i} i
YRONTO
'ς,
ub Ο > n α Ww > 2 >
"
|
|
|
1761
3
eae eed + VR σι κα me
we ΗΑ μος ΟΒΡΟΝΒΟΨΘΒΟΝΟΝΝ
a
ΤΣ, οὶ Unive ly δεν Uy. |
G Pi cipapeit atl. ty
ws les? Meewlan +O ac. bail in roflaco hehe es, . Vhe The derartrous. Bre of Bl ζ... ΕΣ ΑΙ
ἊΝ ᾿ . ᾿ - — 3 » « 7) - ς “ ‘ ‘ . ' a - 2 . ‘ < δ . . >. ' ‘ . ξ a . ‘ , - . ‘
*“LSAM ANVHOIN OL LANNOS AO ATINISSVA
. .
TEI ap συν)
᾿χαγοίκ hays frat? (tr? a
+ fone δε τεικσηρο 72 FP VIL SY) Ζιω wz ὧν ον
otro eye
‘ ᾿ ᾿ 494 ig
by aye ἣν # ΓΎΡΩ, ὍΣ οὔρο τα x rag 2 ( Janu id i ' ὧν τὰν». ΝᾺ
A σιν: os. πων Ἢ ap “ἐε-γηστ Sqr pf Ἢ
“ory? πιά oe] x
hs 1 le ; z or 7
bee fo OP κὶ Wy ges Jere cs.
m7 tes 9 the dade Eo ᾿ 3? ey aor arene write ἢ ἊΣ
ASG > 2 ~
: da ἼΞ: ΄'
ou 7 habe ΩΣ 2G, hit
7 aad U2 : ze #9
* 2errLaA i; So σφ ‘(pe maa. 277
‘ —zrer0f 24 fa
nt Fad wz “7 ‘whol greworege P7TQZAQUAY ft ἜΤ (Ὁ
7 δ» “ρ 4 Ay ἊΣ τυ dn le τα τς
ΠΩ͂Σ a Wd a saps ΄ ; 4 ἀξ Y τ Ζ
~
P71 AT4zO ae 7 Le had diy bee PPP +77
ro,
Net “ρ54:07 Bb |
“ah a.
wii
THE WORKS
OF
TOMAS GRA ¥
En Prose and Verse
EDITED BY
EDMUND GOSSE
CLARK LECTURER ON ENGLISH LITERATURE AT THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE
IN FOUR VOLS.—VOL. IV.
_ NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES AND PLATO
London MACMILLAN AND CO. 1884
CONTENTS.
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
PAGE ACHARNENSES . . : 3 | THESMOPHORIAZUSE EQUITES . \ : : 7 | LYSISTRATA VESPZ. - : . 11|)RAnNz ; NUBES . : : . 17] Eccizstazusz . Pax ‘ ; : 2 2 Pets : AVES ᾿ ; P . 26] ΝΟΤΕΒ oN THE PLUTUS NovreEs ON THE AVES . 88
NOTES ON PLATO.
Brier Notices oF SOCRATES LACHES
AND OF HIS Friends . 67 | Hipparcuts THE CoMPANIONS OF So- PHILEBUS
CRATES. : . 69|MErNo PHADRUS : : . %5|Goretas . LysIs ε ; 7 . 87) ΜΙΝΟΚ ALCIBIADES I. . ; . 90] CHARMIDES ALCIBIADES II. . 94]CRATYLUS THEAGES . Ἔ ‘ . 98)|Sympostum EuTHYPHRO . ; . 101|/EuTrHypEemus . APOLOGIA SOCRATIS . 104) Hrppras Masor CrRITO . . ν . 110 ΗΙΡΡΙΑΒ Minor ῬηΗξρο. ; 4 . 111} Proracoras
ERASTZ . Υ ; . 115\Io
116 122 124 134 140 158 160 164 166 172 175, 177 178 198
vi CONTENTS.
PAGE PAGE THEATETUS. : . 206] De Lecrsus— THE SOPHIST . , . 909 Book IV. . Ἔ :.- er PoLiTicus ᾿ , . 214 Pra fee : . 802 DE REPUBLICA : . 221) Tur EpisttLEs— Book I. . : . ‘228 Epistle I. . ; . 908 ae εν ee? row: a a er νον Sis pe hee ; . 237 ΘΙ ἢ ὁ ‘ . 815 yg. We SS . oH ναι ᾿ . 316 ae. 0 ee ν : 947 i ee : ole > ὙΠ: : , Sart ak, ΟΝ: 890 ye y . 256 Εν .ς . 930 es ee ι ων 262 ἢ IX. 5 , ooo ΘΟ Ἢ : . 266 1) ee τ, .... 828 Dr LEGIBUS . . . vo - Se ; . oof Book I. =. _- +» a πο ἐὰν . 3586 , IL. «|. S82 έν eee
yg: PRE τως δ (eae ο : : . 845
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES
VOL. IV. B
4 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,
read, «£vpypeve, which improves the parody of Euri- pides.—Effeminate persons began to shave their chins even in these times. (V. Athenzum, L. 13. p. 565. and Thesmoph. v. 225.)
233. The action against Pisistratus at Pallene, one of the Δημοι of Attica, is mentioned by Andocides, de Mysteriis, whose great-grandfather Leogoras was Στρατήγος there.
346-47,— Ανασειειν Bony,
Ολιγοῦυ τ᾽ ἀπεθανον avOpaxes ]Παρνασσιοι. κτλ. Should we not read Π]}αρνηθιοι ἢ
387. &c. Hieronimus a tragick and lyrick poet.— Euripides and Cephisophon ridiculed.—The Afneus, Phoenix, Philoctetes, Bellerophon, Telephus, Thyestes, and Ino of Euripides, are laughed at, where he had introduced the principal characters in poor apparel to move compassion. The sententious pertness of his per- sonages, and the inactiveness and folly of his chorusses, are all noticed. The poverty of his mother is alluded to.
442.—Tovs δ᾽ av Xopevtas ηλιθιους παρεσταναι, ἄτα.
Euripides is here satirized for making his chorusses take little part in the action of the drama, but either telling long fables, or impertinently questioning and answering the characters.
504.—Ouvte yap φοροι Ἥκουσι, &e.
The time, when the contributions of the allies were brought to Athens, was during the Dionysia ta κατ᾽ ἀστυ, (see Isocrat. de Pace, 175,) in spring time in the month Elaphebolion; the Lenza were celebrated in winter pretty late, two months before the other, and in the country, at which time this piece was played.
or
ACHARNENSES.
529. IlepuxAens οὐλυμπιος
Ηστραπτεν, εβροντα, ξυνεκυκα την ἔλλαδα, &e.
The fine fragment from the δημοι of Eupolis on Pericles.
602. Μισθοφορουντας τρεις δραχμας, &e.
He seems to mean that they sent their 2rparnyou on various useless embassies, who gladly accepted them, as well to be out of the way of danger, as to earn the publick allowance, two or three drachme a day, and to be out of the power of their creditors,
628. EE οὗγε χοροισιν εφεστηκε τρυγικοις ὁ διδασ- καλος ἡμων, &e.
Τρυγωδια seems always to mean comedy here. See above, v. 498 and 499. Is this Parabasis to be under- stood of Aristophanes himself, or of Callistratus the actor, in whose name he seems to have exhibited all his dramas, before the Equites? Some of the Scholia take it of the latter (see v. 654); they also rightly under- stand in a ridiculous light what is here said of the Persian king, which the writer of the Poet’s life, and Mad. Dacier also, seriously report as a fact.
703. Is this the Thucydides, son of Melesias, who underwent the ostracism, or, as Idomeneus says (see Schol..ad Vespas, v. 941), perpetual banishment, and that he fled into Persia, Ol. 83, 4, nineteen years before this? Cephisodemus seems to have been his accuser.
875. Naooas, Κολοιους, &e. Is KoXovos the jay, or the jackdaw, or the magpye? It was, as it appears, an eatable bird. It appears also, that the Greeks eat hedge-hogs, foxes, locusts, moles, otters, and cats. (see Atheneus, L. 17, p. 300.) The Megareans brought
0 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
salt, swine, garlick, &c., to sell at the Athenian markets, and bought corn there, &c. The Bceotians (see Irene v. 1003 and 4.) sold them water-fowl and wild-fowl of various sorts, manufactures of rushwork, as mats, wicks for lamps, &c., and fish from their lakes, particularly excellent eels.
883. The Ὅπλων Ἰζρισις of Aischylus is here parodied.
1000. It is certain that this comedy was played during the Lenza, and many parts of it seem a repre- sentation of the festival itself, as v. 238, where Diczeo- polis and his family perform sacrifice to Bacchus, and here is the Certamen Bibendi, used in the Xoa:: but we are not told that this ceremony was used except on the second day of the Anthesteria. Hence it seems probable, that it was used alike in the Lenza.
1029. Οὐ δημοσιευων τυγχάνω. The publick elected and gave a salary to certain physicians (see Aves, v. 585, and Plutus, v. 408) who took no fees from par- ticular people.
It appears from some of the scenes in this comedy, that the Prytanes were present in the publick assemblies, seated in the place of honour; that they kept order there, and commanded the archers to apprehend any one who made a disturbance; and that they produced ambassadors to the people, and dismissed the assembly. Ambassadors were entertained in the Prytaneum at the invitation of the senate.
EQUITES. Olymp. 88. 4. In Lenzis, Mense Posideone,
v. 9. Olympus, the scholar of Marsyas, invented the symphony of flutes. 19. Alludes to Euripides. 61. Αδει de χρησμους. Alluding to the Sibyll’s oracles.
123, Alluding to the oracles of Bacis. The Scholiast says there were three of that name.
282. It seems, that Cleon, for his success at Sphac- teria, had a publick maintenance allowed him in the Prytaneum.
399. The sottishness of Cratinus.—Morsimus, the son of Philocles, wrote Tragedy. 404. The Τεθριπποι of Simonides cited.
504. This was the first drama which Aristophanes brought upon the stage in his own name, (see Vespa, v. 1013.) and he himself played the character of Cleon in it.
517. Kudos ἃ ᾽παθεν Μαγνης ἅμα ταῖς πολιαις κατιουσαῖις, &e.
Magnes, the comick poet, had great success in his plays, named, Βαρβιτιδες, Ορνιθες, Vives, Βατραχοι, Avdo1, but was hissed off the stage in his decline.
523. Kparivov peuvnpevos. Cratinus—his ancient glory is declared; but he afterwards grew negligent, drunken, and despised in his old age. Connas, the tibicen, lost his former reputation.
8 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
524, The passage cited from the Pytine of Cratinus in the Scholia must either not be in that drama, or the poet must allude here to some other similar passage ; as_ the Pytine was not played till the following year, and (as the Scholia say afterwards) written upon the provo- cation here given by Aristophanes.
534. Crates; his various success, Aristophanes assigns his reasons for not before exhibiting any drama in his own name.
586. The comick chorus (as the Scholiast informs us, and see also Aves, v. 298) consisted of twenty-four persons, the tragick chorus but of fifteen. They were (sometimes) composed of men, women, and children, mixed, as in the Vespze, &c. Casaubon, in his notes to v. 495, gives an account of the Parabasis and of its seven parts, namely, the Kouparuov, Παραβασις (proprié - dicta), Maxpov or IIviyos, Στροφη, Ἐπιρρημα, Αντι- στροφη, και Ἀντεπιρρημα.
596. The humour of these lines, and of the naval expedition of the horses, is hardly intelligibie at present.
701. Ilpoedpua was an honour conferred on principal citizens for their services : every one was obliged to give them place in the assembly, the senate, the theatre, Wc. Cleon had this honour after his success at Sphacteria.
782. Tnv ev Σαλαμῖνι. It is plain what part he means: but why does he call it so?
790. Eros oydoov. Must be understood of the eighth year only beginning.
810. Q πολις Apyous. The sharpness of this parody of Euripides consists in this: Cleon, under a pretence of an embassy to Argos, was suspected of carrying on a
EQUITES, 9
private correspondence with the Spartans, on the sub- ject of restoring the prisoners he had made at Sphacteria. _ (See v. 463.)
851. Here is a good account of the ostracism, in the Scholia, but with some errours. It is said to be in use with the Argives, Megareans and Milesians ; but Phzax in his oration on the subject, spoken probably not many years after this, affirms the contrary ; Μόνοι yap αὐτου tov λληνων χρωμεθα, και ουδεμια των αλλων πολίων εθελει μιμησασθαι; and it is not likely, that those cities should have adopted it, after it ceased to be in use at Athens, which took place Olymp. 91. 1. In enumerating several great men exostracised, he mentions Alcibiades, who never was so.
908. The ships were delivered to the Trierarchs, by the Στρατηγοι (who seem to have appointed them) and belonged to the publick ; but the Trierarch, at his own expense, repaired and furnished them with all neces- saries. The ισῴφοραι were paid by the richer citizens, a catalogue of whom seems to have been drawn by the Στρατήγοι.
947. The custom of the steward, or head-servant, keeping his master’s seal.
950. Optov εξωπτημενον. There are three receipts, in the Scholia, of Greek cookery, to make a Θρῖον. The lst was in this manner: they boiled rice, or fine flour in grains (called Xovépos) till it was tender; then they kneaded it up with new cheese, and eggs, wrapped up the whole in a fig-leaf, and boiled it in a soup of broth of meat; then fried it brown in honey, and served it up to table with the honey in the dish. 2. A second
10 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
sort was made of flour, lard, or the fat of a kid, milk, and yolks of eggs, boiled in a fig-leaf. 3. The third sort was, the brains of any animal with garum (the pickle of fish) and cheese; the whole put in a fig-leaf, and baked over the fire.
959. Μολγον.---- μυρρινου----Σμικυθην Kar ἸΚυριον--- obscure passages. The Scholia assist us very little here.
1046. Ilevrexvpryyov EvAov. This wooden machine had five holes in it to receive the hands, feet, and neck of the prisoners, serving at once for the pillory and for the stocks.
1300. It is false to say, that the Athenians had no connection with, or thoughts of, Carthage, (see Isocrates de Pace, 177.) whatever the commentators may say ; their ambition extended itself in proportion to their conquests, and if their Sicilian expedition had succeeded, they had actually thoughts of attacking that great republick : Thucydides at least tells us, that this was Alcibiades’s view. lL. 6. ¢. 15,
1375. Συνερκτικος yap ἐστι, &c. This imitates the turn of phrase then in use among the young gentlemen of Athens, who had deserted the country, and the more manly exercises of agriculture, hunting, &c., and divided their time between the effeminate pleasures of the city and the publick assemblies, in which they valued them- selves upon their eloquence, and the new art of speak- ing, then, perhaps, taught by the sophists. The terms they use (as the Scholiast observes) bear a double mean- ing; and he rightly explains the sense of καταδακτυλιζειν. There is no doubt, but that this line is spoken by the chorus to Demus, who represents the people.
VESP i. Olymp. 89. 2. In Lenezis,
v. 139. Imvos is not the kitchen’ (as the Scholiast would have it) but the stove for heating the bath. IIveXos is the labrum, or bathing-tub. ‘T'pyya, the hole in it at the bottom to let out the water. Kazrvy, the funnel, or vent for the smoke. ‘T'jAva, a cap or cover to close the vent.
157. Read, Δικασοντα με.
158. ‘O yap Θεος, ἄο. It seems to be the old man who says this, not his son; and Bdelycleon answers ; Απολλον αποτροπαίιε, &e.
240. Qs extras Λαχητι νυνι (ie. δικη.) &e. Laches, who had been recalled from his command in Sicily two years before this, Ol. 88. 3 (Thucyd. L. ὃ. ο. 115.) seems to have been accused this year by Cleon and his party.
287. Avnp παχυς ἥκει των προδοντων Tart Θρακης, ἄς. Without doubt this relates to Thucydides, who was Στρατηγος in Thrace, and condemned to banish- ment this very year, for his treachery or neglect in the loss of Amphipolis.
322. AXAN ὦ Zed, &e. This is undoubtedly a parody of some tragick chorus, perhaps of Auschylus or of Euripides, though the Scholiast is silent.
388. Q Ave, ἄς. The fane of Lycus adjoining to
12 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
all courts of justice, fenced in, and covered at the top with mats.
415. Tavra 87’ ov dewa, ἄο. This should be spoken by the chorus,
576. When boys underwent the Δοκιμασια, their puberty was publickly examined (as it seems) in the court of Helizea.
598. Τάμβαδι ἡμων περικωνει. The manner of black- ing shoes (as it seems) was with a sponge and tar.
606. The custom of washing and anointing their feet, as soon as they came home, which was in poorer families the office of the daughters.
655. The publick revenue of Athens comprehending the contributions of the allied cities (which may be set at six hundred talents yearly, as Thucydides observes, L. 2. c. 13.); the tolls and customs from the markets, and ports, and mines ; the Prytanea, or sums deposited by such as had suits in any court (v. Nubes, v. 1134, and 1193, and Kuster ad v. 1182.); and the confiscations, &c., here computed at two thousand talents per annum (£387,500), out of which one hundred and fifty talents were expended on the six thousand Acxacra kept in pay (see Isocrates de Pace, 185.) at three oboli a-day, which in ten months (for the rest of the year consisted in holidays, during which the courts did not sit) amounted to that sum. Qu. what are the Exatoora:, and Μίισθοι mentioned as branches of the revenue here? (v. Xenoph. de Athen. Republ. 404.)
688. To σημεῖον, the sign given to enter the court, and take their places (v. Thesmoph. v. 285.) ; mentioned
VESP AS. 13
also by Andocides de Mysteriis; to σημειον καθελη, Ρ. 6.—The Συνηγοροι, or orators, received a drachma in each cause (as it seems) from the publick.
700. Ὥσπερ adevpov. The metaphor seems to be taken from some weakly young animal brought up by the hand, by distilling milk or pap into its mouth, gradually through a lock of wool. The Scholiast on v. 700 comes nearer the true meaning, than on v. 699.
705. A thousand cities paid tribute to the Athenians at this time. Genuine citizens were now above twenty thousand.
716. In the Schol. on this verse for “Imzapyov read Icapxov: but I do not find any revolt in Eubeea till eleven years afterwards ; nor can there be any allusion here to the distribution of corn under Lysimachides, which took place twenty-three years before.
787. The obolus, a silver coin. Custom of putting money in the mouth. (Aves, 503.)
800. ὥσπερ ‘Exaraov. A little chapel or tabernacle of Hecate was erected before every man’s door. (Rane, 369.)
840. Χοιροκομειον Ἕστιας. Libations and prayers were always begun to Vesta. (v. Aves, v. 865, and Plato’s Cratylus, p. 401.)
870. Apollo Ayuevs was represented by a small obelisk before the doors of houses. (v. Thesmoph. 485.)
909. It is Bdelycleon who sustains the part of the Thesmothetes. The servant speaks for the accuser. From ‘O βδελυρὸς οὗτος ov petedwk αἰτοῦντι μοι, are his words in the character of the Cydathenzan dog, who represents a sycophant informer, who prosecutes
14 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,
Labes (the dog defendant) because he would not give him a share of the Sicilian cheese which he had stolen. Tw koww γέμοι, I suppose means, the dog of the publick ; or this last line may be spoken by the judge himself, who represents the people, and is angry, that he had no part in the spoil. In the Scholia, for Xapyra read Λαχητα.
930. Avros καθελου----ἂα far as ovderw, v. 934, is said by Bdelycleon ; and Philocleon adds, (as the Scho- liast also reads) Tovrov de γ᾽ ow eyo, &c., meaning the defendant.
954, Eyw δ᾽ εβουλομὴν αν, &e., seems obscure, nor do I perceive who says this. Axovoov ὦ δαιμονιε, v. 956. belongs to Bdelycleon, who from Thesmothetes turns advocate for Labes.
981. Tyvdi λαβων, &c. The account in the Scho- liast of the manner of voting, is to me unintelligible ; and Florens Christianus (who does little more than translate the Scholia) is as much so. It seems that the calculi put into the ὕστερος καδισκος acquitted the prisoner. The matter is better explained in the Schol. on v. 985.
1014. Eurycles, an ἐγγαστρίμυθος or ventriloquist, and prophet at Athens. Kus αλλοτριας yaorepas, I imagine, means fetching his voice out of another per- son’s belly ; for persons, who have this faculty, often seem to do so. :
1025. Aristophanes—how he demolished Cleon in his Equites: his Nubes, written against the school of Socrates, exploded : he reckons it his best piece : ancient Scholia, sung after meals, on Harmodius: the beginning
VESPA. 15
of another by Alceeus: Αδμητου Aoyos: the Parzeria of Praxilla : AXsophic and Sybaritic tales.
1037. The office of the Polemarch. See the Schol. on this verse.
1052. The custom of putting apples (qu. whether the citron fruit 1) among chests of clothes.
1221. This is the beginning of the Scholion on Har- modius and Aristogéiton, to which Philocleon answers, as continuing the song, Ουκ οὕτω πανοῦργος, &c., mean- ing Cleon, whom Bdelycleon personates. Observe the way of singing successively (see Nubes, v. 1367), and continuing the same Scholion, giving a myrtle branch from one to another.
1275. Kut τινες ot, &c. This obscure antistrophe relates to some transaction between Cleon and the poet, of which we know little. ;
1300. Didymus and others take these lines for nonsense.
1408. I know not why this character is called Euri- pides : it seems a mistake.
1418. Example of a Sybaritic tale.
1481. Besides Phrynichus, son of Melanthus the tragick poet, (who must have been dead fifty years at least before this) and Phrynichus, the comick son of Polyphradmon (or Eunomides, see Rane, v. 13.) and contemporary with Aristophanes, there was a third Phrynichus, a famed actor of tragedy mentioned here in the Scholion on v. 1293, and by Andocides de Mysteriis, p. 7, as a relation of hisown. (See also Aves, Schol. on 750.)
1491. Carcinus, the son of Thorycias, had three
16 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,
sons, all players, Xenotimus, Demotimus, and the youngest Xenocles, a tragick poet.
1507. The chorus here give way to the three sons of Carcinus, or to such as imitated them, who dance a vaulting dance.
1524. For spas read ὕμας. The chorus came on, but never went off, dancing.
NUBES.
Ol, 89.1. In Dionysiis tos κατ᾽ αστυ, Mens. Elaphebol. after the Vespe.
The Nubes was played ΟἹ. 89. 1. and damned; it was altered and repeated Ol. 89. 2, but still with ill success. It was again altered, and published two or three years after, but never played again.
v. 10. Σισυρα, a kind of frieze (Ecclesiaz: 347) or thick woollen garment, used as a great coat, and also to cover beds, as here, like a blanket.
37. Anpapxos, an officer presiding over each Anpos, instituted (as Aristotle says) by Clisthenes ; for before that time they were called Ναυκλαροι. They had a register of all the debts of their Anporat, and obliged them to give their creditors security, when demanded.
178. Διαβητην. The Scholiast here exactly describes a pair of compasses. (Vid. Platon. Philebus, p. 567.)
180. Thales the Milesian.
256. The sacrifice of Athamas, in a tragedy of Sophocles.
267. Κυνῆ, a leather cap, or calotte, with which they covered their head against the rain
335. Bombast expressions of dithyrambick writers, Cinesias, Philoxenus, and Cleomenes, as the Scholiast says.
VOL, TY. J [ σ
18 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
503. Cheerephon ; his leanness and paleness.
524, The jirst Nubes exploded: Aristophanes re- garded it as his best work. His Δαιταλεις, the first comedy of his brought upon the stage, but under another person’s name, Philonides or Callistratus ; its success.
534. The Choephori of Auschylus.
549. His abuse of Cleon in the Equites. Eupolis’s Maricas, a bad imitation of the Equites. Phrynichus, the comick writer. Hermippus, his drama against Hyperbolus. The simile of the eel-catchers in the Equites was famous.
586. It is not necessary that we should understand this of Cleon’s expedition to Thrace, where he was killed and the Athenians defeated, as the Scholia and Span- heim would have us understand it; it is meant of his Στρατηγια, in the year he took 2paxrypia, which, how- ever successful in that particular, is always represented by the poet, here and elsewhere, as the misfortune and errour of the publick, on account of the signal depravity of manners, rapacity, and mad conduct of Cleon. It appears, even from v. 591, that Cleon was actually alive at the time when this was written. Hyperbolus was chosen Hieromnemon in this year, to go to Thermopyle and Delphi. Mad. Dacier’s explanation of v. 625, is the best we can find.
765. A remarkable description of a burning-glass. The Scholia here tells us, that at this time they called rock-crystal Ὕαλος, which may possibly be, as he here calls it, Avlos. Not that artificial glass, from Egypt and the east, was unknown to them: Herodotus men- tions it in his account of the Ethiopians, &c.; however
NUBES. 19
it appears, that they did not put it to this use of collect- ing the sunbeams, till they had heated it first, and rubbed it with oil: it seems to have been then newly invented. Spanhemius, at v. 619 and 626, does not imagine this confusion of the year to be owing to the irregularities before the invention of Meto’s cycle, (which was not received into publick use), but to some attempt, per- haps of the magistracy, at this time to introduce that cycle, which, however, did not obtain: the months still continuing of thirty, and the year of three hundred and sixty, days. 919. The Telephus of Euripides.
961. The Greek children from ten years old to thirteen were sent to the I‘payparticryns, who taught them to read and write, then to the Κιθαριστης, and next to the IadorpiPys.
964. The odes of Lamprocles son of Midon an Athenian, and of Cydides of Hermione.
967. Phrynis, the musician of Mitylene, scholar of Aristoclitus, corrupted and softened the ancient musick.
981. Schol. Cecides, was an ancient dithyrambick.
1047. All natural warm baths were sacred to Hercules.
1264. Carcinus introduced in his tragedies, certain deities deploring and lamenting themselves. A parody of two lines in the Licymnius of Xenocles.
1359. Scholia of Simonides. Speeches from Ais- chylus and Euripides were sung at entertainments,
PAX,
Acted in the Dionysia ra κατ᾽ aorv, Ol. 90. 2. Archonte Archia. Bentley and Malalam.
v. 81. This whole whim of making Trygeus fly to heaven, mounted on the back of a monstrous beetle, is a ridiculous imitation of the Bellerophon of Euripides, who is introduced in like sort taming Pegasus for the same purpose, and seating himself on his back. This ‘“Hovyos, ἥσυχος, ἡρεμα, κανθων, is a parody of that scene which begun, Ay’ ὦ φιλον μοι IInyacov πτερον: and so, from the elevated expression, I imagine the rest to be, as far as v. 155. The reason why he himself chooses to go to heaven on a beetle, he himself gives us out of Aisop’s fables ;
Ev τοισιν Awwrov Aoyous εξηυρεθη Movos πετεινων εἰς Θεους αφιγμενος"
and he adds another, which shews his ceconomy and prudence; for he says, that had he used any other vehicle, he must have carried twice the provision, whereas this animal will feed on what he himself had digested.
146. The Bellerophon of Euripides introduced lame after his fall.
218. Hv exwpev τὴν IlvAov. This seems to allude
PAX. 21
to the Athenians refusing to restore Pylus after the ratification of the truce, Ol. 89. 4. See Thucyd. L. 5, 35.
236. Tas γναθους adynoere, ie. In eating the Μύυττωτος which he is cooking for them.
342. The best account of the Κοτταβισμος is in the Scholia, and at v. 1241.
363. Prisoners condemned to death were executed one only in a day, and drew lots who should die first.
373. Those who would be initiated at Eleusis sacri- ficed a pig, which cost three drachmz. (See also Plat. Rep. L. 2. 378.)
413. The eclipse of the sun, Ol. 88. 4, mentioned by Thucydides ; and in the Nubes, v. 584. 449. Keil τις στρατηγειν, &c. This (as the Scholiast says) is a reflection perhaps on Alcibiades, but un- doubtedly on Lamachus, who was always strenuous for continuing the war.
456. Mars and Enyalius were two different divinities. (See Sophocles, Ajax, v. 179.)
465. The Beeotians refused to come into the truce with Athens. See Thucyd. L. 5. 17.
530. The musick of Sophocles praised. Euripides’s little sentences and short replies. ;
642. “Arr av διαβαλοι, ἄς. This alludes to sick stomachs, which are most inclined to eat what is most prejudicial to them.
697. Simonides and Sophocles, now an old man; their avarice.
699. This is not to be literally understood ; for ‘Cratinus was alive seven years after the invasion of
22 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
Attica by the Spartans, but he had given himself up to drinking, and declined in his parts and reputation.
712. The senate seemed to have named the Θεωροῖ, that is, the Areopagus, as I imagine.
728, The chorus here (as in Acharnens. v. 626.) pull off their iwaria, or mantles, or upper garments, that they may dance the Parabasis, or the anapeestick digres- sion, with more ease.
735, Aristophanes banished (as he says) low ribaldry from the stage, and made comedy an art; he attacked without fear the most powerful men, particularly Cleon. Carcinus and his sons, Morsimus and Melanthius, tragick poets, satirized. Ion of Chius, his hymn on the morning star: now lately dead. See the account of him in the Scholia.
756. These verses are repeated from the Nubes, which proves that drama to have been exploded.
884. Ariphrades: his strange lust.
951. Cheeris, the tibicen. Morychus and Melanthius ; their gluttony. Parody from the Medea of the latter. Stilbides and Hierocles of Oreus, professed prophets. Bacis; three of that name (Schol.), a Beeotian, an Athenian, and an Arcadian. Sibylla, her prophecies.
966. Ceremonies in sacrificing: extinguishing a lighted torch in the water, with which they washed ; carrying the vessel with barley, a garland, and knife in it, round the altar to the right ; throwing whole barley among the people, &c. It appears (see Thesmoph. v. 402. and Aves, 795) that women were present in the theatres, which is amazing, when one considers the extreme indecency, not of words alone, but of actions,
PAX. 23
in these spectacles. The preceding scene at v. 881, is a more than common instance of it. See also Lysis- trata, v. 1095.
Possibly the chorus, not the audience, might be in part composed of women, for it is they who are called ot Θεωμενοι. The sacrificer asked before the libation, Tus τηδε ; and the standers-by replied IloAXo1 κᾳγαθοι: then they sprinkled them with the holy water, and begun the prayer; after which they cut the victim’s throat: (1018. he calls it tov ow. Is this a general name for all victims, or should one read τὸ θῦμα ἢ it appears to be a sheep, not a hog: the Schol. at verse 1019 sacrifice to Peace without any victim in the fes- tival called Συνοικεσια.) Then having dressed the victim and piled wood on the altar, they offered up the two, sprinkling them with wine and oil and barley flour (ta θυληματα). The Mavreis wore laurel-crowns.
1056. Aye νυν amapxov, ἄο. The Απαργμα seems to be the first cut, due to the Mavris. After the offer- ing they dressed the inward parts and the tongue, made their libation, and then eat them.
1240. A cuirass was worth ten mine; a trumpet, sixty drachme ; a helmet, one mina.
1253. Συρμαια, an Egyptian purge. See Thesmoph. 864. In this play one would imagine, that the scene must change at v. 179, (where Trygeus arrives at the gates of heaven mounted on his winged steed), and from thence to v. 829, it lies in heaven: but how the chorus get thither I cannot imagine, as they have no hippo-canthari (or horse-beetles) to carry them to that place.
24 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
OBSERVATION,
Bentley dates the time of the action of this play as above, Ol. 90. 2. Palmerius dates it a year sooner, Ol. 90. 1.; Sam. Petitus two years earlier, Ol. 89. 3. Archonte Alczo; and I cannot but think the last to be in the right. What the two former chiefly go upon, are these lines :
Οἱ cov τρυχομεθ᾽ ηδὴ Τρια και Sex’ ετη--- This, I think, Petitus has answered by saying, that the poet himself, v. 605, places the beginning of the war three years higher than the common account, that is, from the declaration against Megara, Ol. 86. 2. Archonte Antilochida, which was the first cause of the Pelopon- nesian war. So that this drama appeared during the Dionysia, which immediately preceded the truce, (men- tioned by Thucydides, L. 5. c. 20) when it was on the point of being concluded, and before the Spartan prisoners, taken at Sphacteria, were restored, as the following lines seem to intimate ; Ap’ ow’, ὅσοι γ᾽ αυτων εχονται Tov Evdov Movor προθυμοῦντ᾽" aAN ὁ χαλκεὺς ovk εᾶ:
which the Scholiast rightly explains of these captives, though Palmerius makes light of their interpretation, and tries to give the passage quite another sense, under- standing the words, exovtas του EvAov, of the Tewpyor, and ὁ χαλκεὺς of the armourer, who lived by the war ; not reflecting that the words undoubtedly relate to the Lacedeemonians, among whom these arts belonged only to slaves, whose inclinations could have no influence in determining the state either to war or to peace. And besides in the lines 270 and 280, and 311, (EvAaBew
PAX. 25
“ἐκεῖνον tov Κερβερον, &c.), there could be no manner of humour, if we imagine Brasidas and Cleon to have been dead three years. Whereas Ol. 89. 3. in spring-time, it was but a few months from the battle of Amphipolis, which happened at the end of the summer before. As to that line, 294, IIpu ἕτερον av δοιδυκα, &e. it may as well be understood of Lamachus, Hyperbolus, or any other favourer of the war, as of Alcibiades ; or if it be applied to him, what occasion is there to think it is meant of his Στρατηγια in Peloponnesus (Ol. 90. 1)? What is said of the Argives at v. 474, and 492, is only a reproach for the neutrality which they had observed during the war; or their inclinations might well be suspected even at this time, before they had actually formed a new confederacy against Sparta, as it after- wards happened. For what could be more natural, than that a powerful state, which by long peace had been for many years acquiring new strength, while their ancient enemies had been continually weakening themselves by war, should (at a time when their truce with Sparta was on the point of expiring) attempt to form a league by drawing their discontented allies from them, and setting themselves at the head of a new confederacy, which necessarily must kindle a new war in Greece. As to the aversion the Boeotians and Megarensians had to peace (mentioned ν. 465 and 480) see Thucydides, L. 5.17. As tov. 210. Exetvov πολλακις σπονδας ποιουν- των, it alludes to the Spartan offer of a truce, Ol. 88. 4, which was rejected ; and the suspension of arms agreed upon ΟἹ. 89. 1, and ill-observed, the Lacedzmonians continuing their conquests in Thrace.
AVES.
This Comedy was acted Ol. 91. 2. Archonte Chabria in Dionysiis τοις kar aotv. It was judged the second best; the Com- aste of Ameipsias being the first.
THE PLAN! OF THE AVES.
Kuelpides and Pistheterus, two ancient Athenians, thoroughly weary of the folly, injustice, and litigious temper of their countrymen, determine to leave Attica for good and all; and having heard much of the fame of Epops, king of the birds, who was once a man under the name of Tereus, and had married an Athenian lady, they pack up a few necessary utensils, and set out for the court of that prince under the conduct of a jay and a raven, birds of great distinction in augury, without whose direction the Greeks never undertook any thing of consequence. Their errand is to enquire of the birds, who are the greatest travellers of any nation, where they may meet with a quiet easy settlement, far from all prosecutions, law-suits, and sycophant informers, to pass the remainder of their lives in peace and liberty.
1 Perhaps the reader may be inclined to think with the editor, that the plan, or detailed argument, of the Aves is drawn up
with such peculiar vivacity, pointed humour, and originality of manner, as to be a model of its kind.—[MATuIaAs. ]
AVES. 27
Beth. Se, 1.
The scene is a wild unfrequented country, which terminates in mountains: there the old men are seen, accompanied by two slaves who carry their little baggage, fatigued and fretting at the carelessness of their guides, who, though they cost them a matter of a groat in the market, are good for nothing but to bite them by the fingers, and lead them out of the way. They travel on however, till they come to the foot of the rocks, which stop up their passage, and put them to their wit’s end. Here the raven croaks, and the jay chatters, and looks up into the air, as much as to say, that this is the place : upon which they knock with a stone, and with their heels, (as though it were against a door,) against the side of the mountain.
Act 1. Scene 2.
Trochilus, a bird that waits upon Epops, appears above; he is frighted at the sight of two men, and they are much more so at the length of his beak and the fierceness of his aspect. He takes them for fowlers ; and they insist upon it, that they are not men, but birds. In their confusion, their guides, whom they held in a string, escape and fly away. Epops, during this, within is asleep, after having dined upon a dish of beetles and berries: their noise wakens him, and he comes out of the grove.
Scene 3.
At the strangeness of his figure they are divided between fear and laughing. ‘They tell him their errand,
28 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.,
and he gives them the choice of several cities fit for their purpose, one particularly on the coast of the Red Sea, all which they refuse for many comical reasons. He tells them the happiness of living among the birds ; they are much pleased with the liberty and simplicity of it; and Pisthetzrus, a shrewd old fellow, proposes a scheme to improve it, and make them a far more power- ful and considerable nation.
Scene 4.
Epops is struck with the project, and calls up his consort, the nightingale, to summon all his people together with her voice. They sing a fine ode: the birds come flying down, at first one by one, and perch here and there about the scene ; and at last the chorus in a whole body, come hopping, and fluttering, and twittering in.
Scene 5.
At the sight of the two men, they are in great tumult, and think that their king has betrayed them to the enemy. They determine to tear the two old men to pieces, draw themselves up in battle-array, and are giving the word to fall on. Euelpides and Pisthetzrus, in all the terrours of death, after upbraiding each the other for bringing him into such distress, and trying in vain to escape, assume courage from mere despair, seize upon the kitchen-furniture which they had brought with them, and armed with pipkins for helmets, and with spits for lances, they present a resolute front to the enemy’s phalanx.
AVES. 29
Act 1. Scene 6.
On the point of battle Epops interposes, pleads hard for his two guests, who are, he says, his wife’s relations, and people of wonderful abilities, and well-affected to their commonwealth. His eloquence has its effect ; the birds grow less violent, they enter into a truce with the old men, and both sides lay down their arms. Pisthe- teerus, upon the authority of Ausop’s fables, proves to them the great antiquity of their nation; that they were born before the creation of the earth, and before the gods, and once reigned over all countries, as he shows from several testimonies and monuments of different nations: that, the cock wears his tiara erect, like the Persian king, and that all mankind start out of their beds at his command ; that, when the kite makes his first appearance in the spring, every one prostrate themselves on the ground before it ; that, the Egyptians and Phoenicians set about their harvest, as soon as the cuckoo is heard ; that, all kings bear an eagle on their sceptre, and many of the gods carry a bird on their head ; that, many great men swear by the goose, &e. ke. When he has revived in them the memory of their ancient empire, he laments their present despicable condition, and the affronts put upon them by mankind. They are convinced of what he says, applaud his oration, and desire his advice.
Act 1. Scene 7.
He proposes that they shall unite, and build a city in the mid-air, whereby all commerce will effectually be stopped, between heaven and earth: the gods will no longer be able to visit at ease their Semeles and Alec-
30 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
meenas below, nor feast on the fume of sacrifices daily sent up to them, nor men enjoy the benefit of the seasons, nor the fruits of the earth, without permission from those winged deities of the middle region. He shows how mankind will lose nothing by this change of government; that the birds may be worshipped at a far less expense, nothing more than a few berries or a handful of corn; that they will need no sumptuous temples ; that by their great knowledge of futurity they will direct their good votaries in all their expeditions, so as they can never fail of success; that the ravens, famed for the length of their lives, may make a present of a century or two to their worshippers; and besides the birds will ever be within call, when invoked, and not sit pouting in the clouds, and keeping their state so many miles off. The scheme is highly admired, and the two old men are to be made free of the city, and each of them is to be adorned with a pair of wings at the publick charge. Epops invites them to his nest- royal, and entertains them nobly. The nightingale in the mean time joins the chorus without, and the Para- basis begins. They sing their own nobility and ancient grandeur, their prophetick skill, the benefits they do mankind already, and all the good which they design them ; they descant upon the power of musick, in which they are such great masters, and intermix many strokes of satire ; they shew the advantages of flying, and apply it to several whimsical cases ; and they invite all such, as would be free from the heavy tyranny of human laws, to live among them, where it is no sin to beat one’s father, or to lie with one’s mother, &c. &e.
AVES. 31
Act 2. Scene 1.
The old men now become birds, and magnificently fledged, after laughing a while at the new and awkward figure they make, consult about the name which they shall give to their rising city, and fix upon that of Nephelococcygia: and while one goes to superintend the workmen, the other prepares to sacrifice for the prosperity of the city, which is growing apace.
Scene 2. They begin a solemn prayer to all the birds of . Olympus, putting the swan in the place of Apollo, the cock in that of Mars, and the ostrich in that of the great mother Cybele, &c.
Scene 3.
A miserable poet, having already heard of the new settlement, comes with some lyrick poetry which he has composed on this great occasion. Pisthetzrus knows his errand from his looks, and makes them give him an old coat; but not contented with that, he begs to have the waistcoat to it, in the elevated style of Pindar ; they comply, and get rid of him.
Scene 4.
The sacrifice is again interrupted by a begging pro- phet, who brings a cargo of oracles, partly relating to the prosperity of the city of Nephelococcygia, and partly to a new pair of shoes, of which he is in extreme want. Pisthetzerus loses patience, and cuffs him and his religious trumpery off the stage.
32 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
Scene 5,
Meto, the famous geometrician, comes next and offers a plan, which he has drawn, for the new build- ings, with much importance and impertinence: he meets with as bad a reception as the prophet.
Act 2. Scene 6 and 7.
An ambassador, or licensed spy from Athens, arrives, and a legislator with a body of new laws. They are used with abundance of indignity, and go off threatening every body with a prosecution. The sacred rites being so often interrupted, they are forced to remove their altar, and finish them behind the scenes. The chorus rejoice in their own increasing power; and (as about the time of the Dionysia it was usual to make pro- clamation against the enemies of the republick) they set a price upon the head of a famous poulterer, who has exercised infinite cruelties upon their friends and brethren: then they turn themselves to the judges and spectators, and promise, if this drama obtain the victory, how propitious they will be to them.
Act 3. Scene 1.
Pistheteerus returns, and reports, that the sacrifice appears auspicious to their undertaking: a messenger then enters with an account how quick the works advance, and whimsically describes the employments allotted to the several birds, in different parts of the building. ce
Scene 2.
Another messenger arrives in a violent hurry, to tell
AVES. 33
how somebody from heaven has deceived the vigilance of the jack-daws, who were upon guard, and passed through the gates down into the lower air; but that a whole squadron of light-winged forces were in pursuit of this insolent person, and hoped to fetch him back again. The birds are in great perturbation, and all in a flutter about it.
Scene 3.
This person proves to be Iris, who in her return is stopped short, and seized by order of Pistheteerus. He examines her, where is her passport? Whether she had leave from the watch? What is her business? Who she is? in short, he treats her with great authority. She tells her name, and that she was sent by Jove with orders to mankind, that they should keep holiday, and perform a grand sacrifice: she wonders at their sauci- ness and madness, and threatens them with all her father’s thunder. The governour of Nephelococcygia returns it with higher menaces, and with language very indecent indeed for a goddess and a maid to hear: however, with much-ado, she carries off her virginity safe, but in a terrible passion.
Act 3. Scene 4.
The herald, who had been dispatched to the lower world, returns with an account that all Athens was gone bird-mad ; that it was grown a fashion to imitate them in their names and manners; and that shortly they might expect to see a whole convoy arrive, in order to settle among them. The chorus run to fetch
VOI. IV. D
34 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,
a vast cargo of feathers and wings to equip their new citizens, when they come.
Scene 5,
The first, who appears, is a profligate young fellow, who hopes to enjoy a liberty, which he could not enjoy so well at home, the liberty of beating his father. Pisthetzerus allows it indeed to be the custom of his people ; but at the same time informs him of an ancient law preserved among the storks, that they shall maintain their parents in their old age. This is not at all agree- able to the youth : however in consideration of his affec- tion for the Nephelococcygians, Pistheterus furnishes him with a feather for his helmet, and a cock’s spur for a weapon, and advises him, as he seems to be of a very military turn, to go into the army in Thrace.
Scene 6,
The next is Cinesias, the dithyrambick writer, who is delighted with the thought of living among the clouds, amidst those airy regions, whence all his poetical flights are derived ; but Pisthetzrus will have no such animal among his birds: he drives him back to Athens with great contempt.
Act 3. Scene 7.
He then drives away also (but not without a severe whipping) an informer, who, for the better dispatch of business, and. to avoid highwaymen and bad roads, comes to beg a pair of wings to carry him round the islands and cities subject to Athens, whose inhabitants
AVES. 35
he is used to swear against for an honest livelihood, as did, he says, his fathers before him. The birds, in the ensuing chorus, relate their travels, and describe the strange things and strange men they have seen in them.
Act 4. Scene 1.
A person in disguise, with all the appearance of caution and fear, comes to enquire for Pisthetzrus, to whom he discovers himself to be Prometheus, and tells him (but first he makes them hold a large umbrella over his head for fear Jupiter should spy him) that the gods are all in a starving miserable condition: and, what is worse, that the barbarian gods (who live no one knows where, in a part of heaven far beyond the gods of Greece) threaten to make war upon them, unless they will open the ports, and renew the inter- course between mankind and them, as of old. He advises Pisthetzerus to make the most of this intelli- gence, and to reject all offers boldly, which Jupiter may make him, unless he will consent to restore to the birds their ancient power, and give him in marriage his favourite attendant, Basiléa.! This said, he slips back again to heaven, as he came. The chorus continue an account of their travels.
Act 4. Scene 2.
An embassy arrives from heaven consisting of Her- cules, Neptune, and a certain Triballian god. As they approach the city walls, Neptune is dressing and scold-
1 2,6. Sovereignty.
36 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
ing at the outlandish divinity, and teaching him how to carry himself a little decently. They find Pisthe- terus busy in giving orders about a dish of wild fowl (i.e. of birds which had been guilty of high mis- demeanours, and condemned to die by the publick) which are dressing for his dinner. Hercules, who before was for wringing off the head of this audacious mortal without farther conference, finds himself insensibly relent, as he snuffs the savoury steam. He salutes Pisthetzerus, who receives them very coldly, and is more attentive to his kitchen than to their compliment ; Neptune opens his commission ; owns that his nation (the gods) are not the better for this war, and on reasonable terms would be glad of a peace. Pisthe- teerus, according to the advice of Prometheus, proposes (as if to try them) the first condition, namely, that of Jupiter’s restoring to the birds their ancient power ; and, if this should be agreed to, he says, that he hopes to entertain my lords the ambassadors at dinner. Her- cules, pleased with this last compliment, so agreeable to his appetite, comes readily into all he asks; but is severely reproved by Neptune for his gluttony. Pisthe- teerus argues the point, and shews how much it would be for the mutual interests of both nations; and Neptune is hungry enough to be glad of some reason- able pretence to give the thing up. The Triballian god is asked his opinion for form: he mutters some- what, which nobody understands, and so it passes for his consent. Here they are going in to dinner, and all is well ; when Pisthetzrus bethinks himself of the match with Basilea. This makes Neptune fly out again: he
a ee ee συν, ν
AVES. 37
will not hear of it; he will return home instantly ; but Hercules cannot think of leaving a good meal so; he is ready to acquiesce in any conditions. His colleague attempts to shew him that he is giving up his patri- mony for a dinner ; and what will become of him after Jupiter’s death, if the birds are to have everything during his life-time. Pisthetzerus clearly proves to Her- cules that this is a mere imposition ; that by the laws of Solon a bastard has no inheritance; that if Jove died without legitimate issue, his brothers would suc- ceed to his estate, and that Neptune speaks only out of interest. Now the Triballian god is again to deter- mine the matter; they interpret his jargon as favour- able to them; so Neptune is forced to give up the point, and Pisthetzrus goes with him and the barbarian to heaven to fetch his bride, while Hercules stays behind to take care that the roast meat is not spoiled.
Act 5. Scene the first and last.
A messenger returns with the news of the approach of Pisthetzrus and his bride; and accordingly they appear in the air in a splendid machine, he with Jove’s thunderbolt in his hand, and by his side Basiléa magni- ficently adorned : the birds break out into loud songs of exultation as they descend, and conclude the drama with their Hymenzeal.
The end of the Plan of the Aves,
NOTES ON THE AVES.
103. The birds of the drama had only the head, wings, and beak of the fowl which they represented.
115. Why is Tereus said to have been in debt ?
126. This is the Aristocrates, who afterwards was one of the four hundred, mentioned by Thucydides, L. 8. 89, and by Lysias in his oration against Eratosthenes.
v. 51. Acestor, called Sacas, a tragick poet, pre- tended to be a citizen of Athens.
151. Melanthius, the poet, had a leprosy.
180. IIoAos. This word was used at this time for the whole heavens. Xaos, the void space of air. (v. 1218.)
223. AvAe τις. These words are not in the drama, but are a Ilapervypady, a direction written on the side to signify, that an air is played on the flute, in imita- tion of the nightingale.
276. The second Tyro of Sophocles. Philocles called Halmion, the son of Philopeithes, and a sister of Aischylus, wrote comedy. Philocles, the tragick poet, was the son of Astydamus, the son of Morsimus, the son of the former Philocles. Another of the same name and profession, his contemporary.
285. Callias, his luxury and poverty noted. Pal- merius here gives a genealogy of the family.
AVES. 39
293. Schol. The Διαυλος was to run twice the length of the Stadium ; the AoAcxos, seven times.
298. Here the twenty-four persons, who form the comick chorus, are all enumerated, as they enter under the form of as many birds. They are, as follow: a partridge, a godwit, a guinea-hen, a male and female haleyon, an owl, a woodpecker, a turtle, a tit-lark, a pigeon, a hawk, a stock-dove, a cuckow, a dive-dapper, and ten more, of which I know not the English names ; an EAeds, an Ὕποθυμις, a Neptos, an Epv@porovs, a Κεβληπυρις, a Pyvyn, an Αμπελις, a Πορῴφυρις, a Apvoy, and Kepxvijs. There are also several mute personages, perched here and there to adorn the scene ; a flamingo, a Median bird, (perhaps a kind of pheasant), though it appears that this bird, under the name of Pacvavixos from v. 68, was known at that time, a hoopee, a Karwdayas.
437. Schol. The Andromache and the Phenissz of Euripides were not acted till after the Aves.
471. Silly fable of ASsop. 485. The cock, called the Persian bird.
494. The festival was on the tenth day after the child’s birth, at which time they named it. See v. 924,
501. The custom of rolling on the ground, when they first saw a kite in the spring-time. In Egypt, and in Pheenicia, they began their harvest as soon as the cuckow is heard.
510. The figure of a bird was placed on the top of royal sceptres (Schol. on v. 1354.) the Scholiasts say, an eagle. The statues of Minerva were with an owl,
40 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,
those of Jupiter with an eagle, of Apollo with a hawk on their heads, &c.
519. In sacrifices they first laid the inwards of the victim upon the hands of the deity, and then eat them.
521. The Nemesis of Cratinus was written long after this play.
653. The fable of Archilochus, attributed, like all other such fables, to Aisop.
670. Progne (for it was she, not Philomel, according to our poet, who was transformed to a nightingale) was represented by some famous AvAyrpis of those times, who accompanied the chorus with her flute.
716. Χλαινα, a winter garment. Axnédos or Ληδαριον, one for the summer.
750. Phrynichus, the tragick poet, was said to borrow his musick from the nightingale,
760. They used artificial spurs for fighting-cocks, as now, called IIAnxtpa. (Schol. on v. 1365.)
780. Hence I should imagine that these spectacles were exhibited in the forenoon. There was a place in the theatre assigned to the senate, called To BovAev- τικον, and another to the youth under age, named EdnBixov.
800. The myrmidons of Aischylus. 808. The eagle and arrow from Aischylus, who calls it a Lybian fable.
843. Schol. The Palamedes of Euripides was acted a little before this, which joined to Aélian’s testimony, Var. Hist. Lib. 2. 8, proves the falseness of that story concerning the application of some lines in that drama to the death of Socrates, which did not happen till sixteen years after. This passage in the Scholiast
a a ὰνδν τὰν νὰν ὍΝ
AVES. 41
supports Ailian, and makes the emendation of 8. Petitus (ad Thesmophoruzas) of no account.
880. Alludes to the custom at Athens of praying jointly for their own state and that of Chios.
920. The style of the dithyrambick poets, Simonides and Pindar, &c., laughed at.
934, Σπολας, an upper garment made of skins.
942. In the fragment of Pindar, for ὥτρατων, read Στρατος ; after axAens «Ba, something is wanting.
967. Ovdev ovov ἐστι, means here, nothing hinders.
995. Meto, the geometrician, ridiculed.
1023. ἔπισκοποι, a sort of deputies sent from Athens to inspect the allied cities, like the Spartan “Appoora:, as the Scholiast says.
1025. PavAov βιβλιον TeAeov. The Scholiast says nothing upon this, nor any one else. Teleas, a bad author.
1036. Eav 6 Νεφελοκοκκυγιευς, ἄς. This is the beginning of a new law made on the occasion.
1073. Ishould imagine that the proclamation against Diagoras was made this very year during the Dionysia. (See Andocides de Mysteriis, p. 13), or that perhaps might be the time, when such proclamations against the publick enemies were made during these assemblies.
1114. Μηνισκοι. These were plates of brass with which they shaded the heads of statues to guard them from the weather and the birds.
1149. Ὑπαγωγευς. The name of a trowel, or some such instrument, but of a forked form, I imagine, like a swallow’s tail. Ὥσπερ παιδια alludes to some children’s
play.
- 42 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
1157. I read, IleAekwvrwv, instead of Πελεκαντων.
1200. The part of Iris, played by some courtezan, which is not, as in the [rene and others, a mute personage.
1282. Eowxparovv. It seems, that it was now a sort of fashion in Athens, to imitate Socrates in his dress and manner, and to talk philosophy.
1294. This cannot relate (as Palmerius, deceived by the pseudo-Plutarch who wrote the life of Lycurgus, imagines) to that orator, who probably was not born at the time when this comedy was written. 1296. Che- repho, called Nuxrepis. |
1338. A parody of the Cinomaus of Sophocles. 1374. Cynesias, a bad dithyrambick writer, called Φιλυρινος, and why: he was lame. Parody of Alczus and Simonides. |
1485-93. Schol. The heroes who are supposed to walk in the night, and strike with blindness, or with some other mischief, any who met them. The persons, who past by their fanes, always kept silence.
1493. Ta επιδεξιας. The nobler parts, the head and the eyes.
1508. Σκιαδιον, an umbrella, used by the Κανηφοροι, to keep off the sun in processions.
1655. The law by which a father could not give his natural son by will more than five mine.
1675. Disputes between plenipotentiaries, deter- mined by the majority. ee
1728. Alludes to the Troades of Euripides. ~
1762. The hymn of Archilochus to Hercules Cal-
linicus.
0 a ne ee
THESMOPHORIAZUSA
Acted Ol. 92.1. Archon: Callia, V. Palmerium. What Petitus says here, is all wrong.
3. Tov σπλῆνα κομιδῆ pe ἐκβαλειν, I imagine he means with coughing; for it is a cold winter’s morning.
109. It cannot be the Chorus who accompany Agatho in his hymn here; if it were, they must hear all the distress of Euripides, and see Mnesilochus dressed up to deceive themselves. Therefore,-it must be some of Agatho’s admirers, like himself, dressed up in female habits ; or it may be a chorus whom he is instructing to perform in some tragedy of his own ; or perhaps, the Muses who (as the servant says, v. 40) are come to make a visit to his master.
Agatho, the tragick poet, is derided for his effeminacy and affectation. Euripides, his abuse of women.
142. The Lycurgia of Aischylus parodied.
175. Philocles, Xenocles, Theognis, the dramatick poets, ridiculed. |
201. The Alcestis of Euripides parodied. He is said to have preached up atheism in his tragedies.
~ 260. Kpoxwros, a woman’s vest, or under-garment, which they girt with the =rpodcov under their breast. (So in Catullus, “et tereti Strophio luctantes vincta
44 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,
papillas.”) On their head they wore the Kexpuvdados, bound about with a Mucrpa or broad fillet. On some occasions they used a Κεφαλη περιθετος, or Pevaxn, (see Plutus, Schol. on v. 271.) like a tower (tot compagibus altum edificat caput, Juv. Sat. 6. v. 501.) or a peruke with the head-dress fastened on it. Over their vest they threw the ἔγκυκλος, a broad flowing robe. In ν. 270, Χαλαρα γοῦν χαιρεις φορῶν ; is said by Mnesilochus : Agatho answers in the next line; 2v τουτο, &c.
554. The Melanippe and Hippolytus of Euripides : his Palamedes represented as writing on the fragments of oars, and throwing them into the sea.
654. Ισθμον τιν᾽ exerts. Kusterus is mistaken here: there are instances, in Thucydides and elsewhere, of ships drawn by land over the isthmus of Corinth.
811. Ναυσιμαχης pev—and 815. AAN Ἑυβουλης. The explanation which Palmerius gives of these two passages from history is very good and ingenious. Aristomache and Stratonice are, as I fancy, the names of two famous courtezans.
818. Zevyes es πολιν---ελθοι, To whom does this relate? The Cleophon (V. Isocrat. de Pace, 174.) here mentioned, and in the Ranz, was put to death Ol. 93. 4. during the siege of Athens by the party who had a mind to settle an oligarchy there. See his history in Lysias, Orat. in Agoratum, p. 234. and Orat. in Nico- machum, p. 476.
847. Lamachus was slain in Sicily about two years before this, and Hyperbolus was murdered at Samos in this very year.
855. That tragedy bad and insipid. Parody of the
—- - i - =
THESMOPHORIAZUSA. 45
Helena, and of the Andromeda. Echo introduced into it answering to the lamentations of Andromeda.
883. Proteas, the son of Epicles, is twice mentioned by Thucydides, as Στρατηγος commanding at sea, particularly Ol. 87. 2.: and he died, as it appears here, about Ol. 89. 3.
1069. The Andromeda of Euripides was played the year before this.
LYSISTRATA.
In Lenzis, Mense Posideone. Archonte Callia,
v. 2. The feasts of Pan, of Venus Colias, and of Genetyllis, celebrated by the women with tympana, &c., like the Bacchanalian ceremonies.
58. Ovde IlapaXrwv, ovd εκ Σαλαμῖνος. This alludes to the two ships so called, which were the fleetest sailors of all the Athenian navy.
64. Ta ’κατιον. qu. Τούκατειον ἢ i.e. to “Ἑκατειον. The statue of Hecate, which was consulted by some persons about the success of any undertaking.
109. OdAw Pos. A Milesian manufacture of leather.
150. Linen tunicks of Amorgos, transparent.
174. The thousand talents in the Acropolis, called to Αβυσσον.
229. Ta Ilepovxa. Persian slippers, worn by the Athenian women.
The double chorus in this play is remarkable, one of old men, the other of women.
598. AXAX ὅστις ἐστι, &c. There seems to be some- thing wanting here.
633. Καὶ φορησω to Epos. This alludes to the Scolion of Harmodius and Aristogéiton. Ev puprov κλαδὶ To Expos φορησω, &e., preserved by Athenzeus, L. 1b.. p.. 695.
LYSISTRATA. 47
643. "Hppipopovv. A double meaning, quasi dix- isset, αρρενοφόρειν. ᾿Αλετρις also.
678. ‘Immixwratov yap, &c. This alludes to what they called Κελητιζειν.
736. Apopyis, ἡ λινοκαλαμη, a fine kind of flax, ὑπερ THV βυσσον, ἢ ΤῊν καρπαάσον. TVX.
760. Οῴφις otxovpos, The serpent which lived in Minerva’s temple. Owls also roosted there.
801. Την Aoxpyv. It appears that men wore no drawers or breeches under their tunick.
981. Conisalus, a deity of Athens, like Priapus.
1043. It is remarkable, that no one is abused by name here, except a very few infamous and low people. Pisander indeed is mentioned ; so that this drama must have been either before or after the oligarchy of the Four Hundred.
1150. Adaros ka: xaXos. Perhaps this should be, ΛΑῴφατον, ὡς καλος : I do not understand this, as Pal- merius does. They excuse themselves upon the great beauty of Attica, which would tempt any man to enjoy it. The next verse, Ὕμας δ᾽ αφησειν, &e., no body explains.
1171. Tov Εἰχινοῦντα, και τον Μηλιᾶ κολπον. These places are named for the sake of the double meaning. The Scholiasts ad Vespas tell us, that ὑχῖνος is used for the belly of an ox: Μῆλον for any round protuber- ance, like the breasts, or hinder parts of a woman.
1191. All this is very obscure, like the chorus, 1042, and upon the same subject. During this short interval the Spartans and Athenian plenipotentiaries have been entertained by Lysistrata. It is the chorus of women,
48 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
and not she, who say all this from ν. 1191 to 1218. : Who the servant is chasing away, I do not perceive, : unless it be the crowd of people who come to receive corn at the door.
The chorus in the end, and in several scenes of the play, are remarkable examples of the true Spartan Dorick.
RAN A.
Ol. 98. 8. In Lenzis, Mense Posidzeone. Archonte Callia post Antigenem.
Spanheim, in his introduction to his notes, has shewn, contrary to what Palmerius, Petitus, and others imagined, that there were comedies, as well as tragedies, performed four times in the year in the Panathenza, the Lena, the Dionysia κατ᾽ aorv, and the Anthes- teria: that during this last festival they were exhibited in the Pireeus, in the theatre built there ; and that the Lenzea were kept as well in the city, as in the country, in a place called the Lenzeum.
v. 14. Phrynichus, Ameipsias, and Lycis, comick writers, are here satirized for their low and common- place jokes.
48, Clisthenes, the son of Symbirtius, if not 2rpa- Tyyos, as the Scholiasts say, at Arginusz, was at least a Trierarch,
53. The Andromeda of Euripides. That poet was lately dead.
73. Iophon, the son of Sophocles and Nicostrata, wrote tragedy with applause in his father’s life-time ; he was suspected of exhibiting his father’s dramas in his own name. The Cineus of Euripides parodied. Sophocles was dead not long since. The simplicity
VOL, TV. E
50 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,
and easiness of his nature opposed to the cunning of Euripides. Agatho was now at the court of Archelaus.
79. It is plain, that Sophocles was just dead, and that Iophon, his son, had not yet published anything since his death.
86. Xenocles, the son of Carcinus, and Pythangelus, tragick writers, are mentioned with contempt. That kind of poets were then very numerous at Athens. The Alcmena of Euripides, and his Alexandra, and Ὁ Hippolytus, also the Melanippe of Sophocles are alluded to.
104. Read ὡς και μοι δοκει, instead of σοι.
126. This is the usual effect of the cicuta, as Plato describes it in his Pheedo.
131. The three Λαμπαδηδρομιαι celebrated in the Ceramicus, to Minerva, to Vulcan, and to Prometheus.
141. It is sure from the Vespz, and from other plays, that in Cleon’s time the Μισθος δικαστικος was three oboli: probably after his death, or when the republick began to decline, it might be again reduced to two oboli.
193. Περι των κρεῶν. The Scholia and the Com- mentators make out nothing here to one’s satisfaction.
233. Schol. The strings of the lyre were made of the sinews of animals, and more anciently, as now, of their intestines ; whence they were called Xopédaz,
235. Ὕπολυριον. The bridge or some part of the lyre, made of a reed, afterwards of horn, as it seems. It is remarkable that the chorus of frogs does not appear, but is heard only, and that in a single scene, though the play takes its name from them. The true
RAN A, 51
chorus of the drama consists of the ghosts of the initi- ated, the Mvora:, and enters not before v. 319.
295. A description of the phantom, called Empusa.
305. Hegelochus was an actor in the Orestes of Euripides. From this story of him, it should seem, that in pronouncing words joined by a synalepha, they did not use totally to drop the vowel in the end of the first, but liquefied it, as it were, into the following. Otherwise, I do not conceive what difference there could be between the sound of yaAnv ὁρῶ, and γαλῆν ὁρῶ.
323. The profanation of the mysteries by Diagoras.
369. Alluding to Cynesias, the dithyrambick writer.
370. Ἡ τους μισθους των ποίητων, &c. seems to mean some attempt made by an orator (the Schol. on v. 103. of the Ecclesiasuzz, say Archinus) to reduce the expense of the Choregi by limiting the sum they gave to their poets: and the two distinct persons (as Aristotle says in the Schol. 406.) under this Archon, were ordered to furnish the tragick and the comick chorus, which before were at the expense of one. This drama then was played a little before that order; and as the publick had suffered greatly by the war the chorusses were but poorly furnished out. From v. 412, it appears that the chorus consisted of both sexes.
431. The Callias, who was now Archon, could not be the son of Hipponicus, as he is here ridiculed by name; unless the change of his father’s name into Hippobinus might save the poet from the law. (See also v. 504.)
475, Alludes to the Theseus of Euripides.
Or bo
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
478, 'αρτησια, παῤ ὑπονοιαν for Taprapw, Μυραινα is to be understood, as some demon very dismal, derived from Μυρεσθαι; at the same time to raise laughter ; the obvious meaning being nothing, but lampreys caught and salted on the Spanish coast, and imported by the Phcenicians perhaps into Greece.
490. These two uses of a sponge are easily compre- hended from the Scholia.
504. The temple of Hercules Αλεξικακος at Melite, a Anpos of Attica. Initiated there in the lesser mysteries—founded during the plague. Statue by Ageladas the Argive, the scholar of Phidias. Callias had a house at Melite.
511. A manner of civilly refusing a thing: Ezauvw, καλλιστα. πανυ καλως.
546. See the history of Theramenes. Schol.
631. The horrid manner of torturing slaves, viz. Ky κλιμακι Snoas, binding them down with their back on a pair of stairs, as it seems, or on a ladder; hang- ing them up by the arms; scourging them with the ὑστριξ, a whip made of leather with the bristles on it ; stretching them on the wheel; pouring vinegar up the nostrils; pressing, by laying a weight of bricks on them, ὅσ. &e.!!!
674. The iambicks of Ananias. The Laocoon of Sophocles.. The Antzeus of Phrynichus.
700. The poet’s advice, given in this place, was actually followed the year after this, when, upon the battle of Algos-Potami, and the siege of Athens, a decree was made upon the motion of Patroclides (still pre- served in the oration of Andocides de Mysteriis), to
RAN. 53
restore the ἄτιμοι to all the privileges from which they had been degraded. It seems from what he says, v. 701, that when the government of the Four Hundred was destroyed, many had been thus degraded for having a hand in those transactions.
730. The Athenian gold coin had been debased the year before this. Copper was first coined this very year, and again cried down thirteen years afterwards.
775. This may probably enough be borrowed from the Athenian customs, namely, that the principal artist in each kind, should have a maintenance in the Pry- tanéum, and be seated ev Opovw, in a chair of dis- tinction on some occasions.
800. The modesty and candour of Sophocles, and the envious and contentious nature of Euripides.
803. Nuvi δ᾽ ἐμελλεν, I take to be a solecism, used by Clidemides, or some bad orator or poet.
913. The Scholia here seem to say, that there were dramas played during the celebration of the Eleusinea ; and above, v. 357, they tell us, that the scene of this play lay at Eleusis. (v. 395.) Queere, Whether any rites in honour of Ceres were joined with those of Bacchus during the Lenzea ?
961. The Median hangings were wrought with erotesque and monstrous animals.
1079. ‘Qs τε ye καύτον σε κατ᾽ συνεβαλε. It should seem that love was the cause of the death of Euripides, and one would think, from the expression and from the Scholia, that his wife had not only been false to him, but that she destroyed him.
1106. Tw θαλαμακι. This seems to prove, that the
54 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,
three orders of rowers were placed directly over one another.
1100 and 1145. Reading and the arts of speaking were more universal among all orders of people than in these times; which the poet satirizes, as corrupting and enervating the minds of men, and especially of the younger sort ; and he attributes it to the philosophers, to the sophists, and to the tragick writers, particularly Euripides.
1209. Στοιβη, a botch-word inserted only to fill up: literally, the stuffing of a mattrass.
1231. Ληκυθιου. I have no clear idea of this Ληκυθιον, on which so much of this scene turns; nor of the Inxorov ov πελαθεις ex apwyav which answers to it, or the Φλαττοθρατ, which two last seem to relate to the musick and the rhythm introduced by Aischylus in his chorusses, and not to the sense of the verses.
1349, E:—e:—evAtooere, This shews that in the ancient musick they dwelt not on words alone, and repeated them, as we do, but also on syllables; or, does it only express the lengthening out of the vowels ?
1580. It is here said, from Aristotle, that Cleophon, after the battle of Arginusz, in the archonship of Callias, came into the assembly drunk and in armour, and rejected the peace, then offered by Lacedzemon. But Lysias (in his oration contra Agoratum) tells us that this happened not till the following year after the battle of AXgos-Potami, when the siege of Athens was actually formed. I cannot but believe the latter, as a contemporary author.
ECCLESIAZUS &. See Palmerius.
v. 2. Καλλιστ᾽ ev ευσκοποισιν εξευρημενον. So I should read, rather than εξητημενον, of which I do not see the sense, and understand with the Scholiasts, “Thou noblest invention of wise artists.” For though this expression be somewhat obscure, it is far prefer- able to Tanaquil Faber’s emendation, ev εὐσκοτοισιν εξητημενον, which is neither sense nor Greek.
14, roa, all repositories of corn were so called.
22. ‘As Σφυρομαχος ποτ᾽ eurev, ἄς. The allusion in these lines is too obscure at this distance of time. The Scholiasts say that it relates to a decree assigning the courtezans and the women of reputation a different place at some public spectacles (qu. whether in the theatre, as Faber says?); but the verses do not express
- any such matter.
63. It was the custom of the men to anoint the whole body with oil, and dry it in before the sun, and of the women to shave themselves all over.
v. 74. Λακωνικαι, was the name for the usual chaus- sure of the men, and Ileporxar, that of the women.
102. Agyrrius, the Στρατηγος, at Lemnos, re- trenched the expense of the Choregi to their poets, and appointed the sum to be given to the people at
56 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,
their assemblies. (v. 184, 284, 292, 302, 380, and Plutus, v. 330.)
128. Ταλῆ, a weasel, carried round the place of publick assemblies, ὡς καθαρσιον tr. They came to their ExxAnovas with a staff (Βακτηρια) in their hands.
156. The oath peculiar to women, Ma τω θεω, i.e. Ceres and Proserpina. 3
193. To συμμαχικον. Petitus from this passage and from a necessary emendation he makes in the Scholia here, seems to fix rightly the time of this drama to Ol. 96. 4. Archonte Demostrato.
203. What particular fact is here meant, one cannot say at present ; but Faber is mistaken in thinking that it cannot be the famous Thrasybulus, for it appears (from Lysias’s Apology for Mantheus, p. 307), that he was living, and present in the action before Corinth this very year; his death did not happen till three years after. In spite of all his invaluable services to the publick, the orators and comick writers of those times did not cease to make very free with his char- acter. (See v. 356 of this drama.) There is a remark- able passage of this kind in the oration of Lysias in Ergoclem, p. 456 and 7, which I take to relate to this very Thrasybulus, and to be spoken a little while after his death.
256. Ὕποκρονειν, I imagine, signifies, to stamp with their feet, a noise made in great assemblies to express their dislike. See Acharnens. v. 38. Sometimes it was done merely for the purpose of interrupting. See v. 592 of this play.
318. The Ἡμιδιπλοιδιον and Kpoxwros seem to be
ECCLESIAZUSA, 57
both the same, namely, a woman’s vest, or under-garment of a light red colour. Ko@opvos and Ilepouxy are the same, a woman’s proper chaussure.
531. Here the Kpoxwros is called by the name of ἱματιον.
534. Ἐπιθεισα ληκυθον. On a dead body.
568. If this scheme be meant as a satire on Plato’s Republick, that work must have been written when the philosopher was not thirty-six years of age.
974. Alludes to the manner of introducing causes into the courts of justice, according to the age of the plaintiffs ; first those (as I imagine) above sixty years of age, and so downwards. After which, if there were several, they cast lots whose should be heard first.
1017. A woman could not deal, of her own authority, with any person for more than the value of a medimnus of corn.
1023. The manner of laying out the dead.
1081. The decree of Cannonus is mentioned by Xenophon in his Greek History, L. 1. as ascertaining the punishment of persons accused of crimes against the publick, and allowing the means of making their defence. It is probable that, in some paragraph of that psephisma, it was ordered that the prisoner should appear on that occasion, holden between two of the Tofora:, or perhaps of the ‘Evéexa,
1124. The number of citizens was now above thirty thousand.
PLUTUS.
The Plutus was first played Ol. 92. 4. and it was altered and revived Ol. 97. 4. The drama, which we now have, is com- pounded of both these.
THE PLAN.
Act 1. Scene 1. The prologue between Chremylus and Cario, as far as v. 58. Sc. 2. Cario goes out and returns at v. 229.
Act 2. Sc. 1. Cario returns with the chorus of old countrymen at v. 253. Sc. 2. Chremylus re-enters and salutes the chorus v. 322. Sc. 3. Conversation with Blepsidemus. Sc. 4. Poverty rushes out of Chremylus’s house, and disputes with the two old men: they drive her away, and prepare to carry Plutus to the temple of Aésculapius. Here should be the Parabasis, but there is none. The chorus remain silent on the stage for a time ; till
Act 3. Sc. 1. Cario returns with the news of the cure of Plutus. This interval is supposed to be a whole night. Sc. 2. Cario recounts the matter to Chremylus’s wife. Sc. 3. Plutus, being now restored to sight, re- turns home with Chremylus. Here also is a short interval ; till
Act 4. Se. 1. Cario comes out, and describes the change which had happened on the entrance of Plutus,
PLUTUS, 59
Sc. 2. The honest old man comes to pay his vows to the god. Sc. 3. A sycophant comes to complain of his sudden poverty. Sc. 4. A wanton old woman enters, who has lost her love: she appears, returning from a drunken frolick. Here all, but the chorus, enter Chremylus’s house.
Act 5. Sc. 1. Mercury comes begging to the gate ; Cario at last takes him into his service. Sc. 2. The priest of Jupiter comes for charity. Sc. 3. The pro- cession conducts Plutus to the Acropolis.
NOTES ON THE PLUTUS.
v. 179. Epa de Aais, &c. It is probable enough, as Athenzeus shews from an oration of Lysias, L. 13. p. 586, that this should be read Nais: but the Scholiast attempts to shew that the time would not permit it to be Aats, as she was only seven years of age, when Chabrias was Archon ; and consequently under Diocles, Ol. 92. 4, she could be but thirteen or fourteen. This I take to be the meaning of the Scholiast, though the words, as they are now read, seem to say, that from Chabrias to Diocles was a space of fourteen years, whereas it was but six in reality; and the Scholiast adds, that at this age she could not be much in vogue. If the author of this note knew, that the verse was in the Plutus, when it was first acted, he is in the right, and confirms the emendation of Athenzeus ; but if (see v. 303) it were only in the second Plutus, Lais was then thirty-three years old, and might be still in admira- tion. The Scholiast says, Epimandra, Timandra, or Damasandra, the mother of the younger Lais, as Athen- zeus calls her, L. 13, p. 574, supposing her to have this daughter at fourteen years of age, must be twenty-one, when Hyccara was taken by Nicias, and consequently was thirty-two, at the time of Alcibiades’s death, whose mistress she was, as Plutarch and Atheneus relate. 1
ἘΣ ΜΙΝ: ΨΨΨΟΝΝ νυ
PLUTUS. 61
should understand the Scholiasts here of the mother, not of the daughter, though they are confused and erroneous.
180. Timotheus was now making his appearance in the world, Conon his father being yet alive. What building of his is alluded to here, one cannot say, or whether it relate to him at all. The fact is obscure, the expression broken, and the Scholiast trifling.
253. The Scholia here explain all the marks used by the grammarians in dramas with their names.
268. χρυσον, ἄο. This is ironical, and not as the Scholia interpret it.
278. It suffices to know that such ἐνερ as were appointed judges, drew lots (see v. 973, and Ecclesiaz. v. 677.) in which of the courts they were to sit, and that at their entrance the Kypvé, or crier of each court, by order of the presiding magistrate, delivered to every one a Συμβολον and, upon his carrying it to the IIpuvravis in waiting, he received his daily pay, Μίισθὸος δικαστικος, This was done, as I imagine, every morning to prevent corruption in the judges, who did not know, till then, in what court or cause they were to give sentence. The other ceremony mentioned in the Scholia was only annual, when the tribes assembled, and each drew lots by itself for a certain number who were to sit as judges that year. There is much con- fusion in these Scholia, collected out of very different authors. Potter does not allow this to have been the practice in the best times, at least not in the greater courts, where the judges were fixed and certain after their first election ; in the lesser, he says, it might have
62 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
been. The passage, however, from Aristotle’s polity of Athens is to be observed.
278. Schol. The key-stone of the entrance into each particular court was painted of a certain colour. The judge, having received his staff, went to that court which was distinguished by the same colour with his staff, and marked with the same letter which was in- scribed on the head of it (oreo ev τῆ Badavw) and at his entrance he received from the presiding magistrate a Συμβολον, as above. I doubt of what the Scholia say, that there were as many courts as tribes; and that the tribes at first drew lots, in which court each should judge, and the tribules drew among themselves who should be judges, and who not.
290.. Philoxenus, the dithyrambick: his Galatea parodied. The origin of that piece in the Scholia, which appears to have been a drama.
330. The Scholia, and Kuster, and Spanheim too, confound the Mic os δικαστικος with the Εἰκκλησιασ- τικος : the words are to be understood of the latter.
385. The picture of the Heraclide by Pamphilus the painter, the master of Apelles.
408, The publick salary to physicians was no longer in use.
596. The suppers of Hecate were distributed monthly, every new moon, to the poor by every rich housekeeper. 3
601. The Pheenissze of Euripides parodied.
663. The ceremonial of sleeping in the temple of ZEsculapius.
690. The serpents, Odgers παρειαι, which frequented
PLUTUS. 63
it, as they did the temple of Minerva (Lysistr. v. 760) and those of Bacchus (see Schol. v. 690 and 733 Plut.), and of Trophonius. See Pausanias in Epidauro et Lebadea.
701. Iaso and Panacea, the attendants and daughters of Aisculapius by Lampetia.
725. Exwpoov, The Scholia do not well explain this, but confound it with Ὕπωμοσια, and cite a passage from Hyperides, wherein this latter word is used.
768. Karayvopara, nuts, figs, almonds, dates, &c., which they strewed on the head of a new-bought slave, when they had first seated him on the hearth of the house into which he entered, and which his fellow- servants picked up and eat.
796. Popros, impertinence, tiresome absurdity. The art in use with the comick writers to win the common people by throwing nuts and dried fruits among them.
820. Τριττυς ; a sacrifice of a hog, a ram, and a he- goat. EvreAns θυσια. See Schol.
885. Rings, worn as amulets, or preservatives from fascination, bites of venomous creatures, &c. Aaxk- τυλιοι φαρμακιται φυσικοι.
905. Merchants were exempt from the Europa, or extraordinary taxation.
984, A man’s pallium (ἑματιον) cost twenty drachme ; his shoes, cost eight.
1127. The fourth day of every month was sacred to Mercury, the first and seventh, to Apollo, the eighth to Theseus. Libations to most gods were made with pure wine; to Mercury with wine and water equally mixed.
64 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,
1195. Schol. The Ilorapo. of Stratis! were pub- lished before the Ecclesiazusz or the Plutus of Aristo- phanes: I read the last lines here cited,
My AaPovres λαμπαδας, Μηδ’ adAo μηδεν exopevor Φιλυλλιου"
instead of ἐχόμενον. — Philyllius is often cited by Atheneus, and hence he appears to have lived con- temporary with Stratis.
1 In the Scholiast we read the name uniformly written Zrparis, and in Atheneus Zrparris.—[MATHIAS.] ~
rr |
“NOTES ON PLATO | ise
ΕΣ ; A
᾽ ᾽ 7 / Α
[Published by Mathias in 1814 from a MS. in Gray’s hand- writing, in the possession of Richard Stonehewer, and never since reprinted. The notes are by Gray.—ED. ]
BRIEF NOTICES OF SOCRATES AND OF HIS FRIENDS.
SooRATES. —
Att which Socrates possessed was not worth three mine, in which he reckons a house he had in the city.! Critobulus often prevailed upon him to accompany him to the comedy.? Xantippe, his wife, the most ill- tempered of women: he made use of her to exercise his philosophy.* He amused himself by dancing when he was fifty years old: his face remarkably ugly, and resembling that of the Sileni or satyrs, with large pro- minent eyes, a short flat nose turned up, wide nostrils, great mouth, ὅσο. nicknamed ὁ Ppovticrns.* He rarely went out of the walls of Athens;° was never out of Attica, but when he served in time of war, and once to the Isthmian games. He was seventy years old, when he died.’ He left three sons, the eldest a youth, the two youngest children. His intrepid and cheerful behaviour _at his trial and death. Compared to a torpedo.®
1 Xenophon (Economic. 5 Id. Eod. 3 Id. Sympos. 4 Kod. 5 Plato, Phedrus, p. 230. 6 Id. Crito. 7 Tbid.
8 Plato, Apolog. and Phedo; Xenophon, Memorabil. 9 Plato, Menon. p. 80.
68 NOTES ON PLATO.
Called Prodicus, the sophist, his master.1 Learns, at near fifty years of age, to play on the lyre of Connus, son of Metrobius.2, His mother, Phzenarete, married Cheredemus, and had by him a son named Patrocles.® Seldom used to bathe, and commonly went barefooted.4 He could bear great quantities of wine without being overpowered by it, but did not choose to drink volun- tarily.>
1 Plato, Menon. p. 96. * Id. Euthydem. p. 272. 8 Id. Euthyd. p. 297. 4 Plat. Sympos. 5 Ibid. p. 214, 220.
a ae |
THE COMPANIONS OF SOCRATES.
CRITOBULUS.
A man of fortune ; his estate was worth above eight talents, which in Athens was very considerable. Had served the offices of gymnasiarch, choregus, &c. the most expensive of the city. Of an amorous disposition ; negligent of ceconomy ; a lover of dramatick spectacles ; he married a very young inexperienced woman, with whom he conversed very little:! he was present at the entertainment given by Callias to Autolycus, Socrates, and others, and at that time was newly married. Ol. 89. 4. He was remarkable for his beauty; his fine panegyrick on it: was passionately fond of Clinias. Crito, his father, introduced him to the acquaintance of Socrates, that he might cure him of this passion.?
IscHOMACHUS.
He was called in Athens, by way of pre-eminence, ὁ καλος κ᾽ ἀγαθὸος ; he married a young maid under fif- teen years of age, whom he educated and instructed himself. His first serious conversation with her, related by him to Socrates, on the duties of a mistress of a family. The order and arrangement of his house de-
1 Xenophon, Gconomic. 2 Id. Sympos.
70 NOTES ON PLATO.
scribed: his morning exercises, walk to his villa, and ride from thence. He was a remarkably good horse- man, of a vigorous constitution, and lasting health ; was one of the richest men in Athens. His instruction and treatment of his slaves; his knowledge in agricul- ture. His father before him was a great lover of that art. He meddled not much in publick affairs:? was believed, while he lived, to be worth above seventy talents; but at his death he left not twenty, to be divided between his two sons.’
CALLIAS.
His genealogy :..... Pheenippus
Callias 4 ὁ Δαδοῦχος.
Hipponicus ὅ
Callias §
Hipponicus”
| | Callias—Hipparete—A Icibiades.
1 Xenophon, Giconomicus. 2 Id. Eod.
3 Lysias, Orat. de bonis Aristophanis, p. 348.
4 Dictus 6 Λακκοπλουτος. Herod. 5. Plutarch in Aristide. Scol. in Demosthen. p. 393. Victor Celete Ol. 54.
> Dictus Ammon. Atheneus, L. 12. Plutarch de Malign. Herodoti.
6 ὁ Λακκοπλουτος, utietavus. Plut. in Aristide. Herodot. 7. Demosth. de Fals. Legat.
7 Qui ad Delium occubuit, Ol. 89. 1. Thucyd.—Plut. Alcib. Andocides in Alcibiadem.
a i
OF SOCRATES AND OF HIS FRIENDS. 71
Callias was in love with Autolycus, the son of Lyco, who gained the victory (while yet a boy) in the Pan- cratium during the greater Panathenza, Ol. 89. 4, upon which occasion Callias gave an entertainment to his friends} at his house in the Pireeus. He had been scholar to the sophists Protagoras, Gorgias, and Pro- dicus ; was very wealthy ; and had learned the art of memory from Hippias of Elis, at the recommendation of Antisthenes. He was IIpo€evos of the Lacedeemonians who came to Athens; was hereditary priest of the Eleusinian deities, ὁ Δαδοῦχος ; was remarkable for his nobility and the gracefulness of his person ;? he had two sons, who were instructed by Evenus, the Parian sophist ;* he entertained Protagoras, Prodicus, and Hippias, and other sophists, their companions, in his house, Ol. 90. 1.4 NICERATUS.
He was son to the famous Nicias; was present at the symposium of Callias, Ol. 89. 4, and then newly married. He could repeat by heart the whole Iliad and Odyssee, and had been scholar to Stesimbrotus and Anaximander. He was very wealthy and some- what covetous ; was fond of his wife, and beloved by her;5 was scholar to Damon, the famous musician, who had been recommended to his father by Socrates ; © and finally, he was put to death by order of the Thirty, with his uncle Eucrates.’
1 Xenophon, Symposium ; Athenzus, L. 5, p. 216.
Ὁ Tbid. 3 Plato, Apolog. 4 Plato, Protagoras. 5 Xenophon, Sympos. § Plato in Lachete. 7 Xenophon, Gr. Hist. L. 2. Andocides de Mysteriis.
72 NOTES ON PLATO.
ANTISTHENES.
He was extremely poor, but with a contempt of wealth ; was present in the symposium of Callias, where he proved that riches and poverty are in the mind alone, and not in externals. His way of life was easy and contented: he passed whole days in the company of Socrates, who taught him (he says) to be mentally rich. He was much beloved in the city, and his scholars were esteemed by the publick. He recom- mended Prodicus and Hippias the Elean to Callias ;1 bore great affection to Socrates, and was present at his death.?
CHAEREPHON.
A man of warmth and eagerness of temper;* he was a friend to the liberties of the people; he fled to and returned with Thrasybulus; he died before Socrates’s trial; for he is mentioned in Socrates’s Apology, as then dead, and in the Gorgias, as then living: his death must therefore have happened between Ol. 93. 4. and Ol. 95.1. He consulted the Delphian oracle to know if any man were wiser than Socrates. His brother, Chzrecrates, survived him.*
EPIGENEs.
He was the son of Antipho of Cephisia:> and was present at the death of Socrates.®
1 Xenophon, Sympos. 2 Plato, Phed. 3 Vid. Charmidem, p. 153. * Apol. Socrat. 5 Plato, Apol. € Phedo.
OF SOCRATES AND OF HIS FRIENDS. 73
APOLLODORUS.
He was brother to Aiantodorus:! was a man of small abilities, but of an excellent heart, and remark- able for the affection he bore to Socrates;? he was present in the prison at the time of his death. He lived at Phalerus, of which Anpos he was ;* was but a boy when Socrates was fifty-three years old, and must therefore have been under thirty-seven, at the time of Socrates’s death. He was called Μανικος from the warmth of his temper.
PH2EDO.
He was an Elean. See his account of Socrates’s
last moments.® SIMMIAS.
He was a Theban, and a young man at the time of Socrates’s death (as was Cebes), at which they were both present. He had received some tincture of the Pythagorean doctrines from Philolaus of Crotona; and was inquisitive and curious in the search of truth, far above all prejudice and credulity.®
CEBES. He was a Theban. (Vid. Simmiam.)
HERMOGENES.
He was a man of piety, and believed in divination. He was present in Callias’s symposium ; was a person
1 Apol, Socrat. 2 Phedo. δ᾽ 76. * Plato, Sympos. 5 Plato, Phedo. 6 Plato, Phedo.
74 NOTES ON PLATO.
of great honesty, mild, affable, and soberly cheerful :! not rich, and a man of few words ;? was son to Hipponi- cus and brother to Callias.2 He was present at the death of Socrates.*
CHARMIDES.
He had a considerable estate in lands before the Peloponnesian war, which he thence entirely lost, and was reduced to great poverty. He was present at the symposium of Callias, where he discoursed on the advantages and pleasures of being poor. He ran at the stadium, at Nemea, contrary to Socrates’s advice.” He was of extreme beauty when a youth.®
/JESCHYLUS.
He was of Phlius, and was introduced by Antisthenes to Socrates. CRITO.,
He was father to Critobilus; was of Alopece, and about the same age with Socrates.’ He made the proposal to contrive the escape of Socrates out of prison, and to send him into Thessaly ;*® he attended him daily in his confinement, and at the time of his death; he received his last orders: he closed his eyes, and took care of his funeral.?
1 Xenoph. Sympos. 2 Ibid. p. 391 and 408. 3 Plato, Cratylus. 4 Plato, Phedo. ὃ Plato, Theages. 6 Plato, Charmid. 7” Plato, Apolog. ὃ Id. Crito.
9 Id. Phedo.
PLATO.
PHADRUS. H, ΠΕΡῚ ΚΑΛΟΥ͂.
Turs is supposed to be the first Dialogue which Plato wrote; exes yap (says Laertius!) μειρακιωδὲς τι τὸ προβλημα" Δικαιαρχος δὲ καὶ Tov Tporov THs ypadys ὅλον εἐπιμεμῴεται, ws φορτικον. Dionysius Halicarnas- sensis? calls it one of his most celebrated discourses ; and from it he produces examples both of the beauty and of the blemishes of Plato’s style, οἱ the χαρακτὴρ wrxvos καὶ adeAns, which is all purity, all grace and perspicuity ; and of the ὕψηλος, wherein he sometimes
1 Diog. Laert. L. 3, c. 38. (c. 25 edit. Kraus. Lipsie, 1759).
2 Περι της Δημοσθενοῦς Sewornros. p. 270. V. 2, ed. Hudsoni. He attributes the first to Plato’s education in the company of
Socrates ; the latter to his imitation of Gorgias and Thucydides. Vid. et Epist. ad Cn. Pompeium, p. 202.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Platonis Opera, Edit. Serrani H. Steph. 1578, Vol. 3.
Vol. 3. p. 227. ἀκουμενω.] Acumenus was father to Eryxi- machus, both of them physicians of note, and friends of Socrates.
Ib. Ev τοις δρομοις.] Places in the Gymnasia, where people exercised themselves by walking a great pace, or by running. See Plato’s Euthydemus, p. 273. Περιεπατειτὴν ev Tw καταστεγΎω Δρομω, &e.
76 NOTES ON PLATO.
rises to a true sublimity, and sometimes falls into an ungraceful redundancy of words and of ill-suited figures ungraceful and obscure.
There is a good analysis of the Phedrus by Mr. Abbé Sallier,! wherein he shews its true subject and intention. It is upon eloquence and is designed to demonstrate, that no writer, whether legislator, orator, historian, or poet, can do any thing excellent without a
1 Mémoires de ]’Académie des Inscriptions, &c. V. 9, p. 49. See also another analysis by Mr. Hardion in his tenth Disserta- tion on the eloquence of Greece. Ib. V. 16, p. 378, des Mémoires.
NOTES.
P. 227. Tov Ολυμπιου.1] The vast temple of Jupiter, begun by Pisistratus, but never finished till the time of the emperor Hadrian.
Ib. Προσηκουσα ye cot.] Socrates professed the art of love. See Xenoph. Sympos.
Ib. IlpecBurepw.] He was then threescore and upwards.
Ib. Kara‘Hpoéixov.] Herodicus of Selymbria, ὁ παιδοτριβης. See Plat. Protagoras, p. 316. There was also Herodicus, the Leontine, a physician, and brother to the famous Gorgias (See Plat. Gorg. 448 and 456.): the first was also a physician, and the first who regulated the exercises of youth by the rules of medi- cine. See de Republica, L. 3, p. 406, fuse.
228. E@pumrero.] He played the coquet ; he denied, only to be courted to do what he wished.
Ib. Αὐτου δεηθητι, ὁπερ Taxa παντως ποιησει.] Read, ποιησή, and make no other correction : i.e. ‘‘ Be now intreated to do, what you will do presently without any intreaty at all.”
229. Tns Aypaas.] The district, or dnuos, was called Aypa, in which stood the temple of Diana Ayporepa. Pausanias, Attic. L. 1, p. 45. ed. Kuhnii.
Ib. Σὺυν Φαρμακειᾳ.1 Orithyia and Procris were the daughters of Erectheus. "Who Pharmacéa was, I do not find.
Ib. Λιαν δὲ δεινου. Such disquisitions were the common employments of the sophists and grammarians.
PHADRUS. 77
foundation of philosophy. The title prefixed to it, ep. Καλοῦ, cannot be genuine; it has no other relation to it, than that beauty is accidentally the theme of Socrates’s second little oration, which is contained in this dialogue ; not that it is, directly, even the subject of that, for the . tendency of it is to prove, ‘Qs ἐραστῇ μαλλον, ἡ Tw μὴ ερῶντι det xapifer Oar, as the two preceding orations were to shew the contrary. These are what Laertius calls
NOTES,
P. 230. Typhon or Typheus, the youngest son of Earth and Tartarus. Hesiod, Theogon. vy. 821. has given a fine description of this portentous form. ᾿
Ib. AxeAwov.] The Acheléus was looked upon in Greece as the principal of all rivers, and his name was used for all fresh water in general: he was usually worshipped in common with Pan and the Nymphs, as here.
Ib. Καρπον προσιοντες.) Read προσειοντες, shaking it before them.
231. Ὧν Seoua.] What he desired, will appear but too plainly in the course of these little orations, and must appear a most strange subject of conversation for Socrates, to all who are un- acquainted with the manners of Greece. The President de Montesquieu has observed, but too justly, on the nature of their love and gallantry. Esprit des Loix, V. 1. See also Xenoph. (Economic. and Symposium ; and the Symposium of Plato; see also de Legib. L. 1. p. 636.
Ib. Tov vouov.] There were, indeed, laws of great severity in Athens against this vice ; but who should put them in force in such general and shocking depravity ?
234. This praise he cannot help bestowing on Lysias’s com- position, namely, Ὅτι σαφη, και στρογγυλα, ka axpiBws ἑκαστα των ονομάτων ATTOTETOPVYEUTAL,
235. Ὥσπερ ὁι evvea.] The Archons took an oath to do this, if they were guilty of corruption, before they took their seats in the Zroa Βασιλειοςς. See Jul. Pollux, L. 8, 6. 18. Plutarch in Solon ; and Heraclides in Politiis.
78 NOTES ON PLATO.
IIpoBAnpara μειρακιωδη, though he may mean it of the whole dialogue, which is something juvenile and full of vanity. Dionysius very justly says, Hv yap ev μεν τὴ IlAatwvos φυσει, πολλας apetas εχουσῃ, To φιλοτιμον, and before, Πλάτων to φορτικωτατον καὶ ἐπαχ θεστατον των εργὼν προελομενος, αὗτον ETALVELY κατα τὴν δυναμιν των λογων, &e,
The Socratick Dialogues are a kind of dramas, wherein the time, the place, and the characters are
NOTES.
P. 235. Ilapa ye εμαυτοῦ ovdev.] It is observable, that Socrates, whenever he would discourse affirmatively on any subject, or when he thought proper to raise and adorn his style, does it not in his own person, but assumes the character of another. Thus, for instance, he relates the beautiful fable between Virtue and Pleasure after Prodicus; he treats of the miseries of human life in the words of the same sophist ; he describes the state of souls after death from the information of Gobryas, one of the Magi; he makes a panegyrick on wine in the style of Gorgias; and here he does not venture to display his eloquence, till the, Nymphs and the Muses have inspired him. This is consistent with that character of simplicity and of humility which he assumed.
236. Κυψελιδων.] See Pausanias, L. 5, p. 378.
Ib. Ὅμοιας λαβας.1] A metaphor taken from wrestling: you give mea good hold of you. Soin Lib. de Republ. 8, p. 544. Παλιν rowvy, worep παλαιστῆς, τὴν αὐτὴν λαβὴν παρεχε.
Ib. Των Κωμωδων.] The repetition of a person’s words by way of reproach.
Ib. Ποιητην.] Used for one who composes any thing, whether prose or verse. So above, p. 234. Qs τα deovra εἰρηκοτος Tou Ποιητοῦ.---Ομνυμι yap σοι: what follows should be written thus, Tua μεντοι ; Twa θεων ; εἰ βουλει, THY πλατανὴν ταντηνι.
237. Αγετε δη, w Movoa.] Thus far, says Dionysius, rayra χαριτων μεστὰ : hence begins a style more turbid and obscure, and disagreeably poetical.
PHADRUS. 79
almost as exactly marked as in a true theatrical repre- sentation. Phedrus here is a young man particularly sensible! to eloquence and to fine writing, and thence a follower and an admirer of the famous Lysias, whose
1 VY. p. 242, et passim. He was an Athenian, son to Pytho- cles, of the district of Myrrhinus, and tribe Pandionis. Y. the Sympos. p. 176.
NOTES,
P. 287. Kparovons τω pare, σωφροσυνὴ ονομα.] Write thus, Kparovons, Tw κρατει σωφροσυνὴ ονομα, which answers to καὶ αρξασὴης ev Huw, Ty ἀρχὴ ὕβρις επωνομασθη.
238. Παθος πεπονθεναι.ὺ The word, which Serranus would insert here, (@evov) παθος, is not in Dionysius.
Ib. Evpora.] An easy fluency and volubility of expression. So Diogenes Laertius in Timone Phliasio, Lib. 9, c. 114. Αλλα και eupous, ws μηδὲ αριστᾶν σνγχώωρειν : i.e. he wrote with that ease and fluency, that he could not find time to dine; that is, he found no interval, no interruption in the course of his writ- ing, to bestow on the necessities of nature: though, perhaps, the true reading is, ὡς unde apiorots, so as to vie with the best.
I mention this passage, because Meric Casaubon was wise enough to understand evpous of a looseness, to which Timon was subject, and distinguishes very accurately between evpoa and διαῤῥοια. D. Laert. L. 9, ο. 114.
241. Oorpaxov μεταπεσοντος.} A proverb, taken from a play in use among children, called Oorpaxiwda, described by Jul. Pollux, L. 9, c. 154, ed. Jungermanni, and by Eustathius. They were divided into two parties, which fled or pursued each other alternately, as the chance of a piece of broken potsherd, thrown up into the air, determined it: the boy who threw it cried out Nvé ἡ ‘Huepa; if the black (or pitched) side came uppernost, his party ran away, and the other gave them chase ; if the white one, the others ran, and they pursued them. Hence Oorpaxovu Περιστροφὴ was used to describe a total reverse of fortune. Erasmus, in his Adagia, has not explained it well. See Plato de Republ. L. 7, p. 521.
80 NOTES ON PLATO.
reputation was then at its height in Athens, He has sat the greatest part of the morning at the house of Epicrates, near the Olympium, to hear Lysias recite a discourse ; and, having procured a copy of it, is medi- — tating upon it with pleasure, as he walks without the city walls, where Socrates meets him. To avoid the heat of the day they retire to the shade of an ancient plane-tree, that overshadows a fane of Achelous and the nymphs on the banks of a rivulet, which discharges
NOTES.
242. Σιμμιαν Θηβαῖον.] See Diog. Laertius, L. 2, c. 124. He is mentioned in the thirteenth Epistle, and is an interlocutor in the Pheedo.
Ib. Ov πόλεμον γε αγγελλεις.7 These words belong to Phedrus, as H. Stephens observes. It is a proverb: you are the messenger of no bad news. See De Legibus, L. 3, p. 702.
Ib. Edvowzrovpny.] A fragment of Ibycus: My τι παρα Θεοις αμπλακων, τιμαν προς avOpwrwy αμειψω.
243. The beginning of a Palinodia of Stesichorus on Helen. Οὐκ eat’ ετυμος ὁ λογος οὗτος, Ovd’ εβας ev νηυσιν εὔσσελμοις, Ovd’ ixeo Περγαμα Τροιας, which is alluded to at the end of the third Epistle, την παλινωδιαν αὐτου μιμησάμενος. Plat. V. 3, p. 319..
244, Ava τε ορνιθων ποιουμενην, and afterwards ποριζομενην, as H. Steph. corrects it.
Ib. Οιονοηστικην.] He derives it from ovos and νοῦς, as attained by human experience alone. A very bad etymology.
Ib. Eéavrn.] Serranus translates, indemnem, incolumem, i.e. placed aloft, as it were, out of the reach of danger and envy. See Constantini Lexicon.
246. Ἢ ψυχη πασα.] This is, indeed, an example of those Αλληγοριαι μακραι, ουτε μετρον εχουσαι, ovre καιρον, of which Dionysius Halicarnassensis complains in Plato; (Dion. Halic. Vol. 2, p. 272, ed. Oxon.) ; and which, indeed, Plato himself calls in this very Dialogue (p. 265) a μυθικος ὑμνος.
Ib. A@avarov τι fwov.] He defines God so, exov perv Wuxnr, εχον δὲ σωμα.
PHAIDRUS. 81
itself at a little distance into the Llyssus. The spot lay less than a quarter of a mile above the bridge, which led over the river to the temple of Diana Agrea.
NOTES.
P. 246. Kexowwvynxe de πη.}] I imagine he means, that the soul of man approaches in perfection to the corporeal part of the Gods. The translation has no affinity to the text here; ἡ ἀχρωματος και ἀσχηματιστος Kat avadys ουσια, the true substance and essence of things, of which the properties are only the con- sequences ; this is the To ovrws ov of Plato.
Ib. ‘O μεν αυτῶ kados.] The rational and intellectual faculties of the soul.
Ib. Ὃ de εξ εναντιων.] ‘The appetites and passions.
250. Μύυουμενοι τε καὶ emomrevoyres.] An allusion to the Attick mysteries of Ceres. See Meursius and Potter. So in the seventh Epistle, p. 333.
251. Kavdos ὑπο πᾶν.] Perhaps we should read em.
253. Ὥσπερ ae Baxxat.] What Bacchanalian ceremony is here alluded to? See the Ion: Ὥσπερ ἁι Βακχαι aputrovrac ex των ποτάμων meu και yaa κατεχομεναι, &e.
256. Φιλοσοῴφιαν.] Polemarchus, the elder brother of Lysias, was a friend of Socrates, and a philosopher: so Plutarch calls him, ‘‘De esu Carnium.” Polemarchus had another brother, called Euthydemus. Polemarchus was murdered by the Thirty Tyrants, Ol. 94. 1. See Lysias in Eratosthenem, p. 196.
257. TAvuxus αγκων.] Erasmus explains it in his Adagia, (Ενῴημα φωνει) as though in a part of a river, where there was a long and dangerous winding, the sailors used this piece of flattery by way of propitiating the Nile: but this does not fully clear up the passage here. That this proverb was so used may appear from these words of Atheneus, L. 12, p.516. Τὸν τόπον καλουσι Τυναικων aywva, yAuxuwy αγκῶνα : which last may mean, a specious term to cover their ignominy; Casaubon does not explain it: here it seems applied to such as speak one thing, and mean another.
258, Εδοξε wov.] He alludes to the form of a Psephisma, Εδοξε τω Snuw* Ticapevos εἰπε, &c. as H. Stephanus observes.
VOL. IV. G
82 NOTES ON PLATO,
Here they pursue their conversation during the hours of noon, till the sun grows lower and the heat becomes more mild,
NOTES.
P. 258. Δαρειου δυναμιν.] See Epist. 7, p. 332.
Ib. Epwrds, εἰ δεομεθα ; τινος μεν ov, &c.] I do not see the transition, and I imagine that some words are wanting here ; and also, after κεκληνται.
259. Nuvoragovras.] The Greeks usually slept at noon in summer, as it is still the custom in Italy and Spain, and in other hot countries. Xenoph. Grec. Hist. L. 5. p. 557.
Ib. Ασιτον καὶ amorov.] The cicada is an animal with wings, the size of a man’s thumb, of a dark brown colour, which sits on the trees and sings, that is, makes a noise like a cricket; but much more shrill, and without any intervals, which grows louder as the sun grows hotter. Some supposed it to live on the air, others on dew only. Vid. Meleagrum, Niciam, et alios in Anthologia, L. 3. p. 265, ed. H. Steph. and Plin. Nat. Hist. L. 28, ce 26.
Ὃ θεσπεσιος οξυμελης axeTas Θαλπεσι μεσημβρινοις ὑφ᾽ jw pavers βοᾶ. Aristophan. Aves, v. 1095.
It does in reality live on the exsudations of plants, having a proboscis, like flies, to feed with ; but is capable of living a long time, like many of the insect race, without any nourishment at all. The tettigometra, which is this creature in its inter- mediate state between a worm and a fly, was esteemed a delicacy to eat by the Greeks. See Aldrovand. de Insectis, and Reaumur, Hist. des Insectes, V. 5, Dissert. 4.
Ib. IpecBurarn.] Hesiod names the Muses in the same order in which their names are inscribed on the books of He- rodotus; and says, that Calliope was ἁπασεων προφερεστατή. Theogon, v. 75. See also Ciceronem in Bruto, and Quintilian, 18.402)
260. Φησιν ὁ Aaxwv.] Perhaps Aleman ; though the words do not seem to be poetry.
261. Gorgias came to Athens on an embassy from the
PHADRUS, 83
We may nearly fix the year when this conversation is supposed to have happened. Lysias was now at Athens; he arrived there from Thurii in Italy in the
NOTES.
Leontines, ΟἹ. 88. 2. (See Diod. Sic. L. 12, p. 313.) when Socrates was about forty-three years old. (VY. Ciceronem in Bruto, et Quintil. L. 3. 6. 1.) Tisias and Corax of Syracuse, and Gorgias the Leontine, first composed treatises on the art of speaking.
P, 261. Οὐκ apa μονον.] ““ Socrates apud Platonem in Phedro palam, non in judiciis modo et concionibus, sed in rebus privatis etiam et domesticis, rhetoricen esse demonstrat.” (Quintil. L. 2, 6. 21.) Plato here makes knowledge, that is, the perception of truth, the foundation of eloquence. Ilepe wavra τὰ λεγομενα μια τις TEXVN, ELTEP ἐστιν, GUTH αν Ely, ἧτις δια T εσται, πᾶν παντι ὁμοιοῦν των δυνατων, καὶ dus δυνατον᾽ Kat, αλλου ὁμοιοῦντος Kat αποκρυπτομενου, εἰς φως ayew. This has some resemblance to Locke’s definition of knowledge: ‘‘It is (says he) the perception of the connection and agreement, or of the disagreement and repugnancy, of any of our ideas.” Locke’s Essay, B. 4. ch. 1.
261. Ἐλεατικον Παλαμηδην.] Quintilian informs us, that the person here meant is Alcidamas of Elea. Laertius takes it to be meant of Zeno Eleates, who is looked upon as the inventor of disputation (ἡ διαλεκτικὴ) and of logick, and who was at Athens when Socrates was not above eight years old, that is, above fifty years earlier than the time of this dialogue; but his contemporary Empedocles was the first who cultivated rhetorick as an art, and taught it to Gorgias who published a book on that subject.
N.B. Atheneus (L. 13. p. 592.) mentions Alcidamas, ὁ Λαΐτης, (read ὁ EXearns, not EXairns,as Casaubon corrects it from Suidas) ; he says, that Alcidamas was scholar to Gorgias, and had written Encomia on Lagis and Nais, two famous courtezans from Athens ; whence, it seems, that he must have flourished about this time, and perhaps near twenty years after. There is the right read- ing of it in Atheneus, L. 9. p. 397, ‘O EXearixos Παλαμηδης ovouarodoyos egy, &c. which is a name he bestows on Ulpian of Tyre, an indefatigable hunter after words. Casau-
84 NOTES ON PLATO.
forty-seventh year of his age, Ol. 92. 1. Euripides is also mentioned as still in the city: he left it to go into Macedonia, Ol. 92. 4, and, consequently, it must have
NOTES.
bon has not explained this. See also Laertius in Protagoras, L. 9. 54. We have still an oration of Alcidamas in the person of Ulysses against Palamedes. It may be also observed, that Laertius (L. 9. c. 25.) when he mentions Zeno Eleates, cites by mistake the Sophistes, instead of the Phedrus of Plato. Isocrates, in his oration on Helena, indeed says, that Zeno in his disputations would shew the same things to be possible and impossible.
P. 262. ἔστιν ow ὅπως texvuxos κτλ.}] Read μεταβιβαζων--- amayew—to answer to διαφευγειν.
264. Χαλκῆ.] Epitaph on Midas, by some attributed to Homer and by others to Cleobulus of Lindias. See Vit. Homeri, Herodoti ut dicitur, (V. Herodot. Edit. Gronoy. 1715, p. 559.) and D. Laertius in Cleobulo, L. 1, c. 89.
265. Definition of a general complex idea, Ex πολλων wy αἰσθήσεων εἰς ἑν λογισμω ξυναιρουμενον. ----Εἰις μιαν τε weay συνο- ρῶντα αγειν Ta πολλαχὴ διεσπαρμενα.
266. Almost all these persons are mentioned by Quintilian L. 8, 1., as having written arts of rhetorick, and were all now flourishing, Ol. 92, except Tisias of Syracuse, Evenus of Paros, Protagoras of Abdera, and Licymnius.
Ib. See Quintilian, L. 4. c. 1. 2. 3..and L. 5. ce. 1. 4 and L. 8. c. 5. for an explanation of the terms, Hpooumov, Διηγησιν, Maprupias, Texunpia, Πιιστωσιν, EXeyKos, Διπλασιολογια, Τνωμο- λογια, Ἑπκονολογια, Everreca, Exavodos or Avaxepadaiwots.
267. Οικτρογοων emt ynpas και πενιαν ἑλκομενων. An allusion to some poet: he means that Thrasymachus had gained great wealth by his art.
268. Aveornkos To nrpiov.] A metaphor from an unequal and ill-woven texture.
269. Μελιγηρυν Adpacrov.] An allusion to Tyrteus :
Ουδ᾽ εἰ Tavradidew IleXomros βασιλευτερος exn, Τλωσσαν δ᾽ Αδρηστου μειλιχογηρυν εχοι.᾿
PHADRUS. δ δ
happened in some year of that Olympiad, probably the 2d or 3d, and Plato must have written it in less than ten years afterwards, for his Lysis was written before
NOTES. so that perhaps we should read in this place μειλιχογηρυν for μελιγηρυν.
P. 270. Nod τε και ανοιας.1] He (1.6. Anaxagoras) attributed the disposition of the universe to an intelligent cause, or mind, whence he himself was called Νοῦς. He was nearly of the same age with Pericles, and came to Athens Ol. 75. 1, where he passed about thirty years.
Ib. ‘Immoxpare.] That famous physician was then about fifty years of age ; and his works were universally read.
272. Adda Tov miBavov.] See the allusion to this passage in Quintilian, L. 2, ec. 15.
273. H αλλος doris δὴ ποτ᾽ wy τυγχάνει, και ὅποθεν χαιρει ονομαΐζομενος.1] The art, which bore the name of Tisias, was not certainly known to be genuine. He says this in allusion to the custom of invoking the gods by several names. See Callim. Hymn. ad Jovem. Hor. Od. Secul. &c. &c. See also Plato in Protagoras, p. 358, and in Cratylus, p. 400. and in Euthydemus, p. 288.
274. Θεῦθ.1] The Egyptian deity, Mercury, to whom the bird Ibis was sacred. Vid. Platon. Philebum, Edit. Serrani, vol. 2. p. 18. Ἐπειδὴ φωνὴν απειρον, &c.
275. This discourse of Thamus (or Jupiter Ammon) on the uses and inconveniences of letters is excellent ; he gives a lively image of a great scholar, that is, of one who searches for wisdom in books alone: Touro των μαθοντων AnOnv μεν ev ψυχαις παρεξει μνημὴς αμελητησιᾳ, ate dia πιστιν ypadns εξωθεν ὑπ᾽ αλλοτριων τυπων, οὐκ ενδοθεν αὐτοὺς ὑφ᾽ αὐτων, αναμιμνησκομενους" οὐκουν μνημῆς, αλλ᾽ ὑπομνήσεως, φαρμακον evpes* σοφιας δὲ τοις μαθηταις δοξαν, οὐκ αληθειαν, ποριζεις. πολνήκοοι yap σοι yevomevor ανεὺ διδαχης, πολυγνωμονες εἰναι δοξωσι, ἀαγνωμονες, ws ert το πληθος, οντες καὶ χαλεποι ξυνειναι" δοξοσοῴοι γὙεγονοτες αντι σοῴφων.
Ib. Apvos και werpas.] An allusion to that saying, ἀπὸ δρυος, ἡ ἀπὸ πετρης. Hom. Il. v. 126.
86 NOTES ON PLATO.
the death of Socrates, which was Ol. 95. 1, but the Pheedrus was still earlier, being his first composition ; so he was between twenty and twenty-nine years of age.
NOTES.
P. 276. Αδωνιδος κηποι. Corn and seeds of various kinds, sown in shallow earth to spring up soon, which were carried in the procession on the feast of Adonis. Theocritus, Idyll. 15. v. 113.
Παρ δ᾽ ἀπαλοι κᾶποι πεφυλαγμενοι ev ταλαρισκοις Ἀργυρεοις" and the Schol. on the passage: see also the Emperor Julian in his Casares: ‘‘Kyma, ots cu Ὑυναικες τω τῆς Αφροδιτης ανδρι φυτευουσιν οστρακιοις ἐπαμησαμενοι γὙην λαχανιαν᾽ χλωρησαντα de TavTa προς ολίγον avTika ἀπομαραινεται. Julian. Op. Edit. Lipsie, 1696, pag. 329.
Ib. Avte τουτων dis Neywv.] Do not, with Serranus, correct it to ἑν 71; yet read οἷα λεγω.
278. Νυμφῶν νᾶμα και Μουσων.] The Ilyssus was consecrated to the Muses, who had an altar on its banks under the title of Movoa Ἐιλισσιαδες, possibly near the scene of this dialogue.
Ib. Ἰσοκρατὴν τον καλον.] Isocrates was now about twenty- five years of age, and had a share in the friendship both of Socrates and of Plato. Laertius, L. 3. ¢. 8.
279. Πλεον ἡ παιδων.] Subauditur, 6c adda avdpes ; the same ellipsis is used in Plato’s 4th Epist.
LYSIS. H, ΠΈΡΙ ΦΙΛΙΑΣ.
THERE is no circumstance in this dialogue to inform one at what time it is supposed to have happened ; but it is certain that Plato wrote it when he was yet a young man, before Ol. 95. 1, for Socrates heard it read. The scene of it is in a Palestra, then newly built, a little without the walls of Athens near the fountain of Panops, between the Academia and the Lyceum. The interlocutors are Socrates, Hippothales, and Ctesippus,!
1 Neavickos τις Παιανιεὺς, μαλα Kaos Te κᾳγαθος, τὴν φυσιν ὅσον μεν, ὑβριστὴς δε, δια To νεος εἰναι. In Euthydemo, Plat. Op. V. 1. p. 278. Both Ctesippus and Menexenus were present at Socrates's death. (In Phedone. )
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 203.
From 204 to 211.] Thus far the dialogue is very easy and elegant, particularly the short conversation with Lysis, which is an example how children of fortune and family ought to be treated, in order to correct that arrogance which those advan- tages are apt to inspire, and to win them gradually to reflection and good sense,
P. 204, Mexxos.] Perhaps the same person who is mentioned by Suidas, as a Mytilenean, who settled at Athens, and father to Alczus the comick poet, who flourished Ol. 97. 4. V. Schol. ad Plutum Aristophan. in Argumento. We see the sophists
88 NOTES ON PLATO.
two young men of Athens; Lysis, a boy of noble birth and fortune, beloved by Hippothales, and Menexenus,! also a boy, and cousin to Ctesippus, and friend to Lysis. The characters are, as usual, elegantly drawn; but what is the end or meaning of the whole dialogue, I do not pretend to say. It turns upon the nature and definition of friendship. Socrates starts a hundred notions about it, and confutes them all himself; no-
1 The discourse with Menexenus is intended to correct a boy of a bolder and more forward nature than Lysis, by shewing him that he knows nothing ; and leaves him in the opinion of his own ignorance. The second title of the dialogue is a false or an incorrect one, for friendship is only by accident a part of it ; the intent of the whole seems to be, to shew in what manner we should converse with young people according to their dif- ferent dispositions.
NOTES. frequented the Palestre, as the publick resort of the youth, and taught their art there.
P. 204, Παραταθησεται.1] Enecabitur, conficietur.
Tb. Ὡς Ἕρμαια αγουσιν ἀαναμεμίγμενοι, εν TAUTW εἰσιν OL νεανίσκοι και δι παιδες.1] A festival celebrated in all the places of education for boys. We see here how little the severe laws of Solon on this head were observed, which particularly forbade grown per- sons to be admitted on that occasion, Mschin. Orat. in Timar- chum in principio.
Ib. Παιδοτριβης.1] The master of the Palestra, who taught them their exercise.
207. Επηλυγασαμενος προεστη, read προσεστήη, aS in p. 210, ἀνεμνησθην ort Kat προσεστως, &c.
208. Ilasdaywyos.] Commonly some old slave who waited on them to the schools and to the Palestre.
211. Oprvya.] The passion of the Athenians for fighting quails and game-cocks is well known. See Plutarch in Alcibiade.
213. Either leave out οὐκ in that passage, ore ἠκροᾶτο οὐκ οὕτως exev, or read perhaps, οὐκ ἡσυχως.
LYSIS. 89
thing is determined, the dialogue is interrupted, and there is an end. Perhaps a second dialogue was de- signed on the same subject, and never executed. As to all the mysteries which Serranus has discovered in it, they are mere dreams of his own.
The first part of this dialogue is of that kind called Mauevtixos, and the second part, Πειραστικος.
NOTES.
P. 214. Των copwratwy.] Empedocles, perhaps, who ascribed the first formation of things to this friendship: Adore μεν φιλοτητι συνερχομεν εἰς ἑν ἀπαντα, &c. 1), Laert. L. 8. ο. 76. or Anaxagoras, who taught εκ των ὁμοιομερων μικρων σωμάτων τὸ πᾶν συγκεκρᾶσθαι. Laert. L. 2. ο. 8.
219. Κωνειον πεπωκοτα.}] A quantity of wine, drunk after the cicuta, was believed to prevent its mortal effects.
223. Hv ove.] It wasalawof Solon, τα διδασκαλεῖα κλειετωσαν προ ἥλιου Suvovtos. (Aischines.)
ALCIBIADES 1, H, ΠΕΡῚ ΦΥΣΕΩΣ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΥ͂.
THE title expressing the subject of this dialogue (like that of Lysis) is wrong. Dacier rightly observes, that the titles are commonly nothing to the purpose ; but he is strangely mistaken in saying, they are of modern invention, and that Diogenes Laertius makes no mention
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Platon. Op. Edit. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 103.
P. 104. Μεγακλεα emirporov.] Megacles (the father of Dino- mache, the mother of Alcibiades), and Agariste, the mother of Pericles, were brother and sister. Alcibiades was not above three years old, and his brother Clinias was still younger, when they lost their father at the battle of Coronea, Ol. 83. 1.
106. Teva: ert ro Bnua.] Boys when they had undergone the Δοκιμασια before the Thesmothetz who presided in the court of Heliea, (V. Lysiam in Diogeiton. p. 508 and 515., Aristophan. in Vespis, v. 576., and Antiphont. de cede Choreute, p. 143, ed. H. Steph. fol.), and were enrolled among the men, though they were for a year excused from all Λειτοῦργιαι, seem to have been at liberty (at this time of the republick) to vote and speak in the assembly of the people. Therefore, Potter (Archeolog. L. 1, ο. 17.) is not correct when he affirms that they could not speak there, who were under thirty years of age. ‘They could not indeed be chosen into the senate, &c. till that age.
Ib. Τραμματα και κιθαριζειν] The usual education of the Athenian children from seven years old to fifteen. See Aischines de Axioco, p. 94, ed. Le Clerc, and Aristoph. in Nubibus, v. 961.
ALCIBIADES I. 91
of them. That author actually mentions them all, and from his account they appear to be more ancient than Thrasyllus, who lived probably under Augustus and Tiberius, and who seemingly took them to be all of Plato’s own hand.
NOTES.
P. 113. Σου rade κινδυνευεις.1 These are the words of Phedra in the Hippolytus of Euripides, v. 352. Zou rad’ οὐκ enou κλυεις, which was played full three years after the time of this dialogue ; but this is only a slight anachronism, and I wish that Plato had never been guilty of any greater.
Ib. Σκευαριω v.] It is here used for clothes.
118. Πυθοκλειδη.1] He was a musician of great note, as well as Damon. See Aristotle, cited by Plutarch in his life of Pericles. Some attribute to Pythoclides the invention of the Mixo-Lydian harmony, used in tragedy ; but Aristoxenus ascribes it to Sappho. See Plutarch de Musica, and Burette’s notes in the Mémoires de L’ Acad. des Inscriptions, &c. vol. 13. p. 234.
Ib. HOw ἐγενεσθην.}. He speaks of Xanthippus and Paralus, as already dead, though in reality they were living two years after the time of this dialogue.
119. Pythodorus, son of Isolochus and scholar to Zeno of Elea. Qu?—Whether he were the same who was Archon Ol. 94, 1.?
120. Μειδιαν.] He is mentioned by Aristophanes in Avibus.
Ib. Avdparodwdn τριχα.] This is explained by Potter, L. 1. ce. 10.
121. ‘Qv αἱ yuvarxes.] One office of the Ephori was, to watch over the chastity of the queen.
122. Ovderr μελει. Of old the court of Areopagus were in- spectors of the education of youth. The members of it divided that care among them, and each of them in his province took note of such fathers as gave not their children an education suit- able to their fortune and way of life, as Isocrates shews at large in his beautiful Areopagitick oration. At what time their vigilance on this head began to decline, I cannot fix; but it was probably towards the beginning of the administration of Pericles,
92 NOTES ON PLATO.
The true subject certainly is, to demonstrate the necessity of knowing one’s self, and that, without this foundation, all other acquisitions in science are not only useless, but pernicious.
NOTES.
when the authority of that venerable body was lessened and restrained by Ephialtes, that is, before Ol. 80. 1; yet I find the form of the thing still continued, though not the force of it: for ischines speaking of the discipline young men were subject to, from about the age of eighteen to twenty, has these words ; Πας ὁ του μειρακισκου Xpovos EoTW vO Σωφρονιστας, Kat THY ETL τοὺς veous ἁιρεσιν της εξ ρειου παγου βουλης. (Aschin. in Axiocho, p. 96.) The Sophronistz here mentioned, are distinct from the Areopagites, being the name of a magistracy thus described in Etymolog. Magn. Σωῴφρονισται, apxovres τινες χειροτονήΤοι, dexa Tov apiOuov ἑκαστης φυλης, ἐπεμελοῦντο de της των εφηβων σωφροσυνή.
P.122. Πολλας yap nin yeveas.] We are not told, I believe, by any other writer, that the use of money was so early introduced into Lacedemon ; but the following passage of Posidonius in Athenzus, may help to explain it; Λακεδαιμονιοι ὑπο των εθων κωλυομενοιεισφερειν εἰς τὴν Σπαρτην, (ws ὁ αυτοςἱστορει Ilocedwvios), και κτᾶσθαι χρυσον καὶ ἀργυρον, εκτῶντο μεν οὐδὲν ἧττον, παρα- κατετιθετο δε τοις ὁμοροις ἄρκασιν, εἰτὰ πολεμίους aUTOUS εσχον ἀντι φίλων, ὅπως ανυπευθυνον To ἀπιστον δια τὴν ἐεχθραν γενηται" τω μεν ουν ev Δελῴοις ἀπολλωνι Tov προτερον ev TH Λακεδαιμονι χρυσον και apyupov ἱστοροῦσιν ανατεθηναι. κτλ. Athen. L. 6. p. 233, and we may consult also Plato’s Hip. Maj. p. 283, and De Republica, L. 8, p. 548. Plutarch says, that money was not even allowed for the uses of the publick, till after the siege of Athens and its surrendering to Lysander, when that point was carried after a great struggle; though, at the same time, it was made capital to apply it to private occasions. This happened twenty seven years after the date of this dialogue.
Ib. Γενεθλια.1]7 The birthday of the Persian king was yearly observed by all Asia.
Ib. Και Meoonvys.] Messenia was a country far surpassing
ALCIBIADES I. 93
The time of this dialogue is towards the end of Alcibiades’s nineteenth year, which (as Dodwell reckons) is Ol. 87. 1. Socrates was then about thirty-nine years old.
NOTES,
Laconia in fertility, and equal to the best in Greece: Euripides describes them both. See ap. Strabonem, L. 8, p. 367, and Pausanias, L. 4, p. 285.
P. 122. Twy τε αλλων καὶ των Ἑιλωτικων.] The Spartans, there- fore, made use of other slaves besides the Heilote.
123. Aewouaxns.] The value of an Athenian matron’s ward- robe and ornaments was about fifty mine, (£161. 9s. 2d.)
Ib. Ins πλεθρα Epxiacw.] Three hundred Πλεθρα of land was a great estate for an Athenian : a plethrum is one hundred feet square. Observe, that the lands of Alcibiades did not lie in that Anuos to which he belonged, for he was of Scambonide.
Ib. Βασιλικος gopos.] Herodotus, L. 6, enumerates the privileges and prerogatives of the Spartan kings, but makes no mention of this revenue, which was probably instituted after his time.
124. Observe that Agis did not come to the crown till five years after this conversation.
ALCIBIADES IL, H, ΠΕΡῚ ΠΡΟΣΕΥΧΗΣ.
THIS is a continuation of the same subject; for what is said on prayer is rather accidental, and only intro- ductory to the main purpose of the dialogue. It is nothing inferior in elegance to the former. Some have attributed it to Xenophon, but it is undoubtedly Plato’s, and designed as a second part to the former.
I could be glad if it were as easy to fix the time of it, as Dacier would persuade us, who boldly fixes it Ol. 93. 1, but there are facts alluded to in it, that will
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 138.
Vol. 2. p. 188. Χαλκω διελεσθαι.}) See Aischylus Sept. cont. Theb.
141. Ta παιδικα.)] Craterus conspired with Hellenocrates and Decamnichus to murder that prince, (Archelaus of Mace- donia) as he was hunting. Aristotle calls him Crateus, and gives a fuller account of this conspiracy than any other author. Aristot. Politic. L. 5. ec. 10. Archelaus had promised him one of his daughters in marriage, for he had two, but gave one to the king of ‘Elimea and the other to his own son Amyntas. Hellenocrates was a Larissean who had likewise been subser- vient to the king’s pleasures.
143. Αὐτικα μαλα παρασταιη---ειπειν--- βουλομενον, &c.] All words importing the present time, and not to be in any way interpreted of the past, as Dacier pretends.
ALCIBIADES II. 95
neither be reconciled to that date, nor indeed to one another ; and besides, it is better to allow Plato to be guilty of these inaccuracies in chronology, than of those improprieties of character which must be the conse- quences of Dacier’s supposition. It is plain, that Socrates continues, as in the preceding discourse, to treat Alcibiades with a certain gentle superiority of understanding, and that he prescribes to (and instructs) him in a manner extremely proper to form the mind
NOTES,
P. 144. What Plato would prove in this place is excellent, namely ; To των ἄλλων ἐπιστήμων κτημα, εαν τις avev του βελτιστου KEKTNMEVOS ἢ; ολιγακις μεν ὠφελειν, βλαπτειν δε τα πλείω τον EXOVTA αυτα. See also de Repub. L. 6. p. 506. and de Legibus, L. 2. p- 661.
145. Aurn δ᾽ ην.] This relates to what he had proved in the former dialogue, (Alcibiad. 1. p. 116.) which would be absurd if that conversation had passed twenty years before.
147. A line from Homer’s Margites; Πολλ᾽ ἡπίστατο epya, κακως δ᾽ ηἡπιίστατο παντα.
148. A Spartan prayer: τὰ καλα διδοναι emt τοις ἀγαθοις.
Ib. Οἱ πλειστας μεν θυσιας.1] The Athenians were remarkably sumptuous in their temples and publick worship, beyond any other people: two months in the year were taken up entirely in these solemnities. See Aristophan. in Vespis, Schol. ad v. 655, and Xenoph. de Republ. Athen. p. 699.
149. Ἑνφημια.] Proclamation was always made in the be- ginning of sacrifices in this form: Ἐυφημεῖτε, εὐφημεῖτε, and then followed a solemn prayer.
Ib. Kakov roxtornv.] Perhaps we should read, Δικαστην.
150. Ovros ἑστιν ὦ μελει περι cov.] Socrates may either mean the Divinity here, as in the former dialogue, Alcibiad. 1. p. 135. Eav BovAnov. Zwx: Ov καλως λεγεις. ἀλκιβ: AAG πως χρὴ λεγειν ; Σωκ: ‘Ore eav Geos εθελη : for it was the character of Socrates to assume nothing to himself: he ascribes all to the
96 NOTES ON PLATO.
of a youth just entering into the world, but ill-bred and impertinent to a man of forty years of age, who had passed through the highest dignities of the state and through the most extraordinary reverses of fortune. Plato himself may convince us of this, by what he makes Socrates say in the first Alcibiades; p. 127. Αλλα χρὴ θαῤῥεῖν" εἰ μεν yap αὖτο ἤσθου πέπονθως πεντηκονταετης, χάλεπον QV αν σοι ἐπιμεληθηναι σαυτοῦ: νυν δε, ἣν exes ἡλικιαν, αὑτη εστιν εν ἡ δει αὐτο αισθανεσθαι.
The principal difficulties are, that he speaks of Pericles as yet living, who died Ol. 87. 4, and of the
NOTES.
demon who directed him, whom he calls his Emirporos: or Socrates may here mean himself, as I rather think. Some Christian writers would give a very extraordinary turn to this part of the dialogue, as though Plato meant to prove the necessity of a Revelation: but I spy no such mysteries in it. Socrates has proved that we are neither fit to deal with man- kind, till we know them by knowing ourselves; nor to address ourselves to the Divine Power, till we know enough of his nature to know what we owe him: what that nature is, he defers examining till another opportunity, which is done to raise the curiosity and impatience of the young Alcibiades, and to avoid that prolixity, into which a disquisition so important would have naturally led him.
P. 151. Zrepavov.] Alcibiades, as going to perform sacrifice, had a chaplet of flowers on his head, which was the custom for all present at such solemnities.
Ib. ὁ Kpewv.] From the Pheenisse of Euripides, v. 886.
O.wvov εθεμὴν καλλινικα σοι στεφη" Ey yap κλυδωνι Keyed’, worep οισθα συ.
Ib. Tw σων epacrwy.] He here continues the same style to Alcibiades, which would be absurd to a man of forty years of age.
ALCIBIADES II. 97
murder of Archelaus king of Macedon as a fact then recent, which did not happen! till Ol. 95. 1, the same year with Socrates’s death, and near five years after that of Alcibiades.
1 According to Diodorus Siculus, L. 16. p. 266. who, though he may have rightly fixed the period of the reign of Archelaus, contradicts himself as to the duration of it. He says, that he reigned seven years, yet mentions him as king of Macedon (L. 13. p. 175.) ten years before his death, Ol. 92. 3. Accord- ing to the Marmor Parium, he must have reigned still longer, for there he is said to have come to the throne, Ol. 90. 1. ; but that date is certainly false, as Thucydides speaks of his father Perdiccas, yet living four years afterwards. But let Diodorus be mistaken or not, it is sure, from this passage of Thucydides, that Archelaus came not to the crown till at least thirteen years after the death of Pericles. See also Atheneus, L. 5. p. 217.
VOL. IV. H
THEAGES. H, ΠΕΡῚ ΣΟΦΙΑΣ,
Demopocus of Anagyrus, an old Athenian who had passed with reputation through the highest offices of the state, and now, after the manner of his ancestors, lived chiefly on his lands in the country, (Euthydem, p. 291.) employed in agriculture and rustick amuse- ments, brings with him to Athens his son! Theages, a youth impatient to improve himself in the arts then in vogue, and to shine among his companions who studied
1 He actually became a friend and disciple of Socrates, and is mentioned by him as such, together with a brother of his called Paralus, in his Apology, p. 83. Theages was probably dead at the time of the condemnation of Socrates ; he is men- tioned as of a weak and unhealthy constitution. See De Republ. L. 6. p. 496.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 121.
P. 124. Tov νεωστι Apxovra.] Archelaus was then just come to the throne, and consequently this year, in which Diodorus first mentions him, was, it is probable, the first of his reign. (V. Alcibiad. II.) Bacis, a prophet, often cited by Herodotus. The Scholiast on Aristophan. Equites, v. 123, says, there were three of the name. (Clemens Alexandr. Strom. L. 1, p. 398.)
Ib. Audidvrov.] The name of this Athenian prophet I do not elsewhere meet with,
THEAGES. 99
eloquence,! and practised politicks, as soon as ever their age would permit them to appear in the popular assemblies.
Socrates, at the father’s desire, enters into conversa- tion with the young man, and decoys him by little and little into a confession that he wanted to be a great man, and to govern his fellow citizens. After diverting himself with the naiveté of Theages, he proposes ironic- ally several sophists of reputation, and several famous statesmen, who were fit to instruct him in this grand art: but as it does not appear that the disciples of those sophists, or even the sons of those statesmen, have been
1 Aristophanes ridicules this turn of the age in which he lived, in many places, particularly in Equitib. v. 1875. Read- ing, and the knowledge of the Belles Lettres, having more generally diffused itself through the body of the people, than it had done hitherto, had an ill effect on the manners of a nation naturally vain and lively. Every one had a smattering of elo- quence and of reasoning, and every one would make a figure and govern ; but no one would be governed: the authority of age and of virtue was lost and overborne, and wit and a fluency of words supplied the place of experience and of common sense. See the character of Hippocrates in the Protagoras, Ὁ. 312: and Plato himself gives this as the characteristick of the Athenians in his time, Ἢ παντων εἰς παντὰ σοφιας Sofa, καὶ παρανομια. See de Legib. L. 3, p. 701.
NOTES.
P.125. Eis διδασκαλον.] Perhaps Διδασκαλειον . ---ΤῊ 5 poem of Anacreon on Callicrete, the daughter of Cyane, is now lost. Dacier seriously imagines that she was a female politician, like Aspasia ; but it is more agreeable to Anacreon’s gallantry, that we should suppose the seat of tyranny was only in her face.
128. Δαιμονιον.} See Mr. Foster’s note on the Euthyphro,
ad p. 22, and Fraguier’s Discourse on Socrates, Mém. de ]’Acad, des Inscript. V. 6.
100 NOTES ON PLATO.
much the better for their lessons, both Demodocus and Theages intreat and insist that Socrates himself would admit him to his company, and favour him with his instructions. The philosopher very gravely tells them stories of his demon, without whose permission he undertakes nothing, and upon whom it entirely depends, whether his conversation shall be of any use, or not, to his friends; but at last he acquiesces, if Theages cares to make the experiment.
The scene of the dialogue is in the portico (described by Pausanias, L. 1. ο. 3.) of Jupiter the Deliverer, in the Ceramicus, the principal street of Athens; and the time Ol. 92. 3-4, during the expedition of Thrasyllus, in which he was defeated at Ephesus by the Persians, and other allies of Sparta. Socrates was then sixty years old.
NOTES.
P.129. Κλειτομαχον ερεσθαι.1 This assassination of N icias, the son of Heroscamander, by Philemon and Timarchus, and the condemnation of the latter with Euathlus, who had given him shelter, is not recounted in any other author.
130. Θουκυδιδην.] Thucydides, the son of Melesias, was at the head of the Athenian nobility and of the party which op- posed Pericles and Ephialtes: he was a near relation to Cymon, and banished by Ostracism about Ol. 83. 4, when Socrates was twenty-six yearsold. He had twosons, Melesias and Stephanus, the eldest of which was father to the Thucydides here mentioned.
130. Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, surnamed the Just, had a son, called after his grandfather, Lysimachus, whose son was also called Aristides, which interchange of names was common at Athens.
EUTHYPHRO. H, ΠΕΡῚ ὉΣΙΟΥ͂,
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 2.
Soorates,' about the time that an accusation had been preferred against him for impiety in the court of the BaovAevs,? walking in the portico, where that magistrate used to sit in judgment, meets with Euthyphro, a per- son deeply versed in the knowledge of religious affairs,
1 OL. 96. 1.
2 Impeachments for murder were laid in the court of the Βασιλεὺς, but not tried till four months after in the court of Areo- pagus, where the Βασίλευς had himself a vote. The cause was judged in the open air, for all such as were (ὁμοῤῥοῴιοι) under the same roof with the defendant were thought to partake of his guilt. The accuser gave him immediate notice not to approach the forum, the assembly, the temples, or the publick games, (προσηγορευει εἰιργεσθαι των νομιμων)ὴ and in that state he con- tinued, till he was acquitted of the crime. See Antipho, Orat. de cede Herodis, and de cede Choreute. Informations might also (as it seems) be laid in the court of Heliza before the Thesmothete.
NOTE.
Mr. Foster having published and made remarks on this and some other pieces of Plato, it is unnecessary for me to dwell long upon them.
P. 2. The Βασιλεῖος Στοα was in the Ceramicus on the right hand, as you come from the gate which led to the Pireeus.
102 NOTES ON PLATO.
as sacrifices, oracles, divinations, and such matters, and full of that grave kind of arrogance which these mysterious sciences use to inspire. His father, having an estate in the isle of Naxus, had employed among his own slaves a poor Athenian who worked for hire. This man, having drunk too much, had quarrelled with and actually murdered one of the slaves. Upon which, the father of Euthyphro apprehended and threw him into a jail, till the EKéyyynrav! had been consulted, in order to know what should be done. The man, not having been taken much care of, died in his confine- ment: upon which Euthyphro determines to lodge an indictment against his own father for murder. Socrates, surprised at the novelty of such an accusation, inquires into the sentiments of Euthyphro with regard to piety and the service of the gods, (by way of informing him- self on that subject against the time of his trial) and by frequent questions, intangling him in his own con- cessions, and forcing him to shift from one principle and definition to another, soon lays open his ignor- ance, and shews that all his ideas of religion were
1 The Eénynra: at Athens, like the Pontifices at Rome, were applied to, when any prodigy had happened or any violent death, to settle the rights of expiation or to propitiate the manes of the dead. Harpocration and Suidas have these words, Eénynrns, ὁ εξηγουμενος Ta ἱερα᾽ eott δὲ Kat ἁ προς Tous κατ- οἰχομενοὺυς νομιζομενα εξηγοῦντο τοις δεομενοις. So Demosthenes contra Everg. of a woman supposed to be murdered: Ἐπειδὴ τοινυν ετελευτήσεν, NAPov ws τους Ἐϊξηγητας, iva ειδειην ὁ τι με χρὴ ποιειν περι τουτων : and the prosecution of the murderer made a necessary part of this expiation. See Theophrasti Charact : περι Δεισιδαιμονιας, c. 16, and Plato de Republ. L. 4, p. 427, where he calls the Delphian Apollo, Eénynrns πατριος.
EUTHYPHRO. 103
founded on childish fables and on arbitrary forms and institutions.
The intention of the dialogue seems to be, to expose the vulgar notions of piety, founded on traditions un- worthy of the divinity, and employed in propitiating him by puerile inventions and by the vain ceremonies of external worship, without regard to justice and to those plain duties of society, which alone can render us truly worthy of the deity.
APOLOGIA SOCRATIS.
PLATO was himself present at the trial of Socrates, being then about twenty-nine years of age; and he was one of those who offered to speak in his defence, (though the court would not suffer him to proceed), and to be bound as a surety for the payment of his fine: yet we are not to imagine, that this oration was the real defence which Socrates made. Dionysius says, that it was δικαστηρίου μὲν ἡ ἀγορᾶς ουδὲ θυρας ιδων, κατ᾽ adAnv Se twa βουλησιν yeypappevos, and what that design was, he explains himself by saying, that, under
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 17.
Ῥ, 18. It is remarkable that he should mention this comedy of Aristophanes, as having made a deep impression on the people; and yet it was brought on the stage twenty years before, where it was exploded ; and afterwards it was produced again, but still in vain: (Vid. Prolegom. ad Nubes, and ν. 524.) though the author regarded it as his best play.
23. Qr? Whether Anytus were the same person who was colleague to the great Thrasybulus, and had a principal share in restoring the democracy, mentioned by Lysias in Agoratum, p. 260, 263, by Xenophon, Hist. Gree. L. 2, p. 468, and by Isocrates, in Exc. adv. Callimachum? Melitus, who is mentioned as a bad tragick poet in the Rane of Aristophanes, v. 1337, and whose person is described in the Euthyphro, was not prob- ably the same with that Melitus, who was among the accusers
APOLOGIA SOCRATIS, 105
the cover of an apology, it is a delicate satire on the Athenians, a panegyrick on Socrates, and a pattern and character of the true philosopher. (Dion. Hali- carnass. de vi Demosthen. p. 289, and de Art. Rhetor. Ρ. 83. Vol. 2. edit. Huds. Oxon. 1704.) Nevertheless, it is founded on truth ; it represents the true spirit and disposition of Socrates, and many of the topicks used in it are agreeable to those which we find in Xenophon,! and which were doubtless used by Socrates himself ; as where he mentions his demon, and the reasons he had for preferring death to life, his account of the oracle given to Chzerepho, and the remarkable allusion to Palamedes,? &c. the ground-work is manifestly the same, though the expressions are different. In one
1 Xenophon was absent at the time of the trial, Ol. 95. 1, in Asia ; and the account, which he gives, he had from Hermo- genes, the son of Hipponicus, a great friend of Socrates: we see from him, that many persons had written narrations of the behaviour of Socrates on the occasion,
2 This doubtless gave occasion to what Ailian and others have said, (Var. Hist. and Diog. Laert. L. 2, s. 44.) that Euri- pides, in some lines of his Palamedes, alluded to Socrates’s
death ; whereas that drama was played Ol. 91. 1, and Euripides died Ol. 98. 2, seven years before Socrates.
NOTES.
of Andocides, the year before this, for Socrates speaks of him as a youth not known in the world before this accusation of his (See Euthyphr.) ; nor with the Melitus who was deputed by the Athenians to go to Sparta, Ol. 94. 1: these two last facts seem to belong to one and the same person.
P. 24. Πολλὴν αφθονιαν.] Hence it appears that, in whatever court Socrates was tried, the judges were extremely numerous.
26. Apaxyuns ex τῆς Opxnotpas.] The price of a seat in the theatre was at most one drachma.
106 NOTES ON PLATO.
thing only they seem directly to contradict each other : Xenophon says, he neither offered himself any thing in mitigation of his punishment, nor would suffer his friends to do so, looking upon this as an acknowledgment of some guilt: ovre αὐτὸν ὑπετιμήησατο, ovte τους φιλους εἰασεν" ἀλλα και ελεγεν, ὅτι το ὑποτιμᾶσθαι ὁμολογοῦντος evn αδικειν. If the word ὑποτιμᾶσθαι means that he would not submit to ask for a change of his sentence
NOTES.
P. 32. EBovAevoa de.] Socrates was in the senate of Five Hundred, Ol. 93. 3, being then sixty-five years of age. The Prytanes presided in the assemblies of the people, were seated in the place of honour, and attended by the Tofora:, who, by their orders, seized any persons who made a disturbance ; they introduced ambassadours, gave liberty of speaking to the orators, and of voting to the people; and (as it appears) any one of them could put a negative on their proceedings, since Socrates | alone, at the trial of the Zrparyyor, insisted, that the question was contrary to law, and would not suffer it to be put to the assembly.
Ib. Θολος.] A building in the Ceramicus near the Βουλευτήριον των Πεντακοσιων, where the Prytanes assembled to perform sacrifice and to banquet. (Pausanias, L. 1, p. 12, and Jul. Pollux in fin. L. 8.) Who were Nicostratus and Theodotus, the sons of Theodotides ?
34. Exs μεν, μειράκιον 767" δνω de, Παιδια.] Socrates had three sons, (D. Laert. L. 2, s. 26.) Lamprocles, Sophroniscus, and Menexenus, the first by Xanthippe, the two others (as it is said) by Myrto, grand-daughter to the famous Aristides. Some say, he married the latter first; but that is impossible, because he had Lamprocles, his eldest son, by Xanthippe ; and she certainly survived him ; therefore, if Myrto were his wife, he must have had two wives together. This is indeed affirmed in a treatise on nobility ascribed to Aristotle, and by Aristoxenus and Callis- thenes his scholars, as well as by Demetrius Phalereus, and others. It is a very extraordinary thing, that such men should
APOLOGIA SOCRATIS. 107
into banishment, or perpetual imprisonment, so far it is agreeable to Plato, p. 37. but if it means, that he would not suffer any mulct himself, nor permit his friends to mention it, we see the contrary, p. 38, where he fines himself one mina (all he was worth), and where his friends Crito, Critobilus, Plato, and Apollodorus, offer thirty mine (£96. 17s. 6d.) which was, I suppose, all they could raise, to save him. Now this being a fact,
NOTES,
be deceived in a fact which happened so near their own time ; yet Panetius, in his life of Socrates, expressly refuted this story ; and it is sure, that neither Xenophon, nor Plato, nor any other of his contemporaries, mentions any wife but Xan- thippe.
P. 35. ἄριστα ewat και ὑμιν.] Here is aninterval; and we see that Melitus, Anytus, and Lyco, having gone through their accusations, and Socrates having made his defence, and some of his friends, perhaps, having also supported it, the judges proceeded to vote guilty, or not guilty. The former suffrages exceeded the latter by three, by thirty, or by thirty and three, for the MSS. differ in the number. Justus of Tiberias (Laert. L. 2. 5. 41.) says by 281, which is doubtless false ; and he adds that 361 condemned him to death.—I imagine, from what occurs afterwards, that Melitus and Anytus spoke a second time, after Socrates had finished his defence, before the court had voted. Xenophon tells us, that some of Socrates’s friends actually pleaded for him. Ἐῤῥηθη πλειονα ὑπ’ αὐτου, και των συναγορευοντων φιλων αὐτου. Xenoph. Apolog. Sect. 22.
36. Kav wide χιλιας.] Ido not see how Socrates should know this, unless a small number of the judges, immediately after his defence, had risen to give their vote against him, and the rest deferred voting, till after Lyco and Anytus had spoken a second time in support of Melitus. In all publick accusations (some sorts of Ἐισαγγελίαι excepted) this was the case, if the accuser did not get a fifth of the votes. The next question regards the Τίμημα, which the court had it in their power to mitigate, if
108 NOTES ON PLATO.
at that time easily proved or disproved, I am of opinion that Plato never would have inserted into his discourse a manifest falsity, and, therefore, we are to take Xeno- phon’s words in that restrained sense which I have mentioned.
Potter says, that from the nature of the crime (AceBeia), it is evident that the trial was before the court of Areopagus: but I take the contrary to be
NOTES. they were persuaded or moved by the plea of the criminal. See Lysias in Epicratem, p. 454.
P. 37. My wav povov.] Here we see that capital causes were decided in a single day.
38. Αξιοχρεω.] Here follows a second interval, during which . the court voted, and condemned him to die.
39. Τιμωριαν.] Do not imagine with Dacier, in this place, that he is threatening them with plagues and divine judgments : he only means that for one Socrates a hundred shall spring up to tell the Athenians their faults, which was very true; as the Socratick school was continually increasing.
N.B. It may be observed, that Socrates was one of the senate of Five Hundred, and was one of the Prytanes on the trial of the Στρατηγοι : this is certain, both from Plato, in this piece, and from Xenophon, Hist. Greece. L. 1. p. 449, and from ZEschines in Axiocho, p. 101. This last writer tells us, that the matter was carried the next day by the choice of certain IIpoedpor εγκαταθετοι, to take the votes; whence it should seem that it was not, at that time of the republick, the constant custom to elect Ipoedpa for this purpose, as it afterwards was out of the nine tribes, which were not Prytanes ; (See Potter, L. 1. 17.) but that the Prytanes alone, or some chosen from among them, exercised this office. Xenophon, in his Apomnemon, L. 4. c. 4, seems to speak of the same trial, and says, that Socrates was Emorarns in the assembly : if so, it was his particular province to give the people liberty of voting; but it is certain that he was not an Emorarns chosen out of the IIpoedpa, as was usual
APOLOGIA SOCRATIS, 109
evident from the style both here andin Xenophon. He always addresses his judges by the name of Avdpes, or Avépes Αθηναιοι, whereas the form of speaking either to the 1 Areopagites or to the senate 3 of Five Hundred, was constantly ὦ BovAy: and in the courts*® of justice, Avépes Δικασται, or sometimes Avdpes Αθηναιοι, or Avépes alone: he therefore was judged in some of these courts.
1 See Lysias’s Apolog. in Simonem, and his Oration, Pro sacra Oliva.
2 See Lysias in Philonem, pro Mantitheo, &c.
3 Ib. in Epicratem in principio et sub fin. : et pro Euphileto, et passim.
NOTE,
in the time of Demosthenes: he might indeed be Excrarns of the Prytanes, an honour which continued but one day. See also Xenophon in Apomnem: L. 1. c. 1, where a clearer account is given of the same fact, where he is called Bov\eurns and Ἐπιστατὴς ev Tw Anuy. See also Plato’s Gorgias, p. 473, and Corsinus Fast. Attic. v. 1. Diss. 6. de ἸΤροεδρων και Ἐπιστατων Electione.
CRITO. H, MEPI IIPAKTOY.
or (as the second Basil edition more justly entitles it) ΠΕΡῚ AOZH= AAHOOTS KAI AIKAIOY. Ol. 95. 1. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 43. Tuts beautiful dialogue (besides Dacier’s translation and Foster’s notes) has been translated and illustrated by the Abbé Sallier, keeper of the printed books in the
French king’s library; see Vol. 14. Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, p. 38.
PHADO. H, ΠΕΡῚ ΨΥΧΗΣ.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 57.
Tats famous dialogue was supposed by Paneetius! the stoick, a great admirer of Plato, not to be genuine, or at least interpolated, rather, as it seems, from his own persuasion 2 of the soul’s mortality, than from any thing in the piece itself unlike the manner or the tenets of the philosopher, to whom it has always been ascribed. The whole course of antiquity has regarded it as one of his principal works; and (what seems decisive) Aristotle? himself cites it, as a work of his master.
The historical part of it is admirable, and, though written and disposed with all the art and management of the best tragick writer, (for the slightest circumstance in it wants not its force and meaning) it exhibits nothing to the eye but the noble simplicity of nature. 1 Anthologia, L. 1. 44. 2 Cicero, Tusc. Quest. L. 1. 32.
3 Meteorolog. L. 2. 2. NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 58. Kar’ exavrov.] This annual solemnity should be dis- tinguished from the great Delian festival described by Thucy- dides, (See Taylor’s Comment on the Marmor Sandvicense, ) which returned only once in four years, and which, after a long intermission, was revived Ol. 88, 3.
112 NOTES ON PLATO.
Every intelligent reader will feel what those who were eye-witnesses are said to have felt, namely, αηθη τινα κρᾶσιν, ατὸ TE THS ἡδονὴης συγκεκραμενην ὅμου και TS λυπης. The innocence, the humanity, the cheerfulness, and the unaffected intrepidity of Socrates, will draw some tears from him (as it did many from them) as for the loss of a father ; and will, at the same time, better than any arguments, shew him a soul, which, if it were not so, at least deserved to be immortal.
The reasoning part is far inferior, sometimes weak, sometimes false, too obscure, too abstracted, to convince us of any thing; yet with a mixture of good sense and with many fine observations. The fabulous account of a future state is too particular and too fantastick an invention for Socrates to dwell upon at such a time, and has less decorum and propriety in it than the other parts of the dialogue.
Socrates attempts in this dialogue to prove, that true philosophy is but a continual preparation for death ; its daily study and practice being to wean and separate the body from the soul, whose pursuit of truth is perpetu- ally stopped and impeded by the numerous avocations, the little pleasures, pains, and necessities of its com- panion. TZhat, as death is but a transition from its opposite, life (in the same manner as heat is from cold,
1 This was an idea of Pythagoras. Ev Buy ἀρχη τελευτης" ev fwn de yeveots φθορᾶς. Diog. Laert. L. 8. 5. 22.
NOTE. Ῥ, 61. Φιλολαου.] Wesee that Philolaus of Crotona had been at Thebes, and that Simmias and Cebes had both received from him some tincture of the Pythagorean doctrines.
εν
PHADO. 113
weakness from strength, and all things, both in the natural and in the moral world, from their contraries) so life is only a transition from death ; whence he would infer the probability of a metempsychosis. Z'hat, such propositions,! as every one assents to at first, being self-evident, and no one giving any account how such parts of knowledge, on which the rest are founded, were originally conveyed to our mind, there must have been a pre-existent state, in which the soul was acquainted with these truths, which she recollects and assents to on their recurring to her in this life. That, as truth is eternal and immutable, and not visible to our senses but to the soul alone; and as the empire, which she exercises over the body, bears a resemblance to the power of the Divinity, it is probable that she, like her object, is everlasting and unchangeable, and, like the office she bears, something divine. That, it cannot be, as some have thought, merely a harmony resulting from a dis- position of parts in the body, since it directs, commands, and restrains the functions of that very body. That,
1 Socrates has explained the same doctrine in the Meno, p. 81, &c. but rather as conjectural than demonstrable, for he adds, in the conclusion, p. 86. Ta μὲν γε ἀλλα οὐκ αν πανυ ὑπερ του Noyou διϊσχυρισαιμὴν, Ke.
NOTES.
P. 97. Hence it is clear that Socrates never was the scholar of Anaxagoras, (whatever Laertius and others have said) though he had read his works with application.
* See who Echecrates was, in Plato’s 9th Epistle, Op. Vol. 3. p. 358. The Phliasians were ever the faithful allies of Sparta, and (though the Peloponnesian war was now at an end) it is no wonder if they had not any great intercourse with Athens.
VFOn,. TY. I
114 NOTES ON PLATO.
the soul, being the cause of life to the body, can never itself be susceptible of death ; and that, there will be a state of rewards and punishments, the scene of which he takes pains in describing, though he concludes, that no man can tell exactly where or what it shall be.
Dacier’s superstition and folly are so great in his notes on the Phzdo, that they are not worth dwelling upon.
ERAST &. EPASTAI sev ANTEPASTAL:
IIEPI ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΙΑΣ.
THE scene lies in the school of Dionysius the gram- marian,! who was Plato’s own master. The design is to shew, that philosophy consists not in ostentation, nor in that insight (which the sophists affected) into a variety of the inferior parts of science, but in the knowledge of one’s self, and in a sagacity in discover- ing the characters and dispositions of mankind, and of correcting and of modelling their minds to their own . advantage.
The dialogue is excellent, but too short for such a subject. The interlocutors are not named, nor is there any mark of the time when it happened.
1 Τραμματιστης, of whom children learned to read and write. Vid. Charmidem. p. 161.
NOTE ON THE GREEK TEXT. Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 132. P. 135. The price of a slave skilled in carpenter’s work, was five or six mine, about £19. 7s. 6d.; of an architect, 10,000 drachme, i.e. above £322. 17s. Od.
LACHES. H, ΠΕΡῚ ANAPEIAS.
THE persons in this dialogue are men of distinguished rank and figure in the state of Athens.
1. Lysimachus,! son to the famous Aristides, sur- named, The Just.
2. Melesias, son to that Thucydides who was the great rival of Pericles in the administration.
1 Vid. Menone. p. 93. 94. Both he and Melesias were persons little esteemed, except on their father’s account.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 178.
P. 178. Tov Avdpa.] Stesilaus, as it afterwards appears, an Athenian.
179. Παππω ovre.] Perhaps we should read, Παπποὺυ και OUTOS ονομ᾽ EXWY, TOUMOU πατρος.
180. Ovra δημοτην.] Both Socrates and Lysimachus were of Alopece.
Ib. Δαμωνα.] Damon the sophist and musician, scholar to Agathocles (see the Protagoras, p. 316.) who excelled in the same professions, had been banished by the faction opposite to Pericles, on account of his intimacy with that great man, in whose education Plutarch (in Vit. Pericl.) would make one imagine he had a principal share ; but, in reality, their intimacy did not begin till Pericles was an old man, as Plato (in Alcib. I. p. 118.) expressly tells us ; and accordingly we find here, that Laches had as yet never seen Damon, who probably, after the ten years of his ostracism were expired, was returned to Athens, while Laches commanded in Sicily.
LACHES. 117
3. Nicias,! so often the general in the Peloponnesian war, celebrated for his goodness, for his conduct, and for his success, till the fatal expedition to Syracuse in which he perished.
4. Laches, son of Melanopus of the district Aixone, and tribe Cecropis,? commander of the fleet sent to the assistance of the Leontines in Sicily, Ol. 88. 2, in which expedition he defeated the Locrians, reduced Messene, Myle, and other places, and after his recall, seems to have been ὃ prosecuted by Cleon for corruption in this very year; whence it appears, that he was in the battle of Delium.*
1 Thucydides passim.—Plutarch: in Vita Nicize—Lysias contra Poliuchum, p. 318.
2 Thucydides in multis locis. Laches was also among the commanders of the troops sent into Peloponnesus to assist the Argives. Ol. 90. 3. (See Diodorus, L, 12. p. 126. edit. Rhodo- manni, 1604.
3 Aristophanes in Vespis, et Scholia; which drama was played Ol. 89. 2; see verse 890, where he is called Λαβης ὁ Acéwvevus, as Cleon is called, Kuwy ὁ Κυδαθηναιευς.
4 He was one of the generals of the Athenians in the battle near Mantinea, Ol. 90. 3, and was slain in that action. See Thucydides, L. 5. p. 334, and Androtion in Schol. ad Aves Aristophanis, v. 13.
NOTES,
P. 180. Ilarpixos φιλος.1] Sophroniscus, therefore, though in low circumstances, was a man of good character, and known to the principal citizens.
182. Οὐ yap ayévos.] The war with Sparta. It is plain, that this was not one among the usual exercises of their gym- nasia, and the teachers of it were but lately introduced in Athens.
183. Tpaywdias ποιητης.1] A satire on the Athenians who were devoted to these entertainments. See de Republ. L. 2. Ῥ. 376, L. 3. p. 390, and L. 8. p. 568.
118 NOTES ON PLATO.
Two youths under twenty years of age.
7. Socrates, then in his forty-seventh year.
The two first of these persons, being then very ancient, and probably about seventy years of age, and sensible of that defect in their own education, which had caused them to lead their lives in an obscurity unworthy the sons of such renowned fathers, were the more solicitous on account of their own sons, who were now almost of an age to enter into the world. They
5. Thucydides, son to Melesias.1 6. Aristides, son to Lysimachus.
4 Vid. Menonem, p. 94. et Theagem, p. 130. et Thezetetum, p- 1st.
NOTES.
P. 183. Αβατον tepov.] Like the temples and groves of the Σεμναι Oca, the Furies, Xwpos—aixTos ovd’ οἰκητος, &c. Soph. Ged. Col. v. 39.
Ib. Erepw6t.] In the Sicilian expedition.
Ib. Aopudperavov.] A long halbard, whose head was fashioned like a scythe or broad sickle. They were used to cut the rig- ging of ships down, and in sieges to pull down the battlements of walls, such as Livy, L. 38, calls, ‘‘ Asseres falcati ad deter- gendas pinnas.” Vid. Fragm. Polybii, v. 2. ed. Gronov. p. 1546.
184. Emigaveorepos yevoito, ἡ οἷος nv.] Perhaps we should read οἷος nv, and omit the ».
185. AAN ov περι Tov, οὗ évexa addo efynret.] Perhaps we should read, ὁ evexa αλλου εζητει.
188. Δωριστι, add’ οὐκ Ταστι.] A satire on the Athenians, and a compliment to Sparta (V. de Republ. L. 3. p. 398.) which Plato seldom omits, when he finds an opportunity. (Vid. Hippiam Major, p. 283 and 4.—Protogoram, p. 342.—Symposium, p- 209, where he calls the laws of Lycurgus, Zwrypas τῆς EAAados.
LACHES. 119
therefore invite Nicias and Laches, men of distinguished abilities and bravery, but some years younger than themselves, to a conference on that subject; and after having been spectators together of the feats of arms exhibited by Stesilaus, a professed master in the exer- cise of all weapons, they enter into conversation. Socrates, who happened to be present, is introduced by Laches to Lysimachus, as a person worthy to bear a part in their consultation. The first question is occa- sioned by the spectacle which they had just beheld, namely, “‘ whether the management of arms be an exer- cise fit to be learned by young men of quality?” Nicias is desired first to deliver his opinion, which is, that it may give grace and agility to their persons, and courage and confidence to their minds; that it may make them more terrible to their enemies in battle, and more useful to their friends; and at the same time may inspire them with a laudable ambition to attain the higher and more noble parts of military
NOTES.
P. 189. Ex δὲ vewrepos, &c.] Socrates does not seem to have attained a great reputation and esteem till about this time of his life, when Aristophanes also first introduced him on the stage, Ol. 89. 1, in his Νεῴφελαι.
194. Twv δεινων καὶ θαῤῥαλεων.] Which he afterwards de- fines, Aewa μεν, ἁ και δεος παρεχει. Oapparea δε, ἁ και μὴ Seos παρεχει.
195. Ilorepov ὁμολογεῖς μαντις ewat.] Dacier explains well this piece of raillery on the supposed timidity and superstition of Nicias’s character: but when he carries it still farther, and supposes it a part of Nicias’s religion to believe in the bravery of the Crommyonian wild-sow (p. 196.), he grows insipid, and interprets the meaning of Socrates quite wrong.
120 NOTES ON PLATO.
knowledge. Laches has a direct contrary opinion of it: he argues from his own experience, that he never knew a man, who valued himself upon this art, that had distinguished himself in the war; that, the Lace- demonians, who valued and cultivated military discipline beyond all others, gave no encouragement to these masters of defence; that, to excel in it, only served to make a coward more assuming and impudent, and to expose a brave man to envy and calumny, by making any little failing or oversight more conspicuous in him.
Socrates is then prevailed upon to decide the differ- ence, who artfully turns the question of much greater importance for a young man of spirit to know, namely, “what is valour, and how it is distinguished from a brutal and unmeaning fierceness.” By interrogating Laches and Nicias, he shews, that such as had the highest reputation for courage in practice, were often very deficient in the theory; and yet none can com- municate a virtue he possesses, without he has himself a clear idea of it. He proves, that valour must have
NOTES.
P. 197. Λαμαχον.] See his character in Plutarch in Nicias’s life, and in Thucydides, and in Aristophanes in Acharnens: he was remarkable for his bravery and his poverty ; he went to Sicily with Nicias and Alcibiades, as their colleague, Ol. 91. 1, and died there.
Tb. Καλλιστα τα τοιαυτα ονοματα διαιρειν.] Prodicus is accord- ingly introduced in the Protagoras, p. 337, accurately distin- guishing the sense of words, and defining all the terms he uses ; and again in the Protagoras, p. 358, and in the Meno, p. 75, and in the Charmides, p. 163. See also the Euthydemus, p. 277, and this seems to have been the subject of his Ἐπιδειξις πεντηκονταδραχμος. Vid. Cratylum, p. 384.
|
LACHES. 121
good sense for its basis; that it consists in the know- ledge of what is, and what is not, to be feared; and that, consequently, we must first distinguish between real good and evil; and that it is closely connected with the other virtues, namely, justice, temperance, and piety, nor can it ever subsist without them. The scope of this fine dialogue is to shew, that philosophy is the school of true bravery.
The time of this dialogue is not long after the defeat of the Athenians at Delium, Ol. 89. 1, in which action Socrates had behaved with great spirit, and thence recommended himself to the friendship of Laches.
NOTES.
P. 197. Αληθως Acgwvea.] Βλασῴημον scilicet. Vid. Harpo- eration in Acéwvas,
201. Acdws.] The verse is in the Odyssey, P. v. 347:
Αἰδὼς οὐκ ἀγαθὴ κεχρημενὼω avdpe πρδικτη.
Plato here reads—avdpe παρειναι. And so again in the Char. mides, p. 161.
Ib. Héw mapa σε.] Accordingly Aristides and Thucydides were actually under the care of Socrates from this time ; (see the Theages sub fin.) but they soon left him.
HIPPARCHUS: H, SIAOKEPAHS.
THE intention of the dialogue is to shew, that all man- kind in their actions equally tend to some imagined good, but are commonly mistaken in the nature of it;
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Platon. Op. Edit. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 225.
P. 225. ‘Iva τι καὶ ques των σοῴφων ῥηματων.] Ἰσοκωλα kau ὁμοιοτελευτα.
228, Πολιτὴ τω euw.] Thucydides affirms the express con- trary to Plato, that Hipparchus never reigned at all. Ουκ Ἵππαρχος, womep 6. πολλοι οιονται, aN Ἵππιας, πρεσβυτατος ων, εσχε τὴν apxnv. Thucyd. L. 6. Sect. 54. p. 379. Ed. Huds. Oxon: but he agrees with Plato that the government of the Pisistratide was mild and popular, till the murder of Hippar- chus. Hipparchus first brought the works of Homer to Athens; he was intimate with Simonides, and sent a galley to bring Anacreon to Athens, as I imagine, from Samos, after the death of Polycrates, which happened in the fourth year of Hippias’s, (or according to Plato) of Hipparchus’s reign.—The custom of the Rhapsodi successively repeating all Homer’s poems during the Panathenzea.—Herme were erected by Hipparchus in the middle of Athens, and of every Anuos in Attica, with inscrip- tions in verse, containing some moral precept, written by him- self.
229. Ts αδελῴης ατιμιαν τῆς Kavngopias.] Perhaps, rns APMOAIOT adeXdns—rns Κανηφορου, or ev Tn κανηφοριᾷ, unless xapw or ἑνεκα be understood.
HIPPARCHUS. 128
and that nothing can properly be called gain which, when attained, is not a real good. The time of the dialogue is no where marked.
NOTE.
P. 231. ἀντι δωδεκαστασιου.] Gold was therefore to silver at that time, as twelve to one.
PHILEBUS.
H, ΠΕΡῚ ‘HAONH®. Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 11.
Tus dialogue is too remarkable to be passed over slightly : we shall therefore annex the principal heads of it. The question is, Tt τῶν avOpwrwov κτημάτων apurtov ; “What is the supreme good of mankind 1 and, “whether pleasure! or wisdom have the better pretension to it?”
The persons are, Protarchus, the son of Callias, who supports the cause of pleasure, and Socrates, who opposes it: Philebus, who had begun the ‘dispute but was grown weary of it, and many others of the Athenian youth, are present at the conversation. The time of it is no where marked. The end of the eS is supposed to be lost.
P. 12. The name of pleasure, variously applied, to the joys of intemperance and folly, and to the satis- faction arising from wisdom, and from the command of our passions.
Though of unlike, and even of opposite natures, they agree so far, as they are all pleasures alike; as black and white, though contrary the one to the other, are comprehended under the general head of colours.
1 V. de Republ. L. 6. p. 505.
<2
PHILEBUS. 125
Though included under one name, if some are con- trary and of opposite natures to others, they cannot both be good alike.
P. 14. Vulgar enquiry, how it is possible for many ! to be one, and one, many, laid aside by consent as childish.
Obscure question on our abstracted idea of unity. The vanity and disputatious humours of a young man, who has newly tasted of philosophy and has got hold of a puzzling question, are well described.
Every subject of our conversation has in it a mixture of the infinite and of the finite.
P. 16. The true logician will (as the ancients pre- scribed, ) first discover some single and general idea, and then proceed to two or three subordinate to it, which he will again subdivide into their several classes, which will form, as it were, a medium beneath finite and in- finite.
Example in the alphabet. The human voice is one idea, but susceptible of a variety of modulations, and to be diversified even to infinity: to know that it is one, and to know that it is infinite, are neither of them know- ledge ; but there can be no knowledge without them.
When we first attain to the unity of things, we must descend from number to infinity, if we would know any thing: and when we first perceive their infinity, we must ascend through number to unity. Thus the first inventor? of letters remarking the endless variety of
1 VY. Phedon. p. 96.
2 V. Phedrum. p. 274. V. et Politicum. p. 285. Aecoy, ὁταν THY των πολλων Tis προτερον αἰσθηται KoWwwvLay, μη προαφιστασθαι,
126 NOTES ON PLATO.
sounds discovered a certain number of vowels, distin- guished others of a different power, called consonants, some of which were mutes, and others liquids, and to the whole combination of elements he gave the form and name of an alphabet.
P. 20. The good, which constitutes happiness, must be in itself sufficient and perfect, the aim and end of all human creatures.
A life of mere pleasure considered by itself, which, (if pleasure only be that good) must need no mixture nor addition.
If we had no memory nor reflection, we could have no enjoyment of past pleasure, nor hope of future, and scarcely any perception of the present, which would be much like the life of an oyster: on the other hand, a life of thought and reflection, without any sense of pleasure or of pain, seems no desirable state. Neither contemplation, therefore, nor pleasure, are the good we seek after, but probably a life composed of both.
P, 22. Whether the happiness of this mixed state is the result of pleasure, or rather of wisdom, and which contributes most to it?
P. 23. Division of all existence into the infinite, the limited,! the mixed, which is composed of the two former, and the supreme cause of all. πριν av ev avTyn Tas διαφορας εἰδὴ Tacas ὁποσαι περ εν εἰδεσι κεινται" Tas δε av παντοδαπας ανομοιοτήτας, ὁταν εν πληθεσιν οφθωσι, μη δυνατον εἰναι δυσωπουμενον πανεσθαι, πριν αν συμπαντα οἰκεια EVTOS MLAS ὁμοιοτητος ερξας, γενοῦς τινος ουσιᾳ περιβαλη.
1 Or rather, that which limits and gives bounds (ro 7repas)
such as figure, which gives bounds to extension ; as time, which limits duration, &c.
PHILEBUS. 127
Example of the first ; all that admits of increase or decrease, greater or less, hotter or colder, &c. i.e. all undetermined quantity.
Of the second; all that determines quantity, as equality, duplicity, and whatever relation number bears to number, and measure to measure.
Of the third, or mixed ; all created things, in which the infinity of matter is, by number and measure, re- duced to proportion.
P. 27. Pleasure and pain, having no bounds! in themselves, are of the nature of the infinite.
P. 28. The supreme power and wisdom of the Deity asserted.
But a small portion of the several elements is visible in our frame. Our soul is a small portion of the spirit of the universe, or fourth kind mentioned above.
P. 31. Pain is a consequence of a? dissolution of that symmetry and harmony in our fabrick, which is the-cause of health, strength, &c. as pleasure results
1 Happiness and misery, says Mr. Locke, are the names of two extremes, the utmost bounds whereof we know not ; but of some degrees of them we have very lively ideas, (Chapt. of Power, 1. 41.)
2 This is an idea of Timeus, the Locrian : ‘Oxooa μεν wy (των Kuwacewr) εξιστᾶντι ταν φυσιν, αλγειναι εντι᾿ ὁκοσαι δὲ αποκαθισ- τᾶντι ες αὐταν, ἁδοναι ονομαινοντα. And Mr. Locke makes much the same observation, Excess of cold (says he) as well as heat, pains us; because it is equally destructive of that temper, which is necessary to the preservation, and the exercise of the several functions of the body, and which consists in a moderate degree of warmth, or, if you please, a motion of the insensible parts of our bodies confined within certain bounds. Essay on H. U. Ch. 7. 8, 4.
128 NOTES ON PLATO.
from the return and restoration of the parts to their just proportions.
Thus hunger and thirst are uneasinesses proceeding from emptiness ; eating and drinking produce pleasure by restoring a proper degree of repletion. Excess of cold is attended with a sensation of pain, and warmth brings with it an equal pleasure,
Pleasures and pains of the soul alone arise from the! expectation of pleasure or pain of the body: these are hopes and fears, and depend upon the memory.
A state of indifference is without pleasure or pain, which is consistent with a life of thought and contem- plation.
P. 33. Sensation is conveyed to the soul through the organs of the body; the body? may receive many motions and alterations unperceived by the mind.
Memory is the preserver of our sensations.
Recollection, an act of the mind alone, restores to us ideas imprinted in the memory, after an intermission.
Desire, in the mind alone, by which it supplies the wants of the body: it depends on memory.
In the appetites, pleasure and pain go together, a
1 “* Hope is that pleasure in the mind, which every one finds upon the thought of a profitable future enjoyment of a thing which is apt to delight him. Fear is an uneasiness upon the thought of future evil, likely to befall us.” Locke H.U. Ch. 20. PoBos ἡ προ λυπὴς emis’ θαῤῥος de, ἣ προ Tov evayriov. L. 1. Legum. p. 644.
2 This is also from Timeus. Κινασιων δὲ των ἀπὸ τῶν εκτος Tas μεν αναδιδομενας εἰς τον PpoveovTa τοπον, αἰσθησιας εἰμεν, τας de ὑπ’ αντιλαψιν μὴ πιπτοισας, ἀνεπαισθήτως, ἡ TW TA πασχοντα
σωματα γεωδεστερα εἰμεν, ἡ TW TAS κινάσιας ἀμενηνοτερᾶς γιγνεσθαι. De Anima Mundi. p. 100.
PHILEBUS. 129
proportionable satisfaction succeeding as the uneasiness abates.
Memory ! of a past pleasing sensation inspires hope of a future one, and thereby abates an uneasiness actu- ally present ; as the absence of hope doubles a present pain,
Whether truth and falsehood belong to pleasures and pains ?
They do: as these are founded on our opinions? of things preconceived, which may, undoubtedly, be either true or false.
Our opinions are founded on our sensations, and the memory of them. Thus we see a figure at a distance beyond a certain rock, or under a certain tree, and we say to ourselves, it is a man; but on advancing up to it, we find a rude image of wood carved by the shepherd.
The senses, the memory, and the passions, which attend on them, write on our souls, or rather delineate, a variety of conceptions and representations of which, when justly drawn, we form true opinions and proposi- tions ; but when falsely, we form false ones.
On these our hopes and fears are built, and conse- quently are capable of truth and falsehood, as well as the opinions on which they are founded.
1 What Plato calls by the name of Μνημη, and Avauynois, are by Locke distinguished under the names of contemplation and memory, L. 1. Ch. 10, being the different powers of reten- tion. (See De Legib. L. 5. p. 732.)
2 All this head is finely explained by Locke. (Ch. of Power, § 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, &c.) which is the best comment on this part of Plato.
VOL, IV. K
130 NOTES ON PLATO,
P. 40. The good abound in just and true hopes, fears, and desires ; the bad in false and delusive ones,
P. 41. As pleasures! and pains are infinite, we can only measure them by comparison, one with the other.
Our hopes and fears are no less liable to be deceived by the prospect of distant objects, than our eyes. As we are always comparing those, which are far off, with others less remote or very near, it is no wonder that we are often mistaken ; especially as a pleasure, when set next a pain, does naturally appear greater than its true magnitude, and a pain less.
So much then of our pains and pleasures as exceeds or falls short of its archetype, is false.
A state of indolence, or of apathy, is supposed by the school of Heraclitus to be impossible, on account of the perpetual motion of all things.
Motions and alterations? proved to happen continu- ally in our body, of which the soul has no perception.
P. 43. Therefore, (though we should allow the per- petual motion of things,) there are times when the soul feels neither pleasure nor pain; so that this isa possible state.
Pleasure, and its contrary, are not the consequences of any changes in our constituent parts, but of such changes as are considerable and violent.
1 “Tf we will rightly estimate what we call good and evil, we shall find it lies much in comparison.” (Locke, C. of Power. § 42.) .
2 Whatever alterations are made in the body, if they reach not the mind,—whatever impressions are made on the outward parts, if they are not taken notice of within,—there is no per- ception. Locke, Ch. 9,
PHILEBUS. 131
The sect of philosophers, who affirm! that there is no pleasure but the absence of pain, is in the wrong, but from a noble principle.?
To know the nature of pleasure, we should consider such as are strongest: bodily pleasures are such.
Pleasure is in proportion to our desires. The de- sires and longings of sick persons are the most violent : the mad and thoughtless feel the strongest * degree of pleasure and of pain; so that both the one and the other increase with the disorder and depravity of our body and mind.
Pleasures of lust have a mixture of pain, as the pain of the itch* has a mixture of pleasure, and both sub- sist at the same instant.
Anger, grief, love, envy, are pains of the soul, but with a mixture® of pleasure. Exemplified in the exercise of our compassion and terror at a® tragick spectacle, and of our envy at a comick one. The pleasure of ridicule arises from vanity and from the ignorance of ourselves. We laugh at the follies’ of the weak, and hate those of the powerful.
1 ἐς Pleasure,” says Mr. Selden, ‘‘is nothing but the inter- mission of pain, the enjoyment of something I am in great trouble for, till I have it.”
2 Avoxepera τινι φυσεως οὐκ ἀγεννοῦς λιαν μεμισηκοτων THY τῆς ἡδονὴης δυναμιν, καὶ νενομίκοτων οὐδὲν ὑγιες,
8 V. Plat. in Republ. L. 3. p. 408.
4 Vid. Gorgiam. p. 494.
5 V. Aristot. Rhetor. L. 2. ¢. 2.
ὁ Μὴ τοις δραμασι μονον, adda και τὴ Tov Biov ξυμπασῃ τραγωδιᾳ και κωμωδιᾳ, p. 50.
7 Τελοῖα μεν, drroca ἀσθενη᾽ μισητα δε, ὅποσα ἢ εῤῥωμενα.
132 NOTES ON PLATO.
Pure and unmixed pleasures ! proved to exist: those of the senses resulting from regularity of figure, beautiful colours, melodious sounds, odours of fragrance, ὅσο. and all whose absence is not necessarily ? accompanied with any uneasiness. Again: satisfactions of the mind re- sulting from knowledge, the absence or loss of which is not naturally attended with any pain.
A small portion of pure and uncorrupted pleasure is preferable to a larger one of that which is mixed and impure.
The opinion of some philosophers, that pleasure is continually generating, but is never produced, i.e. it has no real existence, seems true with regard to mere bodily pleasures.
Enquiry into knowledge. The nature of the arts: such of them, as approach the nearest to real know- ledge, are the most? considerable, being founded on number, weight, and* measure, and capable of demon- stration.
Secondly, those attainable only by use and frequent trial, being founded on conjecture and experiment, such as musick, medicine, agriculture, natural philosophy, &c.
P. 60. Recapitulation.
P. 61. Happiness resides® in the just mixture of wisdom and pleasure; particularly when we join the
1 Vid. de Republ. L. 9. p. 584.
2 Ourt φυσειγε, αλλ᾽ εν τισι λογισμοις. Ὁ. 52.
3 Vid. de Republ. L. 10. p. 602,
4 And above all, logick, to which we owe all the evidence and certainty we find in the rest. ‘Qozep θριγκος, τοις μαθημασιν ἡ Διαλεκτικὴ ἧμιν eravw κειται, &c. De Republ. L. 7. p. 534.
5 Vid. de Republ. L. 9. p. 582. and de Leg. L. 5. p. 733.
PHILEBUS. 195
purest pleasures with the clearer and more certain sciences.
P. 63. Prosopopceia of the pleasures and sciences, con- sulted on the proposal made for uniting them.
P. 64. No mixture is either useful or durable, with- out proportion. The supreme good of man consists in beauty, in symmetry, and in truth, which are the causes of all the happiness to be found in the above-mentioned union.
MENO. Η, ΠΕΡΙ APETHS.
THE subject of the dialogue is this: That virtue is knowledge, and that true philosophy alone can give us that knowledge.
I see nothing in this dialogue to make one think that Plato intended to raise the character of Meno. He is introduced as a young man who seems to value
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 70.
P. 70. Ed’ ἱππικὴ Te και πλουτω.] The breed of Thessalian horses was the most celebrated in Greece ; and when the cities of Thessaly were united among themselves, they could raise a body of six thousand, equal to any cavalry in the world. (Xenophon Hellenic. L. 6. p. 339 Pausan. L. 10. p. 799. Plato in Hipp. Maj. p. 284.) They were of great service to Alexander in his expeditions. The country was very rich in pasture and in corn, and, as their government was generally remiss and ill-regulated, their wealth naturally introduced a corruption (Atheneus, L. 14. p. 663.) of manners, which made them first slaves themselves, and then the instruments of slavery to other people. It was they who invited the Persian (Herod. L. 7. and L. 9.) into Greece ; and afterwards gave rise to the power of the Macedonians.
Isocrates (Orat. de Pace, p. 183.) produces them as an example of a strong and wealthy people, reduced by their own bad management to a low and distressed condition.
MENO. 1 35
himself on his parts, and on the proficiency he has made under Gorgias the Leontine, (whose notions are here exposed) and the compliments Socrates makes him on his beauty, wealth, family, and other distinctions, are only little politenesses ordinarily used by that philo- sopher to put persons into good humour, and draw them into conversation with him.
The time of the dialogue seems to be not long before the expedition of the ten thousand into Asia, for Meno was even then a very young man, (ets wpasos, ayevevos) as he is represented here; and the menaces of Anytus (p. 94) shew, that it was not long before the accusa-
NOTES,
P. 70. Αριστιππου του Aapicoaov.] Aristippus of Larissa, one of the potent house of the Aleuade, descendants of Hercules, from which the Thessalians had so often elected their Tayoz, or captains-general. There had been a friendship kept up between them and the royal family of Persia, ever since the invasion of Greece by Xerxes, in which they were of great use to him. This Aristippus had particular connections with the younger Cyrus (Xenoph. Anab. L. 1. p. 145. and 2. 173.) who lent him a body of four thousand mercenaries, which he made use of to subdue the faction which opposed him in Thessaly, and seems to have established a sort of tyranny there. Meno (also of Larissa) son of Alexidemus, led a body of fifteen hundred men to the assistance of Cyrus in his expedition against his brother, Artaxerxes, Ol. 94. 4, and (after the death of Cyrus) betrayed the Greek commanders into the hands of the Persian, who cut off their heads. He himself survived not above a year, but was destroyed by the Persians. His character is admirably drawn by Xenophon, (Anab. L. 2. p. 173.) and many have looked on this as a mark of the enmity between Plato and Xenophon. See Atheneus, L. 11. p. 505 and 506. Diog. Laert. L. 2. Sect. 57, and L. 3. s. 34, and Aul. Gellius, L. 14. s. 3.
136 NOTES ON PLATO.
tion of Socrates: so that we may place it Ol. 94. 4, if Plato may be trusted in these small matters of chrono- logy which, we know, he sometimes neglected. Gorgias was yet at Athens, Ol. 93. 4, and it is probable, that the approaching siege of that city might drive him thence into Thessaly, and he returned not till after Socrates’s death.
Socrates here distinguishes (p. 75.) the true! method of disputation from the false, To Διάλεκτικον azo του HpurriKov και Αγωνιστικου.
Χαίρειν τε καλοισι καὶ δυνασθαι: (p. 77.) this is Meno’s first definition of virtue, that it consists in desiring good, and in being able to attain it. Socrates proves that all men desire good, and consequently all men are so far equally virtuous (which is an absurdity) ; it must therefore consist in the ability to attain it; which is true in Socrates’s sense of the word good,
1 An art which Socrates allowed to none, but to the true
philosopher, τω καθαρως Te kat δικαίως φιλοσοφοῦντι. V. Sophist. Ῥ. 253.
NOTES.
P. 76. Definition of figure, ὥχημα, στερεου mrepas, the limit or outline of a solid: but this seems imperfect to me, except we read Zrepeov (n επιπεδου)ὴ mepas. Lucretius calls it Filum, or Circumceesura.
Ib. Αποῤῥοας, κατ᾽ Ἐμπεδοκλεα.1 See Lucretius, L. 2, v. 381. et sequent. and L. 4. v. 217.
Ib. definition of colour, in the manner of Gorgias, Xpoa αποῤῥοη σχημάτων ower συμμετρος Kat αισθητος (perhaps we should read cwuarwyv); that eflux, or those effluvia, of figured bodies, which are proportioned to our sense of seeing. ‘This is true, if understood of the particles of light reflected from bodies ; and not otherwise. But Empedocles, and after him Epicurus,
MENO, 137
(which makes him say, lows ay ev Aeyous): but it is necessary to know if men’s ideas of it are the same. Upon enquiry, Meno’s meaning appears to be health, honour, riches, power, &c.; but, being pressed by Socrates, he is forced to own, that the attainment of these is so far from virtue, that it is vice, unless accom- panied with temperance, with justice, and with piety ; as then the virtue of such an attainment consists in such adjuncts, and not in the thing attained; and as these are confessedly parts of virtue only, subordinate
NOTES.
thought, that the immediate objects of vision were certain par- ticles detached from the surface of the bodies which we behold : Ὥστε ὁρᾶν ἡμᾶς, τυπων τινων επεισιοντων ἧμιν ATO των πραγματων, απὸ χροων τε και ὁμοιομορῴφων, κατα TO EvVapmoTTOV μέγεθος, εἰς Τὴν οψιν ἡ τὴν διανοιᾶαν, wKews ταῖς φοραις χρωμενων. Kpicurus in Epistola ad Herodotum ap. Diog. Laert. L. 10. 5. 49.
P. 76. Συνες ὁ τι Aeyw.] From Pindar.
77. ILo\Na ποιὼων ex Tov évos, (ὁπερ φασι Tous συντριβοντας τι ἑκάστοτε οἱ σκωπτοντες.}] An allusion to some comick writer.
80. Ty πλατειὰ ναρκὴ Tn θαλαττια.1ὺ The torpedo, called by the French on the coast of the Mediterranean, la torpille, is a fish of the scate or ray-kind ; as all of that species have a wide mouth and prominent eyes, the face of Socrates, who had these two remarkable features, reminds Meno of this fish. Its figure and extraordinary property of benumbing any creature which touches it are described by Mr. Reaumur, in the Mémoires de lAcadémie des Sciences, pour l’Année 1714, where there is a print of it.
81. A fragment of Pindar on the immortality of the soul: “Oust yap av Περσεφονα ποιναν, Xe.
86. Epwrnceis επεγερθεῖσαι.) Read, Epwrnoe.
88. Tw avOpwrw τα μεν αλλα παντα.] He affirms, that virtue is wisdom and right reason. On this subject see also Woollaston’s Religion of Nature, Sect. 1. p. 23.
138 NOTES ON PLATO.
to some more general idea, they are no nearer dis- covering what virtue in the abstract is, than they were at first.
Though the doctrine of reminiscence, repeated by Plato in several places, be chimerical enough ; yet this, which follows it, (p. 84.) is worth attending to, where Socrates shews how useful it is to be sensible of our own ignorance. While we know nothing, we doubt of nothing ; this is a state of great confidence and security. From the first distrust we entertain of our own under- standing springs an uneasiness and a curiosity, which will not be satisfied till it attains to knowledge.
NOTES. P. 89. Ev ἀκροπολει.17 Where the sacred treasure was kept.
It consisted of one thousand talents never to be touched, unless
the city were to. be attacked by a naval force ; in any other case it was made capital to propose it. Χίλια τάλαντα aro των ev TH ἈΑκροπολει χρημάτων edokev autos, εξαιρετὰα ποιήσαμενοις, χωρις θεσθαι, και μὴ αναλοῦν, a\X απὸ των αλλων πολεμειν᾽ nv δε τις εἰπῇ ἢ επιψηφισῃ κινειν τὰ χρήματα ταυτᾶ es αλλο τι, ἢν μὴ δι πολεμιοι νηϊτὴ oTpaTw επιπλεωσι TH πόλει, καὶ δεῃ αμυνεσθαι, θανατον ζημιαν ἐπεθεντο.ς Thucyd. Hist. L. 2. Sect. 24. They called this treasure To Αβυσσον. Aristophan. Lysistrata, v. 174. It was thus set apart the first year of the Peloponnesian war. 90. Tn αὐτου σοφια.] Probably by the leather-trade, which Anytus also carried on, as the famous Cleon, and other principal Athenians, had done. See Aristophanes in the Equites. Ismenias, the Theban, had a principal hand in raising the Theban or Corinthian war, (as it was called) against the Lacedemonians, being bribed by Timocrates the Rhodian, who was also bribed by the Persians, with money for that purpose; but as this happened five or six years after the death of Socrates, we can hardly suppose that Plato here alluded to it. Yet I think it very possible that he might have written this dialogue about
~ “:..
MENO. 139
Whoever reads the dialogue (attributed to Aischines the Socratick) intitled Heps Aperys, εἰ διδακτον ; will see so great a resemblance to this of Plato, and at the same time find so great a difference in several respects, that he will believe both one and the other to be sketches of a real conversation, which passed between Socrates and some other person, noted down both by Aischines and by Plato at the time: the former left his notes in that unfinished condition, but the latter supplied them as he thought fit, and worked them up at his leisure into this dialogue.
NOTES.
that time, when the name of Ismenias was in every one’s mouth, Ol. 96. 2, or perhaps not till Ol. 99. 3, when his condemnation and death must doubtless have been the general subject of con- versation: Plato was then just returned to Athens, after his first voyage to Sicily. I do not find what Polycrates is here meant. Xenoph. Hellenic. L. 3. p. 294, and L. 5. p. 325, 326.
90. Anytus, the son of Anthemio. See Xenoph. Apol. Socrat. sub fin.: and Diog. Laert. L. 2. 5. 38, 39, 43.
91. Αποθανειν eyyus.] Protagoras was cast away on his voyage to Sicily, Ol. 92. 3; he began therefore to teach, Ol. 82. 3, being then thirty years of age.
93. Cleophantus, the youngest of the three sons of Themis- tocles, by Archippe. See Plutarch in his life.
94. See the Laches, where Melesias and Lysimachus are intro- duced in the dialogue. For the character of this Thucydides, see Plutarch in Pericle, Aristophan. in Acharn. v. 703, and Schol. ad Vespas, v. 941: he underwent the sentence of ostracism, Ol. 83. 4.
95. Nine lines from the ’EXeyera of Theognis.
GORGIAS. ON THE ABUSES OF ELOQUENCE. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 447.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 448. Kara τεχνὴην --- κατα τυχην ---αλλοι αλλων αλλως.] Observe the jingle of words introduced by Gorgias, and affected by his imitators in rhetorick : see Isocrates Orat. ad Philippum, p. 87. Aristotle tells us, that Isocrates was a disciple of Gorgias (Quintil. L. 3. ὁ. 1.); and he too in the former part of his life, dealt in these Ilapica, Ὅμοιοτελευτα, &e. which, as frivolous as they may seem, yet they often add to the beauty of a period, when managed by skilful hands ; that is, when they are “velut oblata, non captata; atque innata videntur esse, non accersita.” Quintil. L. 9. ὁ. 3. See also Aulus Gellius, L. 18. 8.
Ib. Ηροδικος.7 The Leontine, a physician, and brother to Gorgias. There was another Herodicus about this time of Selymbria, a famous Πᾶαιδοτριβης and a sophist. See Protag. p. 316.—Aristophon and his brother, Polygnotus, were both painters, the sons of Aglaophon. Ion. p. 532.
P. 451. Σκολιον.)] These Scolia were a kind of lyrick compositions, sung either in concert, or succes- sively, by all the guests after a banquet: the subjects
oS ae
GORGTAS. 141
of them were either the praises of some divinity, or moral precepts, or reflections on life, or gay exhortations to mirth, to wine, or to love. There were some Scolia of great antiquity ; the most esteemed were those of Alczeus, of Praxilla, and of Anacreon.
P. 451. What Plato alludes to here runs in this manner ; Ὕγιαινειν μεν apiotov avdpe θνητῳ, δευτερον δε, καλοφυᾶ yever Out, To TpiTov δε, πλουτεῖν adodus, καὶ To τεταρτον, συνηβᾶν peta των φίλων. On this subject, | see Athenzeus, L. 15. p. 694, where he alludes to this passage of Plato; Aristophan. Vesp: v. 1221, et Nubes, v. 1367, and Burette on Plutarch, de Musici: and Mémoires de l’Acad, des Inscript. vol. 15. p. 315.
P. 453. The first definition of rhetorick by Gorgias : Ὅτι LeiGovs δημιουργος εστι.
P. 454. His second and fuller definition is, Ὅτι δημιουργος ἐστι της πειθοῦς τῆς εν Tors δικαστηριοις, καὶ ev τοις ἀλλοις οχλοῖς, καὶ περι τουτων ἃ εστι δικαια τε και ἀδικα.
Ῥ, 455, [eps larpwv ἁιρεσεως.] There were publick physicians elected in most of the Greek cities, who received a salary from the commonwealth, and seem to have taken no fees of particular people. Those physicians who exercised this office, were said δημοσίευειν. See Aristophan. in Avibus, v. 585, and Acharnens. v. 1029. Plutus, v. 508; but this custom seems to have been laid aside before Ol. 97. 4, in Athens: Aristophan. Plutus, v. 407. Gorgias, p. 514, and the Politicus, p. 259.
Ib. The third definition of rhetorick, to which Socrates reduces Gorgias, is this; Ὅτι πειθοῦς εστι δημιουργος πιστευτικης, aAN ov διδασκαλικῆς.
142 NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 455, Ilepse του δια μεσου τειχους.] The Maxpa Τειχη, which joined Athens to the Pirzeeus were begun on the motion of Pericles, Ol. 80. 3. (Vid. Thucyd. L. 1. s. 107.) . Socrates at that time was about twelve years old. See Plutarch in the lives of Pericles and Cimon. Harpocration tellsus, that of the two walls which extended from the city to the Pirzeus, the southern only, or the innermost, was called To δια μεσου, as lying between the outermost, To βορειον, and the To Φαληρικον, which was a third wall, drawn from Athens to the port Phalerus ; and he cites this very passage.
P. 563. Socrates’s own ludicrous definitions of elo- quence to mortify the professors of it, as an art, are these: Εμπειρια τις Xapitos καὶ ἥδονης απεργασιας" επιτηδευμα τι, τεχνικον μὲν ov, ψυχης δε στοχαστικης, και ἀνδρειας, καὶ φυσει δεινης προσομιλειν τοις ανθρωποις. ΠΠολιτικης μοριου εἰδωλον, το κεφαλαιον δὲ αὕτου, κολακεια" αντιστροῴφον οψοποιΐας ev Woy, WS εκεινο μεν ev σωματι. There is much good sense in this part of the dialogue ; he distinguishes the arts, which form and improve the body, into the gymnastick, which regulates its motions and maintains its proper habit, and the medical, which corrects its ill habits and cures its dis- tempers : those of the! soul, which answer to the former, are the legislative, which prescribes rules for its conduct
1 H Νομοθετικη, και 7 Δικαστικὴ, for we should so read it, as Ficinus and H. Stephanus seem to have found it in some MSS. though Quintilian, and Aristides also, in Orat. 1. contra Platonem pro Rhetorica, p. 7. edit. Jebb. Vol. 2. doubtless followed the common reading, 7 Δικαιοσυνὴ ; the sense is the same, but the former reading seems more elegant. Plato com- prehends both these arts under the general name, ἡ Πολιτικη.
GORGIAS. 143
and preserves its uprightness, and the judicative, which amends and redresses its deviation from those rules. Flattery, ever applying herself to the passions of men, without regarding any principle or proposing any rational end, has watched her opportunity, and assum- ing the form of these several arts, has introduced four counterfeits ! in their room, viz. 1. Cookery, which, while it tickles the palate, pretends to maintain the body in health and vigour; 2. Cosmeticks, which conceal our defects and diseases under a borrowed beauty; 3. Sophistry, which, by the false lights it throws upon every thing, misleads our reason and palliates our vices ; and 4. Rhetorick, which saves us from the chastisement we deserve and eludes the salutary rigour of justice. As Quintilian has given the sense of this in Latin, and has also hit the true scope of the dialogue better than any one, [ shall transcribe the whole passage, L. 2. § 15. “Plerique? autem, dum pauca ex Gorgia Platonis a prioribus imperite excerpta legere contenti, neque hoc totum, neque alia ejus volumina evolvunt, in maximum errorem inciderunt; creduntque eum in hac esse opinione, ut rhetoricen non artem, sed peritiam quandam gratiz ac voluptatis, existimet, et alio loco,
1 Ἢ Οψοποιητικη, ἡ Κομμωτικη, ἡ Σοφιστικη, και ἡ Ῥητορικη : these deserve not the name of arts (rexvac) ; for art (he says) exex λογον τινα, ὦ προσῴφερει ἃ προσφερει, ὁποια aTTa THY prow εστιν᾿ στε τὴν αἰτιαν ἑκαστου exew εἰπειν : Whereas these are only Ἐμπειριαι, τριβαι, επιτηδευσεις (i.e. knacks, practices, businesses) dt Tov ἧδεος στοχαΐζονται avev Tov βελτιστου. See Gorgias, p. 501.
2 Cicero himself seems to fall under this censure, L. 1. de Oratore, where he mistakes the great end and aim of this dia- logue,
144 NOTES ON PLATO.
civilitatis particule simulachrum, et quartam partem adulationis: quod duas partes civilitatis corpori assig- net, medicinam, et quam interpretantur, exercitatricem ; duas animo, legalem atque justitiam. Adulationem autem medicine vocet coquorum artificium et exercita- tricis mangonum, qui colorem fuco et verum robur inani saginé mentiantur, legalis, cavillatricem, justitiz, rhetoricen. Quze omnia sunt quidem scripta in hoc libro, dictaque a Socrate, cujus persona videtur Plato significare, quid sentiat. Sed alii sunt ejus sermones, ad coarguendos qui contra disputant, compositi, quos ελεγκτικους vocant; alii ad preecipiendum qui δογματικοι appellantur. Socrates autem, seu Plato, eam quidem, quee tum exercebatur, rhetoricen talem putavit, nam et dicit his verbis, τουτον tov τροπον ὃν ὑμεις πολιτευεσθε ; non autem vera et honesta intelligit. Itaque disputa- - tionem illam contra Gorgiam ita claudit, ουὐκουν avayxy Tov pyToptKov δικαιον εἰναι, Tovde δικαιον βουλεσθαι δικαια καὶ πράττειν. Ad quod ille quidem conticescit, sed sermonem suscipit Polus juvenili calore inconsi- deratior, contra quem illa de simulachro et adulatione dicuntur. Tum Callicles adhuc concitatior, qui tamen ad hane ducitur clausulam, tov weAXAovta opOws ῥητορικον ever Oat δικαιον apa δειν εἰναι, και ἐπιστημονα τῶν δικαίων: ut appareat Platoni non rhetoricen videri malum, sed eam veram nisi justo et bono non contingere,” ὅσ,
P. 465, Λειοτητι και αιἰσθησει.}] Read ἔσθητι, as in Aristides, Orat. 1. cont. Plat. Ed. Jebb. Vol. 2. pee ;
Ib. To του Ava€ayopov.| An allusion to the first words of Anaxagoras’s philosophy, Hlavra χρημάτα nv
GORGIAS. 145
ὅμου, eta Νοῦς ελθων αὐτὰ διεκοσμησε. Diog. Laert. L. 2. Sect. 6.
P. 467. Q Adore Πῶλε, ἵνα tporevrw σε kata σε.] A jingle of sounds, such as Polus had prescribed in his Art of Rhetorick. So in the Symposium: Παυσανίου de παυσάμενου (διδασκοῦσι pe yap wa A€eyew δι Σοφοι) p. 185. and in the Hipparchus, p. 225, Kat χωρᾳ και wpa, &e.
Ib. Ov τουτο βουλεται ὁ πραττει, add’ εκεινο ov ενεκα πραττει.] He is here proving that fundamental ! principle of his doctrine, namely, that the wicked man is doing he knows not what, and sins only through ignorance: and that the end of his actions, like that of all other men, is good, but he mistakes the nature of it, and uses wrong means to attain it.
P. 468. To ayafov apa διωκοντες.] See Locke on Hum. Und. B. 2. Ch. 21. sect. 41, 42. on Power.
P. 470. Ex@es καὶ zpwnv.| As the time of this dialogue plainly appears (from that passage in p. 473. kat περυσι βουλευων λαχων, &e. which is taken notice of by Athenzeus, L. 5. p. 217.) to be Ol. 93. 4. the year after the sea-fight at Arginusze, these words must be taken in a larger sense, as we say of a thing long since past, “It happened but the other day,” when we would
1 Vid. Protagoram, p. 357. et sequent. et Epist. ad Dionis Famil. p. 336. Meno, p. 77, 78. Philebus, p. 22. Sophist. p- 228. This was a real maxim of Socrates; Ovdeva yap ὑπε- λαμβανε mparrew mapa To βελτιστον, αλλα OV ayvoay. Aristot. Ethic. ad Nicom. L. 7. 6. 2. Ovders yap av ἑκων εθελοι πειθεσθαι πράττειν τοῦτο, OTW μὴ TO χαίρειν του λυπεισθαι μαλλον ἑπεται"
σκοτοδινιᾶν δὲ To ποῤῥωθεν ὁρωμενον πᾶσιν, ὡς επος εἰπειν, παρεχει.
Plato de Legibus. L. 2. p. 663. VOL. IV. L
146 NOTES ON PLATO.
compare it with more ancient times; for Archelaus had now reigned at least nine years, and continued on the throne about six years longer. So in p. 503, in those words, IlepixkAea τουτονὶ tov νεωστι τετελευτη- Kota, we must understand Νεωστι in the same manner, for Pericles had been dead 23 years, but the time is there compared with that of Cymon, Themistocles, and Miltiades, who died many years before. Socrates indeed might have seen and remembered Cymon, the other two he could not. These particulars of Archelaus’s history are curious and not to be met with elsewhere : viz. That he was the bastard son of Perdiccas by a female slave belonging to his brother Alcetas ; that he caused his uncle and master Alcetas, together with Alexander his son, to be murdered after a banquet, to which he had invited them; that he caused his own brother, a child of seven years old (the true heir to the crown and the son of Perdiccas by his wife Cleopatra) to be drowned in a well. Athenzeus (L. 11. p. 506.) is absurd enough to question the truth of these particu- lars, or, supposing them true, he says, that they are instances of Plato’s ingratitude, who was much in favour with Archelaus. The passage, which he cites imme- diately after from Carystius of Pergamus, disproves all this, for it shews Plato’s connexion to have been with Perdiccas, the Third, who began to reign thirty-five years after Archelaus’s death, and was elder brother to the famous Philip of Macedon. We have an epistle of Plato to that prince still remaining. At the time of Archelaus’s death, Plato was under thirty years of age.
P. 471. Evdaipov γενεσθαι.}] This is the true read-
GORGIAS, 147
ing, and is meant of Archelaus. The other reading, which Ficinus followed, is very insipid, Kvdéaipova yever Gar,
P. 472. Νικιας.] The famous Nicias. He is pro- duced here as an example, on account of his great wealth, whence Socrates supposed him to have placed the chief happiness of man in affluence of fortune. The tripods, mentioned here as dedicated in the temple of Bacchus, must be the prizes which he and his family must have gained in their frequent Χορηγιαι. Nicias was remarkable for his piety and innocency of life. See Thucydides and Plutarch. ‘The brother of Nicias was named Eucrates: he outlived his brother, and was this very year Trierarch at A%gos-Potami ; (Lysias. Orat. contr. Poliuchum, p. 320.) and soon after was put to death with Niceratus, his nephew, by order of the thirty tyrants, in the number of which he had refused to be.
ΤΌ. Apurroxparys 6 Σκελλιου.] A principal man in the oligarchy of Four hundred (Ol. 92. 1.) and of the same party with Theramenes, Od av eorw ev Πυθίου touto To KaAov αναθημα. (See Thucyd. L. 8. p. 516: and Lysias Orat. cont. Eratosthenem, p. 215. Ed. Taylori. Aristophan. in Avibus, v. 125. et Schol. D. Heraclides of Pontus, speaking of the seditions at Miletus, says, Οἱ πλουσιοι κρατήσαντες ἅπαντας, ὧν κυριοι KATEOTYOAV, μετα τῶν TEKVWV κατεπιττωσαν. (Ap. Atheneum L. 12. p. 524.)
P. 473. Καταπιττωθη.] Covered with pitch, and burned alive.
P. 480. Tovvavriov ye av μεταβαλοντα.] This isa conclusion so extravagant, that it seems to be only a
148 NOTES ON PLATO.
way of triumphing over Polus, after his defeat, or perhaps in order to irritate Callicles, who heard with great impatience the concessions which Polus had been forced to make, and now breaks out with warmth, and enters into the dispute. Or, perhaps, this may be meant of that justice, which Socrates practised on him- self and on all who conversed with him, (which made him many enemies) in exposing their ignorance and their vices, and in laying them open to their own correction: and from p. 509. Twa av βοηθειαν py δυναμενος, &c. I judge this to be the true sense of it. See also p. 521. Κρινοῦμαι yap, ὡς ev παιδιοις ιατρος, &e. See also De Republica, L. 9. p. 591.
P.481. Tov re Αθηναιων Δημου, και τουΠυριλαμπούς.] The son of Pyrilampes was called Demus, and Plato here alludes to his name. It is possible too, that there may be a secret allusion to the Equites of Aristophanes, where the Athenian people is introduced as a person, under the name of Demus, an old man grown childish, over whom the demagogues try to gain an ascendant by paying their court to his ridiculous humours. The drama of the Equites was played about twenty years before the time of this dialogue. Demus was much in the friendship of Pericles, and remarkable for being the first man who brought peacocks to Athens, and bred them in his volaries. (Plutarch in Pericle and Atheneus, L. 9. p. 397.) Demus is mentioned as a Trierarch in the expedition to Cyprus (as I imagine) about Ol. 98. 1. under Chabrias. (Lysias de Bonis Aristophanis, p. 340.) He was, when a youth, famous for his beauty :
GORGIAS. 149
Καινὴη Av, av Wy ye που γεγραμμενον,
Tov ΠΠυριλαμποῦς ev Ovpa Anpov καλον, &e, Aristophan. in Vespis, v. 98, and Scholia. The play of the Vespz was played eighteen years before the time of this dialogue.
P. 482. Ὃ Κάλεινιειος.] Alcibiades had now left Athens, and taken refuge in Thrace, and the year after he was murdered,
P. 484. Νομος, ὁ παντων βασιλεὺυς.] A fragment of Pindar.
Ib. Φιλοσοῴφια yap τοι.}] Aulus Gellius, L. 10, ο. 22, having transcribed this passage at large, ending at the words καὶ adda πολλα ἀγαθα, (in p. 486.) makes several reflections upon it. ‘Plato veritatis homo amicissimus, ejusque omnibus exhibende promptissi- mus, que omnino dici possunt in desides istos igna- vosque qui, obtento philosophiz nomine, inutile otium et linguz viteque tenebras sequuntur, ex persona quidem non gravi neque idoned, veré tamen ingenué- que, dixit. Nam etsi Callicles, quem dicere hee facit, vere philosophiz ignarus inhonesta et indigna in phil- osophos confert; proinde tamen accipienda sunt que dicuntur, ut nos sensim moveri intelligamus, ne ipsi quoque culpationes hujusmodi mereamur, neve inerti atque inani desidia, cultum et studium philosophiz mentiamur,” &c. though Gellius is certainly mistaken in this, justly incurring the same censure, as those whom Quintilian mentions, L. 2. 16, yet thus far he is right in saying, that Plato often put much truth and good sense into the mouth of characters which he did not approve. The Protagoras is a remarkable instance
150 NOTES ON PLATO.
of this, where Socrates is introduced in the beginning, arguing against the very doctrine which naturally fol- lows from those principles which he himself lays down in the end, and of which he obliges the sophist to con- fess the truth. Dacier, in his notes, has run into a thousand mistakes, by imagining all which is advanced by the characters opposed to Socrates in the disputa- tion, to be absurd and ridiculous.
The character, which Callicles here pretends to expose, is doubtless such as Plato thought worthy of a true philosopher, των κορυφαιων τινος, καὶ ov φαυλως διατρίβοντος εν φιλοσοφιᾳ. (Vid. Thextetum, p. 173.)
P. 484. To του Evpuridov.| From that famous scene in the Antiope (a drama now lost) between Zethus and Amphion, Joshua Barnes reads,
Kv τουτῳ yap
Aapapos θ᾽ ἕκαστος, καπι TavT’ επειγεται.
To this scene Horace alludes Lib. 1. Epist. 18. to Lollius ‘“‘Gratia sic fratrum geminorum Amphionis atque Zethi dissiluit,” We.
P. 485. Καὶ τας ayopas.] What passage of Homer is here alluded to? or is it Hesiod in his Theogonia, v. 90. Mera δε πρεπει ἀγρομενοισι.
Ib. pos τον αδελφον.] Alluding to the fragment of Antiope: Eurip. Edit. Barnes. p. 453.
Ψύυχης ὧδε γενναιαν pow Τυναικομιμω διαπρεπεῖς μορφωματι. Our’ εν. δίκης βουλαισιν ορθον αν ποτε Aoyov προθεῖ, ἡ πιθανον" ovr’ adAwv ὑπερ Neavixov βουλευμα βουλευσαιο τι.
GORGIAS. 151
P. 486. Αποθανοις av.| From this, and from many other strokes against the people of Athens, which seem to carry a strong air of indignation and concern in them, it looks as if this dialogue had been written not long after the death of Socrates, perhaps while Plato was at Megara.
Ib. ἔπι κοῤῥης.] The Aripou might be struck by a citizen, without being able to call him to an account for it.
Ib, AAX ὦ ᾽γαθε.}] Another fragment of the An- tlope :
AAN ἐμοι πιθου, Ilavoat δ᾽ αοιδων, πραγμάτων δ᾽ ευμουσιαν Ασκει" τοιαυτ᾽ αειδε, και δοξεις φρονειν---- Ἄλλοις τὰ κομψα ταὔτ᾽ αφεις σοφισματα, K€ ὧν κενοῖσιν εγκατοικησεις δομοις.
Ib. The several kinds of ἀτιμία are enumerated in the oration of Andocides eps Μυστηριων, p. 10.
P. 487. Tisander of Aphidnx ; who seems to be the same mentioned by Socrates a year after this; (Xenoph. Aponemon, L. 2. sect. 7.) Nausicydes of Cholargi, Andro, the son of Androtion.
P. 488, First proof against Callicles (who had advanced that by the law of nature the stronger had a right to govern the weaker) that the many are stronger than the few, and consequently ought to govern them: so that the positive law of the common- wealth is the result of the law of nature.
P. 492. Tis δ᾽ oder, εἰ to Gv.| Euripides in Poly- eido, Fragm. p. 490. edit. Barnesii. The same senti- ment is repeated again in other words in the Phryxus, ibid. p. 503,
152 NOTES ON PLATO.
Ρ, 493. ἤκουσα των σοφων.] In Cratylo, p. 400. Σημα τινες φασιν αὐτο ewar της ψυχῆης, &e.
Ib. Κομψος αἀνηρ, wws Σικελος tis ἡ Ἰταλικος.} This idea (whosesoever it be) is imitated by Lucretius, L. 3. v. 949 and 1022:
Omnia, pertusum congesta quasi in vas, Commoda perfluxere, atque ingrata interiere.
I take this to be meant of Empedocles.
P.500. Texvixos.| The philosopher. Vid. Protagoram, p. 357, and p. 509, 517, and 521 of this dialogue.
P. 501. Cinesias, the son of Meles, was a dithyram- bick poet in some sort of vogue among the people at this time. He was still a worse man than a writer, and the depravity of his character made even his mis- fortunes ridiculous ; so that his poverty, his deformities, and his distempers, were not only produced on the stage, but frequently alluded to by the orators, and exposed to the scorn of the multitude. Vid. Aristo- phan. in Avibus, v. 1374, et Schol. in locum; et in Lysistrata, in Ranis, v. 369. In Fragment. Gerytadis ap. Atheneum, L. 12. p. 551.) The comick poet, Strattis, who lived at this time, made Cinesias the subject of an entire drama. See Lysias ἀπολογία Awpodoxias, p. 381. Fragm. Orat. contra Phanium ap. Atheneum ut supra, and in Taylor’s edition, p. 640. Harpocration in voce Cinesias. Plutarch de gloria Atheniens. Pherecrates apud Plutarchum de Musica. See also the notes of Mr. Burette on that treatise, in the Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscript. vol. 15. p. 340, and Suidas in voce Cinesias.
GORGIAS. 153
P. 503. The bold attack, made in this place on some of the greatest characters of antiquity, has drawn much censure on Plato; but we are to consider that he is here proving his favourite point, (which seems to me the grand aim and intention of this dialogue) that philosophy alone is the parent of virtue, the discoverer of those fixed and unerring principles, on which the truly great and good man builds his whole scheme of life, and by which he directs all his actions; and that he, who practises this noblest art, and makes it his whole endeavour to inspire his fellow citizens with a love for true knowledge, (and this was the constant view and the employment of Socrates) has infinitely the superiority not only over the masters of those arts, which the publick most admires, as musick, poetry, and eloquence, but over the most celebrated names in history, as heroes and statesmen; as the first have generally applied their talents to flatter the ear, to humour the prejudices, and to inflame the passions of mankind; and the latter to soothe their vanity, to irritate their ambition, and to cheat them with an apparent, not a real, greatness,
P. 506, Tov Apduovos.]| Of which tragedy some few. verses are still preserved to us; see Euripid. Fragm, ed. Barnesii, p. 454:
Kyo μεν ovv αδοιμι, και λεγοιμι τι
Σοῴον, ταράσσων μηδεν, ὧν πολις νοσει, Ke.
P. 508. Τὼ αδικουντι καὶ κακιον.] This was not the principle only, but the practice, of Socrates. See Diog. Laert. L. 2. sect. 21.
154 NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 510. “Ὅπου rupavvos ἐστιν apxov aypws.| A severe reflection on the Athenian people.
P. 511. The price of a pilot from A%gina to Attica was two oboli (about two-pence halfpenny) ; from Attica to Pontus or to Egypt two drachme (fifteen-pence half- penny).
P. 514. Ev τω rio τὴν κεραμειαν μανθανειν.] Pro- verb. To begin with a jar before we have made. a gallipot. Hor. Art. Poet.
Amphora ccepit Institui, currente rota cur urceus exit ἢ
P. 515, Kus μισθοφοραν.] The administration of Pericles was the ruin of the Athenian constitution. By abridging the power of the Areopagus, and by impairing their authority, who were the superintend- ents of education and the censors of publick manners, he sapped the foundations of virtue among them ; by distributing the publick revenue among the courts of justice, he made them mercenary and avaricious, negli- gent of their private affairs, and ever meddling in those of their neighbours ; by the frequency and magnificence of the publick spectacles, he inured them to luxury and to idleness ; and by engaging them in the Peloponnesian war, he exposed them to be deserted by all their allies, and left to the mercy of the braver and more virtuous Lacedzemonians. Isocrates! looked upon the first of these alterations only, as the ruin of his country. (Orat. Areopagit. p. 147, &c.)
1 Though he had no prejudice to the person of Pericles, and
does justice to his disinterestedness and honesty in the manage- ment of the publick money. (See Isocrat. Orat. de Pace, p. 184.)
GORGIAS. 155
P. 515, Eus μισθοφοραν.] The Μισθος Δικαστικος here spoken of by Socrates was three oboli a day paid to 6000 citizens (for so many sat in the courts of justice), which was to the state a yearly expense of one hundred and fifty talents; ie. reckoning ten months to the year, for two months were spent in holidays, when the courts did not meet. A Muodos (appointed by Agyrrius about Ol. 96. 4, see Aristo- phan. ἔκκλησιαζουσαι, v. 102, 185, 284, 292, 302, 380, and also his Plutus, v. 330, which last passage is wrongly interpreted by the Scholiast, by Spanheim, and by Kuster ;) a Μισθὸος (I say) was given by every Athenian citizen who came to the ἄκκλησια, or assem- bly of the people. The ill effect which this had upon their manners is painted by Aristophanes with much humour in several of his dramas, and particularly in the Vespe.
Ib. Tov ta wra κατεαγοτων.] From such as affected to imitate the manners of the Lacedemonians, and constantly practised the roughest exercises of the Palestra, particularly boxing, the bruises and scars of which were visible about their temples and ears: so in the Protagoras, p. 342. Οἱ μὲν wra τε καταγνυνται μιμουμενοι avtovs (τους Aakedatpoviovs) We.
P. 516. ἔπι teAevtn του βιου.] See Plutarch in Pericles, towards the end.
Ib. Oi γε δικαιοι pepo. | Hom. Odys. Ὅσοι χαλεποιτε, καὶ αγριοι, οὐδε δικαιοι. O. ν. 575,
Ib, Evs to βαραθρον.] This is not related either by Herodotus, or by Cornelius Nepos, or by Justin.
P. 517, Outre ty αληθινη, ovte τὴ κολακικη.}] This
156 NOTES ON PLATO.
shews that Plato meant only to distinguish between the use of eloquence and its abuse; nor is he in earnest when he says, Ovdeva ἥμεις ισμεν ανδρα ayafov yeyovora ta πολιτικα, (for he afterwards himself names Aristides, as a man of uncommon probity) but only to shew that he had puzzled Callicles, who could not produce one example of a statesman who had abilities, or art, suffi- cient to preserve him from the fury of the people.
P. 517. Ovd’ eyo ψεγω.] Hence it appears that he only means to shew how much superiour the character of a real philosopher is to that of a statesman.
P. 518. Thearion, a famous baker, mentioned by Aristophanes (ap. Atheneum L. 3. p. 112. see also Casaubon. in locum) in Gerytade et AMolosicone, and by Antiphanes, another comick poet, (who lived fifty or sixty years afterwards) in his Omphale. We should read here Aproxozos, not Aptorovs. The Οψαρτυτικα of Mithzcus is a work often cited by Athenzeus, L. 12. p. 516. The Sicilian and the Italian Greeks were noted for the luxury of the table. See Plato Epist. 7. p. 326 and 336.
P. 519. Σου de wows επιληψονται.] I do not find what became of Callicles; but Alcibiades had already fled from his country, for fear of falling into the hands of the people.
P. 521. Ee σοι Mvoov.| Perhaps, Gees ει σοι Mucor ἥδιον καλεισθαι, ws εἰ μη; &e. ie. Not; if you would choose to fall into that helpless condita (before de- scribed by Callicles, p. 486,) which you must do, unless you practise the art which recommend. The Mysians were proverbial, as objects of contempt. Μυσῶν Aca
GORGIAS. 157
was said of any poor-spirited people, who tamely sub- mitted to every injury. Aristot. Rhetor. L. 1.
P. 525. ἹΠροσηκει Se παντι.] See Aulus Gellius, L. 6. 14. on this passage.
P. 526. Εἰς δὲ καὶ ravv.] Plutarch takes notice that Aristides! was a favourite character with Plato. Mr. Hardion,? who has written a life of Gorgias (col- lected with a good deal of industry from a variety of authors) and has given us a sketch of this dialogue of Plato, has yet been guilty of some mistakes, as where he fixes® the time of it to Ol. 95. 1, which is at least five years too late; and where he seems to say that Gorgias took Thessaly in his way to Olympia, which is a strange error in geography, &c. yet his performance, and particularly the analysis, is well worth reading.
1 In Vita Aristid. towards the end.
* Dissertations sur l’origine et les progrés de la Rhétorique dans la Gréce: Mémoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, &c. V. 15. p. 167, and 176.
° Ty Bp. 178.
MINOBS. H, ΠΕΡῚ NOMOY.
Tus dialogue takes its name, (as also does the Hip- parchus,) not from either of the persons introduced in it, but from the Cretan Minos, whose character and laws are mentioned pretty much at large. Socrates, and another Athenian nearly of the same age (who is not named), are considering the nature of laws in it;
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 313.
P. 315. Human sacrifice, and particularly of their children, to Saturn was in use among the Carthaginians: the sacrifices of the Lycians and of the descendants of Athamas, though people of Greek origin, were barbarous ; the ancient Attick custom is mentioned of sacrificing victims near the bodies of dead persons, before they were carried out to burial, and hiring Eyxurpiorpia, (Schol. ad Arist. Vesp. v. 288.) and the still more ancient one of interring them in the houses where they died: both long since disused.
318. Ex Kpyrns.] V. Herodot. and Plut. in Lycurgo, and Strabo. L. 10. p. 477.
Ib. Avxoupyov.] The time of this dialogue is no where marked: but we see from Ὁ. 321 that Socrates was now ad- vanced in years; supposing him then to be only sixty, it is three hundred and sixty-seven years from the first Olympiad of Corebus; but most criticks agree that Lycurgus lived one
MINOS. 159
and the intention of Plato is to shew, that there is a law of nature and of truth, common to all men, to which all truly legal institutions must be conformable, and which is the real foundation of them all.
Unfortunately the dialogue remains imperfect: it is indeed probable that it was never finished.
NOTES,
hundred and eight years before that time, and Eratosthenes, with the most accurate chronologers, affirms, that he was still more ancient. Plato therefore places him half a century later than any one else has done. The computation of Thucydides, who reckons it something more than 400 years to the end of the Peloponnesian war, ad’ ob Λακεδαιμονίοι Tn αὐτῃ πολιτειᾳ xpwvrat, that is from the institution of Lycurgus’s laws, comes nearest to that of Plato. The war ended Ol. 94. 1. so that, according to Thucydides, Lycurgus settled the constitution about 27 years before the first Olympiad of Corcebus.
P. 320, ‘Hovodos.] Probably in his Heroick Genealogies, a work now lost.
CHARMIDKES.
H, ΠΕΡῚ ΣΩΦΡΟΣΥΝΗΣ. Ol. 87. 2 or 3.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 153.
THE subject of this dialogue is Ἢ Zwdpocvvy: and what was Plato’s real opinion of that virtue, may be seen, De Republ. L. 4. p. 430. and De Legibus, L. 3. p. 696.
The dramatick part of it is very elegant.
P. 153, Του της βασιλικὴης tepov.] It seems to be the temple of Apollo in the 2roa PacrXews. See Pausanias in Attic. p. 8.
Ib. Mavixos wv.] Of a warm eager temper; see the Symposium in the beginning of it.
Ib. Κριτιαν.] It is extraordinary that Plato from a partiality to his own family should so often introduce into his writings the character of Critias, his cousin, whose very name (one should imagine) must be held in detestation at Athens even to remotest times, he being a monster of injustice and cruelty. Plato seems to have been not a little proud of his family. Vid. De Republic: L. 2. p. 368.
Ib, Mayy eyeyovet.] I take the particular action
CHARMIDES. 161
here mentioned to be the attack made on the city, soon after the arrival of Agno and Cleopompus with fresh troops. Thucyd. L. 2. p. 116. If we consider the purport of the narration, we shall find that these words, Φορμίων Se kat δι ἑξακοσιοι και χιλίιοι ovKETL Yoav περι Χαλκιδεας, mean, that Phormio and his troops (among which were Socrates and Alcibiades,) were returned from their expedition into Chalcidice (mentioned Ρ. 36.) and had joined the army newly arrived from Potidea.
P. 154. Λευκη σταθμη.] The line used by carpenters and masons to mark out their dimensions with, after it had been tinged with minium, or with some other colour: it is used proverbially for a mind susceptible of any impression which may be given to it. So Philippus in Anthol. L. 6. cap. ult.
Μιλτοφυρῆτε
Σχοινον, ὑπ᾽ akpovvyw Ψψαλλομενὴν κανονι.
P. 155. Δοκέει adAous τε καὶ ἑαυτω.] Perhaps ἐμαυτω, or εμοι, for Critias was an excellent poet. Athenzus has preserved several fine fragments of his writings.
Ib. ZoAwvos.| Solon’s poetry is well known. From the birth of Solon to that of Plato was 210 years, which takes in five generations of that family. Dio- genes Laertius reckons six generations, making Glauco (as it seems) the brother, and not the uncle of Critias. Proclus, in his comment on the Timeeus, observes that Theon the Platonick had been guilty of the same mistake, and corrects it on the authority of this very dialogue.
VOL. IV. M
162 NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 155, KvAaBewOa1.| This seems part of an hexa- meter, and an iambick.
Ib. Τὴν Erwonv.| Horace alludes to these incanta- tions, and perhaps to this very passage, Lib. 1. Epist. 1.
P. 156. Απαθανατιζειν.] Zamolxis, (Herodot. L. 4. c. 94.) (by some said to have been a slave of Pytha- goras, but affirmed by Herodotus to have been of much greater antiquity) the king and prophet of the Getes, who were at first only a clan of the Thracians, but afterwards, having passed the Danube, became a great and powerful nation. It is very remarkable, that they had a succession of these high priests, (Strabo, L. 7. p. 297.) who lived sequestered from mankind in a grotto, and had communication only with the king, in whose power they had a great share from Zamolxis down to the time of Augustus, and possibly long after.
P. 157. The family of Dropides, celebrated by Anacreon.
P. 158. Pyrilampes, the great-uncle of Plato, am- bassador in Persia, and elsewhere, admired as the tallest and handsomest man of his time: he was a great friend of Pericles, and father to Demus, a youth remarkable for his beauty.
P. 178. Ava κερατων. See Hom. Odyss. T. 565. The only reason of this fable, which has puzzled so many people, seems to be a similitude of sounds between EXedas and ελεφαιρεσθαι (to delude) and Kepas and κραινειν (to perform or accomplish), as one of the Scholiasts has observed.
P. 167. To τρίτον τω Σωτηρι.]Ϊ A proverbial expres- sion frequent with Plato, as in the Philebus, p, 66.
CHARMIDES. 163
10: Se to τριτον τω Σωτηρι, ἄς. and in Epist. 7, speak- ing of his third voyage to Sicily, EA@wv δ᾽ ουν ro τριτον, ἄορ. I imagine it alludes to the Athenian custom (see Athenzeus from Philochorus, L. 2. p. 38.) which was to serve round after supper a little pure wine, with these words, ἀγαθῳ Δαιμονι, and afterwards as much wine and water as every one called for, with the form of Avi Σωτηρι. See Erasmi Adag. Servatori, and Plato de Republ. L. 9. p. 583.
CRATYLUS. ΠΕΡῚ ONOMATON OPOOTHTOZ.
Tus long dialogue on the origin of words was probably a performance of Plato when he was very young, and is the least considerable of all his works.
Cratylus,! a disciple of Heraclitus, is said to have
1 Diog. Laert. in Platone, and Aristot. Metaphys. L. 1. p. 338. Ex veou τε yap συγγενομενος πρωτον KparvAw, και ταις Ἡρακλειτειοις δοξαις, κτλ.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 383.
P. 898. Ancient Attick words, δαημων, epew: and p. 401, εσια ; 410, Opar; 418, Ἵμερα, vel‘Euepa. He remarks that the ancient Attick abounded in the I and A, which in his time had been often changed to the H or E and the Z, and that the women preserved much of the old language among them.
399. Accents used in Plato’s time, as now, Aw φιλος, changed into Δι φιλος.
401. Προ παντων Θεων τη ‘Eorig.] See Aristophan. Aves, v. 865, and Vespz, v. 840.
405. The Thessalians in their dialect called Apollo, ‘Az)os.
407. Οἱσι EvOvdpovos irma.] An allusion to Homer.
409. Much of the Greek language derived from the Bar- barians : Ὕδωρ, Πυρ, Kuwy, borrowed from the Phrygians.
425. The Barbarians acknowledged to be more ancient than the Greeks.
CRATYLUS. 165
been the master of Plato after Socrates’s death ; but the latter part of the dialogue is plainly written against the opinions of that sect, and of Cratylus in particular.
NOTES.
P. 427. The powers of the several Greek letters, and the manner of their formation: viz. the P expressive of motion, being formed by a tremulous motion of the tongue; the I of smallness and tenuity; the ® Ψ. 2. Z. of all noises made by the air; the A and T of a cessation of motion; the A of slipperiness and gliding, the same with a I’ prefixed, of the adherence and tenacity of fluids; the N of any thing internal ; the A of largeness; the O of roundness ; and the H expressive of length.
428. Ev Acrats.] The ancients called the ninth book of the Iliad, Acta. See v. 640.
429, Cratylus seems to have been the son of Smicrio.
434, The Eretrians for oxAnporns used σκληροτηρ.
SYMPOSIUM. Platon. Op. Serrani. Vol, 3. p. 172.
As to the time of this dialogue, Athenzus (L. 5. p. 217.) tells us, that Agatho first gained the prize when Euphemus was Archon, which was Ol. 90.4. What he adds, namely, that. Plato was then only 14 years old, and consequently could not be at this entertain- ment,.is very true, but nothing to the purpose; for it is not Plato who uses those words which he cites, but Apollodorus, who recounts the particulars of this ban- quet, as he had them from Aristodemus, who was present at it ten or twelve years before.
Among the ancients, Cicero, Dionysius of Halicar- nassus, Hermogenes, Athenzus, Gellius, and Ausonius, and among the moderns, Jos. Scaliger, Petavius, Ger. Vossius, Fraguier, Freret, and La Mothe le Vayer, believed the Cyropzedia of Xenophon to be a romance : on the other side, are Usher, Marsham, Le Clerc, Prideaux, Bossuet, Tournemine, Banier, Lenglet, Rollin, Guyon.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 172. Q TAavewv.] Glauco was younger brother to Plato. See Xenoph. Memorabil. L. 3. ο. 6.
SYMPOSIUM. 167
P. 172. Πολλων ετῶν Αγαθων.) He was in Mace- donia at the court of Archelaus.
P. 173. Aristodemus, of Cydathens, called the Little, mentioned by Xenophon as inclined to atheism. (Memorabil. L. 1. ο. 4.)
P. 175. The audience in the Athenian theatre con- sisted of above 30,000 persons.
P. 177. Οὐκ epos ὁ pros, aN ens μητρος rapa. | Euripid. ap Dion. Halicarnass. [eps σχημάτων, L. 2.
Ib. AAXows μὲν τισι Tov Oewv.]| No hymns, nor temples, nor religious rites were offered to Love in Greece. (See Sympos. p. 189.)
Ib. Karadoyadyv.| The discourse by Prodicus in honour of Hercules, of which the beautiful fable in Xenophon’s Memorabil. L, 2. c. 1. made a part.
Ib. BuBAw avdpos cofov.| Mentioned also by Iso- erates in Encom. Helenz, p. 210, ων μεν yap τους βομβύυλιους, και τους ἅλας, και Ta τοιαυτα βουληθεντων ἐπαινεῖν, ἄς. and to this, and such like discourses, he alludes in Panathenaic, p. 260. Εἰὐγκωμιαζουσι ta φαυ- λοτατα TWV OVTWY, ἢ τους παρανομωτάτους τῶν OVTWY,
P. 178. Στρατοπεδον ἐραστων.] It is plain, that Socrates, in Xenophon’s Symposium, p. 898, is em- ployed in refuting this very sentiment, which he attri- butes to Pausanias, the lover of Agatho, and not to Phedrus, in whose mouth it is here put: it seems to me a stroke of Xenophon’s enmity to Plato, and a remarkable one, though it has not been taken notice οἵ. ἢ
1 See Atheneus, L. 5. p. 216., who conjectures that Xeno- phon might have seen some copy of Plato’s Symposium, where
these words were spoken by Pausanias. Casaubon tries to con- fute him, but with weak arguments.
168 NOTES ON PLATO.
Parmenides and Acusilaus quoted in the genealogy of the gods: and again in p. 195.
P. 180. So Hesiod describes the birth of Venus, daughter of Coelus without a mother, v. 191. Ty δ᾽ Epos ὧμαρτησε, &c. but he mentions nothing of the second Venus, daughter of Jove and Dione, which is the Venus of Homer. See also Tully de Natura Deorum, L. 3.
P. 182. Ev Ἡλιδι και ev Bowrous.| This (which is really spoken by Pausanias) convinces me that Xeno- phon wrote his Symposium after that of Plato, and meant to throw some reflections on this part of it.
P. 187. To yap ἕν.] An expression of Heraclitus cited and censured. .
P. 190. Κυβιστωσι.}) An action of the tumblers described in Xenophon’s Sympos. p. 876.
P. 191. Αἱ ‘“Eraspurrpiot.]| At TprBades. See de Legib. L. 1. p. 636.
P. 193. Καθαπερ Apxades.| See an instance of this Lacedemonian policy on the taking of Mantinea, Ol. 98. 3, in Xenoph. Gree. Hist. L. 5. 552 and 553,
P.194. Eyw de δη βουλομαι.] As the comick inven- tion and expression of Aristophanes are perfectly well supported throughout his discourse, and the character of the man well painted in several little peculiarities, which Plato (who had himself undoubtedly a genius for dramatick poetry) is never at a loss to choose; so the speech of Agatho is a just copy! of his kind of eloquence, full.of antitheses, concise, and musical even
1 Χλευαζΐζει τε Ta ἰισοκωλα Tou γαθωνος και αντιθετα. Athen- eus, L. 5. p. 187.
SYMPOSIUM. 169
to affectation, in the manner of Gorgias, whose pupil he seems to have been.
P.198. Τοργειου.] Alluding to Hom. Odyss. A. v. 634.
P. 199. H yAwrra ovv.| An allusion to the Hippo- lytus of Euripides.
P. 201. Μαντικης.] It is plain from what follows, that this is as good a reading as Μαντινικῆς.
P. 202. Diotimia of Mantinea, a prophetess.
Ib. The middle nature of demons, which mediate between gods and men.
P. 203. opos.| The god, not of riches, but of expedients and of contrivances.
P. 207. The following verses are attributed to Plato, in the Anthologia, L. 1. ο. 90:
Awv ravra φερει" δολιχος xpovos oWev ἀαμειβειν Ovvoua, Kat μορφην, Kas yevos, nde τυχὴν"
which sentiment is finely explained here.
P. 213. Ψυκτηρα.] See Athenzus, L. 11, p. 502, on this kind of vessel.
P. 215. The figures of the Sileni in the shops of the sculptors (ev tous ἑρμογλυφειοις) made hollow, which opened and discovered within the statues of the gods.
Ib. ‘A yap Ολυμπος.] Such as were initiated became possessed, as soon as they heard these airs.
P. 216. Ta δ᾽ Αθηναίων πραττω.] Alcibiades was now very powerful in the state, in the thirty-fifth year of his age.
P. 219. Η σιδηρω 6 Avas.| It should rather seem to be Achilles.
Ib. Στρατεια.] They went thither with the supplies
170 NOTES ON PLATO.
under the command of Phormio, Ol. 87. 1. Alcibiades being then twenty years of age, and Socrates thirty- nine. (See Thucyd. L. 1. 5. 64.) The folly of Athenzus, who would prove, against the authority of Plato and of Antisthenes, that Socrates was not in any of these actions, is justly exposed by Casaubon: Annot. ad Atheneum, L. 5. c. 15. We may add, that if the silence of Thucydides could prove anything with regard to Socrates, it would prove, at least as strongly, that Alcibiades was not at Potidza neither; but the con- trary is certain from that very oration of Isocrates, to which Athenzus refers, namely, that Ilepu Ζευγοῦς, p. 352, where he is said to have gained the ἀριστεια (which were a crown and a complete suit of armour) before that city ; and if the orator had not totally sup- pressed the name of Socrates, it would have been highly injudicious in a discourse pronounced by the son of Alcibiades, where he was to exalt the character of his father, and by no means to lessen the merit of any of his actions. He left that to his enemies, who (it is likely) did not forget the generosity of Socrates on this occasion. It is clear from the many oversights of Atheneeus here, that he either trusted to his memory, or only quoted from his own excerpta, and not from the originals. Plato mentions no second ἀριστεια gained at Delium, and only speaks of the coolness and presence of mind shewn by Socrates in his retreat ; as he has done also in the Laches. Athenzus affirms, that Alcibiades was not in the battle of Delium, but he assigns no reasons. If he concludes it from the silence of Thucydides, as before, this is nothing, as
SYMPOSIUM. 171
that historian mentions none but the commanders in chief on any of these occasions, and often only one or two of the principal of these: but probably Alcibiades and Laches might then only serve as private men.
P. 221. BpevOvopevos.| Alluding to the Nubes of Aristophanes.
Tb. ‘Ou Aoyou avtov.| Every one who would read the Socratick dialogues of Plato, Xenophon, &c. should first consider this passage: it is put below in a note.!
P, 222. Ev@vdnpos.| Probably the same youth whom Xenophon calls Ev@vdnuos ὃ καλος (Memorabil. L. 4. ὁ. 1.), a different person from Euthydemus, the Chian.
This dialogue (particularly the end of it), the Prota- goras, the Gorgias, the Euthydemus, &c. are strong instances of Plato’s genius for dramatick poetry in the comick kind. Kopwdev yap ηθελε IlAatwv, says Atheneus, L. 5. p. 187, speaking of the character of Aristophanes in this place. See also Olympiodor. in Vita Platonis. The Phedo is an instance of Plato’s power in the tragick kind.
1 Οἱ λογοι αὐτου ὁμοιοτατοι εἰσι τοις Σειληνοις (see note above on p. 215.) rots διοιγομενοις. Ke yap εθελει τις των Σωκρατους ακουειν λογων, φανεῖεν av πανυ γελοίοι TO πρωτον᾽ τοιαυτα Kat ονομᾶτα καὶ ῥηματα εξωθεν περιαμπεχονται Σατυρου αν τινα ὑβριστου δοραν. Ονοὺυς yap κανθηλιους λεγει, και χαλκεᾶς Twas, και σκυτοτομους, Kat βυρσοδεψας, και αει δια των αὐτων Ta αὐτα φαι- νεται λεγειν᾽ WOTE ἄἀπειρος καὶ avoynTos ἀνθρωπος πᾶς αν των λογων καταγελασειε᾽ διοιγομενους δὲ ἰδων αν τις, καὶ εντος αὐτῶν Ὑγιγνο- μενος, πρωτον μεν νοῦν εχοντας evdov μονοὺς ευρησει των λογων, επειτα θειοτατους, Kat πλειστα ἀγαλματα apeTns εν αὐτοις EXOVTAS, και επι πλειστον τεινοντὰς, μάλλον δὲ ETL πᾶν ὁσον προσήκει σκοπειν Tw μελλοντι Kaw κάγαθω γενεσθαι. 'Ῥαυτ᾽ εστιν, ἃ eyw Σωκρα- Tous ἐπαινω. Sympos. p. 221.
EUTHYDEMUS. About Ol. 89. 4. Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 271.
THERE is a good deal of humour, and even of the vis comica, in this dialogue. Its end is to expose the vanity and weakness of two famous sophists, and to shew, by way of contrast, the art of Socrates in leading youth into the paths of virtue and of right reason.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Ρ, 271. Ov πολὺ τι τὴν ἡλικιαν.] See the Symposium of Xenophon; Ovk dpas ott TovTw παρα Ta wra αρτι ιουλος καθερπει' Κλεινίᾳ δὲ προς το οπισθεν nbn ava- βαινει; p. 515. From whence it appears, that the time of this dialogue cannot be long after Ol. 89. 4.
Ib, EvrevOev ποθεν εκ Χιου.] The Chians being an Tonian colony from Athens.
P. 272. Kovyw, to Μητροβιου.] Whether the same with the Tibicen mentioned in the Equites of Aristo- phanes, v. 531, called Connas, who lived at this time ?
P. 273. Κτησιππος.] See the Lysis of Plato.
P. 275. Alcibiades, the elder, had two sons, Clinias and Axiochus : the first (who was slain at the battle of
EUTHYDEMUS. 178
Artemisium, Ol. 75. 1.) left behind him two sons, the famous Alcibiades, and Cleinias, his brother. The latter had a son, also called Cleinias, who is the youth here mentioned.
P. 277. ‘Ozep δι ev ty TedeTH.| The ceremony of seating in a chair, and dancing round, a person who is to be initiated in the mysteries of the Corybantes, called Θρονωσις.
P. 278. Apa ye παντες ανθρωποι.}] This example of a Λογος rpotpertixos, or exhortation to philosophy, is as noble as the moral it would convey, a truth which Plato had always at heart. ων pev adrdwv ovdev eva ovte ayalov ovte KaKkov' TovTow de δυοῖν οντοιν, ἡ μεν Σοφια ayadov, ἡ δε Apabia Kakov.
Ρ 285, Kus ασκον.] The skin of Marsyas was said to be preserved in the castle of Celenz (in the greater Phrygia) even in Xenophon’s time, Ol. 94. 4, (Cyri Anab, L. 1. p. 146.) and hung there in a grotto, whence the rivulet Marsyas took its rise. It was said to put itself in motion at the sound of a flute.
Ib, Qs ovros του αντιλεγειν.] See Diog. Laert. L. 9. s. 53, de Protagora. We see here that this sophism was older than Protagoras.
P. 287. Ὅυτως εἰ Kpovos.] Apyatotporos, simple and old-fashioned. It is scarcely possible to see with patience Plato seriously confuting! these childish subtleties, as low as any logical quibbles, used by our
1 Plato himself shews, p. 278, that he perfectly understood the just value of them. Παιδιαν de λεγω δια ταῦτα, ore ει και TOANG τις, ἡ Καὶ παντα Ta τοιαυτα, μαθοι, TA μεν πραγματα οὐδεν
« ᾽ αν μαλλον εἰιδειη, πη Exel, προσπαιζειν δὲ duos τ᾽ αν evn τοις avOpw- ποις, δια THY ονομάτων διαῴφοραν ὑποσκελιζων και ανατρεπων.
174 NOTES ON PLATO.
scholastick divines in the days of monkery and of deep ignorance. But he best knew the manners of his own age, and doubtless saw these things in a graver light than they of themselves deserve, by reflecting on the bad effects which they had on the understandings and on the morals of his countrymen, who not only spent their wit and their time in playing with words, when they might have employed them in inquiring into things ; but, by rendering every principle doubtful and dark alike, must necessarily induce men to leave them- selves to the guidance of chance and of the passions, unassisted by reason. Whereas if, in reality, there be no certain truth attainable by human knowledge, both the means and the end of disputation are absolutely taken away, and it becomes the most absurd and the most childish of all occupations.
P. 299. Euthydemus appears to have had a colossal statue erected to him at Delphi.
P. 302. The Athenians, and their colonies, wor- shipped not Jupiter under the name of [larp@os in their houses (as all other Greeks did), but Apollo. To Jupiter they gave the name of ‘Epxewos and Φρατριος, and to Minerva of Pparpia: and these three divinities were the household gods of every Ionian. How then could Dionysidorus, a Chian, be ignorant of this ?
P. 305. Μεθορια φιλοσοφου.] This seems to be aimed at Lysias or at Antipho.
HIPPIAS MAJOR.
We learn from this dialogue in how poor a condition the art of reasoning on moral and abstracted subjects was, before the time of Socrates; for it is impossible that Plato should introduce! a sophist of the first reputation for eloquence and knowledge in several kinds, talking in a manner below the absurdity and weakness of a child; unless he had really drawn after the life. No less than twenty-four pages are here spent in vain, only to force it into the head of Hippias, that
1 He always appeared at the Olympick games, and in the temple of Jupiter discoursed on all subjects, and answered all questions proposed to him. (V. Hipp. Min. p. 363.)
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Platon. Op. Edit. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 281.
Ῥ, 281. Ilirraxov τε και Biavros.] This is very extraordinary, as Pittacus was continually busied in publick affairs, and both Bias and Thales occasionally.
Ib. It was acknowledged therefore, that the sculptors, painters, and architects of latter times, had far surpassed the ancients.
P. 286. Exedy ἡ Tpoa.] The beginning of an oration, pro- nounced at Sparta, by Hippias, in the character of Nestor, addressed to the young Neoptolemus. It is remarkable, what is here said of the Lacedeemonians, that the generality of them did not even know common arithmetick.
176 NOTES ON PLATO.
there is such a thing as a general idea ; and that, before we can dispute on any subject, we should give a defini- tion of it.
''The time of the conversation seems to be after Ol. 89. 2, for the war had permitted no intercourse between Athens and Elis before that year, and we see in the Protagoras that Hippias was actually at Athens Ol. 90. 1, so that it seems to fall naturally between these two years.
NOTES.
P, 289. Passages of Heraclitus: Πιθήκων 6 καλλιστος αἰσχρος αλλω yever συμβαλειν.----Ανθρωπωὼων ὁ σοφωτατος προς Θεον πιθηκος ῴφανειται. This latter passage is undoubtedly the original of that famous thought in Pope’s Essay on Man, B. 2;
‘* And shewed a Newton, as we shew an ape,”
which some persons have imagined that he borrowed from one Palingenius,* an obscure author, who wrote a poem called “« Zodiacus Vite.”
290. Tys A@nvas.] The colossal figure of Minerva in the Acropolis at Athens, described by Plutarch in his life of Pericles.
[ἢ Pope, who was versed in the modern Latin poets, might have taken it from Palingenius, and Palingenius from Plato.—MATHIAS.]
ὯΝ
HIPPIAS MINOR. Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 363.
THE time of this dialogue is after the Hippias Major, with which it may be ranked.
P. 363. Evécxos.] Mentioned in the Hippias Major, p. 256, as an admirer of this sophist.
P. 368. Hippias appeared at Olympia in a dress of his own weaving, buskins of his own cutting out and sewing, with a ring on his finger, and a seal engraved by himself, and a beautiful zone of his own embroidery. He brought with him epick poems, dithyrambicks, tra- gedies, and orations, all of his own composition.
Ib. Τὴν ζωνην.] The Greeks therefore girt their under-garment (XitwvwrKos) with a cincture.
VOL. IV. N
PROTAGORAS. H, ΣΟΦΙΣΤΑΙ. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 309. OBSERVATIONS ON THE DATE OF THIS DIALOGUE,
Pxato, in this dialogue, one of the noblest he ever wrote, has fallen, through negligence, into some ana- chronisms, as Athenzeus has remarked, (L. 5. p. 218.) though some things in reality are only mistakes of his own, and others he has omitted, which are real faults. Dacier undertakes wholly to justify Plato. We shall shew that neither of them are quite in the right.
There are two marks which fix the time of this con- versation, as it is generally thought, and as Athenzus has shewn. The one, that Callias is mentioned in it, as then master of himself, and in possession of his father Hipponicus’s estate:! now MHipponicus was slain in the battle of Deli, Ol. 89. 1, so that it must be after that year.
Secondly, the Αγριοι, a comedy of Pherecrates, is said to have been played the year before; but that play was brought upon the stage in the magistracy of
1 Ἐν οἰκήματι τινι, ὦ προτου MEV ὡς ταμιειω ἐχρῆτο ἵππονικος,
νυν, vo του πληθοῦς των καταλυοντων, ὁ Καλιας και τουτο εκ- κενωσας ἕενοις καταλυσιν πεποιηκη. Protag. p. 315,
PROTAGORAS. . 179
Aristion, Ol. 89. 4, consequently this must happen Ol. 90. 1.
There is yet a third circumstance which may ascer- tain the time of the dialogue. Athenzus produces it as an instance of Plato’s negligence, but has only dis- covered his own by it. Hippias the Elean (he says) and others of his countrymen are (Protag. p. 315.) introduced, as then present at Athens, whereas it is impossible they could be there during the Peloponnesian war, while the Eleans were confederates with Sparta against the Athenians ; for though a truce was agreed upon for one year, under Isarchus, (Ol. 89. 1,) yet it was broken through presently, and no cessation of arms ensued. But in reality Hippias might be at! Athens any year after Isarchus’s magistracy, since though the war broke out afresh afterwards with Sparta, yet the Allies of Sparta entered not into it, as at first, but either continued neuter, or joined the Athenians, and Elis particularly entered into a defensive league with them this very year, (see Thucyd. L. 5. sect. 47) so that when Athenzus says, μὴ τὴς €XEXELPLAS AUTNS μενουσῆης, it is plain that he did not know but that Sparta entered the war again with all the confederates which she had at first, and consequently had read? Thucy-
1 Dacier, while he vindicates Plato on this head, has only considered Athens with regard to Sparta: but the question turns solely upon Elis, of which he takes no notice.
2 What is no less strange, Casaubon neither attempts to justify Plato in this matter, nor did he know, that the Ἐνιαυσιαι Σπονδαι under Isarchus were mentioned, very much at large, by Thucydides, L. 4. sect. 117. See Casaubon’s Annotations ad Atheneum, L. 5. c. 18.
180 NOTES ON PLATO.
dides very negligently. This very thing then may fix it to Ol. 90. 1, at least it will prove that it could not be earlier than Ol. 89. 1.
Atheneus further remarks, that Eupolis in his KoAaxes, which was played Ol. 89. 3, speaks of Prota- goras as then present at Athens, and that Ameipsias in his Kovvos, acted two years before, has not intro- duced him into his chorus of Φροντισται, or philo- sophers ; so that it is probable that he arrived at Athens in the interval between the representation of these two dramas, which is three or four years earlier than the dialogue, in which Plato nevertheless says that he had not been three days come; and that after many years’ absence. Dacier attempts to answer this, but makes little of it; and indeed it was impossible to do better, since both the comedies are lost, and we do not know to what parts of them Athenzus alludes, as he cites nothing.
But in truth there are other circumstances incon- sistent with the date of the dialogue, of which neither Athenzeus nor Dacier have taken any notice. 1. Alci- biades is represented as just on the confines of youth and manhood, whereas in Ol. 90. 1, he was turned of thirty. 2dly. Criso of Himera, celebrated for gaining three victories successively in the course at Olympia (the first of which was! Ol. 83.) is here spoken of (p. 335.) as in the height of his vigour. Now it is scarcely possible, that one, who was a man grown at the time I have mentioned, should continue in full strength and agility twenty-nine years afterwards: but
1 Pausanias, L. 5. ὁ. 28, and Diodorus.
PROTAGORAS. 181
this I do not much insist upon. 3dly. Pericles is spoken of! as yet living, though he died nine years before; and what is worse, his two sons Xanthippus and Paralus are both represented as present at this conversation, though they certainly died? during the plague sometime before their father.
ANALYSIS OF THE DIALOGUE,
Socrates is wakened before day-break with a hasty knocking at his door: it is Hippocrates, a young man, who comes eagerly to acquaint him with the arrival of Protagoras, the celebrated sophist, at Athens, and to entreat him to go immediately and present him to that great man; for he is determined to spare no pains nor expense, so he may be but admitted to his conversation. Socrates moderates his impatience a little, and while they take a turn about the hall together, waiting for sun-rise, inquires into his notions of a sophist, and what ἡ he expected from him; and finding his ideas not very
1 Protag. p. 320. ‘A de avros σοῴος eort, ovre avros matdevet, οὔτε τω αλλω tapadidwor’ and again, p. 329, which Dacier tries, but in vain, to elude.
2 Plutarch in Vit. Pericliss—Atheneus has taken notice of
this, L. 11. p. 505, and Macrobius, who seems to copy the other, Saturnal. L. 1. ce. 1.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. P. 309. 1]. Q. v. 347. Kovpw atounrnpt εοικως, IIpwrov ὑπηνήτη, τουπερ χαριεστατη 7Bn. Ib. Βοηθων evo.] Vid. infra, p. 336 and 347. 810, Tov σκιμποδος.1]7 A low bedstead, or couch, on which Socrates lay, for he was not yet risen.
182 NOTES ON PLATO.
clear upon that head, shews him the folly of putting his soul into the hands of he knew not whom, to do with it he knew not what. If his body had been indisposed, and he had needed a physician, he would certainly have taken the advice and recommendation of his family and friends; but here, where his mind, a thing of much greater importance, was concerned, he - was on the point of trusting it, unadvisedly and at random, to the care of a person whom he had never seen, nor spoken to. That a sophist was a kind of merchant or rather a retailer of food for the soul, and, like other shopkeepers, would exert his eloquence to recommend his own goods. The misfortune was, we could not carry them off, like corporeal viands, set them by a while, and consider them at leisure, whether they were wholesome or not, before we tasted them ; that in this case we have no vessel, but the soul, to receive them in, which will necessarily retain a tincture, and perhaps much to its prejudice, of all which is
NOTES.
P. 310. Ἐξ Owoyns.] There were two Anu of Attica so called, the one near Marathon, the other near Eleuthere on the con- fines of Beeotia, which I take to be here meant. See Meursius and Pausan. L. 1. c. 33 and c. 38.
Ib. Πτοιησις5.1 An eager desire of a thing, proceeding from admiration.
Ib. Newrepos eyut.] He was upwards of twenty-four years of age; for he was a child when Protagoras first came to Athens, which was QO]. 84. 1.
311. Tov Kwov.] Hippocrates, the Coan, was now about forty years old.
Ib. Pedig.] Phidias was not now living. He died Ol. 87. 1. Polycletus was younger, and might be still alive.
PROTAGORAS. 183
instilled into it. However, by way of trial only, they agree to wait upon Protagoras, and accordingly they go to the house of Callias, where both he and two other principal sophists, Prodicus and Hippias, with all their train of followers, were lodged and entertained.
The porter, an eunuch, wearied and pestered with the crowd of sophists who resorted to the house, mis- taking them for such, gives them a short answer, and shuts the door in their face. At last they are admitted, and find Protagoras with Callias, and more company, walking in the porticos. The motions of Protagoras’s followers are described with much humour; how at every turn they divided and cast off, as in a dance, still falling in, and moving in due subordination behind the principal performer. Hippias is sitting in a great chair,
NOTES.
P. 312. Epv@piacas.] For the bad morals of the professors, (see the Gorgias, p. 520, Zu de δι᾿’ ayvoav, &c. and the Meno, p. 91, Ἡρακλεῖς, εὐῴφημει, &c.) had brought the name into general dis- repute ; though it was once an honourable appellation, and given afterwards to all such as called themselves Φιλοσοῴφοι. Solon was the person who first bore the name of ὁ Σοφιστης. (See Isocrat. Περι Avridocews, p. 344.) Socrates defines a sophist, such as the character was in his time, Eumopos τις, ἡ καπήλος των αγωγιμων, ad’ ὧν ἡ ψυχὴ τρεφεται. Protag. p. 313.
814, Ov σχολὴ avtw.] i.e. ‘My Lord is not at leisure to be spoken with.”
Ib. Ev tw Προστοω.] Προστωον (which is also written Προσ- toos) is rendered by the lexicographers Vestibulum Porticiis, that is, as I imagine, the Caveedium or open court, surrounded with a peristyle or portico, opening upon the rooms of enter- tainment ; for all these rooms together composed the Avdpwr, as Vitruvius describes it.
184 NOTES ON PLATO.
on the opposite side of the court, discoursing on points of natural philosophy to a circle, who are seated on forms round him; while Prodicus, in a large inner apartment, in bed and wrapped up in abundance of _ warm clothes, lies discoursing with another company of admirers. Socrates approaches Protagoras, and presents the young Hippocrates to him. The sophist, having premised something to give an idea of his own profes- sion, its use and dignity, the rest of the company, being summoned together from all quarters, seat themselves about him; and Socrates begins by entreating Prota- goras to inform him, what was the tendency and usual effect of his lessons, that Hippocrates might know what he was to expect from him. His answers shew, that he professed to accomplish men for publick and private
NOTES.
P. 314. Αδελῴος ὁμομητριος.1 The widow of Hipponicus, and mother to Callias, took to her second husband, Pericles, and brought him a son called Paralus: they afterwards parted by consent, and both married again. See Plutarch in his life of Pericles, who says that she brought him two sons, Xanthippus and Paralus ; but it seems to be a mistake, as he had Xanthippus by a former marriage. This lady was related to Pericles by blood.
Ib. Αδειμαντω.] Thé son of Cepis and of Leucolophides. This Adimantus was Zrparyyos with Alcibiades, against Andros, Ol. 93. 2. See Xenoph. Hist. Gree. L. 1.
315. Χαρμιδης. Plato’s uncle.—®idirmidns.] Son of Philo- melus. —Avrimorpos.] Of Mende.—Epvétuaxos.] A physician.
Ib. Avdpwv.] The son of Androtion; probably the same person, who was afterwards one of the Four Hundred, and brought in the decree against Antipho, the Rhamnusian : (see Harpocration) he is mentioned in the Gorgias (p. 487) as a friend of Callicles, and a lover of eloquence rather than of true philosophy.
PROTAGORAS. 185
life, to make them good and useful members of the state, and of a family. Socrates admires the beauty of his art, if indeed there be such an art, which, he con- fesses, he has often doubted ; for if virtue is a thing which may be taught, what can his countrymen the Athenians mean, who in their publick assemblies, if the question turn on repairing the publick edifices, consult the architect, and if on their fleet, the ship-builder, and laughed at such as on pretence of their wit, of their wealth, or of their nobility, should interfere in debates which concern a kind of knowledge, in which they have neither skill nor experience ; but if the point to be con- sidered relate to the laws, to the magistracy, to the ad- ministration of peace and war, and to such subjects, every merchant, every little tradesman and mechanick,
NOTES.
P. 315. Edy ‘Ounpos.] An allusion to the Odyss. of Homer, A. v. 600, as Dacier well observes.
Ib. Παυσανιας.1 A lover of Agatho, the tragick poet, who was now (he says) very young; he gained his first prize on the stage Ol. 90. 4, four years after this. See Plato, Sympos. p. 193, and Atheneus, L. 5. p. 216.
316. Ικκος.] of Tarentum.—Hpodixos.] Of Selymbria, a sophist and Παιδοτριβης. See the Phedrus, p. 227.
316. Πυθοκλειδης.1 Of Ceos; he taught Pericles musick. See Alcib. 1. p. 118. and Plutarch in Pericles.
Ib. Ayaoxdys.] The Athenian musician and sophist ; he instructed the famous Damon. See Laches, p. 80.
317. Πολλα γε ery.] He (Pythoclides, who taught musick) was now about sixty-one years of age, and had taught it near thirty-one years: but how he can call himself old enough to be father to any one in the company, I do not see; for Socrates was near fifty years of age.
186 NOTES ON PLATO.
the poor as well as the rich, the mean as well as the noble, deliver their opinion with confidence, and are heard with attention. Besides, those greatest states- men, who have been esteemed the brightest examples of political virtue, though they have given their children every accomplishment of the body which education could bestow, do not at all appear to have improved their minds with those qualities for which they them- selves were so eminent, and in which consequently they were best able to instruct them, if instruction could convey these virtues to the soul at all.
Protagoras answers by reciting a fable delivered in very beautiful language; the substance of it is this: Prometheus and Epimetheus, when the gods had formed all kinds of animals within the bowels of the earth, and the destined day approached for producing them into light, were commissioned to distribute among them the powers and qualifications which were allotted to them. The younger brother prevailed upon the elder to let
NOTES.
P. 318. Ζευξιππος.] Of Heraclea. I do not find this painter mentioned any where else ; perhaps it should be read, Zeuxis, who was of Heraclea, and now a young man.
Ib. Ορθαγορας.1 The Theban, who taught Epaminondas on the flute. See Aristoxenus, ap. Atheneum, L. 4. p. 184.
319. Oi Τοξοται--- κελευοντων τῶν IIputavewy.] See Aristo- phanes in Acharnens. v. 239.
Ib. Αριῴρονος.1] Ariphron was the brother of Pericles ; they were both (by their mother Agariste) first cousins to Dinomache, the mother of Alcibiades, and Clinias, to whom they were guardians: Clinias was mad. (See Alcibiad. 1. p. 118.)— Prometheus and Epimetheus (Foresight and Aftersight) were the sons of Iapetus, the Titan, and Clymene.
PROTAGORAS. , 187
him perform this work, and Prometheus consented to review afterwards and correct his disposition of things. Epimetheus then began, and directed his care to the preservation of the several species, that none might ever be totally lost. To some he gave extreme swiftness, but they were deficient in strength ; and the strong he made not equally swift: the little found their security in the lightness of their bodies, in their airy wings, and in their subterraneous retreats; while those of vast magnitude had the superiority of their bulk for a de- fence. Such as were formed to prey on others, he made to produce but few young ones ; while those, who were to serve as their prey, brought forth a numerous progeny. He armed them against the seasons with hoofs of horn and callous feet, with hides of proof and soft warm furs, their native bed and clothing all in one. But when Prometheus came to review his brother’s work, he found that he had lavished all his art and all his materials upon the brute creation, while mankind, whose turn it
NOTES.
P. 320. Αφετοι.} Every divinity had some such animals, which fed at liberty within the sacred enclosures and pastures. Such were the oxen of the Sun, (in Homer, Od. M.) the owls of Minerva in the Acropolis at Athens, (Aristophan. Lysistrat.) the peacocks of Juno at Samos, (Athenzus, L. 14. p. 655. ex Antiphane et Menodoto Samio) the tame serpents of Aisculapius, at Epidaurus, (Pausan. L. 2. c. 28. and at Athens, Aristoph. Plut. v. 733.) the fishes of the Syrian goddess, &c, (Xenoph. Cyri Anabas. L. 1. p. 254.)
821. Tudos.] This seems to be a gloss only, as an explana- tion of Δερμασι orepeos και αναιμοις, to which it is synonymous. Insert in the end of the sentence, Tapoous ewecrepewoev, for a verb is wanting, equivalent to εκοσμήσε.
188 NOTES ON PLATO.
was next to be produced to light, was left a naked help-
less animal, exposed to the rigour of the seasons and to the violence of every other creature round him. In compassion therefore to his wants, Prometheus purloined the arts of Pallas and of Vulcan, and with them fire, (without which they were impracticable and useless) and bestowed them on this new race, to compensate their natural defects. Men then, as allied to the divinity and endowed with reason, were the only part of the creation which acknowledged the being and the provi- dence of the gods. They began to erect altars and statues; they formed articulate sounds, and invented language; they built habitations, covered themselves
NOTES.
P. 821. Ολιγονιαν.] This is remarked by Herodotus, and by Aristotle, and seems to be very true with regard to the larger size of animals ; but it does not appear in the lesser part of the creation, as in spiders, and in other insects, which live on their
kind, the smaller rapacious fishes, snakes, &c. probably because
they themselves were to serve as food to larger creatures.
Ib. Ov wavy τοι codos.] Hesiod calls him, ‘Ayaprivooy τ᾽ Επιμήθεα. Theogon. v. 511.
Ib. Evzropia μεν του Biov.] See the Prometheus of Aschylus.
325. Something is understood or lost after the words, ἑκὼν πειθηται, aS, ev Exel, OF καλως.
327. EvpuvBarw και Ppvywyda.] Phrynondas is mentioned by Isocrates, as a name grown proverbial for a villain. Παραγρα- φικος προς Καλλιμαχον, p. 882. And Aschines in Ctesiphont : AX’ oat oure Φρυνωνδας, ovre HvpuBaros, ovr’ addos πωποτε των TAAL πονήρων, TOTOUTOS μαγος Καὶ yons eyeveTo. p. 73. See also Aristophanes, Oecuogdop. Eurybatus was an Ephesian, who being trusted by Croesus with a great sum to raise auxiliaries, betrayed him, and went into the service of Cyrus. See Ephorus ap. Harpocrat. and Diodorus, Excerpt. de Virt. et Vitiis, p. 240.
Ν᾿“
PROTAGORAS. 189
with clothing, and cultivated the ground. But still they were lonely creatures, scattered here and there, for Prometheus did not dare to enter the citadel of Jove, where Policy, the mother and queen of social life, was kept near the throne of the god himself; otherwise he would have bestowed her too on his favourite mankind. The arts, which they possessed, just supported them, but could not defend them against the multitude and fierceness of the wild beasts: they tried to assemble and live together, but soon found that they were more dangerous and mischievous to one another than the savage creatures had been. In pity then to their condi- tion Jove, lest the whole race should perish, sent Mer-
NOTES.
P. 328. Tns mpafews του μισθου.] It is remarkable in what general esteem and admiration Protagoras was held throughout all Greece. If any scholar of his thought the price he exacted was too high, he only obliged him to say upon his oath, what he thought the precepts he had given him were worth, and Protagoras was satisfied with that sum. Yet he got more wealth by his profession than Phidias the statuary, and any other ten the most celebrated artists of Greece, as Socrates (in Menone, p. 91, and in Hipp. Maj. p. 282) tells us. Euathlus (see Quintilian, L. 3. ¢. 1.) gave him 10,000 drachme (about £300. sterling), for his art of rhetorick in writing. He was the first sophist in Greece who professed himself a Iladevcews και aperns διδασκαλος, and such an one as could make men better and better every time he conversed with them, p. 318 et infra, p. 349.
329. Επ de eraveporo, twa.] See the Phedrus, where he uses the same thought, p. 275. Aewov yap που, w Φαιδρε, &e.
333. Παρατεταχθαι.] To be set against it, that is, to have an aversion to it.
336, Οὐκ dre matger.] Perhaps we should read, καίτοι παίζει.
190 NOTES ON PLATO.
cury to earth, with Shame and Justice; and when he doubted how he should bestow them, and whether they should be distributed, as the arts had been, this to one, and that to another, or equally divided among the whole kind ; Jove approved the latter, and commanded, that if any did not receive his share of that bounty, he should be extirpated from the face of the earth, as the pest and destruction of his fellow-creatures.
This then, continues Protagoras, is the cause why the Athenians, and other nations, in debates, which turn on the several arts, attend only to the advice of the skilful; but give ear in matters of government, which are founded on ideas of common justice and probity, to every citizen indifferently among them: and that this is the common opinion of all men, may hence appear. Ifa person totally ignorant of musick should fancy himself an admirable performer, the world would either laugh or be angry, and his friends would repri- mand or treat him as a madman: but if a man should have candour and plain-dealing enough to profess him- self a villain and ignorant of common justice, what in the other case would have been counted modesty, the
NOTES.
P. 339. Προς Zxorav.] The son of Creon and Echecratia, of Cranon in Thessaly, a citizen of great riches and power, and a principal patron of Simonides, who repaid him with immortality. See also Theocritus Idyll. 16. v. 36. Πολλοι de Σκοπαδαισιν, &c. Here is also a large fragment of one of the odes of Simonides to him.
840. Θεια τις εἰναι παλαι.] Perhaps, Kea τις.
341. Kat ουδαμως ΚΚειον.] Dacier corrects this to Ουδαμως Θειον.
PROTAGORAS. 191
simple confession of truth and of his own ignorance, would here be called impudence and madness. He that will not dissemble here, will be by all regarded as an idiot ; for to own that one knows not what justice is, is to own that one ought not to live among mankind.
He proceeds to shew, that no one thought our idea of justice to be the gift of nature; but that it is ac- quired by instruction and by experience: for with the weak, the deformed, or the blind man, no one is angry ; no reprimands, no punishments attend the unfortunate, nor are employed to correct our natural defects; but they are the proper consequences of our voluntary neglects or offences. Nor is the punishment, which follows even these, intended to redress an evil already past, (for that is impossible) but to prevent a future, or at least to deter others from like offences; which proves, that wickedness is by all regarded as a volun- tary ignorance.
Next he shews, how this knowledge is acquired ; it is by education. Every one is interested in teaching another the proper virtue of a man, on which alone all his other acquisitions must be founded, and without
NOTES,
P. 341. Λεσβιος.1 The Lesbians then spoke a corrupt dialect ; yet that island produced Alczeus, Sappho, Theophrastus, &c. ἡ
342. This is a beautiful compliment to the Cretans and Lacedeemonians,
Ib. τα re karayvwrat.] The rougher exercises of boxing and of the cestus. See Diog. Laertius in Menedemo, and the Gorgias, p. 515.
850, Πελταστικοι.] A light-armed militia, a Thracian inven- tion, and borrowed from that nation by the Greek colonies on
192 NOTES ON PLATO.
which he cannot exist among his fellow-creatures. His parents, as soon as understanding begins to dawn in him, are employed in prescribing what he ought to do and what he ought not to do; his masters, in filling his mind with the precepts, and forming it to the example, of the greatest men, or in fashioning his body to per- form with ease and patience whatever his reason com- mands ; and lastly, the laws of the state lay down a rule, by which he is necessitated to direct his actions. If then the sons of the greatest men do not appear to be greater proficients in virtue than the ordinary sort, it must not be ascribed to the parent’s neglect ; much less must it be concluded, that virtue is not to be ac- quired by instruction: it is the fault perhaps of genius and of nature. Let us suppose, that to perform on a certain instrument were a qualification required in every man, and necessary to the existence of a city, ought we to wonder, that the son of an admirable performer fell infinitely short of his father in skill? Should we attribute this to want of care, or say, that musick were not attainable by any art? or should we not rather ascribe it to defect of genius and to natural inability ? Yet every member of such a state would doubtless far surpass all persons rude and unpractised in musick.
NOTES.
their coast, whence it was afterwards introduced in Athens, Sparta, and in the rest of Greece. They fought on foot armed with a crescent-like shield, bow and arrows, long javelins, and asword. See Xenoph. ap. Pollucem. L. 1. 6. 10. This species of shield was afterwards introduced by Iphicrates among the heavy-armed foot also. (Diodorus. L, 15. ¢. 44.)
PROTAGORAS., 193
In like manner, the most worthless member of a society, civilized by some sort of education and brought up under the influence of laws and of policy, will be an amiable man, if compared with a wild and uncultivated savage.
It is hard indeed to say, who is our particular instructor in the social virtues ; as, for the same reason, it is hard to say, who taught us our native tongue ; yet no one will therefore deny that we learned it. The publick is in these cases our master: and all the world has a share in our instruction. Suffice it (continues the sophist) to know, that some there are among us, elevated a little above the ordinary sort, in the art of leading mankind to honour and to virtue; and among these I have the advantage to be distinguished.
Socrates continues astonished for a time and speech- less, as though dazzled with the beauty of Protagoras’s discourse. At last, recovering himself, he ventures to propound a little doubt which has arisen in his mind (though perfectly satisfied, he says, with the main question), whether temperance, fortitude, justice, and the rest, which Protagoras has so often mentioned, and
NOTES.
P. 357. ‘Ore ἀμαθια.1] This is the true key and great moral of the dialogue, that knowledge alone is the source of virtue, and ignorance the source of vice: it was Plato’s own principle, (see Plat. Epist. 7. p. 336. ἁμαθια, εξ ἧς παντα Kaka πᾶσι ερριζωται και βλαστανει, και ὕστερον ἀποτελεῖ καρπον τοις *yevvy- σασι πικρότατον. See also Sophist. p. 228 and 229, and Euthy- demus. from p. 278 to 281. and De Legib. L. 3. p. 688.) and probably it was also the principle of Socrates: the consequence of it is, that virtue may be taught, and may be acquired; and that philosophy alone can point us out the way to it.
VOL. IV. O
194 NOTES ON PLATO.
seemed to comprehend under the general name of virtue, are different things, and can subsist separately in the same person; or whether they are all the same quality of mind, only exerted on different occasions. Protagoras readily agrees to the first of these; but is insensibly betrayed by Socrates into the toils of his logick, and makes such concessions, that he finds him- self forced to conclude the direct contrary of what he had first advanced. He is sensible of his disgrace, and tries to evade this closer kind of reasoning by taking refuge in that more diffuse eloquence, which used to gain him such applause. But when he finds himself cut short by Socrates, who pleads the weakness of his own memory, unable to attend to long continued discourses, and who intreats him to bring down the greatness of his talents to the level of a mind so much inferiour, he is forced to pick a frivolous quarrel with Socrates, and break off the conversation in the middle. ‘Here Callias interposes, and Alcibiades, in his insolent way, by supporting the request of Socrates and by piquing the vanity of Protagoras, obliges him to accom- modate himself to the interrogatory method of disputa- tion, and renews the dialogue.
To save the dignity of Protagoras, and to put him in humour again, Socrates proposes that he shall con- duct the debate, and state the questions, while he him- self will only answer them; provided Protagoras will
1 The episodical characters of Prodicus and Hippias, intro- duced as mediating a reconciliation, are great ornaments to the dialogue ; the affectation of eloquence and of an accurate choice of words in the former, and the stately figurative diction of the latter, being undoubtedly drawn from the life.
in his turn afterwards condescend to do the same for him. ‘The sophist begins by proposing a famous ode of Simonides, which seems to carry in it an absolute contradiction, which he desires Socrates to reconcile. Socrates appears at first puzzled, and after he has played awhile with Protagoras and with the other sophists, (that he may have time to recollect himself) he gives an explanation of that poem, and of its pre- tended inconsistency, in a manner so new and so just as to gain the applause of the whole company. He then brings back Protagoras (in spite of his reluctance) to his former subject, but without taking advantage of his former concessions, and desires again his opinion on the unity, or on the similitude, of the virtues. Prota- goras now owns, that there is a near! affinity between them all, except valour, which he affirms that a man may possess, who is entirely destitute of all the rest. - Socrates proves to him, that this virtue also, like the others, is founded on knowledge and is reducible to it ; that itis but to know what is really to be feared, and what is not; that good and evil, or in other words, pleasure and pain,” being the great and the only movers
PROTAGORAS. 195
1 See Gorgias, p. 507.
* Plato reasons on the principles of the most rational Epi- curean in this place, and indeed on the only principles which can be defended. (See Gorgias, p. 467 and 499. Tedos ἁπασων των πράξεων To aya8ov.) As our sense of pleasure and of pain is our earliest sentiment, and is the great instrument of self- preservation, some philosophers have called these affections, Ta mpwra κατα φυσιν. See Aul. Gell. L. 12. ¢. 5. Ουδεμια ἡδονη καθ᾽ ἑαυτὴν κακον, ad\\a Ta τινων NOovwy ποιητικὰ πολλαπλασιοὺς επιῴερει Tas οχλήσεις των ἧδονων. Epicurus in Κύυριαις Δοξαις. apud Laert. L. 10. 5, 141.
196 NOTES ON PLATO.
of the human mind, no one can reject pleasure, but where it seems productive of a superior degree of pain, or prefer pain, unless the consequence of it be a superior pleasure. That to balance these one against the other with accuracy, to judge rightly of them at a distance, to calculate the overplus! of each, is that science on which our happiness depends, and which is the basis of every virtue. That, if our whole life’s welfare and the interests of it were as closely connected with the judgment, which we should make on the real magnitude of objects and on their true figure, (or with our not being deceived by the appearance which they exhibit at a distance,) who doubts but that geometry and opticks would then be the means of happiness to us, and would become the rule of virtue? That there is a kind of knowledge no less: necessary to us in our present state, and no less a science; and that, when we pretend to be misled by our passions, we ought to blame our ignorance, which is the true source of all our follies and vices. And now (continues Socrates) who would not laugh at our inconsistency? You set out with affirming that virtue might be taught, yet in the course of our debate you have treated it as a thing entirely distinct? from knowledge, and not reducible to
1 Plato de Legib. L. 1. p. 644. and L. 2. p. 663. and L. 5. p. 733.
2 It was the opinion of Socrates, that all the virtues were only prudence (or wisdom) exerted on different occasions. Ilacas τας aperas φρονήσεις ear’ kat Σωκρατης (adds Aristotle) τῇ μεν opOws efnrer, THD ἡμαρτανεν᾽ ὅτι μεν yap φρονήσεις wero εἰναι πασας Tas ἀρετὰς ἡμαρτανεν᾽ OTL δ᾽ οὐκ avev Ppovyncews καλως ἔλεγε. Ethic. ad Nichom. 1., 6. ὁ. 18. and Plato de Legib.
L. 8. p. 688. calls prudence, Συμπασὴς ἥγεμων aperns, φρονήησις μετ᾽ EpwTos Kat επιθυμιας TAUTY ἑπομενή5. ;
PROTAGORAS. 197
it: I, who advanced the contrary position, have shewn that it is a science, and consequently that it may be learned.
Protagoras, who has had no other share in the dis- pute than to make (without perceiving the consequence) such concessions as absolutely destroy what he set out with affirming, tries to support the dignity of his own age and reputation, by making an arrogant compliment to Socrates, commending his parts (very considerable, he says, and very promising for so young a man,) and doing him the justice to say to all his acquaintance, that he knows no one more likely, some time or other, to make an extraordinary person; and he adds that this is not a time to enter deeper into this subject, and on any other day he shall be at his service.
LO.
H, ITEPI ΠΟΙΗΤΙΚΗΣ ἙΡΜΗΝΕΤΙΑΣ,
ON THE IMPERFECTION OF POETRY AND OF CRITICISM WITHOUT PHILOSOPHY.
As Serranus, and (I think) every commentator after him, has read this dialogue with a grave counten- ance, and understood it in a literal sense, though it is throughout a very apparent and continued irony ; it is no wonder if such persons, as trust to their accounts of it, find it a very silly and frivolous thing. Yet under that irony, doubtless, there is concealed a serious meaning, which makes a part of Plato’s great design, a
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 530.
P. 5380, Ασκληπιεια.] Pausanias, in his description of the temple of Asculapius near Epidaurus, speaks of the adjoining stadium and theatre, where these games were celebrated during the festival of the deity. L. 2. p. 174.
Ib. Αλλοις Ποιηταις.1] The Rhapsodi sung, in the theatres, not only the poems of Homer, but those also (V, de Legib. L. 2. p. 658.) of Hesiod, Archilochus, Mimnermus, and Phocylides, the Iambicks of Simonides, &c. (see Atheneus, L. 14. p. 620.) and even the history of Herodotus,
10. 199
design which runs through all his writings. He was persuaded that virtue! must be built on knowledge, not on that counterfeit? knowledge, which dwells only on the surface of things and is guided by the imagina- tion rather than by the judgment, (for this was the peculiar foible of his countrymen, a light and desultory people, easily seduced by their fancy wherever it led them), but on the knowledge which is fixed and settled on certain great and general truths, and on principles as ancient and as unshaken as nature itself, or rather as the author of nature. ‘To this knowledge, and con-
1 See Plato’s seventh Epistle to the friends of Dion; as well as his Protagoras, Meno, Laches, and Alcibiades. 2 Δοξοσοφια, δοξαστικὴ επιστημη. (Vid. Sophist. p. 233.)
NOTES.
P. 530. Μαλιστα ev ‘Ounpw.] These were distinguished by the name of Homeriste, or Homeride. See Pindar Od. Nem. 2. and Plato de Republ. L. 10, p. 599.
Ib. Ex um ξυνιη.1] They were remarkable for their ignorance. See Xenoph. Sympos. p. 513. Οισθα ovv εθνος τι ηλιθιωτερον Ῥαψωδων, &e. Metrodorus of Lampsacus here is not to be confounded with the friend of Kpicurus, who was also of Lampsacus.
Ib. The first Metrodorus (mentioned in the preceding note) was a disciple of Anaxagoras, and seems to have written on the moral and natural philosophy of Homer. See Diog. Laert. L. 2, 5. 11. Stesimbrotus of Thasus was contemporary with Socrates, but elder than he: he is often cited by Plutarch (in Themistocle, in Cimone, in Pericle) having, as it seems, given some account of these great men, with the two last of whom he had lived: (see Atheneus, L. 13, p. 589.) he was a sophist of reputation, and gave lessons to Niceratus the son of Nicias. See Xenoph. Sympos. p. 513.
200 NOTES ON PLATO.
sequently to virtue, he thought that philosophy was our only guide: and as to all those arts, which are usually made merely subservient to the passions of mankind, as politicks,! eloquence, and poetry, he thought that they were no otherwise to be esteemed than as they are grounded on philosophy, and are
1 See the Gorgias, Meno, Phedrus, and this dialogue.
NOTES.
P. 532. Polygnotus, son of Aglaophon, the painter.
583. Deedalus was the son of Palamaon, of that branch of the royal family, called Metionide, being sprung from Metion, the son of Erectheus: (See Pausan. L. 7. p. 531. and L. 1. p. 13.) there were statues of his workmanship still preserved in several cities of Greece, at Thebes, Lebadea, Delos, Olus, and Gnossus, even in the time of Pausanias, above six hundred years after this. See Pausan. L. 9, p. 793. and Plato Hippias Maj. p. 282. Epéus, the son of Panopeus, was the inventor of the Trojan horse ; in the temple of the Lycian Apollo at Argos, was preserved a wooden figure of Mercury made by him. Theodorus, the Samian, son of Telecles, first discovered the method of casting iron, and of forming it into figures: he also (with his countryman Rhecus the son of Phileus) was the first who cast statues in bronze ; he worked likewise in gold, and graved precious stones.
Ib. Odvurov.] Olympus, the Phrygian, lived in the time of Midas before the Trojan war, yet his compositions, or Nouor, as well the musick as the verses, were extant even in Plutarch’s days; see Burette on the Treatise de Musica, Mémoires de l’Acad. des Inscript. Vol. 10, note 30, V. 13, note 104, V. 15, note 228. and Aristotel. Politic. L. 8. ¢. 5. and Plato Sympos. p- 215. Kae ere vue κηλει τους ανθρωπους, ds αν Ta εκεινου αὐλῇ. (Marsye scilicet, qui Olympum edocuit) see also Plato in Minoe, p. 318. hence also it seems that they had the musick of Orpheus, of Thamyris, and of Phemius, then in being. (See Hom. Odyss, A. 325, and X. 330.)
a i
10. 201
directed to the ends of virtue. They, who had best succeeded in them before his time, owed (as he thought) their success rather to a lucky hit, to some gleam ! of truth, as it were providentially, breaking in upon their minds, than to those fixed and unerring? principles which are not to be erased from a soul, which has once
1 Such as Plato calls Op0n Δοξα,---Αληθης Δοξα. (This is explained in the Meno, p. 97.) or in the language of irony, Θεῖα Δυναμις, θεῖα μοιρα, κατακωχη. (Ibid. p. 99.) and De Legib. L. 3. p. 682.
* To which he gives the name of Φρονησις, Ἐπιστημη, ov Opamerevovoa, ἀλλα δεδεμενὴ αἰτίας λογισμω" διαῴφερει yap δεσμω επιστημὴ ορθης doéns* (Meno, ubi supra) and on this only he bestows the name of Τέχνη. (Vid. Gorgiam, and in Sophista, p- 253.) ‘H των ελευθερων emiornun, and p. 267. Aperns ἱστορικηὴ μιμησις, opposed to ἡ Δοξομιμητικη. Vid. et Sympo- sium, p. 202. De Republ. L. 5. p. 477. and L. 7. p. 534.
NOTES. P, 533. The verses of Euripides are in his Oeneus, a drama
now lost ; , Tas βροτων
Γνωμας σκοπησας, wore Mayryris λιθος, Τὴν δοξαν ἕλκει και μεθιστησιν παλιν"
he gave it the name probably from the city of Magnesia ad Sipylum, where it was found. It is remarkable, that Mr. Chishuli tells us, as they were ascending the castle-hill of this city, a compass, which they carried with them, pointed to dif- ferent quarters, as it happened to be placed on different stones, and that at last it entirely lost its virtue ; which shews that hill to be a mine of loadstone. Its power of attracting iron and of communicating its virtue to that iron, we see, was a thing well- known at that time, yet they suspected nothing of its polar qualities.
534. Apurrovra.] Vid. Phedrum, p. 253, and Euripides in Bacchis, v. 142, and 703.
202 NOTES ON PLATO,
been thoroughly convinced of them. Their conduct therefore in their actions, and in their productions, has been wavering between good and evil, and unable to reach perfection. The inferiour tribe have caught some- thing of their fire, merely by imitation, and form their judgments, not from any real skill they have in these
NOTES,
P. 534. Oi Tocnrat.] Such expressions are frequent in Pindar: he calls his own poetry, Nexrap χυτον, Μοισᾶν δοσιν, γλυκυν καρπον ppevos, and he says of himself, Efa:perov Xapirwy νεμομαι κᾶπον, (Olymp. Od. 9) and Μελιτι evavopa πολιν Bpexw. (Olymp. 10.) &e. &e.
Ib. ‘O de eyxwysa.] Of this kind are all the odes remaining to us of Pindar, as the expressions in Olymp. Od. 4, Od. 8, 10, and 18, and in many other places, clearly shew.
Ib. Ὑπορχηματα.] Pindar was famous for this kind of com- positions, though we have lost them, as well as his dithyram- bicks. Xenodemus also, Bacchylides, and Pratinas the Phliasian, excelled in them ; Athenzus has preserved a fine fragment of this last poet. L. 14, p. 617. These compositions were full of description, and were sung by a chorus who danced at the same time, and represented the words by their movements and ges- tures. Tynnichus of Chalcis, whose pean was famous, and indeed the only good thing he ever wrote.
535. Ἐπι rov ουδον.] See Hom. Odyss. X. v. 2. Αλτο δ᾽ emt μεγαν ovdov, ὅτο.
Ib. Azo του Byuaros.] The Rhapsodi, we find, were mounted on a sort of suggestum, with a crown of gold (See p. 530. and 541. of this dialogue) on their heads, and dressed in robes of various colours, and after their performance was finished, a col- lection seems to have been made for them among the audience.
536. ‘Oc κορυβαντιῶντες.] This was a peculiar phrenzy sup- posed to be inspired by some divinity, and attended with violent motions and efforts of the body, like those of the Corybantes attendant on Cybele: (Strabo, L. 10. p. 473.) they believed that they heard the sound of loud musick continually in their
10. 203
arts, but merely from (what La Bruyere calls) a gout de comparaison. The general applause of men has pointed out to them what is finest ; and to that, as to a principle, they refer their taste, without knowing or inquiring in what its excellence consists. Each Muse! (says Plato in this dialogue) inspires and holds sus-
10 de eos διὰ παντων τουτων ἕλκει τὴν ψυχὴν, ὁποι αν βουληται, των ανθρωπων, ἀανακρεμαννὺυς εξ αλληλων τὴν δυναμιν" και ὥσπερ εκ τὴς λιθου (της ΗἩρακλεῖας) ὁρμαθος παμπολὺυς εξηρτηται χορευτωντε, και διδασκαλων, και ὑποδιδασκαλων εκ πλαγιου εξηρτη- μενων, των THS Movons εκκρεμαμενων δακτυλιων. p. 536.
NOTES.
ears, and seem, from this passage, to have been peculiarly sensible to some certain airs, when really played, as it is re- ported of those who are bitten by the tarantula. As these airs were pieces of musick usually in honour of some deities, the ancients judged thence by what deity these demoniacks were possessed, whether it were by Ceres, Bacchus, the Nymphs, or by Cybele, &c. who were looked upon as the causes of madness.
P. 541. ΝΗ yap ἡμετερα πολις.1] The time therefore of this dia- logue must be earlier than the revolt of the Ionian cities, which happened Ol. 91. 4, and it appears from what Ion says in the beginning, that it must be later than Ol. 89. 3, since before that year the communication between Epidaurus and Athens was cut off by the war. Apollodorus of Cyzicus, Phanosthenes of Andrus, and Heraclides of Clazomenz were elected by the Athenians into the Στρατηγιαι, and other magistracies, though they were not citizens. See Atheneus, L. 11. p. 506. It is plain that Atheneus saw the irony of this dialogue, for, if it be literally taken, there is nothing like abuse in it either on poets or on statesmen.
542. Θειον evar καὶ μὴ Texvixov.] Hence we see the meaning of Socrates, when he so frequently bestows the epithet of Oecos on the sophists and poets, &c. &c. See also Plato’s Meno, p. 99, which is the best comment on the Io which can be read.
204 NOTES ON PLATO.
pended her favourite poet in immediate contact, as the magnet does a link of iron, and from him (through whom the attractive virtue passes and is continued to the rest) hangs a long chain of actors, and singers, and criticks, and interpeters + of interpreters,
1 Ἕρμηνεων ἑρμηνεῖς. p. 535.
THEATETUS.
Ol. 95. 1. Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 142.
ΤΈΒΡΒΙΟΝ meeting Euclides at Megara, and inquiring where he has been, is informed that he has been accom- panying Theeetetus, who is lately come on shore from Corinth, in a weak and almost dying condition upon his return to Athens. This reminds them of the high opinion which Socrates had entertained of that young man, who was presented to him (not long before his death) by Theodorus! of Cyrene, the geometrician. The conversation, which then passed between them, was taken down in writing by Euclides who, at the request: of Terpsion, orders his servant to read it to them.
The Abbé Sallier (Mém. de Academie des Inscrip- tions, V. 13, p. 317.) has given an elegant translation of the most shining part of this? dialogue ; and also in vol. 16. p. 70. of the Mém. de Acad. des Inscript. he
1 Theodorus was celebrated also for his skill in arithmetick, astronomy, and musick. (p. 145.) δ had been a friend of Protagoras, who was dead about ten years before the time of this dialogue, and had left his writings in the hands of Callias,
the son of Hipponicus. 2 P. 172 of this dialogue. See also Gorgias, p. 484.
206 NOTES ON PLATO.
has translated all that part of the dialogue in which Plato has explained the system of Protagoras, from p. 151. to 168. The description of a true! philosopher in this place, (though a little aggravated, and more in the character of Plato than of Socrates,) has yet an elevation in it which is admirable. The Abbé Sallier has also given a sketch of the dialogue, which is a very long one, and (as he rightly judges) would not be much approved in a translation. It is of that kind called Iletpaorixos, in order to make trial of the capacity of Thezetetus, while Socrates (as he says) only plays the midwife, and brings the conceptions of his mind to light. The question is; what is knowledge? and the purpose of the dialogue is rather to refute the false definitions of it, as established by? Protagoras in his writings, and resulting from the tenets of Heraclitus,?
ΤΡ, 172 of this dialogue. See also Gorgias, p. 484.
2 His fundamental tenet was this; viz: Παντων χρημάτων μετρον ἄνθρωπον εἰναι" τῶν μὲν οντων, ὡς ἐστι" τῶν δὲ μη οντων ὡς οὐκ εστι᾿ that every man’s own perceptions of things were (to him) the measure and the test of truth and of falsehood.
3 Viz. That motion was the principle of being, and the only cause of all its qualities. Mr. Hardion has: given us a short view of the arguments used by Protagoras in support of these doctrines in his seventh Dissertation on the Rise and Progress of Eloquence in Greece. See Mémoires de ]’Academie des In- scriptions, &c. V. 15. p. 152. This seems to be much the same with the doctrine of the new Academy ; ‘‘Omnes omnino res, quee sensus omnium movent τῶν προς τί esse dicunt: id verbum significat nihil esse quicquam quod ex se constet, nec quod habeat vim propriam et naturam ; sed omnia prorsum ad aliquid referri, taliaque videri esse, qualis sit eorum species, dum videntur, qualiaque apud sensus nostros, quo pervenerunt, creantur, non apud sese, unde profecta sunt.” Aul. Gell. L. ll. c. 5. Vid. Platon. Cratylum, p. 385.
THEATETUS. 207
of Empedocles, and of other philosophers, than to pro- duce a better definition of his own. Yet there are many fine and remarkable passages in it, such as the observations of Theodorus on the faults of temper, which usually attend on brighter parts, and on the defects of genius often found in minds of a more sedate and solid turn; Socrates’s illustration of his own art by the whimsical comparison between that and midwifery ; his opinion, that admiration! is the parent of philo- sophy ; the active and passive powers? of matter, aris- ing from the perpetual flux and motion of all things, (being the doctrine of Heraclitus and others,) ex- plained; the reflections on philosophical leisure, and on a liberal turn of mind opposed to the little cunning and narrow thoughts of mere men of business; the description of Heraclitus’s followers, then very numer- ous in Jonia, particularly at Ephesus; the account of the tenets of Parmenides and of* Melissus, directly
1 Ava To θαυμαζειν 6c avOpwro, καὶ νυν καὶ πρωτον, np~avTo φιλοσοφειν, &e. Aristot. Metaphys. L. 1. p. 335. Ed. Sylburg.
2 There is a near affinity between this, and Mr. Locke’s ac- count in the beginning of his chapter on Power, L. 2. ο. 21. and in his reflections on our ideas of secondary qualities. B. 2.
e. 8. See also Cudworth’s Intellectual System, B. 1. ο. 1. sect. 7.
3 They maintained, ws ἐν ra παντα εστι, Kal ἑστηκεν αὐτο εν GUTW, οὐκ EXOV χωραν, εν ᾧ κινειται.
Socrates speaks with respect of these two philosophers, par- ticularly of Parmenides: ΠΠαρμενιδὴς δὲ μοι φαινεται (κατα To του ‘Ounpov) αἰδοιος τε mor εἰναι ἅμα δεινὸς Te* συμπροσεμιξα yap τω ανδρι πανυ νεὸς πανυ πρεσβυτῃ, Kat μοι εφανὴ βαθος τι εχειν πανταπασι γενναῖον. (p. 183.) and in the Sophist, p. 217. Οἷον more Kat Ilappevidn χρωμενω, &e, and ib. p. 237. Παρμενιδὴς de ὁ μεγας, &e.
208 NOTES ON PLATO.
contrary to those of the former ; the distinction between our senses, the instruments through which the mind perceives external objects, and the mind itself, which judges of their existence, their likeness and their differ- ence, and founds! its knowledge on the ideas which it abstracts from them ; to which we may add, the com- parison of ideas fixed in the memory? to impressions made in wax, and the dwelling on this similitude in order to shew the several imperfections of this faculty in different constitutions.
1 P, 184, 5, and 6.1 Compare this with Locke’s Definition of Knowledge, B. 4. ὁ. 1.
2 Ῥ, 191 to 194.] Here also see Locke on retention, B. y ae 3 10. and C. 29. § 8. on clear and obscure ideas.
THE SOPHIST. H, ΠΕΡῚ TOY ONTOS.
ON THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN PHILOSOPHY AND SOPHISTRY.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 216.
I am convinced that this is a continuation of the Thez- tetus, which ends with these words, Ew6ev δε, ὦ Ocodwpe, δευρο πάλιν aravtwpev, as this begins, Kara τὴν χθες ὁμολογίαν, ὦ LwKpares, αὐτοι TE κοσμίως ἥκομεν, και tovoe τινα ἕενον ἀγομεν. The persons are the same, except the philosopher of the Eleatick school, who is here introduced, and who carries on the disputation
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 216. “Erepov τε των aude Παρμενιδὴν και ζηνωνα ἑταιρων. | Read for érepov, ἑταιρον.
Ib. Οποσοι μετεχουσιν atdods.] Hom. Odyss. P. v. 485.
Ib. Καθορωντες ὑψοθεν.] Lucretius, L. 2. v. 9.
217. Av’ ερωτησεων. We see therefore that Parmenides prac- tised the dialectick method of reasoning, which his scholar Zeno first reduced to an art, as Aristotle tells us, and also Laertius, L. 9. § 25.
218. Zwxparn.] The younger Socrates about the same age with Plato and Theetetus. (Vid. Plato Epist. 11.)
226. Ocxerixwy ονοματων.] Vulgar and trivial terms. Vide Longinum, s. 43.
VOL, IV. .
210 NOTES ON PLATO.
with Theztetus while both Theodorus and Socrates continue silent. The apparent subject of it is the character of a sophist, which is here at large displayed in opposition to that of a philosopher; but here too he occasionally attacks the opinions of Protagoras, Hera- clitus, Empedocles, and others, on the incertitude of all existence and on the perpetual flux of matter.
This dialogue, in a translation, would suit the taste of the present age still less even than the Theetetus ;
NOTES.
P. 232. Ta Πρωταγορεια.] Laertius (L. 9. sect. 52.) tells us that the works of Protagoras were publickly burnt at Athens, yet he reckons up a number of them as still extant in his time: and we see, both here and in the Theetetus, that they were left by the author, at his departure from Athens, in the hands of Callias, and were known to every one there: δεδημοσιωμενα που καταβεβληται.
Ib. Tys Αντιλογικης.1] Protagoras had left a work in two books entitled ἀντιλογιαι ; whence Aristoxenus (Laert. L. 3. 5. 37.) accuses Plato of borrowing a great part of his work De Republica.
234. ‘Os εγγυτατατω avev των παθηματων.] This is undoubt- edly the true reading ; ws εγγυτάτω μαθημάτων is very poor and insipid.
235. Οὐκουν dco ye των μεγαλων.] Hence the Abbé Sallier collects (Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscriptions, Vol. 8. p. 97.) that the Ancients were no strangers to perspective, both lineal and aerial. See Plato de Republ. L. 10. p. 606. on poetical imita- tion, and Vitruvius, L. 7. 6. 5. The words seem only to relate to colossal figures, where the upper parts must be made larger, as they are farther removed from the eye.
Ib. Της παιδειας μετεχοντων.] Read, της παιδιας.
Ib. Ovde αλλο γενος ovdev.] Plato seems to triumph here in his own method of division and distinction,
-*
particularly that part which is intended to explain the nature of existence, and of non-existence, which to me is obscure beyond all comprehension, partly perhaps from our ignorance of the opinions of those philoso- phers, which are here refuted; and partly from the abstracted nature of the subject, and not a little, I doubt, from Plato’s manner of treating it.
The most remarkable things in this dialogue appear to be, his description of that disorder and want of sym- metry in the soul, produced by ignorance, which puts
THE SOPHIST. 211
NOTES.
P. 237. Παρμενιδης δε ὁ weyas.] <A fragment of Parmenides’s Poem. See at large in Sextus Empiricus.
Ib. Aurov τε καταχρήσασθαι, used for χρησασθαι simply.
242, ‘Qs τρια ra ovra.] Perhaps Anaxagoras, who thought the formation of animals was εξ ὕγρου, Kar θερμου, Kat νεωδοῦς. Diog. Lasrt. L. 2. s. 9. See also Plutarch de Iside et Osiride. Ilavrwy ex μαχῆς Kat αντιπαθειας THY γενεσιν ἐχοντων.
Ib. Avw de erepos εἰπων.] See Themistius in Physica Aris- totelis, and D. Laert. L. 9. 22 and 29.
Ib. Aro Zevodavois και ert προσθεν.Ἷ Xenophanes the Colo- phonian, was master to Parmenides. We sce there was an Eleatick school, even before Xenophanes’s time.
Ib. Evos ovros των παντων.} This was a tenet of Parmenides, though far more ancient than he. See the Theetetus, p. 180. “Ovov axwyrov τελεθει, &c. : these Plato calls δι του 'Ὅλου στασι- wrat, and the opposite sect he calls 6 peovres, the followers of Heraclitus. (Thetetus, p. 181.) This tenet was continued from him to his scholars, Zeno and Melissus. D. Laert. L. 9. 8. 29.
Ib. Iades.] Which he calls αἱ ewrovwrepac των Movowy: I imagine that he speaks of Heraclitus: Σικελικαι de μαλακωτεραι" he means Empedocles ; ἄλλοτε μεν φιλοτητι, &c. ap. Plutarch.
244. Fragment of Parmenides: Ilavro#ev εὐκυκλου, &e. read the last verse thus: Oure βεβαιοτερον πελειν χρεων εστι τῇ ἡ τῆ.
212 NOTES ON PLATO.
it off its bias on its way to happiness, the great end of human actions: the distinction he makes between Ayvoww and Apabia; the first of which, Ayvo.a, is simply our ignorance of a thing, the latter, Avafua, an ignorance which mistakes itself for knowledge, and which (as long as this sentiment attends it) is without hope of remedy: the explanation of the Socratick mode of instruction (adapted to this peculiar kind of ignor- ance) by drawing a person’s errors gradually from his own mouth, ranging them together, and exposing to his own eyes their inconsistency and weakness: the com- parison of that representation of things given us by the sophists, and pieces of painting, which placed at a
NOTES.
P. 246. Τιγαντομαχια.] Between those whom he calls δι γηγε- ves, the materialists, and the spiritualists, among which was Plato himself.
Ib. Πετρας και δρυς.1 An allusion to the Giants’ manner of fighting, armed with mountains and rocks; and also to that proverb, Azo dpvos 75° azo merpys.
949. See the opinions of Heraclitus apud Sext. Empiricum, and in Plato’s Theeetetus.
251. Tors οψιμαθεσι.1 Hither the sophists themselves, or such as admired their contests.
252. Evros ὑποφθεγγομενον, ws Tov ἄτοπον Εϊυρυκλεα.} Eurycles was an Εγγαστριμυθος, who could fetch a voice from the belly or the stomach, and set up for a prophet. Those who had the same faculty were called after him Euryclite. See Aristophanes Vespe, v. 1014. et Scholia. For such as are possessed of this faculty can manage their voice in so wonderful a manner, that it shall seem to come from what part they please, not of them- selves only, but of any other person in the company, or even from the bottom of a well, down a chimney, from below stairs, &e. of which I myself have been witness.
t Bia 4
THE SOPHIST. 213
certain distance, deceive the young and inexperienced into an opinion of their reality: and the total change of ideas in young men when they come into the world, and begin to be acquainted with it by their own sensa- tions, and not by description. All these passages are extremely good.
NOTES.
P. 265. Wesee here that it was the common opinion, that the creation of things was the work of blind unintelligent nature, Τὴν Φυσιν παντὰ γεννᾶν απὸ Tivos alTias αὐτοματης, Kat aveu διανοίας pvovens: whereas the contrary was the result of philo- sophical reflection and disquisition, believed by a few people only. :
268. Taurns rns yeveas.] See Hom. 1]. Z et passim
POLITICUS. H, ΠΕΡῚ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΑΣ.
Tus dialogue is a continuation of the Sophist, as the Sophist is a continuation of the Thezetetus ; and they are accordingly ranged together by Thrasylius in that order (Diog. Laert. in Platon. 5. 58.); though Serranus in his edition has separated them. The persons are the same, only that here the younger Socrates is intro- duced, instead of Thesetetus, carrying on the conversa- tion with the stranger from Elea. The principal heads of it are the following :
P, 258. The division of the sciences into speculative and practical.
P. 259. The master, the ceconomist, the politician, the king; which are taken as different names for men of the same profession.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. Platon. Op. Serrani. Vol. 2. p. 257.
P. 257. Tov ἀμμωνα.] Theodorus was of Cyrene.
264. Tats ev τω Νείλω τιθασσειαις.1 Probably in or near those cities of Egypt where the Lepidotus, Oxyrinchus, and other fish of the Nile were worshipped ; those fish, by being unmolested and constantly fed, might be grown tame, as in the river Chalus in Syria, mentioned by Xenophon (Cyri Anab. L. 1. Ῥ. 254. ed. Leunclay.), where all fish were held sacred.
POLITICUS. 215
The private man, who can give lessons of govern- ment to such as publickly exercise this art, deserves the name of royal no less than they.
No difference between a great family and a small commonwealth.
The politician must command on his own judgment, and not by the suggestion of others, (avreruraxtos.) ὦ
P. 262. The absurdity of the Greeks, who divided all mankind into Greeks and barbarians. The folly of all distinction and division without a difference.
P. 269. The fable of the contrary revolutions in the universe at periodical times, with the alternate destruc- tion and reproduction of all creatures. .
P. 273. The disorder and the evil in the natural world, accounted for from the nature of 2 matter, while it was yet a chaos.
The former revolution, in which the Divinity him- self immediately conducted every thing, is called the
1 P. 261. Kav dtadvdaéns το μὴ σπουδαζΐζειν emt Tos ονομασι, πλουσιωτερος εἰς TO YHpas avadaynon Ppovnoews.
* Plato, with the Pythagoreans, looked upon matter as co-
eternal with the Deity, but receiving its order and design entirely from him. (See Timeus, the Locrian, de Anim&é Mundi.)
NOTES.
P. 266. Των προς γελωτα.] An allusion perhaps to the Aves of Aristophanes, or to some other comick writer, for Plato (as well as Socrates) had often been the subject of their ridicule.
Ib. Ev rn περι τον σοφιστην.] YV. Sophistam, p. 227.
268. Περι τὴν Arpews.] See Euripid. Orest. v. 1001. and Electra v. 720.
269. Myr’ av duw τινε θεω. Alluding to the Persian doctrine of a good and of an evil principle.
216 NOTES ON PLATO.
Saturnian age; the present revolution, when the world goes the contrary way, being left to its own?! conduct. Mankind are now guided by their own free-will, and are preserved by their own inventions.
P. 275. The nature of the monarch in this age is no other than that of the people which he commands.
P. 276. His government must be with the consent of the people.
Clear and certain knowledge is rare and in few instances ; we are forced to supply this defect by com- parison and by analogy. Necessity of tracing things up to their first principles. Examples of logical division.
Greater, or less, with respect to our actions, are not to be considered as mere relations only depending on one another, but are to be referred to a certain middle term, which forms? the standard of morality.
P. 284, All the arts consist in measurement, and are divided into two classes: Ist. those arts which compare dimensions, numbers, or motions, each with its contrary, as greater with smaller, more with less,
1 He here too, with Timzus, considers the universe as one vast, animated, and intelligent body. Zwov ov, καὶ ppovnow ELANXOS EK του συναρμοσαντος αὐτὸ κατ᾽ apxas. Pp. 269. Tedevor, εμψυχον τε Kat λογικον, Kat σφαιροειδες σωμα. Timeus, p. 94.
2 This is the fundamental principle of Aristotle’s ethicks, L. 2. ὁ. 7. et passim.
NOTE.
Ῥ. 272. Μυθους.1 He seems to allude to the Asopick (See Aristot. Rhetor.. L. 2. Sect. 21.) Libyan, and Sybaritick fables. See Aristophan. Aves v. 471. 652. and 808. and Vespz v. 1418.
ee ἩὈ--- "Ἂς ᾿
swifter with slower; and 2dly, those, which compare them by their distances from some middle point, seated between two extremes, in which consists what is right, fit, and becoming.
The design of these distinctions, and of the manner used before in tracing out the idea of a sophist anda politician, is to form the mind to a habit of logical division.
The necessity of illustrating our contemplations,1 on abstract and spiritual subjects, by sensible and material images is stated.
P, 286. An apology? for his prolixity.
Principal, and concurrent,* or instrumental causes, are named ; the division of the latter, with their several productions, is into seven classes of arts which are neces- sary to society: viz.
POLITICUS. 217
1 See Ὁ. 286. Thus Mr. Locke, speaking of the institution of language, observes, that ‘‘men to give names which might make known to others any operations they felt in themselves, or any other idea which came not under their senses, were fain to borrow words from ordinary known ideas of sensation, by that means to make others the more easily to conceive those operations which they experimented in themselves, which made no outward sensible appearances.”
2 Atheneus has preserved a large fragment of Epicrates, a comiek poet, in which Plato’s divisions are made the subject of his ridicule. L. 2. p. 59.
3 Avriov kat συναίτιον. Terms also used by the Pythagoreans. Vid. Timzum Locrum in principio.
NOTE.
P. 283. Maxporepa του δεοντος.] Itis plain, that the length of Plato’s digressions had been censured and ridiculed by some of his contemporaries (particularly his dialogue called ‘‘the Sophist”’), and that he here makes his own apology.
218 NOTES ON PLATO.
1, To zpwroyeves ecdos. That class which furnishes materials for all the rest ; it includes the arts of mining, hewing, felling, &e.
2. Opyavov. The instruments employed in all manufactures, with the arts which make them.
3. Ayyewov. The vessels to contain and preserve our nutriment, and other moveables furnished by the potter, joiner, brazier, &c.
4, ὄχημα. Carriages, seats, vehicles for the land and water, &c. by the coach-maker, ship and boat-builder, &e.
5. HpoBAnpa. Shelter, covering, and defence, as houses, clothing, tents, arms, ὧς. by the architect, weaver, armourer, dc.
6. Ilacyvwov. Pleasure and amusement, as painting, musick, sculpture, ἄς.
7. Θρεμμα. Nourishment, supplied by agriculture, hunting, cookery, &c. and regulated by the gymnastick and medical arts.
NOTES.
P. 284. To un ov.] Υ͂. Sophist, p. 237.
290. The Egyptian kings were all of them priests, and if any of another class usurped the throne, they too were obliged to admit themselves of that order.
291. Παμῴφυλον τι yevos.] Vid. mox, p. 303.
299. Merewpodroyos.] Alluding to the fate of Socrates, and to the Nubes of Aristophanes, as he frequently does. This 15 ἃ remarkable passage.
302. The corruption of the best form of government is the worst and the most intolerable of all.
Ib. I'v που και λιθους.1 See the ancient manner of refining gold, in Diodorus L. 2. or in the Excerpta of Agatharchides de Mari Erythreo.
808. Adauas.] Found in the gold-mines mixed with the ore.
Ἵ
POLITICUS. 219
P, 289. None of these arts have any pretence to, or competition with, the art! of governing ; no more than the ὑπηρετικον και διακονικον yevos, which voluntarily exercise the employment of slaves, such as merchants, bankers, and tradesmen: the priesthood too are in- cluded under this head, as interpreters between the gods and men, not from their own judgment, but either by inspiration, or by a certain prescribed ceremonial.
P. 291. There are three kinds of government, mon- archy, oligarchy, and democracy: the two first are dis- tinguished into four, royalty, tyranny, aristocracy, and oligarchy-proper.
P. 294. The imperfection of all laws arises from the impossibility of adapting thei to the continual change of circumstances, and to particular cases.
Ρ 296. Force may be employed by the wise and just legislator to good ends.
P. 299. The supposition of a set of rules in physick, in agriculture, or in navigation, drawn up by a majority of the citizens, and not to be transgressed under pain of death; applied to the case of laws made by the people.
P. 307. Some nations are destroyed by an excess of spirit ; others by their own inoffensiveness and love of quiet.
1 Aristotle in the same manner calls this great art, Kupwrarn καὶ μαλιστα APXITEKTOVLKY των ETLOTHUWY Kat δυναμεων᾽ τινὰς yap εινᾶι χρεὼν εν ταις πολεσι και ποιας ἑκαστους μανθανειν, και μέχρι τινος, αὐτη διατασσει. ‘Opwuev Se τας εντιμοτατας των δυνάμεων ὑπο ταυτὴν ovoas διον στρατηγικὴν, οἰκονομίκην, ῥητορικην, Ke. Aristot. Ethic. Nicom. L. 1. ὁ. 2. See also p. 804. of this dialogue.
220 NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 308. The office of true policy is to temper courage with moderation, and moderation with courage. Policy presides over education.
This dialogue seems to be a very natural introduc- tion to the books De Republica, and was doubtless so intended. See particularly L. 3. p. 410. &. and L. 4. p. 442.
DE REPUBLICA.
IOAITEION, H ΠΕΡῚ AIKATOY.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 327.
Tue scene of this dialogue lies at the house of Cephalus, a rich old Syracusan, father to Lysias the orator, then residing in the Pirzeus, on the day of the Bendidea, a festival, then first celebrated there with processions, races, and illuminations in honour of the Thracian! Diana. ‘The persons engaged in the conversation, or present at it, are Cephalus himself, Polemarchus, Lysias and Euthydemus, his three sons; Glauco and Adiman- tus, sons of Aristo and brothers to Plato; Niceratus, son of Nicias ; Thrasymachus the sophist of Chalcedon ; Clitophon,? son of Aristonymus, and Charmantides of Peeania, and Socrates. As to the time of these dialogues, it is sure that 1 She had a temple in the Pireeus, called the Bendideum, (Xenoph. Gr. Hist. L. 2. p. 472.) founded perhaps on this oc- easion. See the Republ. p. 354. “ Εἱστιασθω ev τοις Βενδιδειοις :” the festival was celebrated in the heat of summer, (see Strab. L. 10. p. 471. Toy Βενδιδιων Πλατων weurnrat.) on the 19th day of Thargelion, as Proclus tells us, Comment. 1. ad Timzeum.
* An admirer and scholar of Thrasymachus, (See Clitophont. p. 406.) and friend of Lysias.
222 NOTES ON PLATO.
Cephalus died about Ol. 84. 1, and that his son Lysias was born fifteen years before Ol. 80. 2, consequently they must fall between these two years, and probably not long before Cephalus’s death, when he was seventy years old or more; and Lysias was a boy of ten or twelve and upwards. Therefore I should place it in the 83d Ol. (Vid. Fastos Atticos Edit. Corsini, V. 2. Dissert. 13. p. 312.) but I must observe that this is not easily reconcileable with the age of Adimantus and Glauco, who are here introduced, as men grown up, and consequently must be at least thirty-six years older than their brother Plato. If this can be allowed, the action at Megara there mentioned must be that which happened Ol. 83. 2. under Pericles ; and the institution of the Bendidea must have been Ol. 83. 3 or 4. It is observable also that Theages is mentioned in L. 6. p. 496 of this dialogue, as advanced in the study of philo- sophy. He was very young, when his father Demodocus put him under the care of Socrates, which was in Ol. 92. 3. and consequently thirty-five years after the time which Corsini would assign to this conversation.
DE REPUBLICA. BOOK IL.
HEADS OF THE FIRST DIALOGUE, The pleasures of old age and the advantages of wealth.
P. 335. The just man hurts no one, not even his enemies.
P. 338. The sophist’s definition of justice ; namely, that it is the advantage of our superiours,! to which the laws of every government oblige the subjects to con- form. Refuted.
P. 341. The proof, that the proper office of every art is to act for the good of its inferiors.
P. 343. The sophist’s attempt to shew, that justice (πανυ yevvara ευηθεια p, 348.) is not the good of those who possess it, but of those who do not: and that injustice is only blamed in such as have not the art to carry it to its perfection. Refuted.
P. 347. In a state composed all of good men, no one would be ambitious of governing.
1 To του κρείττονος suudepov—T Berar ye τοὺς νομοὺς ἑκαστὴ ἡ ἀρχὴ προς TO αὐτῃ συμφερον" δημοκρατια μεν δημοκρατικους, τυραννις δὲ τυραννικους, Kat αλλαι δυτω" θεμεναι δε απεῴφηναν τουτο---δικαιον τοις ἀρχομενοις εἰναι TO σφισι συμῴφερον. Vid. Plat. de Legib. Τι. 4... 714.
224 NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 349. The perfection of the arts consists in attain- ing a certain rule of proportion. The musician does not attempt to excel his fellows by straining or stopping his chords higher or lower than they; for that would produce dissonance and not harmony: the physician does not try to exceed his fellows by prescribing a larger or less quantity of nourishment, or of medicines, than conduces to health; and so of the rest. The unjust man therefore, who would surpass all the rest of his fellow-creatures in the quantity of his pleasures and powers, acts like one ignorant in the art of life, in which only the just are skilled.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 827. KareByv x0es.] Vid. Dionys. Halicarnass. de Colloc. Verborum.—Quintil. L. 8, c. ult. A remarkable instance of Plato’s nice and scrupulous attention to the sound and numbers of his prose. ‘‘Nec aliud potest sermonem facere numerosum, quam opportuna ordinis mutatio ; neque alio in ceris Platonis inventa sunt quatuor illa verba, (Κατεβην χθες es Iletpata) quibus in ILLO PULCHERRIMO OPERUM in Pireeum se descendisse signi- ficat, plurimis modis scripta, quam quod eum quoque maxime facere experiretur.
Ib. Τῃ Θεω.] To Diana, and not to Minerva, as Serranus imagined. See De Republ. p. 354.
328. Ὥσπερ τινα ddov.] V. Cicer. de Senect. 6. 2. who here and elsewhere has closely imitated these admirable dialogues.
331. I'nporpodos.] A fine fragment of Pindar, and another of Simonides. Tully (Epist. ad Attic. L. 4. E. 16.) has observed the propriety of Cephalus leaving the company, as it was not decent for a man of great age and character to enter into dispute with boys and sophists on such a subject, nor to have continued silent without any share in the conversation. Tully himself had imitated the conduct of Plato, in his books de Republica : the interlocutors were Scipio Aimilianus, Lelius, Sceevola, Philus,
DE REPUBLICA, 225
P. 351. The greatest and most signal injustices, which one state and society can commit against another, cannot be perpetrated without a strict adher- ence to justice, among the particular members of such a state and society: so that there is no force nor strength without a degree of justice.
Ρ, 352. Injustice even in one single mind must set it at perpetual variance with itself, (De Republ. L. 8. p. 554.) as well as with all others.
P, 353, Virtue is the proper office, the wisdom, the strength, and the happiness of the human soul.
NOTES,
Manilius, and others. Philus there supported the cause of in- justice, as Thrasymachus does here; and the whole concluded with a discourse on the Soul’s immortality, and the Dream of Scipio, as this does with the Vision of Er, the Pamphylian. Vid. Cicer. de Amicitid, C. 5 and 7. and Macrob. in Somn, Scip. L, 1ς ὅς 1:
P. 336. Περδικκου.] The second of the name, often mentioned by Thucydides.
Ib. Ἰσμηνιου.] This must probably be some ancestor of that Ismenias, who betrayed Thebes to the Spartans about eighteen years after the death of Socrates,
338. Polydamas a celebrated pancratiast, whose statue at Olympia was looked upon as miraculous in after-ages, and was believed to cure fevers, (Lucian, in Concil. Deor, Vol. 2. p- 714.)
VOL. IV, Q
DE REPUBLICA. BOOK IL
HEADS OF THE SECOND DIALOGUE,
P. 357. Good is of three kinds: the First we embrace for ! itself, without regard to its consequences ; such are all innocent delights and amusements.
The Second, both for itself and for its consequences, as health, strength, sense, &c.
The Third, for its consequences only, as labour, medicine, &c. The second of these is the most perfect : the justice of this class. Objection: To consider it
1 De Legib. L. 2. p. 667.
NOTES.
P. 858. ὥσπερ ogis.] Analiusion to the manner of charming serpents, both by the power of certain plants and stones, and by incantations, still practised, and pretended to be valid, in the east, and described by many travellers.
360. Ἑπαινοιεν av avrov.|. See Locke on the Human Under- standing, C. 3. 8. 6.
362. AvacywdidevOnoerat.] Hesychius explains it, avackon- οπισθηναι, ανασταυρωθηναι.
868, Ακρας μεν τε φερειν.)] Hesiod Epy. και μερ. v. 233.
Ib. Παιδας yap παιδων.] The Oracle given to Glaucus. Vid. Herodot. Erato, c. 86. see also the description of the Elysian fields : καλλιστος ἀρετῆς μισθος, μεθη αἰωνιος. Muszeus was of
DE REPUBLICA. 227
rightly we must separate it from honour and from reward, and view it simply as it is in itself, viz:
P. 358. Injustice is a real good to its. possessor, and justice is an evil: but as men feel more pain in suffering than inflicting injury, and as the greater part are more exposed to suffer it than capable of inflicting it, they have by compact agreed neither to do nor to suffer injustice ; which is a medium calculated for the general benefit, between that which is best of all, namely, to do injustice without fear of punishment, and that which is worst, to suffer it without a possi- bility of revenge. ‘This is the origin of what we call justice,
Such as practise the rules of justice do it from their inability to do otherwise, and consequently against their will. Story of! Gyges’s ring, by which he could
1 VY. Cic. de Offic. L.' 3. c. 9. where he attributes to Gyges himself what Plato relates of one of his ancestors.
NOTES,
Eleusis, and scholar to Orpheus; he addressed a poem which bore the title of ‘Yao@yxa:, to his son Eumolpus: they were of Thracian origin :
Ορῴφευς μεν yap τελετας θ᾽ ἡμῖν κατεδειξε, φονων τ᾽ ἀπεχεσθαι"
Μουσαιος, δ᾽ εξακεσεις τε νοσων, καὶ χρήσμους. <Aristophan.
Rane. v. 1064;
where the Scholiast adds, speaking of Museus ; Tada Σεληνὴς kat ἘἙυμολπου Φιλοχορος φησιν" παραλύσεις, και τελετὰς Kat καθαρ- μους συντεθεικεν. -Suidas makes him the son of Antiphemus καὶ Ἕλενης (read LeAnvys) yuvaccos. But it is apparent, that in Plato’s time he was understood to be the son, not of a woman, but of the moon ; and so the inscription on his tomb at Phalerus represents him, which is cited by the Scholiast before-mentioned, and in the Anthologia.
228 NOTES ON PLATO,
make himself invisible at pleasure, No person, who possessed such a ring, but would do wrong.
P. 360, Life of the perfectly unjust man, who con- ceals his true character from the world, and that of the perfectly just man who seems the contrary in the eye of the world, are compared: the happiness of the former is contrasted with the misery of the latter.
P, 362. The advantages of probity are not there- fore (according to this representation) in itself, but in things exterior to it, in honours and rewards, and they attend not on being, but on seeming, honest,
P. 363. Accordingly the praises bestowed on justice, and the reproaches on injustice, by our parents and governours, are employed not on the thing itself, but on its consequences. The Elysian fields and the punishments of Tartarus are painted in the strongest colours by the poets; while they represent the practice of virtue as difficult and laborious, and that of vice, as easy and delightful. They add, that the gods often
NOTES,
P. 363. ΕΞ πηλον.] See the Rane of Aristophanes.
Ib. Επαγωγαι και καταδεσμοι των Oewv.] Incantations and magical rites, to hurt one’s enemies, were practised in Greece and taught by vagabond priests and prophets: a number of books ascribed to Muszus and Orpheus were carried about by such people, prescribing various expiatory ceremonies and mysterious rites: so the chorus of Satyrs in the Cyclops of Euripides ;
AXN οιδ᾽ επωδὴν Ορῴεως ayabny πανυ, ‘Qs αὐτομᾶτον τον δαλον εἰς To Κρανιον Στειχονθ᾽ ὑῴφαπτειν τον μονωπα mada ns.
V. 642. Cycl. Eurip.
DE REPUBLICA. 229
bestow misery on the former, and prosperity and suc- cess on the latter; and, at the same time, they teach us how to expiate our crimes, and even how to hurt our enemies, by prayers, by sacrifices, and by incantations. P. 366. The consequence is, (by this mode of argu- ment) that to dissemble well with the world is the way to happiness in this life ; and for what is to come, we may buy the favour of the gods at a trifling expense. P. 369. The nature of political justice. The image of a society in its first formation: it is founded on our natural imbecility, and on the mutual occasion we have for each other’s assistance. Our first and most press- ing necessity, is that of food; the second, of habita- tion ; the third, of clothing. The first and most neces- sary society must therefore consist of a ploughman, a builder, a shoemaker, and a weaver: but, as they will want instruments, a carpenter and a smith will be requisite ; and as cattle will be wanted, as well for their skins and wool, as for tillage and carriage, they must
NOTES,
P. 364. Fragment of Pindar ; Ilorepoy δικας τειχος ὑψιον, &c. and of Archilochus, AXwzexa é\xreov, &c. All the ideas which the Greeks had of the gods, were borrowed from the poets.
366. Οἱ Avovor θεοι.1 These divinities were probably enumer- ated in the Παραλυύσεις of Muszeus: there were mysterious rites celebrated to Bacchus under the name of Λυσιοι τελεται. See Suidas.
368. Tyv Μεγαρδι μαχην.] This must, as I imagine, be the action particularly described by Thucydides, L. 4. p. 255. which happened Ol. 89. 1, and if so, both Glauco and Adimantus must have been many years older than their brother Plato, who was then but five years old.
230 NOTES ON PLATO.
take in shepherds and the herdsmen. As one country produces not everything, they will have occasion for some imported commodities, which cannot be procured without exportations in return, so that a commerce must be carried on by merchants ; and if it be performed by sea, there will be an occasion for mariners and pilots. Further ; as the employment of the shepherds, agricul- tors, mechanics, merchants, and such persons will not permit them to attend the markets, there must be re- tailers and tradesmen, and money to purchase with ; and there must be servants to assist all these, that is, persons who let out their strength for hire. Such an establish- ment will not be long without.a degree of luxury, which will increase the city with a vast variety of artificers, and require a greater extent of territory to support them : they will then encroach on their neighbours.. Hence the origin of war. A militia will be required: but as this is an art, which will engross the whole man, and
ee πον .
P. 868. Q aides exewov του avdpos.] So Socrates in the Phile- bus, speaking of Callias.
372. Ἐρεβινθων καὶ κυαμων.] This was a common dessert among the Greeks, both eaten raw, when green and tender, or when dry, parched in the fire. See Athenzus, L. 2. p. 54. So Xenophanes of Colophon in Parodis :
~ Xewpwvos ev ὡρῃ Πινοντα γλυκὺν οινον, ὑποτρωγοντ᾽ epeBu ous. And Theocritus, in describing a rustick entertainment, - | Owov ἀπὸ Kparnpos αφυξω Παρ πυρι κεκλιμενος᾽ κυαμον δὲ τις ev πυρι φρυξεῖ, Xa στιβας εσσεῖται πεπυκασμενα εστ᾽ ἐπι πᾶχυν. Ἱζνυσᾳ τ᾽, ασῴφοδελω Te, πολυγναμπτωτε. σελινω.
Theocr. Idyll. 7. ν. 65.
DE REPUBLICA. 231
take up all his time, to acquire and exercise it, a dis- tinct body will be formed of chosen men for the defence of the state.
P. 374. The nature of a soldier : he must have quick- ness of sense, agility, and strength, invincible spirit tempered with gentleness and goodness of heart, and an understanding apprehensive and desirous of know- ledge.
P. 376. The education of such a person. Errors and dangerous prejudices are instilled into young minds by the Greek poets. The scandalous fables of Homer and of Hesiod, who attribute injustice, enmity, anger and deceit to the gods, are reprobated : and the immutable goodness, truth, justice, mercy, and other attributes of the Divinity are nobly asserted.
NOTES. P. 372. Ὕων πολιν. So Crobylus (ap. Atheneum p. 54.) calls this kind of eatables, Πιθηκου τραγηματα, the monkey’s dessert. ᾿ 878. Συβωται.] So he calls the οψοποιοι και μαγειροι, allud- ing to what Glauco had said before of the ὕων πολις : or perhaps, because the flesh of hogs was more generally eaten and esteemed than any other in Greece, he mentions them principally.
DE REPUBLICA. BOOK III.
HEADS OF THE THIRD DIALOGUE.
P. 386. Wrong notions of a future state are instilled into youth by the poets, whence arises an unmanly fear of death.
P. 388. Excessive sorrow and excessive! laughter are equally unbecoming a man of worth.
P. 389. Falsehood and? fiction are not permitted, but where they are for the good of mankind ; and con-
1 V. Plato. de Legib. L. 5. p. 782.
2 Plato himself has given the example of such inventions in his Phedo, in his Phedrus, in the De Republ. L. 10: and in the Gorgias he follows the opinion of Timzus and of the Pytha- goreans. Vid. de Anima Mundi, p. 104. Vid. et de Legib. L. 2. p. 663. Νομοθετης de ov τι kat σμικρον οφελος, &c.
NOTES.
P. 878. Ov xotpov.] The usual sacrifice before the Eleusinian mysteries. See Aristoph. in Pace,
Es χοιριδιον μοι νυν δανεισον τρεις Spaxpas, Ae yap μνηθηναι με. Vv. 373.
381. Περιερχονται vuxrwp.] The heroes were supposed to walk in the night, (see Lucian de morte Peregrini, p. 579. Ed. Grevii.) and to strike with blindness, or with some other mis- chief, any who met them: they who passed by their fanes
DE REPUBLICA. 333
sequently they are not to be trusted but in skilful hands.
P. 390. Examples of impiety and of bad morality in the poets,! and in other ancient writers.
P. 392. Poetick eloquence is divided into narration (in the writer’s own person), and imitation (in some assumed character). Dithyrambicks usually consist wholly of the former, dramatick poesy of the latter, the epick, &c. of both mixed.
P. 395. Early imitation becomes a second nature. The soldier is not permitted to imitate any thing mis- becoming his own character, and consequently he is neither permitted to write, nor to play, any part which he himself would not act in life.
P. 396. Imitative expression in oratory, or in ges- ture, is restrained by the same principle.
Musick must be regulated. The Lydian, Syntono- Lydian, and Ionian harmonies are banished, as accom- -modated to the soft enervate passions ; but the Dorian and the Phrygian harmonies are permitted, as manly,
1 See also de Republ. L. 8. p. 568.
NOTES.
always kept a profound silence: see the Aves of Aristophan. v. 1485. Ee yap εντυχοι Tis Npwt Τῶν Bporwy νυκτωρ---κτὰ. and the Schol. on the passage. P. 387. Αὐτος avrw avrapxys.] V. Cicer. de Amicitia, c. 2, who has imitated this passage. 289. Των dc δημιοεργοι εασιν.)] Hom. Odys. P. v. 383. 393. Μιμεισθαι.1] Tully says of himself: ‘ Ipse mea legens, sic interdum afficior, ut Catonem, non me, loqui existimem.” (De Amicit. ο. 1.)
234 NOTES ON PLATO.
decent, and persuasive. All instruments of great com- pass and of luxuriant harmony, the lyra, the cythara, and the fistula, are allowed ; and the various rhythms or movements are in like manner restrained.
NOTES.
P. 398. Μιξολυδιστι.1 The Dorian harmony is thus described by Heraclides Ponticus ap. Atheneum, L. 14. p. 624. Ἡ μεν ουν Δωριος ἁρμονια To avdpwoes εμφαινει και το μεγαλοπρεπες, και ov διακεχυμενον οὐδ᾽ ἵλαρον, adda σκυθρωπον Kat σῴοδρον, ουτε δε ποικίλον, ouTe πολυτροπον. ‘The Syntono-Lydian and Ionian are mentioned by Pratinas ; (Athenezus ib.)
My συντονον διωκε, μητ᾽ ανειμενὴν
Ιαστι ovoay' Atheneus ut sup. (Platon. Lachet. p. 188.) The Ionian was frequently used in the tragick chorus, as being accommodated to sorrow, as was also the Mixo-Lydian, invented by Sappho. See Burette on Plutarch de Musica, note 102. 103. Vol. 10. and 13. of the Mém. de l’Acad. des Belles-Lettres.
399. Τριγωνων.] The Tprywvos was a triangular lyre of many strings, of Phrygian invention, used (as the IIynx7is) to accom- pany a chorus of voices. The latter is said.to have been first used by Sappho:
Πολὺς δὲ Φρυξ τρίγωνος, αντισπαστα γε
Αὐυδης εφυμνει πηκτιδος συγχορδιᾳ. Sophocles in Mysis, ap. Atheneum, L. 14. p. 635, where per- haps we should read Avdys for Avéys ; for Pindar, cited in the same place, calls the Πηκτις a Lydian instrument, and Aris- toxenus makes it the same as the Mayaéis, which Anacreon tells us had twenty strings ; afterwards, accordin g to Apollodorus, it was called Ψαλτηριον.
400. Tora edn, εξ ὧν de Baers πλεκονται. Terrapa, ὅθεν ἁι TAAL ἁρμονιαι.
Ib. Evs Δαμωνα. (Υ΄. Lachetem, p. 180.) These opinions of Plato on the efficacy of harmony and rhythm seem borrowed from Damon: Ov κακως λεγουσι δι περι Δαμωνα tov Αθηναιον, OTL τὰς WOas καὶ Tas ορχήσεις avayKn γίνεσθαι κινουμενης πὼς TNS ψυχης, και at μεν ελευθεριοι και καλαι ποιουσι τοιαυτας᾽ aL δ᾽ εναν- Tia Tas evaytias. Atheneus, L. 14. p. 628,
DE REPUBLICA. 235
P. 401. The same! principle is extended to painting, sculpture, architecture, and to the other arts.
ΟΡ, 403. Love is permitted, but abstracted from bodily enjoyment. Diet and exercises, plain and simple meats, are prescribed.
P. 405. Many judges and physicians are a sure sign of a society ill-regulated both in mind and in body. Ancient physicians knew no medicines but for wounds, fractures, epidemical distempers, and other acute com- plaints. The diztetick and gymnastick method of
1 Ἵνα μὴ ev Kakwas ειἰκοσι τρεῴφομενοι ἡμῖν ὁι φυλακες, ὥσπερ εν κακῃ βοτανῃ, πολλα ἑκαστὴς ἡμερας κατα σμικρον απὸ πολλων δρεπομενοι TE Kat νεμόμενοι, ἑν τι ξυνισταντες λανθανωσι κακον μεγα εν TH αὐτων Ψυχῃ. Αλλ᾽ exewous ζητήητεον τοὺς δημιουργους, Tous evpuws δυναμενοὺυς ἰχνεύειν τὴν του καλου τε καὶ εὐσχήμονος φυσιν᾽ i’, ὥσπερ εν υγιεινω TOTW οἰκουντες, δι νεοι ὠφελωνται ἀπὸ παντος, ὁποθεν αν αὐτοις απὸ των καλων εργων ἢ προς οψιν ἢ προς ἀκοὴν τι προσβαλη, ὥσπερ aupa φερουσα απὸ χρήστων ToTwY ὑγιειαν, και εὐθυς εκ παιδων λανθανῃ εἰς ὁμοιοτητα τε και φιλιαν και συμῴφωνιαν Tw καλωὼ λογω αγουσα. IlodAv καλλιστα οὑτω
τραφεῖεν. De Republ. 3. p. 400.
NOTES.
P. 404. Txvwdns avrn.] Euripides describes them as great eaters ; Γναάθου re δουλος νηδυος θ᾽ ἡσσημενος. Fragment. Autolyci (Dramatis Satyrici) ap. Atheneum, L. 10. p. 413, where Athenzus gives many instances of extreme voracity in the most famous athlete, and adds, ravres yap δι αθληται μετα των γυμνασματων Kat εσθιειν πολλα διδασκονται.
Ib. Συρακουσιων τραπεΐαν.] Vid. Plat. Epist. 7. p. 326. 827. and 336.
405. Φευγων και διωκων.] The image of the talents and turn of the Athenians at that time.
487. Πιλιδια.1 Sick people went abroad in a cap, or little hat.
236 NOTES ON PLATO.
cure, or rather of protracting diseases, was not known before Herodicus introduced it.
P. 409. The temper and disposition of an old man of probity, fit to judge of the crimes of others, is described.
P. 410. The temper! of men, practised in the exer- cises of the body, but unacquainted with musick and with letters, is apt to run into an obstinate and brutal fierceness ; and that of the contrary sort, into indolence and effeminacy. The gradual neglect of this, in both cases, is here finely painted.
P. 412. Choice of such of the soldiery, as are to rise to the magistracy ; namely, of those, who through their life, have been proof to pleasure and to pain.
P. 414. An example of a beneficial fiction. It is difficult to fix in the minds of men a belief in fables, originally ; but it is very easy to deliver it down to posterity, when once established.
P. 416. The habitation of the soldiery: all luxury in building to be absolutely forbidden them: they are to have no patrimony, nor possessions, but to be sup- ported and furnished with necessaries from year to year by the citizens; they are to live and eat in common, and to use no plate, nor jewels, nor money.
1 Vid. Platon. Politicum, p. 307 and 308.
NOTES. P. 409. Ουκουν και ιατρικην.] See the Gorgias, p. 587 and 588. 414. Φοινικικον τι] He alludes to the Theban fable of the earth-born race, which sprang from the dragon’s teeth, and which, in another place, he calls To του Σιδωνίου μυθολογημα, meaning Cadmus. See de Legibus, L. 2. p. 663.
DE REPUBLICA, BOOK IV,
HEADS OF THE FOURTH DIALOGUE,
P. 419. Objection: that the PvAaxes (or soldiery), in whose hands the government is placed, will have less happiness and enjoyment of life than any of the meanest citizens.
Answer: that it is not the intention of the legis- lature to bestow superiour happiness on any one class of men in the state; but that each shall enjoy such a measure of it, as is consistent with the preservation of the whole.
P. 421. Opulence and poverty are equally destructive of a state ;? the one producing luxury, indolence, and
1 See De. Republ. L. 5. p. 466. and L. 7. p. 519. 2 See De Legib. L. 5. p. 729 and 743.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT,
P. 420. Avdpiavras ypadovras.] Avdpias seems used here for a painting, and not for a statue.
Ib. Zvoridas.] Avoris was a long variegated mantle, which swept the ground, worn by the principal characters in tragedy, and on great solemnities by the Greek women :
Βυσσοιο καλον συροισα χιτωνα, Καμφιστειλαμενα ταν ξυστιδα ταν Κλεαριστας. Theocrit. Id, 2. v. 18.
238 NOTES ON PLATO.
a spirit of innovation; the other producing meanness, cunning, and a like spirit of innovation.
The task of the magistracy is to keep both the one and the other out of the republick.
P. 422. Can such a state, without a superfluity of treasure, defend itself, when attacked by a rich and powerful neighbour ἢ
As easily as a champion, exercised for the olympick games, could defeat one or more rich fat men unused to fatigue, who should fall upon him in a hot day.
The advantage of such a state, which neither needs riches nor desires them, in forming alliances.
Every republick formed on another plan, though it bear the name of a state, is in reality several states included under one name; the rich making one! state, the poor another, and so on; always at war among themselves.
P. 423. A body of a thousand men bred to war, and united by such an education and government as this, is superiour even in number to any thing that almost any state in Greece could produce.
P. 424. No innovation is to be ever admitted in the original plan of education. A change of? musick in a country betokens a change in their morals.
1 See De Republ. L. 8. p. 551. 2 This was an opinion of the famous Damon. See De Legib. L. 2.. p. 657. and 1 5: p. ΤΣ
NOTES. ᾿ P. 420. Oorpew.] The colour of the purple-fish used in painting, and not only in dying; so in Plato’s Cratylus : Ἐνίοτε μεν οστρεον, ενιοτε Oe ὁτιοῦν αλλο φάρμακον ἐπηνεΎκαν.
427. Ἐξηγητης.1 See Plato’s Euthyphro.
DE REPUBLICA. 239
P. 425. Fine satire on the Athenians, and on their demagogues.
P. 428. The political wisdom of the new-formed state is seated in the magistracy.
P. 429. Its bravery is seated in the soldiery: in what it consists.
P. 430. The nature of temperance: the expression ! of subduing one’s self, is explained ; when reason, the superiour part of the mind, preserves its empire over the inferiour, that is, over our passions and desires. The temperance of the new republick, whose wisdom and valour (in the hands of the soldiery) exercise a just power over the inferiour people by their own consent, is described.
P. 433. Political justice distributes to every one his proper province of action, and prevents each from en- croaching on the other.
P. 435. Justice in a private man: its similitude to the former is stated. The three distinct? faculties of
1 See De Legib. L. 1. p. 626. 53 De Republ. L. 9. p. 580.
NOTES.
P. 427. Tov Ομφαλου.] See Pausan. Phocie.
429, ᾿Αλουργα.] Cloths dyed purple would bear washing with soap (μετα ῥυμματων)ὴ, without losing their bloom, τὸ av@os
430. Ere καλλιον διΐμεν.] As he has done in the Laches,
433. Και ταυτη apa ποιητοῦ οικειου τε Kat ἑαυτοῦ. Perhaps we should read, tov movew τὸ οἰκειον τε καὶ To ἑαυτοῦ, ὅτε. 1.6. ἡ οἰκειοπραγια, as he afterwards calls it.
435. The Scythians, the Thracians, and other northern nations (δι kata Tov avw τόπον, and, as Virgil says, ‘‘ Mundus ut ad Scythiam Ripheasque arduus arces Asswrgit, &c.) were dis- tinguished by their ferocity, the Greeks by their curiosity and
240 NOTES ON PLATO.
the soul, namely, appetite, or desire, reason, and in- dignation ; or the concupiscible, the rational, and the irascible, are described,
P. 441. The first made to obey the second, and the third to assist and to strengthen it. Fortitude is the proper virtue of the irascible, wisdom of the rational, and temperance of the concupiscible, preserving a sort of harmony and consent between the three.
P. 443. Justice is the result of this union, maintain- ing each faculty in its proper office.
P. 444. The description! of injustice.
P. 445. The uniformity of virtue, and the infinite variety of vice. Four more distinguished kinds of it are enumerated, whence arise four? different kinds of bad government,
1 V. Plat. Sophist. p. 223. 2 Vid. Plat. Politicum, p. 291.
NOTES.
love of knowledge, and the Pheenicians and Egyptians by their desire of gain. (See de Legibus, L. 5. p. 747.) Plato marks the threefold distinction of men in these words; Εἰσὶν avOpwrwv τριττὰ yevn’ φιλοσοῴον, φιλονεικος, φιλοκερδες. p. 581,
489, The story of Leontius the son of Aglaion.
Ib. Anueww.] The place in which the bodies of malefactors were exposed, so called.
Ib. To Bopevov.] See the Gorgias, p. 453.
DE REPUBLICA. BOOK τ" HEADS OF THE FIFTH DIALOGUE.
P. 451. On the education of the women. ‘There is no natural difference between the sexes, but in point of strength ; their exercises, therefore, both of body and mind, are to be alike, as are their employments in the state.
* It is probable that this (the 5th) book of the Πολιτειαι and perhaps the 3rd. were written when Plato was about thirty- five years old, for he says in his 7th Epistle, (speaking of him- self before his first voyage into Sicily) Aeyew τε ηναγκασθην, εἐπαινων τὴν opOnv φιλοσοῴφιαν, &c. p. 326; and Aulus Gellius says, ‘‘Quod Xenophon inclito illi operi Platonis, quod de optimo statu reipublice civitatisque administrande scriptum est, lectis ex eo duobus fere libris, qui primi in vulgus exierant, opposuit contra, scripsitque diversum regiz administrationis genus, quod Παιδειας Kupov inscriptum est, &c. L. 14. « 8. I know not how ancient the division of this work into ten books may be; but there is no reason at all for it, the whole being one continued conversation.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 450. Χρυσοχοησοντας oe.] A proverbial expression used of such as are idly employed, or sent (as we say) on a fool’s errand. See Erasmi Adagia, Aurifex.
VOL, IV. R
242 NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 452. Custom is forced in time to submit to reason. The sight of men exercising! naked, was once held in- decent in Greece, till the Cretans first, and then the Lacedezemonians, introduced it: it is still held scandalous by the Persians, and by other barbarians.
P. 454. When the entire sexes are compared with each other, the female is doubtless the inferior: but, in individuals, the woman has often the advantage of the man. ἡ
P. 456. Choice of the female soldiery. (at Φυλακειαι.)
P. 457. Wives in common to all men of the same class. Their times of meeting to be regulated on solemn days accompanied with solemn ceremonies and sacrifices, by the magistracy, who are to contrive by lots
1 EyupywOnoav τε πρωτοι δι Λακεδαιμονιοι, καὶ ες TO φανερον αἀποδυντες, Aura μετα του γυμναζεσθαι ηλειψαντο᾽ το δε παλαι εν τω Ολυμπιάκω ἀγωνι διαζωματα εχοντες περι τὰ αἰδοια δι αθληται γωνιζοντο, και ov πολλα ern επειδὴ πεπαυται, &c. See Thucyd. L. 1. 6. 6. This change is said to have been made about the 32d Olymp. See also Etymolog. in Τυμνασιαι and Schol. ad Hom. 1]. Ψ.
NOTES.
P. 452. Twy χαριεντων σκωμματα.] Vid. Platon. Politicum. p- 266.
454, The difficulty of avoiding disputes merely about words. Ἢ γενναια δυναμις τῆς avTidoyiKns Texvns. Δοκουσι yap μοι εἰς αὐτὴν και αἀκοντες ἐμπίπτειν, Kat οιεσθαι οὐκ εριζειν, adda δια- λεγεσθαι, δια To μὴ δυνασθαι κατ᾽ εἰδὴ διαιρουμενοι TO λεγομενον επισκοπειν, αλλα, κατ᾽ αὐτὸ TO ονομα, διωκειν του λεχθέντος THY ἐναντίωσιν, εριδι ov διαλεκτω προς αλληλοὺυς χρωμενοι.
457. Ατελη του γελοιου.1 An allusion to some passage of a poet ; and also to some comick writer, perhaps Aristophanes or Epicrates, who had ridiculed this institution.
DE REPUBLICA. 243
(the secret management of which is known to them alone) that the best and bravest of the men may be paired with women of like qualities, and that those, who are less fit to breed, may come together very seldom.
P. 460. Neither fathers nor mothers are to know their own children, which, when born, are to be con- veyed to a separate part of the city, and there (so many of them as the magistrate shall choose) to be brought up by nurses appointed for that purpose.
The time of propagation to be limited, in the men from thirty years of age to fifty-five, in the women from twenty to forty. No children born of parents
NOTES.
P. 458. The following is so just a description of the usual con- templations of indolent persons, especially if they have some imagination, that I cannot but transcribe it. Eagov με éopraca., ὥσπερ ot apyo. τὴν διανοιαν ειἰωθασιν ἑστιασθαι ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτων, οταν μονοι πορευωνται" και yap δι TOLOUTOL TOV, πριν εξευρειν τινὰ τρόπον εσται τι ὧν επιθυμοῦσι, TOUTO παρεντες, iva μὴ καμνωσι βουλευομενοι περι του δυνατου, καὶ μη, θεντες ὡς ὑπαρχον ὁ βουλονται, nbn Ta λοιπα διαταττουσι, και χαιρουσι διεξιοντες δια δρασουσι γενομένου, apyov καὶ ἀαλλως ψυχὴν ETL ἀργοτεραν ποιουντες.
460. This was actually the practice of Sparta, (See Plutarch in Lycurgo) where the old men of each tribe sate in judgment on the new-born infants, and, if they were weakly or deformed, ordered them to be cast into a deep cavern, near mount Tay- getus!!! Thence also are borrowed the prohibition of gold and silver, the ξυσσιτια, or custom of eating together in publick, the naked exercises of the women, the community of goods, the general authority of the old men over the young, the simplicity of musick and of diet, the exemption of the soldiery from all other business, and most of the fundamental institutions in Plato’s republick, as Plutarch observes in his Lycurgus.
244 NOTES ON PLATO.
under or above this term to be brought up, but ex- posed, and the parents severely censured; as are all who meet without the usual solemnities, and without the license of the magistrate.
P. 461. All children, born within seven or ten months from the time any person was permitted to propagate, are to be considered as their own children: all that are born within the time, in which their parents are suffered to breed, are to regard each other as brethren. Mar- riage is to be prohibited between persons in these circumstances.
P. 462. Partiality and dissension among the soldiery are prevented by these appointments. A fellow-feeling of pleasures and of pains is the strongest band of union which can connect mankind.
P. 466. Children are to be carried out to war very
NOTES.
P. 473. ‘Puwayras τα ἱματια.] It was the custom of the Greeks, when they prepared themselves for sudden action, to throw off their pallium: so the chorus in Aristophanes’s Irene, v. 728. Acharn. v. 626. Lysistrat. 663 and 687, and Thesmophor. τ. 663, lay by their upper garment to dance the Parabasis.
474. Epwrixw.] Vid. p. 402 and 368. L, 3 and 2.
Ib. ‘O μεν ore σιμος.1]ὺ This is imitated by Ovid. de Arte Amandi L. 2. v. 657.
Nominibus mollire licet mala; fusca vocetur, Nigrior Illyricé cui pice sanguis erit, &c. and by Lucretius, L. 4. v. 1150. ‘‘ Nigra, wedcxpoos, est &c.” Whence H. Stephanus would correct this passage, and read for μελαγχλωρους, μελιχροου, but the true reading is μελιχλωρου. So Theocritus Idyll. 10. v. 26. Συραν καλεοντι TU παντες, ΟἼσχναν, ἁλιοκαυστον eyw δὲ μονος μελιχλωρον.
. DE REPUBLICA. . 245
early, to see and to learn their intended profession, and wait on their parents in the field.
P. 468. A soldier, who deserts his rank, or throws away his arms, is to be. reduced to the rank of a mechanick : he, who is taken prisoner alive, is never to be ransomed.—The reward of the bravest.
P. 469. It is not permitted to reduce a Greek to captivity, nor to strip the dead of any thing but of their arms, which are forbidden to be dedicated in the temples; it is not permitted to ravage the country farther than to destroy the year’s crop, or to burn the buildings.
P. 472. The reason, why a state, thus instituted,
NOTES.
P. 474. Περιθεουσι τοις Διονυσιοις.] The Dionysia were cele- brated three times* a year at Athens, the Ανθεστηρια in the month which took its name from them, and answers nearly to our February ; the Anvaca immediately afterwards in the same month, anciently called Ληναίων ; and the Διονυσία ev ἄστει, (particularly so named) between the eighth and eighteenth of Elaphebolion (or March), and once in the Pireeus. All these were accom- panied with tragedies, comedies, and other musical entertain- ments. There were also Ta κατ᾽ ἀγροὺς solemnized in the country in Posideon, or December. The Scholiast on Aristophanes, and some. other authors, confound these with the Lenza, which were undoubtedly held in the city.
Ib. Twv κατα Kwyuas.] We see therefore that chorusses were performed in the villages on these festivals, as well as in the city. Isocrates indeed tells us, that the city was divided into Kwya, and the country into Anua. (Areopagit.)
* See the Fasti Attici Edw. Corsini V. 2. Diss. 18, and Spanheim. ad Ranas Aristophan. in procemio, who imagines those in the Pirgeus to be the same with the Anthesteria.
246 NOTES ON PLATO.
seems an impossibility. No people will ever be rightly governed, till kings shall be philosophers, or philo- sophers be kings.
P. 474. The description of a genius truly philo- sophick.
P. 476. The distinction of knowledge and opinion.
ἥν... Sa
DE REPUBLICA. BOOK VI. HEADS OF THE SIXTH DIALOGUE.
Pxato is no where more admirable than in this book : the thoughts are as just as they are new, and the elocu- tion is as beautiful as it is expressive ; it can never be read too often: but towards the end it is excessively obscure.
P. 485. The love of truth is the natural consequence of a genius truly inclined to philosophy. Such a mind will be little inclined to sensual pleasures, and conse- quently will be temperate, and a stranger to avarice and to illiberality.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 485. Tys ovovas τὴς aet.ovons, kat μὴ πλανωμενὴς ὑπο γενε- σεως και POopads.] Our general abstracted ideas, as they exist in the mind independent of matter which is subject to continual changes, were regarded by Plato as the sole foundations of knowledge, and emanations, as it were, from the divinity him- self.
Ib. Of ideas independent of matter. To tw σκοτω κεκρα- μενον, TO ὙὝιγνομενον τε Kat ἀπολλύμενον, OY τὸ αἰσθητον, are put in opposition to the τὸ νοῆτον, τὸ οντως ον, ἡ ουὐσια. Thus he calls pure speculative geometry, 7 του ἀεὶ οντοὸς Ὕνωσις. See Mr. Locke on the reality of our knowledge with regard to mathe- matical truths, L. 4. ο. 4. 5, 6. See also De Republ. L. 9. p. 585.
248 NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 486. Such a mind, being accustomed to the most extensive views of things and to the sublimest contem- plations, will contract an habitual greatness, and look down, as it were, with disregard on human life and on death, the end of it ; and consequently will possess the truest fortitude. Justice is the result.of these virtues.
Apprehension and memory are two fundamental qualities of a philosophick mind.
P. 487. Such a genius is made by nature to govern mankind.
- Objection from experience: that, such as have devoted themselves to the study of philosophy, and have made it the employment of their maturer age, have turned out either very bad men, or entirely useless to society.
P. 488. Their inutility, with regard to government, is allowed and accounted for. The comparison of a bad government to a ship, where the mariners have agreed to let their pilot have no hand in the steerage, but to take that task upon themselves.
NOTES.
P. 488. Μεγεθει μεν και pwun.] Aristotle (Rhetor. L. 3. 121.) speaking of similes, mentions this of Plato; ἣ εἰς Tov Snyor, ὁμοιος vavkAnpw, ἰσχυρω μεν, ὑποκωῴω Se. The image seems borrowed from the Equites of Aristophanes.
Ib. ‘Or ypaders tpayedadous.] The figures of mixed animals, such as are seen in the grotesque ornaments of the ancients, and imitated by the modern painters, &c.
Ib. Myre exovra aroderéat.] Vid. Menonem, et Protagoram, p. 357. ὃ
Ib. Μετεωροσκοπον.] Vid. Politicum, p. 299, and Xenoph. (Economic. p. 494. 496.
. DE REPUBLICA. 249
P. 491. Those very endowments, before described as necessary to the philosophick mind, are often the ruin of it, especially when joined to the external advantages of strength, beauty, nobility, and wealth, when they light in a bad soil, and do not meet with their proper nurture, which an excellent education only can bestow.
Extraordinary virtues and extraordinary vices are equally the produce of a vigorous mind: little souls are alike incapable of one or of the other.
The corruption of young minds is falsely attributed to the sophists, who style themselves philosophers : it is the publick example which depraves them; the assemblies of the people, the courts of justice, the camp, and the theatres, inspire them with false opinions, elevate them with false applause, and fright them with false infamy. The sophists do no more than confirm the opinions of the publick, and teach how to humour its passions and to flatter its vanities, |
P. 495. As few great geniuses have strength to resist the general contagion, but leave philosophy aban- doned and forlorn, though it is their own peculiar pro-
NOTES.
P. 489. ‘O rovro κομψευσαμενος.]} i.e. Simonides: who, when his wife asked him, Πότερον γενεσθαι κρειττον, πλουσιον, ἡ codor ; answered, II\ovovov* τοὺς yap σοῴφους ὁρᾶν επι Tats των πλουσιων θυραις διατριβοντας. <Aristot. Rhetor. L. 2. p. 92.
490. Ληγοι witvos.] Vid. Sympos. p. 206.
493. H Atoundeat.] Vid. Erasmi Adagia.
494, αν ris npeua.] The two conversations with Alcibiades are an example of this.
495. Ex των τεχνων.} This seems to be aimed at Protagoras, who was an ordinary countryman and a woodcutter,
250 NOTES ON PLATO.
vince, the sophists step into their vacant place, assume their name and air, and cheat the people into an opinion of them, They are compared to a little old slave (worth money) dressed out like a bridegroom to marry the beautiful, but poor, orphan daughter of his deceased lord.
P. 495. A description of the few of true genius who escape depravation, and devote themselves really to philosophy ; which happens commonly either from some ill fortune, or from weakness of constitution. The reason why they must necessarily be excluded from publick affairs, unless in this imaginary republick.
P. 500. The application of these arguments to the proof of his former proposition, namely, that until princes shall be philosophers or philosophers shall be princes, no state can be completely happy.
P. 503. The ®vAakes, therefore, are to be real philo-
NOTES.
P. 496. ‘Lao gvyys.] This was the case with Pythagoras, and other great men, particularly with Dion, Plato’s favourite scholar ; though I rather imagine, that this part of the dialogue was written before Dion’s banishment.
Ib. Θεαγει.] Theages died before Socrates, a very young man.
497. Ὅταν και ἅπτομενοι.) This is a remarkable passage, as it shews the manner in which the Athenians usually studied philosophy, and Plato’s judgment about it, which was directly opposite to the common practice.
Ib. Αποσβεννυνται πολυ μαλλον Tov ᾿Ηρακλειτειου ἥλιου, ὁσον avis οὐκ egamrovra.] P. 498. Εἰς exewov τὸν βιον. Does he speak of some future state ?
499, Ὅταν αὑτὴ ἡ Movoa.| So inthe Philebus; Tw ev Μουσῃ φιλοσοφω μεμαντευμενων ἑκαστοτε λογων. p. 67.
DE REPUBLICA. 251
sophers. The great difficulty is to find the requisite qualifications of mind united in one person. Quick- ness of apprehension and a retentive memory, vivacity and application, gentleness and magnanimity, rarely go together.
P. 505. The idea of the supreme good is the founda- tion of philosophy, without which all acquisitions are useless. The cause of knowledge and of truth is com- pared to light ; truth, to the power which bodies have of reflecting light, or of becoming visible; and the sovereign good itself is compared to the! sun, the lord and father of light.
P. 509. The author of being is superiour to all being.
P. 510. There are different degrees of certainty in the objects of our understanding.”
1 Πατὴρ και Κυριος. Vid. Plat. Epist. 6. et Epist. 2. p. 312. et Macrob. L. 1. 6. 2.
2 See Aristot. Metaphys. on these opinions of Plato, L. 1, p. 338. and L. 6. p. 365.
NOTES.
Ρ, 499. Ev βασιλειαις οντων teow, ἡ avros.| I do not doubt, but that this was meant as a compliment and incitement to the younger Dionysius (See Plato Epist. 7. p. 327), of whom both Dion and Plato had once entertained great hopes ; and I under- stand what follows, p. 502, Αλλα μεν és ixavos yevouevos, &c. in the same manner. Hence it seems that this part of the dialogue was written after his first voyage to Sicily, and probably not long before his second, about Ol. 103, 1, when the elder Diony- sius was just dead.
504. Terra edn ψυχης.1] See Lib. 4. Πολιτ. p. 439. et sequent.
505. Ουκ εχουσι δειξαι τις φρονησις.1 Vid. Platonis Philebum, passim.
DE REPUBLICA. BOOK VII. HEADS OF THE SEVENTH DIALOGUE.
P. 514. The state of mankind is compared to that of persons confined in a vast cavern from their birth, with their legs fettered, and with their heads so placed in a machine that they cannot turn them to the light, which shines full in at the entrance of the cave, nor can they see such bodies as are continually in motion, passing and repassing behind them, but only the shadows of them, as they fall on the sides of the grotto directly before their eyes. 2
If any one should set them free from this confine- ment, oblige them to walk, and drag them from their cavern into open day, they would hang back or move
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 514. Ev δεσμοις.1] The machine called Κυῴων or Κλοιον, and the Πεντεσυριγγον EvAov, which served at once as a pillory and a pair of stocks, confining at the same time the head, arms, and legs of the prisoner, was commonly used in Greece. See Aristophan.. Equites. v. 1046.
Ib. Ta rapadpayuara.] A screen or fence of — or four feet in height, still in use round the stages of mountebanks and ἡ δτὼ
a i
DE REPUBLICA. 253
with unwillingness or pain ; their eyes would be dazzled with the brightness of each new object, and comprehend nothing distinctly ; they would long for their shadows and darkness again, till, being more habituated to light, they would first be brought to gaze on the images of things reflected in the water, or elsewhere ; then on the bodies themselves ; then on the skies, on the stars and the moon, and gradually on the sun him- self, whom they would learn to be the source and the author of all these beautiful appearances.
If any thing should induce one of these persons to descend again into his native cavern, his eyes would not for a long time be reconciled to darkness, his old fellow-prisoners would treat him as stupid and blind, would say that he had spoiled his eyes in those upper regions, and grow angry with him, if he proposed to set them at liberty.
P. 519. An early good education is the only thing which can turn the eyes of our mind from the darkness and uncertainty of popular opinion to the clear light of truth. It is the interest of the publick neither to suffer unlettered and unphilosophick minds to meddle with government, nor to allow men of knowledge to give themselves up for their whole life to contemplation, as the first will have no principle to act upon, and the others no practice nor inclination to business.
P, 522. The use of the mathematicks,! in education, is principally to abstract the mind from sensible and
1 Arithmetick and geometry, to which studies astronomy,
and the mathematical musick, and lastly logick to crown the whole, are to succeed. See also Phileb. p. -58 and 61.
254 NOTES ON PLATO.
material objects, and to turn it to contemplate certain general and immutable truths whence it may aspire to the knowledge of the supreme good, who is immutable, and is the object only of the understanding.
The great improvement of a mind versed in these sciences which quicken and enlarge the apprehension, and inure us to intense application, and what are their practical uses, particularly in military knowledge, is eloquently described.
P. 537. The Φυλακες are to be initiated in mathe- matical knowledge and studies before seventeen, and for three years more are to be confined to their con- tinual and necessary! exercises of the body, that is, till about twenty years of age; they are not to enter upon logick till after thirty, in which they are to continue five years.
Knowledge is not to be implanted in a free-born mind by force and violence, but by gentleness accom- panied with art and by every kind of? invitation.
The dangerous situation of the mind, when it is quitting the first prejudices of education and has not
1 When they are to be presented with a general view of the sciences, of which they have hitherto tasted separately, and are
to compare them all together, 2 Among which honour is the most prevailing. See p. 551.
NOTES.
P. 531. Adafovecas xopdwy.] Terms of art used by the pro- fessed musicians.
Ib. Του mpoowov.] A musical prelude to introduce a more re- gular composition, called ὁ Nowos* “ Οἰμη cantus est, et citharcedi pauca illa, que, antequam legitimum carmen inchoent, emerendi favoris gratia canunt, proemium vocaverunt.” Quintil. L. 4.
DE REPUBLICA. 255
yet discovered the true principles of action, is here admirably described. It is compared to a youth brought up in affluence (and surrounded by flatterers) by persons who have passed hitherto for his parents, but are not really so; when he has found out the imposition, he will neglect those whom he has hitherto obeyed and honoured, and will naturally incline to the advice of his flatterers, till he can discover those per- sons to whom he owes his duty and his birth.
The levity, the heat, and the vanity of our /irst youth make it an improper time to be trusted with reasoning and disputation, which is only fit for a mind grown cooler and more settled by years; as old age on the other hand weakens the apprehension, and renders us incapable of application.
From thirty-five to fifty years of age the Φυλακες are to be obliged to administer the publick affairs, and to act in the inferiour offices of the magistracy ; after fifty they are to be admitted into the highest philosophy, the doctrine of the supreme good, and are in their turn to submit to bear the superiour offices of the state.
NOTES. 6. 7. Vid. et de Legibus, L. 3. p. 700. Νομους de (αυτο τοῦτο
τ᾽ ovvoma) εκαλοῦν, winv ws Twa ετεραν᾽ ἐπελεγον δὲ Kat κιθαρω- δικου. And in L, 4. p. 722. Και δὴ που κιθαρωδικης wins λεγομενων Νόμων, kat πασὴς μουσήης, προοιμια θαυμαστως εσπου- δασμενα προκειται.
P. 540. Aexerwy.] This is undoubtedly a false reading for ἑξηκονταετων or ἑβδομηκονταετων ; so that, till some MSS. inform us better, we must remain in the dark as to the age, when Plato would permit his statesmen to retire wholly from the world.
DE REPUBLICA. BOOK VIII. HEADS OF THE EIGHTH DIALOGUE.
Piao here resumes the subject which he had dropped at the end of the fourth book. (p. 445.)
P. 544. Four distinct kinds of government are enumerated, which deviate from the true form, and gradually grow worse and worse: namely, 1. the timocracy, (so he calls the Lacedemonian or Cretan constitution,) 2. the oligarchy, 3. the democracy, and 4, tyranny: they are produced by as many different corruptions of the mind and manners of the inhabitants.
P. 545. The change from the true aristocracy (or constitution of Plato’s republick) to a timocracy is described. Every thing, which has had a beginning,
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 544. Ἢ Κρητικη.] Lycurgus borrowed his constitution from that of the Cretans, as Herodotus, Strabo, Plutarch, and other writers, allow ; and it is plain, that Plato thought it the best form of government that any where existed, which seems indeed to have been the general opinion of the greatest men in Greece : ἡ ὑπο πολλων επαινουμενή.
546. Χαλεπον μεν κινηθηναι.1]Ὶ He here assumes amore concise and figured diction, and lays aside the familiar air of conver- sation.
DE REPUBLICA. 257
is subject to corruption. The introduction of property, and the division of land among the Φυλακες, The encroachment on the liberty of the inferiour part of the commonwealth. Secret avarice and love of plea- sure are the consequence of private property. The neglect of musick and of letters. The preference given to the exercises of the body. The prevalence of the irascible over the rational part of the soul.
The character of a citizen in such a state and the origin of such a character are described.
P. 550. The mutation of a timocracy into an olig- archy, where none are admitted to the honours and offices of the commonwealth, who do not possess a certain proportion of property. The progress of avarice
; NOTES.
P. 547. Χρυσοῦν.] Vid. L. 3. p. 414. et Hesiod. Oper. et Dies. v. 109.
Ib. Περιοικους καὶ oxeras.] The Lacedemonians gave the name of ΠῈεριοικοι to their subjects, the inhabitants of Laconia, who were not Spartans. As they were used, I imagine, hardly enough by their superiours, and had no share in the govern- ment, many authors do not distinguish them from the Heilote, who were absolutely slaves ; yet, in reality, they seem to have been on a distinct footing, being reckoned free men, and em- ployed by the Spartan government to command such troops as they often sent abroad, consisting of Heilote, to whom they had given their liberty. The ΠΕεριοικοι likewise seem to have had the property of lands, for when Lycurgus divided the country into thirty thousand portions, and gave nine thousand of them to the Spartans, to whom did the other twenty-one thousand portions belong, unless to the ΠΕεριοικοι ? who else should people the hundred cities, besides villages, which were once in Laconia ? It is plain, also, that the Περιοικοι served in war, as ὁπλιται, or heavy-armed foot, which the Heilote never did: see Thucy-
VOL, IV, 8
258 NOTES ON PLATO.
is the cause of this alteration. Such a state is always divided into two (always at enmity among themselves) the rich and the poor, which is the cause of its weak- ness. The alienation of property, which is freely per-
mitted by the wealthy for their own interest, will still — increase the disproportion of fortune among the citizens. The ill consequences of prodigality, and of its attendant extreme poverty, in a state. The poor are compared to drones in a bee-hive, some with stings and some without.
P. 552. The gradual transition of the mind from the love of honour to the love of money.
When a young man has seen the misfortunes which ambition has brought upon his own family, as fines, banishment, confiscation, and even death itself, adver- sity and fear will break his spirit and humble his parts, which he will now apply to raise a fortune by securer
NOTES.
dides, L. 4. p. 238. and in the battle of Platez, Herodotus says, there were ten thousand Lacedemonians, of which five thousand were Spartans; it follows, that the other five thou- sand were Περιοικοι, for he mentions the Heilote by themselves, as light-armed troops in number thirty-five thousand, that is, seven to each Spartan, (L. 9. ὁ. 29); and Xenophon plainly distinguishes the Ὕπομειονες (who were Spartans, but excluded from the magistracy), the Νεοδαμωδεις (who were Heilote made free), the Heilote, and the Περιοικοι. (Xenoph. De Lacedzemon. Republ. 289. and Gree. Hist. L. 1. p. 256.) See also Isocrates in Panegyr. and in Panathenaic. p. 270. The Cretans called their slaves, who cultivated the lands, Περιοικοι. See Plutarch. in Lycurg. and Aristot. in Polit. L. 2. ο. 10.
P. 548. Γλαυκωνος rovrov.] Something of Glauco’s spirit and ambition may be seen in Xenophon’s Memorabil. L. 3. 6. 6.
DE REPUBLICA. 259
methods, by the slow and secret arts of gain: his rational faculties and nobler passions will be subjected to his desire of acquisition, and he will admire and emulate others only in proportion as they possess the great object of his wishes: his passion for wealth will keep down and suppress in him the love of pleasure and of extravagance, which yet, for want of philosophy and of a right education, will continue alive in his heart and exert itself, when he can find an opportunity to satisfy it by some secret injustice at the expense of others.
P. 555. The source of a democracy: namely, when the meaner sort, increasing with a number of men of spirit and abilities, reduced to poverty by extravagance and by the love of pleasure, begin to feel their own strength, and compare themselves to the few wealthy persons who compose the government, whose body and
NOTES.
P. 553. Χαμαι evOev.] An allusion to those statues or bas- reliefs, where some king, or conqueror, is represented with captive nations in chains sitting at his feet ; as in that erected to the honour of Justinian in the Hippodrome at Constantinople. See Antholog. L. 4. Tit. 4. Epigr. 2.
Ib. Tiapas re.] The usual dress of the king and nobility of Persia. So Cyrus (in Xenoph. Anab. p. 147.) presents to Syen- nesis king of Cilicia, ἵππον χρυσοχαλινον, καὶ orperrov χρυσοῦν, και Weda, Kat ακινακὴν χρυσοῦν, Kat στολὴν ἹΤερσικην, Swpa a vougerar mapa βασιλευσι tyua. The tiara was a cap, like the Phrygian bonnet (Herodot. Polymn. ec. 61.) common to all the Medes and Persians ; the royal family (Xenoph. Cyropeed. L. 8. Ῥ. 127.) alone wore a sash or diadem wreathed round it, which formed a sort of turband ; the king himself was distinguished by the top or point of his tiara which was upright, whereas all others had it bending down.
260 NOTES ON PLATO,
mind are weakened by their application to nothing but to the sordid arts of lucre. The change of the consti- tution. The way to the magistracy laid open to all, and decided by balloting. A lively picture of the Athenian commonwealth.
P. 558. The distinction between our necessary and unnecessary desires, is stated ; when the latter prevail over the former by indulgence, and by keeping bad company, they form a democratick mind. The descrip- tion of such a soul, when years have somewhat allayed the tumult and violence of its passions; it is the sport of humour and of caprice, inconstant in any pursuit, and incapable of any resolution.
P. 562. When liberty degenerates into extreme license and anarchy, the democracy begins to tend towards tyranny. The picture of the Athenian govern- ment and manners is continued with great force and severity : where youth assumes the authority and de- cisiveness of age, and age mimicks the gaiety and pleasures of youth; where women and slaves are upon the same footing with their husbands and masters ; and where even the dogs and horses march directly onwards, and refuse to give way to a citizen. The common mutation of things from one extreme to another.
NOTES,
P. 563. ‘Or εωνημενοι. Twv δουλων Sav kat των μετοικων πλειστη εστιν Αθηνῃσιν ακολασια, καὶ ovre παταξαι εἕεστιν αὐτοθι, ovTe ὑπεκστησεται σοι ὁ δοῦλος. (Xenoph. Athen. Respubl. p. 403.)
565. ‘Qs αληθως odvyapxixot.] Eort δὲ racy yy το βελτιστον ἐναντιον Tn Snuokpatig. Xenoph. ut supra.
Ib. Atos του Avxatov.] Pausanias speaks of this mysterious solemnity performed on the most ancient altar in Greece.
DE REPUBLICA. 261
P. 564. The division of those who bear sway in a democracy into three kinds: 1. the busy, bold, and active poor, who are ready to undertake and execute any thing; 2. the idle and insignificant poor, who follow the former, and serve to make a number and a noise in the popular assemblies; and 3. the middling sort who earn their bread by their labour, and have naturally little inclination to publick affairs, nor are easily brought together, but when allured by the hopes of some gain, yet, when collected, are the strongest party of all. The conversion of a demagogue into a tyrant, from necessity and from fear, the steps which he takes to attain the supreme power, the policy of tyrants, and the misery of their condition, are excel- lently described.
P. 568. The accusation of the — poets, as in- spiring a love of tyranny, and patronized by tyrants ; they are encouraged also in democracies, and are little esteemed in better governments.
NOTES.
P. 566. Tov Kpocw.] See Herodotus, L. 1. ο. 55.
567. Ews av unre φιλων.] Compare this description with the Hiero of Xenophon ; it is, in almost every step, a picture of the politicks and way of life of the elder Dionysius.
568. Οὐκ eros ἡ Te Tpaywdia.] This is spoken ironically.
Ib. Σοῴοι τυραννοι.1] A line from the Antigone of Euripides.
569. Meyas μεγαλωστι.}) Alluding to Homer, Odyss. &. v. 40, speaking of Achilles :
Συ de στροφαλιγγι Kovens Κεῖσο meyas μεγαλωστι, λελασμενος immocuvawy,
DE REPUBLICA. BOOK Ix. HEADS OF THE NINTH DIALOGUE.
P. 571. The worst and most lawless of our unneces- sary desires are described, which are particularly active in sleep, when we go to our repose after drinking freely, or eating a full meal.
P. 572. The transition of the mind from a demo- cratick to a tyrannical constitution. Debauchery and (what is called) love are the great instruments of this change. Lust and drunkenness, names for two different sorts of madness, between them produce a tyrant.
P. 573. Our desires from indulgence grow stronger and more numerous. Extravagance naturally leads to want, which will be supplied either by fraud or by violence.
P. 575. In states, in which there are but a few persons of this turn, and the body of the people are uncorrupted,
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 571. γιεινως τις exn.] Cicero cites and translates this whole passage, De Divinatione, L. 1. c. 30. these notions seem borrowed from the Pythagoreans.
575. Myrpis.] A Cretan expression, meaning the country of one’s mother.
DE REPUBLICA. 263
they usually leave their own country, and enter into the guards of some foreign prince, or serve him in his wars: or, if they have not this opportunity, they stay at home and turn informers, false evidences, highway- men, and housebreakers, cut-purses, and such charac- ters; but, if they are numerous and strong, they form a party against the laws and liberties of the people, set at their head commonly the worst among them, and erect a despotick government.
The behaviour of a tyrannical nature in private life ; unacquainted with friendship, always domineering over, or servilely flattering, his companions,
P. 577. The comparison between a state enslaved, and the mind of a tyrant. The servitude, the poverty, the fears, and the anguish of such a mind are described ; and it is proved to be the most miserable of human creatures,
P. 579. The condition of any private man of fortune, who has fifty or more slaves. Such a man with his effects, wife and family, supposed to be separated from the state and his fellow-citizens (in which his security consists), and placed in a desert country at
NOTES.
P. 577. Ὃς av δυνηται τὴ διανοιᾳ.] Plato himself is doubtless the person ; and qualified for the office by his intimate acquaint- ance with the younger Dionysius.
578. Ὃς av τυραννικος wy.] Have a care of inserting any negative particle here, as H. Stephanus would do, which would totally destroy the sense. Plato’s meaning is, that a tyrannical mind, when it has attained to the height of power, must make its possessor worse, and consequently more miserable, than while he remained in a private condition.
264 NOTES ON PLATO.
some distance, surrounded with a people, who look upon it as a crime to enslave one’s fellow-creatures, and are ready to favour any conspiracy of his servants against him: how anxious and how intolerable would be his condition! Such, and still worse, is that of a tyrant.
P. 581. The pleasures of knowledge and of philo- sophy are proved to be superiour to those which result from honour or from gain, and from the satisfaction of our appetites. The wise man, the ambitious man, the man of wealth and pleasure, will each of them give the preference to his favourite pursuit, and will undervalue that of the others; but experience is the only proper judge which can decide the question, and the wise man alone possesses that experience; the necessity of his nature must have acquainted him with the pleasure which arises from satisfying our appetites. Honour and the publick esteem will be the consequence of his life and studies, as well as of the opulent or of the
NOTES.
P. 578. Avdparoda πεντηκοντα.] The more wealthy Greeks had very large families of slaves. In Athens the number of slaves was to that of citizens as 20 tol: the latter being about 21,000, the former, 400,000. Mnaso of Phocis, a friend of Aristotle, had 1000 slaves, or more, as had likewise Nicias, the famous Athenian. In Corinth, there were reckoned 460,000 slaves: at Aigina, above 470,000: and many a Roman had in his own service above 20,000: this was a computation made Ol. 110. by Demetrius Phalereus. See Atheneus from the Chronicle of Ctesicles, L. 6. p. 272. and Xenophon περι Προσοδων. p. 540.
579. Acxyvyw.] Implies curiosity, and an eager love of novel- ties ; and is the same with regard to the eye, that liquorishness is to the taste.
DE REPUBLICA. 265
ambitious man; so that he is equally qualified with them to judge of their pleasures, but not they of his, which they have never experienced. ,
P. 584. Most of our sensual joys are only a cessa- tion from uneasiness and pain, as are the eager hopes and expectations which attend them. A fine image is drawn of the ordinary life of mankind, of their sordid pursuits, and of their contemptible passions,
P. 588. The recapitulation, and conclusion, that the height of injustice and of wickedness is the height of misery.
P. 590. The intention of all education and laws is to subject the brutal part of our nature to the rational. A scheme of life, worthy of a philosophick mind, is laid down.
NOTES.
P. 583. “Hdovy τις εσκιαγραφημενη.1 An expression borrowed perhaps from Heraclitus or Parmenides.
592. Ev ovpayw.] That is, in the idea of the divinity: see the beginning of the following (the 10th) book. Diogenes Laertius alludes to this passage in his epitaph on Plato:
Tlo\w nrvber, ἣν ποθ᾽ ἑαυτω Extice, kat δαπεδω Znvos ενιδρυσατο.
DE REPUBLICA. BOOK Χ, HEADS OF THE TENTH DIALOGUE.
P. 595. Plato’s apology for himself. His reasons for banishing all imitative! poetry from his republick : 1. because it represents things not as they really are, but as they appear; 2. the wisdom of the poets is not equal to their reputation; 3. there is no example of a state having been better regulated, or of a war better conducted, or of an art improved, by any poet’s instruc- tions ; and 4. there is no plan of education laid down, no sect, nor school founded, even by Homer and the most considerable of the poets, as by the philosophers.
1 Vl, Ἀν 80.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 595. Plato professes a great admiration, even from a child, for Homer, but yet is forced to exclude him from his commonwealth, ov yap πρὸ γε της αληθειας τιμήτεος avnp. The Greeks had carried their admiration for Homer to a high pitch of enthusiasm in Plato’s time: it was he (they said) who first had formed Greece to knowledge and humanity ; (πεπαιδευκε τὴν Ἕλλαδα, p. 606.) and that in him were contained all the arts, all morality, politicks, and divinity. p. 578.
599. Χαρωνδαν μεν.] Charondas was of Catana in Sicily, and gave his laws to that city, and to others of Chalcidick foundation in the island, and also to Rhegium in Italy; (see Bentley on Phalaris, p. 364, &c.) these laws were calculated for an aristocracy.
DE REPUBLICA. 267
P. 602. Their art concurs with the senses to deceive us and to draw off the mind from right reason, it ex- cites and increases the empire of the passions, enervates our resolution, and seduces us by the power of ill example.
P. 604. The passions and vices are easy to imitate by reason of their variety ; but the cool, uniform, and simple character of virtue is very difficult to draw, so
NOTES,
P. 600. Exs rexvas.] Thales is said to have discovered the annual course of the sun in the ecliptick, and to have made several improvements in astronomy and geometry. To Ana- charsis is ascribed the invention of anchors, and of the potter’s wheel. See Diog. Laertius.
Ib. Πυθαγορειον.] The Pythagorean sect was in high repute in Plato’s time, while Archytas, Philolaus, Lysis, Echecrates, and others, supported it; but it seems to have declined soon after, for Aristoxenus mentions these latter, whom he re- membered, as the last of any note. Vid. Diog. Laert. L. 8. sect. 46.—Aristoxenus flourished about thirty years after Plato’s death.
Ib. Tov ονοματος.1] The name signifies a lover of flesh-meat : but Callimachus (Epig. 6.) and Strabo (L. 14.) and Eustathius (ad Hom. Il. B. p. 250.) write it Creophylus, He was a Samian, who entertained Homer at his house ; and wrote a poem, called Οιχαλιας ἅλωσις, which some attributed to Homer himself.
607. “H Aaxepuga, &c.] Fragments of poets against philosophy.
608. Ἑμβλεψας μοι kat θαυμασας eve, Ma Av’ οὐκ eywye.| Is it possible that the immortality of the soul should be a doctrine so unusual, and so little known at Athens, as to cause this sur- prise in Glauco ?—In the Phedo too, Cebes treats this point in the same manner: Ta de περι της Wuxns ToAAHY aTLoTLaY παρεχει τοις avOpwros, μη, επειδαν απαλλαγῃ Tov σωματος, ovdamou ETL n° &e. Ov odvyns παραμυθιας δειται και πίστεως, ws εστι ψυχὴ αἀποθανοντος του ανθρωπου, Kat Twa δυναμιν exer και φρονησιν. p. 70.
268 NOTES ON PLATO.
as to touch or delight a theatre, or any other mixed assembly of men.
P. 607. The power of numbers and of expression over the soul is great, which renders poetry more par- ticularly dangerous.
P. 608. Having shewn that virtue is most eligible on its own account, even when destitute of all external rewards, he now comes to explain the happiness which
NOTES.
P. 611. ‘Qozep of τον θαλαττιον Τίλαυκον ὁρωντες.1] He speaks as if this divinity were sometimes actually visible to seafaring men, all covered with sea-weed and shells.
Ib. Παντι μαλλον θηριω.] And so he is described by Ovid, who says of Scylla,
Tuta loco, monstrumne, deusne, Ille sit, ignorans, admiraturque colorem, Ceesariemque humeros subjectaque terga tegentem, Ultimaque excipiat quod tortilis inguina piscis. Metam. L. 13. v. 913. And he tells her ; Non ego prodigium, non sum fera bellua, Virgo, Sum Deus, inquit, aque.
613. Azo των karw.] From the place of starting at the lower end of the stadium: τὰ avw, the upper end, whence they ran back again.
Ib. Ta wra ert των wuwv.] A metaphor, taken from horses, and other animals, which let their ears drop, when they are tired, and over-driven.
614. The story of Er, the Pamphylian, who, when he had lain- twelve days dead in appearance on the field of battle, and was placed on the funeral pile, came to life again, and related all he had seen in the other world. The judgment of souls, their progress of a thousand years through the regions of bliss or of misery, the eternal punishment of tyrants, and of others guilty of enormous crimes, in Tartarus, the spindle of Neces- sity, which turns the eight spheres, and the employment of her
DE REPUBLICA. 269
waits upon it in another life, as well as in the present. The immortality of the soul and a state of future re- wards and of future punishments are asserted.
NOTES.
three daughters, the Fates, are all described, with the allotment and choice of lives (either in human bodies, or in those of brute animals) permitted to those spirits, who are again to appear on earth ; as of Orpheus who chooses that of a swan, Ajax of a lion, Thersites of a monkey, Ulysses that of an obscure private man, &c. their passage over the river Lethe is also mentioned. The whole fable is finely written.
Milton ailudes to the spindle of Necessity in his entertain- ment called the Arcades. Virgil has also imitated many parts of the fable in his sixth Aineid, and Tully in the Somnium Scipionis. See Macrob. L. 1. ο. 1.
P. 614. Tov Apuerrov.] It appears from Plutarch that the right reading is ‘Apuovtov, the son of Harmonius. Plut. Sympos. L. 9. Propl. 7.
616. Ἡλακατὴν re kat το αγκιστρον.)] Vid. P. Bellonium Lat. Reddit. a C. Clusio, L. 1.'¢. 46. where he describes the Greek manner of spinning, which seems to be the same exactly that it was of old. ‘‘ Attractilis herba (que ex usu nomen habet) fusi vicem illis prebet; ejus enim caulis rectus est et levis, tanquam arte expolitus esset. In ejus penuria bacillo minimi digiti crassitiem non equante, equalis ubique crassitudinis, utuntur, cui ferruam hamuli piscatorii modo efformatum infigunt, ut filam comprehendat, e quo fusus dependeat. Verticillum (σφονδυλος)ὺ solummodo excogitatum est, ad fila commodius ducenda, atque ut fuso pondus addat ; dimidiato pyro in binas partes per medium secto simile est, per medium perforatum est: hoe superiori fusi parti infigunt, inferiore fusi parte deorsum propendente.”’
621. Περιαγειρομενοι.7) Read, Ilepiayoueror.
THE END OF THE TENTH AND LAST BOOK.
DE LEGIBUS.
ΠΕΡῚ NOMON. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 624.
THE persons of the dialogue are Clinias, a Cretan of Gnossus, and two strangers, who are his guests, the one a Lacedzemonian, called Megillus, the other an Athenian, who is not named, but who appears by the character and sentiments, to be Plato himself. (See Diog. Laert. L. 3. sect. 52.) 4
They are, all three, men far advanced in years, and as they walk! or repose themselves in the fields under the shade of ancient cypress trees, which grew to a
1 As Cicero had taken Plato for his model in his books de Republica, so he had also in those De Legibus. ‘‘ Visne igitur, ut 1116 Crete cum Cliniaé et cum Lacedemonio Megillo estivo, quemadmodum describit, die in cupressetis Cnossiorum et spatiis sylvestribus crebro insistens, interdum acquiescens, de institutis rerum publicarum et de optumis Legibus disputat: sic nos inter has procerissimas populos in viridi opacAque ripa inambulantes, tum autem residentes, queeramus iisdem de rebus aliquid uberius quam forensis usus desiderat.” L. 1. ο. 5. (N. B. The Gnossians put the cypress tree, which was a principal ornament of their country, on the reverse of their silver coins. See Fulv. Ursinus.) Tully also confines his discourse to the length of a summer’s day, in imitation of Plato. See De Legib. L. 2. 6. 27. YV. Platon. de Legib. L. 3. p. 653. and L. 4. p. 722.
DE LEGIBUS. 271
great bulk and beauty in the way, that led from the city of Gnossus to the temple and gfotto of Jupiter, (where Minos was believed to have received his laws from the god himself) they enter into conversation on the policy and constitution of the Cretans.
There is no procemium nor introduction to the dia- logue, as there is to most of Plato’s writings. I speak of that kind of procemium usual with Plato, which informs us often of the occasion and of the time of the dialogue, and of the characters of the persons intro- duced in it. In reality the entire four first books of “the Laws” are but introductory to the main subject, as he tells us himself in the end of the fourth book. p. 722. |
DE LEGIBUS. BOOK I. HEADS OF THE FIRST DIALOGUE.
P. 625. The institutions of Minos were principally directed to form the citizens to war. ‘The great ad- vantages of a people superiour in military skill over the rest of mankind are stated.1. Every people is naturally in a state of war with its neighbours? ; even
1 Xenophon makes the following observation: Ἐλευθερίας opyava Kal ευδαιμονιας τὴν πολεμικὴν ETLOTHUNY και μελετῆην OL Θεοι τοις ἀνθρωποις απεδειξαν "---τοῖις ael εγγυτάτω τῶν ὅπλων ουσι, TOUTOLS και οικειοτατα εστιν ἃ αν βουλωνται. Cyroped. L. 7. p. 549. See also Ephorus ap. Strab. L. 10. p. 480.
2 Tlacats προς πάσας Tas πολεις πολεμος ἀκήρυκτος κατὰ φυσιν εστι. These are the original expressions in this place.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT,
P. 625. Ta ξυσσιτια.] These assemblies were styled by the Cretans ἀνδρεῖα (or rather Avdpia, see Aristot. in Polit. L. 2. c. 10.) as they were also by the Lacedeemonians, who changed the name to Φιδιτια. (Strabo L, 10. p. 488). The manner of con- ducting them may be seen at large from Dosiadas’s history of that country in Athenzus, L. 4. p. 149.
Ib. Απολλωνα. See Plutarch. in Lycurgo.
Ib. Av evvarov ετοῦς.1] See the Minos of Plato, and Strabo, L. 10. p. 476. et L. 16. p. 762.
DE LEGIBUS. 273
particular cities, nay private families are in a like situation within themselves, where the better and more rational part are always contending for that superiority, which is their due, over the lower and the less reason- able. An internal war is maintained in the breast of each particular man who labours to subdue himself by establishing the empire of reason over his passions and his desires.
P. 628. A legislator, who makes it the great end of his constitution to form the nation to war, is shewn to be inferiour to him who reconciles the members of it among themselves, and prevents intestine tumults and divisions,
P. 631. The view of the true lawgiver is to train
NOTES.
P. 625. ‘H των Θετταλων.] Vid. Menonem, p. 70. et Hero- dotum. L. 7. p. 268.
Ib. ‘Hée yap avwuados.] ‘ Quoniam adeo frequentes in Creta sunt montes, rara sunt istic campestria.” P. Bellonius, L. 1. ec. 5. ‘* Quoique la Candie soit un riche pais—les deux tiers de ce royaume ne sont que des montagnes seches, pelées, desagré- ables, escarpées, taillées a plomb, et plus propres pour des chévres que pour des hommes.” Tournefort, Lett. 2. p. 109. vol. 1.
Ib. Twv de τοξων.] Vid. Ephorum ap. Strabonem fuse. L. 10. p. 480. ‘*Cretenses etiam hodie (cire. A.D. 1550.) veterem consuetudinem sequentes nature impulsu, Scythico arcu se exercere solent. Quin et ipsi pueri in incunabulis si irascantur et ejulent, ostenso illis arcu aut sagitté in manus data, pla- cantur ; propterea ipsos etiam Turcas arcus jaculatione super- ant.” Bellonius, L. 1. c. 5. Which is confirmed by Tourne- fort, who was there one hundred and fifty years after Belon. See Lett. 2. p. 100. V. 1.
626. Q θεῖε.].- Vid. Menonem, p. 99. et Aristot. Eth. Nichom. L. 7. ¢. 1.
VOL. IV. T
O74 NOTES ON PLATO.
the mind and manners of his people to the virtues in their order, that is, to wisdom, to temperance, and to justice, and, in the fourth place, to valour. The
NOTES,
P. 629. IIpos τον πολεμὸον μαλιστα.] Yet this was Plato’s real judgment concerning the constitutions of Minos and of Lycurgus, as may be seen by his description of a timocracy, in the eighth book De Republ. p. 548.
Ib. Διαβαντες de ev.] The Spartans, when they passed the frontier of their own state to enter into the territory of an enemy, always performed sacrifice, which was called ra δια- βατηρια Ovew: and if the victims proved inauspicious, they retired, and gave over their enterprise. This sense of the word διαβηναι seems peculiar to that people.
Ib. Twy μισθοφορων.] In Plato’s time (about ΟἹ. 106,) and soon after, the intestine tumults in the Greek cities, joined to a sort of fashion, which prevailed, of going to seek their fortune in a foreign service, had so depopulated Greece, that Isocrates tells Philip of Macedon, that he might form a better and stronger army out of these mercenaries, than he could out of the citizens themselves, who continued in their own country. The strength of the Persian king’s armies was entirely composed of these Greeks, as was that of his enemies also the kings of Egypt, and of Cyprus, and the revolted vice-roys in Asia Minor. They were also employed by Athens, and by other states of Greece, to save their own troops ; so that the Athenian heavy-armed infantry now consisted of mercenaries, though the citizens themselves served as rowers on board the fleet ; just contrary to what had been the ancient practice, when the ships were manned by the Ξέενοι, and slaves, and the Athenians them- selves composed the 'Οπλῖται.
Ib. A fragment of Tyrtzus, Our’ αν μνησαιμην, &e.
630. A fragment of Theognis, Πιστος ἀνὴρ χρυσου, &e.
631. Οὐκ εἰσι ματην.] Vid. Plat. de Republ. p. 544.
Ib. Ἐπικοινωνουμενους.1 There seems something defective in the syntax in several parts of this period.
DE LEGIBUS. 275
method he ought to lay down in the disposition of his laws is stated.
P. 634. The fault of the Cretan and of the Lacede- monian laws is, that they do not fortify the soul as well against pleasure as against pain. Youth is not permitted to examine into the rectitude of those laws by which they are governed, nor to dispute about them ; this is the privilege of age, and only to be practised in private.
P. 635. The division of the citizens into companies, (called Ξξυσσιτια) which daily assembled to eat together in publick, was apt to create seditions and conspiracies.
NOTES,
P. 633. Τριτον ἢ reraprov.] Does Plato here allude to the order in which he has ranged the virtues, (which, however, is not very clear, except that he ranges valour in the fourth place) ? or does he allude to the heads which he has laid down for a legislator to proceed with method? in which the laws that are to fortify the mind against pleasure and pain, and the passions which they produce, come under the third and fourth head.
Ib. Kpurrea τις.1] Vid. Plutarch. in Lycurgo.
Ib. Τυμνοπαιδιαις.1] Plutarch, ibid. Propert. L. 8. Eleg. 18. These exercises were performed during a solemn festival held in honour of Apollo, at which strangers were permitted to be present in Sparta.
635. Φυξεισθαι rovs.] The translation is very deficient here : the sense is this; ‘‘They will fly before such as have been , fortified by exercise and habit against labour, pain, and terror, and will become their slaves:” and afterwards, Δουλευσουσι de τροπον érepov, &c. ‘* They will become slaves in a different, but a more ignominious, manner both to those who have the power of resisting pleasure, and to those who possess all the arts of pleasing, who are often the worst of men.”
276 NOTES ON PLATO.
The regular naked exercises of the youth were often the cause of an unnatural passion among them. Crete and Lacedzmon are blamed particularly on this account.
P. 636. Pleasure and pain are the two great sources
NOTES.
P. 686. Andover Se Μιλησιων.] The confusions at Miletus were frequent, after that state had fallen into luxury and dis- soluteness of manners: Heraclides Ponticus says of it; ‘H Μιλησιων πολις περιπεπτωκεν ατυχίιαις δια τρυφὴν βιου και πολιτι- Kas εχθρας᾽ Ot TO επίεικες οὐκ ἀγαπῶντες εκ ῥιζων ἀνεῖλον τοὺς εχθρους : and he gives ἃ remarkable instance of the implacable cruelty which these parties shewed to each other. (Athenzus. L. 12. p. 524.)
Ib. Καὶ 69 καὶ παλαιον.] Ἐπιτηδευμα in this place seems to me to be the nominative, and Νομιμον the accusative: thus, Tovro To επιτηδευμὰ (Ta γυμνασια)ὴ δοκει μοι διεῴφθαρκεναι To παλαιον. Kat κατα φυσιν νομιμον, Tas περι, &c. i.e. ‘‘ This practice (of exercising constantly naked) appears to me to have weakened greatly that ancient and natural law, by which the pleasures of love, not only among human creatures, but even in the brute creation, mutually belong to the two sexes.” ‘This is a remark- able passage: and Tully judges in the same manner of these exercises. How far the Cretans indulged their passions in the way here mentioned, may be seen in Ephorus, (ap. Strabonem L. 10.) The purity of manners at Sparta is strongly asserted by Xenophon, (De Lacedemon. Republ. p. 395.) and by Plutarch in his life of Lycurgus ; but here is a testimony on the other side at least of equal authority.
Ib. Δηλοῦσι δε Μιλησιων.] We learn from Polybius that the Ξυσσιτια were in use among the Beeotians (though under no such regulations, probably, as those of Crete and Lace- demon), for speaking of that nation after the great victory at Leuctra, Ol. 102. 2. he says, Kara puxpov averecov rats ψυχαῖς, και ὁρμησαντες em’ evwxias Kat meas, διεθεντο Kat Kowwvera τοις φιλοις᾽ πολλοι δὲ των EXovTWY γενεὰς ἀπεμεριζον τοις ξυσσιτιοις TO TAEOYV μερος Τῆς OVTLAS, WoTE πολλοὺς εἰναι Βοιωτων, δις ὑπηρχε δείλινα του μηνος πλείω τῶν εἰς τὸν μηνα διατεταγμενων ἥμερων.
DE LEGIBUS. 277
of all human actions: the skill of a legislator consists in managing and opposing one of them to the other.
P. 639. The use of wine, when under a _ proper direction, in the education of youth.
NOTES,
(Ap. Atheneum, L. 10. p. 418. et Casaub. Annotat. in locum.) Many instances more may be observed in history of the intes- tine divisions in the cities of Bootia, (see Xenoph. Gree. Hist. L. 5. p. 325.) and among the Thurians. (Thucyd. L. 7. ¢. 33. and Aristot. Politic. L. 5. ὁ. 7.)
P. 637. No assemblies for the sake of drinking were ever seen in Lacedeemon, nor intemperate revels, nor frolicks, the conse- quences of such entertainments.
Ib. ‘Qozep ev ἁμαξαις.1] A sort of drunken farces performed in the villages of Attica, during the Dionysia, which seem to be the origin of the ancient comedy and tragedy. Hence the proverb, EE ἁμαξης λέγειν, and hence, too, Aristophanes gives the name of Tpaywdia to comedy. Acharnenses, v. 498, 499, and 627. They seem to have still continued in use in the country.
Ib. Ev Tapayrt.] Vid. Plutarch. in Pyrrho, and Strabo, L. 6. p. 230. We see here the beginnings of those vices, which | some years afterwards were the ruin of Tarentum ; though as yet the Pythagorean sect flourished there, and Archytas was probably at the head of their affairs.
Ib. Tuvackwy παρ᾽ ὑμιν aveow.] Aristotle finds the same fault in this part of the Lacedemonian constitution ; he says of their women, Zwot μεν ἀκολάστως προς ἅπασαν αἀκολασιαν, Kat τρυφερως" and he gives an instance of it in their behaviour, when the Thebans invaded Laconia. Χρησιμοι μὲν yap οὐδὲν noav, worep ev ἑτεραις rodeo’ θορυβον de παρειχον πλείω των πολεμίων. (Polit. L. 2. α 9.)
Ib. Ὥσπερ Zxvda.] Herodot. L. 6. ο. 84.—Ilepra.] Xenoph. Cyroped. L. 8. p. 142.---χΧαρχηδονιοι.] Were the Carthaginians remarkable for drinking ?—KeAra.] See Posidonius ap, Athen- eum, L, 4. p. 152.
278 NOTES ON PLATO.
Ῥ, 642. An apology for his own garrulity and dif- fuseness, which is the characteristick of an Athenian.
P. 643. The nature and intent of education.
P. 644. Mankind are compared to puppets: but whether they are formed by the gods for their diversion, or for some more serious purpose (he says) is uncertain. Their pleasures and pains, their hopes and fears, are
NOTES.
P. 637. Opaxes.] Xenophon, describing an entertainment given by Seuthes, a Thracian king, at which he himself was present, says, Avacras ὁ Σευθης συνεξεπιε, καὶ συγκατεσκεδασε TO μετ᾽ αὐτου TO κερᾶξ.
638. Λοκροι.] The Locri Epizephyrii were governed by the laws of Zaleucus, and were an aristocracy, till the elder Diony- sius marrying Doris, a Locrian lady, her relations grew power- ful enough to bring that state into subjection to the Syracusans.
Ib. Πολλαι. yap 6n pvyat.] This may possibly allude to the unexpected defeat of the Spartans at Leuctra.
Ib. Xcovs.] The wisdom of the Chian government appears from what Thucydides says of them. Xo μονοι μετα Λακεδαι- fhovious, wy eyw ἡσθομὴν, ευὐδαιμονησαντες Gua καὶ εσωφρονησαν, Kal ὅσω επεδιδου 7) πολις AUTOLS ETL TO μειζον, TOTW και εκοσμοῦντο exupwrepov. L. 8. c. 24. But I doubt if Keovs be not the true reading, for Chios revolted from the Athenians, ΟἹ. 91. 4. when Plato was but seventeen years old, and Plato’s Nouo were written in the latter end of his life.
641. The character of Athens, ws φιλολογος εστι Kat πολυλογος, that of Lacedemon and Crete, ws 7 μεν Bpaxudoyos, 7 δε πολυ- νοιαν μαλλον ἢ πολυλογιαν ἀσκουσα.
642. Ἢ ἑστια rns πολεως οὐσὰ ὑμων προξενος.}] As each private family had its Vesta, to whom the hearth was particu- larly sacred, so that of the publick was seated in the Prytaneum, (Pindar. Nem. Od. 11.) where in most cities a perpetual lamp was kept burning in honour of this goddess: and as every private family of rank had their Προξενοι in several cities of Greece, with whom they were connected by the ties of hospi-
DE LEGIBUS. 279
the springs which move them, and often draw contrary ways at once. Reason is the master-spring which ought to determine their motions; but as this draws gently and never uses violence, some of the passions must be called to its aid, which may give it strength to resist the force of the others.
P. 645. The effects of wine upon the soul: it
NOTES.
tality, and in whose houses they were lodged and entertained, so cities themselves had a like connection with each other; and there were publick IIpogevoc nominated to receive and to defray the expenses of such as came on business from other cities in alliance with them. The character of the Athenians is thus drawn: To bro πολλων λεγομενον, ws ὁσοι Αθηναιων εἰσιν αγαθοι, διαφεροντως εἰσι TOLOVTOL’—poVvoL yap avev avayKys, avTopuws, θειᾳ μοιρᾳ, adnOws και ovTt πλαστως εἰσιν ἀγαθοι.
P. 642. ΠΙρο των ἸΠερσικων.] Epimenides, therefore, came to Athens, Ol. 70. 1. ten years before the battle of Marathon. This is not reconcileable with Plutarch (in Solone), Diogenes Laertius, or any other author, who mentions Epimenides. It is sure that he arrived at Athens ninety-six years earlier, and was then extremely old. Plato must therefore mean some other person of the same name, country, and family, perhaps descended from the old Epimenides, and practising, like him, the art of divination.
644. Θαυμα μεν.] It is plain, that by θαυμα he means a puppet, vevpooracrov, and I suppose, that the θαυματοποιοι, or jugglers, used to carry such figures about to draw the crowd together, as the mountebanks do at Venice. To this he alludes also, L. 7. Πολιτειων᾽ Hap’ ἣν we τειχιον παρωκοδομήημενον, worep Tos θαυματοποιοις των avOpwrwy προκειται Ta παραφραγματα, ὑπερ ὧν Ta θαυματα δεικνῦσι, Χο. Puppet-shews were in such request among the Greeks, that Pothinus, a famous man in that way, performed before the whole Athenian people in the same theatre (says Atheneus, L. 1. p. 19.), in which Euripides had represented his tragedies.
280 NOTES ON PLATO.
heightens all our passions and diminishes our under- standing, that is, in reality, it reduces us again to childhood. As physicians, for the sake of our body, give us certain potions, which for a time create sickness and pain in us, and put our whole frame into disorder ; so possibly might the legislator (by a singular experi- ment) make wine subservient to a good purpose in education, and, without either pain or danger, put the prudence, the modesty, and the temper of youth to the trial, and see how far they could resist the disorder of the mind which is naturally produced by this liquor.
P. 646. The fear of dishonour is opposed to the fear of pain: the first is a great instrument in the hands of a wise legislator to suppress and to conquer the latter.
P. 647. If there were any drug or composition known that would inspire us with fear and with dejec- tion of spirits, for the time its influence lasted, what need would there be of fatiguing our youth with long laborious exercises, or of exposing them in battle to real danger, in order to fortify the soul against the attacks of fear and of pain? This draught alone, pro- perly applied, would be a sufficient trial of our valour under the eye of the magistrate, who might confer honour and disgrace on a youth, according to his
NOTE.
P. 647. Καλῶν add.] Thisis what we call honour, that is, the fear of shame ; and which is left to supply (as well as it can) the place of all the virtues among us. Plato calls this senti- ment in another place (p. 674. Lib. 2.) Qevos PoBos. Montesquieu makes it the grand principle of monarchical governments, (L’Esprit des Loix, L. 1. c. 6.) and in France its effects are most conspicuous,
DE LEGIBUS. 281
behaviour during the operation. Unluckily, there is no such drug discovered ; but there is a potion which exalts our spirits, and kindles in the mind insolence, and imprudence, and lust, and every fiercer passion, while it lays open to view our ignorance, our avarice, and our cowardice. Why should we wait till these vices exert themselves into real action, and produce their several mischiefs in society; when, by a well- regulated use of this liquor, we might, without danger, discover them lurking in the disposition of youth, and suppress them even in their infancy ?
DE LEGIBUS. BOOK ILI. HEADS OF THE SECOND DIALOGUE.
P. 653. The great purpose of a right education is to fix in the mind an early habit of associating its ideas of pleasure and of desire with its ideas of virtue, and those of pain and aversion with that of vice: so that reason, when it comes to maturity, (and happy are they with whom, even in their old age, it does come to maturity !) may look back with satisfaction, and may approve the useful prejudices instilled into the soul in its infancy.
The early inclination of children to noise and motion is noticed, which, when reduced to order and symmetry, produce harmony and grace, which are two pleasures known only to human kind. The origin of musick and of the dance.
P. 655. In what kind of imitation their true beauty
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 655. Ὥσπερ 6 χοροδιδασκαλοι.] I take the word evxpous, applied to harmony, to be an affected term of art, then used by the musicians and connoisseurs, like those in the fifth book de Republ. p. 531. namely, Εξαρνησις, κατηγορια, adafovera χορδων.
DE LEGIBUS. 283
consists. Every sound, or movement, or attitude, which naturally accompanies and expresses any virtue, or any laudable endowment of mind and of body, is beautiful, as the contrary is deformed and unpleasing. The error of such as make pleasure the sole end of these arts.
Reasons for the diversity of men’s taste and judg- ment in them are assigned. Some from having been early depraved, and little accustomed to what is lovely, come to approve and take delight in deformity : others applaud what is noble and graceful, but feel no pleasure from it, either because their mind has a natural de- pravity in it, though their education has been good, or because their principles are right, but their habits and practice have not been conformable to them. The danger of this last defect is stated, when men delight in what their judgment disapproves.
P. 657. The restraint, which ought to be laid on poets in all well-disciplined states, is named. Musi- cians in Egypt! were confined by law, even from the remotest antiquity, to certain simple species of melody, and the painters and sculptors to some peculiar stand-
1 Σκοπωὼν δ᾽ ἑυρησεις αὐτοθι Ta μυρίοστον eros γεγραμμενα ἢ τετυπωμενα, (OUK, WS επος εἰπειν, μυριοστὸν ετος, AAN οντως) των νυν δεδημιουργημενὼων ouvre καλλίονα, ovTE αἰσχίω, τὴν αὐτὴν δὲε τεχνὴν ἀπειργάσμενα. This will account for the little improve- ment the Egyptians ever made in the fine arts, though they were perhaps the inventors of them: for undoubtedly the ad-
vancement and perfection of these things, as well as their cor- ruption, are entirely owing to liberty and innovation.
NOTE.
P. 655. Ta μεν aperns exoueva.] Vid. de Republ. L. 3. The opinion of Damon the musician.
284 NOTES ON PLATO.
ards for their measures and attitudes, from which they were not to deviate.
P. 658. A reflection on the usual wrong determina- tions of the persons appointed to judge of their musical and poetical entertainments at Athens, who (though they took an oath to decide impartially) were biassed, either through fear or from the affectation of popularity, by the opinion of the crowd; whereas they ought to have considered themselves as masters and directors of the publick taste. From this weakness arose the cor- ruption of their theatrical entertainments. In Italy and in Sicily the victory was adjudged by the whole audience to that poet, who had the greatest number of hands held up for him.
P. 659. The manners, exhibited in a drama to the people, ought always to be better than their own.
P. 661. The morality inculeated by the poets, even in Sparta and in Crete, where all imnovations were by law forbidden, was defective enough. What sentiments
NOTES.
P. 658. It is here said, that puppet-shews and jugglers’ tricks are best accommodated to the taste of young children; as comedy is to that of bigger boys, tragedy to that of the young men, and of the women of the better sort, and of the bulk of the people in general, and the rhapsodi to that of the older and wiser sort.
Ib. Κινυρα τε] The verses of Tyrtzus, here alluded to,
are these : Ουδ᾽ εἰ Τιθωνοιο φυὴν χαριεστερος evn,
Πλουτοιὴ τε Μιδεω και Kivvpao πλεον. See also Phedrum, p. 269. 661. Ὑγιαινειν.] An allusion to an ancient song. See Gorgias, p. 451.
DE LEGIBUS. 285
they ought to inspire. Plato’s! great principles are explained, namely, that happiness is inseparable from virtue and misery from wickedness, and that the latter is rather an error of the judgment than of the will.
P. 663. If these opinions were actually false, (as they are immutably founded on truth) yet a wise law- giver would think himself obliged to inculcate them, as true, by every method possible.
It is easy to persuade men, even of the most absurd fiction ; how much more of an undoubted truth ?
P. 664. The institution of the three chorusses, which are to repeat in verse (accompanied with musick and with dances) these great principles of society, and to fix them in the belief of the publick: the first chorus is composed of boys under eighteen, and sacred to the Muses ; the second, from that age to thirty, and sacred to Apollo ; the third, to Bacchus, consisting of all from thirty to sixty years of age.
P. 666. The use of wine is forbidden to boys; it is
1 Y. Alcibiad. 2. p. 144. Aristotle looked upon this as the distinguishing part of his master Plato’s doctrine, as we see from a fragment of his elegy to Eudemus, preserved in Olym-
piodorus’s commentary on the Gorgias. See also de Legib. L. 5. p. 733 and 742.
NOTES.
P. 663. To του Σιδωνιου.1 This fable of Cadmusand the dragon’s teeth was firmly believed at Thebes: the principal families were supposed to be descended from the five persons who survived the fight: and bore on their bodies (as it was reported) the mark of a lance, as a proof of their origin. They were called Σπαρτοι, και Τ΄γενεις. (See Eurip. Hercules Furens, y. 794. and Barnes ad locum.)
286 NOTES ON PLATO.
allowed, but very moderately, to men under thirty ; after that age, with less restraint: the good effects of it in old age are mentioned.
P. 667. The principles and qualifications which are required in such as are fit to judge of poetry, and of the other imitative arts.
P. 669. Instrumental musick by itself (which serves not to accompany the voice) is condemned, as uncertain and indefinite in its expression. The three arts of poetry, of musick, and of the dance (or action), were not made to be separated.
P. 671. The regulation of entertainments, with the manner of presiding at them is enforced ; without which the drinking of wine ought not to be permitted at all, or in a very small degree.
NOTES.
P. 665. Πεφωνασκήκοτες.7 The singers in these chorusses were subjected to a course of abstinence and of physick, for a considerable time before they put their voices to the trial. (Vid. Antiphont. Orat. de caede Choreutz. )
669. An expression of Orpheus: Aaxew wpay τερψίιος.
672. Ὅταν αποκτεινὴ Tis avTo, Or, aKTawwon éavto—a false reading ; perhaps, ὁταν avaxw7 τις, OF ανακινὴ TL AUTO.
DE LEGIBUS. BOOK III. HEADS OF THE THIRD DIALOGUE.
P. 676. The immense antiquity of the earth, and the innumerable changes it has undergone in the course of ages. Mankind are generally believed to have been often destroyed (a very small remnant excepted) by inundation and by pestilence.
The supposition of a handful of men, probably shepherds, who were feeding their cattle on the mount- ains, and were there preserved with their families from
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 677. Ὁ, τι μεν yap μυριακις.17Ὶ Perhaps we should read οὔτι pev yap. I imagine he means to say, as follows; ‘‘ For (taking the great antiquity of the earth for granted) without supposing some such destruction as this, how can we account for all the useful arts among mankind, invented as it were but yesterday, or at farthest, not above two thousand years old? It is impos- sible that men in those times should have been utterly ignorant of all which had passed so many thousand ages, unless all records, and monuments, and remains of their improvements and discoveries, had perished.”
κε Quo tot facta virtim toties cecidere? nec usquam Aiternis fame monumentis insita florent ?” Lucret. L. 5. v. 329.
288 NOTES ON PLATO.
a general deluge, which had overwhelmed all the cities and inhabitants of the country below.
P. 677. The destruction of arts and sciences, with their slow and gradual revival among this infant society, is nobly described.
P. 680. The beginnings of government : the paternal way first in use, which he calls the justest of all monarchies. Assemblies of different families agree to descend from the mountain tops, and to settle in the hill-country (ev ταῖς ὑπωρειαις) below them; and as each of them has a head or a prince of its own, and customs in which it has been brought up, it will be
NOTES.
P. 677. ΣΧιλια δ᾽ ad’ οὗ γεγονεν, ἡ dis.] From Ol. 108. 1. the year of Plato’s death, to the age of Marsyas (a contemporary of Midas) is usually computed about thirteen hundred years, to that of Amphion, eleven hundred, to that of Dedalus and Orpheus, not quite one thousand, and to that of Palamedes, who lived about the siege of Troy, nine hundred and sixty.
Ib. Ta de περι Μουσικην.)] Perhaps we should add, AvA7- τικΉν.
Ib. χθες τε kat mpwnv.] See Gorgias, p. 471.
Ib. ‘O λογω μεν ‘“Horodos.] I know not what lines in Hesiod are here alluded to, unless it be these:
Οὗτος μεν παναριστος, OS AUTOS παντα νοήσει, Φρασσαμενος Ta κ᾽ επειτα Kal ες TENOS εσσετ᾽ ἀμεινω. Oper. et Dies. v. 298.
nor do I clearly see, whether this is said seriously, or by way of irony on Epimenides and on the art of divination.
680. Tos ἕενικοις ποιημασι.) Homer was but little known or read in Crete, even in Plato’s time. The Cretans, as they closely adhered to their ancient customs, did so likewise to the compositions of their own countrymen.
DE LEGIBUS. 289
necessary to describe certain laws in common, and to settle a kind of senate, or of aristocracy.
P. 683. The causes of the increase and declension of states, are exemplified in the history of Sparta, Messene, and Argos. The original league between the three kingdoms founded by the Heraclide, and the mutual engagements entered into by the several kings and by their people, are stated.
P. 684. The easiness of establishing an equality of property in a new conquest, which is so difficult for a
NOTES.
P. 681. Τριτον τοινυν εἰπωμεν. See what Strabo (L. 13. p. 592. 3.) says on this subject: whence I should suspect that there was something deficient here in the text of Plato concerning the third migration of mankind, at which time Ilus is supposed to have founded Ilium in the plain.
682. Τὴν es Aaxedatuova κατοικησιν.] This happened eighty years after the taking of Troy. See the history in Pausanias. Corinthiac. L. 2. p. 151. and Messeniac. p. 285.
683. Ἣ ex Oepwwv.] The time of the dialogue was one of the longest days in the year, soon after the summer-solstice.
684. Inv τε αναμφισβητητως.1ὺ The equal distribution of lands is, however, by all attributed to Lycurgus, who lived at least two hundred and thirty years after the return of the Heraclide, nay Plato himself (in the Minos, p. 318.) brings him near four hundred years lower still. Erastosthenes and Apollodorus (ap. Plutarch. in Lyeurgo) place Lycurgus a little earlier. Xenophon alone makes him a contemporary with the Heraclide, who first settled in Peloponnesus: (Respubl. Lacedeem. p. 399.) at least so Plutarch interprets the passage.
Ib. Βασιλειαι τρεις---ωμοσαν.] This was performed at Sparta every month. ‘O de ὁρκος εστι Tw μεν βασιλεῖ, κατα τοὺς τὴς πόλεως κειμενοὺυς νομους βασιλεύσειν, TH δὲ πόλει εμπεδορκουντος εκεινου ἀαστυφελικτον τὴν βασιλειαν παρεξειν. (Xenoph. Lacedem.
Respubl. p. 402.) VOL. IV. U
290 NOTES ON PLATO.
legislator to accomplish, who would give a better form to a government already established.
P. 688. States are destroyed, not so much for the want of valour and of conduct, as for the want of virtue, which only is true wisdom. ‘The greatest and the most pernicious of all ignorance is, when we do not love what we approve.
P. 691. Absolute power, unaccountable to any and uncontrolled, is not to be supported by any mortal man.
NOTES.
P. 685. Ts apxns yap exewns nv poptov.] This is a singular passage. The kingdom of Troy (he says) was a part of the great Assyrian empire, ἣν yap ert τῆς apxns eKewns σχῆμα TO σωΐζομενον ov μικρον. According to Herodotus, the empire of Assyria had continued five hundred and-twenty years in Upper Asia, when the Medes revolted from it ; but this happened near five hundred years after the fall of Troy, so that Troy was taken about the twentieth year of the Assyrian dominion, and, if so, the words of Plato, τῇ περι Nivoy γενομενῆ, might be taken literally, as though Ninus were then on the throne. But, in truth, Plato (from the words cited above, Hv yap er, Xc.) appears to have given the Assyrian power a much longer dura- tion, as Ctesias has done, who makes it seven hundred and eighty-six years older than Herodotus. Diodorus, who follows the authority of Ctesias in these matters, says, that Troy depended on the Assyrians, and that Teutamus, or Tautanes, who then reigned over them, sent ten thousand men and two hundred chariots to the assistance of Priam, under the com- ᾿ mand of Memnon son to the governor of Susiana.
Ib. To devrepov.] Troy had been taken by Hercules and Telamon about a hundred years before its final destruction : but perhaps ro devrepov may signify, afterwards, in process of time, that is, in the reigns of Darius and of Xerxes.
689. Proverb, Myre ypaypara, μητε νεῖν, επιστασθαι, for a person completely ignorant,
DE LEGIBUS. 291
The aiming at this was the destruction of the Argive and Messenian monarchs. That which probably pre- served the Lacedzmonian state, was the originally lodging the regal power in the hands of two; then the institution of the senate by Lycurgus, and lastly, that of the Ephori by Theopompus. Had the three king- doms been united and governed in the Spartan manner, the Persian king would never have dared to invade Greece: his repulse was entirely due to the Athenians and Lacedzmonians, and not to the common efforts of the Greeks.
NOTES,
P. 690. Και xara vow, ὡς ὁ OnBaos.] See the passage of Pindar at length, cited in the Gorgias, p. 484.
691. Τὴν xara ynpas.] The institution of the Tepovres, or senate of twenty-eight, by Lycurgus.
Ib. Icoyngov.] The two kings sat in the senate, and had each a single vote, like the other citizens: they had only this privilege, that they could give their vote by proxy, when absent.
Ib. Διδυμον.1 Euristhenes and Procles were twins. (Herod. L. να 52.)
Ib. Μισϑουμενοι.1] Vid. L. 1. p. 630.
692. O τριτος σωτηρ.] 1.6. Theopompus, who, as it is gener- ‘ally agreed, instituted the Ephori. I look upon this passage as one proof, that the eighth epistle of Plato is supposititious, for in that epistle this institution is expressly attributed to Lycurgus.- Many sentiments in that letter seem borrowed from this book of the Laws.
Ib. Πολεμουσα avry.] I do not know any war in which the Spartans were engaged with the Messenians at the time of the battle of Marathon (see also p. 698.) ; but this doubtless is a better reason than that given by Herodotus (L. 6. ο. 106.), namely, that it was not agreeable to their customs to take the field, before the moon was at the full.
292 NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 693. The two great forms of government, from which all the rest are derived, are monarchy and demo- cracy : Persia is an example of the first carried to its height, and Athens an example of the latter. The best constitution is formed out of both.
P. 694. The reason of the variations observable in the Persian power is given; the different administra-
NOTES.
P. 692. Ἣ περι ro Apyos.] Their pretence for refusing was a point of honour: they insisted upon dividing the confederate army with Sparta; but it was believed, that they had secretly promised the Persian to observe a neutrality. As to the rest of Greece, the Thessalians had called in Xerxes, the Beotians readily received him, the Cretans pretended an oracle which obliged them to continue quiet, and the Corcyreans waited to see the event of the first battle. After the action at Ther- mopyle, a great part of Peloponnesus had determined to fortify the Isthmus, and to give up all the countries which lie north of it ; and what is worse, even after the great victory at Salamis, they went on, Lacedemonians and all, with the work, and gave up Attica a second time to the barbarians. It was with great difficulty that Themistocles could keep the fleet together at Salamis, or prevent the several squadrons which composed it from returning home; and, in the battle of Plate, no one scarcely had any share, except the Lacedemonians, the Athen- ians, and the Tegeste ; and particularly, the Mantineans and the Eleans did not arrive till after the fight.
694. Παιδειας de opOns.] This passage has been generally looked upon as reflecting on the Cyropedia of Xenophon, and taken for a mark of ill-will in Plato: but I do not see how the words themselves carry in them any such reflection. They are plainly meant, not of the education which Cyrus himself received, but, of the little care he took (busied as he was in great affairs all his life long) of that of his two sons. There is nothing in this at all contradictory to Xenophon who scarcely mentions these princes any farther than to say, that they were
DE LEGIBUS. 293
tion of different princes, who succeeded one another, and the cause of it is accounted for from their edu- cation. The care of Cyrus’s children, while he was abroad in the field, was trusted entirely to the women, who bred them up in high notions of that grandeur to which they were to succeed, and in the effeminate and luxurious manners of the Medes. Darius, who suc-
NOTES.
present and heard the excellent counsels which Cyrus gave them on his death-bed, and which they forgot immediately. Ere: μεντοι Kupos ετελευτησεν, evdus μὲν αὐτου ou παιδες εστα- σιαζον. ---παντὰ δ᾽ emt To χειρον erperero. The great abilities and virtues of Cyrus himself are represented alike in Plato and in Xenophon.
P. 695, Διειλετο érra μερη.}] I know not whether any historian tells us, that Darius divided the empire into seven parts, or great provinces, over which we are to suppose that he placed the great men who had entered into the conspiracy with him, and made these vice-royalties hereditary in their families. It is natural to imagine, that such an appointment could not con- tinue many years under a succession of kings so absolute as those of Persia; but yet Plato says, that some faint shadow of this division was still left even in his days.
Ib. Tov Κυρου dacuov.] We see here, that the division of the empire into twenty satrapiz or governments, and the im- position of a regular tax or tribute, were originally designed by Cyrus, though they were never executed till Darius came to the throne. The Persians, according to Herodotus, attributed it to the avarice of Darius: Aca δὲ ταυτὴν τὴν επιταξιν του dopov και παραπλησια TavTn adda, λεγουσιν, ws Δαρειος μὲν nv Katrn dos" KapBvons de δεσποτης᾽ Kupos de πατηρ. ‘O μεν yap, ore εκαπη- © eve παντὰ Ta πρηγματα᾽ ὁ de, OTL χάλεπος TE NY καὶ ολιγωρος" ὁ δε, Ore ἡπιος ἣν και ayaba σφι παντα εμηχανησατο.
Ib. Ποιμενες.})ὺ Herodotus says, that four of the Persian tribes, the Dai, Mardi, Tropici, and Sagartii, were Noyuades, L..1. p. 54. ¢. 125.
294 NOTES ON PLATO.
ceeded them, had been bred as a private soldier, and he restored the declining empire to its former greatness. Xerxes, his son, brought up as great princes usually are, by his folly weakened it again, and ever since it has been growing worse and worse.
NOTES.
P. 695. Τραχειας xwpas.] See Herodotus, L. 1. c. 71. and Le See: ult
Ib. Του λεγομενου το Te Evvovxyov.] The account of this fact, which Plato had received, seems different from that given us by Herodotus, or by Ctesias. The counterfeit Smerdis and the Magus, his brother, were Medes, but neither of them eunuchs. He may possibly mean the eunuch Bagapates, who (according to Ctesias) was the favourite both of Cyrus and Cambyses, was privy to the secret murder of Tanyoxarces, and contrived after the death of Cambyses to place the Magus, or Mede, upon the throne, and afterwards betrayed him to the conspirators.
Ib. Twv ἑπτα.] Ctesias calls them, Onophas, Idernes, Norondabates, Mardonius, Barisses, Artaphernes, and Darius.
Ib. Βασιλεως οὐκ nv ὑιος.] Hystaspes, the father of Darius, was of the same family with Cyrus, and, at the time of his son’s coming to the empire, was governor of Persia properly so called. Darius was brought up in that country, he served in Egypt among the guards of Cambyses, Aoyou ovdevos κω μεγαλου, says Herodotus, and came to the throne at about twenty-eight years of age.
Ib. Aceckero ἑπτὰ pepy.| Herodotus tells us, that Otanes (who first laid the plan of the conspiracy) gave up all preten- sions to the crown, on condition that he and his family might enjoy a perfect liberty ; and even now (adds he) the descendants of Otanes are the only family in Persia which can be called free, - obeying the orders of the court no farther than they please, and under no other restraint than that of the laws. The other six agreed among themselves, that to whichever among them for- tune should give the empire, he should engage to marry out of no other family than theirs, and should never refuse them access to his person, except he were in the apartment of the women.
DE LEGIBUS. 295
P. 696. Honour is the proper reward of virtue only ; in what manner it ought to be distributed in a well- regulated state.
P. 697. The impossibility is stated of any govern- ment’s subsisting long, where the people are enemies to the administration, which, where despotism in its full extent prevails, must always be the case.
P. 698. A picture of the reverse of this, a complete democracy, as at Athens. The constitution of that
NOTES.
P. 698. Πολιτεια παλαια.] See the admirable Areopagitick oration of Isocrates, p. 147. and 150. for an account of the ancient Athenian manners and education ; and the oration de Pace, p. 176. and Panathenaic. p. 260.
Ib. Ex τιμηματων τετταρων.] See this division instituted by Solon in Plutarch’s life of him. Aristides, after the victory at Plate, proposed a law, whereby every citizen of Athens, with- out regard to rank or fortune, might be a competitor for the archonship, or principal magistracy, which afterwards gave a right to a seat in the senate of Areopagus.
Ib. Aaris.] This is all agreeable to Herodotus, L, 6. ο. 98. See also Plato’s Menexenus, p. 240.
699. ‘Hv adw.] Vid. L. 1. p. 647.
700. H Μουσικη.]. Vid. L. 2. p. 657 and 658, and de Republ. L. 4. p. 424. The state of the Athenian musick before the Persian invasion. Certain kinds of harmony and of moye- ment were appropriated to distinct species of poetry: prayers and invocations to the gods formed one kind, called ‘Tuvoe ; lamentations for the dead formed a second, called Θρηνοι ; the Ilacaves were a third sort ; the Διθυραμβοι (the subject of which was the birth of Bacchus) a fourth; and the Νόμοι Κιθαρωδικοι, a fifth, with other kinds: these were afterwards confused and injudiciously mingled all together by the ignorance and by the bad taste of the poets and of their audience.
Ib. Ov συριγξ nv.] The Athenians used this instrument, as in modern theatres whistles and cat-calls.
296 NOTES ON PLATO.
state was different before the Persian invasion. The reasons for their distinguished bravery on that occa- sion, An account of the change introduced in their musick, and the progress of liberty, or rather of license, among them.
P. 701, The great aim of a legislator is to inspire liberty, wisdom, and concord. Clinias, being appointed with nine other citizens to superintend and to form a body of laws for a new colony they are going to settle, asks advice of the Athenian and Lacedemonian strangers on that head.
DE LEGIBUS. BOOK IV.
HEADS OF THE FOURTH DIALOGUE.
P. 704. The advantages and disadvantages arising from the situation of a city, and the great difficulty of preserving the constitution and the morals of a mari- time and trading state, are described.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 704. He is speaking of the difficulty of preserving the con- stitution and morals of a maritime and trading state. Eyzropas yap Kat χρηματισμου δια καπηλειας εμπιπλᾶσα ἑαυτὴν, NOn παλιμ- Bota και απιστα ταις Ψψυχαις εντικτουσα, αὐτὴν τε προς ἁυτην τὴν πολιν ἀπιστον και αφιλον ποίει, και προς τους ἀαλλοὺυς ανθρωπους ὡσαυ- τως. The great advantage of a maritime power with respect to its influence, its commerce and riches, its politeness of manners and language, and the enjoyment of every pleasure and con- venience of life, are admirably explained by Xenophon (in Athen. Republ. p. 204.), who considers it in every light, in which Montesquieu and the best modern political writers would do. But Plato extended his views farther: he says, Ov τὸ σωζεσθαι Te και ειναι, μονον avOpwrrots τιμιωτατον ἥγουμενοι, καθαπερ Ot ποόλλοι, TO de ὡς βελτιστοὺυς γιγνεσθαι τε και εἰναι, τοσουτον χρονον ὁσον av wow. (707. see also p. 714. and 1,. 5. p. 743.) Plato never regards policy as the art of preserving mankind in a certain form of society, or of securing their property or their pleasures, or of enlarging their power, unless so far as all these
298 NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 706. The manner of carrying on a war by sea is unworthy of a brave and free people; it impairs their valour, depends too much on the lower and more mechanick arts, and is hardly ever decisive. The battles of Artemisium and of Salamis could not have preserved Greece (as it has been commonly thought), from the Persians, had they not been defeated in the action at Platzeee.
P. 709. The difficulties, which attend new colonies, if sent out by a single city, are stated: they will more hardly submit to a new discipline, and to laws different from those of their native country: but then they con- cur more readily in one design, and act with more ἡ strength and uniformity among themselves. If they are collected from various states, they are weak and disjointed, but more apt to receive such forms and im- pressions as a legislator would give them.
The constitution of states and of their laws is owing more to nature, or to chance, or to the concurrence of
NOTES.
are consistent with the preservation of their virtue and of that happiness, which is the natural result of it. He had, undoubt- edly, in what he says here, a view to his own country.
Isocrates (in his oration Panathenaic. p. 256.) is constrained to own, that when Athens became a great naval power, she was forced to sacrifice her good order and morals to her ambition, though he justifies her for doing so from necessity: but (in the orat. de Pace, p. 174.) he speaks his mind more freely, and he shows at large that the dominion of the sea was every way the ruin of the Athenians, and afterwards of the Lacedemonians.
P. 704. Edaryn.] Wesee here that the principal ship-timber of the Greeks was fir, and pine and cypress for the outside work, as the picea and plane-tree were for the inside.
DE LEGIBUS. 299
various accidents, than to human foresight: yet the wise lawgiver will not therefore despair, but will ac- commodate his art to the various circumstances and opportunities of things. The mariner cannot command the winds and the waves, yet he can watch his advan- tages, and make the best use possible of both, for the expedition and security of his voyage.
P. 710. The greatest advantage which a lawgiver can ever meet with is, when he is supported by an arbitrary prince, young, sober, and of good understand- ing, generous and brave ; the second lucky opportunity is, when he can find a limited monarch of like disposi- tion to concur in his designs; the third is, when he can unite himself to the leading men in some popular government ; and the fourth and most difficult is, in an oligarchy.
NOTES.
P. 706. Τὴν χωραν πληρη.}] The Athenians brought their timber chiefly from Macedonia, for Attica afforded but little for these uses. (Xenoph. Hellenic. L. 6. p. 340.)
707. Αλλοθεν των ‘EXAnvwv.] According to Herodotus (L. 7. c. 170.) the ill-success of the expedition of Minos against the Sicilians, and the settlement of those troops which accompanied him in Italy after his death, had left Crete in a manner desti- tute of inhabitants ; for he mentions only Presus and Polichme, as cities of the Eteocrétes (or original Cretans) remaining. This happened about one hundred years before the Trojan war, and accordingly Homer speaks of this island as peopled by various nations, and most of them of Greek origin :
Αλλὴη δ᾽ ἀλλων yAwooa μεμιγμενη" εν μεν Αχαιοι, Ἐν δ᾽ Ereoxpyres μεγαλήτορες, εν δε Κυδωνες, Δωριεες τε τριχαΐκες, δῖοι Te Πελασγοι.
Odyss. T. v. 175.
300 NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 711. The character and manners of a whole people, in a despotick government, are easily changed by the encouragement and by the example of their prince.
P. 712. The best governments are of a mixed kind, and are not reducible to any of the common forms, Thus those of Crete and of Sparta were neither tyranni- cal, nor monarchical, nor aristocratical, nor democrati- cal, but had something of all these.
P. 713. The fable of the Saturnian age is introduced, when the gods or demons in person reigned over man- kind. No mortal nature is fit to be trusted with an absolute power of commanding its fellow-creatures: and therefore the law, that is, pure reason, divested of all
NOTES.
P. 710. This great opportunity was Plato’s inducement to go twice into Sicily, and (when he found that nothing could be made of the younger Dionysius) to support Dion in his expedi- tion against him. Dion was of the royal family, possessed of every qualification here required, and ready to coneur with Plato in all his designs, but he was cut off in the midst of them by a base assassin, whom he had taken into his bosom and counsels.
712. This is also the opinion of Polybius (Excerpt. ex Lib. 6. p. 452, ed. Casaub.) who produces the Spartan and Roman commonwealths as instances of it.
712. Isocrates calls the Lacedemonian constitution a de- mocracy. Λακεδαιμονιοι dua tavra καλλιστα πολιτευονται, ὅτι μαλιστα δημοκρατουμενοι τυγχανουσι. (Areopag. p. 152.) and in another place he calls it a democracy mixed with an aristocracy. (Panathen. p. 265.) His reason for naming it a democracy was, doubtless, because the senate was elected by the people, as were also the Ephori, in whose hands the supreme power was lodged, which Aristotle calls λίαν μεγαλη, kat ἰσοτυραννος, and
DE LEGIBUS. 301
human passions and appetites, the part of man which most resembles the divinity, ought alone to be implicitly obeyed in a well-governed state.
P. 715. The first address to the citizens of the new colony, is to inculcate the belief of providence and of divine justice, humility, moderation, obedience to the laws, and piety to the gods and to parents: this should be by way of procemium to the laws; for free men are not to be treated like slaves ; they are to be taught and to be persuaded, before they are threatened and punished.
P. 721. The laws of marriage, and the reasons and inducements to observe them, are stated.
P. 722. The necessity and the nature of general and of particular introductions are stated.
NOTES.
adds, that by these means, Δημοκρατια εξ Ἀριστοκρατιας συνεβαινε. (Politic. L. 2. αἱ 9.)
P. 714. To συμῴερον éavtw.] See de Republ. L. 1. p. 338. This was the doctrine of Thrasymachus, and it is in appearance that of Montesquieu in his Esprit des Loix; but this great man did not dare to speak his mind, in a country almost despotically governed, without disguise. Let any one see the ainiable pic- ture which Montesquieu draws. of freer governments, and, in contrast to it, his idea of a court, and they will not be at a loss to know his real sentiments. That constitution and policy which is founded (as he says himself) on every virtue, must be the only one worthy of human nature.
716. ‘Qs φασιν avOpwros.] He alludes to a principle of Pro- tagoras (V. Theet. p. 152.)
720. The method of practising physick in these times is observable,
DE LEGIBUS. BOOK V.
HEADS OF THE FIFTB. DIALOGUE.
P, 726. After he has shewed the reason of that duty which men owe to the gods and to their parents, he comes to that duty which we owe to ourselves; and first, of the reverence due to our own! soul; that it consists not in flattering its vanity, nor indulging its pleasures, nor in soothing its indolence, nor in satisfy- ing its avarice.
P. 728. The second honours are due to our body, whose perfection is not placed in excess of strength, of bulk, of swiftness, of beauty, nor even of health, but in a mediocrity of all these qualities ; for a redundancy,? or a deficiency, in any one of them is always prejudicial to the mind.
The same holds with regard to fortune. The folly
1 Tlavrwy τῶν αὐτου κτημάτων wera Θεους ψυχὴ θειοτατον, οἰκειο- τατον ον. p. 728.
2 Πὰ μὲν yap χαυνους τας ψυχας και θρασειας moet, Ta Se ταπειναστε και ανελευθερους. p. 728.
8. Ἢ μεν yap νεων ακολακευτος οὐσιᾶ, των δὲ αναγκαιων μὴ ενδεης, αὐτὴ πασῶν μουσικωτατη τε και apioTn’ ξυμῴφωνουσα yap ἡμῖν και ξυναρμοττουσα εἰς ἅπαντα αἀλυπον τον βιον amepyaserat.
Ῥ. 729.
DE LEGIBUS. 303
of heaping up riches for our children is exposed, as the only valuable inheritance which we can leave them is a respect for virtue. The reverence due to youth is incul- cated. True education consists not in precept, but in example.
- The duty to relations and to friends: strict justice, hospitality, and compassion, are due to strangers and foreigners, but above all to suppliants.
What is that habit of the mind which best becomes a man of honour and a good citizen. Veracity is the prime virtue. Justice consists in this: not only to do no injury, but to prevent others from doing any, and to assist the magistrate in punishing those who commit them. Temperance and wisdom: the persons who possess these or any other virtues, deserve our praise ; those, who impart them to others, and multiply their influence, are worthy of double honours. The use of emulation in a state: the hatefulness of envy and detraction.
P. 731. Spirit and indignation are virtues, when employed against crimes and vices, which admit of no other cure than extreme severity :! yet they are not inconsistent with lenity and tender compassion, when we consider that? no man is voluntarily wicked ; and that the fault is in his understanding, and not in his intention. The blindness of what is called self-love. Excessive joy and sorrow are equally condemned.
1 Χαλεπα, και δυσιατα, ἡ και TO παραπαν aviata, αδικηματα. (See the Gorgias. )
2 Vid. Protagoram, p. 357.—H yap δι’ αμαθιαν, ἡ δι’ axpa- τειαν, ἡ δι᾿ αμῴοτερα Tov cwhpovew evdens ων, ζὴ ὁ Tas ανθρωπίψος
οχλος. p. 734,
304 NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 732. A life of virtue is preferable! to any other, even with respect to its pleasures. (This passage is admirable. )
P. 736. The method of purgation requisite in form- ing a society, in order to clear it of its noxious parts, either by punishments, or by sending out colonies.
P. 737. The number of citizens limited. Equal - division of lands among them. ‘The institution of temples and sacred rites, in which nothing of novelty is to be permitted, nor the slightest alteration 2 made ; but ancient opinions and traditions are to be religiously followed. Festivals and general assemblies serve to familiarise the citizens to one another, and to bring the whole people acquainted with the temper and character of each particular man.
P. 739. The recommendation of his first scheme of government laid down in the book de Republica, in which all things are in common; and the whole state, their possessions, their families, their passions,’ are so united as that they may all act together, like the facul- ties of a single person. The present scheme comes next to it in perfection.
The number of the shares allotted to the citizens is never to be diminished nor increased. Each man is to choose one among his sons who is to succeed to his portion ; the rest to be given in adoption to those who have none of their own. The supreme magistrate is to
1 Vid. de Republica, p. 581. L. 9. Philebum, p. 61. et Protagoram. 2 Tourwy Νομοθετῃ To σμικροτατον ἅπαντων οὐδὲν κινΉΤεον.
3 Vid. de Republ. L. ὅ. p. 462.
DE LEGIBUS. 305
preside over this equality, and to preserve it. If the number of children exceed the number of shares, he may send out a colony; if it fall short, he may (in cases of great necessity) introduce the sons of foreigners. No alienation of lands to be permitted.
P. 741. The increase of fortune by commerce is to be prohibited, and the use of gold or silver small money, of a species not valued, nor in request with other people, only permitted for the ordinary uses of life. The com- mon coin of Greece is to be in the hands of the publick, or employed only on occasion of an embassy, or of an expedition into foreign states. No private person may go abroad without leave of the government; and if he bring back with him any foreign money, he must deposit it in the hands of the magistrate, or he, and all who are privy to the concealment, shall forfeit twice the value, and incur disgrace.
P. 742. No securities shall be given among citizens in any case: no fortune paid on a marriage ; no money lent on interest.
The folly of a legislator who thinks of making a great, a flourishing, a rich, and a happy state, without regard to the virtue! of the inhabitants.
P. 743. The inconsistency of great wealth ? and of great virtue. The good men will never acquire any thing by unjust means, nor ever refuse to be at any expense on decent and honest occasions. He, there- fore, who scruples * not to acquire by fair and by unfair
1 Vid. L. 4. p. 707.
2 V. de Republ. L. 4. p. 421. and L. 8. p. 552.
3 Ἢ ex δικαίου καὶ αδικου κτησις πλεον ἡ διπλασια εστι τῆς EK
του δικαιου μονον᾽ Ta τε ἀαναλωματα μὴτε καλως MNTE αἰσχρως
VOL, IV. Χ
306 NOTES ON PLATO.
means, and will be at no expense on any occasion, must naturally be thrice as rich as the former. A good man will not lavish all he has in idle pleasures and prodi- gality ; he will not therefore be very poor. Business and! acquisition ought to employ no more of our time, than may be spared from the improvement of our mind and of our body.
P. 744. A colony cannot be formed of men perfectly equal in point of fortune ; it will be therefore necessary to divide the citizens into classes according to their circumstances, that they may pay impositions to the publick service in proportion to them. The wealthier members are also, ceteris paribus, to be preferred before others to offices and dignities of expense ; which will bring every one’s fortune gradually to a level.
Four such classes to be instituted: the first worth the value of his land, the fourth, four times as much. Above or below this proportion no one is to go, on pain of forfeiture and disgrace: therefore, the substance of every man is to be publickly enrolled, under the inspec- tion of a magistracy.
P. 745. The division of the country. Every man’s lot is to consist of two half-shares, the one near the city, the other near the frontier: every one also is to have two houses, likewise within the city, the one near the midst of it, the other near the walls. The country is to be divided into twelve tribes, and the city into as εθελοντα αναλισκεσθαι των κάλων, και evs καλα εθελοντων δαπα- νᾶσθαι διπλασιως ελαττονα. ---ΑΟὐκ εἰσιν δι παμπλουσιοι αἀγαθοι, εἰ de μη αγαθοι, ovde ευδαιμονες.
1 Ὅποσα μὴ χρηματιΐζομενον αναγκασεῖεν ἀμελειν, ὧν ενεκὰ πέφυκε TA χρηματα᾽ TavTa δ᾽ εστι ψυχὴ και σωμα.
DE LEGIBUS. 307
many regions ; and each of them to be dedicated to its several divinity.
P. 746. An apology for this scheme, which to some will seem impracticable.
P. 747. The great difference of climates and of situations, and the sensible effects which they produce not on the bodies alone, but on the souls of men, are stated.
THE END OF THE FIFTH BOOK.
* * * * *
It is matter of just but unavailing regret, that Mr. Gray proceeded no further in his analysis and annota- tions on the books of Plato De Legibus.—{ Marutas. |
THE EPISTLES. Ed. Serrani, H. Steph. 1578. Vol. 3. p. 309, &c.
-DiocEnEs Larrtivs, who lived probably about the time of Septimius Severus, in the catalogue he gives us of Plato’s works, counts thirteen epistles, and enumerates their titles, by which they appear to be the same as those which we now have. Yet we are not thence to conclude them to be all genuine alike. Fictions of this kind are far more ancient than that author’s time; and his judgment and accuracy were not sufficient to distinguish the true from the false, as plainly appears from those palpable forgeries, the letters of the seven sages, which yet easily passed upon him as genuine.
EPISTLE 1. To Dionysius. Ol. 108. 2. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 309.
This letter is not from Plato, but from his favourite scholar, the famous Dion; nor is it possible that the philosopher himself could have any hand in it, he being with Dionysius at Syracuse (as he tells us himself) when Dion was forced away, and continuing there some time after. It is sent by Baccheus, who
THE EPISTLES. 309
had conducted Dion on his way, together with a sum of money which Dionysius had ordered to be given to him for his expenses, which he returns to the tyrant with much contempt. The spirit of it and the senti- ments are not amiss; and yet it is not very consistent with the indignation which Dion must have felt, and with the suddenness of the occasion, to end his letter with three scraps of poetry, though never so well applied. To say the truth, I much doubt of this epistle, and the more so, as it contradicts a fact in Plutarch, who assures us, that at the same time when Dion was hurried away, his friends were permitted to load two ships with his wealth and furniture, and to transport them to him in Peloponnesus, besides which 1 his revenues were regularly remitted to him, till Plato went into Sicily for the last time, which was at least six years after.
EPISTLE II. To Dionysius. Ol. 105. 1. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 310.
This epistle appears to have been written soon after Plato’s return? from his third voyage to Syracuse, and the interview which he had with Dion at the olympick games, which he himself mentions, Epist. 7. p. 350. and in this place also. Archedemus, who brought the
letter from Dionysius, and returned with this answer,
1 Ov πολὺν xpovoy διαλιπων, &c. Plato, Ep. 7. p. 345.
2 The reasons for placing the voyages of Plato so early, and Dion’s banishment so different from the chronology of Diodorus, will appear in the observations on Plato’s seventh epistle.
310 NOTES ON PLATO.
was a friend and follower of Archytas, the Pythagorean of Tarentum (Epist. 7. p. 339.), but was himself prob- ably a Syracusan; at least he had a house in that city where Plato was lodged, after he had been turned out of the citadel. (Ibid. p. 349.) He was sent on board a ship of war (with Dionysius’s letters of invita- tion to Plato, wherein he pressed him to come the third time into Sicily), as a person well known and much esteemed by the philosopher, and he is mentioned as present in the gardens of the palace at an interview which Plato had with Dionysius, about three weeks before he returned home again. (Ep. 3. sub fin.)
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 311. Δοξαν exwv πολυ των εν φιλοσοφιᾳ diade- . petv.| It may be observed that Plato’s reputation was at the height before he went to the court of the younger Dionysius, that is, before he was sixty-two years of age.
P. 312. Αλλα de εσπουδακας.} In the intervals between Plato’s two last voyages, Dionysius had been philosophizing with Archytas and others, and perhaps with Aristippus. See Ep. 7. 338.
Ib. Φραστεον δη σοι de αινιγμων.] We see here that Plato, as well as the Pythagoreans whom he imitated in many respects, made a mystery of his art: for none but adepts were to understand him. It was by conversation only that he cared to communicate himself on these subjects.2_ In the seventh epistle he
1 See Theodoret, Serm. 1. ad. Grecos.
2 And in the end of this very epistle, p. 314. Oud’ εστι avy- γραμμα Πλατωνος οὐδεν, ovd’ ectar' τὰ δὲ νυν λεγομενα DwKparous
THE EPISTLES. 311
professes never to have written any thing on philo- sophy ; and all that has been published in his name he attributes to Socrates. As I am not initiated, it is no wonder if this passage is still a riddle to me, as it was designed to be. Thus much one may divine indeed ; namely, that it is a description of the Supreme Being, who is the cause and end of all things, which is an answer to Dionysius’s first question ; the second seems to be concerning the origin of evil, which Plato does not explain, but refers to a conversation which they had had before.
P. 314. Φιλιστιωνι.}] Philistio was a Syracusan,} famous for his knowledge in physick: Eudoxus of Gnidos, a person accomplished in various kinds of learning, was his scholar in this art. Diog. Laert. L. 8. c. 86.
Ib, Σπευσιππὼ.] Speusippus had accompanied his uncle Plato into Sicily, and continued there after him ; where (as Plutarch? says) he thoroughly acquainted him- self with the temper and inclinations of the city, and was a principal promoter of Dion’s expedition.
Ib, Tov ex τῶν Λατομιῶν.)] This was some prisoner of state, as it seems, who was confined in those horrid εστί, καλου kat veou yeyovoros: which is a remarkable passage. This is alluded to by Theodoret, Serm. 1. Vol. 4. ed. Simondi. See Epist. 7. p. 341. Ουκουν ewov ye περι autwy εστι συγγραμμα ουδὲ μήποτε γενηται, &c. See also Atheneus, L. 15. p. 702.
1 Atheneus, who cites him L. 3. p. 115. calls him a Locrian, as does Plutarch, Sympos. L. 7. Quest. 1. Maprupwr τω Πλατωνι, προσκαλοῦμαι Φιλιστιωνα tov Λοκρον, ev μαλα παλαιον avdpa, και λαμπρὸν ἀπὸ τῆς τεχνὴς ὕμων yevouevov. See also Rufus Ephe-
sius, p. 31. so that this seems the more probable. 2 Plutarch in Dione.
312 NOTES ON PLATO.
caverns, the Latomiz, which was the publick dungeon of the Syracusans, being a vast quarry in that part of the city, called the Epipole. Thucydides L. 7. and various other! authors speak of this place. Tully particularly describes it in the fifth oration against Verres. See Cluverii Sicilia Antiqua. L. 1. p. 149.
EPISTLE III. To Dionysius. Ol. 105. 4, Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 315.
This epistle, like those to the friends of Dion after- wards, was apparently written to be made publick ; and is a justification of Plato’s conduct, as well as an invective against the cruelty and falsehood of Diony- sius. -The beginning of the letter is a reproach, the more keen for being somewhat disguised ; and in the rest of it, he observes no longer any measures with the tyrant: whence I conclude, that it was written after that Dion’s expedition against him was professedly begun, and perhaps after his entry into Syracuse, parti- cularly from that expression, p. 315. Nov de Διωνα διδασκοιμι δρᾶν αὐτὰ TavTa, Kat τοις duavonpace τοις
σοις τὴν σὴν ἀρχὴν αφαιρουμεθα σε. κτλ.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. P. 315. Ev zparrew.] This address of letters was first used by Plato instead of Χαιρειν, the common form
of salutation. Th. Tas δε EAAnvidas πολεις οικιζειν.] The Greek
1 Alian. Var. Hist. L. 12. c. 44.
THE EPISTLES. 313
cities, which had been either totally destroyed, or dis- mantled, and miserably oppressed by the Carthaginians and by the elder Dionysius, were Himera, Agrigentum, Gela, Camerina, Messana, Naxus, Catana, and Leontini.
P. 315. Ὕπο Φιλιστιδου.] I doubt not but it should be read Φιλιστου. Philistus, who had married a natural daughter of Leptines, the king’s uncle, and commanded his fleet, was an inveterate enemy of Plato. He had been recalled from his banishment in Italy, on purpose to oppose Dion and his friends. (Plutarch in Dione.)
Ib. Χαιρε καὶ ἡδομενον.) The addresses to the Delphick Apollo, as well as his answers, were often in verse. This of Dionysius seems to have been sent on account of Dion’s first successes in Sicily.
P. 316. Νόμων προοιμια.}] Syracuse had been governed ever since Ol. 91. 4. by the laws of Diocles, whose history and character Diodorus gives us. (L. 13. ce. 33. and 35.) Plato began to form a new body of them, but his quarrel with Dionysius, and afterwards the murder of Dion, and the tumults which followed, hindered his system from being brought to any degree of perfection. Timoleon was happier in his great attempt; he restored Syracuse to its liberty, and, with the advice of Cephalus the Corinthian, supplied and amended the laws of Diocles: and afterwards, in the reign of Hiero, they were again revised or corrected by Polylarus. Yet these were only looked on as Egnyyntat tov Νομων ; Diocles alone bore the title of Νομοθετης, and had publick honours paid to him as to a hero. His laws were adopted by several other cities in the island, and continued in use down to the times
314 NOTES ON PLATO.
of Julius Cesar (which is about three hundred and sixty-eight years) when the Sicilians received the Jus Latii.
P. 316. Ev ἡλικίᾳ de ovtos pern και καθεστηκυια. | Cornelius Nepos tells us that Dion was fifty-five years old at his death, so that he must have been about forty- one when Plato came the second time into Sicily. See also Epist. 7. p. 328. Ἥλικιας τε nbn μετρίως exov.
Ib. Σῴοδρα veov.| Dionysius was, I suppose, at least twenty years younger than Dion.
Ib. Πλευσαι μεν οἰκαδε ἐεμε.] I defer examining into the time of Plato’s voyages into Sicily, and his stay there, that I may do it all at once when I come to the seventh epistle.
P. 317. Τὴν θ᾽ ἡλικιαν) Plato was then about sixty-seven years old.
P. 318. ξυνεχης.] Read, ξυνεχη τω νυν yevopeviw' this is his apology to the first accusation ; he has said in the beginning, zpos δυω δὴ μοι διττας ἀναγκαῖον ποιησασθαι απολογιας.
P. 319. Θυκουν παιδευθεντα (εφησθα) γεωμετρειν : ἡ wos;| I do not understand the meaning of this insult at all: it relates, however, to the advice which Plato had ventured to give him, that he should lighten the load of the Syracusans, and voluntarily limit his own power.
THE EPISTLES. 315
EPISTLE IV. To Dion. Ol. 105. 4. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 320.
This was written probably the same year with the former, or the beginning of the next, on account of those differences which Dion had with Heraclides and his uncle Theodotes, who at last drove him out of Syra- cuse: their history may be seen in the seventh epistle, and in Plutarch.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Ρ. 320. Tyv ἐμὴν προθυμιαν.] Plato, after all his ill usage from Dionysius, expressed some backwardness to join in the expedition against him, as appears Ep. 7. p. 350. where he expresses some little tenderness which he retained for him, when he reflected on their former familiarity ; and that the king amidst all his anger and suspicions, had attempted on his life: how- ever, when he saw Dion engaged, he joined in the cause with great zeal, and assisted him with all his power.
Ib. Αναιρεθεντος.] This seems to fix the time to Ol. 106. 1. for when Dionysius had sailed away to Locri, and his son Apollocrates had surrendered the citadel, it was natural to imagine that his empire was at an end.
P. 320. ἔνδεεστερως tov προσήκοντος θεραπευτικος.] Piutarch cites this passage in Dion’s life ; and another in the same epistle.
Ib. To Se νῦν ὕπαρχον περι σε, ἄς. as above.
316 NOTES ON PLATO.
EPISTLE V. To Perpiccas. Ol. 103. 4, Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 321.
Perdiccas, the second son of Amyntas, succeeded to the crown of Macedon, after the death of his brother in law, Ptolemy of Alorus, Ol. 103. 4. There seem to have been ancient ties of hospitality and of friend- ship between the royal family of Macedon, from Archelaus’s time, and the principal literati of Athens. Plato here recommends his friend and scholar, Eu- phreeus, a native of Oreus in Eubcea, to be of Perdiccas’s council, and his secretary. He grew into the highest favour with Perdiccas, and was trusted with the entire management of all his affairs. He used his power arbitrarily enough. Caristius,! of Pergamus, gives the following instance of it; that, he would not suffer any one to sit at the king’s table, who was ignorant of geometry or of philosophy. And yet to Plato and to Euphreus did the great Philip of Macedon owe his succession to the kingdom, (as ?Speusippus writes in a letter to Philip reproaching him with his ingratitude,) for by them was his brother Perdiccas persuaded to bestow on him some districts as an appanage, where, after his death, Philip was enabled to raise troops, and to recover the kingdom. Euphreus, upon the death of his master, having rendered himself hateful to the principal Macedonians, was obliged, as it seems, to retire into his own country ; where, soon
1 Ap. Atheneum, L. 11. sub fin. p. 506. and 508. 2 Ap. Atheneum, ut supra.
THE EPISTLES. 317
after Philip was settled on the throne, Parmenio was ordered to murder him.
Ficinus and H. Stephanus, finding in the margin of some manuscripts this fifth epistle ascribed to Dion, and not to Plato, seem inclined to admit that correc- tion, but without reason. Plato has in his other un- doubted epistles spoken of himself, as he has done in this, in the third person. He is here apologising for his recommendation of a man, who was to have a share in the administration of a kingdom. Some may object (says he), ‘‘How should Plato be a competent judge, he who has never meddled in the government of his own country, nor thought himself fit to advise his own citizens?” He answers this by shewing his reasons for such a conduct ; but the last sentence, Tavrov dy opar δρᾶσαι, &e. is not at all clear. The thought is the very same with that in the famous seventh epistle to Dion’s friends, (Eyw tov συμβουλευοντα ανδρι καμνοντι, ἄς. p. 330.) but some principal word seems to be omitted; perhaps after δρᾶσαι av should be inserted ιατρικον ανδρα, or τατρον ayalov.
EPISTLE VI. To Hermetras, ErAstus, AND Coriscus. . The date not settled. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 322.
This letter, cited by Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom. L. 5.) and by Origen (contra Celsum, L. 6.), Menage! tells us is no longer extant among the epistles of Plato,
1 Ad. Diog. Laertium, L. 3. c. 57. See also Card. Quirini Decas Epistolarum Rome 1748. 4to. p. 23.
318 NOTES ON PLATO.
and is supposed to be a fiction of the Christians. Bentley’ had reason to wonder at the negligence of that critick, who did not know that the epistle was still preserved: and he adds, that there is no cause to believe the letter not to be genuine, as there are pass- ages in the Dialogues themselves as favourable to the Christian opinions, as any thing in this epistle. The passage, which those Fathers cite, is at the end of the letter, and has indeed much the air of a forgery. I do not know any passages in the Dialogues? equally sus- picious ; nor do I see why it might not be tacked to the end of an undoubtedly original letter: there is nothing else here but what seems genuine.
Erastus and Coriscus were followers of Plato, and born at Scepsis,? a city of Troas, seated on mount Ida, not far from the sources of the Scamander and of the fEsepus : they seem to have attained a principal autho-
1 Bentley in Phileleuthero Lipsiensi.
2 Vid. de Republ. L. 6. p. 506. Ex-yovos τε του Ayabou, και ὁμοιοτατος exeww .. . ὁ τόκος. By which he means the idea of Himself, which the Sovereign Good has bestowed on us, and which is the cause of knowledge and of truth. The Supreme Good itself he calls “O Πατήρ, and compares him to the sun, ὁ Kupios του φωτος. Vid. et ibid. L. 7. p. 516.
3 Vid. Strabonem, L. 13. p. 602. and 607. The Coriscus here mentioned had a son called Neleus, a follower of Aristotle and a particular friend of Theophrastus, who left his library (in which was contained all that Aristotle had ever written, in the original manuscript) to him, when he died. It continued in the possession of his family at Scepsis, about one hundred and fifty years, when Apellicon of Teos purchased and trans- ferred it to Athens, whence, soon after, Sylla carried it to Rome. (Strabo, L. 13. p. 602. and 607; Plutarch in Sylla, and Diog. Laert. in Theophrasto.)
THE EPISTLES, 319
rity in their little state, and Plato recommends to them here to cultivate the friendship of Hermias their neigh- bour, and sovereign of Assus and Atarneus, two strong towns on the coast of the Sinus Adramyttenus near the foot of Ida. Coriscus had also been scholar to Plato,! though an eunuch, and slave to Eubulus, a Bythynian and abanker. His master having found means to erect a little principality in the places before mentioned, made Hermias his heir. He gave his niece Pythias in mar- riage to Aristotle, who lived with him near three years, till Ol. 107. 4. about which time Memnon? the Rho- dian, general to the Persian king, by a base treachery * got him into his hands, and sending him to court he was there hanged. (Strabo, L. 13. p. 610. and Suidas.) Aristotle wrote his epitaph, and a beautiful ode® or hymn in honour to his memory, which are still ® extant.
1 So Strabo tells us; but Plato himself says, that he had never conversed with him. ‘Oca μηπω ξυγγεγονοτι, το. infra.
2 Or Mentor, his brother, according to Diodorus, L. 16. ce. 52. which is right. See Aristot. Giconomic. ap. Leon. Aretinum, L. 2. ¢. 38.
3 Probably he had taken part in the grand rebellion of the Satrapee against the Persian king (which caused their indigna- tion), and had shaken off his dependency.
4 See Antholog. Gr. p. 526. Ed. H. Stephani. It was in- scribed on a cenotaph erected to him and Eubulus jointly by Aristotle ; for which piece of gratitude Theocritus of Chios has abused him in a satirical epigram: Antholog. ib. p. 523.
Ἕρμειου evvovxou 75’ EvBovNov aua δουλου Σημα Kevov κενοῴρων τευξεν Apiororedns.
5 Vid. Atheneum, L. 15. p. 696. and Diog. Laert. L. 5. in Aristotele.
6 After the words, wadiora μὲν αθροους" εἰ δε μη, insert Kara δυο κοινῇ, from the Vatican MSS. (See Montfaucon Bibl.
sibliothecarum, p. 2.)
320 NOTES ON PLATO.
NOTE ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 323. Ὁ ears δικαιον.) There I take the true epistle to end; as what follows is very extraordinary as to the sense and the expression: Tov te ἥγεμονος kat autiov Ilarepa Κύυριον, ὃν---εἰσομεθα σάφως, εἰς δυναμιν ανθρωπων ευδαιμονων.
EPISTLE VII. ΤῸ THE FrIENDS AND RELATIONS oF DION. OL 105.°4: Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 323.
Callippus, after the treacherous murder of Dion, was attacked in Syracuse by the friends of that great man, but they were worsted by him and his party; and, being driven out, they fled to the Leontini, and he maintained his power in the city for thirteen months, (Diodor. Sic. L. 16. c. 36.) till | Hipparinus, nephew to Dion, and half-brother to Dionysius, found means to assemble troops ; and while Callippus was engaged in the siege of Catana, he, at the head of Dion’s party, re-entered Syracuse, and kept possession of it for two years. At the end of which time Hipparinus, in a drunken debauch, was assassinated, but by whom I do not find; and his younger brother, Nyszeus, succeeded to his power, and made the most arbitrary use of it for
1 See Theopompus ap. Atheneum, L. 10. p. 435. and 436. where we should correct the mistake of Atheneus, and of lian, who call Apollocrates son to the elder Dionysius; for he was
(as Plutarch often repeats) the eldest son of the younger Dionysius.
THE EPISTLES, 321
near five years ; when Dionysius, returning from Locri, (see Plutarch in the life of Timoleon,) became once more master of Syracuse, and, as it seems, put Nyszeus to death.
Who were the friends of Dion to whom Plato writes, is hard to enumerate: the principal were his son! Hipparinus, and his sister’s son, likewise called Hip- parinus, and his brother, Megacles, if living, though I rather imagine he had been killed in the course of the war before the death of Dion; and Hicetas, who after- wards was tyrant of the Leontines.
Plato was about forty years of age, when first he came to Syracuse. His fortieth year was Ol. 97. 4.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Ρ, 323. ὥχεδον etn τετταράκοντα yeyovws.| Plato was about forty years of age, when he first came to Syracuse: his fortieth year was Olymp. 97. 4. Archonte ᾿ς Antipatro. Diodorus mentions the same fact three years later, but does not expressly say when it hap- pened ; and Dion was then in his twentieth year: con- sequently, Hipparinus was now about twenty. But whether the son of Dion, or his nephew, be here meant, is hard to distinguish ; if it could be proved to be the former, Plutarch would be convicted of a mis- take. (See the next Epistle.) We must read here, συμφωνον ποιήσειε, aS Serranus observes.
1 1 call him by the name of Hipparinus, because Timonides the Leucadian, a principal friend of Dion, assures us of it (ap. Plutarch.), and his testimony must doubtless be preferred to that of Timeus, who gives this youth the name of Aretzus. See Plato’s eighth Epistle.
¥OuL, TY. 3
922 NOTES ON PLATO.
Ρ, 324. Μεταβολὴ γιγνεται.1] This great change in the Athenian constitution took place, when Plato was in his twenty-fifth year.
Th, ‘Evéexa μεν ev Acre, dexa δ᾽ ev ἸΠ]ειραιεῖ.] The “Evoexa were a magistracy, to whom persons condemned to death were consigned, and who presided over the prisons and executions. Those who bore this office under the Thirty were their creatures, and at the head of them was Satyrus, whom Xenophon calls, ὁ θρασυ- τατος avTwv Kat avaidertatros. (See Xen. Hist. Greece. L. 2, p. 470. Ed. Leunclavii. 1625.) He seems upon some vacancy (possibly on the death of Theramenes) to have been afterwards elected one of the Thirty. (See Lysias in Nichomachum, p. 476. Ed. Taylori, and Palmerius ad locum.) The Ten, who commanded in the Pirzeus, were appointed by the authority of the Thirty, and were probably the accomplices of their guilt, (Xenoph. Hist. Grac. L. 2. p. 474 and 478.) being with them and the Eleven, were excepted out of the general amnesty.
Ib. Ovxerou καὶ yvwpipor.] Critias, a man as re- markable for the brightness of his parts as for the depravity of his manners and for the hardness of his heart, was Plato’s second cousin by the mother’s side ; and Charmides, the son of Glauco, was his uncle, brother to his mother, Perictione. The first was one of the Thirty, the latter one of the Ten, and both were slain in the same action. Plato’s family were deeply engaged in the oligarchy ; for Callzeschrus, (See Lysias in Eratosthenem, p. 215.) his great-uncle, had been a principal man in the Council of Four hundred. (Ol,
THE EPISTLES. 323
92. 1.) It is a strong proof of Plato’s honesty and resolution, that his nearest relations could not seduce him to share in their power, or in their crimes at that age. (Xenoph. Apomnemon. L. ὃ. ¢c. 6 and 7, and in Symposio.) His uncle, though a great friend of Socrates and of a very amiable character, had not the same strength of mind.
P. 324, Ext twa των πολιτων.) The Thirty, during the short time of their magistracy, which was less than a year, put fifteen hundred persons to death, (Isocr. Orat. Areopagitic. Ed. A. Steph. 1593, p. 153.) most of whom were innocent, and they obliged about five thousand more to fly. The prisoner here meant was Leo, the Salaminian. (See Apolog. p. 32.)
P. 326. Aeyew τε ηναγκασθην) These are the sentiments which he has explained at large in his Πολιτειαι, (L. 5. p. 472, &e.) and one would thence imagine that he had written, and perhaps published that celebrated work before his first voyage to Sicily, and consequently before he was forty years old. It is certain, that there are some scenes in the ExxAynoua- ᾧουσαι of Aristophanes, (ver. 568 &c. Ed. Kusteri.) which seem intended to ridicule the system of Plato, and the Scholia affirm that it was written with that view. If so, he must have finished it, when he was thirty-five years of age, or earlier, for that comedy was played Ol. 96. 4.
P. 327, Eis Συρακουσας ὅτι ταχιστα ελθειν εμε.} Hence, and from Plutarch, it is certain that Plato was invited into Sicily immediately after the death of the elder Dionysius, which happened Ol. 103. 1. so that
924 NOTES ON PLATO.
we must necessarily place his second voyage to Syracuse that very year, or the next at farthest; and it is as sure, that, four months after his arrival, happened the quarrel between Dionysius and Dion, and the banish- ment of the latter. I cannot but observe the inaccuracy of Diodorus, who says that this last event happened Ol. 105. 3. which is a mistake of at least ten years. See also Aulus Gellius, L. 17. c. 21. who is likewise mistaken in placing this voyage of Plato after the year 400 of Rome, and after the birth of Alexander.— Hence we see the folly of trusting to compilers where we might recur to original authors.
P, 328. Ovk 7 τινες cdo€afov.]| Plato had been most severely reflected upon for passing his time at the court of Dionysius. Athenzeus (a very contempt- ible writer, though his book is highly valuable for the numberless fragments of excellent authors, now lost, of which it is composed) has taken care to preserve abundance of scandal on this head. L, 11. p. 507. and see Laertius in his life. This and the third Epistle are his justification of himself, and are written with a design to clear his character.
Ib. ἔλθοι rap’ ipas fevywv.| Read παρ᾽ ἡμᾶς.
P. 330, Mera δὲ tovro ἀπεδημησα.] We are not informed how long Plato staid, after Dion was sent away, but probably many months; the preceding account of Dionysius’s treatment of him implies as much.
P. 331. Ilarepa δὲ ove ὅσιον.] Cicero alludes to this sentiment, and to that of the same in the 5th Epistle, in his Letter to Lentulus, L. 1. ad Familiares, Ep. 1. ‘Id enim jubet idem ille Plato, quem ego
THE EPISTLES. 325
vehementer auctorem sequor,” &c., where he expresses the thought, but not the words.
P. 331. TloAcrevas μεταβολης.] Insert περι, or évexa.
P. 332, Αδελῴων, ovs εθρεψε.}]} Leptines and Thearides.
Ib, Tov Mydov και Evvovxov.| He follows some history, in this transaction,’ seemingly different from Herodotus and Ctesias. The Mede is Smerdis, one of the Magi, which was an order of men instituted in Media; and to carry on so strange a cheat as that usurpation, it is sure that the concurrence of the eunuchs of the palace must have been necessary ; but what particular eunuch he means is hard to say. Ctesias says, that the counterfeit Tanyoxarces was betrayed to the conspirators by his eunuchs.
P. 333. Ὃ πατὴρ avtov φορον εταξατο φερειν τοις BapBapos.] The elder Dionysius being defeated by the Carthaginians at Cronium, in a great battle, Ol. 99. 2. was forced to make peace on their terms, and engaged to pay them one thousand talents. Fifteen years afterwards he engaged with them in another war, and lost one hundred and thirty of his best ships, which they surprised, and took or destroyed in the bay of Eryx or Drepanum: he died the same year, and left his son with this war upon his hands. Thus far Dio- dorus, L. 15, ο. 17 and 73. Whether the Carthaginians had offered peace on condition of a new tribute, or had never been paid the old one, we can only guess from this expression of Plato; yet I am inclined to think, both from the third Epistle and from this, that Dionysius the father had agreed to a peace before his death, and
326 NOTES ON PLATO.
consented to pay a tribute to Carthage; and that his son entered not again into the war till two or three years afterwards, which lasted probably not three years. We must not wonder if we find little account of this in Diodorus, as he has said nothing at all of the eight first years of Dionysius the younger ; only in the ninth year (which is Ol. 105. 2.) he tells us that he made peace with Carthage and the Lucanians: but it does not, by the narration, appear to be a transaction of that year, but rather makes part of a summary account of what had passed since his father’s death. That peace was certainly made about four years earlier than Diodorus seems to have placed it,
P. 333, Azedwxev avtos dis τὴν πολιν) Have a care of correcting this passage, as Serranus has done, who reads instead of dis, Δίων. It is again repeated in the next, or eighth Epistle, p. 355. Eyw δὲ azo τυραννων νυν dus. He twice preserved Syracuse, first ‘by driving out Dionysius, and afterwards by beating Nypsius, the Neapolitan. See Plutarch.
Ib. Αδελῴω dvw.] They were Callippus and Philo- crates, or (as some MSS. of Cornelius Nepos have it) Philostratus.
P. 336. “Αὐτὴ παντὰα to δευτερον.] “Αὐτὴ seems to agree with ayaa, Either a word is lost, or the sentence is an example of that ανακολουθια, which is not uncom- mon with Attick writers. ,
P. 338. Ὅτι yepwv τε evnv.] Plato was then about sixty-six years old.
P. 339. Ta νομιμα.}] The usual salutations and compliments at the beginning of a letter.
THE EPISTLES. 327
P. 340. Tos των Lapaxovepatrwv peoros.| This word (Ilapaxovepa) means a transitory application to any science, sufficient to give a superficial tincture of knowledge, but neither deep, nor lasting. Such pro- ficients Plato calls, δοξαις erixeypwopevor,
P. 342. I know not what to say to this very un- common opinion of Plato, that no philosopher should put either his system, or the method of attaining to a knowledge of it, into writing. The arguments he brings in support of it are obscure beyond my compre- hension. All I conceive is, that he means to shew, how inadequate words are to express our ideas, and how poor a representation even our ideas are of the essence of things. What he says, on the bad effects which a half-strained and superficial knowledge pro- duces in ordinary minds, is certainly very just and very fine. See the Phedrus, p. 274 to p. 276, where he, compares all written arts to the gardens of Adonis, which look gay and verdant, but, having no depth of earth, soon wither away. Lord Bacon expresses him- self strongly on this head. ‘‘Homines per sermones sociantur ; at verba ex captu vulgi imponuntur : itaque mala et inepta verborum impositio miris modis intel- lectum obsidet. Neque definitiones aut explicationes, quibus homines docti se munire et vindicare in nonnullis consueverunt, rem ullo modo restituunt, sed verba plané vim faciunt intellectui, et omnia turbant, et homines ad inanes et innumeras controversias deducunt.” (Nov. Organ. L. 1. aphorism 43 and 59.)
P. 342. Ονομα.] Is the name of a thing; Λογος is the definition, or verbal description of its properties ;
328 NOTES ON PLATO.
K.dwAor, its representation by a figure to our senses ; ᾿πιστημη, the mental comprehension, or the complete and just idea of it: what the to πέμπτον is, I do not know, except it be the perfect notion of things, such as it exists in the mind of the Divinity.
P. 343. I put a comma after καὶ ταῦτα εἰς apera- κινητον, and read, ὁ te On πασχει" &e.
P. 344. We here learn that Dionysius had written a, treatise on philosophy.
Ρ, 345, AdeAdidov avrov.| Arete, Dion’s wife, was half-sister to Dionysius, consequently, Hipparinus, her son, was his nephew.
P. 345. Ittw Zevs, φησιν ὃ Θηβαιος.7 That is ᾿ς Pindar, as I imagine; though I find not the expres- sion in any of his odes extant. It was a common phrase with the Beeotians, Irrw ἫἭρακλης, ὑττω Zevs. See Aristophan. Acharn. v. 911. the French use ‘‘ Dieu scait,” and we say, ‘‘God knows,” in the same manner.
P. 346. Καρπουσθω de Διων.] Let him receive the rents, or interest, but let him not touch the principal.
Ib. Kus δὲ wpas.] The next summer, when the season returns for sailing.
P. 348. Theodotes was uncle to Heraclides, as Plutarch says: and I imagine that Euribius was his brother. See the life of Dion.
P. 349. Kus την Kapyyndovwwv επικρατειαν.] Sicily was then divided between the Carthaginians and the Syracusans.
P. 350. Twv ὑπηρεσιων.] Athenians that served on board the fleet of Dionysius for hire.
Tb. Π]εμπουσι τριακοντορον.] The Tarentine de-
THE EPISTLES. 329
puties were Lamiscus and Photidas. The original letter in the Dorick dialect is preserved by Diogenes Laertius in his life of Plato.
Ib. Eis OAvpriav Awva καταλαβὼν Oewpodvra. | Hence we may settle pretty exactly the time of Plato’s third voyage. It is plain that he landed (on his return) in Peloponnesus, and immediately went to Olympia, where the games were then celebrating, to acquaint Dion with what so nearly concerned him. This must be Ol. 105. 1. It could not be earlier, because there is not time from the death of Dionysius the elder for all that happened, according to Plato’s own account, in his two voyages and in the interval between them. He went not to Syracuse at soonest before Ol. 103. 1. and probably not till the year fol- lowing: he staid there at least a year, and came back because of the war which broke out in Sicily. When that was over (and it could not well be determined in less than one campaign) Dionysius invited him back again. He hesitated a full year, and then went ; and he spent a year and upwards at Syracuse, before he returned : all which must be, on the least computation, above five years. Besides the improbability that Dion, after he lost: his revenues, and was deprived of his wife, should be near seven years before he attempted to right him- self. As I have placed it, he was near three years in preparing for his design, which he executed Ol. 105. 4. as Diodorus tells us, and which Plutarch confirms, reckoning forty-eight years from the establishment of Dionysius the elder’s tyranny to Dion’s entry into Syracuse. He began to reign Ol. 93. 4. from which
330 NOTES ON PLATO.
to Ol. 105. 4. is just forty-eight years. See Xenoph. Grec. Hist. L. 2. p. 460. and Dodwell’s Annals. It was in the beginning of the year, for Plutarch tells us that it was the midst of summer, the Etesian winds then blowing ; and the olympick year began after the summer solstice. - If then Plato came to Olympia, Ol. 105. 1. he must have gone to Syracuse towards the end of Ol. 104. 3. for, from his own account, he must have passed a year or more there,
EPISTLE VIII. To tHe Frienps or Dion. Ol. 106. 4.
From a passage in this epistle (p. 354. τον των Kqopwv dacpov.) it appears that Plato, as well as Herodotus, makes Lycurgus the author of the institu- tion of the Hphori, and not Theopompus, as late writers do. See Aristot. Politic. L. 5. ο. 11.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT,
P. 352. IAnv εὐτις avrwv ανοσιουργος yeyove.| He means those engaged in the murder of Dion, Callippus and his brother, and their party.
Ρ. 353, Κινδυνος eyevero exyatos.| When they had sacked the rich and powerful city of Agrigentum, and demolished it. (Diodorus, L. 13.)
Ib. Ortxwv.] The ancient inhabitants of Campania, particularly that country which lies round the Bay of Naples. (Aristot. Politic. L. 8. 6. 10.) In a passage cited from Aristotle by Dionysius Halicarnassensis (L. 1. p. 57. ed. Huds. Oxon. 1704.), he seems to extend
THE EPISTLES. 331
the name to all the inhabitants of that coast to the south of the Tuscans. Aristotle mentions the Opici as the same people with the Ausones; but Polybius judged them to be a distinct people. (See Strabo, L. 5. p. 242.) The Siculi probably might speak the same tongue, having been driven out of Italy (Thucyd. L. 6. p. 349.) by these Opici some years after the Trojan war, and settling in a part of this Island. This name grew into a term of reproach, which the more polished Greeks bestowed upon the Romans, as Cato the censor complains in Pliny, L. 29. ο. 1. ““Nos quoque dictant barbaros, et spurcilis nos quam alios Opizcos appellatione foedant ;” and in time it became a Latin word to signify barbarous and illiterate. (See Tullius Tyro ap. Aul. Gell. L. 13. ο. 9. “Ita ut nostri Opict putaverunt, ce.)
P. 354, Tous dexa στρατηγους κατελευσαν.) This fact is contrary to Diodorus, who only tells us, that the generals were deposed; (L. 13. c. 92.) and that afterwards, Daphnzeus, the chief of them, and Demar- chus (who were both enemies to Dionysius) were put to death (Ib. c. 96.); neither does he inform us of what we are here told, that Hipparinus, the father of Dion, was joined in commission with Dionysius, both being elected Στρατηγοι avroxparopes, and both called Tvpavvot, (See Aristot. Politic. L. 5. ο. 6.)
P. 355. Tov ἐμὸν ὗιον.) This directly contradicts both Plutarch and Cornelius Nepos, who particularly describe the tragical end of Hipparinus, Dion’s son, when just arrived at man’s estate. All that story, and the apparition which preceded it, must be false, if this
332 NOTES ON PLATO.
epistle be genuine, which I see no reason, but this, for doubting. The only way to reconcile the matter is, by supposing that Plato might here mean the infant son of Dion, who was born after his father’s death; and who was not yet destroyed by Hicetas, for Plutarch intimates, that he continued to treat both the child and its mother well for a considerable time after the expulsion of Callippus. What makes against this sup- position is, that in the end of this letter, p. 357. he speaks of Dion’s son, as of a person fit to judge of, and to approve, the scheme of government which he has proposed to all parties.
P. 356. Ἕκων τὴν πολιν eXevepot.] Here we see that Hipparinus, the son of Dionysius the elder by Aristomache, had put himself at the head of Dion’s party, and supported the war against his brother.
EPISTLE IX. To Arcuytas. The date not settled. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 317.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 357. Ov δυνασαι ty περι Ta Kowa ἀσχολιας αἀπολυ- Onvat.| Archytas was seven times elected Zrparyyos of Tarentum, which was then a democracy.
Ib. Kakewvo det σε ἐνθυμέξισθαι, ὅτι ἕκαστος ἥμων οὐκ ἅυτω μονον γέγονεν, aAAa THS γενεσεως ἥμων TO μεν τι ἡ πατρις μερίζεται, To δὲ τι, δι γεννησαντες" TO δε, δι λοιποι φιλοι" πολλα δε Tots καιροις διδοται τοις Tov βιον
THE EPISTLES. 333
npov καταλαμβανοῦσι. κτλ] This fine sentiment is quoted by Cicero De Officiis, L. 1. c. 7. and again, De Finibus, L. 2. so that the seventh, the fourth, and this epistle, are of an authority not to be called in question.
P. 357. Ilpos τὴν πολιν.) They were to negociate something with the Athenians.
Ib. Exexparots.] Echecrates, the son of Phrynio, now a youth, was born at Phlius, and instructed in the Pythagorean principles by Archytas. Aristoxenus, a disciple of Aristotle (see Diog. Laert. L. 8. ¢. 46.), speaks of him as of a person whom he could remember, and one of the last of that sect who were considerable. Iamblichus also mentions him, ec. 35. et ultim. de Vita Pythagore ; and Plato introduces him as desiring to hear the manner of Socrates’s death from Phzedo.
EPISTLE X. To Artstroporus, or, as Laertius writes, To ARISTODEMUS. The date not settled.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 358.
AND
EPISTLE XI. To LAopAMAs. The date not settled. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 358.
Laodamas of Thasus was a great geometrician and scholar to Plato, who first taught him the method of analytick investigation. (See Laertius, L. 3. c. 24. and Proclus in Euclidem, L. ὃ. Prob. 1. and L. 2. P. 19.)
994 NOTES ON PLATO.
He seems from this letter to have been principally con- cerned in founding some colony,
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT,
P. 358. H Σωκρατη.] This cannot possibly be the great Socrates, for he died when Plato was in his twenty-ninth year ; and we see that in this passage he excuses himself from travelling on account of his age: it must, therefore, be the younger Socrates whom Plato introduces in his HoAurixos (and in the Theetetus, p. 147. and in Sophista, p.. 218. and 268.) and who is mentioned by Aristotle in his spies Lincs (L. 6. p. 370. edit. Sylburgii.)
P. 358. Ilavra κινδυνων.] The most considerable settlements which happened in Plato’s time, were those at Messenia and at Megalopolis, Ol. 102. and we are told that he was actually applied to by this last city to form for them a body of laws; but he excused himself. Whether Laodamas had any share in that foundation, I cannot tell; if he had, it is no wonder that Plato should object the danger of his journey into the Pelo- ponnesus that year, when every thing was in the utmost confusion, |
EPISTLE XII. To ΑΒΟΗΥΤΑΒ. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 359. This fragment (for such it is) is preserved by Laertius,
together with the letter from Archytas, to which it is an answer.
THE EPISTLES. 335
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 359. Ὕπομνηματα.] He alludes to the comment- aries of Ocellus, the Lucanian, which Archytas had procured from the descendants of that philosopher. The subjects of them were Ileps Nope, και βασιληΐας, και ὅσιοτατος, και τᾶς TW παντος yeveovos ; the last of which is still in being.
Ib. Μυριοι.}] Read Μυραῖσι, of Myra, a city in Lycia. Homer speaks of another Lycia between mount Ida and the Aisepus, subject to Troy: the Lycians, on the south coast of Asia Minor, were probably a colony from thence. (Strabo, L. 12. p. 565. and L. 14. p. 665.) The family of Ocellus might be originally of Myra; but the Lucanians in general were of Italian origin, being sprung from the Samnites, who were a colony of the Sabines.
P. 359. Tys Φυλακης.7] The work of Plato was undoubtedly his HoA:reia, of which he sent a copy to Archytas, who, he says, was of his own opinion as to the institution of the PvAakes: what they were see in the Π]ολιτεια itself. None of the commentators on Laertius have understood this passage.
This epistle is marked in the first editions of Plato as spurious: (AvtiAeyeras ws ov Τ΄λατωνος. MSS. Vatican. cod. 1460. and Serranus sees mysteries here, where there are none; the same is said also of the thirteenth epistle :) but there seems no reason for it,
336 NOTES ON PLATO.
EPISTLE XIII. To Dionysrus. Ol. 103. 3 or 4. Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 360.
In the order of time this is the second epistle in the collection. It is marked in the MSS. as spurious, and, I must own, it does little honour to Plato’s memory ; yet it is sure that Plutarch esteemed it genuine. He cites (in Vit. Dion.) a passage from it relating to Arete, the wife of Dion; and in his discourse περι Δυσωπίιας, he mentions the character of Helico the Cyzicenian, which is to be found here. I know not what to deter- mine ; unless we suppose some parts of it to be inserted afterwards by some idle sophist who was an enemy to Plato’s character. It is observable, that Plutarch in the place last mentioned says, eta προσεγραψε τη ἔπισ- ToAn τελευτωσῃ, I'padw de σοι tavtTa περι avOpwrov, &c. whereas the words are here not far from the begin- ning. Possibly some fragments of the true epistle might remain, which were patched together and sup- plied by some trifler.
Helico, the astronomer, is mentioned by Plutarch as in the court of Dionysius, when Plato was there for the last time; (and this letter was written four years before, soon after Plato’s return from his first voyage to Syracuse) but we do not find elsewhere that he had been a disciple of Eudoxus and of Polyxenus.
- NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT. P. 360. Eurep ἡκει rapa oe ρχυτης.] Plato in his first voyage made a league of amity between Archytas
THE EPISTLES. 337
and Dionysius ; and after his return to Athens, Archytas came to Syracuse, as Plato himself tells us in his seventh epistle.
P. 360. IloAvgéevw, tov Bpvowvos τινι ἑταιρων.] Polyxenus, the sophist, is mentioned by Laertius in the life of Aristippus, sect. 76. Bryso, his master, had also the famous Theban cynick, Crates, for his scholar, as Laertius says L. 6. 5. 85. who calls him Bryso, the Achean. But Theopompus (ap. Atheneum, L. 11. p. 509.) informs us that he was of Heracleex, and accuses Plato of borrowing many things of him, which he inserted in his dialogues. There is an elegant frag- ment from a comedy of Ephippus, where he reflects alike on the scholars of Plato and of this Bryso (to whom he gives the epithet of ὁ θρασυμαχειοληψικερ- parwv), for their sordid desire of gain, and for the studied neatness of their dress and person.
Ib. EXadpos και ευηθης.] Words here used in their best sense,! “easy and well-natured.” Plutarch inter- prets them ἐπιεικὴς καὶ μετριος.
P. 361. Tore 67’ ovr’ eyw εστεφανοῦμην.] What is meant by this date, I cannot divine. His brother’s, or sister’s, daughters died at the time when Dionysius ordered him to be crowned, though he was not. How- ever, we learn that Plato had four great nieces, the eldest then marriageable, the second, eight years old, the third, above three, and the fourth, not one year old; and that he intended to marry the eldest to
1 Plato in Republicé. L. 3. p. 400. Evn@ea, ove ἣν ανοιαν οὔῦσαν ὑποκοριζομενοι καλοῦμεν ὡς ευηθειαν, αλλα THY ὡς αληθῶς εὖ τε και καλῶς τοηθος κατεσκευασμενὴν διανοιαν.
VOL, IV. Z
338 NOTES ON PLATO.
his nephew, Speusippus; but how she could be the daughter of that Speusippus’s sister, I do not compre- hend ; so that I take it, we must either read AdeAdov here, or ἀποθανοντων before.
P. 362. ΠΠεμψας Epaorov.| Hence we see that Erastus was still with Plato, and consequently the sixth epistle was written after this time.
P. 362. Kpatww.| Here we find that Timotheus had a brother called Cratinus. This cannot, I think, be the great Timotheus, for his father, Conon, in his will (the substance of which is preserved in Lysias’s oration in de Bonis Aristophanis, p. 345.) makes no mention of any other son he had, but this one.
P. 362. Twv πολυτελων των Αμοργινων.] The fine linen of Amorgos, of which they made tunicks for women, was transparent. See the Lysistrata of Aristo- phanes, v. 46. and 150. and 736. where the Scholia call the plant, of which the thread was made 7) λινοκαλαμη, and say, that it was in fineness ὕπερ τὴν βυσσον, ἡ τὴν καρπασον : they were dyed of a bright red colour.
APPENDIX.
Wuen the fourth of these volumes was passing through the press, I was enabled, by the courtesy of Mr. John Morris, of 13 Park Street, Grosvenor Square, to examine the very curious and valuable collection of Graiana now in his possession, Of this collection, which has never been described, I will here give a brief account, It consists of five folio volumes, based upon a copy of Mathias’s quarto edition of the Works, printed in 1814, This copy was presented by Mathias to Dawson Turner, who divided, en- larged, and rebound it. It was further again enlarged by Mr. John Dillon, from whom it passed, in its present condition, into the hands of Mr. J. Morris.
It is not necessary to describe all the portraits, illustra- tions, letters from persons interested in Gray, or other curious additions which have swelled this remarkable col- lection to its present bulk. I will here mention only what is of original interest. In the first place, certain memo- randa of Gray’s family, mostly in his own handwriting, including the draft, in pencil, which is almost obliterated, of the epitaph of his mother, which runs thus :—
in the same pious confidence beside her sister and faithful friend sleep the remains of DOROTHY GRAY Widow, the careful tender Mother of many children, of whom one only had the misfortune to survive her
She died March 11, 1753, aged 67.
340 APPENDIX,
It may be observed that this reading differs in several respects from that hitherto repeated.
Horace Walpole’s copy of the Siz Poems of 1753 has been let into the volumes, It contains notes in his hand- writing, but none of any importance.
There are thirty-four autograph letters of Gray, but all of these have been published already, and are found in their proper places in the present edition. They con- sist mainly of the letters to Norton Nicholls. I have collated them all, and find no variations worthy of record.
The original of the Hssay to Walpole on his Lives of the Painters appears here in Gray’s handwriting. It is cor- rectly printed in this edition (vol. 1. pp. 303-321) in all but the most inconsiderable particulars.
The sheets yet unprinted are copious, but rather dry and impersonal notes of the journey in France in 1739, up to the point where the journal printed here (vol. i. pp. 235-246) begins. Of more general interest is an account, in Gray’s handwriting, of his stay at Naples with Walpole in 1740, and of the excursions they took in various direc- tions. Had this reached me before the completion of my work, I should have thought it my duty to print these notes, although they have little personal importance. As a specimen of their character I transcribe the following passage :—
“We made a little journzy also on the other side of the Bay of Naples to Portici, where the King has a Villa about 4 Miles out of town, the way thither is ¢hro’ a number of small towns, and seats of the nobility close by the Sea, for Mount Vesuvius has not ever been able to deter people from inhabiting this lovely coast, and as soon as ever an eruption is well over, tho perhaps it has damaged or destroy’d the whole country for leagues round
APPENDIX. 341
it, in some months every thing resumes its former face, and goes on in the old channel. That mountain lies a little distance from Portici towards the left, divided into 2 Summits, that farthest from the Sea is rather the largest, & highest, called Monte di Somma. This has hitherto been very innocent; the lesser one, which is properly Vesuvius, is that so terrible for it’s fires ; it is better than 3 Miles to ascend, and those extremely laborious. ’Twas extremely quiet at the time I saw it ; some days one could not perceive it smoke at all, others one saw it riseing like a white Column from it, but in no great quantity. About a mile beyond Portici we saw the Stream of combustible Matter, which run from it in the last eruption ; within 4 of a mile, or less, from the Sea is a small church of Our Lady, belonging to a certain Zoccolanti, into this church it enter’d thro’ one of the side-doors without otherwise damageing the fabrick, run cross it, and was stop’d, I suppose, by the opposite Wall. The Fryars have dugg away that part of it, and left it whole riseing in a great rough mass at the door where it enter’d, as if the miraculous power of Our Lady had forbid it to advance further : this is well-contrived, and carries some appearance with it. That part of the Stream which comes along thro’ the fields at a distance resembles plough’d Land, but rougher, and in huge Clods; they are hard and heavy, like the dross of some metals ; the people pile the pieces up, and make an enclosure to their fields with them, This place is call’d Torre del Greco ; it is about 4 Years since the Eruption happen’d, I imagine the river of fire, or Lava, as they call it, may be 20 Yards, or more, in breadth, It is not above a year since they discover’d under a part of the town of Portici a little way from the Shore an ancient and terrible example of what this mountain is capable of ;
342 APPENDIX.
as they were digging to lay the foundations of a house for the Prince d’Elbceuf, they found a statue or two with some other ancient remains which comeing to the King’s knowledge he order’d them to work on at his expence, and continuing to do so they came to what one may call a whole city under ground ; it is supposed, and with great probability to be the Greek settlement call’d Herculaneum, which in that furious Eruption, that happen’d under Titus (the same in which the elder Pliny perish’d) was utterly overwhelmed, and lost with several other on the same coast. Statius, who wrote as it were on the spot, and soon after the accident had happen’d, makes a very poet- ical explanation on the subject, which this discovery sets in its full light :—
‘Haec ego Chalcidicis ad te, Marcelle, sonabam,’ ete.
The work is unhappily under the direction of Spaniards, people of no taste or erudition, so that the workmen dig, as chance directs them, wherever they find the ground easiest to work without any certain view.”
From the biographical point of view the most interest- ing addition to our knowledge of Gray, presented by Mr. John Morris’s collections, is a short paper of notes on a journey in Scotland, of which no previous biographer or editor of Gray has given any account. It has not hitherto been known how the poet occupied his leisure between his recovery from the severe surgical operation of July 1764, and what he called his “ Lilliputian Travels” in the south of England in October of the same year. It now appears, from Mr, Morris’s MS., that in August 1764 he went to Netherby, on the Scotch border, to visit the Rev. Mr. Graham, the horticulturist, and from his house set out in a tour in Scotland. His route took him by
APPENDIX. 343
Annan and Dumfries to the Falls of Clyde and Lanark. At Glasgow he called on Foulis, the publisher, from whom he afterwards received many courtesies. He admired Foulis’ academy of painting and sculpture, and lamented that the Cathedral of Glasgow was so miserably out of repair. He passed on to Loch Lomond, sailed on the loch, and returned to Glasgow by Dumbarton. At Stir- ling he enjoyed the view from the castle, and went on by Falkirk and the coast to Edinburgh. He took excur- sions to Hawthornden and Roslin, and then to Melrose. He was next at Kelso, Tweedmouth, and Norham Castle. He made an excursion at low tide to Holy Island, and the itinerary closes at Bamborough Castle, from which place he went, no doubt, to his customary haunt, Dr. Wharton’s house at Old Park, in the county of Durham. This was Gray’s first visit to Scotland.
Mr. John Morris also possesses the original MS. of Norton Nicholls’s Recollections of Gray, and many other papers of a minor interest. For his kindness in placing the whole of this beautiful and valuable collection in my hands I owe him my most sincere thanks. There is now but a very small portion of Gray’s writings remaining of which I have not been able to examine the original manuscript.—[ Eb. |
*
an ¥
i Sth a on eet i σα aa wh ot. areas Ck.
GENERAL INDEX.
Abbies, Mitred, by Willis, reference to,
11. ,
Aberdeen, Marischal College of, de- sires to confer the degree of LL.D. ; this Gray declines, iii. 220.
Gray proud of his connection with its University, iii. 221.
Achilles, The death of, by Bedingfield, ii. 338.
Adam Bell, reference to the old ro- mance of, i. 338.
Adami, Patricia, Italian actress, ii. 76.
Ad Amicos, a Latin elegy, by R. West, ii. 8.
Adams, Dr., reference to, i. 138.
Addison, Joseph, his quotations from the Classics, ii. 240.
his endeavour to suppress the rail- lery on the clergy, i. 406. Addison, Mr., sends a friendly admoni- tion to C, Smart, ii. 161. his friendship for Smart, ii. 179. Lord Walpole, of Wolterton, and Keene, Bishop of Chester, his patrons, ii, 287. Adversity, Hymn to, i. 23-26. editorial note, i. 24.
Agis, a tragedy, by John Home, ii. 360.
Agrippina, a fragment of a tragedy, i. 101-111.
first published in 1775, i. 100.
editorial note, i. 101.
the argument written by Mason, i. 101-103.
Gray submits a speech in, to the criticism of West, ii. 106.
previously dramatised by May, ii. 106.
Gray lays it aside, ii. 110.
sends it to Horace Walpole, ii. 167.
Horace Walpole requested not to mention it, ii. 171.
Gray sends Walpole the first scene in, ii. 227.
Ailesbury, Lady, declaration that Gray,
during a long afternoon in her
company, only spoke once, iii. 42.
Aislaby, Mr., with Rev. Norton Nicholls at Studley, iii. 240.
Akenside, Dr., his erroneous conjec- tures in Architecture, ii. 255.
criticism of his Pleasures of Imagina- tion, ii. 120-121.
Dr. Wharton asks Hurd to be lenient with, ii. 299.
erroneously criticises an expression of Gray’s, ii. 331.
his contribution to Dodsley’s Collec- tion of Poems, ii. 364.
reference to, ii. 389.
Albemarle, Lord, one of Lord George Sackville’s judges, iii. 31.
Alcaic Fragment, i. 176.
reference to, ii. 96.
Ode, written in the album Grande Chartreuse, ii. 182.
editorial note, ii. 182.
Alderson, Rev. Christopher, shows
Mason’s library to Mitford, ii. 299. curate to Mason, subsequently rector of Aston, ii. 282. invited to Old Park, iii. 348.
Alderson, Mrs., portrait of Dr. Delap in her possession, ii. 309.
Aldovrandi, Cardinal Pompeo, note on, ii. 93.
Algarotti, Count Francesco, friend of Frederick the Great, of Voltaire, and of Augustus III. of Poland, iii. 147.
distinguished as one of the best literary judges in Europe, iii. 148.
sends panegyrics to Gray and Mason, iii, 151.
his Dissertation on Painting and Music, with dedication to Pitt (Earl of Chatham), iii. 151, 159.
Gray compliments him on his literary effort, ili. 155.
Gray reads his works with i increasing satisfaction, iii. 159.
worthy to be the « Arbiter Eleganti- arum ” of mankind, iii. 160.
of the
346
Algarotti, his works, iii. 162. Gray’s opinion of his Saggio sopra Vopera in musica, ili, 162. account of his Il Congresso di Citera, iii. 162. Gray sees no objection to T. Howe publishing his works ; gives advice as to the preparation, ili. 165. Gray cannot advise an English trans- lation of, iii. 298-299. thinks of visiting England, iii. 166. his works, in 8 vols., swarm with errors of the press, iii. 298. his works printed at Leghorn, 111. 307. Gray’s opinion of his merit, iii. 299. his verse above mediocrity, iii. 300. employed by King of Poland to buy pictures, ili. 307. purchases a famous Holbein, ‘‘ The consul Meyer and his family,” iii. 307. Allegory, Gray no friend of, iii. 166. Allen, Ralph, of Prior Park, recom- mends Mr. Hurd for a sinecure, iii.
139.
Allin, Sir A., reference to his death, ili. 386.
Allin, Miss, inclined to part with the estates, 111. 388.
Alloa, triumphs and illuminations of, 111, 383.
Alps, description of a journey across the, ii. 40-42, 45.
near Lanslebourg, ii. 41.
Alvren, Dr., iii. 62.
Altieri, Cardinal Giambattista, illness of, ii. 63, 84.
Altieri, Cardinals, ii. 63.
Alvis, Andrew, Fellow of St. John’s, note on, candidate for the Master- ship of St. John’s, iii. 190.
Amatory Lines. Paraphrase of an epi- gram of ‘* Ad Carolum,” i. 137.
editorial note, i. 137.
Amherst, General, speech in commend- ation of, iii. 18.
Amusemens sur le langage des Bétes, by Bougeant, reference to, ii. 27 Ancaster, Duke of, at the trial of Lord
Ferrers, iii. 35.
Ancient authors, Gray’s Catalogue of,
ji. 148-154, chronological table of their works compiling at Cambridge, ii. 156.
Ancients, Gray’s reading from the, ii. 112- 113,
Ancram, Lord, to take part in a secret roilitary expedition, li, 320.
Andrews, Dr., gives an opinion on the Cambridge statutes, 11. 138.
INDEX.
| Anecdotes of Painting, Walpole’s, iii.
eT ὁ
125.
Anglesey, Marquis, his disputed peer- age, 111, 374,
Anguish, Mr., 163.
Ansel, Mr., Fellow of Trinity, his re- cent death, iii. 254, 255.
Anstey, Christopher, translated Gray’s Elegy into Latin, i. 72, 227.
his New Bath Guide, ii. 240.
Anthologia Greca, Gray’s paraphrases
from, i. 195-198.
Anti-gallican, Gray an, ii. 226.
‘* Antiquities, Houses, etc., in England and Wales,” catalogued by Gray and printed posthumously by Mason, ii. 360.
por αὶ pursues the study of, ii. 359-
interested in Smart, iii.
Antrobus, Robert, Gray’s maternal
uncle, li. 9.
Antrobus, Mrs. Mary, Gray’s aunt,
death of, i. 72; ii. 208.
Antrobus, Miss Dorothy,Gray’s cousin, postmistress of Cambridge, iii. 130, 184, 283, 319.
Gray informs her of his appointment
' a Professor of Modern History, iii. 318.
Apothecary’s, Gray calls a country,
shop a terrible thing, iii. 265.
Archimage, Mr., visits Gray, iii. 191.
Archimedes, his speculum discovered
by Buffon, ii. 230.
Architectwre, Essay on Norman (or, according to Wren, the Saxon), i. 294-302.
better suited for military than for domestic purposes, i. 294.
its distinctive character (1) semi- circular arches, examples at Ely and Peterborough, i. 296.
(2) massy piers or pillars, i. 297.
examples at Durham, Peterborough, and Ely, and in views of Old St. Paul’s, i. 298.
(3) variety of the capitals of the piers, i, 298.
examples at Ely and Peterborough, i, 299.
(4) wider ceilings, of timber only, examples at Ely and Peterborough, 1. 299.
(5) its ornaments, i. 299-300.
examples at Hereford, Peterborough, and views of Old St. Paul’s, i. 300.
reference to ancient statues on Crow- land Bridge, Worcester, and Glou- cester, i. 300.
be
INDEX.
Architecture, remarks on the Essay, by Mr. Basil Champneys, i. 301. Gray’s opinion of the source of
Gothie, ii. 255, reason of the beauty of Gothic, iii. 110. beauty of Gothic, be reign of Henry III. rise of Gothic, iii. 146. Gothie perfection, i. 317. ea finer than the nave of York,
317. tay oe (Trinity Church, Ely), . 31
chapel of Bishop West at Ely, i. 317. had introduced itself in the reign of Charles I., iii. 158. criticisms on JamesBentham’s Essay, iii. 228-231. the Saxon, had no niches or canopies, and escutcheons of arms are hardly ever seen, iii. 229. billeted-moulding, examples of, iii. 229. nail-head, examples of, iii. 230. nebule, examples of, iii. 230. rise of the pointed arch, example of, iii. 280. spirit of Gray’s time little less de- structive than the civil wars, iii. 281. ee notes on, iv. Aristotle, Gray’s opinion of his writ- ings, ii. 147. Arlington Street, residence of Walpole, ii, 189. Armstrong, Dr. John, his poem on Health, ii. 121. his pseudonym of Lancelot Temple, li. 372. a King, opular superstition in gate’s time concerning, i. 389. hehe Thomas, friend of Gray and West, ii. 71. publishes a book against Dr. Middle- ton, ii. 210, Horace Walpole’s Epistle to, ii. 221, 225. reference to, ii. 227. Ashton, Dr., an Epistle by Horace) Walpole ‘to, ii. 90. his prospect of marriage, ii. 144, | his marriage, iii. 87. visits Gray at Stoke, ii. 148. reference to, ii. 147. preacher of Lincoln’s Inn, iii. 87. reference to, and Eton, iii. 86, 107, 111. Askew, Dr., ii. 117. Aston, Rey. Dr. Delap’s portrait in Mason’s dining-room at, ii. 809, |
an to appear in 2 lil. 146.
347
Athelstan, by Dr. Brown, ii. 261. Garrick wrote the Epilogue of, ii. 261. Atheism is a vile dish, iii. 378. Athens, antiquities of, J. Stuart's, li. 288. Autumn of 1753, ii. 247-249. Avison, Charles, his Essay on Musical Expression as his Friend, ii. 242. reference to, ii, 250. Avon, a om printed by Baskerville, il. 372 Axton, Mr., Fellow of Pembroke Col- lege, ii. 288.
Ayscough, Dr. Francis, candidate for Bishopric of St. David’s, iii. 78. Ayscough, Mr., instrument maker on
Ludgate Hill, iii. 244.
Bacu, Carlo, his lessons for the piano- forte, iii. 164, Gray thinks them charming, though others disagree, iii. 164. Baiardi, Ottavo Antonio, antiquary, ii. 277. Gray’s criticism of his work on Her- culaneum, ii. 277-278. Baif, French poet, reference to, ii. 341. Balbi, Constantino, Doge of Genoa, ii. 48. Balguy, Dr. Thomas, of St. John’s. Gray accompanies him to town, li. 291. Gray sends him a copy of The Odes, 11, 820. takes his doctor’s degree and preaches the commencement ser- mon, ii. 368, 37.1. returns to his prebendary of Win- chester, ii. 371. friend of Rev. Mr. Ludham, iii. 144. Gray visits him at Winchester, iii. 178. his action at Winchester, iii. 178. says Mrs. Mason is very handsome, lii. 224. Balmerino, Lord, his trial for rebellion, ii. 141. his last action on the scaffold, ii. 146. Balmerino, Lady Margaret, ii. 142, Barbarossa, A play by Dr. Brown, ii. 261. Bard, The, i. 39-50. editorial note, i. 40. portion submitted to Dr. Wharton, li. 267. fragment of, as sent to Dr. Wharton, ii. 268- 271, no further progress of, ii. 273, 294. no roe progress of (old Caradoc), ii. 276
Parmesan
348
Bard, The, sends a fragment to Stone-
hewer, ii. 279.
further fragment sent to Mason, ii. 812.
the Moses of Parmegiano and Rap- hael’s figure of God in the vision of Ezekiel furnished models for, ii, 313.
Gray comments on Mason’s critic- ism, ii. 814-315.
Gray does not like notes, yet will give one or two, ii. 319.
Gray comments to H. Walpole on, ii. 318-319.
criticised by Mr. J. Butler anony- mously, ii. 344-346.
references to, ii. 284-286.
Barnard, Dr., his quarrel at the Com- mons, iii. 63.
Barnard, Lord, reference to, ii. 238.
Barnwell, Dr., of Trompington, his daughter marries Dr. Chapman, ii. 193.
Barrett, Mr., of Lee Priory, offers Rev. N. Nicholls £100 a year as travel- ling companion, ili. 324.
Barrington, Lord, Secretary for War, li. 292.
Barrington, Daines (one of the Welsh judges), Gray wishes a copy of his poems to be sent to, ii. 344.
pee ae Fair, reference to, iii.
Baskerville, beauty of his type, iii. 165. Bath, Lord, death of, iii. 172. conduct of his lady during a riot, iii. 339, Bathurst, Mr., reference to, iii. 69. Battey-Langley manner of architecture, ii. 253. Batile of the Summer Islands, quotation from Waller’s, ii. 49. Beadon, Richard, Bishop of Gloucester, executor of Dr. Newcome, iii. 189. Beattie, Dr. James, note on, ili. 219. invites Gray to Aberdeen, iii. 219. Gray would be glad to see him at Glamis, iii. 220. visits Glamis, iii. 221. sends Gray two books on popular superstition, 111. 222. Gray criticises his poetry, iii. 279. Gray thanks him for his many friendly offers, iii. 285. receives permission to issue a Scotch edition of Gray’s poems, and to entrust its publication to Foulis of Glasgow, ili. 285-286. criticism of his Ode on Lord Hay’s birthday, iii. 287.
INDEX.
Beattie, Gray’s reasons for the notes
to his Pindarie Odes, iii. 290.
thanked for the edition of Gray’s poems, iii. 325; its success, iii. 346.
informed of the appointment of Gray to the Chair of Modern History, and its value, iii. 326.
sends Gray in MS. the first book of oe Minstrel ; Gray’s criticism, iii.
his Essay on Truth, iii. 377. Gray’s criticism of ‘the Minstrel, with Beattie’s comments, iii. 395-400. obliged to Gray for his freedom of criticism, iii. 400. Beauchamp, Earls of Warwick, their monuments, ii. 257. Beauclerk, Lady Harry, receives a pension of £400 a year, iii. 78. Beauvau, Marshall, Prince, son of Prince Craon, ii. 85. Beckford, Alderman, reference to his manner whilst delivering a speech, iii. 18, at the coronation banquet, iii. 116. Bedford, Duke of, brings his son Francis to Trinity College, ii. 309. and Duchess likely to be of the new Ministry, iii. 153. Bedford, Mr., Fellow of Pembroke, ii. 288. Mr. Buller of Cornwall his patron, 11. 289. Bedingfield *Mr., makes the acquaint- ance of, ii. 276, The Death of Achilles, a poem by, ii. 338. relates opinions expressed respecting Gray’s Odes, ii. 340. Mason’s attitude towards, iii. 163. references, ii. 338; iii. 329. Bedlam, tragedy by Nat. Lee, ii. 106. Beedon, Mr., reference to, iii. 97. Bell, Mr., his taste for Gothie, iii. 29. Belleisle, news of its surrender daily expected, iii. 105. Sir William Williams killed at, iii.
109.
Bellers visits Maltham ‘and engraves a view of Gordale, i. 278.
Bellingham, extinct family of, i. 269.
Benedict XIV., his election as Pope, i. 93.
Bentham, James, Prebendary of Ely, Gray returns his Essay on Gothic Architecture with criticisms, iii. 228-231.
Bentinck, Lady Anne, and Sir Conyers d’Arcy, i. 367.
INDEX.
349
Bentley, Mr. Richard, Stanzas to, i. | Bonfoy, Nicholas, resided at Abbot’s
121-122. editorial note to Stanzas, i. 121. the Stanzas first published in 1775, i. 100. assists in preparing the Chronologi- cal table of ancient authors, ii. 158. his designs for Gray’s Hlegy, ii. 234 ; their publication, ii. 237 ; a second edition, i. 227. sale at London in 1882 of his draw- ings for the six poems, ii. 237. reference to, ii. 218. Berger, a disciple of Linnzeus, iii. 88. Bernardi, Francesco, reference to, ii.65. Bevis, Earl of Southampton, The Re- portes of, i. 338. , his residence at Duncton, i. 338. his sword one of the relics at Arun- del Castle, i. 338. Bibliographical statement of Gray’s writings, i. ix-xili. Bickham, James, Fellow of Emmanuel, li. 820. Gray sends him a copy of The Odes, 11, 320. laments Mason’s indolence, ii. 394. reference to, iii. 98. Bickhain, Rey. Jeremy, obtains a liv- ing, 111, 108. Biographia, Dr. Nicholis wrote the latter articles of, ii. 244. Birch, Dr. Thomas, his State Papers, ii.
194, his State Papers of Sir T. Edmondes, Ὡς 280. Birds, Couplet about, i. 139. editorial note on, i. 139.
Birds in Norfolk, table of their noises being first heard during 1755, iii. 95-96.
Birkett, Rev. George, asked by Gray to pay his Italian master, ii. 3. Blacowe, Rev. Mr., Canon of Windsor,
his death, iii, 40, 63.
Blue-Coat or Man-in-Blew, an attend- ant on the Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge University, ii. 117.
Boaden’s Life of Kemble, extract rela- tive to Mason, ii. 242.;
Boadicea, Glover's play of, ii. 134.
Boar, the silver, badge of Richard III., i. 47,
Boccaccio, introduced the Ottava Rima measure, i. 347. his de Cassibus Illustrium Virorum, i. 391. Bolby, Mr., reference to, ii. 187. Bolton, Duke of, his duel with Mr. Stuart, 111. 34.
Ripton, ii. 378. his marriage and family, ii. 379. visits Gray at Cambridge, ii. 320. his belief that everything turns out for the best, ii. 321. dines with Gray, iii, 21.
Bonfoy, Mrs. Elizabeth, references to,
ii. 378 ; 111, 32.
who taught Gray to pray, is dead, iii, 152.
her fortitude, iii. 152.
Bonfoy,-Mr. and Mrs., Gray sends them a copy of The Odes, ii. 320.
Bonstetten, Charles von, Baillie of Nion, Switzerland, letter to Norton Nicholls, with footnote of Gray’s opinion of the writer, iii, 355-356.
proceeds to London with Gray, iii. 357.
returned to France, iii. 358.
note on, iii. 360.
Gray laments the loss of his pres- ence, iii, 360-362, 809.
Gray’s expression of warm regard, warns him against vice, iii. 371. sends Gray views of Switzerland, iii.
880. is disordered in his intellect, or has exasperated his friends, iii. 401.
Borneil, Girard de, his invention of the Canzone, i. 352.
Boscawen, Admiral, his victory over the French, iii. 14.
Boswell, James, tells Mitford that Gray received forty guineas for The Odes, ii. 330.
his Account of Corsica and Memoir of Paoli, iii. 310. Gray’s light estimate of his abilities, 111. 310-311. Botanical Calendar for 1755, iii. 92-94. Bougeant, Guillaume Hyacinthe, ii. 27. his Langage des Bétes, ii. 27, 96. Epistle to, by Gresset, ii. 184:
Bourbon, Duke of, Governor of Bur- gundy, ii. 31.
Bourne, Mr., a friend of Mason’s, ii. 849,
Bower, Archibald, his career and pro- posals for a History of the Pope, ii. 180.
Bowes, George, of Streatham Castle, his daughter married to the ninth ἘΝῚ of Strathmore, ii. 369; iii. 276.
Boycot, Mr., may be of assistance to Rev. N. Nicholls, iii. 342.
Bradshaw, Mr., secretary to the Duke of Grafton, ii, 241..
350
Braidalbane, Lord, his Scottish do-| Brown,
main or ‘ policy,” iii. 216.
Bramston, Rev. James, reference to his poetry, ii. 220.
Brandenburg, Frederick the Great’s Memoirs of the House of, ii. 229.
reviewed in the Mercwre Historique,
11, 229.
Brawn, collars of, stuck with rosemary, li. 118.
Brian, King of Dublin, death of, i. 54. Bridgewater, Duke of, accompanied by P. Wood through Italy, ii. 328. Bristol Cathedral, elegiac verses to
Mrs. Mason in, i. 141. Bristol, Lord, Ambassador to Spain, i. 116. Britannicus, tragedy by Racine, ii. 167. performed in Paris, ii. 27. British Museum, a treasure, ii. 396. its excess of expenditure over in- come, ii. 396; ili. 2. Gray expects to see the collection offered for sale, iii. 4. very crowded, ii. 396. Gray’s chief amusement, iii. 1. persons attending the reading-room, iii. 2. dissension of its officers, iii. 6. Gray’s researches in the Ledger-Book of the Signet preserved in, iii. 11. Gray’s further researches, 111, 29. Gray’s MSS. in, i. xiv. 73, 113, 140. Brivio, Signor, singing instructor, ii. 284. Brockett, Lawrence, Professor of Modern History, iii. 136, 140. tutor to Sir James Lowther, iii. 137. agent for Earl of Sandwich at Cam- “bridge, 111. 168. his death, and Gray’s succession to his Chair, 111. 318. manner of his death, iii. 322. Bromwick, dealer in wall-papers, iii. 83, 118, 120. Brook, Dr. Zachary, of St. Jchn’s, note on, 111. 189. elected Margaret Professor, iii. 189. candidate for the Mastership of St. John’s, iii. 190. reference to, iii. 168. Broschi, Carlos, sopranist, li, 22, 575 iii. 80. Brown, Sir Anthony, supposed por- trait in St. John’s College, i. 311. Brown, Mr. (one of the six clerks in Chancery), his house on banks of Eden, i. 250. Brown, i. a contributor to Dodley’s Miscellaneous Poems, ii. 220.
INDEX,
Rev. James, of Pembroke College, note on, ii. 138.
his fortitude, ii. 138.
a Gigs the case of Tuthill, ii. 161,
sehedaadd himself on behalf of C. Smart, ii. 178.
successful in his endeavour to elect Tuthill and others Fellows of Pem- broke, ii. 188.
presented to the living of Tilney, ii. 189.
contributes to Dodsley’s Miscellane- ous Poems, ii. 221.
visits Gray at Stoke, ii. 259.
Gray canvasses on his behalf for an office in the University, ii. 287- 289.
asked to distribute copies of Gray’s Odes, ii. 320.
Gray enquires if the parcel of Odes have reached him, and asks that he will send any criticisms he may hear, ii. 322.
if he has paid any of Gray’s Cam- bridge bills, Gray wishes to be informed, ii. 384.
laments Mason’s indolence, ii. 394.
invited to Gray’s lodgings in South- ampton Row, iii. 6.
requested to prepare Gray’s Cam- bridge apartments, iii. 61, 63.
his opinion requested of young Pon- sonby, iii. 67.
favourable opinion of young Pon- sonby, ili. 77.
his pictures of Ware Park, near Hert- ford, iii. 69.
inclined to suffer from sciatica, iii.86.
proposition that he should visit Lady Strathmore, iii. 86.
not at all well, iii. 125.
his evening prayer to the congrega- tion, iii. 152.
called familiarly by Gray ‘‘ Petit Bon,” iii. 164.
preparing some grafts for Dr. Wharton, iii. 169.
invincibly attach’d to his duties, iii. 200.
deep in Quintilian and Livy, iii. 205.
visits his brother near Margate, iii. 245.
Gray has been nursing him, iii. 259, 262.
will he accompany Gray to Mason’s? iii. 267-268.
visits Mason, iii. 272.
visits Lord Strathmore at Gibside, and accompanies him to Scotland, 111, 282.
INDEX.
351
Brown, Rey. James, and the livings of; Bussy, Pitt’s contempt for his pro-
Framlingham and Oddington, iii. 328, accompanies Gray to York, iii. 347. receives the Mastership of Pembroke and the living of Streath-ham, Isle of Ely, iii. 388. joiut executor with Mason of Gray’s will, ii. 138. references to, ii. 155, 203, 230, 231, 287, 346; iii. 58. Brown, "Rev. John, his Estimate of the Manners and Principles of the Times, ii, 310. his praise of Gray, ii. 828, 330. reference to, iii. 42. Brown, Dr., suicide of, iii. 250, 251. Brydges, Sir Egerton, his account of Gray’s feelings on kissing hands for the Professorship, iii. 323. Buchanan, Mrs., Gray dines with her at Penrith, i. 250. Buffon, his Histoire du Cabinet du Roi, commended by Gray, ii. 199. discovers the Speculum of Archi- medes, ii. 230. arrival in England of the 9th and 10th volumes of his history, iii. 85 ; llth and 12th volumes, 111. 172; 13th volume, iii. 235 ; 14th volume, iii. 245. Buller, Mr., of Cornwall, patron of Mr. Bedford, ii. 289. Buondelmonte, Guiseppe Maria, a littérateur of Tuscany, ii. 103. Sonnet by, with Gray’s imitation, ii.
103. Burg, Elizabeth de, Countess Clare, i. 95.
Burgundy, Dukes of, tombs of, ii. 31. Burke, Edmund, reference to, ili. 126. Burleigh, Lord "Treasurer, Chancellor of Cambridge, i. 97. Papers, reference to, ii. 128. House, Lord Exeter refurnishing, iii. Fe Burlesque account of Gray’s travels in France and Italy, ii. 55-61. προ Ὁ" Dr., and The Installation Ode, i, 92.
his opinion of Il Ciro Riconosciuto, ii. 391.
Burnham Beeches, description of, ii. 9.
Burroughs, Vice-Chance}lor and Master of Caius College, i. 307.
Burton, Dr. John, M.D., author of Monasticon Eboracense, iii. 2.
Business, the great art of life is to find oneself, iii. 32.
Bussy, setting out for France, iii. 116.
= on behalf of France, iii. 122.
ae sa of, Groom of the Stole, ii.
δι ΗΝ iii. 89. his new system of botany, iii. 89. his favouritism, 111, 123. refuses an application on behalf of Gray for the Professorship of Modern History, iii. 136-137. ill of an ague in his eye, ili. 269. Bute, Lady, bequests from her father, Wortley Montagu, iii. 91. her second son to take the name of Wortley, iii. 91. Butler, Dr. Joseph, Bishop of Durham, ii. 241. Butler, J., of Andover, criticises Gray’s Bard, ii. 344, 346. description of his residence, ii. 349. Byron, Lord, kills Mr. Chaworth in a duel, iii. 208,
CADWALLADER, his device, i. 70. Caius, Dr., an original portrait of, i. 806-307. date of his death, i. 308. his tomb, i. 309. Caius College, old portrait in, believed to be Theodore Haveus of Cleves, i. 807-309. Calas, Voltaire’s good action on behalf of the family of, iii. 173. Calendar (Botanical), of Upsal (Sw.), Stratton, and Cambridge, for 1755, lii. 92-94, Cambis, Marquis de, see Velleron, ii. 27. Cambridge, Richard Owen, purchases Mr. Zolman’s library, ii. 373. presented H. Walpole with Lord Whitworth’s MS. of <Accownt of Russia in 1710, ii. 373. his powers of conversation, iii. 2. his account of the Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon, prior to its pub- lication, iii. 2-3. Cambridge, Ode on the death of a favourite Cat, written at, i. 10. Progress of Poesy, written at, i. 28. The Descent of Odin, written at, i. 60. ety of the’ Elegy, written at, i. 72. The Alliance of Education and Govern- ment, written at, i. 113.
Couplet on Birds, composed near, 1.189.
views of the colleges, by Loggan, i. 309.
Satire wpon the heads (of colleges), i. 134,
352
Cambridge, Gray unacquainted with the younger tutors of, iii. 58. likened to a desolation and a solitude, ii. 5.
election of a High Steward (Lord Hardwick and Earl of Sandwich the candidates) will take place in Westminster Hall, iii. 168, 171; Lord Hardwick to come in quietly, lii. 183 ; appeal to the King’s Bench, iii. 200; Lord Hardwick judicially declared elected, iii. 200; points settled by Lord Mansfield, iii. 201.
contest for the Margaret Professor- ship of St. John’s College, iii. 189.
great contest for the Mastership of St. John’s College, iii. 190.
St. John’s Lodge, old picture in, considered to be Sir Anthony Denny, iii. 227.
Mr. Lyon’s chambers destroyed by fire, iii. 301.
as soon as ceremonies are over, Gray will start for Skiddaw, iii. 342.
list of distinguished visitors expected to attend at the installation of the Duke of Grafton as Chancellor, 111. 348, 844.
expensiveness of lodgings in antici- pation of the installation, 111, 344.
Camden, Lord, ‘‘ will soon be Chan- cellor,” iii. 237.
Camelford, Lord (Thomas Pitt), 338
Candidate, The, a poem by Churchill, quotation from, ii. 289.
Canterbury Cathedral, its choir built by William of Sens, i. 316. |
Canterbury, Gray sets out for, iii. 237. |
Canzone, its invention, i. 352. Ϊ
esteemed by Dante the noblest
specimen of poetry, i. 352.
Capel, Lady M., attempted suicide of, li, 274.
Capes The, a play by Rev. Dr. Delap,
. 809
iia νος Gray’s influence on Rev. W. Mason’s, i. 262.
Gray’s criticism of, ii. 297, 300-307, 317-318, 332-338, 351-353, 386-387, 391.
Walpole’s opinion of, ii. 332.
Gray receives the first act, ii. 384.
Mason issues, and has a fit of affec- tation, 111. 20.
Gray sends a copy to Rey. J. Brown, 11, 20.
the work of a man, Elfrida only that of a boy, iii. 148,
references to, ii. 341, 371, 379.
INDEX.
Caradoc, a Welsh fragment, i. 130. probably written in 1764, i. 129.
Caradoc, see Bard.
Caradoc, Caer, mountain in Shropshire,
li. 270.
Cardale or Cardell, Mr., admitted a Fellow of Pembroke College, ii. 203, 288.
Cardinals, frugality of the Roman, ii. 98.
Carew, Sir George, writer of the State Papers of Sir T. Edmondes, ii. 281.
Carey, Henry, his poem ‘of The Moderator between the Free Masons and Gormogons, ii. 166.
Carey, General, reference to his being in Mason’s company, iii. 348.
Carlisle, reference to the affair of, iii. 203.
Carlisle, Lady, her altered circum- stances, ii. 389-390.
Carlyon, Mr., reference to, ii. 176.
Carnival at Turin, ii. 44.
Casley’s Catalogue of the King’s Lib- rary, i. 306, 312.
Castle of Otranto, by H. Walpole, Gray’s account of its reception at Cam- bridge, iii. 191.
Castlecomer, Lady, her death, ii. 402 ; iii. 3.
Cat, Ode on the death of a favourite, i. 9.
editorial note on, i. 10. sent to Dr. Wharton, li. 164,
ii. Catalina, Crebillon’s tragedy of, its
success in Paris, i. 193. Brindley’s edition of, i. 194. Vaillant’s edition of, i. 194. Cavaillae’s, Marquise de, Conversa- zione, ii. 44. Cavendish, Lord George, attends the university, iii. 385. . the last survivor of those who had known Gray, ili. 385.
‘Cavendish, Lord John, Chancellor of
the Exchequer, ii. 287. visits Gray at Cambridge, ii. 309. reference to his visit, ii. 311. Gray’s criticism of Mason’s Elegy on, 11. 356. consults Gray as to the tutorship of his nephew Ponsonby, iii. 57. recovering from pleurisy, iii. 108-109. reference to, iii. 67. Cavendish, Lord Richard, reference to, 111. 297. description of, iii. 331, 385. Watson, his tutor, 111. 331. Winstanley, his private tutor, iii. 331. | Caviche, Gray’s receipt for, iii. 81.
‘ Celtic mythology, ii. 351.
: Cenci, Cardinal, death of, ii. 84.
INDEX.
Cephalo and Procri, opera of, ii. 133.
Chairs, Gray describes some to H. Walpole, ii. 217.
Chaise, post-, description of a French, ae to 2 introduction to Eng- and, ii.
Chalice of St. aad: li. 28.
Chalotais, Louis René de, Gray cannot find the Mémoires of, iii. 258.
Chambers, Mr., reference to, iii. 70, 160.
Champneys, Mr. Basil, his remarks on Gray’s Norman Architecture, i. 301.
pase rs Duke of, at Southampton, iii. 179.
Chapel of St. George at Windsor, i. 315.
Chapman, Dr. Thomas, Master of Mag- dalen, ii. 162.
his Essay on the Roman Senate, ii.
163
his marriage to Miss Barnwell, ii. 193. his reception of the Duke of New- castle at Cambridge, ii. 196. pamphlet by, ii. 204. visits Gray at Studley, ii. 241. his death, iii. 50. cause of his death, iii. 56, 61, 64. his estate, iii. 56. references to, ii. 228, 327. Character, Sketch of his own, i. 127. Characters of the Christ-Cross-Row, i. 210-213, editorial note on, i. 210.
353
Chaucer, the King’s library referred to as possessing Occleve’s portrait of, i. 306. article in Bibliotheca by Bishop Tanner on, i. 306. alludes to the diversity of writing our language, i. 326. examples of his metre, i. 885, 336, 339. Chaworth, Mr., killed in a duel with Lord Byron, iii. 203.
Chenevix, Bishop of Waterford, in- sulted in an Irish riot, iii. 26. Chenevix, Madame, reference to, ii. 124, Chesterfield, Earl of,” purchased the
lanthorn from Houghton Hall, ii.
12. " friendship for Mr. Dayrolles, ii. 353.
Chevalier de St. George, references to, li. 68, 76, 84, 94
Child, Epitaph on a, i. 126,
editorial note on, i. 126.
Chinese possess the art of landscape gardening, iii. 160.
Cholmondeley, General, one of the judges on the trial of Lord G. Sackville, iii. 31.
Christ College, Cainbridge, founded by the Countess of Richmond, i. 96.
Christ-Cross-Row, Characters of the, i. 210, 213.
editorial note on, i. 210.
Charles I., his love and taste for the; Christmas dinner in the Duke of
beautiful, iii. 158. Charles III. of Naples and the excava- tions of Herculaneum, ii. 277. Charms of Sylvia, The, by Frederick, Prince of Wales, iii. 73.
Charteris, Hon. Mr., his castle at Hornby, i. 275.
and at Haddington, i. 275.
Chartreuse Grande, Gray writes an Alcaie Ode in the album of the monks of the, i. 182.
Chartreuse, La, a poem by Gresset, ii. 1
Chatsworth House, description of, iii. 154, 135.
Mr. Brown’s improvements, iii. 135.
stateliness of its apartments, iii. 135.
Chaucer, old print by Speed from
Occleve’s portrait of, i. 305. family arms of, at bottom of print, i. 306.
Norfolk's establishment in (?) six- teenth century, ii. 296.
Christopher, Mr., reference to, ii. 165.
Chronological table of the works of ancient poets and orators being compiled at Cambridge, ii. 158, 164.
Chudleigh, Miss (Duchess of Kingston), gives a ball to the Conde de Fuentes, i. 40.
Madame de Mora present at, i. 62. Churchill, Charles, death of, iii. 187. Churehill, quotation from his Candi-
date, ii. 289.
Chute, John, Gray asks him to obtain Marivaux’ Marviane, i. 213.
at Casa Ainbrosio, ii. 126.
Gray’s regard for, ii. 136.
his return to England, ii. 204.
visited by, Gray at ‘‘ The Vine” in
Hampshire, ii. 264.
his portrait in possession of George | Cibber, Caius Gabriel (Danish seulp~
Greenwood, Esq., i. 306.
MS. of his Troilus and Cressida in
St. John’s library, i. 305. his portrait by Occleve not in St. John's library, i. 305.
VOL. IV,
tor), his work at Chatsworth, iii.
135.
Cibber, Colley, his Character and Con- duct of Cicero, criticised by Gray, li. 169.
2A
354 INDEX.
Cibber’s, Mrs., canary-bird, ii. 360. Cobham, Viscountess, Gray attends
Cicero, by Dr. Middleton, ii. 128. her from Stoke to Hanover Square, by Colley Cibber, ii. 169. “1, 17; Ad Familiares, by Rev. J. Ross, 11.} dying of dropsy, iii. 17. 198. her death, leaves £30,000 to Miss
Cinque Ports, Barons of the, their Speed, iii. 37. treatment at the coronation of} leaves Gray £20 for a ring, iii. 65.
George IIL, iii. 116. Cocchi, Dr., his opera of Il Ciro Rico- Circumstance the life of oratory and nosciuto, ii. 391, 396. poetry, 1. 393. reference to, and his music, ii. 127 ; Homer thie father of, i. 393. iii. 157. Ciro Riconosciuto, Il, opera by Cocchi, | Cogitandi, De Principiis, i. 185-193. ii. 391, 396. fragment sent to Richard West, ii. 104. Dr. Burney’s opinion of, ii. 391. familiarly called ‘‘ Master Tommy Clare College, founded by Elizabeth de Lucretius” by Gray, ii. 121. Burg, Countess Clare, i. 95. editorial note, i. 185. Clare, Gilbert de, i. 42, 95. fragment of the fourth Book sent to Clarendon, Edward, Earl of, incorrect Horace Walpole, ii. 172. edition published of the last seven | Coke, Lady Mary, reference to and note years of his life, ii. 372. on, iii. 73. Life of, announced by the Duchess | Coke, ‘Sir Edmund, his residence at of Queensberry from his MS., ii. 372. Stoke, i. 83. reference to the Life of, iii. 2, 5. Colin and Lucy, ballad by T. Tickell, Mr. Cambridge’s premature criticism ii. 219. Of; ii 19. Colin's Complaint, by Rowe, its origin, Clarke, Dr. John, M.D., of Epsom, ii. 367. friend of Gray, ii. 63. Colleger, vicissitudes of a, 111, 87. Gray writes hiin of his return to} Collins, William, his Odes on several Cambridge, iii. 60. Descriptive and Allegoric Subjects, reference to, i, 125. 111. 159. Clarke, Mrs. Jane, Epitaph on, i. 125. | Colman, George, his Ode against Gray first published, 1775, i. 100. | and Mason, 11]. 41, 53. Clarke, Captain, his Military Institu-, friend of Garrick’s, iii. 41. tions of Vezetius, iii. 357. his interest in the estate of Lord Cleone, Dodsley’s play of, ii. 391. Bath, iii. 172.
Clergy, satire on the. Its prevalence, | Comédie Frangoise, account of the, ii. i. 406. 22.
Addison unable to suppress it, i. 406. | Comic Lines, i. 138. Clerke, Dr. John, Dean of Salisbury, editorial note on, i. 138. ii. 317. | Commerce changes nations, i. 120. Cleveland, Duke of, his patronage of ; Commines, Philip de, ii. 128. C. Smart, ii. 179. | Common sense thrives better in prox- story of an attempt to inveigle him imity to nonsense, ii. 339. in marriage, iii. 33. Conan, i. 130. Clifford, Hon. Mr., his park on the probably written in 1764, i. 129. banks of the Lune, i. 274. Conclave of Cardinals at Rome, and Climate, its effect on nations, i. 118-119. election of Pope Benedict XII. "5,11. Clontarf, battle of, i. 52. 63, 67, 84, 93. Coalheayers at Shadwell, affray of, iii. | Condé, Princess of, Henri IV. and the, 29. ii. 281. Cobden, Rev. Dr., court chaplain, re-| Congresso di Citéra of Algarotti, Gray ference to, ii. 5827. has read the, ii. 166. Cobham, Viscountess, her house at Congreve, Pindarie form first intro- Stoke, Ts Ode | duced by, ii. 263. entertains Garrick at Stoke, ii. 323, Contades’ army entirely defeated, iii. 5. 924, ‘Conti, the singer, reference to, ii. 125.
Gray visits her at Hampton for two Conversazione, definition of a, ji. 64.
days, ii. 369. Conway, Francis, second Lord Conway dying at Stoke, iii. 14. (Earl of Hertford), biographical biographical note, iii. 16, note, ii. 19.
INDEX.
Conway, Francis, Walpole visits him in Paris, ii. 19. visits Gray in Paris, ii. 20. at Rheims, ii. 29. in Geneva, ii. 37. Conway, General, to take part in a secret military expedition, ii. 321. Duke of Devonshire gives him a legacy of £500, iii. 183.
Conway, Hon. Henry Seymour, Gray visits him at Henley, iii. 60, 64. Conway Papers, Gray engaged ‘in de- ciphering a heap of, ili. 12. returned to Walpole’s house
Arlington Street, iii. 43. Cook, Mr. (joint paymaster), iii. 293. Cookery, Verral’s Book of, enriched by Gray, iii. 81. Cornhill, destruction by fire of Gray’s house in, ii. 181-182. rebuilding of Gray’s house in, ii. 228. asks Dr. Wharton to pay his fire policy, ii. 263. Mr. Ramsay, Gray’s tenant in, iii. 208. Cornwallis, Sir William, his Essayes of certaine Paradoxes, 1617, account of, iii. 312. Correggio, his works in the churches of Parma, ii. 49. his picture of Venus in the collection of Sir William Hamilton, iii. 195. his picture of Sigismonda in the col- lection of Sir Luke Schaub, iii. 195. Cors, Lambert li, his poem of the Roman @ Alexandre, i. 357. Corsini, Lorenzo (Pope ‘Clement XII. ), ii. 63. Corsola, Bishop of, Claudio Tolomei, i. 34 2.
in
Coscia, Cardinal Niccolo, Archbishop of Benevento, biographical note, ii. 94.
Costume, Gray’s Parisian, ii. 57.
Cotes, Humphrey, friend of Charles Churchill, iii. 187.
Couplet about Birds, i. 139.
Couplet on Dining, i. 141.
Covent Garden, Gray obtains nosegays from, ii. 399.
Coventry, Francis, Gray’s friendship with, ii. 163.
his comedy of Pompey the Little, ii. 214.
Coventry, Lady, Elegy on her death about to appear, iii. 65. Gray's criticism of Mason’s Elegy on, ii. 868 ; iii. 73-75. Cowley misquoted by Gray in the Pro- gress of Poesy, and by Mitford, i. 32.
355
Cowley, comparison of his talents with
Dryden’s, i. 32, irregular stanzas introduced by, ii. 262.
Cowper, Mr., residentiary at York, con- gratulates Gray, iii. 329.
Cradock, Joseph, reports statement of John, Earl of Sandwich, relative to Gray, i. 181.
refers to Gray’s use of the mountain of Caer Caradoe, ii. 270.
Cranmer, Archbishop, his portrait in Emanuel College, i. 310.
Craon, Prince of, entertains Gray, ii. 52.
visits Rome, ii. 85.
Crebillon, Prosper Jolyot de, his Lettres de la Marquise, ii. 27.
Gray recommends the romances of, ii. 107.
his Le Sopha, ii. 128.
his tragedy of Catalina, ii. 193.
Crescimbeni, Comentarj del, references to, 1. 325, 327, 387, 865, 372, 374.
Creswick, Mr. (the Duke of Cleveland’s managing man), iii. 33.
Critical Review, article on Gray’s Bard in, ii. 327, 331.
Crofts, Mr., a candidate for the Uni- versity, iii. 390.
Croma, one of the poems of Ossian, iii. 48
Cromartie, Earl of, his trial for re- bellion, ii. 140. Cromartie, Lady, supplicates her hus- band’s life, ii. 140. Crowland Abbey visited by Gray, ii. 366. Crowley, Robert, printer of Peirce Plowman’s Vision, i. 370. Crusades, History of the, reference to, ii. 229. Cumberland, Duke of, his entry into Edinburgh, i. 143. his popularity, i. 145. his illness, ii. 321. attended by the surgeons of Marshall d’Etrées, ii. 321. his resignation after Closter-Seven, ii. 848. recovered of his paralytic attack, iii.
appears at Newmarket in his chaise, lii. 66.
King George II.’s bequests to, iii. 70- (ge
in ἃ very good way, ‘tis strange if he recovers,” iii. 183.
his ness at Newmarket and story concerning it, iii. 185.
date of his death, iii, 185.
356
INDEX,
Cumberland, R., his verses on the| Dayrolles, Mr., his danghter elopes
death of Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119.
Curtall, Mr., reference to, iii. 138.
Curzon, Dr., late of Brazenose, and the Poetical Rondeau, i. 208.
Cyrus, see Ciro,
D’Arrray, Count, French Ambas- sador at the Hague, iii. 50.
D’Alembert, M., Gray comments on his Mélanges de Littératwre et de Philosophie, iii. 46.
Dalston’s, Sir W., house at Acorn Bank, i. 250.
Daniel, Arnauld, his decasyllabic verse, i. 334,
his invention of the Sestine, i. 350.
Daniskiold, Count, hereditary Admiral of Denmark, ii. 194.
Dante, Translation of Canto 33, Dell’ Inferno, i. viii. 157-160.
now first printed from MS. belong- ing to Lord Houghton, i. 157.
his esteem of the Canzone species of poetry, i. 352.
ascribes the origin of the old prose romances to the French, i. 365.
D’Arcy, Right Hon. Sir Conyers, re- ference to, and biographical note, ii. 367.
Mason visits, ii. 373.
D’ Arezzo, Fra Guittone, inventor of the Sonnet, i. 349.
Darlington, Lady, reference to, iii. 33.
Darradar Liod, an Icelandic poem ; see The Fatal Sisters, i. 52.
Darwin; Erasmus, his verses on death of Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119.
D’Aubenton, his Histoire du Cabinet du Roi, commended by Gray, ii. 199.
D’Auvergne, Cardinal, attends a con- clave at Rome, ii. 67.
Davanzati, his translation of Tacitus, He Le
Davenport, Mr., friend of Rousseau and Dr. T. Wharton, ili. 243.
David, C. Smart’s Song to, ii. 161.
Davie, Mr., reference to, ii. 146, 147.
Davis, Mrs., an English nun in Calais, 11.
Dawson-Turner, his collection of Graiana, the gift of Mr. Mathias, and now owned by Mr. John Morris, iv. 339.
Dayrolles, Mr., intimate friend of Lord Chesterfield’s, ii. 353.
Mason christens his child, ii. 353.
with Leonidas Glover’s son, ii. 354. his relation with Mr. Stanhope at the Hague, ii. 354. De Grey, Lord Chief Justice of Common Pleas, iii. 390. De Guerchy and the Chevalier D’Eon, iii. 181. De Honestis Veterum Dictis by Marcellus Nonius, ii. 113. De la Lande’s Voyage through Italy, 8 vols., pretty good to read, iii. 344. Delap, Dr., referred to by Gray, ii. 309. author of Hecuba and The Captives, li. 309.
biographical note, ii. 309.
Gray proposes, through Mason, that a comment should be written on The Odes by, ii. 329.
did he write ‘‘ Melpomene’ ? ii. 338.
leaves Mason’s curacy, ii. 368.
returned to Trinity, iil. 128, 131.
his Hecuba and Mrs. Pritchard, iii.128.
and Kitty Hunter, unfounded report of their marriage, iii. 186.
references to, ii. 311, 318.
Delaval, Edward, his tuition, ii. 155.
his disgrace at Cambridge, ii. 159.
a Fellow-Commoner, ii. 203.
Fellow of Pembroke and of the Royal Society, iii. 137.
his skill in playing water-glasses, iii. 31, 124.
attends regularly on the Wilkes case, iii. 39.
visits Gray in Jermyn Street, iii. 182.
his frankness, 111, 320,
his illness, iii. 335.
criticised Gray, iii. 338.
references to, iii. 122, 137, 186.
Delaval, Sir Francis Blake, asks the post of Modern History for E. Delaval, iii. 140.
Delaval, Sir T., reference to a love affair, 111. 256.
Demofoonte, a drama in which Mingotti excelled, ii. 282.
Denbigh, Lady, at Stoke House, ii. 382.
Denmark, Mallet’s Introduction to the History of, ii. 352.
Denmark, King of, visits Cambridge, his personal appearance, iii. 329.
references to, iii. 327, 330.
Denny, Sir Anthony, old picture sup- posed to be his portrait, ili. 227.
D’Eon, Chevalier, and Mons. Du Vergy and De Guerchy, iii. 181.
De Principiis Cogitandi, a didactic poem of Gray’s, see Cogitandi, ii. 104.
INDEX.
De Quincey’s invective against Gras- mere coach road, i. 266.
De Regimine Principum, Chaucer’s por- trait by Occleve in the book, i. 305.
Destouches, Néricault, French drama- tist, his ‘comedy of Philosophe Marié, ii. 23.
note on, ii. 23.
Devil, History of the, lost fragment of Gray’ 8, 1. 142.
Devonshire, Duke of, Head of the Treasury, ii. 292.
appoints Rev. W. Mason Chaplain i in Ordinary to George IL., ii. 326.
gives a dinner to gentlemen attend- ing coronation of George 11|., iii.
114.
his seat at Chatsworth, iii. 134-136.
death of William, 4th Duke, and the cause, iii. 176, 184.
value of his estate and his bequests, iii. 183, 184.
Diamantina, La, violinist, ii. 76.
Dickens, Dr., reference to, ii. 118.
Dillon, Mr. John, possessed and added to the Dawson-Turner MSS. of Gray, iv. 339.
Dining, Couplet on, i. 141.
Doctor of Laws, Gray’s attachment to Cambridge induces him to decline, from the University of Aberdeen, the honorary degree of, ii. 219-220.
Dodsley, Robert, prints the Elegy written in a Country Churchyard, ii, 211,
the printing of Gray’s Odes, ii. 218.
prints a collection of Miscellaneous Poems, including Gray, ii. 219.
Gray offers to Horace Walpole some Odes for insertion in the Miscel- laneous Poems, ii. 226, 364.
prints the Elegy with Bentley’s de- signs, ii. 234.
references to, ii. 235, 339.
his conscience settled by Soame Jenyns work on Evil, ii. 310.
how many copies of the Odes has he disposed of, out of the 2000? ii.
829.
directed to distribute Gray’s poems to certain persons, ii. 344.
his play of Cleone, ii. 391.
printing an edition of Gray contem- porary with the Glasgow edition of Foulis, iii. 286-287, 290.
glutted the town with two editions, one of 1500 copies and one of 750, 111. 325.
Dodwell, assists in the Chronological
table of ancient authors, ii. 158,
357
Doncaster, aspect of the country near, li. 247
Doria, Andrea, reference to, ii. 48.
Dorset, Ann, Countess of, Gray’s ex- tempore Epitaph on, see Pem- broke, i. 140.
MS. sketch of her life by Mr. Sedg-
wick, i. 279.
Dorset, Duke of, his distress on the misfortunes of Lord G. Sackville, iii. 34.
Douaniers, dragons of Turin, ii. 43.
Douglas, a tragedy by John Home, ii. 360.
Douglas, Bishop, reference to his Pro- logue to the 8th Aineid, i. 341. Dovedale and the Peak, visited by Gray
and Dr. Brown, iii. 273. Doyly, Thomas, Fellow of St. John’s, iii. 190. Dragon, the red, device of Cadwal- lader, i. 70. Druidical mythology, iii. 351. Druidicarwn, Historia Vettm. Acade- marium Galle, reference to, ii. 294. Druidis, Commentatio de, by Frickius, ii. 293. Drummond, appointed Archbishop of York, iii. 105. Drury Lane Theatre, Dr. Johnson’s prologue for the opening of, ii. 220. Dryden, John, compared with Cowley, as a writer of sublime Odes, i. 36. his license of language in poetry, in- stances of, ii. 108. his character disgraceful to the post of poet laureate, ii. 345. his poems recommended by Gray to Dr. Beattie, iii. 222. Duclos’s Memoires, reference to, ii. 291. Dufresne, Abraham Alexis Quinault, a member of the Comedie Francoise, li. 28. Dunbar, Lord, in attendance on The Pretender at Rome, ii. 85. Dunciad, The New, Gray’s opinion of, li. 105. Duncombe, Harry, friend of Rey. Nor- ton Nicholls, iii. 240. Dupplin, Thomas Henry Viscount, Chancellor of the Exchequer, ii. 354. Durham, Dr. Richard Trevor, Bishop of, li. 241. Dr. Joseph Butler, Bishop of, ii. 241. fever in, ii. 245. Durell, Commodore, reference to, iii. 9. D’Urry’s edition of Chaucer’s works, i. 306, 325. describes a portrait of Chaucer at Chastleton, i. 306.
358
INDEX.
Dutch, probable settlement with, and | Hleqgy, text of the first edition, i. 219-223.
no war, ii. 392.
Du Vergy, the adventurer, in jail for debt, iii. 181.
Dyce, Rev. A., MS. copy of Gray’s Epitaph on a Child, i. 126.
MS. note as to the destruction of the autograph of The Characters of the Christ-Cross-Row, i. 210.
note on the cause of Richard West’s death, ii. 113.
Dyer, John, author of Grongar Hill, reference to, ii. 220. author of The Fleece, ii. 345.
EAGLEs on Snowdon, i. 43.
Ease, the mother of fine art, i. 119.
Eckardt, Ὁ, Ὁ le Walpole’ s Epistle to, 11. 221.
his portrait of Gray, ii. 234.
Edmondes, Sir T., State Papers of, ii. 281.
Edouard 111., Gresset’s tragedy of, ii. 186.
Education, thoughts on, i. 120.
Education and Government, The Alliance of, afragment, i. 113- 117.
editorial note on, 1. 118.
first published, 1775, i. 100.
commentary by Gray, i. 117-119.
its duties, i. 119.
Gray sends a copy to T. Wharton, ii. 187,
Edward VL., his restrictions on dress, 1.918.
Effingham, Thomas Harcourt, Earl of, his part in the coronation of George TS ai. ibs
Egmont, Lord, rumour that he will be Secretary of State, iii. 237.
Egremont, Lord, his hanging woods near Ulleswater, i. 254,
Egypt, Travels in, by Captain Norden,
194.
ἘΠῚ δι by Templeman, iii. 1. Egyptian architecture, Dr. Pococke’s prints on, ii. 255. Ekkehardus, ‘monk of St. Gall, early authority on Latin rhyme, i. 379. Election time, letters apt to be opened at the offices during, ii. 249. Electress Palatine, Dowager, receives H. Walpole at Florence, li. 54, Elegy in the Garden of a Friend, by Mason. Gray requests it for criti- cism, il. 339. Gray’s criticism, ii. 357. Elegy written ina Country Church-yard,
text of the edition of 1768, i. 71-80.
Pembroke text, i. 227-232. editorial note on, i. 72. satirical criticism by Professor Young, i. 208. advertisement to MDodsley’s first edition, i. 217. bibliographical note by Gray, i. 227. submitted to H. Walpole, ii. 209. H. Walpole requested to ask Dodsley to print it, ii. 210. Magazine of Magazines and its pub- lication, ii. 210-211. printed by Dodsley, with a preface by H. Walpole, ii. 211. errors of the text, ii. 213. design by Bentley for, ii. 234; en- graved by J. 8. Miiller and Charles Grignion, ii. 234; the original drawings offered for sale in 1882, li. 234, Robert Lloyd publishes a Latin translation, iii. 128. Elfrida, a drama by Mason, ii. 213 ; iii. 148. Elisi, singer and actor, illness of, iii. 77. excellence of his singing, and his personal appearance, ili. 80. Elizabeth, Queen, her deportment on receiving Dzialinskiof Poland, i. 49. Elizabethan State Papers, by William Murdin, ii. 396. Ely visited by Gray, ii. 366. Emanuel College, portraits in, i. 309- 310. Emile, Rousseau’s, Gray’s praise of, iii. 151-152. Encyclopedia, see French. English language too diffuse, ii. 111. Engravings, recommends their produc- tion in Italy and France, those of England are woeful, iii. 165. a. The, a fable by H. Walpole, ii.
212,
Brithaistast, The, by J. Warton, ii. 121. Epicurus, ruinous effect of his doc- trine to society, i. 120. Epigram on the company at Cambridge University, 1768, iii. 296. ; Epitaph on a Child, i. viii. 126. Errol, Earl of, his appearance at the eoronation of George IIL., iii. 113. Erse Poems, publication of the, i. 311. testimony in favour of their authen- ticity, i. 311. Gray charmed with two specimens of, 111. 45. enquires of Walpole if the authors are known, and whether any more are to be had, iii. 45.
INDEX.
Erse Poems, Gray obtains from Scot- land, and reviews a third speci- men, lii. 47-48.
said to be translated by Macpherson, but Gray is much exercised as to their authenticity, iii. 51-52. ublication of, iii. 56-57, avid Hume’s opinion as to their genuineness, cites persons who be- lieve in their antiquity, iii. 59, 65.
subscription on foot to enable Mac- pherson to recover further frag- ments, iii. 59, 65.
Gray more puzzled than ever about their antiquity, iii. 61.
second edition published, iii, 65, 69.
admires nothing but ‘‘ Fingal,” 111. $4.
Hurd writing against, iii. 129.
Gray’s scepticism apparently re- moved, iii. 148.
Erskine, Sir Henry, surveyor of roads,
111. 72.
unsuccessfully endeavours to obtain an appointment for Gray, iii. 72, 136.
his marriage, iii. 104.
Esealopier, Peter L’, Theologia Vettm. Gallorum by, ii. 294.
Esher, Cardinal Wolsey’s villa at, ii. 253.
Essex, Lady, death of the gay, ii. 401.
dies in childbirth, iii. 3.
Essex, Lord, attempted suicide of Lady M. Capel, his sister, ii. 274.
Estimate of the Manners and Principles of the Times, by Rev. J. Brown, its popularity, ii. 310.
Estrées, Mad. d’, and Henri IV., ii. 281.
Eton College, fever among the boys of, li. 340.
Eton College, Ode on the distant prospect of, i. 15-21. :
editorial note on, i. 16.
Etough, Rev. Henry, i. 139.
Etrées, Marshal d’, sends his surgeons to attend the Duke of Cumberland, “dis 821.
Ettrick, Mrs., sister to Dr. Wharton, references to, iii. 199, 200, 245, 320, 404.
Eusden, Rev, Laurence, poet laureate, li. 848.
Evans, Dr., Gray’s opinion of, ii. 220.
Evelyn’s work on Forest Trees ; quota- tion from relative to locality of the Eln, ii. 247.
Evil, The Origin of, by Soame Jenyns, li. 310.
Dr. Johnson reviews it, ii. 310. settled Mr. Dodsley’s conscience, li. 310.
359
Exhibition of pictures for the first time, ii. 65. ᾿ Eyres, Mr., reference to, iii. 319.
Fapran, Alderman, extract from the Prologue to his Chronicle, i. 330.
Fairfax, Thomas, Lord, monument of, in Ottley Church, i. 280.
Fall of Princes, see Lydgate.
Farinelli (Carlo Broschi), sopranist, ii. 22, 57; iii. 80.
Farnham, Lord, insulted by an Irish mob, iii. 26.
Fashion of the country, the custom and dress of the previous genera- tion of the town, i. 404.
Fatal Sisters, The, an ode, i. 51-58.
editorial note on, i. 52. paraphrase of ‘‘ Darradar Liod,” i. 52.
Fauchet, President, reference to his
Catalogue of Poets, i. 364.
his opinion that the rhyme of the Franks was largely borrowed by other nations, i. 368.
Favonius, see West, Richard.
Fawkes, Mr., his residence at, i. 280.
Fellow-Commoners of Cambridge, their riotous conduct, ii. 164.
Female sex, satire on, its gradual ex- tinction, i. 405.
Fen country visited by Gray, ii. 367.
Fénel, Abbe, his Religion and Opinions of the Gauls, ii, 362-363.
Ferdinand, Prince, preparing for a battle in Westphalia, ii. 402.
his victory at Minden, ii. 7, 8.
his conduct in Germany, iii. 27.
his reward for Minden, iii. 27.
=. of Lord George Sackville, iii, 28.
Ferguson, Adam, his Essay on the His- tory of Civil Society, Gray’s opinion of it, iii. 279.
Ferrers, Lord, his trial, iii. 35.
Mason and Stonehewer present, iii. 35.
burning of his cell during his trial, iii. 35,
Field, Mr., friend of Dr. Wharton and of Gray, ili. 49.
Gray obtains some soap from him as a remedy for gout, ete., ii. 277.
Fielding, Henry, Gray’s opinion of
Joseph Andrews, ii. 107. and a paper on Message Cards, ii. 143.
Finch, E., appointed surveyor of roads, iii. 72.
Fine Arts, see Paintings.
Fischer’s concert, and Gugnani, iii, 317.
360
INDEX.
Fisher, Bishop, supposed portrait in{ Foulis, Glasgow publisher of Gray’s
St. John’s College of, i. 311.
Fitzherbert, Thos., his second son dies from amputation of his leg, iii. 272.
Fitzmaurice, Lord William, his rapid military promotion, iii. 76.
Fitz-Osborne’s, Sir Thomas, Letters on various Subjects, by William Mel- moth, iii. 222.
Fitzroy, Mr., reference to, iii. 76.
Flaubert, his temperament akin to Gray’s, ii. 8.
Fleece, The, by John Dyer, ii. 345.
Fleming, Sir Michael, his seat of Ri- dale-hall, i. 266.
Floods, great, in the country (1770), ili. 387.
Florence, A Farewell to, i. 181.
Floyer, Governor, death of, iii. 249. Floyer, Miss (cousin to Rev. Norton Nicholls), reference to, iii. 317. ‘“Fobus,” see Duke of Newcastle, refer-
ences to, il. 353, 370, 371; iii. 45, 50, 63, 76, 105. Foleacchio de Folcacchieri, Italian poet, i. 352, Foljambe, Francis F. H., note on, iii. 335. has given Gray a specimen of natural history, which is a ‘“‘jewell of a pismire,”’ iii. 383. his disappearance, iii. 384. Folk-lore, vision seen in Caithness on de- feat of Sigurd, Earl of Orkney, i. 54. Fontenelle, Gray’s opinion of his man- ner of style, iii. 166. Ford, Miss, a performer on musical glasses, ili, 124. Foreigners, natural aversion to, ili. 156. Forrester, Rev. Richard, Fellow of Pembroke, ii. 288. death of his sister, ii. 318. vacates his fellowship and goes to Ashwell, Herts, ii. 346. his patron, Lord Maynard, promotes him from Easton, iii. 140. mortal foe of his brother ‘‘ Poulter,” iii. 140. reference to, iii. 63. Forster, Mrs. (née Pattinson, Gray’s cousin), returns from India, ii. 201. to accommodate some of Gray’s lum- ber, ii. 385. Gray has kissed her at Dr. Wharton’s instance, and forgot old quarrels, iii. 322. Fortescue, Miss Lucy, afterwards Lady Lyttelton, ii. 180. Fothergill, Dr., reference to, ii. 252, 259. Fotheringay visited by Gray, ii. 366.
early
Poems, iii. 285-287.
Gray’s appreciation of him as a pub- lisher, iii. 290, 325.
offers to present Gray with his Homer or the Greek Historians, iii. 346.
new edition of Milton to which Gray wishes to subscribe, iii. 346.
visited by Gray in Glasgow, iv. 343.
Gray admired his academy of paint- ing, iv. 343.
Fountayne, Dean, reference to, iii. 82,
108
Fox, Mr., unhappily criticises The Bard, ii. 828, 331.
Framlingham rectory in the gift of Pem- broke College, iii. 328.
Frampton, Thomas, Fellow of St. John’s, candidate for the Master- ship of St. John’s with support of the Earl of Sandwich, iii. 190.
note on, iii. 190.
France, Abrégé Chronologique de V Hist.
de, by President Henault, ii. 201.
on the brink of a general bankruptcy, 111, 841.
people of the provinces starving on the highways, iii. 384.
Etat de la, Gray commends it, ii. 128.
Gray’s Journal in, i. ix. 237-246.
Gray gives detailed advice to the Rev. Mr. Palgrave as to the places he should visit in, iii. 193.
Account of Gray’s journey through, 11, 16-35,
references by Gray to towns, etc.,
in:— Abbeville, its description, ii. 18. Abbey of Carthusians, Dijon, ii. 31. Abbey of Cistercians, Dijon, ii. 32. Annecy, the residence of the exiled Bishop of Geneva, i. 245. Ballet de la Paix, description of, li. 21-22. Beaune and Nuys, fertility of the country round, i. 242. Burgundy, description of the coun- iry; i. Sh united to crown of France, ii. 32. Calais, description of, ii. 16. Cenis, Mount, description of, ii. 41-42, 46, 59. Chalons-sur-Marne, i. 239. Chartreuse, Monastery of the Grande, its picturesque situa- tion on a mountain near Echel- les, i. 244. reference to, ii. 36-37. ascent of the mountain, ii. 35-36, 45, 58,
INDEX.
361
France, references by Gray to towns, | France, references by Gray to towns,
ete., in :— Dijon, road approaching, i. 240. a beautiful city, i. 2415; 11, 31-32, 3
5. Abbey of St. Benigne, i. 241. Chartreuse, The, their chapel and its tombs, i. 242. Church of the Bernardines, i. 241. Church of the Cordeliers, i. 241. Church of St. Michael, i. 241. Palais des Etats, i. 241; ii. 35. du Roi, i. 241. Pare, The, i. 242. Place, The, i. 241. Inns, French, description of, in L730, ii, 17. Joinville, its fine appearance from the road, i. 240.
Langres, description, i. 240. Langres, the Bishop of, a Duke and Peer of France, i. 240. the Cathedral of St. Mammet, i.
240
Lugdunum (the modern Lyons), li. 88.
Lyons, description of, ii. 33-35. view to be obtained of, i. 243. its situation at the confluence of
the Rhone and Saéne, i. 243.
Mount Fourviére, near Lyons,
antiquities on, ii. 34. Nuys and Beaune, fertility of the country round, i. 242. Paris visited by Gray, ii. 20-24. Paris, burlesque account of, ii 56-57. Parisian costume, ii. 57. Rheims, description of, i. 237 ; ii. 28-30. Cathedral of Nétre Dame, i. 237; li. 28. Church of St. Nicaise, i. 237. τ ch of St. Pierre-aux-Dames,
» 287. Chureh of St. Remi, i. 237. its ramparts and ancient trium- phal arches, i. 238. its society, ii. 29. residents known to Gray, i. 239. Rheims to Dijon, description of road, ii. 31. St. Denis, its monuments and treasures, ii. 20.
Saéne, fine view from Mount Tornus of the river, i. 242. Savoy contrasted with Geneva,
i, 245. Savoy, description of the vale of the, i. 245
etc., in :— Sillery, house of the Marquis de Puisieux at, i. 239. Versailles, description of, ii. 24-25. Vitry le Frangois, description of, i. 240.
Franck or Francken, Jerome, Flemish painter, Dr. Wharton purchases a picture probably by, ii. 384.
Francklyn, Thomas, of Trinity College, iis 911.
Franklin, Mrs. Joyce, her portrait in Emanuel College, i. 310.
Franklin, Professor, supposed writer of an article, in The Critical Review, on Gray’s Two Odes, ii. 327, 331.
Fraser, H. Walpole asked to influ- ence him on behalf of Dr. Brown, ii. 289.
Gray enquires if he has recovered, ii. 300.
Gray tells Mason he will send a copy of The Odes for, ii. 322. reference to, iii. 41. his industry, iii. 224, Fraser, Sir William, owner of Mason’s copy of the Elegy, i. 72. Frasini, an opera singer, ii. 284. Frederick the Great of Prussia, his Memoirs of the House of Branden- burg, ii. 229. Gray’s opinion of, ii. 290. and the King of Poland, ii. 291. writes to George Il. explaining his difficulties (first year of seven years’ war), ii. 320. Gray’s opinion centred in, ii. 339. his contest with Austria, and capture of Silesia, ii. 350. his account of the campaign, ii. 372. reduced to the defence of his Marquis- ate, ii. 376. victory over the Russians at Zorn- dorf, ii. 878. defeat by the Austrians at Hoch- kirchen, ii. 385. his poetry, iii. 36. Frederick, Prince of Wales, his Charms of Sylvia, iii. 73. Free-thinking, its altered form, ii. 375. French clergy, Lettres by General Fleury on the, ii. 230. influence on English poetry, i. 33. Encyclopedie, Gray purchases the great, ii. 323; criticism of its articles, ii. 331 ; iii, 2355 termina- tion of, in 17 vols., iii. 235. French, Mrs. , heropinion of Gray’s Long Story, and H. Walpole’s reply, ii. 228.
362
Frenchmen, their atheism, iii. 226, Freret, Mons., his Dissertation on the Religion and Opinions of the Gauls, li. 363. Frickius, Albertus, ii. 294. Frickius, Joannes Georgius, his Com- mentatio de Drwidis, ii. 293. Frisby’s in Jermyn Street, Gray’s occasional place of lodging, ii. 251. Froissart, a favourite author of Gray, 111. 24, his history, iii. 392, 393. the Herodotus of a barbarous age, 111. 389. Fruits, ripening of, at Stoke during 1755, iii. 96. Fuentes, Condé de, reference to, iii. 40,
ΤΙ: Fuentes, Madame de, and her twelve ladies, iii. 62.
GALUPPI, Baldassaro, his operas, ii. 1338.
Gardening, Landscape, the only proof of our original talent in matters of pleasure, iii. 160.
not forty years old, iii. 160.
nothing like it before in Europe, although Chinese excel, iii. 160.
the only honour our country has in matters of taste, iii. 166.
Italy or France unable to compre- hend it, iii. 166.
Gardens, Gray’s, are in the window, like those of a lodger in Petticoat Lane or Camomile Street, iii. 848.
Garrick, David, his popularity, ii. 133.
his farce of The Lying Valet, ii. 213.
William Whitehead’s verses to, ii. 220.
Epilogue to Athelstan, ii. 261.
his verses in praise of Gray’s Odes, 15 996.
opinion of Gray’s Odes, ii. 330, 341.
his dispute with Arthur Murphy, ii. 364.
and Mason, Gray endeavours to allay their quarrel, li. 376.
his farce of The Guardian acted on behalf of Smart, ii. 391; taken from Pupille of Fagan, ii. 391.
Mr. and Mrs., visit Lady Cobham at Stoke, ii. 323, 324, 376.
Gaskarth, Joseph, treasurer and Fellow of Pembroke College, reference to, ii. 283, 288.
Gray sends him a copy of The Odes, li. 320.
quarrels with Sir M. Lamb, ii. 346.
at Aston with Mason, iii. 9.
INDEX.
Gaskarths, their mansion of Hill-top, i, 258.
Gaskyn, Mr., reference to, ii. 295.
Gauls, Religion of the Ancient, referred to, ii. 294.
Religion and Opinions of the, Disserta- tion on, by Fénel and Freret, ii. 362, 363.
Gaurus, Fragment of a Latin Poem on the, i. 179-181.
Gaussem, Jeanne Catherine (La Gaus- sin), actress at the Comédie Fran- cais, note on, ii. 23.
ee Chatillon, a poem of Flanders,
day: το aa the Duchess of Queensberry his patroness and protector, ii. 372.
Genileman’s Magazine, Impromptu on Lord Holland’s house, published in, 1, 135.
Geoffrey Plantagenet, his part in the wpa e: of York Minster, iii.
45.
George II., his deportment, ii. 154. and Lord Holdernesse, ii. 321. account of his sudden death, iii. 69. his testamentary beauests, iii. 70-71.
George III., his probable marriage, iii.
70. his — to the Court Chaplains, 1. 150 refuses to expend money on the gene- ral elections, iii. 76. illness of his Queen, iii. 86. his favourable impression, iii. 89. description of his Queen, iii. 105-106. Gray expects to see the coronation procession, iii. 106. marriage of, iii. 111. account of his coronation and the banquet in Westminster Hall, iii. 110-116. paid £9000 for hire of jewellery at coronation, iii. 113. and his Queen ate like farmers, iii. 5
said to esteem and understand the fine arts, iii. 158. Ghirlandaio, Ridolpho, painter, refer- ence to, i. 320. Gibbon, his praise of Education and Government, i. 113. Gibbons, Grinling, his work at Chats- worth, ii. 135. ων a seal of Lord Strathmore, iii.
277. Gil Blas, Edward Moore’s comedy of, ii. 213. Gilmour, Sir Arthur, his conduct in a riot, 111, 339.
INDEX.
Gilpin, his Observations on the River Wye, iii. 380.
Gisborne, Dr., President of the College of Physicians, biographical note,
iii.
his saa of the offer of Conservator of Hunter’s Museum, iii. 67.
Gray sends a production of Mason’s to, iii. 246-247.
references to, ili. 150, 334.
Glasgow edition of Gray’s poems; Gray agrees to Dr. Beattie’s proposal of publishing a, iii. 285-287.
Gray’s praise of it, iii. 325. its success, sold off in a short time, iii. 346. Glasgow press, beauty of its type, iii. 165.
cies green, not classical, iii, 17. org ‘nist, reference to the death of a, iii. 22. painted, manufactured at York, iii. 17; exhibits at Society of Arts, iii. 102 ; made also at Worcester, and sold by weight, iii. 17; failure of the factory there, iii. 102; Gray’s advice for procuring, iii. 102-103. Glasses, water, Delaval’s skill on, iii. » 124. description of, iii. 124. reference to various players on, iii. 124, delights Gray, iii. 125. Gray knows Mason will be weary of him, because he cannot play them, iii. 147.
Gloucester music- meeting, reference to, iii. 343.
Gloucester Street, Gray enquires of Dr. Wharton if he can stay for a week in, ii. 366.
Glover, Richard (‘‘Leonidas”), his youngest son elopes with Mr. Day- rolles’ daughter, ii. 354.
biographical note, ii. 134.
Gluck, a German player on water- glasses, iii. 124.
Glynn, Dr.,Gray’s Cambridge physician, iii, 296,
‘“*God - willing,” Archbishop Potter's proviso, 11. 240.
rer 4 Mr., reference to his death, i.
Gondoifo, Castel, a house of the Pope’s, Te 78.
Goodman’s Fields, Garrick at, ii. 133.
Gordon, Lady Catherine (Mrs. Char- teris), i. 275.
Gordon, Mr., interested in Smart, iii. 63
363
Gormogons, note on the, ii. 166. Gotti, Cardinal Vincenzo Luigi, relative to, ii. 93. Gould, T. V., Fellow of New Hall, reference to, iii. 179. Gout, prescription for the, ii. 267. Grafton, Augustus Henry Fitzroy, Duke of, Chancellor of Cambridge University, i. 92. Installation Ode, i. 92. his descent, i. 96. Mr. Stonehewer and Mr. Bradshaw, Secretaries to, ii. 241. Mr. Stonehewer, tutor to, ii. 277. Gray thanks him for the Professor- ship of Modern History, iii. 318. Gray’s praise of, iii. 342. Installation as Chancellor of Uni- versity, iii. 343-4. Gray bound in gratitude to write his Installation Ode, iii. 346. Graham, Rev. Mr., the horticulturist, Gray visits him at Netherby, iv. 342. Graham, Sir Bellingham, dines with Gray, i. 276, Granby, Marquis of, injured whilst with the troopsin Hanover, ii. 378. Grand Magazine of Magazines, Gray’s Elegy published by the, i. 72. Grandval, Racot de, comedian, ii. 23. Grantley, Lord, see Sir F. Norton, ii 176. Gray, Mrs. Dorothy (the poet’s mother), Gray consoles her on the death of his aunt, Mrs. Antrobus, ii. 208. her illness, ii, 288. death of, ii. 237, 250. Gray’s deep affection for, iii. 239. transcript of her epitaph from the MS. in pencil of Gray, iv. 339. Gray, Lord, his belief that he was re- lated to the poet, iii. 280. Gray desires a copy of the Glasgow edition of the poems to be sent to, iii. 290. Gray, Sir James, may be appointed to Spain, iii. 256. Greathead, Mr., his residence near Warwick, ii. 258. Greaves, William, his Pamphlet on Libels, Warrants, etc., iii. 192. Greece, its early influence on English poetry, i. 33.
Greek inscription for a Wood, by Gray, ii. 115,
religion, the foundation of the Ro-
man, ii. 173.
Green, John, Master of Ben’et, Gray sends him a copy of The Odes, il. 820.
note
364
Green, John, requests Dr. Balgny to preach a commencement sermon, li. 368.
Green, Matthew, Gray’s opinion of his poetry, ii. 219.
note on, ii. 219. extract from his Queen’s Hermitage, ii, 223, 224.
Green, Dr. Thomas, Dean of Salisbury, ii. 317.
Greene, Dr. John, saan of Lincoln, reference to, 111, 56, 97, 105.
Greenwood, George, of Chastleton, Gloucester, portrait of Chaucer in the possession of, i. 306.
Grenville, G., Paymaster-General, ii. 292.
disinherited by his brother Lord Temple, ili. 123.
his candid refutation of the charges brought against the present min- isters, iii. 256.
Gresset, Jean Baptiste Louis, his Epitre ama Seuwr gave Gray the idea for The Ode on Vicissitude, i. 123.
his writings and their influence on Gray, ii. 182.
comedy of Le Méchant, ii. 183.
his works enumerated, ii. 184.
tragedy of Edouard III., ii. 186.
Le Lutrin Vivant, ii. 186.
Grey, Walter, Archbishop of York, his part in the building of York min- ster, iii. 145.
Grey, Dr. Zachary, reference to, iii. 55.
Grignion, Charles, engraved the figures for the design to Gray’s Elegy, ii. 234.
Grongar Hill, written by John Dyer, li. 220.
Grotto, The, apoem by M. Green, ii. 219.
Guardian, The, a farce by Garrick, ii. 391.
Gugnani to sing at Fischer's concert, iii. 317.
Gunning, Stuart, Fellow of St. John’s, and candidate for M astership of St. John’s, iii. 190.
Guthrie, William, of Brechin, author of the General History of Scotland, criticises Walpole’s Historic Doubts in the Critical Review, iii. 313, 314.
Guy _ Cliff, Warwick, the residence of Mr. Greathead,- “ll. 2ote
its natural beauties, i ii. 257. the cell of Guy, Earl of Warwick, ii. 258.
INDEX.
Hapit, definition of what we call, ii. 874,
Hadden, Ephraim, reference to as a vendor of rope-ladders, ii. 277. Hadley, Dr. J., of Queen’s College, ii.
820. Gray sends hima copy of The Odes, 11, 320. Halfpenny, William, his popularity and Useful Architectwre, iii. 110. Halicarnassus, Dio, his knowledge of the Roman mythology, ii. 173. Halifax, Lord, appoints Eusden poet laureate, ii. 345. his boyish days, ii. 115. Hallifax, Dr., Bishop of Gloucester, note on, iii. 254. references to, lii. 208, 259, 331, 359. Hall, Dr., Bishop of Exeter, portrait i in Emanuel College, i. 310. Hall, Joseph, Bishop of Norwich, Gray’s opinion of his Satyres, ii. 233.
Virgidemiarium written at Cam- bridge, ii. 233.
Hall, William, of King’s Walden, his daughter Elizabeth marries Mr. Bonfoy, ii. 378.
Hamilton, Mr., Gray recommends Dr. Wharton to visit at Cobham the house of, ii. 254.
his skill in laying out pleasure- grounds, ii. 254.
Hampton, Gray stays with the Cob- hams at, ii. 369.
Hardicanute, poem by Lady Wardlaw, 111. 45; second part by Mr. Pinker- ton, iii. 46.
Hardwicke, Philip, second Lord, his election as Seneschal of Cambridge University, i. 131.
reference to, iii. 6. probably will support the Whigs, iii. 76
author of the King’s Speech, iii. 128.
his recovery from illness and election as High Steward of Cambridge, iii. 168, 200.
probability of his becoming Secretary of State, 111. 238.
Hardwick Hall, description of the Duke of Devonshire’s seat at, iii. 136.
Harmonica, see glasses, water.
Harpe, Jean Francois de la, his works not to be had in England, note on, 111. 295.
Harris, Samuel, Professor of Modern History, 111, 136,
INDEX.
Hartlepool, Gray visits. Its waters and other attractions, iii. 206, 207. sturdiness of its inhabitants, iii. 207. Harvest, progress of, in 1759, iii. 12. Hasel or Hassle, Mr., his residence of Delmaine, i. 251, Hattield, death of Richard West at, i. 2. chureh, burial-place of West, ii. 113. Hatton family, their house at Stoke, i.
83.
Hatton, Sir Christopher, i. 83.
Hanberk, The, definition of, i. 41.
Haveus, Theodore, of Cleves, architect,
his portrait at Caius College, i. 309.
Havre -de-Grace, bombardment by Admiral Rodney, ii. 402.
Hawke, Admiral Sir Edward, his un- successful expedition to Roche- fort, i. 342.
his creat victory, iii. 22, 2
Hawley, General, his defeat “ Falkirk, ii, 129.
Hayes, Dr., Gray’s medical adviser, ii.
267.
attends Mrs. Rogers, ii. 882, Hayes, Mr., reference to, ii. 105. Hayter, Thomas, Bishop of Norwich, translated to London, ii. 105. death of, ii. 125. Health, J. Armstrong’s poem on, ii. 121. Hearse-day, appearance of the hearse, iii. 339.
Heberden, Dr., reference to, i. 252, 280. attends Mrs. Charles York, i. 401. marries Miss Wollaston, iii. 29. reference to, and his good dinners,
iii. 66. his son entered as a pensioner of St. John’s College, iii. 385.. Hecuba, Rev. Dr. Delap’s tragedy of, ii. 809. Heere, Lucas de, his arrival in England, 1, 81 4. Helias of Barham, Canon of Salisbury, i. 316. Heloise, Nouvelle, Gray’s opinion of the 6 vols. of, iii. 79, 83 Hénault, Charles Jean Francois, Presi- dent, Histoire de France, ii. 158. Abrégé Chronologique de UVHist. de France, ii. 201. Henley, Rev. John (Orator Henley), allusion to, ii. 15. Henri IV. of France, effect of his mar- riage proposals, ii. 281. character of his court, ii. 281. Henry VLI., founder of King’s College, Cambridge, i. 95. Henry VIILI., benefactor of Trinity Col- lege, Cambridge, i, 95.
365
Hens, Supper of, by Francis L., ii. 114
Herbert of Cherbury, Life of Lord, 200 copies printed at Strawberry Hill, iii. 173.
Hervey, Ashton, fable in Dodsley’s Miscellaneous Poems, ii. 222. Hervey, Frederick, Bishop of Cloyne,
Gray laments the loss of his ac- quaintance, iii. 77.
eats raspberry-puffs with Gray in Cranbourn Alley, iii. 270.
at Durham, his popularity with the ladies, iii. 278.
Hervey, Lord, and Dr. Middleton, dis- hag as to the Roman Senate, ii. 175
his admiration of animals, ii. 221.
Hervey, Lady, visited by Madame de
Fuentes, iii. 62. the ‘ Mary Lepell” of Pope, iii. 62.
Heskin, J., verses on the death of Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119.
Hexham, Gray and Dr. Wharton visit, iii. 281,
Hickes, Dr., reference to his Anglo- Saxon Grammar, i. 362.
reference to his Grammar Franco- Theotische, i. 363, 364.
his statement that the Franco-Theo- tische and the Anglo-Saxon were originally the same language, i. 364.
Hill, Aaron, his play of Merope acted on behalf of Smart, ii. 391.
Hill, Dr. John (the inspector), ap-
pointed Master Gardener at Ken-
sington, iii. 89.
Hill-top, the mansion of the Gaskarths, i, 253.
Himers family, i. 262.
Hinchinbroke, seat of Lord Sandwich, 111. 322.
Hinchliffe, Dr., likely to sueceed Smith of Trinity, iii. 303, and
Dr. Marriot, reference to, iii. 331.
History of English poetry, contem- plated by Gray, i. 53,
History of Hell, A, facetious verses by Gray believed to be lost, i. 142.
| Hoadley, Chancellor, Master of St.
Cross, iii. 178. Hodges, his contribution to Dodsley’s Collection of Poems, ii. 364. Hoel, The Death of, an ode, i. 129. Hogarth’s satire on Farinelli, ii. 22. caricature of Simon Lord Lovat, ii. 146. his print on The Mystery of Masonry, etc., ii. 166.
366
Hogarth and Paul Sandby, iii. 65. exhibition of his pictures in Spring Gardens, iii. 123.
his periwigs, iii. 123.
introduces Queen Charlotte into one of his pictures, iii. 123.
Holdernesse, Robert D’Arecy, fourth Earl of, Gray visits him in Paris, ii. 20-21.
his interest at Cambridge, ii. 288.
reference to his return to office, ii. Se.
and Mason, ii. 383, 395; iii. 9, 50
reference to, ii. 353.
Secretary of State, his premature publication of General Yorke’s letters, 111. 9.
his residence of Syon Hill, iii. 15.
correspondence with Lord G. Sack- ville, iii. 28.
obtains a precentorship for Mason, jii. 82.
named as likely to proceed to Ire- land, iii. 91.
going to Yorkshire, iii. 104.
his ghastly smile, ili. 199.
“his ugly face” at York, iii. 283. Holdernesse, Lady, and Mason, ii. 395. Hoilland,, Lord, Impromptu on his
house at Kingsgate, i. 135.
editorial note on Impromptu, i. 135.
Gray complains of its publicity, 111, 334.
his estimate of the character of the Duke of Newcastle, iii. 42.
his regret of public affairs, iii, 153.
is alive and written three poems, one entitled Lord Holland’s Return from Italy, iii. 269.
Hollar, neglect of his style, iii. 110. Hollis, Thomas, presents Gray with a beautiful set of engravings, iii. 166.
sends Gray Coserella, iii. 198.
Home, John, his tragedies of Agis and Douglas, ii. 360. Homer, the father of Circumstance, i.
Essay on, by Rev. John Wood, ii. 395.
Hopson, Major-General, his command
of the Expedition against Mar- tinique, ii. 385.
Horace, his house at Tivoli, ii. 74. Commentary of, by Mr. Hurd, ii. 349. Imitations of, by Thomas Neville, ii.
314. Hornsby, Thomas, his gout lozenges, iii. 129. Houghton Hall, Seat of Sir Robert Walpole, ii. 11. its Lanthorn of copper gilt, ii. 12.
INDEX,
Houghton, Lord, his rich collection of
holographs, i. xvii.
possessor of the MS. of Satire upon the Heads, i. 134.
possessor of Mitford’s MS. of Gray's Dante, i. 157.
Hounslow, residence of Walpole near, iii. 15.
Housekeeping in the Duke of Norfolk’s establishment (16th century ἢ), ii. 295-297.
Howe, William Taylor, Fellow of Pem- broke, Gray proud of his friend- ship, ili. 144.
returning from Italy, iii. 148.
channel of intercourse between Gray, Mason, and Algarotti, iii. 155.
his friendship for Count Algarotti, 111. 155,
thanked for his testimonies of es- teem, iii. 159.
urged not to despair of his health, will rejoice to see him in England, iii. 160.
Howlett, Dr. Zachary, see Grey.
Huddleston, Mr., his mansion of Hutton St. John, i. 251.
Hume, David (historian), believes in the authenticity of the Erse Poems, i, 311 ; iii. 59.
History of the Tudors, ii. 396. Gray considers him a pernicious writer, iii. 377.
Humorous pieces, recovery Of, i. viii.
Hunter, Dr. John, how the College of Surgeons acquired his Museum, 111. 67.
Hunter, Kitty, her escapade with Henry, Earl of Pembroke, iii. 132.
and Dr. Delap, 111. 186.
Huntingdon, the ‘‘ Wheat Sheaf” Inn at, iii. 375.
Huntingdon, Earls of, their house at Stoke, i. 83.
Hurd, Richard, description of, ii. 314.
Gray sends him a copy of the Odes, li. 320.
Gray accompanies him to town, ii. 291
Dr. T. Wharton asks him to be lenient to Dr. Akenside, ii. 299. Gray tells him few people admire the Odes, ii. 325.
at Thurcaston, ii. 326.
allusion to his Moral and Political Dialogues, ii. 325,
letter on the Marks of Imitation, ii. 339.
his remarks on Hume’s Natural History of Religion, ii. 349.
-
— |
i}
INDEX.
367
Hurd, Richard, reference to his Com-| Installation Ode, The, Gray says his
mentary 6] "Horace, ii. 349.
Gray enquires of Mason whether he should transmit the MS. of Carac- tacus 10, ii. 386.
obliged by Dr. Wharton, ii. 389.
and Warburton's criticism of Caracta- cus called that of Prior Park, ii.393.
attacking the Lrse fraginents, iii. 129.
obtains the sinecure rectory of Folk- ton on recommendation of Mr, Allen, iii. 189.
“srown pure and plump,” visits Gray, iii. 224,
undergoes a painful operation for something akin to fistula, iii. 335.
reported serious illness of, iii, 353.
is now well, and takes an hour’s walk with Gray, iii, 354.
references to, ii. 371; iii. 108.
Hutcheson, the disciple of Shaftes- bury, ii. 107.
Hutton, Archbishop of York, gives a prebend’s stall in York Cathedral to Mason, ii. 250.
Hutton, John, reference to, ii. 82.
his interest with his cousin (the Archbishop) on behalf of Mason, ji. 250.
leaves Mason an estate, ii. 250.
Hymeneal on the marriage of Frederick, Prince of Wales, i. 168.
IcELANDIC Lays, reference to Darradar
Liod, i. 52. Vegtams kvida or Baldrs drawmar, i. 60. Ignorance, Hymn to, i. 111. editorial note on, i. 111. first publication, i. 100.
Imagination, works of, decline, i. 393.
Imitation, Hurd, On the marks οἵ, ii: 339.
Impatience, the forerunner of the de- cline of works of imagination, i. 393.
Impromptus, i, 140-141.
Ingram, Mr., Groom of the Bed- chamber, ii. 290.
Ink-fish, iii. 12.
Inscription for a Wood in a Park, i. 193.
Insects, Generick characters Of the Orders of, iu verse, i. 198-202.
Installation of Knights du Saint Esprit at Chapel Royal, Versailles, ii. 26, 57.
I nstallation Ode, The, i. 91. editorial note’ on, i. 92.
worst employment i is to write some- thing against the Duke of Grafton’s coming. to Cambridge, iii. 340. anecdote relative to Gray’s com- mencement Of, iii. 341.
has been rehearsed again and again, iii. 343.
set to music by Dr. John Randall, 111, 343.
sung by Mr. Norris, Rey. Mr. Clarke, Mr. Reinholt, and Miss Thomas, 111. 343.
Gray does not publish it, but Alma Mater prints 500 or 600 for the com- pany, iii. 345,
a work of gratitude, iii. 346.
Invasion, fear of a French, ii. iii. 3.
King’s tent and equipage ready at an hour's warning, il. 402.
Ireland, Lords Justices offer to resign, ii, 78.
Gray does not know who will go to, 78,
Lord Holdernesse named for, ii. 91.
Irish disturbances in anticipation of a supposed Union and suppression of the Irish Parlianent, ii. 25-27. disgraceful scenes in the Irish Par- liament, ii. 26.
Dignitaries of State insulted by the rabble, ii. 26.
tranquillity of the castle authorities and a ball given same nighit, ii. 26.
a suppressed by the military, ii.
401;
gota of riot given in England six weeks before, ii. 26. very intractable, even Lords Justices, ii. 91, Isocrates should be read with judg- ment, iii. 363. Italian or thography co-temporary with Chaucer, i. 325. language easily acquired by one proficient in Latin and French, OE language copious and expressive,
ii. 8. Italians, their magnificent reception of strangers, ii. 97-98. parsimony y of their private life, ii. 97. Italy, its influence on English poetry during Tudor period, 1. 33. Gray would rejoice to exchange tongues with, iii. 158. Gray gives detailed advice to Pal- grave as to the places he should visit in, 111, 194-196,
368
Italy, description of Gray’s visit to, ii.
40-55, 59-103. references by Gray to towns, etc. ,in:— Albano, description of, ii. 78. Annonciata, church of the,atGenoa, 11, 48. Appennines, description of cross- ing the, ii. 51. Appian way, description of, ii. 78. Bologna, description of, ii. 50. Buchetto, a mountain of green marble, near Florence, ii. 54 Coliseum at Rome, ii. 70. Doria, Palazzo, Genoa, ii. 48. Florence, description of, ii. 53-55, manner of keeping Lent in, ii. 64, manner of its society, ii. 91. a gay season in, li. 97. statue of the Virgin (Madonna dell’ Impruneto) brought into, and devotions paid, ii. 99. Genoa, description of, ii. 47-48. Herculaneum, description of, ii.
discovery of its site at Portici, iv. 341-342. excavations at, ii. 277; iv. 342. Lanslebourg or Lanebourg, de- scription of, ii. 41. Lombardy, description of, ii. 50. Modena, its appearance, ii. 50. Mount Giogo, deseription of, in the ee 11, 52. Mount Radicofani, Soap ἦν ces of country round, ii. 6 hunting seat of a Grand Duke on, il. 66. Mount Vesuvius, its position, and appearance of the lava, iv. 341. Mount Viterbo, view of Rome from, 11, 66. Naples, description of,-ii. 81-82. Feast of Corpus Christi cele- brated at, ii. 85. account of Gray’s stay at, iv. 340. MS. of his excursions, in the col- lection of Mr. Morris, iv. 340. Neapolitan dominions, cultivation of, contrasted with Papal, ii.81. Palestrina, account of, ii. 75.
INDEX.
Jauncey, Mr.,
Italy, references by Gray to towns, etc.,
in :-— Reggio, a fair or carnival at, ii. 102.
Rome, view from Mount Viterbo, ii. 66.
description of, ii. 67-71, 84.
St. Peter's, ii. 67, 68, 70, 71; its construction, ii. 79.
description of a ball in, ii. 76, 84-85.
description of an Italian evening in, ii. 79.
inscriptions from, ii. 79.
St. Longinus’s spear and St. Veronica’s handkerchief ex- posed to view in St. Peter's, li. 70.
Sienna, account of, ii. 64-65.
Tivoli, Duke of Modena’s palace at, li. 72-74.
Torre del Greco, description of its appearance, iv. 341.
Turin, visited by Gray and Wal- pole, ii. 40.
description of, ii. 42-44.
its palace, ii. 44,
Tuscany, description of the coun- try, ii. 65.
Venerie, La, country palace of Turin, ii. 44.
Venus de Medicis of Florence, ii. 55, 61.
JacosiTEs, their victory at Falkirk, ii.
129
slight effect of their successes on
the rural population of eastern England, ii. 130.
James the First, 2 lyttel Books tocheing,
ii. 128.
James’s, Dr., powders recommended
by Gray, ii. 244. settles his son in a curacy, iii. 102.
Jebb, Mr. (physician), hero of dissent
at Cambridge, iii. 325.
Jenyns, Soame, The Female Rake, or the
Modern Fine Lady, a play by, ii. 214.
Papal dominions, contrasted with Neapolitan, ii. 81.
Parma, paintings of Correggio in, ii. 49.
his Origin of Evil, ii. 310. Gray’s opinion of his poetical abili- ties, 11. 222. Jerinyn Street, Gray’s place of lodging
Piacenza, ii. 49.
either at Roberts’s or Frisby’s in,
Nee een eS SSS
Portici, description of the adjacent fi, 237, 251. iL coast, iv. 340. Jersey, Lord, reference to, ii. 328. : discovery of Herculaneum be-/| Jodelle, Etienne, style of his verse, i. * neath the site of, iv. 341-342. 841, ὡ
INDEX.
John of Padua, architect of Somerset House, i. 307. built Longleat, i. 307. reference to, i. 317. Johnson, Dr. Samuel, his poem of London, ii. 220. prologue for the opening of Drury Lane theatre, ii. 220. reviews in the Literary Magazine Jenyns’s work on Evil, ii. 310. not a judge of art, iii. 81. Gray’s repugnance to, iii. 371. Gray calls him the great bear, Ursa Major, iii. 371. Johnson, Miss, trial of Lord Ferrers for the murder of her father, iii. 35- Johnston, Dorothy, her marriage with Néricault Destouches, ii. 23. Jonathan, Mr., friend of Dr. Wharton, references to, iii. 17, 83, 87, 173, 219, 237. Jonathan, Mrs., references to, iii. 152 173, 219, 354. Jones, Inigo, his skill in architecture, ii, 158. Joseph Andrews, Gray’s criticism of Fielding’s, ii. 107. July, 1754 and 1759, records of the weather and condition of the crops in, ii. 398-401. Juveual and Persius, Imitations of, by Thomas Neville, ii. 314,
Keene, Dr. Edmund, Bishop of Ches- ter, lines on, i. 140, 141. at Cambridge, ii. 178. his interest sought on behalf of Stonehewer, ii. 193, 195. Gray’s acquaintance with, ii. 201. Master of St. Peter’s College, note on, ii. 287. private ambassador of the Earl of Sandwich, iii. 201. interview with Mr. Charles Yorke, iii, 201. refused the Archbishopric of Ar- magh, iii. 201. his son leaves Eton for Peterhouse College, iii. 385. references to, ii. 189, 190, 192 ; iii. 55. | Keene, Mrs., Couplet on, i. 141. Keith, Marshall, death of, ii, 385. Kemble, Boaden’s Life of, quotation relative to Mason, ii. 242. Kennicott, B., his verses on the death of Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119. a harvest just over (1759) in, lll. 1 .
VOL, IV.
369
Kent, William, the architect, his de- sign at Esher, ii. 253.
Kent, Gray’s description of the county. Visited Ramsgate, Margate, Sand- wich, Deal, Dover, Folkestone, and Hythe, iii. 240, 241-2.
contrasts its coast with Hartlepool, iii. 242.
Gray has passed a deal of the sum- mer (1763) in, iii. 320.
Keys, see Caius.
Keysler, Johann Georg, his descrip- tion of Celtic and other antiquities in his /ravels through Germany, Hungary, ete., iii. 351,
Killaloe, Bishop of, insulted by the Irish rabble, iii. 26.
Kilmarnock, Lord, his trial, ii. 139.
King, = , Gray’ 5. opinion of his poetry, ale 220.
King’s College, Cambridge, founded by ‘Henry Was, δ᾽
Kingston’s Light Horse refused ad- nittance into Edinburgh, ii. 143.
Kinnoul, see Viscount Dupplin.
Kinnoul, Lord, his journey to Lisbon and Genoa, iii. 27.
description of his voyage to Lisbon, iii. 30.
Kirke, Miss, executrix of Dr. come, iii. 189.
Knight, Dr. Gowin, M.D., principal librarian of British Musewn, iii,
New-
6.
Knights du Saint Esprit, installation of, ii. 26; 57.
Knowles, Mr., elected Fellow of Pem- broke College, ii. 188.
Lady, The Modern fine, a play by 8. Jenyns, ii. 214. Laguerre, Louis (Old Laguerre), his work at Chatsworth, iii. 136. Lakes, Dr. Wharton obliged through asthma to part from Gray, when about to set out for the, iii. 349, Lakes, Gilpin’s Towr to the, i. 279. Lakes, Gray’s reason for writing the Journal, iii. 350. Lakes, Journal in the, i. 249-281. references to places mentioned by Gray in :— Ambleside, road from, to Kendal, i. 267. Appleby, description of the country about, with the river Eden, i. 250. reference to, i. 140. Armathwaite-house, residence of Mr. Spedding, i. 262. 9
~
B
370
INDEX.
Lakes, Journal in the, references to; Lakes, Jowrnal im the, references to
places mentioned by Gray in :— Bassenthwaite-water, description of i. 261, 262. Bolton Hill, view of Cartmell-sands and Lancaster from, i. 270, 27]. Borrodale, description of, i. 253, 256. and Wordsworth’s Yew - Trees,
i. 254.
Botany, excellent ground for, i. 263.
Brough, description of a cattle fair at, i. 249.
Buttermere, charr taken in, i. 263.
Carlisle, Gray and Dr. Wharton visit, 111, 281.
Cartmell sands, i. 270.
Castle-Crag, description of, i. 257.
Castle Hill, view of Derwentwater from, i. 259.
Castle-Rigg, fine view from, i. 264.
Cockermouth, visited by Gray and Dr. Wharton, i. 281.
Cockshut-hill, account of, i. 259.
Craven, description of the district of, i. 278.
Crow-park, i. 259.
Dalemaine or Delmaine, residence of Mr. Hasel, i. 251.
Derwentwater, view of, i. 260.
vale of, called the Devil’s Chamber
Pot, i. 262.
Druid-Circle at Castle-Rigg, i. 261.
Dunmallert, view of Ulleswater from the hill of,\i. 251.
Eagle’s-eirie, plundering an, i. 258.
Eimot, description of the vale of the, i. 250, 252.
Elysium, the vale of, i. 253.
Evening at Derwentwater, i. 258-259.
Gardiesand Lowside, valley of, i. 253.
Gordale-scar, description of, i. 276- Qi.
Gowder crag, description of, i. 256.
Grange, situation of the village of, i. 256.
Grasmere, description of, i. 265.
coach road, i. 266.
Hill-top, a mansion of the Gaskarth’s, 1. 253.
Holm-crag, i. 265.
Hornby Castle, i. 274.
Hutton or Hatton St. John, the re- sidence of Mr. Huddleston, i. 251.
Tikeley, i. 280.
Ingleborough, view of, i. 275, 278.
Ingleton, i. 275.
Kent, falls of the river, i. 269.
Kendal, its appearance by night, i. 268.
general description, i. 268, 269.
places mentioned by Gray in :— Kendal, its church, with tombs of the Parrs, Stricklands, and Belling- hams, i. 269. Keswick, botany might be studied to perfection around, i. 263. visited by Gray and Dr. Wharton, iii. 281, Kirkstall Abbey, description of,i. 281. Lancaster, description of, i. 271. its Gothic gateway, i. 271. Leathes-water, see Thirlmere. Leeds, aspect of, i. 281. Levens, the seat of Lord Suffolk, i. 270. Lodore, account of the falls of, i. 225. and Wordsworth’s Evening Walk, i. 255. ae as Crags, description of, i. 255. Lune, valley of, i. 274, Maltham, i. 278. Milthrop, iron forges near, i. 270. Ottley, description of, i. 280. Fairfax monuments in the church of, i. 280. Penigant, view of, i. 278. Penrith, view from the Beacon-hill near, i. 250. visited by Gray and Dr. Wharton, iii. 281. Place Fell, view of, from Dunmallert Hill, 1. 9551, Poulton, i. 272. Ridale Hall, seat of Sir M. Fleming, i. 266. Ridale-head, i. 267. Ridale-water, description of, i. 266. St. John’s, valley of, i. 253. Saddleback, effect of clouds on, i. 253. Sea Whaite, i. 257. Settle, road between Lancaster and, i. 274-276. Seven Mile Sands, near Lancaster, i. 272. their danger and story of a fatal attempt to cross them, i. 273. Sheffield, its pleasant situation, i. 134. Shode-bank Hill, steep road over, i. 279. Skipton, description of, i. 278-279. Thirlmere, called also Leathes Water or Wythburn- Water, description of, i. 264, 265. acquired by Manchester as a reser- voir, i. 264. Ulleswater, description of, from the hill of Dunmallert, i. 251. general description of, i. 134,
INDEX.
Lakes, Jowrnal in the, references to
places mentioned by Gray in :—
Wadd-mines, near Sea Whaite, i. 257, 208
Walla-crag, view from, i. 254.
Water-Mallock, village of, i. 252.
Wentworth Castle, description of, 111, 134.
Whartfdale, description of, i. 279-280.
Widhope-brows and the view of Der- wentwater, i. 261.
Windermere, description of, i. 267.
Wythburn Water, see Thirlmere.
Lamb, Sir Matthew, quarrels with J. Gaskarth, ii. 346.
father of the first Lord Melbourne, li. 346.
Lambertini, Cardinal Prospero, ii. 93.
Landscape Gardening, see Gardening.
Langland, Robert, metre of, i. 370.
his birthplace, i. 370.
Langley, Battey, his style of archi-
tecture, ii. 253. biographical note on, ii. 253.
Langley, Thomas, his work on archi- tecture, ii. 253.
Lansdowne, Marquis of, his waterfall at Bow-wood, ii. 254.
Lansdowne, Marquis, William Vis- count Fitzmaurice created, iii. 76.
Latin verses, i. viii., xvii.
Latini, Sur Brunetto, his poem of 1] Pataffio, i. 348.
Lauderdale, Richard Maitland, Earl of, his house of Lithinton or Lenox Love, iii. 209.
Laurel, imported into Europe by Clu- sius, ii. 174.
Law, Dr. Edmund, Master of St. Peter’s College, Cambridge, in suc- cession to Dr. Keene, ii. 287.
made Bishop of Carlisle, iii. 337. gives up £800 a-year to enjoy it, iii. 337.
Lay of Darts, see The Fatal Sisters, i. 53. Laziness, figurative description of, ii. 119
facetious account of the effect of, on Gray, ii. 192. Lee, Dr., his knowledge of college matters, ii. 180. Lee, Nathaniel, his Bedlam Tragedy, ii. 06
106. Lee, Sir George, Secretary at War, ii.293. Leeds, turnpike riots at, ii. 240. Legge, Right Hon. Henry, Chancellor of Exchequer, ii. 273, 292. Leghorn, chaplainship of, formerly held by young Mr. Byron, now suggested for Mr. Temple, iii. 402.
371
Leicester House, the political arrange- ments of, ii. 290.
Leicester, Lord, buried in Warwick Church, ii. 257.
Leicester, Lettice, Countess of, also buried there, ii. 257.
Leighton, Mr. and Mrs., reference to, ἯΙ. 287.
Leman, Rev. Thomas, Countess de Viry presents him with Gray’s MS. of the Amatory Lines, i. 137.
presents in turn, Gray’s MS. to Joseph Wharton, i. 137.
Lennox, Lord, reference to, iii. 76.
Lenox-love or Lithinton, seat of Lord Blantyre, note on, iii. 209.
Lent, account of a Florentine, ii. 64.
Leonidas, Richard Glover's epic of, ii. 134,
Leonius, Canon of St. Benedict, his Latin verse, i. 373.
his origin of Leonine verse discussed, i. 373-375,
Lepell, Mary, see Lady Hervey, iii. 62.
Letters apt to be opened at the offices at election-times, ii. 249.
Lettres de la Marquise M * * * aw Comte de R * * *, by Crébillon fils, ii. 27.
Liberty of Genius, suppositious Ode on, i. Viii.
Life, Gray’s references to his health, mode and condition of :—
confined at Florence with inflam- mation of his eyes, ii. 367.
in a good easy sort of state but oe- casionally depressed, ii. 113-114.
doubts if he should find much dif- ference between living in this world and t’other, ii. 135.
calls himself a solitary of six years’ standing, ii. 154.
the spirit of laziness begins to pos- sess him, ii. 192.
his mind unable to keep him cheer- ful or easy, and the spiritual part is the most infirm, ii. 199.
is listless, old, vexed, and perplexed, ii. 206.
diverting himself for a month in London among his gay acquaint- ances, then returns to his cell, ii. 229.
suffers from gout or rheumatism, ii. 267, 272, 288, 392.
uses soap prescribed by Dr. Whar- ton for his complaint, ii. 275.
depressed in mind, ii. 285, 321, 371.
ill of a cold and fever, ii. 329.
is better and more capable of amuse- ment, ii. 330.
372
Life, Gray’s references to his :—
can look back on many bitter mo- ments, partly with satisfaction, and partly with patience, and for- ward, although not promising, with some hope, ii. 347.
almost blind with a great cold, ii. 354.
believes that people take notice of his dulness, ii. 376.
weary and disagreeable in mind only, ii. 377.
thinks that he inspires everything around him with ennui and de- jection, ii. 379.
solitary and dispirited, -but not wholly unpleasant to himself, iii. 1.
the British Museum his favourite domain, iii. 5, 11, 15.
-envies Dr. Wharton his country abode, whilst he will never have even a thatched roof of his own, 111. 49.
‘“‘racketting about from morning to night” wears out his eee, 111, 60-64.
concerts every night at Cambridge, shall stay this month or two, iii. 124.
has had two slight attacks of gout after three years’ intermission, iii. 130.
long taciturnity owing to the noth- ingness of my history, 111. 150.
*‘neglected all my duties in hopes of finding pleasure,” which after all one never finds, ili. 161.
“nobody contented but you and I,” iii. 161.
the music of Carlo Bach serves ‘‘ to deceive my solitary days,” 111 164.
suffered a good deal from a complaint which has now grown almost con- stant, 111. 167.
undergoes an operation for the piles, iii. 170.
travelling through Hampshire, iii.175.
health much improved by the sea, iii. 179.
a complaint in his eyes that may possibly end in blindness, ili. 186.
neither happy nor miserable, ili. 232.
so fat that he suffered more from heat in 1769 than ever ke did in Italy, iii. 347.
passed six days in Keswick lap’d in Elysium, ili. 349.
walked about 300 miles through the lake districts in seventeen days, iii. 350.
have had a cough for above three months, iii. 892,
INDEX.
Life, Gray’s references to his : τ
lacks health and spirits all the win- ter, iii. 401.
travel he must, or cease to exist, iii. 405.
“the gout is gone,” but ‘spirits much oppressed,” God knows what will be the end of it, iii. 405.
Lighting of the chandeliers at George ILL.’s coronation, iii. 114.
Lincoln, Lord, Gray visits him near Twickenham, and describes his newly made plantations, ii. 370.
Lisbon, Voltaire’s poem on the earth- quake at, ii. 285.
Lisburne, Lord, reference to, iii. 241.
Rey. Norton Nicholls acts as medi- ator between him and Mr. Temple, 111. 287, 289, 332-333, 402-403.
Gray’s opinion of the disagreement, lil. 302-303.
Lloyd, Robert, published a Latin trans- lation of Gray’s Elegy, i. 227; iii. 128
author with G. Colman of two Odes in ridicule of Gray and Mason, iii. 128.
his praise of Gray in the Epistle to Churchill, iii. 128.
Lloyd, Miss, player on musical glasses, lil. 124.
Lloyd's Evening Post, G. Colman con- tributes to, iii. 42.
reference to, iii. 123.
Locke, John, his Essay on the Human Understanding and Gray’s De Prin- cipiis Cogitandi, i. 185, 193.
Loggan’s views of the Cambridge Col- leges, i. 309.
Loix, L’ Esprit des, by Montesquien, ii. 191, 199.
Lok, the evil being, i. 65.
Lomellini, Genoese family of, ii. 48.
London, Dr. Samuel Jolinson’s poem of, ii. 220.
London Magazine, Gray's Elegy pub- lished by the, i. 72.
London, that tiresome dull place where all persons under thirty find amuse- ment, ili. 181.
Londonderry, Bishop of, his patronage in Ireland, iii. 403.
Long, Dr. Roger, Master of Pembroke College, ii. 14.
his verses on the death of Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 118.
takes Mr. Delaval under his tuition, ii. 158.
settlement of his dispute with the Rey. J. Brown, ii. 188.
ion
INDEX,
Long, Dr. Roger, introduces Mr. Bed-
ingfield to Gray, ii. 276.
illness, and recovery from, ii. 289.
referred to in Carey’s Candidate, ii. 289.
an authority on astronomy, ii. 298.
Gray sends him a copy of the Odes, ii. 820.
his audience at Buckingham Palace to present a lyricord and a glass sphere to the king, iii. 152-153.
his mechanical faculty, iii. 152.
agent for the Earl of Sandwich at the election for high steward, iii. 168,
purchases a zumpe, iii. 267.
his funeral, iii. 387.
reference to his harpischords in the “old lodge,” iii. 391.
references to, ii. 138, 228, 280.
Long Story, see Story.
Lort, Mr., a candidate for Professor- ship of Modern History, and a worthy man, iii. 320.
note on, iii. 324. gone to Bath, iii. 335.
Lottery ticket, Gray asks Dr. Wharton
to purchase him one, ii. 370, 376. wins a £20 prize, iii. 337.
Louth, R., his verses on death of Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119.
Lovat, Lord, his confinement at Edin- burgh, ii. 142.
his execution on Tower Hill, ii. 142. Hogarth’s caricature of, ii. 146.
Love-a-la-Mode, Macklin’s farce of, iii. 28.
Lowth, Dr., his wife’s recovery, iii. 83.
contributes to Dodsley’s Miscellane- ous Poems, ii. 221.
Gray’s opinion of his Grammar, iii. 129
his pamphlet against Warburton, iii. 224,
Ludlam, Revs. Thomas and William, Fellows of St. John’s College, bio- graphical note on, iii. 144.
Ludlow’s Memoirs, ii. 128.
Luna est Habitabilis, i. 171-174.
theme for college verses, ii. 8.
Luttrel, Colonel, insulted at door of the House of Commons, iii. 338.
Lydgate, John, remarks on the poems of, i. 887- 409.
Lynch, Dr., Dean of Canterbury, his death, iii. 40.
Lyne, Mr., reference to, ii. 144.
Lyon, James Philip, reference to, iii. 122, 173.
Lyon, Thomas, Fellow of Pembroke College, iii. 122.
373
Lyon, soar? biographical note on, iii. 12 goes to Scotland with Gray, iii. 208. his chambers at Pembroke College destroyed by fire, iii. 301. lost one of his causes in the House of Lords against Lord Panmure, iii.317. Gray breakfasts with him and Lady Maria, iii. 374. references to, iii. 101, 238. πὴ Seer to the story of the, ii.
Lyttleton, Dean, satire on, i. 316. Lyttleton, Mr., Gray’s opinion of, 11.220, refers to an Elegy by, ii. 225. Lyttleton, Lord George, his Monody on death, ii. 180, his Monody parodied in Peregrine Pickle, and his character portrayed as ‘* Gosling Scrag,” ii. 214. admires The Odes of Gray, ii. 327, 331. his dialogues of the dead, iii. 42. Lyttleton, Sir Richard, reference to, 111, 98.
Macavtay, Mrs., Mr. Pitt made her a panegyric in ‘the House, iii. 238. Machiavel, Gray’s opinion of, ili. 299. Mackay, Major, testimony in favour of the Erse poems, iii. 311. Mackenzie, Mrs., grossly insults Mr. L— , iii. 87. Mackfarline, ‘the Laird of, testimony in support of the Erse poems, 11], 311. Macklin, his farce of Love-a-la-Mode, iii. 28. gratifies the king, who sends for a copy, iii. 29. Macleod, the Laird of, testimony in support of the Erse poems, iii. 311. MacPherson, Rev. James, his transla- tion of Ossian’s Poems, their publi- cation, iii. 56-57, see also Erse. Magazine of Magazines, its editor re- fused permission to publish Gray’s Elegy, i. 72. publishes the Elegy, i. 72. references to its publication of the Elegy, ii. 210, 211, 213. Maggett,Captain,and Lord Lovat,ii.142. Mahomet, Life of, ii. 128. Mahomet Second, a tragedy, ii. 22. Maine, Duchess of, Madame de Stael her confidante, ii. 291. Maintenon’s, Madame de, Letters, Gray’s account of, ii, 232. reference to, ii. 287. Mallet, David, supposed to have writ- ten Earl Nugent’s Ode, ii. 220.
374
INDEX.
Mallet’s, Mons., Introduction to the His- | Mary, Queen of Scots, furniture used
tory of Denmark, reference to, ii. 852, 362.
by her at Wingfield religiously pre- served at Hardwick, iii. 136.
Man-at-arms, Gray’s description of a, | Masinissa and Sophonisba, story by, ii.
111, 394.
115-116,
Manchester, Duke of, reported to have| Mason, Rey. William, his inordinate
an ancient genealogy of the English kings, with portrait of Richard IIL., iii. 309.
Manduit, Mr., pamphlet against the German war, iii. 91.
Mann, Horace, entertains Gray at Florence, ii. 52.
description of his residence, ii. 86.
Gray sends him a parcel of books, ii. 128.
reference to his sufferings, ii. 132.
Manning of Brun, Robert, his octo- syllabic rhyme, i. 353.
translator of Peter Langtoft’s chron- icle, i. 353, 356.
Mapletoft, John, Fellow of Pembroke,
reference to, ii. 288 ; 111, 69, 183. note on, ili. 69.
Marcello, see Delaval, ii. 155.
Margaret of Anjou, foundress of Queen’s College, i. 95.
Margaret, Lady, Countess of Rich- mond, foundress of St. John’s College, portrait of, i. 310.
be epee like Bartholomew fair, flown down into Kent, iii. 240.
Mari, Huon de, Towrnoyement d’ Anti- christ of, i. 337.
Maria Theresa, Queen of Hungary, Gray’s sympathy with, ii. 129, 134.
Marivaux, Gray recommends the ro- mances of, ii. 107.
his novel of Marianne, ii. 128.
Marlborough, Sarah, Duchess of, quar- rel with Duchess of Queensberry, I. 133.
Marriage, the Fatal, tragedy by South- ere; a.) 41.
Marriott, Sir James, Master of Trinity, visits Gray, iii. 182.
notes relative to, iii. 182, 296. competitor with Gray for the Chair of Modern History, iii. 320, 324. raises a subscription for a musical
amphitheatre, iii. 331. reference to, ili. 331.
Marsham, Mr., assists in the compila- tion of the Catalogue of ancient authors, ii, 158.
Martin, Jaques, Religion of the Ancient Gauls cited by, ii. 294.
Martinique, command of the expedi- tion refused by seven generals, ii. 385,
vanity, i. xv.
his capacity for writing sublime Odes, i. 36.
opinion of Gray’s Education and Government, i. 121.
gives the origin of Gray’s Ode on Vicissitude, i. 128,
Shakespeare verses sent to, i. 133.
Gray sends him some comic lines, i. 138.
elegiacal Epitaph on his wife, im- proved by Gray, i. 141.
his opinion of the picturesque point in landscape, i. 260.
The Progress of Poetry delayed by a remark of, ii. 111.
Ode to a Water Nymph by, ii. 184.
Gray’s opinion of him, ii. 184, 196- 197, 212.
Ode on the Installation of the Duke of Newcastle, ii. 196.
Gray’s comment on E£ifrida, ii. 212; 111, 148.
Gray sends a copy of Elfrida to Wal- pole, ii. 213.
elected a Fellow of Pembroke College, ii. 188.
contributes an Ode to Dodsley’s Mis- ceilaneous Poems, ii. 222.
Essays on church music, ii. 241.
his attainments in the composition of music, ii. 242.
Gray comments on the death of the father of, ii. 242, 243.
his loss of fortune, ii. 243.
death of his friend Dr. Pricket, ii. 244.
his fellowship his sole support, ii. 246.
presented to the prebend of Holme through John Hutton, ii. 250, 261.
on the use of the strophe, etc. ii. 263.
Gray influences the style of Carac- tacus, li. 262.
gives Gray’s reason for changing his college, ii. 279.
publication of four new Odes, ii. 280.
suffering from his eyes, ii. 299, 366, 387, 392 ; iii. 205, 206, 207.
promised Irish preferment, ii. 287.
his interest sought on behalf of Dr. Brown for Mastership of Peter- house, ii. 288.
resides in Arlington Street, ii. 289.
|
INDEX.
Mason, Rev. William, his chair given by | Mason,
Mitford to a poet laureate, ii. 299. Gray sends a fragment of Zhe Bard, ii. 312-313. Chaplain in ordinary to George II., ii. 826.
his pepe) to write a comment on Gray’s Odes, ii. 329.
in waiting, ii. 332.
christens Mr. Dayrolles’s child and Lady Yarmouth’s son, ii. 353-354.
criticism of his Elegies, li, 854-358.
and the Duchess of Norfolk, ii. 367.
and Sir Conyers d’Arcy, ii. 367.
his poetical exertion attributed by Gray to rivalry, ii. 368.
his uncle Dr. Balguy, ii. 368.
Dr. Warburton sends his New Lega- tion to, ii. 369.
Gray tries to quell his quarrel with Garrick, ii. 376.
goes to Aston for the winter and saves a curate, ii. 383.
and Lord Holdernesse, ii. 383,
his poetical indolence, ii. 394.
plants some roses for Hurd at Thureaston, ii. 397.
boasts of his skill in planting, ii. 397.
entertains Gaskarth at Aston, iii. 9.
Lord Holdernesse sends him much news, iii. 9.
ei Hill his place of residence, iii.
sitting for his picture, iii. 31.
present at the trial of Lord Ferrers, jii, 35.
ridieuled by G. Colman and R. Lloyd, iii. 41.
rebuilds his rectory at Aston, and improves its grounds, iii. 44, 368.
Gray doubts if he will succeed Chap- man, 111. 50.
caricature of some prominent Can- tabs, iii, 55.
referred to by the Monthly Review, iii. 57.
consulted as to a private tutor for Lord John Cavendish, iii. 58.
preparing with Paul Sandby a pic- ture of Snowdon, iii. 66, 68.
etches Gray’s head. Etching pre- served at Pembroke, iii. 68.
walks in the royal procession, and at the coronation of George ILI. ii. 70, 106.
reproved by Gray for prematurely rot the Elegy on Lady Coven- try, ili, 73.
Gray’s a iticism, oftheCoventryElegy, ili, 73-75.
375
Rey. William, acquires the friendship of Fred. Hervey, iii. 77.
made a Residentiary of York and Precentor, iii. 82, 108.
established at York, iii. 125.
Letters to Lord Ὁ. in Royal or Lady’s Magazine, iii. 131.
his reflections on Kitty Hunter, iii. 131
Gray staying with him at York, iii. 132,
his position as Precentor, iii. 132-133.
Gray’s criticism of Elegy V. on the Death of a Lady, iii. 139.
Count Algarotti sends him a pane- gyric on his Odes, iii. 151.
repining at his twenty-four weeks’ residence at York, iii. 161.
makes a collection for C, Smart, iii. 162.
his acquaintance with Bedingfield, iii. 163.
Gray’s criticism of one of his Sonnets, iii. 163, 199.
Gray recommends the music of Carlo Bach to, iii, 104.
tendency to marry, iii. 168.
modelling antique vases in clay, iii.
reference to ‘‘ future bride,” iii. 183.
reference to his betrothment and note on date of his marriage, iii. 198, 202, 207.
Gray's Sonnet to his servant Mrs. Anne, ili. 205-206.
Gray’s reasons for not visiting him at York, but sends his blessing to both, iii. 223.
Mrs., said to be very handsome, iii. 224; by no means in health, iii. 232, 244; Dr. Heberden thinks her irretrievably gone in consumption, lii. 244.
grown extremely fat and his wife lean, iii. 244.
Gray sends in disguise his wickedness to Dr. Gisborne, iii. 246.
opportunity of his obtaining other preferment than York, iii. 253.
Mrs., anxiety concerning, iii. 252; Gray’s description of, iii. 258 ; Gray enquires after her health, iii. 261 ; Lord Holdernesse offers the use of Walmer Castle for Mr. and, iii. 262 ; Gray advises Ramsyate for, iii. 263; Gray’s letter of sympathy on death of, iii, 265.
his esteem of Gray’s letter, 266.
Gray writes part of Mrs. Mason’s Epitaph, iii. 266.
376
Mason, Rev. William, inventor of a musical instrument called a **zuinpe” or ‘‘ celestinette,” iii. 267.
his derivation of ‘‘ zumpe,” iii. 267.
Dr. Brown and Gray the guests of, 111, 272.
Gray criticises an Epitaph written at the Archbishop’s request, iii. 274- 275, 278.
remonstrated with upon withdrawal of the Epitaph, iii. 276.
reference to another Epitaph that moved Dr. Wharton to tears, iii. 276.
Cambridge society anxious to see him, iii. 296-297.
with Stonehewer at Queen Street in London, iii. 317.
informed of Gray’s appointment as Professor of Modern Languages, 111, 322-323.
rectory of Oddington in his gift, iii. 328.
reported to be married, iii. 331. complaint of his circulation of Gray’s lineson Lord Holland’s seat, iii. 334. Gray cannot visit him from Old Park owing to difficulty of road to York, iii. 348. Gray tells him of his travels in the western counties, iii. 381. / Passes the winter in Curzon Street, 111. 404. references to, ii. 251, 260, 261, 262, 288, 285 5 iii. 1, 15, 50, 63,"65; 977, 131,149, 150, 282, 296, 297, 303. see also Caraciacus. Materialism, discourse on, ii. 373-375. Mathematics, Gray’s aversion to, ii. 5. Mathias, T. J., first publishes the Essay on Norman Architecture, i. 294. observations on English metre, i. 324. his 4tc edition of Gray forms the
INDEX.
May, Dr. Samuel, reference to, ii. 280.
date of his death, iii. 164.
May, Thomas, precedes Gray as a drainatiser of Agrippina, ii. 106.
Maynard, Lord, his seat near Dunmow, iii. 139.
patron of Richard Forrester, iii. 139. Mead, Dr. Richard, his corpulence, ii.
ii. Méchant, Le, comedy by Gresset, ii. 183.
Villemain’s praise of, ii. 183.
Gray recommends it, ii. 184. Mediocrity, Gresset’s Ode on, ii. 184. Melara, a favourite of Benedict XIV.,
iG 93. Melbourne, first Lord, a son of Sir Matthew Lam), ii. "346. Melmoth, William, author of Sir Thos. Fitzosborne’s Letters, ii. 222. Melpomene, an Ode, Gray enquires who wrote it, ii. 338. Gray thanks Mason for the history of, li. 338. Melton, Archbishop of York, built the Minster nave, 11]. 147. Memoires, Duclos’s, ii. 291. dela Porte, ii. 291. de Madame Staél, ii. 291. Memoirs, Ludlow’s, ii 128. Memoirs of a celebrated Literary and Political Character, ii. 293. Memory, half a word written on or near the spot worth a cartload of recollection, ii. 380. Merope, by Aaron Hill, acted on behalf of C. Smart, ii. 391. Merveille, Arnauld de, his metre, i. 334. Message-cards, paper in Museum on, by H. Walpole, ii. 143. Metaphysics, Gray’s dislike of, ii. 5. Methodism, Pembroke College owes its preservation from fire to, iii. 301.
basis of Mr. Morris’s Graiana, iv. | Methodist singing-man, reference to a,
339.
Mattei, singer, iii. 80.
Maty, Matthew, M.D., librarian of British Museum, iii. 6.
Maurus, Rhabanus, Archbishop of Mentz in 847, his Glossary of the Bible, i. 363.
May, Ode on, Gray praises Richard West’s, 11.119.
May πες Latin poem on the, i. 166.
τ οἰ -» quarrels with Dr. Long, ii.
ieee himself on behalf of Ὁ, Smart, ii. 178. May, Dr. Samuel, Fellow of Pembroke, 11. 288.
ili. 297.
Colomba, her success as δ᾽ Metre, observations on English, i. 323-
409 ; editorial note, i. 324.
use of the Anglo-Saxon prefixes, i. 326.
use of final syllable of verbs, i. 326- 327.
termination of ‘“‘an” or “eon” omit- ted after settlement of Danes, i. 327.
insertion or omission of initial or final letters intended to perfect the measure, i. 327.
use of the Cesure, i. 329-330, 332, 333. example from Milton, i, 332. example from Lord Surrey, i . 333.
Ryme Dogreil, i. 330, 339. examples from Fabian, i. 330,
INDEX.
Metre Alexandrines, i. 831, 357.
the d lUabic measwre, i. 333. example from Wyatt, i. 334. example from Surrey, i. 334. example from Spenser, i. 341.
heroic measure of the Italian, i. 334.
Riding Rhyme, i. 335, 336, 339. example from Chaucer, i. 335. example from Spenser, i. 339.
attempt to introduce the hexameter, sapphic, etc., in the reign of Eliza- beth, i. 841.
Measures of Verse, i. 343-360.
Rime Plate of the French, i. 343.
Versi Sciolti of the Italians, i. 343.
Ottava Rima of the Italians, i. 347.
Terzetti, or Terza Rima, its invention, i, 348
Sonnet, its invention, i. 349.
Sestine, i. 350.
Canzoni of the Italians, i. 351.
Octosyllabic, i. 353.
Cowwe, i. 354.
of the Vision of Pierce Plowman, i.
369. Metre of Lydgate’s time uniform to the ear, if not to the eye, i. 393. Michell, Mr., an acquaintance of Dr. Wharton, i. 262. Middleton, Mr., his residence near Burnley, i. 280. Middleton, Dr. Conyers, his Cicero, ii. 128, his work on the Roman Senate, ii. 163, 175. presented with a sinecure by Sir J. Frederick, ii. 163. his Inquiry into the Miraculous Power of the Church, ii. 163. his income, ii. 164, Gray laments his death, and the loss of an old acquaintance, ii. 199; iii. 151. his writings analysed by Mr. Leslie Stephen, ii. 199. ae Asheton writes against, ii. 10.
377
Miller, 4 gardener and botanist, iii,
Milton, μῶν example of an exquisite ear, i. 332.
his versification, i. 333.
creator of poetic language, ii. 108.
his use of the relative pronouns, ii. 355.
Minden, French storm, ii. 402. victory at, iii. 8.
Mingotti, famous singer, ii. 282, 305;
iii. 20, 21. Ministry, probable change of, iii. 153. their narrow majorities, iii. 168. altogether by the ears, so are the Opposition, iii. 181.
subversion of, on its last legs, iii. 204.
position of, in Dee. 1767, iii. 293, 294.
Minorea, reference to its 1055 by Admiral Byng, ii. 284.
Miraculous Powers in the Church, Free Inquiry into the, by Dr. C. Mid- dleton, ii. 164,
Miraculous Powers, Warburton on, ii. 128.
| Mirepoix, Madame de, daughter of
Prince Craon, ii. 85. Mirror of Magistrates, a supplement to The Fall of Princes, i. 409. Mitford relates the cause of R. West's death, ii. 113. Mob Grammar, The. Gray, i. 142, Modenn, Duke of, his collection of paintings at, ii. 50. Modern History and Languages, Gray appointed to the Chair of, iii. 318. Professorship unsolicited by Gray, lii. 319. his competitors for, iii. 320. Gray’s feelings on kissing hands for, ἯΙ. 323. worth £400 a year, iii. 326. Money, its effect, ii. 155. Mongon, Abbe de, Memoires of, ii. 200.
Lost piece by
opposes Dr. Waterland’s Doctrine of| Monosyllables, their prevalent use in
the Trinity, ii. 215, 216.
his Miscellaneous Works, ii. 215.
his influence on the Essay on the Philosophy of Lord Bolingbroke, i. 286
Midridate, Prince, reference to, ii. 227.
Milbourne, Mr., Fellow of Pembroke, ii. 288.
Mildmay, Sir Anthony, his portrait in Emanuel College, i. 310.
Mildmay, Sir Walter, founder of Emanuel, his portrait in that Col lege, i. 310,
rhyme, i. 396. Montagu, Duke of, his preservation of Kirkstall, i. 281. Montagu, Frederick, Gray in town with, ii. 284. Gray sends him a copy of The Odes, ii. 820. proposed visit with Gray to Cam- bridge, iii. 104. obtains the Residentiary of York for Mason, iii. 82. appointed an executor to Sir William Williams, iii, 104,
378
Montagu, Frederick, induces Gray to write an Epitaph on Sir William Williams, i. 128; iii. 109.
Montagu, Frederick, of Paplewick. Did he write Melpomene? ii. 338.
Montagu, Lady Mary Wortley, public opinion of her poems, ii. 222.
story of her fictitious gift to Com- modore Barnet, iii. 91, 100.
story related by Lord Camelford as to her parsimony, iii. 99-100.
her Dialogues of the Dead, iii. 42.
Montagu, Wortley, his death, iii. 90.
his wealth and testamentary be- quests, iii. 90-91, 99.
Montesquieu’s L’Esprit des Lois, its effect on Gray, i. 113; ii. 191, 193, 199.
his Voix du Sage et dw Peuple, ii. 229.
Monthly Review, matter relative to G. Colman, Mason, and Gray, ii. 57.
Moore, Edward, his comedy of Gil Blas, ii. 213.
Moorfields, penny literature sold on the rails of, ii. 258.
Mora, Madame de, αὖ Miss Chudleigh’s ball, iii. 62.
Moral and. Political Dialogues, by Hurd, 1. 395;
Morceau, first part of Gray’s Bard, ii. 266
Mordaunt, Sir John, to take part ina
secret military expedition, ii. 320. his part in the attack on Rochefort, li. 342.
Morley, his proposed marriage, ii. 165.
Morrice, Gil, or Child Maurice, the old ballad of, ii. 316.
Morris, Mr. John, description of his fine collection of Graiana from the Dawson-Turner and Dillon collec- tions. iv. 339-343.
Morris, Lewis, on ancient British poetry, i. 382.
Mortimer, Edmond de, i. 42.
Morton, Dr. Charles, of British Museum, reference to, and note on, iii. 117.
Muffs worn by the countrymen in France (1739), ii. 19.
Mugherino tree, reference to a, ii. 126. Miiller, J. 8., engraver of the initial letters in Gray’s Elegy, ii. 234. Murdin’s, William, Collection of Eliza-
bethan State Papers, ii. 396.
Murray, Mr. John, possessor of the MS. of Gray’s Journal in France, i. XVii., 236.
Murray, William, Solicitor-General, and Lord Balmerino, ii. 142
INDEX,
Musgrave, J., his verses on the death. of Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii 119.
Music, Mason’s Essays on Church, ii. 242.
Music, MS8., enumeration of the valu- able collection made by Gray in Italy, and sold at Mitford’s sale, iii. 164.
Musical composition, English language not adapted to, iii. 158.
Expression, Avison’s Essay on, iii. 242. glasses, see Glasses, water, iii. 125.
Nares, Archdeacon, his opinion of Lady Hervey, iii. 62.
Natural history, Gray’s keen observa- tions in, iii. 383.
Needham, Mr., tutor to Lord Gormans- town, his discovery and interpreta- tion ofan ancientinscription, iii. 85.
Netley Abbey, references to and de- scription of, ii. 266; iii. 177-178, 180.
Nevelois, Jean li, his poem of La Vie ad’ Alexandre, i. 357.
Neville, F., his verses on the death of Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119.
Neville, Thomas, of Jesus College, Gray shows him the Bard, ii. 314.
biographical note on, ii. 314.
Gray sends him a copy of The Odes, li. 320.
he and the old musicians do not appreciate Carlo Bach, iii. 164.
New Bath Guide, by C. Anstey, iii. 240, 245.
Newcastle, Gray and Dr. Wharton visit, lii. 281.
Newcastle, Duke of, his journal going to Hanover, one of the lost pieces of Gray, i. 142.
installation as Chancellor of Cam- bridge University, ii. 195.
laying a foundation-stone at Cam- bridge, and Gray’s desire to avoid him, 11. 259.
probable interest on behalf of Mr. Addison, ii. 288.
called by Gray the fizzling Duke, and by Dr. Warner Hubble-bubble, ii. 368.
probable visit to Cambridge to open a new library, ii. 368.
Gray does not stay to receive him at Cambridge, ii. 370.
his remark to Bishop Yonge, ii. 371.
effect = his sister’s death upon the, 11, 40
Ξε
INDEX.
Newcastle, Duke of, attends divine ser- vice since the death of his sister, Lady Castlecomer, iii. 3.
his fear of spirits, iii. 3.
Lord Holland’s character of, iii. 42.
Gray calls Cambridge “old Fobus’s owl’s nest,” iii. 45.
reference to, as Fobus, ii. 353 ; iii. 50, 63, 76, 105.
talks of resigning, iii. 76.
references to, ii. 193, 204.
Newcombe, Dr. John, Master of St. John’s College and Dean of Rochester, his death and _ bio- graphical note, iii. 189.
Gray sends him a copy of The Odes, ii. 320. Miss Kirke and Richard Beadon his executors, ili. 189. New Legation, by Dr. Warburton, ii. 369.
Newmarket, tapestry of the marriage of Henry VI. in the Red Lion Inn at, iii. 807.
Gray and the King of Denmark at, iii. 330. Duke of Cumberland at, iii. 66.
Newnham, Lord, in ill health, 111, 224 ; see also Nuneham.
Newspapers in London of 1761, iii. 123.
Newton appointed Bishop of Bristol and residentiary of St. Paul’s, iii. 105,
offered the Archbishopric of Armagh, iii. 201.
Niccolina (opera singer), her justness of ear, vivacity and variety of ges- ture, iii. 157,
her victory over a prejudiced audi- ence, iii, 157.
Nicholls, Dr., expelled from Cambridge for stealing books, iii. 245.
Nicholls’s, Rev. Norton, verses on birds composed in his hearing, i. 139.
thanks Gray for Mason’s hospitality αὖ York, iii. 191.
illness and recovery of his mother, iii. 238.
at Studley, iii. 240.
Gray’s letter of sympathy on loss of his uncle, Governor Floyer, iii. 248.
his probable succession of Dr. Rid- lington, iii. 254.
advice as to obtaining occupation, and his interim acceptance of a curacy, iii. 254,
presented by his uncles to the rectories of Sound and Bradwell, Suffolk, iii. 260.
rents a seat at Blundeston, iii. 260.
379
Nicholls, Rev. Norton, Gray congratu- lates him on his rectory, iii. 284. Gray advises him as the mediator between Lord Lisburne and Mr, Temple, iii. 287-289, 332-333. Gray’s opinion of-the dispute, iii. 302-303. offered a travelling companionship by Mr. Barrett, iii. 324. invitation and acceptance to visit Cambridge, iii. 330, 337, 382-383. congratulated by Gray on having a garden, ii. 342. agrees to visit Wales with Gray in the summer of 1770, iii. 363. invited by Gray to go a tour in mid- land counties, iii, 375. accompanies Gray thither, iii. 380. Gray advises him of the French classics, iii. 389. intention to visit Bonstetten in Switzerland, iii. 394. urged to curb Bonstetten by his counsel, iii. 401. Gray asks for minute details of his travels, iii. 406. his MS. Recollections of Gray, in the possession of Mr. John Morris, iv. 343. Mr. John Morris possesses Gray’s MS. letters to, iv. 340. Niflheimr, the hell of Gothic nations, 1. Oh Niphausen mentions that the King of Prussia will issue an account of his campaign, ii. 372. Noble, Mr., reference to, ii. 294. Nonius, Marcellus, his couplet on a dimple, ii. 113. ee an Ode (Ode on the Spring),
Norden, Frederick Ludvig, his Voyage a’ Egypte et de Nubie, ii. 194; iii. tutor to Count Daniskiold, ii, 194. Norfolk, History of, reference to Blome- field's, ii. 377. Norman architecture, see Architecture. Norris, Thomas, soprano, took part in the Installation Ode, iii. 848, Northamptonshire, crops later than in Buckinghamshire, ii. 258. Northington, Earl] of (Lord Chancellor), gives a sinecure to Mason, iii. 139. Norton, Sir Fletcher, Solicitor-General, political opponents shrink under his brazen hand, iii. 172. anecdote of his parsimony, iii. 176. Notredame, Jean de, reference to his a es of the Pr ovencal Poets, i. 36
380 INDEX.
Nourse, Peter, of St. John’s College, Gray sends him a copy of The Odes, ii. 320. ΤῊΝ Acta Eruditorwm, reference to, ii. 94
November 5th, Latin poem on, i. 167. Nugent, Robert Craggs, Earl, his elegiac verse, ii. 180. his Ode to Pulteney, ii. 220. Nuneham, Lord, Gray’s opinion of, ii. Ω
sent by Stonehewer to Gray, ii. 310. his appearance and conversation, ii. 310.
reference to, ii. 328. Nunziata, Zoto del, painter, i. 320.
Obscurity and Oblivion, two Odes in ridicule of Gray and Mason, iii. 41,
53. Occleve, his portrait of Chaucer, i. 395-306. Ode in the Greek manner, see Progress of Poetry, i. 28. Ode (to his embryo muse), i. 205-207. editorial note on, 205. Odes, the Pindaric (The Fatal Sisters and The Descent of Odin), reason for the notes to, iii. 289-290. Odes, printed by Walpole and pub- lished by Dodsley, ii. 319, 321, 322. public opinion on, ii. 323-326. admired by Garrick and Warburton, iit 325: Gray received forty guineas for, ii. 330
slow sale of, iii. 53. meant to be vocal to the intelligent alone, iii. 148. Odikle, Gray’s nickname for The Bard, i. 40. Odin, The Descent of, an Ode, i. 59. editorial note on, i. 60. Ogden, Dr., his quarrel at the Com- mons, 111. 63. his estimation of the Rev. Mr. Lud- lam, iii. 144. candidate for Mastership of St. John’s, iii. 190. Oliffe, Mrs., Gray’s aunt, ii. 383. joint executor with Gray to Mrs. Rogers, ii. 384. reference to, ili. 375. Olynpiade, the opera of, ii. 133. Ombre, a game played in. Turin, ii. 44. Onley, Charles, Fellow of Pembroke College, Gray suggests him as tutor to the nephew of Lord John Caven- dish, iii. 58.
Onley, Charles, agrees to become tutor to young Ponsonby, iii. 67. Onslow, Mr. (the Speaker’s son), Groom of the Bedchamber, 11, 290. Opera house, popularity in 1761, iii. 80. success maintained by a few par- ticular voices rather than by genuine love for Italian music, iil. 157. opens with Manzuoli, iii. 181. Opera in Paris (1739), account of, ii. 21-22, 56. Oroonoko, tragedy by T. Southerne, ii. 11.
Orthography of the text, i. xvi.
Osborn, reference to, iii. 69.
Ossian, Poems of, see Erse and Mac- Pherson.
Otfrid of Weisenburgh, his paraphrase of the Gospels in rhyme, i. 363.
quotation from, i. 363.
Ottava Rima Measure, its introduc- tion, i. 347.
Ottoboni, Cardinal Pietro, death of, ii. 63
Owen, The Triumphs of, a fragment, i. 67. Owl. Gray keeps one, and compares it to himself, ii. 369.
PAGANINI, Signora, her appearance in burlettas, iii. 77.
Gray delighted with her excellence, iii. 81.
Painted glass, see Glass.
Painters, Gray's Essay to Walpole on his Lives of the, i. 303-321.
MS. of the Essay possessed by Mr. Morris, iv. 340.
Painting and sculpture ; hard to say why they have made no advance in England, iii. 158.
Paintings, Gray’s table of subjects, suitable for the style of various old masters, ili. 194-197.
Palgrave, Rev. William, borough, ii. 378.
Fellow of Pembroke College, and rector of Palgrave and Thrande- ston, ii. 379.
Gray writes him a facetious letter enquiring about his Scotch tour, 11. 379.
entertains Rev. J. Brown, iii. 38.
his MS. diaries, tii. 70.
at Geneva, and travelling through Switzerland, iii. 174.
Gray gives him detailed advice of the places he should visit in France and Italy, iii. 193-196.
at Scar-
ΑΕ
INDEX.
' Palgrave, Rey. William, his return, iii. 208
visits Glamis and Newby, iii. 256- 257, 258.
going to Ranelagh and the opera, iii. 268.
connections of his family, iii. 284. his elder brother, who took the name of Sayer, dangerously ill, iii. 284. the strange casualties of his house- hold, iii. 882. Palma, old, remarks on his skill as a painter, ii. 389. Pamfilio, Prince, his palace at Rome, ii. 97. Pandore, description of its representa- tion, ii. 21. Panmure, Lord, reference to, and Tom Lyon, iii. 257. ee Gray’s high opinion of, iii.
Paper from silk rags, iii. 40.
Paraphrases from Petrarca, by Gray, i. 194; from Anthologia Greca, i. 195-202.
Paris, Alexandre de, his poem of the Roman d’Alexandre, i. 357.
Paris, Dr. Ayrton, relates the manner in which the College of Surgeons obtained Hunter’s Museun, ii. 68.
Park Place, near Henley, residence of General Conway and Lady Ailes- bury, ii. 42.
Parker, Mr., lord of the manor of Ingleton, i. 275.
Parmegiano’s picture of Moses fur- nishes a model for Gray's Bard, ii. 818.
Parnell Remains, the dunghill of Irish Grub Street, ii. 372.
Parody on an epitaph, i. 140.
editorial note on, i. 140. Parrs, peeve of the, in Kendal church,
ΤῸΝ John, blind harper, his concert - inspired Gray to finish the Bard, i. 40. visits Cambridge, ii. 312. father of John Parry, A.R.A., ii. 812. Parthenay, Des Roches de, his trans- lation of Norden’s Travels in Egypt, ii. 194. πῦρ; a > gig to his Recherches, i. 332, 3 Passerat, ssa poet, reference to, i 41,
Patrizii, Count, great ball given at Rome by, ii. 84.
Patterson, Mrs., friend of Dr. T. Whar- ton’s, ii. 359.
381
Pattinson, see Mrs. Forster.
Pausanias, a tragedy, by R. West, ii. 103.
Payne, Mrs., a friend of Dr. Τὶ Whar- ton’s, ii. 359.
Pearce, Zachary, Bishop of Rochester, his confusion at coronation of George III., iii, 113.
note on, iii. 113.
Peck, Fellow of Trinity College, iii. 324.
Peele, Theophilus, of Cambridge, refer- ence to, ii. 155.
interests himself on behalf of C. Smart, ii. 178.
settlement of his dispute with Dr. Long, ii. 18S.
Pembroke and Montgomery, Epitaph on Anne, Countess of, i. 278.
MS. sketch of her life by her Secre- tary, i. 279. Pembroke College, founded by Mary de Valentia, i. 95; ii. 280. possesses MS. of Ode on the Spring, i. 2 ; Ode on the death of a favourite Cat, i. 10; Distant Prospect of Eton College, i. 16; Hymn to Adversity, i. 24; The Fatal Sisters, i. 52; Ilegy written ina Churchyard, i. 72; A Long Story, i. 82: Sonnet on "the death of Richard West, i. 110; by Stonehewer of Gray’s Pleasures Srom Vicissitude, i. 123 ; A Song, i.
138. The Bard, finished at, i. 40. comic lines written at, i. 138. facetious description of the settle- ment of a dispute at, ii. 188. Gray becomes a resident of, ii. 279. Gray’s description of, iii. 150. Pembroke, Henry, Earl of, deserts his wife and elopes with Kitty Hunter, lii. 132. Penn, Mr., his residence at Stoke, i. 83. Perch, receipt to dress, 1. 263-264. Peregrine Pickle, Smollett’s, ii. 214. sig γοω Giambattista, his songs, ii. 188,
Ricciarelli sings his Stabat Mater, ii. 282.
reference to his airs, iii. 157. Gray has a mass of his compositions, all divinity, iii. 163. Gray’s admiration of his composi- tions, iii. 164, his Salve Regina performed at the Haymarket, 1740, iii. 164. Walpole’s error that Gray introduced his works, iii. 164. Perrot, Lord, and the Assizes, iii. 281. Peru, natural history of, in Spanish, ii. 195.
382
Pescetti, Giambattista, operatic com- poser, ii. 133.
Peterborough, visited by Gray, ii. 366.
Peterborough, Lord, story of his bar- gaining for a canary in Pall Mall, li. 100-101.
Peterhouse College, The Bard com- menced at, i. 40.
Hymn to Ignorance, written at, i. 111.
use of iron bar in Gray’s window at, Hs 27s
Gray quits it for Pembroke College, li. 279.
humorous description of its quad- rangle, ii. 14.
Petrarch, L’ Abbé de Sade Mémoires pour la Vie de Francois Petrarque, Gray has been reading, iii. 236.
Peyriere, Baronne de la, iii. 127.
““Ministress at London,” iii. 236. become a Catholic, iii. 236. her pets, 111. 236.
Phelps, Mr., about to issue an account of Sicily, iii. 85.
Philips and Smith, reference to, ap- pearing in the same volume, i. 212.
Philosophe Marié, the comedy of, i. 23.
Philosopher, endowments necessary to form. a, iii. 361.
. Philosophie Dictionary of Voltaire, reference to, iii. 187.
Philosophy, Gray’s vindication of, ii. 167.
Philosophy of Lord Bolingbroke, Essay
on the, i. 286.
published on Mason’s authority, i. 286.
influence of Conyers Middleton ap- parent in, i. 286.
Piazza, Hieronimo Bartolomeo, Gray’s Italian master, ii. 3.
Pictures, first exhibition of, iii. 65.
Pilkington, Mrs. Leetitia, and Cibber, ii. 169.
her memoirs, ii. 169.
Pinkerton, John, his forgery of the second part of Hardicanute, con- fessed in the Maitland Poems, iii. 46.
Pitt, the elder, afterwards Earl of Chatham, paymaster of the forces, his dismissal, ii. 273.
Secretary of State, ii. 292.
ill of the gout, ii. 292.
sold his inestimable diamond for a peerage, ili. 84.
his popularity tottering, iii. 91.
and the Spanish quarrel, iii. 116.
publication of his negotiations with the French, iii. 122.
his resignation, iii. 123.
INDEX,
Pitt, the elder, complains of the in- glorious peace, iii. 137.
styled by Count Algarotti ‘‘ Resitu- tor d’Inghilterre,” iii. 151.
inclination to injure his fame, iii. 167.
report that he lies dangerously ill, 11, 203.
‘when he is gone, allis gone,” iii.203.
speaks for three and a half hours on the rights of the colonies, iii. 234.
Gray laments his acceptance of a peerage, iii. 243.
breach with Lord Temple, iii. 243.
his restored popularity, iii. 246.
everything is in Lord Chatham’s breast, iii. 255.
mending slowly in health, iii. 270.
Pitt, J. (Lord Camelford), his story of Lady M. Wortley Montagu, iii. 99-100.
Pitt, Thomas, afterwards Lord Came]l- ford; did he write Melpomene? li. 338.
proposes to meet Mr. Palgrave at Glamis, ii. 378.
about to marry Miss Wilkinson and £30,000, iii. 406.
Pitt, Mr. (the little), goes with Lord Kinnoul by sea round Spain to Italy, iii. 27.
his return, iii. 85.
his letter to Gray on his travels, iii.98.
Pitt, Mrs. Anne, receives a pension of £500 a year, iii. 78.
Plato, notes on, iv.
Play exercise at Eton, i. 163-165.
printed from Stonehewer collection, i. 163.
Pleasures of Imagination, criticism of, ii. 120-121.
Plummer, Mr., reference to, ii. 239.
Plumptre, Dr. Robert, sits for his por- trait to Benj. Wilson, iii. 16.
biographical note, iij. 16.
Pocock, Dr. Richard, Bishop of Ossory and Meath, reference to, iii. 2. . Poems, statement of the source of the
present text, i. xXlii.-xiv.
Gray agrees to the Glasgow edition in deference to Dr. Beattie, ili. 285- 287.
Poésies, Gresset’s, ii. 186.
Poetic license, Gray advocates, i. 397.
Poetical Rondeaw attributed to Gray, i. 208.
Poet laureate, Gray’s opinion of the office, ii. 344-345.
hitherto humbled the professor, ii.345.
Poets, a fig for those who have not been among the mountains, iii. 223.
SSS ζὉ..-ΟΘϑΘϑ . .Κ.νϑ 6-Κ Κι-.0Θ0εϑῈ-.-..
Bite ory
INDEX.
Poetry, reference to Puttenham’s Art of, i. 829, 330, 331. reference to Ronsard’s Art of, i. 332. Poetry, the language of the age never the language of, ii. 108.
possesses a language peculiar to it- self, ii. 108.
use of the Strophe and Anti-strophe, ii. 263,
the Lyric style in contrast to the Epic, ii. 304-305.
nature of the Lyric, ii. 352-353.
Gray’s faculty by no means volun- tary, but the result of a certain disposition of mind, ii. 366.
Gray does not know a Scotchman of his own period who could read, much less write, iii. 56.
what its production implies, iii. 156.
Gray once contemplated a history of English; sketch of his design, iii. 865-367.
Poland, King of, and the King of Prussia, ii. 291.
commissions Count Algarotti to pur- chase pictures, iii. 307.
Political affairs, Gray ashamed of his country, iii. 166.
nation in the same hands as the uni- versity, iii. 172.
resembles first years of Charles I.’s time, iii. 172.
reference to, iii. 204.
condition of, in March, 1766, iii. 233- 234.
Polymetis, by Joseph Spence, ii. 170.
Pompey’s villa, ii. 78.
Pompey the Little, history of; or, The Life and Adventures of a Lap Dog, ii. 214.
Pond, Mr., frontispieces supplied by, i. 212.
Ponsonby, William, Lord, his son,iii.57.
Pope, Alexander, his Ode en St. Cecilia's
Day compared with Dryden’s, i. 36.
his license of language in poetry, ii.
108.
his defence by Warburton, ii. 131.
Odyssey, Essay on, by J. Spence, ii.170.
Duchess of Queensberry his friend,
lif S72. Pope Benedict XIV., his election, de- scription of his person, ii. 93, 98. Pope Clement XII., death of, i. 63. Porte, Memoires de M. de la, Gray re- commends, ii. 291. Portia, Cardinal, death of, ii. 84. Portland, William, second Duke of, his eldest daughter marries Lord Wey- mouth, ii. 395.
383
Porto Bello, capitulation of, ii. 70. Portraits, Gray considers it strange that they should be preferred to contemporary descriptions, iii. 24. Portsdown Hills, description of the view from the, ii. 265. Portugal, King of, seizes conspirators at Lisbon, ii. 392. and Tavora family, ii. 392-396. Post-chaises in France, description of (17389), ii. 17. Posthumous Poems, i. 99-142. editorial note on, i. 100. note on, i. 142. Potter, Archbishop, his proviso, ii. 240. Pottinger, Richard, reference to, iii. 41
Pouilly, Mons. Levesque de, i. 239.
Powell, William Samuel, Master of St. John’s College, his candidature, lii. 190.
has the Duke of Newcastle’s support, iii. 191. note on, iii. 190.
Powis, Lord, has 100 copies of the Life of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, iii. 173.
Prayer, Treatise on, ii. 217.
Prendergast, Sir Thomas, insulted by an Irish mob, iii. 26.
Pretender, The, James Edward (Le Chevalier St. George), ii. 68.
English correspondence pass through his hands before leaving Rome, ii. 68.
and his family present at a_ ball given by Count Patrizii, ii. 160-88.
and the Grand Chancellorship at Rome, ii. 94.
his relations with English society in Rome, ii. 187.
Prevést Abbé, Antoine d’Exiles, ii. 21.
biographical note on, ii. 21.
Price, Mr., glass painter of Hatton Garden, ili. 102.
worked at the windows of West- minster Abbey, iii. 102;
Pricket, Dr. Marmaduke, death of, ii. 244,
Pride a sign of folly, ii. 246.
Prince of Wales to have £40,000 a year (1756), ii. 290.
Prince Edward £5000 a year, ii. 290.
Pringle, Dr. Sir J., medical adviser of H. Walpole and Dr. J. Brown, iii. 250.
attends the Prince of Wales, iii. 256.
Pritchard, Mrs., and Delap’s Hecuba,
iii. 128.
Frangois,
384 INDEX.
Professorship of Modern History, Gray Queen’s College, founded by Margaret
would not ask for it, not choosing of Anjou, i. 95.
to be refused, iii. 21. added to by Elizabeth, Queen of Gray’s name suggested to Lord Bute Edward IV., i. 95.
but refused, iii. 136-137. Queen's Hermitage, The, of Matthew
succession to Shallet Turner, iii. | Queensberry, Duchess of, her quarrel
136. MS. note of Gray relative to Dela- val’s candidature, iii. 140. Gray succeeds Brockett, iii. 318. Progress of Poesy, The, i. 27. editorial note on, i. 28. its composition delayed by a remark of Mason, ii. 111. submitted to Dr. Wharton, ii. 260. aversion to its separate publication, li. 262. Pronunciation, variation between the time of Gray and of Lydgate, i. 393. Propertius, translations from, i. viii., 151-157. printed from original MS.., i. 144. sent by Gray to R. West, ii. 111.
with Duchess of Marlborough, ii. 133. condemns by advertisement a spuri- ous edition of the Jast seven years of Earl Clarendon’s Life, and notifies her early issue of his biography, ii. 372. friend of Pope and protector of Gay, 11, 372. her eccentricities, ii. 372. Quinault, Jeanne Frangoise, French actress, ii. 23. Quintilius Varus, his Piscina at Tivoli, ii. 74.
Rasy Caste, Leland’s Account of, iii.
influence of the style of Scaliger on, 294-295. At. gL, Racine’s Britannicus, quotation from, Prophecy (see The Bard), fragment sent ii. 167.
to Stonehewer, ii. 268.
Prose as-well as verse should have its rhythm, i. 314.
Prose, Gray’s posthumous, i. xiv.
Provengal poetry, i. 367.
Prowse, Mr., refused the post office, iii. 256.
Prussia, King of, see Frederick.
Public life, obligations incumbent on one desiring to attain position in,
and reference to, ii. 233.
Radnor, Lord, Gray advises Wharton to see the house of, ii. 253.
Ramsay, Mr., Gray’s tenant in Corn- hill, iii. 208.
Ramsden, Mr., optician, iii. 373.
Ramsgate, account of, and Sir. E. Brydges’s anecdote of Gray at, iii. 263.
conferred on Lawrence Brockett, in Green, ii. 222. ke Mr. (King’s Surgeon), Duke of
ii. 88. Cumberland sends for and then Puisieux, Marquis de, his house at countermands the attendance of,
Sillery, i. 239. ii. 321.
Pulpit, Gray’s opinion of oratory in, | Randall, Dr. John, and the Installation
since the Revolution, iii. 81. Ode, i. 92.
Pulteney, Earl Nugent’s Ode to, ii. 220. composed the music for the Ode, iii. Puppet- Show, Rappresentazione duv 343. anima dannata, ii. 44. Ranelagh Gardens, non-success, ii. 125. the Italian, the reigning diversion,| reference to, ii. 134.
111. 356. Raphaél, his vision of Ezekiel, i. 42. Purt, Rev.-Robert, M.A., i. 85. figure of God in the vision of Ezekiel Puttenham’s Art of Poetry, quotation furnished Gray with a model for
from, i. 329. his Bard, ii. 313.
and Lord Surrey, i, 334. ference to, i. 341. mistakenas to Riding Ryme, i. 335-337. | Ratcliffe, Mr., brother to Earl of Der- wentwater, his execution, ii. 108. Reed, Isaac, his note concerning the quarrel between Gray and Walpole,
his influence on Sir Thomas bike! Rapin, Nicholas, French writer, re-
QuEBEC, compared to Richmond Hill,
iii. 84. ae ee siege of, by the French, iii. 44-45. | Reinholt, Charles Frederick, popular alarm concerning, conduct of General bass singer, sung in the Installation
Murray, iii. 51. Ode, iii. 343.
INDEX,
Religion of Nature Delineated, by Wol-
laston, i. 290.
Rhyme, Observations on the use of, i. 376-380.
examples of the most ancient rhymes in our tongue, i. 376-379.
children educated at St. Gall in 10th century taught to write Latin rhyme, i. 379.
opinion of the rhyming epitaphs at Canterbury, i. 379-380.
Additional observations from the Cambri of Gray, i. 381-386.
ancient names of the Welch, i. 381.
prosodia of the Welch grammar the |
harmony of the Druidical compo- tions, i. 381 ia
“Secret of the Poets,” i. 382-383.
probability of the English borrow- ing their rhyme from the Britons, i. 383-385.
—- that the Franks obtained theirrhyme from this country,i.385.
rhyme preserved by the common
385
Table showing the period of the in- troduction of rhyme into various countries, i. 371.
Provengals believed to have bor- rowed the art of rhyme from the Latin rather than from the Arabs or Franks, i. 371-373.
first appearance of rhyming verses in Latin epitaphs, etc., i. 372.
Latin rhyme, i. 373.
Leonine verse, i. 373; its supposed origin, i. 373-375.
Leonimetes rhyme, i. 374.
Rima alla Provenzale, or verse-rhym- ing in the middle in place of the end, i. 373,
Rhyme of Bernard of Cluny in®his Ἐν" De Contemptu Mundi, i. 374- 375
instance of mixture of different languages in old composition, i,
Ricciarelli, announced to sing the
Stabat Mater of Pergolesi, ii. 282. description of his powers, ii. 282.
Richardson, Jonathan, the elder, the painter, iii. 81. Gray sits to him forhis portrait, iii.81. Richmond and Derby, Countess of, mother of Henry VII., foundress of St. John’s College, i. 96, Margaret, portrait of, i. 310. Richmond, Dr. Richard, Bishop of Soder and Man, chaplain to the Duke of Athol, iii. 257. Ridley, Mr., contributes to Dodsley’s Miscellaneous Poems, ii. 221. Ridlington, Dr., Professor of Civil Law, his recovery from dropsy, iii. 188-189. gone to Nice, iii. 208. notes on, iii. 208, 254. Rigby, Gloster, with Duke of Bedford in Cambridge, ii. 309, 311. escape of, from an Irish mob, iii. 26. likely to be one of a new ministry, iii. 153. to move the expulsion of Wilkes, iii. 332. Rinuccini, Marquis, visits London, ii.
people, i. 886.
Rhyming, greater facility of the ancient poets for, i. 395.
Rhythmus, Observations on the Pseu- do-, i. 8361-375.
ancient rhyme of the Emperor Adrian, i. 361.
ancient rhyme of the Welch, i. 361.
Anglo-Saxon rhyme, its harmony consisting in alliteration, i. 362.
Anglo-Saxon rhyme, its harmony similarly practised by the Danes, i. 362.
Anglo-Saxon and the Franco-Theo- tische languages originally the same, i. 364.
earliest extant Romaun or old French verses, i. 364.
earliest Provencal writers, i. 364.
earliest Sicilian poets, i. 365.
earliest English rhyme, i. 365.
German rhyme the oldest extant, i.
365.
Walafrid Strabo and his contem- porary writers call themselves Bar- bari, i. 365.
period of Provengal poetry, i. 367.
period of Sicilian poetry, 367. Antiquities of Athens, ii. 283.
late retention of the old Saxon or! Robbery, liability in London to, iii. 14. Danish verse without rhyme, i. 368. | Roberts, Mr., of the Pell Office, relates
Language of the Gauls, i. 369. the cause of the quarrel between
the various dialects of the Romaun, | Gray and Walpole, ii. 124. Rustica, Romana, Provencal, Va-| Roberts, Rev. Mr., translated and pub- lonne, and the Langue Romande, i lished Gray’s Elegy in Latin, i.
257.
369. 20
finest in any language, i. 381.
Rivett, ‘Nicholas, his work among the
VOL. IV.
386 INDEX.
Roberts’s, Gray asks Mason to procure |Roman Senate, Chapman's Essay on the, him lodgings at, ii. 251, 284. ii. 163.
Robertson, Dr. William, author of Life |Romances, purpose of, i. 338, of Charles V., Gray sups with him, | Romans, foundation of their religion,
iii. 209. ii. 173. History of Mary Stuart and her Son, | Ronsard’s Art of Poetry, reference to, li. 396 i. 833.
Robinson, Rev. Wm., Impromptu on aii “ig i his opinion of The Odes, Lord Holland's house, written by Gray at his rectory of Denton, i. Rise: ‘Sond Bishop of eet ii, 193,
185. his Epistles of Tully, ii. 193. at Cambridge, ii. 163. Ross, Mr., of Cambridge, reference to, biographical note on, iii. 15. ii, 232-233.
Gray makes a list of wild plants Ross, Mr., murder of, iii. 339. native to the neighbourhood of Ross, Dr., "obtains the living of Frome,
Denton, iii. 15. iii. 32. his marriage to Miss Richardson, iii.| Gray remembers his kind invitation 57, 63. and in better days hopes to accept proceeds to Naples for his honey- it, iii. 161. moon, iii. 57. his contentment, ili. 161. - Gray hopes to see him in many new| said tobe made Dean of Ely, iii.335,337. lights, iii, 161. succeeds Dr. Law as prebend of Dur- Gray hopes to be better known to ham, iii. 338. - Mrs. Robinson, iii. 162. Rousseau, his characters do not inter- visited by Gray at Denton, iii. 237, est Gray, ii. 329. 242. Gray has not seen, ii. 389, description of Mrs. Robinson, iii. 265.| his Nowvelle Heloise, Walter Savage Robinson of Faseley, his house in Killie- Landor on, iii. 79; Mason and erankie Pass, ili. 218. Hurd admire it, iii. 83. Rochefort, unsuccessful expedition on,| everybody that has children should li. 34 2. read his Emile, iii. 151. Rodney, Admiral, his bombardment of| Gray sets his religious discourses at Havre, ii. 402, nought, ili. 152.
Roger, Archbishop. of York, founder} resides near Neufchatel, iii. 174. of St. Sepulchre’s Chapel, iii. 140-| publishes at the Hague and realises 142. considerable sums, iii. 174. Rogers, Jonathan, uncle to Gray, Ode| venerated by the people of his dis- 5 Spring written at his house, trict, 111, 174. ΩΝ his Lettres de ia Montagne, except the Contrat Social, of the dullest, iii. 187-188, 192. in Derbyshire with Mr. Davenport, 111. 248, quarrels with David Hume, iii. 248, quits England, iii. 271. writes letters to the Lord Chancellor and Mr. Conway, iii. 271. Voltaire’s Guerre de Geneve a satire
his funeral, i. 72. Rogers, Mrs. Jonathan, receives a paralytic stroke, ii. 245, 250. her illness, ii. 366, 377, 381. recovers her speech after years of unintelligibleness, ii, 382. her death, ii. 383. reference to, ii. 185. Rogers, Samuel, gave eighteen guineas
for a letter of Gray’s from the on, iii 271. Bindley and Reed collections, ii. | Rovezzano, Beneditto da, painter and 344, architect, i. 320.
Roi, Histoire du Cabinet du, by Buffon | Rowe, Mrs., letters of the dead to the and D’Aubenton, ii. 199. living, ii. 6.
Rolfe, Mr. Wm.J., of Cambridge, Mass., | Rowe, Nicholas, poet laureate, his 1. XVils flowers of eloquence, ii. 167.
Rolle, Mr., contributes to Dodsley’s| reference to, i. 345. Miscellaneous Poems, ii. 221. origin of his ballad of Colin's Com-
Romaine, Archbishop of York, built plaint, li. 367. - north transept of York Minster, | | Rowley, Mr., insulted by an Irish iii, 146, mob, 111, 26.
INDEX.
Royal family, their frequent visits in society, iii. 89.
Royston, Lord (second Earl of Hard- wick), his State Papers, iii. 6.
Russia, Account of, by Lord Whitworth, printed at Walpole’s Twickenham press, ii. 373.
MS. purchased from Mr. Zolman’s library and given by R. O. Cam- bridge, Esq., ii. 373.
Rutherford, Dr. Thomas, tician, 11, 163,
-eandidate for the Mastership of St. John’s, iii. 190.
Rutherford, Mrs., her opinion of Mason’s Elegy V., iii. 139.
mathema-
Sackvituie, Lord George, his conduct at Minden, iii. 8. arrival in England, court-martial, iii. 14. reference to, iii. 25. Law-officers declare him amenable to court-martial, iii. 28. his trial and demeanour: the result, iii. 31, 84, 35. Sade, Abbé, his Petrarch, iii. 235. St. Andre, Dr. Nathaniel, who married Lady Betty Molyneux, resides at Southampton, iii. 175-176. Augustine, hymn of, its rhyme, i. 801.
anticipates
St. St. St.
Bruno, his retirement at Char-
treuse, ii. 36, 45.
Cecilia’s Day, remarks on Dryden’s
Ode on, i. 36.
bmw s Ode compared with Pope’s, 36.
St. Cloit, Pierre de, his joint poem of La Vie d@ Alexandre, i. 357.
St. Francis, his early attempt to write an ode without rhyme, i. 344.
St. Germain, Count, ex-French general, his visit to England, iii. 50-51.
St. Giles, broad, reference to, iii. 4.
St. Helen’s, Fitzherbert, Lord, his recollections of Gray and the great respect held for the poet at the university, iii. 385.
a pensioner of St. John’s College, iii. 384. biographical note of, iii. 385.
St. John’s College, Cambridge, founded by the Countess of Richmond, i. 96 ; her portrait in, i. 310.
portraits in library, i. 310-311, St. ee Life of, its age and style, 35
quotation from, i. 366,
387
St. Sepulchre’s Chapel, York Minster, Gray’s attempt to identify its site, iii. 140-144, Salisbury music-meetings, reference to, ili. 848, Sandby, Paul, R.A., exhibits at the first exhibition of artists, iii. 65. biographical note, ili. 65. preparing agreat picture of Snowdon. iii, 65, 68. Sandwich, John, Earl of, squib on, i. 131
his remark to Cradock on Gray’s aversion to himself, i. 181.
his boyish days, ii. 115.
and the High Stewardship of Cam- bridge, iii. 168,
Dr. Brook, Mr. Brockett, and Dr. Long, his agents, 11], 168-171.
hires a scribbler to write a weekly paper, the Serutator, iii. 171.
whatever seems against him is popu- lar, iii. 201.
engages the Bishop of Chester’s in- terest, ili. 201. =
joint postmaster, iii. 294.
Sangallo, Bastiano Aristotile da, paint- er, i. 820.
Sapphic Ode, i. 174-176.
Sardinian Ambassador’s chapel and stables in Lincoln’s Inn Fields burnt, 111. 22.
marriage of his son to Miss Speed, 11. 88,
Satire upon the Heads; or never a barrel
the better herring, i. 134. editorial note on, i. 134.
Satyrical prints, their popularity, circa 1746, ii. 134.
come ae Princess of, reference to, iii. 70.
Saxon Architecture, see Architecture.
Sayer, Mr., elder brother of Mr. Pal- grave, reference to, iii. 284,
Sealiger, Julius Cesar, The Propertius of Gray influenced by the writings of, ii. 112.
Sceptic, a professed, can only be — by his present passions, iii. 378.
Schaub, Lady, i. 82.
Schoolmistress, Wm. Shenstone’s poem of the, ii. 219.
Scotch, Character of the, lost piece by Gray, i. 142.
Scotland, Gray about to accompany Lord Strathmore and Thomas Lyon to, iii. 208.
journey from Hetton to Glamis, iii. 209-210.
388
Scotland, considers its scenery sub-
lime, iii. 219.
returned charmed with the High-
lands, iii. 223.
Italy can hardly excel its scenery,
iii. 223.
Gray will certainly go again, iii.
224.
a country that gave him much plea-
sure, ili. 279.
Gray’s first visit to, iv. 343.
MS. of his journey in the possession of Mr. John Morris, iv. 342. reference to places mentioned by
Gray in :—
Arbroath, visit to, iii. 219.
Blair of Athol, ‘proposes to visit, iii. 220.
Braidalbane’s, Lord, description of his estate, iii. 216-217.
Dunkeld, its ruined cathedral, iii. 215.
house of Duke of Athol, where Gray stayed, iii. 215.
road from, to Inverness, beauty of, 111. 218.
Edinburgh, visit to the principal sights, iii. 209.
dreads it and the itch, iii. 219.
Fingal, tomb of, iii. 216.
Forfar, Lord Strathmore engaged in draining the lake of, by widening the little river Deane, iii. 212.
Glames, town built of stone and slated, iii. 211.
castle, its position, approach, etc., ili. 210-213. its nurseries, iii. 213. Killiecrankie, Pass of, iii. 218. Mr. Robinson’s house at foot of, iii. 218.
Loch Tay, beauties of, 111. 216.
Megill, story of Queen Wanders buried there, iii. 214,
Perth, stay at, iii. 210.
Strathmore, valley of, iii. 210.
Strath-Tay, beauty of, iii. 215.
Tay, the, iii. 210, 214, 215, 216.
Taymouth or Balloch, scenery in neighbourhood, iii. 215.
Tummell, the, 111. 217, 218.
Wade’s, Marshal, road, iii. 218.
Scripture Vindicated, by Dr. Waterland,
i. 915.
replied to by Dr. Middleton, ii. 215. Seba, Albertus, his Locupletissimt Rerum Naturalium Thesauri, iii. 203. Secker, Bishop, his conduct as a court- ier, ili. 71:
INDEX.
Secretary of State, changes in 1766, fii. 287. Sedgwick, Mr., secretary to Anne,
Countess of Dorset, i. 279. Selby, Bell, her dream of Mason, ii. 294,
Selwyn, George, present at the execu- tion of Lord Lovat, ii. 142. Senesino, nicknames of certain Italian singers, ii. 65, Senhouse, Mr., and his acoustic warm- ing-pan, ii. 295. Sestine, ascribed to Arnauld Daniel, ii. 350. Settle, Elkanah, poet laureate, ii. 345. Seven Years’ War, the, fear of a French invasion, iii. 3. Prince Ferdinand defeats Contades at Minden, iii. 7. conduct of Lord G. Sackville, iii. 8. Prussian victory over General Harsch, iii. 9. expectation of an action between the fleets, iii. 18. victory of Admiral Hawke, iii. 22, 23. fear of invasion dispelled, iii. 23. sg ary great expedition to France,
see plead Sete 111, 68. pamphlet against Mr. Manduit, iii. 91. treaty of peace, iii. 137.
Bentes ats built dome of St. Peter’s,
κὰν obelisk in the great area, ii. 80. Seward, Thomas, contributes to Dods- ley's Miscellaneous Poems, ii. 221. Shaftesbury, Lord, how the third earl came to be a philosopher, ii. 375. Shakespeare, creator of poetic lan- guage, ii. 108. beauty of his language, ii. 109. Shakespeare Verses, by Gray, i. 132. editorial note, i. 132. Sharp, Mr., travels into Italy, iii. 256. δὰ" rs his work on Architecture,
255. Ssiecinmen Earl of, likely to join the new ministry, iii. 153. Shenstone, William, his poem of The Schoolmistress, ii. 219. admires the Odes of Gray, ii. 327, 331. his contribution to Dodsley’s Collec- tion of Poems, ii. 364. his Letters, Gray’s opinion of them and the author, iii. 344. Shepherd, Miss, reference to, ii. 290. Sheridan, Mr., advertisement of his lecture on elocution, iii. 124. Sherlock, Bishop of London, reference to, iii. 125,
INDEX.
Sherman, William, his daughter mar- ried to Mason, iii. 198.
Shirley, Mrs., mother of Lord Ferrers, petitions for mercy, iii. 36.
Sicilian poetry, period of its success, i. 80
Sickness makes us better friends and better men, ii. 206.
Sictryg, his warfare with the King of Dublin, i. 54.
Sidney, Sir Philip, his attempt to in- troduce the hexameter, i. 341.
and the park of Warwick Castle, ii.
257.
Sidney, Le, comedy by Gresset, ii. 184.
Sigurd, Earl of the Orkney Isles, his expedition to Ireland, i. 54.
Silver boar, the badge of Richard IIL., i. 47.
Simms, Mr., Mrs., and Madlle. Nanny, reference to, ii. 124. Simons, Rudolph, his portrait in Emanuel College, i. 810. Sisters, see Fatal Sisters, an Ode. Sketchley, Mr. R.F., reference to, i. xvii. Skinner, John, Fellow of St. John’s, candidate for the Mastership of St. John’s, note on, iii. 190. Skroddles (Rev. Wm. Mason). Smart, Christopher, the poet, his debts, ii. 161, 178. biographical note, ii. 161. his comedy of a Trip to Cambridge, ii. 162. Duke of Cleveland allows him £40 a year, ii. 179. committed to Bedlam, ii. 215. not dead, Merope and The Guardian acted for his benefit, ii. 391. collection on behalf of, iii. 162. Messrs. Gordon and Anguish, gentle- men interested in him, iii. 163. Smith, Dr. Adam, has heard several of the Erse poems repeated from tra- dition, i. 311. Smith, his ‘print of Derwentwater, i.259. visits Maltham and issues an engrav- ing of Gordale Scar, i. 278. Smith and Philips, reference to, i, 212. Smith of Trinity is dead, iii. 303. Snowdon, its name, i. 41. resorted to by eagles, i. 43. Somerset, Carr, Earl of, reference to a letter about, iii. 123. Somerset House, John of Padua, its architect, i. 307. Somner’s Saxon Dictionary, reference to, i. 826. Song, to an old air of Geminiani, i. 188. editorial note on, i. 138,
389
Sonnet, its invention ascribed to Fra’ Guittone d’Arezzo, i. 349.
Sopha, Le, de Crebillon, ii. 128-133.
Sophonisba to { Masinissa, story of, ii. 115-116,
Sophonisba to Masinissa, part of an heroic epistle, i. 183.
Southampton, appearance of the coast in its vicinity, ji, 265.
Ὁ staying in the High Street, iii.
full of bathers, but Gray knows not a soul, iii. 178.
no coffee- -house, no bookseller, no pastry-cook, and lodgings very dear, iii. 178.
description of, iii. 179-180, 200.
Southampton Row, once the residence
of Dr. Wharton, and afterwards a lodging of Gray’s, ii. 397.
Gray takes up his abode at Mr. Jauncey’s in, iii. 1, 6.
description of the prospect from, iii. 8, 5.
its surroundings, iii. 4,
Gray about to remove, iii. 102. Southcote, Mr., offers his house and lands to Dr. Wharton, ii. 252. Southerne, Thomas, Restoration dra-
matist, ne 1. Southwell, "Henry, of Magdalen College, reference to, 1i. 76. goes to Ireland, ij. 104, Southwell, Mr. and Mrs., reference to, ii. 287. Gray sends him a copy of The Odes, ii. 320. Spain, quarrel with, about logwood, 111. 116. and the French, iii. 172. a. War, Gray takes an interest n the, iii. 84. Geadecien! Gray’s aversion to wear, ii.
2 . Spedding, Mr., his residence of Ar- mathwaite House, i. 262. Speed, Miss (Countess de Viry), refer- ence to her attitude towards Gray, li. 880. possessed Gray’s MS. of the Amatory Lines, i. 187. a writes a Song at her request, i. 138, reference to, i. 82. her legacy from Lady Cobham, iii. 37. Gray's probable visit with her to Oxfordshire, her uncertainty of mind, iii. 49. public chatter respecting Gray and, iii. 65.
390
INDEX.
Speed, Miss, her marriage with the | Stillingfleet, Benjamin (Blue Stocking),
Baron de la Peyriere, iii. 83. need not change her religion, iii. 83 ; see also Peyriere. Spence, Joseph, his description of a puppet-show in Turin, ii, 44. his Polymetis, ii. 170-172. his Essay on Pope’s Odyssey, ii. 170. drowned in his own garden at By- field, iii. 329. Spence, 8., his verses on the death of Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119. Spencer —e Fellow of Pembroke, 11, 227. interests himself for Lord Nuneham, 11. 309, 311. Spenser, Edmund, adopted the hexa- meter, etc., ii. 341. Spiletta, portion of a comedy, refer- ence to, iii. 81. Spleen, The, a poem by Matthew Green, ii. 219.
Spring, Ode on the, i. 1. editorial note on, i. 2. Matthew Green’s Queen’s Hermitage furnishes Gray with two thoughts for, ii. 222.
Squibb, Dr. Arthur, M.A., chaplain of Colonel Bellasis’s regiment, i. 88.
Squibb, James, of Saville Row, i. 88.
Squibb, James, of Stowe, i. 88.
Squire, Dr. Samuel, Bishop of St. David's, i. 127.
biographical ndte on, ii. 327.
Dean of Bristol and candidate for St. David’s, iii. 78.
reference to, 11]. 103.
Staél, Memoires de Madame, ii. 291.
Stamp Act, Bill for the repeal of, gone to the Lords. ‘Oh that they would throw it out,” iii. 234.
Stanhope, Mr.,and Mr. Dayrolles, ii.354.
Stanza on Immortality, i. 141.
State Papers, by Dr. Birch, ii. 194,
Statius,: translations from the The- baidos of, i. 145-148.
when printed, i. 144.
Stephen, Mr. Leslie, analysis of Dr. Middleton’s writings in English Thought in the Eighteenth Century, ii. 199.
Sterne, Laurence, his popularity, iii. 36.
receives £700 for a second edition of Tristram Shandy, iii. 36.
his portrait by Reynolds, iii. 36.
publication of his sermons, iii. 37.
Gray’s opinion of the sermons, iii. 53.
Stevenson, John Hall, humorous poet, friend of Sterne, iii. 37.
his Crazy Tales, iii. 245.
the naturalist, iii. 38.
resides with his friend Mr. Marsham, iii. 88.
his observations on the Norfolk birds in 1755, iii. 95-96.
Stocks, public, are low, ii. 393. Gray loses £200 by selling, ii. 395. Stoke Pogis, ‘‘ West End,” residence of Gray’s uncle, Mr. Rogers, after- wards of his mother, i. 2.
Ode to Spring, written at, i. 2.
Ode on Distant Prospect of Eton College, written at, i. 16.
Hymn to Adversity, written at, i. 24.
πεν in a Churchyard, chiefly written at, 1, 72.
Sonnet on the death of Richard West, written at, i. 110.
Manor House, Gray’s sketch of, i. 82 ; ii. 234 ; the residence of various families, i. 83.
a χὰ reminiscences at, 11. 250.
Stone, John, sculptor, reference to, iii. 135
Stone, Nicholas, sculptor, reference to, i. 321. ἤϑαθο, Mr., obtains a political post, ii. Ὁ
Stonehewer, Dr., rector of Houghton,
ii. 241. his death, iii. 351.
Stonehewer, Richard, Fellow of St. Peter’s College, and secretary to Duke of Grafton, ii. 241.
Gray enquires of Dr. Wharton his opinion of, ii. 187.
Gray seeks the interest of Dr. Wharton and Dr. Keene on behalf of, ii. 197.
— to visit York with Gray, ii. 238.
teen of the Prophecy sent to, 11. 268.
tutor to the Duke of Grafton, ii. 277.
goes to Portsmouth to receive a Morocco ambassador, iii. 10.
attendant on his sick father, Rev. Dr. Stonehewer, iii. 46.
busiest creature on earth, except Mr. Fraser, ili. 224.
Gray’s oracle of State, ili. 233.
ne in Queen Street, London, iii.
ike
induced the Duke of Grafton to re- commend Gray for the professor- ship of Modern History, iii. 322.
health of his father, iii. 350.
Gray’s letter of condolence on the death of his father, iii. 351.
INDEX.
Stonehewer, Richard, references to, ii. 144, 181, 188, 230, 264, 268, 273, 307, 873, 390, 395 ; iii. 37, 150, 173, 176.
Story, A Long, i. 81.
editorial note on, i. 82.
occasion of its being written, ii. 228.
not intended for publication, suffered to appear because Mr. Bentley’s designs were not intelligible with- out it, iii. 268, 308.
Strathmore, John, ninth Earl of, his personal appearance, ii. 263.
ἜΝ College with his brother, ii. 30
his coming of age, and biographical note, ii. 369.
his seat of Hetton, iii. 208.
going abroad, iii. 21.
proposed voyage to Genoa, iii. 28.
ill at Turin, iii. 98.
takes Gray to Scotland, iii. 208.
his agricultural operations around Glamis, iii. 212.
approaching marriage, iii. 245.
to be married in London, iii. 258.
interesting condition of Lady Strath- more, iii. 268.
reference to, ii. 261; iii. 276.
Strawberry Hill, bowl with Gray’s lines on Walpole’s cat at, i. 10.
Stricklands, their family seat of Siserge, ii. 269.
chapel in Kendal church, ii. 269.
Stuart, Mary, and her son, Robertson’s History of, ii. 396.
Stuart, James (‘‘ Athenian Stuart’’), his work among the Antiquities of Athens, ii. 283.
Gray subscribes to his Attica, ii. 360; to his Antiquities of Athens, and desires a copy for Pembroke Hall, iii. 149-150.
successful architect, iii. 149.
proposed to be consulted for Mrs.
. Mason’s monument, iii. 266.
approves of Mason’s sketch, iii. 272.
Stuart, Mr., his duel with the Duke of Bolton, 111. 84.
Stuart οἵ Cambridge, reference to,ii.159.
Studley, residence of Dr. Wharton, visited by Gray, ii. 240.
Stukeley, Dr., frequents the reading- room of the British Museum, iii. 2.
note on, iii. 2.
talks nonsense and coffee-house news at the Museum, iii. 5.
Sturbridge fair, ii. 15.
Sturgeon, Roger, Fellow of Caius, 11.311.
8 3 Madame, an acquaintance of Voltaire’s, iii. 173,
391
Suarez, Countess of, entertains Gray at Florence, ii. 53.
Suffolk, Lord, his seat at Levens, i. 270
70. Sully, Duke de, Gray's opinion of his Memoirs and character, ii. 281. Summers, Mr., recommended by Gray to Dr. Wharton for his skill in planting, iii. 292.
Superstition, Gray’s love of popular, iii. 222.
History of Witches and a History of Second Sight given by Beattie to Gray, iii. 222.
Surrey, Lord, his use of the Cesura, i. 333.
his verse, i. 334.
Swift on Money, ii. 155.
Swift’s application of Herodotus’s passage on feathers, ii, 240.
Swift’s history of the Tory administra- tion, ii. 360.
Swinburne, Lady, reference to, ii. 246,
Swithin’s Alley, fatal fire in, iii. 22.
Switzerland,
Arve, river, banks of, at Geneva, ii. 38. description of, ii. 40.
Geneva, its peasantry contrasted
with those of Savoy, i, 245.
Geneva, description of, ii. 37, 38. lake of, ii. 38-39. its trout, i, 246; ii. 89.
Gray obliged to forego his proposed
visit to, iii. 403, 405. Syon Hill, Brentford, residence of Lord Holdernesse, ‘iii. 15.
Tacitus, Gray’s admiration of, ii. 104- 105.
whenever translated into English should be done freely, ii. 111. Davanzati’s Italian translation of, ii.
111, Tadcaster, beauty of country south of, ii. 247. Talbot, Earl, Lord High Steward at coronation of George IIL., iii. 116. "" me of the Cinque Ports, iii.
ὩΣ - ee Beckford, iii. 116. his treatment while suppressing a riot, iii. 339. Talbot, Thomas, Gray sends him a copy of The Odes, ii. 320. his part in Rey. William Robertson’s marriage, iii. 62. reference to, ii. 379; iii. 176, 179. Tale εἷς Sir Thopas, reference to the, i.
392,
Taliessin, chief of the bards, i. 49, 361. prophecy that Welch should regain the sovereignty of Britain ful- filled, i. 48.
Tanner, Bishop, his article on Chaucer in Bibliotheca, i. 306.
Taroc, a game played in Turin, ii. 44.
Tasso, translations from the Gerus of, i. 148, 151.
first printed, i. 44.
Taste, more difficult to restore than to introduce good taste toa nation, iii. 158.
Tavistock, Francis, Marquis of, comes to Cambridge, ii. 309, 311.
Taylor, Dr., attends Mrs, Charles York, ii. 401.
his opinion of a portrait in St. John’s College, i. 311.
Taylor, J., Tracts by, ii. 119.
Temple, Lancelot, see Dr. Armstrong.
Temple, Lord, Head of the Admiralty, 11, 292.
Newcastle and Bute’s opposition in
- council, cause of his resignation, lii. 123.
disinherits his brother, iii. 123.
Temple, Mr., allusion to, 111. 241.
Rev. N. Nicholls mediates on his behalf with Lord Lisburne, iii. 287-289, 332-333.
_ Gray’s opinion of the disagreement, 111. 302-303.
Gray would wish by all means to oblige him, iii. 336.
and Lord Lisburne, his distress of circumstances, 111. 402.
Gray suggests application for chap- jainship of Leghorn on behalf of, iii. 402.
reference to, iii. 401.
Temple of Tragedy, Gray busy in writ- ing the, 111, 187.
Templeman, Dr. Peter, keeper of the
British Museum reading- -room, 111.1.
biographical note on, iii. 1.
translator of Norden's Travels in Egypt, ii. 194.
Tenducci, Ferdinando, reference to, ii. 65.
Tent, Ode on a, William Whitehead’s, li. 220.
Tenter-grounds, description of, i. 268.
Terrick, Bishop of London, reference to, iii. 202. .
Thanet, Earl of, his castle at Skipton, i. 279.
Theatres, caer subject to outrage- ous riots, iii.
Theirre, Madame dae reference to, 11.128,
INDEX.
Theodulus, his treatise De Contemptu Mundi, i. 361.
Thibaut, King of Navarre, i. 347.
Thomas, Dr. John, Bishop of Lincoln, translated to Salisbury, iii. 105, 114.
Thomas, Dr., Master of Christ’s College, rumoured to be Bishop of Carlisle, iii. 335, 337.
Thomas, Miss, singer, sung in the Installation Ode, iii. 343.
Thompson, a friend of Gray’s, ii. 63.
Thomson, the poet, his fine description of a spirit, iii. 48.
Thorney, visited by Gray, iii. 366.
Thrale, te the brewer, reference to, i. 316
Thrale, Mrs., calls Gray a merciless critic, iii. 399.
Thurcaston, the living of the Rev. Mr. Hurd, ii. 326.
Thurlow’s Papers, ii. 128.
Thurot, hovering off Scotland, iii. 23.
Thynne, Sir John, employed John of Padua at Longleat, i. 307.
Tickell, Mr. Thomas, his poem on the peace of Utrecht, ii. 219.
his ballad of Colin and Lucy, ii. 219. Tolomei, Claudio, Bishop of Corsola,
i. 342. Tophet (an epigram), i. 139. editorial note on, i. 139, Torrigiano, i. 319. Tory Administration, Swift's History of the, in the press, ii. 360. Tour of the Lakes, Gilpin’s, i. 279. Tour of the western counties, Gray’s, iii. 379-381. Townsend, Charles, William White- head’s verses to, ii. 220. accepts office, but not what he as- pired to, ii. 292. refused post of Secretary of State and a peerage, iii. 238. reference to his death, 282. Townsend, General, his relations with Wolfe before Quebec, iii. 25. adventure witb an Indian boy, iii. 25. Tractatus, universi juris, published by Zilettus, ii. 368. Traigneau, Professor, ii. 122. Translations, i. 143-160. editorial note on, i. 144. Travelling, difficulty of, between Old Park and York, iii. 348. Travelling, On the Abuse of, by G. West, ii. 90. mice vs ee of, Elegiacs suggested by,
Trevigi, Girolamo da, his style of draw- ing, i. 319.
INDEX.
Trevor, Dr. Richard, Bishop of St. David's and of Durham, ii. 241. Trevor, Mr. (Hambden), designs some wall-paper, iii. 121.
Trial of Scotch Lords, ii. 139.
Trinity College, . Cambridge, VIIL. its benefactor, i. 95.
Trip to e, or the grateful Fair, a comedy by Smart, ii. 162.
Trissino, his invention of Blank Deca- syllabic verse without Rhyme or Italian Heroic Measure, i. 343.
Tristram Shandy, popularity. of Sterne’s, iii. 36.
much humour i in, iii. 68. hie of Owen, The, a fragment, 6
Henry
editorial note on, i. 68. Trollope, Mr., referred to by Gray, ii. 117, 118, 121, 123, 138, 161, 164. at Dev’ reux Court, ii. 159. Tucker, Dean of Gloucester, Warbur- ton’s remark to, ii. 327. Tudors, History of the, Hume’s, ii. 396. Tully ad Familiares, Epistles of, by Rev. J. Ross, ii. 193. Turner, Dr. ’Shallet, of Peterhouse, his declining health, iii. 21, his death, iii. 136. Turnpike Riots at Leeds, ii. 240. Tuthill, Henry, Dr. T. Wharton’s in- fluence solicited on his behalf, ii. 145, biographical note, ii. 178. elected a Fellow of Pembroke, ii. 188. Gray anticipates his success as a Tutor, ii. 197. indebted to Dr. Keene’s interest for his fellowship, ii. 201. votes for Mr. Spencer at Pembroke College, ii. 228. references to, ii. 138, 161, 197, 230, 264, 308. Twitcher, Jemmy; or The Cambridge Courtship, i. 131. editorial note on, i. 131. Two Odes, a satire against Mason and Gray, iii. 53. Tyre, Cardinal Archbishop of, ii. 62. Tyrrell, reference to young, iii. 208. Tyson, Mr., of Bene’t College, his drawing for Tophet, i. 139.
UBALDINI, Ubaldino, verses by, i. 368. Union of poetry, music, and the dance with painting and architecture, might bestow the sublimest plea- sure, iii. 155. causes to hinder, iii, 156,
393
Union, The, a Scotch collection of aoe containing Gray’s Elegy, i. 22
Urry, see D’Urry.
Utrecht, T. Tickell’s poem on the peace of, ii. 219.
VaGA, Perin del, reference to the painter, ii 821.
Valence or Valentia, Mary de, Countess of Pembroke, foundress of Pem- broke College, i. 95; ii. 280.
ge oan Lying, farce by Garrick, ii.
a ol description of the, i. 55.
Vane, Harry, Impromptu on, i. 140. journies to the north, ii. 238. reference to, ii. 178.
Vane, Rev. Mr., the younger, circum- stances of his ordination, ii. 231.
ordained by the Archbishop of York, ii, 282.
Vanrobais, Madame, her famous manu- facture of cloth at Abbeville, iii. 358.
Vauxhall preferred to Ranelagh Gar- dens, li. 125.
Vavasor, "Mr., his residence of Weston,
i. 280.
Velleron, Marquis de Cambis, The Pope’s Lieutenant- General in France, ii. 27.
Verneuil, Marqse. de, Henri IV.’s pro- posal to marry the, ii. 281.
Verrio, Antonio, his paintings at Chats- worth, iii, 135.
Verse, Table of the measures of, with authorities and the order of the Rhymes, i. 343.
Vertue, George, his MSS. purchased by Walpol 6, i. 305.
his engravings of Chaucer, i. 306.
known by Burroughs, Master of Caius, i. 307.
discovers John of Padua to be the architect of Somerset House, i. 807.
Ververt, by Gresset, ii. 184.
Verzenay, famous for red wine, i. 239.
Vicissitude, Ode on the pleasure arising from, i. 123.
editorial note on, i. 123.
Victory, popular superstition in Lyd- gate’s time of decisive, i. 389. Villeneuve, Huon de, quotation from
the verse of, i. 337.
Villevielle, Marquis de, visits Gray, iii. 372, 374.
Villiers, Lord, his interest for Lord N uneham, ii. 809, 311.
394
Leia ay, Mr. Chute’s residence, iii. 271
Virgidemiarium, Bishop Hall’s, Gray’s opinion of, 11, 233. Viry, Comte de, marriage of his son to Miss Speed, iii. 83. value of his estate, iii. 83. Minister at Turin, iii. 236. Viry, Countess de, see Miss Speed. Vivares, Landscape painter, visits Mal- tham, i. 278. Voix du Sage et du Peuple, reference to, 11. 229. Voltaire, Crébillon’s Catalina and, ii. 193.
Gray’s opinion of, iii. 173, 192.
gains restitution from the Parlia- ment and Court of France for the family of Calas, iii. 173.
his Philosophie Dictionary, iii. 187.
his Lewis XIV., ii. 204.
History of Crusades believed to be by, ii. 229.
_ his satire on Rousseau called Guerre
de Geneve, iii. 271.
his Poeme sur la Desastre de Lisbon, li. 285.
“(Ἢ must have a very good stomach that can digest,” iii. 378.
WAKEFIELD’S Life of Gray, reference to, ii. 124.
Waldegrave, Lord, Gray dines with him in Paris, ii. 21.
marries Miss Maria Walpole—a hand- some couple, ii. 396. Wales, Frederick Prince of, verses on the death of, ii. 119. Walker, Dr. Richard, Fellow and Vice- Master of Trinity, his death, note on, iii. 188. Wall- -papers, reference to, iii. 110, 118- 119, 120-121. Walpole, Sir Edward, marriage of his natural daughter "Maria, li. 396. Walpole, Horace, Harl of Orford, friend and schoolfellow of Gray, ii. 6. Inspector-General of Exports and Imports, ii. 13.
resigns and becomes Usher of the Exchequer, ii. 13.
travels with Gray through France, 1ι..1:7;
resolves at wish of Sir Robert Wal- pole to visit Italy, li. 39.
his spaniel ‘‘Tory” carried off by a
_ -wolf, ii. 40.
visits the Court of Turin, ii. 44,
entertained by Prince Craon at Florence, ii. -52.
INDEX.
| Walpole, Horace, entertained by Coun-
tess Suarez, ii. 53. me ΝΣ to Mr. Ashton, ii. 90, 221, ὃ.
cause of Gray’s quarrel with, ii. 124.
Gray’s reconciliation with, ii. 207.
Gray visits him at Stoke, ii. 207.
Gray visits him in Arlington Street, ii. 139.
his disposition towards Gray, ii. 143,
takes a residence at Windsor, ii. 143.
paper on Message Cards by, ii. 143.
sy aie on Good Breeding, ii.
43.
presents the Marquis Rinuccini, ii. 145.
Gray condoles with him on the loss of his cat and encloses the Ode, ii.
165.
MS. of the Ode on the death of Wal- pole’s cat, i. 10.
elected a F, R. S., ii. 166.
sends Gray a copy of Spence’s Poly- metis, ii. 172.
Gray’s Elegy i in a churchyard sent for his criticism, ii. 210.
requested to ask Dodsley to print the Elegy, ii. 210.
Gray’s Elegy first published by, with a preface, i. 72; ii. 211.
Gray sends a copy of Mason’s Elfrida, li, 212.
his fable of The Entail, ii. 214.
Gray’s adviee upon the proposed Memoirs, ii. 215.
Epistle to Mr. Eckardt, the painter, 11. Δ]
Gray’s facetious enquiry concerning the Memoirs, ii. 226.
opinion of Gray’s Long Story shown by his reply to Mrs. French, ii. 228.
preserves the fragment of The Char- acters of the Christ-Cross-Row, i. 210.
letter in which Gray introduced them, i. 212.
requested not to preface the Poems with Gray’s vignette, ii, 235.
his opinion of Mr. Stonehewer, ii. 241.
his Gothic residence, ii, 253.
ill of a fever in London, ii. 272.
asked to obtain the influence of Mr. Fraser and Duke of Bedford on be- half of Dr. Brown, ii. 289.
prints Gray’s Odes at his Twicken- ham Press, ii. 319, 322.
prints Gray’s Bard for Dodsley, ii. 320.
his opinion of Mason’s Caractacus, li
INDEX.
395
Walpole, Horace, prints Lord Whit-| Warburton, William, his knowledge of
worth’s Accownt of Russia at Straw- berry Hill, ii. 373.
description of a new bed-chamber at Strawberry Hill, iii. 11.
nearness of his residence to Houns- low, iii. 15.
slight description of his Mosaic window, iii. 17.
consulted by Gray on the Lrse frag- ments, iii. 45, 127.
his Anecdotes of Painting, its engrav- ings, iii. 125,
Gray’s review of The Lives of the Painters, i. 304.
advice upon an editorship offered him by the Court, iii. 126.
visits Gray at Cambridge, iii. 150.
his new gallery all Gothicism, gold and crimson, iii. 150.
purchased in Suffolk a waggon-load of old moveables, iii. 151.
sends Gray a copy of the Castle of Otranto, and a pamphlet concern- ing libels, ete., iii. 191.
his career in Paris, 1765, his health in a deplorable state, iii. 236.
εὐ Gray the Historic Doubts, iii. 303.
Gray’s criticism of it, iii. 8304-307, 134.
Gray describes the London and Glas- gow editions of his Poems, iii. 308.
referred to an ancient MS. in Benet Library, iii. 311.
criticised by Guthrie in the Critical Review, iii. 818,
his noted copy of Gray’s Six Poems inserted in the Graiana of Mr. Mor- ris, iv. 340.
references to, i. 311; iii. 192, 225, 226, 227, 255.
Walpole, Lord, of Wolterton, reference
to, ii. 287.
Walpole, Sir Robert, Earl of Orford, his seat of Houghton Hall, ii. 11. directs his son Horace to go to
Italy, ii. 39. Parliamentary inquiry into his con-
duct, ii. 134,
Walpole, Lady, death of, ii. 9.
Wanstead, reference to a house of Gray’s at, ii. 263.
Want, the mother of inferior Art, i.
9
119. Warburton, William, Bishop of Glou- cester, anecdote of, i. 127. his Reflections on the Miraculous Powers, ii. 128. defence of Pope, ii. 131. admires Gray’s Odes, ii. 325.
Druidical and Celtic belief, ii. 351. his New Legation, ii. 369. his remarks on the Deans of Glou- cester and Bristol, ii. 327. his criticism of Gray's Odes, ii, 841. and Hurd’s criticism of Caractacus called that of Prior Park, ii. 393. breaks his arm in Prior Park, iii. 145. his sermon to the Court against illi- terate preferment, iii. 202. attacked by Dr. Louth, iii. 224, reference to, iii. 117, 129.
Wardlaw, Lady, her balla of Hardi- canute, iii. 45,
Warton Crag, near Lancaster, i. 270.
Warton, Joseph, reference to his poem of the Enthusiast, ii, 121.
his Poems, ii. 159. receives MS. of Gray’s Amatory Lines from Mr. Leman, i. 137.
Warton, Thomas, Gray’s esteem of his talents, and upon request sends him a Design for a History of Eng- lish Poetry, iii. 365.
his qualifications as the Historian of English Poetry, i. 53.
Warwick, description of, and its castle,
li. 256-257. church, Earls of Warwick buried in, ii. 257.
Water-glasses, see Glasses.
Waterland, Dr. Daniel, reference to, ii. 169.
his Scripture Vindicated, ii. 215.
Water Nymph, Mason’s Ode to a, ii. 184,
Watson, Mr., public tutor of Lord Richard Cavendish, iii. 331.
Weather record—
July—August, 1759, iii. 13.
September—November, 1759, iii. 18.
April—June 8, 1760, iii. 54-55,
January 1761, iii. 92.
February— April, 1763, iii. 153-154,
January—March, 1766, iii. 368-369.
November 3—December 14, 1767, iii. 293.
January—April 1770, iii. 368,
Weddell, William, of Newby, reference to, iii. 197.
with Rev. Norton Nicholls, iii. 240. reference to, iii. 266. at York, iii. 284. Welsh fragments, i. 129-130. editorial note on, i. 129. language, remarks on, i. 381.
Wemyss, Earl of, his second son takes
the name of Charteris, i. 275.
396 INDEX. 2
Wentworth, Lady Harriet (Marquis of Whaley, Dr., reference to, ii. 159. Rockingham’ s sister) marries her | Wharton, R, advice as to educating
footman, iii. 183. embarks for America, iii. 185. West, Gilbert, Abuse of Travelling, by, ii. 90. his contribution to Dodsley’s Mis- cellaneous Poems, ii. 180. note on, ii. 180. West, Richard (the Favonius of Gray), effect of his criticism of Agrippina, i. 101. Sapphic Ode sent to, i. 174. Sapphics sent to, i. 176-177. Carmen ad C. Favonium Zephyrinum sent to, i. 177. fragment’ of a Latin poem on The Gaurus sent to, i. 179-181. Farewell to Florence sent to, i. 181. biographical notes on, i. 110; ii. 1. his personal appearance, ii. 45. loss of his companionship regretted by Gray, ii. 2. advised by Gray to learn Italian, ii. 7. his Latin Elegy Ad Amicos, ii. 8. writes an Elegy in reference to the Venus de Medicis of Florence, ii. 55. assured of Gray’s unalterable friend- ship, ii. 96-97. his fragment of the Tragedy of Paw- sanias, ii. 103. sends Gray some hexameters on ἃ cough, ii. 106. his translation of Tacitus com- mended, ii. 111. praise of his Ode on May, ii. 112. his death, and its cause, i. 2; ii. 113. Gray’s Sonnet on his death, i. 110. reference to, ii. 167. note as to the publication of his poems, ii. 171. his Monody on the death of Queen Caroline, ii. 180, 222. Westminster Abbey, fragment of an Act of Parliament relative to; one of the lost pieces by Gray, i. 142. Westminster Hall, Gray’s account of George III.’s coronation in, iii. 110- 116. Westminster Theatre, reference to, iii.
270.
Duke of York, Lady Stanhope, the Delavals, ete., play parts in, iii. 270.
Weymouth, Thomas, third Viscount,
his marriage to Lady Elizabeth Bentinck, iii. 395.
presents living of Frome to Dr. Ross, 111, 32.
offered Spain (Ambassador ?), iii. 255.
reference to, ili. 294.
his son at Eton, iii. 86-87, 106-107. death of, iii. 167.
reference to On the| Wharton, Thomas, M.D., Fellow of
Pembroke College, his MSS. of Gray, i. xiv. Gray’s Epitaph on his infant son,i.126. note on, ii. 61. Gray dubs him Sir Thomas and wishes him a great career, ii. 118. influence solicited on behalf of Tut- hill, ii. 145, 185.
asked his opinion of Thucydides, ii. 147,
Gray requests a small loan, and its repayment, ii. 156, 176, 177.
Gray Sag the loan of twenty guineas, li. 195
contemplated marriage of, ii. 157.
reference to his marriage, ii. 176.
Gray sends him the Ode on Walpole’s cat, ii. 164; i. 10.
interest sought on behalf of C. Smart, ii. 179.
sympathises with Gray on the loss of his house in Cornhill, ii. 181-182.
congratulated on the christening of his daughter, ii. 185,
Gray ἘΠΕ his opinion of Stonehewer, ii. 18
Gray sends him The Alliance of Edu- cation and Government, ii. 187.
asked to obtain the influence of Dr. Keene on behalf of Stonehewer, ii. 198.
contemplates a change of practice, ii 202-203.
Gray sends him a copy of the Elegy, li. 228.
Gray directs that two copies of his Poems should be sent to, ii. 237.
birth of a son, ii. 238.
Gray amie to visit him at Studley, li. 240.
desires to change his residence, ii. 252-253.
the Progress - Poesy submitted to him, ii. 260; i. 2.
reference to te polities, ii, 259, 261.
requested to pay the fire policies on Gray’s property, ii. 263.
Gray asks to be entertained as an invalid at Wharton’s house, ii. 273.
reference to his profession, ii. 274.
Gray asks him to procure a rope ladder to be used in escaping from drunken visitors, 11. 276.
his desire that Mr. Hurd should treat Dr. Akenside leniently, ii. 299.
i i)
INDEX.
397
Wharton, Thomas, told that Gray’s Odes | Wharton, Thomas, desires a drawing-
are not at all popular, ii. 323.
Gray mentions the criticisms on the Odes to, ii. 330-331, 341.
congratulated upon recovery of his family, ii. 340.
Gray condoles with him on the death of his son, ii. 361.
his dejection, ii. 365.
residing at Hampstead, ii. 377.
purchases a picture believed to be by old Fran(cJk, ii. 384.
Gray troubles him to accommodate some baskets of china, ii. 385.
Gray sends him same with inventory, and asks that they may be insured, li. 387-389.
complimented upon “ Pieta,” ii. 389.
once lived in Southampton Row, ii.
removes to his paternal estate of Old Park, ii. 397 ; iii. 17, 21, 49, 188.
keeps record of temperature for July 1759, ii. 398,
Gray unable to purchase old tapestry for, iii. 10.
proposes to have a painted window, Gray’s proposal for same, iii. 17.
birth of a son, iii. 49.
has recovered his hearing, iii. 64.
owning a
master for his daughters, iii, 283.
Gray sends books requested, also family presents, who are mentioned by nickname, iii. 291-292.
what does he think of Mason’s plans for his grounds? iii, 292.
Gray hopes the asthma has not re- turned, iii. 294.
Gray, consulted in a tythe dispute, endeavours to dissuade Wharton from pursuing it, iii. 314-317.
Gray relates the manner of his ap- pointment to the Chair of Modern History, iii. 321.
his nephew admitted to Pembroke College, iii. 840.
will visit Mason at York, on horse- back, from Old Park, iii. 349.
Gray hopes he got safe home after his troublesome night of asthma, iii. 350.
Gray writes the Journal of the Lakes for his amusement, iii. 350.
sends Gray an object of natural his- tory, iii. 352.
illness of his daughter, iii. 21, 368.
Gray tells him of his journey through the western counties, iii. 379-380.
MS. of Impromptu on Lord Holland’s house, i. 135.
illness and death of his sister-in-law, | Whateley, Thomas, his Observations on
iii. 82, 121. Gray’s advice on an Eton education for his nephew, iii. 86-87, 106-107.
Gray advises him upon coloured |
glass, iii, 102-103. Gray advises him upon Gothic wall- paper and its cost, iii. 110, 118-121. visited by Gray at Old Park, iii. 133. _ Gray buys him some rout-chairs, their price, 11]. 137. confinement of Mrs. Wharton, iii. 138. condolement on the death of R. Wharton, iii. 167. protection of his sister Ettrick from a brutal husband, iii. 199-200, 245. entertains Gray, Dr. Hallifax, and Dr. Louth at Old Park, iii. 208.
Gardening and account of the Wye, iii. 380.
Wheeler, J., has returned from Lisbon,
111. 238,
Whitehead, William, Gray’s opinion of
his Ode on a Tent, etc., ii. 220. Birthday Ode for 1758, ii. 390, 391. Ode for the New Year, ii. 394. his School for Lovers, iii. 128.
Gray pleased with his Charge to the
Poets, iii. 128.
Elegy against Friendship, iii. 128, 131. Gray would rather steal his verse than his sentiment, iii. 138.
Whithe[a]d, Francis, reference to, ii.
125, 136, 137, 207. biographical note, iii. 205.
entertains Gray and Dr. Brown, iii. | Whitworth, Lord, his Accownt of Russia,
printed at Strawberry Hill, ii. 373.
they accompany him to Barnard | Wilkes, John, speech by, iii. 39.
Castle, Rokeby, and Richmond, iii. 277.
contemplates with Gray a_ tour through Westmoreland and Cum- berland, iii. 277.
his pursuit of Lord Halifax, iii, 39.
likely to be chose for the city of Lon- don, iii. 317.
like to lose his election (in 1771, but returned top of the poll), iii. 406.
taken ill with asthma while on ἃ Wilkinson, Mr., reference to, ii. 177.
visit to the Lakes with Gray, his return home, iii. 281, 351.
his influence at Pembroke College, ii, 228.
398
Wilkinson, Miss, about to marry Mr. T. Pitt, iii. 406. Wilkinson, Mrs., reference to, 274. William of Sens, built the choir of Canterbury Cathedral, 111, 316. William Shakespeare to Mrs. Anne, a poem by Gray, iii. 205-206. Williams, Bishop, portrait as lord . keeper, i. 311. Williams, Mr., friend of Gray and Wal- pole, iii. 71. Williams, Sir Charles Hanbury, has he gone to Berlin ? ii. 227. death of his daughter Lady Essex, ii. 401, iii. 3. Williams, Sir William Peers, about to take part in a secret expedition, iii. 68. Montagu one of his executors, 11]. . 104. Gray requested to write his Epitaph, iii. 109 Gray’s first thoughts for an Epitaph, 111. 109. Epitaph on, i. 128. Walpole’s description of, i. 128. Williamson, Mr., friend of Dr. Beattie, reference to, ili. 278. visits Gray at Cambridge to which he walked from Aberdeen, iii. 280. Willis’s Mitred Abbies, reference to, ii.
377. Willoughby’s Book of Fishes, iii. 291. Book of Birds, prices realised for copies, iii. 291. Wilson, Benjamin, portrait painter, Dr. Plumptre and Gray sit to, iii. 16
Wilson, Dr. Christopher, Bishop of Bristol, his fortunate acquirement of wealth, iii. 75.
King George III.’s reproof to, iii. 75. biographical note on, iii. 75,
Wilson, Colonel, his house in Kendal,
: i, 269.
Wilson, Thomas, Fellow of Pembroke College, iii. 384.
Winstanley, Mr., private tutor to Lord Richard Cavendish, iii. 331.
Winston, reference to, iii. 152.
Winter of 1763-4 hot and unseason- able, iii. 169.
Winter of 1771, 111. 391-392.
-Woburn, residence of Duke of Bedford, li. 258,
Wollaston, Wm., quotation from his an of Nature Delineated, i.
ili.
INDEX.
Wollaston, Miss, marries Dr. Heber- den, iii. 29. Ὡς ὦ Cardinal, villa at Esher, ii.
a τ σα, frailties of, the favourite theme of conversation, i. 403.
a| Wood, Rev. John, curate to Mason, ii. 309,
reference to, ii. 395. Mason engaged to, iii. 328.
Wood, Robert, author of Ruins of Pal- γα, disappointed at Gray’s pro- ductions, ii. 328, 331.
Duke of Bridgewater’s companion in Italy, ii. 328. gone to Chats-vorth, iii. 124.
Woodhouse, Tytler, Lord, his Essay on Petrarch against the Abbé de Sade, iii. 235.
Woodville [Widville], Elizabeth, wife of Edward IV., i. 95.
Wormius, Olaus, his preservation of the Anglo-Saxon poem of Ransom of Higil, i. 362.
Wren, Sir Christopher, his opinion that Gothic architecture is the Saracen or Moorish, ii. 255.
rebuilt Warwick church, ii. 257.
Writing, Gray on good, ii. 199.
Wroxton, residence of Duke of Guild- ford, ii. 258.
Wyat, Sir J ., Gray’s transcript of his defence offered to H. Walpole, i. 812.
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, his verse, i. 334.
Wyatt, Rev. William, Fellow of Pem- broke, reference to, and note on, lii. 353.
Wye, River, Grays account of, iii. 380
Gilpin’s Observations on the river submitted to Gray, iii. 380.
YaRMouTH, Lady, her son christened by Mason, li. 354, George II.’s bequest to, iii. 71. Yonge or Young, Philip, Bishop of Bristol, Duke of Newcastle’s re- mark to, ii. 371. reference to a caricature of, by Mason, iii. 55. translated to Norwich, iii. 105. York, Mrs. Charles, death of, and one of her children, ii. 401. attended by Drs. Heberden and Taylor, ii. 401. York, Duke of, his popularity, iii. 89- 90.
anecdote concerning, iii. 90.
INDEX. 399 York, Duke of, speaks in Opposition | Yorkshire, Gray’s journey through part on the American question, lii, 270. of, iii. 133-134. his private theatricals, iii. 270. see Lakes, Journal of.
= δου τω ruin of a Gothic chapel| Young, Professor, author of ἃ satirical Ἐπ τὸς recincts of, Gray’s opinion of criticism on the Elegy, i. 208. its ing the chapel of St. Sepul- chre, iii. 140-144. period and style of its construction | ZepHyrinum, Carmen ad C, Favonium,
and architecture, iii, 145-147. i. 177-178.
Yorke, James, succeeds to the deanery | Zilettus of Venice, publisher of Trae- of Dr. Greene, iii. 105, tatus universi juris, ii, 368.
THE END.
Printed by R. & R. CLarx, Edinburgh.
MESSRS. MACMILLAN & CO’S PUBLICATIONS.
WORKS ON ANCIENT HISTORY, LITERATURE, AND ART.
HISTORICAL ESSAYS. By E. A. Freeman, D.C.L, LL.D., Regius Professor of Modern History in the University of Oxford, etc. Second series. Second edition, with additional Essays. 8vo. 10s. 6d.
Contents :—Ancient Greece and Medieval Italy—Mr. Glad- stone’s Homer and the Homeric Ages—The Historians of Athens —The Athenian Democracy—Alexander the Great—Greece during the Macedonian Period—Mommsen’s History of Rome— Lucius Cornelius Sulla—The Flavian Cesars, etc. etc.
ATTIC ORATORS—From Antiphon to Iseos. By R. C. Jess, M.A., LL.D., Professor of Greek in the University of Glasgow. 2 vols. 8vo. 25s.
SOCIAL LIFE IN GREECE, FROM HOMER TO MENANDER. By the Rev. J. P. MAnarry, M.A., Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. Fourth edition, enlarged. Crown 8vo. 95.
RAMBLES AND STUDIES IN GREECE. By the same Author. Illustrated. Second edition, revised and enlarged. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.
ESSAYS IN ART AND ARCHAZDOLOGY. By C. T. Newron, C.B., D.C.L., Professor of Archeology in University College, London, and Keeper of Greek and Roman Antiquities at the British Museum. 8vo. 12s. 6d.
THE ANCIENT EMPIRES OF THE EAST, By A. H. Saycz, oe ὑπο of Comparative Philology, Oxford, Hon. LL.D., Dublin. Crown 8vo. 6s.
ESSAYS ON HORACE. By A. W. Verraut, M.A., Fellow and Lecturer of Trinity College, Cambridge. 8vo. [In the Press.
CLASSICAL WRITERS. Edited by Jonn RicHARD GREEN. Fcap. 8vo. 18. 6d. each. Euripides. By Professor MAHAFFY. Milton. By the Rev. Sroprorp A. Brooks, Livy. By the Rev. W. W. Capzs, M.A. Virgil. By Professor NETTLEsHIP, M.A. Sophocles. By Professor L. CAMPBELL, M.A. Demosthenes. By Professor 5. H. Burcurr, M.A. Tacitus. By A. J. Courcu, M.A., and W. J. Bropriss, M.A.
MACMILLAN & CO., LONDON.
MACMILLAN AND CO.’S PUBLICATIONS.
RECENT CLASSICAL TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS,
ARISTOTLE.—The Politics. Translated by Rev. J. E. C. Wett- pon, M.A., Fellow of King’s College, Cambridge, and Master of Dulwich College. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.
The Rhetoric. Ly the same Translator. [In the Press.
ATTIC ORATORS.—Selections from Antiphon, Andokides, Lysias, Isokrates, and Iseeos. Edited, with Notes, by Pro- fessor R. C. JEbB. 8vo. 12s. 6d.
BABRIUS.—Edited, with Introductory Dissertations, Critical Notes, Commentary and Lexicon. By Rey. W. Gunion RuTHERForD,
M.A., LL.D., Head-Master of Westminster School. §8vo. 12s. 6d.
CATULLUS.—Select Poems, Edited by F. P. Smrpson, B.A. New and Revised Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 5s. The Text of this Edition is carefully adapted to School use.
CICERO.—The Academica. The Text revised and explained by J. 5. Rem, M.L. New Edition. 8vo. [Just Ready.
The Academics. Translated by J. 5. Remy, M.L. 8vo. 5s. 6d. Pro P. Sestio. Edited by Rev. H. A. Hoitpren, M.A., LL.D. Feap. 8vo. 5s.
DEMOSTHENES.—tThe First Philippic. Edited, after C. Rrn-
DANTZ, by Rev. T. GwATKIN, M.A. Feap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Adversus Leptinem. Edited by Rev. J. R. Kine, M.A. Feap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.
De Corona. Edited by B. DrAxt, M.A. New and Revised Kdi- -tion. Feap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.
EURIPIDES.—Medea. LKdited, with Introduction and Notes, by _ A. W. VERRALL, M.A. 8vo. 7s. 6d. School Edition, 3s. 6d. - Iphigenia in Tauris. Edited, with Introduction and Critical and Explanatory Notes, by E. B. ENeuanp, M.A. Feap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.
HERODOTUS.—Books I.-III. The Ancient Empires of the East. Edited, with Notes, Introductions, and Appendices, by A. H. Saycr, LL.D, Demy 8vo. 165.
HOMER.—Iliad. Books I., [X., XI., XVI-XXIV. The Story of Achilles. Edited by the late J. H. Pratt, M.A., and WALTER LeaF, M.A. Feap. 8vo. 6s.
Odyssey. Book IX. Edited by Prof. Jonn E. B. Mayor. Feap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.
Odyssey. Books XXI.-XXIV. The Triumph of Odysseus. Edited by S. G. Hamitron, B.A. Feap. 8vo. 3s. θα,
MACMILLAN AND CO., LONDON.
MACMILLAN AND CO.’S PUBLICATIONS.
‘RECENT CLASSICAL TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS. HOMER.—tThe Iliad. Translated into English Prose. By ANDREW Lane, M.A., WALTER LEAF, M.A., and Ernest Myers, M.A. Crown 8vo. 12s. 6d. The Odyssey. Done into English by S. H. Burcurr, M.A., and ANDREW LANG, M.A. Fourth Edition, revised and corrected. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d. HORACE.—The Odes. Edited by T. E. Pacn, M.A. Feap. 8vo. 6s. (Books I, II., III., and IV. separately, 2s. each.) The Satires. Edited by ArTHUR PALMER, ‘M.A. Feap. 8vo. 6s. The Epistles and Ars Poetica. Edited by Professor A. S. Wikins, M.A. Feap. 8vo. [In the Press. JUVENAL.— Select Satires. Edited by Professor Joun Εἰ. B. Mayor. X.and XI. 3s. 6d. XIL-XVI. Feap. 8vo. 4s. 6d. Thirteen Satires. Edited, for the Use of Schools, by Εἰ. G. Harpy, M.A. Feap. 8vo. 5s. The Text of this Edition is carefully adapted to School use. LIV Y.—Books II. and III. Edited by Rev. H. M. SrepHeEnson, M.A. Fecap. 8vo. 5s. Books XXI. and XXII, Edited by the Rev. W. W. Capzs, M.A. With Maps. Feap. 8vo. 5s. Books XXI.-XXV. Translated by ALFRED JoHN CHURCH, M.A., and WILLIAM JACKSON Broprips, M.A. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. LUCRETIUS. —Books I.-III. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by J. H. Warsurton Lez. fF cap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.
LYSIAS.—Select Orations. Edited by E. S. SHuckspureu, M.A. Feap. 8vo. 08,
MARTIAL.—Select Epigrams. Edited by Rev. H. M. SrepHeEn- son, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. 65,
OVID.—Fasti. Edited by G. H. Hartzam, M.A. With Maps. Feap. 8vo. 5s.
Heroidum Epistule XIII, Edited by E. 5. SHuckpuren, M.A. Feap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.
PLATO.—Pheedo. Edited, with Introduction, Notes, and Appen- dices, by R. D. ArncHEr-Hrnp, M.A., Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. 8vo. 8s. 6d.
The Republic. Books I-V. Edited by T. H. Warren, M.A., Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford. Feap. 8vo. [Jn the Press. The Republic of Plato. ‘Translated into English, with an Analysis
and Notes. By J. Lu. Davies, M.A., and D. J. VauaHan, M.A. 18mo. 4s. 6d.
MACMILLAN AND CO, LONDON.
MACMILLAN AND CO.’S PUBLICATIONS.
RECENT CLASSICAL TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS.
PLATO.—Euthyphro, Apology, Crito, and Phedo. Translated by F. J. Courcu. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d.
PLAUTUS.—Miles Gloriosus. Edited by R. Y. Tyrrei, M.A. Feap. 8vo. 5s.
PLUTARCH.—Life of Themistokles, Edited by Rev. H. A. HoupeEn, M.A., LL.D. Feap. 8vo. 5s,
PROPERTIUS.—Select Poems. Edited by Professor J. P. Posr- GATE, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. 6s.
SALLUST.—Bellum Catuline. Edited by A. M. Coox, M.A. Feap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.
TACITUS.—The Annals. Edited, with Introductions and Notes, by G. O. ἨΟΙΒΒΟΟΚΕ, M.A. With Maps. 8vo. 16s.
The Annals. Translated by A. J. Courcu, M.A., and W. J. Brop- RIBB, M.A. With Notes and Maps. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. ,
The History. Translated by A. J. ΟἜσΒΟΗ, M.A., and W. J. Bropriss, M.A. With Notes anda Map. New Edition. Crown 8vo. ᾿ 6s.
Minor Works. Translated by A. J. CourcH, M.A., and W. J. Bropriss, M.A. With Notes and Maps. New and Revised Edition. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d.
TERENCE.—Phormio. Edited by Rev. Jonn Bonp, M.A., and A. S. WaLpotz, B.A. Feap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.
Hauton Timorumenos, Edited by E. 8. SHucksuren, M.A. 3s. With Translation. Feap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.
THEOCRITUS, BION, and MOSCHUS. Rendered into English Prose, with Introductory Essay by ANDREW LANG, M.A. Crown 8vo. 6s.
THUCYDIDES.—Book IV. Edited by C.. E. Graves, M.A., Classical Lecturer, and late Fellow of St. John’s College, Cam- bridge. Fcap. 8vo. 5s.
Books L., IL, III, and V. By the same Editor. To be published separately. [In preparation.
VIRGIL.—Aineid. Books II.and III. The Narrative of Atneas. Edited by E. W. Howson, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. 3s.
XENOPHON.—Memorabilia Socratis. Edited by A. R. CLUER, B.A. Feap. 8vo. 6s.
Hiero. Edited by Rev. H. A. Honprn, M.A., LL.D. 3s. 6d.
Oeconomicus. By the same Editor. With acomplete Lexicon. 6s.
MACMILLAN AND CO., LONDON.
Ἰ ᾿ ἵ ἜΝ ; A " ‘ ᾿ 1 ‘ +
ΤΙΣ Ry Wt “ἃ ¢ (Orr:
a Wy ie
PR Gray, Thomas ᾿ 3500 Works ᾿ A5G6
1884
ν.4
PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY
τοῖν = τῇ =
rian etic Wad uh i i Ay hase i ᾿!
ΠΥ ΠΝ
ἢ
ἽΠῊ ᾿
5
4
>
ἣν Ὁ -- "οἰ.
a =
2S —
ΖΦ 910 bh GO UL El 6€ 2 WALI SOd 4IHS AVG ΞΌΝΥΗ a
M3IASNMOG LY Ἴ1η