^VS OF PRlNCf^
>^
^^OtOG
ICAL S£
Vi\^^^
BX 8915 .W5 1815 v,9 Witherspoon, John, 1723-
1794. The works of John
Witherspoon
THE
WORKS
OF
JOHN WITHERSPOON, D. D.
SOMETIME MINISTER OF THE GOSPEL AT PAISLEY, AND LATE PRESIDENT OF PRINCETON COLLEGE, IN NEW JERSEY.
CONTAINING
ESSAYS, SERMONS, 8cc.
ON
IMPORTANT SUBJECTS •
INTENDED TO ILLUSTRATE AND ESTABLISH THE DOCTRINE OV
SALVATION BY GRACE, AND TO POINT OUT ITS
INFLUENCE ON HOLINESS OF LIFE.
TOGETHER WITH HIS
LECTURES ON MORAL PHILOSOPHY, ELOQUENCE AND DIVINITY;
HIS SPEECHES IN THE AMERICAN CONGRESS;
AND MANY OTHER VALUABLE PIECES, NEVER BEFORE PUBLISHED IN THIS COUNTRY.
VOL. IX.
EDINBURGH:
PRINTED FOR J. OGLE, PARLIAMENT-SQUARE J M. OGLE, I GLASGOW 'y OGLES, DUNCAN, & COCHRAN, LONDONj AND T. JOHNSTON, DUBLIN.
isia
CONTENTS
OF
VOLUME IX.
Page. An EfTay on Money, as a medium of Commerce, ■with Remarks on the advantages and difad van- tages of Paper admitted into general circulation, 9 Refledlions on the prefent flate of Public Affairs, and on the Duty and Intereft of America in this im.portant crifis, ' - - 66
Thoughts on American Liberty, " " 73
On the Controverfy about Independence, - 78
On Condu6ling the American Controverfy, 83
Ariftides, - . . . 88
Part of a Speech in Congrefs, on the Conference
propofed by Lord Howe, ' " 99
Speech in Congrefs on the Convention with General
Burgoyne, - - - - I ©8
Speech in Congrefs, on a Motion for Paying the
Intereft of Loan-Office certificates, - 117
Part of a Speech in Congrefs, on the Finances, 125
Part of a Speech in Congrefs, upon the Confedera- tion, ----- 135 Speech in Congrefs, on the appointment of Pleni- potentiaries, - - - - 142 On the Propofed Market in General Wafhington's
Camp, - - . . 148
Addrefs to General Wafhington, - - 154
VI CONTENTS.
Page.
Memorial and Manifejlo of the United States of North America, to the mediating powers in the conferences for peace, to the other powers in Eu- rope, and in general to all who fliall fee the fame, 154 On the Conteft between Great Britain and America, 166 On the Affairs of the United States, - 17 1
Obfervations on the Improvement of America, 178
Supplication of J. R********, - - 180
Recantation of Benjamin Towne, - - 192
A Defcription of the State of New Jerfey, 199
A Few Refle(^ions humbly fubmitted to the con- fideration of the Public in general, and in parti- cular to the Congrefs of the United States, 21s On the Georgia Conftitution, - - 220 The Druid, - - • - 224
AN
E S S A Y
ON
M O N E Y,
AS A MEDIUM OF COMMERCE;
WITH
I^IARKS ON THE ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES OF PAfER ADMITTED INTO GENER.iL CIRCULATION.
FROM every channel of public intelligence we learn, that there is a difpofition in many of the legiflatures of this country, to emit bills of credit by authority of government, and to make them in fome meafure at leaft, or in fome cafes, a Jegal tender for debts already contradled. This is a matter of great delicacy and danger. It has oc- cafioned a controverfial difcuflion ©f the fubje£l ifi pamphlets and periodical publications. A few plaufible things, and but a fevi^ that deferve that charft£ler, have been publiflied in defence of the meafure. Many flirewd and fenfible things have been offered againft it : but even theffe laft have not been fo connected and fatisfying, as they might and ought to have been. Some of the pieces ha^ been verbofe and declamatory, with many repeti- VoL. IX. B
10 ESSAY ON MONEY.
tlons ; others have been full of antlthefes, quaint fayings, and witticifms, which have no great ten- dency to convince or perfuade ; and fome have been mingled with the local and party politics of particular ftates. Perhaps thefe different ways of writing may be very proper for feveral clafles of readers, and have a good effe£l: : . but there are certainly others who would require a different treat- ment, becaufe their miflakes are owing not to de- ceitful intentions, but to erroneous judgment. This has given me a flrong defire to try what can be done upon the fubje£l by difpalTionate reafon- in^; By this I mean, endeavourmg to carry the matter back to its firft principles, to explain them in fo fimple a manner, as that the unlearned may imderfland them -, and then to deduce the j>rac- tical confequences with the general theory full in view.
It is impoITible to reach my purpofe, without fay- ing many things which in a feparate'and detached manner have been faid by others *, but this mud be forgiven me ; becaufe I mean to lay the whole fyftem before the readier, and every part in its pro- per order and conne£i:ion. Let us then begin by confidering what gave rife to money, and what is it* nature and ufe ? If there were but one man upon the earth, he would be obliged to prepare a hut for his habitation, to dig roots for his fuf- tenance, to provide (kins or fig-leaves for his cover- ing, &c.-, in fliort, to do every thing for himfelf. li but one or two more were joined with him, it would foon be found that one of them would be more ikilful in one fort of work, and another in a,
ESSAY ON MONEY. it
tUtTerent ; fo that common interell; woald dlrecl them, each to apply his mduftry to what he could do beft and fooneft j to communicate the furplus of what he needed himfelf of that fort of work to the others, and receive of their furplus in return. This diredly points out to us, that a barter of com- modities, or communication of the fruits of induflry, is the firft principle, or rather indeed conftitutes the efl'ence of commerce. As fociety increafes, the partition of employments is greatly diverfified ; but (till the fruits of well directed induRry, or the things neceffary and ufeful in life, are what onl/ can be called wealth.
In eflabliiliing a mutual exchange of thefe, tliO firft thing neceflary is a ftandard of computation, or common meafure, by which to eftimate the feveral commodities that may be offered to fale, or may be defired by purchafers. . Without this it is eafy to fee that the barter of commodities is liable to very great difficulties, and very great errors. This ftandard or common meafure muft be fome- thing that is well known to both parties, and of general or common ufe. As the firil eflays in any things are generally rude and imperfe£l ; fo I think it appears from the monuments of remote antiquity, that in the early ftages of fociety, cattle were the firft things made ufe of as a ftandard *. But it
* Servius Tullius, one of the Roman kings, is said to have stamped some pieces with the figure of cattle ; art ox, or a sheep. This was as much as to say, this piece is; of the value of an ox or a sheep. Hence it is said, the Roman word pecunia, comes from peaiSy cattle. Others
B2
12 ESSAY ON MONEY.
would foon appear that this w^s a mofl; inaccurate meafure ; bccaufe one ox might be as good as two^ from fize, fatnefs» or other circumftances. There- fore in place of this fucceeded meafures both of dry and liquid, that is, corn, wine, and oil. The iirft of thefe was of all others the mofl proper ftandard, becaufe univerfally necefTary, and liable to little variation. Men, upon an average, would probably eat nearly the fame quantity in the mofl diftant ages and countries. It feems to me, that this cir- cumftance of a ft#ndard of computation being ne- cefTary in commerce, and the firfl thing necefTary, has been in a great meafure overlooked by mofl writers on money, or rather it has been confounded with the flandard value of the fjgn, although eflentially different from it j and the equivocal uf<e of the terms has occafioned great confufion. I mifft however obferve, not only that tliis mufl ne- cefTarily be taken in, but that if we confine our- felves to a flandard of computation only, fome known commodity, as meafured grain, is better, and more intelligible and unalterable than any money whatever, that either has been or will be made. The a;reat alteration in the value of sfold and filver is known to every perfon who has but dipped into hiftory ; and indeed is known to many, even by memory, in tliis country, fince its fiift fettlement *.
have thought it was from the use cf leather for monej'-, quasi pecuchon con'o. But the first etymclogy seems to be the best. See a subsequent note.
* Tliere are two estates near one of the colleges in Scotland, wh> h were originally taxed an equal number of
ESSAY ON MONEY. I3
But after a ftandard of computation had been agreed upon, in commerce, even of the moft mode- rate extent, fomething farther would be abfolutely neceffary. The a6lual and immediate barter of com- modities could in a few inftances take place. A man might have the thing that I wanted to purchafe, but he might not need or defire what I was willing to give for it. Another might want what I had to fpare, but not have what I wanted to purchafe with it. Beiides, bulky or perifnable commodities could not be carried about at an uncertainty, or with fafety. Therefore, it became very early neceflary, that there fliould be fome fign or figns agreed upon, which fhould reprefent the abfent commodities, or rather fhould reprefent the ftandard of computation, in all its divifions and multiplications. Thefe Hgns muft b© fuch as could eafily be carried about, and therefore could be readily appHed to every kind of tranfadions, which were connected with the com- mutation of property.
bolls of grain (a boll is about ^bushels) to that institution.. In very remote times, it pleased the proprietor of one of these estates, with consent of the college, to convert the pa3'-ment into money, according to the then current value, ■which was a groat, or four pence sterling for a boll. At this present time, the one of these farms pays the same number of bolls, that the other does of groats ; which is about thirt3--two for one. There is also said to be existing an old lease of a burro\v acre near a town in Scotland, for which the tenant was to pay a boll of wheat, and a boll of barley, or if he did not bring the grain between Christ- mass and Candlemass, the proprietor was not obliged to accept of it, but he must pay a sum which is now 10-i2th3 of a penny sterling" for the boll of wheat, and 3n2t\isiov. the boll of barley.
B3
14 ESSAY ON MONEY.
Let us examine the nature and meaning of thefc figns move particularly. Tbey are of the nature of a tally, that is to fay, they are intended to mark and afcertain a fa<Si:. Now the fact is, that the perfon who can (hew thofe figns, having purchafed them by his goods or induftry, i^ entitled to receive from fomebody, a certain valiie, or to a certain amount, which they fpecify, of the ftandard af computation. They have always a reference to the ftandard of computation, and at laft, by that known reference, the ditLisi61:ion between them and the ftandard of computation is loft, and they become a fecondary ftandard of computation themfelves. Thus a piece is intended at firft to be of the value of a meafure of grain ; but at laft men come tO' make their bargain by the number of pieces in (lead of the number of meafures ; ufing the iign for the thing fignifie^l. Thus alfo, fometimes at leaft, an ideal meafure, generated hy the other two, comes to be the ftandard of computation ; as in England, the pound fterling is the money unit, though there be no coin pirecifely correfponding to it. This is fufficient to explain the relation of the fign to the ftandard of computation, and at laft, if I may fpeak fo, its confolidation with it.
I have faid above, that the perfon pofTefling the fign is entitled to receive a certain value from /.ffif" body. The roafon of this is, bccaufe his debtor is not the fame in every ftate of things. If we con- fider the fign as given from one individual to an- other, it is of the nature of a promlflory note, and is a confclhon of having received fo much property. Probably there were often fuch figns or tokens
ESSAY ON MONEY. 1^
given In the infancy of fociety ; and It would theit (Ignify, that if the feller were to come again, at a diftance of time, and find the buyer in polTcfTion of fuch goods as he wanted, he would be entitled to re- ceive the amount of the fign or token that had bee?! given him. But the convenience of ufing figtis is (o •great, that it would immediately occafion their be- ing made ufe of by general confent, exprefs or im- plied ; and, at laft, th« matter would be taken Tinder the direction of the ruling part of the com- munity. In both cafes, but efpecially in this laft, the fociety becomes bound to the perfon who re- ceives the figns for his goods or induftry, that they (hall be to him of the value that they fpecify. I will afterwards fliew, that this was not the firit but the laft ftep taken in the ufe of figns, and give the reafons for it ; but it is proper to mention it now., when we are confiderine the nature and ufe of fi<yns in that fingle view.
Let it be obferved here that as it was before fald, if we aim at no more than a flandard of com.puta- tion, fome commodities are not only as good, but better than any money, fo if we confine ourfelves to a fign only feparate from a flandard, many things that might be named are not only as good, but far better than either the flandard itfelf, or what we call money, becaufe they are much more eafily reckoned, tranfported, and concealed. This appears particulary from the flate of figns in modern times, after fo much experience and improvement has taken place. For if we can guard fuilicier.tly againit the dangers to which they are expofed, figns inconcei- vably facilitate commerce. "We can put any value
l5 ESSAY ON MONEY.
we pleafe in an obligation written on a few inches of paper, and can fend it over the world itfelf at very little expence, and conceal it fo eafily that there ihall be no danger of its being taken from us.
But it muft have appeared, and did fpeedily ap- pear, that all mere figns labour under an eflential defe6l. They depend ultimately on the faith or credit of the perfons ufing or anfwerable for them. Now, whether thefe be individuals or the multi- tude by general cufbom and implied confent, or even the ruling part" of the fociety, there is very great uncertainty. Therefore fomething farther is neceflary to make a complete fymbol or medium of general commerce, and that is, a pledge or ftandard of value that may be a fecurity or equivalent for the thing given for it, and at all times be fuflicient to purchafe a like value of any thing that may be needed by him that holds it. An abfent commo- dity well known, or even in idea well underftood, may be a ftandard of computation and common mea- fure -, any thing almoft whatever may be a fign, though, fmce the art of writing has been known, paper is the beft, but both are eflentially defecElive ;, there is wanting a value in the fign, that fhall give not only a promife or obligation, but actual poflef« fion of property for property.
The mentioning of thefe three diftindi ends to be ferved by the medium of commerce, and illuftrating them feparately, was not to convey the idea that there were three fteps of this kind taken at a dif- tance of time from each other, or that men firft continued long to deal in grofs barter ; and after that invented figns, and were content with them
ESSAY ON MD^^Er. I J
for another period ; and at laft, perfected the plan, by getting figns pofTeiled of real value. On the contrary, it was to fhew that any thing ufed as a niedium of univerfal or general commerce, mud be able to ferve all the three fore-mentioned purpofes ; and that if there is any production of nature, or fabrication. of art, that can unite the whole, at leaft as far as they are capable of being united, this muft be the great deftderatum. Now it has been found in experience, that the precious metals, efpecially thofe now called by that name, gold and filver, do anfwer all the three ends in a great degree. It can- not be denied that they have been ufed for this pur- pofe, in fa(3:, from the earlieft times, and through every natioti in the old world, and indeed alfo ia the new, with fuch exception only as will confirm the principles of the theory. If any man thinks that this has happened by accident, or through the whim or caprice of mankind, as one would fufpecl from the language fometimes ufed in fpeech and writing, he is greatly miftaken. No eife6l of whim or accident ever was fo uniform or fo lafting. The truth is, thivc thefe metals do pofiefs in a great de- gree fuperior to every thing elfe, tlie qualities ne- ccfTary for the purpofes mentioned above.
This will appear to any impartial perfon who will confider, with a view to the preceding princi- ples, what qualities a medium of general commerce ought to poflefs. It ought then, to be i. valu- able ; 2. rare ; 3- portable ; 4. divifible ; 5. dur- able. Whoever will examine the matter with at- tention, mufl perceive that any one of thefe qualities bei»g. wholly or greatly wanting, the fyf-«>.
l8 ESSAY ON MONEY.
tern would be either entirely ruined or remarkably injured. Let us examine them feparately. •
I. It mud be valuabte ; that is to fay, it mud have an intrinfic worth in itfelf, in fubitance dif- tin£t from the form. By value or intrinfic worth here, muft be underftood precifely the fame thing that gives to every other commodity its commercial value. Do you alk what that is ? I anfwer, its be- ing either neceflary or remarkably ufeful for the purpofes of life in a focial ftate, or at lead fuppofed to be fo : and therefore the obje£i: of human defire. Without this it could be no more than a bare fign •, nor indeed fo ufeful in this view as many other figns. But we want fomething' that muft not be only a ftandard of computation, but a ftandard of value ; and therefore capable of being a pledge and fecurity to the holder, for the property that he has exchang- ed for it. It is likely fome will fay, What is the intrinfic value of gold and filver ? They are not wealth ; they are but the fign or reprefentative of commodities. Superficial philofophers, and even fome men of good underftanding not attending to the nature of currency, have really faid fo. What is gold, fay fome, the value is all in the fancy ; you can neither eat nor wear it j it will neither feed, clothe, nor warm you. Gold, fay others, as to in- trinfic value, is uot fo good as iron, which can be applied to many more ufeful purpofes. Thefe per- fons have not attended to the nature of commercial value, which is in a compound ratio of its ufe and fcarcenefs. If iron were as rare as gold, it wouKl probably be as valuable, perhaps more fo. How many inflances are there of things, which, thougii
ESSAY ON MONEY.
^9
a certain proportion of them is not only valuable, but indifpenfably neceflary to life itfelf, yet which from their abundance have no commercial value at all. Take for examples, air and water. People do not bring thefe to market, becaufe they are in fu- perabundant plenty. But let any circumftances take place that render them rare, and difficult to be ob- tained, and their value immediately rifes above all computation. What would one of thofe who were ftifled in the black hole at Calcutta, have given to get but near a window for a little air ? And what will the crew of a fhip at fea, whofe water is nearly expended, give for a frefh fupply ?
Gold and filver have intrinfic value as metals, becaufe from their dudility, durability, and other qualities, they are exceedingly fit for domeftic uten- fils, and many purpofes in life. This circumftance was the foundation of their ufe as a medium of commerce, and was infeparable from it. No clear- er proof of this can be adduced, than that in the earlieft times, even when ufed in commerce, they were weighed before they were divided into , fmaller pieces, and pafTed in tale. -They muft fure- ly then have had intrinfic value; for their value was in proportion to their bulk or quantity. This circumftance as a fign made them worfe, but as a valuable metal made them better. The fame thing appears as clearly from the praftice of modern times. Even when they are taken into the manage- ment of the rulers of fociety, and ftamped under va- rious denominations, there muft be an exa6t regard had to their commerical value. The ftamp upon them is the/^«, the intrinfic worth of the metal is
^O E^SAT ON MONEY.
the Kmlue* It is now found, and admitted by eVery nation, that they miift give to every piece that de- nomination and value in legal currency, that it. bears in bullion ; and if any do other wife, there is neither authority nor force fufhcient to make it pafs *.
The author referred to in the note has given us quotations from three perfons of name in the literary world in fupport of a contrary opinion. .The firft is Dr. Franklin, whom he makes to fay, •' Gold and filver are not intrinfically of equal value with iron ; a metal of itfelf capable of many more beneficial ufes to mankind. Their value refts chiefly on the eflimation they happen to be in among the generality of nations, and the credit given to the opinion that that eflimation will continue*, other- wife a pound of gold would not be a real equivalent for a bu(hel of wheat." The feoond is Anderfon on National Induftry, who fays, " Money confidered in itfelf, is of no value ; but in many civilized na- tions, who have found how convenient it is for
* An author on this subject iaa pamphlet lately publish- td, says, " The value of the precious metals is however enhanced by their peculiar aptitude to perform the office of an universal money beyond any real inherent value they possess. This extrinsic value of gold and silver, which belongs to them under the modification of coin or bullion, Is totally distinct i'rcynx their inherent value as a commo- dity." I do not very well comprehend what this gentle- man means by the intrinsic value of gold and silver. Per- haps it is the stamp or nominal value affixed to them by the state ; but whatever it is, I will venture to assure him, that their value as coin is so far from being totally' distinct fi-om, tliat it must be precisely the same "vvith, tlieir value as a commodity.
ESSAY ON MONEY. tl
facilitating the barter or exchange of one commodity for another, it has received an artificial value ; fo that although ufelefs in itfelf, it has come to be accepted among all civilized nations, as a token proving that the perfon who is pofleffed of it, had given fomething of real value in exchange for it, and is on that account accepted of by another in exchange for fomething that is of real utility and intrinfic worth*" The third is Sir James Stuart, who fays, " By money, I underftand any commodity which purely in itfelf is of no material ufe to man, but which acquires fuch an eftimation from his opi- nion of it, as to become the univerfal meafure of what is called value, and an adequate equivalent for any thing alienable." The name of any man, how great foever, will not have much weight with me, when I perceive that in any inftance he has rtiif* taken his fubjed. This I believe, has been the cafe with all the gentlemen ju(l iHentioned. There is a confiderable confufion in the ideas exprefTed by the laft two ; but the thing in which they all agree, and for which they are adduced by this author, is, that they feem to deny the intrinfic value of gold and filver, and to impute the eftimation in which they are held, to accidental opinion. Now I mulh beg leave to obferve, as to the comparifon of the intrinfic worth of gold and iron, if it were poflible to determine whether, on fuppofition of Iron and gold being in equal quantity, the one or the other would be the moft valuable, it would not be worth a fingle ftraw in the prefent queftion ; for if iron were the moft valuable, it would in that cafe be the money, and the gold would be but in the next Vol. IX. C
2i ESSAY ON MONEY.
degree* Accidental opinion has nothing to do with it. It arifes from the nature of things. As to a pound of gold not being, as to intrinfic value, «quivalent to a bufliel of wheat, it might with equal truth be affirmed, that to a man perifliing with hunger, a mountain of gold would not be equivalent to half a pound of bread. But is this any argument againft the intrinfic commercial value of gold, as it has taken place fince the beginning of the world.
As to the other two authors, they feem to fay, that money is in itfelf of no value, and of no ma- terial ufe to man. If by tnoftey they mean gold and filver, the propofition is directly falfe ; becaufe they are both of material ufe for the purpofe of fecial life. But what has led them into this error has been their abftrafting the idea, and taking money in the fingle light of a fign, without con- (idering it as a ftandard. Then no doubt, even gold, while it continues in this form, is of no other ufe than as a fign of property. But how little is this to the purpofe ? For it is equally true of every other commodity. A nail, while it continues a nail, is of no other ufe but joining boards to- gether, or fome fimilar purpofe, and can neitlier be lock nor key ; but a quantity of nails, or the iron which they contain, can be eafily converted into either the one or the other. So a guinea, while it continues^ a guinea, is of no ufe whatever, but as an inftrument of commerce; but the gold •^f which a guinea confifts, can eafily be converted into a ring, or any thing which its quantity will xeach. This is what is called, with perfe6l pro- priety, its ititrhific value.
B«SAY ON MONEY. ZJ
2. That which is the medium of commerce mull be rare. It will not be neceflary to fay much upon this, becaufe it has already received feme illuftra- tion from what has gone before. It may however be obferv'ed, that the medium of commerce muft not only be fo rare, as to bring it within commercial- value in ordinary cafes, but it muft be much more rare, than moft other things, that its value may be increafed, and a fmall quantity of k may reprefent goods of confiderable variety and bulk. If gold and filver were only twenty times as plentiful as they are at prefent, they would ftill have a proper value, could be bought and fold, and applied to many ufeful purpofes, but they would be quite unfit for general circulation.
3. The circulating medium muft he portable. It muft be capable of being carried to a diftance with little trouble or expence, and of pafling from hand to hand with eafe and expedition. This is one of the reafons why it muft be rare ; but k deferves mention alfo by itfelf, bacaufe it is poflible to con- eeive of things that may be both valuable and rare, and yet incapable of being carried about, and pafting from one to another. Some precious drugs, and fome curiofities, may be fo rare as to have a high value, and yet may be quite improper for circula- tion.
4. The medium of commerce muft be divifible. It pught to be capable of divifion into very fmall quantities. This is neceflary in order to anfwer the divifion of many commodities, and the conve- niency of perfons of different ranks. It is of fuciv knportance, that in the calculations of a complex
C2
24 ESSAY ON MONEY.
and diverfified commerce, we find divifions and fra£^ional purts even of the fmalleft coins or deno- minations of money, that have ever yet been brought into ufe.
5. Laflly. The medium of commerce ought to be durable. It ought to have this quahty on two accounts ; firft, that in perpetually paiTmg from hand to hand, it may not be broken or wafted ; and, fecondly that if it is preferved or laid up, as may be fometimes neceiTary, and often agreeable or profitable, it may not be liable to be fpeedily corrupted or confumed.
Ail thefe particulars are not of equal moment, and they have an intimate relation one to another ; yet each of them is fingly and feparately of impor- tance, perhaps more than will be at firft view ap- prehended. I think it is alfo plain that there is no- thing yet known to mankind, in which they are all fo fully united, as they are in gold and filrer j which is the true reafon why thefe metals have been applied as the inllrument of commerce, fince the beginning of the world, or as far back as hiftory en- ables us to penetrate *.
* It has been suggested to me by a friend, that gold and silver possess another quality different from all the above, ■which, in an eminent degree, fits them for circulation as a medium, viz* that they are equable. The meaning of this expression is, that the metal of each of tliese species, ■when pure, is of the same fineness and worth, and per- fectly similar, from whatever different mines, or from whatever distant parts it may have been procured ; which, it is said, is not the case with any other metal. It is af- firmed, that the copper or lead that comes from one mine, will be preferable to that which comes from another, ever
ESSAY ON MONEY. 2^
it win probably throw fome light upon the above theory, if we take a brief view of the matter, as it has taken place in hO: from the beginning of the world. This may be done now to the greater ad- vantage, that the efFecls of particular caufes, and the events that will take place in fociety in parti- cular circumftances, have been fo fully afcertalned by the experience of ages, and the progrefs of fcience, that we are able to make a better ufe of the few remains of ancient hiftory, than could have been done by thofe who lived nearer to the events which are recorded. It appears then, that the dif- Govery and ufe of metals was one of the earlieft at- tainments of mankind. This might naturally be ex- pected if they were within reach at all, becauCe of their very great utility in all works of induftry, and indeed for all the purpofes of convenience and luxury. Therefore, I fuppofe this fa£l will not be doubted : but it is a truth neither fo obvious nor fo much known, that gold, filver, and brafs, or rather cop- per, were the moll ancient metals, and all of them antecedent to 'iron *. Thefe metals being applied
after this last has been refined to as high a degree as is possible ; but that all gold and silver completely refined are perfectly alike, whether they come from Asia, Africa, on America. I do not pretend to a certain knowledge of this; but if it be true, it is well worthy of being mentioned in. this disquisition.
* See upon this subject President Goguet's Rise and Progress of Laws, Arts and Sciences. He has not only sufficiently proved the fact, but also assigned the most probable reason for it, that these metals were found in many places of the earth almost pure, so as to need very little art in refining 3 whereas extracting iron frpm the ore is.
C3
26 ESSAY ON MONEy.
to all the purpofes of life, came of courfe to confti- tute a great part of the wealth of the people of an- cient times. I have mentioned brafs, becaufe it was one of the metals earlieft known, and upon the very principles above laid down, was in the beginning made ufe of for money by many ancient nations. Its being now in a great meafm'e left out is an illuf- tration and proof of what has been already faid. It is left out for no other reafon than its having loft one of the necelTary qualities, vix. rarity. That it was made ufe of for money amongft the Hebrews appears from many circumftances. We read of gold, filver, and brafs, brought as contributions to the tabernacle fervice in the time of Mofes, and to the building of the temple in David's. That brafs was made ufe of as money in the early times of the Greeks and Romans, appears both from the afler- tions of hiftorians, and from the very languages of both nations, for there it is made ufe of to fignify money in general *. That it ceafed to ferve that
neither so easy nor so obvious. We learn from Homer, that in the wars of Troy, the weapons of war, offensive and defensive, were of copper ; and some historians tell us that they had a method of tempering or hardening it so as to make it tolerably fit for the purpose, though certainly not equal to iron or steel.
'■^' In the Roman language, as signifies not only brass, but money in general, and from it many other words are derived ; as, aroriiwi, tlie treasury ; as alieftum, debt j are vmtare, to buy or sell money, &c. So in the Greek tongue, cholkos signifies brass, achalkos and achalkein, to be ^vithout money, or poor. Wlien the other metals came to be in use as money, the words received the same
ESSAY ON MONEY. 27
purpofe afterwards cannot be accounted for in any other way than as above, efpecially as the negle£l of it has been juft as univerfal as the ufe of it was formerly.
We are alfo fully fupported by hiftory in affirm- ing, that all thefe metals were at firft eftimated and pafled in commerce by weight. We fee that Abra- ham gave to Ephron for the cave of Machpelah, four hundred ihekels of filver *. The Greek money was of nifFerent weights from the lower forts to the talent, which was the largeft. The old Roman word Pondo was, as it were, the ftandard, and the divifions of it conftituted their different denomina- tions. From this we feem to have derived the Englifh word pound. Very foon, however, they came to have either coins, or at lead fmall pieces reckoned by number. Abimelech gave to Abraham, as Sarah's brother, one thoufand kefeph ; and Jofeph was fold for twenty kefeph^ and he gave to his brother Benjamin three hundred kefeph. As the word kejeph fignifies filver, they muft have been reckoned by tale, and are probably very juftly
meaning in the language, as, Argenti sztis—attri sacra fames, the desire of money. Things proceeded in a way perfectly similar in the three ancient nations of whom we have the distinctest accounts, the Hebrews, Greeks and Romans. Nahus keseph zahaiv, in Hebrew ; ckalkos ar- guYGS and chrusos in Greek ; and ces argentum and aurum, in Latin, are all used for money in general.
* See Gen. xxiii. 16. And Abraham weighed to Ephron, the money that he had said, in the presence of the sons of Heth, 400 shekels of silver, current money with the mer- chant.
28 ESSAY ON MONEr.
t?anflated pieces, f Agreeably to all this, the time- when the Romans began to coin brafs, and fome hundred years afterwards, filver and gold is dif- tin£tly mentioned by the hiflorians *.
It may be proper to obferve here, that feveral antiquaries have mentioned that fome barbarous na- tions made ufe of bafer metals, fuch as lead, tin, iron, and even leather, fhells, and bark of trees for money. This is no way contrary to the above theory, for fome nations might indeed ufe lead, iron,, and tin, as things of value, upon the fame princi- ples as others ufed gold, filver, and brafs. I think it is faid, and indeed it is more than probable, that, the nails given by our voyagers to the inhabitants of the South-fea iflands, pafled from hand to hand as inftruments of commerce. As to leather, fhells, ^r.. I fufpeft fome part of this is fabulous •, but if it did take place in any meafure, it has been a rude efiay,, ufing the fign feparately from the ftandard, and could not be of any great extent or long duration. We know indeed of one nation, after fociety had> been far advanced, that made ufe of iron, even when very plentiful, for money, viz. the Lacede- monians. But this was not at all from rudenefs or
* We have the express testimony of Pliny upon this sub- ject, lib. 33. cap. 3. " Servius rex primus signavit aes. Antea rudi usos Romae Timaus tradit. Signatum est nota pecudum unde et pecunia. appellanta. — Servius first coined brass. Timaus says, they used it formerly rough or uncoined at Rome. It was marked with the figure of cat- tle, whence also it was called pcainia." The same au- thor tells us, that silver began to be coined at Rome in the 485th year of the city, and gold 7^ years after.
ISSAY ON MONEY. 29
ignorance ; It was one of Lycurgus's extraordinary ^ inftitutions, who intended by it (and did not con- ceal his intention) to banifh riches, or real and pro- per money, from the ftate. He indeed baniftied in- duftry at the fame time, for none of his citizens were allowed even to be hufbandmen, or to culti- vate their lands. This was left to the flaves. I do not find, therefore, that there is any thing in hiftory deferving credit, that militates againft tlie theory above laid down.
Having thus laid down the theory of money, and fupported it by hiftory and experience, I proceed to draw a few inferences from it, and apply them to fome opinions which have taken place, and fome meafures which have been adopted or propofed with refpeO; to currency and commerce in this country. In ihejirjl place, the above theory will enable every intelligent perfon to fix in his mind precifely what is or ought to be the meaning of a circulating me- dium. This phrafe is in every body's mouth, and we meet with it continually in the eflays publifhed in the newfpapers, and the fpeeches of fenators in public aflemblies. We may fay of this as contro- verfial divines ufed to fay long ago, that a mifcon- ception ©f this is the proton pfeudcSy the radical er- ror. Not long fince a writer in one of the papers faid it was agreed on all hands that there is at pre- fent a fcarcity of a circulating medium. To this I anfwer, that it is not agreed upon on any hand, but among thole who are wholly ignorant of the meaning of the expreffion. The circulating me- dium is not yours nor mine ; it is not the riches of Holland, nor the poverty of Sweden, It is that in-
30 ESSAY ON MONEY,
definite quantity of the precious metals that is made ufe of among the nations conne6led in commerce. Whether any particular perfon, city, or nation, is rich or poor, has more or lefs comparatively of it, is nothing to the purpofe. Every one will receive of the circulating medium that quantity which he is entitled to by his property or induftry. It has been Oiewn that rarity is one of the qualities of a circulating medium. If it were more rare than it is, a lefs quantity would be fufficient to reprefent a dated meafure of property. If it were more plenti- ful than it is, a greater quantity would be neceflary j but the comparative riches or poverty of nations or perfons would be altogether the fame. .
Is any body ignorant that half a century ago in this country, a man might have bought a bufhel of wheat for one quarter of a dollar, for which now he muft pay a whole dollar. Was not the quarter dollar then as good a circulating medium as the tvhole dollar is now ? And was not the man jufl: a» rich who had it in his pocket? Undoubtedly. Nay, I muft further fay, it was a better circulating me.- dium, becaufe it was of lefs fize and weight. Has not the quantity of the precious jnetals increafed greatly fmce the difcovery of the mines of South America ? Is not the quantity now necelTary for any confiderable purchafe fo great as to be burden- fome in the tranfportation ? The price of a good horfe in filver would at prefent be a great incum- brance on a long journey. How eafy were it to- point out places and countries in which there is a greater quantity of the circulating medium than any where elfe, and yet at the fame time greater na>
ESSAY ON MONtY. 3I
fcional and perfonal poverty, and probably for this very reafon. What would it fignify to a labourer in the mines of Peru, if he (hould get half a johan-* nes, or even two, for a day's work, if at the fame time he could hardly purchafe with both as much provifion as to keep body and foul together ? Are not thefe things true ? Are they not known to be fo ? What then mufl we fay of the extreme igno- rance and inattention, to fay no worfe, of thofe per- fons who are continually telling us that there is a want of circulating medium ? Are not gold and filver a circulating medium, whofe currency is uni- verfal ? Are thefe then too fcarce for that purpofe, when there is hardly a negro flave, male or female without filver buckles in their (hoes, and many of them with rings and other ornaments of gold, which five hundred years ago would have denoted a prince or princefs ? Perhaps I have infifted longer on this than was neceflary, but' I have been induced to it by the frequent complaints upon this fubje£l:, and the abfurd application of the phrafe, a circulat- ing medium. More refle£lions will occur, connedb- ed with this fubje61:, in the fubfequent parts of my difcourfe. In the mean time I will clofe, by fay- ing to my reader, you and I may be poor men, the flare in which we live may be a poor ftate, we may want property, rents, refources, and^credit, but a circulating medium we want not.
2. From the principles above laid down it will appear, that money having as one of its eflential qualities, an intrinfic, that is to fay, a commercial value, it muft be not only a fign and ftandard, or a medium of -commerce, but aUo itfclf a commodity
32 ESSAY ON MONEY.
or a fubje£t of commerce. There are many tranfac- tions refpe(^ing money in a trading nation; in which it is confidered fmgly in this view. Thefe it is unnecefTary for me to enumerate, but even where it is applied directly or principally as a me- dium of alienation, its value as a ftandard doth and muft always follow and accommodate itfelf to its value as a commodity. Hence it follows neceflarily that money muft be fubje^t to every rule that other commodities are fubje£t to in buying and felling. One of the chief of thefe is, that it muft rife and fall in price according to the quantity that is brought to market, compared with the demand there is for it. This is an unavoidable confequence, and as neceffary in the cafe of money as in that of any commodity whatever. If a greater quantity of inoney than before is brought into any country, even though brought by the faireft and moft ho- nourable means, viz, increafing induftry r.nd pro- fitable trade, it will have the effe£l of raifmg the price of other commodities in general, and of in- duftry, which is the fource of all commodities. But we muft obferve, that men are apt to view this in a wrong light. One commodity may rife or fall by its own plenty or fcarcenefs •, but when there is a great and general rife of prices, of all commodi- ties, it would be at leaft as proper, or rather much more fo, to fay, that money had fallen, than that goods had rifen.
We had fo large experience of this during the war, -by the excelFive emiflions of paper money, that it needs hardly any illuftration. It is true, fome perfons did then, and do now fuppofe, that
ESSAY ON MONEY. 33
the depreciation of the money was owing as much to the difafFedion of fome inhabitants, and the counterfeiting, and other artful endeavours of our enemies to deftroy it, as to the increafed quantity. But in this they were quite miftaken. Jealoufy or fufpicion of the money would have had very dif- ferent eiFe<£ls from a gradual and continual rife of- prices. If I meet with a fufpicious piece of money, I do not raife the price of my goods, but refufe to fell them. This was indeed the cafe with all thofe who doubted the money of Congrefs in time of the v/ar. Befides it is plain, that the American caufe was moft doubtful, and its enemies moft numerous in the years 1776 and 1777, and yet the currency of the money was then very general, and its depre- ciation flow •, whereas in the three following years, when in confequence of the French treaty and otlier European alliances, and confidence of the public in the caufe was increafed, the depreciation was accelerated in an amazing degree. I muft alfo here make a remark upon another opinion often ex- prelled during the war, that the depreciation mufl have been owing to other caufes than the quantity, becaufe it was greater than wJiat they called the natural depreciation, in confequence of the quan- tity. By this they meant, that it was not regular j but when the quantity had arifen, fuppcfe to five for one, the depreciation was as fifteen or twenty for one. Thefe perfons did not underftand the de- preciation of a commodity in confequence of its quantity, for it is not regular and equable, Jis in arithmetical progrefiion, but rapid and increafing, fo as foon to get beyond all computation. If there Vol. IX. ' D
34 ESSAY ON MONEY.
is in any country but one tenth part more of dny commodity than there is any demand for, the price will probably fall more than one half ; and if there is double or treble the quantity needed, it will be what merchants call a drug, that cannot be fold at all, but if it be a perifhable commodity, muft fmk in the hand of the poflelTor.
I have faid above, that the increafe of money, even though in confequenee of national profperity, that is to fay, internal induftry and profitable trade, will yet neceflarily have the effe6l of raifing the price of induftry, and its fruits. This, how- --over, muft evidently be in a far higher degree, and attended with much more pernicious efFe6ts, when it is thrown into <:irculation without induftry •, as when filver is found in capacious mines, or paper is ilTued by the authority of a ftate, without ntieafure and without end. I verily believe, that if as many millions of filver dollars had fallen from heaven and been thrown into circulation as there were paper ones iftued by the United States, the diforder would Jiave been as great or greater than it was. At leaft it would have been fo at firft, the difference would have been, that filver being current over all, it would have foon gone abroad and found its level, fo that the alteration would have been ultimately not in the United States, but in the general circu- lating medium over the whole earth. Thofe, how- ever, among whom it was firft found, and who re- ceived it without induftry, would have fulxered moft by it. Among them it would have produced lazinefs and luxury. Other nations would have "drained it from them only by fuperior induftry.
ESSAY ON MO'NEY. 35
The flate of the Spanlfli monarchy at prefent ought to be, and indeed in a great meafure has been, a leflbn to the whole world. At the time when they got pofleffion of South- America they were the moft powerful and wealthy ftate in Europe. "Would any man at that time have been reckoned found in his judgment who would have affirmed, that they would have grown poor, by the means of the gold and fiiver mines } Yet it has happened fo, and now there is hardly any politician fo fhallow but he can. aflign the reafon of it. They thought that gold and fiiver would at once procure them every thing, without working ; but forgot that the more they had of it, they mufl pay fo much the more to thofe who were willing to work for them.
3. The above principles will clearly {hew, that what is commonly called paper money, that is, bills bearing that the perfon holding them is entitled to receive a certain fum fpecined in them, is not, pro- perly fpeaking, money at all. It is barely a fign without being a pledge or ftandard of value, and therefore is elTeutially defective as a medium of univerfal commerce, I will afterwards fpeak of the different kinds of it, and point out their real and proper ufes ; but in the mean time I obferve, that to arm fuch bills with the authority of the ftate, and make them a legal tender in all payments, is an abfurdity fo great, that it is not eafy to fpeak with propriety upon it. Perhaps it would give offence if I fnould fay, it is an abfurdity referved for American legiflatures *, no fuch thing having ever been attempted in the old countries. It has been found, by the experience of ages, that money
D 2
36 ESSAY ON MONEY.
muft have a ftandard of value, and if any prince or ftate debafe the metal below the ftandard, It is utterly impofliblc to make it fucceed. How then can it be poihble to make that fucceed, which has no value at all ? In all fuch Inftances, there may be great injuries done to particular perfons by wiping off debts ; but to give fuch money general currency is wholly impoffible. The meafure carries abfur- dity in its very face. Why will you make a law to oblige men to take money when it is offered them ? Are there any who refufe it when it is good ? If it is neceffary to force them, does not this demonftrate that it is not good ? We have feen indeed this fyftem produce a moft ludicrous inverfion of the nature of things. For two or three years we con- ftantly faw and were informed of creditors running away from their debtors, and the debtors purfu- ing them in triumph, and paying them without mercy.
Let us examine this matter a little more fully. Money is the medium of commercial tranfa6lions. Money Is itfelf a commodity. Therefore every tranfatlion in which money is concerned, by being i given or promifed, is ftridly and properly fpeaking, a bargain, or as it is well called in common lan- guage, an agreement. To give, therefore, autliorlty or nominal value by law to any money, is Interpo- fmg by law, in commerce, and is precilely the fame thing with laws regulating the prices of commodities, of which, in their full extent, we had fufficient ex- perience during the war. Now nothing can be more radically unjuft, or more eminently abfurd, than laws of that nature. Among all civilians, the
ESSAY ON MONEY. yj
franfa£tIons of commerce are ranged under the head of contra£l:s. Without entering into the nicer diflin^tions of writers upon this fubje6t, it is fuffi- cient for me to fay, that commerce, or buying and felling, is found upon that fpecies of contracts that is moft formal and complete. They are called in the technical language, Onerous contraBs^ where the proper and juft value is fuppofed to be given or promifed, on both fides. That is to fay, the perfon who offers any thing to fale, does it becaufe he has it to fpare, and he thinks it would be better for him to have the money, or fome other commodity, than what he parts with j and he who buys, in like manner, thinks it would be better for him to re- ceive the commodity, than to retain the money. There may be miftakes or fraud in many tranfac- tions ; but thefe do not affect the argument in the leaft. A fair and juft value is always fuppofed or profeffed to be given on both fides.
Well! is it ao-reed that all commerce is founded on a complete contrat): ? Let then any perfon who will, open as many books as he pleafes written upon the fubjedl, and tell me whether he does not always find there that one of the effential conditions of a lawful contrail, and indeed the firft of them is, that it be free and mutual. V/ithout this it may be fomething elfe, and have fome other binding force, but it is not a contrail. To make laws - therefore, regulating the prices of commodities, or giving nominal value to that which had no value before the law was made, is altering the nature of the tranfacStion altogether. Perhaps a comparlfou of this with other tranfaclions of a different kind
D3
ESSAY ON MONEY.
-might fet this matter in a clear light. Suppofe a man were to fay to one of our lawgivers upon this fubje£t as follows : When you make a law, laying on a tax, and telling me I muft pay fo much to the public and common expences of the ftate, I under- ftand this very well. It falls under the head of authority. You may lay on an improper or inju- dicious tax that will operate unequally, or not be produdive of what you expe£t \ but ftill this is within your line, and if I have any complaint, I can only wifh that at the next election we may get wifer men. Again, a Juftice of Peace in time of war may give a prefs- warrant, and take my horfes and waggons to tranfport provifions or baggage for an army. I undcviland this alfo ; writers and reafoners tell me that it falls under the head of what they call the rights of necejfity. The meaning of this is, that no civil conflitution can be fo per- fect but that fome cafes will occur, in which the property of individuals muft give way to the urgent call of common utility or general danger. Thus v/e know, that in cities, in cafe of a fire, fometimes a houfe, without the confent of its owner, will be deftroyed to prevent the whole from being confum- ed. But if you make a law that I fliall be obliged to fell my grain, my cattle, or any commodity, at a certain price, you not only do what is unjuft and impolitic, but with' all refpe6t be it faid, you fpeak nonfenfe *, for I do not yt7/ them at all : you take them: from me. You aie both buyer and feller, and I am the fuiTerer only.
I cannot help obferving that laws of this kind have an inherent we^iknefs in them j they are not
ESSAY ON MONEY. ^9
only unjuft and unwife, but for the rr.ofl part Im- practicable. They are an attempt to apply autho- rity to that which is not its proper objeCl, and to extend it beyond its natural bounds ; in both which we fhall be fure to fail. The production of com- modities muft be the effeCl of induftry, inclination, hope, and interefl. The firft of thefe is very im- perfeClIy reached by authority, and the other three cannot be reached by it at all. Perhaps I ought rather to have faid, that they cannot be direfted by it, but they may be greatly counteraci:ed ; as peo- ple have naturally a ftrong difpofition to refift force, and to efcape from conftraint. Accordingly we found in this country, and every other fociety who ever tried fuch meafures found, that they pro- duced an efFeCl: dire61:ly contrary to what was ex- pected from them. Inftead of producing modera- tion and plenty, they uniformly produced dearnefs and fcarcity. It is worth while to obferve, that fome of our legillatures faw fo far into thefe matters as to perceive, that they could not regulate the price of commodities, without regulating the price of the induftry that produced them. Therefore they re- gulated the price of day-labourers. This however, though but one fpecies of induftry, was found to be wholly out of their power.
There were fome inftances mentioned at the time when thefe meafures were in vogue, which fuperficial reafoners fuppofed to be examples of re- gulating laws attended with good effects. Thefe were, the regulation of thp prices of chairs, hackney- coaches, and ticket porters in cities, public ferries, and fome others. But this was quite miftaking the
40 ESSAT ON MONEY.
nature of the thing. Thefe inftances have not the leaft connection with laws regulating prices in volun- tary commerce. In all thefe cafes the perfons who are employed folicit the privilege, obtain a licence, and come under voluntary engagements to afk no higher prices j fo that there is as complete a free contract as in buying and felling in open fliops. I am fo fully convinced of the truth and juftice of the above principles, that I think, were it proper at this time, I could fhew, that even in the moft enli^h-^ tened nations of Europe, there are flill fome laws fubfifting which work in dire£t oppofition to the in- tention of their makers. Of this kind in general are the laws againfl: foreftalling and regrating. They are now indeed moft of them alleep, and what the lawyers call in defuetude j but fo far as they are executed, they have the moft powerful tendency to prevent, inftead of promoting, full and reafonable markets. As an example of our own (kill in that branch, a law was paft in Pennfylvanb in time of the war precifely upon that principle. It ordained that in all imported articles there fliould be but one ftep between the importer and confumcr, and therefore that none but thofe who bought from the {hip ftiould be allowed to fell again. I cite this inftance by memory, but am certain that fuch was the fpirit of the 1 iw. The makers of it confidered that every hand through which a commodity pafled muft have a profit upon it, which would therefore great- ly augment the coft to the confumer at Lift. But could any thing in the world be more abfurd ? How could a family at one hundred miles diftance from the feaport be fupplied with what they wanted ? In
ESSAY ON MONET. 4*
oppofition to this principle it may be fafely affirmed, that the more merchants the cheaper goods, and that no carnage is fo cheap, nor any diilribution fo equal or fo plentiful, as that which is made by thofe who have ari intereft in it, and expea a profit from it.
I have gone into this detail in order to iliev/ that tender laws, arming paper, or any thing not valu- able in itfelf with authority, are direaiy contrary to the very firil principles of commerce. This was certainly the more necellary, becaufe many of the advocates for fuch laws, and many of thofe who are inftrumental in ena£ling them, do it from pure ignorance, without any bad intention. It may pro- bably have feme efFea in opening their eyes to ob-- ferve, that no paper whatever is a tender in any nation in Europe. Even the notes of the bank of England, which are as good as gold, and thofe of the bank of Holland, which are confiderably better *, are not armed with any fuch fanftion, and are not a legal tender in the proper fenfe of that word. That is to fay, though I fuppofe both of them, or any other paper circulating in full credit, may be a
* Perhaps it may be proper to inform seme readers ^vhat this expression refers to. It refers to the agio of the bank of Holland. A bill of that bank generallj^ goes for a little more in paj-ment with any dealer than the sum it specifies, and this advance or difference is called the agio of the Bank, and rises or falls like the rate of exchange. This probably arises from its perfect security, and the verj' gTeat advantage in point of ease and expedition, in transferring, reckoning, and concealing of paper above gold and silver. It gives occasion to the vulgar saying i m , that country, That money goes into the bank but never comes out.
42 V ESSAY ON MONEY.
tender in equity, fo far as that the perfon offering them without fufpicion of their being refufed, could not be condemned in any penahy or foifeitmei yet if the perfon who was to receive the money fhould fay, I am going abroad, I want gold or filver ; it vWould lie upon the debtor and not the creditor to go and get them exchanged. We may perhaps even fay more, viz. that the coinage of gold and filver in any country is not fo much, if at ail to oblige perfons to receive it at a certain value, as to afcertain them that it is of the value ftampt upon it. Without this, ignorant perfons would be con- tinually at a lofs to know the finenefs and the weight of a piece offered to them. This will appear from the two following remarks, (i.) If by any accident in the coinage, or fraud in the officers of the mint, fome of the pieces had not the full quantity, or were not of fufficient finenefs, though the flamp were ever fo genuine, if J could difcover the defe61:, I fhould be juftified in refufing it. (2.) There is fometimes a fluctuation in the comparative value of gold and filver, and in thefe cafes, though no doubt a debtor, till the error that lias crept in be re£lifiei by authority, has a right to pay in any lawful money, yet if I were felling goods, oiv-l gold had fallen in its value, I might fafely lay to the cuaomer, in what coin are you to pay me ? I will give you a yard of this filk for twenty-one fterling filver fhil- lings, but if you give me a guinea I mufl have ano- ther fhilling before I will part with it. The whole of this ferves to fliew that nothing fliort of real mo- ney, which is of ftandard value, ought to be cnfor*^ ced by law in a well regulated fociety.
ESSAY ON MONEY. 43
4. The principles above laid down will enable us to perceive clearly what is the nature of paper cir- culating as a medium of commerce, what is its real and proper ufe, and what are its dangers and de- fers. As to its nature, it is a fign but not a ftan- dard. It is properly an obligation, or to ufe a mo- dern commercial phrafe, it is a promifTory note. It is not money, as has been fhewn above, but it is a promife of fome perfon or body of men to pay mo- ney either on demand or at a particular time, or at fome general undefined future time. Obligations of this nature are of more forts than one. Some- times they are given by particular perfons, or trading companies) who are confidered as perfons ; and fre- quently in America they have been given by the legiflature of the ftate. In the general definition I have included all kinds of negotiable paper, but it will not be neceflary to infill upon more than two of them, viz. the notes of banking companies, and ftate emiflTions. Bills of exchange are not fuppofed to pafs through many hands, but to proceed as fpeedily as may be to the place of their payment. Government fecurities are only bought and fold like otlier property, and fo any bonds or other private obJigatiors, may be transferred as often as people are willing to receive them 5 but the notes of bank- ing companies, and the flate emiilions of this coun- try are intended to be, properly fpeaking, a circu- lating medium. They are of various regular deno- minations, and intended to anfwer all the purpofes of money in the fmaller tranfa£tions of fociety as well as the larger, and even go to market for pur- chafing the necelTaries of life.
44 ESSAY ON MO>mY.
As to value, fuch obligations muft plainly de- pend upon the credit of the fubfcriber or obliger, and the opinion or expedation of the receiver. Thefe are mutually ncceffary to their ufe in com- merce. Let the refources or vi^ealth of the fubfcri- ber be what they may, it is the public opinion that muft ultimately give them currency. This opinion, ?K>wever, may be in fome inftances better, and in fome vrorfe founded. That paper which may with moft certainty and expedition be converted into gold and filver, feems evidently to have the advan- tage on this account. Therefore the notes of bank- ing companies, while they maintain theit credit, and continue to pay on demand, appear to be the beft calculated for general ufe. They feem alfo to have another advantage, that private perfons and com.panies are upon a footing with the holder of the bills. He can a^reft them, and bring them to ac- count and have juftice done upon them j whereas he cannot call the legiflature to account, but muft wholly depend upon their fidelity as well as refour- ces. Yet it muft be owned there have not been wanting inftances formerly in this country, in which paper emiffions by the ftates have obtained full confidence, and met with no impediment in circu- lation.
Let us now confider what is the proper ufe of paper currency, or whether it be of any real ufe at all. Many perfons in Europe have declared againft it altogether as pernicious. I will endeavour to flate this matter with all the clearncfs I am capable of, and to give the reafons for what I fhall advance. We have feen above, that nothing can be more ab-
ESSAY ON MONEY. 45
furd than to fay that m'G now want a circulating medium, and that paper is neceflary for that pur- pofe. A circulating medium we have already, not in too fmall, but in too great quantity ; fo that any perfon who underftands the fubje£l may perceive that gold and filver, efpecially the laft, is lofing at ]eaft one of the qualities neceflary for that purpofe, and becoming too bulky and heavy for eafy and convenient tranfportation. Brafs, as has been iliewn above, was once as juft and proper a medium of commerce as gold and filver are now. It has all the qualities necefl^ary for that purpofe ftill, except rarity ; fo that if it were not too plentiful and too cheap, it would be money to this day. It is pro- bable that this circumflance of the abundance and weight of the precious metals is what gives to many fuch an inclination for paper money. This will appear flrange to fome, yet I believe it is at bottom juft. The cry with many is, we muft have paper for a circulating medium, as there is fuch a fcarcity of gold and filver. Is this juft ? No. They miftake their own poverty, or the nation^s poverty, for a fcarcity of gold and filver ; whereas in faft, gold and filver ufed as a circulating medium are fo cheap, and the quantity of a moderate fum is fuch an incumbrance that we want paper, which can be much more eafily carried, and much more efFe6tually concealed. So that, contrary to the vulgar idea, we are obliged to have recourfe to paper in feveral cafes, not for want of gold and filver, but their too great abundance.
This will appear to be a very uncouth idea to many peifons. What, they will fay, too great
Vol. IX. E
4^ ESSAY ON MONEY.
abundance of gold and filver ! when I go about from day to day, and cannot collect what is due to me ; when my creditors are calHng upon me and I cannot fatisfy them. There is a fcarcity of money every where. "What Ihall be faid to fatisfy thefe perfons ? I muft tell them plainly, It is their pover- ty, or the nation's poverty, and not a want of gold and lilver, and if there were an hundred times as much gold and filver in circulation as there is, their poverty and difficulties would be juft the fame. If thefe per- fons read the fcriptures they may there learn, that in Solomon's time the filver was as plentiful as Jloncs in jerufalem ; probably they will think that all the people in Jerufalem at that time muft have lived like princes, but they muft be told, that it was added as a necelTary confequence, that // luas tio- thing accounted of in the days of Solo7?Jon.
If paper is not then needed as a circulating medium, what benefits arife from it ? I anfwer, the ufes of paper fubftltuted for money may be fummed up under the two following heads •, (i.) It is ufeful for facilitating commerce. (2.) It is ufeful for anticipating property or extending credit.
(i.) it is ufeful for facilitating commerce. Nor- thing can be more advantageous for that pupofe than bills of exchange, which, without the adual tran- fportation of money or goods, can transfer property even to the moft diftant places with the moft per- fetl facility. There have been many perfons who have doubted whether any other fort of paper currency is not upon the whole hurtful, but the benefit of this is beyond all queftion. We fliall afterwards compare the advantages and difadvan-
ESSAY ON MONEY. 4\f
tages of paper money ; but at prefent let us leave out the confideration of the evil that it does, and it is nianifeft that there is fo great a facility and fafety in the tranfportation of paper above that of gold and illver, that it muft greatly expedite all mercantile tranfaclions, internal and external. Sup- pofe one hundred thoufand pounds were to be tran- fported hut three hundred miles, if it were to be carried in fiiver, what an immenfe load would it be ? But befides the weight, as it could not be con- cealed, there would be a very great rifk of inviting robbers to fliare in it. Let it be carefully obferved, that this good eflo£l: of paper is not from the addi- tional quantity thrown into circulation, but from its poiTeffing fome advantages fuperior to gold and filver, provided that the credit of it is fupported. Nor muft it be forgotten, that it is in great and ex- tenfive negociations only that this advantage is pof- feffed by paper ; for in fmaller bargains, and that intercourfe between man and man that is carried on every hour, it poffeffes no advantage at all; on the contrary, it is liable to wear and M'afle, and therefore the fmaller coins are in all refpe£ls to be perferred.
(2.) Another ufe of paper In commerce is to ex- tend credit. Though in very large tranfaclions the advantage of paper may be great, as it facilitate? commerce ; yet when we confider paper as 'xene- rally circulating, and doing the office of gold and filver, it is by the extenfion of credit only, or chiefly, that it can be of any advantage. It is un- neceflary for me, and perhaps not in my power, ta mention all the ways in which credit mav be iia-
48 F.SSAY ON MONEY.
creafed or faclllated by paper. Some will probably be mentioned afterwards ; at prefent my bufmefs is to (hew, that giving credit is one of the advantages, ^nd indeed in my opinion, it is the principle advan- tage, to be derived from paper circulation of any kind. There are many people whofe induftry is damped or limited by vi'ant of ftock or credit, who if they were properly aflifted, in thefe refpe6:s might do fignal fervice to themfelves, and the com- munity of which they are members. It has been generally faid, and I believe with truth, that the in- ilitution of the banks in Scotland has improved the country in the courfe of little more than half a century, to a degree that is hardly credible. It is alfo probable, that the manufactures and commerce of England have been greatly promoted by the eafy iind regular methods of obtaining credit from the public and private banks. I am fenfible that fom.e very intelligent perfons in Britain have condemned, tlie paper circulation even there, and affitmed, that it does more harm than good. It is not neceflary for me to enter into the arguments -on either fide of that queflion. All that I am concerned to prove is, that if it does good upon the whole, or whatever good it does in any degree, arifes from the credit which it is the occafion of extending ; and this I think can hardly be denied. *
* That I m:iy state the matter with fairness and fulness, J will just observe, that the enemies of paper say, the im- provement Vv'as only coeval with the banks, but not cau- sed by them in whole, nor in any great degree. The banks happened to be nearly' coeval with tlie revolution, and the union of Enrrhnd and Scotland ; both which importatit
ESSAY ON MONEY. 49
Let US next confider the evil that is done hj paper. This is what I would particularly requeil the reader to attend to, as it was what this difcourfe was chiefly intended to evince, and what the public feems but little aware of. The evil is this. All paper introduced into circulation, and obtaining credit as gold and filver, adds to the quantity of the medium, and thereby, as has been fhov/n above, increafes the price of ifiduftry and its fruits. * This confequence is unavoidable, and follows as- certainly from good paper as bad, or rather more certainly, for the medium is increafed only by that which obtains credit. At the fame time this con- fequence is local, becaufe the paper does not pafs among other nations, and therefore it works againfl the intereft of the people who ufe it, and.
events are supposed to have been causes of improvemenf^ to Scotland. However the experience of the last thirty or forty years appears to be considerably in favour of banks and dealers in money and bills, wliich I consider as essen- tially the same.
* This will perhaps be misapprehended by some readers. They will say, a high price for our industry ! This is just what we v/ant, and what all desire. But the price I mean, here is not the price which you get for your industry, but that which j^'ou pay for it. A high price, by a great de-- mand from foreign nations, is your profit ; but the cost which you pay for servants, tools, rent of land, kc. lessens- that profit, and it is this which is increased by increasing - the circulating medium, and not the other. Make as much money as you please, this will not make foreign nations call for any more of your grain, fish, lumber, to-^ bacco, rice, &c. but it will just as certainly make them.; cost you more before you can bring them to the market;, „ as adding two to three will make five.
E3
^O ESSAY ON MONEY.
neceffarily draws oiF their gold and filver, which mud be made ufe of in all foreign payments. Men may think what they pleafe, but there is no con- tending with the nature of things. Experience has every where juftified the remark, that wherever paper is introduced in large quantities, the gold and fdver vanifhes univerfally. The joint fum of gold, filver, and paper current, will exactly repre- fent your whole commodities, and the prices will be accordingly. It is therefore as if you were to fill a velTel brim full, making half the quantity water and the other oil; the lad being fpecifically lighted, will be at the top, and if you add more water, the oil only will run over, and continue run- ning till there is none left. How abfurd and con- temptible then is the reafoning which we have of late feen frequently in print, viz. the gold and fdver is going away from us, therefore we mud have paper to fupply its place. If the geld and filver is indeed going away from us, that is to fay, if the balance of trade is much againd us, the paper medium has a direct tendency to incfcafe the evil, and fend it away by a quicker pace.
I have faid, that this confequence follows from all paper, as fuch, good and bad, fo far as it enters into circulation ; but every one mud perceive, that there is a peculiar, and indeed a different evil to be feared from paper of a doubtful kind, and efpecially from that which being doubtful, is obliged to be fupported by coercive laws. This mud raife gene- ral fufpicion, and confequently bring on a dagna- tion of commerce, from univerfal and mutual dif- trud. For the fame reafcn it mud amiihiliatQ
ESSAY ON MONEY. *I
credit, and make every cautious perfon lock up his real money, that is, gold and filver, as he cannot tell but he may be cheated in the re-payment. This evil is very extenfive indeed, for it makes people fufpicious, not only of what is, but what may be. Though the injury fhould be but partial, or inconfiderable at prefent, it may become wholly ruinous by fome unknown future law.
Hence it may be feen, that the refolution of the queftion, whether it is proper to have paper money at all or not, depends entirely upon another, viz. whether the evil that is done by augmenting the circulating medium, is or is not over-balanced by the facility given to commerce, and the credit given to particular perfons, by which their induftry and exertions are added to the common flock. As it is upon this that the queftion depends, we fhall find that as the circumftances of a nation may be dif- ferent, it may be for or againft its intereft to ufe a paper medium. If any nation were in fuch circum- ftances as that credit were either not neceftary or eafily obtained ; if the country were fully fet- tled and the inhabitants fully employed in agricul- ture, manufa£tures, and internal commerce, with little foreign trade, any addition to the true money, would be unneceftary or pernicious. This is probably the ft ate of China at prefent, perhaps in fome degree alfo of France. On the contrary, if a nation had an extenfive and complicated com- merce, and much land to fettle and improve, the facilitating of commerce, and extending of credit, might be highly beneficial. I do not pretend to fo exa(^ a knowledge of the ftate of this country, or
52. ESSAY ON MONET.
the different parts of it, as to judge with abfolutc certainty of what is necelTary or would be ufeful to it, but am inclined to think that there muft be fomething in the ftate of things in America that makes it either more neceflary or more expedient to have paper here than in the European ftates. We are afllired that in former times many of the ftates, then colonies, thought it a privilege to be allowed to ftrike paper money; and we are told by perfons of good underftanding, that it contribu- ted to their growth and improvement. If this was the cafe, I am confident it was chiefly becaufe it was emitted in the way of a loan-office, and by giving credit to hufbandmen, accelerated the fettle- ment and improvement of the foil. This queftion I do not take upon me to decide, and therefore in what follows, defire I may be confidered as fpeak- ing only hypothetically, the rather, that at prefent the inclination after paper of fome kind or another feems to be fo ftrong, that it would be in vain to withfland it.
If therefore paper is to be employed in circula- tion, we may fee from what has been faid above, what are the principles on which it ought to be conducted, the ends that ought to be aimed at, and the evils that ought to be avoided. The ends to be aimed at are, the facilitating of commercial tran- fa£i:ions, and extending of credit to thofe who are likely to make a proper ufe of it. The plan fliould be fo conceived, as that the increafe of the circula- ting medium fhould be as little as poffible, coirfif- tently with tliefe ends. It fhould be perfectly fecure, fo as to create an abfolute confidence. And
ESSAY ON MONEY. 53
as it is of the nature of an obligation, no force whatever ftiould be ufed, but the reception of it left entirely to the inclination and intereft of the receiver. It may be fafely affirmed, that any devia- tion from thefe principles, which are deduced from the theory above laid down, will be an eflential defeat in the fyftem. If we inquire what fort of paper will beft anfwer this defcription, we find that there is no other fort ufed in Europe than that of banking companies. The government flamping paper to pafs current for coin is unknown there. Notwithftanding the immenfe fums which have been borrowed by the Englifh government, they al- ways prefer paying intereft for them, to ifluing paper without value for money. The only thing refembling it in the Engliili hiftory is, James the fecond coining bafe metal, and affixing a price to it by proclamation j a project contemptible in the contrivance, and abortive in the execution. This feems to be a confiderable prefumption, that the meafure is upon the whole not eligible. *
The paper of banking companies has many ad- vantages. It is confidered as perfe^lly fafe, becaufe it can be exchanged for gold and filver at any time upon demand. Having this fecurity at bottom, it
* It seems to me, that those who cry out for emitting paper luoney by the legislatures, should take some pains to state. clearly the difference between this and the Euro- pean countries, and point out the reasons why it would be serviceable here, and hurtful ther^ ; or else insist that it would be a wise measure every where, and recommend the use of it to the states of England, France, Holland, &c. who will be much indebted to them for the discovery.
54 ESSAY ON MOMEY.
is perfe(9i:ly convenient for tranfportation, which indeed is common to it with all paper. In addi- tion to this, it is confidered as the princpal bufmefs of all banks to give credit, which, though diredlly only in favour of commercial, is ultimately ufeful to many different clafTes of men. I may upon this obferve, that it is the duty of banking companies fo to conduft their operations as to extend their re- gular credit as far as is fafe for themfelves. If in- llead of this, as has been fuppofed at leaft to have been done by fome banks in Britain, they circulate their notes by agents, making purchafes in different and diftant places, that the fum ifTucd may very far exceed the fum necefTary to be kept for probable de* mandsj they are in that cafe not ferving the public at all, but ufing the money of otherpeople to their own profit. It is alfo to be obferved, that the denomina- tion of their notes fhould never be very fmall, it fliould indeed be as high as is confiflent with fucb a general ufe as will bring in a fufiicient profit. Very fmall denominations of paper do the greatefl injury by entering into univerfal circulation, and chiefly afFeO:ing the induftrious part of the com- munity. It was a very great complaint againfl fome banks in Scotland, that they brought down the denominations of their notes as far as ten {hillings and fome of them even five fliillings. If this was an evil, what fhall we fay of paper, as has been feen in this country, as low as one fliilling, fix pence, or even three pence value ? It is a rule that will hardly admit of any exception, that the higher the denominations of paper bills, the greater the benefit and the lefs the evil i and ou
ESSAY ON MONEY. p-
the contrary, the fmaller the denominations, the greater the evil and the lefs the benefit. High fums in paper obligations may perhaps change hands once a week, but a (billing or fix-penny ticket may be in fifty hands in one day,
I muft mention here what has been often objec- ted againft banks in America, which, if juft, would, from the reafoning in the preceding part of this difcourfe, tend to their condemnation. It is, that they have 'deftroyed credit inftead of extending it, and have introduced or given occafion to exceflive ufury. I am not fufficiently informed to fay how far this is really the cafe, but cannot help obfer- ving, that treating the matter theoretically, as I have all along done, and confidering the nature of the thing, this does not appear to be a neceflary confe- quence. One would rather think that the regular credit which is or ought to be given by banks fliould prevent ufury, by fupplying all thofe who deferve to be trufted. Agreeably to this it was found in faa, that the inftitution of banks in Scotland lowered the intereft of money, which indeed feems to be the natural effea of every fuch inftitution, from the increafed circulation. But if any inftances more than before have happened of this kind, it may be by perfons in extreme necefTity applying to' others who Iiave credit with the bank, and who have fo little confcientious fcruple as to take advantage of their neighbour's poverty. If this is the cafe, it is only a particular abufe, or occafional bad confe- quence of a thing otherwife good and ufeful. It is not a juft objeaion againft any thing, that it may be or has been in fome inftances abufed. Befides,
§6 isSAY ON MONEY.
as it is the duty of every banking company to guard againft this evil as much as pofiible, even by per- fonal refentment, againft thofe vi^ho make this ufe of their confidence, fo it is an evil not out of the reach of legal punifliment or general infamy. Wife and well executed laws againft ufury, would at leaft fo far reftrain it, as to make it an evil of little -confequence.
But in examining the nature and operation of different kinds of paper, I muft confider an objec- tion of much greater importance, upon the princi- ples of thi^ difcourfe, againft the paper of banks, or at le;^ft, a defe6l in their fyftem, that feems to call for other meafures in addition to it. This is, that banking companies give credit only fo as to be fer- viceable to merchants, and thofe immediately con- nedted with them, but do not extend it to huft^and- men, or thofe who improve the foil, by taking mortgages for a confiderable time : yet according to the theory above laid down, this is not only one of the advantages, but perhaps the chief advantage to be derived from a paper circulation of any kind. Now, I admit, that the fettlement and cultivation of the foil is the radical fource of the profperity of this country. It is indeed the fource of the pro- fperity of every country, but comparatively more fo of that of this country than moft others. I alfo admit that credit, properly extended, to induftrious perfons in this way would be exceedingly beneficial. For this reafon, and for this alone, Dr Franklin and others perhaps judged right when they faid, the country received great benefit from the loan ofhce paper of former times. I am alfo fenfible, that it
ESSAY ON MONEY. ^J
IS not practicable nor proper for banking companies to give credit upon mortgages on diftant lands. They being bound to prompt payment, muft expe6l the fame ; therefore they are not to be blamed for re- fufing it in this form *. For all thefe reafons, I do not take upon' me wholly to condemn a meafure in America, which would be unneceiTary or improper in Europe. We hear from every quarter, that is to fay, from almoft every flate, a loud cry for paper money. Now when there is a great and uni- verial complaint, it is feldom without fome founda- tion ; and though I have taken much pains in the preceding difcourfe to (hew that they miftake their own wants, that they do not w^ant a circulating medium, but ufe that phrafe without und?rftanding its meaning ; yet they certainly do want fomething. They want particular credit,- and they look back with defire to the former times when they had paper money, which, by its name itfelf, pomted out its nature and ufe, the notes being then called bills of credit. I will therefore proceed, keeping a fleady eye upon the prirciples above laid down, to flate in what manner a loan olBce may be eftabliili- ed f within moderate bounds, that fliall render a
* I must here observe, that the banks of Scotland never gave credit upon mortgages, but personal security only, and yet they were univen-ally supposed to put it in the pov/er of landed men to improve their estates ; so that the money tran ^.actions j^nst have been, though not directly, 3'et re- mot; iy in tiieir favour.
+ I am not ignorant that there has been in one of our starts. 1 iuean Pennsylvania, a violent controversy for and Vol. IX. F
I
58 ESSAY ON MONEY.
fervlce probably greater than the evils neceflaril)-' confequent upon it.
I would therefore propofe, that any ftate that thinks it necelTiiry, (liould emit a fum of fuppofe one hundred thoufand pounds, and that the follow- ing rules fliould be laid down in the law, and invariably adhered to. i. That not a Ihilling of that money fliould iflue from the loan-ofEce treafury, but upon mortgage of land to the a- mount of double the fum in value. 2. That it fhould not be a kgal tender for any debts con- tracted or to be contracted, but receivable in all taxes within the ftate, and payable for the wages of Council and Aflembly, and the fees and perqui- i fites of all public oflicers, after it has been fo re- ceived. 3. That at the end of twelve calender months, a fum precifely equal to the intereft that had been accrued or become due in that time, Ihould be confumed by fire, and public intimation given of its being done. The fame thing (liould be done every fubfequent year. 4. That at no time any part of this money fliould be made ul'e of in the payment of the public debts, but that which had been firft levied in taxes. It would not be proper
against the bank, between the political factions which divide that state. On this account, I am sorry I was obH- ged to mention banks at all ? but it was impossible for me to do justice to the subject, without considering their general nature and effects ; and I will not so much as name any of the arguments on either side of this question, but what IS necessaiiJy connected with money in general as a currency, and its effects vipon the national interest.
fiSSAT OK MONEY. S9
even to borrow from the flock for tKIs purpofe by anticipation *.
If thefe rules were obferved, credit would be given to fome perfons, who needed and deferved it, to the amount of the whole fum. The bills current would be diminifhed in quantity every year fo as not to load the circulation, which would have a fenfible effect upon the public opinion, and in- deed, from the nature of the thing, would increafe their value, or rather confirm it from year to year f . At the end of fourteen or fifteen years they would be wholly taken out of circulation, and that not by any tax laid on for the purpofe, but by the hire or ufe of the money itfelf, and after all, the principal fum would be ftill due to the (late in good money, which might bear intereft for ever. It would be an important addition to this fcheme, if no bills
* The paj'ing of the public creditors is one of the most common and popular arguments for paper emissions, but to pay them with money not loaned, is not paying, but continuing the debt upon the state, and only make it change hands. All such bills so paid must be accounted for by the public. It is better, therefore, that by the loans men may be enabled easily to pay their taxes ; and then let the public creditors be paid by money demanded equall}r from the whole for that purpose.
1 1 cannot help observing here, that the titles of most of the acts for emitting money, do unawares confess the justice of all that has been said above; they run thus, " An
act for emitting thousand pounds in bills of credit,
and directing the manner of sinking the same.'''' Does not this shew what sort of a circulating medium they are ? Does it not admit, that they will do evil if they continue to circulate ? When you coin gold and silver, do you pro- vide for sinking it ?
F2
^" rSSAT ON MONEY.
lefs than two dollars, or perhaps three, or five, fhould be emitted, as this would ftill keep filver at lead in circulation. On the above principles, all the good that can be produced by paper would be eiFeded, viz. facilitating commerce, and giving credit j and as little of the evil as poflible, becaufe the quantity- would be fixed and moderate at firft, and conti- nually decreafing, fo as at lad to vanifii altogether ; and then another emilHon of the fame kind might be made, if the utility of the firft Ihould recom- mend it.
Perhaps it will be faid, that this money not being a legal tender, would not anfwer the purpofe of bor- rowers by paying their debts, nor get at all into circu- lation. To this I anfwer, that it would not anfwer the purpofe of thofe who want to pay their debts with half nothing and cheat their creditors-, nor do I wifh to fee any thing attempted that would produce that efFe61:. But I affirm, that it would get better into circulation than by a tender law, which creates ge- neral and juft fufpicion. Tender laws, as has been already proved, may be made ufe of by deceitful perfons to do particular a£ls of injuftice, but are not fuiTicient to procure general circulation, nor to excite and reward induftry, without the opinion and approbation of the public. Such money as I have defcribed would excite no alarm, it might eafily be tried. It fliould, in my opinion, certainly be tried, for all would know that it would pay every tax to government, and even borrowers of large fums might make trial of it, without any rifk at all, becaufe, if it would not anfwer their end, they might aftej: a few months, repay it, and take
E5SAY ON MONEY. 6l
«p their mortgage. But I cannot help thinlcing, that the principles of it are fo juft, and the plan (o certain, that all underftanding perfons would per- ceive and approve it.
I muft here take the occafion and the liberty of faying, that it were greatly to be wifhed that thofe who have in their hands the adminiftration of af- fairs in the fev^ral States of America, would take no meafures, either on this, or any other fubjeci, but what are founded upon juftice, fupported by reafon, and warranted by the experience of former ages, and of other countries. The operation of political caufes is as uniform and certain as that of natural caufes. And any meafure which in itfelf has a bad tendency, though its efFeds may not be inftantly difcernible, and their progrefs may be but flow, yet it will be infallible ; and perhaps the dan- ger will then only appear when a remedy is impof- fible. This is the cafe, in fome degree, with all political meafures, without exception, yet I am miftaken if it is not eminently fo with refpe£t to commercial dealings. Commerce is excited, di- re£ted, and carried on by intereft. But do not miftake this, it is not carried on by general univer- fal intereft, nor even by well informed national in- tereft, but by immediate, apparent, and fenfible perfonal intereft. I muft alfo obferve, that there is in mankind a fharp-fightednefs upon this fubje(5l tliat is quite aftonifliing.
All men are not philofophers, but they are gene- rally good judges of their own profit in what is im- mediately before them, and will uniformly adhere to it. It is not uncommon to fee a man who ap-
F3,
6Z ESSAY ON MONEY.
pears to be almoft as flupid as a Hone, and yet he fliall be as adroit and dexterous in making a bargain, or even more fo, than a man of the firft rate under- ftanding, who, probably, for that very reafon, is lefs attentive to trifling circumftances, and lefs under the government of mean and felfifh views. As to currency, which has been our general fub- jecl, if coins of any particular fpecies happen, as is fometimes the cafe, to pafs at a rate, ever fo little higher, in one country, or corner of a country, than another, thither they will immediately dire£l their courfe ; and if the matter is not attended to, nor the miftake rectified, they will be all there in a very fhort time, and the place which receives them muft bear the lofs.
I will now fum up, in fingle propofitions, the fubftance of what has been aiTerted, and I hope fufficiently proved, in the preceding difcourfe.
1. It ought not to be imputed to accident or ca- price, that gold, fllver, and copper, formerly were, and the two firft continue to be, the medium of commerce j but to their inherent value, joined with other properties, that fit them for circulation. Therefore, all the fpeculations, formed upon a con- trary fuppofition, are inconclufive and abfurd.
2. Gold and filver are far from being in too fmall quantity at prefent for the purpofe of a circu- latincj medium, in the commercial nations. The lad of them, viz. filver, feems rather to be in too great quantity, fo as to become inconvenient for tranfportation.
3. The people of every nation will get the quantity of thefe precious metals, that they arc
ESSAY ON MONET. 63
entitled to by their induftry, and no more. If by any accident, as plunder in war, or borrowing from other nations, or even finding it in mines, they get more, they will not be able to keep it. It will in a fliort time find its level. Laws againft exporting the coin will not prevent this. Laws of this kind, though they are Hill in force in fome nations, fup- pofed to be wife, yet are in themfelves ridiculous. If you impoi't more than you export, you mufb pay the balance, or give up the trade.
4. The quantity of gold and filver at any time in a nation, is no evidence of national v/ealth, un- lefs you take into confideration the way in which it came there, and the probability of its continuing.
5. No paper of any kind is, properly fpeaking, money. It ought never to be made a legal tender. It ought not to be forced upon any body, becaufe it cannot be forced upon every body.
6. Gold and filver, fairly acquired, and likely to continue, are real national, as well as perfonal wealth. If twice as much paper circulates with them, though in full credit, particular perfons may be rich by poiTening it, but the nation in general is not.
7. The cry of the fcarcity of money, is general- ly putting the effe£l for the caufe. No bufincfs can be done, fay fome, becaufe money is fcarce. It may be faid with more truth, money is fcarce, be- caufe little bufinefs is done. Yet their influence, like that of many other caufes and efFetSls, is reci- procal.
8. The quantity of current money, of whatever kind, will have an effect in raifing the price of in-
64 LSSAY ON MONEY.
duftry, and bringing goods dearer to market, there- fore the increafe of the currency in any nation by paper, which will not pafs among other nations, makes the firft coft of every thing they do greater, and of confequence the profit lefs.
9. It is however poffible, tliat paper obligations may fo far facilitate commerce, and extend credit, as by the additional induftry, that they excite, to overbalance the injury which they do.in other re- fpe^ls. Yet even the good itfelf may be overdone. Too much money may be emitted even upon loan, but to emit money any other way than upon loan, is to do all evil and no good.
10. The exceflive quantity of paper emitted by the different ftates of America, will probably be a lofs to the whole. They cannot however take ad- vantage of one another in that way. That flate which emits mofl will lofe moll, and vice verfa.
11. I can fee no way in which it can do good but one, which is to deter other nations from trufl- ing us, and thereby leflen our importations ; and I fmcerely wifh, that in that way it may prove in fome degree a remedy for its own evils.
12. Thofe who refufe doubtful paper, and thereby difgrace it, or prevent its circulation, are not enemies, but friends to their country.
To draw to a conclufion, it is probable that thofe who perceive, which it will be eafy to do, that the author of this tra£l: is not a merchant or trader, by profelTion, will be ready to fay, What has this gen- tleman to do with fuch a fubje61: ? Why fliould he write upon what he has no practical knowledge of, money and commerce ? To thefe I anfwer, that I
ESSAY ON MONET. 6^
have written, not as a merchant, but as a fcholar. I profefs to derive my opinions from the beft civi- lians of this and the laft age, and from the hiflory of all ages, joined with a pretty confiderable expe- rience and attention to the effeds of political caufes within the fphere of my own obfervation. It is not even too much to fay, that one of the mercantile profeflion, unlefs his views were very enlarged in- deed, is not fo proper to handle a general fubje£b of this kind as fome others. His attention is ulual- Iv confined to the bufuiefs, and to the branch of that bufmefs in which he is employed. In that his difcernment will be clear, and he will find out, if poflible, where he can buy cheapeft, and fell dear- eft. But as to the theory of commerce, or the great objects of national intereft or conneaion, he can have no advantage at all over a perfonr given to ftudy and refle£lion, who has fome acquaintance with pubHc life. With thefe remarks by way of apology, and having no intereft in the matter but what is common to every citizen, I freely commit the whole to the judgment of the impartial public.
REFLECTIONS
ON THE
PRESENT STATE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS,
ANI>
ON THE DUTY AND INTEBEST OF AMERICA IN THIS IMPORTANT CRISIS.
THAT the prefent is an important asra to America, has been fo often repeated, that I fuppofe no man doubts it, and I hope few will for- get it. Yet, however auguft the idea, it is capable of being greatly enlarged. It will be an important rera in the hiftory of mankind. The extent of this country is fuch, that as it is now, and probably will foon be fettled, it makes no inconfiderable part of the globe itfelf. The European in general, but par- ticularly the Britifli fettlements in America, have for theie hundred years part, been exhibiting to the world a fcene differing in many refpe^ts from what it ever beheld. In all the ancient emigrations, or colonial fettlements, the number was fmall, the ter- ritory very limited, and which was ftill more, the people and the foil were almoft alike uncultivated ; and therefore both proceeded to improvement by very flow degrees. But in America we fee a coun-
REFLECTIONS, &C.
try almoft without bounds, new and untcuchedj taken poiTeflion of at once by the power, the learn- ing, and the wealth of Europe.
Hence it is that the cultivation and the popula- tion of America have advanced with a rapidity next to miraculous, and of which no political calculators have principles or data fufficient to make a certain judgment. I hold every thing that has been faid on the numbers in America to be good for nothing, except in certain places where they have proceeded on adual numeration. When writers ftate, that the inhabitants in America double themfelves in twenty or twenty-five years, they fpeak by guefs, and they fay nothing. It may be under or over the truth in certain places ; but there are others in which they become twenty times the number in feven years. I do not know, and therefore will not attempt to conjecSbure, how faft mankind may multiplv in a country that is in the moll favourable ftate po'ffible, both in itfelf, and for receiving an accelTion from others lefs happily circumftanced. What is more certain, as well as of more importance to obferve, is, that the Britifh colonies in North- America, have in this refpeca exceeded every other country upon the face of the earth.
What has caufed this difference ? Does the cli- mate of Britain naturally produce more Mafdom, ftrength and adivity, than that of France, Spain, or Portugal? Surely not, or wo to America itfelf 5 for the beft of its colonies are in the climate of thefe very countries. It is therefore without doubt owing to the liberty which pervades the Britifli conftitution, and came with the colonifts to
68 REFLECTIONS ON
this part of the earth. Montefqiiieu has, with iniinitable be.iuty, fhewn, that the natural caufes of population or depopulation, are not half fo power- ful as the moral caufes ; by which laft he means the (late of fociety, the form of government, and the manners of the people. \ War, famine, and peflilence are fcarcely felt, where there is liberty and equal laws. / The wound made by thofe fore judgments is fpeedily clofed by the vigour of the con- flitution-, whereas, in a more fickly frame, a trifling fcratch will rankle and produce long dife^ife, or perhaps terminate in deatn. We need go no fur- ther than our own country to have full proof of the force of liberty. The fouthern colonies, blefled as they are with a fuperior foil and more powerful fun, are yet greatly inferior to Pennfylvania and New England, in numbers, Rrength, and value of land in proportion to its quantity. The matter is eafily folved. The conilitutions of thefe latter colonics are more favourable to univerfal induftry.
But with all the differences between one colony and another, America in general, by its gradual improvement, not long ago exhibited a fpe<SlacIe, the mod delightful that can be conceived, to a benevolent and contemplative mind. A country growing every year in beauty and fertility, the people growmg in numbers and wealth, arts, and fciences, carefully cultivated and confcantly advan- cing, and poffeinng fecurity of property by hberty and equal laws, which are the true and proper fource of all the reft. While things v/ere in this fituation, Great-Britain reaped a great, unenvied, and ilill increafing proiit from the trade of the
PUBLIC AFFAIRS. y i
colonies. I am neither fo weak as to believe, nor fo foolifh as to affirm, as fome did in the begin- ning of this conteft, that the colony trade was the whole fupport of a majority of the people in Great Britain. How could any perfon of relle£lion fup- pofe that the foreign trade of three millions of people, could be the chief fupport of eight millions, when the internal trade of thefe eight millions them.felves, is and muft be the fupport of double the number that could be fupported by the trade of America, befides their trade to every other part o the world ? But our trade was ftill of great impor- tance and value, and yielded to Great Britain yearly a profit vaflly fuperior to any thing they could reafonably hope to draw from taxes and impofitions although they had been fubmitted to without com- plaint.
This however did not fatisfy the king, miniflry and parliament of Great Britain. They formed golden, but miftaken and delufive hopes of lighten^ ing their own burdens by levying taxes from us. They formed various plans, and attempted various meafures, not the moil prudent I confefs, for carry- ing their purpofe into effect. The ultimate pur- pose itfelf was in fome degree covered at firft, and they hoped to bring it about by flow and imper- ceptible fteps. In fome inftances the impofition was in itfelf of little confequence ; as appointing the colonies to furnifh fait, pepper and vinegar to the troops. But the laudable knd jealous fpirit of liberty was alive and awake, and hardly fuiFered any of them to pafs unobferved or unrefifled. Pub- lic fpirited writers took care that it fhould not Vol. IX. G
72 REFLECTIONS, ^C»
fleep; and in particular the celebrated Pennfylvanla Farmer's Letters were of fignal fervice, by furnifh- the lovers of their country with fa£ls, and illuftra- ting the rights and privileges which it was their duty to defend.
The iaft attempt made by the miniftry in the way of art and addrefs, was repealing the a£l lay- ing duties on paper, glafs, and painter's colours, and leaving a fmall duty on tea, attended with fuch circumftances, that the tea fhould come to us no dearer, but perhaps cheaper, than before. This was evidently with defign that we might be induced to let it pafs, and fo the claim having once taken place, might be carried in other inftances to the greateft height. This manoeuvre, however, did not elude the vigilance of a public fpiritcd people. The whole colonies declared their refolution never to receive it.
THOUGHTS
O N
AMERICAN L I B E Pv T Y.
THE Congrefs is, properly fpeaklng, the reprefen- tatlvc of the great body of the per-pl j of North America. Their election is for a partlcuhjr purpofe, and a particular feafon onlyj It is quite difthict from the aflemblles of the feveral provinces. What will be before them, is quite dlirerent from what was or could be in the view of the electors, when the af- femblies are chofen. Therefore thofe provinces are wrong, wlio committed it to the aiTembly as fuch, to fend deleg?.tes, though in fome provinces, fuch as Bofton and Virginia, and fome others, the unanimity of fentim.ent is fuch, as to make it the fame thing in effe£t.
It is at leaft extremely uncertain, whether it could be proper or fafe for the Congrefs to fend, either ambalT.ulors, petition or addrefs, directly to king or parliament, or both. They may treat them as a diforderly, unconftltutional m.eeting — they may hold their meeting Itfelf to be criminal— ^they may Und fo many objections in point of legal forjn, that
G2
74 THOUGHTS ON
it is plainly in the power of thofe who wifh to be able to do it, to deaden the zeal of the multitude in the colonics, by ambiguous, dilatory, frivolous anfwers, perhaps feverer meafures. It is certain that this Congrefs is different from any regular exertion, in the accuflomed forms of a quiet, ap- proved, fettled conilitution. It is an interruptio n or fufpenfion of the ufual forms, and an appeal to the great law of reafon, the firft principles of the focial union, and the multitude collectively, for whofe benefit all the particular lav/s and cuftoms of a conftituted ftate, are fuppofed to have been origi- nally eflabliflied.
There is not the lead reafon, as yet, to think that cither the king, the parliament, or even the people of Great Britain, have been able to enter into the great principles of univerfal liberty, or are will- ing to hear the difcuffion of the point of right, without prejudice. They have not only taken no pains to convince us that fubmiflion to their claim is confident with liberty among us, but it is doubt- ful whether they expert or defire we (hould be convinced of it. It feems rather that they mean to force us to be abfolute Haves, knowing ourfelves to be fuch by the hard law of necefTity. If this is not their meaning, and they wifh us to believe that our properties and lives are quite fafe in the abfo- lute difpofal of the Britifli Parliament, the late afts with refpcO: to Bofton, to ruin their capital, deftroy their charter, and grant the foldlers a licence to murder them, are certainly arguments of a very fmgular nature.
Therefore it follows, that the great object of the
AMERICAN LIBERTY. 75
apprOacKing Congrefs fhould be to unite the colo- nies, and make them as one body, in any meafure of felf-defence, to aflure the people of Great Bri- tain that we will not fubmit voluntarily, and con- vince them that it would be either impoffible or unprofitable for them to compel us by open vio- lence.
For this purpofe, the following refolutlons and recommendations are fubmitted to their confidera- tion : —
1. To profefs as all the provincial and county rulers have done, our loyalty to the king, and our backwardnefs to break our connection with Great Britain, if we are not forced by their unjuft impolF- tions. Here it may not be improper to compare our pad condudl: with that of Great Britain itfelf, and perhaps explicitly to profefs our deteflation of the virulent and infolent abufe of his majefty's per- fon and family, which fo many have been guilty o£ in that iiland,
2. To declare, not only that we eflieem the claim of the Britifh Parliament to be illegal and unconfti- tutional, but that we are firmly determined never to- fubmit to it, and do deliberately prefer war with all its horrors, and even extermination itfelf, to fla* very rivetted on us and our pofterity.
3. To refolve that we will adhere to the intereft of the whole body, and that no colony (hall make its feparate peace, or from the hope of partial dif- tinclion, leave others as the victims of minifterial vengeance, but that we will continue united, and purfue the fame meafures, till American liberty is fettled on a folid bafis, and in particular, till the
G3
?<' TlIbUGIITS OK
now fuffering colony of Mafia chufetts Bay is re- Itored to all the rights of which it has been, on this occafion, unjuftly deprived.
4. That a non-importation agreement, which has been too long delayed, fhould be entered into im- mediately, and at the fame time, a general non- confumptive agreement, as to all Britifli goods at lead, fhould be circulated univerfally through the country, and take place immediately, that thofe who have retarded the non-importation agreement, may not make a profit to themfelves by this injury to their country.
5. That fome of the moft efFe£l:ual meafurcs fliould be taken to promote, not only induftry in general, but manufa(£tures in particular ; fuch as granting premiums in different colonies fcr ma- nufa£l:ures which can be produced in them ; ap- pomting public markets for all the materials of ma- nufa(fl:ure ; inviting ov6r and encouraging able ma- nufacturers in every branch ; and appointing fo- cieties in every great city, efpecially in principal fea-portr, to receive fubfcriptions for diredling and encouraging emigrants who fliall come over from Europe, whether manufacturers or labourers, and publiftiing propofals for this purpofe, in the Britifh newfpapers.
6. That it be recommended to the legiflature of every colony, to put their militia upon the befl footing ; and to all Americans to provide them- felves with arms, in cafe of a war with the Indians, French or Roman Catholics, or in cafe they fhould be reduced to the hard necefTity of defending them- felves from murder and alTaflinatLon.
AMERICAN LIBERTY. 77
7. That a committee fhould be appointed to draw up an earnefl and afFe£tionate addrefs to the army and navy, putting them in mind of their cha- racter as Britons, the reproach which they will bring upon themfelves, and the danger to whiclv they will be expofed, if they allow themfelves to be the inftruments of enllaving their country.
8. That a plan of union fliould be laid down for all the colonies, fo that, as formerly, they may cor- refpond and afcertain how they fliall effe£l:uaily co- operate in fuch meafures as fhall be neceflary to their common defence. — — —
ON THE
CONTROVERSY
ABOUT
INDEPENDENCE
SIR,
1BEG leave by your affiftance, to publlfh a few thoughts upon the manner of condud^ing, what I think is now called the independent controverfy^ in which this country in general is fo greatly inte- refled. Every one knows that when the claims oF the Britifh Parliament were openly made, and vio- lently enforced, the moft precife and determined refolutions were entered into, and publiflied by every colony, every county, and almoft every town- fhip or fmaller diftri£t, that they would not fub- mit to them. This was clearly exprelTed in the greateft part of them, and ought to be under- ftood as the implied fenfe of them all, not only that they would not fooji or eaftly^ but that they would ncvery on any events fubmit to them. For my own part, I confefs, I never would have figned thefc refolves at firft, nor taken up arms in confe- quence of them afterwards, if I had not been fully
€N THE CONTROVERSY, &€. 79
convinced, as I am ftill, that acquiefcence in this ufurped power, would be followed by the total andab- folute ruin of the colonies. They would have been no better than tributry ftates to a kingdom at a great diftance from them. They would have been therefore, as has been the cafe with all ftates in a fimilar fitua- tion from the begining of the world, the ferv^nts of fervants from generation to generation. For this reafon I declare it to have been my meaning, and I know it was the meaning of thoufaiids more, that tliough we earneftly wiihed for reconciliation witli fafety to our liberties, yet we did deliberately pre- fer, not only the horrors of a civil war, not only the danger of anarchy, and the uncertainty of a new fettlement, but even extermination itfelf, to flavery^. rivetted on us and our pofterity.
The moft peaceable means were firft ufed ; but. no relaxation could be obtained ; one arbitrary and oppreflive act followed after another ; they deftroyed the property of a Vv'hole capital-^ — fubverted to its very foundation, the conftitution and government of a whole colony, and granted the foldiers a liberty of murdering in ?J1 the colonies. I exprefs it thus, becaufe they were not to be called to account for it Vvflierc it was committed, which every body muft al- low was a temporary, and undoubtedly, in ninety- nine cafes of an hundred, muft have ifiued in a total impunity. There is one circumftance however in my opinion, much more curious than all the reft.. The reader will fay, What can this be "■ It Is the following, which I beg miay be particularly at- tended ta: — While all this was a doing, the king in his fpeeches, the parliament in their a6ls, and the
So ON THE CONTROVERST
people of Great Britain in their ackirefles, never failed to extol their own lenity. I do not infer from this, that the king, parliament and people of Great Britain arc all barbarians and favages — the inference is unnecefFary and unjuft : But I infer the mifery of the people of America, if they muft fubmit in all cafes luhatfoevery to the decifions of a body of the fons of Adam, fo dillant from them, and who have an interefl in oppreiTmg them. It has been my opinion from the begi'.ung, that Vv^e did not carry pur rca- foning fully home, when we complained of an ar- bitrary prince, or of the infolence, cruelty and ob- flinacy of Lord North, Lord Bute, or I^ord Mans- field. What v/e have to fear, and what we have now to grapple with, is the ignorance, prejudice, partiality and injuftice of human nature. Neither king nor miniftry, could have done, nor durft have attempted what we have fecn, if they had not had the nation on their fide. The friends of America in England are few in number, and contemptible in influence ; nor mud I omit, that even of thefe few, not one, till very lately, ever reafoned the Ameri- can caufe upon its proper principles, or viewed it in its proper light.
Petitions on petitions have been prefented to king and parliament, and an addrefs fent to the people of Great Britain, which have not merely been fruitlefs, but treated with the higheft degree of difdain. The conduct of the Britifli miniftry during the whole of this conteft, as has been often obfcrvcd, has been fuch, as to irritate the whole people of this continent to the higheft degree, and unite them together by the firm bond of neceflity
ABOUT INDEPENDENCE. 8 I
and common intereft. In this refpe£l they have ferved us in the moft effential manner. I am firmly perfuaded, that had the wifeft heads in America met together to contrive what meafures the miniftry fhould follow to ftrengthen the Ame- rican oppofition and defeat their own defigns, they could not have fallen upon a plan fo efFe6i:ual, as that which has been Iteadily purfued. One in- ftance I cannot help mentioning, becaufe it was both of more importance, and lefs to be expe8:ed than any other. When a majority of the New- York AfTembly, to their eternal infamy, attempted to break the union of the colonies, by refufmg to approve the proceedings of the Congrefs, and ap- plying to Parliament by feparate petition — becaufe they prefumed to make mention of the principal grievance of taxation, it was treated with ineffable contempt. I defire it may be obferved, that all thofe who are called the friends of America in Par- liament, pleaded ftrongly for receiving the New- York petition ; which plainly fhewed, that neither the one nor the other underftood the ftate of affairs in America. Had the miniftry been prudent, or the oppofition fuccefsful, we had been ruined j but with what tranfport did every friend to American liberty hear, that thefe traitors to the common caufe had met with the reception which they deferved.
Nothing is more manifeft, than that the people of Great Britain, and even the king and miniftry, have been hitherto exceedingly ignorant of the ftate of things in America. For this reafon, their mea- fures have been ridiculous in the higheft degree, and the ilTue dlfgraceful. There are fome who
82 ON THE CONTROVERSY
will not believe that they are ignorant — they tell us, liow can this be ? Hare they not multitudes in this country who gave them intelligence from the beginning ? Yes they have : but they vi^ould truft none but what they called oiBcial intelligence, that is to fay, from obfequious, interefted tools of go- vernment •, • many of them knew little of the true ftate of things themfelves, and when they did, would not tell it, left it fhould be difagreeable. I have not a very high opinion of the integrity and
candour of Dr C , Dr C , and other
mercenary writers in New- York ; yet I firmly be- lieve, that they thought the friends of American liberty much more inconfiderable, both for weight nnd numbers, than they were. They converfed with few but thofe pf their own v/ay of thinking, :and according to the common deception of little minds, miftook the feptiments prevailing within the circle of their own acquaintance, for the judg- ment of the public. — — —
OK
CONDUCTING
THE
AMERICAN CONTROVERSY
I
SIR,
TAKE the liberty, by means of your free and uninfluenced profs, of communicating to the public a few remarks upon the manner of conduc- ing the American controverfy in general, and on feme of the writers that have ?.ppeared in your paper in particular. That you may not pafs fentence- upon me immediately as an enemy to the royal au- thority, and a fon of fedition, I declare that I efleem his majefly king George the third to have the only rightful and lawful title to the Britifh cro\¥n, which, was fettled upon his family in confequeiice of the glorious revolution. You will fay, this is nothing at all •, it is the creed of the faftious Boftonians. I will then go a little further, and fay, that I not only revere him as the firll: magiftrate of the realm, but I love and honour him. as a man, and am perfuaded that he wifhes the profperity and happi-.cls of his people in every part cf his dominions. Nay, I
VcL. IX. H
§4 ON CONDUCTING
have dill more to fay, I do not tliuik the Britifla niiniftry thcmfelves have deferved all the abufe and foul names that have been bellowed on then\ by poli- tical writers. The ft eps which they have taken with ref]^e6l to American affairs, and which I efteem to be unjuft, impolitic, and barbarous to the highefl degree, have been chiefly owing to the two follow- ing caufes. I. Ignorance or mifcake, occafioned by the mifinformation of interefted and treacherous perfons employed in their fervice. 2. The pre- judices common to them, with perfons of all ranks in the ifland of Great Britain.
Of the firft of thefe, I fhall fay nothing at pre- fent, becaufe perhaps it may occur with as great propriety afterwards. But as to the feccnd, there is to be found in the newfpaperi enough to convince every man of reflection, that it was not the king and the niiniftry only, but the vidiole nation that was enraged againft America. The tide is but ^uft beginning to turn 5 and I am in fome doubt whether it has fairly turned yet, upon any larger principles than a regard to their own intereft, which may be afl-ecled by our proceedings. It can hardly be expeCled, that the eyes of a whole nation ihould be at once opened upon the generous prin- ciples of univerfal liberty. It is natural for the multitude in Britain, who have been from their in- fancy taught to look upon an act of parliament as fupreme and irreriftible, and to confider the liberty of their country itfelf as conflfting in the dominion of the houfe of commons, to be furprifed and aftonilhcd at any focicty cr body of men, calling in qucftioii tlae authority of parliament, and denying
THE AMERICAN CONTROVERSY. 85
its power over them. It certainly required time to make them fenfible that things are in fuch a fitiia- tion in America, that for the houfe of commons in Great Britain to afTume the uncontrouled power of impofing taxes upon American property, would be as inconfifient with the fpirit of the Britifh conftitu- tion, as it appears at firfl fight agreeable to its form. It argiics great, ignorance of human nature to fup- pofe, that becaufe we fee a thing clearly, which we contemplate every day, and v.'hich it is our intereffc to believe and maintain, therefore they are deftitute of honour and truth who do not acknowledge it im- mediately, though all their former ideas and habits have led them to a contrary fuppofition. A m.an "ivill become an American by rcuding in the country three rnonths, v/ith a picfpe£l: of continuing, more eafdy and certainly than by reading or hearing of it for three years, aniidfc the fophiflry of daily dif- putation.
For thefe reafons, I have often been grieved to {ce that the pleaders for American liberty, have mixed fo much of abufe and inventive a^ainfl the niiniftry in general, as well as particular perfons, with their reafonings in fupport of their own moft rlgliteous claim. I have often faid to friends of America, on that fubjecl, it is not the king and miniitry, fo much as the prejudices of Britons, with which you have to contend. Spare no pains to have them fully informed. 'Add to the im« moveable firmnefs with which you juflly fupport your own rights, a continual folicitude to convince the people of Britain, that it is not paiTion but reafon that infpires you."' Tell them it cannot be-
H 2
86 ON CONDUCTING
ambition, but neceiTity, that makes you run an evident ri(k of the heavieft fufferings, rather than forfeit for yourfelves and your pofterity, the grcateft of all earthly bleflings.
Another circumftance gave me flill more unenfi- nefs, viz. that many American patriots feemed to countenance, and to think themfelves interefted in the profperity of that moft defpicable of all fa6lions that ever exifled in. the Britiih empire, headed by the celebrated John Wilkes, Efq. That fliamelefs gang carried on their attacks with fuch grofs, and indecent, and groundless abufe of the king and his family, that they became odious to the nation, and indeed fo contemptible, that the miniftry fent at one time the lord mayor of London to the tower, without exciting the lead refentment in the pcrfons of property in that great city, fo as to bo felt in the operations of the treafury.
I am fenfible, and I mention it with pleafure,, that no American ever proceeded to fuch offen- live extravagance on thcfe fubjedls, as the peoplo in Britain. Far greater infults were offered te the fovereign, witliin the city of London, and within the verge of the court, than ever were thought of, or would have been permitted, by the mob in any part of America. Even the writings con- taining illiberal abufe from England, were fcarccly fought after here, and many of them never publifh- ed, althou'.^h it could have been done without the leaft danger of a profecution. Yet, though the people of America are as dutiful and refpee^ful fubjecls to the king as any in his dominions, there were fome things done, and feme things publiflied.
THE AMERICAN CONTROVERSY. 87
fLat feemed to intimate that we had one and the- fame caufe with the author of the North Britain, No. 45. The evil confequence of this was, that it had a tendency to lead the king and miniftry to think that the American claim was no better than the Wilkite clamour, and fo to oppofe it with the fame fxrmnefs, and to treat it with the fame difdain. Nothing could be more injudicious than this cou- duft in the Americans ; and it arofe from the moft abfolute ignorance of political hiftory. The (lamp-- aft, that firft-born of American oppreffions, was- framed by the chief men of that very fadlion ; and it is plain from their language to this hour, that they make no other ufe of American dlfturbances^ but as engines of oppoiition, and to ferve the meaii- purpofes of party or of family interefl.
I do not mean by this to take any part with or' againft the prefent miniftry. I have feen many changes of the miniftry, without any fenfible change of the (late of public affairs. Nothing is more- common with them than to raife a hideous outcry againft a meafure, when they are .out, and yet,, without fliame or confcience, do the vefy fame* thing as foon as they get in. I look upon the~ caufe of America at prefent to be a matter of truly inexpreiTible m.cment. The (late of the human; race through a great part of the globe, for ares to- come, depends upon it. Any minifter or miniftry,. who is in or out of court-favour, at a particular junfture, is fo little a m.itter, that it fnould not be-* named with it.
113
A R I S T I D E S.
SIR, HAVE a few thoughts to communicate, firft to yoLirfelf, and after thnt, if you pJeafe, to the public, upon the manner of condu6ling what is now called the independent controverfy, in the ncwi- papers. There are to be found in the tracts upon one fide of , this quellion, almoft without exception, complaints of fome reltraints, felt or feared, upon the freedoin of the prefs. I fhall be glad to be in- formed, becaufe I am yet ignorant, what founda- tion there is for thefe complaints. A pamphlet was publifhed fometime ago, calling itfelf Connnon Senfe, which nobody was obliged to read, but thole who v/ere willing to pay for it, and that pretty dearly too. It was however read very generally, which I fuppofe mufl have arifen either from the beauty and elegance of the compofition, or from the tvutli and importance of the matter contained iiv it. That it did not arife from the (irvl of thefe caufes, I fliall take for granted, until I meet with fomebody who is of a different ophiion ; and when this is added to the circumftance of its being fold in the manner ^iiove mentioned, it is plain that the fubie£l matter of Common Senfe was propofed to the world under every difadvantage, hut that of its o\vn manifeft importance and npparent truth or probability.
ARISTIDES. 89
Things being in this fituation, after time fufh- clent to have matured any pamphlet of mi ordinary fize, out comes an anfwer to Common Stnfe^ under the title of Plain Truth. This, in one refpeiSl, was perfeclly fair, for it was pamphlet againil pamphlet ; and the faid Plain Truth alfo was fold, as well as Common Senfe, at a very high price. For this lad circumftance, there was no need for affigning a rea- fr)n, becaufe I apprehend it is the undoubted right of every author, to fet what price he pleafes upon the produ6i:ions of his genius, and of every printer upon the produ6lions of his prefs, leaving it always? to the public to determine whether tliey will pur- chafe thefe productions at tliat price, or any other. A reafon however was affigned, which was as An- gular as it Vv-as uaneceirary. We were told that only a fmall number of copies was printed of i[\e Jirjl edition, I believe this is the only inftance that can be produced, of calling a bock in its publica- tion, the firll edition. The only reafon of m.aking more editions than one of any bock, is the fpeedy fale cf that number of copies, which the modefty of the author, or the prudence of the bookfeller, thought might be fufhcient for the public demand. In this cafe, there is what is ftated by the printers a call for another edition. But there are multi- tudes of publications, as to which this call is never heard, and therefore none of them c?.n, with pro- priety of fpeech be (iyled the firft edition. How would it found if I fl^iould fay, that a m.an who came alone into my houfe, was the firft of the company that entered ; or that my wife, who is llill alive and well; is my firft wife, when it is very polTible that
90 ARtSTlDEg.
ihe may live till I am unfit for any ©rher wife, cr till {he is at liberty to take a fecond hufband ?
But further, fuppofing that the author and book- feller had been right in that expectation, which the ufe of the phrafe plainly fhews the vanity of the one and the miftake of the other had raifed in them, I defire to know how that was a reafon for printing few copies, and thus rendering them unccnfciona- b]y dear. You printers know beft, but I take it for granted from the nature of the thing, that you print feweft copies of a book, when you do not expe£t a general fale. If I were certain that this diflertation of mine would caufe an unufual demand for the pa- per that contains it, I would modeftly fuggeft to you, to print three or four hundred of that number more than common. In like m.anner, if it was cer- tain at the appearance of this pamphlet, that it would be the firft of many editions, following one' another in rapid fucceflion, it feems the moft ob- vious thing in the world that the edition fliould have been as large as pofTible. Upon the whole, this was an unlucky {tumble at the threfhold in the au- thor of Plain Truth, as well as an unexpected lap- fus of the great, illuftrious, and exalted R. B. Pro- vidore, as he calls himfelf, to the fentimentalifts, for which I find no way of accounting, but that they were inadvertently led by the fubjecl they had in hand to a6t, as well as write, in direct oppofition. to Common Senfe.
Well, the book comes out, of which I had a pre- fent of two copies, from different perfons, notwith- {tanding the fmallnefs of tlie number printed. But what {hall I fiiy, either of the {lyle or reafoning o£
ARISTIDES. 91
the performance. The reading of three pages gave me the opinion of it, which all who read it after- wards concurred in, and which all who have not read it eafily acquiefced in. In execution it v/as fo contemptible, that it could not procure a reading on a fubje£^, as to which, the curiofity of the pub- lic was raifed to the greateil height ; it not only wanted good qualities in point of tafte and proprle- ^ ty, but wa^ eminently poiTefTed of every bad one. Common Senfe foiriCtimes failed in grammar, but never in perfpicuity. Plain Truth was fo ridicu- loally ornamented with vapid, fenfeiefs phrafes, and feeble epithets, that his meaning could hardly be comprehended. He often put me in mini of the painted v. indows of fome old gothic buildings, which keep out the light. If Common Senfe in fome places wanted pollfh. Plain Truth was covered over, from head to foot, v/ith a deteftable and ftinking varnifh. As to the argument itfelf, although nothing could be more clearly ftated than it was in Common Senfe, yet in Plain Truth it was never touched up- on in the leaft degree. The author of Common Senfe did not write his book to fhcw that we ought to refill the unconflitutional claims of Great Britain, which we had all determined to do long before ; he vTo:e it to (new that we ought not to feek or wait for a reconciliation, which in his opinion, is now become both impracticable and unprofitable, but ta eftablifii a fixed regular government, and provide for ourfelves. — Plain Truth, on the contrary, never attempts to fnew that there is the lead probability cf cbtainiro; reconciiiaticn on fuch terms as will pre- fers'e and fecure our liberties, but has exerted aU
92 iRISTIDES.
his little force, to prove, that fuch is the flrength of Great Britain, that it will be in vain for us to refifl at all. I will refer it to the impartial judg- ment of all who have read this treatife, whether the jufl and proper inference from his reafoning is not, that we ought immediately to fend an embafly with ropes about their necks, to make a full and humble furrender of ourfelves and all OLfr property to the difpofal of the parent flate. This tliey have for- mally and explicitly demanded of us, and this v/e have v.'ith equal clearnefs determined we will never do. The queflion then ie ; Shall we make refif- tance v/ith the gieateft force, as rebel fubje^ls of a government v/hich we acknowledge, or z> indepen- dent flates againil: an ufurped pov/er which w^ deted and abhor ?
After this reprobated author was ofFthe ftage, a new fet of antagonifts appeared againft Common Senfe *, but inftead of publifhing the firit edition of pamphlets, they chofe to appear in the newfpapers. The propriety of this I beg leave to examine. Much has been faid about the liberty of the prefs ; fufFer me to fay a few words for the liberty of readers. V7hen a pamphlet is publifhed and fold, nobody is wronged. When the anfwer to it is publiilied and fold, the thing is quite fair. The writers and their caufe will undergo an impartial trial *, but when the anfwering one pamphlet by another, has fo fhamefuUy failed, to undertake the fame thing by various detached pieces in the newf- papcrs, is cramming the fenfe or nonfenfe of thefe authors down our throats, whether w^e will or ^ot. I pay for your newfpaper, and for two more^
ARISTIDES. pj
and frequently read others befides. Now, if I pay for news, mufl my paper be flutfed with diflertations, and muft I read them four or five times over ? I do declare, that I have paid, and am to pay, three times for the moil part of Cato's letters, and if they were to be publiflied in a pamphlet, I would not give a rufh for them alto- gether. But it will be faid, the cuftom is old and univerfal, to write diflertations in newfpapers. I anfwer, it is both old, univerfal, and ufeful, when under proper dire6lion ; but it may be abufed. It is the right of every publiflier of a newfpaper to ir4fert in it upon his own judgment and choice, when news are fcarce, whatever he thinks will re- commend his paper to his readers. In this view, an able writer is a treafure to a publifher of any periodical paper, ?.nd ought certainly to be paid li- berally, either in money or thanks, or both ; and therefore. Sir, if you have paid for, or even folicited from the author, the papers you have publifned, you are wholly acquitted of blame, further than fometim.es a miilaken choice ; but if, on the con- trary, which I flrongly fufpeft, you and others are paid for inferting political pieces, I affirm, you take money to deceive your readers.
As the fubje6l is of feme importance, efpecially at this time, I fhall take the liberty of ftating the objetlions I have again It the pra6lice, as above de- fcribed, leaving you to fliape your future courfe as you think proper, and determiining to ufe my pre- rogative of taking or giving up your paper as it feems to deferve. In the firjl place, if you admit pieces into your paper for pay, I prefume from the
94 ARISTIDES.
nature of all mankhul, that thofe who pay beil, will have the preference. Then fhall we have a new flanclard of literary merit ; and a man who is able anci willing to refute pernicious principles, or to dete£l: the falfehood of impudent aflertions, may yet be too poor to obtain a place, where only it can be done to ^ny good purpofes. The moment it is in the power of perfons unknown, to condu<Sl: or bias the public channels of intelligence, both the people in general, and particular perfons, may be deceived and abufed in the grofieft manner. It is fc.irce worth while, when things of fo much greater moment are to be added, yet I will juil mention, that you force nonfenfe upon us which could not make its appearance in any other mode of pubiica- , tion. Pi ay, Sir, how much copy money would you have given for a pamphlet in which you had found that ridiculous pan upon Mount Seir, which is to be feen in one of Cato's letters, and the wretched parody upon Hamlet's folilcquy ? Parody in gene- ral, is one of tlie lowed kind of writing that has yet found a name •, and that poor fpeech has been re- peated, imitated, and mangled fo often, that it muft excite difguft in every perfon who has any acquain- tance with newfpapers and pamphlets to fee it again. I could eafily mention twenty different v^Ayr,) in which I have feen that fpeech parodied. To fpeak, or not to fpeak, that is the quollion — To fight, or not to fight, that is the quefiion — To wed, or not to wed, that is the quefl:ion — ^To drink, or not to drink, that is the queRion, is*c, isfc. ^c: Is this then a time for filling the newfpapers with fucli egregious trifling ?
ari$ti6e§. 95
But this is not all ; I could mention a cafe that happened a few years ago in New York. A gen- tleman had publiftied a fmall piece by itfelf, and put his own name and defcription on the title page; he was immediately attacked in the moft virulent and unmannerly flyle, by anonymous writers" in the newfpapers, and it was with the utmoft difficulty^ that even for pay itfelf, his friends could get a few words inferted by way of reply. This prac- tice, indeed, is liable to the higheft degree of cor- ruption. Whether are we to fuppofe it v/as pay or profanenefs, that introduced into the paper printed
by the infamous R , pieces containing the
groil*eft obfcenity, and which ought to have been punifhed by the magiftrates of the place, as a pub-, lie nuifance? It is alfo generally believed of that printer, that he encouraged or hired worthlefs per- fons to publifh afperfions againft a gentleman in th^ neighbourhood, of good eftate, but of no great judgment, that he might fqueeze money out of him for the liberty of contradicting them. I do not fay that things are come this length with you ; but the pra£tice leads to it, and therefore fhould be early and vigoroufly oppofed.
For the above reafons, caution is to be ufed in admitting eflays into he newfpapers at any rate, or fufFering a controverfy in which people are greatly interefted, to be agitated there at all. The wri- ters are very apt to become perfonal and abulive, -and to forget the fubje£l: by refuting or expofing every thing that has been thrown out by their anta- gonifls. Certainly, however, they ought to con- fine themfelves to the pieces that have been origi-
Vol. IX. I
96 ARISTIDES.
nally publlflied in <he newfpnpers, and are fuppofcd to have been read by the fame perfons who read the anfvvers. To anfwer a whole book by a feries of letters in the newfpapers, is like attacking a man behind his back, and fpeaking to his prejudice be- fore perfons who never faw nor heard of him, nor are ever likely fo to do. Common Senfe has been read by many, yet the newfpapers are read by many more ; and therefore I affirm, that permit- ting his adverfaries to attack him there, is giving them an undue advantage over him, and laying the public at the mercy of thofe who will not Hick to aflert any thing whatever in fupport of a bad caufe. Let no body fay I am writing againfl the free- dom of the prefs. I defire that it fhould be per- fectly free from every bias; but I would have all wri- tings of confequence upon fuch a caufe as this, pub- liflied by themfelves, that they may (land or fall by their own merit, and the judgment of the public. How do you think. Sir, the letter of the common man publifhed in your paper, fome time ago, would do if lengthened out a little, and printed in a pamphlet ? Under a thin and filly pretence of im- partiality, he takes upon him to tell us what a num- ber of things muft be all previoufly fettled, before we proceed to fix upon a regular plan of govern- ment ; fuch as, what price we mud expe£l for our produce at this and the other nation and port. Shall we call this reafoning ? Are our undcrftand- ings to be infulted ? If all or any fuch things muft be previoufly fettled, any man of com.mon invcR- tion may enumerate fifty thoufand perfedlly fimilar, which will never be fettled by previous computation
ARISTIDES. 97
till the end of the world, but will fpeedily fettle themfelves by common intereft, when a trade is open, and the common man fliall never know any thing of the matter.
But what I chiefly complain of, is the tedious, trifling, indecent altercation, occafioned by hand- ling this fubjeft in the newfpapers. It certainly requires a fpeedy decifion, as well as mature delibe- ration •, yet mud we wait till Cato and other wri- ters have exhaufled their invention in the newf- papers, from week to week, guefl^ed at one ano- ther's perfons, and triumphantly exprefl^ed their difdain at each other's fentiments or ftyle. If Cato's letters had been a pamphlet, I could have read all that he has f aid in an hour, and all the reafoning; part by itfelf, in the fourth part of the time; yet after eight letters, muft we wait fome weeks more, for it would be indecent to proceed to a£lion before he has done fpeaking. But after all, the worft of it is, that in this way of letter and anfwer, we never come to the argument at all. -If I miftake not, the points to be 'difcufled are very plain and not numerous, and yet wholly untouched, at lead by Cato, though he has been repeatedly called upon by his adverfaries. For example — Is there a probable profpe£l: of reconciliation on conftitutional principles ? What are thefe conftitutional princi- ples ? Will any body fhew that Great Britain can be fufliciently fure of our dependence, and yet we fure of our liberties ? A treatife upon this laft fub- je6l would be highly acceptable to me, and if well executed, ufeful to all. I fnall add but one quef- tion more. Will the country be as orderly and
I 2
«)8 ARISTIDES.
happy, and our efforts for refiftance as effectual, by the prefent rules and temporary proceedings, as when the whole are united by a firm confederacy, and their exertions concentrated like the ftrength of a fmgle ftate ? I am greatly miftaken if thefe points ought not to be the hinge of the controverfy, and yet if they have been examined fully, or the greatell part of theni even touched upon by Cato or his coad- jutors, I have read their works with very little at- tention.
Now, Sir, this paper goes to you, that if you pleafe you may infert it, but neither money nor promife of good deed to make way for it, fo thzt In fate i« wholly uncertain.
I remain. Sir,
Yours, ^c»
ARISTIDES.
PART
OF A
SPEECH IN CON G R E S S,
ON THE
CONFERENCE
PROPOSED BY
LORD HOWE.
Mr President,
THE fubjea we are now upon, is felt and con- fefTed by us all to be of the utmoft confe- quence, and perhaps I may alfo fay, of delicacy and difficulty. I have not been accuftomed in fuch cafes to make folemn profeflions of impartiality, and fhall not do it now, becaufe I will not fuppofe that there are any fufpicions to the contrary in the minds of thofe who hear me. Befides the variety of opinions that have been formed and delivered upon it, feem to prove that we are giving our own proper judgment, without prejudice or influence; which I hope will lead to the difcovery of what is mod wife and expedient upon the whole.
As the deliberation arifes from a meliage fent to us by Lord Howe, at lead by his permifnon^ I
Is
I0« SPEECH ON THE CONFERENCE
think it is of importance to attend with greater ex- acSlnefs to all the circumftances of that meffage, than has been done by any gentleman who has yet fpoken on the fubje6b. It comes from the com- mander in chief of the forces of the king of Great Britain, and one who is faid to carry a commiflion to give peace to America.
From the condufl of the miniftry at home, from the a6l:s of parliament, and from Lord Howe's pro- clamation in conformity to both, it is plain, that abfolufce unconditional fubmiffion is what they re- quire us to agree to, or mean to force us to. And from the moft authentic private intelligence, the king has not laid afidehis perfonal rancour; it is ra- ther increafing every day. In thefe circumftances, Lord Howe has evidently a great defire to engage us in a treaty ; and yet he has conftantly avoided giving up the leaft punftilio on his fide. He could never be induced to give General Waftiington his title. He plainly tells us he cannot treat with Congrefs as fuch ; but he has allowed a prifoner of war to come and tell us he would be glad to fee us as private gentlemen.
It has been faid that this is no infult or difgrace to the Congrefs ; that the point of honour is hard to be got over, in making the firft advances. This, Sir, is miftaking the matter wholly. He has got over this point of honour \ he has made the firft overtures*, he has told General Wafliington, by Colonel Put- nam, that he wiflied that mefliige to be confidcred as making the firft ftep. His renewed attempts by Lord Prummond, and pow by Generjil Sullivan^ point
PROPOSED BY LORD HOWE. lOl
out to all the world that he has made the firft ftep. It will doubtlefs be related at home, and I am of opinion it is already written and boafted of to the miniftry at home, that he has taken fuch a part. Therefore, any evil or condefcenfion that can at- tend feeking peace firft, has been fubmitted to by him. Yet has he uniformly avoided any circum- ftance that can imply that we are any thing elfe but- fubje£ts of the king of Great Britain, in rebellion. Such a meflage as this, if in any degree intended as refpeclful to us, ought to have been fecret ; yet has it been open as the day. In ihort, fuch a mef- fage was unneceflary; for if he meant only to com- municate his mind to the Congrefs by private gen- tlemen, he might have done that many ways, and it needed not to have been known either to the public or the Congrefs, till thefe private gentlemen came here on purpofe to reveal it — Thefe, then, are the circumftances which attend this meflage as it is now before us ; and the queftion is, fhall we com- ply with it in any degree, or not ? Let us afk what benefit will be derived from it ? There is none yet fhewn to be poflible. It has been admitted by every perfon without exception who has fpoken, that we are not to admit a thought of giving up the independence we have fo lately declared : and by the greateft part, if not the whole, that there is not the leaft reafon to expe£l: that any correfpon- dence we can have with him will tend to peace. Yet I think, in the beginning of the debate, fuch rea- fonings were ufed as feemed to me only to conclude that we fhould grafp at it as a means of peace. We were told that it was eafy for us to boaft or
102 SPEECH ON THE CONFERENCE
be valiant here ; but that our armies were running away before their enemies. I never loved boafting, neither here nor any where elfe. I look upon it as almoft a certain forerunner of difgrace. I found my hope of fuccefs in this caufe, not in the valour of Americans, or the cowardice of Britons, but upon the juftice of the caufe, and flill more upon the nature of things. Britain has firft injured and inflamed America to the higheft degree j and now attempts, at the diftance of three thoufand miles, to carry on war with this whole country, and force it to abfolute fubmiffion. If we take the whole events of the war fmce it commenced, we fhall ra- ther wonder at the uniformity of our fuccefs, than be furprifed at fome crofs events. We have feen bravery as well as cowardice in this country ; and there are no confequences of either that are proba- ble, that can be worth mentioning as afcertaining the event of the conteft.
Lord Howe fpeaks of a decifive blow not being yet ftruck; as if this caufe depended upon one battle, which could not be avoided. Sir, this is a prodi- gious miftake. We may fight no battle at all for a long time, or we may lofe fome battles, as was the cafe with the Britilh themfelves in the Scotch re- bellion of 1745, and the caufe notwithftanding be the fame. I wifh it were confidered, that neither lofs nor difgrace worth mentioning, has befallen us in the late engagement, nor comparable to what the Britilh troops have often fuffered. At the bat- tle of Prefton, Sir, they broke to pieces, and ran away like fheep, before a few highlanders. I my- felf faw them do the fame thing at Falkirk, witir
?ROPOSED BY LOUD HOWE. lOJ
▼ery little difference, a fmall part only of the army- making a (land, and in a few hours the whole re- treating with precipitation before their enemies. Did that make any difference in the caufe ? Not in the leaft — fo long as the body of the nation were determined, on principle, againfb the rebels. Nor would it have made any other difference, but in time, though they had got poffeffion of London, which they might have eafily done if they had un- derftood their bufinefs ; for the militia in England there gathered together, behaved fifty times worfe than that of America has done lately. They gene- rally difbanded and ran off wholly as foon as the rebels came within ten or twenty miles of them. In fhort, Sir, from any thing that has happened, I fee not the leaft reafon for our attending to this de- lufive meffage. On the contrary, I think it is the very worft time that could be chofen for us ; as it will be looked upon as the effe£t of fear, and dif- fufe the fame fpirit, in fome degree, through diffe- rent ranks of men.
The improbability of any thing arifing from this conference, leading to a jufl: and honourable peace, might be fhewn by arguments too numerous to be even fo much as named. But what I fhall only mention is, that we are abfolutely certain, from every circumftance, from all the proceedings at home, and Lord Howe's own explicit declaration in his letter to Dr Franklin, that he never will acknowledge the independence of the American States.
I obferved that one or two members faid, in ob- jedion to the report of the board of war, that it
104 SPEECH ON THE CONFERENCE
was like a ben^ging of the queflion, and making a preliminary of the whole fubje<Sl in debate. Alas, Sir, this is a prodigious niiftake. It was not only not the whole, but it was properly no fubjeO: of debate at all, till within thefe three months. We were contending for the reftoration of certain pri- vileges under the governroent of Great Britain, and we were praying for re-union with her. But in the beginning of July, with the univerfal approbation of all the dates now united, we renounced this conne61:ion, and declared ourfelves free and inde- pendent. Shall we bring this into queflion again ^ Is it not a preliminary } has it not been declared a preliminary by many gentlemen, who have yet gi- ven their opinion for a conference, while they have faid they were determined on no account, and on- 110 condition, to give up our independence ? It is then a necefTary preliminary — and it is quite a dif- ferent thing from any pun£l:ilios of ceremony. If France and England were at war, and they were both defirous of peace, there might be fome little difficulty as to who fhould make the firfl: propofals; but if one of them fliould claim the other, as they did long ago, as a vaflal or dependent fubjecSl, and fhould fignify a defire to converfe with the other, or fome deputed by him, and propofe him many privileges, fo as to make him even better than be- fore, I defire to know how fuch a propofal would be received ? If we had been for ages an indepen- dent republic, we fhould feel this argument with all its force. That we do not feel it, fliews that we have not yet acquired the whole ideas and habits
PROPOSED BY LORD HOWE. 10^
.©f independence ; from which I only infer, that every ftep taken in a correfpondence as now pro- pofed, will be a virtual or partial renunciation of that dignity fo lately acquired.
I beg you would obferve, Sir, that Lord Howe himfelf was fully fenfible that the declaration of in- dependence precluded any treaty, in the character in which he appeared ; as he is faid to have lament- ed that he had not arrived ten days fooner, before that declaration was made. Hence it appears, that entering into any correfpondence with him in the manner now propofed, is actually giving up, or at leaft fubjeding to a new confideration, the in- dependence which we have declared. If I may be allowed to fay it without offence, it feems to me that fome members have unawares admitted this, though they are not fenfible of it ; for when they fay that it is refufing to treat, unlefs the whole be granted us, they muft mean that fome part of that whole muft be left to be difcufled and obtained, or yielded, by the treaty.
But, Sir, many members of this houfe have either yielded, or at leafl fuppofed, that no defirable peace, or no real good, could be finally expeded from this correfpondence, which is wilhed to be fet on foot ; but they have confidered it as neceffary in the eye of the public, to fatisfy them that we are always ready to hear any thing that will reftore peace to the country. In this view it is confidered as a fort of trial of (kill between Lord Howe and us in the political art. As I do truly believe, that many members of this houfe are determined by
t06 SPEECH ON THE CONFERENCE
this circumftance, I fhall confider it with fome at- tention. With this view it will be neceflary to diftinguifli the public in America into three great claffes. I. The tories, our fecret enemies. 2. The whigs, the friends of independence, our fmcere and hearty fupporters. 3. The army, who muft
fight for us.
As to the firft of them, I readily admit that they are earneft for our treating. They are exulting in the profpea of it ; they are fpreading innumerable lies to forward it. They are treating the whigs already with infult and infolence upon it. It has brought them from their lurking holes : they have ta- ken liberty to fay things in confequence of it, w^hich they durft not have faid before. In one word, if we fet this negociation on foot, it will give new force and vigour to all their feditious machinations. But, Sir, {hall their devices have any influence upon us at all ? if they have at all, it fhould be to make us fufpeft that fide of the queftion which they embrace. In cafes where the expediency of a meafure is doubtful, if I had an opportunity of knowing what my enemies wiflied me to do, I would not be eafiiy induced to follow their advice.
As to the whigs and friends of independence, I am well perfuaded that multitudes of them are al- ready clear in their minds, that the conference fhould be utterly rejected ; and to thofe who are in doubt about its nature, nothing more will be re- quifite, than a clear and full information of the ftate of the cafe, which I hope will be granted them.
PROPOSED BY LORD HOW£. I07
As to the iMrmy, I cannot help being of opinion, that nothing will more efFe£lualIy deaden the opera- tions of war, than what is propofed. "We do not ourfelves expe6l any benefit from it, but they will. And they will poflibly impute our conduct to fear and jealoufy as to the ifTue of the caufe j which will add to their prefent little difcouragement, and produce a timorous and defpondent fpirit. — —
Vol. IX. K
SPEECH
IK
CONGRESS,
ON THE
CONVENTION
•WITH
GENERAL BURGOYNE.
I
Mr President, AM fenfible, as every other gentleman in this houfe feems to be, of the great importance of the prefent queflion. It is of much moment, as to private perfonsy fo to every incorporated fociety, to preferve its faith and honour in folemn contracts : and it is efpecially fo to us, as reprefenting the United States of America, affbciated fo lately, and juft beginning to appear upon the public flage. I hope, therefore, we fliall deteft the thoughts of embracing any meafure which fliall but appear to be mean, captious, or infidious, whatever advan- tage may feem to arife from it. On the other hand, as the interefl of this continent is committed to our care, it is our duty, and it will be expeded of us, that we give the utmofl attention that the
ON THE CONVENTION, SiC, 10^
public fufFer no injury by deception, or abufe and infuit, on the part of our enemies.
On the firft of thefe principles, it is clearly my^ opinion, that we ought, agreeably to the fpirit of the firft refolution reported, to find, that the conven- tion is not fo broken, on the part of General Bur- goyne, as to entitle us to refufe compliance with it on ours, and detain him and his army as prifoners of ■war. I admit that there is fomething very fufpi- cious in the circumftance of the colours, when com- pared with his letter in the London Gazette, which makes mention of the Britifli colours being feen fly- ing upon the fort. I agree, at the fame time, that the pretence of the cartouch boxes not being men- tioned in the convention is plainly an evafion. They ought, in fair conftru£lion, to be comprehended un- der more expreffions of that capitulation than one — armsj ammunition^ warlike ftores. They were foun- denlood at the capitulation of St John's. In this prefent inftance many of them were delivered up> which certainly ought to have been the cafe with all or none. And once more, I admit that the de- lention-of the bayonets in the inftances in which it was done, v/as undeniably unjaft.
As to the firft of thefe particulars, I am unwill- ing to diftruft the honour of a gentleman folemnly given; and therefore'as General Burgoyne has given his honour to General Gates, that the colours were left in Canada, I fuppofe It is fubftantially true, whatever fmall exception there might be to it. The colours fecn flying at Tyconderoga, were perhaps old colours occafionally found there, or perhaps taken from fome of the vefiels lying at the place,. ^msHoi^
K2
J 10 ON THE CONVENTION
ihere when the army proceeded farther up the coun- try. This is the rather probable, that if the regi« ments in general had had colours, they muft have been feen very frequently by our army in the battles, or upon the march.
As to the other circumftances, they are fo mean and little in their nature, that I fuppofe them ta have arifen from the indifcretion of individuals, <]uite unknown to the commander in chief, or even to the officers in general.
We ought alfo to confider that it was fo unex- pected, and mufl have been fo humiliating a thing, for a whole Britiili army to furrender their arms, and deliver themfelves up prifoners-to thofe of whom they had been accuftomed to fpeak^vi^th fuch con- tempt and difdain — that it is not to be wondered at,, if the common foldiers did fome things out of fpite and ill humour, not to be juftified. To all thefe confiderations, I will only add, that though the want of the colours deprives us of fome enfigns of triumph which it would have been very grateful to the different dates to have diftributed among them, and to have preferved as monuments of our vitStory, the other things are fo trifling and unefTential, that it would probably be coafidered as taking an undue advantage, if we fliould retain the whole army here on that account. I would therefore, Sir, have it clearly aflerted, that though we are not infenfible of thofe irregularities, and they may contribute to make us attentive to what (liall hereafter pafs before the embarkation, we do not confider them as fuch breaches of the convention, as will authorize us in juflice to declare it void.
WITH G£nes:al' b^rgoyke. nv
On the other hand. Sir, It is our indifpenfable duty to ufe the greateft vigilance, and to a6l with the greateft firmnefs, in feeing that juftice be done to the American States. Not only caution, but what I may call jealoufy and fufpicion, is neither unreafonable nor indecent in fuch a cafe. This will be juflified by the knowledge of mankind. Hif- tory affords us many examples of evafive and artful condu6l in fome of the greateft men and moft refpec- table nations, when hard prefled by their neceffities, or when a great advantage was in view. The behaviour of the Romans when their army was taken at the Caudine Forks may be produced as one. The condu6l of the Samnites was not over- wife •, but that of the Romans was difhonourable to • the laft degree, though there are civilians who de- fend it. Their conful, after his army had paffed through the yoke^ a fymbol at that time of the ut= moft infamy, made a peace with the Samnites^ The fenate refufed to ratify it ; but kept up a fhew of regard to the faith plighted, by delivering up the' Gonful to the Samnites, to be ufed as they thought proper. That people anfwered, as was eafily fug- g.efted by plain common fenfe, that it was no re- paration at all to them to torment or put- one man; to death ;• but that if they difavowed' the treaty,* they ouglit^ to fend back the army- to the fame fpot- of ground in v^hich they had been furrounded. No • fuch thing.-however, was done. But the Romans, notwithftanding, immedl-.tely broke the league ; and with the fame army which had been let go, or a great part of it, brought the unhappy Samnites to- deftru6tion. — Such inftances may be braught from <
K3
112 ©N THE CONVENTION
modern as well as ancient times. It is even the opinion of many perfons of the befl judgment, that the convention entered into by the late duke of Cumberland, vv^as by no means flridtly obferved by the court of London.
When I confider this, Sir, I confefs I look upon' the expreffion in General Burgoyne's letter to Gene- ral Gates, of November 14, as of the mod alarming iiature. For no other or better reafon, even fo^ much as pretended, than that his quarters were not fo commodious as he expedled, he declares the public faith is broken and we are the imnrediate Jiifferers. In this he exprefsly declares and fubfcribes his opi- nion, that the convention is broken on our part \ and in the laft exprefFion, we are the immediate^ fufferers, every perfon muft perceive a menacing intimation of who ihall be the fufferers when he iliall have it in his power.
Being fufliciently fettled as to the principle on which I fliall found my opinion, it is unnecellary for me to give an account of the law of nature and na- tions, or to heap up citations from the numerous writers on that fubj.e(5t. But that what I fliall fay" may have the greater force, I beg it may be ob- ferved, that the law of nature and nations is no- thing elfe ii?ut the law of general reafon, or thofe obligations of duty from reafon and confcience, on one individual to another, antecedent to any par- ticular law derived from the focial compa£l;, or even vi£lual confent. On this actount, it is called the law of nature 5 and becaufe there are very rarely to be found any parties in fuch a free ftate with regard to each othcrj except independent nations, there-
WITH GENERAL BURGOYNE. if^
fore It Is alfo called the law of nations. One nation to another is juft as man to man in a flate of na- ture. Keeping this in view, a perfon of integrity will pafs as found a judgment on fubjeds of this kind, by confulting his own heart, as by turning over books and fyftems. The chief ufe of books- and fyftems is, to apply the principle to particular- cafes and fuppofitions differently claffed, and to point out the practice of nations in feveral minute and fpecial particulars, which unlefs afcertained by pra£lice, would be very uncertain and ambiguous.
But, Sir, I mu{l beg your attention, and.^ that of the houfe, to the nature of the cafe before us — at leaft as I think it ought to be flated. I am afraid, that fome members may be mifled, by confidering this declaration of General Burgoyne as an irregu- larity of the fame fpecies, if I may fpeak fo, with, the other indifcretions or even frauds, if you pleafe to call them fo, of withholding the cartouch boxes, or hiding or flealing the bayonets. The queftion is. not, whetlier this or the other thing done by the army is a breach of the convention. I have for my part given up all thefe particulars, and declared my willingnefs to ratify the convention, after I have heard them and*believe them to be true. But we have here the declared opinion of one of the parties that the public faith is broken by the other. Now, the fimplefl man in the world knows, that a mutual onerous contradt is always conditional ; and that if tlie condition fails on one fide, whether from necefli- ty or fraud, the other is free. Therefore we have reafon to conclude, that if Mr Burgoyne is of opi- nion that the convention is broken on our part, he
114 ^^ "^^^^ CONVENnON
will not hold to it oil his. He would act the part of a fool if he did. It is of no confequence to fay his opinion is ill-founded or unjuft, as it manifeft- ly is in the prefent cafe; for whether it is juil or unjuft, if it is real/y his opinion (and we fhould wrong hisj fincerity to doubt it) the confequences are the fame v/ith refpecSt to us. Men do often^ perhaps generally, adhere with greater obftinacy to opinions that are ill, than thofe that are well found- ed, and avenge imaginary or trifling injuries with; greater violence than thofe that are real and great. Nay, we may draw an argument for our danger from the very injuftice of his complaint. If he has- conceived the convention to be broken on fo frivo- lous a pretence as that his lodging is not quite com- modious, after the juft caution inferted by General Gates in the preliminary articles, what have we to expe£l; from him as foon as he fliall recover his li- berty, and the power of doing mifchief ? It fliews^ a difpofition to find fault, and an impatience under liis prefent confinement, the future efFe61;s of whick we have the greateft reafon to dread.
The more I confider this matter, Sir, the more it ftrikes me with its force. General Gates fays upon the fubjedl: of accommodation, granted as for as cir- cumjlatices imll admit. Was not this proper and ne-- ceflary? It was very natural to fuppofe that General Burgoyne, accuftomed to the fplendor of the Bri- tifh court, and poirelfed with ideas of his own im- portance, would be but ill pleafed with the beft ac- commodations that could be obtained for him, and his numerous followers, in one of the frugal Hates of New England. It was alfo in the neighbourhood
\V1TH GENERAL BURGOYNE. II5
of a place not in the leaft expelling the honour of fuch guefts, v/hich had been long the feat of war which had been exhaufted by our army, and plun- dered by their's. One would have thought that the recolIe6lion of the ruin of Charleflown, the burning t)f which, if I miftake not, in a letter of his from Bofton to England, he calls a glorious light, might have prevented his complaints, even though he had lefs elbow room than he wiihed for. But as cir- cumftances ftand, by what condu£l: fhall we be able to fatisfy him ? When will pretences ever be want- ing to one feeking to prove the convention broken, when it is his inclination or his interefl to do fo ?
It has been faid. Sir, that we ought not to take this declaration of his in fo ferious a manner : that it was written rafhly, and in the heat of paflion 5 and that he did not mean that we fhould dread fuch confequences from it. All this I believe to be fbritt- ly true. It probably fell from him in pafBon — and very unadvifedly. But is he the firft perfon that has rafhly betrayed his own mifchievous defigns ? Or is this a reafon for our not availing ourfelves of the hap- py difcovery? His folly in this inftance is our good fortune. He is a man, Sir, whom I never faw, though 1 have been more than once in England j but if I fhould fay I did not know him, after having read his lofty and fonorous proclamation, and fome other produc- tions, I fhould fay what was not true. He is evi- dently a man fhowy, vain, impetuous, and rafh. It is reported of General Gates, from whom I never heard that any other words of boafling or oflenta- tion fell, that he faid he knew Burgoyne, and that he could build a wall for him to run his head againfl
1 16 QH THE CONVENTION, ^C,
I do not by any means approve of boafting m gene* ral. I think a man fhould not boaft of what he has done, much lefs of what he only means to do ; yet I c:mnot help faying, that this was a mod accurate predi£bioa, which, with the event that followed it,, plainly points out to us the character of General Burgoyne. Do you think that fuch a man would not take the advantage of this pretended breach of the convention on our part j and endeavour to wiper off the reproach of hrs late ignominious farrender by fome fignal or defperate undertaking ? — . —
SPEECH
IN
CONGRESS,
ON A
MOTION FOR PAYING
THE INTEREST OF
LOJN-OFFICE CERTIFICATES.
Mr President,
1MU8T entreat the attention of the houfe, while I endeavour to ftate this fubjeft with as much brevity and perfpicuity as I am mafter of. It is not eafy to forbear mentioning, yet I (hall but barely mention, the diilreiTed and unhappy fituation of many of the perfons concerned in the public loans. I fliall aifo pafs by their characters, as whigs and friends to the American caufe. I {hall pafs by the fervices which many of them have rendered, in their perfons, by their friends, by their purfes, and by their prayers Thefe are affeding confiderations, which ought not, and which I am confident will not fail, to have their weight with every member of this houfe. Let us then, leave thefe topics alto- gether, and let us confine ourfelves to the duty and
Xl8 SPEECH ON THE INTEREST OF
interefl: of the United States in their prefent fitua- tion, when the care of their affairs is committed to us who are here aflcmbled.
Public credit is of the utmoft moment to a ftate which experts to fupport itfelf, at any time j but it is all in all in a time of war. The want of it defeats the wifeft meafures, and renders every de- partment torpid and motionlefs. It cannot be de- nied, that by many unhappy, if not unwife mea- fures, public credit among us has been reduced to the lowed ebb, firft by a monftrous and unheard of emiflion of paper money ; next by an a£t of bank- ruptcy, reducing it to fix pence in the pound; then by a table of depreciation. There remained but one thing which preferved us fome degree of re- fpe6bability, that the promifes made to lenders of money before a certain period, had been kept for three years ; but now as the laft and finifhing ftroke, this alfo is broken to pieces, and given to the winds.
Let not gentlemen cry out as before, why diftin- guiih thefe people from other public creditors ? I do not diftinguifli them by afking payment for them alone ; but I diftinguifli them, becaufe their cir- cumftances and difappointment give a new and dif- graceful ftroke to the credit of the United States. I diftinguifli them, becaufe I hope that their fuffer- ings and complaints may induce us lo take fome ftep towards the payment of all. Strange it is to the laft degree, that this comparifon fliould feem to fet gentlemen's minds at eafe-^becaufe great in- jury has been done to one clafs, therefore the fame may and ought to be done to another. In this way
LOA!^-OFFICE CERTirrCATES. II9
it would be very eafy to rid ourfelves of both, and to fay, why all this noife about loan-ofEce certifi- cates ? have not all the receivers of continental bills luitered as much or more than they, and had the immenfe funi of two hundred millions funk in their hands ? — If this would be a good anfwer in one cafe, it certainly would in the other. Now is it proper or fafe in our prefent fituation, to refufe all kind of payment to the public creditors in this country, fo numerous and fo variously circum- ftanced ? Let us examine it a little.
We are now endeavouring to borrow, and have the hope of borrowing money in Europe. Is this the way to fucceed? Is it not pofTiblc, is it not highly pro- bable, that our treatment of our creditors here, will foon be known there ? Nay, are not fome of our creditors interefted in this very meafure, refiding there ? Muft not this repeated infolvency, neglect and even contempt of public creditors, prevent peo- ple from lending us in Europe ? I am forry to fay it, but in truth I do believe that it is their igno- rance of our fituatlon and paft conduct, that alone will make them truft us. I confefs, that if I were at Amfterdam juft now and had plenty of" money, I would give v.-hat I thought proper to the United States, but would lend them none.
It is to be hoped, that in time truth and juftice will fo far prevail, that our pof^erity will fee the necelTity of doing their duty ; but at prefent we feem but little difpofcd to it. — By making fome payment to the public creditors immediately, and profecuting the meafures already begun for further fecur'.ty, we (liould obtain a dignity and weight a-
Vol. IX. L
120 SPEECH ON THE INTEREST OF
broad, that would procure money wherever It could be found.
Let us next confider the effect upon our credit at home. It has ever been my opinion, that if our fecurity were good, and our credit entire, fo that obligations by the public would be turned into mo- ney at any time, at par or at little lefs, we fliould find no inconfiderable number of lenders. Every thing of this kind proceeds upon fuch certain prin- ciples as never to fail in any inilance of having their eiTe£l. From the general difpofition, that prevails in this new country, real ellate is lefs efteemed, und money at intereft more, that is to fay compara- tively fpeaking, than in the old. Now, whatever fuccefs we may have in Europe, I am perfuaded we ihould flill need, or at lead be much the better of loans at home, which are in their nature preferable to thofe abroad ; and therefore whatever leads ut- terly to deftroy our credit at home, does an eflential injury to the public caufe. Nay, though there were not any proper loans to be expected or attempted nt home, fome trufling to public credit would be neceffary, to make thofe to whom we are already indebted patient, or at leaft filent for fome time. To this may be added that annihilating public cre- dit, or rather rendering it contemptible, has an un- happy influence upon every particular internal tem- porary operation. People will not feek your fer- vice, but fly from it. Hence it is well known, that fometimes ilorcs and ammunition or other necefla- lies for the army, have flood flill upon the road till they were half loll for want of ready money, or
LOAN-OFFICE CERTlFICATEg. 121
people who would trud you, to carry them for- ward.
We mull now go a little further, and fay, that if this propofition is inforced, it will be a great hindrance to the payment of taxes, and raifing the fupplies which muft be called for from the ftates. I do not infill, upon what has been already mentioned, that the payment propofed would enable many to pay their taxes ; becaufe, though that is certainly true with refpe£l to thofe who fliall receive it, and though it is admitted they are pretty numerous, yet in my opinion, it is but a trifle to the other effects of it, both in the pofitive and negative way. It would give dignity to the public fpirit, and animation to tiie people in general. It would give the people better thoughts of their rulers, and prevent mur- muring at public perfons and public meafurcs. I need not tell this houfe how much depends in a free flate, upon having the efleem and attachment of the people. It is but a very general view that people at a diftance can take of the management cf men in public truit ; but in general it is well known, they are abundantly jealous, and as ready to believe evil as good. I do not fpeak by guefs, but from facts, when I tell you that they fay, we are now paying prodigious taxes, but what becomes of all the money ? The army, fay they, get none of it, being almoft two years in arrear. The public creditors fay they get none of it, not even intereit for their money. This was told me by the county collector of Somerfet county, New Jerfey, v/ho was not a contentious man, but wifhed to know what he ought to fay to the people. Now this
L2
122 SPEECH ON THE INTEREST OF
fmall payment, as it would be very general, would be much talked of; and I am perfuaded, for its general good influence, would be worth all, and more than all the fum we fhali beftow. I have heard it faid in fome llmilar cafes, you muft fomc- times throw a little water Into a pump, in order to bring a great deal out of it.
Now, on the other hand, what will be the confe- quence of a total refufal ? You hive told the public creditors, that you have no money in Europe to draw for. They will very fpeedily hear of this loan in Holland. They are fulHciencly exafperated already ; this will add to their indignation. They really are already fore ; their minds will be rankled more than ever. They are looking with an evil eye upon fome new men coming into play, and thinking themfelves unjuftly^and ungratefully ufed^ I believe they are not fo much without principle, as to turn their backs upon the public caufe ; but a fpirit v«f fa(il:ion and general difcontent, upon fu.h plaufible grounds, may do it eiTential injury. They may combine to refufe their taxes ; and if any fuch unhappy ailbciation (hould be formed, it would fpread ; and many from a blind attachment to their own intereft, would pretend to be upon the fame footing, though th^y have no concern in the mat- ter : and if this difpofition (hould become general^ it would put an entire flop to all our proceedings. This difcouraging profpe<!i^ is not merely founded on conjecture. I have been told that there have already been meetings for entering into concert for refufing to pay taxes. Is it poITible we can, in our circumftances, more profitably employ the fum
LOAN-OFFICE CERTIFICATES. I23
mentioned in the motion, than in giving fatisfaclion to a deferving body of men, and in preventing evils of fo alarming a nature.
It is poffible. Sir, that fome are comforting them- felves with their own fincerity and good intentions ; that they ultimately refolve to pay all honourabfy ; that they have taken, and are taking meafures to prepare for it. — A fuiti of money is called for on purpofe to pay the interefl of the public debts ; and the five per cent, impoil is appropriated to the fame purpofe. But, Sir, it will take a confiderable time before the mod fpeedy of thefe meafures can bring money into the treafuvy -y and in the meart time the late ftep of refufing to draw bills, has given fuch a flroke to loan-office certificates, that their value is fallen to a very trifle — the fpirits of the people are broken^ — a gentleman told me the other day, I fee the loan-office certificates are gone, as well as all the reft of the money. The inevita- ble confequence will be, that hard and irrefiflible neceffity, or incredulity and ill humour, will make them part with them for a mere nothing ; and then the greatelt part of them by far will really be in the hands of fpeculatora. When this is notorioufly the cafe, I (hall not be at all furprifed to find that fome- body will propofe a new fcale of depreciation, and fay to the holders, you fhall have tliem for what they were worth and generally fold at,, at fuch a. time. P.ift experience juftifies this expecSlation, and no declaration we can make to the contrary,, will be ftronger than that of Congrefs in the year 1779, that they would redeem the money, and that it was a vile and flanderous afleition, that they
^3
124 SPEECH ON THE INTEREST, &C.
would fufFer it to fink in people's hands. I kno\7 particular perfons alfo, who by believing this decla- ration, loft their all. Now, if this fliall be the cafe again, public faith will be once more trodden under foot -, and the few remaining original holders of certificates will loofe them entirely, being taken in connexion with thofe who purchafed them at an under value.
PART
O F A
SPEECH IN CONGRESS,
ON THE
FINANCES,
Mr President,
I HAVE little to fay againft the refolutions, as they ftand reported by the fuperintendant of finance. Perhaps they are unavoidable in the cir- cumftances to which we are reduced. Yet the ftep feems to be fo very important, and the confe- quences of it fo much to be dreaded, that I muft intreat the patience of the houfe, till I ftate the dan- ger in a few words, and examine whether any thing can poflibly be added to it, which may in feme de- gree prevent the evils which we apprehend, or at leaft exculpate Congrefs, and convince the public that it is the effect of abfolute neceflity.
Sir, if we enter into thefe refolves as they ft and, it will be a deliberate deviation from an exprefs and abfolute ftipulation, and therefore it will, as it was exprefled by an honourable gentleman the other daY>
126 SPEECH IN CONGRESS
give the lad ftab to public credit. It will be in va?n> in future, to afk the public to believe any promife we fhall make, even when the moil clear and expli- cit grounds of confidence are produced. Perhaps it will be faid that public credit is already gone ; and it hath been faid that there is no more in this, than in negledling to pay the interefl of the loan-olHce certificates of later date ; but though there were no other differences between them, this being another and freflier inftance of the fame, will have an ad- ditional evil in-fluence upon public credit. But in fa£t, there is ibmething more in it than in the other. The folemn ftipulation of Congrefs, fpecifying the manner in which the interefl was to be paid, was- Gonfidered as an additional fecurity,. and gave a va- lue to thefe certificates, which the others never had.. I beg that no gentleman may think that I hold it a light matter to withhold the intereft from the other lenders ; they will be convinced, I hope, of the con- trary before I have done ; but I have made the com- parifon merely to fhew what will be the influence of this meafure upon the public mind, and therefore upon the credit and eflimation of Congrefs. Now it is plain, that the particular promife of giving bills upon Europe, as it had an efFedt, and was intend- ed to have it in procuring credit, it muft, when, broken or withdrawn, operate in the moft power- ful manner to our prejudice. I will give an exam- ple of this, in our melancholy paft experience. ITie old continental money was difgraced and funk,, firft by the ad of March i8th, 1780, (which the Duke de Vergennes juftly called an a6t of bankrupt- cy,) telling you would pay no more of your debt
«N THE FINANCES. I 27
than fixpence in the pound. This was after- wards further improved by new eftimates of de- preciation, of feventy-five and one hundred and fifty, for new ftate paper, which itfelf was funk to two or three for one; and yet bad as thefe men's cafes were, the difgrace ariling from them was more than doubled, by people's referring to, and repeating a public declaration of Congrefs, in which we complained of the injurious flanders of thofe that faid we would fufFer the money to fmk in the hands of the holders, and making the moft folemn proteftations, that ultimately the money fliould be redeemed dollar for dollar ; and to my knowledge, fome trufting to that very declaration, fold their eftates at what they thought a high price, and brought themfelves to utter ruin.
I cannot help requefting Congrefs to attend to the ftate of thofe perfons who held the loan-ofhce cer- tificates which drew intereft on France ; they are all, without exception, the firmed and fafeft friends to the caufe of America •, they were in general the mofl: firm, and a(ftive, and generous friends. Many cf them advanced large fums of hard money, to affift you in carrying on the war in Canada. None of them at all put away even the loan-oiiice certificates on fpeculation, but either from a generous intention of ferving the public, or from an entire confidence in the public credit. There is one circumftance which ought to be attended to, viz. the promife of hiterefl: — bills on Europe were not made till the I oth of September, 1777. It was faid a day or two ago, that thofe who fent in caih a little before IMarch ift, 1778, had by the depreciated date of
128 SPEECH IN CONGRESS
the money, received almoil their principal ; but this makes but a fmall part of the money, for there were but fix months for the people to put in the money, after the promife was made ; only the mofl apparent juftice obliged Congrefs to extend the pri- vilege to thofe who had put in their money before. Befides, nothing can be more unequal and inju- rious than reckoning the money by the depreciation either before or after the i(l of March, 1778, for a great part of the tnoney in all the Loan offices was fuch as had been paid up in its nominal value, in confequence of the Tender laws.
This points you, Sir, to another clafs of people, from whom money was taken, vi*. widows and orphans, corporations and public bodies. How many guardians were a6tually led, or indeed were obliged, to put their depreciated and depreciating money into the funds — I fpeak from good know- ledge. The truftees of the college of New Jerfey, in June, 1777, dired^ed a committee of theirs to put all the money that fhould be paid up to them, in the loan-office, fo that they have now nearly in- vefled all. Some put in before March, 1778, and a greater part fubfequent to that date. Now it mufl be known to every body, that fmce the pay- ment of the intereft bills gave a value to thefe early loans, many have continued their intereft in them, and refted in a manner wholly on them for fupport. Had they entertained the flightefl fufpicion that they would be cut ofl', they could have fold them for fomething, and applied themfelves to other means of fubfiftence ; but as the cafe now ftands, you are reducing not an inconfiderable number of
ON THE FINANCES. I29
your very bed friends to abfolute beggary. Dur- ing the whole period, and through the whole fyftem of continental money, your friends have fulFered alone — the dlfaffecSted and lukewarm have always evaded the burden — have in many inftances turn- ed the fufFerlngs of the country to their own ac- count— have triumphed over the whlgs — and if the whole fhall be crowned with this laft ftroke, it feems but reafonable that they fhould treat us with infult and derlfion. And what faith do you expect the public creditors fliould place in your promife of ever paying them at all ? What reafon, after what is pad, have they to dread that you will divert the fund which is now mentioned as a diftant fource of payment ? If a future Congrefs fhould do this, it would not be one whit worfe than what has been already done.
I wi(h. Sir, this houfe would w^eigh a little, the public confequences that will immediately follow this refolution. The grief, dlfappointment and fuf- ferings of your beft friends, has been already men- tioned— then prepare yourfelves to hear from your enemies the moft infulting abufe. Tou will be ac- cufed of the moft oppreflive tyranny, and the grofs- eft fraud. If it be poflible to polfon the minds of the public, by making this body ridiculous or con- temptible, they will have the falreft opportunity of doing fo, that ever was put in their hands. But I muft return to our plundered, long ruined friends ; we casnot fay to what their rage and dlfappointment may bring them ; we know that nothing on earth is fo deeply refentful, as defpifed or rejeded love — whether they may proceed to any violent or difor-
TJO SPEECH IN C0MGJIIIS3
derly meafures, it Is impofRble to know. We have an old proverb, That the eyes will break through flone walls, and for my own part, I fliould very much dread the furious and violent efforts of defpair. Would to God, that the independence of America "was once eftabliflied by a treaty of peace in Europe ; for we know that in all great and fierce political con- tention, the efFe6t: of power and circumftances is very great ; and that if the tide has run long with great violence one way, if it does not fully reach its pur- pofe, and is by any means brought to a ftand, it is apt to take a direftion, and return with the fame or greater violence than it advanced. Muft this be riiked at a crifis when the people begin to be fa- tigued with the war, to feel the heavy expence of it, by paying taxes *, and when the enemy, convin- ced of their folly in their former feverities, are do- ing every thing they can to ingratiate themfelves with tlie public at large. But though our friends fhould not be induced to take violent and feditious meafures all at once, I am almoft certain it will produce a particular hatred and contempt of Con- grefs, the reprefentative body of the union, and {till a greater hatred of the individuals who compofe the body at this time. One thing will undoubtedly happen *, that it will greatly abate the refpe£l which is due from the public to this body, and therefore? weaken their authority in all other parts of their proceetlings.
I beg leave to fay, Sir, that in all probability, it will lay the foundation for other greater and more fcandalous fleps of the fame kind. You will fay \^hat greater can there be ? Look back a little to
ON THE FINANCES. !,'> I
your hiftory. The firft and great deliberate breach of public faith, was the act of March i8th, 1780, reducing the money to forty for one, which was de- claring you would pay your debt at fixpence in the pound — But did it not turn ? No, by and by it was iet in this ftate and others at feventy-five, and final- ly fet one hundred and fifty for one, in new paper, in ftate paper, which in fix months, rofe to four for one. Now, Sir,' what will be the cafe with thefe certificates ? Before this propofal was known, their fixed price was about half a crown for a dollar of the eftimated depreciated value ; when this refo- lution is fairly fixed, they will immediately fall in value, perhaps to a fhilling the dollar, probably lefs. Multitudes of people in defpair, and abfolute necef- fity, will fell them for next to nothing, and when the holders come at laft to apply for their money, I think it highly probable, you will give them a fcale of depreciation, and tell them, they coft fo little that it would be an injury to the public to pay the full value. And in truth. Sir, fuppofing you final- iy to pay the full value of the certificates to the holders, the original and moft meritorious proprie, tors will in many, perhaps in moft cafirs, lofe the whole.
It will be very proper to confider ^vhateffea this will have upon foreign nations ; certainly it will fet us in a moft contemptible light. We are juft begin- mng to appear among the powers of the earth, and it may be fidd of national, as of private charaders, they foon begin to form, and when difadvantageous ideas are formed, they are not eafily altered or de- ftroyed. In the very inftance before us, many of
Vol. IX. M
132 SPEECH IN CONGRESS,
thefe certificates are pofTcfTed by the fubje6ls of fo- reign princes, and indeed are in foreign parts. We muft not think that other fovereigns will fuffer their fubjeds to be plundered in fo wanton and extrava- gant a manner. You have on your files, letters from the Count de Vergennes, on the fubje6i:^ of your former depreciation ; in which he tells you, that whatever liberty you take with your own fubje£l:s, you muft not think of treating the fubje^ls of France in the fame way ; and it is not impoflible that you may hear upon this fubje^l, what you little expert, when the terms of peace are to be fettled. I do not in the leaft doubt that it may be demanded that you Ihould pay to the full of its nominal value, all the money as well as loan-office certificates, which fiiall be found in the hands of the fubje£ls of France, Spain or Holland, and it would be perfedlyjuft. I have mentioned France, &c. but it is not only not impofli- ble, but highly probable, that by accident or danger, or both, many of thefe loan-office certificates may be in the hands of Engliffi fubjeds. Do you think they will not demand payment ? Do you think they v/ili make any difference between their being before or after March ift, 1778? And will you prefent them with a fcale of depreciation ? Remem- ber the affair of the Canada bills, in the laft peace between England and France — I wifh we could take example from cur enemies. How many fine difler- tations have we upon the merit of national truth and honour in Great-Britain. Can we think without blufliing, upon our contrary condudl in the matter of finance ^ By their pundluality in fulfilling their engagements as to intereft, they have bceu able to
ON THE FINANCES. 1 33
fupport a load of debt altogether enormous. Be pleafed to obferve, Sir, that they are not wholly without experience of depreciation : navy deben- tures and fiiilors' tickets have been frequently fold at an half, and fometimes even at a third of their value ; by that means they feem to be held by that clafs of men called by us fpeculators. Did that go- vernment ever think of prefenting the holders of them, when they came to be paid, with a fcale of depreci- ation ? The very idea of it would knock the whole fyftem of public credit to pieces.
But the importance of this matter will be felt before the end of the war. We are at this time earneftly foliciting foreign loans. With what face can we expecSl: to have credit in foreign parts, and in future loans, after we have fo notorioufly broken every engagement which we have hitherto made ? A difpofition to pay, and vifible probable means of payment, are abfolutely neceffary to credit j and where t|iat is once eftabliihed, it is not difficult to borrow. If it may be a mean of turning the atten- tion of Congrefs to this fubje£l, I beg of them to obferve, that if they could but lay down a founda- tion of credit, they would get money enough to borrow in this country, where we are. There is property enough here ; and, comparatively fpeak- ing, there is a great number of perfons here who would prefer money at interell to purchafmg and holding real eftates. The ideas of all old country people are high in favour of real eftate. Though the intereft of money, even upon the very bed fecurity there, is from four to four and a half, four and three quarters, and five per centum ; yet when any
.134 SPEECH IN CONGRESS, ^i.'.
real eftate is to be fold, there will be ten purchafers M-here one only can obtain it, and it will coft fo much as not to bring more than two, two and a half, and at moft three per centum.
It is quite otherwife in this country, and indeed it ought to be otherwife. To purchafe an eftate in the cultivated parts of the country, except what a man poiiefles himfelf, will not be near fo profitable 28 the interell of money ; and in many cafes where it is rented out, it is fo wafted and worn by the tenant, that it would be a greater profit at the end cf feven years, that the land had been left to itfelf, to bear woods and buihes that ihould rot upon the ground, without any rent at all. Any body alfo may fee, that it is almoft univerfal in this country, when a man dies leaving infant children, that the executors fell all his property to turn it into money > aiid put it in fecurities for eafy and equal divifion.
AU thefe things, Mr Prefident, proceed upon certain and indubitable principles, which never fail of their efFec^:. Therefore, you have only to make your payments as foon, as regular, and as profitable as other borrowers, and you will get all the money you want ; and by a fmall advantage over others, it will be poured in upon you, fo that you fliall not need to go to tlie lenders, for they will come to you.
PART
OF A
SPEECH IN CONGRESS,
UPON THE
CONFEDERATION.
THE abfolute neceflity of union to the vigour and fuccefs of thofe meafures on which we are ah'eady entered, is felt and confefled by every one of us, without exception ; fo far, indeed, that thofe who have exprelled their fears or fufpicions of the exifting confederacy proving abortive, have yet agreed in faying that there muft and fliall be a confederacy for the purpofes of, and till the finifh- ing of this war. So far it is well j and fo far it is- pleaiing to hear them exprefs their fentiments. But I intreat gentlemen calmly to confider how far the giving up all hopes of a 1 ailing confederacy among, thefe dates, for their future fecurity and improve- ment, will have an effect upon the ftability and efficacy of even the temporary confederacy, which alt acknowledge to be neceiTary? I am fully perfuaded, that when it ceafes to be generally known, that the- delegates of the provinces confider a lading union, as impradlcable, it will greatly derange the mhid'§=
INI 3
12^ SPEECH IN CONGRESS
of the people, and weaken their hands in defence of their country, which they have now undertaken with fo much alacrity and fpirit, I confefs it would to me greatly diminilh the glory and impor- tance of the fhruggle, whether confidered as for the rights of mankind in general, or for the profperity and happinefs of this continent in future times.
It would quite depreciate the object of hope, as well as place it at a greater diftance. For what would it fignify to ri& our poiTefTions and ilied our blood to fet ourfelves free from the encroachments and oppreiTion of Great Britain — with a certainty, as foon as peace was fettled with them of a more lad- ing war, a more unnatural, more bloody, and much more hopelefs v/ar, among the colonies themfelvcs? — Some of us confider ourfelves as a£ling for pof- terity at prefent, having little expectation of living to fee ail things fully fettled, and the good con fo- quencGS of liberty taking effe£l. But how much more uncertain the hope of feeing the internal con- tefts of the colonies fettled upon a lading and equi- table footing ?
One of the greateft dangers I have always confi- dered tlie colonies as expofed to at prefent, h treachery among themfelves, augmented by bribery and corruption from our enemies. But what force would be added to the arguments of feducers, if they could fay with truth, that it was of no confe- quence whether we fucceed'id againfl Gr«('at Britain or not •, for we mud, in the end, be fubjeQed, the greateft: part of us, to the power of one or more of the ftrongcft or largeft of the American ftates? And kere I would apply the argument which we have
UPON THE CONFtDERATlON. I37
fo often ufed againfl: Great Britain — that In all hif- tory we fee that the (laves of freemen, and the fub- je6l dates of republics, have been of all others the mod grievoully opprefled. I do not think the re- cords of time can produce an inftance of Haves treated with fo much barbarity as the Helotes by the Lacedemonians, who were the moft illullrious champions for liberty in all Greece; or of provinces more plundered and fpoiled than the ftates con- quered by the Romans, for one hundred years be- fore Cxfar's diclatorfliip. The reafon is plain ; there are many great men in free ftates. There were many confular gentlemen in that great repub- lic, who all confidered themfelves as greater than kings, and muft have kingly fortunes, M'hich they had no other way of acquiring but by governments of provinces, which lailed generally but one vear, and feldom more than two.
In what I have already faid, or may fay, or any cafes I may ftate, I hope every gentleman will do me the jufllce to believe, that I have not the mod diftant view to particular perfons or focieties, and mean only to reafon from the ufual courfe of things, and the prejudices infeparable from men as fuch. And can we help faying, that there will be a much greater degree, not only of the corruption of par- ticular perfons, but the defe6lion of particular pro- vinces from the prefent confederacy, if they confider our fuccefs itfelf as only a prelude to a conteft of a more dreadful nature, and indeed much more pro- perly a civil war than that which now often obtains the name ? Mufl not frnall colonies In particular be in danger of faying, we muft fecure ourfelves i
138 SPEECH IN CONGRESS
If the colonies are independent dates, feparate and dilunited, after this war, we may be fure of coming off by the worfe. We are in no condition to con- tend with feveral of them. Our trade in general, and our trade with them, mud be upon fuch terms as they fhall be pleafed to prefcribe. — What will be the confequence of this ? Will they not be ready to prefer putting themfelves under the protection of Great Britain, France or Holland, rather than fubmit to the tyranny of their neighbours, who were lately their equals ? Nor would it be at all impoffi- ble, that they fhould enter into fuch rafh engage- ments as would prove their own deftru61:Ion, from a mixture of apprehended neceffity and real refent- ment.
Perhaps it may be thought that breaking off this confederacy, and leaving it unfinifhed after we have entered upon it, will be only poflponinrr the duty to fome future period ? Alas, nothing can exceed the abfurdity of that fuppofition. Does not all hiftory cry out, that a common danger is the great and only effectual means of fettling difficul- ties, and compofmg differences. Have we not ex- perienced its efficacy in producing fuch a degree of union through thefe colonies, as nobody would ^lave prophefied, and hardly any would have ex- pelled ?
If therefore, at prefent, when the danger is yet imminent, when it is fo far from being over, that it is but coming to its height, we fhall find it im- poffible to agree upon the terms of this confederacy, what madnefs is it to fuppofe that there ever will be a time, or that circumflances will fo change, as
UPON THE COKFEDERATION. li^
to make it even probable, that it will be done at an after feafon ? Will not the very fame difficulties that are in our way, be in the way of thofe who {hail come after us ? Is it pofiible that they (hould be ignorant of them, or inattentive to them ? Will they not have the fame jealoufies of each other, the fame attachment to local prejudices, and particular intereft ? So certain is this, that I look upon it as on the repentance of a finner — Every day's delay, thousrh it adds to the neceffitv, vet aucrnients the difficulty, and takes from the inclination.
There is one thing that has been thrown out, by which fome feem to perfuade themfelves of, and others to be more indifferent about the fuccefs of a confederacy — that from the nature of men, it is to be expedted, that a time mull come when it will be diffolved and broken in pieces. I am none of thofe who either deny or conceal the depravity of human nature, till it is purified by the light of truth, and renewed by the Spirit of the living Gcd. Yet I apprehend there is no force in that reafoning at all. Shall we eflabliih nothing good, beeaufe we know it cannot be eternal? Shall we live without govern- ment, beeaufe every conftitution has its old age, and its period ? Beeaufe we know that we fhall die, fliall we take no pains to preferve or lengthen out life ? Far from it. Sir : it only requires the more watchful attention, to fettle government upon the beft principles, and in the wifeft manner, that it may laft as long as the nature of things will admit.
But I beg leave to fay fomcthing more, though with fome rifk that it will be thought vifionary and
14*^ SPEECH IN CONGRESS
romantic. I do expe<^, Mr Prefident, a progrefs, as in every other human art, fo in the order and perfection of human fociety, greater than we have yet feen ; and why fliould we be wanting to our- felves in urging it forward ? It is certain, I think, that human fcience and rehgion have kept company together, and greatly alBfted each other's progrefs in the world. I do not fay that intelle6lual and moral qualities are in the fame proportion in parti- cular perfons ; but they have a great and friendly influence upon one another, in focieties and larger bodies.
There have been great improvements, not only in human knowledge, but in human nature *, the progrefs of which can be eafily traced in hiilory. Every body is able to look back to the time in Europe, when the liberal fentiments that now pre- vail upon the rights of confcience, would have been looked upon as abfurd. It is but little above two hundred years fince that enlarged fyftem called the balance of power, took place ; and I maintain, that it is a greater ftep from the former d'ifunited and hoftile fjtuation of kingdoms and ftates, to their prefent condition, than it would be from their pre- fent condition to a flate of more perfe£l and lading unio?i. It is not impoflible, that in future times all the dates on one quarter of the globe, may fee it proper by fome plan of union, to perpetuate fecurity and peace ; and fure I am, a well planned confederacy among the dates of America, may hand down the blcdlngs of peace and public order to' many generations. The union of the feven pro- vinces of the Low Countries, has never yet been
UPON THE CONFEDERATION. I4I
broken ; and they are of very different degrees of (Irength and wealth. Neither have the Cantons of Switzerland ever broken among themfelves, though there are fome of them proteftants, and fome of them papifts, by public eftablifhment. Not only fo, but thefe confederacies are feldom engaged in a war with other nations. Wars are generally be- tween monarchs, or fingle ftates that are large. A confederation of itfelf keeps war at a diftance from the bodies of which it is compofed.
For all thefe reafons, Sir, I humbly apprehend, that every argument from honour, intereft, fafety and neceflity, confpire in preffmg us to a confede- racy ; and if it be ferioufly attempted, I hope, by the bleffmg of God upon our endeavours, it will be happily aecompli{hed.
SPEECH
IN
CONGRESS,
ON THE APPOINTMENT OF
PLENIPOTENTIARIES.
Mr President,
fAM (orry to obferve, that after going through the in{lru6tions to be given to our plenipoten- tiary or plenipotentiaries, we fhould have fo warm a debate, and indeed feem to be fo equally divided upon the queftion, v/hether there fhould be one or more to whom we will entrufl the negociation ?
As to the practice of European nations, I believe it is fo various as not to afford any argument on one fide or the otlier ; we may appoint one or more — there will be nothing fmgular or remarkable in it, fo as to make our conduct look like ignorance in fuch matters. I am inclined to think, however, that negociations are generally conducted near to their conclufion, by one confidential perfon, though after the more important preliminaries are fettled, more may be fometimes appointed, to give greater folemnity to the conclufion. We are therefore at
OF PLENIPOTENTIARIES. I43
libefty to determine ourfelves wholly by the general reafon and nature of the thing, and our own par- ticular circumftances.
As to the firil of thefe, on the fide of one perfon, it may be faid, there will be more precifion, more expedition, more uniformity, and more certainty of agreement with others, and confiflency with him- felf. And the perfon whom we have employed, is a man of found and clear underllanding, and has had the advantage of being a long time in Europe, and no doubt has been turning his thoughts, and making enquiries upon the fubjecl ever fince he went there ; fo that we may fuppofe him pretty ripely advifed.
On the other fide, it may be faid, that, if alone, he might be at a lofs, and that it would be of ad- vantage to him to have the advice of others. It is even faid, that there is a necefiity of others better acquainted with pares of the country different from thofe with which he has been chiefly connected. — As to council, that does not ftrike me much — per- haps there is greater fafety in one than three ^ be- caufe he is fully refponfible ; whereas if a common council is taken, the blame is divided, and every one is lefs difhculted to juftify his conduct in the ifTue. Befides, is there no danger to the caufe itfelf, from an obflinate divifion of fentiments in thofe who are entrufted with the conduct of it ? This would expofe us, in the opinion of thole who ob- ferved it, and might perhaps give lefs refpecSt to what each or all of them might fay or do.
As to the necefhty of peifons from different parts of the country, it is not -.fy to conceive what cir- Vol. IX. N
144 ON THE APPOINTMENT
cumftances, in a negociation of this kind, can be peculiar to one part of the country more than ano- ther. If it were to make rules for the internal government, taxation, or commerce of the dates, there would be fome force in the remark ; but when it is only to make peace for the liberty and prote(^ion of all, there feems to be little weight in it.
But now let us confider our particular circum- flances. Mention has been made of the difference between Mr Adams and the count de Vergennes. I have given particular attention to all that was faid in his letter upon that fubje£t, and all that has been faid by theminifter of France here; and there was not one hint given that could lead us to think it was their defire or expectation that he fhould be difmiffed or fuperfeded, or even bridled by the addition of others in the commiffion. We hav^ fully complied with their defire upon this fubje£l:, in the inftruClions. There is the greateft reafon to think that they are well Sa- tisfied upon it. But if we iliould flill go further, and either difcharge him, or do what is in fubftance the fame, or might be fuppofed or conceived by him to be the fame, this would rather be an a6t of too great obfequioufnefs, and but an ill example for the future conduft of our affairs. What we do now, will be often mentioned in after times ; and if the like practice prevail, it will difcourage public fervants from fidelity, and leffen their dignity and firmnefs. There is alfo fome reafon to fear that there may jiot be the mod perfed agreement among them; and if a jealoufy in point of affedion between them Chould arife, it might flill be more fatal than a dif-
OF PLENiroTENTIARlEf. 14^
ference In opinion. You may obferve, that Di* Franklin particularly mentions the impropriety of having more minifters than one at one court and in the fame place. "We have felt the bad confequence^ of that already in more inftances- than one. Congref^ were led into fuch fteps as ended in our parting with Mr Lee, chiefly by the argument of his being difagreeable to the French court ; and though he was in my opinion one of the moil able, faithful, and active fervants we ever had, and certainly one^ of the mod dilTnterefted — he was but barely able to go off with a cold ceremonial adieu, that had very little in it of a grateful fenfe of his fervices, or cor- dial approbation. It is not pleafant to reflect, Mr Prefident, that fo early in the hiftory of this new ftate, perfons in public employment fhould be fo prone to enter into ambitious contention, and pufh one another into dilgrace.
I cannot help putting you in mind, upon this fubjecS^, of what has jufl: now come to light. You are informed by the French court, in the mofh au- thentic manner, and indeed if I am not miftaken, it is by implication at leaft in the king's letter, that you had been ill ferved by the people you em- ployed there, and cheated both in point of quality and price -, and that on this account they mtend to give dire61:ions on that fubje£l themfelves. Now, Sir, perhaps it may be news to many members of this body, that thefe were the very contracts made by Mr Dean, without the knowledge or confent of Mr Lee, of wliich Mr Lee loudly complained. Thefe were the very fervants whofe accounts Mr Lee objected to, and whofe conduc): he cenfured. But what did he get
N2
140 ON THE APPOINTMENT
by it ? Mr Dean was fupported by his venerable old friend, as he caljed him : Mr Lee was complained of as jealous and troublefome, and difagreeable to the court of France ; and not only oppofed and flighted by many members of this houfe, but I may fay attacked ;rid perfccuted in fuch a manner, that if He had not been fupported with a generous frank- nefs by others, might have ended in public infamy.
I have jufl further upon this fubje61: to obferve, that you very lately fent a new miniRer to the Trench court, Mr Laurens — a meafure much difap- proved by many j and it was then foretold, it would be a difgraceful thing to Dr Franklin. Probably he has conceived it in that light ; and as he has no defire at all to return home, I am well convinced that this is the true caufe of the defire exprefled in his laft letter to refign his commifTion.
Some have mentioned the importance of the mat- ter, and that the chance is greater againft corrup- tion, where three are to be taken off, than one. It is very true, that ceieties paribusy as is commonly fiiid, there is a greater chahce for one incorruptible perfon in three than in one : but there are fingle perfons in whom I would confide as much as in ten. And befidcs, the thing may be taken the other way ; for there is a greater chance of finding one corrupti- ble perfon in three than in one j and in a commillion of that nature, one traitor is able to do much mif- chief, though the others are perfectly upright. He, being admitted into the fecret, may not only difclofj meafures, but perplex them, let the abilities of his colleagues be what they will. I have feen a man in Congrefs, who upon the fuppofition of his being a
OF PLENIPOTENTIARIES. I47
fraltor, I am fure had addrefs enough to draw many into his meafures — many not contemptible in un- derftanding, and fincerely attached to their coun- try's caufe.
Before I conclude, I would fay a little upon our circumftances in another refpedl. The firft appear- ances we make upon the public ftage, are of confe- quence. It is to be wifhed therefore, that the cre- dit of the United States were confulted. If we were fure that our commilTioners would be imme- diately admitted to public and co-ordinate feffioii- with the other plenipotentiaries, perhaps a commif- fion of three would be augufl and honourable ; but if, as I ftrongly fufpedl; will be the cafe, they are not at firft publicly admitted at all, but obliged to
negociate through the plenipotentiaries of France
if, as it is not impoffible, even in the fettlement of the treaty, we are not confidered as the formal con- trailing parties at all, but our intereft' attended to in articles as it were occafionally introduced—if this ■ is done as a falvo to the honour of England, and to JDUrchafe for us advantages fubftantial and durable, a pompous commiffion to a number of delegates will rather leflen our dignity, and detract from our wifdom and caution.
U|3on the whole, Sir, I am of opinion, that it^ would be much better to aflign to one the commif- fion already given, with the inftru^lions which have been cordially agreed upon, and feem to be in every re fpecl agreeable to the defires of the court of France, and the opinion of the king's minifter in this country,
N3.
• N THE
PROPOSED MARKET
IN
GENERAL WASHINGTON'S CAMP.
To HIS Excellency General Washington, and the- offi- cers OF THE American Army.
SIR,
ABOUT ten days ago, I was informed that you were confulting with the farmers in the neighbourhood, and laying a phm for holding a market at the camp. This was to me the mod pleaGng news I had heard from camp for a long time. I fuppofcd that you had now difcovered the true and proper way of providing comforts and re- freihments to your fcldiers, which, pardon me, I think has hitherto, in God's moil holy will, been hid from your eyes. Laft week's news-paper brough.t us the plan, in which I have been fo much dllap- pointed, that I have taken pen in hand, to make a few remarks upon it, and fubmit them to your view. Red aflTured that they come from a Hrm friend to American liberty, who has felt the tyranny of General Howe, and therefore holds him and his caufe in detellation. You are not to exped from a plain ^ountry farmer, high founding language,
\
ON THE PROPOSED MARKET, ^r. 14Q
and well turned phrafes — It is poiTible I may be held in derifion for this, by fome of your learned generals -, for I am told you have fome who can write full as well as they can fight, perhaps better ; be that however as it may, I mean to v/rite only of what I think I underftand, and fliall make ufe of the plalneft words pofiible, that I may be under- ftood.
I mud begin by faying, that if you are under any difficulty in fupplying your army, either with the neceflaries or conveniencies of life, it is wholly owing to miftaken principles, or unfaithful condu6t in the manner of procuring them. You are In the midft of a plentiful country — You command it by your fword, except a fmall fpot in which the enemy is confined ; and I moll heartily wifh you would
pen them in clofer than you do You have alfo
the hearts of the country ; for let people talk as they pleafe of the number of tories, they are alto- gether inconfiderable to the friends of liberty, in every itate in this continent. When the Engliili army leaves any place, we do not need your army to conquer it for us. All that were friends to them,, flee with them, or ikulk into corners trem- bling for their lives. Let us confider then how the matter (lands — Your army confills, I fhall fup- pofe at prefent of 20,000 men ; for though it was confiderably larger lately, I reckon from the number gone home on recruiting parties, and for other rea- fons, that may be about or near the truth. Suppofe it however 25,000 ; if thefe were diflributed one in every houfe, for the twenty-five thoufand houfes that are neurell to the camp, they would not reach
150 ON THE PROPOSED MARKET
fo far eaft as the Delaware, nor fo far well as Lan- cafter j and though no provifions were brought into that fpace on their account, they could be well fed, and the burden never felt. This fhews that the whole difficulty arifes from the neceffity of procur- ing and tranfporting provifions to fuch a number of men colle£led together in one place, a difficulty which one would think might be eafily furmounted.. It is not my intention at prefent, to make remarks on the commiiTary's department for fupplying the capital neeeflaries, though I want not inclination. Suffice it to fay, that for refrefhments and fmaller neeeflaries, you are now making an attempt towards j the only efl^eclual way, viz. a market, or in other words, inviting people to bring them to vou of their own accord.
Now, Sir, I have read and confidered your plan^ the chief part of which is fettling the prices of a variety of articles, which it is expelled will be ex-^ pofed to fale. Fixing the price of commodities^ has been attempted by law in feveral ftates among us, and it has increafed the evil it was meant to re- medy, as the fame pra£lice ever has done fince the beginning of the world. Such laws, when they only fay men fhall be punifhed if they fell at any higher prices than the legal, and that if any will not fell at thefe prices, their goods fhall be taken by force, have fome meaning in them, though little wifdom *, but to publifh a liil of fixed prices, as an encouragement to a weekly market, is a new drain of policy indeed. If people bring their goods to market, and are willing to fell them at thefe, or lower prices, is not that enough ^ and if they are
i
IN GENERAL WASHINGTON'S CAMP. I5I
not willing to fell, how fhall they be made willing
to come ? Probably you were told thefe were rea-
fonable prices ; now I fliall be glad to know what
you call a reafonable price. If it be that which is
proportioned to the demand on the one fid'e, and the
plenty or fcarcity of goods on the other, I agree to
it ; but I affirm that this will fix of itfelf, by the
confent of the buyer and feller, better than it can
be done by any politician upon earth. If you mean
any thing elfe, it fignifies nothing at all, whether
it be reafonable or not ; for if it is not agreeahle^ as
well as reafonable, you might have one market day,
but not a fecond. There are fome things which
are not the objed of human laws, and fuch are all
thofe that eflentially depend for their fuccefs upon
inward inclination. Laws, force, or any kind of
limitation, are fo far from having any tendency of
themfelves, to perfuade or incline, that they have
generally the contrary effe£l. It would be much
to the advantage of many lawgivers and other per-
fons in authority, if they would carefully diftln-
guifli between what is to be effected by force, and
what by perfuafion, and never prepofteroufly mix
thefe oppofite principles, and defeat the operation
of both. Laws and authority compel ; but it is
reafon and intereil that muft perfuade.
The fixing of prices by authority, is not only impolitic, as I have fhewn above, but it is in itfelf unreafonable and abfurd. There are fo many dif- ferent circumftances to be taken in to conflitute equality or juftice in fuch matters, that they cannot be all attended to, or even afcertained. The plenty of one kind bf provifion, and fcarcity of ano-
152 ON THE PROPOSED MARKET
ther — The plenty in one corner of the country, and fcarcity in another — The cliftance of oneplace, and nearnefs of another — The changes of circum- ftances in the courfe of a few weeks or days — Good or bad roads, or good or bad weather — The comparative quality of the goods — Thefe, and an hundred other circumflances which can never be forefeen, a£lually govern the prices of goods at market, and ought to govern them. If a price is juft to one who brings his goods fifteen miles, it is certainly too much for one who brings thenronly one. If ten pence per pound is a juft price for veal at prefent, I am certain it muft be too much a month hence, when veal will be much more plen- tiful. If one {hilling and four pence per pound is- reafonable for a fat turkey, ought not I to have more for a fatter, which is better both in its quality and weight — being lighter to its bulk, becaufe fat is not fo heavy as either lean fiefh or bones. If it is reafonable K) pay me one fhilling per pound for any meat in a good day, I (hall expert more if I gar out in a ftorm ; if not, I will ftay at home 011 a bad day, and fo you muft ftarve one week, and pamper the n.ext.
All thefe circumftances you muft allow to reftrain and limit one another. He who is neareft, and has goods in plenty, will by felling cheap, mode- rate the demands of him who comes far. If you pay very dear for any article one day, the news of that fpreading abroad, brings in prodigious quanti- ties, and the price falls, and fo it happens in every other cafe. Thus it appears that it is out of your power to tell what is a reafonable price, and by at*
IN GENERA^ WASHINGTON'S CAMP. ir^
tempting to do it, you not only refufe the expeaa- tion of the people, but you treat them with injuf- tice.
I have one more remark to make upon this fub- je£t ; that to fix the prices of goods, efpeclally pro- vifions in a market, is as imprafticable as it is un- reafonable. The whole perfons concerned, buyers and fellers, will ufe every art to defeat it, and will certainly fucceed. — ,
ADDRESS
TO
GENERAL WASHINGTON.
THE Prefident and Faculty of the College of New Jerfey, beg leave to embrace this op- portunity of congriUulating your Excellency on the prefent happy and promifing Hate of public affairs ; and of fincerely wifhing you profperity and fuccefs in the enfuing campaign, and in what may yet re- main of the important confii£l in which the United States are engaged.
As this College, devoted to the interefts of re- ligion and learning, was among the firft places of America, that fufFered from the ravages of the enemy — fo, happily, this place and neighbourhood was the fcene of one of the mofl important and feafonable checks which they received in their pro- grefs. The furprife of the Heflians at Trenton, and the fubfequent victory at Princeton, redounded much to the honour of the commander who plan- ned, and the handful of troops which executed the meafures ; yet were they even of greater moment to the caufe of America, than they were brilliant as >articular military exploits.
We contemplate and adore the wifdom and good-
ADDRESS TO GENERAL WASHINGTON. 153
nefs of divine Providence, as difplayed in favour of the United States, in many inftances during the courfe of the vi^ar ; but in none more than in the unanimous appointment of your Excellency to the command of the army. When we confider the continuance of your life and health — the difcern- ment, prudence, fortitude, and patience of your con- duOiy by which you have not only facrificed as others have done, perfonal eafe and property, but frequently even reputation itfelf, in the public caufe, chufing rather to rifque your own name than ex- pofe the nakednefs of your country — when we con- fider the great and growing attachment of the army, and the cordial efteem of all ranks of men, and of every ftate in the Union, which you have fo long enjoyed — we cannot help being of opinion, that God himfelf has raifed you up as a fit and proper inftrument for eftablifhing and fecuring the liberty and happinefs of thefe States.
We pray that the Almighty may continue to protea and blefs you— that the late fignal fuccefs of the American arms, may pave the way to a fpeedy and lafting peace; and that, having furvived fo much fatigue, and fo many dangers, you may enjoy many years of honourable repofe in the bofom of your grateful country.
JOHN WITHERSPOON.
Vol. IX. O
Memorial and Manifesto
OP THE
UNITED STATES
OF
NORTH-AMERICA,
TO THE MEDIATING POWERS IN THE CONFERENCES FOR PEACE, TO THE OTHER POWERS IN EUROPE, AND IN GENERAL TO ALL WHO SHALL SEE THE SAME.."
THE United States of North-America, having been made acquainted, by their illuftrious »lly the king of France, that there is a propofal for holding a Congrefs under the mediation of the em- prefs of Ruflia, and the emperor of Germany, to treat.of terms of accommodation with Great Britain, have thought proper to pubUfh, for the information of all concerned, the following memorial, which fhall contain a brief detail of the fteps by which they have been brought into their prefent intereit- ing and critical fituation.
The United States (formerly Britifli colonies) were firfl planted awd fettled by emigrants from that country. Thefe fettlers came out at different times, and with different views. Some were actua- ted by the fpirit of curiofity and entcrprife, which was fo prevalent in Europe in the fixteenth and
MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO, ^C, I55
feventeenth centuries ; fome were chiefly induced by the hope of riches ; and fome were driven from their native country by the iron rod of facerdotal tyranny. They folicited their charters, and fettled their governments on different principles, fuch as bed pleafed thofe who were chiefly concerned in each undertaking. In one thing, however, they all agreed, that they confidered themfelves as bringing their liberty with them, and as entitled to all the rights and privileges of freemen under the Britifli conftitution.
Purfuant to thefe fentiments, they looked upon it as the foundation flone of Britifli liberty, that the freeholders or proprietors of the foil, fhould have the exclufive right of- granting money for public ufes, and therefore invariably proceeded upon this plan. With refpe61:, indeed, to the whole of their internal government, they confidered themfelves as not dire£tly fubjedt to the Britifh parliament, but as feparate indepetident- dominions under the fame fovereign, and with fimilar co-ordinate jurifdi£lion. It appears from feveral events, that happened in the courfe of their hiftory, and from public a£ls of fome of their governments, that this was their opinion many years before the late unjuft claims and oppreflive acts, which gave birth to the bloody conflicSl: not yet finifned.
From the firft fettlement of tiie colonies, they willingly fubmitted to Britain's enjoying an ex- clufive right to their commerce \ though feveral of the acts of the Britifli parliament upon this fubje^l, they always looked upon as partial and unjuft. Some of thefe appear, at firfl view, to be fuch
O2
156 MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO
badges of fervitude, that it is furprifing that a free people (liould ever have been patient under them. The truth is, they would not probably have been fubmitted to, but that the rigid execution of them at this diftance was in its nature impoflible.
It was always the opinion of the inhabitants of thcfe dates, that the benefits which arofe to Britain from the exclufive commerce of America, and the taxes which it enabled her to raife, on her own fub- jec^s, was more than their proportion of the com- mon treafure neceflary to the defence of the em- pire. At the fame time, great as it was, the lofs to them, by being confined in their trade, was greater than the benefit to her -, as it obliged them to pur- chafe any thing they had occafion for from her, and at her own price, which necefi^arily retarded their growth and improvement. All this notwith- itanding, when any extraordinary emergency feem- ed to render it neceflary, and when application was regularly made to the afi'emblies of the colonies, they complied in every inftance with the requifi- tions, and made advances of fums which, in one or two inftances, Britain herfelf confidered as above their ability, and therefore made reftitution or com- penfation for them.
The true reafon of this long and patient acquief- cence, was the natural and warm attachment which the inhabitants of America had to Great Britain, as their parent country. They gloried in their rela- tion to her •, they were zealous for her honour and intereft j imbibed her principles and prejudices with refpe£l to other nations ; entered into her quarrels^ and were profufe of their blood for the purpofe of
OF THE UNITED STATES. I57
fecuring or extending her dominion. Almoft every city and county in Great Britain had its counter part, which bore its name in the new world ; and thoie whofe progenitors for three generations had been born in America, when they fpoke of going to Britain, called it going home.
Such was the ftate of things, when fome unwife counfellors to the Britifli king, " thought of railing a revenue without the content of the American legif- latures, to be carried directly to the Englifli treafu- ry. The lirlt effay on this fubject was the famous ftamp a61:, of which we (hall at prefent fay nothing, but that the univerfal ferment raifed on occalion of It was a clear proof of the juftnefs and truth of the preceding reprefentation. So odious was it over the whole country, and fo dangerous to thofe who attempted to carry it into execution, that in a fhort time it was repealed by themfelves. Parliament, however, by their declaratory acl, which pafled in the fame feihon, Ihewed that they intended to maintain the right, though they defifted in this in- ftance from the exercife of it. The Americans over- joyed at the immediate deliverance, returned to their affe£l:ion and attachment, hoping that the claim would again become dormant, and that no occafioix would be given for the future difcuffion of it.
But it was not long before the Englifli miniflry propofed and carried an act of parliament, impofing duties on tea, glafs, &c. which by the fmallnefs of the duties themfelves, and feveral other circum- ftances, was plainly defigned to (leal upon us gra- dually, and if poffible imperceptibly, the exercife of their pretended right. It was not, however, in their
93
l^S MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO
power to blind the colonies, who rofe up againfl the execution of this a£l, with a zeal proportioned to the importance of the fubjeft, and with an un- animity not to be expelled but where a great and common danger keeps every caufe of jealoufy and dlilention' out of view. Not only every colony, by its reprefentative body, but every county, and al- mofl; every corporation or other fubordinate divifion, publicly declared that they would defend their liber- ty at the rilk of their eftates and lives. In the mean- while the Englifti government profefled a determi- nation equally firm to enforce the execution of this a£t by military power, and bring us to uncondition- al fubmiffion.
Thus did the rupture take place ; and as to the * juftice of our caufe, we muft fay, that if any im- partial perfons will read the declaratory a6t, that the lords and commons of Great Britain in parlia- ment, have a right to make laws binding upon the colonies in all cafes ivhatfoevefy and which was now producing its proper fruit, he muft be convinced, that had we fubmitted to it, we fhould'have been in no refpe6l different from a fet of conquered tri- butary ftates, fubjedl to a foreign country j and the colonial affemblies would have become both ufelefs and contemptible. The writings in England upon this fubject, proving that we were reprefented in Middlefexy and ufing many other equally forcible ar- guments, are and will remain a difgrace to reafon, as well as an infult on American underftanding.
At this period of time not only the people of E'.igland in general, but the king of England in his fpecchcs, and his parliament \i\ their addrelles.
OF THE UNITED STATES. 1 59
afxe(£led to reprefent the commotions In America as yaifed by a ,few feditious perfons, and the confe- quence of a pre-concerted fcheme to throw ofF the dominion of Great Britain, and fet up an indepen- dent empire. This unjuft and indeed abfurd ac- cufation may be refuted by a thoufand arguments. The ftrong predeli6lion of the people of America for the people, the fafhions and the government of • Britain, proves its falfehood. There was no perfon, nor any number of perfons in any ftate of America, who had fuch influence as to be able to effeO: this, or even view it as a probable obje61: of ambition. But what mud demonftrate the abfurdity of this fuppofition, is the ftate in which America was found when flie began to grapple with the power of Britain. No ftep had been taken to open the way for obtain- ing foreign aid% No provifion had been made of arms, ammunition, or warlike ftores of any kind j fo that the country feemed to be expofed, naked and helplefs, to the dominion of her enemy.
Agreeably to this, addreffes and petitions were the means to which we had recourfe. Reconciliation to Britain, with the fecurity and prefervation of our rights, was the wifli of every foul. The moft ex- plicit profeflions of loyalty to the prince, and the mod exprefs aflurances of effectual fupport in his government, if we were called on in a conftitution- al way, made the fubftance of our declarations. Every fucceeding petition, however, was treated with new and greater infult, and was anfwered by a6l3 of parliament, which for their cruelty will be a ftain upon the annals of the kingdom, and bring tlie charjK^er of the nation itfelf into difgrace.
l6o MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO
Single a£ls of inhumanity may be accounted for from the depravity of an individual •, but what (hall we {\iy of grave and numerous afTemblles, enacting fuch laws as the Bofton port-bill, which reduced at once fo many people to beggary, and their property itielf to nothirtg — the a6b permitting thofe charged with murdering Americans, to be fent to England to be tried, that Is to fay, either not to be tried at all, or certainly abfolved — the a6i: appointing Ame- ricans taken at fea, to be turned before the maft in Englifli fliips, and obliged either to kill their own relations, or be killed by them — and the a6t ap- pointing American prifoners to be fent to the Eafl: Indies as flaves. But what is of all mod aflonifli- ing is, that they never failed to extol their own le- nity, when pafling fuch a£l:s as filled this whole continent with refentment and horror. To crown the whole, the laft petition fent by Congrefs to the king, which befeeched him to zppointfome tnode by which our complaints might be remedied, and a way be paved for reconciliation, was treated with abfolute contempt, and no anfwer given to it of any kind. Thus was all intercourfe broken up. We were declared rebels ; and they themfelves muft confefs, that no alternative was left us, but either to go with ropes about our necks, and fubmit ourfelves, not to the king, but to the kingdom of England, to be trampled under foot, or rifk all the confequences of open and vigorous refifhance.
The laft part of the alternative we chofe without hefitation ; and as it was impolhble to preferve civil order any longer under the name and form of a government which we had taken arms to oppofe, we
OF THE UNITED STATES. . l6l
found it abfolutely necefiary to declare ourfelves Inde- pendent of that prince who had thrown us out of his protetlion. This great itep was taken with the full approbation, and indeed at the ardent defire of the public at large. The extent and growth of the co- lonies feerned, ir. the nature of things, to call for fuch a reparation long before ; yet it would not pro- bably have happened for many years, if it had not been forced upon us by the condu£r of our unkind parent herfelf. — The thing indeed feems to have been the purpofe of God Almighty ; for every mea- fure of the court of Great Britain had the mo(c di- rect tendency to haften, and render it unavoidable.
We muft take notice, that before the declaration of independence, there was fomething like an at- tempt to reconcile us, commonly called Lord North's conciliatory motion ; but it was fo trifling in its na- ture, and infidious in its form, that probably no fuccefs was expelled from it, even by thole who contrived it. Who does not perceive in it an artful attempt to divide us ? and that while every thing elfe is left in the greateft uncertainty, the main point for which we contended is clearly decided againft us?
After the declaration of independence. Lord and General Howe brought out a commiflion for giving pence to America. But as they had not liberty fo much as to acknowledge us by an open treaty, fo the fubftance of what they offered was pardon upon fubmiihon; that the parliament would revife the ads they had paiTed, and if any of them were found improper, they would amend them : which, in one word, amounted to this, that they would do for us what they them/elves thought good. Thefe offers.
1 52 MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO
however, poor as they were, came too late. So im- portant a ilep as the declaration of independence, could not be recalled ; and the formidable arma- ment fent out againft us in the year 1776, rendered it more neceflary than ever.
We are forry to be obliged to take notice of the manner of conducting th^ war. It would be for the honour of humanity, that it could be buried in obli- vion. Many were the inftances of perfons, after they had fubmitted and bejzged mercy on their knees, being murdered in cold blood. The treat- ment of prifoners was from the ' beginning, and has continued through the war, with fome excep- tions, favage and barbarous to the lafl degree. Mul- titudes, before any exchange took place, died by fa- mine and ftench. Many were, by threatening and ill ufage, con drained to enlift in their enemy's fer- vice ; and many were forced on board their fliips of war, or fent to Britain to rot in prifon, at a diftance from their friends, without hope of relief. It is not eafy to enumerate the houfes and even towns which have been M^antonly burnt, or to defcribe the devaftation of the country, and robbery of the inha- bitants, wherever the army pafled. To this may be added, hiring the favages to come upon the back fet- tlements. There is the greater fliame in this expe- dient, that they are not formidable either for their number or their valour, but for the fliocking manner in which they torture their prifoners, and murder women and infants who fall into their hands. Civili- zed nations will perhaps find it hard to believe this reprcfentation ; but every part of it can be fupport- cd by the mofl unqueftionable faCIs, and it is ren- dered credible not only by the circumftance that ci-
OF THE UNITED STATES. 1 63
vil wars are carried on commonly with a rancour and animofity greater than thofe between indepen- dent nations, but by the expreflions of hatred and contempt which have been ufed with refpe£l to the Americans, by ahuoft every fpeaker and writer in England. What effect could fuch language have on the minds of the foldiery, but to fteel them againft all impreffions of pity and tendernefs, as we find was really the cafe, till they were reftrained in fome degree, by the fear of retaliation upon their people in our hands.
At lail after four years of real, and near two years of profelTed and declared independence, it pleafed God to inchne the heart of the king of France to give relief to the opprefled, by entering into a treaty with the United States, on the moft liberal and difinterefted principles. No exclufive privileges are there ftipulated for the French nation, but the fecure, open, and equal intercourfe to which all other nations are invited. This acknowledg- ment and fupport from one of the moft powerful monarchs in Europe, it may eafily be fuppofed, gave a new turn to our affairs, and a new dignity to our caufe. The terms of this treaty fo favourable to us, as well as honourable to our ally, cannot fail to add the bond of gratitude to that of juftice, and make our adherence to it inviolable.
Not long after this treaty was figned, the court and parliament of Great Britain fent out com.mif- fioners to make an offer of terms, vvhxh we readily confefs were not only as good, but better, than what three years before would have been chearfuliy accepted. But the ground was now wholly chan-
164 MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO
ged. We were offered freedom from taxes, and even a fpecies of independence itfelf, upon the enfy terms of breaking our faith fo lately pledged, and uniting our force with that of Great Britain ; and both would doubtlefs have been immediately employed in taking vengeance on France for the affiftance {he had lent to us in our diflrefs. Yet even here, the whole was to be fubjecl to the revi- fion of parliament ; that is to fay, any part of the agreement might be approved or rejected as to the wifdom of that aflembly fliould feem meet.
Thefe laft propofals from Great Britain, deferve very particular notice. They are a clear dereliction of the firft caufe of quarrel, and an ample confeflion that the demands of America were juft ; while the time and circumftances of tlieir being made, (hew that they could not be accepted with any regard either to juftice, gratitude, or policy. Could we be guilty of a dired breach of faith, when the ink was hardly dry by which our ratification of the treaty was marked ? Could we inftantly forget thofe favours which had been fo earneftly folicited, as well as generoufly bellowed? Could we, who had not entered into a league ofFenlive and defenfive with France, except for the prefent ftruggle in our own behalf, becaufe we did not wifh to be involved in the wars of Europe, throw ourielves into the arms of an hoftile nation, and promife to make peace or war with her, againft our benefactors ?
Upon the whole, fmce the American colonies were, from their extent and fituation, ripe for a feparation from Great Britain, and the nature of things feemed to demand it ; fincc their growing
OP THE UNITED STATES. l6^
power, added to that of Great Britain, would give her fuch a dominion of the fea, as mufl be dange- rous to the liberty and commerce of other nations ; fmce, by her own a6ts of oppreffion, (he has alienated the minds of the Americans, and compel- led them to eftablifh independent governments, which have now taken place ; and fmce thefe governments, which are diftin^: though confede- rated, wholly fettled upon republican principles, and fit only for agriculture and commerce, cannot be an obje£i: of jealoufy to other powers, but by free and open intercourfe with them a general benefit to all ; it is to be hoped that the revolution^ which they have efFe£led, will meet with univerfal approbation*
"^OL. IX.
ON THE
CONTEST
BETWEEN
GREAT BRITAIN and AMERICA.
I
Philadelphia, Sept, 3, 1778.
Dear Sir,
YOUR very acceptable letter of the 21ft of March, I received about the middle of June, and would have anfwered it long ago, if there had been any encouraging profpe61: of conveying it J fafely. As to writing you a fliort letter that mufh have gone open through the enemy's pofls, I did not think it woVth while. I have, however, now come to a refolution of writing you pretty fully, and trving to convey it by France or Holland; and if it fhould fall into their hands, and never get to your's, there will be no other lofs than my time in writing *, for as to any other confequences, either to the public or to myfelf, I have not the leaft ap- prehenfion.
Your letter came to me fealed, and apparently never opened, in a packet from the BrJlifli com- miflioners, which arrived at Yoik-town while the Congrefs was fiitUi^^ ; and confcquently it, as well
ON THE CONTEST, ^r. 167
as one from Mr F , was delivered to me in
prefence of the whole members. As the fame packet, befides the public meflage, contained fome private letters addrefled to particular mem- bers, fome of them from Governor Johnftone, one of the commiffioners, a propofal was made by a member, who read publicly one received by him- felf, that every gentleman who had received private letters from any perfon with the enemy, fliould de- liver them to Congrefs, that they might be read. This would have been attended with no difficulty as
to me ; except fome family affairs in Mr F 's
letter very improper to be publicly read, and fome expreffions in his letter a little offenfive fpeaking of Congrefs. However, it was not done at- that time ; and afterwards, in a diet at many days diftance, every member who had received any fuch letters, was called upon to read from them what related to public affairs, which was done.
I am and have been greatly concerned, as you feem to be, for the conteft betv/een Great Britain and America •, and certainly, from my own interefl, have by far the greateft rcafon of the two ; and as I fuppofe, it will be agreeable to you, fhall make a few obfervations. i. Upon the public caufe ; and, 2. On my own conduft, which I underfcand from ^ mmy different quarters, to be highly blamed in my native country.
As to the public caufe, I Icok upon the fepara- tion of America from Britain to be the vifible in- tention of Providence ; aifd believe, that in the iffue it will be to the benefit of this country, with- out any injury to the other — perhaps to the advan-
P 2
l68 ON THE CONTEST BETWEEN
tage of both. It feems to me the intention of Pro- vidence for many reafons, which I cannot now enumerate, tmt in a particular manner for the fol- lowing-r-that I cannot recollect any inftance in hif- tory, in which a perfon or people have fo totally and uniformly miftaken the means for attaining their own ends, as the king and parliament of Bri- tain have in this contefl. I do ferioufly and pofi- tively affirm to you, my dear Sir, that it is my opi- nion, that Congrefs itfelf, if they had been to direct the meafures of the Britifh miniftry, could not, or would not, have directed them to meafures fo ef- fedlual to forward and eftablifh the independence of America, as thofe which they chofe of their own accord. They have had a miftaken opinion of the ftate of things in America, from the beginning to this hour, and have founded their whole condu£t upon their miftakes. They fuppofed fometimes, that the people of America, in general, were fedi- lious and fa61:ious — defirous of a feparation from Great Britain, and that their conduct on occafion of the ftamp-a^l was the effect of this difpofition. Nothing could be more untrue. I am a witnefs that the people of this country had an efteem of, and attachment to the people of Great Britain, ex- ceedingly ftrong. They were proud of them, and of their own defcent from them. Britifh fafhions, Britifh goods, and even Britifh perfpns, were in the higheft efteem. A perfon educated in the old counties had a degree of rank and credit from that circumftance. Independent of every other. I think they were even partial in this refpecSl:. I believe, had I myfclf been born and educated in America, I
GREAT BRITAIN AND AMERICA. 169
(liould have met with a degree of acceptance and fuccefs in my ftation, far inferior to what actually happened. "When an American fpoke of going to England, he always called it going home; and wherever you are in this country, you meet v/ith almoft nothing but counties, townfhips, and houfes, called by Englifh names. I live at Princeton in' Middlefex county ; and on the oppofite fide of the ftreet is Somerfet county, and indeed, I believe all the counties in New Jerfey, are called by Englilh names.
From this I defire that you may infer, that the oppofition made to the claims of parliament, arofe from a deep and univerfal convi6^ion in the people, that they were inconfiftent with their own fecurity and peace. In this I am fatisfied that they judged right ; for had the claim fet up been acquiefced in, the provincial aflemblies would have become con- temptible and ufelefs, and the v*^hola colonics no better than a parcel of tributary flates, which, placed at fo great a diftance, would have been, from error, ignorance, and felf-interefl, loaded in the moft infupportable manner.
Another miftake, into which the miniftry and parHament of England fell, was, that this was a deep-laid fcheme of a few artful and defigning men, who ftirred up the multitude for their own ends ; that the fentiments in favour of America, were by no means general ; but that the artful leaders im- pofed upon them. This I have feen aflerted from the beginning to the end of the quarrel ; and to complete the abfurdity, the very commillioners
P3
lyo ON THE CONTEST, Isfc
now here from Britain, continue to reafon in the fame manner — impeach the Congrefs with ambi- tious and defigning views, and feem difpofed to appeal to the people. Alas ! they know nothing of the matter. The Congrefs is a changeable body : members are going from it, and coming to it every month, nay, every week. -— —
ON THE
AFFAIRS
OF THE
UNITED STATES,
CTuscuLUM, NEAR Princeton, ^ * March 20. 1780.
Dear Sir,
I HAVE received a letter from you, dated June II, 1778, a few days after I had written to you a long letter of the date, Sept. 21. that year. The defign of it was to defire me to enquire after, and endeavour to procure the enlargement of one Alexander Muirhead, fuppofed to be carried into Bofton. I immediately wrote to Bofton myfelf, and caufed one of the delegates of that ftate alfo to write ; but we could hear nothing of him, fo that probably he was not carried into that place.
Your favour of March 19, 1779, acknowledging the receipt of mine of the 2 1 ft of September pre- ceding, I received in the month of Auguft laft year. I am to blame in not anfwering it fooner; but I had no inclination to fend an open letter through the Englifli pofts, and any proper opportunity of fending it another way feldom occurs. This goes by a gentleman who means to get to Europe
172 ON THE AFFAIRS OF
upon bufinefs, and has promifed to take particular care of it -, fo that I mean to embrace the opportu- nity of writing to you and fome other of my friends. I am obhged to you for your particular private home news about Glafgow, and would be glad of the continuance of fuch intelligence, and the more fo, if you would take in Paifley alfo.
I have been, fince I wrote you laft, in general in good, health, and indeed am at prefent in better health than I have been fnice I had the laft fit. Excepting thefe fits, and the weaknefs that follow- ed upon them, my health has been good ever fince I came to America ; and that weaknefs has been chiefly a fwimming in my head, and fear and un- certainty when I went to make a long difcourfe in public. It was the opinion of Dr. Rufh, that thefe fits were fomething of the appople£lic kind. It is remarkable, that for thefe twelve months paft, I have had almoft conftantly a fucceflioh of pimples, or rather fmall biles or blotches, about the temples, within the hair and fometimes on the forehead ; fince which time I have been fenfibly better and freer from the other complaint.
I have now left Congrefs, not being able to fup- port the expenfe of attending it, with the frequent journies to Princeton, and being determined to give particular attention to the revival of the college. Profeflbr Houfton, however, our profeflbr of mathe- matics, is a delegate this year •, but he tells me he will certainly leave it next Novem.ber. I mention this circumftance to confirm what I believe I wrote you formerly, that the members of Congrefs in ge- neral, not only receive no profit from thut ofiice,
THE UNITED STATES. 1 73
but I believe five out of fix of them, if not more, are great lofers in their private affairs. This can- not be otherwife j for as none of the delegates are allowed to have any lucrative office whatever, either in their own ftate or for the United States, though their expenfes fhould be fully borne, their time is taken up, and their own private eftates are neglec- ted. At the end of the year 1778, I gave notice to our legiflature that they muft either not chufe me at all, or leave me at full liberty to attend only when I could conveniently. They chofe me how- ever, and I made a good deal of ufe of that liberty in the year 1779, and this year all the delegates were changed but one, who had only been in one year, and who has not a houfe to go home to, his eftate being in the neighbourhood of New York.
My family are well fo far as I know. The truf- tees of the college have laft September chofe my fon-in-law, Mr. Smith, profefTor of moral philofo- phy. He came to Princeton with his family in De- cember. To him I gave up my houfe at college, and devolved upon him the whole bufinefs of board- ing young gentlemen, and retired to my houfe in the country, at the diftance of one mile, and in full fight of Princeton. This I have had in view for feme years, and intend to fpend the remainder of my life, if poflible, in otto cum diguitate. You know I was always fond of being a fcientific farmer. That difpofition has not loft but gathered ftrength fince my being in America. In this refpe£t I got a dreadful ftroke indeed from the Englifh when they were here, they having feized and moftly de- ftroyed my whole ftock, and committed fuch rava-
174 ON THE AFFAIRS OF
ges that we are not yet fully recovered from it. My (now) eldeft fon failed in October laft for France, with Mr Girard and Mr. Jay, late prefident of Congrefs. He is to purchafe a few medicines and inftruments in Europe, and return to profecute his bufinefs as a phyfician. My other fon was ftudy- ing law; but for the mean while, is private fecretary to the prefent prefident of Congrefs, and my young- eft daughter is at home.
As to public affairs, it feems to be yet uncertain whether we fhall have peace foon. Greatly do I and many others in America defire it ; and yet, were our condition ten times worfe than it is, no- thing fhort of the clear independence of this country would be accepted. I obferve, by your letter of the 19th of March laft year, that you had a high opinion of your fucceffes at St. Lucia, in Georgi?, and againft the French trade. I believe before the end of the campaign, there was little reafon to boaft of your fuccefs upon the whole. I mentioned to you in my laft hovv' obftinately the court of England continued in erroneous opinions refpefting America; and now I think that obftinacy has become incu- rable. It is plain that they ftill harp upon the fame ftring, that a few leading men in Congrefs ftir up the people, and perfuade them to continue the con- teft. Allow me to affure you, that this is one of the moft abfurd and groundlefs opinions that ever was formed. The Congrefs is changing every day. There is no inftance in the whole conteft, in which the public opinion did not go before their refblu- tions. To go back to the very beginning — the de- claration of independence was forced upon the ma-
THE UNITED STATES. 1 75
jority of the then Congrefs, by the people in gene- ral : and, in confequence of fubfequent ele£lions, every fix months that I have been in Congrefs has weakened the party that was fufpecSted of coldnefs upon that fubjeft ; and now, perhaps, I may fay it is annihilated.
. I have read h^tely your parliamentary enquiry in- to the caufes of your want of fuccefs in America. The examination of Galloway m particular is a cu- riofity. I know that he and fuch as he are blinded and ftupified to an almoft incredible degree, by their prejudices ; and yet it is hard to fuppofe that he thought as he faid in all points. For example, when he endeavours to make It be believed, that the difficulty of fuppiying general Wafhington's army arofe from the difaiFedtion of the country to his caufe. I admit that he was in the winter 1777, in a part of the country where there are more people either cool or difaffe6ted to the caufe of America, than in any other on the continent ; and yet his want of fupplles did not arife from that in the leafl degree. It arofe from the ftate of our money. If he and his commifTaries had had as much hard money as gene- ral Howe, he would have had all the provifions in the country laid down at his tent door.
I am not only fully fenfible, by a general know- ledge of the country In this and other Hates, that the public mind is entirely on the fide of libertv, and tor the independence of America — but I could mention a great many hds and circun:. fiances as 1 evidences of it, ftronger than could well be ima- gined, and indeed which have turned out ftronger than even my expectations. One circumftance is
17^ ON THE AFFAIRS OF
alone decifive upon this fubje<3:, which is well known to yourfelves, that the moment your army leaves any part of the country, it is not only loft to you, but returns (o ftrongly to the intereft of Con- grefs, that all the perfons known to have been at- tached to you are obliged to fly with terror and confufion. But there is another ftrong circum- flance, the univerfal attachment of the people to the French alliance. In vain have your partifans endeavoured to alarm the people with the fears of popery and arbitrary power. It makes not the leafl im predion even upon the common people.
Pleafe to attend to the circumftance I am going to mention ; becaufe it furprifed myfelf when I obferved it. There are always, you know, little feuds and contentions, jealoufy and emulation, in every fociety and in every alTociation ; both in Congrefs and in the country, I have obferved that when one fet or fadiion wants to make the other odious, they charge them with being cold to the French alliance, and ungrateful to them for their fervices. This, to my knowledge, has been the fubje£l of mutual re- proaches, when I do not believe there was any truth in it on either fide. Would you think it— fome have ferioufly attempted to perfuade me, that the New-England delegates were cold to the French, and inclined to the Englifli ; to which I anfwered, that I well knew the contrary, but that they were of aa independent fpirit, and would not eafily fubmit to unwarrantable influence, either from the French or the Englifli. I mention all this fingly with this view, to ftiew you the bent and inclination of the public mind.
OF THE UNITED 8TATE8. 1 77
. I have been lately reading over governor John- fton's fpeech after his return, in which to my amazement, he pofitively and pubHcly denies his having fent any meflage by a lady to Mr. Reed. The thing is now publicly known and confefled. He fays they would have named the lady if there had been any fuch thing. Mr. Reed forbore naming the lady out of tendernefs to her ; but it
has now come out. It was Mrs .F , daughter
of the late Dr. G , married to Mr. F , fon
of R. F , of . What fliould people
think of perfons of his character fo boldlv and folemnly to deny a certain fact.
I will mention another circumflance to you. The diftrefs of this country by the depreciation of the money, has been very great. Many have fuf- fered great lofTes ; not a few have been utterly ruined. Yet I never could perceive that this altered the inclination of the people as to the public caufc in the leaft. Nay, norwidillanding the dreadful complaints made againft particular clafles of men, fuch as foreftailers and engrofiers, commifTaries and quartermafters, yet I am perfuaded that any body who fhould but propofe to return to fubmiifion to England for relief from their depredations, Would be tbrn in pieces. — — —
Vol. IX. Q
OBSERVATIONS
ON THE
IMPROVEMENT OF AMERICA.
NORTH AMERICA is at prefent from the na- tural courfe of things, in a growing ftate. It ■will therefore of itfelf, for a feries of years gradual- ly improve. There are however many things by which that improvement may be facilitated or re- tarded •, and it is the laudable purpofe of this focie- ^ ty, to attend to thefe circumftances with care, and ufe their utmoft endeavours to encourage the one and to remove the other. Having had the honour of being admitted a member of this fociety, and not having it much in my power any otherwife to pro- mote American improvements, I could not refill the inclination I felt to digeft and put in writing, a few reflections upon the police of countries in ge- neral, the great principles on which the Philadel- phia Society ought to proceed, and perhaps I may propofe fome particular regulations.
I. The moral caufes of the prosperity of a coun- try, are almoft infinitely more powerful than thofe that are only occafional. This obfervation is taken from Montefquieu, by whom it is admirably illuf- mted, and it ought never to be out of view, with
OBSERVATIONS, tifc. I-y^
tliofe who wifh to promote the general good. The moral caufes arife from the nature of the govern- ment, including the adminiflration of juftice, liber- ty of confcience, the partition of property. The rife of a particular town, the cultivation and beauty of a particular quarter of a country, may fometimes be juftly afcribed to the furprifmg effe£ls of a fmgle . perfon who fet the example ; yet he was only the occafion properly fpeaking, of the vigorous exertion. The confequences could never be general or lafting, if there was not a difpofition to it in the conftitution of the country. Therefore, a facred regard fhould be had by every lover of mankind, to the principles of equity and liberty, that they may never be vio- lated by any public proceedings. Pennfylvania is fo happy in this particular, that its conftitution need Bot be improved, but preferved and defended.
2. It is extremely difficult, after you depart from general principles, to difcover what particular regu- lations will be for the intereft of a country. It re- quires a very comprehenfive mind, and a thorough knowledge of the courfe of trade and police in ge- neral. Befides, it is not only difficult, but impoffi- ble to forefee what circumftances may afterwards occur. Many things are ufeful and expedient at one time, which in a few years become unnecefTary or hurtful. Nay, many felfiffi laws have operated from the beginning, in a manner dlredly contrary to what was expeded. The incorporation of trades in the cit;es m Britain, is an inflance of the firft : and almoft every law m.ade to the prejudice of Ire- land, is an example of the laft. —
Q2
SUPPLICATION
OF
J T>*#**^###^
TO HIS EXCELLENCY HENRY LAURENS, ESQUIRE, PRESIDENT, AWD OTHER, THE MEMBERS OF THE HONOURABLE, THE AMERICAN CONGRESS, ^C ^f. i^C»
THE HUMBLE REPRESENTATION AND EARNEST SUPPLICATION 0» y. Jl . PRINTER AND BOOKSELLER IN NEW- YORK,
RESPECTFULL-y SHEWETH,
T
HAT a great part of the Britifli forces has al- ^ ready left this city, and from many fymptoms there is reafon to fufped, that the remainder will fpeedily follow them. Where they are gone or going, is perhaps known to themfelves, perhaps not ; certainly however, it is unknown to us, the loyal inhabitants of the place, and other friends of government who have taken refuge in it, and who are therefore filled with diilrefs and terror on the unhappy occafion.
That as foon as the evacuation is completed, It is more than probable, the city will be taken pofleffiou of by the forces of your high mightinclTes, followed by vaft crowds of other pevfons— whigs by nature -and profeffion^friends to the liberties, and foes to the enemies of America. Above all, it will un- doubtedly be filled with ihoals of Yankies, that is
SUPPLICATION OF J. R » X8l
to fay, the natives and inhabitants ("or as a great lady in this metropolis generally exprefles it, the nuretches ) of New England.
That from feveral circumftances, there is reafon to fear that the behaviour of the v^rretches aforefaid, may not be altogether gentle to fuch of the friends of government as iliall flay behind. What the go- verning powers of the Hate of New York may do alfo, it is impoflible to foretel. Nay, who knows but we may foon fee, /« propria perfona, as we have often heard of HortentiuSy the governor of Nev/ Jer- fey, a gentleman remarkable for feverely handling thofe whom he calls traitors, and indeed who has exalted fome of them (quanquam animus meminifle horret lecluque refugit) to a high, though depend- ant ftation, and brought America under their feety in a fenfe very diiTerent from what Lord North meant when he firft ufed that celebrated expreffion.
That your petitioner in particular, is at the great- eft lofs what to refolve upon, or how to fhape his courfe. He has no defire at all, either to be roaft- cd in Florida, or frozen to death in Canada or No- va Scotia. Being a great lover of freih cocjj he has had thoughts of trying a fettlement in Newfound- land, but recollefting that the New England men have almoil all the fame appetite, he was obliged to relinquifn that proje£l entirely. If he fliould go to Great Britain, dangers no lefs formidably prefent themfelves. Having been a bankrupt in Londoa, it is not impoflible that he might be accommodated with a lodging in Newgate, and that the ordinary
1 8a SUPPLICATION OF J. R '•
there, might oblige him to fay his prayers, a prac- tice from which he hath had an infuperable averfion
all his life long.
' In this dreadful dilemma, he hath at laft de- termined to apply to your high mightinefTes, and by this memorial to lay himfelf at your feet, which he affures you, is the true modifh phrafe for re- fpeaful fubmiffion, accordingr to the prefent eti- quette of the court. Being informed however, that fome of you are Prefbyterians and Religionifls, he has been alfo at fome pains to find out a fcripture warrant or example for his prefent conduft, and has happily found it, in the advice given by the fer- vants of Benhadad, king of Syria, to their mafter, I Kings XX. 31. And his fervants faid unto him, he- hold now we have heard that the kings of Ifrael are ^nercful kings : let us we pray thee, put facMoth up^ on-Gur loins, and ropes upon our heads, and go out to the ling of Ifrael, peradventure he may fave thy life. So they girded fackcloth upon their loins, and put ropes lipon their heads, and came to the king of Ifrael, and /aid, Thy fervant Benhadad faith, I pray thee let me live. In like manner, O moft mighty and venerable
Congrefs-men, your fervant J. R faith, I
pray you let me live.
Having thus preferred my petition, I muft now intre-it leave to lay before your high mightincfles, fundry reafons, which I hope will incline you to lend a favourable ear to it, in doing which, I fhall, ufe all poflible plainnefs and candour.
I. In the firft place, there cannot polTibly be any danger to the United States, in fuffering me to live, I know many of you think and fay that a Tory heart
SUPPLICATION OF J. R . 183
acquires fuch a degree of fournefs and malevolence, in addition to its native ftock, and fuch a habit of treachery, by breaking through the moll, endearing ties of nature, that no good can be expected from it, nor any dependance placed upon it, let pretences or appearances be what they will. I remember alfo, about feven year^ ago a certain perfon hearing acci- dently one or two paragraphs read from the writings of an eminent controverfial divine in this country, faid, That fellow muft be a turn-coat •, it is impoffi- ble that he could have been educated in the profef- Con which he now defends. What is your reafon for that opinion ? faid another gentleman who was prefent — Becaufe, fays he, he difcovers a rancour of fpirit and rottennefs of heart, unattainable by any other clafs of men. But I contend that thefe re- marks relate only to the natives of this country, who like parricides took up arms for her deftruc- tion i and to apoftates in rehgion ; neither of which, Fam certain, can be applied to me. I was born, as is well known, in old England ; and as for the ac- cufation of apoitacy, I fet it at defiance, unlefs a man can be faid to fall off from what he was never on, or to depart from a place M'hich he never faw. But what I beg of you particularly to obferve is, that let the difpofitlon to mifchief be as great as you pleafe, where the ability is wanting there can be no danger. I have often feen the lions in the tower of London without fear, becaufe there was an iron grate between me and them. Now it is certain that the Tories in general, would do any thing foon- er than fight. Many of them became Tories for no other reafon, than that they might avoid fighting.
1^4 SUPPLICATION OF J. R ■ U
The poor chicken-hearted creatures cried out to the potent King of England, to take them under his wings for protection, which he endeavoured to do, but they were too fliort to cover them. Even the late petition for arms in which they promifed to go without the Hnes, and fweep you all away with the befom of defl:ru£lion, was but an idle rhodomon-
tade It was fomething like a poor boy ihouting
and finging in the dark, to keep himfelf from being afraid. At that very time, to my certain know- ledge they would have given the world for a place to fly to, out of the reach of Wafhington and Gates. But I return to myfelf, egomet fum proximus mihu I can aiTure your high mightinefles, that no danger can arife from me, for I am as great a coward as King James the Vlth of Scotland, who could never ^ fee a naked fword without trembling *, having been, I as it isfaid, frightened in his mother's belly, when the fierce barrons of that country came in, and killed David Rizzio in his prefence. I was once feverely caned by a Scots officer.now (if employed) in your fervice. Though the gentlemen of that choleric na- tion have been very much our friends in the pre- fent controverfy, I find it is dangerous to offend them. Buchanan their own hiftorian fays, perfer* vidum eji Scotorum in gen'ium. Therefore by the by, or en pajfant, for I fuppofe you are at prefent beft pleafed with French phrafes, I would advife every man who regards his own peace, however fmooth and gentle a Scotchman may appear, not to take him aga'wjl the hah'y as the faying is in their own country, but to remember the motto that fur- rounds the thiftle, Nemg me impwie lacejfat. I alfa
SUPPLICATION OF J. "R . I 85
very narrowly efcaped a found beating from a New England parfon, who was ftrong enough, without either cane or cudgel, to have pounded me to a mummy. All this, and much more of the fame kind, I bore with the moft exemplary patience and fubmiflion. Perhaps it will be faid, that though no danger is to be apprehended from any deeds, yet I may do harm enough by words and writing. To this I anfwer, that I have expended arid exhaufted my whole faculty of that kind in the fervice of the Englifh. I have tried falfehood and mifreprefenta- tion in every fhape that could be thought of, fo that it is like a coat thrice turned that will not hold a
fingle ditch. My friend, Gen. Re n, told
me fome time ago in my own (hop, that I had car- ried things fo far that people could not believe one word I faid even though it were as true as the gof- pel. From all this I hope it plainly appears, that there could be no danger from me ; and therefore as you cannot furely think of being cruel for cruel- ty's fake, that you vv'ill fuffer me to live.
II. Any further puniOimiCnt upon me, or any other of the lyihappy refugees who fliall .emain in New York, wijl be altogether unneceflary, for they do fuffer and will fufFer from the nature of the thing, as much as a merciful man could wifh to impofe upon his greateft enemy. By this I mean the dreadful mortification (after our pall puiiing and vaunting") of being under the dominion of the Con- grefs, feeing and hearing the conduct and difcourfe of the friends of America, and perhaps being put in mind of our own, in former times. You have pro- bably feen many of the Englifli newfpapers, and
l86 SUPPLICATION OF J. R-
alfo feme of mine, and you have among you the feix) prifoners who by a miracle efcaped death in our hands. By all thefe means you may learn with what infinite contempt, with what provoking infult, and with what unexampled barbarity, your people have, from the beginning to the end, been treated by the Britifh officers, excepting a very fmall num- ber, but above all by the Tories and Refugees, who not having the faculty of fighting, were obliged to lay out their whole wrath and malice in the article of fpeaking. I remember, when one of the prifoners taken after the gallant defence of Fort Wafhington had received feveral kicks for not being in his rank, he faid, is this a way of treating a gentleman ? The anfwer was, gentleman ? G — d— — n your blood, who made you a gentleman ? which was heard by us all prefent with unfpeakable fatisfadlion, and ra- tified by general applaufe. I have alfo feen one of your officers, after long imprifonment, for want of clothes, food and lodging, as meagre as a fkeleton and as dirty and fhabby as a London beggar, when I one of our friends would fay with infinite humour, look you there is one of King Congs's ragged raf- cals. You mult remember the many fweet names given you in print, in England and America, Rebels, Rafcals, Ragamuffins, Tatterdemallions, Scoun- drels, Blackguards, Cowards, and Poltroons. You cannot be ignorant how many and how complete vi£l:ories we gained over you, and what a fine figure you made In our narratives. We never once made you to retreat^ feldom even ^ojly as a routed army, 3 but to run off into the ivoodsy to Scamper away ^ through the fields^ and to take to your heels as ufiiaL
SUPPLICATION OF J. R . igy
You will probably foon fee the gazette account of the defeat of Mr. Wafliington at Monmouth. There it will appear how you fcampered off, and how the EngUfli followed you and mowed you down, till their officers, with that humanity which is the character ijUc of the nation^ put a ftop to this carnage, and then by a mafterly ftroke of generalship, Hole a march in the night, left you fhould have fcam- pered back again and obliged them to make a new ilaughter in the morning.
Now, dear gentlemen, confider what a miferable affair it muft be for a man to be obliged to apply with humility and feif-abafement to thofe whom he hath fo treated, nay, even to beg life of them, while his own heart upbraids hira with his paft con- dud, and perhaps his memory is refreflied with the repetition of fome of his rhetorical flowers. It is generally faid that our friend Burgoyne was treated with abundance of civility by general Gates, and yet I think it could not be very pleafmg to him to fee and hear the boys when he entered Albany, going before and crying, Elhoiu Room for General Burgoyne there. Fear and trembling have already taken hold of many of the refugees and friends of government in this place. It would break your
hearts to hear poor Sam. S , of Philadelphia,
weeping and wailing, and yet he was a peaceable Quaker who did nothing in the world but hire guides to the Englilh parties who were going out to furprize and butcher you. My brother of trade, G — is fo much affeded, that fome fay he has loft, or will foon lofe, his reafou. For my own part I do not think I run any riik in that refpe<^. All
1 88 SUPPLICATION OF J. R ■•
the wifdom that I was ever poffeffed of is in me ftill, praifed be God, and likely to be fo. A man that has run the gauntlet of creditors, duns and bailiffs, for years in England, and has been cudgell- ed, kicked, and p— d upon in America, is in no danger of lofmg his reafon by any circumftance whatever, fo long as there is the leaft profpeft of faving his life. I have heard fome people fay that diftionour was worfe than death, but with the great Sancho Pancha, I was always of a different opinion. I hope, therefore, your honours will confider my fufferings as fufficient to atone for my offences, and allow me to continue in peace and quiet, and ac- cording to the North Britifh proverb, j/?^^/ in a whole
Jk'in.
IIL I beg leave to fuggeft, that upon being re- ceived into favour, I think it would be in my powe^ to fexve the United States in feveral important re- fpeds. I believe many of your officers want polite- nefs. They are like old Cincinnatus, taken from the plow; and therefore muft ftill have a little roughnefs in their manners and deportment. Now I myfelf am the pink of courtefy, a genteel, portly, well-looking fellow, as you will fee in a fummer's day. I underftand and poffefs the hienfiance^ the mannery the grace, fo largely infifted on by Lord Chefterfield •, and may without vanity fay, I could teach it better than his Lordfhip, who in that article has remarkably failed. I hear with pieafure- that your people are pretty good faholars, and have made particularly very happy : vances in the art of fwearing, fo effentially neceffary to a gentleman. Yet I dare fay they will themfelyes confefs, that;
SUPPLICATION CF J, F ,8o
they are ftill in this refped far inferior to the Eng- lifh army. There is, by all accounts, a coarfenefs and famenefs in their expreffionj whereas there is variety, fprightlinefs and figure, in the oaths of gentlemen well educated. Dean Swift fays very juflly, < a foot- man may fwear, but he cannot fwear like a lord.' Now we have many lords in the Englifharmy, all of whom, when here, were pleafed to honour me with their friendfliip and intimacy; fo that I hope my qua- lifications can hardly be difputed. I have imported many of the moll neceflary articles for appearance in genteel life. I can give them Lavornitti's foap-balls, to wafh their brown hands clean, perfumed gloves, paint, powder, and pomatum. I can alfo furnifli the New England men with rings, feals, fwords, canes, fnufF-boxes, tweezer-cafes, and many other fuch notions^ to carry home to their wives and mif- trefles, who will be ;w//^«-giad to fee them. You are alfo to know that I import a great many parent medicines, which may be of ufe to your army. It is faid that fome of them are exceedingly liable to a diforder called by phyficians tlie raucomaniay which is frequently followed by the two twin dif- eafes of plumbophobia and fiderophobia. \i they will but fubmit to a ftricl regimen, and take the tinfture drops and pills which I prepare, I am con- fident the cure in mod cafes would be infallible.
I have been informed, that a certain perion, weli known to your augull body, has clearly demonitrat- ed that virtue and feverity of maniiers are necefiary to thofe who would pull an old government down^ which fete is now happily accon;piiihed ; but that luxury, diffipatioD^ and a taite for pieaiures, are VoL.iX. R
igO SUPPLICATION OF J R
equally neceflary to keep up a government already- fettled. As I fuppofe you are fully convinced of this moft falutary truth, I take it for granted, now that you have fettled governments in all the Hates, you are looking out for proper perfons to foften the rigid virtue of the Americans, and lay them alleep in the lap of felf-indulgence. Now, I am proud to fay, that there is not a man on this continent more able to ferve you in this refpedt, than myfelf. I have ferved many of the Britifh officers in a mofl honourable ftation and charaaer, of which the great Pandarus of Troy was the moft ancient exam- ple. If I am happy enough to make my own con- verfation and manners the ftandard of the mode, I believe you will fee very powerful effects of it in a ihort time. But if, after recovering your friend- Ihip myfelf, I am able alfo to bring back and recon- cile to this country the Rev. Dr A -, I believe
the fyftem will be perfeft. That gentleman, by his robuft form, is well fitted to be an ecclefiaftical bruifer, if fuch an officer fliould be needed •, and, w\\h all due deference to the officers of the Ameri- can army, I fhould think that a better way of termi- nating differences among them in the laft refort than fword or piflol, for many obvious reafons. He has alfo diftinguiflied himfelf by the publication of fome poems, on fubjeas extremely well fuited to the charaaer of a Chriftian clergyman, and very proper for initiating the tender mind in the fofteft and moft delicious of all arts, vh. the art of love.
Finally, I hope I may be of fervice to the Unit- ed ftates, as a writer, publlfiier, coUe^or, and maker of news. I mention this with fome diffi- ilgjice j becaufe perhaps you will think I have fore-
SUPPLICATION OF J. R ■ v I^S
clofed myfelf from fuch a claim, by confeffing (as above) that my credit as a news-writer is broken by over-flretching. But it is common enough for a man in bufinefs, v/hen his credit is wholly gone in one place, by fhifting his ground, and taking a new departure, to ftourifli away, and make as great or greater figure than before. How long that fplen- dour will laft is another matter, and belongs to an after confideration. I might therefore, though m*y credit is gone in New York, fet up again in the place which is honoured "with your refidence. Be- fides, I might write thofe things only or chiefly, which you wifh to be difbelieved, and thus render you the moft effential fervice. This would be aim- ing and arriving at the fame point, by manoeuvring^ retrogade. Once more, as I have been the oilenfi- ble printer of other people's lies in New York,, what is to hinder me from keeping incog, and in- venting or polilhing lies, to be ilTued from the prefsr of another printer in Philadelphia ? In one, or more, or ail of thefe ways, I hope to merit your approba- tion. It would be endlefs to mention all my de- vices ; and therefore I will only fay further, that I can take a truth, and fo puff and fweil and adorn it, ftili keeping the proportion of its parts, but en- larging their dimenfions, that you could hardly dif- cover where the falfehood lay, in cafe pf a ftri£t;: inveftigation.
That I may not weary you, I conclude with re- commending myfelf to your kind countenance and proteftion ; and in the m.ean time, waiting for a- favourable anfwer, your petitioner, as in dut^" bound, fnall ever pray, &c.
R2
RECANTATION
BENJAMIN TOJVNE.
X:3E FOLLOWING WAS PRINTED IN LOUDON's NEW YORK PAC- KET PUBLISHED AT FISHKILL, OCTOBER I. l)/^'
T^HE following facSls are well known, ift. That I Benjamin Towne ufed to print the Penn- fylvania Evening Pofl, under the protection of Con- grefs, and did frequently, and earneftly folicit fun- dry members of the faid Congrefs for differtations and articles of intelligence, profe fling myfelf to be a very firm and zealous friend to American liberty. 2d. That on the Englifti taking pofleflion of Phila- delphia^, I turned fairly round, and printed ray Evening Poll under the protedion of General Howe and his army, calling the Congrefs and all their adherents, rebels, rafcals, and raggamufiins, and feveral other unf^woury names, with which the hu- mane and polite Englifli are pleafed to honour them. Neither did I ever refufe to infert any diflertation however fcurrilous, or any article of inteUigence fcnt to me, although many of them I well knew to be, as a certain gentleman elegantly exprefles it, fa^s that never happened, 3d. That. I am now will-
RECANTATION, Scc. ip3
mg and deHrous to turn once more, to unfay all that I have lad faid, and to print and publifh for tlie United States of America, which are likely to be uppermoft, againft the Britifh tyrant ; nor will I be backward in calling him, after the example of the great and eminent author of Common Senfe, The Royal Brute y or giving him ?.ny other appella- tion (till more opprobrious, if fuch can be found.
The fa6i:3 being thus ftated, (I will prefume to fay altogether fairly and fully) I proceed to obferve, that I am not only profcribed by the Prefident and Supreme executive council of Pennfylvania, but that feverai other perfons are for reprobating my paper, and alledge that inftead of being fulfered tO' print, I ought to be hanged as a tnitor to my coun-- try. On this account I have thought proper to • publilb the following humble confeffion, declaration,, recantation and apology, hoping that it will ailuage the wrath of my enemies, and in fome degree reitore me to the favour and indulgence of the public. In- the firll pLice then, I defire it may be obferved,- .that I never vviis, nor ever pretended to be a man of charadlier, repute or dignity. L was originally an underftrapper to the fjinous Galhivay \x\ his /«-• famous fquabble with Goddard, and did in that' fervice contrail: fuch a habit of meannefs in think-- ing, and fcurrility in writing, that nothing -p^t-^//^^,, as brother Bell provedore to the fentimentaliftss . would fay, could ever be expefted from me. Now^ changing fideSj is not any way furprifing in a per-- fon anfwering the above defcription. I remember ~ to have read in the Roman hiftory, that when Cato of Utica had put himfelf to death, being unable tf ■•
R3
t94 RECANTATION OF
furvive the dliTolutlon of the republic, and the ex- tan£\:ion of liberty •, another fenator of inferior note, whofe name I cannot recollect, did the fame thing* But what thanks did he receive for this ? The men of reflection only laughed at his abfurd imitation of To great a perfonage, and faid — he might have lived though the republic had come to its period. Had a Hancock or an Adams changed fides, I grant you they u^ould have deferved no quarter, and I believe would have received none ; but to pafs the fame judgment on the conduct of an obfcure printer is miferable reafoning indeed. After all, why fo much noife about a trifle ? What occafion is there tor the public to pour out all its wrath upon poor Towne ; are turn coats fo rare ? Do they not walk
on every fide? Have we not feen Dr. S , J
A , T C , and many others who were
iiril champions for liberty •, then friends to govern- ment, and now difcovcr a laudable inclination to
fall into their ranks as quiet and orderly fubjeas of the commonwealth of Pennfylvania. The rational moraliils of the laft age ufed to tell us, that there was an eiTeiuial diiTerence between virtue and vice, ^ becaufe there was an elTential diiFerence to be ob- [ ferved in the n:Uure and reafon of things. Now, j with all due deference to thefe great men, I tlunk ^ I am as much of a phllofopher as to know that there: ,j are no circumftances of aaion, more important than a thofe of time and place. Therefore if a man pay : no regard to the changes that may happen in thefe ' circumilances, there will be very little virtue, and ; (till lefs prudence in his behaviour. Perhaps I have • got rather too deep foe common readers, and there-
BENJAMIN TOWNE. Ip5
fore fhall afk any plain Quaker in this city what he would fay to a man who fhould wear the fame coat in fummer as in winter in this climate ? He wouKi certainly fay, " Friend, thy wifdom is not great.'* Now whether I have not had as good reafon to change my condu6l as my coat, fmce lail; January^ I leave to every impartial perfon to determine. 2. I do hereby declare and confefs, that when I printed for Congrefs, and on the fide of liberty, it was not by any means from principle, or a dedre that the caufe of liberty fliould prevail, but purely and fimply from the love of gain. I could have made nothing but tar and feathers by printing againfl: them as things then flood. I make this candid ac- knowledgment not only as a penitent to. obtain par- don, but: to fliew that there was more confiilency in my condu6l than my enemies are willing to allow. They are pleafed to charge me with hypo- crify in pretending to be a whig when I was none* This clrarge is falfe -, I was neither whig nor tory, but a printer. I deteft and abhor hypocrify. I had no more regard for General Howe or General Clinton, or even Mrs. Lowring, or any other of the c/:a/}e nymphs that attended the Fete Champetre, alias Mifchianza, when I printed in their behalf, than for the Congrefs on the day of their retreat. It is pretended that I certainly did in my heart in- cline to the Englifh, becaufe I printed much bigger lies and in greater number for them, than for the Congrefs. This is a moft falfe and unjuft infinua- tion. It was entirely the fault of the Congrefs themfelves, who thought fit (being but a new po- tentate in the earth) to be much more mode ft, aad
ip6 RECANTATION OF
keep nearer the truth than their adverfarles. Had.' any of them brought me in -a lie as big as a moun- tain it fhould have iilued from my prefs. This gives me an opportunity of fhewing the folly as well as malignity of thofa who are a6luated by party fpirit \ many of them have affirmed that I printed monftrons and iticredible lies for General Howe. Now pray what harm could incredible lies do ? The only hurt, I conceive, that any lie can do is by obtaining belief, as a truth 5 but an incredible lie can obtain no belief, and therefore at lead mud- be perfeaiy harmlefs. What will thofe cavillers think, if I (hould turn this argument againft them, and fay that the moil efFe6lual way to difgrace any caufe, is to publifh monftrous and incredible lies in its favour. In this view, I have not only innocence,, but fome degree of m.erit to plead. However, take it which way you will, there never was a lie pub- •liflied in Philadelphia that could bear the lead com-
parifon with thofe publiflied by J R
in New York. This in my opinion is to be imput- ed to the fuperiority, not of the printer, but of the '
prompter or prompters. I reckon Mr. T to
have excelled in that branch ; and probably he had many coadjutors. What do you think of 40,000^ Ruffians, and 20,000 Moors, which Moors too-
were f\iid by Mr. R to be dreadful among-
the women } As aUb of the boats building at the forks of Monongahela to carry the Congrefs down the Ohio to New Orleans ? Thefe were fwingers. — As to myfelf and friend H , we con- tented ourfelves with publiffiing affidaats to prove that the king of France was determined to preferve
BENJAMIN TOWNE, I97
the frlendfliip that fubfifted between him and his good brother the king of England, of which he has given a neiu proof y by entering into and communicat- ing his treaty with the United States of America. Upon the whole, I hope the pubHc will attribute my condu£l, not to difafFe£lion, but to attachment to my own intereft and defire of gain in my profeffion; a principle, if I miftake not, pretty general and pretty powerful in the prefent day.
^dly, I hope the public will confider that I have been a timorous man, or, if you will, a coward, from my youth, fo that I cannot fight, — my belly is fo big that I cannot run, — and I am fo great a lover of eating and drinking that I cannot ftarve. When thofe three things are confidered, I hope they will fully account for my paft condu(^, and procure me the liberty of going on in the fame uniform tenor for the future. No jufl judgment can be formed of a man's charadter and condu£l, unlefs every circumftance is taken in and fairly attended to ; I therefore hope that this juftice will be done in my cafe. I am alfo verily perfuaded that if all thofa who are cowards as well as myfelf, but who are better off in other refpefts, and therefore can and do rim whenever danger is near them, would befriend me, I fhould have no inconfiderable body on my fide. Peace be with the Congrefs and the army ; I mean no reflecSlions j but the world is a wide field, and I wifh every body would do as they would be done by. Finally, I do hereby recant, draw back, eat in, and fv/allow down, every word that I have ever fpoken, written or printed to the prejudice of the United States cf America, hop-
ip8 RECANTATION, &C.
ing it will not only fatisfy the good people in ge- neral, but alfo all thofe fcatterbrained fellows, who call one another out to (hoot piftols in the air, while they tremble fo much that they cannot hit the mark. In the mean time I will return to labour with afliduity in my lawful calling, and efl^iys and intelligence as before fliall be gratefully accepted by the public*^ moft obedient humble fervant,
BENJAMIN TOWNS..
A
DESCRIPTION OF the STATE
OF
NEW JERSET,
ANSWERS IN PART TO MR MARBOIS^S QUESTIONS RESPECTING KEW JERShY,
I- M^W JERSEY is bounded on the north by a line drawn from the North or Hud Ion's river to the boundary of Pennfylvania, fixed ab iit ten years ago by commiffioners appointed from New York and New Jerfey, and marked in all the iate maps. This line runs nearly weft, and pafTes about thirty miles north of Morris-town in New Jerfey.
It is bounded on the eafl by Hudfon*s rivor, from the line juft now mentioned to the fea.
It is bounded on the fouth by the Atlantic Ocean, from the mouth of Hudfon's riv.r to Cape May, at the mouth of Delaware Bay. And on the weft bv the Delaware, to tlie place where the firft men- tioned line ftrikes it, between two and three hun- dred miles from the fea.
II. Smith's hiftory of New Jerfey is the only pu- blication that can anfwer the defign of this query.
200 A DES'CRIPTION OF
III. New Jerfey conGlls of thirteen counties, which, beginning at Cape May on the Delaware Bay, lie in the following order : Cape May, Salem, Cumberland, Gloucefter, Burlington, Hunterdon, Suflex, Morris, Bergen, Effex, Somerfet, Middle- fex, Monmouth. Thefe counties are fubdivided into townftiips or precinfts.
There are no cities in New Jerfey, but Burling- ton and Perth Amboy, which were feverally the capitals of Eaft and Weft Jerfey, as will be feen by the patents and hiilory of the fettlement.
The chief villages, or confiderable places in New Jerfey, are Haddonfield, Mountholly, Burdentown, Trenton, Princeton, Brunfwick, Morrifton, Spring- field, Woodbridge, Elizabeth-town, Newark, Hack- enfack, Pittflown, Cranberry, Shrewfbury, Allen- town, Pennington, and fome others of lefs note.
The only river of confiderable extent in New- Jerfey, is the Raritan ♦, the two branches of which pafling through the north-eaftern parts of the ft.ate, unite near twenty miles above Brunfwick, and re- ceiving the Milftone and fome other fmaller dreams, it becomes navigable about two miles above Brun- fwick, and from thence to Amboy bay, about twen- ty miles by water, is navigated by Ihallops and fmail vefleis of one hundred or one hundred and fifty tons.
South river pafies through Cranberry, in Middle- fex county, and empties itielf into the Raritan be- fore it reaches Amboy.
Black river is a confiderable ftream, paffing thro* Morris county caftwavd, and empties itfclf into Hudfon's river.
. THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY, 20t
Paffaic river palTes through Bergen county, and enters into the bay oppofite to Newark. There are falls pretty remarkable on this river, at the head of the bay, which many people go to fee as a curiofity*
There are many other fmall rivulets, not confi- derable, and many creeks and inlets upon the fea coaft, and particularly in the bay and river of De- laware, none of them navigable far into the country*
As to mountains, there is a ridge not very high, but commonly called Rocky Hill, which crofles the great road from Philadelphia to New York, about five miles eaftward of Princeton, and runs from ihe fouth-eall to the north-weft, continuing about ten miles in length, paffing about one mile and a half to the north of Princeton. Though there are no hills properly fpeaking, there is a continued and gradual afcent from the Delaware to Princeton, and a gra- dual defcent from thence to the eaftward. There 4s a great ridge of mountains near and on the boun- dary between New Jerfey and New York, running chiefly from eaft to weft.
The trees are very various. As to foreft tree% there are oaks of various kinds, afti, maple, bfrch, chefnut, walnut,- pine, locuft. The middle and up- per parts of the country run much into the Several kinds of oak, and in the lower parts are to be found great quantities of pine and cedar. The mulberry tree thrives in moft parts of the ftate ; ?.nd it feemi remarkably favourable to fruit trees, particularly apf'es, pears, cherries and peaches, of all which there is great abundance. The vine grov/s fponta- neoufly in many parts, and bears a large blue grape, Hot unpleafant to eat. Vol. IX. S
202 A DESCRIPTION OF
The produce of the improved farms, is wheat, rye, barley, Indian corn, buckwheat, flax, and hemp. It is ufual for farmers to have a fmall piece of land in tobacco ; but it is only for their own ufe, or that of their fervants; it is not raifed in New Jer- fey for fale. All the garden herbs raifed in France and England, thrive w-ell in New Jerfey ; fo proba- bly would vines, if cultivated by perfons who un- derflood the bufinefs.
Black cattle are raifed in New Jerfey to great ad- vantage— alfo horfes. There is a particular turn in the inhabitants for ralfing fine horfes, from the breed imported from England, There is alfo a large breed of heavy draught horfes, in thofe parts of the ftate chiefly inhabited by the Low Dutch.
IV. The number of inhabitants in New Jerfey at prefent, is certainly not lefs than two hundred thoufand. There w^as anexa6V. lift of them taken about ten years ago, which »will be procured in a fhort time. There are negroes, but they are cer- tainly not above one fevcnth or one tenth part of t'le whole. The negroes are exceedingly well ufed, being fed ancL clothed as well as any free perfons who live by daily labour.
V. There ic no profeflion of religion which has an cxclufive legal eflabliflm-ient. Some particular churches have charters of incorporation ; and pro- bably they would not be refufed to a body of any tlenomination. All profefhons are tolerated, and all proteftants are capable of ele(^l:ing and being elected, and indeed have every privilege belonging
THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY. 203
to citizens. — There are in New Jerfey, Englilh Preltyterians,LowDutchPrefbyterians,Epifcoplians, Baptifts, Quakers. The twoiirit, except the difference of the national connexion of the one with the church of Scotland, and the other with the church of Holland, and the language, are of the fame principles as to doc- trine. They have the fame worfhip and government, and they are by far the moft numerous. There is a great majority of the prefent legillature of thefe two denominations. Formerly the Quakers, though not the majority, had confiderable influence; but fince the late conteft with Great Britain, they are fewer in number, and altogether without poWer. The Epifcopalians are few. The Baptifts are Pref- byterians in all other refpefts, only differing in the point of Infant-baptifm ; their political weight goes the fame way as the Prefbyterians j their number is fmall.
VI. There Is at Princeton a college, which had originally a royal charter, begun in 1748. It- is now confirmed in its privileges, with fome alterations and Improvements, by a6t of affembly. The charter name of it Is, the college of New Jerfey ; the name of the building, Naffau Hall. It was in a flourifh- ing (late before the war, having about one hundred and fifty under graduates and other fcholars ; but was entirely defolated, and the houfe made a wreck, by the confufion of the times — firft by the Englifli army, which entirely fcattered fiie fcholars, and took poffeffion of the houfe ; and afterwards, by the American army making It a barrack and hofpltal. It now begins to recover, having of under graduates S2
204 A DESCRIPTION OF
and fcholars about fixty. — A printed account of the college has been given to Mr Marbois before.
There is alfo in New Jerfey a college, whofe charter name is Queen's College, fet up by the Low Dutch, with a particular view to preferve their language, and all the peculiar cufloms of the church of Holland. They have no building as yet, but have carried on their inftruftion fometimes at Brunf- "wick, fometimes elfewhere.
The college of New Jerfey is the beft building in the (late. Neither churches nor court-houfes are any where fumptuous. There is no public hofpital in the ftate.
There are few men of letters in the ftate of New Jerfey, except thofe who belong to law, phyfic, or theology; and many of thefe profeflions are often taken up without a liberal education. The ftate confifts almoft wholly of fubftantial farmers. There has been formerly known, efpecially when the Quakers had fome power, a prejudice againft learn- ing— ^That prejudice begins to wear off.
There are no turnpike roads. There are ftatutes for the widenefs of the public roads ; alfo for repair- ing, though it is generally poorly done — yet from the climate and the level pofition of the country, the roads are excellent in fummer. The accom- modations in taverns are in general as good as in any ftate in America. The great road from Phila- delphia to New York, lies through the middle of New Jerfey, by Trenton, Princeton, Brunfwick, Woodbridge, Elizabeth-town, and Newark.
VII. I cannot at prefect recoUedt any cuftoms
THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY. 205
peculiar to the ftate, or that from their fingularity deferve notice. New Jerfey was firft peopled by the Low Dutch, at lead the eaftern part of it. Their language is continued there as yet, though wearing out. They are a remarkably cleanly people, and frugal. They ufe their flaves and other fervants with great humanity, often not fcrupling white and black to eat together. People from all the other ftates are continually moving into and out of this ftate, fo that there is little peculiarity of manners.
VIII. The prefetit Jlate of manufaclures, commerce^ and exterior trade.
New Jerfey being in general fettled by farmers, with a great equality of rank and even pofTeflions, no confiderable manufadures are eftablifhed in it. There are, however, tradefmen difperfed through it, of almoft every kind. The farmers being frugal and plain in their manners, always made both linen and woolen cloth for their own families and their fervants. They have given greater attention to this matter within thefe five or fix years that the differ- ences with Great Britain have fubfifted. I believe it may be depended upon, that there is not one in ten of the members of thelegiflature of New Jerfey, who is not clothed in the manufafture of his own family for the greateft part, and many of them have no other clothing of any kind. At this time a great quantity of very good cloth is made in the familie^^^ Some tradefmen in different places make for fale, but not much. There are fome very confiderable dealers in leather, and ftill a greater number in hats,
S3
2o6 A DESCRIPTION OF
All iron tools are well made here, but not for ex- portation out of the ftate.
From the fituation of New Jerfey, there is hardly any foreign trade carried on directly from it. The merchants in Trenton, Brunfwick, Burdentown, and feveral other places, have boats, ihallops, and other fmall veflels, with which they trade to Phila- delphia or New York. In former times (hips might be entered both at Burlington and Amboy, for any part of the world : but few are fent abroad — fuch of our merchants as are concerned in foreign trade, being almoft always joined in company with fome of the large cities above mentioned.
IX. A Jiotice of the hcjl fea-ports in the Jiate^ and hoiv big are the vejjfds they can receive.
The beft fea-port in the ftate of New- Jerfey is Amboy, Which can receive veflels of as great burden as New York. There has never been as yet any great foreign trade at Amboy. The vicinity of New York has probably been a hindrance to it^ There are harbours at little Egg-harbour and great Egg-harbour, on the coaft of the Atlantic, which privateers and traders have made a confiderable ufe of iince the war. They cannot receive veflels of great burden \ but the greateft part of the trading veflels can go in there. The fame is the cafe with the €reeks on the Jerfey ihore, in the river Delaware.
X. A notice of the commercial produBions peculiar lo that Jiatey and of thofe objeSis luhich the inhabitants sre obliged to draw from Europe and from other parts 9f the ivorld.
The produ6lions of New Jerfey, and the fource^
THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY. 207
of its wealth, are grain of every kind, as mention- ed under queftion third — horfes, cattle, falted beef and pork, and poultry. In times of peace, great quantities of all thefe are fent to the Weft Indies, and flax-feed to Europe, ihipped however more com- monly in Philadelphia or New York, than any port in New Jerfey. The city of Philadelphia receives a great proportion of its provifions, including vegeta- bles of every kind, from New Jerfey. The foil of that part of New Jerfey which is oppofite to Phila- delphia, is exceedingly proper for gardening, and derives much of its value from its proximity to that city.
The ftate of New Jerfey lis obliged to draw from Europe and other parts, tea, fugar, wine, fpirits. Before the war they purchafed considerable quanti- ties of Englifh cloth, both linen and woolen, be- caufe cheaper than they could manufacture it in many inftances, and becaufe many tradelmen and others had not the materials of manufacture. All articles of finery they muft purchafe if they ufe them — lawns, gauzes, filks and velvet.
XI. The weights, meafures, and tht currency cf hard money — Some details relating to the exchange with Eu* rope.
The weights and meafures now ufed in New Jer- fey, are the fame as in England, of every kind — meafures of length, folidlty, fuperfices, dry and li- quid. The moft common for grain is the bulhel, which contains eight Winchefter gallons, and each gallon two hundred and feventy-two and a quarter folid inches.
2o8 A DESCRIPTION OF
The exchange between New Jerfey and Europe, is carried on almoft wholly through Philadelphia and New York.
The ftatute currency of money in New Jerfey is in the fame proportion to flerling as irhat of Pennfyl- vania, that is as five to three. A Spanifh milled dollar is, of New Jerfey proclamation money, feven {hillings and fixpence. There was twenty years ago> a currency or way of reckoning in New Jerfey, com- monly called light money, according to which a dollar was eight (hillings and eight pence, but this feems now to be wholly difufed, or confined only to the north-eaftern part of the ftate. The other way of reckoning is called prodamattofi moneys which prevails.
XII. The public incorm and expences* The public income of New Jerfey confifts, fo far as is known fo me, of taxes annually laid by the af- femblies ; and is great or fmall, as they (hall think the exigences of the (late require. There is in ge- neral a great difpofition to fave the public money ; indeed fuch as in many inftances to make inadequate provifion. The falary of the governor was by the 96I of fupply, Odlober 1775, before the change from a colony to a free ftate, twelve hundred pounds, proclamation money ; the judges of the fupreme court, three in number, had each of them one hun- dred and fifty the fame year ; all other expences for clerks, &c. were fmall ; and the members of coun- cil and aflembly had each eight (liillings for every day's attendance. The delegates in Congrefs had at firfl twenty (liillings per day -, and during the de-
THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY. 20^
preciation of the money, if they made any allow- ance at the beginning of the year becaufe of its bad ftate then, they never made any amends for the in- creafed depreciation before the year expired. — As to this and all fuch matters, they may be feen more fully from the printed laws, which I believe may be purchafed of Ifaac Collins, printer to the (late, in Trenton.
XIII. The meafurei taken nvith regard to the ejiaies end pojjejftons of the rebels^ commonly called Tories,
They haVe been all fold off in perpettiumy and are now in polTeffion of the new proprietors ;, the debts upon them to faithful fubjeas, having been firft difcharged.
XIV. The marine and navigation. There are no veflels whatever belonging to the ftate of New Jerfey. There are privateers who have commifTions, which fail from the ports on the coaft, or on the enemy's lines. There is an Admiralty Court eftablifhed for the condemnation of prizes — As to merchant fhips, fee the anfwer to queilion eighth.
XV. A notice of the minesy and other fuhterranean riches.
There are fome very valuable iron mines in New Jerfey, in Morris and Suflex counties. Some com- panies in England were concerned in working fome of thefe mines before the war. It was fufpefted fome years ago, that there were copper mines in New Jerfey •, but no trial hitherto made has fully
210 A.DESCRIPTION OF
fucceeded—- fome gentlemen loft their fortunes in the attempt.
It is not known whether there are any coal mines or not, as people every where burn wood.
XVI. Some famples of the mines, and of the ex- traonilnary Jlones ; in fjort, a notice of all that can in- creafe the progrefs of human hiowledge.
Iron ore is fo very common, that it cannot be fuppofed to be an obje6l of curiofity.. I have heard of and feen fome pieces of black matter, that was faid, when diflblved in water, to be exceedingly good ink. If this or any other curiofity can be ob- tained by enquiry, they ihall be forwarded. — There is very good marl in fome parts of New Jerfey, to the eaftward. — There is no limeftone in the parts o^ New Jerfey where I have been, but probably there is fome in Suflex. — There are in feveral places of New Jerfey, fugar-maple trees, whence the country peo- ple draw fugar for their own ufe, as in the back parts of New Hampfhire and Vermont.
XVII. A defcription of the India?js ejlahli/hed in the fates, before the European fettlements, and of thofi who are fill remaining. An indication of the Indian msnument/ difcovered in that fate.
The Indians and their manner of life, are defcrib- ed in feveral books, much better than I can do it, who was never among them. And indeed by com- paring together all that I have ever heard or read, it appears, that the charafteriftic features of the Indians of North America, are the fame which have diftin- guifhed favages in allparts of the world, and wherever
THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY. 211
dilcovered— gravity and fullennefs of deportment, love of hunting and war— that is to fay, depreda- tion ; ferocity to their captives, lazinefs and aver- fion to habitual labour, tyranny over the female fex paffive courage, and, if it may be called fo, aftive cowardice, and ftrong paffions both of lading grati- tude and unextinguifhable refentment.
The chief thing that a philofopher can learn from the Indians in New Jerfey is, that perhaps the mod coii^plete experiment has been made here how they would agree with cultivated life. At the time when the Indians fold and confirmed the lands to the fet. tiers, at their own requeft, a trad of land was pur- chafed for them to live in the heart of the colony, in Burlington county, of three thoufand acres and more which was fecured to them by law. They had a vill lage built, and a houfe of worfliip and a minifter, and every poflible encouragement to them to cultivate the land, and carry on trades ; yet, after all, they were fo far from increafing in numbers or improvino- In induftry, that at different times feveral of them went back into the woods, and the remainder dwind- led away, fo that there are few of them now left. On the whole it does not appear, that either by our people going among them, or by their being brought among us, that it is polFible to give them a relii'h''of civilized life. There have been fo_me of them educated at this college, as well as in New England ; but fel- dom or never did they prove either good or ufeful.
A F E W
REFLECTIONS
HUMBLY SUBMITTED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE PUBUO IN GENL^RAL, AND IN PARTICULAR TO THE CONGRESS 01 THE UNITED STATES.
♦X*HOUGH the following refleaions come from an individual citizen, no way conne6led with pub- lic bufinefs, I hope they will be read with candour and attention. All good, condu61: proceeds from certain radical principles; and retired theoretical perfons certainly may judge as well, perhaps they often judge better, of thofe, than fuch as are en- gaged in the buftle and hurry of an a£tive hfe, or occupied in the management of particular affairsi^ Another circumftance which encourages me in this hope is, that I intend to oiFer nothing but what (hall be even beyond the imputation of proceeding, either from party attachment or mercenary views.
When the Federal conftitution was agreed on, it was the fervent defire, and I may fay the earned prayer of many, that it might take place, and get into operation with quieiaefs, and under the acqui- efcence and approbation of the public. This I
ON THE FEDERAL CITY, 21^
think we may fay has happily been the cafe fo far as we have yet proceeded. The perfons chofen to fill the houfes of Congrefs, have been generally approved. Perhaps fome ftates, in a few inftances, might have made a better choice ; but upon the whole, there is little reafon to complain. I re- member to have heard a gentleman well acquainted with the fubjedt, fay of the former Congrefs which condu£led the war, that he had never known a time in which it did not contain a great plurality of men of integrity, and of thofe a very refpe<Slable number of diftinguifhed abilities. I hope and be- lieve that this is the cafe at prefent ; and may it always continue to be fo.
The m.eafures taken by Congrefs in their laft {e{» (ion, have in general given fatisfacStion. I am not ignorant that there have been fome fevere, and in my opinion petulant and infolent remarks made upon the falaries fixed for public officers, and the com- penfation allowed for the attendance of members of Congref&r, efpecially the laft. I am of opinion, how- ever, tnat they are both reafonable, and the laft at leaft as reafonable, if not more fo, than the firft. I hope few perfons will ever be in Congrefs, who devoting their time to the public fervice, may not well deferve the compenfation fixed for them, from their character and talents. And if they have lucrative profeffions, or valuable private fortunes, thefe muft be deferted for a time, and probably a lofs incurred greater than the whole wages. I (hould alfo be forry to hear of any member of Con- grefs who became rich by the favings above his ex- pence. I know very well, that there have been
Vol. IX. .T
214 °^ '^^^^ FEDERAL CITY.
Congrefs men and Affembly men too, who have car- ried home confiderable fums from lefs wages ; but they were fuch generally, as did more good to their families by their penury, than to their country by their polilical wifdom.
I come now to what I chiefly intended by this fhort efTay. Much time of the laft feffion was fpent in debates upon fixing a place for the perma- nent refidence of Congrefs, and building a federal city. That matter was under the confideration of the former Congrefs, and was fixed and unfixed I believe more than once. It always occafioned great altercation ; nor was it poffible to tell when it was fettled, for whenever Congrefs changed its members, or the members changed their opinions, every thing that had been done was undone. In the laft meeting of the federal Congrefs, it feems to have been finally decided ; but, either by accident cr the addrefs of fome who were oppofed to the de- cifion, it was thrown open again, and is now left as unfettled as ever. 1 have not met with any body who was forry, but with many who were happy at this circumftance ; and I fincerely wifii that it may be fuffered to fleep in its prefent fituation at leaft for a confiderable time," and till fome other bufmefs of greater and more confeffed importance fiiall be completely finlfhed. I am now to give my reafons for this opinion.
1. A determination upon that {ubje61: is not ncr cejan. When I fay it is not neceflary, I mean that we are not urged to it by any prelfing inconve- jiiencies or injuries which we have fullered, or are fuffering for want of it. Every body muft own, that it would be very expenfive, and indeed I ami
ON THE FEDERAL CITY. 21^
one myfelf, who, if it were to be done at all, and there were buildings to be ere6led which fliould not belong to any (late, but to the union, would wifh that they fhould not be barely elegant, but magnificent, that they might not derogate from the dignity of the empire. This is not even contrary to the general principle of economy •, for it has been obferved, that fome of the mod frugal nations have been mod fumptuous in their public edifices, of which the Stadthoufe at Amfterdam is an example. Therefore, if the neceflity were great, if the public bufinefs could not be carried on, nor the public au- thority maintained without it, I fhould be for fub- mitting to every inconvenience — I would not be de- terred even by the expence itfelf. But is this really the cafe ? Does it appear to be I'.ecefiary from the nature of the thing ? No. The weight and in- fluence of any deliberative or legiflative body, de- pend much more on the wifdom of their meafures, than the fplendid apartments in which they are af- fembled. Does it appear to be necelTary from ex- perience or the example of other nations ? I think not. I can hardly recollect above one or two of the kingdoms or dates of Europe, in which the capital is central ; and as to confederated republics, fome of them have no common capital at all. The Swifs Cantons have no federal city. The different ftates of which this lafl: confifls, have for ages, when they had occafion to meet for common confultation, held their Diets in different places. But we need go no fur- ther than our own experience. Did not the former Congrefs carry on the. war with Great Britain, de- pend and fecure the liberties of the United States^
2r6 ON THE FEDERAL CITY.
without a federal city ? Was the want of it great- ly or deeply felt as an inconvenience ? I do not re- collect a fingle complaint made in fpeech or writing upon the fubjedl:.
2. It can be but little profitable. The truth is, when I attempt to recolleft and enumerate the ad- vantages to be derived from a federal city, in a cen* tral place, yet thinly inhabited, I find them very few and very fmall. If the American empire come to be one confolidated government, I grant it would be of fome confequence that the feat of that go- vernment and fource of authority (hould not be too diftant from the extremities, for reafons which I need not here mention. But if the particular ftates are to be preferved and fupported in their conftitu- tlonal government, it feems of very little confe- quence where the Congrefs, confifting of reprefen- tatives from thefe ftates, fhall hold their |feflipns. There is not only little profit in their being fixed and central, but perhaps fome advantages might arife from their being unfixed and ambulatory. This iaft feems to be more fuitable to the equality of rights of the feveral ftates. It is far from being an impoflible fuppofition, that the ftate in which Congrefs fliould be fixed, would think itfelf entitled to a leading, if not a domineering influence over the other ftates. As to eafinefs of accefs, fuch is the ftate of this coun- try, lying along the fea-coaft, and having fo many na- vigable rivers, that any city whatever on the coaft or great rivers is eafily acceflible, and the difference of diftance, efpecially when the payment is to be in proportion to the diftance, is not worth mentioning. It is farther to be obferved, that though buildings may be immediately raifed for the accommodation
ON THE FEDERAL CITY. 217
6f Congrefs, yet a great city, or a city of opulence and commerce, could not be raifed for a long tra£t of time. It is even uncertain whether the bare re- fidence of Congrefs during their annual feflions (which it is to be hoped in a few years will be but fhort) independent of other circumftances, will ever raife a great commercial city at all. The Hague, though the refidence of the Stadtholder, is far from being the largefl, moft populous, or mod wealthy city in Holland. Now I humbly conceive, that if not refidence in, yet nearnefs to fome impor- tant commercial city or cities, will be found to be ab- folutely neceflary for tranfaclions relating to money or finance : fo that, if the advantages and difadvan- tages of a federal city on the propofed plan are fair- ly weighed, the latter would preponderate.
3. There is reafon to fear that it may be very hurtful.. Nothing is of fo much confequence to us at prefent as union ; and nothing is fo much the defire of all unprejudiced, public-fpirited and virtu- ous men. The federal conftitution is but new. It is, we hope, taking place 5 but cannot yet be faid to have taken root. It will from the nature of thing's, take fome time before it can acquire the re- fpe6l and veneration neceflary in every government from the body of the people, who are always guid- ed by feeling and habit, more than by a train of reafoning, however conclufive. Now, is there no reafon to fear that the difputes upon this fubje<St may produce warmth and violence, and perhaps an. alienation of mind in fome flates againft others^ very prejudicial to pubhc order ? The molt trifling fubjeQs of difpute have fometimes created divifions^
T3
218 ON THE FEDERAL CITY.
both in larger and fmaller political bodies, which have ended in common ruin. If I am rightly in- formed, the difputes which have already taken place in Congrefs upon this fubje^l, have been carried on with greater virulence of temper and acrimony of ex- preflion, than upon any other that hasbeen under their delibevition. This is not to be wondered at ; for it is indeed of fuch a nature, that it has a nearer re- lation to ftate attachments and local prejudices than any other that can be named. Perhaps in fuch a queftion it is lawful, decent, and even neceflary, to plead the local intereft of particular flates; and there- fore it is to be expected that every delegate will con- tend with earneflnefs for that cf his own. At any rate, v/hatever oftenfible public reafons rni.y be devifed by a fertile invention, all unprejudiced hearers will believe, that it is local attachment that guides their judgment, and inflames their zeal. The only ufe thnt it is necef- farv for me to make of fuch a remark, is to (hew that the contention and animofity raifed by this difpute will probably extend itfelf to every other, and that it will not be confined to the contending members in Congrefs, but will fpread itfelf through all the ilates, whofe caufe they plead, and whofe in?ereft they feem to efpoufe. This is one of thofe quef- tions that had much better be decided wrong by ge- neral confent, than decided right by a fmall majori- ty, without convincing or fatisfy ng the opponents. 4. In the lail place, it is certainly at leaft ufifenfon- mble. Though it were poffible juftiy to anfwer all the objedions I have dated above, I muft ftill fay, there is a time for every thing under the fun. A meafure may be good in itfelf, and even neceflary
ON THE FEDERAL CITY. 21^
in a qualified fenfe, yet if there be another duty in- cumbent upon the fame body, that is better and more neceflary, this furely ought to have the precedence in point of time. Now, I think it cannot be deni- ed, and all intelligent perfons in the United States feem to be of opinion, that bringing order into our finances, reftoring and eftablifhing public credit, is the moft important bufinefs which the Congrefs has to do. It is alfo the moft urgent in point of time ; becaufe in the interval, many public creditors are in a fituation truly deplorable, whereas I can think of nobody that is fuffering much for want of a federal city. The two defigns are alfo connected together as caufe and effect ; and I need not tell any body which of thefe ought to go foremoft. What a ro- mantic project will it be to fix on a fituation, and to form plans for building a number of palaces, be- fore we provide money to build them with, or even before we pay thofe debts which we have already con- trailed ? This is a matter in which not only all the citizens of America, thofe who are, and thofe who are not, public creditors, are deeply concerned, but on which will depend our future fecurity, our intereft and influence among foreign nations, and even the opinion that (hall be formed of us by pofterity itfelf. Thele few reflections, not enlarged upon as they might eafily have been, nor fwelled or exaggerated by pompous declamation, but fimply and nakedly pro- pofed, — I leave to the judgment of the impartial pu- blic ; and remain,
Their moft obedient,
Humble fervant,
X. Y.
ON THE
GEORGIA
CONSTITUTION.
SIR, TN your paper of Saturday laft, you have given us the new Conftitution of Georgia, in which I find the following refolution, « No clergyman of any denomination (hall be a member of the Gene- ral Aflembly." I would be very well fatisfied that fome of the gentlemen who have made that an ef- fential article of this conftitution, or who have in- ferted and approve it in other conftitutions, would be pleafed to explain a little the principles, as well as to afcertain the meaning of it.
Perhaps we underftand pretty generally, what is meant by a clergyman, viz. a perfon regularly cal- led and fet apart to the miniftry of the gofpel, and authorifed to preach and adminifter the facraments of the Chriftian religion. Now fufFer me to alk this queftion : Before any man among us was or- dained a minifter, was he not a citizen of the Uni- ted States, and if being in Georgia, a citizen o£
ON THE GEORGIA CONSTITUTION. 221
the ftate of Georgia ? Had he not then a right to be elected a member of the aflembly, if qualified in point of property ? How then has he loft, or why is he deprived of this right ? Is it by offence or difqualification ? Is it a fin againft the public to become a minifter? Does it merit that the perfon who is guilty of it fhould be immediately deprived of one of his moft important rights as a citizen ? Is not this inflicting a penalty which always fup- pofes an oiFence ? Is a minifter then difqualified for the office of a fenator or reprefentative ? Does this calling and profeffion render him ftupid or ignorant ? I am inclined to form a very high opi- nion of the natural underftanding of the freemen and freeholders of the ftate of Georgia, as well as of their improvement and culture by education, and yet I am not able to conceive, but that fome of thofe equally qualified, may enter into the clerical order : and then it muft not be unfitnefs, but fome other reafon that produces the exclufion. Perhaps it may be thought that they are excluded from civil authority, that they may be more fully and conftantly employed in their fpiritual fun6lions. If this had been the ground of it, how- much more properly would it have appeared, as an order of an ecclefiaftical body with refpe£t to their own mem- bers. In that cafe I ftiould not only have forgiven but approved and juftifiedit; but in the way in which it now ftands, it is evidently a punifhment by lofs of privilege, inflicted on thofe who go into the office of the miniftryj for which, perhaps, the gentlemen of Georgia may have good reafons, though I have not been able to difcover them.
222 ON THE GEORGU COKSTITUTION.
But befides the uncertainty of the principle ou which this refolution is founded, there feems to me much uncertainty as to the meaning of it. How are we to determine who is or is not a clergyman ? Is he only a clergyman who has received ordina- tion from thofe who have derived the right by an uninterrupted fucceflion from the apoftles ? Or is he iilfo a clergyman, who is fet apart by the impo- fition of hands of a body of other clergymen, by joint authority ? Or is he alfo a clergyman who is fet a p irr by the church members of his own fo- ciety, without any impofition of hands at all ? Or is he alfo a clergyman who has exhorted in a me- thodill fociety, or fpoken in a quaker meeting, or any other religious aflembly met for public wor- fhip ? There are ftill greater difficulties behind : — Is the clerical chara^ler indelible? There are fome who have been ordained who occafionally perform fome clerical fun£tions, but have no paftoral charge at all. There are fome who finding public fpeak- ing injurious to health, or from other reafons eafi- ly conceived, have refigned their paftoral charge, and wholly difcontinued all atts and exercifes of that kind ; and there are fome, particularly in New England, who having exercifed the clerical office fome time, and finding it lefs fuitable to their ta- lents than they apprehended, have voluntarily relin- quifhed it, and taken to fome other profeflion, as law, phyfic, or merchandize — Do thefe all conti- nue clergymen, or do they ceafe to be clergymen, and by that ceffiition return to, or recover the ho- nourable privileges of laymen .''
J cannot help thinking that thefe difficulties are
ON THE GEORGIA CONSTITUTION. 223
very confiderable, and may occafion much litiga- tion, if the article of the conftitution flands in the loofe, ambiguous form in which it now appears ; and therefore I would recommend the following altera- tions, which I think will make every thing definite and unexceptionable.
*' No clergyman, of any denomination, fliall be capable of being elected a member of the Senate or Houfe of Reprefentatives, becaufe [here infert the grounds of ofFenfive difqualification, which I have not been able to difcover] Provided always, and it is the true intent and meaning of this part of the con- ftitution, that if at any time he fliall be completely de- prived of the clerical character by thofe by whom he was invefted with it, as by depofition for curfing and fwearing, drunkennefs or uncleannefs, he fliall then be fully reilored to all the privileges of a free citizen ; his offence fliall no more be remembered againft him ; but he m.ay be chofen either to the Senate or Houfe of Reprefentatives, and fliall be treated with all the refpe£l due to his brethren^ the other members of Aflembly."
THE
DRUID,
ORIGIN ALLT PUBLISHED IN NUMBERS PERIODICALLY,
NUMBER I.
SIR,
IT is my intention, by your permlflion and afGf- tance to attempt the inftru6lion and entertain- ment of the public once a month, on mifcellaneous fubje6ls. This letter fliall ferve as the firft paper, and fhall be an introdu£tion to thofe that are to follow, by pointing out the fpirit and defign of the undertaking, and the plan upon which it is to be conduced.
The title which I have aflumed, was not intend- ed to carry any wit in it, and indeed not much meaning, further than what is common to all names, the diftinclion of one thing or perfon from another. It proved a matter of no little difficulty to fix upon a title, after fo great a variety as the world has feen, fince the pradice of periodical ellays was firft introduced. After a good deal of deliberation on a matter of very little moment, the above was fuggeft-
THE DRUID. 225
ed, by the place which is now, and is likely to be, my refidence, while I continue on earth. It is a fmall but neat houfe, in a pleafant, retired fitua- tion, furrounded with woods, in all the fimple majefty of their uncultivated ftate. Neither was it unfuitable to my time of life, the age of fifty, a cool and contemplative feafon, when men of educa- tion or bufinefs have generally feen as much of the world as fatisfies their curiofity, and enables them to underftand well enough what is pafling in it ; fo that they have neither neceffity nor inclination to mix again in its a£live fcenes.
I was born and educated in Great Britain, and had all the advantage I could receive from a long refidence in one of the moft celebrated feats of learning in that happy kingdom. The prime and vigour of life I fpent in the midft of public bufinefs and had a thorough knowledge of the greateft part, and perfonal intimacy with not a few, of the per- fons mofl diitinguifhed in rank, politics, or litera- ture, for the laft thirty years. From wliat circum- ftances, or with what views, I came into this coun- try, it is of no confequence for the reader to knowj fuffice it therefore tp fay, that I was not tranfported by Sir John Fielding, but came of my own proper motion and free choice •, and indeed have never met with any thing in pafling through life, that could be fuppofed either to four the temper, or break the vigour of the miiid. There are not a few who, towards the clofe of life, acquire, a fet- tled hatred or contempt of mankind, and feem difpo- fed to avenge their own real or fuppoied calamities on the world in general, by the acrimony of their Vol. IX. U
226 THE DRUID.
converfatlon, and the virulent fatire of their writ- ings. Produ6lIons di£tated by fuch a fpirit, have ofteni it inufl: be owned, fuch a poignant feverity, as deeply M^ounds the objedl of their refentment, and yet, I think feldom adds to the relifh of thofe for whom the entertainment is provided.
It has been generally fuppofed, that fatire and in- ventive is the way of writing, of all others, moft agreeable to the public ; and the reafon given for it is very little to the credit of human nature, viz. The prevalence of envy and malignity in the bulk of mankind. Had I been of this opinion, I would have cautioully avoided introducing the fentiment, •at leaft fo foon, as it would have been but a poor compliment to that very public, whofe attention I mean to folicit, and whofe improvement I wifh to prom'ote. I confefs that a thorough knowledge of the world, and extenfive reading in hiftory, have often produced mean thoughts of human nature. We fee fometiraes old hackneyed politicians dif- cover a jealoufy of the characters, and an indiffer- ence to the fufFerings of others, which furprifes and offends men of lefs experience, who are there- fore often laughed at for their weaknefs. This, in fome inftances is the miftake of the obferver, while the coolnefs and compofure of fpirit, the deliberate and fclf-colle£led carriage, which is the effe(£l of time, is falfcly called a callous or unfeeling difpofi- tion. But where the remark is juft, and a real and "eneral hatred of others has obtained full dominion, it would not be fo decent to infer from it that man- kind are univerGUly worthlefs or incorrigible, as to
THE DRUID. 227
impute it to the felfiili meannefs of that heart in which it had taken place.
It is very common for authors to go to an ex- treme on the one hand or on the other, in fpeaking of human nature. Thofe philoibphers who fpeak of it in ^ch exalted terms as to contradict the truths of religion, have prefent experience and the hiftory of pift ages directly againft them. The molt illuf- trious perfons in the records of time, have derived the greateft part of their luflre itfelf, either from the fingularity of their character, or, which is nearly the fame thing, from the depravity of others, who need- ed their aJiitance for inilru6tion or correction. It was fmartly, at leaft, if not juftly faid, by an author not many years ago, that the wifdom of legiilators, and the admirable policy of ft ites, and even the purity of moral precepts, are ju(t fuch arguments for the dig- nity of human nature as gibbets are. There is, doubtlefs, no fmall degree of error, ignorance pre- judice and corruption to be found among men •, but thefe, when properly viewed, ferve rather to demon- ftrate the importance and neceflity of information and in{tru£tion. There are not only particular in- ftances in which the human mind has dlfcovered the moft exalted virtue as well as amazing powers, but the human race in general, with all its defects, is certainly the nobleft and molt valuable in this lower world, and therefore the moft worthy of cul- tivation. To this may be added, that there is no cir- cumftance in which there is a more manifeft dif- tIn6tion between man and the inferior creatures, than that the individual is more helplefs as well as the kind more noble ; and therefore the intercourfe of
U 2
228 THE DRUID.
fociety and mutal afliftance is abfolutely neceflary to his improvement and perfe£lion.
But this is perhaps treating the fubje£l in too abftra£t and philofophical a manner, which I well know is not much to the tafte of the prefent age. The importance of knowledge, and the power of intelle£l:ual light,will be readily confefled. The quef- tions to be ferioully debated with himfelf by an au- thor, at his firft fetting out, are, what, encourage- ment he has to devote himfelf to the public fervice ? and, what reafon to think he hath any thing to com- municate that is worthy of the public attention ? Now, as to thejirji of thefe, it is my opinion, that though error, prejudice, and partiality, are very uni- verfal, that is to fay, they have place in fome degree in many perfons of every rank, age, and country ; yet their influence in each, has properly fpeaking, but a narrow fphere. Truth is much ftronger than them all. They fliew themfelves chiefly in the fmall- er interefls of particulars ; but there is a candor and impartiality in a difFufive public which may be in a great meafure depended upon, and which will both hear truth and obey it. There is not, perhaps, a man in that public, but has many prejudices and prepofleflions 5 but thefe are confined within cer- tain bounds, like the fphere of attraction of particu- lar bodies, round himfelf : when you go beyond that fphere, they are not felt, or they are felt very weakly. There is an obfervation I have fometimes made, which I do not remember to have read in any author, but which, if jufl, fhould teach every man to revere the public judgment. The remark is, that I can fcarcely recoiled: any perfon well and intimately known to me, whofe performances, cither in fpeak-
THE DRITID. 229
ing or writing, had been exhibited to the world for any time, of whofe talents and erudition the great plurality did not judge exactly in the fame manner that I did myfelf. If they do juftice to every other perfon, why fhould I doubt their doing it to me ? Ignorance, prejudice, malice, or accident, may have fome influence at firft ; but their effects are merelv temporary, and are fpeedily effaced. Time is a dili- gent enquirer, and a juft judge. I could almoft fay the fame thing of a man's moral chara£ler, under two exceptions : If you go beyond the bounds of local politics, and abftra61: entirely from religious dif- ferences, every man is fpoken of pretty nearly as he deferves. I am fufficiently aware that there are par- ticular exceptions to this general theory, but I have not now time to enter upon them ; and therefore (hall leave them till they fall in my way in the dlfcufiion of fuch fubje£i:s as (hall be undertaken in my future papers.
As to the fecond point, whether I have any thing to communicate that is worthy of the pubUc atten- tion ? It is plain: from the appearance of this paper, that I have already judged of it fo far as to make the attempt -, it is therefore too late for me, and too early for the reader, to take that matter into confideration. I fhall, however, mention briefly the plan which I mean to follow. The general fubjecl: of thefe papers fliall be the philofophy of human nature and of human life; I would willingly join fcienee and reflection to experience and obfer- vation. Literature and morals, arts and induftry, fliall be my chief themes ; and under one or other of thefe, every thing may be introduced, that caa
U3
230
THE DRUID-
in the lead contribute to the happinefs of focial or] private life. I muft beg the reader to obferve, thatf in handlino- all thefe fubjeas, I fhall have a parti- cvilar view to the (late and interefl: of this nlmgf country. As in youth the human frame wears its! loveliell form •, as the fpring is the moft charmingj foafon of the revolving year : fo, a country newly planted, and every day advancing to a maturer ftateJ affords the higheft delight to a contemplative philo-| fopher, and is, at the fame time, the (Irongeft in-j vitation to aftivity and ufefulnefs. .
I am fenGble that fome will think the prefent anj improper feafon for beginning on fo extenfive a plan. They will fay the time calls not for fpeculation butj aaion. Our induftry is now all turned hito onr channel, the vigorous exertion of the fpirit of de^ fence. When liberty, property and life are at ftake,j we muft not thi^k of being fcholars," but foldiers. When happy peace returns we (hall be able to apply with proper attention and vigour to the improve- ment of our minds, as well as to the cultivation oi the foil : till then we have other work upon oui hands. I muft inform the render, that thefe an miftaken refleaions. There is fuch a conneaioi among all the arts that improve or embellifli hum; nature, that they are belt promoted in conju6lionj and generally go in a body. As I look without folicitude, or rather with unfhaken confidence of fuc- Cefs, on the prefent glorious and important ftruggl< for the liberties of mankind ; fo I confider it as proper feafon for the moft ardent application to th< improvement of this country in all refpeas. Ir limes of public commotion the human mind is rou^ fed, and (hakes off the incumbrances of (loth and felfj
THE DRUID. 23 X
indulgence. Thofe who put on the harnefs and go into the field, muft be encouraged, affifted, and even fupported, by the activity and induftry of thofe who remain at home. Befides, I am much mif- taken if the time is not juft at hand, when there fliall be greater need than ever in America, for the moil accurate difcullion of the principles of fociety, the rights of nations, and the policy of dates ; all which fliall have a place in the fubfequent numbers of this paper. But above all, can it ever be un- feafonable to lay before the public what tends to improve the temper and morals of the reader, which fliall be the ultimate obje6t of all my difquifitions ? He who makes a people virtuousy makes them z«- vincihle.
The reader will now, in fome degree, underftand the defign and extent of this undertaking. As to wit and humour, I choofe to make no promifes up- on that head, left I fliould break them. Moft people, perhaps, differ from me j but I confefs I would rather read a tedious argument than a dull joke. Yet the favours of the ingenious, as the fay- ing is (poft paid) may perhaps enable me fometimes to gratify a reader of tafte : only I muft take the liberty of being pleafed myfelf firft, otherwife they (hail fleep with me, or return to the authors. Some, perhaps, will wonder that I have faid no- thing of the delightful themes of love and gallantry, efpecially as it is fo eafy to eftablifh a connexion between the tender pafTion and military glory. The younger clafs of my readers may reft fatisfied, that they fhall not want good advice enough, which may be applied to that and to every other fubje£l: 5 but I do not take myfelf to be qualified to paint the
232 THE DURID.
ardors of a glowing flame. I have not feen any- killing eyes thefe feveral years. It was but yefter- day, that I fmiled involuntarily on reading a poem in your laft magazine, fetting forth, that both Beauty and Wifdom had taken up their refidence with a certain nymph, the one in her cheek, the other in her tongue, and that they were refolved never to depart ; which I thought was a little un- fortunate for all the reft of the fex. I wifh every Strephon and Daphne heartily well, and that the ex- alted and rapturous phrafes of Arcadia may be foon brought down to the compofed difcourfe of a quiet man and wife in Philadelphia •, in which character, perhaps they may fometimes hear from me, I hope, to their great benefit.
I am. Sir,
Your moft obedient fevant.
The DRUID.
NUMBER II.
SIR,
WHEN I firft came into this country, nothing was farther from my expectation than the contell that has now taken place between Great Britain and the Colonies. The reader, I fuppofe, will alfo readily believe me when I affirm, that what relates to this important ftruggle, made but a fmall part of the matter I had meditated and digef- ted for the fubjcCt of thefe diflertations. But, from feme letters which I have received, and much cou-
THE DRUID. 233
verfation that I have heard, it appears plain, that fomething of this kind is expecSled from me, and that if it is long withheld, it will be difficult to avoid fufpicion from the warmer fons of liberty. It is not eafy to determine what branches of this great -argument it would be bed to take up, as moft fuit- able to a fpeculative philofopher, and at the fame time moft neceffary or ufeful to the bulk of my readers. The natural rights of mankind, and the caufe of liberty in general, have been explained and defended in innumerable treatifes, ancient and mo- dern* The application of thefe principles to the American controverfy, has been made by many writers among us, with the greateft clearnefs and precifion. The nature of government, and method of balancing a civil conditution, I cannot fay has been handled either with fo much fulnefs or pro- priety as the other topics ; yet on this alfo many excellent obfervations have been made. If it has not been much reafoned on, it feems neverthelefs to be both felt and underftood, in almoft every cor- ner of this continent.
Leaving, therefore, thefe fubjedls for the pre- fent, as we are yet engaged in a war fomewhat fmgular in its nature, important in its confe- quences, and uncertain in its duration, I fhall beg leave to make fome remarks as a fcholar, and as a citizen of the world, on the manner of carrying on ijuar. By this is not meant, to lay down a plan o£ difcipline, or tatties for an army, or of (Iratagems and manoeuvres for a general or inferior leader ; but to confider by what means wars of different kinds may be carried on, confiftently with reafon,
234 THE DRUID.
confcience, or common utility. Every body muft have obferved how frequently the nevi^fpapers have been filled with compLdnts of our enemies, as add- ing favagely and barbaroufly — as being guilty of unnatur.:! cruelty — as carrying on a felonious and piratical war — as a(Sling contrary to the laws of war. I have, however, taken notice, that among all thefe diflertations little or' nothing has been faid to fhew why they have a£ted barbaroufly, further than that they have a6Led unjullly in being our ene- mies at all. No one has told us what are the laws of war, or endeavoured to make us underftand when enemies may be faid to a6l a fair and honour- able, and when a daftardly and cruel part.
This fubje^l I fliall now therefore enter upon 5 and will endeavour to handle it with as much fim- plicity as poflible, that it may be ufeful to perfons of the lowed rank, and mod common underfland- ing. Let me trace it to its fource. Wherever fo- ciety exifts founded upon clear eftablifhed laws, this obliges us to form an idea of a ftate previous to the formation of fociety, or before fuch, or any laws, were made land acknowledged to be in force. This is called a ftate of nature. I do not enter in- to the innumerable queftions upon this fubje6t ; as, how long it could continue, when men increafed in number .'* Whether it is a ftate of war or peace ? Whether inclination prompted, or neceflity compel- led, men to enter into fociety ? It is fufficient for my purpofe, to obferve, that independent nations are in a ftate of natural liberty with refpe£t to one another, or as man to man previous to the focial compaft- When they difagrec, they have no common umpire
I
THE DRUID. 235
or judge to refort to, but muft decide their quarrels by the fword. The queftlons then to be refolved are three : i. Are there any laws at all by which they are bound ? or, are all kinds of force or vio- lence equally jufl ? 2. If not, what is the law ? what is it that makes the diftin6lion ? and, 3. what is the fanclion of the law ? To whom fhall we com- plain when it is broken ?
If there is any fuch law, it is certainly very juft- ly denominated, by civilians, the laiv of nature and nations. Of nature, becaufe its principles are to be derived from the ftate of natural or univerfal liber- ty, and perfonal independence ; and of nations, be- caufe there is no perfon in fuch a ftate at prefent, excepting nations or large bodies, who confider themfelves as independent of each other. Now, that there is fuch a law, I think is evident, not only from the univerfal acknowledgment of men, and the practice of nations from the earlieft ages, but from the nature of the thing. If there are any duties binding upon men to each other, in a ftate of natural liberty, the fame are due from nation to nation. Bodies politic do not in this circumftance, differ from individuals. The fame anfwer -muft be made to the fecond queftion. It is impoITible to mention any right that an individual may juftly claim, either as to perfon or property, from his fellow men, but a fociety has the like claim upon any other fociety. Their perfons mull not be affaulted, nor their pro- perty invaded. The fmgle purpofe of fociety, in- deed, is to protedl the individual, and to ^ive him the ftrength of the public arm, in defence of his juft and natural right.
236 THE DRUID.
But it will be aflced, in the third place, What is the fan6lion of this law ? and who is to call the of- fender to account ? To this I anfwer, That the fan£i:ion of the law of nature is nothing elfe but a fenfe of duty, and accountablenefs to the fupreme Judge ; to which may be added, fuch a fenfe of general utility, as makes men fear, that if they no- torioufly trample upon it, reproach and infamy among all nations will be the e£Fe£t, and probably refentment and indignation by common confent. Agreeably to this, having recourfe to force is often called an appeal to heaven, and it is, at the fame time, generally accompanied with an attempt, by fome public declaration, to convince other nations of the juftice of the caufe.
Omitting many things that are not conne£^ed with the point I have in view, particularly without enumerating the legitimate caufes of war, but fup- pofmg nations engaged in a war which they believe on both fides to be juft, let us afk. What are the means by which this war is to be carried on ? The firft and moft obvious anfwer is. By all manner of force or open violence ; and the moft able warrior js prefum.ed to be the one that can invent weapons the moft deadly and deftrudive. It is admitted al- fo, on all hands, that force may be ufed, not only againft the perlbns and goods of rulers, but of every member of the hoftile ftate. This m.ay feem hard, that innocent fubjecSls of a ftate fhculd fufFer for the folly and ihdifcretion of the rulers, or of other members of the fame ftate. But it is often unavoidable. The whole indiviciual?^ that crmpofe a ftate are confidcred but as one body. It would
THE DRUIEI. 237
be impoflible for an enemy to diftinguifh the guilty from the 'innocent. When men fubmit to a go- vernment, they rifle their own perfons and pcflef- fions in the fame bottom with the whole, in return, for the benefits of fociety.
Upon this principle, open violence may be faid to have no bounds, and every method that can be invented to fend deftru^^ion and mifery to any part of the hoftile ftate^ may be thought to be permitted. But upon the principles of general equity, and the confent and pradice of modern times, acSts of cruel- ty and inhumanity, are to be blamed, and to be confidered as a violation of the law of nations. Many of them might be eafily enumerated, fuch as refufmg quarter to thofe who fubmit, killing prifoners when they might be kept without any danger, killing women and children, inventing me- thods of torture, burning and deftroying every- thing that might be of ufe in life. The ufe of poifoned weapons alfo has been generally con- demned, as well as poifoning of fprings and pro- vifions.
The celebrated Dr. Robertfon of Edinburgh, in a fermon before the fociety for propagating Chrif- tian ki owledge, has made an obfervation to this purpofe, " that to the honour of m.odern times, and (as he thinks) particularly to the honour of Chriftianity itfelf, there is much more gentlenefs and humanity in the manner of carrying on war than formerly." If we look into ancient hiltory we (hall fee fuch inftances of ferocity and crueky in many cafes, as are too {hocking to be related. There is no fa6t, however, in the records of anti-
VoL. IX. X
238 THE DRUID.
quity on this fubje6l, that ever ftruck me fo much as the account given of Sefoftris, becaufe it fhews, not the barbarity of a particular monfler, but the fpirit of the times. He is extolled by many ancient authors for his clemency, becaufe he did not put to death the princes whom he unjuftly attacked and conquered. Yet he ordered them to wait upon him with a yearly tribute, and on thefe occafions ufed to yoke them in his chariot, and make them draw him, in place of horfes, to the temple. How much worfe than death would this appear at pre- fent to a captive prince ?
But however juilly praife may be due to modern times for comparative humanity, what we have faid above is only general and undefined. Let us feek for the true principle that ought to govern the con- duel of refined and enlightened nations. This, if I miftake not, is, That all aBs of cruelty 'which have no tendency to iveahen the refijl'ing force^ are contrary to reafon and religion ^ and therefore to the laiv of nature end nations. The end of war is to obtain juftice, and reftore peace, therefore whatever tends to lef- fen or deftroy the force of the enemy, muft be per- mitted. It is in this view alone that the capture of private property is allowed and julliiied. But to take lives without neceflity, and even to treat pri- foners with opprefTion.or infult, above all to diflrefs or torture the weaker fex, or the helplefs infant, ouf'ht to be detefted by every nation profefling the
gofpel.
The principle which I have laid down, may be applied univerfally, and will ferve to point out when gny meafure is to be jufliiied or condemned, be-
THE DRUID. 239
tween perfons profefling open hoftility againft each other. I will take the liberty to apply it to fome things that have been done or attempted in the pre- fent war, carried on by Great Britain againft Ame- rica. It is now undeniable, that endeavours have been ufed to bring the Indian tribes upon the back fettlements. This I call an aft of extreme and un- juftifiable barbarity, becaufe their manner of making war is well known. They are neither formidable for their number nor their ftrength, but for making inroads upon the dwellings of their enemies, and putting to death women and children, with circum- ftances of horrid cruelty. This is fo far from weakening the force of the people againft whom it is pra£tifed, that it tends to infpire them with a re- venge and fury not to be refifted. The well known hiftory of the late war, will both explain and fup* port what I have faid. The cruelty of the Indians produced fuch a fpirit in the back fettlers, which not only repelled their attacks, but in fome inftances retaliated their injuries, in a manner that I will not take upon me either to defend or excufe. There- fore, when we blame the Britifh miniftry for ftir- ring up the -Indians againft us, we do not blame them for afking affiftance from other nations, which is common in all wars, when any party apprehends itfelf weak, but for a method of attack, the cruelty o£ which bears no proportion to any advantage that can be derived from it.
The fame thing I fay of proclaiming liberty to ilaves, and ftirring them up to rebel againft their mafters. There is, however, fome little difference in the application of the principle to this and the
X 2
MO THE DRUID.
preceding inftance. It is probable that the people in Great Britain reckoned upon a degree of advan- tage from this meafure, vaftly fuperior not only to what it produced in efFei^, but to what they them- felves expeded from the incurfions of the Indians. I gather this from an expreflion in a treatife pub- liQied in England on the American controverfy, to this purpofe, that < if England declare freedom to the flaves, they (the Americans) have not fix vi^eeks to be a people/ Thefe apprehenfions may be a thought to juftify them in the attempt, as they muft » Lave taken it to be fo fpeedy and efFe6i:ual a means of producing abfolute fubmiflion. But I muft ob- ferve, in addition to what I have faid above, that there are fome things fo bafe and treacherous in their nature, and fo pernicious in the example to human fociety in general, that whatever efFe6l they might be fuppofed to have in a particular cafe, all men of liberal minds have concurred in reje6i:ing them. For example, though it is generally agreed, that aiming particularly at the life of a leader in battle, is not only lawful, but prudent, as it is of more confequence than fifty others, yet to fuborn his fervants to aflafllnate him privately, though it might have the fame efFe£t upon the military opera- tions, is univerf^Uly condemned. An inftance In hiftory occurs to me, in which a meafure, though likely to have a great influence in weakening the enemy, yet, for its extreme cruelty, deferves to be i'poken of with horror. It was that of king James VIFs general at the fiege of Londonderry, 1689, wlio, when the garrifon was reduced to extremity for want of provifions, drove all the protcfftants
THE DRUID. 241
witliin thirty miles, chiefly old men, women, and infants, under the walls of the city, to be either taken in, or fufFered to perifli with hunger under the eyes of their friends. Had this meafure been fuccefsful, it would have been, notwithftanding, condemned as unjuft; but I ajn happy in being able to obferve, that a£ts of extreme cruelty do very feldom produce the efFe6ts intended by them. When 2 certain point is exceeded, fear itfelf is con- verted into rage, and produces the unexpefted and mcredible efforts of defpair.
The principle I have above laid down, will alfo enable us to judge what opinion we fhould form of a£ls of violence and depredation. When an army can avail itfelf of the goods and property of the members of a hoftile flate, or probably reduce them to the neceflity of making peace, not only the fei- zure, but the reduftion of both may be juftified" upon the principles of reafon. But when men can only deftroy and not poflefs, and that deftruc- tion can only fall upon an inconfiderable number of helplefs people, it is at once inconfiftent with great- nefs of mind, and for the mod part againft the in- tei-eft of the deftroyer. It operates as an in- flammatory principle, and calls up every man, fron* the ftrongefl to the feebleft, to afli ft in repelling, or punifhing the favage invader. For this reafon I give it as my opinion, that burning and deftroyincr houfes, where there is no fortrefs,'as has been in fome inftances done, deferves all the epithets of barbarous, favage, and inhuman, that have been beftowed upon it, either by thofe who have fuffer^ ed, or thofe who have felt in their behalf.
X3
242 THE DRUID.
A few more reflections fliould have been added, upon wars differently circumftanced, and particular- ly upon civil wars •, but they muft be referred to the next, or fome future paper.
NUMBER III.
SIR,
Y laft paper was employed in examining XV JL what is the radical principle, according to the law of nature and nations, for determining the jiifl and lawful means of carrying on war. Having left the fubjeCl unfiniftied, I will now add wliat feems further neceflary upon it. The chief and mofl: remarkable diftin6lion of wars, to be found in civilians, is into what they caW foreign and civil wars. By the firft are to be underftood, wars be- tween nations confefTed on both fides to be feparate ^nd independent. By the fecond, wars between different parts of the fame ftate. The firft are fup- pofed to arife from fome occafional injury or partial encroachment, and to have for their end the repara- tion of the wrong, and the refloration of fecurity and peace. The fecond, in which one part of the fubjefts of a flate rifes againfl another, are much more various, both in their caufes and ends, al- though the rulers of every ftate generally affeft to confider them all as of the fame nature, and be- longing to the fame ciafs. The light in which they wifh them to be viewed is, as an infurreC^ion of diforderly citizens againft law and order in ge^-
THE DtlUIft. ^43
fiet^ij ind therefore as Including the greatefl crime that can be committed againft fociety, and deferv- ing the fevered punifliment. This is the true and proper import of the laws againft treafon in any country, and if the object on which they take hold IS really fuch as they defcribe, no fault can be found with their feverity. He who breaks the public peace and attempts to fubvert the order of the fociety *of which he is a number, is guilty of the greateft crime againft every other member, by robbing him of a bleffing of the greateft value in itfelf, as well as eflentially neceflary to the pofleiTion of every other.
For this reafon it is, that in civil wars one party takes upon itfelf to be on the fide of order and good government, and confiders every perfon of the op- pofmg band, not as a citizen contending for the fuppofed rights of his own ftate, but as a felon and a criminal, breaking the law of God and man, and if fubdued and taken, deftined to public ignominl- Qus, legal punifhment. But let us confider a little the caufes and circumftances of civil wars, as they have appeared in hiftory. Some have doubtlefs been of the kind above defcribed, and which the law in general prefumes ; but if they have been nu- merous, they have hardly ever been formidable. Infurre£l:ions of profligate or even miftaken citizens have generally been local, and occafioned by fome circumftances that do not affect the whole body of an empire, and therefore have been eafily fuppref- fed. Many of the civil wars which have torn and diftracSled great empires, have arifen from the am- bition and turbulence of particular men, contending
244 "THE DRUm.
for power and Influence in the adminiftratron of go- vernment. Such were the wars of Sylla and Ma- rius, Ciefar and Poinpey, in the Roman republic;- in which, though the partifans on both fides were certainly criminal, yet at the fame time, they were equally fo. We may place in the fame rank, the civil wars in England and France, which were fo long in the one country, and fo bloody in both, about the fucceffion to the crown. In thefe wars the principle on which they were waged, was funda- mentally wrong, viz. that there was a claim of right in one family or perfon, which entitled them to authority diftin£t from common confent, or the general good. But this principle was the fame to both parties j many perfons of equal honour and truth embraced the oppofite fides of the queflion ; and we can perceive no difference at all between them, in point of merit or demerit towards the fo- ciety. If one contends for the uncle, and the other for the nephew, to be king, or the pofterity of each many generations diftant, and a bloody war mull decide the queflion, little other reflection can occur to a confiderate man, than to pity the weaknefs of human nature.
There remains another clafs of civil wars, in which a part or the great body of a monarchy or re- public refill the authority of their rulers, on pretence that they are fuffering under oppreffion. They do this fometimes with a view to redrefs their grievan- ces, and fometimes to fubvert their government al- together as infupportable, and re-fettle it upon a new foundation. It alfo frequently happens, that they begin with -the firfl of thefe, and in the courfe
THE DRUID. 245
of the quarrel find or think it neceflary to end with the laft. There are many wars of this kind upon record, fome of which have been fuccefsful, and others not. If they have been fuccefsful, hiftory dignifies them with the name of Revolution j and if otherwife, they muft bear that of Rebellion. Their fuccefs, however, is no certain criterion of their juflice. The civil war in England of the laft cen- tury, which bears the name of the grand rebellion, and the late vigorous conteft of the Corficans a- gainft the republic of Genoa, though they were fold into flavery, were as honourable in the principles, as the fuccefsful refiftance of the Seven United Provin- ces to the king of Spain, or the efforts of the En- glifh nation at that period, which we have now a- greed to call the glorious revolution.
Let us apply thefe remarks to the fubje£t of our prefent enquiry, the means and manner of carrying on war. In fa^t, it has always been found that civil wars have been carried on with a rage and animofity much greater than thofe of independent nations. — Afts of cruelty have been much more frequent while they lafted ; and after peace has taken place, the alienation of mind and inward refentment has been much more great and of longer continuance. The barbarity of the Syllan and Marian fa6i:ions to each other in Rome, as well as the profcription of the two fubfequent triumvirates of that ftate, were fo horrible, that it is difficult to conceive hov/ hu- man nature could be brought to fuch an unfeeling and hardened temper, as to give or execute the bloody orders. As foon as a war between indepen- dent nations ceafes, the wound is perfectly healed,
24^ THE DRUID.
and particular perfons of thefe nations do not retain the lead refentment againft each other. It is quite otherwife in civil wars. They often give a name and chara£^er to the different faftions, which is not obliterated for many generations. Whig and Torry are names by which perfons and families are ftili dilUnguifhed in England, although they are both of great antiquity, and the firft of them more than a hundred years old.
Whenever any effeft is general and conflant, there muft be fome fuitable and permanent caufe or cau- fes for it. It may not therefore be amifs, either in a philofophical or a moral view, to examine the caufes of this phenomenon in political lifci One caufe may be affigned for it which is very general, but which will perfectly apply to this, as well as to every other kind' of flrife. The greater the injury that is done, and the ftronger the obligations to friend- (hip that are broken through, the deeper the refent- ment tliat is felt by a fenfible mind. Now, it is cer- tain, that to difturb the internal peace of a ftate by a civil war, is a much more dreadful evil, and touches the people more univerfally, than war with a foreign kingdom. Befides, injuries done, or fuppofed to be done, by thofe with whom we are nearly connected, and from whom we expelled every a£l of friendfhip, wound more deeply than thofe done by ftrangers or perfons unknown. This is fo generally true, that differences between near relations, if they come to a certain height, and are publicly known, are fcarcely ever thoroughly reconciled. They may be apparently or imperfectly taken away, the fore may be fkinned
THE DRUIB. 247
over, but it fllU rankles at bottom, and upon the flighteil touch is ready to break out anew.
Another caufe which may be ailigned for the bar- barity exercifed in civil wars, is the hateful or con- temptible idea which the one fide, at leaft, often en- tertains of the other. It is a fine obfervation of a moral writer of the laft age, <* If you want to be wholly free from the guilt of injury, oppreflion, or flander, you muft take care what you think of others, for it is certain that your treatment of them will be according to the opinion you have formed of their character and merit." This remark is perfectly juft, for if once a man allow himfelf to hate another heartily, th<»re is no anfwering for what he will do to him, nor is the natural humanity of his difpofition the leaft fecurity againft his going to excefs. Per- fons of the gentle ft nature and the fofteft fex, when completely enraged, have been guilty of the moft horrid cruelty. This is commonly accounted for by the mixture of fear and hatred. But if another in- gredient is added to the compofition, it will be yet more powerful •, I mean contempt. Some may think that fear and contempt are inconfiftent, but this is a miftake. You cannot fear the ftren^th of an enemy and defpife it at the fame time ; but you may eafily fear his ftrength and malice, and defpife his character. If therefore you join all thefe together, fear, hatred, and cont-mpt, towards an enemy, it will not be wonderful if the treatment he receives is unmerciful er unjuft. This is often the cafe in civil wars. Thofe who are on the fide of govern- ment are apt to form the moft unjuft, as well as def- picable ideas of their opponentSi and never to fpeak
248 THE DRUID.
of them but in the moft opprobrious terms. By this they are naturally led to behave towards them with inhumanity, and fometimes in their correfpondence they will fcarce confider themfelves as upon an equa- lity, or be bound, by the laws of fincerity and truth. I could illuftrate the influence of charafter, and the opinion we entertain of others, on our conduct toward them, by many inftances in hiftory. It is the true and genuine fource of the Roman Catho- lics not keeping faith with heretics. This their enemies charge them with as an avowed principle ; which they deny. But that they have a6ted agree- ably to it is fa<St. The example of John Hufs of Bohemia, and feveral others, put it beyond all quellion. It is alfo the true caufe of the cruelty of the inquifition, commonly called the bloody Tri- bunal. Nothing is more common than to confider the minifters of this court as monflers diverted of every feeling of humanity, and fo to lay three fourths of the blame upon the perfonal charafter, whereas in truth, it ought to be wholly imputed to the power of bigotry and falfe zeal. When once SI perfon is believed to be an enemy to God, and meriting his utmoft vengeance, it is not wonderful that men fliould co-operate with him, and infli£t that little part of it that is in their power. It is not fo properly fufFering in itfelf, as the innocence of the iufferer, or the difproportion of the fufl'ering to the crime, that excites our compaflion. When crimes are very atrocious, we fometimes feel, and in feme degree regret, the weaknefs of human vengeance, which cmnot poflihly give them their due. I can recoiled feveral inftances of criminals,
THE DRUIB. 2i|9
on whofe condemnation, not one but many would fay, " he deferves, if it were poffible, a thoufand deaths."
But now let me draw this diflertation to a con- clufion, or as divines would fay, to the application. It is eafy to fee, from the above principles, what are the didiates of truth and juitice as to the man- ner of carrying on civil wars. There is but one clafs of them in which the behaviour fhould be dif- ferent from the practice that prevails in wars with independent ftates j I mean when tumultuous and diforderly citizens attempt to fubvert law and order altogether. But when the grounds of the quarrel are plaufible on both fides, and when it is demon- ftrable that perfons of the fiiridleit honour and in- tegrity may be found adhering to the oppofite parties, they are bound by every tie to candour in judgment, and to humanity and mercy in tiieir condu(3: towards each other. Happily we of.en fee the parties in fuch wars compelled to humanity through feif-intereft, and reltrained Dy fear or one of the jufteit.of ail laws, tiiat of retaliation. I could wifh, however, that a fenfe of duty ihouid be added to this obligation j for neither iieceiHty, nor even inclination, is fo itable and powerful a principle of adlion, as reaion and trutn impreiied on the conlcience. Necelfity does not always leem equally ftroug, and the impulfe of natural aitecbons is tranfient and changeable ; but that uhich we conficier as eflential to oui duty, we lha<l adhere to without tne aifiitance ot either, and ought to do it even in oppoiuion to both.
Vol. U. Y
25© THE DRUID.
I do truly think myfelf, in my prcfent retirement (begging the reader's pardon) not ill qualified, in point of impartiality, for handling this fubjedt, and applying it to the prefent conteft between Great Bri- tain and America. I am paft the age of bearing arms, and whatever I have done before, {hall probably ne- ver again wield any other weapons, than thofe im- properly fo called, the tongue and the pen, I do clearly fee the perfect juftice and great importance of the claim on the one hand, and eafily conceive the power of prejudice on the other. On the part of America, there was not the moft diftant thought of fubverting the government, or hurting the in- tereft of the people of Great Britain, but of de- fending their own privileges from unjufl encroach- ment ; there was not the leafl defire of withdrawing their allegiance from the common fovereign, till it became absolutely neceiTary, and indeed was his own choice ; On the other hand, I can eafily con- ceive that thofe who have been long accuftomed to fubje^tion, and from whom it is really due, fhould not fuddenly enter into the reafons of exempting a people, otherwife fituated from the fame burden. They are therefore of courfe eafily deceived by falfe or imperfe61: accounts of a diftant country, and infenfibly bialTed by the phrafeology conftantly ufed, particularly the terms rebels and rebellion. Upon the whole, as I am now to difmifs this fub- jeft; and profecute the plan laid down in my firft number, I fha 1 conclude with faying, That hu- manity is the nobleft attendant on true valour ; and that he will probably fight moft bravely, who nc-
THE DRUID. 251
ver fights till it is necelTary, and ceafes to fight as foon as the neceffity is over.
NUMBER IV.
SIR,
ONE of the greateft difficulties that occurs to writers of mifcellaneous efTays, and which has been often complained of, is the fixing upon proper fubje£ts. We are confined, as a certain writer ob- ferves, to * human nature and life,' and yet thefe have been fo completely ranfacked, and almofl every character and occurrence has been placed in fuch a variety of lights, that it is hardly poffible to find a corner that is wholly untouched. At the fame time, as to the manner of writing, the reader gene- rally expefts two things that feem to be incompati- ble and mutually deftru6i:ive of each other. The one is, that it be ftriking and original ; and the other, that it be fimple, natural, and obvious. If we fay what any body might fay, then it is a trite beaten, common-place, hackneyed topic ; and if we fay what would not readily occur to others, then it is a forced, unnatural, out of the ivay manner of thinking and writing, than which there cannot be a greater difparagement of either writer or fpeaker, nor any that will more fpeedily or efFeclually prevent his fuccefs. But notwithftanding this apparent hard- fhip, there is a reiil juftice in the expectation of the public in both refpe£ls, when rightly underftood.
Y 2
2Jf2 THE T5RUID.
A writer's fentiments fhould be properly his own, and yet theyihould not be too much repugnant to other people's. And as one man's face is eafily diftinguilhed from that of every other, though the general features are the fame in all, he may preferve his genuine character without going i?ix out of the ivay^ or aiming at any thing odd or paticular for this purpofe. I know not how it is with others, but for my own part, I would rather write on a fub- je£l: that has been often handled, or a chara£l:er that has been often defcribed, than one of a contrary kind ; becaufe, in fuch cafes, I can form my own fentiments with greater precifion, and exprefs them with greater perfpicuity and force.
The reader may confider the above as an intro- duction, preface, or if he pleafes, apology for the fol- lowing diflertation, which Ihall have for its fubje(3; a certain human character or quality, generally called plain common fenfe. I mull, in the firft place, fettle the meaning of the expreflion. There are in every language, certain fine or nice diftindlions in the ufe both of phrafes and fingle terms, which, though in- troduced and finally fettled by general practice, are not always attended to or fully underftood. In the cafe before us, I think, the term is ufed very dif- ferently in the negative, from what it is in the pofi- tive form. When we fay of a man, that he ivants eonwionfenfe, we mean that he is a very great fool, ^nd fometimes that he is the next thing to a change- ling or ideot. But when, in the pofitive form, we fay of a man, that he is a man of plai?i common fenfe, we give him a good character, and are underftood by it as affirming, that there are not many fuperior or
THE DRUID. 253
equal to him in that particular, as alfo that he pof- felTes a quality of no inconfiderable value. It is plain, that in thefe two ways of fpeaking, the term common fenfe (lands for different things. In the firft of them it fignifies, that fenfe that is really common to all men, or at lead nearly univerfal : in the fecond, it fignifies either fomething totally dif- ferent, or at leaft a degree of that fenfe which is not poffeffed by the plurality, but perhaps is called common, becaufc it may be found in fome perfons of every rank.
Let me now enquire a little into the chara6lers of common fenfe. It is the gift of nature^ and may be clearly diftinguiflied from what is acquired by ftudy or application. In the thoughts on various fubjeds, by Swift and Pope, we have one to this purpofe, that * fine fenfe, is not half fo ufeful as common fenfe, for he that has the one with- out the other, is like one that carries nothing a- bout him but gold coin, who muft be often at a lofs for want of change.* In another of thefe thoughts we are informed, « that to attempt to move the multi- tude with fine fenfe, is like attempting to hew a block with a razor.' With all refpe£t to thefe great men, I muft fay, that though there is fomething fmart and lively in the above recited fentiments, yet they are more brilliant than juft j they feem to fuppofe, that refinement is a thing of the fame kind with com- mon fenfe, and only higher in degree, and yet at the fame time that a man may pofiefs genuine refine- ment and be without common fenfe, neither of which, in my opinion, is true, at leaft in fuch a fenfe as to make their fimilitudes juft, or their reafoning
Y 3
254 THE DRUID.
conclufive. Refinement is as different from com- mon fenfe as the culture is from the foil, or the cli- mate from either ; but as their joint influence is neceflary to the production of the crop, fo fine fenfe, without common fenfe as its ground work and foun- dation, very ill deferves the name. If I faw a man ^ittempting to hew a block with a razor, or heard him fpeaking in metaphyfical, abftraCt, unintelligi- ble terms, to a multitude of common people, I fhould lieartily agree that he wanted common fenfe ; but that he poiTeiTed fine fenfe, I fhould not be eafily brought to confefs.
The ufe of fcientific terms and fentiments, brought from what is known only to fcholars and improperly introduced, has been long treated with the contempt it deferves ; but it is confidered as belonging only to the learned profefTions. I was well acquainted with a divine many years ago, who began a prayer in his congregation with thefe words, • O Lord, thou art the fimpleft of all beings,' which ineenfed his hearers againft him to fuch a degree, that they accufed him of having fpoken blafphemy 5 whereas the poor man only meant to fay, that God was philofophically fimple and uncompounded, al- together different from the grolhiefs, divifibility, or, as it is fometimes more learnedly called, the difcerptibility of matter. I was alfo acquainted with a phyfician, who, fitting with a lady in her own houfe, and beir^g aflced by her, * Doctor, are artichokes good for children ?' anfwered, < Madam,, they are the leafl flatulent of all the efculent tribe,* indeed, doClor, fays the lady, I do not underftand a word of what you have faid. Now, I think, few would have much admired either the fine or com-
THE DRUID. 255
mon fenfe of thefe gentlemen, though certainly the divine would have beenconfidered as the greater fool of the two -y for phyficians, as a body, have aflerted and maintained their right to the ufe of hard phrafes beyond any other clafs of fcholars. But there is a certain fpecies of this fault, which, I think, has not been much taken notice of*, and that is, when men, either of high ftation or real fenfe and literature, are filled with felf-fuihciency, and cannot think of defcending to the level of thofe with whom they converfe, either in fentiments or phrafeology. I fufpe6l there were a few grains of this failing in the illuftrious perfons not long ago mentioned ; and that their fentiments, above related, are an evidence of it. In this inftance, their fine fenfe was an over-match for their common fenfe, and this was an evident proof of the imperfeftion of both.
If then fine fenfe does not differ eflentially from common fenfe, and the firft is nothing more than a certain brightnefs or polifh given to the laft, it would feem as if by common fenfe we ought to un- derftand the rational powers in general, and the ca- pacity of improvement. But here we meet with a difficulty which feems to need a refolution. If common fenfe is nothing elfe but the ftrength of the intellectual powers taken complexly, then muft it be in every perfon in proportion to thofe pov/ers ; and fcience if it does not improve, certainly cannot diminilh it. Yet there is no branch of fcienCe whatever but we find fome perfons capable of learn- ing it, and frequently even of fiiining in it, who are notwithftanding very defedive in common fenfe, and after their learned acquifitions, the defetl is either
25<5 THE DRUID.
greater in Itfelf, or at leaft more vifible than before. We find many who learn the dead languages to great perfe6lion, who learn arithmetic, geometry, natural philofophy, rhetoric, politics, who even become emi- nent in fome of them, and tolerably (killed in all, whom yet we reckon greatly inferior to more igno- rant perfons, in clear, found, common fenfe.
Perhaps it may be thought that ihefe ignorant perfons only wanted the opportunity of improve- ment, and would have excelled the others alfo in literature had they applied to it. This I do not find to be the cafe, from the inftances in which a trial has been made. Doubtlefs there are fome ex- amples of perfons eminently pofleiTed of judgment or common fenfe, as well as capable of acquiring fkill in the fciences ; but thefe talents are by no means the fame, or in dire£t proportion to one ano- ther. I have known perfons who feemed capable of learning any thing, and who did know a great deal upon many ful>je<Si:s, who yet had fuch a comi- cal cad in their general behaviour, that it was not eafy to avoid fmiling at their fpeech and con- duft. I have even known perfons, male and fe- male, with whom you could find no fault, but that their carriage and converfation were too complete and perfect at all times, and yet we fufpe(£ted them of folly, merely becaufe they were free from the follies and irregularities of others. I remember an inftance, in early life, of my being in company, for the firft; time, with a certain young lady, and after a few minutes, (lie alked me a very judicious quef- tion upon the charadter and hiftory of Auguflus Citfar, which made me immediately fufpedt, that
THE DRUID. 257
file was not quite found ; whereas, if (he had only faid it was a fine day after the rain, or uttered any fuch wife and pertinent refle(9:ion, I fhould have concluded nothing to her prejudice. On the other hand, there are many inflances of perfons who have made trial of ftudy and fcience with very little fuc- Cefs, and who, giving them up, have applied to ac- tive life, and have defervedly acquired the charac- ter of clear headed, fenfible, judicious men. The truth is, the diftin£i:ion between literature and com- mon fenfe, feems to be well known and generally acknowledged. There are fome who evidently give way to, or even afFe£t an abfence of mind, from forgetfulnefs and inattention to what they are about, and expert we fhould confider it as an indication of profound ftudy and deep learning. This is one of the moft ridiculous pieces of affectation imagina- ble. Such gentlemen, if they be logicians, fhould be told that a part'iculari ad univerfale non valet con- fequentia. We know very well that fome great fcho- -iars are fools, but this will never prove that all fools are great feholars. Upon the whole, it feems that fcience, or a capacity for it, is not common fenfe. Since then common fenfe is a gift of nature, dif- ferent from a capacity for fcience in general, Ihall we fay that it is genius, including particularly thofe exalted and admired talents which have been, by fome of the lateft writers, called the powers of ima- gination. Here we are further from the point than ever, for great wit and a lively imagination are ra- ther confidered as oppofed to judgment and pru- dence, and other happy fruits of common fenfe.
258 THE DRUID.
So much is this the cafe, that the poet has been of- ten cited with approbation, who fays,
^* Great wit to madness sure is near allied, And thin partitions do their bounds divide."
It is common to fay, that fuch a man has more fall than ballad, meaningthat his imagination, fire and fprightlinefs are an overmatch for his prudence, and clearly carrying the fuppofition, that this laft quali- ty is as oppofite to the others, as fail is to ballaft, or even motion to reft. To all this may be added, that fome who really were, and many who defired to be thought, men of great genius, have aflually claimed it as their right, not to be confined to com- mon forms, and indeed have generally a(^ed accord- ingly.
We have feen then that refinement, fcience, genius, are not common fenfe, {hall we now go any further ? Is there not a chara£ter in which there is knowledge of the moft liberal kind, clearnefs of underftanding, penetration of mind upon every fub- J€£t, and yet a weaknefs or want of common fenfe, in condu£t and behaviour ? Are there not fome who feem to have, not only all other fenfes, but common fenfe too, for every body but themfelves ? They can immediately and readily difcover the mif- takes of others, they can give the beft and founded advice upon every fubject, and yet never could a6i a wife part themfelves on any fubjeft. Some who are even connoifTeurs in ceconomy, never can keep their own affairs in tolerable order. I have known a gentleman who reduced himfelf to beggary by foolifh projects, yet, after having fold his pater-
THE DRUID. 259
nal inheritance, he employed himfelf in thinking and writing on that fubje£t on which he had adled wrong, and pubhfhed ellays on agriculture, modeft- ly pointing out to gentlemen and farmers by how fmall a portion of land, well improved, they might fpeedily acquire a plentiful eftate.
Upon comparing all thefe obfervations together, I beg leave to lay down a few propofitions which appear to be neareft the truth in the way of theory or fyitem, and on them to ground a few pra6tical advices. There feem to be three feparate qualities of the human mind very well exprefTed in the old philofophy, by the three known terms of memory, imagination and judgment. Thefe are truly diftinct one from another ; for any one of them may not only exift, but be in high perfe6lion, in the abfence of both the others. This will not I think, be doubted as to tae two firit, and even as to the laft, I have known fome perfons not only without ima- gination as a talent, but with very little tafte for works of imagination, and whofe memory was no ways remarkable, who have pafled through life with great dignity and credit, who, with or without learn- ing, have conducted their own affairs with prudence anddifcretion,and discovered the higheft fenfe of pro- priety and decorum in all their intercourfe with others, under the happy guidance of plain common fenfe.
In the next place, though thefe qualities are dif- tin6t, they are by no means incompatible. There have been inftances of perfons who pofTefTed all the three in high perfedlion ; and there muft be a con-
26o THE DRUID.
fiderable proportion of each to form a chara6ter truly illuftrious. Some, in whom imagination has been very ftrong, have alfo been remarkable for clearnefs of judgment in their vi'orks, good fenfe and prudence in their whole deportment. The fame thing I fay of memory. Some prodigies of memory have been defective in judgment; but many great men have alfo excelled in this refpedl, and no fmall meafure of it is neceflary both in works of genius and the. functions of public life. Again,
Of thefe three qualities, judgment is by far the mod valuable and important. Of itfelf it is amiable and refpecStable, while the others, without it, are contemptible ufelefs, or hurtful. A man of me- mory, without judgment, is a fool ; and a man of imagination, without judgment, is mad ; but when this great quality takes the government of both, they acquire luftre, and command univerfal efteem. No human accomplifliment, unlefs it has this as its foundation and ground work, can reach perfe61:ion, even in its own kind. Memory will make a linguilt, imagination will make a poet, penetration will make a philofopher, public life will make a politi- cian, and court breeding will make a man of falhion ; yet all of them are eflentialiy defective, if common fenfe is weak or wantnig. There is lome. thing in the application and direction of all thefe accomplilliments which judgment muft iupply, and which neither inllru^tion, example, nor even ex- perience will beftow.
It is probable that many would readily grant me (what yet I do not aik, bemg hardly of the fame opinion) that of all the characters juft now men-
THE DRUID.
261
tioned, that of a man of fafhion or politenefs is the moft fuperficial, and what may be moft eafily at. tained by imitation and habit. Yet even here, no- thing is more eafy than to fee the dominion of judg- ment and good fenfe, or the prevalence of foily and indifcretion. That want of prefence of mind or embarraflment, which is often the effeCt of modefty or baftifulnefs, nay, even the errors and bkmders which vifibly proceed from ignorance and miilake of the reigning mode, are not half fo abfurd and ridiculous, as the affeded airs and mifplaced cere- monies of a fop, of which the ladies are always moft attentive obfervers, and to give them their due, generally not incompetent judges.
Once more, judgment is an original and radical quality, that is of all others leaft capable of being communicated by inftrudion, or even approved or agumented by culture. Memory and imagination are alfo gifts of nature ; but they may be greatly in- creafed, the one by exercife, and the other by in- dulgence. You may teach a man any thing 4n the world but prudence, which is the genuine offspring of common fenfe. It is generally faid that experi- ence teaches fools, but the mear'n? of the proverb is often miftaken, for it does not (i nify that experi- ence makes them wife : it fignifies that they never are wife at all, but perfift in fpite of inftruftion, warn- incT and example, till they fe-1 the effects of their own folly. If a man is bora with a fund of good fenfe and natural difcernment, it will appear in the very firil: ftages of his education. He w^^- out- ftrips his fellows in a grammar fchool, will not always be the greateft fchcl-^r in advanced life, but Vol. IX. Z
26Z THE DRUID.
he who does not dlfcover difcernment and fagacltjr when a boy, will never be diftinguiflied for it fo long as he lives. It is often faid, in a certain country, that a fool of forty will never be wife ; which is fometimes underftood as if a man made as regular a progrefs to the fummit of his wifdom, till the age of forty, as he does to that of his ftature till twenty ; which is a very great miftake. I take it to be in this cafe, as in the other, that a man of forty has fufhciently proved to all the world that he is not, and therefore that he never was, and never will be wife.
Shall we fay then that this moft valuable of all human quahties receives no benefit at all from a well conducted education, from (ludy, or from an ac- quaintance with the world. I anfwer, that I do not think it is capable of any change in its nature, or addition to its vigour, but it may be joined to. other talents of more or lefs value, and it may be applied to purpofes more or lefs ufeful and important, and thence acquire a luftre and polifh, of which it v/ould otherwife be deditute. The fame good fenfe and prudence, which alone would make a fenfible judicious farmer, would, if united to memory and imagination, and enriched with fklll in the liberal arts, make an eminent fcholar, and bring in large contribulions to the treafury of human fcience. The fame foundnefs of judgment, which, in a country life or contracted neighbourhood, would (et an ex- ample of frugality, be an enemy to diforder, and point out the pofleflbr as a proper umpire in ur.- happy detentions j would in a more enlarged fphere, .jnake an accomplifhed fenator or a politician, to
THE DRFID. 2<$3
manage the affairs of a large community, or fettle the differences of contending nations.
I come now to offer my readers fome advices, a practice to which I am by nature and habit exceeds ingly prone. A difficulty, it muft be confeffed, feems to occur in this matter. If the above theory be juft, there feems to be httle room left for advice, as the great talent, fo largely defcribed, is fuppofed to be original and unalterable. This difficulty, how- ever, notwithftanding, important inftrudion may be grafted upon it, not only to parents and others who have the charge of the education of youth, but to every man, for the future diredion of his own coi> dua.
As to the firft of thefe, I would entreat parents to guard againft that fond partiahty which inclines them to form a wrong judgment of the capacity of their children 5 particularly it were to be wiihed, that they would not take a few failles of pertnefs and vivacity for an evidence of diftinguifhed parts. It Is well known, and has been frequently obferved, how apt parents are to entertain their vifitors with an account of the bright fayings or (hrewd fchemes of their children, as moft promifing fymptoms of their future talents ; and yet fo far as my obfervation reaches, the things related might for the moft part juftify a contrary fuppofitlon. I (hould run little rifk in affirming, that three-fourths at leaft of thofe anecdotes, which parents relate with fo much tri- umph of their children, are to be accounted for from memory, or petulance, or even ftupidity. A child will repeat, at an improper time, a phrafe or remark that he has heard, and it will make fo sb-
Z 2
264 THE DRUID.
furd a contraft with what is going on, that it is impoffible to forbear laughing. I aflc whether this is an evidence of the greatnefs or the want of un- derflanding in the child ? Another will give an in- folent and faucy anfwer, and acquire great reputa- tion for what deferved the moft fevere and exem- plary correction. To crown all, I will tell a true itory : An old gentleman, whom I knew, would often fay, in commendation of his fon's wifdom, then a boy about ten or twelve years of age, That when other boys are breaking their legs by falls from limbs of trees, or going a fifhing in rivers, at the riik of being drowned, his fon would fifli a whole afternoon with a crooked pin, in a tub of foul water in the kitchen. I fuppofe any reader will agree, that the hS. and the remark taken to- gether, conflitute a full proof that the mother was honeft, and the fon lawfully begotten.
It would be a great advantage, that parents Ihould make a moderate eftimation of the talents of their children in two refpecSls* (i.) It would pre- ferve the children themfelves from being puffed up with unmerited praife, and thus miftaking their own character and capacity. Though the native force and vigour of common fenfe can neither be augmented nor deftroyed, yet it may be, and I be- lieve frequently is negleCled and defpifed, or over- grown by the rank weeds of oftentation and felf- futhcicncy. When young perfons are vain of the talents which they do not pcfTefs, or ambitious of a character which they cannot attain, they become ri- diculous in their conduCl, and are generally unfuc- ccfsful in their purfuits. (2.) It would incline and
THE DRUID. 255
make their parents to coridu6l their education in the mod proper manner, by giving particular at- tention to thofe branches of in{lru6lion, which though lefs fplendid, are more generally ufeful than fome others. It would lead me too much in- to detail to give many examples for the illuftration of this remark, and therefore I fhall only fay, that common fenfe, which is a modefl unafTuming quality, and a diligent application to the ufeful parts of fcience, will neither diftrefs nor weaken a fervent imagination, when it really refides in the fame fubje£l ; but giving loofe reins to a warm imagination, will often overfet a moderate degree of judgment, fo that it will never more dare to fhew its head. I have known fome youths of bright genius in their own cftecm, who have looked down with great contempt upon quiet and orderly boys as dull plodding fellows, and yet thefe bfl have, in the iiTue, become men of fpirit and capa- city, as well as literature, while the others have evaporated into rakes and bullies, and indeed block- heads ; or taking the road to Mount Helicon, have become poets, fools, and beggars.
I muft advife every reader, efpecially thofe In early years, to form his opinion of others, and his friendly attachments, upon the principles above laid down, nothing will more efrecStually millead young perfons, than an exceffive admiration of fliowy talents in thofe with whom they converfe, whether they be real or fuppofed. I have known many inftances of perfons who apparently owed their ruin, to their imbibing early in life, a notion that decency, order, and a prudent management of their
Z3
266 THE DRUID.
affairs, were marks of dulnefs ; and on the contra- ry, that petulance, forwardnefs, and irregularity, and even vicious exceifes, were the effects of fpirit and capacity. Many follow the leading perfon in frolics, not from any inward approbation of fuch practices, but merely to avoid the reproach which in fuch focieties is fo unjullly beftowed, I beg all fuch to believe me, as a perfon of fome experience in places of public education, when I affure them, that in nine inftances out of ten, your ramblers, night-v/.ilkers, and mifchief-workers, are block- heads and thick-fculls. Does it require any ge- nius, think you, to throw a log in r.nother's way in a dark paffage, and after he has ftumbled over it, to raife a triumphant laugh at him, who was fuch a fool as not to fee without light.
I conclude with obferving, that whatever may be the capacity of any perfon in itfelf, if it is ne- glected or mifimproved, it will either be wholly ioft or be of little confequence in future life. Our very bodily frame prefents us with a lellbn of in- llru6tion upon this fubjeCt. Though formed by nature complete and regular, if it is accuftomed to any improper torture or ungraceful motion, the ha- bit will foon become unconquerable ;• and any par- ticular limb or member that for a long time is not ufed, v*rill become ufelefs. This holds yet more ilrongly as to the pov/ers of the mind: they are loll by negligence j but by proper application they are preferved, improved, and in many cafes increafed. I^et all, therefore, who wi(h or hope to be eminent, remember, that as the height to which you can raife a tower depends upon the fize and foiidity of
THE DRUID. 267
Its bafe, fo they ouglit to lay the foundation of their future fame deep and ftrong, in fobriety, prudence, and patient induilry, which are the genuine dictates oi plain common fenje.
NUMBER V. SIR,
A MAN is not, even at this time, called or con- fidered as a fcholar, unlefs he is acquainted in fome degree with the ancient languages, particu- larly the Greek and Latin. About one hundred and fifty years ago, however, thofe langyages were bet- ter underftood than they are at preient ; becaufe at that time, authors of reputation publiflied almoft all their works In. Latin. Since the period above men- tioned, the modern, or as they are fometimes cal- led, the northern languages, have been gradually polidied, and each nation has manifefted a zeal for, and an attention to, the purity and perfection of Its own tongue. This has been the cafe, particu- larly with refpeft to the French and Englifh. The French language is, as nearly as I can guefs, about fifty years before the Englifh, in this refpeiS: ; that is to fay, it is fo much longer fince their men of letters applied themfelves to the afcertaining, cor- recting, and pglifhing of it. The Englifli, how- ever, has received great improvements within the lad hundred years, and probably will continue to do*fo. He mu ft have little judgment, or great ob-
25S THE DRUID.
flinacy, who does not confefs that fome late authors L'ive written the EngHfh language with greater pu- rity, than thofe of the firft chara£ler in former times. From this we may certainly infer, that the education mud be very imperfe£l in any femlnary where no care Is taken to form the fcholars to tafle, propriety, and accuracy in that language which they muft fpeak and write all their life afterwards.
To thefe refle6i:Ions it may be added, that our fituatlon in America is now, and in all probability will continue to be fuch, as to require peculiar at- tention upon this fubje61:. The Engllfh language is fpok«n through all the United States. We are at a great dlftance from the ifland of Great Britain, in which the ftandard of the language is as yet fup- pofed to be found. Every ftate is equal to, and in- dependent of, every other ; and, I believe, none of them will agree, at lead Immediately, to receive laws from another, in difcourfe, any more than in action. Time and accident muft determine what turn affairs will take in this refpe6t in future, whe- ther we fhall continue to confider the language of Great Britain as the pattern upon which we are to form ours ; or whether, in this new empire, fome centre of learning and polltenefs will not be found, which fliall obtain influence, and prefcrlbe the rules of fpeech and writing to every other part.
V/hile this point is yet unfettled, it has occurred to me to make fome obfervatlons upon the prefent ftate of the Englifti language in America, and to attempt a coUedlion of fome of the chief impro- prieties which prevail, and might be eafily corre6t- cd. I will premife one or two general remarks.
THE DRUID. 269
The vulgar in America fpeak much better than the vui^ar irf Great Britain, for a very obvious reafon, viz. that being much more unfettled, and moving frequently from place to place, they are not fo li ible to local peculiarities, either in accent or phra- feology. There is a greater difference in diale£t between one county and another in Britain, than there is between one ftate and another in America. I fhall alfo admit, though with fome hefitation, that gentlemen and fcholars in Great Britain fpeak as much with the vulgar in common chit chat, as perfons of the fame clafs do in America : but there is a remarkable difference in their public and fo- lemn difcourfes. I have heard in this country, in the fenate, at the bar, and from the pulpit, and fee daily in diifertations from the prefs, errors in gram- mar, improprieties and vulgarifms, which hardly ahy perfon of the fame clafs, in point of rank and literature, would have fallen into in Great Britain. Curiofity led me to make a collection of thefe, which, as foon as it became large, convinced me that they were of very different kinds, and there- fore muft be reduced to a confiderable number of clafTes, in order to their being treated with critical juflice. Thefe I now prefent to the public under the following heads, to each of which I will fub- join a (hort explication, and a number of examples, with remarks where they feem necelTary.
1. Americanifms, or ways of fpeaking peculiar to this country.
2. Vulgarifms in England and America.
3. Vulgarifms in America only.
^1<^ TKE DRUl©.
4. Local phrafes or terms.
5. Common blunders arifing from ignorance.
6. Cant phrafes.
7. Perfonal blunders.
8. Technical terms introduced into the language.
It will be proper to put the reader in mind, that he ought not to exped that the enumeration under each of thefe heads can be complete. This would have required a very long courfe of obfervation; and indeed is not neceflary to my purpofe, which is by fpecimens to enable every attentive and judicious perfon to make obfervations for himfelf.
I. The firft clafs I call Americanifms, by which I underftand an ufe of phrafes or terms, or a con- ftrudion of fentences, even among perfdns of rank and education, different from the ufe of the flime terms or phrafes, or the conftrudion of fimilar (en^ tences, in Great Britain. It does not follow, from a man's ufing thefe, that he is ignorant, or his dif- courfe upon the whole inelegant ; nay, it does not follow in every cafe, that the terms or phrafes ufed are worfe in themfelves, but merely that they are of American and not of Englifh growth. The word Americanifm, which I have coined for the purpofe, is exadly fimilar in its formation and fig- nification to the word Scotticifm. By the word Scotticifm is underftood any term or phrafe, and indeed any thing either in conftru(Sl:ion, pronuncia- tion, or accentuation, that is peculiar to North Britain, There are many inftances in which th2 Scotch way is as good, and fome in which every perfon who has the lead tafle as to the propriety or
THE DRUID. 271
purity of language In general, muft confefs that it is better than that of England, yet.fpeakers and writers mufl conform to cuftom.
Scotland, or the northern part of Great Britain, was once a feparate independent kingdom, though, except in the Highlands, the people fpoke the fame language as In England ; the Inhabitants of the Lowlands, In both countries, having been ori- ginally the fame. It Is juflly obferved by Dr. Ro- bertfon, in his hlftory of Scotland, that had they continued feparate kingdoms, fo that there (hould have been a court and parliament at Edinburgh, to ferve as a ftandard, the fmall differences In dialect, and even in pronunciation, would not have been coniidered as defedls -, and there would have been no more opprobrium attending the ufe of them in fpeech or writing, than there was in the ufe of the different dlale6ls of the ancient Grecian republics. But by the removal of the court to London, and efpeclally by the union of the two kingdoms, the Scottifh manner of fpeaking came to be con/Idered as provincial barbarlfmj which, therefore, all fcho- lars are now at the utmofl pains to avoid. It Is very probable, that the reverfe of this, or rather Its counter part, will happen In America. Being en- tirely feparated from Britain, we fhall find fome centre or ftandard of our own, and not be fubiecl to the inhabitants of that illand, either in recelvin ' new ways of fpeaking, or rejecting the old.
The examples follow.
I. " The United States, or either of them." This is fo far from being a mark of Ignorance, that it Is ufed by many of the moil able and accurate
272 THE DRUlD.
fpeakers and writers, yet it is not Englifh. The United States are thirteen in number, but in Englifh either does not fignify one of many, but one or the other of two. I imagine either has become an adjetSlive pronoun, by being a fort of abbrevia- tion of a fentence, where it is ufed adverbially, either the one or the other. It is exa£tly the fame with iKxn^og in Greek, and alter tit ur in Latin.
2. This is to notify the public, or the people had not been notijied. By this is meant inform and z«-
formed. In Englifli we do not notify the perfon of the thing, but notify the thing to the perfon. In this inftance there is certainly an impropriety, y^^r to notify y is juft faying by a word of Latin derivation, to make known. Now if you cannot fay this is to make the public known, neither ought you to fay this is to notify the public.
3. Fellow Coimtrymen, This is a word of very frequent ufe in America. It has been heard in public orations from men of the firft chara£ler, and may be daily feen in newfpaper publications. It is an evident tautology, for the laft word ex- prefles fully the meaning of both. If you open any dictionary, you will find the word countryman figiiifies one born in the fame country. You may fay, fellow citizens, fellow foldiers, fellow fub- je(!i!ls; fellow Ci)riftians, hut. uot fellow coiintr -men.
4. Thefe things were ordered delivered to the army. The words to be are omiLteci. I am not certain whether this is a local expveflion or general in America.
5. I wilh we could contrive it to Phil.idelphia, The words to carry ^ to have it carried ^ ox SomQ iuch.
THE DRUID. 275
are wanting. It is a defecflive conflru£lion, of which there are but too many that have already obtained in practice, in fpite of all the remon- llrances of men of letters.
6. We may hope the afllftance of God. The word for or to receive is wanting.' In this inftance, hope, which is a neuter verb, is turned into the active verb, and not very properly as to the objec- tive term affiftance. It muft be admitted, however, that in fome old Englifh poets, hope is fometimes ufed as an a£tive verb, but it is contrary to modern prac- tice.
7. I do not confider myfelf equal to this taflc. The word as is wanting. I am not certain whether' this may not be an Englifli vulgarifm, for it is fre- quently ufed by the renowned author of Common Senfe, who is an Engliftiman born j but he has fa happy a talent of adopting the blunders of others, that nothing decifive can be inferred from his prac- tice. It is, however, undoubtedly an Americanifm, for it is ufed by authors greatly fuperior to him in every refpe£t.
8 Neither to day or to morrow. The proper con{lru£lion is, either the one or the other, neither the one nor the ether.
9. A certain Thomas Benfon. The word cer- tain, as ufed m Englifh, is an indefinite, the name fixes it precifely, lo that there is a kind of contra- diction in the expreflion. In England they would fay, a certain perfon called or fuppofed to be Tho- mas Benfon.
10. Such bodies are incident to thefe evils. Ths Vol. IX. A a
276 THE DRUIB.
evil is incident or ready to fall upon the perfon, the perfon liable or fubjed): to the evil.
II. He is a very clever man. She is quite a ilever woman. Hovr often are thefe phrafes to be heard in converfation ? Their meaning, however, would certainly be miftaken when heard for the firft time by one born in Britain. In thefe cafes, Americans generally mean by clever, only goodnefs of difpofition, worthinefs, integrity, without the lead regard to capacity ; nay, if I am not miftaken, it is frequently applied, where there is an acknow- ledged fimplicity, or mediocrity of capacity. But in Britain, clever always means capacity, and may be joined either to a good or bad difpofition. "We fay of a man, he is a clever man, a clever trades- mart, a clever fellow, without any reflediion upon his moral chara£ter, yet at the fame time it carries no approbation of it. It is exceeding good Englifh, and very common to fay. He is a clever fellow, but I am forry to fay it, he is alfo a great rogue. "When clevernefs is applied primarily to conduct:, and not to the perfon, it generally carries in it the idea of art or chicanery, not very honourable ; for example — Such a plan I confefs was very clever, i, e. fly, artful, well contrived, but not very fair.
12. I was quite mad at him, he made me quite mad. In this inftance mad is only a metaphor for angry. This is perhaps an Englifh vulgarifm, but it is not found in any accurate writer, nor ufed by any good fpeaker, unlefs when poets or orators ufe it as a ftrong figure, and to heighten the exprellion, fay, he was mad with rage.
Thefe fliall fuffice for the firft clafs.
THE DRUID. 2/7
NUMBER VI. SIR,
T PROCEED now upon the plan laid down in my la ft paper, to the fecond general clafs of im- proprieties, viz, vulgarifms in England and Ame- rica. Of thefe there is great plenty to be found every where, in writing and in converfation. They need very little explication, and indeed would fcarcely deferve to be mentioned in a difcourfe of this nature, were it not for the circumftance hinted at in the introduction, that fcholars and public per- fons are at lefs pains to avoid them here, than in Britain.
1. I will mention the vulgar abbreviations in ge- neral, as an't, can't, han't, don't, fhouldn't, would'nt couldn't, &c. Great pains were taken by the SpecSbator to (hew the barbarity and inelegance of that manner of fpeaking and writing. The endea- vours of that author, and others of later date, have been fuccefsful in Britain, and have banifhed all fuch harfh and mutilated phrafes from public fpeakr- ing, fo that they remain only in converfation, and not even in that among perfons of judgment and tafte. I need hardly fay how far tliis is from beino- the cafe in America.
2. I hjow\l him perfectly well, for, I hne-w him.
3. I fee him yefterday, or I fee him laft week, for
A a 2
278 THE DRUID.
Ifaiv him. In Scotland the vulgar fay, I feed him laft week.
4. This here report of that there committee. Some merchants whom I could name, in the Englifh Par- liament, whofe wealth and not merit raifed them to that dignity, ufe this vulgarifm very freely, and expofe themfelves to abundance of ridicule by fo doing.
5. He was dronvnded in the Delaware. This is fo common, that I have known a gentleman read- ing it in a book to a company, though it was print- ed droivnedf read drownded.
6. She has got a new gonvtid. This and the
former are vulgarifms in converfation only; but even
(there very improper and unbecoming for perfons of "Ivducation. ' In London you are fometimes afke^iir if
you will take a glafs of ivindy for wine. Of the , fame nature are an impertinent feller y for felloiir;
luallevy for ivalloiv ; luinder, for 'windoiv.
7. Some on'em, one on'em, many on'em. This though frequent in the northern parts of England and fome parts of America, perhaps is rather local, than general. This indeed may be the cafe with feveral others which have fallen under my obferva- tion.
8. It lays in Buck's county, for it lies, &c. This is not only a prevailing vulgarifm in converfation, but has obtained in public fpeaking, and may be often feen in print. I am even of opinion that it has fome chance of overcoming all the oppofition made to it, and fully eftablifliing itfelf by cuttom, which is the final arbiter in all fuch cafes. Lowth in his grammar, has been at much pains to correal it
i
THE DRUID. 279
yet, though that moft excellent treatlfe has been in the hands of the public for many years, this word feems to gain inftead of lofing ground. The error arifes from confounding the neuter verb to ly with the a^lire verb to lay, which are very differ- ent in the prefent, preterite and participle. The firft of them is formed thus, ly, lay, lien or lain : the fecond, lay, laid, laid.
9. I thinks it will not be long before he come. This is a London vulgarifm, and yet one of the groffeft kind. To this confufion or difagreement of the perfon may be added the difagreement of the number, giving a verb fingular to a nominative plural, which is more frequent than the other, as, after all the Jlories that has been told, all the reafons that has been given.
10. Equally as well, and equally as good. This is frequent in converfation and public fpeaking. It is alfo to be found in fome publications, of which it is needlefs to name the authors ; but it is juft as good Englifh to fay, the 7nofl highejl mountain in America.
11. One of the moft common vulgarifms or blun- ders in the Englifli language, is putting the prete- rite for the participle. This is taken particular notice of by Lowth, in his grammar, as after he hady>// down, iox fallen \ and in the fame manner, rofey for r'tfen ; /poke, for fpoken ,- ivrotCy for written , broke, for broken. Some of thefe appear, as he ob- ferves, barbarous to fcholars ; others we are fo ac- cuftomed to, that they give little offence to the ear. Had not a gentleman threw out — the reafong^ of pro- teft were drew up. Thefe are offenfive, but you may
A a 3
28© THE DRUID.
meet with fimilar errors even in good authors, fuch as I had lurotcy I h^idfpokey the bone was broke. The bed way to judge of this impropriety, is to try it upon a word that has been feldom fo mifufed, as for example. If you go to the battle perhaps you will hejleiu.
12. Juft as you rife the hill — little or no bread- corn is groiun in this country. Thefe are fimilar corruptions arifing from turning neuter into active or paflive verbs. They are alfo, if I am not mif- taken, among the neweft corruptions of the lan- guage, and much more common in England than America. The above two examples are taken from Cook's firfi: voyage by Hav/kefworth, where fome others of the fame kind are to be found.
13. I fat out yefterday morning, for I fet out. The verb fet has no change of termination, the prefent, preterite and participle being the fame. I fet out immediately *, I fet out three day5 fooner than he •, after I had fet out. The error lies in taking the preterite of the verb fit, and making ufe of it for the pafl time of the otlier — fit has three terminations, fit, fat, fitten.
* 14. He faid as hoiv it was his opinion. This ab- furd pleonafm is more common in Britain than in America.
The third clafs confifts of vulgarifms in America only. This mull be underflood, fo far as I have been able to obferve, and perhaps fome of them are local. It will not be necefTary either to make the examples on this head numerous, or to fay much upon them, bccaufe the introdudlion of vul-
THE DRUID. 28i
ganfms into writing or public difcourfes is the fame, whether they are of one country or another.
1. I have not done it yet, but am juft going to. This is an imperfedl conflrudlion ; it wants the words do it, Imperfe£l conftru6tions are the ble- mifh of the Englifh language in general, and rather more frequent in this country than in England.
2. It is fartly all gone, it is mo/lly all gone. This is an abfurdity or barbarifm, as well as a vul- garifm.
3. This is the weapon with which he defends himfelf when he is attacied^ for attacked 5 or ac- cording to the abbreviation, attack'd.
4. As I told Mr. , for as I told you. I
hope Mr. is well this morning. What is Mr.
's opinion upon this fubjedl } This way of
fpeaking to one who is prefent in the third perfon, and as if he were abfent, is ufed in this country by way of refpecl. No fuch thing is done in Bri- tain, except that to perfons of very high rank, they fay your majelly, your grace, your lordfhip j yet even there the continuance of the difcourfe in the third perfon is not cuftoaiary.
5. I have been to Philadelphia, for at or in Phi- ladelphia -, I have been to dinner, for I have dined,
6. Walk 171 the houfe, for into the houfe.
7. You have no right to pay it, where right is ufed for what logicians would call the correlative term obligation.
8. A fpell of ficknefs, a long fpell, a bad fpelL Perhaps this word is borrowed from the fea dialed^.
p. Every of thefe flates ; every of them ; every of US 5 for every one, I believe the word every is ufed
282 THE DRUID.
in this manner in fome old Englifh writers, nnd alfo in fome old laws, but not in modern praftice. The thing is alio improper, becaufe it fhould be every one to make it ftriftly a partitive and fubje£l to the fame conftru6l:ion, as fome of them, part of them, many of them, &c. yet it muft be acknow- ledged, that there is no great impropriety, if fo great, in the vulgar conftru6lion of every^ than in another expreffion very common in both countries, viz. all of them.
Having finifhed thefe two clafles, I fhall make a remark or two upon vulgarifms in general. Pro- bably many will think and fay, that it would be a piece of ftifFnefs or aiFe£tation to avoid them wholly in converfation or common difcourfe. As to fome of thofe which have been defcribed above, perhaps this may be admitted 5 but as to the greateft part, it is certainly beft to avoid them wholly, left we fhould fall into them inadvertently where they would be highly improper. If a gentleman will not imitate a peafant male or female, in faying iffo he, and forfooth, and many other fuch phrafes, be- caufe he knows they are vulgarifms, why fhould he imitate them in faying equally as good, or I fee him yejlerclay, but becaufe he does not know, or does not attend to the impropriety.
The reader is alfo defired to obferve, that we are not by far fo much in danger of the charge of afFeda- tion for what we omit faying, as for what we do fay. When a man is fond of introducing hard words, or ftudies a nice or pompous di£lion, he brings himfelf immediately into contempt ; but he may eafiiy attain a cautious habit of avoiding low phrafes or vulgar
THE DRUID. 283
terms without being at all liable to the imputation either of vanity or conftraint.
I conclude with obferving, that as bombaft and empty fweliing is the danger to which thofe are expofed who aim at fublimity, (o low fentiments and vulgar terms are what thofe are in moft dan- ger of, who aim at fimplicity. Now, as, it is my intention, in the courfe of thefe papers, to fet a --inark of reprobation upon every affected and fan- taftic mode of expreflion, and to recommend a pure, and, as it may be called, claflic fimplicity, it is the more neceflary to guard the reader againft that low and grovelling manner which is fome- times miftaken forit.
NI|MB£R VII.
SIR,
THE fourth clafs of improprieties confifl of local phrafes or terms. By thefe I mean fuch vulgarifms as prevail in one part of a country and not in another. There is a much greater variety of thefe in Britain than in America. From the com- plete populations of the country, multitudes of com- mon people never remove to any diftance from where they were born and bred. Hence there are many charaderftic diftinclions, not only in phra- feology, but in accent, drefs, manners, ^c. not only between one county and another, but between dif- ferent cities of the fame county. There is a county in the North of England, very few of the natives of
284 THE DRUI».
which can pronounce the letter r, as it is generally pronounced in the other parts of the kingdom.
But if there is a much greater number of local * vulgarifms In Britain than America, there is alfo for this very reafon, much lefs danger of their being ufed by gentlemen or fcholars. It is indeed im- plied in the very nature of the thing, that a local phrafe will not be ufed by any but the inhabitants or natives of that part of the country where it pre- vails. However, I am of opinion, that even local vulgarifms find admiflion into the difcourfe of peo- ple of better rank more eafily here than in Europe.
1. He improved the horfe for ten days. This is ufed in fome parts of New England for riding the horfe.
2. Raw fain d Is ufed in the South for falad, N. B. There is no falad boiled.
3. ChuftkSi that is, brands, half burnt wood. This is cuftomary in the middle colonies.
4. He is conjiderahle of a furveyor, conJideraUe of it may be found in that country. This manner of fpeaking prevails in the northern parts.
5. He will once in a nvhile^ i. e.fometimes get drunk. The middle ftates.
6. Shall I have occafwny i. e. opportunity to go over the ferry. New England.
7. Tot is ufed for carry^ in fome of the fouthern ftates.
The fifth clafs of improprieties may be calledV^w- mon blunders through ignorance. In this they differ from the former claffes, that the fimilarity of one word to another, in pronunciation or derivation, makes ignorant people confound them and ufe them
THE DRUID. 285
promlfcuoufly, or fometimes even convert them and ufe them each in the other's room. The fol- lowing are examples.
1. Eminent for imminejit. How often do we hear that a man was in eminent danger.
2. Ingenious for ingenuous. How common is it to fay he is an ingenious young man — he is a young man of a very ingenious difpofition, they are both Englifh words. Ingenious fignifies of good capa- city ; ingenuous fignifies fimple, upright, fincere ; ingenuity, however, the word that feems to be derived from ingenuous, is ufed in both fenfes, fometimes for fairnefs, opennefs, candor ; fome- times for capacity or acutenefs of invention. I ihould think this laft, though done by good authors, to be contrary to the analogy of the language, efpecially as we have two words for thefe oppofite ideas regularly derived from the correfpondent ad- je6lives, ingenioufnefs and ingenuoufnefs.
3. Three or four l\m.QS fuccefsfully^ iox fuccejjlvely , This is a blunder through ignorai ce, very common among the lower fort of people in England.
4. hiteiligible^ for intelligent^ It was a very in- telligible perfon who told me.
5. Confijlicate^ for confifcate. The moft ignorant of the vulgar only ufe this phrafe.
6. Ficlious {ox fiBitlous That is no more than a jiBious (lory. This is ufed by people fomewhat fuperior to thofe who would ufe the former.
7. Veracity for credibility. This is not a blunder in converfation only, but in fpeaking and writing. I have fome doubt of the veracity of this fa£i:, fays ?. certain author. Veracity is the character of the
286 THE DRUID.
perfon ; truth or credibility, of the (lory told. The fame is the cafe with all, or mod of the words, of fimilar formation, capacity, rapacity, tenacity. Thefe all are applied to the perfon or the difpofition, not to a particular action of the one, or efFe£^ of the other. We fay, a man of capacity — this work is a proof of capacity, but not the capacity of this performance ; and fo of the reft.
8. Sufceptivey iox fufceptihle, I muft acquaint the reader, that after I had marked this word as an ex- ample, of the miftakes men fall into from ignorance, I found it in fome Englifti writers, who cannot be called altogether contemptible, and alfo in Johnfon's Dictionary. As to the laft of thefe, I (hall have occafion to make a remark or two upon that lexicographer under the next clafs, and there- fore (liall fay nothing of it now. As to the other particular, I obferve, that though the word is ufed by fome writers, it is not only contrary to general prac- tice, but contrary to the analogy of the tongue. — All the adjectives ending in ive are of an adlivc, and thofe ending in able or ihh of a pafTive nature, as active, decilive, communicative, fignificative, demonftrative, and on the contrary, able, capable, communicable, demonftrable, contemptible.
9. They are fo very duplicit that I am afraid they will refcind from what they have done. Here are two errors in one fentence. Duplicit is an adjective nAade by guefs from duplicity, and refcind is mif- taken, by the likenefs of found, for recede.
10 IDeteB for diJfeEl, A lady, in a certain place at dinner, aiked a gentleman if he would be fo good as deteEl that piece of meat for her. To thefe I might add a long lift of errors, in which ignorance or or-
THE DRUIR. 287
thography makes a vitious pronunciation, and that pronunciation continued by the fame ignorance, makes a vulgar word in place of the true one, of which take one example-— A gentleman writes to his friend, that on fuch a day they had a fmart fcrtmitchy for Jkirmljh.
The fixth clafs confiftsof ^ra^/ phrafes, introduced into public fpeaking or compofition. The meaning of cant phrafes, is pretty well known, having been fully explained as long ago as the days of Mr Addifon — They rife occafionally, fometimes, perhaps, from the happy or fingular application of a metaphor or allu- fion, which is therefore repeated and geti into ge- neral ufe, fometimes from the whim or caprice of particular perfons in coining a term. They are in their nature temporary and fometimes local. Thus, it is often faid, a man is taken in, he is bilked^ he is bity that was a hit indeed, that is not the things it was quite the thing. Innumerable others will occur to every reader. Sometimes the cant confifts in the frequent and unneceflary repetition, or improper ap- plication of a word that is otherwife unexceptionable^ Thus, when vaji was in repute, a thing was vaftly good, and vaftly bad, vaftly pretty, and vaftly ugly, vaftly great, and vaftly little.
It is worth while, in remarking on the ftate of language, to refle£t a little on the attack made by Addifon, Steel, Swift, Pope, and Arbuthnot, on many of thefe cant phrafes in their day, fuch as bite, bamboozle, pof. rep. mob. &c. Some of them they fucceeded in baniftiing from, or rather prevented from being ever admitted into public difcourfes and
Vol. IX. B b
a38 THE DRUID.
elegant writing, fuch as bite, bamboozle, &c. fome they baniflied from all polite converfation, fuch as pof. rep. plenipo. and fome have kept their ground, have been admitted into the language, and are freely and gravely ufed by authors of the firft rank, fuch as mob. This was at firft a cant abbreviation of mobUe vulgusy and as fuch condemned by the great men above mentioned ; but time has now ftamped it with authority, the memory of its derivation is loft, and when a hiftorian fays an unruly mob was affem- bled in the ftreets, or he was torn in pieces by the moby no idea of any thing low and ludicrous is con- veyed to the mind of the reader.
I promifed, under this head, to make a remark upon Johnfon's Di£lionary. It is a book of very great value on feveral accounts, yet it may lead ig- norant perfons into many miftakes. He has collec- ted every word, good or bad, that was ever ufed by any Engllfli writer ; and though he has, in the larger Dictionary, given his authoriries in full, yet that is not fuflicient to diftinguifti them. There are inftan- ces in which this may be the very caufe of wrong judgment. If an author of reputation has com- mitted a fingle error, his authority fhould not be made any ufe of to fandlify that error — fometimes, alfo, the author's defign is miftaken. In the abridge- ment of that Diftionary, at the word bamboozle^ you find added, a loiv luord ; but the authority is Arbuth^ not : now would not any man imagine, who was not otherwife informed, that Arbuthnot was a low writer 5 whcrea?;, in fa£t, he ufed that word only to difgrace and put it out of pradice. The lexico-
THE DRUID. 289
grapher would have aded more wifely not to have
mentioned the word at all.
It would be very eafy to make a large colle£lion
of cant or low phrafes at prefent in ufe, fuch as
helter Ikelter, topfy turvy, upfide down, the Devil to
pay, at fixes and fevens, put to his trumps, flung
all in a heap. Every one of thefe has been feen in
print, and many of the fame ftamp, as well as heard
in converfation.
It is not long fnice I read, in a piece publi/hed by
a fenfible writer in this city, « low methods oijham- ming Abraham' Now, pray what is (hamming A- braham ? With fome difnculty I have underftood, that it is a cant phrafe among feamen, for pretend- ing ficknefs when they are well, and other fetches of the fame kind. I (hould be glad to know how a foreigner could tranllate this expreffion into his own. language.
Under the head of cant phrafes, I would include all proverbial or common fayings introduced into the language, as well as trite and beaten ailufions.. Of the firft fort are thefe, I want to put the faddle upon the right horfe, the labouring oar lies upon you ; of the fecond, the following, that is only gra- tis dicfumy the Supreme Being by his almighty /j/, I will not pay any regard to his ipfe dixit. All thefe are taken from printed pieces, fome of them by au- thors not contemptible; the lad of them, his ipfe dixftf is of the mod frequent ufe, and yet is the moft pedantic and puerile of the whole. I con- elude with obferving, that a cant phrafe, if it do not die by the way, has three ftages in its progrefs. It is, firft, a cant phrafe ; fecondly, a vulgarifm ; thirds
Bb 2
290 THE DRUID.
ly, an idiom of the language. Some expire in one or other of the two firft ftages ; but if they outlive thefe, they are eftabliflied for ever. I have given an example of this above, in the word mob ; and I think topfy turvy and upjtde down have very nearly attained the fame privilege.
The feventh clafs confifts oiperfonal blunders^ that is to fay, eiFe£ls of ignorance, and want of precifion as an author, which are properly his own, and not reducible to any of the heads above mentioned, I (hall give an example or two of this kind, becaufe it will make the meaning of the former clafles more clear. The examples follow.
I. * The members of a popular government ihould be continually availed of the fituation and condition of every part. The author of this did not know that avail is neither an a£live nor paflive, but a reciprocal verb 5 a man is faid to avail himf elf of Tuny thing, but not to avail others, or be availed by them.
1, * A degree of diflentions and oppofitions under fome circumftanccs, and a political lethargy under others impend certain ruin to a free ft ate.* Here a neuter verb is made an active one. I have before given fome examples in which this is done commonly, but in the prefent cafe it belongs to this author alone.
3. * I {hould have let your performance fink into ftlent difdain* A performance may fall into con- tempt, or fink into oblivion, or be treated with dif- dain, but to make it fink into ftlent difdairij is a very crude expreflion indeed.
4. He is a man of moft accomplijhed abilities, A
THE DRUI D. Spr
man may be fald to be of diftingulfhed abilities or great accomplifhments, but accompUJhed abilities is wholly new.
5. * I have a total obje6lion againft this mea- fure.' I fuppofe the gentleman meant, that he ob- jedled to the whole, and every part of it. It was only an irregular marriage of the adjeclive to the wrong fubflantive.
6. * An axiom as well eftablifhed as any Euclid ever demonftrated/ Now, it happens that Euclid, notwithftanding his great love of demonftration, never demonflrated axioms, but took them for granted.
I hope the reader will forgive me for not refer- ring to the treatifes from which thefe examples are taken. They were in general anonymous ; and as it is probable many of the authors are alive, and may be of further ufe to their country, fo being wholly unknown to me, without the leaft degree of envy or malevolence, I mean not to injure but im- prove them.
FINIS.
Bb3
SUBSCRIBERS' NA2MES.
A Robert Anderfon, Efq. Accountant, Edinburgh Rev. Mr Aitchifon, Leith Mr John Anderfon, Merchant. Edin. Mr Robert Anderfon, Merchant, Edin. Mr Anthony, Edin. Mr James Anderfon, Surgeon, Edin. Mr Tho. Alexander, Student, Edin. Mrs Arrol, Merchant, Edin. Mr Robert Aitkin, Burnt ifland Matthew Adam, Weaver, Paifley Mifs Alexander, Glafgow
B
The Rev. Geo. Baird, D. D. Principal of the College,
and one of the minifters of the High Church, Edin. Rev. Mr Buchannan, Canongate, Edin* Rev. David Black, Edin. Rev. James Burns, Brechin Rev. Mr Begg, New Monkland Rev. Kenneth Bayne, Greenock Mr Adam Brooks, Merchant, Edin. Mr Robert Bland, Merchant Dumfries Mr Brown, Preacher, Belfaft Mr James Brown, Teacher, Leith Mr David Brewfter, Preacher Mr John Baxter, Builder, Edinburgh Mrs Baillie, Glafgow Mr Peter Blair, Manufa^urer, PaiJley Mr A. Boyd, Timber Merchant Paifley Mr Robert Barclay, Merchant, Paifley Mr James Brand, Dinwi^die mains
294 SUBSCRIBERS* NAMES,
Mr William Burns, Manufa6lurer, Paliley
Mr James Blair, Paiiley
Mr Walter Bruce, Cabinetmaker, Leith
Mr Alexander Brown, Bookfeller, Aberdeen, 12 Copies
Mr George Brown, Bookfeller, Perth, 2 Copies
Mr William Blackwood, Bookfeller, Edin. 2 Copies
Mr Allan Barr, Manufacturer, Edin.
Mr James Blair, Merchant, Belfaft, 6 Copies
Rev. Mr A. Bayne, Eaftbarns
Rev. Richard Black, Perth
Mr John Brown, Preacher, Glafgow
Rev. John Brown, Biggar
Mr Robertfon Buchanan, Glafgow
Rev. Dr Balfour, Glafgow
Mr Barr, Glafgow
Mr Buchanan, Glafgow
James Bonnar, Efq. Excife, Edin.
Matthew Brown, Efq. Paiiley
Mr William Bleziland, Manufadl:erer, Paifley
John Blair, Farmer, Erfkine by Paiiley
Robert Blair, Farmer, Inchinnen
James Blair, Farmer, Killmalcolm
Hugh Blair, Farmer, Houfton
Rev. David Black, Dunfermline
C
Francis Carter, M. D. Liverpool
Charles Cunningham, Efq. Linlithgow
Rev. Mr Colquhoun, Leith
Mrs Bailie Coulter, Edin.
Bailie James Carlyle, Paiiley
Mr J)hn Clapperton, Merchant, Edin.
Mrs Chryitie, Edin.
Mr John Campbell, preacher
Mr John Cummin, Dyer, Edin.
Mr Robert Crawford, preacher
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. 2«5
Mr John Clark, Builder, Edin.
Mr Hugh Cameron, Merchant, Greenock
Mr R. Carfwell, Manufa6lurer, Pailley
Mr G. Carfwell, Manufacturer, Paifley
Mr William Campbell, Lockerby, 2 Copies
Mr Cheap, Paifley
Mr George Caldwell, Bookfeller, Paifley
Dr Cleghorn, Glafgow
Mr Thomas Carlile, Houfton
Mr Campbell, Bookfeller, Paifley, 3 Copies
Mr Campbell Teacher, Paifley
Mr D. Cowan, Paper maker, Edin.
Mr Gavin Cuthbertfon, Bookfeller, Paifley
Mr Clark, near Falkirk
Rev. Robert Culbertfon, Leith
D Mr Charles Dick, Elgin Rev. David Dickfon, Weft Church, Edin. Rev. James Donaldfon, Edin. Mr W. Dymock, Writer, Edin. Mr James Dodds, Upholfterer, Edin. Mr Alexander Davidfon, Merchant Mr J. Davidfon, Tanner, Dumbarton Mr H. Dunbar, Merchant, Edin. Mr Dewar, York place Mr J. Drummond, Manufacturer, Edin. Divinity Hall, Edin. Divinity Hall, Whitburn Divinity Hall, Selkirk Rev. Mr Douglas, Stewarton Rev. D. Dickfon, one of the minifters of Edin. Meff. Denham and Dick, Bookfellers, Edin. 1 Copies Mr Alex. Duncanfon, fliipowner, Alloa Rev. Thos. Davidfon, D. D. one of the minifters of Edin*
296 S U B S C R I B E R S ' N A ME S .
E Mrs Janet ElHfon Robert Edmondfon, Efq. Boarhllls Rev. Mr Ellis, Saltcoats Rev. Mr Eafton, Hamilton
F
Admiral Sir W. G. Fairfax, North Caftle Street, Edin.
James Forreft, Efq. of Commifton
Rev. Profeffor Finlayfon, Edin.
Rev. Dr Fleming, Kirkcaldy
Mr J. Frafer, Merchant, Leith
Mr George Forreft, Brewer, Edin.
Mr Daniel Frafer, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr Alexander Finlay, Engraver, Glafgow
Mr William Fergufon, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr Jofeph Fowler, Paifley
Rev. Mr Forbes, Tarbat
Mr James Ferrie, Kirkintulloch
Mr Jofeph Fletcher, Chefter
Rev. Mr Fleming, Neilflon
Rev. Mr French, Kilbride
Rev. Mr Fleming, Weft Calder
Mr John Ford, Bookfeller, Kirkcaldy, 2 Copies
Mr Robert Fergufon, near Moffat
G
Archibald Gibfon, Efq. W. S.
Rev. Chriftopher Greig, Dunfermline
Rev. Mr Gray, Path-head
Rev, Mr Gregor, Bucclivie
Mr James Grieve, Merchant, Edin.
Mr George Gibfon, Merchant, Leith
Mr Thomas Gray, Student, Edin.
Mr Charles Gray, Edin.
Mr John Graham, Bal flack
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. 297
Mr Tho. Gladftanes, Merchant, Leith
Mr Robert Galloway, Baker, Glafgow
Mr James Galloway, Baker, Glafgow
Mr Nathan Galloway, Baker, Glafgow
Mr John Grant, Hofier, Glafgow
Mr William Glafs, Upholfterer, Edin.
Mr Walter Graham, Preacher
Mr Gordon, Preacher of the Gofpel
Rev. Mr L. Glafs, Midholm
Rev. Mr James Gray, Brechin
Rev. Mr Graham, Glafgow
Rev. Mr Gardner, Bothwell
Meir. Guthrie and Tait, Edin. 6 Copies
Mifs Gibfon, Edin.
H
Tho. Henderfon, Efq. Dean of Guild, Edin.
Jofhua Heywood, Efq. Glafgow
Rev. Andrew Hunter, D. D. Profeffor of Divinity, and
one of the Miniflers of the Tron Church, Edin. Rev. Mr Hall, Edin. Mr James Hill, Preacher, Haddingtan Mifs Heron, St Andrew's Square, Edin. Mr W. Harley, Merchant, Glafgow Mr William Haftings, Student, Edin. Mr Alexander Haftings, Edin. Mr Peter Hewit, Baker, Edin. Mr James Haldane, Merchant, Edin. Mifs Helen Henderfon, Leith Mr Andrew Hutchefon, Town clerk, Burntilland Mr Hamilton, M Her, Glafgow Mr Hall, Dumbarton, Mr Tho. Hutchifon, Glazier, Paifley Mr John Henderfon, Merchant, Paifley Mr Archibald Henderfon, Student of Divinity, Crafl
298 SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES
Mr James Halliday, Dyfter, parifh of Hutton
Rev. Mr Harper, Lanark
Rev. Mr Hannah, Strikeathrough
Mr Henry, Preacher, Stevenfon-manfe
Mrs Andrew Hamilton, GeorgC'S Si^^uare, Edin.
Mr P. Hill, Bookfeller, Edin.
Rev. Mr Henderfon, Hawick
Mr James Hatrick, Camlachie
Mr John Henderfon, Student, Paiflej
Mr Tho. Hurft, Merchant, Leith
I
Rev. Mr Ireland, Leith, 2 Copies
Rev. Mr. Johnfton, Moffat
Mr John Johnfton, Student, Edin,
Mr John Johnfton, Biker, Leith
Mr Robert Jamiefon, Baker, Glafgow
Rev. Mr Inglis, Port Glafgow
Mr Walter Johnfton, Merchant, Banks hill, Lockerby
K
James Kerr, Efq. Greenock
Rev. Mr Keith, Fala
Rev. Mr Kay, Kinclavcn
Mr John Kelly, Student, Edin.
Mr W. Knight, Aberdeen, 6 Copies
J. King, Efq. Jonfton
Mrs King, of Maybank
L
Ewan Liddle, Efq. Springfield
Mr Jofeph Livingftone, Merchant, Edin,
Mr James Laing, Farmer, Dumbarton
Mr Thomas Leechman, Baker, Paifley
Mr Laurie, Student of Divinity
Mr Laidlow, Preacher of the Gofpel
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. 29r
Mr Lockhart, Parliament Square Edin. Mr James Love, Paiiley Rev. Mr W. Lauder, Earlfton Rev. Mr Livingfton, Cambufnethen Rev. Mr Laurie, Abernethy Rev. Mr Lindfay, Auchinlek
M Sir H. MoncriefF, Wellwood, Bart. D. D. one of the
Miniflers of the Weft Church, Edinburgh John Mair, Efq. Glafgow A. Murray, Efq. of Ayton William Murray, Efq. of Pomaife Rev. Mr Macknight, Edinburgh Rev. Mr Mitchell, late of Montrofe Rev. Mr M'Lauchlan, Edinburgh Rev. John M'Diarmid, Paifley Rev. John Mackenzie, Glafgow Rev. George Muirhead, Dyfart Rev. Mr M*Bride Kilmore Mrs Captain Mackintyre, Dumbarton Mifs M*Pherfon, Frederic Street, Edinburgh Mr Andrew M'Kean, Writing-mafter, diUo Mr W. Muir, Merchant, Glafgow Mr M'Dougal, Merchant, ditto Mr T. Mitchell, Merchant, ditto Mr Duncan M*Pherfon, Preacher Mr William M<Pherfon, ditto Mr Walter Munro, ditto Mr Peter M'Laran, ditto Mr A. M'Ritchie, Confeflioner, Edin. Mr Geo. Murray, Confedtioner, ditto Mr Alex. M*Allum, Vintner, ditto Mr Andrew Miller, Writer, ditto Mr James Mill, Merchant, ditto
Vol. IX. C c
300 SUBSCRIBERS' NAME S.
Mr Robert Menzies, Shipbuilder, Leith
Mr William Miller, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr William M'Gregor, Agent, ditto
Mr William M'Kenrick, ditto
Mr Duncan M'Dou,2:al, Merchant, ditto
Mr The. Mitchell, Ropemaker, ditto
Mr Peter M^Allum, Merchant, Greenock
Mr J. M'Linton, Merchant, Dumbarton
Mr James M'Farlane, Teacher, Paifley
Mr Robert Menzies, Diftiller, ditto
Mr William M'Hayne, Clerk, ditto
Mr W. Montgomery, Teacher, ditto
Mr J. M'Farlane, Spirit Dealer, ditto
Mr Peter Murray, Farmer, Libbertoii
Mrs Manfon, George Street, Edin.
Mr T. Mair, Infurance Office, ditto
Mr George Mather, George Inn, ditto
Mr Millar, Farmer, Loanhead
Rev. Mr Menzies, Logierait
Mr Moffat, Town's Hofpital, Glafgow
Mr Robert M'Lean, Paifley
Rev. Dr M'Gill, Glafgow
Rev. Mr M*Ewan, Badernock
Mr John M* Arthur, Student, Glafgow
Benjamin Mathie, Efq. Glafgow
Mr James M'Kinzie, ditto
Mr James ^lorrifon. Teacher, ditto
Rev. Mr Mackinlay, Kilmarnock
Rev. Mr M'Farlane, Biggar
Mr James iVl'Laren, Bookleller, Stirling
Mr iVI'Gregor, Paifley
Mr Donald M'Grugor, Grocer, ditto
Mr John Muir, Writer, ditto
Mr John M*Gavin Manufacturer, Paifley
Rev. John Macfarlane, Waterback
SUBS CRIBERS' NAMES. SM
Mr James Mochrie, Colraonell
N Mr John Newland, Student, Edin. Mr Robert Neil, Cefs Office, ditto Mr James Niven, Leith
O Rev. James Oliphant, Dumbarton Mr T. Ovenftone, Upholfterer, Edin. Mr Will. Orr, Manufaftarer, Paifley Mr Robert Ogle, Bookfeller, London,
25 Copies Mr Maurice Ogle, Bookfeller, Glafgow, 50 Copies
P
John Pitcairn, Efq. Edinburgh
Alex. Pitcairn, Efq. ditto
Robert Pitcairn, Efq. ditto
Rev. Mr Peddie, ditto
Rev. Mr Pringle, Nevvcaflle
Mr Robert Philp, Merchant, Lelth
Mrs Purves, York Place, Edinburgh
Mr Daniel Paterfon, Builder, Edin.
Mr James Porteous, Preacher, ditto
Mr Rob. Penn, Cabinetmaker, ditto
Mr Patrick Peacock, Teacher, Paillcy
Mr James Paterfon, Preacher at Carfinday
Mrs Parker, Blochiron
Mr Geo. Peattie, Bookfeller, Leith
Mr Patrick Peacock, Teacher, ditto
Mr John Paterfon, Aberdeen,
R Rev. Mr Robertfon, one of the minifiers of South Leltli Rev. Mr Richardfon, Kirkconnel
C c 3
302
SUBSCRIBERS' NAM ES
Rev. Jonathan Rankine, Paiiley Rev. Mr Ritchie, Afhilftoneford Rev. MrRoi^, late of Amfterdam, 2 Copies Mr James Re id, Merchant, Edinburgh Mr John Rofs, Preacher, ditto Mr James Ruflel, Student of Divinity Mr Henry Rankine, Teacher, Leith Mr James Roger, Merchant, Glafgow - Mr John Rankin, Bookfeller, Falkirk, 3 Copies Mrs A. Robertfon, Glafgow Rev. Dr Ranken, ditto
Rev. Dr Rutherford, Muirkirk
Rev. Mr Robertfon Kilmarnock
Rev. Mr Robertfon, Slamannan
Mr James Ramfay, Baker, Paiiley
Rev. Mr Reid, Paiiley
S
Sir John Stirling, of Glorat, Baronet Col. William Simpfon, Kincraig Rev. Mr SavilJe, Edinburgh Rev. Mr Struthers, ditto Rev. John Scott, D. D. Greenock Mr J. Sommerville, Student, Edin. Mr W. Sibbald, Town's Surveyor, ditto Mr P. Scott, Jnfurance Broker, ditto Mr Smith, Haddin's Court, ditto Mr Will. Stevenfon, Merchant, ditto Mr James Stewart, Student Mr Daniel Siewart Shoemaker, ditto Mr Wood Sinclair, Cooper, Leith Mr T. Shoolbread, Hair-dreffer, ditto Mr L. Simons, Surgeon, Burntifland Mr Rob. Service, Wright, Dumbarton. Mr Robert Stewart, Teacher, Paiiley
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. 308
Mr W. Smith, Lafwade
Mr W. Somerville, Shaws of Tinwald, 13 Copies
Mr John Scott, Farmer Balboothie
Mr John Stiven, Bookfeller, Glafgow, 2 Copies
Mr John Scales, Writer, ditto
Mr William Scott, Bookfeller, Greenock
Mr James Smith, Kilbride
Mr R, Somers, Preacher, St Ninians
Mr Rob. ShirrefF, Merchant, Leith
Mr James Steele, Bookfeller, Glafgow
Mr Robert Stewart, Student, Paifley
Mr Matthew Sprowl, Bleacher
Rev. Mr Smart, Paiiley
Baillie Robert Spiers, Paiiley
T
David Thomfon, Efq. Edinburgh
Rev. Dr Thomfon, one of the miniflers of Edinburgh
Rev. W. Thomfon, Hutchefon Town, near Glafgow
Rev. James Thomfon, Port Glafgow
Mr Will. Trotter, Upholflerer, ditto
Mr James Thomfon, Perfumer, ditto
Mr Will. Thorburn, Merchant, Leith
Mr John Thomfon, Barntiiland
Mr W. Thomfon, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr R. Turnbull, Watchmaker, Greenock
Mr K. Treafurer, Edin.
Rev. Mr Peter Tavlor, Ceres
Mr W. Thomfon, Wright, Edin.
Rev. Mr Thomfon, Carnock
Rev. Mr Thomfon, Leeds
Mr J. Thomfon, Clifton, by Kirkliftoa
V
Mr Urie^ Giafaow
S0€ SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
W Rev. Mr Watfon, Biggar Rev. Mr. Wemyfs, Burntiiland Rev. Mr Watfon, Glafgow Rev. Mr Willifon, Forgandenny Mr C. Watfon, Cabinetmaker, Edinburgh Mr Thomas Wardlaw, Hofier, ditto Mr J. Wilfon, Teacher of Elocution Mr J. Waugh, Manufacturer, Scienncs Mr Alexander Weir, Student Mr J. Watfon, Manufadlurer, Glafgow Mr James Wright, Merchant, Paifley Mr James White, Merchant, ditto Mr James Walkingfhaw, Writer, dit^o Mr James Wayle, Manufacturer, ditto Mr T. Williams, Bookfeller, London, 25 Copies Mr W. Whyte, Bookfeller, Beith, 2 Copies Mr John Wyld, Glafgow Rev. Mr Wilfon, Cumnock Mr Wilfon, Merchant, Strathaven Mr Will. Whyte, Bookfeller, Edin. 2 Copies Rev. Mr Walker, Colleffie Rev. Mr Williamfon, Whitehaven Mr James Wayle, Weaver, ditto Mr John Whyte, Candlemaker, Edin.
Y
Mr John Young, Upholfterer, Edin.
Mr William Young, Burntifland
Mr John Young, ditto
Mr Young, Glafgow
Mr Tho. Young, Molftiaugh
Pnncelon Theologicil Scmm/lry-Speei Library
1 1012 01149 8963
^% S- :i- :i-
-?' ^- M' #^ :rif :-4' 'M:
;%: ■ 'f ,^;
11