of Late Iron Age or Romano-British date (100 BC-AD 410). ‘Two inhumation burials were found but have not yet been analysed. Salisbury: 49-73 Gigant Street (SU 1475 2987); Medieval and Post-medieval Limited excavation by AC archaeology took place during redevelopment in the NW corner of Rolfe’s Chequer. There was evidence for the presence of a domestic building of medieval (probably 13th- century) date with a sequence of of levelling layers and a chalk floor. Internal modification to the structure during the early post-medieval period involved the insertion of two partition walls but the dimensions, orientation and plan of the building are unknown. The structure did not occupy the whole of the Gigant Street frontage since part of it was occupied by a build-up of soil deposits and at least two (cess) pits. An apparently undifferentiated build-up of c.1m of soil across much of the backland contained few obvious finds but is likely to be of post-medieval to recent date. Salisbury: Milford House (SU 1581 2952); None No archaeological deposits or finds were made during a watching brief by AC archaeology during groundwork for a new building. Much of the site area was covered by comparatively recent made ground. Salisbury Plain Training Area; Multi-period Work was undertaken by Gifford and Partners Ltd., on behalf of the Defence Estate Organisation (Lands) (South-West), in three areas of the Plain in advance of military vehicle track construction. The northern part of a Romano-British settlement was excavated on Chapperton Down, where recent survey of extensive earthworks (SAM WI10105) by RCHME revealed a central street with house platforms to each side. Finds included the remains of domestic buildings (flint nodule footings, beam slots and post holes); quern fragments; and household pottery indicating initial occupation of the site in the Ist and 2nd centuries AD, with use continuing into the mid 3rd to 4th centuries (also confirmed by eight coins). Associated with the buildings were gullies, open areas and pits, two of the last containing neonatal or foetus burials. A large infilled ditch, 5m wide and 800mm deep, to the south-west of the settlement, seems to have been a boundary ditch associated with a known field system. Palaeoenvironmental analyses suggest that arable crops were present. Snails from the ditch indicate open countryside at first, with longer grasses, shrubs and shady conditions during the 3rd and 4th centuries. Animal bones are typical for the period and include pig, sheep, cow and horse; deer were also represented. Some residual prehistoric pottery and flintwork were found but there was no evidence of pre-Romano-British occupation of the site. The settlement appears to have been entirely domestic with an agricultural economic base. It is hoped that a full account of the excavation and analysis of the site will appear in a forthcoming issue of this journal. A 22km evaluation along the proposed Southern Range Road, in the summer months, identified a number of features of Neolithic/Bronze Age date, including pits, artefacts, and a crouched burial possibly associated with a cemetery centred on Long Mound (SAM WI10110). A scatter of Mesolithic flints was found in a later pit. The wider Iron Age landscape surrounding the hilltop enclosures of Battlesbury Hill and Knook Castle was also investigated and settlement features, such as a large ditch terminal, smaller pits and slots, and pottery, were found in close association with two superimposed rectilinear Iron Age crop marks near Willis’s Field Barn. A_ field boundary ditch, containing prehistoric pottery, may define an Iron Age field system surrounding Battlesbury Hill. Many ‘Wessex Linears’ were recorded, adding to the known network of massive linear banks and ditches, possibly of Iron Age origin, which traverse the Plain. The extant earthworks of a Romano- British settlement, close to the Iron Age enclosure at Knook Camp, were examined: pits, slots and ditches containing pottery, animal bone and oyster shells were identified. A double-ditch, containing EXCAVATION AND FIELDWORK IN WILTSHIRE 1996 Romano-British pottery, was located to the north of these features: it may have marked the boundary between settlhements at Chapperton Down and Knook Camp. The origin of the lynchets encoun- tered over most of the route investigated is unclear, though those close to Knook Camp may relate to the Romano-British settlement. A two-week evaluation of a 2.5km route, Tiacks 14A and 14B, situated between and encircling two Romano-British settlhements, took place in November. A continuous, dated sequence of colluvial deposits was located in the base of a dry valley. Two buried soils, of the Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age and, possibly, Neolithic periods, had been protected by a partially-formed lynchet which may have been of Iron Age date. The lynchet was itself sealed by a series of fans of wholly cortical flints, some of which were dated to the Romano- British period, before being engulfed by colluvial deposits. It is suggested that a submerged, pre- historic landscape may predate the Iron Age/ Romano-British field system associated with the Coombe Down settlement. There was evidence of prehistoric remains in a post-pipe constructed of reused flint cores, and in two natural hollows. Surprisingly few Romano-British artefacts or features were encountered, apart from a shallow lens of charcoal containing fragments of Oxfordshire colour-coated ware, suggesting that the valley basin was unoccupied at this period. The following watching brief and evaluation work was undertaken by Wessex Archaeology on the lines of new trackways in the SPTA. Track 58 at Breach Hill, Tilshead runs across the north-east brow of Breach Hill and towards Chapperton Down Romano-British settlement; at its closest point, it lies c.100m west of the western recorded limit of the Scheduled Middle to Late Bronze Age Breach Hill earthwork. No archaeo- logical features or finds, apart from a small quantity of worked flint, were encountered in a machine- excavated 2m-wide trench along c.500m of the track route, indicating that the Breach Hill earthwork terminates near or passes to the north of the evaluation area. Track 21 (Crescent Copse, Rollestone), lies close to the causewayed enclosure of Robin Hood’s Ball, a Neolithic long barrow, a probable Bronze Age round barrow, and within a prehistoric field system. A 2m- 163 wide trench, c.650m long, revealed three ditches, three pits and six post holes. None could be closely dated although most produced possibly Bronze Age worked - flint. Two of the ditches are likely components of the field system; most of the remaining features were isolated. A group of five post holes, probably associated with the third ditch, may represent the remains of a building, although no plans were identified. Tracks 21E and 21F run across the head of a south- facing coombe overlooking Tilshead. Archaeological remains observed in September 1995 were re-exposed and excavated in a series of 2m-wide trenches along a 700m stretch. One large, undated N-S aligned ditch was revealed in Track 21F, following the eastern upper edge of the coombe; its convex, V-shaped profile suggests an Iron Age date. A substantial layer of clay with flint and chalk, which sealed the ditch, may represent the denuded remains of a bank. Track 43, on West Lavington Down, 1s situated WNW of Tilshead and north of the Chapperton Down settlement site. The evaluation trench passed through a Scheduled area of prehistoric fields; further field systems and enclosures are recorded to the north and south. Three archaeo- logical features were encountered: a probably modern scoop, a Roman or later ditch and an undated piglet burial. An undated ditch and a possible lynchet, adjacent to the evaluation trench, may be elements of the extensive field system in the vicinity. Shalbourne: Lilac Bank and Rosemead (SU 314627); Modern Evaluation by AC archaeology of possible devel- opment ground, close to well-preserved medieval village earthworks and a recently-excavated area containing a series of ditches and pits of 12- to 13th- century date, revealed no evidence for archaeological features or deposits apart from modern infilling, possibly associated with garden landscaping during construction of the present cottages. Shrewton: Rollestone Grain Store (SU 0920 4489); Bronze Age An evaluation by AC archaeology was carried out within an area proposed for an extension of the Wiltshire Grain facility. Machine-excavated trenches were located in order to examine elements of a possible field system, a rectilinear enclosure and a 164 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE possible ring ditch, all of which are visible as features on aerial photographs. Evidence was found only for the enclosure ditch; some 2m wide and in excess of 1m deep, its fill containing pottery of middle Bronze Age date and quantities of worked flint. Subsequent machine stripping and hand excavation included the whole of the enclosure, which measured 60m x 50m, with a single entrance in the centre of the western side. A 10 per cent sample of the ditch was hand excavated and produced middle Bronze Age pottery, worked flint and a small animal bone assemblage. There was only one internal feature of probable middle Bronze Age date, provisionally interpreted as a dew pond. Concentrated immediately south of, and pre-dating, the enclosure was a cluster of small pits from which Beaker and collared urn sherds were obtained. Shrewton to Winterbourne Stoke: relaying of water main (SU 0664 4444 to 0580 4292; 0686 4320 to 0728 4088); Multi-period Archaeological evaluation and monitoring of the construction of new water mains was undertaken by AC archaeology. Pits containing a small quantity of Anglo-Saxon pottery were investigated around SU 0662 4416; earthworks of probable medieval date were recorded at SU 0644 4402 and 0682 4319, the latter including a possible house platform; and ditches, pits and other features of early Iron Age date were excavated at SU 0718 4232. The last area is part of a D-shaped enclosure (SMR ref. SUO4SE703), a component of an extensive array of prehistoric fields and enclosures lying NW of the ‘Coniger’. A full report is in preparation. Steeple Ashton: Land adjacent to churchyard (ST 9060 5715); ?>Medieval A single machine-stripped trench to evaluate the site of a proposed churchyard extension was dug by AC archaeology. No archaeological finds or features were encountered and only three sherds, probably of late 12th- or 13th-century date, were recovered from the base of the topsoil. Swindon: Old Shaw Lane (SU 1165 8545); Medieval An evaluation involving four machine-excavated trenches was carried out by AC archaeology on an intended development site. No archaeological features were found; a single flint flake and 20 sherds of probable medieval date (13th century or later) were recovered from the base of the topsoil horizon. Swindon: Groundwell West (SU 1483 8935); Middle Iron Age (see Figure 2) Rescue excavation and a watching brief were undertaken by CAT on an Iron Age settlement site, following evaluation of a cropmark complex in 1995 (see WAM 90, p. 158). The principal cropmark features can now be described as follows. A funnel-shaped enclosure was defined by ditches on three sides (770 and 420 in Figure 2). A linear arrangement of storage pits was located internally along the north, west and south edges of the west end of this enclosure, including two pits blocking the entrance-way in the NW corner. Occupying a central position at the west end of the enclosure was circular structure 2; the position of this feature, together with the layout and relative positions of the pits within the enclosure suggest a sense of internal organisation not noted elsewhere in the site plan. An L-shaped enclosure was formed by utilising the funnel-shaped enclosure as its E-W arm and appending a second, less regular, funnel-shaped enclosure to form the N-S arm, the latter being defined by ditches (412, 414, 688 and 440). The enclosure was entered through a wide funnel-like mouth at the north end and a double entrance at the SE corner with an opposing single entrance on the north side. An internal partition, such as a fence or hedge, may have existed across the wide mouth of the former funnel-shaped enclosure at this time, as an alignment of small pits and post holes was found between the eastern terminals of ditches 770 and 420. Circular structure 7, with its incongruous location and entrance position, may be of a different phase from that of the enclosure. A single ditch (416) with a V-shaped profile formed a curvilinear enclosure which cut L-shaped enclosure ditch 414, although the earlier enclosure seems to have been respected, at least in part, as its NW entrance was utilised by the later enclosure and the SE terminus of ditch 416 was parallel with the terminus of ditch 414. Access was maintained from the west through the gap between ditches 416 and 770. This enclosure contained at least four circular structures, two 4-post structures, pits and post holes. These features belong to more than one phase. An unenclosed area lay east of boundary ditches 872 and 1544 and north of the two enclosures discussed above. Ditch 872 continued the N-S alignment of the western end of the funnel/L-shaped enclosure for some 70m and there was an entrance between the south terminus of 872 and ditch 770, this gap later being closed by ditch 599. A similar entrance existed between ditches 872 and 1544. The EXCAVATION AND FIELDWORK IN WILTSHIRE 1996 165 50m Excavated section Modern features Figure 2. Swindon: Groundwell West: site plan southern half of 872 had pit alignments located on its west and east edges. Four circular structures and at least two 4-post structures were identified to the east of 872, together with groups of ?storage pits, post holes and a possible fence line. It was characteristic of the unenclosed occupation area that different feature types were found in discrete areas. The phasing of this area is problematic, though some activity certainly predated the construction of the funnel- and L-shaped enclosures as circular structure 9, a pit and a gully were cut by ditch 770. The limited stratigraphic evidence and small pottery assemblage of conservative style makes it difficult to elucidate the chronology of the site as a whole. Though some activity predates the enclosed settlements, it is not known whether some of the unenclosed activity was contemporary with them or later. Nor is it known how many of the circular structures were occupied at any one time and whether they represent single units that were replaced (typical of occupation on the Cotswold flanks), or a hamlet-/village-type settlement more commonly found in the Upper Thames Valley. All of these questions will be addressed during the post-excavation programme, together with the relationship of the site to the Iron Age settlement at nearby Groundwell Farm where there are similarities in periods of occupation but notable differences in size and plan. 166 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Warminster: Battlesbury Barracks (ST 891452); Modern An evaluation by AC archaeology involved two machine-excavated trenches placed to intercept elements of an extensive undated field system apparent in aerial photographs. No evidence of the field system was encountered. Iwo large pits were recorded: one was evidently modern; the other contained no finds to indicate a date or function but is tentatively considered to have been a marl pit. Only two worked flint flakes were recovered from the excavated spoil heaps. Westbury: Westbury Chalk Quarry (ST 888499); Prehistoric and Post-medieval A fieldwalking exercise was undertaken by the OAU for Blue Circle Industries plc on c.2.2ha of land immediately SW of the quarry and incorporating much of the spur known as Dilton Middle Down. Significant finds of worked flint (including cores) and a small quantity of burnt unworked flint were recovered from a general spread over the site. One piece of late prehistoric pottery was found. Smaller concentrations of post-medieval pottery and ceramic building material were located at the north end of Dilton Middle Down; other materials were found in very small quantities. Wilsford cum Lake: Lake Down (SU 118392); Prehistoric Geophysical survey was undertaken in March by the AML over three of the pond barrows in the Lake Down barrow group. Earlier ground-penetrating radar profiles obtained by Mr Edward Flaxman in the search for buried shafts, had proved difficult to interpret and it was hoped that additional magnetometer and resistance surveys would provide greater detail of the morphology and contents of the barrows. Both surveys successfully mapped the barrows, revealing a number of significant features (Cole 1997). Analysis of the resistivity data and GPR profiles suggests that the underlying solid chalk is close to the surface at the centre of the barrows which in turn suggests that shafts are unlikely to be present. REFERENCE COLE, M.A., 1997 ‘Geophysical Surveys of Three Pond Barrows in the Lake Down Barrow Group near Wilsford, Wiltshire’, Archaeological Prospection: in press Wilton: New Flats, St John’s Hospital (SU 0938 3139); Prehistoric to Modern A watching brief on a proposed residential development site off West Street was undertaken by Wessex Archaeology. Deposits ranging from prehistoric to 20th-century date were encountered and particularly important information was obtained on the Saxon and medieval defences. Significant archaeological deposits were found to extend beyond the development area. Wiltshire Hillforts Magnetometer surveys of the following hillforts were carried out in the summer of 1996, for the Wessex Hillforts Geophysical Survey Project, by a team employed by Oxford University Institute of Archaeology, under the supervision of the AML and with funding from English Heritage: Barbury Castle, Ogbourne St Andrew; Oldbury Camp, Calne/Cherhill; Liddington Castle, Liddington; Oliver’s Camp, Bromham; Martinsell Hill Camp, Pewsey; and Fosbury Camp, Tidcombe and Fosbury. All are dated to the Iron Age and Oliver’s Camp is also of Bronze Age date. More information will be provided after the project is completed in 1997. Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol. 91 (1998), pp. 167-171 Reviews Matthew d’Ancona. The Ties that Bind us: a Study of Civic Society in an English Town. The Social Market Foundation, 1996; 44 pages. Price £10.00, paperback. ISBN 1 874097 16 X. Swindon has been the subject of several sociological studies including An Awkward Size for a Town: a Study of Swindon at the 100,000 Mark by Kenneth Hudson in 1967 and Swindon: a Town in Transition; a Study in Urban Development and Overspill Policy by Michael Harloe in 1975. Both studies looked at the expansion of an older town, which did not benefit from the fresh start of a new town or the substantial infrastructure of a considerable city, and at the problems experienced because of rapid expansion. The present study looks at the town after the flourishing of new industries in the 1980s which was followed by some decline and the current retrenchment. During 1995 d’Ancona made several visits to Swindon, talking to civic leaders and others, and studying the civic culture of the town. It will come as little surprise to most local people that he found a population who had largely lived in the town for a single generation with only a small core of local families having belonged there for _ several generations. What may come as a surprise is that the electoral register changes by 25 per cent each year; rates of divorce, sexual dysfunction, suicide, self inflicted injury and car accidents are high; and the number of resident Asians is below the national average. Although Swindon is a fairly small community in national terms the fact that it does reflect many national trends has been remarked upon for some decades, from John Betjeman in 1945 onwards. It is still a good place to observe the stresses and strains of modern life. Despite a largely rootless population much evidence for local community spirit and activities is found, although it is also noted that many people know little of their frequently changing neighbours. D’Ancona finds hope in Swindon, citing the popularity of charity work (second only to support for Swindon Town Football Club), and the civic regeneration which has occurred despite changes in employers and constant influxes of new people. He sees a triumph in ordinary people putting together a civic fabric against the warnings of commentators and philosophers who predict communal decay. If such a diverse community as Swindon can successfully achieve this, surely there is great hope for other urban areas? The study was published before the general election of 1997 in which the author felt that the parties should be addressing the commonplace problems of towns like Swindon, such as crime, unemployment and the breakdown of the family, and not the extreme social pathologies of the inner cities. Interestingly, since the election this appears to be happening. A contemporary study of a well known town can make uncomfortable reading: in the abstract you know that the observations and conclusions are right but they are difficult to reconcile with known Swindonians, who are no different from other friends in Wiltshire’s smaller towns. Archaeology and local history both encourage us to study communities separated from us by culture and time, although some findings from both past and present may be in common. Certainly the core families of all communities tend to provide most of the civic leaders, although in the case of modern Swindon the percentage of these families is too small to do this comprehensively. MICHAEL MARSHMAN Anne Hayes. Family in Print: Bailey Newspaper Group Ltd; a History. Bailey News- paper Group Ltd., 1996; 248 pages; illustrated. Price £14.99, hardback. ISBN 0 9527540 0 2. The first part of the 19th century must have been an exciting time to start and run a provincial newspaper and the Wilts & Gloucester Standard, founded on 28th January 1837 ranks as the third earliest of our current Wiltshire newspapers. After a period of mistakes and personal tragedy in the 1940s and 1950s it was sold to the Bailey family in 1959 and its story forms part of this book. Many local papers are connected with particular families: one thinks of the Collinses in Salisbury, the Simpsons in Devizes, the Lansdowns in Trowbridge and Morris in Swindon. Over the Gloucestershire 168 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE border, in Dursley, the Baileys still run the firm founded by Frederick Bailey in 1879 when he published The Dursley Gazette. In Anne Hayes’ excellent book we learn that Bailey learned Pitman’s shorthand, possibly from Trowbridge-born Sir Isaac himself, at a time in the 1880s and 1890s when casual compositors, who walked between towns looking for work, were taken on for a few hours or a few days’ work. The Wilts & Gloucester Standard is the oldest newspaper in the Group and was formerly, and fondly, known as the ‘Hedger & Ditcher’. It had been started in Malmesbury to promote the Conservative interest for North Wilts by a group of Tory gentlemen headed by Joseph Neeld of Grittleton. After only three years, printing moved from Wiltshire to Cirencester where a larger town guaranteed better postal arrangements. This was a time when Stamp Duty was 4d., and there was a tax on both paper and advertisements; communications were still erratic, readership was small and a large geographical area needed to be covered. The paper did not prosper in the 1840s and was taken over by a fledgling competitor, The Cirencester and Swindon Express and North Wiltshire and Cotswold Advertiser, in 1851. An important Wiltshire connection was established in the late 1860s when Richard Jefferies became chief reporter of the Standard. In his Hodge and his Masters (1880) Fleeceborough is Cirencester and Hayes shows that the fictional county newspaper gives a picture of the Standard and its editorial office. Jefferies left in the early 1870s but many staff on this and other papers in the Group were long serving. T.C. Boulton, the editor from 1936 to 1959, was with the paper for sixty-four years. The newspaper engendered enormous respect and prior to the First World War was said to be ‘the Bible in the villages’. This is a good and readable book from which we can learn much about the early history of newspapers and the transitions from monotype composition to hot metal to photosetting to full page make-up on screen. Anne Hayes is the former editor of the Standard and has an insider’s knowledge which she makes easily accessible to the lay reader. One is left feeling that we need more newspaper histories for apart from some good articles in WAM in the 1920s and a recent biography of Benjamin Collins, very little has been published on the subject for Wiltshire until now. MICHAEL MARSHMAN Andrew B. Powell, Michael J. Allen, and J. Barnes. Archaeology in the Avebury area, Wiltshire: Recent Discoveries Along the Line of the Kennet Valley Foul Sewer Pipeline, 1993. Wessex Archaeology Report No. 8, Trust for Wessex Archaeology 1996; 110 pages, 22 figures, 9 plates. Price £10, paperback. ISBN 1 874350 15 9. After recovering from the initial shock at 4km of foul sewer pipeline gouging its way through the Avebury World Heritage Site, it was realised by many of those involved in this project that it would present a unique challenge. Here was the opportunity to observe, record and analyse a long section or slice through a landscape already recognised as rich in archaeolog- ical remains. This report, in relatively few pages, combines the findings made during engineering works with the results of traditional research and air photographic and geophysical surveys. New infor- mation about the prehistoric ritual and mortuary monuments, of which Avebury and the area around it is famous, was of course forthcoming, but perhaps most surprising and fascinating was the evidence of Romano-British and medieval settlement. The report clearly illustrates the co-operation between Wessex Archaeology and other bodies and individuals. These included Thames Water Utilities, their contractors, the District and County Councils, the Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England (RCHME), recently moved from London to their new headquarters nearby at Swindon, Bradford Geophysical Surveys and English Heritage. A preliminary study had to identify which route the replacement pipeline should take in order to cause the least damage to archaeological deposits. Eventually it was found that the high potential of the area as a whole prevented any alternative other than to lay the new pipe within the existing trench and monitor the work very carefully. But, as the area was of such high potential that it had already been designated a World Heritage Site, one might have been forgiven for assuming that any preliminary study involving ‘desk-top’ research, air photographic analysis and mapping, and geophysics, would not add anything substantially to what was already known. Not a bit of it! In fact, the number of known ‘sites’ recorded was almost tripled before the pipeline was even started. This must provide a salutary lesson for all of us who presume to know our famous monuments well. A case in point was the Bronze Age round barrow cemetery at Beckhampton, the report’s Area A. Here REVIEWS the present writer had first-hand involvement in the initial air photographic survey with RCHME, reported as a Note in WAM Vol. 83 for 1993, pp. 142-7). In its republication in the present report, this evidence can now be compared with the results of geophysical survey, field walking and the watching brief when the old pipe trench was recut. One of the remarkable observations made in 1993 was that here was a major group of elaborate barrows, right on the doorstep of the great Avebury henge and stone circles and in the middle of the World Heritage Site, of which we knew virtually nothing. Only one barrow survived as a mound, all the others had been ploughed flat. When examined in the field, the surviving barrow (Al) was found to have been recently vandalised by metal-detectorists and human bones and grave goods, including a bronze dagger (sull not fully published), were found scattered on the surface. It is interesting to note that the geophysical survey confirmed the air photographic evidence and that only one barrow’s surrounding ditch (A4) was cut by the pipe trench. In fact the earliest features cut by the trench anywhere along its route were only three such ring-ditches. The other two were a barrow at the south end of Waden Hill recorded by Stukeley but since ploughed flat (Area B), and another at West Overton (Area D), of which there was no previous record. The report provides a mass of environmental evidence collected and analysed by Dr Allen and his colleagues which shows that these monuments were built in established grassland. The published plan of Area B (fig. 5. p. 15) usefully shows the plan of the two great West Kennett (sic) Neolithic palisade enclosures straddling the river south-west of the medieval village, which had just undergone a major excavation. These excavations together with Professor Richard Atkinson’s work on Silbury Hill have at the time of writing this review just been published: Sacred Mound, Holy Rings. Silbury Hill and the West Kennet Palisade Enclosures: a Later Neolithic Complex in North Wiltshire, by Alasdair Whittle, Oxbow Monograph 74, 1997. Evidence for extensive Romano-British settle- ment is not what we tend to think of in connection with Avebury and Silbury Hill. But, however inconvenient and distasteful to prehistorians, here it is. It was discovered along the east bank of the Winterbourne during the watching brief. There were also a number of features adjacent to the Roman road showing evidence dating from the first to the fifth centuries AD. Wall foundations of up to five buildings, as well as numerous pits and ditches, were 169 recorded. To this can possibly now be added the strange feature recorded in air reconnaissance by the RCHME right in the middle of Avebury henge. Does this mean that ritual activity was taking place at Avebury in the Roman period? Some new evidence was also recorded for medieval settlement to the south-west of Avebury village. This included a wall foundation, pits and ditches of 12th- to 14th-century date in Butler’s Field. Here the RCHME were again able to supplement the record by their extensive plan of the earthworks of Avebury. Post-medieval features were also recorded at East Kennett Manor. This report is easy to follow and well illustrated with clear maps, plans, sections and diagrams. The photographs of pipe trench sections with misty landscapes and distant views of Silbury Hill must be evocative of the atmosphere of the project. There is an extensive and valuable bibliography at the end which includes several unpublished works such as Ph.D theses. However, it is not always clear to what extent the unpublished Wessex Archaeology and RCHME client reports are in the public domain or available to bona fide readers. GRAHAME SOFFE Ken Watts. Exploring Historic Wiltshire, volume 1: North. Ex Libris Press, 1997; 175 pages; illustrated. Price £7.95, paperback. ISBN 0 948578 85 8. To describe Ken Watts as the ‘Wainwright of Wilt- shire’ would not be quite fair, to either gentleman. Perhaps William Crossing, whose books on Dartmoor have inspired generations of walkers and explorers, offers a closer comparison. In truth Watts is his own man, a dedicated and enthusiastic walker, a devotee of country literature, and an expert on various landscape features — about which he has written, with modesty but great learning, over the past decade. His output has included works on deserted villages, drovers’ roads and deer parks, and an appealing book on the Marlborough Downs, to which the present volume has many affinities. Ex Libris Press uses the figure of a walker as its logo, and this first half of the projected two-volume Exploring Historic Wiltshire is in the very best tradition of walker’s literature. It oozes interesting historical detail and explanation, reliably and skilfully presented. Watt’s accounts of the Polissoir Stone, the derivation of Glory Ann, and the Pevsners’ cottage, among many others, are useful 170 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE contributions to our knowledge of north Wiltshire. But it is also a practical book for walkers. It concentrates on six areas of spectacular walking: various parts of the Marlborough Downs, the Vale of Pewsey, and — particularly welcome because so under-rated — the chalk escarpment above Highway, Clyffe Pypard, Broad Town to Bincknoll, which Watts christens ‘Grigson Country’. The Wiltshire Cotswolds and the claylands (except along the foot of the escarpment) are ignored. For me the most attractive feature of the text (as elsewhere in his writings) is the author’s empathy, not only with the landscapes themselves, but also with previous writers who have described them. It was a remark by Edward Thomas, he tells us, which inspired him to write about the Marlborough Downs; he passes on to us Vesey-Fitzgerald’s verdict on Cocklebury Lane in Wilcot, ‘in wet weather the muddiest lane in England’; he takes issue with Massingham over his description of Fyfield Down as desolate. Watts finds it benign and _ hospitable, whereas in the Temple and Wick area near Rockley he confesses to feeling ill-at-ease, and Snap has a peculiar air of melancholy. Few people alive, I should imagine, have walked the Marlborough Downs so frequently and thor- oughly as Watts, and few have derived so much from it. Listen to this: “Io walk Wansdyke ... in fierce weather is an exhilarating experience that should not be missed. Fierce winds and pelting rain help to conjure up the atmosphere of its turbulent past...’. This is serious walking, but the book is written in such a way as to stir even the most namby-pamby of us out of our armchairs, and to pick us up (almost literally) by our bootlaces. JOHN CHANDLER BOOKS ALSO NOTED Full reviews for some of the books listed here have been delayed and may appear in Volume 92. John Chandler. The Pedlar’s Pack 2: Salisbury Assortment. Ex Libris Press, 1996; 80 pages, illustrations. Price £3.50, paperback. ISBN 0 948578 80 7. A well selected anthology on the city of Salisbury as seen by various writers over many centuries. Jean Cole. A Miscellany of Records: Vagrants and Deserters Apprehended in Marlborough During the 18th and Early 19th Centuries. Wiltshire Family History Society, 1996; 60 pages. Price £5.00, paperback. ISBN 1 898714 17 7. A listing of those apprehended, with records of the method of dealing with each individual. Margaret Dobson. Bradford Voices: A Study of Bradford on Avon Through the Twentieth Century. Ex Libris Press, 1997; 256 pages, photo- graphs. Price £9.95, paperback, ISBN 0 948578 89 0. A detailed and scholarly social history based on oral history and contemporary documents where the local scene is set against a far wider backcloth. Paul Drinkwater. Ward’s Motors of Devizes. Ward’s Motors Publications, 1996; 96 pages, photographs. Price £6.95, paperback. ISBN 0 9528604 0 6. A well-written business history of the firm which began with bicycles in 1896 and, with car sales and a garage, continued under the same name into the 1980s. C.Y. Ferdinand. Benjamin Collins and the Provincial Newspaper Trade in the Eighteenth Century. Oxford University Press, 1997, 272 pages, illustrations. Price £40.00, hardback. ISBN 0 198206 52 6. Definitive work on the father of the Salisbury fournal, who turned the newspaper into a major provincial paper. Also known nationally as a printer and bookseller, he had interests in other magazines and journals of the period. Barbara Fergusson. The Ebble River, The Ebble, Chele or Chalke. Wake Press, 1997; 80 pages, photographs. Price £20.00, hardback. ISBN 0 953081 0 2. Written by a novelist who also farms in the Chalke Valley, this is a most interesting and impressive book on history, wildlife, farming and mills in the valley. H.R. Henly. The Apprentice Registers of the Wiltshire Society, 1817-1922. Wiltshire Record Society, 1997; xxii + 192 pages. Price £15.00, hardback. ISBN 0 901333 28 X. The Wiltshire Society provided assistance for the children of local families to gain apprenticeships in London. Over one thousand such apprentices are recorded with biographical notes and, often, details of the parents’ circumstances which had provoked the Society to help. Danny Howell, A Selection of Warminster Ephemera, Volume I. Bedeguar Books, 1996; 268 pages, illustrated. Price £12.99, paperback. ISBN 1 872818 31 5. An interesting collection of memorabilia and souvenirs with descriptive para- graphs on each item. A rare work on source material which is often overlooked. S.E. Kelly. Charters of Shaftesbury Abbey. Oxford University Press for The British Academy, 1996; xxxvili + 149 pages. Price £30.00, hardback. REVIEWS ISBN 0 19 726151 5. Scholarly interpretation of Saxon land charters by Dr Susan Kelly who is at the forefront of research in this discipline. Several south Wiltshire estates are included with one of the main Abbey possessions, Bradford. Michael Lansdown. The Trowbridge Chartists 1838-1848. Historical Association, West Wiltshire Branch with The Friends of the Trowbridge Museum, 1997; 48 pages. Price £2.50, paperback. ISBN 0 9020260 2 X. Revealing account of a turbulent period in western Wiltshire when thou- sands of local people became involved in this national movement. Tony MacLachlan. The Civil War in Wiltshire. Rowan Books, 1997, 9 + 269 + 8 pages, illustrated. Price £8.99, paperback. ISBN 0 9530785 0 7. The first comprehensive account of this period in the county’s history which shows more activity than had been previously supposed. Kate Mason. Charlton Park; A Short History. The Author, 1996; 52 pages, illustrated. Price £10.00, hardback. Charming little book on the house and Howard family. Rod Priddle and David Hyde. G.W.R. to Devizes. Millstream Books, 1996; 272 pages, photo- graphs. Price £25.00, hardback. ISBN 0 948975 43 1. Well researched book on this 13-mile line which was 171 of vital importance to both Devizes and the villages along the line before its closure in 1966. Ivor Slocombe. First World War Tribunals in Swindon. Wiltshire Family History Society, 1997; 92 pages. Price £6.50, paperback. ISBN 1 898714 34 7; and First World War Tribunals in Wiltshire. Wiltshire Family History Society, 1997; 177 pages. Price £9.00, paperback. ISBN 1 898714 26 6. Listings of appeals for exemption with outcomes; and listings of employers and _ their businesses. Previously unresearched and little known area of our local history. Martyn Whittock. Wiltshire Place-names; Their Origins and Meanings. Countryside Books, 1997; 160 pages, illustrated. Price £7.95, paperback. ISBN 1 853064 86 6. A very readable book based partly on the work of Gover and others but with fresh interpretations of a range of names. Wroughton History Group. Wroughton Through to the 60s. The Wroughton History Group, 1997; 159 pages, photographs. Price £8.50, paperback. ISBN 0 9508393 6 1. The seventh volume from the Group is another impressive pro- duction concentrating largely upon the airfield and the hospital, with some useful sections on civilian life. Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol. 91 (1998), pp. 172-178 Obituaries Edward Bradby (1907-1996) came of a family, almost a dynasty, of schoolmasters. Grandfather, father and uncle taught at Rugby where he himself was educated, excelling at music, drama and cross country running. His mother and sister were distinguished authors. Three sons (also Rugbeians) and a daughter have been employed in education. He went up to New College Oxford in 1925 where he was awarded a double first in Classical Mods. and Greats and was active in the OUDS with Emlyn Williams a close friend. After teaching at the Merchant ‘Taylors (1930-34) he joined the International Students Service, becoming its General Secretary in Geneva where he met his wife Bertha whom he married in 1939. From 1939-46 he was Principal of the leading school in Ceylon, Royal College, where his wise leadership in the difficult war years prepared the school for independence but where, sadly, his support for closer ties between the teaching of Sinhalese and Tamil students was overruled, thus contributing to the growing loss of mutual trust between the communities. After the war Bradby played a seminal role in the development of teacher training, first establishing a condensed crash course in the training of demo- bilised servicemen (the Eastbourne Emergency Training College) and then from 1949-72 as Principal of St. Paul’s College Cheltenham where the expansion of student numbers and of the scope of the curriculum culminated in the introduction of the B.Ed. course awarded in 1969 by Bristol University which conferred on him an honorary degree in 1972. He retired in 1972 to the Wiltshire village of Seend and was soon immersed in local history and the affairs of the Society. He published masterly histories of Seend and Devizes. He was on the Society’s Council from 1984-89 and served as Chairman of the Library Committee from 1985-88. He was an active member of a local piano circle where his musicianship and courteous discipline encouraged members not to skimp their practice nor tackle work beyond their talents. He moved to Bath in 1989. The Society was most fortunate to have in Edward Bradby a source of kindly but firm admin- istration, of deep rooted scholarship and integrity, qualities which are so vital if the traditions of the Society are to be maintained. BONAR SYKES William Hogarth Dowdeswell, biologist, educa- tionalist, supreme teacher, died on 20 November 1996 aged 82. He was born on 16 June 1914. Professor Dowdeswell, known to all as Bunny, made outstanding contributions to education and natural history. He was instrumental in establishing the proper teaching of science-based biology in schools, all his life seeking to infuse others, especially children, with his own fascination for nature. Few in these fields have contributed so much, yet such was the modesty of this charming, utterly fair and genuine man, that he received no national recog- nition for a life of exceptional value. Dowdeswell was born in Northam, North Devon, son of a schoolmaster. Educated at Sherborne School, he went up to Merton College in 1933 to read chemistry. After taking a first in Part 1, he changed to Zoology to complete his degree. A lifetime interest and pleasure in teaching began in 1937 with biology at Canford School, where he also found time to join the Dorsetshires and play county hockey. Plans to return to Oxford were interrupted by war, and in 1943 he sailed for India. Here he was appointed director of the Army Operational Research Section attached to HQ XIVth Army: a scientist in uniform in an unconventional war. After the war, following a short teaching period at Blundell’s, he moved to Winchester College to lead its science teaching until 1969. A West Country man at heart, Bunny Dowdeswell was glad to be recruited to Bath University in that year and given a personal chair in the School of Education. Atworth, a charming stone-built village above the city, became his final home. Here, despite his massive national commitments, he found time almost to the end to delight village school children with his inimitable field trips, where he taught about butterflies and bird calls and whatever else con- tributed to the sacred nature of the countryside. He also played an active and lively part in village affairs and was the guiding light of the Atworth Local History Society. The Wiltshire Wildlife Trust and our own Society, in which he served with flair and OBITUARIES diligence as Deputy Chair, gained immeasurably from his presence in the county. Dowdeswell was to become instrumental in establishing the field of ecological genetics as a major focus of evolutionary studies in biology. He mod- ernised school biology, significantly enhancing its status and encouraging the pursuit of natural history aS an active contribution to the science of ecology. He had long combined teaching with research in the Isles of Scilly, Devon and Cornwall on the variability and adaptation of natural populations. Strongly supported by the Royal Society, his collaboration with Professor E.B. Ford, FRS, and Sir Ronald Fisher in the thirties and forties led to papers on ecological genetics which made an enduring impact. They developed techniques on which much of sub- sequent research depended. The meadow brown butterfly Maniola jurtina was the main subject of Dowdeswell’s research, admirably recorded in his book The Life of the Meadow Brown (1981). This research has continued through the application of molecular techniques to study variation in DNA and protein. Its legacy is evident in the continuing emphasis on the use of integrated approaches to the study of evolution in natural populations. But this reflects only part of Bunny’s life. During the fifties he wrote three seminal books for sixth formers — An Introduction to Animal Ecology, Practical Animal Ecology and The Mechanism of Evolution. And, beneath the surface, he was active in the Science Masters’ Association (later the Association for Science Education), endeavouring, with others, to reform science teaching nationally. Often he was the lone voice of biology. Acknowledging the importance of science to economic and _ social progress, the Nuffield Foundation established the Nuffield Science Teaching Project and in 1963 Bunny Dowdeswell was seconded from Winchester to develop the O-Level biology project. His back- ground and personality were ideal: for the first time in this country teachers and biologists were brought together in nationally organised curriculum develop- ment. Under his leadership they helped transform school biology into a science-based activity incor- porating the advances in biological knowledge of that period. In 1966 he became co-organiser of the A-level project and when he moved to the University of Bath in 1969 he directed the inter-University Biology Teaching Project. No other individual has made such an extensive contribution to biological educa- tion in this country. The significance of his efforts was widely recognised abroad and he contributed to Whe) a number of international initiatives through the British Council and other bodies. And yet again, he had parallel activities. He played a significant role in the Institute of Biology, becoming Vice-President in 1974 and established and chaired its Education Division. In recognition of his services to the biological community he was granted the Institute’s prestigious Charter Award in 1982. At the University of Bath his studies of teaching in higher education, undertaken in co-operation with colleagues in other universities both here and abroad, added to the improvements started at school level. Typically, however, he explored other fields. He initiated work concerned with the growing influence of technology on society. His Decisions Project introduced the teaching of decision-making related to technological problems arising from scientific developments. His final contribution was his book Teaching and Learning Biology. In this he summarised his work and that of others but, most typical of the man, he pointed to the future. The = significance and _ variety of Bunny Dowdeswell’s contributions to biology and educa- tion are clearly extraordinary. They make us grateful for his life; education can do with more people like him. He is survived by his wife of 56 years and two daughters, all of whom have been involved in teaching or training. NICHOLAS THOMAS Stuart Piggott, CBE, FBA, was born in 1910. A member of WANHS for much of his life, he served on our Council from 1939 until 1954 and became Vice President in 1977 and then President from 1990 until his death in September 1996. Already familiar with Wiltshire, Stuart and Peggy moved to Rockbourne when they married in 1936. Not long after completion of his war service in India, Stuart was appointed Abercromby Professor of Prehistoric Archaeology at Edinburgh where he remained from 1946 until 1977, still finding time to keep in touch with the Society and to publish papers in WAM. After his retirement in 1977, Stuart’s various links with the Society — friendships, visits and talks — flourished: we enjoyed these as well as the great benefits of his sensible advice and distinguished leadership, all of which are now so much missed. Members may have read the formal obituaries in the press and academic journals. We therefore felt that it would be appropriate here to record some personal reminiscences of Stuart as a colleague, 174 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE friend and teacher, by Ken Annable and Elizabeth Fowler, and to ask another distinguished Wiltshire prehistorian and younger colleague, Alasdair Whittle, to present a salute to him and his contribution as an archaeologist. If the reader were to seek of me an abiding memory of Stuart Piggott, I would recall in particular his respect and admiration for the Society and its remarkable library and museum. Did _ this relationship ultimately develop through his earliest meetings with Maud and Benjamin Cunnington when, as a young student, he began his research in Devizes Museum on the remarkable grave finds from the prehistoric barrow cemeteries of north and south Wiltshire? The grave items, now well known as the Stourhead Collection, were recovered following upon the late 18th-century excavations of Sir Richard Colt Hoare and William Cunnington I. In 1878 the Collection was acquired for the Society and deposited in Devizes Museum. Stuart’s study of these finds, in his distinguished paper on the Wessex culture, was to point to the significance of the county within the study of British prehistory, and to the Society’s museum as a crucial centre of research amongst the material remains of the prehistoric era. Stuart has himself acknowledged the kindness and hospitality afforded him by Maud and her husband, during his earliest visits to the Museum. Through their discussions he would have felt an almost personal relationship with William Cunnington I, and other later members of the Cunnington family, whose contributions to the growth and achievements of the Society, museum and library were considerable. Did his ultimately lifelong interest in antiquarianism also take root within the Wessex region and_ through his studentship in the Society’s library and museum? The Cunningtons’ regime moved to its close after the War, Ben Cunnington’s death in 1951 being followed some months later by that of his wife. But the old order had already begun to change. Early in the 1950s the Society’s Council had determined upon a total reorganisation of its famous museum collections, within newly arranged display galleries and storage areas. In 1951 an application was in preparation to be submitted to the Carnegie United Kingdom Trust for a grant in aid to assist with the redisplay in a new gallery of the Society’s Bronze Age collections. Stuart, re-appointed to the Council, undertook the writing of a supporting paper to accompany the appeal. Regrettably, the text of his paper cannot now be traced within the Society’s Council minutes. Its title, ‘Festooned with Mantraps’, is still remembered. Stuart would have seen these contraptions, suspended along the walls of the museum’s entrance hall, as he made his way upstairs to Council Meetings: survivals, almost certainly, from the day of inauguration of the Long Street museum. That the appeal was successful must, with little doubt, have owed much to his supporting presentation. A grant in aid of £1,500 was subsequently awarded to the Society and in 1957 a new Bronze Age gallery was formally opened by Stuart, the occasion symbolising the Society’s planned intention to reorganise the whole of its museum and library. It was during my earlier years as Curator that I recall Stuart’s more frequent visits to the museum. By a fortunate coincidence he was able to stay with an aunt living in Wantage which enabled him, after driving down from Edinburgh, to motor over to Devizes. I would usually be working in my office when a light tap on the door announced his arrival. These were enjoyable and so often instructive occasions when, over a cup of coffee and a cigarette, he would press me to bring him up to date with Society and Museum activities. His scholarship was huge and available on all occasions. Finds brought in of doubtful identity or date would be held over for his next arrival when, with rare exceptions, they would be identified and dated. I remember in particular his help with the publication in 1976 of the Catalogue of the Society’s Neolithic and Bronze Age Collections: he undertook to read through the completed typescript. I cherish, in particular, the foreword to the volume which he wrote. I also recall a personal memory. After serving 25 years as the Society’s Curator, the Council organised a party on my behalf and Stuart was among the many guests and friends. Was this journey specially made from Edinburgh? No matter, I was charmed! Stuart adored the written word. So apparent is it from his writings that he wrote not merely to instruct by his scholarship. He possessed a literary ability which few amongst his profession could achieve. Indeed he was a poet who put great value upon literary style. I remember with gratitude Stuart Piggott: archaeologist of distinction, antiquary, poet, Society enthusiast extraordinary. KEN ANNABLE OBITUARIES Remembering Stuart is easy; writing about him less so. When I last saw him in his home in West Challow, he had lost little of the old sparkle and wit, though physically he was frailer. He wryly remarked as he imbibed Bovril instead of the sherry his visitors were drinking that old age had its downside but at least he was no longer obliged to respond to infuriating queries from the wilder shores of archaeology. The remark and the tone of voice were characteristic of the man as I knew him for some forty years. From the time I encountered his formidable intellect in seminars cum tutorials to the later years when we would meet as friends and colleagues, Stuart was a constant example of excellence and exacting high standards. Supervising final year students producing their final extended essays, he made it abundantly clear that sloppy language and woolly thought were not acceptable. Of course his own writings and beautifully prepared plans of excavations told one as much and, in a similar vein, the delicious meals he would produce for guests were evidence of a scrupulous attention to detail. He really cared and knew about whatever was under consideration, whether it was those exquisite Indian miniatures which hung each side of the fireplace in his Edinburgh flat, the poetry of David Jones, the paintings of John Piper or the latest detective story. It was a revelation when Stuart pointed out how ‘doing archaeology’ was so very like solving a crime — a matter of asking the right questions, like ‘what, where, when, how and, if possible, who?’ He made it evident that, whatever we did, we could always be learning something new, fascinating and worthwhile. My friendship with Stuart grew over the years while taking part in numerous excavations directed by him in Scotland and in Wiltshire at West Kennet long barrow and Stonehenge. He did not enjoy digging in Scotland — was it the weather? — but applied, as always, his best endeavours to solve problems. Spending Saturdays out on the Pentlands, working on a site with scarcely any finds, learning how to interpret stratigraphy in Highland terms, was probably the best way for a callow first-year to discover what archaeology was all about. I never felt we students were just being used to do the donkey work; it was a communal effort. We had the benefit of the marvellously stimulating company of our elders and sometimes our opinions were sought. I remember this happening at Stonehenge when a fellow student and I were so very sure that the chalk at the bottom of a bluestone hole was not natural. We persisted in removing the hard packed chalk and were able eventually to demonstrate to Stuart that 175 the weight of the stone had compacted the chalk to such a degree that it appeared to be the natural. It meant that the stone hole had been dug and the stone inserted while the chalk was backfilled, before there was any weathering of the chalk. Excavating with Stuart was such fun. I recall a fortnight spent in almost continuous rain inves- tigating a possible Neolithic site underlying a Roman site on the banks of the Clyde. We used to sit under a hedge to shelter from the rain and Stuart would produce wine to assist in the consumption of stodgy sandwiches provided by our landlady and entertain us with pleasantries about other archaeologists (he did not find Romanists all that congenial!) and the latest ‘misdemeanours’ of the then Ministry of Works. In the old Department of Archaeology, an upstairs room plus minuscule lab in Chambers Street, the latest archaeological news would produce comment and lively discussions. Stuart and Richard Atkinson would follow as eagerly as the rest of us the latest adventures of Colonel Pewter and _ his Neanderthal manservant as the daily cartoon was pinned to the ‘funnies’ board. You could always reckon on Stuart or Richard being able to answer queries or offer advice or kindness if you were going through a bad patch. In his classes, we soon came to realise that we were not there to have information imparted to us, though that happened of course, and then to regurgitate it in exams. Stuart expected you to do the groundwork, look up the relevant sources and to question and discuss. He was generous with his time and his library, supplementing departmental resources with offprints and not easily obtained journals. He would carefully guide students towards tackling topics which needed investigating, particularly in Scottish archaeology, and was able to identify what were one’s strengths and abilities and suggest the right subject for each person. As students in Edinburgh in the mid fifties, we were vaguely aware of Stuart’s personal unhappiness and loneliness but we would try to involve him as much as possible in the doings of the Archaeological Society as a way of showing how we cared. Perhaps it was a particular mix of teachers and students which made so memorable those riotous meals at the local Chinese for the Archaeological Society’s Annual Dinner or the evening skittles match in the pub during Stonehenge excavations. After leaving Edinburgh, we remained in touch. We would visit Stuart whenever he came south to excavate and he was always prepared to give a lot of his time, for example at Wayland’s Smithy, to explain 176 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE the complex history of the site. Peter Fowler collab- orated with him on various projects and I was delighted to undertake the index for his first book on wheeled transport. His hand-drawn Christmas cards have been treasured over the years. The arrival of the post card in his inimitable handwriting in which he confessed to ‘feeling the clammy hand of the Estab- lishment on my shoulder’ when he was appointed a CBE, brightened my day. We planted a Viburnum bodnantense in his garden in West Challow to celebrate his retirement while he gravely explained to my daughters that he did not have a television because he preferred his library! Stuart was much more than an inspiring teacher. His dedication to excellence mattered then as it does still and I am glad to be able to pay this tribute to a good, and much missed, friend. ELIZABETH FOWLER This is intended as a spontaneous tribute to the passing of a great figure in the development of British and European prehistory. It is not a detailed review of Stuart Piggott’s career nor a sustained critique of his intellectual development and achievements. These will come in due course, though one suspects that they will weary his spirit, on the grounds of being too serious. Some have already appeared (e.g. Sharples 1996), and more will follow as the rhetoric of processual archaeology (the ‘new archaeology’) fades and a re-assessment is made of the achievements of the pre-processual archaeology. Indeed, one of the stances in early post- processualism was deliberately, though not uncritically, to look back to the humanism and historical narratives of the pre-processual period (e.g. Hodder 1982, 11-12). I did not know Stuart very well. He examined my D.Phil. thesis along with the Dutch prehistorian P.J.R.Modderman, and it was with some relief that I found that after about an hour and a half’s grilling Stuart’s thoughts were turning to the equally pressing concerns of a well earned drink followed by lunch. I met him only occasionally thereafter, but I know that he was a strong supporter of my field research in north Wiltshire, and we corresponded over the full publication of Wayland’s Smithy, which he was delighted to see in print. Three reasons come immediately to mind as to why Stuart Piggott will continue to be regarded as a major figure in the history of 20th-century archaeology: he was there during a formative change of pace in the discipline, and helped to change the gears; he set high standards of fieldwork and publication; and he helped to establish the scope of what the enquiry into prehistory could achieve. He was there, from the 1920s through to the late 1970s (retiring in 1977). It is not just the romance of the rise and rise of the gifted young man from a modest background and without formal university training through a still stuffy establishment, though that undoubtedly adds to the story. There was a certainty to his intended career, not only in the beginning but also subsequently. He dared to break with Hemp to join Keiller, and then dared to be impatient with Keiller’s methods at Avebury rather than with his personality. He resolutely refused to join the Wheeler show in India. The certainty was based, I believe, on an inbuilt drive towards high standards and a desire to set British archaeology in its broader European context. Perhaps it was this which Childe recognised in nominating him as successor for the Abercromby chair in Edinburgh after the war: an astonishingly bold and successful appointment by any standards. His involvement in sO many activities - from the early (re-)formation of the Prehistoric Society to the Sutton Hoo excavations to the stone axe and fenland committees to fostering research in Scotland after the war — made a material and tangible contribution to the professionalisation of the discipline through the span of his career. In his Antiquity retrospect, discussing his time with the Welsh Ancient Monuments Commission, Stuart confessed that he was ‘not temperamentally a field worker’; he also disapproved of the ‘landscape gardening’ of Keiller at Avebury. Somewhere in an Antiquity review he expresses extreme impatience with the public perception that prehistorians achieve only by digging, rather than by thinking. If this bitter-sweet relationship with field work extended to excavation in general, he certainly carried out a lot of it during the course of his career and to very high standards, though mostly in quite restricted cuttings; he became a consummate draughtsman. He was a fast learner, as the pre-war list of The Trundle, Thickthorn Down, Avebury, Holdenhurst, Ram’s Hill, Crichel Down and Sutton Hoo amply demon- strates. Post-war, West Kennet long barrow rightly became and will continue a classic. As I noted above, I know from correspondence how frustrated he was with Richard Atkinson for his delays in publishing their other joint work at Stonehenge and then Wayland’s Smithy. My colleague Niall Sharples has OBITUARIES criticised Stuart’s Scottish work as being always southwards-orientated, and this briefly raised a little storm. I actually suspect that Stuart would have agreed. It is clear from his Antiquity retrospect that he did not particularly like the north or the highland zone in general, and in our aforementioned post-viva lunch, he had some pithy things to say about the inhabitants of Edinburgh, where I had been brought up (justifiably so in many ways, because in those days Edinburgh was rather dreary). Nonetheless, Stuart did undertake important field work in Scotland, at Cairnpapple, Cairnholy, Corrimony, Croft Moraig, and Dalladies: a list that in itself would put many a modern academic prehistorian to shame. I once caught a salmon in the North Esk very near Dalladies — early morning fields, rather resigned and windswept cows, birches and pine woods, with distant views of the southern edge of the highlands — and remember feeling that this was a _ very Mesolithic-Neolithic activity appropriate to the spirit and associations of the place. Stuart Piggott helped to frame our conception of British and European prehistory. No matter that many of his assumptions and perspectives have been taken over or supplanted by later approaches, he deserves to be remembered for much more than his unfortunate remark about early radiocarbon dating. At an early stage he took the details of material culture seriously, from Neolithic pots through to Beaker and Early Bronze Age material. He helped to define classically the material groupings and succes- sions of the Neolithic period and the Early Bronze Age; it is easy to forget from our perspective now what an achievement this represented for his time. He maintained this technical ability virtually through- out his career, as witnessed by his superb textual complement in the Victoria County History to Leslie Grinsell’s Wiltshire gazetteer. He gave attention to monuments as sources of information, and encouraged others to do the same (among others Audrey Henshall in Scotland). He showed, like Clark and Hawkes, that prehistoric enquiries could and should be wide-ranging. Stuart’s mature work showed an enormous range, from European prehistory as a broad sweep, to the history of wheeled vehicles, Celtic art and the development (or otherwise) of antiquarian thought. Once in the Edinburgh post, he set out very deliberately to master European prehistory, and travelled widely. Few others have been able to bring such a broad knowledge to bear, from the possible background of the British Neolithic (“Windmill Hill — east or west’ must be one of the best titles ever for a paper) to the L707 details of finds of ridden and wheeled transport in the far east of Europe and in Eurasia. This is not a hagiography. Stuart’s work had its limitations, as any does. The concern with achieving basic and reliable groupings of material within the culture history model made him later on impatient with other approaches; as just one example, he wrote a rather grumpy review, again in Antiquity, of Renfrew’s early processualist work, The Emergence of Civilization, on processes of change in the third millennium BC Aegean. Of his generation, Hawkes and Daniel reacted not dissimilarly, and perhaps only Grahame Clark made a fuller link with the next generation. Beyond his working within the culture history model, there is in some of Stuart’s mature work a sober and cautious tone, which fails to excite. In part, this reflects the aspirations of a generation which had struggled long, in the pre-radiocarbon era, to get the facts and sequences right. Neolithic Cultures of the British Isles, from the 1950s, is brilliant in its synthesis, but does not bring to life a people or a dynamic historical process. Ancient Europe, from the 1960s, has wonderful scope and an effective narrative, but is curiously uncurious about the workings of history in the longue durée. Prehistoric Societies, written jointly with Grahame Clark in the 1960s, is an interesting work. According to the rhetoric of processual archaeology, such a title should hardly have existed in pre-processual times, outside the canon of Gordon Childe; but of course there had been a lively debate in the 1950s about the possibility of a social archaeology, in reaction to which the conservative ‘ladder of inference’ had been raised. The book shows the virtues and limitations of both authors, in Stuart’s case tremendous scope again, but a certain reluctance to go the whole hog. Stuart always wrote well. At his best, clarity of exposition and scope of synthesis were combined with a lively vision of a very human past. One perhaps rather perverse example, given that it was written a long time ago and fully in the culture history model, is the famous 1938 Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society paper on the Wessex culture of the Early Bronze Age. This brilliantly combines, in a comparatively short space, a survey of the major relevant classes of material, understanding of the chronological structure to which it all belongs, knowledge of continental and other contexts, and a model of the interaction of external and indigenous populations. In his later work, some of his most lively study went into the antiquaries. In the light of Michael Hunter’s revisionist profile of William 178 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Stukeley, we might venture that Stuart was perhaps too much inclined to see Stukeley’s early field work as a forerunner of his own brilliant early career. The evident delight in detail and in the trails of historical evidence in Ancient Britons and the Antiquarian Imagination: Ideas from the Renaissance to the Regency, a late work from 1989, is instructive. Wheeled Transport had come out not that long before, in 1983, also after his formal retirement. It is as though at this stage in his career Stuart was partly re- inventing himself (though Ancient Britons was preceded by The Druids of 1968 and the first edition of Stukeley as far back as 1950), seeking new outlets, perhaps for novelty’s sake or perhaps in reaction to the onset of first processual and then post-processual theoretical debate. I did not know him well enough to speculate further. Prehistorians, especially in my field of the Neolithic period, talk much about ancestors and their conceptual, spiritual and social importance. Stuart Piggott is an ancestor of fundamental importance to the practice of prehistory today. ALASDAIR WHITTLE REFERENCES HODDER, I., 1982 “Theoretical archaeology — a reactionary view’, in I.Hodder (ed.), Symbolic and Structural Archaeology, Cambridge, 1-16 SHARPLES, N., 1996 ‘Nationalism or internationalism: the problem of Scottish experience’, in J.A.Atkinson, I.Banks and J.O’Sullivan (eds.), Nationalism and Archaeology, Glasgow, 77-88 Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol. 91 (1998), pp. 179-186 Index NOTE: Wiltshire places are indexed or referenced under civil parishes Aberdeenshire, 68 AC archaeology, 152, 154, 157-8, 160-4, 166 A’Court, W.P., 117 Addison, Joseph, 113 Aelfgare, 76 Aethelfelda, daughter of Alfred, 67 Ag’, Radus de, 83 Ailward, 81, 82, 89 Ailwin the fuller, 84 Alcedo (ship), 109 Aldbourne, 113: Snap, 110 Alderbury, 61, 119 Aldermaston, Berks, 109 Aldhelm, St, 50 Alexander III, pope, 44 Alfred, king, 57, 67 Allen, Michael J., note on plant macrofossils from Chilmark, 29; work reviewed, 168-9 Alne, Yorks, 48n Altarnun, Cornwall, 108 Alton: Newtown Farm, 152 Alured the knight, 80 Alvediston: Norrington, 108 Alvestone’, 78 Amesbury, 4, 113, 119; Amesbury House, 113, 117; Butterfield Down, 22, 23; Salisbury Street, 152; Stonehenge Avenue, 152; Stonehenge Road, 152; Vespasian’s Camp, 152; see also Stonehenge Anderson, William, 127 Anglesey, 141 Annable, Ken, reminiscences of Stuart Piggott, 174 Anstis, John, 69-70 Apollo Cunomaglos, 148 Applegate, Stephen, 127 apprentices, 170; gardening, 119 Armagh, Ireland, 69 arrowhead, Saxon, 155; see also flintwork Arthur’s Stone, Herefs, 68, 71 Arundell, Sir Matthew, 100; Sir Thomas, 101 Ashbee, Paul, note on Stonehenge, 139-43 ash-pit, 18th century, 59-61 Aslega, Reginald de, 83 Aster laevis, 129-38; lanceolatus, 129-38; novi-belgn, 128-38; x salignus, 131, 133, 134, 136; x versicolor, 131-4, 136 Asters, North American, paper on, 128-38; colouring, 133-4; flowering, 133-4 Astle, Thomas, 69 Athelinus the monk, 86 Atkinson, R.J.C., 139, 141 Atworth, 78-80, 85-8; Cottles, 76; Ganbrook, 83; Great Atworth, 76, 77 Aubrey, John, 68-9, 70, 71, 72, 73, 101 Aula, Reginald de, 84; Walter de, 84 Australia, 125 Autun, France, 45 Avebury, 66-8, 73, 141-2, 152-3, 168-9; Beckhampton Road, 153; Cove, 140; Obelisk, 140, 141; Silbury Hill, 153; Waden Hill, bowl mount from, 37, 38, 40; West Kennet Avenue, 140, 141; West Kennet long barrow, 141 Aveley, 6 Aveneclifa, Nicholaus de, 83 Avening, Chavenage, Glos, 40 Avington, Berks, 106 Avon, River (N), 35, 39, 158 Avon, River (S), 1 axes, miniature bronze, 149 Bacchus, 148 Bahamas, 125 Baker, John T., 119 Bali, Reginald de, 83 Ballochroy, Scotland, 70, 71 Ballycleagh, Ireland, 70, 71 Ballyshannon, Ireland, 106 Bampton, Devon, 107 Bann, River, 38 Barclay, E.H., 139 Barfreston, Kent, 48 Barnes, J., work reviewed, 168-9 Barnhill (?Stamford), Lincs, 67 Baron, Sir Nicholas, 109 Barret, -, 109 barrows: long, 140, 141; round, 141, 146, 166 Barston?, George, 106; Mary, 106 Barton, J., 123 Barton-le-Street, Yorks, 53-4 Barvills Farm, 6 Basset, Alan, 90; Aliva, 91; Gilbert, 90; Sir Philip, 90-1, 94; William, 78, 82, 85, 88 Bath, Som, 67, 118, 119, 123, 124, 148, 150-1; Abbey church, 151; Town Hall, 151 Beaconsfield, Bucks, 105 Beaven, Roger, 122 Beckett, William, 65 Beckford, Gabriel, 119 Beckington, Som, 107, 109 Bedel, Rad’us the, 83 Bedfordshire: see Felmersham Belgium: see Jupille Bembridge, Wight, 6 Benham Place, 117 Bennet, Margaret, 106; Thomas, 106 Bere Ferrers, Devon, 103, 104, 105, 108 Berkhampsted, Herts, 98 Berkshire, 40, 126; see also Aldermaston; Avington; Coleshill; Woolhampton Bernasconi, -, 116 Berwick St John, 108 Berze-la-Ville, France, 45 Besill, Margaret, 82 Besyle, William, 82 Bingham, W.P.S., 110-11 Bishop Wilton, Yorks, 49, 53 Bishops Cannings, 119, 126; Easton Farm, 153 Blackmore, H.P., 1 Blackwater, River, 38 Blandford Forum, Dorset, 123 Blenheim, Oxon, 115 Blois, Henry of, bishop of Winchester, 44 Blunsdon St Andrew, Groundwell Ridge, 153 Bohun, Edward de, earl of Hereford, 91 Bolingbroke, Lord, 117 bone: animal, 17, 19, 29-30, 32, 63-4, 152, 154, 160, 162, 164; human, 24-7, 146 bone, worked, Roman, 141 Boode, Andreas, 117 books, gardening, 113-15, 126 Borlase, William, 68, 72 Borough Hill, Northants, 21 Boscawen-un ring, Cornwall, 72 Boston, Lincs, 67 boundaries, field, Roman, 14, 31 Bourne, River, 1, 131, 133, 136, 137 Bower, L.T.S., 105; William, 106 Bowles, Mr, 150; William Lisle, 117 bowls, medieval (Anglo-Saxon) hanging, paper on, 35-41 Bowood, 114-17, 119-21 Boxall (Boxwell), John, 94 Boxgrove, Sussex, 6 Boxwell (Boxall), John, 94 Boyton, 106 Bradbourne, Derbs, 48n Bradby, Edward, obituary, 172 Bradford on Avon, 170; paper on 12th- century rentals, 76-89; Abbey House, 154; Barton Farm, 77, 84; Bradford Leigh, 76, 81, 83, 89; Budbury, 76, 77, 80, 81, 89; churches, 85-6; Cumberwell, 76, 77; Dead House Farm, 83; Fairfield, 83; Ford, 82; Frankleigh, 77, 82; Haugh, 86; Maplecroft, 82; market and fair, 85, 86; mills, 85; Mourtley, 77, 82, 83; occupations, 83-5; Palmer’s Lane, 81; Parsonage Farm, 86; ‘Sticche’, 79; Thundermead, 82; Torteleg’, 79, 80, 81-2, 86, 87, 88, 89; Trowle, 76, 77, 79-81, 84-5, 87; vineyards, 85, 86; ‘Wadenesdich’, 79; Wine Street, 81; Woolley, 76, 77, 79, 80, 82, 86, 87, 89 Brakspear, Sir Harold, 53 Bratton, 119 Braydon Forest, 90, 91, 92, 97 180 Brayton, Yorks, 49 Bremhill, 117 Brentford, London, 145, 146 Brest, France, 71 Brewer, Thomas, 119, 127 brewhouse, 18th-century, excavation of, 57-64 Brichtric, 81, 88 brick, post-medieval, 59; see also building materials Bridgeman, Charles, 115 Bridges, Edmund, Lord Chandos, 57; Henry, 95; John, Lord Chandos, 57 Bridgland, D.R., paper on Godolphin School watching brief, 1-10 Bridport, Dorset, 125 Bridzor, John de, 80, 88 Brill, Oxon, 38 Brimsden, John, 127 Brinkworth, 91; Callow Hill, 93 Bristol, 90, 124, 125, 126, 151; St Mary Redcliffe church, 151 Bristowe, Robertus de, 83 Brittany, 71, 72, 141 Britton, John, 95, 101, 116 Brixton Deverill, 154 Broca (Broka), Edward de, 83; Rad’us de, 83; Richard de, 83; William de, 83 Bromham, Oliver’s Camp, 166 brooch, Roman, 11; see also jewellery Brook Park, 96-8 Brookeden, 106 Broughton, Lieutenant, 125 Broughton Gifford, 121 Brown, H.R., 67; John, 119, 127; Lancelot ‘Capability’, 115, 116 Brownjohn, John, 127 Bruce, Lord, 124 bucket, Roman, 68 Buckinghamshire: see Beaconsfield; Dinton Buckland, Samuel, 127 Buckland Dinham, Som, 40 Budbury, William of, 81, 89 Budock, Cornwall, 150 building materials, Roman, 11, 17-18, 30-1, 155, 161, 162; medieval, 162; post-medieval, 59, 61-3, 166; see also brick; tile Buildwas, Salop, 55 Burch, John, 119 Burderop Park, excavation report, 57-64 burials: sze inhumations Burl, Aubrey, paper on William Stukeley’s commonplace book, 65-75 Burlamachi, 111 Burntwood Farm, Hants, 31 Burrough, T., 121, 123 butterflies, 131, 138 Button, Richard, 127 Cadiz, Spain, 111 Caernarvonshire, 71 Cahn, Walter, 45 Cahors, France, 49 Callanish, Scotland, 73, 74 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Calley, William, 57 Calne, 117, 118, 119, 127; Church Street, 154; Oldbury Camp, 40, 166 Calne Without: Calstone Wellington, 154 Cambridgeshire: see Peterborough Camden, William, 68, 73, 142 Camerton, Som, 40 Campbell, Colen, 116 Campbeltown, Scotland, 71 Canada, 129 Canute, king, 52, 141 Cardeville, Agnes de, 57 Cardigan, 71 Carent, Maurice, 107, 110 Carmarthenshire, 71 carriers, 124 Carter, Edward, 124; John, 94 cartulary, Shaftesbury abbey, 76-89 Castle Cary, Som, 109 Castle Eaton: Lushill, 39 Castle Rising, Norfolk, 121 Catsgore, Som, 21 Caus, Isaac de, 115 Cecilia, abbess of Shaftesbury, 85, 86 Cecilia, duchess of York, 96-7 cemeteries, prehistoric, 162; Iron Age, 146; Roman, 18-20, 27, 31-2, 146; see also cremations; inhumations ceramics: see pottery cereals, 32; Roman, 27-8 chalk, 3, 8,9 Chandler, John, review by, 169-70; work noted, 170 Chapmanslade, 154 charcoal, 29, 32, 153, 155 Charles I, king, 103, 111, 112 Charles II, king, 69 Charlieu, France, 45, 53n Charlton Lannoye, Cornwall, 109 Chartists, 171 Chartres, France: cathedral, 50-1 Chavenage, Glos, 40 Cherhill: Oldbury hillfort, 40, 166; Yatesbury, 40 chert, 11 Cheshire: see Northwich Chessell Down, Wight, 39 Cheyne, Lord, 101 Cheyney, family, 96; Sir Edmund, 96 Chichester, Sussex, 32 Chilcutt, John, 119 Chilmark, report on Romano-British excavation at, 11-33; East Farm, 11; Eyewell Farm, 11-33; Portash Cottage, 11, 31; Ridge Hill, 11, 14 Chilton Foliat, bowl mount from, 35-8, 40 Chippenham, 118, 119, 127; Hardenhuish, 150 Chippenham Without: Lanhill, 68 Chippenhurst, Oxon, 106 Chippindale, C.R., 139 Chiseldon, 57; Badbury, 145; Burderop Park, 57-64; Cardevilleswick, 57, 64; Chalvecrofte, 64; Draycot Foliat, 155; Hodson, 57, 136; Monkebaron, 57, 59, 64 Chiseldon History Group, 57 Christianization, of prehistoric monuments, 141, 142 Churchill, Awnsham, 68, 69, 71; John, Duke of Marlborough, 103; William, 69 Churn, River, 160 Chute Forest, 94, 95 Chyselga?, Oxon, 106 Civil War, 171 Clarence, George, Duke of, 95 Clarendon Park, 162 Clark, A.J., 155 Clarke, John, 119 Clock, Alex., 106 clubs, gardening, 126 Cluniac order, 42-5, 50, 53 Cluny ITI, France, 44-5 Clyst St Mary, Devon, 108 Cnut, king, 52, 141 Cobbett, William, 117, 118, 123 coins, Iron Age, 146; Roman, 21, 31, 38, 71, 141, 160, 161, 162; post- medieval, 161 Cole, Jean, work noted, 170 Coleman, William, 127 Colerne: Lucknam House, 117 Coleshill, Berks, 123 Collingbourne, William, 95 Collingbourne Ducis: Blackmore Down, 96; Collingbourne woods (forest), 94, 95; Knoll Plantation, 154 Collingbourne Kingston, 95 Collins and Baylis, 124 Collins, Benjamin, 123, 170; John, 114 Colstan the priest, 78, 81, 84, 86, 89 Compton Bassett, 154-5 Conisbrough, Yorks, 54 Conway, Edward, 111 Cooke, Kathleen M., 78, 81 coombe rock, 3, 5 cores, 7-8; see also flintwork Corfe, Dorset, 91 Corney, M.C., coins report from Chilmark, 21 Cornwall, 68, 72; see also Altarnun; Boscawen-un; Budock; Charlton Lannoye; Duloe; Helston; Penhargerd; St Enodar; St Gluvias; Trevowan Corsham, 115 Cotswold Archaeological Trust, 154-5, 157, 158, 164-5 Cottington, James, 57 Cowbridge, Wales, 71 Craig Phadrig, Scotland, 38 Crawford, O.G.S., 102, 155 cremations: Iron Age, 146; Roman, 146; see also cemeteries; inhumations Crockett, A.D., report on excavation at Chilmark,-11-33 Croeme, George, 127 Cross, William, 127 Crouch, River, 6 Crux Easton, Hants, 121 Culm, Hawis, 77 INDEX Cumberland, Earl of, 109 Cummins, William, 126 Cunetio, 145, 146; see also Mildenhall Cunnington, B.H., 67, 139; R.H., 140; W., 145, 146 Curll, Edmund, 65 Cushendon, 71 Daisies, 128 Danckerts, Hendrik, 113 d’Ancona, Matthew, work reviewed, 167 Daniell, John, 127; Thomas, 127 Daughtry, Sir Fraunces, 108 Dauntesy, John, 106; Mary, 106 Davis, Thomas, 117-18 Dean, Forest, 71 decalcification, 4-5 decapitation, Roman, 19, 27 deer parks, paper on, 90-102 defences, Saxon, 166; medieval, 166 Defoe, Daniel, 124 Denmark, king of, 111 Derbyshire, 67; see also Bradbourne deserters, 170 Despenser, Hugh le, 91, 95 Deth (de Atworth), Robert, 83 Devil’s Arrows, Yorks, 68 Devisis, Agneys de, 82-3 Devizes, 114, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 127, 170, 171; castle, 91, 155 Devonshire, Earl of, 110 Devon; see also Bampton; Bere Ferrers; Clyst St Mary; Exeter; Lee; Plymouth; Stone Didelega’, Robert de, 83 Dilton: Middle Down, 166 Dinton, Bucks, 55n ditches, 152; Bronze Age, 163; Middle Bronze Age, 164; Early Iron Age, 164; Iron Age, 163, 164-5; Roman, 16-17, 154, 157, 159, 162; medieval, 154, 159, 160; post-medieval, 159, 160; modern, 158; see also pits Dobson, Margaret, work noted, 170 Domesday Book, 76, 84, 85, 86 Dorchester, Dorset, 124 Dorset, 78, 126, 149; Record Office, 105, 112 ; see also Blandford Forum; Bridport; Corfe; Dorchester; Fontmell Magna; Gillingham; Hod Hill; Maiden Castle; Shaftesbury; Sherborne; Stoke Wake; Wimborne St Giles Dorstone, Herefs, Arthur’s Stone, 68, Wi Dowdeswell, William Hogarth, obituary of, 172-3 Downton, 117, 119 Doyley, John, 106; Ursula, 106 drain, 18th-century, 61-3 Draper, Patience, 126 Drinkwater, Paul, work noted, 170° Dublin, 71; St Thomas Court, 106; Trinity College, 69 Duck, Stephen, 127 Dudgeon, John, 125 Duloe, Cornwall, 69 Durnford: High Post, 152 Durrington: Durrington Walls, 23, 31, 155-7 Durrow, Book of, 38 Eagles, Bruce, note on Celtic bowl mounts, 40 East, Edward, 106 East Knoyle, 99, 100; Knoyle Common, 99 Easton, Mr, 121 Ebble, River, 170 Edding, William, 119 Eden, Thomas, 127 Edgar, king, 52 Edington, 106; Tinhead, 106 Edric the shearman, 84 Edward I, king, 95 Edward II, king, 91 Edward III, king, 95 Edward IV, king, 91 Edward of Salisbury, 78, 80 Edward the Elder, king, 57 Edward, earl of Cornwall, 98 Edwin the priest, 85 Edyndon, John de, 82 Elkins, William, 119 Ellis, James, 125 Elsi, 79 Emma, abbess of Shaftesbury, 78, 80, 89 enclosures: Early Iron Age, 164; Iron Age, 156-7, 164-5; Romano-British, 159; see also hillforts Enford: Coombe Down, 163 Englefield, Sir Francis, 91, 92, 94 English Heritage Ancient Monuments Laboratory, 152, 153, 155-7, 166 Erlestoke: Stoke Park, 114 Ermin Street, 159-60 Ernewyn, 84 Essex, 109; see also Mucking; Purfleet; Stanway; Sufford Esturmy, William, 95 Estwinus the goldsmith, 84 Ethelred II, king, 76 Eulalia, abbess of Shaftesbury, 78, 80, 88 Evans, Joan, 44 Everleigh, 157; park, 99 Exeter, 124, 150 Eye, Suffolk, 6 Eyewell Farm, Chilmark, excavation report, 11-33 Fairchild, Thomas, 113 Farnham, Surrey, 30 Fassbinder, Jorg, 152, 157 Faversham, Kent, 37, 38, 39 Fawler, Oxon, 106, 110 Feasts: Hampshire, 150; Wiltshire, 150-1 Felmersham, Beds, 145 Ferdinand, C.Y., work noted, 170 Fergusson, Barbara, work noted, 170 Fermoy, Ireland, 69 181 Ffolliot, Ann, 106; Sir Henry, 106 Fierman, -, 125 Figgins, Robert, 122, 127 Figheldean, 22, 31 Filkins, Oxon, 109 Fishlake, Yorks, 53, 54, 55 fishponds, 63, 94, 97, 99; see also ponds Fitz Hamon, Robert, 85 Fitzherbert de Clare, Richard, 67 Fitzpatrick, A.P., report on excavation at Chilmark, 11-33 FitzWilliam, Gilbert, 84-5 flakes, flint, 8; see also flintwork Fleabanes, 128 Fleetwood, Ann, 107; Sir Myles, 107 flintwork, 11, 20; prehistoric, 152, 166; Palaeolithic, 1, 7-8; ?>Mesolithic, 24, 30; Acheulian, 160; ?Neolithic, 24, 30; Neolithic, 158; Early Bronze Age, 149; Middle Bronze Age, 164; Bronze Age, 155, 158, 163; Iron Age, 152; burnt, 152, 154, 155, 158, 166; see also arrowhead; cores; flakes; handaxes Florence of Worcester, 44, 55 Folkestone, Lord, 123 Folkestone, Kent, 6 Fontmell Magna, Dorset, 76, 86 Ford, Anna, 151; Robert de, 83 Fosse Way, 161 Foster, Sir Humphry, 109; Margaret, 109 Foundations Archaeology, 154 Fovant, 31 Fowler, Elizabeth, reminiscences of Stuart Piggott, 175-6 France, 125; see also Autun; Berze-la- Ville; Brest; Brittany; Cahors; Charlieu; Chartres; Cluny; Gascony; La Charite-sur-Loire; Lyon; Moissac; Nimes; St Pol de Leon; Saintonge; _ Toulouse; Vezelay Francis, Charles, 145, 146 Frobisher, Martin, 109 Frome, Som, 118 furnace, malting, Roman, 155; see also grain drier Fyfield, 119 Galbraith, Katharine, 44, 50 Gale, R., note on charcoal from Chilmark, 29; Roger, 68; Samuel, 68; Thomas, dean of York, 68 Galpine, John Kingston, 123 Gandy, Ida, 126 Garden, James, 68 garden features, 158, 161, 163 gardens and gardeners, 1700-1845, paper on, 113-27 Gardiner, Stephen, bishop of Winchester, 109 Gardner, Ffrances, 107; Sir Thomas, 107 Gascony, scutage of, 76 Gawen, Chrispian?, 106; John, 108; Thomas, 119; Walter, 106 Gawinus, 88 182 Geoffrey of Monmouth, 142 geology, Quaternary, 1-10 geophysics, 11, 14, 155-7, 166 Gethyng, Mr, 69 Giant’s Causeway, Ireland, 71 Gifford and Partners, 162-4 Giles, Bernard, 127 Gillingham, Dorset, 99, 100 glass: Roman, 146; window, 61 Gloucester, 85 Gloucestershire, 40, 71; see also Avening; Bristol; Chavenage; Dean, Forest; Gloucester; Lydney Park; Witcombe Goddard, E.H., 67, 145, 146 Godolphin School, Salisbury, watching brief, 1-10 Godwin the merchant, 84 Godwin the Smith, 79 gold objects, Roman, 141; see also jewellery Goodfellowe, Agnes, 109; John, 109 Gordon, Alexander, 68 Gosport, Hants, 125 Gould, John, 124 Gowland, William, 139 grafting, 121 grain drier, Roman, 11, 14-16, 20, 27-9, 31, 32; see also furnace, malting Grantham, Lincs, 67 gravels, river terrace, 1-10 Graves, William, 124 Great Cheverell, 157 Great Fanton Hall, 6 Green, William, 127 Greensand, 4; Upper, 7 Gregory, abbot of Malmesbury, 44 Gregory, pope, 141 Greville, Sir Fulke, 97, 101, 108; Sir John, 91; William, 69 Griffiths, Nick, note on strap-end from Market Lavington, 149 Grovely Forest, 108 Guernsey Lily, 114 Gwern Einion, Wales, 70 Hadrians Wall, 21 ha-ha, 115 see also garden features Halcrow, Sir William, and Partners, 57 Hall, family, 84; Cecilia, 82; Nicholas, 82 Ham, George, 119; Master, 81 Hamilton-Dyer, Sheila, report on animal bone from Chilmark, 29-30 Hampshire, 94, 96; Feast, 150; see also Burntwood Farm; Crux Easton; Gosport; Melchet Park; New Forest; Northington; Oakhanger; Portsmouth; Selborne; Southampton; Warren Hill; Wellow; Winchester Hampton, Goody, 119 handaxes, 3, 7, 8, 9; Palaeolithic, 1; see also flintwork hanging bowls, medieval (Anglo- Saxon), paper on, 35-41 Harding, P.A., paper on Godolphin School watching brief, 1-10; note on flint from Chilmark, 24; Richard, 101; Stephen, 122 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Hareng, Ralph, 97 Harpden, Oxon, 107, 109 Harris, John, 127 Harvey, Robert B., paper on Bradford rentals, 76-89 Haselden, Roger of, 80 Hastun, Nicholas de, 81, 83, 89 Hatchwell, Richard, paper on William Stukeley’s commonplace book, 65-75 Hawley, William, 139 Hayes, Anne, work reviewed, 167-8 Hayes, Little, 6 Hazelden, Roger de, 88 Heere, Lucas de, 141 Helston, Cornwall, 71 Heneage, Walter, 117 henge monuments, 155-7; see also Specific sites Henig, Martin, note on applique head from Ramsbury, 148 Henly, H.R., work noted, 170 Henry II, king, 78, 85 Henry III, king, 90, 91, 98 Henry IV, king, 98 Henry VII, king, 91, 96, 97 Henry of Blois, 52n Henry of Huntingdon, 141 Herbert, Sir William, 103, 108 Herefordshire, 53, 71; see also Arthur’s Stone; Dorstone Hertfordshire: see Berkhampsted; St Albans Heytesbury, 117 High Bridestones, Staffs, 67 Highworth, 117, 118; Lushill, 39 Hila, William de, 83 Hill, Benjamin, 119; John, 119 hillforts, 166; see also enclosures; and specific sites Hilperton: Paxcroft Mead, 157 Hinwood, William, 119 Hiscock, William, 119 Hoare, Henry, 116; Sir Richard Colt, 145, 146 Hod Hill, Dorset, 148 Holt, Roger de, 89; Walter de, 89 Holt, 76, 77, 79-83, 85-9; Blackacre Farm, 83; Blacklands Farm, 80; Dudley (Dudleys), 77, 80, 82, 83; Ford Farm, 83 Honorius Augustodunensis, 52 horticulture, 113-27 Hoskins, W.G., 102 hound, applique head, note on, 148 hounds, 148 Howell, Danny, work noted, 170 Hoxton, London, 113 Hullavington, church, 157 Humphrey the Smith, 84 Hungerford, family, 97; Walter, Lord, 108 Hunterian psalter, 49 Hutchins, John, 77, 99 hybridization, 114, 129, 131 Hyde, David, work noted, 171 iconography, Christian, 37-8, 44-56 Ilchester, Som, 21 Ilgerus, 88 Imber, 106; Chapperton Down, 162, 163 Impey, Sir Elijah, 117, 126 Ine, king, 94 infirmary, monastic, 158 Ingham River, 6, 7 inhumations, 162; prehistoric, 162; Iron Age, 146; Romano-British, 11, 16, 18-20, 24-7, 146; ?Saxon, 160; ?medieval, 160; medieval, 158, 161; modern, 157 Innocent II, pope, 44n Ipswich, Suffolk, 39 Ireland, 35, 68, 71, 72, 109-11; see also Armagh; Ballycleagh; Ballyshannon; Dublin; Fermoy; Giant’s Causeway; Killarney; Monaghan; Newgrange; Tara Jackson, J.E., 67 James I, king, 142 Jeffery, Mr, 114 jewellery, Roman, 21, 31; see also brooch; gold objects John, king, 90 John, abbot of Peterborough, 76 Johnes, Thomas, 69 Jones, Griffith, 71; Inigo, 139; Malcolm, 39; Richard, 123; William, 71, 106 Jupille, Belgium, 148 Justrall, John, 119 Kalinowski, Lech, 49, 50, 51 Kelly, S.E., work noted, 170-1 Kelston, Som, 78, 85n Kennet, River and Valley, 36, 38, 40, 68, 148, 153, 161, 168-9 Kennett, East or West, 68 Kent, William, 115 Kent, 142; see also Barfreston; Faversham; Folkestone; Lullingstone; Medway, River; North Downs; Sarre key, Roman, 146; see also metalwork Keynsham, Som, 40 Killarney, Ireland, 71 Kilmington, 85n Kingston, 108 Kington St Michael, 40 Kintyre, Mull of, Scotland, 71 Kirby, John L., 81 Kirtlington, Oxon, 55 Knigton, Jane, 106; Roberte, 106 Knook: Knook Castle, 162, 163 Knoyle, East, 99, 100; Knoyle Common, 99 Knyvet, Sir Henry, 94 La Charite-sur-Loire, France, 44, 55 Lacock: Abbey, 158; Bowden Park, 158 Lambarde, William, 142 Lambert, Anne, 106; Edmund, 106; Hester, 106 Sir Oliver, 106 Lancashire: see Manchester Langdon, -, 109 INDEX Lansdown, Michael, work noted, 171 Lansdowne, Marquises of, 115, 116 Latton, excavations on various sites, 158-60 Laurance of Durham, 45 Laverstock, 61, 62; Ford Down, 39, 40 Lavington, Hugh, 122 Lavington: see Market Lavington; and West Lavington Lawrence, Anthony, 114 Lawson, Andrew J., note on sword fragments, 143-5 Leclercq, Jean, 45 Lee, Devon, 108 Leg Piekarski, Poland, 145 Legge, John, 121 Legh, Reginald de, 83; Walter de, 83 Leland, John, 91, 95, 97, 98 Leofwine, 76 Leovric, 79 Letts, J.B., report on environmental evidence from Chilmark, 27-30 Leuric, 83 Lewes, Sussex, 53 Lewis, Peter, 143 Ley family, paper on, 103-12; Anne, 106, 107, 110; Dioniz, 106, 110; Elizabeth, 105-6, 107, 110; Henry, 103-10, 112; Hester, 106, 110; James, 106, 109-10; James, earl of Marlborough, paper on, 103-12; John, 105, 109, 111; Margaret, 106, 110; Marie, 110; Martha, 107; Mary, 106, 107; Matthew, 104, 107, 109; Peter, 109; Phebe, 107; William, 104, 109 Lhuyd, Edward, 68, 69, 70-3 libraries, private, 114 Lichfield, Staffs, 67 Liddington, 85n; Castle, 166; Medbourne, 39, 40 Lily, James, 123 Lily, Guernsey, 114 Limpley Stoke, 76, 77, 81, 85-6, 88 Lincoln: cathedral, 42; St-Paul-in-the- Bail, 39 Lincolnshire: see Barnhill; Boston; Grantham; Lincoln linears, Wessex, 162 Linford, 6 Linsdorf monster, 146 Lisle, Edward, 121 lithology, 5-7 Little Hayes, 6 Littlecote, 148 Lodden, River, 99 London, 108, 124, 149, 150; Christ Church, 107; Clements Inn, 109; Covent Garden, 69; Furnival’s Inn, 110; Kew, 114, 115; Lambeth, 123; Lincoln’s Inn, 107, 110, 112; New Inn, 109, 110; Ormond Street, 65; Pall Mall, 114; St Andrew of the Wardrobe, 109; St Brides, 107; St Thomas’s hospital, 65; Southwark, 107; Whitehall, 67; see also Brentford; Hoxton; Peckham Long, Henry, 119; John, 81; Walter, 107 Long Hanborough, Oxon, 4 Lorimer, Joyce, 105 Lovel, John, 7th Lord, 100 Ludgershall, 121, 160; castle, 94; Crawlboys, 95, 96; Deer Leap, 95; Long Park, 95; parks, 94-6; South Park, 96; South Park Farm, 95; West Park, 95; Wood Park, 95 Ludlow, William, 95 Lukis, W.C., 139 Lullingstone, Kent, 38 Lydcott, Ffrances, 106; Leonard, 106 Lydiard Tregoze: Bassett Down, 40; Lydiard Park, 117 Lydney Park, Glos, 148 lynchets: Iron Age, 163; medieval, 155 Lyon, France, 65 Macartney, Samuel Halliday, 125 MacLachlan, Tony, work noted, 171 macrofossils, plant, 29 Maiden Castle, Dorset, 141 Malcolm IV, king of the Scots, 67 Male, Emile, 52 Malmesbury, 113; paper on abbey sculpture, 42-56; abbey, 91, 94; Ivo Fuchs Centre, 160; Mill Lane, 161 Manchester, 67 March, Edward, earl of, 99 Marden, River, 154 Markes, Agnes, 106; Roger, 106 Market Lavington, 40, 118, 121, 126; note on strap-end from, 149; note on sword fragments from, 143-5; Spin Hill, 143 Marks, Joseph, 150 Marlborough, 118, 127, 145, 146, 170; bucket, 145, 146; castle, 94; Downs, 140; earldom of, paper on, 103-12; Isbury Hill, 145; Wye House, 161 Marsh, Richard, 109 Marshall, Lydia M., 78, 81 Marshman, Michael, reviews by, 167-8 Martin, Martin, 73 Mary, queen, 91 Mary, abbess of Shaftesbury, 78, 79, 85 Mason, Kate, work noted, 171 Masson, Francis, 125 McKinley, J.I., report on human remains from Chilmark, 24-7 Mead, Richard, 65 meadows, water, 158 Medway, River, 6, 140 Melchet Park, Hants, 117 Melksham, 117, 118, 127 Mellitus, 141 melons, 121 Menzies, Archibald, 125 Mepham, L.N., finds report from Chilmark, 21-4 Mere, 109, 161; castle, 98; Conrish Farm, 98, 99; Deverells Wood, 98; Higher Mere Park Farm, 99; Knowl, 100; Lower Mere Park Farm, 99; Lyemarsh Farm, 99; park, 98-100; Park Corner, 99 183 metalwork, Roman, 11, 17, 21-2, 31, 141, 148; Anglo-Saxon, 35-41; medieval, 149 Methuen, family, 115 Michaelmas Daisies, paper on, 128-38 midden, Roman, 160 Mifflin, John, 127 Mildenhall, 145, 146; Barrow Close, 146; Coleman’s Meads, 146; Folly Farm, 145; King Harry Lane, 146; St Catherine’s Mead, 145, 146; see also Cunetio Miles, Alured, 88 Milton Lilbourne, 161; Fifield, 118 Minerva Stone Conservators, 161 Minety, 62 Mitchell, family, 100 Moissac, France, 42, 45 Moleyns, John, Lord, 95 Monaghan, Ireland, 69 Monkton Farleigh, 76 Montfort, Simon de, 90 Moore, Jane, 109; Richard, 109 Moraunt, Peter, abbot of Malmesbury, 44, 52n, 55 Morden, Robert, 92, 94, 99 Morris, Abraham, 119; Peleg, 114; Thomas, 119 Mortimer, Roger, Earl of March, 91, 95 Morvyle, John, 95 mosaics, Roman, 155 Mote of Mark, Scotland, 38 Mountjioye, Anne, 108; Charles, Lord, 108 mounts, for hanging bowls, paper on, 35-41 Much Wenlock, Salop, 55 Mucking, Essex, 6 Mudge, Zachary, 125 Mugueitleg’, Roger de, 82, 83, 88 Munnuc, Alvricus, 86 Nadder, River, 101 nails, Roman, 19, 20, 21, 22; post- medieval, 59; see also metalwork Naturaliste (ship), 125 Nene, River, 6 Netheravon, 161 Nettleton, 161; Lugbury, 68; Nettleton Shrub, 31, 148 New Forest, 22 New Minster register, 52 Newgrange, Ireland, 71, 73, 141 Newman, Conor, 38 Nimes, France, 67 Nodens, Temple of, 148 Nomina Villarum, 76-7 Nonsuch Park, Surrey, 121 Norfolk: see Castle Rising North, Lord, 100 North Downs, Kent, 140 Northamptonshire: see Borough Hill Northington, Hants, 126 Northwich, Cheshire, 67 Norton: Foxley, 40 Norway; see Tra Nottingham, 67; castle, 95 184 nurserymen, 1700-1845, paper on, 113-27 Oakhanger, Hants, 30 Oaksey: Oaksey Park, 119 Odo, St, of Cluny, Occupatio by, 45-9, 51, 53 Ogbourne St Andrew: Barbury, 166 Oliver, Jack, paper on North American Asters, 128-38 Orchard, John, 127 Ornod, 81, 88 Orwy, 81, 88 Osborne, John, 117, 126 Overton: see West Overton Oxford, 72, 91, 109; Archaeological Unit, 158-60, 166; Balliol College, 110; Bodleian Library, 69; Brasenose College, 110; Jesus College, 69 Oxfordshire, 71; see also Blenheim; Brill; Chippinghurst; Chyselga?; Fawler; Filkins; Harpden; Kirtlington; Long Hanborough; Oxford; Stoke Talmage; Tettisworth Painscastle, Wales, 69 Palmar, Ailric, 81, 89 Pano, Galfridus, 84 Paradise, Henry, 119 parks, deer, paper on, 90-102 Parr, Catherine, queen, 94 Parry, David, 71, 72 Passat, 79, 81-3, 85, 88; Agnes, 82, 88 Passmore, Sheila, report on excavations at Burderop Park, 57-64 Paterson, Samuel, 67 pathology, Roman, 24-5 Patney, 161 Patrick, Earl of Salisbury, 78, 80 Paveley, family, 96; Walter de, 96 Pawlet, Elizabeth, 108; John, 108 Peckham, London, 107 Pembroke, earls of, 115-16 Pender (Pendar), Dorothy, 150; Francis, 150; William, 123-4 Penhargerd, Cornwall, 109 Penrose, Elizabeth, 150; Frances, 150 Penrose, John, 150; Margaret, 150 Penton, Mr, 150 periodicals, gardening, 115 Perkins, Henry, 119 Perring, Samuel, 127 Persia, 121 Peter the Venerable, abbot of Cluny, 53 Peterborough, Black Book of abbey, 76 Petiver, James, 125 Petrie, W.M. Flinders, 139 Petty, family, 110; Christopher, 106; Elizabeth, 110; John, 105, 106, 110; Marie, 105, 110 Pewsey, 118, 161-2; Fordbrook Marshes, 136; Martinsell, 166; Vale, 4 Phelps, William, 122 Philips, Ambrose, 67; Bernard, 153; Sarah, 122 Piggott, Stuart, 67, 139; obituaries and reminiscences of, 173-8 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE pillow-mounds, 97 pineapples, 113, 120-1 pits: prehistoric, 155-7, 162; Neolithic, 152; Bronze Age, 157; ?Late BronzeAge, 154; Early Iron Age, 164; Iron Age, 164-5; Roman, 16-17, 31, 158, 159, 160; Anglo-Saxon, 164; Saxo-Norman, 154; medieval, 154, 161, 163; see also ditches; post-holes Pitt Rivers, A.H.L.F., 142 place-names, 171 plant remains, charred, 27-9 Pleydell, Sir Mark, 94 ploughs, 84 Plymouth, Devon, 104, 107, 108 Poland: see Leg Piekarski ponds, Roman, 153; see also fishponds Pontefract, Yorks, 55, 56 Ponton, John, 127 Porteleg’, Nicholas de, 81-2, 83, 89 Portsmouth, Hants, 124, 125, 126 post-holes: Bronze Age, 163; Saxo- Norman, 154; see also pits pottery: prehistoric, 162, 166; Deverel- Rimbury, 140; Beaker, 164; Bronze Age, 155; Middle Bronze Age, 164; Late Bronze Age, 20, 22, 140; Early Iron Age, 20, 22, 154; Iron Age, 140, 152; Late Iron Age, 159; Roman, 11, 16-20, 22-3, 31, 141, 146, 153, 154, 158, 159, 160, 162, 163; Saxon, 155, 164; Saxo-Norman, 154; medieval, 16, 20, 22, 62, 64, 141, 154, 155, 160, 161, 164; post-medieval, 61, 155, 157, 159, 161, 166; 18th- century, 59, 61; modern, 22 Powell, Andrew B., work reviewed, 168-9 Preshute: Clatford, Broadstones, 68 Priddle, Rod, work noted, 171 Purfleet, Essex, 8 Purton, 40 Quaritch, Messrs, 67 quarrying, Roman, 159, 160; ?medieval, 160 querns, Roman, 24, 31, 162 rabbit warrens, 97 railways, 171 Raleigh, Carew, 100; Sir Walter, 99-100 Ramsbury, note on applique head from, 148; Ridgelands, 40; see also Littlecote Rath of the Synods, Ireland, 141 Ravenscrofte, William, 107 Repton, Humphrey, 115, 116 Revel, Amicia, 78, 88 Reynton, J., 127 Rhine, River, 148 Riccall, Yorks, 53 Richard I, king, 90 Richard, duke of York, 91, 92 Richard, earl of Cornwall, 98 roads, Roman, 40 Robert, earl of Gloucester, 85 Robins, Mr, 151 Robinson, Paul, 148, 149; note ona spout in the Stourhead collection, 145-7; William, 137 Robson, Major, 125 Rode, Som, 97 Roger, bishop of Salisbury (Roger the priest), 44n, 81, 86, 88 Roger son of Turstan, 88 Rogers, Thomas, 82 Roman conquest, 141 Rose, John, 113 Roundway: Roundway Down, 40 Rowlands, Henry, 71, 72; William, 71 Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England, 153, 154, 158, 162 Russell, Sir William, 109 Saccon (Sacon), Robert, 80, 81, 89 St Albans, Herts, 67 St Enodar, Cornwall, 108 St Gluvias, Cornwall, 150 St John, Johan, 107; Sir Oliver, 107 St Leger, ?Afra, 107; Sir Anthonie, 107 St Maur, family, 109 St Pol de Leon, France, 71 St Quentin, battle (1557), 108-9 Saintonge, France, 44 Salcot, John, bishop of Salisbury, 57 sale catalogues, 114 Salisbury, Robert, earl of, 110 Salisbury, 118, 119, 123, 124, 126, 127, 133, 170; Catherine Street, 119; Fisherton, 122; Gigant Street, 162; Godolphin School, paper on watching brief, 1-10; Milford, 119; Milford Hill, 1-10; Milford House, 162; Museum, 1, 9; nurseries, 114 Salisbury Plain Training Area, 129, 136-7, 162-3 Sarre, Kent, 39 sarsens, 61, 63, 139, 140, 155 Sauerlander, Willibald, 50 Savernake: Tottenham, 124 Saxton, Christopher, 99 Schellinks, William, 115-16 Scotland, 68, 72; see also Aberdeenshire; Ballochroy; Callanish; Campbeltown; Craig Phadrig; Kintyre, Mull of; Mote of Mark scrapers, 7, 8 sculpture, Romanesque, 42-56 Seagry, 35, 39, 40 . Sebright, Sir John, 69; Sir Thomas, 69, 72 Sedgehill, 99 seeds, garden, 122-6 seedsmen, 1700-1845, paper on, 113-27 Seend: park, 91 Selborne, Hants, 119 Selmeston, Sussex, 30 Selwood Forest, 96 Servington, John, 108 settlements: Bronze Age, 155; Late Bronze Age, 157; Iron Age, 162, 164-5; Roman, 14, 30-1, 38, 159-60, 162, 163; medieval, 153, 154, 160, 163, 164; post-medieval, 159 INDEX Sewy, 79, 83 Seymour (Seymor), Dioniz (Dionysia, Dyoniz), 104, 105, 108, 109; Proteise, 108; Stephen, 109; Lord Thomas, 94; Walter, 104, 108, 109 Shaftesbury, Dorset: abbey, 170-1; abbey rentals for Bradford, 76-89 Shaftesbury and District Archaeological Group, 99 Shakespeare Pit, 6 Shalbourne, 163 shale artefacts, 11 Shap, Westmorland, 73 Shelburne, Ist Earl, 116 Sherborne, Dorset, 91, 99 Shiell, Mr, 123 Shrewton, 22, 164; Maddington Farm, 31; Rollestone, 163-4 Shropshire: see Buildwas; Much Wenlock Sibbald, Sir Robert, 73 Simond, Louis, 116 Skinner, Raymond J., paper on the Ley family, 103-12 Skinners Wick, 6 Skrine, Timothy, 121 Slocombe, Ivor, works noted, 171 Sloper, George, 126 Sly, Charles, 127 smallpox, 65 Smart, John, 65 Smith, John, 108; Joshua, 114-15; Michael Q., 53 smiths, 83-4 Smyth, G.A., 67 snails, 61 Snap, Thomas, 110 Snelgerus, 88 Soffe, Grahame, review by, 168-9 Solidagos, North American, 134, 136, 137, 138 Somerset, Duchess of, 113; Duke of, 91, 92 Somerset: see Bath; Beckington; Buckland Dinham; Camerton; Castle Cary; Catsgore; Frome; Ilchester; Kelston; Keynsham; Rode; Tobmar? Sotheby, Messrs, 67, 69 Sotheby, Wilkinson & Hodge, Messrs, 67 Souden, David, 105 South Africa, 125 South America, 125 South Wraxall, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, 85, 87, 88, 107; Barley (Berlegh), 76, 83 Southampton, 109, 124, 125, 126, 150 Southwold, Suffolk, 6 Spain: see Cadiz Speed, John, 92, 94, 96, 99, 101 Spencer, John, 119-21 spindle whorl, 11 spout, Late Iron Age or Early Roman, note on, 145-7 Stafford, Alexander, 57 Staffordshire, 110; see also High Bridestones; Lichfield; Tamworth stage coaches, 124 Stamford, Lincs, 67 Stanton St Bernard, 39 Stanway, Essex, 145, 146 Staverton: Muchelmead, 86; Yeamead, 86 Steeple Ashton, 106, 164 Stenton, Doris M., Lady, 76, 86 Stephens, Richard, 57; Thomas (two of that name), 57 Stevens, E.T., 9 Sufford, Essex, 6 Suleman, Cicely, 106; John, 106 Stiles, Captain, 125 Stillingfleet, Yorks, 55 Stoke Talmage, Oxon, 105, 106, 110 Stoke Wake, Dorset, 77 Stokke, Andr’ de, 77 stone ball, marked, 38 Stone, E.H., 139; J.F.S., 139; Walter de, 85 Stone, Devon, 108 Stonehenge, 152; note on possible noncompletion, 139-43; dilapidation, 142; noncompletion of, 139-40; slight- ing of, 140-2; use of umber at, 140 stonework, Roman, 24 Stourhead, 114, 115, 116; collection, note on spout from, 145-7 Stourton, William, Lord, 98-9 Stourton, 98 strap-ends. medieval, 149 Stukeley, William, 140, 142, 152; paper on commonplace book, 65-75 Stumpe, James, 94 Suffolk: see Eye; Ipswich; Southwold; Sutton Hoo Surrey: see Farnham; Nonsuch Park Sussex: see Boxgrove; Chichester; Lewes; Selmeston; Worth Sutton Hoo, Suffolk, 35 Swalle, Mr, 69, 71 Swindon, 118, 167, 171; Groundwell Farm, 165; Groundwell West, 164-5; Kent Road, 67; Old Shaw Lane, 164 Switzer, Stephen, 113, 115 sword fragments, Late Bronze Age, note on, 143-5 swords, Late Bronze Age, 144-5 Sykes, Bonar, obituary of Edward Bradby by, 172 Symmons, Captain, 150 Tamworth, Staffs, 67 Tara, Ireland, 71 Tarasque de Noves, 146 Tayler, William, 119n Taylor, Adam, 120-1 Teffont, 30, 31; Teffont Evias, 104-5, 108, 109 temples, Roman, 141 Tettisworth, Oxon, 106, 110 Thames, River and Valley, 3, 6, 7, 8-9, 144 Thames and Severn Canal, 160 Thaun, Philippe de, 48 Theodore of Tarsus, archbishop of Canterbury, 141 185 Thomas, James H., paper on gardening, 1700-1845, 113-27; note on church service, 1766, 150-1; Nicholas, obituary of W.H. Dowdeswell by, 172-3 Thorn, Jane, 119 Thornetelegh, John, 82; Mariot, 82 Thorpe Salvin, Yorks, 53 Thring, John, 127 Tidcombe and Fosbury: Fosbury Camp, 166 Tidworth, 133, 136, 137; North Tidworth, 131 tile: Roman, 146, 152; medieval, 59, 61; post-medieval, 59, 61; see also building materials Tilshead, 163; Breach Hill, 163 Timby, Jane, 154 Time Team, 161 Tisbury, 31, 81, 88; Bridzor Farm, 100, 101; Easton, 80; field names, 102; Hazelden, 80; Horwood Farm, 101, 102; Horwood Pond, 101; Park Mead, 100; Parkgate Farm, 102; Squalls Farm, 101; Wardour Castle, 100-2 Tite, Sir William, 67 tobacco, 111 Tobmar ?Som, 107, 110 Tockenham, 91; Queen’s Court Farm, 94; Tockenham Wick, 93 Tompson, William, 107 Tortheleg’, Adam de, 89, 92 Toulouse, France, 49 Tra, Norway, 38 trackway, double-ditched, 159-60 Trap, John, 127 Travelig’ (Traveling’), Adam de, 83; Heliot de, 83; Osbert de, 83 Travers, William, 78, 88 trees, planting of, 115 Trefignath, Wales, 68 Trelawney, -, 109 Trelech ar Bettws, Wales, 71 Trevowan, Cornwall, 108 Trisham? John, 107 Trowbridge, 97, 118, 119, 131, 133, 171 Turner, Robert, 126 Turstan fitz Hamfrid (Reinfrid), 80, 88 Tyrell, James, 69 Ulf, 80, 89 United States of America, 129 Unity (ship), 125 Upton Scudamore, 144 Usher, Sir William, 106 vagrants, 170 Valence, William de, 95 Vancouver, George, 125 Vanns?, Anne, 109 Vaughan, Walter, 126 vegetables, 118 Vezelay, France, 45 villas, Roman, 31, 153, 155, 161 Waal, River, 148 Waleran the venator, 100 186 Wales, 68; see also Anglesey; Caernarvonshire; Cardigan; Carmarthenshire; Cowbridge; Gwern Einion; Painscastle; Trefignath, Trelech ar Bettws Walkwood, Toby, 107 wail, Roman, 16, 17 Walter the smith, 84 Walters, Bryn, 153 Walwain, 81, 88 Wansdyke, 79 Wardour Castle, 100-2, 104, 108 Ward’s Motors, 170 Warlford, John, 127 Warminster, 118, 119, 122, 124, 127, 170; Battlesbury, 162; Battlesbury Barracks, 166 Warren Hill, Hants, 96 water meadows, 158 Watts, Kenneth, paper on deer parks, 90-102; work reviewed, 169-70 Webb, Joseph, 127; Richard, 96 Wellow, Hants, 109 Wessex Archaeology, 1, 152-3, 157-8, 161, 166 West Indies, 109, 111, 121 West Lavington, 106; down, 163; Littleton Pannell, 126 West Overton, 39-40 West Stow, Suffolk, 6, 7 Westbury, 22, 105, 106, 107, 112, 118, 127; Biss Brook, 96, 98; Brook Drove, 98; Brook House, 96-8; Brook Lane, 98; Brook Park, 96-8; chalk quarry, 166; Conigree Wood, 97, 98; Court Farm, 98; field names, 97-8; Lodge Wood Farm, 97, 98; Storridge Farm, 98; Westbury Leigh, 97 Westmorland; see Shap Westwood, 76 Whateley, Thomas, 121 Wheeler, James, 122, 127 Whitaker, Jeffery, 106, 119 White, Gilbert, 119, 123; Henry, 119; William, 127 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Whittle, Alasdair, salute to Stuart Piggott, 176-8 Whittock, Martyn, work noted, 171 Wighill, Yorks, 48n Wight, Isle of, 108; see also Bembridge; Chessell Down William of Malmesbury, 44 William the Bedel, 81, 88 Williams, Ann, 78, 80, 85; John, 71 Willoughby de Broke, Sir Anthony, 101, 108; Sir John, 96; Sir Robert, 96, 97, 101, 104, 107-8 Wilsaetan, 40 Wilsford cum Lake: Lake Down, 166; Lake House, 158 Wilson, Christopher, 44; Douglas, 35 Wiiton, 39, 40, 109, 110, 114, 124; St John’s Hospital, 166; Wilton House, 115-16 Wilts & Gloucestershire Standard, 167-8 Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Society, 65, 67 Wiltshire Feast, 150-1 Wiltshire Flora Mapping Project, 128 Wiltshire Police Delta Archaeological Research Team, 155 Wiltshire Society, 170 Wimborne St Giles, Dorset, 145 Winchester, Richard, 126 Winchester, 52, 57, 110, 113; bishops of, 100; College, 109; College Hall, 110; Hyde Abbey, 57, 64; Old Minster, 57; Wolvesey Palace, 110 Wingfield, 76; Wittenham, 76 Winsley, 76, 77, 79-81, 83, 85-7, 89; Ashley, 77, 83, 86; Avoncliff, 79, 82, 84, 85; Haugh, 77, 83; Turleigh, 77, 81, 82, 83 Wint Hill, 148 Winterbourne: Figsbury Ring, 145 Winterbourne Monkton: Millbarrow, 73 Winterbourne Stoke, 164 Winterson, Joseph, 127; Thomas, 127 Witcombe, Glos, 148 Wood, Anthony, 69; Rita, paper on Malmesbury Abbey sculptures, 42-56 Wood Green, 1 Woodshawe, Thomas, 109 Woolhampton, Berks, 123 Wootton Bassett, 117, 118; Ballard’s Ash, 92, 93; Breach Lane, 94; church, 94; Hart Farm, 93; Highgate Farm, 92, 93; Hooker’s Gate, 92, 93; Hunt Mill, 92; Hunt Mill Farm, 93; Lawn Farm, 93; Little Park Farm, 94; Midgehall, 91; Old Park Farm, 92, 93, 94; Park Field, 91; Park Ground Farm, 92; parks, 90-4; Springfield Crescent, 93; St John’s Hospital, 93; The Wilderness, 93; Thunder Brook, 91, 92; Vastern, 90-4; Whitehill Farm, 92, 93; Whitehill Lane, 92, 93; Wood Street, 92, 93; Wootton Lawn, 91 Worth, Sussex, 123 Wraxall, South: see South Wraxall Wroughton, 171 Wroughton History Group, 57; work noted, 171 Wyatt, James, 116; Sir Thomas, 108 Wylkins, Anne, 106; Anthoine, 106 Wylye, 118 Wynne (Wyn, Wynn), John, 69; Robert, 68, 71; Sir Watkin Williams, 69 Wynnstay, Wales, 69 York: Castle, 37; psalter, 49 Yorkshire: School of masons, 53-6; see also Alne; Barton-le-Street; Bishop Wilton; Brayton; Conisbrough; Devil’s Arrows; Fishlake; Pontefract; Riccall; Stillingfleet; Thorpe Salvin; Wighill; York Young, Ian W., report on animal bone from Burderop Park, 63 Youngs, Susan, paper on medieval hanging bowls, 35-41 Zarnecki, George, 49, 53 Zouche, Sir John, 100