Full text of "Official proceedings of the twelfth Republican National Convention, held in ... Philadelphia, June, 19, 20 and 21, 1900"

OF THE

UNIVERSITY

CX\LI

ABRAHAM LINCOLN
The First Republican President of the United States

OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

Twelfth
Republican National Convention

HELD IN THE CITY O?

Philadelphia, June 19, 20 and 21
1900

RESULTING IN THE RENOMINATION OP

WILLIAM McKINLEY, of Ohio, for President

AND THE NOMINATION OF

THEODORE ROOSEVELT, of New York, for Vice-President

Reported by M. W. BLUMENBERG, Official Reporter

ERSITY

PRESS OP DUNLAP PRINTING COMPANY

1332-34-36 CHERRY STREET and 118-20-22-24-26 N. JUNIPER STREET
PHILADELPHIA, PA.

ffictal proceedings*

Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby
directed to prepare and publish a full and complete report of the
official proceedings of this Convention, under the direction of the
National Committee, co-operating with the local committee.

Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention be requested
to republish the official proceedings of preceding Republican
National Conventions now out of print, under the direction of the
National Committee.

CHARLES W. JOHNSON,

SECRETARY.

8PRECKELS

Officers of the Convention.

CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE

HON. M. A. HANNA,

OF OHIO.

TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN OF THE CONVENTION

HON. EDWARD O. WOLCOTT,

OF COLORADO.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN OF THE CONVENTION

HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE,

OF MASSACHUSETTS.
GENERA L SEC RE TA R Y

CHARLES W. JOHNSON,

OF MINNESOTA.
SERGEANT- A T-ARMS

GEORGE N. WISWELL,

OF WISCONSIN.

101366

HON. WM. McKINLEY, of Ohio
Repwbltearv Candidate fotr President of th United Startes, 1&lt;90O

WILLIAM McKINLEY

WILLIAM MCKINLEY, the unanimous nominee of the Convention, was
born at Niles, Trumbull County, Ohio, January 29, 1843, and has made that
State his home during his entire life. He is of Scotch-Irish stock, his great-
great-grandfather, James McKinley, having come from the north of Ire
land to the United States in the first half of the eighteenth century and
settled in York County, Pennsylvania, where, on May 16, 1755, was born to
him a son, David McKinley, who was the great-grandfather of the present
William McKinley. David McKinley evinced his loyalty to the country
by serving as a private in the War of the Revolution, as shown by the
records of the Pension Bureau and War Department. His son. James
McKinley, was the father of William McKinley, ST., the father of the present
President and nominee of the Convention.

William McKinley, Sr., the father of President McKinley, removed from
Pennsylvania to Ohio with his parents in childhood, and on reaching man
hood became interested in iron manufacturing and the management of iron
furnaces, in which he was engaged until the time of his retirement from busi
ness in 1876. As a consequence William, Jr., President, came to have a
practical knowledge of one of the greatest manufacturing industries of the
United States and of the important relation which those industries sustain to
that greatest of all industries agriculture.

Growing to manhood in the country town of Poland, Ohio, to which his
father, on account of its superior educational facilities, had removed, William
Jr. familiarized himself with many of the details of the daily occupation of
those with whom he was brought constantly in contact. With the method?
of the country storekeeper, the iron manufacturer, the farmer, the school
teacher, the postmaster, the book-keeper and the business man of the village,
he was thoroughly familiar and his progress as a student in the Academy
of Poland was so rapid that it enabled him, at an early age, to become
instructor in the district school, thus adding to his funds with which to
pursue his studies in the Academy. Of his career at that time an old
citizen of Poland, being asked for reminiscences of Mr. McKinley, said:
"He was always studying, studying, studying all the time." Thus he became
familiar with the details of the life of the masses of the people in whose
welfare and prosperity he has shown such a marked interest during all of
his public career.

The first great event in his life, which has been characterized by many
striking incidents, occurred in June, 1861. The War of the Rebellion had
begun; a throng of excited citizens gathered at the Sparrow House, the

6 WILLIAM McKINLEY.

hotel of the village, and an impassioned speaker, pointing to the stars and
stripes which hung on the wall, said: "Citizens of Poland: Our country s
flag has been shot at. It has been trailed in the dust by those who should
defend it, dishonored by those who should cherish and revere it. And for
what? That this free government may keep a race in the bondage of
slavery. Who will be the first to defend it?" Among the first who stepped
to the front to offer his life as a protest against this form of imperialism
was a boy of seventeen, William McKinley, Jr., and he thus became a
member of Company "E," 23d Ohio, which a few days later marched forth
from the village of Poland, thence to Camp Chase, and thence to the war.
Upon the rolls of this regiment were such names as W. S. Rosecrans,
Stanley Matthews, Rutherford B. Hayes and many who subsequently at
tained national reputation; it participated in many battles Carnifex Ferry,
Clark s Hollow, Princeton, W. Va. ; South Mountain, Md. ; Antietam,
Buffington s Island, Ohio, in Morgan s raid; Cloyd s Mountain, Va. ; New
River Bridge, Va. ; Buffalo Gap, W. Va.; Lexington, W. Va.; Buchanan,
W. Va.; Otter Creek, Va.; Buford s Gap, Va.; Winchester, Va.; Berryville,
Va.; Opequan, Va.; Fisher s Hill, Va., and Cedar Creek, Va.

William McKinley, Jr., although enlisting as a private had, in less than
one year, been promoted to Commissary Sergeant, and in the subsequent
years to Second Lieutenant, First Lieutenant, Acting Assistant Adjutant
General, and finally brevetted Major his service continuing from June n,
1861, to July 26, 1865. As Commissary Sergeant at Antietam he performed a
feat, probably never before undertaken, of supplying the men of his regiment
with hot coffee and meats during an active engagement, risking his life in so
doing, but coming out unscathed and receiving, as a result, a promotion to
the position of Second Lieutenant.

At Kernstown he again distinguished himself by carrying a message from
General Hayes to a regiment posted at a distance, galloping for a long dis
tance obliquely toward tho advancing enemy in a direct line of their
fire, but again escaping almost as by miracle, and in numbers of other en
gagements he showed bravery and won popularity with all classes of men
with whom he was associated.

At the close of the war he returned to Ohio and decided to take up the
study of law, and in preparing himself for this life work took a course in
the Albany, New York, law school and was, in 1867, admitted to the bar
at Canton, Ohio, which place he had selected as his future home and which
has been his home since that date. In 1871 he married Miss Ida Saxton,
daughter of James A. Saxton, a prominent citizen of Canton. Major
McKinley had been less than three years in Canton when his ability
as a lawyer led to his nomination and election as District Attorney of Stark
County. In 1876 he announced himself as a candidate for Congress, carry
ing every township in his county but one, and was nominated on the first
ballot and elected.

During fourteen years after this event he represented in Congress the
District of which Stark County was a part, despite several efforts to so

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 7

change the lines of his district as to elect a democrat, and might have still
continued to do so but for the fact that the democracy which controlled
the Legislature of Ohio in 1890 deliberately "gerrymandered" the district
to such an extent as absolutely to assure his defeat, although he made a
gallant fight against overwhelming odds. The result of this defeat through
these questionable methods, after a long and faithful career in Congress
in which he had made a brilliant record as an advocate of "Protection"
and had become a leader of his party in the House of Representatives, was
his nomination for Governor of Ohio, to which position he was twice
elected, and before he had finished his services as Governor he became a
marked figure as a prospective candidate of the party for the Presidency.

Mr. McKinley entered upon Congressional life contemporaneously with
the inauguration of Mr. Hayes as President, and he soon demonstrated his
ability as a working member. He was an ardent advocate of the doctrine
of a protective tariff, and a disciple of Hamilton and Clay. In 1888 at the
Republican National Convention he had the opportunity of declaring his
faith boldly as the author of the platform of that year. Harrison and a
Republican Congress were triumphantly elected, and then followed the
legislation known as the McKinley bill, prepared by the Committee of Ways
and Means, of which he was Chairman. In 1891 McKinley was unani
mously nominated by the Republicans for Governor of Ohio. He was
elected over James E. Campbell by a plurality of 21,511 votes. In 1893 he
was re-elected, defeating L. T. Neal by a plurality of 80,995 votes.

In his first campaign for the Governorship, McKinley spoke in eighty-
four of the eighty-eight counties of the State, and in 1894 he made speeches
throughout the country, stretching from Pennsylvania to Kansas and from
Minnesota to Louisiana. It was an unparalleled campaign, like the famous
days when Lincoln and Douglas were on the stump. His administrations
as Governor were successful, and peculiarly so in the matter of adjusting
labor difficulties that threatened serious strikes, which he prevented.

Twice he declined absolutely to permit a national convention to consider
his name for the Presidency. In 1888 the Ohio delegation had been in
structed to support Sherman in the Republican National Convention and
did so. Ballot after ballot had been taken and no candidate had been able
to secure a majority, and the cheers which marked Mr. McKinley s entrance
to the hall at each session showed his popularity with the members of the
convention. On the sixth ballot a delegate voted for William McKinley
and was greeted by cheers again and again; the next State called cast
seventeen votes for McKinley and again cheers broke forth, indicating that
a drift was setting strongly towards him. Instantly Major McKinley who,
as Chairman of the Ohio delegation occupied a place upon the floor of the
convention, leaping upon a chair, interrupted the roll call with the following
words :

"Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention:

"I am here as one of the chosen representatives of my State. I am here by
resolution of the Republican State Convention, commanding me to cast my

g WILLIAM McKINLEY.

vote for John Sherman for President, and to use every worthy endeavor to
secure his nomination. I accepted the trust, because my heart and judgment
were in accord with the letter and spirit and purpose of that resolution. It
has pleased certain delegates to cast their votes for me for President. I am
not insensible to the honor they would do me, but in the presence of the
duty resting upon me, I can not remain silent with honor. I can not consist
ently with the wish of the State whose credentials I bear, and which has
trusted me; I can not consistently with my own views of personal integrity,
consent, or seem to consent, to permit my name to be used as a candidate
before this convention. I would not respect myself if I could find it in my
heart to do or permit to be done that which could even be ground for any
one to suspect that I wavered in my loyalty to Ohio, or my devotion to
the chief of her choice and the chief of mine. I do not request I demand
that no delegate who would not cast reflection upon me shall cast a ballot
for me."

The tide was turned and on the seventh ballot Benjamin Harrison was
nominated.

Another incident on the same occasion, of which the public knows less,
showed with equal clearness his firmness of purpose to prevent the nomina
tion of himself on that occasion. Judge Little, of Ohio, in a statement
written in 1895, recounted the incident of a visit by Major McKinley and
himself to the headquarters of the New Jersey delegation at midnight before
the closing day of the convention. Major McKinley had heard that the
New Jersey delegation proposed voting for him on the following day and,
on questioning the Chairman, received from him the reply that "it is a
matter of our own concern; we shall act upon our own responsibility, being
accountable only to the Republicans of New Jersey for what we do." To
this Major McKinley replied that he could not permit this in view of his
duty to Senator Sherman, adding "Rather than that I would suffer the loss
of that good right arm! Yes, I would suffer death! To accept a nomination,
if one were possible, under these circumstances, would inevitably lead to my
defeat, AND IT OUGHT TO LEAD TO MY DEFEAT! The last clause
was uttered slowly and with great emphasis. There was a silence of several
moments, which was broken by the Chairman of the New Jersey delegation,
who said, "Well, Major, if that is the way you view it, of course we will not
vote for you."

In 1892 he again favored the nomination of Harrison, and although acting
as chairman of the Convention, protested against an attempt to cast the vote
of Ohio solidly for himself, urging that, as a member of the Ohio delegation,
he had a right to demand a poll of the State vote and did so demand, the
result of the poll being that the vote of his alternate was cast for Benjamin
Harrison, while all the other members of the delegation voted for him. On
that ballot Harrison was nominated, but 182 votes were cast for William
McKinley.

It was not until 1896 that he permitted his friends to announce him for
the candidacy and present his name to a national convention, and long befoi e
the convention of that year met, it became apparent that he would be its

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 9

nominee, while in the year 1900 no other name was suggested for the
nomination.

In the Convention of 1896, at St. Louis, McKinley was nominated for the
Presidency on the first ballot, receiving 66iV 2 votes to 84V 2 for Thomas B.
Reed, of Maine; 61% for M. S. Quay, of Pennsylvania; 58 for Levi P.
Morton, of New York, and 3SV 2 for W. B. Allison, of Iowa. Early in the
campaign the Republicans attempted to wage the contest on the tariff
issue, realizing that upon this the party was invincible. The Democrats
and Republican Silverites, however, insisted upon the currency question as
the principal issue, and in this they had their way. The result was a sweep
ing victory for the Republicans.

During the campaign of 1896, McKinley was in line with his party on the
currency question, and as the result of the contest, he was elected, securing
271 electoral votes to 176 for Bryan. McKinley s popular vote was 7,107,304,
while Bryan polled 6,292,423 on the Democratic ticket and 240.657 on the
Populist ticket.

President McKinky s Administration has been an eventful one, marked
chiefly by the war with Spain for the liberation of Cuba, which resulted in
the loss to the mother country of Cuba, Porto Rico, the Philippines and
Guam. Later the extraordinary events occurring in China, have compelled
the administration to take prompt steps to rescue the ministers and to
restore order, and this chapter of our diplomacy and military celerity has
been greatly helpful to other civilized nations and to the world. Other
features of McKinley s Administration have been the enactment of the
Dingley protective tariff and the measure for the establishment of the gold
standard.

THEODORE ROOSEVELT

THEODORE ROOSEVELT, the nominee for Vice-President, is of Dutch and
Scotch-Irish ancestry, and among them were many notable men. He him
self is the thirty-fourth Governor of New York State. Klass Martenson
Roosevelt, one of his ancestors, came to America from Holland in 1649.
His son, Nicholas, was an Alderman of the Leislerian party, and, although
a burgher of the "major right," he espoused the popular side in the con
test of the colonies with the mother country. James I. Roosevelt, another
ancestor, was a captain in the New York State Troop during the Revolu
tion. His father, Theodore, married Martha, daughter of James and Martha
Oswald Bulloch, of Roswell, Ga., both of whom were descendants from
Revolutionary stock of prominence.

Thus the nominee of the Republican party for Vice-President comes from
a stock that has been noted for generations for the instincts of freedom,
the traditions of patriotism and uprightness of conduct. He was born in
New York city, October 27, 1858. He was primarily educated at home
under private teachers, and then entered Harvard. He was one of the
editors of the undergraduate journal, The Advocate, and was prominent
in athletics.

After graduation, in 1880, he spent a year in travel and study, and has
since been a persistent student even under the pressure of official life, and
at intervals an ardent traveler in both Europe and America. For many years
he has been deeply interested in the purification of political and official life
and the application of civil service rules to executive administration.

As an intimate associate and friend of George William Curtis, his schol
astic and oratorical abilities brought him to the front as a prominent cham
pion of civil service principles. He served as Assemblyman in the New
York Legislature during the years 1882-83 and 84. Mr. Roosevelt intro
duced the first civil service bill in the Legislature, and it was passed in
1883, almost simultaneously with the passage of a similar measure in the
National Congress at Washington. He was Chairman of the New York
delegation to the National Republican Convention in 1884.

Mr. Roosevelt was nominated as the independent candidate for Mayor of
New York city in 1886, and, although endorsed by the Republican party,
was defeated at the election. In May, 1889, President Harrison appointed
him Civil Service Commissioner, and he served as President of the Board
until May, 1895. During his incumbency he was untiring in his endeavors
to apply the civil service principles of merit and capacity to all executive
departments, with the aggregate result that instead of 14,000 employes, as

HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, of New York
Republican Candidate for Vice-President of the United States, 1900

THEODORE ROOSEVELT. * 11

when he began, 40,000 filled their positions under its rules, largely through
the permissive clause of the Civil Service act. This position of Mr. Roose
velt as President of the Civil Service Commission made his name familiar
in all parts of the country, and his reputation for rigid honesty of purpose
and fearlessness of character was firmly established.

Legislative investigation having disclosed the conditions which existed
throughout the New York city police, Mr. Roosevelt was naturally looked
upon as the man who could thoroughly purge the city and restore the
morale of the service. The appointment of Police Commissioner was,
therefore, offered him in May, 1895, and he promptly resigned his position
as Civil Service Commissioner to accept this post. He immediately began
the reorganization of the police system with characteristic vigor. The
prominent features of his administration were impartial enforcement of the
laws and ordinances, and insistence on rigid honesty and fearlessness in the
discharge of the duties of the police, and a rigorous application of civil
service principles in appointments to and promotions on the force.

Such drastic changes from the previous practice in the department raised
violent opposition among many people, which only served to incline Roose
velt s purpose more strongly towards the enforcement of the law. Hereto
fore it had been considered that an effectual and impartial enforcement of
the excise law was a moral and a physical impossibility. In a short time
he proved the contrary.

Shortly before the outbreak of the Spanish-American War Roosevelt was
tendered the office of Assistant Secretary of the Navy by President McKin-
ley. He accepted promptly, and entered on his new duties with his usual
energy and enthusiasm. He worked night and day, and to him as much as
to any other man, probably, was due the splendid condition of the United
States navy when the war with Spain began.

He had only been in office a short time when he asked for an appro
priation of $800,000 for "practical target" shooting in the navy, and a few
months later requested another appropriation of $500,000 for the same pur
pose. This was considered extravagant, and he was asked what became of
the ammunition which was purchased with the $800,000. He coolly replied
that it was all shot away, and he thought it might be that he would do the
same with that bought with the $500,000 if it were given him. The amount
was appropriated, and the subsequent results at Manila and Santiago justi
fied Roosevelt s action, and completely silenced the talk of extravagance.

When the war with Spain broke out, in 1898, Roosevelt resigned his
position as Assistant Secretary of the Navy to enter the army. He began
the formation of a volunteer cavalry regiment. The recruits for this were
chiefly Western cowboys and hunters, chosen for their courage and en
durance, and were called the Rough Riders. But they were also joined by
men from every part of the country, who represented many nationalities
and every social grade. He was moved to organize this particular form of
regiment from the fact that years before while in the West on his hunting
expeditions he formed the acquaintance of these brave western men, to

12 THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

whom he became speedily endeared on account of his devotion to sport,
his skill with the rifle, his fine horsemanship and his thoroughly democratic
manners.

He had been a member of the Eighth Regiment, New York National
Guards, from 1884 until 1888, and for a time had served as Captain, thus
gaining experience in military matters. The Rough Riders was commanded
by Colonel Leonard Wood, of the regular army, and a close personal friend
of Roosevelt. The latter was made Lieutenant Colonel, and, on June 15,
1898, a part of the troops embarked from Tampa with the advance guard
of Shafter s invading army.

The Rough Riders took part in all the engagements preceding the fall
of Santiago, and, at the battle of San Juan, on July I, Colonel Roosevelt
distinguished himself by leading the desperate charge of the Ninth Regi
ment and the Rough Riders up San Juan Hill. Known before for his
energy, sterling honesty and capability, and deeply respected therefor, Lieu
tenant Colonel Roosevelt, by this magnificent charge against the Spanish
forces, became one of the idolized heroes of the country. This was strength
ened by his subsequent acts in Cuba. Every hardship experienced by the
privates was shared by him. At the close of the Spanish war, Roosevelt
was commissioned Colonel on July II.

Colonel Roosevelt was nominated as Governor of New York State on
September 27, 1898. His Democratic opponent was Judge Augustus Van
Wyck. Colonel Roosevelt entered into the campaign with characteristic
enthusiasm, and visited nearly every part of the State. He drew to his
support the majority of the Independent Republicans and many of the
Democrats, and carried New York State by a plurality of 18,079. He
brought to the new position the same force and personality that he had
displayed in everything he had previously undertaken. He consulted all
factions and followed what seemed to him to be the best course for the
State. He maintained his reputation for independence, yet held the respect
of the party managers.

Governor Roosevelt might have readily lapsed into habits of indolence,
but, coming of a race whose mental and physical endurance is seemingly inex
haustible, he is incessantly industrious. He owns a ranch on the Little Mis
souri river, in North Dakota, and has a personal acquaintance with life on
the plains and in the wilderness. As a daring hunter of big game he is a
conspicuous figure among American sportsmen, and the trophies of the
chase that adorn his home at Sagamore Hill, near Oyster Bay, L. I., testify
to the skill with which he handles a rifle. He organized the Boone and
Crocket Club, and for a long time was its President.

He has described his various experiences most entertainingly in "Hunting
Trips of a Ranchman," "The Wilderness Hunter" and "Ranch Life and
the Hunting Trail." His first work was published a year after he left
college, and was entitled "The Naval War of 1812." As a biographer he
has been highly praised for his "Life of Thomas H. Benton" and "Life of
Gouverneur Morris" in the American Statesman Series. He has also pub-

THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 13

lished a "History of the City of New York," "Essays on Practical Politics,"
"American Political Ideals," and has collaborated with Captain Mahan in
writing the "Imperial History of the British Navy." He is also joint author
with Henry Cabot Lodge of "Hero Tales from American History."

Governor Roosevelt is also known as a successful and a captivating lec
turer. He is a member of the Reformed (Dutch) Church, with which his
family has been connected for generations. He holds membership in many
clubs, both social and political. He is a trustee of the American Museum
of Natural History in New York and is a member of the State Charities Aid
Association. Columbia University awarded him the degree of LL. D. in

1899-

He was married when a very young man to Alice Lee, of Boston, who
died two years later, leaving a daughter. He was married again in 1886 to
Edith Kermit Carow, of New York. They have six children, four of whom
are sons.

IRepublican national Committee for 1900

State Member Post-Office

Alabama J. W. DIMMICK Montgomery.

Arkansas POWELL CLAYTON Eureka Springs.

California W. C. VAN FLEET San Francisco.

Colorado E. O. WOLCOTT Denver.

Connecticut CHARLES F. BROOKER Ansonia.

Delaware JOHN EDWARD ADDICKS Wilmington.

Florida JOHN G. LONG St. Augustine.

Georgia JUDSON W. LYONS Augusta.

Idaho GEORGE L. SHOUP Boise City.

Illinois GRAEME STEWART Chicago.

Indiana HARRY C. NEW Indianapolis.

Iowa ERNEST E. HART Council Bluffs.

Kansas. ^.x_^rT*rt7rnrnv..^.&lt;^D AVID W. MULVANE Topeka.

Kentucky JOHN W. YERKES Danville.

Louisiana A. T. WIMBERLY New Orleans.

Maine JOSEPH H. MANLEY Augusta.

Maryland Louis E. McCOMAS Hagerstown.

Massachusetts GEO V. L. MEYER ...Boston.

Michigan WILLIAM H. ELLIOTT Detroit.

Minnesota THOMAS H. SHEVLIN Minneapolis.

Mississippi H. C. TURLEY Natchez.

Missouri RICHARD C. KERENS St. Louis.

Montana WILLIAM H. DE WITT Butte.

Nebraska R. B. SCHNEIDER Fremont.

Nevada PATRICK L. FLANNAGAN Reno.

New Hampshire-r^wTTTTrrrvw. CHARLES T. MKANS Manchester.

New Jersey FRANKLIN MURPHY Newark.

New York FREDERICK S. GIBBS New York.

North Carolina JAMES E. BOYD Greenboro.

North Dakota ALEXANDER MCKENZIE Bismarck.

Ohio GEORGE B. Cox Cincinnati.

Oregon GEORGE A. STEEL Portland.

Pennsylvania M. STANLEY QUAY Beaver.

Rhode Island CHARLES R. BRAYTON Providence.

South Carolina E. A. WEBSTER Orangeburg.

South Dakota J. M. GREEN Chamberlain.

Tennessee WALTER P. BROWNLOW Jonesboro.

Texas R. B. HAWLEY Galveston.

Utah O. J. SALISBURY Salt Lake City.

Vermont JAMES W. BROCK Montpelier.

Virginia GEORGE E. BOWDEN Norfolk.

Washington GEORGE H. BAKER Goldendale.

West Virginia N. B. SCOTT Wheeling.

Wisconsin HENRY C. PAYNE Milwaukee.

Wyoming WILLIS D. VANDEVANTER Cheyenne.

^Territories, ^District of Columbia artD tmwaii

Alaska JOHN G. HEID Juneau.

Arizona W. M. GRIFFITH Florence.

New Mexico SOLOMON LUNA- Los Lunas.

Oklahoma WILLIAM GRIMES Kingfisher.

Indian Territory WILLIAM M. MILLETTE Vinita.

District of Columbia MYRON M. PARKER Washington.

Hawaii HAROLD M. SEWALL.... ....Honolulu.

HON. M. A. HANNA, of Ohio,
Chairman Republican National Committee, 1900

(( UNIVERSITY

OF K .

CAMPAIGN OF J900
ORGANIZATION OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

INEVV YORK HEADQUARTERS
No. i Madison Avenue

M. A. HANNA, of Ohio, Chairman.

JOSEPH H. MANLEY, of Maine.

N. B. SCOTT, of West Virginia.

FRED. S. GIBBS, of New York.

FRANKLIN MURPHY, of New Jersey.

CORNELIUS N. BLISS, of New York , Treasurer

CHICAGO HEADQUARTERS
233 Michigan Avenue

M. A. HANNA, of Ohio. Chairman.

KENRY C. PAYNE, of Wisconsin, Vice Chairman.

PERRY S. HEATH, of Indiana, Secretarv.

VOLNEY W. FOSTER, Illinois, Asst. Treasurer.

EDWIN F. BROWN, Illinois, Sub Treasurer.

RICHARD C. KERENS, Missouri.

GRAEME STEWART, Illinois.

HARRY S. NEW, Indiana.

GEORGE N. WISWELL, Wisconsin, Serjeant-at-arms.

ADVISORY COMMITTEE.

HON. THOMAS C. PLATT New York, New York

HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW New York, New York

HON. WILLIAM L. STRONG New York, New York

SAMUEL T. WAINWRIGHT Pittsburg, Pennsylvania

W W GIBES Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

COL. MYRON T. RERRICK Cleveland, Ohio

BISHOP B W. ARNETT Wilberforce, Ohio

ALEXANDER REVELL Chicago, Illinois

F O LOWDEN Chicago, Illinois

S. B RAYMOND Chicago, Illinois

JOHN DUPEE Chicago, Illinois

CYRUS FIELD ADAMS Chicago, Illinois

EDWARD ROSEWATER Omaha, Nebraska

HON. GEO. L. V. MYKR Boston, Massachusetts

HON. W. B. PLUNKETT Boston, Massachusetts

CHARLES F. BROOKER Ansonia, Connecticut

HON. NELSON W. ALDRICH Rhode Island

THOMAS LOWRY Minneapolis, Minnesota

M. D. GROVER St. Paul, Minnesota

H. H. HANNA Indianapolis, Indiana

HON. TAS. A. GARY Baltimore, Maryland

DR. ERNEST LYON Baltimore. Maryland

IRVING M. SCOTT San Francisco, California

WM. BARBOUR * New Jersey

HON. JOHN KEAN New Jersey

W. B. CLARK St. Louis, Missouri

E. O. STANNARD St. Louis. Missouri

W. L STRATTON Denver, Colorado

HON.JOHN L. WILSON Tacoma, Washington

CHARLES F. PFISTER Milwaukee, Wisconsin

WILLIAM LIVINGSTON Detroit, Michigan

JUSTICE C. STERNS Detroit, Michigan

D. W 7 . MULVANE Topeka, Kansas

E. E. HART Council Bluffs, Iowa

NOTE. The above Committee is auxiliary to the NATIONAL COMMITTEE.

OFFICERS AND MEMBERS

OF THE

Republican Congressional Committee, 1900

OFFICERS

Chairman, HON. JOSEPH W. BABCOCK, Wisconsin.
Vice-Chairman, HON. JAMES S. SHERMAN, New York.
Secretary, HON. JESSE OVERSTREET, Indiana.
Treasurer, MR. WM. B. THOMPSON, Washington, D. C.

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

Rep. JOHN A. T. HULL, of Iowa.
Rep. JOSEPH G. CANNON, of Illinois.
Rep. DAVID H. MERCER, of Nebraska.
Sen. REDFIELD PROCTOR, of Vermont.
Sen. J. H. GALLINGER, of New Hampshire.
Sen. G. W. MCBRIDE, of Oregon.
Rep. H. C. LOUDENSLAGER, of New Jersey.
Rep. C. A. RUSSELL, of Connecticut.
Rep. W. C. LOVERING, of Massachusetts.

MEMBERS

STATF NAME POST-OFFICE

ADDRESS

Alabama W. F. ALDRICH Aldrich

California VICTOR H. METCALF ; Oakland

Connecticut CHARLES A. RUSSELL Killingly

Delaware JOHN H. HOFFECKER Smyrna

Idaho GE ORGE L. SHOUP Salmon City

Illinois JOSEPH G. CANNON Danville

Indiana JESSE OVERSTREET Indianapolis

Iowa JOHN A. T. HULL Des Moines

Kansas W. A. CALDERHEAD. ... Marysville

Kentucky SAMUEL J. PUGH Canceburg

Maine CHARLES A. BOUTELLE Bangor

Maryland SYDNEY E. MUDD La Platte

Massachusetts WILLIAM C. LOVERING Taunton

Michigan JOHN B. CORLISS Detroit

Minnesota FRANK M. EDDY Glenwood

Missouri CHARLES E. PEARCE St. Louis

Montana THOMAS H. CARTER Helena

Nebraska DAVID H. MERCER Omaha

New Hampshire JACOB H. GALLINGER Concord

New Jersey HARRY C. LOUDENSLAGER Paulsboro

New York JAMES S. SHERMAN Utica

North Carolina ROMULUS Z. LINNEY Taylorsville

North Dakota B. F. SPALDING ...Fargo

Ohio HENRY C. VANVOORHIS Zanesville

Oregon GEORGE W. McBRIDE St. Helens

Pennsylvania WILLIAM CONNELL Scranton

Rhode Island MELVILLE BULL Middletown

South Dakota ROBERT J. GAMBLE Yankton

Tennessee HENRY R. GIBSON Knoxville

Texas R. B. H AWLEY Galveston

Vermont REDFIELD PROCTOR Proctor

Virginia R. A. WISE Williamsburg

Washington WESLEY L. JONES N. Yakima

West Virginia BLACKBURN B. DOVEXER Wheeling

Wisconsin JOSEPH W.-BABCOCK Necedah

Wyoming FRANK W. MONDELL Newcastle

TERRITORIES

Oklahoma DENNIS T. FLYNN.... Guthrie

New Mexico PEDRO PEREA Bernalillo

CHAIRMEN REPUBLICAN STATE CENTRAL
COMMITTEES.

STATES CHAIRMEN POST OFFICE

Alabama ........... WM. VAUGHAN .............. Birmingham

Arkansas ........... H. L. REMMEL ............... Little Rock

California ......... GEO. STONE .................. Room 184, Palace Hotel, San Francisco

Colorado ........... A. B. SEAMAN ................. Denver

Connecticut ....... O. R. FYLER .................... Torrington

Delaware ........... J. FRANK ALEE .............. Dover

Florida .............. HENRY S. CHUBB ........... Gainesville

Georgia. .......... W. H.JOHNSON ............. Atlanta

Idaho ................. FRANK A. FENN ............ Boise

Illinois ............... F. H. ROVVE .................... G. N. Hotel, Chicago

Indiana .............. CHAS. S. HERNLEY ...... Indianapolis

Iowa .................. H. O. WEAVER ............... Room 313, Equitable Bldg., Des Moines

Kansas ............... MORTON ALBAUGH ..... Topeka

Kentucky ........... LESLIE COMBS .............. Louisville

Louisiana ......... F. B. WILLIAMS ............. New Orleans

Maine ............... J. H. MANLEY .............. Augusta

Maryland .......... P. L. GOLDSBOROUGH..5 N. Calvert Street, Baltimore

Massachusetts ...A. H. GOETTING ............ 164 Washington Street, Boston

Michigan ............ GERRIT J. DIEKEMA ..... Detroit

Minnesota ..... TAMS RAN Endicott Buildin ^ St Paul

Mississippi ......... E. W. COLLINS ............... Jackson

Missouri..., ......... THOS. J. AKINS .............. Lindell Hotel, St. Louis

Montana ........... JOS. P. WOOLMAN ......... Helena

Nebraska .......... H. O. LINDSAY ............... Omaha

Nevada ............. R. K. COLCORD .............. Carson City

New HampshireJACOB H. GALLINGER..Concord

New Jersey ........ FRANKLIN T. MURPHY 143 Chestnut Street, Newark

New York ......... BENJ. B. ODELL, JR ........ Fifth Avenue Hotel, New York City

North Carolina..A. E. HOLTON ................ Winston

North Dakota. ..W. H. ROBINSON ............ Mayville

Ohio .................. CHAS. DICK .................... Columbus

Oregon .............. GEO. A. STEEL ............... Rooms 600-604 Cham. Com., Portland

Pennsylvania ....GEN. FRANK REEDER..Easton

Rhode Island ..... HUNTER C. WHITE ...... Providence

South Carolina. ..R. R.TOLBERT,jR ......... Greenwood

South Dakota ..... FRANK CRANE ............... Sioux Falls

Tennessee ......... A. M. TILLMAN ............... Nashville

Texas ................. E. H. R. GREEN .............. Terrell

Utah .................. E. H. CALLISTER ........... Salt Lake City

Vermont ............ IRA R. ALLEN ................. Fair Haven

Virginia ............ PARK AGNEW ................ Alexandria

Washington ...... J. H. SHIVELY ................ Seattle

West Virginia. ..W. M. O. DAWSON .......... Parkersburg

Wisconsin ......... GEN. GEO. E. BRYANT...Hotel Pfister, Milwaukee

Wyoming .......... J. A. VAN ORSDEL ......... Cheyenne

TERRITORIES

Arizona CHAS. R. DRAKE Tucson

Indian Territory H. W. DARROUGH Vinita

New Mexico. ... ..JOHN S. CLARK Las Vegas

Oklahoma WM. GRIMES Guthrie

2 17

HON. JOSEPH H. MANLEY, of Maine,
Chairman of Sub-Committee on Arrangements for National Convention of 1900

THE LOCAL COMMITTEES
AND THEIR WORK

BY LEON M. COXWELL, OF PHILADELPHIA

In the efforts to secure the Republican National Convention of 1900
for their city, in the preparation and arrangements for that event and
in providing for the comfort and entertainment of the delegates, the citi
zens of Philadelphia acted as one harmonious unit, all appreciating the
honor of having the convention that was to renominate President McKinley
and eager to do all in their power to make it a success. The movement pro
gressed continuously from the day of its inception, and when the conven
tion was over all identified with it agreed that the convention had been
the best arranged and most successfully executed in the history of the
party.

The first public suggestion that Philadelphia should strive to secure
the National Convention appeared in the leading editorial of "The Press"
on October i, 1899. The suggestion was general in its nature, but it was
taken up by the Young Republican Club and soon resolved itself into a
definite attempt to bring the Republican Convention of 1900 to Philadelphia.
The daily papers took up the movement and on November I7th in re
sponse to invitations issued by the Young Republicans, an enthusiastic
meeting was held in their clubhouse. Representatives were present from
the Union League, the Philadelphia Bourse, Manufacturers Club, Board of
Trade, National Association of Manufacturers, Hardware Mechanics and
Manufacturers Association, Oil Trade Association, Commercial Exchange,
Maritime Exchange, Grocers and Importers Exchange, Lumbermen s
Exchange, Drug Exchange, Paint Club, Chamber of Commerce, Master
Builders Exchange, Philadelphia Board of Marine Underwriters, Merchants
and Salesmens Association, Board of City Passenger Railways, Working-
mens Protective Tariff League, Carpenters Company, Bricklayers Com
pany, Business Mens League, the Brewers Association, the various railroad
companies, heads of departments and bureaus of the city government, bank
ing interests, Republican City Committee, Republican Ward Executive Com
mittees and Republican clubs.

20 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

Horace D. Gavv, president of the Young Republicans, pointed out
the strength of the city s claim to the Convention, since it was the strongest
Republican city in the strongest Republican State of the Union. The pecu
liar advantages of the city for handling crowds and housing large assem
blies were pointed out by others. All the speakers were hearty in their
advocacy of the plan and the enthusiasm of their auditors was great. One
week later, at the Young Republicans Club, the Citizens National Repub
lican Convention Association was formed with the avowed object of bend
ing every energy to bringing that gathering to Philadelphia. Thomas
Martindale was elected chairman and when the organization was perfected,
Henry Burk was elected president; Thomas Martindale first vice-presi
dent; Mahlon N. Kline second vice-president; Porter F. Cope secretary,
and Richard H. Rushton, treasurer. Senator Penrose, National Committee-
man Quay and the entire Pennsylvania delegation in Congress pledged
their heartiest support. Personal appeals were sent to each member of
the National Republican Committee and after a few days of energetic work
it was tacitly agreed that if the Convention came east it would come to
Philadelphia. Committees were appointed by President Burk and it was
decided that the vast auditorium which had been built for the National
Export Exposition would, with slight alterations, be an ideal place for the
Convention. Director General Wilson of the Exposition and Director of the
Philadelphia Museums, entered gladly into the project and the use of the
building was easily secured. It was decided to pledge $100,000 to the Na
tional Committee if the Convention was held in Philadelphia.
{/ On December nth, 1899, the sub-committee of the Citizens Executive
Committee went to Washington to work in the interest of Philadelphia
before the meeting of the National Committee, which was to take place
four days later. The sub-committee included W. S. P. Shields, chairman;
Henry Brooks, Penrose A. McClain, Major A. T. Ennis, J. F. McLaughlin,
Louis H. Smith and Robert McWade. Senator Penrose accompanied them
on a visit to President McKinley, during which Mr. Shields explained the
purpose of the Committee s visit to Washington. The President naturally
declined to express any preference as to where the Republican Convention
should be held, but the visitors were much encouraged by his evident
kindly feeling for Philadelphia.

Delegations seeking the convention for other cities were soon on the
ground, and the rivalry was intense. Philadelphia presented her claims in
a business-like way and left no stone unturned which could further her
} object. The experience of the city with the National Export Exposition,
the Peace Jubilee and the National Encampment of the Grand Army of the
Republic was practical proof of her ability to provide for big occasions
and to handle large crowds without inconvenience or discomfort.

On December i4th, Philadelphia s committee of one hundred repre
sentative citizensTheaded by Mayor Samuel H. Ashbridge, left in a special
train for Washington. The committee met at the Young Republican Club,
where each one was given a badge, and the march begun to Broad Street

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 21

Station. J. Hampton Moore, the Mayor s secretary, accompanied the
party and the members of the Committee included:

Mahlon N. Kline, Edward T. Davis, John V. Cresson, Edwin S. Cramp,
Richard H. Rushton, J. Martin Rommel, Richard B. Williams, George G.
Clark, M. D., J. F. Hartman, B F. Jarrett, J. H. Scott, Richard G. Oellers,
Charles H. Sayre, J. G. Ramsdell, George B. McClellan, W. E. McCall, Jr.,
E. St. Elmo Lewis, S. K. Shedaker, William C. Kramer, P. C. B. O Dono-
van, Daniel J. Shern, Frank Roma, Colonel W T illiam J. Bruehl, Alexander
Cowan, Colonel J. J. Hinds, Joseph J. Martin, J. William Morgan, Horace
Pettit, Captain R. B. Schellinger, Dr. H. Bullen, William Matthews, W. H.
Redheffer, G. Wallace Simpson, Emory P. Day, Colonel O. C. Bosbyshell.
Joseph A. Eslen, John Lunkenheimer, Jr., William G. Carroll, Albert Web
ster, Walter Graham, John R. McFetridge, Edward E. Paxson, Frank
Leake, Dr. William H. Bricker, John McClintock, John W. Woodside,
William B. Cunningham, Morris Newburger, George E. Vickers, M. J.
O Callaghan, David Lavis, Lincoln Acker.

Thomas Martindale, Russell Duane, Dr. Wilmer R. Batt, James Henry,
S. Abrahams, Colonel John A. Weidersheim, Horace D. Gaw, Murray
Gibson, I. Stroud Hinkson, Colonel Wendell P. Bowman, B. F. Oblinger,
John R. Wiggins, William C. Gross, Charles N. Mann, Andrew V. Brown,
W. A. Fredericks, R. H. Innes, Joseph McGlathery, Robert B. Kelly,
W. H. Cullen, C. C. A. Baldi, William H. Brooks, Howard B. French,
John A. Leslie, Evan Morris, John A. O Rourke, Charles M. Swain,
Thomas M. Updyke, Dr. William P. Wilson, Colonel John A. Morris,
Edwin S. Stuart, James B. Craighead, C. S. Warfield, Porter F. Cope.
John H. Klang, Elmer S. Little, William R. Knight, Jr., H. D. Beaston,
Cyrus S. Detre, Charles L. Flanigan, George W. Sunderland, George
Demming, Dr. C. S. Page, James Stewart, Matthias Seddinger, Theodore
C. Search, Benjamin P. Obdyke, John G. Croxton, Henry W. Lambert,
Byron E. Wrigley, A. S. Hottel, George B. Wilson, Jr., Thomas R. Sewell,
Dr. James M. Magee, John S. Stewart, W. C. Felton, C. H. Johnson,
George W. Ledlie, George V. Kerst, W. H. Mohler, Harry R. Wildey,
John Alexander, Benjamin L. Berry, Robert vonMoschzisker, and W.
H. Sayen.

Councils appointed a committee of ten from each chamber to co-operate
with the Citizens Committee.

The claims of Philadelphia were presented at the meeting of the Na
tional Committee on December J-Sth, by Mayor Ashbridge, Congressmen
Bingham and Adams, and Messrs. Shields and Burk of the Citizens Com
mittee. On the first ballot the vote stood: Philadelphia, 13; Chicago, 20:
St. Louis, 9; New York, 7. On the next ballot Philadelphia received 24
votes, Chicago, 23, and St. Louis, i. The choice was made on the third
ballot, when Philadelphia received 25 votes to 24 for Chicago. The choice
was then made unanimous and the delegations from rival cities cheerfully
joined in the cheers for Philadelphia and the Republican Convention of

22 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

1900. When the committee returned to Philadelphia that night there was
a great demonstration, including a parade, and the work of making good
the promises and perfecting the details of the coining Convention was
begun in earnest. The Committee on Finance began the labors of secur
ing the $100,000. The Building Committee arranged for alterations to
the Exposition Auditorium.

When National Committeemen Payne of Wisconsin, Manley of Maine,
and Fessenden of Connecticut, arrived on December I7th, they found
everything running smoothly. After inspecting the buildings Mr. Payne
said: "We expect great things of your city and I feel sure we will not
be disappointed." That they were not disappointed is now a matter of
Republican history.

As the first of the year approached the sentiment grew that as the
reputation of Philadelphia was at stake in providing for the Convention,
a committee should be formed with more authority and responsibility than
could be assumed by the Citizens Convention Committee. There were
a number of resignations from the Committee and on January 3ist over
sixty representative men of Philadelphia met with Mayor Ashbridge in
his office to discuss the best plan of raising the fund of $100,000 promised
to the National Committee. The Mayor was elected chairman, and on
February pth the Citizens National Republican Convention Association
was merged with the Mayor s Committee and the Mayor was named as
the responsible head of the organization. His secretary, J. Hampton
Moore, as President of the State League of Republican Clubs, interested
himself heartily in the movement, and at a meeting in the Union Repub
lican Club, representatives from forty-eight clubs met to arrange for the
care and entertainment of visiting clubs and delegates with the object
in view of maintaining Philadelphia s reputation for hospitality.

The make-up of the Philadelphia Citizens National Republican Con
vention Committee as finally organized and by which the plans for the
Convention were pushed to completion is as follows:

MAYOR SAMUEL H. ASHBRIDGE, CHARLES H. CRAMP,

Chairman. Vice-Chairman.

JAMES POLLOCK, Chairman Finance Committee.

RICHARD H. RUSHTOX, J. HAMPTON MOORE,

Treasurer. General Secretary.

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.

J. J. SEEDS, Chairman.

SAMUEL H. ASHBRIDGE, JOHN G. CARRUTH,

CHARLES C. ADAMS, HENRY CLAY,

ALEXANDER BALFOUR, CHARLES H. CRAMP,

C. W. BERGNER, GEORGE V. CRESSON,

J. H. BROMLEY, WILLIAM J. COLLINS,

RALPH BLUM, EDWARD T. DAVIS,

HENRY BURK, SAMUEL DISSTON,

HON. SAMUEL H. ASHBRIDGE
Mayor of Philadelphia

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

MURRELL DOBBINS,
JOHN FIELD,
H. B. FRENCH,
HENRY A. FRY,

WILLIAM B. GILL,
JOSEPH R. GRUNDY,
J. OGDEN HOFFMAN,
JAMES HENRY,
J. S. W. HOLTON,
E. CLARENCE HOWARD,
MAHLON N. KLINE,
WILLIAM L. MARTIN,
WILLIAM L. MCLEAN,

PENROSE A. McCLAIN,
JOHN MUNDELL,
WILLIAM J. MILLIGAN,
J. HAMPTON MOORE,
GEORGE F. PAYNE,
JAMES POLLOCK,
WILLIAM T. B. ROBERTS,
RICHARD H. RUSHTON,
W. S. P. SHIELDS,
W. H. STAAKE,
ISAAC SCHLICTER,

RICHARD G. OELLERS,
CHARLES F. WARWICK,
CHARLES J. WEBB,
MAHLON D. YOUNG,

Committee on Badges:
HENRY CLAY, Chairman.
RICHARD G. OELLERS,
HENRY BURK.

Committee on Decorations:
J. S. W. HOLTON, Chairman.
JOHN G. CARRUTH,
HOWARD B. FRENCH,
JOSEPH R. GRUNDY,
MAHLON N. KLINE.

Committee on Accommodations:
W. S. P. SHIELDS, Chairman.
EDWARD T. DAVIS,
WILLIAM J. COLLINS,
W. T. B. ROBERTS,
WILLIAM L. MARTIN.

RECEPTION COMMITTEE.

CHARLES F. WARWICK, Chairman.

ADAMS, CHARLES C.,
ADAMS, ROBERT, JR.,
ANDERSON, H. E.,
ARTMAN, E. A.,
ANDERS, J. M.,
ALLISON, THOMAS W-,
BROOKS, HENRY,
BAUGH, DANIEL,
BLUM, RALPH,
BALFOUR, ALEXANDER,
BURK, HENRY,
BROMLEY, JOHN H.,
BLASIUS, OSCAR,
BODINE, SAMUEL,
BIGELOW, A. C.,
BUSCH, MEIERS,
BALDI, C. C. A.,
BERGNER, CHAS. WM V
BALTZ, ALBERT,
BARNEY, CHARLES D.,
BUCK. DANIEL N.,
BURPEE, W. ATLEE,
BERWIND, M. A.,
BALLARD, ELLIS AMES,
BROMLEY, JOSEPH H.,
BAILEY, JOHN N.,
BETZ, J. FRED.,
BINGHAM, HENRY H.,
BLANKENBURG, RUDOLPH,

BAILEY, CHARLES W.,
BRADENBURG, CHARLES A.,
BRINGHURST, R. R.,
BROOKS, DR. EDWARD,
BROWN, JOSEPH H.,
BROWN, EVERETT B.,
BOK, EDWARD W.,
BUNN, WILLIAM M.,
BAILEY, JOHN W.,
BEATH, ROBERT B.,
CONVERSE, JOHN H.,
CLAY, HENRY,
CUMING, JOHN K.,
CASSATT, A. J.,
CRESSON, GEORGE V.,
CARRUTH, JOHN G.,
CALDWELL J. E.
CRAMP CHARLES H.
CARSON HAMPTON L.,
CRAMP, EDWIN S.,
CLOTHIER, CLARKSON,
CROW, ALEXANDER, JR.,
CLEMENT, SAMUEL M.,
CARPENTER, WILLIAM H.,
COLLINS, WILLIAM J.,
COLESBERRY, ALEXANDER P.,
CUNNINGHAM, THOMAS,
CORBIN, J. ROSS,
COPE, PORTER F.,

OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

COOK, JOEL G-,
CROXTON, JOHN G.,
CADWALLADER, A. J.,
CARSTAIRS, J. HAZELTINE,
CAMPION, RICHARD,
DETRE, CYRUS S.,
DISSTON, SAMUEL,
DEVLIN, THOMAS,
DODGE, JAMES M.,
DAVIS, EDWARD T.,
DOBSON, JOHN,
DOBSON, JAMES,
DOBBINS, MURRELL,
DAVIS, ROBERT S.,
DUNLAP, HARRY C.,
DUNLAP, JOHN,
DICK, EVANS R.,
DISSTON, WILLIAM,
DUGAN, THOMAS,
DOAK, JAMES, JR.,
DANDO, THOMAS S.,
DARLINGTON, JOSEPH G.,
DOLAN, THOMAS,
DAVIS, G. HARRY,
ELVERSON, JAMES, JR.,
ELVERSON, JAMES,
ELLISON, WILLIAM H.,
ELLIOTT, GEORGE J.,
ENNIS, A. J.,
ENGLISH, ABRAHAM L.,
EMSLEY, WILLIAM,
EVERLY, ADAM,
FITZGERALD, HARRINGTON,
FOX, ALEXANDER H.,
FIELD, JOHN,
FILBERT, L. S.,
FOERDERER, ROBERT H.,
FITLER, E. H., JR.,
FOX, L. WEBSTER,
FOULKROD, W. W.,
FREIHOFER, WILLIAM,
FRENCH, HOWARD B.,
FORD, WILLIAM,
FINKENAUER, THEODORE,
FRY, HENRY A.,
FRICKE, J. E.,
GIBBS, W. W.,
GILL, WILLIAM F.,
QRATZ, SIMON,
(1RUNDY, JOSEPH R.,
GRIEB, J. G.,
GARDINER, JOHN,
GRAY, HENRY W.,
GILLINGHAM, CHARLES A.,
GREENE, STEPHEN,
GIMBEL., ELLIS A.,
GOLDNER, HENRY,

GAW, HORACE D.,
GROVE, GEORGE W.,
GRADY, JOHN G.,
GRAY, JOHN GORDON,
GAYTON, S. R.,
HARRIS, FRANKLIN M.
HALLAHAN, P. T.,
HENSEL, GEORGE S.,
HARRISON, THOMAS S.,
HIRES, CHARLES E.,
HOUSTON, SAMUEL F.,
HOOD, JAMES,
HAUCK, PHILIP,
HOFFMAN, J. OGDEN,
HARRIS, JOSEPH S.,
HARDING, CHARLES H.
HARTMAN, WENCEL,
HENDERSON, J. D. G.,
HUHN, GEORGE A.,
HULSHIZER, J. D.,
HOLTON, J. S. W.,
HENRY, CHARLES W.,
HENRY, JAMES,
HARMER, A. C., JR.,
HART, JOHN W.,
HUSTON, JOSEPH M.,
HOFFMAN, J. W.,
HETHERINGTON, A. G.,
HADDOCK, WILLIAM C.
HACKETT, HORATIO B. ?
HUNT, D. W.,
HESTON, HARRY B.,
HENRY, J. BAYARD,
HUEY, WILLIAM G.,
HIBBS, JAMES M.,
HAYES, JAMES A.,
HANCE, EDWARD N.,
HOWARD, CLARENCE E.
IVINS, WILLIAM,
JONES, J. R.,
JERMON, J. G.,
JAGODE, PHILIP,
KLINE, MAHLON N.,
KESS, JOSEPH S.,
KINDRED, CHARLES F..
KINSEY, JOHN L.,
KENDRICK, JOHN R.,
KETTERLINUS, J. L.,
KILBURN, JOHN H.,
LEAKE, FRANK,
LIT, SAMUEL D.,
LAMBERT, WILLIAM H..
LAUMAN, FLOYD,
LANE, DAVID H.,
LESLEY, ROBERT W.,
LEWIS, JOHN T.,
MATHIEU, J. P.,

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

MAYER, GUSTAV,
MANN, CHARLES H.,
MITCHELL, S. MURRAY,
MUNDELL, JOHN,
MARTINDALE, THOMAS,
MARTIN, DAVID,
MARTIN, D. B.,
MALTBY, L. U.,
MILLIGAN, WILLIAM J.,
MORSE, EDWIN F.,
MALONE, EDWIN V.,
MORRELL, EDWARD de V.,
MULHOLLAND, ST. CLAIR A.,
MARTIN, WILLIAM L.,
MARKS, FERDINAND,
MACK, JOHN M.,
MILES, JAMES L.,
MALPASS, EDWARD M.,
MOYER, WILLIAM, JR.,
McBRIDE, THOMAS C.,
McCAHAN, WILLIAM J.,
McCALL, JOSEPH B.,
McCLAIN, PENROSE A.,
McCLURE, ALEXANDER K.,
McCLOSKEY, JOHN J.,
McCORMICK, LAWRENCE,
McCORMICK, W. M.,
McCURDY, GEORGE,
MxcILWAINE, E. A.,

MCLAUGHLIN, JAMES F.,
MCLEAN, WILLIAM L.,

McMAHON, DAVID,
McMICHAEL, CLAYTON,
McMICHAEL, MORTON,
McMULLEN, DAVID, JR.,
McNICHOL, JAMES P.,
NACHOD, JULIUS E.,
NEEDHAM, JAMES F.,
NORTON, CHARLES B.,
O ROURKE, MICHAEL,
OBLINGER, BENJAMIN F.,
OELLERS, RICHARD G.,
OTT, WILLIAM H.,
PARSONS, JOHN B.,
PORTER, CHARLES A.,
POWERS, THOMAS H.,
PASSMORE, LINCOLN K.,
PATTON, WILLIAM A.,
POTH, F. A.,
PLUMB, FAYETTE R.,
PATTON, EDWARD W.,
POTTER, THOMAS, JR.,
PHILLER, GEORGE,
PAYNE, GEORGE F.,
PERNA, JOSEPH,
POLLOCK, JAMES,

PIERIE, GEORGE G.,
PETTIT, HORACE,
PAGE, HARLAN,
PRATT, D. T.,
PENROSE. BOIES,
PATTERSON, GEORGE STUART,
PEOPLES, DAVID,
RIDGWAY, JACOB E.,
ROSENGARTEN, J. G.,
ROTHERMEL, P. F., JR.,
RICHARDSON, THOMAS
REEVES, FRANCIS B.,
RAMSDELL, J. G.,
ROBERTS, WILLIAM T. B.,
RICE, THOMAS B.,
RIGHTER, FREDERICK C.,
ROMMEL, J. MARTIN,
RIEBENACK, MAX,
REYBURN, JOHN E.,
REYBURN, W. S.,
RONEY, WILLIAM J.,
RYAN, WALTER,
STOTESBURY, E. T.,
SWETT, GEORGE W.,
SNELLENBURG, NATHAN,
SCHOEN, CHARLES T.,
SWAIN, CHARLES N.,
SAYEN, WILLIAM HENRY,
SHOCK, HENRY R.,
SULLIVAN, JAMES F.,
SMITH, LOUIS H.,
SMITH, EDWARD L,
SMITH, CHARLES,
SMITH, ROBERT,
SMITH, WINTHROP,
STRONG, JAMES,
SOULAS, CHARLES W.,
STOKLEY, WILLIAM S.,
STEAD, WESLEY,
SCHELL, EDWARD L.,
STAAKE, WILLIAM H.,
SCHWAAB, C. M..
SCHLICTER, ISAAC,
SEEDS, JACOB J.,
SEWELL, WILLIAM J.,
SUPPLEE, J. WESLEY,
STAFFORD, JOHN,
SHARP, SAMUEL S.,
STEVENS, JOHN S.,
SHAFTO, T. MILTON,
SHOEMAKER, HARRY B.,
SMEDLEY, WILLIAM,
SHIELDS, W. S. P.,
SHIELDS, A. S. L.,
STUART, EDWIN S.,
STRAWBRIDGE, JUSTUS C,

OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

WARWICK, CHARLES F.,
WEGER, FRANK L.,
WALTON, JOHN M.,
WOLF, CLARENCE,
WOLSTENHOLME, THOMAS,
WOOD, WILLIAM,
WYETH, F. H.,
WATTS, DAVID H.,
WAHN, SAMUEL W.,
WANAMAKER, WILLIAM H.,
WILSON, JAMES,
WILSON, WILLIAM P.,
WOODSIDE, JOHN W.,
WOODWARD, GEORGE,
WIGGINS, JOHN R.,
WOOD, MORRISON D.,
WINDRIM, JOHN T.,
WALTON, HENRY F.,
WARBURTON, BARCLAY H.,
WAGNER, LOUIS,
WIEDERSHEIM, JOHN A.,
WEYGANDT, JULIUS S.,
WEAVER, GEORGE W.,
YOUNG, JAMES R.,
YOUNG, MAHLON D.,

SNOWDEN, A. LOUDON,
SOLIS, ISAAC H.,
SEARCH, THEODORE C.,
STEWART, HENRY C.,
SMEDLEY, W. HENRY,
SCOTT, JAMES F.,
SMYTH, MARIOTT C.,
SCATTERGOOD, HENRY W.,
SELIG, ELY K.,
TOWNSEND, HENRY L.,
TRAINER, HENRY J.,
THOMAS, C. WESLEY,
TILDEN, WILLIAM T.,
TRAINER, EDWARD,
TARR, H. G. R.,
VOORHEES, THEODORE E.,
VARE, GEORGE A.,
VIRDIN, JOHN,
VOORHEES, CHARLES E.,
VAN NEESEN, T. W.,
VAN RENNSELAER, ALEX.,
VON MOSCHZISKER, ROBERT,
VREEMAN, SAMUEL B.,
WANAMAKER, THOMAS B.,
WELLS, CALVIN,
WEBB, CHARLES J.,

Of the Allied Republican Clubs of Philadelphia and vicinity, under whose
auspices the convention parade was held, and which were active in the
entertainment of guests, the following were the officers:

President, J. HAMPTON MOORE.

Vice-President, THOMAS J. POWERS,

Secretary, JOHN KELLY.

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.

Chairman,
J. HAMPTON MOORE.

Vice-Chairmen,
JST, JOHN C. GRADY, 20, HORACE D. GAW, 30, JOHN VIRDIN.

Secretary, Asst. Secretary,

JOHN KELLEY. WILLIAM C. T. BAUERLE.
Financial Secretary, Treasurer,

J. MARTIN ROMMEL. T. E. WIEDERSHEIM.

CHAIRMEN OF COMMITTEES.

Finance, Conferences and Courtesies,

JOHN R. WIGGINS, WILLIAM J. MILLIGAN.

Reception and Entertainment. Badges, Music and Decorations,

JOHN C. GRADY. WILLIAM M. GEARY.

Hotels and Boarding Houses. Demonstrations,

JAMES H. ECKERSLEY. FREDERICK M. WAGNER.

Transportation, Press and Printing,

JAMES F. MORRISON. ARTHUR R. H. MORROW.

The work of collecting the fund of $100,000 was a large undertaking
even in Philadelphia, whose generosity is widely known. The collections

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 27

were pushed with energy by the Mayor and Chairman Pollock of the
Finance Committee, and on February i6th Mayor Ashbridge forwarded
to Senator Hanna, Chairman of the National Republican Committee, his
check for $25,000, being the first quarter of the fund pledged in the name
of the city. Before March ist a check for the second quarter was sent
to Washington and the third quarter was forwarded soon after. The
completion of the $100,000 fund was announced on May I4th and stragg
ling subscriptions coming in afterwards swelled the total considerably
above $100,000. Philadelphia, as usual, more than made good her word.

Alterations on the hall were speedily made and the accommodations
planned to seat 15,000 people. At every visit of members or sub-com
mittees of the Republican National Committee nothing but words of com
mendation were given. Sergeant-at-arms George N. Wiswell, after his
tour of inspection on March 24th, said: "I have no hesitancy in saying
that the arrangements made by the citizens of Philadelphia for the coming
Convention are in every respect satisfactory to the Republican National
Committee. I may also say that in my opinion the hall in which the
Convention is to be held will be the best in which a national convention
has ever met."

When the Convention assembled on June ipth everything that could
be done by Philadelphia to make it a success had been done. The organi
zation of the Citizens Committee and the Allied Republican Clubs was
perfect and it worked like a well oiled machine. Every citizen was eager
to help in looking after the delegates and other visitors to the Convention.
The police arrangements were unexcelled and transportation facilities
adequate. Providence assisted by providing ideal weather, and on every
side were heard enthusiastic and continual laudations of Philadelphia, her
energy, her hospitality and her ability to provide for great events.

To Mayor Ashbridge and through him to the citizens of the city Na
tional Committeeman Hanna said: "I want to say to you, Mr. Mayor,
that I have heard the opinion expressed everywhere that Philadelphia
in the matter of this Convention has outdone herself. I want to say
to you in all sincerity that we have never seen anything like it. The
members of the National Committee are pleased beyond expression. Per
sonally, I cannot thank you too much for what you and the citizens of
Philadelphia have done to make the Convention a success and to make
the visit of the delegates and their friends agreeable. Everybody is talk
ing about it and one and all are sounding theN praises of Philadelphia as
a convention city. The perfect order that has been maintained here is
freely commented upon. The hospitality of your people has been bound
less and with all the liberality I have seen no signs of disorder."

The National Chairman also congratulated Mr. Moore on the arrange
ments made and carried out by the Allied Republican Clubs. Mr. Hanna
but voiced the general sentiment, and when the Convention, having ac
complished its business, adjourned, the delegates spread all over the Union
the praises of Philadelphia; the typical American city.

HON. EDWARD O. WOLCOTT, of Colorado,

Temporary Chairman of the Convention, and Chairman of the Committee to
Notify the Candidate for Vice-President

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

Republican National Convention

HELD IN

PHILADELPHIA, PA,

June 19, 20 and 2J, 1900

THE FIRST DAY

THE CALL TO ORDER AND OPENING PRAYER ADDRESS OF
CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE, MR. HANNA
TEMPORARY OFFICERS AND ORGANIZATION AD-
DRES^ OF TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN, MR. WOLCOTT
STANDING COMMITTEES PRAYER OF CHAPLAIN OF THE
NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1856.

CONVENTION HALL

PHILADELPHIA, PENNA., Tuesday, June 19, 1900.

Mr. MARCUS A. HANNA, of Ohio, Chairman of the Republican National
Committee (at 12.36 o clock p. m.) The Convention will come to order,
and will be opened with prayer by the Rev. Dr. James Gray Bolton, of
Philadelphia.

PRAYER OF REV. JAMES GRAY BOLTON, D. D.

Rev. James Gray Bolton, D. D., of Philadelphia, offered the following
prayer:

O Thou who art a Spirit Infinite, eternal, unchangeable, in Thy being,
wisdom, power, holiness, justice, goodness, and truth.

Thou art the Sovereign God.

The Creator, ruler, disposer of us, and all that Thou hast made.

Thy thoughts are not our thoughts, nor Thy ways our ways.

Thy mercy is not limited to persons and to races, but comprehendeth all
that live and breathe.

30 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

Blessed be Thy name. Thy glory is shown, and Thy kingdom established
and advanced in leading men and nations, by a way that they knew not,
to a land of security and peace.

Oh, that men would praise Thee for Thy goodness and for Thy wonder
ful works to the children of men.

We adore Thee for the way in which Thou hast led us.

The glory and honor of our nation is the manifestation of Thy power
and glory.

Thou hast led us in ways not of our own choosing; ways best for us
and most to Thy glory.

May we cheerfully follow where Thou leadest.

Thou hast been the God of our fathers.

Thou art the God of their children.

Our trust is in Thee.

Save us, O Lord, from ingratitude and discontent.

Give us the spirit of praise and thanksgiving.

Grant that we, as a nation and a people, may remember Thy goodness,
and praise Thee for continued life and prosperity.

O Lord, our God, let Thy richest blessing rest upon Thy servant, the
President of these United States.

Indue him with a competency of Thy divine wisdom; that he may direct
the affairs of the nation to Thy glory and the well-being of all our people.

We humbly beseech Thee, O Lord God, to bless all in authority.

Sustain them in their responsible relations to Thee and a free people.

O God of all wisdom and grace, grant unto this assembly wisdom, grace,
and guidance; that in all their deliberations, and conclusions. Thy name
shall be glorified, the honor of this nation maintained and the peace and
prosperity of the people established.

Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Ghost, as it was
in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, world without end, Amen.
t

CALL FOR THE CONVENTION.

Mr. M. A. HANNA, of Ohio. The Secretary will now read the call for the
Convention.

Mr. CHARLES DICK, Secretary of the Republican National Committee,
read the call for the Convention, as follows:

HEADQUARTERS REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE.
N. W. Cor. I4th and G Streets, Washington, D. C.

The Executive Committee M. A. Hanna, Ohio, Chairman; Charles
Dick, Akron, Ohio, Secretary; James G. Cannon, New York, Treasurer; M.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 31

5. Quay, Beaver, Pennsylvania; Joseph H. Manley, Augusta, Maine; Henry
C. Payne, Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Powell Clayton, Eureka Springs, Ark.;
W. T. Durbin, Anderson, Indiana; Cyrus Leland, Troy, Kansas; N. B.
Scott, Wheeling, West Virginia; Charles G. Dawes, Evanston, Illinois.

To the Republican Electors of the United States:

In accordance with established custom and in obedience to instructions
of the National Convention of 1896, the National Republican Committee
directs that a National Convention of delegated representatives of the
Republican party be held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Penn
sylvania, for the purpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice-
President, to be voted for at the Presidential election, Tuesday, November

6, 1900, and for the transaction of such other business as may properly
come before it, and that said Convention shall assemble at 12 o clock noon
on Tuesday, the ipth day of June, 1900.

The Republican electors of the several States, the District of Columbia,
and the Territories, and all other electors, without regard to past political
affiliations, who believe in the principles of the Republican party and en
dorse its policies, are cordially invited to unite under this call in the
selection of candidates for President and Vice-President.

Said National Convention shall consist of a number of delegates at
large from each State, equal to double the_number oMJnited States Sena

tors to which each State is entitlec[~ and for each representative at large
in Congress two delegates at large; from each Congressional district and
the District of Columbia, two delegates; from each of the Territories of
Alaska, Arizona, Indian Territory, New Mexico, and Oklahoma, two dele
gates. For each delegate elected to said Convention an alternate delegate
shall be elected to act in case of the absence of the delegate, said alternate
delegate to be elected at the time and in the manner of electing the delegate.

All delegates shall be elected not less than thirty days before the meet
ing of the National Convention. Delegates at large shall be elected by
popular State and Territorial Conventions, of which at least thirty days*
notice shall have been published in some newspaper or newspapers of
general circulation in the respective States and Territories.

The Congressional district delegates shall be elected by conventions
called by the Congressional Committee of each district, in the manner
of nominating the candidate for Representative in Congress in said dis
trict, provided, that in any Congressional district where there is no Re
publican Congressional Committee, the Republican State Committee shall
appoint from among the Republicans residents in such district, a committee
for the purpose of calling a district convention to elect delegates to repre
sent said district.

The election of delegates from the District of Columbia shall be held
under the direction and supervision of an election board composed of Hon.
John B. Cotton, Mr. W. C. Chase, and Mr. L. M. Saunders.

32 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

Such board shall have authority to fix the date of such election and to
arrange all details and regulations incident thereto, and shall provide for
a registration of the votes as cast, such registration to include the name and
residence of each voter.

The Territorial delegates shall be elected in the manner of nominating
candidates for delegates in Congress, and delegates from the Indian Ter
ritory and Alaska shall be elected by popular convention.

We recommend that the Territories of Arizona, Indian Territory, New
Mexico, and Oklahoma each elect six delegates and six alternate delegates,
and that Alaska elect four delegates and four alternate delegates, and the
admission of such additional delegates to the Convention is hereby recom
mended.

All notices of contest shall be submitted in writing, accompanied by a
printed statement setting forth the grounds of contest, which shall be filed
with the Secretary of the National Committee twenty days prior to the
meeting of the National Convention. Contests will be acted on by the Na
tional Convention in the order of the date of filing of notice and statement
with the Secretary.

M. A. HANNA, Chairman.
CHARLES DICK, Secretary.

ADDRESS OF CHAIRMAN OF NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COM
MITTEE.

MR. M. A. HANNA, of Ohio. Gentlemen of the Convention: In bidding
you welcome I also desire to extend congratulations upon this magnificent
gathering of representatives of the great Republican party (applause).
The National Republican Committee made no mistake when they brought
the National Convention to the city of Philadelphia. (Applause.) This city,
the cradle of liberty (applause), the birthplace of the Republican party
(applause), this magnificent industrial center, a veritable beehive of industry
what fitter object lesson could be presented to those of us who gather
here to witness the success of the great principle of our party which has
been its foundationprotection to American industries (applause); this
city which has long and always been known the country over for its un
bounded hospitality and the superb management of all great functions
which have come within its limits (applause). On the part of the National
Committee I desire to extend sincere thanks to the people of Philadel
phia, and especially to your honorable Mayor (applause) and the loyal
citizens, who, without regard to party, have labored with him to make this
Convention a success. Never in the history of conventions of either po
litical party has success been greater.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 33

Delegates, I greet you on the anniversary in Philadelphia of the birth
day of our party (applause). I need not remind you that your duty here
is one of deliberate judgment, one for which you will be held responsible
not only by your party, but by the country. We are called together once
more upon the eve of another great struggle. We are now beginning to
form our battalions under the leadership of our great statesman-general,
William McKinley (great applause). I was about to give the order for
those battalions to move, but you interrupted me (laughter). It needs no
order to Republicans when they scent from afar the smoke of battle. It
is unnecessary to tell the men who sit in front of me what their duty is.

Before I lay aside my gavel and retire from the position I have held for
four years as Chairman of the Republican National Committee, I desire in
this presence, in the most public manner, to return my sincere thanks to
every member of this splendid Committee who stood by me in the struggle
of 1896 (applause), and especially to that coterie who gathered at the head
quarters in New York and Chicago and worked from early morn till late
at night for the principles of the Republican party and for the welfare of
their country. I leave it in the hands of others to tell you what that meant,
but in passing to others those duties, I want to make one suggestion
always trust the people. (Applause.) I want them to use as the motto of
the Committee of 1896: "There is no such word as fail." (Applause.)
plause.)

And now, gentlemen, it becomes my duty and very great pleasure to
present as your temporary chairman Senator Wolcott, of Colorado. (Ap
plause.)

MR. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman, I move that
the recommendation of the National Republican Committee in respect of
the selection of a temporary chairman be approved.

The motion was unanimously agreed to.

MR. HANNA, of Ohio. Gentlemen of the convention, I have the honor
to present to you as the temporary presiding officer of the convention, Hon.
Edward O. Wolcott, of Colorado (applause).

ADDRESS OF THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN.

THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN (HoN. E. O. WOLCOTT, of Colorado.) Gen
tlemen of the convention.Since the first party convention in these United
States, there was never one gathered together under such hopeful and aus
picious circumstances as those which surround us to-day. United, proud
of the achievements of the past four years, our country prosperous and hap
py, with nothing to regret and naught to make us ashamed, with a record
spotless and clean, the Republican party stands facing the dawn, confident
3

34 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

that the ticket it shall present will command public approval, and that in
the declaration of its principles and its purposes, it will voice the aspirations
and hopes of the vast majority of American freemen (applause).

We need "no omen but our country s cause;" yet there is a significance
in the fact that the convention is assembled in this historic and beautiful
city, where we first assumed territorial responsibilities, when our fathers,
a century and a quarter ago, promulgated the immortal Declaration of In
dependence.

The spirit of justice and liberty that animated them found voice three-
quarters of a century later in this same City of Brotherly Love, when Fre
mont led the forlorn hope of united patriots who laid here the foundations
of our party and put human freedom as its corner stone (applause). It
compelled our ears to listen to the cry of suffering across the shallow
waters of the Gulf two years ago. While we observe the law of nations
and maintain that neutrality which we owe to a great and friendly gov
ernment, the same spirit lives to-day in the genuine feeling of sympathy
we cherish for the brave men now fighting for their homes in the veldts
of South Africa. It prompts us in our determination to give to the dusky
races of the Philippines the blessings of good government and republican
institutions, and finds voice in our indignant protest against the violent
suppression of the rights of the colored man in the South (applause). That
spirit will survive in the breasts of patriotic men as long as the Nation en
dures; and the events of the past have taught us that it can find its fair and
free and full expression only in the principles and policy of the Republican
party.

The first and pleasant duty of this great convention, as well as its instinc
tive impulse, is to send a message of affectionate greeting to our Leader
and our country s President, William McKinley, (applause). In all that
pertains to our welfare in times of peace, his genius has directed us.
He has shown an unerring mastery of the economic problems which con
front us, and has guided us out of the slough of financial disaster, im
paired credit and commercial stagnation, up to the high and safe ground of
National prosperity and financial stability (applause). Through the deli
cate and trying events of the late war he stood firm, courageous and con
servative, and under his leadership we have emerged triumphant, our Na
tional honor untarnished, our credit unassailed, and the equal devotion of
every section of our common country to the welfare of the Republic ce
mented forever (applause). Never in the memory of this generation has
there stood at the head of the Government a truer patriot, a wiser or more
courageous leader, or a better example of the highest type of American
manhood (applause). The victories of Peace and the victories of War
are alike inscribed upon his banner (applause). Those of us whose pleasure
and whose duty have called us from time to time into his presence, know
how freely he has spent and been spent in his country s service; but the
same vigorous manhood and clear and patriotic vision animate him as of

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 35

old, and give us confidence and trust for the future of our Republic, be
cause his hand will guide us, and his genius direct (applause).

Four years ago the Republican party at St. Louis named a ticket which
commanded the confidence and support of the American people. It bore
the names of two eminent Americans, each endeared by years of loyal ser
vice to his country and his party. No whisper of personal attack intruded
upon the National issues which determined the contest. There was a
double safeguard for the country s welfare. Every true American knew
that if in the dispensation of Providence our Leader should be called from
his high place, there stood beside him a statesman devoted and staunch,
in whose hands the. vast and weighty affairs of our country could be well
and safely entrusted. Had Garret Augustus Hobart been spared to us
until to-day, the work of this convention would have been limited to a cor
dial and unanimous indorsement of the leaders of 96. Diis aliter visum
and when, a few months ago, our dear Vice-President left this sphere of
usefulness for another, he was accompanied with the tears and sorrow of
every lover of his country. He distinctly lifted up the high office of Vice-
President to a nobler plane and to greater dignity and importance. He was
always the trusted friend and adviser of our President, sage in counsel
and wise in judgment; while to those of us whose great privilege it was
for three years to see him daily in the Senate of the United States, and to
come under the influence of his calm and kindly presence, and to grow
nearer to him and more endeared in friendship as the months rolled around,
his loss is personal and deep. He is no longer with us in the body, but his
influence still permeates the Senate and will for all time make better and
kindlier the sons of men, and he lives in the hearts he left behind.

" There Is

One great society alone on earth
The noble living and the noble dead."

So many events of great portent have been crammed into the past months,
that we are to judge and measure the work of this administration chiefly
by the occurrences since the outbreak of the Spanish war. It is worth while
for us to recall earlier days.

When Mr. McKinley became President he took the reins of govern
ment after four years of Democratic administration. For the first time in
more than a generation Democracy had full sway, with both Houses of
Congress in party accord with the Executive. No summary of the unmer
ciful disasters of those four years can convey an idea of a tithe of the ruin
they wrought.

In the four years preceding Mr. Cleveland s administration we had paid
two hundred and sixty millions of the National debt; he added two hundred
and thirty millions to its burdens. He found a tariff act, bearing the name
of his successor and our President, fitted to meet the requirements of our
necessary expenditures, to furnish the needed protection to our farmers

OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

and manufacturers, and to insure the steady and remunerative employment
of those who labor. Instead of permitting manufacture and commerce that
repose and stability of law which are essential for working out economic
conditions, he at once recommended violent and radical changes in rev
enue and tariff provisions, recommendations which his party in Congress
proceeded partially and disastrously to execute. The appalling result of
his policy is still fresh in the memory of millions who suffered from it. In
four years the country witnessed some 60,000 commercial failures, with
liabilities aggregating more than nine hundred million dollars. One hun
dred and seventy-seven railroads, with a mileage of 45,000 miles, or twice the
circle of the globe, and with securities amounting to nearly three billion
dollars, were unable to meet their interest charges and passed into the
hands of receivers. More than 170 national banks closed their doors, with
liabilities reaching seventy millions; wool and all farm products which tariffs
could affect, lost tens of millions in value; farm mortgages were foreclosed
by thousands throughout the great West; our agricultural exports shrunk
in value; the balance of trade which had been in our favor turned ruinously
against us; the National Treasury was depleted of its gold reserve; our
Government bonds were sold to syndicates at far below their market value
before or since, and our steadily declining revenues were insufficient to meet
the necessary expenses of conducting the Government. If capital alone had
suffered, the loss would have been great, but not irremediable. Unfortu
nately those who rely upon their daily labor for their sustenance, and
their families dependent upon them, constituting the great mass of the
American people, were made to feel heaviest the burden of disaster.
Nearly one-third of the laboring population of the United States were
thrown out of employment, and men by thousands, able and willing to
labor, walked the highways of the land clamoring for work or food.

Four years of commercial misfortune enabled our industries to meet,
in a measure, these changed and depressed conditions, but when President
McKinley was inaugurated the country was in a state more deplorable
than had existed for a generation.

Facing these difficulties, the President immediately upon his inaugura
tion convened Congress in extra session, and in a message of force and lu
cidity summarized the legislation essential to our National prosperity. The
industrial history of the United States for the past four years is the tribute
to the wisdom of his judgment. (Applause.) It is quickly epitomized.

The tariff measure under which we are now conducting business was
preceded by an unusual volume of importations based upon common know
ledge that certain duties were to be raised; the bill met the popular demand
that duties on many of the necessaries of life should be lowered and not
raised; advances in invention and new trade conditions made it unnecessary
and unwise to revert to the higher tariff provisions of the law of 1890; the
increases in the revenue provisions were slight. Yet, notwithstanding all
these facts, tending to reduce income, the revenues from the Dingley Bill

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 37

marched steadily upwards, until soon our normal income exceeded our nor
mal expenditure, and we passed from a condition of threatened insolvency
to one of National solvency. (Applause.)

This tells but a small fraction of the story. Under the wise provisions
of our tariff laws and the encouragement afforded to capital by a renewal
of public confidence, trade commenced to revive. The looms were no
longer silent and the mills deserted; railway earnings increased, merchants
and banks resumed business, labor found employment at fair wages, our
exports increased, and the sunshine of hope again illumined the land.
The figures that illustrate the growing prosperity of the four years of Re
publican administration well nigh stagger belief. There is not an idle mill
in the country to-day. The mortgages on Western farms have been paid
by the tens of thousands, and our farmers are contented and prosperous.
Our exports have reached enormous figures; for the last twelve months
our exports of merchandise will exceed our imports by five hundred and
fifty million dollars. Our manufactured articles are finding a market all
over the world and in constantly increasing volume. We are rapidly tak
ing our place as one of the great creditor nations of the world. Above
and beyond all, there is no man who labors with his hands, in all our broad
domain, who cannot find work, and the scale of wages was never in our his
tory so high as now. (Applause.)

Passing over, for the moment, the events associated with the war, let
me refer briefly to other legislation of the past four years.

We passed a National Bankrupt Act, a measure rendered essential by
four years of Democratic rule, and under its beneficent provisions, thou
sands of honest men who were engulfed in disaster because of the blight of
the Democratic policy, are again enabled to transact business and share
the blessings of Republican prosperity. (Applause.)

For half a century the Hawaiian Islands, a menace to the long line of
coast which skirts our Pacific slope, have been knocking for admission as
part of our territory, and during that period the publicly expressed opin
ion of both political parties favored their annexation. Four times have they
been occupied by European powers, and so often have we compelled their
abandonment because it was essential that they should never be occupied
by any foreign power. Finally, after years of misgovernment by native
rulers, the gallant descendants of American merchants and missionaries
made proffer again of these valuable possessions to this country, asking
only to come under our flag and dominion. A Democratic President re
pudiated the offer, and sought to assist in restoring the former corrupt
and oppressive ruler. It was left for this administration to make them
a* part of American territory. (Applause.) They are on the way to our
islands in the Southern seas; every instinct of self-protection should have
prompted our quick acceptance of their sovereignty, and yet they were ac
quired in spite of the bitter opposition of almost every Democrat in Con
gress.

38 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

During the last administration an offer of settlement was made to the
Pacific railroads which would have brought us forty-two million dollars
out of the seventy million dollars due us in principal and interest. Presi
dent McKinley, refusing to consider as binding the former offer, and act
ing within the authority of Congress, collected every dollar both of prin
cipal and interest due from the Union Pacific Company, and the principal
of the debt due from the Kansas Pacific. (Applause.) We saved more
than twenty million dollars over the offer of settlement made by Mr. Cleve
land, and have collected all of the principal and most of the interest due
us. (Applause.) Thus was this transaction closed, and it has since been
followed by a settlement of the debt of the Central Pacific Railroad, call
ing for every dollar of principal and interest of the debt, amounting to
fifty-eight millions. More than 35 years ago a Republican administra
tion lent the credit of the country to the building of the great iron band
that was to link together the East and the West, lent it not in times of peace
but when our country was in the throes of civil war. The area to be pene
trated was then unsettled and unknown. It is now a great empire, rich,
prosperous and happy, and the money of the people which made the high
way possible, has been returned to them in overflowing measure. (Ap
plause.)

Whenever a Republican administration is in power there is constant talk
of trusts. The reason is not far to seek. Aggregations and combinations
of capital find their only encouragement in prosperous days and widening
commerce. (Applause.) Democratic administration in this country has
universally meant industrial stagnation and commercial depression, when
capital seeks a hiding place instead of investment. The Republican party
has always maintained that any combination having for its purpose the cor
nering of a market or the raising or controlling of the price of the nec
essaries of life was unlawful and should be punished (applause), and a com
mission appointed by the President under act of Congress has made care
ful investigation and will soon present a full report of the best method of
dealing with this intricate question. We shall meet it in some efficient
way and, as a party, shall have the courage to protect every class of our
citizens (applause). There was never a better time to deal with it than
now, when there is not in this broad land a man willing to work who does
not find employment at fair wages, and when the clamor of the agitator
who seeks confiscation and not regulation, falls on dead ears and finds no
response from the artisans in our busy workshops. (Applause.)

The campaign four years ago was fought on the currency question. The
Populistic Democracy insisted that the United States alone should embark
on the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to I, without waiting the
concurrence of any other nation. The Republican party insisted that the
question of bimetallism was international, and that until it should be settled
under agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, gold
should continue to be the standard of value in these United States. Upon

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 39

that issue we triumphed. (Applause). In accordance with the pledge of
the party an honest effort was made to reach some international solution of
the question. The effort failed of accomplishment. The mints of the coun
tries of Europe were open for the coinage of gold alone. The vast dis
coveries of Alaska, South Africa, and the States of our own country, have
furnished a steadily increasing volume of gold, and, with the recent Euro
pean action, have demonstrated that the question is one calling for inter
national action by all the great countries of the world, and, if ever entered
into, must be by such concurrent action of the leading commercial nations
as shall secure permanence of relative value to the two metals. Mean
while we follow the path of safety. (Applause.) As we grow year by year
more firmly established as a creditor nation, the question concerns us less
and other countries more. No impairment of national credit can be con
templated by an honorable nation. We have made advances enough; this
country can better afford than any other to enter upon the contest for
commercial supremacy with gold as its standard, and for us the time has
come to give fair notice to the world that we, too, make gold our stan
dard and redeem our obligations in that metal. (Applause.) For twelve
years the platforms of the party have declared in favor of the use of gold
and silver as money. The logic of recent events, together with the at
tempt of the Democracy to drag down the question from its international
character, to associate it with every vagary of Populism and Socialism,
and to drive this country to an alliance with Mexico and China, as an ex
clusively silver using country, has impelled our people to this settlement of
the problem, and the recent action of Congress has eliminated the danger
which its further agitation menaced. (Applause.)

The provisions of the act secure to the people a needed increase in the
volume of currency, prevent the future depletion of the gold in the
Treasury, and encourage a more extended use of our bonds by the Na
tional Banks of the country. But, above all, the success attending its pas
sage has demonstrated that our own people and the nations of Europe
have faith in the permanence of our institutions and our financial integrity.
(Applause.) Our debt is funded at two per cent, per annum, and millions
of our interest charge saved annually. The world has never witnessed so
triumphant a financial success as has followed the passage of the currency
law, and our two per cent, bonds, held the world over, already command
a substantial premium. (Applause.) Through the policy of the Repub
lican party and the wisdom of a Republican administration, we have not
only made stable and permanent our financial credit, at home and abroad,
are utilizing more silver as money than ever before in our history, but we
have left the Populistic Democracy a dead issue they can never again gal
vanize into life, and compelled them to seek to create new issues growing
out of a war which they were most eager to precipitate. (Applause.)

May I, a Western man, add another word? The passage of this bill,
which received the vote of every Western Republican in Congress, marked

40 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

the termination, forever final, of any sort of difference between Republi
cans of the East and of the West, growing out of currency problems.
(Applause.) Even if the stern logic of events had not convinced us, our
deep and abiding loyalty to the principles of the party, our belief that the
judgment of its majority should govern, would lead us to abandon further
contention. And the thousands of Republicans in the West who left us
four years ago are returning home. (Applause.) The men of the far West
are bone of your bone, and flesh of your flesh. The sun that shines on you
blesses them also, and the shadow before your door darkens their homes
as well. They are naturally expansionists in the Western plains and moun
tains (applause), and when they see a great political party attacking the
integrity of the Nation, and lending encouragement to insurrectionists
who are shooting down our soldiers and resisting the authority of the Gov
ernment of the United States, all other questions fade and are forgotten,
and they find themselves standing shoulder to shoulder in the ranks of the
Republican party, keeping step, always, "to the music of the Union." (Ap
plause.)

There is more to follow this summary of a few of the leading measures
passed by a Republican Congress and approved by a Republican President.
Before the expiration of Mr. McKinley s first term, we shall have passed a
law relieving certain articles from a portion at least of the burdens they now
carry because of the War Revenue Act, and meanwhile we have, out of sur
plus revenues, already paid and called in for cancellation forty-three mil
lion dollars of outstanding bonds. The coming winter will see enacted into
law, legislation which shall revivify and upbuild our ocean merchant ma
rine, and enable us to compete on fair terms with the subsidized ships of
foreign nations which now so largely monopolize the carriage of American
goods. (Applause.) And above all, we shall, having then before us the
report of the able commission now ascertaining the most favorable route,
pass a law under which we shall build and own and operate as property
of the United States, under exclusive American dominion and control, a
ship canal connecting the Atlantic and Pacific. (Applause.) Through it
in time of peace the commerce of the world shall pass. If we shall be un
happily engaged in war, the canal shall carry our warships and shall ex
clude those of the enemy, and under conditions which shall violate no
treaty stipulations. (Applause.)

This is the brief account of our stewardship for four years. During a
portion of that period we were involved in a war which for a time paralyzed
business and commerce, and would have taxed heavily the resources and
credit of any other country than ours; and for the past year or more
we have been employing an army of some 50,000 men in suppressing an
insurrection against our authority 8,000 miles away. No industry has felt
the strain of these extraordinary expenses, nor have they affected the
general sum of our prosperity. (Applause.) More than that, the con
ditions resulting from the legislation of the past four years have obliterated

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 41

every issue that was raised during the last campaign. The Democracy
having therefore to find some rallying cry, seek it in the results of our
late war with Spain, and upon that question, as upon all others, we stand
ready to meet them in the open. (Applause.)

During the weeks and months preceding the outbreak of hostilities with
Spain, the President of the United States, who knew by personal experi
ence on many a battle-field something of the horrors of war, and who
realized the expense and suffering which war entailed, stood firmly upon
the ground that a peaceful solution could be found. And when that awful
occurrence took place in the harbor of Havana, and a hot frenzy of in
dignation swept over our people, and a conflict seemed inevitable, he faced
popular clamor and heated counsels, and still believed that the wrongs
of Cuba could be remedied and redressed without an appeal to the arbi
trament of war. (Applause.)

The folly of Spain and the indignation of the American people forbade
a peaceful solution. Then the President, seconded by a Republican Con
gress, before a gun was fired, declared to the world the lofty and unselfish
motives that alone actuated the nation. (Applause.) No man now, or in
the centuries to come, when History, which alone "triumphs over time,"
recounts the marvelous story of the war which changed the map of the
world, shall ever truthfully say that this Republic was animated by any
but the noblest purposes. (Applause.) Recorded .time tells of no such
war, for it was fought, with bloody sacrifice, by a great and free Republic,
for the freedom of another race, while its own liberties were unassailed.
(Applause.)

This is not the time or the occasion to dwell upon the incidents of the
war, crowded with successive victories and illuminated with countless
examples of individual bravery and gallant conduct. (Applause.) Its liv
ing heroes are honored by a generous country; its dead have ennobled
the race, and will live forever in the hearts of a grateful people. (Applause.)
Throughout all its anxious days the President, Commander-in-Chief of
our armies and our navies, planned and directed with unerring hand. His
wise diplomacy saved us from threatened international complications. From
the commencement of hostilities until their close the conduct of the war
was unassailable, and the paltry criticisms of two years ago are already
buried in the limbo of oblivion. (Applause.)

In August, 1898, a preliminary protocol was executed at Washington,
followed by the sessions of the Peace Commissioners of the United States
and Spain, in Paris, commencing in October of that year. Public interest
in this country concerning these negotiations was intense. Until cur sol
diers and sailors had landed at Manila we had known little of the con
ditions of the people of the Philippines. We soon ascertained that the
cruelties and oppressions existing in Cuba were mild compared with the
treatment to which eight millions of people in those islands were sub
jected. We realized that if we relinquished the archipelago to Spain we

42 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

consigned its inhabitants again to a condition worse than slavery, worse
than barbarism. We had put our hands to the plough, and every in
stinct of honor and humanity forbade us to turn back. {Applause.) A
universal demand arose from all over the country that we should retain
our hold upon these islands, afford their people the protection of our laws,
lift them out of their unfortunate condition, and fit them, if possible, for
self-government. Any agreement by our Commissioners to give back the
Philippines to Spain, reserving for ourselves an island or a coaling sta
tion, would have aroused a universal national indignation, and would never
have been ratified by the representatives of the people. (Applause.)

No man saw this so clearly as did the President. In his advices to the
Commissioners he told them it was imperative that we should be governed
only by motives that should exalt the nation; that territorial expansion
was our least concern, but that, whatever else was done, the people of the
Philippines must be liberated from Spanish domination; and he reached
this view solely through considerations of duty and humanity. (Applause.)
The American Commissioners, men of differing political faiths, reached a
unanimous conclusion. The Treaty of Paris was ratified by the vote of
two-thirds of the Senate, and the territory we acquired under it became
lawful and legal possessions of the United States. (Applause.) The re
sponsibility for the war rested upon us all; the responsibility for the treaty
rests chiefly upon the Republican party, and that party avows the wisdom
of the treaty and declares it to be the policy of the party to adhere to
its terms and to accept the responsibilities it imposed. (Applause.)

We assumed dominion of Porto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines for
reasons differing as to each of them.

We took to ourselves the little island of Porto Rico because it lay under
the shadow of our own shores, and because its continued occupancy by
Spain or by any foreign government would be a constant menace to the
States and to that great inter-oceanic waterway which we shall build and
own and operate as an American canal. (Applause.) We found it im
poverished by years of colonial misgovernment and without any system
of revenue laws. Soon after the peace its people were further stricken
by flood and famine. We assumed towards them every obligation which
sympathy and friendship could prompt. (Applause.) We contributed as
a nation large sums of money to ameliorate their condition and to enable
them to plant and garner their crops. Then we said to them, "we shall
give you a just and equitable government, with power to manage your
home affairs. Until you shall devise proper and efficient methods of reve
nue and taxation, your needed funds shall be raised as follows: You shall
pay upon your imports 15 per cent, of the present tariff rate governing
importations into the United States, which means an average duty of
about 7 per cent. All the necessaries of life and building materials for
the structures you need shall be free. On the 1st day of March, 1902,
all these duties shall cease in any event, and shall cease sooner if before

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 43

that time you can arrange for the needed revenues of the island." (Ap
plause.)

The recommendations of the President were fully and satisfactorily com
plied with; the people of the island are content, the vast mass of the
American people approve, and we have avoided precedents that might vex
us when we come to deal with the problems that finally await us in the
establishment of our permanent relations towards the people of the Philip
pine Islands. (Applause.)

There has been much discussion during the past few months in respect
to the extent of the power of this country to deal with Porto Rico and our
other possessions, and it has been frequently contended by the Democracy
that as soon as we became the owners of any of these islands the Con
stitution cf the United States at once extended over them, or in the
oratorical but misleading phrase, "The Constitution follows the Flag."
The argument is specious, but it will not bear investigation. The same
question was raised in 1803, at the time of the Louisiana Purchase, and
the doctrine was then established by Congress that we could acquire for
eign soil by purchase, that Congress had the right to establish there
such government as it saw fit, and that the Constitution did not of its
own force extend over such territory. The doctrine was never questioned
until in Calhoun s time it was sought to be denied in the effort to extend
human slavery into the territories.

The Supreme Court of the United States has more than once determined
the question, and the contention concerning it now by our opponents is
not because anybody believes that the laws we have enacted for the gov
ernment of the island are unjust, but in order to embarrass the adminis
tration in dealing effectively with our new possessions. (Applause)
The flag went to Mexico in 1848, the Constitution did not. The
flag went to Cuba and was carried into Santiago, and is there yet. (Ap
plause.) But our Constitution not only is not there, but we are busy
encouraging Cuba to prepare a constitution of her own. When any por
tion of our territory becomes a sovereign State, then is our Constitution
its cornerstone. In the territory of the United States not included within
State boundaries Congress alone determines the extent to which the pro
visions of the Constitution extend.

The circumstances associated with our possession of Cuba are new and
unparalleled in the history of conquests. The cruelties practiced upon its
people induced the war. Before we commenced hostile proceedings, how
ever, and that the world might know that our hands were clean and that
we were not animated by lust for territory, we solemnly disclaimed any
disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control
over the island except for its pacification, and asserted our determination,
when that was accomplished, to leave the government and control of the
island to its people. (Applause.) To this declaration we still rigorously
adhere. (Applause.)

44 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

When we took possession at the close of the war we found the condi
tions existing in Cuba to be deplorable. Under the conservative and wise
management of Generals Brooke and Wood vast improvements have been
effected, and we have given the people the first good government they
have ever known. We found its cities beds of pestilence. We have stamped
out yellow fever and made Havana as healthy a city as exists at that lati
tude. We took its starving reconcentrados who had survived the war,
and its other poverty-stricken people, and fed and clothed them. We or
ganized a public school system, and have everywhere established law and
order. (Applause.) This had first to be done. Then followed a com
pliance of the terms of the treaty which gave the Spanish inhabitants until
April nth to determine whether or not they would register as citizens
or preserve their allegiance to Spain. Meanwhile a careful census of the
island was made. Then came the fixing of the qualifications for the right
of suffrage, which were fairly bestowed. The island was divided into
municipalities and the registration provided for. And on yesterday, the
i8th of June, municipal elections were held all through the island, as the
first and preliminary step towards the establishment of a national govern
ment and the adoption of a constitution. (Applause.)

And in this connection it is fitting to say that the peculations and frauds
committed in Cuba by subordinate officials have made every American
blush with shame, and until the last of the guilty men is arrested and
convicted and sentenced that shame will know no abatement. (Applause.)
It is no more to be charged to the party than would a theft by a trusted
employee be charged against the character of the merchant who employed
him. (Applause.) The party that shields and protects dishonest officials
forfeits public confidence, not the part} that exposes and punishes them.
(Applause.) The Republican party has been rarely the victim of misplaced
confidence in its officials. In this instance the appointments were made
with the greatest care, many of them from the classified service. When
ever fraud has been discovered the guilty have been pursued unsparingly
and with the greatest publicity. (Applause.) So has it been with these
thieving Post Office officials; so has it been always. In the vast aggregate
of business transacted by the Government the dishonest man is rare, and
his detection certain. The great humiliation is that the thefts were from
the people of an island towards whom we sustain a fiduciary relation, and
whose confidence we ask. That this Government makes good the loss is
not enough, and perhaps the lesson has not been in vain if it shall serve
to stimulate us to even greater care in dealing with these people for whom
we have poured out our blood and treasure, and whom we hope .some day
to welcome on terms of closest friendship as citizens of a sister republic.
(Applause.)

We are dealing with Cuba in a spirit not only of fairness but of gen
erosity and of absolute unselfishness, and whenever the inhabitants of that
island evince and declare their ability to take over its government and

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 45

control, that day they shall receive it; and until then we shall continue
to administer its affairs under a rule salutary and satisfactory to all good
citizens in Cuba, and creditable to the administration at Washington under
whose orders the government is conducted. (Applause.)

Had there been, fellow-citizens, no war with Spain this Republic, in
clined by principle and instinct and tradition to peaceful ways, would have
continued the development of our National resources and character within
its existing borders, content in the future, as throughout the century just
ending, with that path of National duty. We are not a warlike or a quar
relsome people. We have never coveted the possessions of foreign prin
cipalities, and land lust is unknown among us. We would fight to the
death to protect that which is rightfully ours; to avenge a wrong sought
to be perpetuated upon us, and to guard this hemisphere from any attempt
by foreign powers to further extend their rule over its soil. (Applause.)
This has been our creed, and we have looked forward with hope and
confidence to the time when these United States, lying between the two
oceans, should lead among the nations of the earth, not by right of the
sword, but because the character and high intelligence of our people, and
the marvelous resources of our country, would enable us, in the peaceful
rivalry of commerce, to dominate eventually the markets of the world.
(Applause.) To that end we had, for more than a hundred years, held
ourselves aloof from foreign complications, and sought to make ourselves
strong from within, with no thought of colonial conquest.

The future of nations, however, like the future of man, is hid from
mortal vision, and, no more than man may a nation choose its own duties.
When this war ended and we faced our victory in all its completeness, we
found eight million people, living upon uncounted islands, delivered into
our hands. Abandonment of them would be confession that while the
oppression by Spain of a million and a half of Cubans demanded our
armed interference, greater barbarity and cruelty to millions of Filipinos,
less able to protect themselves, was a subject of no concern to us. (Ap
plause.) No civilized nation in the world, no Christian nation, could have
turned these people back to Spain. Our Commissioners, when they in
sisted upon our retention of the Philippines, voiced the sentiments and
wishes of the American people; and this nation has assumed with open
eyes and with full realization of the difficulties which may be encountered,
the grave responsibilities imposed upon us by the Treaty of Paris. (Ap
plause.)

We are told that the islands are rich in all the products of the tropics,
in mineral wealth, and in the possibilities of their future development.
So much the better. But if they were as barren as the Libyan desert,
we would have taken them just the same. (Applause.)

We have not been there long, but long enough to reach two conclu
sions: One is, that the first thing we intend doing is to suppress the Tagal
insurrection and to establish law and order throughout the archipelago.

46 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

(Applause.) That is the first thing we shall do. And the last, the very
last thing we intend doing, is to consider, even for a moment, the question
of giving up or of abandoning those islands. (Applause.)

We are actually owners of the Philippines by an undisputed and in
dubitable title. We are there as the necessary and logical outcome of our
victory over Spain. There are upwards of a thousand islands sprinkled
upon that Southern sea, peopled by more than eighty tribes of differing
race and language, and having absolutely nothing in common with each
other. Most of these tribes welcome our coming and are grateful for our pro
tection. The Tagal tribe, hostile not only to us but to most of the native
tribes, are in insurrection against our authority. They have neither a gov
ernment nor the capacity to conduct one, and are waging a predatory
guerilla warfare which would be turned against the other native tribes if
we let them alone. What would the Democracy have us do? Give them
up to rapine and bloodshed, and leave the islands as flotsam and jetsam
on the face of the waters?

There are parallels in our own history. For five millions of dollars,
and other valuable considerations we purchased Florida from Spain in
1821, when it had four thousand white settlers. The Seminoles, natives
of the soil, brave, resolute, having far greater intelligence and character
than the Tagals, disputed our possession. We sent Andrew Jackson down
to fight them, and it took us twenty-one years to subdue them and send
what was left of them west of the Mississippi. If the "Anti-everythings"
had lived then, they would, I suppose, have urged us to turn over Florida
to Osceola, the Aguinaldo of the Seminoles! (Laughter.) Would you,
after the war with Mexico and the Gadsden purchase have given the great
area south and west of the Arkansas to the red Apache? Not so did our
fathers construe their duty, and as they built, so shall we their sons. (Ap
plause.)

The insurrection against our legitimate authority, which, for the time,
impedes our efforts to establish a government for the Filipinos, involves
us in a sacrifice of lives and of treasure. The difficulties we encounter
in the island of Luzon are many, but the chief inspiration and encouragement
of the Tagal insurrection come from the Democratic headquarters in the
United States. (Applause.) Partisanship has proved stronger than pa
triotism, even while our soldiers are being murdered by marauding ban
dits, and if it were not for the hope held out to Aguinaldo by American
sympathizers, the insurrection in the Philippines would long ago have
ended. (Applause.)

The obstacles to the establishment of a civil government in the islands
are many, but we shall overcome them. (Applause.) Mistakes will un
doubtedly be made, but we shall remedy them. We shall in time extend
over that archipelago the aegis of our protection and of free government,
and we shall gradually, but surely, lift these alien and savage races
into the light of civilization and Christianity. (Applause.) Meanwhile,

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

American enterprise and ingenuity and push may be depended upon to
develop the resources of the islands, and to make them an added source
of wealth to our country. The wise statesmanship of the President and
our able Secretary of State has already brought from the countries of
Europe a recognition of our right to share in the vast commercial advan
tages which will follow the opening of the Chinese Empire to foreign trade;
the Nicaraguan Canal will be soon constructed; Hawaii, with its valuable
harbor, is ours; we possess the best of the Samoan Islands, with its mag
nificent roadway; the Philippines are almost at the door of China, and if
counsels of fear do not prevail, this generation will see the American Na
tion girdling half the globe with its flag, extending its foreign commerce
to the uttermost parts of the earth, and taking its place among the great
world-nations, a power for good, for peace, and for righteousness. (Ap
plause.)

Never since 1864, when the voters of the country were called upon to
determine whether the efforts of Abraham Lincoln to preserve the Union
should be continued or whether they should be abandoned and other meas
ures attempted, have questions so vital been presented to the American
people for settlement. Their decision must determine the maintenance
or the degradation both of our National credit and our National honor.
A Democratic President could paralyze the operation of the new currency
law as effectively as if it were wiped from our statute books. A Democratic
victory would infuse new life into the Tagal insurrection, cost us the lives
of thousands of our gallant army in the Philippines, impair or destroy our
prestige, if not our power, in the islands, make us a byword among the
other great nations of the world, and obliterate our influence in the settle
ment of the vital questions certain to arise when China shall be opened to
foreign commerce. (Applause.)

There is little room for fear. The farmer and the artisan in their day of
prosperity still remember the impoverishment and blight of Democracy,
and the Chicago platform has no allurements for them. (Applause.) Our
National honor is equally secure.

The American people are neither poltroons nor pessimists, and they will
not signalize the dawn of the new century by the surrender of either con
victions or territory. (Applause.) fEvery soldier back from the islands
and they are in almost every hamlet in the land, returns an advocate of
theif retention. Our dead are buried along the sands of Luzon, and on its
soil no foreign flag shall ever salute the dawn. J (Applause.)

Whatever may be in store for us in the new and unbeaten track upon
which we are entering, we shall not be found "with the unlit lamp and the
ungirt loin." (Applause.) Our way is new, but it is not dark. In the
readjustment of world-conditions, where we must take our place with the
other great nations of the earth, we shall move with caution, but not with
fear. We seek only to lift up men to better things, to bless and not to
destroy. (Applause.) The fathers of the Republic accepted with courage

48 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

such responsibilities as devolved upon them. The same heavens bend over
us, and the same Power that shielded them will guard and protect us, for
what we seek is to build still more firmly, always upon foundations of
probity and of virtue, the glorious edifice of the Republic. (Applause.)

We stand at the dawn of the new century. Before it shall have reached
its meridian the youngest here will have passed beyond this life or beyond
the sphere of usefulness. New recruits will step into the ranks as we fall
out. This very year thousands of young men will for the first time exer
cise the right of citizenship and cast their ballots at the National election.
The safety of this Republic must ever rest in the courage of young hearts
and the vigor of a noble manhood." Youth is buoyant and hopeful. No
snarling criticism, or gospel of a little America, or prophecy of despair,
will find response from hearts that beat full and strong with courage and
with faith, and whose creed it is that

" God s in His heaven,

All s right with the world."

Whatever else in the past has suffered change or decay, the Republican
party, which for forty years has been identified with everything ennobling
and uplifting in our history, was never so vital, so virile, and so vigorous
as to-day. (Applause.) And the heritage we shall transmit to the new
century, to the coming generation and to their children, and to their
children s children, shall be a record clean and untarnished, an unquench
able faith in free institutions, an unalterable belief in the patriotism of the
people, and an undying love of liberty and of country. (Applause.)

TEMPORARY OFFICERS.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. By direction of the National Committee
the chairman submits the following list of temporary officers:

Secretary, Hon. Charles W. Johnson, of Minnesota.

Assistant Secretaries: John R. Malloy, of Ohio; John R. Beam, of New
Jersey; Lucien Gray, of Illinois; Gardner P. Stickney, of Wisconsin; James
Francis Burke, of Pennsylvania; W. B. Bauchman, of Tennessee; Warren
Bigler, of Indiana; John L. Royce, of Kansas; F. S. Gaylord, of Con
necticut.

Reading Clerks: Dennis E. Alward, Michigan; E. L. Lampson, Ohio;
James H. Stone, Michigan.

Clerk at Chairman s Desk, Asher C. Hinds, of Maine.

Official Reporter, Milton W. Blumenberg, of Illinois.

Tally Clerks, J. Herbert Potts, of New Jersey; George R. Butlin, of
Nebraska.

Messenger to Chairman, Griffin Halstead.

Messenger to Secretary, Joseph W. Young.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 49

Mr. W. S. TAYLOR, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman I move that the re
commendations of the National Republican Committee in the matter of
the selection of a Secretary, Assistant Secretaries, Official Reporter, Read
ing Clerks, etc., be approved by the Convention.

The motion was unanimously agreed to.

RULES.

Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. Mr. Chairman, I offer the reso
lution \\hich I send to the desk.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York submits
a resolution which will be read.

The READING CLERK read as follows:

Resolved, That until a permanent organization is effected, this convention be gov
erned by the rules of the last Republican National Convention.

The resolution was agreed to.

COMMITTEES.

Mr. WILLIAM J. SEWELL, of New Jersey. I offer the resolution I send
to the desk.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New Jersey offers a
resolution, which will be read.

The READING CLERK read as follows:

Resolved, That the roll of States and Territories be now called, and that the Chair
man of each delegation announce the names of the persons selected to serve on the
several committees, as follows: Permanent Organization; Rules and Order of Bust-
ness; Credentials; Resolutions.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the reso
lution submitted by the gentleman from New Jersey.

The resolution was agreed to.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. In addition to the announcement by the "
chairman of each delegation, as provided by the resolution just adopted,
each delegation is requested to send to the desk in writing the names of
the persons selected to serve on the committees named in the resolution.

The roll of States, etc., was called.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The committees as constituted will be an
nounced.

The READING CLERK read as follows:
4

50 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION.

HON. CHARLES H. GROSVENOR, of Ohio, Chairman.

Alabama JAMES T. PETERSON

Arkansas FERDINAND HAVIS

California R. D. ROBBINS

Colorado D. B. FAIRLEY

Connecticut J. DEMING PERKINS

Delaware

Florida W. H. LUCAS

Georgia M. C. PARKER

Idaho GEORGE A. ROBETHAN

Illinois JOHN J. BROWN

Indiana CHARLES L. JEWETT

Iowa WILLIAM McFARLANE

Kansas S. B. ROHRER

Kentucky H. C. HOWARD

Louisiana L. S. CLARKE

Maine DANIEL A. KURD

Maryland J. EDWIN WEBSTER

Massachusetts EVERETT C. BENTON

Michigan LESLIE B. ROBERTSON

Minnesota E. A. WHITFORD

Mississippi F. W. COLLINS

Missouri JAMES E. BIRNEY

Montana C. W. GOODALE

Nebraska H. RAGATZ

Nevada R. L. FULTON

New Hampshire THOS. N. HASTINGS

New Jersey WM. S. HANCOCK

New York WM. C. WALLACE

North Carolina H. C. COWLES

North Dakota H. L. HOLMES

Ohio CHARLES H. GROSVENOR

Oregon MALCOLM A. MOODY

Pennsylvania JOHN B. STEEL

Rhode Island FRANK F. CARPENTER

South Carolina R. M. WALLACE

South Dakota GEORGE RICE

Tennessee ERNEST COLDWELL

Texas C. M. FERGUSON

Utah HEBER M. WELLS

Vermont W. H. H. SLACK

Virginia V. M. SOWDER

Washington H. S. CONNER

West Virginia J. E. DANA

Wisconsin H. A. LUEDKE

Wyoming DEFOREST RICHARDS

District of Columbia DR. J. E. JONES

Alaska

Arizona J. L. HUBBELL

Indian Territory . E. J. FANNIN

New Mexico A. ABEYTIA

Oklahoma JOHN McNEAL

Hawaii ., ...S. PARKER

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 51

COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF BUSINESS.

HON. HENRY H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania, Chairman.

Alabama \V. F. AT.DRICH

Arkansas JOHN McCLURE

California N. D. RIDEOUT

Colorado B. W. RITTER

Connecticut CH AS. F. BROOKER

Delaware

Florida H. W. CHANDLER

Georgia W. R. LEAKIN

Idaho L. L. ORMSBY

Illinois FREDERICK H. SMITH

Indiana GEORGE P. HAYVVOOD

Iowa J. C. MABRY

Kansas J. R. BURROW

Kentucky R. P. ERNST

Louisiana B. F. O NEAL

Maine GEORGE A. MINCHIE

Maryland T. MATHEW BARTLETT

Massachusetts SAMUEL W. McCALL

Michigan WM. McPHERSON, JR.

Minnesota H. F. BARKER

Mississippi R. A. SIMMONS

Missouri . . . ] CHARLES G. BURTON

Montana TYLER WORDEN

Nebraska EUGENE A. TUCKER

Nevada W. W. WILLIAMS

New York GEO. W. ALDRIDGE

New Hampshire WM. C. CLARKE

New Jersey FLAVEL McGEE

North Carolina R. B. RUSSELL

North Dakota

Ohio B. L. MCELROY

Oregon RUFUS S. MOORE

Pennsylvania HENRY H. BINGHAM

Rhode Island CHAS. N. CHILD

South Carolina E. F. COCHRANE

South Dakota M. P. BEEBE

Tennessee JOHN E. McCALL

Texas M. M. RODGERS

Utah GEORGE M. HANSON

Vermont G. W. RANDALL

Virginia R. R. HORNER

Washington F. J. HAYFIELD

West Virginia M. J. SIMMS

Wisconsin SAMUEL W. REESE

Wyoming C. D. CLARK

District of Columbia J. E. JONES

Alaska WILLIAM GRANT

Arizona J. A. VAIL

Indian Territory C. L. LONG

New Mexico J. SANTISTERAN

Oklahoma J. W. McNEAL

Hawaii A. N. KEPOIKOI

52 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS.

HON. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York, Chairman.

Alabama H. V. CASHIN

Arkansas SID. B. REDDING

California GEORGE W. REED

Colorado JOHN GRASS

Connecticut EDWIN MILNER

Delaware

Florida J. N. COMBS

Georgia H. L. JOHNS ON

Idaho J. F. A1LSHIE

Illinois T. J. GOLDEN

Indiana C. C. SHIRLEY

Iowa M. J. TOBIN

Kansas T. B. WALL

Kentucky GEORGE DENNY

Louisiana H. C. WARMOUTH

Maine ALBERT M. SPEAR

Maryland ENOCH B. ABELL

Massachusetts JESSE M. GOVE

Michigan RUSSELL C. OSTRANDER

Minnesota A. J. GREER

Mississippi WESLEY CRAYTON

Missouri CHARLES L. MOWDER

Montana JOHN F. FORBES

Nebraska JOHN A. EHRHARDT

Nevada M. C. McMlLLAN

New Hampshire JOHN McLANE

New Jersey BARKER GUMMERE

New York SERENO E. PAYNE

North Carolina E. C. DUNCAN

North Dakota STEPHEN COLLINS

Ohio CHARLES DICK

Oregon WALLACE McCAMANT

Pennsylvania A. S. L. SHIELDS

Rhode Island RICHARD THORNLEY

South Carolina J. H. FORDHAM

South Dakota JAMES HALLEY

Tennessee W. P. BROWNLOW

Texas H. C. FERGUSON (HAWLEY by proxy)

Utah ARTHUR BROWN

Vermont EDWIN M. BROWN

Virginia R. P. THORP

Washington L. M. SIMS

West Virginia MORRIS HORKHEIMER

Wisconsin J. T. MURPHY

Wyoming. , JAY L. TORREY

District of Columbia W. C. CHASE

Alaska W. D. GRANT

Arizona FRANK DYSART

Indian Territory C. M. CAMPBELL

New Mexico F. A. HUBBELL

Oklahoma J. C. PRINGEY

Hawaii . . S. PARKER

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS.

HON. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana, Chairman.

Alabama J. W. DIMMICK

Arkansas CHARLES N. RIX

California CHESTER ROWELL

Colorado C. C. CAVENDER

Connecticut WILLIAM E. SEELEY

Delaware

Florida W. G. ROBINSON

Georgia H. A. RUCKER

Idaho W. B. HEYBURN

Illinois MARTIN B. MADDEX

Indiana CHAS. W. FAIRBANKS

Iowa G. W. FRENCH

Kansas M. A. LOWE

Kentucky W. S. TAYLOR

Louisiana E. KUNTZ

Maine FRANKLIN C. PAYSON

Maryland THOMAS C. NOYES

Massachusetts WALTER CLIFFORD

Michigan E. N. DINGLEY

Minnesota CUSHMAN K. DAVIS

Mississippi JOHN R. LYNCH

Missouri DAVID P. DYER

Montana THOMAS H. CARTER

Nebraska EDWARD ROSEWATER

Nevada OSCAR J. SMITH

New Hampshire J. H. GALLINGER

New Jersey FRED. P. OLCOTT

New York LEMUEL E. QUIGG

North Carolina CHARLES McNAMEE

North Dakota P. J. McCUMBER

Ohio JOSEPH B. FORAKER

Oregon JOHN D. DALY

Pennsylvania BOIES PENROSE

Rhode Island CHAS. H. BRAYTON

South Carolina E. J. DICKERSON

South Dakota G. G. BENNETT

Tennessee FOSTER V. BROWN

Texas R. B. HAWLEY

Utah GEORGE SUTHERLAND

Vermont SEVANT M. REED

Virginia S. BROWN ALLEN

Washington J. M. ASHTON

West Virginia E. H. FLYNN

Wisconsin J. B. TREAT

Wyoming F. W. MONDELL

District of Columbia J. E. JONES

Alaska J. G. HEID

Arizona CHARLES H. AKERS

Indian Territory A. F. PARKINSON

New Mexico E. A. CAHOON

Oklahoma J. R. TATE

Hawaii.. A. N. KEPOIKOI

54 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

MEETING OF COMMITTEES.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Immediately after the adjournment to-day
the Committee on Resolutions will meet in the committee room in the rear
of the stage of this hall; the Committee on Permanent Organization will
meet in another room in the rear of the stage of this hall; the Committee
on Rules and Order of Business will meet at the National Committee
room, Hotel Walton; the Committee on Credentials will meet at the Na
tional Committee room, Hotel Walton.

Mr. JOSEPH G. CANNON, of Illinois. I move that the Convention adjourn
until 12 o clock meridian to-morrow.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Will the gentleman from Illinois withdraw
his motion for a moment?

Mr. CANNON, of Illinois. Certainly.

PRAYER OF REV. EDGAR M. LEVY, D. D.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Chair desires to state to the Conven
tion that there is upon the platform the Rev. Dr. Levy, who 44 years ago
to-day offered prayer at the Republican National Convention. Tire Rev. Dr.
Levy will now offer prayer.

Rev. Edgar M. Levy, D. D., of Philadelphia, offered the following prayer:

Almighty God, our Heavenly Father, how excellent is Thy name in all
the earth. The whole world is full of Thy glory. Unto Thee do we lift
our hearts in humility, love and praise.

We give Thee most hearty thanks for our personal, social and national
blessings. Thou hast cast our lines in pleasant places and given us a
goodly heritage. Thou hast not dealt so with any other people. Because
of Thy favor our land is even now smiling with fertility and beauty; our
cities and towns are rilled with the hum of industry, and our country places
with the songs of happy reapers. Thou hast given us wise rulers, brave
defenders on land and sea, and just and equal laws by which every man
may sit under his own vine and fig tree with none to molest or make
afraid.

We thank Thee for the coming together of this august assembly of repre
sentative men from all parts of the nation, and for that great convention
held in this city so long ago, and which first flung the banner of universal
freedom to the breeze of Heaven. W T e praise Thee, O Lord God of Hosts,
that this banner still waves unstained and undimmed, the proud reminder
of past achievements, and the hope for all time to come.

W T e thank Thee for our honored President; for his wisdom, discretion,
manly courage and unblemished character. We beseech Thee that his life
and health may be precious in Thy sight; and as Thou hast in Thy good
ness given him to us, so, if it pleases Thee, let the years of his administra
tion of our Government be prolonged. Bless, also, all associated with

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 55

him in authority. May they ever be found on the side of justice, loving
peace, but never counting even life itself too dear to sacrifice for the de
fense and advancement of the nation s honor and welfare.

Save us, O Righteous Father, from forgetfulness of Thee; from all pride
and vainglory. Let not the profane, the self-seeking, or the promoters of
strife and discontent rule over us, but only such as shall be a terror to evil
doers and a praise to them that do well. Let our currency neither be
impaired by inflation nor diminished by hoarding. Let the rich among us
use their wealth in moderation, and as a benediction to others. Let the
poor, by industry and temperance, become rich. Let there never be among
us an aristocracy either of color, wealth or birth, but only of intelligence
and goodness. Fill our land with truth and righteousness, with school-
houses and temples of worship, with God-fearing men and virtuous women.
Let the example of our free institutions enlighten and bless the whole earth.

And now. we commend to Thee, O God, the deliberations of this Con
vention, and all the issues thereof. Bless the presiding officers with all
sufficiency of wisdom and strength, and preserve all the delegates from
sickness, accident and death, and permit them to return to their homes,
conscious of having discharged their duty to their God and country.
And the glory shall be unto the Father and unto the Son and unto the
Holy Spirit, as it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, world
without end. Amen.

Mr. JOSEPH G. CANNON, of Illinois. I renew my motion that the Con
vention adjourn until 12 o clock, meridian, to-morrow.

The motion was agreed to; and (at 3 o clock p. m.) the Convention
adjourned until to-morrow, Wednesday, June 20, 1900, at 12 o clock, meri
dian.

THE SECOND DAY

OPENING PRAYER RECEPTION TO SURVIVORS OF FIRST
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1856 REPORT
OF THE COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS REPORT OF THE
COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION ADDRESS
OF PERMANENT CHAIRMAN, SENATOR LODGE PRESEN
TATION OF GAVELS, ETC. REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE
ON RULES-THE QUAY AMENDMENT REPORT OF THE
COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS AND PLATFORM THE
NEW NATIONAL COMMITTEE.

CONVENTION HALL

PHILADELPHIA, PENNA., June 20, 1900.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN (at 12.27 o clock P. M.). The Convention
will come to order. The Rev. Dr. Charles M. Boswell, of Philadelphia,
will open the day s proceedings with prayer.

PRAYER OF REV. CHARLES M. BOSWELL, D. D.

Rev. Charles M. Boswell, D. D., of Philadelphia, offered the following
prayer:

Our Heavenly Father, we come to Thee as the creator of men and the
upholder of governments. Our fathers trusted in Thee and were helped,
and where they led may we gladly and boldly follow. We thank Thee
for the land in which we live, for its beloved ruler, the prosperity of its
people and the victories of its army and navy. May these be abundantly
continued.

We bless Thee for having brave and wise men in charge of our execu
tive, legislative and judicial affairs in trying times. May it always be so
with America.

We praise Thee for these men who have left their occupations and homes
to transact business for their country by attending this Convention. May
Thy special favor rest upon them. Guide them in their deliberations, plat
form and candidates, and may these be such as shall be approved by the
people, and may they continue to keep our dear old country, whose flag
we love to-day better than ever before, in the lead among those respected
for righteousness, liberty and humanity.

HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, of Massachusetts^

Permanent Chairman of the Convention, and Chairman of the Committee to
Notify the Candidate for President.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 57

Give these delegates and their friends a healthful and pleasant stay among
us and preserve their loved ones from harm while they are absent from
them. Specially remember those who bear arms for us in distant lands,
and hasten the day when all wars shall cease, and Thine shall be the honor
and glory forever. Amen.

SURVIVORS OF FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION.
The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention, there are
present here to-day a body of survivors of the first Republican Convention
held in Pittsburg and Philadelphia forty-four years ago. They bring with
them the same old flag that was then used in the Convention, and with
your permission I will ask them to step to the front of the stage, and then
will have read some resolutions which have been prepared. (Applause.)

At that moment a file of white-haired patriarchs appeared from the rear,
bearing a faded American flag, tattered and barely held together by a cross
staff. As the flag appeared the entire audience rose, and a deafening salute
went up for the faded standard and its venerable upholders. The white-
haired men ranged themselves side by side, looking out on the sea of faces.
Alongside the flag another standard bore the inscription

NATIONAL FREMONT ASSOCIATION,

REPUBLICAN PARTY.
ORGANIZED FEBRUARY 220, 1856,
AT PITTSBURG, PENN.

When the applause had subsided the leader of the delegation presented
resolutions, declaring their unwavering allegiance to the party they had
helped to bring forth.
Those who were thus presented to the convention were the following:

General JOSEPH R. HAWLEY, Connecticut.

S. WOODARD, Illinois.

GEORGE SCHNEIDER, Illinois.

JACOB FUSSELL, Maryland.

D. F. APPLETON, New York.

Judge RUSH R. SLOANE, Ohio.

General B. D. BRINKERHOFF, Ohio.

JOHN JACOBS, Pennsylvania.

WALTER LAING, Pennsylvania.

G. W. HOLSTEIN, M. D., Pennsylvania.

EDGAR M. LEVY, D.D., Pennsylvania.

JACOB WYAND, Pennsylvania.

GEORGE H. BELL, Rhode Island.

58 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read the resolutions adopted
by the survivors of the first Republican Convention.

The READING CLERK read as follows:

NATIONAL FREMONT ASSOCIATION.

PITTSBURG, PA., JUNE 16, 1900.
To the Republican Party

in National Convention assembled in Philadelphia,
June igth, 1900.

In response to the invitation extended to us by the Hon. Marcus A. Hanna, Chair
man of your National Committee, to be present at your convention as honorary members:
We, the survivors of the original Republican Convention held in Pittsburg, Feb.
22d, 1856, regret exceedingly the inability of many of said members to accept your kind
invitation, owing to advanced age. At a meeting of the National Fremont Association
held in Pittsburg, June i6th, 1900, it was resolved that Major R. H. Long, Secretary,
and J. K. Conner, be instructed to represent us in your distinguished assembly. Hav
ing remained faithful to its principles for forty-four years, we shall continue the same
unto the end, heartily endorsing the administration of William McKinley, which gives
us such unbounded prosperity.

Yours respectfully,

GILBERT FOLLANSBEE, Chairman.

R. H. LONG, Secretary.

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The first business in order is the report
of the Committee on Credentials. Is the Committee ready to report?

Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of
the Convention: I will read the report of the Committee on Credentials:

"Your Committee on Credentials beg leave to submit the following report in the
matter of the seating of contested delegates:

"They met immediately after the adjournment of the session of the convention on
Tuesday, the igth, and organized by the selection of the officers of the committee.
Since that time they have been in continuous session until the roll of membership was
completed. Your committee reports its action in the cases before it with its recommen
dations.

"As to the contests in the 4th and 7th districts of Alabama, the 4th and 8th districts
of Georgia, the delegates at large and the ist, 2d, 3d and 4th districts of Louisiana;
the delegates at large, and the 6th and gth districts of Tennessee; the delegates at large
and the ist, $th, 7th and 9th districts of Texas; the zd Virginia and the District of
Columbia, the action of the National Committee in the matter of making a temporary
roll it is recommended shall be the action of the convention. Action was also taken
by the Committee in the following cases, and your committee recommend that the
permanent roll as to these shall be as follows:

STATE OF ALABAMA, AT LARGE.
Delegates. Alternates.

B. W. Walker Montgomery Nathan Alexander Montgomery

C. W. Buckley Montgomery G. W. Lovejoy Mobile

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 59

THIRD DISTRICT OF ALABAMA.

W. W. Milliken Dothan S. M. Murphy Eufaula

Moses W. Garden Opelika Aaron T. Timothy Union Springs

FIFTH ALABAMA.

J. L. Davis Lafayette L. W. Whitaker Rockford

Hugh A. Carson Haynesville J. W. Ferryman Dadeville

STATE OF DELAWARE, AT LARGE.

J. Edward Addicks Claymont Webster Blakeley Henry Clay

W. B. Clerk Wilmington Thomas E. Postles Wilmington

James Franck Alice Dover D. S. Clark Kenton

C. R. Layton Georgetown Newell Ball Bridgeville

H. M. Burton Lewes C. M. Davis Laurel

A. B. Conner Felton Theodore Townsend Milford

FIFTH LOUISIANA DISTRICT.

W. W. Johnson Omega George W. Stewart Omega

John W. Cooke Lake Providence J. B. Robinson Lake Providence

FOURTH TEXAS DISTRICT.

J. A. Blackwell. B. C. Browning.

H. G. Goree. H. W. Walker.

SIXTH TEXAS DISTRICT.

Eugene Marshall. G. W. McCormick.

W. E. King. G. W. Lanier.

"A copy of the Roll of Delegates and Alternates as adopted by this committee is
herewith submitted.

Respectfully submitted,

SERENO E. PAYXS. Chairman."

ROLL OF DELEGATES

The roll of delegates and alternates above referred to is as follows:
CORRECTED ROLL OF DELEGATES AND ALTERNATES TO
THE TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION
AS PRESENTED BY THE COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS.

ALABAMA.

Delegates. Alternates.

AT LARGE.

B. W. Walker Montgomery Nathan Alexander Montgomery

C. W. Buckley Montgomery G. W. Lovejoy Mobile

DISTRICTS.

i P. D. Barker Mobile A. N. McEwen Mobile

James Peterson Mobile E. H. Threep Demopolis

2 J. W. Dimmick Montgomery L. J. Bryan Montgomery

Percy W. Morris Daphne D. B. Pryor Troy

3 W. W. Milliken Dothan S. M. Murphy Eufaula

Moses W. Garden Opelika Aaron T. Timothy Union Springs

OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

ALABAMA Continued.

Delegates.

Alternates.

DISTRICTS.

4 _Wm. F. Aldrich Aldrich

Charles W. Smith Selma

5 J. L. Davis Lafayette

Hugh A. Carson Haynesville

6 P. M. Long Cordova

Thomas B. Morton Fayette

7 Frank H. Lathrop Riverside

John T. Ezzell Russelville

8 H. V. Cashin Huntsville

Fred. Arn Scottsboro

9 J. W. Hughes Birmingham

Ad. Wimbs Greensboro

L. T. Smith Anniston

Lytton Green Anniston

L. W. Whitaker Rockford

J. W. Ferryman Dadeville

S. L. Whatley Tuscaloosa

W. H. Chapman Eutaw

C. E. Sneed Eoaz

R. B. Thompson Cullman

Felix McWilliams Elkmont

S. P. Merrill Florence

G. G. Walker Perry

H. D. Davidson .. Bibb

ARKANSAS.

AT LARGE.

John McClure Little Rock Chas. H. Newell Fordyce

Charles N. Rix Hot Springs Patrick Raleigh Little Rock

Ferd Havis Pine Bluff R. C. Thompson Pine Bluff

S. A. Duke Baxter T. J. Sharum Walnut Ridge

DISTRICTS.

i_j. w. Grubbs New Port

E. C. Morris Helena

2 Charles D. Greaves Hot Springs

Oscar M. Spellman Pine Bluff

3 Floyd Thompson Texarkana

Henry Thane Arkansas City

4 Sid. B. Redding Little Rock

J. P. Robinson Little Rock

5 Charles M. Greene Harrison

J. F. Henley Marshall

6-J. M. McClintock Devall Bluff

G. W. Chase Yellville

W. W. Harrison Ebony

J. H. Blount "Forrest City

W. W. Bailey Ft. Smith

S. W. Dawson Fairfield

J. C. Russell Camden

M. M. Murray New Lewisville

M. H. Johnson Little Rock

John W. White .. Russelville

J. M. Jernigan Green Forest

J. F. Mayes Fayetteville

W. N. Carpenter DeWitt

H. H. Cole .. ...Beebe

CALIFORNIA.

AT LARGE.

U. S. Grant San Diego H. G. W. Dinklcspiel San Francisco

George C. Pardee Oakland E. S. Babcock San Diego

George A. Knight San Francisco A. Bouvier San Francisco

N. D. Rideout Marysville W. R. Porter Watsonville

DISTRICTS.

i Douglas S. Cone Red Bluff

John L. Childs Crescent City

2 E. C. Hart Sacramento

Harold T. Power Michigan Bluff

3 George W. Reed Oakland

R. D. Robbins Suisun

4 Joseph S. Spear San Francisco

Moses A Gunst San Francisco

5 W. C. Van Fleet San Francisco

H. G. Bond Santa Clara

6 William M. Garland Los Angeles

Andrew J. Bell Ventura

7 Chester Rowell Fresno

William S. Hooper San Bernardino

J. N. Roberts Potter Valley

J. H. Steves St. Helena

J. W. Wilson Sacramento

E. C. Voorheis Sutter Creek

A. P. Leach Oakland

A. A. Thayer Colusa

A. Ruef San Francisco

Henry P. Sonntag San Francisco

G. M. Bowman San Jose

Edward D. Peixotto San Francisco

E. Henderson Pomona

Warren M. Johns San Luis Obispo

C, E. Arnold Bakersfield

J. L. Paul Ontario

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 61

COLORADO.

Delegates. Alternates.

AT LARGE.

Edward O. Wolcott Denver Harry E. Churchill Greeley

David H. Moffat Denver Earl B. Coe Denver

Winfield S. Stratton Colorado Springs Crawford Hill Denver

D. R. C. Brown Aspen B. W. Ritter Durango

DISTRICTS.

I Charles C. Cavender Leadville William K. Burchinell Denver

John B. Thompson Longmont Thomas H. Davy Ft. Collins

2 D. B. Fairley Colorado Springs Richard P. Chinn Dumont

John Grass Trinidad George R. Hurlburt Ouray

CONNECTICUT.

AT LARGE.

Linus B. Plimpton Hartford Win. C. Cheney South Manchester

Charles F. Brooker Ansonia Samuel P. Calef Middletown

Edwin Milner Plainfield Frank B. Brandegee New London

J. Deming Perkins Litchfield R. Jay Walsh Greenwich

DISTRICTS.
i Andrew J. Sloper New Britain Isadore Wise Hartford

Francis G. Maxwell Rockville Edward E. Fuller Tolland

2 William F. Rockwell Meriden Frederick E. Gaylord Ansonia

Mathewson W. Potter Deep River J. B. Holman Old Saybrook

3 Frederick Farnsworth New London F. H. Hinkley Mystic

George A. Hammond Putnam Charles N. Daniels Willimantic

4 Henry H. Bridgman Norfolk R. J. Plumb Plymouth

William E. Seeley Bridgeport John R. Hill Danbury

DELAWARE.

AT LARGE.

J. Edward Addicks Claymont Webster Blakeley Henry Clay

W, B. Clerk Wilmington Thomas E. Postles Wilmington

James Franck Alice Dover D. S. Clark Kenton

C. R. Layton Georgetown Newell Ball Bridgeville

H. M. Burton Lewes C. M. Davis Laurel

A. B. Conner .. ...Felton Theodore Townsend Milford

FLORIDA.

AT LARGE.

Joseph E. Lee Jacksonville W. H. Lucas Jacksonville

John G. Long St. Augustine S. H. Hadley Lake City

Henry S. Chubb Winter Park R. L. Scarlett Orange Hill

Mark S. White Pensacola A. Purdee Marianna

DISTRICTS.

i Tames N. Coombs Apalachicola M. A. Trapp Quincy

John F. Horr Jacksonville G. W. Raiford Pensacola

2 Walter G. Robinson Gainesville James Atkinson De Land

Henry W. Chandler Ocala P. N. Richardson Fernandina

62 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

GEORGIA.

Delegates. Alternates.

AT LARGE.

W. H. Johnson Columbus Alex. Akerman Dublin

H. A. Rucker Atlanta L. M. Pleasant Savannah

J. W. Lyons Augusta A. Graves Atlanta

H. L. Johnson Atlanta T. M. Dent Rome

DISTRICTS.

i John H. Deveaux Savannah S. O. Cherry Waynesborough

W. R. Leaken Savannah S. B. Morse Savannah

2 W. H. Satterwhite Albany S. S. Broadnax Thomasville

James L. Reddick Dawson E. B. Brown Tifton

3 M. G. Hall Cordele C. H. Moore Jeffersonville

J. T. Noble Perry P. C. Cooley Hawkinsville

4 E. N. Clemence Columbus H. A. Poer Hamilton

Samuel Loveloy Bullochville J. B. Richardson Hogansville

5 E. F. Blodgett Atlanta L. L. Lee Atlanta

C. C. Wimbish Atlanta N. H. Sims Conyers

6 R. D. Locke Macon J. A. Smith Forsythe

I. W. Wood Forsythe W. E. Harp Jackson

7 J. J. Hamilton Rome D. C. Cole Marietta

M. C. Parker Rome J. W. Leigh Etna

8 W. A. Pledger Athens E. W. Howell Eatonton

M. B. Morton Athens W. M. Matthews Lexington

9 J. R. Allen Talking Rock C. E. Williams Winder

H. D. Ingersoll Dahlonega M. C. Wilcox Mt. Airy

10 A. E. Williams Gordon John T. White Augusta

P. H. Craig Augusta A. G. Floyd Sandersville

ii W. H. Matthews Brunswick J. M. Milton Waycross

Clark Grier Dublin S. S. Mincey Ailey

IDAHO.

George L. Shoup Boise City H. B. Eastman Boise City

W. B. Heyburn Osborn D. H. Budlong Coeur d Alene City

J. F. Ailshie Grangeville Mrs. J. B. West Lewiston

L. L. Ormsby Boise City Lewis Hall W r eiser

Frank R. Gooding Shoshone F. C. Bradley Hailey

George A. Robethan Pocatello D. W. Church Pocatello

ILLINOIS.

AT LARGE.

Joseph G. Cannon Danville C. H. Castle Adair

John J. Brown Vandalia H. W. Jameson Chicago

John M. Smyth Chicago Norman H. Moss Mt. Vernon

H. D. Judson Aurora Maurice Rosenfield Chicago

DISTRICTS.
i Martin B. Madden Chicago Nicholas Birkhoff Chicago

Henry G. Foreman Chicago A. L. Williams Chicago

2 William Lorimer Chicago D. M. Ball Norwood Park

Charles S. Deneen Chicago E. B. Bliss Riverside

3 Frank O. Lowden Chicago Wm. J. Cook Chicago

E. J. Magerstadt Chicago Hestor Duranti Chicago

4 Christopher Mamer Chicago John Dwyer Chicago

D. W. Clark Chicago James J. Banks Chicago

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

I LLI N O I S Continued.

Delegates.

Alternates.

DISTRICTS.

5 Louis D. Sitts Chicago

Ephram Banning Chicago

6 Graeme Stewart Chicago

Bernard E. Sunny Chicago

7 David S. McMullen Evanston

Fred L. Wilk Chicago

8 Isaac L. Ellwood De Kalb

John Stewart Elburn

9 L. W. Mitchell Dixon

John M. Rhinewalt Mt. Carroll

10 F. C. Rice Galesburg

Charles H. Deere Moline

ii John C. Ames Streator

Con. Brown Wyanet

12 John Lambert Joliet

Hamilton K. Wheeler Kankakee

13 J. H. Rowell Bloomington

J. P. Middlecoff Paxton

14 Frederick H. Smith Peoria

U. W. Wilson Minonk

is W, S. WarfieM . Quincy

EveTe^rE. Hardin Monmouth

16 J. G. Pope Greenfield

Charles A. E. Martin Virginia

17 Loren C. Wheeler Springfield

W. C. Johns Decatur

18 George W. Hewett Alton

W. G. Cochran Sullivan

lo-T. J. Golden Marshall

T. A. Fritchie Olney

20 Orlando Burrell Carmi

L. L. Emerson Mt. Vernon

21 Charles Becker Belleville

Julius Huegely Nashville

22 P. T. Chapman Vienna

Thomas John, Jr Murphysboro

Winfield S. McCoy Chicago

James S. Burke Chicago

F. A. Haggerty Chicago

Charles Probst Chicago

W. M. McEwen Chicago

Geo. W. Turner Ft. Sheridan

John R. Marshall Yorkville

W. W. Sherwin Elgin

Richard Barrett Galena

M. E. Schryver Polo

B. F. Knox Rock Island

Samuel White Lafayette

A. J. Boydon Sheffield

J. W. Wilcox Minonk

Chas. A. Noble Joliet

P. E. Larson ...Watseka

T. H. McCartney Monticello

Thomas Lyons Arcola

D. C. White Mason

L. H. Durley Putnam

Rans Cooper Oquawka

Geo. Curry Mt. Sterling

W. H. Stewart Carlinville

J. R. Robertson Jacksonville

E. C. Perkins Lincoln

J. C. McQuigg Pana

Geo. R. Copper Hillsboro

P. M. Johnston St. Elmo

R. S. Dyas Paris

H. G. Vanzandt Montrose

Anthony Spaeth Mt. Carmel

Thomas S. Williams Louisville

R. C. Aderly Chester

Henry H. Anderson Du Quain

O. J. Page Metropolis

Chas. L. Rice Mound City

INDIANA.

AT LARGE.

Charles W. Fairbanks Indianapolis Nathan Powell

A. J. Beveridge Indianapolis

James A. Mount Indianapolis

Charles S. Hernley Indianapolis

Madison

Wm. Amsden Marion

Thomas H. Adams Vincennes

Gurley Brewer Indianapolis

DISTRICTS.

i Walter M. Schmitt Evansville

Sylvester Thompson Petersburg

2 Job Freeman Linton

Albert H. Davis Bedford

3 Charles L. Jewett New Albany

Eugene Cummings Cannelton

4 Arthur Overstreet Columbus

William P. Masters Seymour

5 Quincy A. Blankenship Martinsville

Elder Cooper Evansville

S. C. Dickson Mt. Vernon

John B. Loyd Shoals

Wm. S. Mead Spencer

A. L. Fisher Scottsburg

Jas. R. Pro English

John P. Thompon Greensburg

Wm. Wingate Batesville

Frank J. Singleton Martinsville

OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

INDIANA Continued.

Delegates.

Alternates.

DISTRICTS.

George M. Allen Terre Haute

6 Charles F. Jones Brookville

Joshua Davis Liberty

7 Harry B. Gates Indianapolis

Robert Metzger Indianapolis

8 Charles Kimbrough Muncie

Grant Lupton Hartford City

9 James L. Allen Covington

William Craig Noblesville

10 George P. Hay wood Lafayette

Murray A. Turner Hammond

ii C. C. Shirley Kokomo

Will H. Hart Huntington

12 Albert C. Robins Auburn

Charles Nichols Lima

13 John D. Widaman Warsaw

Rome C. Stephenson Rochester

Otto C. Carr Terre Haute

Benj. F. Koons New Castle

Chas. K. Bruner Greenfield

Wm. Kothe Indianapolis

Lew. W. Cooper Indianapolis

Frank Braden Portland

Cassius M. Greenlee Elkwood

Geo. T. Dinwiddie Frankfort

W. H. Marker Tipton

Wm. B. Austin Rensselear

Warren T. McCray Kentland

A. C. Alexander Marion

Ed. Bridges Wabash

John F. Criswell Churubusco

Harry K. Scott Angola

Wm. Hendricks Plymouth

Saml. I. Brown .. Winamac

IOWA.

AT LARGE.

Leslie M. Shaw Denison

Lafayette Young Des Moines

George W. French Davenport

J. H. Smith Cedar Rapids

Chas. M. Junkin Fairfield

F. M. Epperson Eddyville

E. G. Penrose Tama

T. E. Purcell Hampton

DISTRICTS.

i J. Elerick Keosauqua

Warren Beckwith Mt. Pleasant

2 J. N. W. Rumple Marengo

W. L. Roach Muscatine

3 C. E. Allbrook Eldora

C. R. Ransier Independence

4 E. O. Worder Floyd

J. J. Marsh Eldora

5 M. J. Tobin Vinton

E. M. Sargent Grundy Center

6 C. M. Hinsdale Newton

John A. Dunn Bloomfield

7 W. O. Payne Nevada

H. C. Schamel Dallas Center

8 William Eaton Sidney

J. C. Mabry Centerville

9 John A. Storey Greenfield

Asmus Boysen Gray

10 J. E. Allen Laurens

J. L. Stevens Boone

1 1 William McFarlane Blencoe

W 7 . H. Lyon, Jr Peterson

A. B. Anderson Washington

J. B. Morrison Ft. Madison

W. F. Main Iowa City

David Brant Clinton

H. L. Rann Manchester

F. J. Will Eagle Grove

B. W. Newberry Strawberry Point

A. H. Gale Mason City

E. C. McMillan Marshalltown

T. R. Ercanbrack Anamosa

George H. Woodson Oskaloosa

Ed. A. Canning Albia

R. N. Hyde Des Moines

J. R. Thompson Earlham

W. S. Richards Osceola

J. S. Clark Prescott

W. W. Ellis Villisca

C. R. Benedict Shelby

D. J. Townsend Lohrville

Wm. Anderson Webster City

B. T. French Hawarden

Fred. Morton Sibley

KANSAS.

AT LARGE.

M, A. Low Topeka

B. H. Tracy Topeka

E. W. Wellington Ellsworth

A. D. Walker -. .Holton

J. J. Mitchell Eskridge

Frank Strain Phillipsburg

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

KAN S AS Con tin ued.

AT LARGE.

Delegates.

Alternates.

Frank L. Martin ............... Hutchinson

\V. S. Metcalf ..................... Lawrence

F. A. DuBois ...................... Howard

G. W. Nimocks ................. Great Bend

George Ford ...................... Ft. Scott

O. F. Lewis .......................... Hepler

i R. M. Emery Seneca

Jno. Seaton Atchison

2 \Y. G. Holt Kansas City

Grant Hornadny Ft. Scott

3 R. N. Allen Chanute

J. T. Bradley Sedan

4 S. B. Rohrer Le Roy

Frank Hunsicker Osage City

5 J. R. Burton Abilene

\Y. \V. Caldwell Concordia

6 J. R. Burrows Smith Center

D. J. Hanna Hill City

7 T. B. Wall Wichita

H. F. Millikan .. ...Santa Fe

F. W. Willard Leavenworth

Melville H. Soper Hiawatha

J. H. Ransom Ottawa

IT. F. Blaker Mount City

W. H. Upton Arkansas City

P. P. Campbell Pittsburg

T. M. Potter Peabody

G. Nagle Eureka

S. T. Yoder Washington

W. D. Houston Ottawa

R. R. Hayes Osborne

W. H. Mitchell Beloit

A. Sabine Garden City

Wm. Dixon St. John

KENTUCKY.

AT LARGE.

AV. S. Taylor Frankfort

W. O. Bradley Lancaster

George Denny Lexington

W. A. Gaines Covington

John R. Kelday Louisville

W. T. Morrow Sheperdsville

James A. \Vallace Irvine

Charles R. Logan Grayson

DISTRICTS.

i John C. Gates Princeton

W. H. McRidley Cadiz

2 E. T. Franks Owensboro

W. P. Ross Madisonville

3 E. U. Fordyce Bowling Green

Jefferson Vallandingham . .Russelville
4 M. L. Heavrin Hartford

George W. Long Litchfield

5 Charles E. Sapp Louisville

T. H. Baker Louisville

6 Richard P. Ernst Covington

Frank S. McMillin Palmouth

7 R. P. Stoll Lexington

H. C. Howard Paris

8 Daniel R. Collier Lancaster

Thomas J. Ballard Lawrenceburg

9 George W. Armstrong Grayson

Horace J. Cochran Maysville

jo John W. Langly Prestonburg

James M. Owens Tulip

ii James A. Coleman Somerset

John B. Hurst Harlan

D. C. Tackett Wickliffe

J. T. Stephens Hickman

H. S. Smith Hopkinsville

D. \V. Thornberry Pool

George L. Barnes Frankfort

William W. Wilson Bowling Green

John R. Eskridge Hardinsburg

John B. Weller Bardstown

R. I. James Louisville

Alf. W. Davis Louisville

Benedict S. Landram Warsaw

Henry C. Morgan Cordovia

W. E. Foster Owensten

Charles E. Nason Frankfort

Jesse B. Kincheloe Taylorsville

John T. Ballard Shelbyville

A. M. Earle Berry

William Riffe Louisa

Thomas S. Kirk Paintsville

James Eversole Jackson

D. C. Edwards London

T. S. Scott ., ...Burksville

66 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

LOUISIANA.

Delegates. Alternates.

AT LARGE.

Henry C. Warmouth New Orleans Wm. E. Ramsey Lake Charles

Lewis S. Clark St. Marys Edward Godchaux New Orleans

Thomas J. Woodward New Orleans Wm. E. Howell Thibodaux

Joseph E. Le Blanc New Of leans Chas. A. Bourgeois Hahnville

DISTRICTS.

I WalterL. Cohen New Orleans Octave Ray New Orleans

Charles W. Boothby New Orleans W. J. Moore New Orleans

2 Emile Kuntz New Orleans Eugene F. R. Augustus New Orleans

Ernest Duconge New Orleans Wm. H. Williams New Orleans

3 Julius Godchaux New Orleans Gus. A. Breux Lafayette

William J. Behan White Castle A. Deuperrier Iberia

4 B. F. O Neal Benton I. H. Bell Shreveport

F. M. Welsh Alexandria S. H. Ralph , Alexandria

5 W. A. Johnson Omega George W. Stewart Omega

John W. Cook Lake Providence J. B. Robinson Lake Providence

6-L. J. Souer Mandeville Geo. J. Reilley Clinton

B. V. Baranco Baton Rouge Henry Erlich Bayou Chicot

MAINE.

AT LARGE.

Sidney M. Bird Rockland Harry B. Austin Phillips

Joseph H. Manley Augusta Benjamin S. Higgins Eden

George W. Norton Portland Emery Andrews Kennebunk

George A. Murchie Calais Flavius O. Beal Bangor

DISTRICTS.

i Franklin C. Payson Portland Woodbury K. Dana Westbrook

Daniel A. Hurd North Berwick Charles W. Smith Waterboro

2 Waldo Pettingill Rumford Falls Edwin Riley Livermore Falls

Henry B. Estes Lewistoa L. X. Campbell Rockland

3 Albert M. Spear Gardiner R. G. Henderson Madison

Albert Pierce Frankfort Henry W. Sargent Sedgwick

4 Frederick H. Parkhurst Bangor Atwood W. Spaulding Caribou

Wainwright Gushing Foxcrof t Frank L. Shaw Machias

MARYLAND.

AT LARGE.

Louis E. McComas Hagerstown Geo. D. Day Glenelg

Sydney E. Mudd Laplata Reese Pitcher Baltimore

William E. Malster Baltimore H. S. Cummings Baltimore

Phillips L. Goldsborough Cambridge D. W. Young Annapolis

DISTRICTS.

i Thomas M. Bartlett Easton Thomas N. Conway Berlin

B. Frank Lankford Princess Ann Marion A. Humphreys Salisbury

2 George E. Baughman Westminster P. Leslie Hopper Havre de Grace

J. Edwin Webster Belair Chas. M. Short Baltimore

3 George R. Heffner Baltimore Levi A. Thompson Baltimore

William F. Airey Baltimore William Griffith Baltimore

4 S. T. Addison Baltimore B. L. Turner Baltimore

J. T. Bradford Baltimore C. E. West Baltimore

5 Enoch B. Able James A. Caulk Baltimore

W. G. Frick James Mars Elkridge Landing

6 Thomas C. Noyes Rockville Harry T. Mullin Cumberland

D. C. Winebrenner Frederick Abraham C. Strite Hagerstown

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

MASSACHUSETTS.

Delegates. Alternates. . # ,

AT LARGE. &gt;J

Henry C. Lodge Nahant George R. Jewett Salem

Samuel W. McCall Winchester Henry P. Field Northampton

William B. Plunkett Adams Samuel E. Courtney Boston

Walter Clifford New Bedford Alfred E. Rose ...Lowell

DISTRICTS.

i Francis W. Rockwell Pittsfield

Dana Malone Greenfield

2 Henry M. Phillips Springfield

Richard W. Irwin Northampton

3 Matthew J. \Vhittall Worcester

George R. Marble Webster

4 Arthur H. Lowe Fitchburg

Charles C. Bancroft Natick

5 Arthur G. Pollard Lowell

E. Frank Lewis Lawrence

6 Joseph N. Peterson Salem

Walter B. Hopkinson Newburyport

; Alfred E. Cox Maiden

George N. Swallow Boston

8 Stillman F. Kelley Cambridge

Franklin E. Huntress Somerville

9 Jesse M. Gove Boston

William W. Campbell ....Boston

10 John Shaw Quincy

John H. Colby Boston

ii Everett C. Benton Belmont

M. J. Murray Boston

12 George E. Keith Brockton

Alfred B. Williams Taunton

13 Hugo A. Dubuque Fall River

Chester Snow Harwich

C. S. Shattuck Hatfield

Nathan B. Wood North Adams

Norman P. Wood Northfield

Almond Smith Athol

John E. Lancaster Worcester

Silas E. Wheelock Uxbridge

W. H. Chase Leominster

Walter Howard Clinton

Enoch Foster Tewksbury

George H. Poor Andover

Levi L. H. Taylor Haverhill

Solomon Jacobs Gloucester

Charles Bruce Everett

Charles C. Fry Lynn

J. Mott Hallowell Medford

Henry F. Strout Boston

Charles A. Grant Winthrop

Marcus C. Cook Boston

Charles B. Woolley Boston

Geo. B. Pierce Milton

William W. Davis Boston

Clifford A. Cook Milford

Amos A. Lawrence Cohasset

Charles J. Mercer Bridgewater

Otis Foss Cottage City

Emanuel Sallavott New Bedford

MICHIGAN.

AT LARGE.

Frank J. Hecker Detroit

Delos A. Blodgett Grand Rapids

William McPherson, Jr Howell

William E. Parnall .. ...Calumet

Albert S. Glasgow Jackson

Herbert F. Sands Pentwater

William Barie Saginaw

John N. McCall Ithaca

DISTRICTS.

i August Marxhausen Detroit

William Livingstone Detroit

2 Charles L. Edwards Carleton

Leslie B. Robertson Adrian

3 Edward N. Dingley Kalamazoo

George E. Howes Battle Creek

4 George E. Bardeen Otsego

George M. Valentine... Benton Harbor
5 Henry Spring Grand Rapids

Brinton F. Hall Belding

6 Frederick W. Higgins Woodmere

Russell C. Ostrander Lansing

7 John E. Wallace Port Austin

Charles F. Moore St. Clair

John H. Carstens Detroit

Jacob J. Haarer Detroit

Jerome H. Bishop Wyandotte

Charles H. Smith Jackson

Albert A. Dorrence Coldwater

Fred. A. Roethlisberger Allen

Martin E. Aulsbrook Sturgis

Julius O. Becraft Dowagiac

Peter McPherson Vergennes

Benjamin A. Mulder Holland

Jacob Kanouse Byron

Earl F. Johnson Flint

Watson Beach Lexington

Joseph Walsh Port Huron

68 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

MICHIGAN Continued.

Delegates. Alternates.
DISTRICTS.

8 Ralph Loveland Saginaw Hiram M. High Ovid

Harvey B. McLaughlin Vernon Fred Slocum Caro

9 Earl Fairbanks Luther Archibald F. Bunting Empire

A. Oren Wheeler Manistee George E. Hilton Fremont

10 Edward F. Loud AuSable Floyd L. Post Midland

Victor D. Sprague Cheboygan John Walsh West Bay City

ii Ren Barker Reed City John R. Tennant Lake City

Wm. H. C. Mitchell Traverse City Addis Albro Mount Pleasant

12 Murray M. Duncan Ishpeming Robert H. Shields Houghton

Thomas F. Cole Ironwood Sanford M. Deutcher Newberry

MINNESOTA.

AT LARGE.

Cushman K. Davis St. Paul Kenneth Clark St. Paul

Knute Nelson Alexandria J. Frank Wheaton Minneapolis

Thomas Lowry Minneapolis David N. Tallman Willmar

Samuel Lord Kasson W. W. Sivright Hutchinson

DISTRICTS.
i Allen J. Greer Lake City M. B. Chadwick Owatonna

E. K. Roverud Caledonia W. A. Morin Albert Lea

2 George Fitzsimmons Canby Jas. H. Quinn Fairmont

J. R. Lankard Redwood Falls S. D. Bedford Bushmore

3 E. A. Whitford Hastings R. R. Stoner Winthrop

Albert G. Stoddard Fairfax Henry R. Diessner Waconia

4 H. F. Barker Cambridge George H. Newbert Mora

Fred. C. Schiffman St. Paul Benjamin F. Knauft St. Paul

5 Thomas H. Shevlin Minneapolis Henry G. Hicks Minneapolis

Sever E. Olson Minneapolis E. B. Zier Minneapolis

6 A. F. Ferris Brainerd I. A. Caswell Anoka

J. J. Ecklund Duluth J. A. Oldenberg Sturgeon Lake

7 H. L. Melgaard Argyle S. A. Thomas Ortonville

Ray W. Jones Frazee Howard Dykeman Breckenridge

MISSISSIPPI.

AT LARGE.

M. A. Montgomery Oxford F. D. Mclntosh Okolona

John R. Lynch Natchez Thomas Richardson Port Gibson

James Hill Jackson R. D. Littlejohn Columbus

H. C. Turley Natchez W. E. Mollison Ticksburg

DISTRICTS.

!_W. F. Elgin Corinth W. B. Elliot Tupelo

A. C. Shannon Shannon J. H. Parker Aberdeen

2 John S. Burton Holly Springs John D. Taylor Como Plant

Geo. M. Buchanan Holly Springs John W. Love Miller

3 Wesley Crayton Vicksburg L. Waldeur Greenville

Sam. P. Hurst Clarksdale A. B. Grimes Avondale

4 William D. Frazee Okolona J. II. Carr Cofleeville

W. E. Mask Winona G. W. Meacham West Point

5 J. W. Smith Meridian W. J. Price Meridian

R. A. Simmons Richland C. A. Buchanan Kosciusko

6 Frederick W. Collins Summit Thomas I. Keyes Ocean Spring

John P. \Valworth Bay St. Louis L. G. Piernas Bay St. Louis

7 G. E. Matthews Eva E. C. Yellowley Jackson

R. O. Edwards Jackson S. S. Matthews Hazlehurst

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

MISSOURI.

Delegates.

Alternates.

AT LARGE.

Daniel M. Houser St. Louis

David P. Dyer St. Louis

James L. Minnis Carrollton

Charles G. Burton Nevada

O. M. Wood St. Louis

Louis Wood Kansas City

J. C. Chastine Kansas City

H. H. Walker St. Joseph

DISTRICTS.

i Thos. B. Morris Hannibal

Thos. J. Dockery Kirkesville

2 J. L. Nichols Trenton

A. C. Pettijohn Brookfield

3 James E. Goodrich Cameron

Chas. L. Mowder Braymer

4 Chas J. Borden St. Joseph

Daniel W. Porter Mound City

5 Walter S. Dickey Kansas City

Daniel Hoefer Higginsville

6 Jas. T. Burney Harrisonville

W. Y. McLemore Everton

7 Frank D. Roberts Springfield

\Vm. S. Shirk Sedalia

8 J. F. Gemlich Boonville

R. S. Harvey Eldon

9 J. B. Garber W arrenton

Theo. Bruere St. Charles

10 Henry Ziegenheim St. Louis

Emil Dosenbach Clayton

: i Theo. D. Kalbfell St. Louis

Geo. J. Kobusch St. Louis

12 Charles Schweickardt St. Louis

John B. Owen St. Louis

13 B. B. Cahoon Fredericktown

E. C. Steele Hartville

14 M. E. Leming Cape Girardeau

Guy T. Harrison Gainesville

15 C. U. Shartel Nevada

Arthur H. Spencer Joplin

W. B. Rowland Bevier

A. A. Logan Glenwood

Charles R. Pattison Carrollton

J. W. Stigall Cairo

John E. Schooler Grant City

Wm. Channell Stanberry

Robert P. McGeehan Plattsburg

Robert M. Stevenson Tarkio

W. W. Harnden Kansas City

H. M. Gerhart Kansas City

Geo. N. Richards Warsaw

Edw. A. Remley Columbia

John W. Moore California

Chas. H. Schubert Richland

Silas O. Osterhaut Center

Wm. T. Aydelott Troy

Charles Kratz St. Louis

J. H. Fisher Sullivan

Wm. J. Broeker St. Louis

John G. Brinkmeyer St. Louis

Fred H. Smith St. Louis

John W. Wheeler St. Louis

George Gilbert Marshfield

A. H. Cashion Perryville

Jesse Tollerton Forsyth

Henry M. Smith Marble Hill

J. H. Spencer Joplin

J. O. St. John Lamar

MONTANA.

Thcmas H. Carter Helena

Henry Dion Glendive

Tyler Worden Missoula

John F. Forbes Butte

David E. Folsom. ..White Sulphur Springs
Charles W. Goodale Great Falls

Wilbur F. Sanders Helena

John F. Hendricks Hamilton

Milton L. Davidson Dillon

Joseph R. McKay Miles City

William Lindsay Glendive

Willis A. Hedges Yale

NEBRASKA.

AT LARGE.

John M. Thurston Omaha

Edward Rosewater Omaha

John H. McClay Lincoln

John A. Ehrhardt Stanton

Norris Brown Kearney

H. C. Baird Niobrara

C. W. Kaley Red Cloud

M. R. Snodgrass West Point

70 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

NEBRASKA. Continued.

Delegates. Alternates.

DISTRICTS.

i Geo. W. Spurlock Plattsmouth R. C. Boyd South Auburn

E. A. Tucker Humboldt J. W. Worl Sterling

2 Wm. F. Gurley Omaha C. E. Hoover Papillion

Ed. J. Cornish Omaha F. H. Claridge Blair

3 Henry Ragatz Columbus N. W. Wells Schuyler

Jno. D. Haskell Wakefield Nelson Grimsley Wayne

4 Alex. Laverty Ashland E. L. King Osceola

C. B. Rogers Wymore N. V. Harlan York

5 O. A. Abbott Grand Island Edward Updike Harvard

G. L. Day Superior C. A. Luce Republican City

6 Geo. B. Darr Lexington James L. Mclntosh Sidney

E. J. Davenport Valentine M. L. Fries Arcadia

NEVADA.

AT LARGE.

Milo C. McMillan Virginia City John S. Craig Yerington

Patrick L. Flanigan Reno P. M. Bowler Hawthorne

DISTRICTS.

James P. Woodbury Carson City T. L. Franklin Gardnerville

Oscar J. Smith Reno I. C. C. Whitmore Eureka

Warren W. Williams Stillwater O. H. Grey Carson City

Robert L. Fulton Reno A. Bruce Elko

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

AT LARGE.

Jacob L. Gallinger Concord Charles W. Hoitt Nashua

Frank Jones Portsmouth Alfred F. Howard Portsmouth

William C. Clark Manchester A. Crosby Kennett Conway

Thomas N. Hastings Walpole Frederic A. Faulkner Keene

DISTRICTS.

i Fred. A. Palmer Manchester Ellsworth H. Rollins Alton

Albert Wallace Rochester Rufus E. Graves Newfields

2 Frank P. Brown Whitefield James M. Lavin Berlin

John McLane Milford Edwin C. Hitchcock Newport

NEW JERSEY.

AT LARGE.

William J. Sewell Camden Henry J. Irick Bordentown

Foster M. Voorhees Elizabeth Jno. I. Blair Reiley Phillipsburgh

Franklin Murphy Newark Robert Williams Paterson

Barker Gummere, Jr Trenton Edward W. Wooley Jersey City

DISTRICTS.

i William J. Bradley Camden Morris Davis Bridgeton

John M. Moore Clayton Lucius E. Hires Salem

a Wm. S. Hancock Trenton C. Edward Murray Trenton

Samuel W. Beldon Bordentown Lewis T. Bryant Atlantic City

3 Oliver H. Brown N. Spring Lake George S. Tice Perth Amboy

Frederick P. Olcott Bernardsville Andrew H. Church South River

4 Nathan H. Hart Newton Charles N. Reading Frenchtown

Geo. W. Stickle Rockaway Joseph H. Fulper Washington

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

NEW JERSEY Continued.
Delegates. Alternates.

DISTRICTS.

5 Win. Barbour Paterson

Sheffield Phelps Teaneck

6 Leslie D. Ward Newark

Robt. W. Hawkesworth. . .East Orange
7 Flavel McGee Jersey City

Edward M. Watson Jersey City

8 Charles J. Fiske Plainfield

Geo. E. DeCamp Livingston

Thomas R. Watson Passaic

Alfred Gramlich Woodridge

George A. Douglas Newark

John H. Palmer East Orange

Henry J. Lemmer West Hoboken

Wm. A. Schell Hoboken

John H. Eastwood Belleville

Edward P. Allen Bayonne

NEW YORK.

AT LARGE.

Thomas C. Platt Owego

Chauncey M. Depew New York

Theodore Roosevelt Oyster Bay

Benj. B. Odell, Jr Newburgh

James A. Roberts Buffalo

George H. Roberts Brooklyn

George J. Smith Kingston

John Raines Canandaigua

DISTRICTS.

i Frederick P. Morris. .. .Flushing, L. I.

Joseph M. Belford Riverhead, L. I.

2 Wm. C. Wallace Brooklyn

Andrew Jacobs Brooklyn

3 Charles A. Moore Brooklyn

George E. Waldo Brooklyn

4 Adolph Kiendl Brooklyn

Edward P. Morse Brooklyn

5 Wm. Cullen Bryant Brooklyn

Francis T. Williams Brooklyn

6 James R. Howe Brooklyn

Harry Jacquillard Brooklyn

7 Hugh McRoberts. .Tompkinsville, S. I.

John Murray Mitchell N. Y. City

8 Lispenard Stewart N. Y. City

Frank H. Platt N. Y. City

9 Charles H. Murray N. Y. City

John Sabine Smith N. Y. City

10 Frederick S. Gibbs N. Y. City

Howard Carroll N. Y. City

ii George Hilliard N. Y. City

George R. Shelden N. Y. City

12 Cornelius N. Bliss N. Y. City

F. Norton Goddard N. Y. City

13 James W. Perry N. Y. City

Edward Lauterbach N. Y. City

14 Lemuel E. Quigg N. Y. City

John Reisenweber N. Y. City

15 Francis V. Greene N. Y. City

Franklin T. Smith N. Y. City

16 Wm. H. Ten Eyck N. Y. City

Leslie M. Sutherland Yonkers

17 Thomas W. Bradley Walden

Otis H. Cutler Suff ern

18 Robert H. Hunter Poughkeepsie

Samuel D. Coykendall Rondout

C. W. Hellett Long Island City

D. Whitson Valentine. .Huntington, L. I.

George W. Brush Brooklyn

James A. McMicken Brooklyn

Jacob D. Breener Brooklyn

William T. Beattie Brooklyn

David F. Butcher Brooklyn

John J. Barrett Brooklyn

George F. Murr TJrooklyn

Maxwell C. Burger Brooklyn

John Drescher, Jr Brooklyn

George H. Nason Brooklyn

Thos. A. Branif Tompkinsville, S. I.

Thompkins Mcllvain N. Y. City

James E. March N. Y. City

Simon Gavin N. Y. City

John Stiebling N. Y. City

Patrick J. O Brien N. Y. City

John Miller N. Y. City

Frank H. Graff N. Y. City

Thomas Rothmann N. Y. City

Charles M. Jeroloman N. Y. City

Henry Birrell N. Y. City

George B. Agnew N. Y. City

George W. Bleezarde N. Y. City

Jacob Kahn N. Y. C-y

Newall Martin N. Y. City

Henry R. Hoyt N. Y. City

Jefferson A. Simonds N. Y. City

Ambrose O. Neal N. Y. City

James K. Apgar Peekskill

Edward A. Healey New York

Edward D. Tompkins Middletown

J. P. Roose, Jr Monticello

E. W. Addis Brewster

George W. Washburn " : augerties

OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

NEW YORK Continued.

Delegates.

Alternates.

DISTRICTS.

19 Frank S. Black Troy

Louis F. Payn Chatham

20 Lewis E. Carr Albany

Louis I. Walman Albany

21 Hobart Krum Schoharie

Burr Mattice Oneonta

22 Leslie W. Russell Canton

W. W. Worden Saratoga

23 Charles E. Johnson Plattsburg

Frank S. Witherbee Port Henry

24 George B. Sloan Oswego

Elon R. Brown Watertown

25 John C. Davies Camden

John M. Budlong Schuyler

26 John W. Dwight Dryden

George O. Meade Walton

27 Hendrick S. Holden Syracuse

Francis Gates Chittenango

28 Sereno E. Payne Auburn

Charles T. Saxton Clyde

29 John F. Parkhurst Bath

J. B. H. Mongin Waterloo

30 S. Benedict Whitlock Warsaw

Arthur C. Hastings Niagara Falls

31 George W. Aldridge Rochester

Henry C. Brewster Rochester

32 John R. Hazel Buffalo

Simon Seibert Buffalo

33 William C. Warren Buffalo

Herman J. Kreinhoder Buffalo

34 Hurley L. Phillips Jamestown

Melvin E. Homer .. ..Belmont

Herman H. Livingston Catskill

Cornelius V. Collins Troy

Henry M. Sage Albany

John W. Wheelock Albany

James H. Callanan Schenectady

Isaac W. Brandow Catskill

M. R. Sackett Gouverneur

A. E. Blunck Johnstown

John Carrier Brighton

H. E. Tremaine Caldwell

P. W. Cullinan Oswego

William H. Johnson Port Leyden

W atson T. Dunmore Utica

P. J. McEvoy Little Falls

C. J. Knapp Binghamton

W. E. Johnson Waverly

James W. Upson Baldwinsville

Eugene P. Sisson Hamilton

George E. Cornwell Pen Yan

Charles F. Milliken Canandaigua

Charles A. Sloans Montour Falls

Seymour Dexter Elmira

Stanley E. Filkins Medina

Jonathan B. Morey Dansville

John C. McVean, Jr Scottsville

DeWitt C. Becker Fairport

James Ash Buffalo

Charles Hosier Buffalo

A. G. Baker Hamburgh

Adam Rinewatt Williamsville

Charles M. Hamilton Ripley

Henry A. Soules Allegheny

NORTH CAROLINA.

AT LARGE.

J. C. Pritchard Marshall L. L. Wrenn Siler City

James E. Boyd Greensboro J. E. Cox High Point

E. C. Duncan Raleigh A. M. Clarke Southern Pines

Charles McNamee Baltimore I. M. Meekins Elizabeth City

DISTRICTS.

i D. H. Abbott Vandemere

Wheeler Martin Williamston

2 Geo. H. White Tarboro

Henry E. Hagans Goldsboro

3 S. W. Hancock Newbern

S. A. King Elizabethtown

4 J. M. Millican Asheboro

C. T. Bailey Raleigh

5 Spencer B. Adams Greensboro

Jos. A. Norwood Buchanan

6 Thomas E. Wallace Wilmington

B. B. Russell ..Maxton

W. R. White Hertford

J. L. Phelps Plymouth

Albert Miller Lagrange

Dred Wimberly Tarboro

M. B. Williams Clinton

S. A. Cotton Hope Mills

H. P. Pierce Selma

F. D. Jones Gulf

J. T. Donoho Yanceyville

B. F. Sprinkle Reidsville

F. B. Rice Wilmington

S. B. Pride . . .. .Charlotte

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

NORTH CAROLINA Continued.

Dekgates.

Alternates.

DISTRICTS.

7 Henry C. Cowles Statesville

D. Martin Carpenter Maiden

8 W. A. Lemley Winston

J. B. Atkins Lenoir

9 V. S. Lusk Asheville

Thomas S. Rollins .. ..Marshall

Moses L. Bean Salisbury

M. D. Kimbrough Mocksville

J. W. McNeil Wilksboro

S. C. Parson Jefferson

James L. Morgan Marion

J. F. Hayes Saphire

NORTH DAKOTA.

AT LARGE.

H. S. Hansbrough Devils Lake

Porter J. McCumber Wahpeton

R. N. Stevens Bismarck

H. L. Holmes Bathgate

Stephen Collins Grand Fork

H. C. Plumley Fargo

C. V. Brown Sykeston

Geo. A. White Portland

R. S. Blackwell Lamoure

Fred Leutz Hebron

E. N. Swiggum Graf ton

Warren Steele . . Rolla

OHIO.

AT LARGE.

George K. Nash Columbus Charles Foster Fostoria

Jos. B. Foraker Cincinnati W. C. Brown Fostoria

Chas. H. Grosvenor Athens George A. Meyers Cleveland

Chas. Dick Akron Myron A. Norris Youngstown

DISTRICTS.

k% i George B. Cox CincTnnati

Charles P. Taft Cincinnati

2 John A. Caldwell Cincinnati

Henry Bremfoeder Cincinnati

3 Joseph E. Lowes Dayton

O. V. Parrish Hamilton

4 W. D. Davies Sidney

W. K. Boone Lima

5 G. L. Marble Van Wert

W. H. Phipps Paulding

6 Irvin McD. Smith Hillsboro

Wm. W. Dennison Batavia

7 Geo. C. Rawlins Springfield

Thos. W. Marchant.. Washington, C. H.

8 D. E. Strayer DeGraff

J. L. Cameron Marysville

9 Robinson Locke Toledo

J. O. Troup Bowling Green

10 Orin B. Gould Wellston

Robert M. Switzer Gallipolis

ii John F. White Logan

C. S. Rannels Zaleski

12 Cyrus Huling Columbus

O. H. Perry Columbus

13 Jesse Vickery Bellevue

Alex. Kiskadden Tiffin

14 John M. Barry Mt. Gilead

Burgess L. McElroy Mt. Vernon

15 James M. Rusk McConnellsville

P. C. Patterson Cambridge

Louis Kruckemeyer Cincinnati

Andrew J. Conroy Cincinnati

John B. Morris Cincinnati

Scott Bonham Cincinnati

J. W. King Eaton

W. B. Marsh Eaton

A. F. Markwith Greenville

W. W. Shafer Rockford

William Kirtley, Jr Defiance

M. E. Wilson Hicksville

L. H. Williams Ripley

Cheney F. Cretors Xenia

Thos. B. Wilson London

Henry P. Folsom Circleville

Frank J. McCulloch Bellefontaine

Geo. J. Carter Kenton

John B. Wilson Bowling Green

Wm. Sowders Port Clinton

P. N. Wickerham Peebles

T. N. Patterson Waverly

P. B. Stanberry Pomeroy

J. T. Axline Shawnee

L. W. Buckmaster Columbus

M. C. Lakin Columbus

Roscoe B. Fisher Sandusky

John W. Cupp Galion

A. G. Bodley Plymouth

Lem P. Yokum Norwalk

J. S. Rownd Summerfield

L. C. Hayes Vincent

OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

OHIO Continued.

Delegates.

Alternates.

DISTRICTS.

16 G. E. Bradfield Barnesville

Robert Blythe Carrollton

17 John Huston Millersburg

Wilson A. Korns New Philadelphia

18 Joseph G. Butler, Jr Youngstown

H. W. Morgan Alliance

19 S. J. Smith Conneaut

W. H. Crafts Mantua

201. P. Lamson Cleveland

Robert C. Moody Painesville

21 Frank R. Hatfield Cleveland

James Barnett Cleveland

S. K. McLaughlin Hurford

Robert McGowan Steubenville

George A. Hay Coshocton

Ross W. Funk Wooster

H. R. Hill East Liverpool

Wm. Cornelius Youngstown

Richard King Chardon

W. S. Darlis Kinsman

James Calwell Cleveland

Charles C. Hamilton Cleveland

W. F. Hoppensack Cleveland

Joseph Carabelli Cleveland

OREGON.

AT LARGE.

Wallace McCamant Portland

Henry E. Ankenny Sterling

John D. Daly Corvallis

H. L. Knuck ...The Dalles

Lewis Simpson North Bend

H. L. Holgate Corvallis

Wallis Nash Nashville

John W. Knowles La Grande

DISTRICTS.
i George A. Steel Portland Rufus S. Moore Klamath Falls

John B. David Newberg James A. Wilson Portland

2 Joseph Simon Portland Thomas McEwan Sumpter

F. S. Stanley Perry R. Alexander Pendleton

PENNSYLVANIA.

AT LARGE.

M. S. Quay Beaver

John B. Steel Greensburg

Frank Reeder Easton

William Connell Scranton

B. W. Green Emporium

Chas. A. Porter Philadelphia

James Elverson Philadelphia

John Leisenring Upper Lehigh

J. Thomas Preston : . . Whitford

W. E. Rice Warren

C. F. Barclay Sinnemahoning

Edward A. Price Media

Mial E. Lilley Towanda

W. C. Kreps Green Castle

Jesse L. Hartman Hollidaysburg

George Edward Reed Carlisle

DISTRICTS.

i Henry H. Bingham Philadelphia

Israel W. Durham Philadelphia

2 Boies Penrose Philadelphia

David H. Lane Philadelphia

3 James B. Anderson Philadelphia

Joseph H. Klemmer Philadelphia

4-A. S. L. Shields Philadelphia

Chas. F. Kindred Philadelphia

5 John H. Bromley Philadelphia

Isaac Schlichter Philadelphia

6 J. Herbert Ogden Lansdowne

Horace A. Beale Parkesburg

7 Jos. Bosler Ogontz

Joseph R. Grundy Bristol

8 Russel C. Stewart Easton

J. Monroe Driesbach Mauch Chunk

William McCoach Philadelphia

Thomas Patterson Philadelphia

Samuel M. Clement Philadelphia

Jacob Wildemore Philadelphia

Harry J. Trainer Philadelphia

Robert J. Moore Philadelphia

Harry D. Beaston Philadelphia

Charles W. Boger Philadelphia

William L. Martin Tacony

Chas P. Francis Philadelphia

J. B. Robinson Media

Joseph Morris i Lionville

Henry B. Freed Souderton

Chas. G. Knight Churchville

H. W. Kistler Stroudsburg

H. B. Reed Milford

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

PENNSYLVANIA Continued.

Delegates.

Alternates.

DISTRICTS.

9 Jonathan G. Leinbach Reading

Walter L. Jones Allentown

10 \Y. W. Griest Lancaster

Isaac W. Slokom Christiana

ii Everett Warren Scranton

Thomas H. Dale Scranton

12 Morgan B. Williams Wilkesbarre

Chas. A. Hiner \V ilkesbarre

13 V. . J. Whitehouse Pottsville

Harrison Ball Mahanoy City

14 Samuel E. Light Lebanon

Henry C. Shearer. .. .New Bloomfield
15 Coe Durland Honesdale

F. L. Kinner Athens

16 James N. Kline Williamsport

Sanford H. Lewis Coudersport

17 C. M. Clement Sunbury

James C. Brown Bloomsburg

18 Dr. Percival Herman Kratzerville

Carl M. Gage Huntingdon

19 John L. Hill, Jr Gettysburg

Chas. H. Mullin Mt. Holly Springs

20 Robert S. Murphy Johnstown

John H. Jordon Bedford

21 Jay C. Booher Falls Creek

Samuel Donaldson Kittanning

22 C. L. Magee Pittsburgh

William Flinn Pittsburgh

23 James R. Wyman Allegheny

William Witherow Allegheny

24 Geo. M. von Bonnhorst Pittsburgh

John H. Murdock Washington

23 Oscar L. Jackson New Castle

Raymond H. Pillow Butler

26 J. F. Downing Erie

Samuel B. Dick Meadville

27 James A. McKean Smithport

W. P. Nutting Youngsville

28 C. A. Randall Tionesta

M. L. McQuown Clearfield

Uriah Biery Shamrock

Wm. B. Schaeffer West Bethlehem

E. S. Hoover Lancaster

J. G. Usner Rothsville

Arthur Long Scranton

Chauncey Derby Scranton

A. W. Drake Lattimer Mines

Alex. Thompson Pittston

Chas. E. Breckons St. Claif

Geo. C. Deifenderfer Orwigsburg

Thomas H. Capp Lebanon

Jacob H. Redsecker Lebanon

Henry Harding Tunkhannock

H. L. Hoyt Athens

A. C. Hopkins Lock Haven

A. G. Olmsted Coudersport

A. G. Haas Shamokin

H. A. McKillip Bloomsburg

J. J. Booth Lewiston

H. B. McNulty Chambersburg

Solomon D. Melering Littlestown

R. Hathaway Shindle York

John R. Scott Somerset

George R. Scull Somerset

John A. Graff Blairsville

D. S. Atkinson Greensburg

J. O. Brown Pittsburgh

D. L. Gillespie Pittsburgh

Chas. T. Nevin Allegheny

C. W. Forsythe Natrona

Webb W. Murray Pittsburgh

A. C. Marsh Washington

Quincy A. Gordon Mercer

John B. McClure Beaver

Chas. Burgess Titusville

O. D. Van Camp Girard

E. A. Dempsey Bradford

George W. Campbell Warren

John M. Dale Bellefontaine

W. H. Baker Ridgeway

RHODE ISLAND.

AT LARGE.

Charles R. Brayton Providence Henry E. Tiepke Pawtucket

Frank F. Carpenter Providence

Charles H. Chid Providence

Lucius B. Darling Pawtucket

Elam W. Olney Providence

Harry C. Curtis Providence

George L. Pierce Providence

DISTRICTS.

i William P. Buffum Newport Isaac M. Potter Providence

Joseph C. Fletcher Bristol Samuel L. Peck Warren

2 B. Frank Robinson, Jr..S. Kingstown Albert S. Babcock Hopkinton

Richard Thornley East Greenwich Walter E. Spink Coventry

OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

SOUTH CAROLINA.

Delegates. Alternates.

AT LARGE.

E. A. Webster Columbia A. Lathrop Orangeburg

Robert Smalls Beaufort S. T. Poinier Spartanburg

E. H. Deas Darlington R. E. Williams New Berry

R. R. Tolbert Abbeville A. S. Johnson Aiken

DISTRICTS.

i G. I. Cuningham Charleston

W. D. Crum Charleston

2 E. J. Dickerson Aiken

W. S. Dixon Barnwell

3 E. F. Cochran Anderson

A. C. Marrick Walhalla

4 J. F. Ensor Columbia

B. F. Means Spartanburg

5 J. F. Jones Blacksburg

W. E. Boykin Camden

6 Joshua E. Wilson Florence

W. H. Collier Marion

7 J. H. Fordham Orangeburg

R. M. Wallace .. ...Sumter

J. A. Baxter Georgetown

J. I. Washington Beaufort

Arthur A. Simkins Edgefield

G. G. Butler Barnwell

W. J. Thomas Seneca

J. W. Tolbert Greenwood

B. W. Nance Winnsboro

Frank Nichols Greenville

F. R. Massey Lancaster

J. C. Atkinson Chester

W. R. Jackson Florence

J. R. Levy Florence

James O. Ladd Summerville

J. H. Weston Congaree

SOUTH DAKOTA.

AT LARGE.

Emil Branch Hurley

George Rice Flandreau

L. L. Lostutter Iroquois

A. H. Betts Alexandria

C. B. Collins Groton

M. P. Beebe Ipswich

James Halley Rapid City

G. G. Bennett Deadwood

C. W. Pratt Edgerton

Geo. Cochran Dell Rapids

J. C. Sharp Iroquois

C. W. Ainsworth Alexandria

D. T. Hindman Aberdeen

J. H. Bottimo Ipswich

S. C. Lumis Custer

Max Blatt Sturgis

TENNESSEE.

AT LARGE.

Henry R. Gibson Knoxville Alonzo J. Tyler Sneedville

Foster V. Brown Chattanooga

Geo. N. Tillman Nashville

John E. McCall Lexington

Richard W. Austin Knoxville

George W. Porter Clarksville

Josiah T. Settle Memphis

DISTRICTS.

i Walter P. Brownlow Jonesboro

George McHenderson Rutledge

2 John J. Graham Jacksboro

James A. Green London

3 Newell Sanders Chattanooga

T. W. Peace Madisonville

4 John E. Oliver Cabbatha

Blanton W. Burford Lebanon

5 Ernest Coldwell Shelbyville

James J. Elliott Murfreesboro

6 A. W. Wills Nashville

I. W. Pitts Clarksville

7 John W. Jackson Columbia

James C. Hickman Lynnville

Benjamin W. Hooper Newport

William H. Nelson Backwoods

Samuel P. Sparks Kingston

Samuel M. Pickens Cusick s

F. L. Mansfield Athens

J. C. Hale Winchester

Solon Robinson Jamestown

Claire V. Guinn Hartsville

J. Mack. Eakin Fayetteville

Chas. Heidenberg Tullahoma

John L. Barbour Nashville

E. F. Peck Dover

John Turman Waynesboro

J. S. Beasley Centreville

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 77

TENNESSE Continued.

Delegates. Alternates.
DISTRICTS.

8 F. S. Elgin Selmer W. M. Bray Henderson

S. W. Hawkins Huntingdon A. A. Watson Savannah

9 D. A. Nunn Brownsville T. H. Johnson Halls

G. T. Taylor Union City J. F. Booker Union City

10 R. R. Church Memphis G. A. Boyd Mason

J. W. Dutro Memphis Thomas C. Phelan Memphis

TEXAS.

AT LARGE.

R. B. Hawley Galveston R. E. Hanney Hempstead

E. H. R. Green Terrell Geo. Moore Brownsville

Charles M. Ferguson San Antonio J. A. Smith El Paso

M. M. Rodgers LaGrange A. L. Maynard Lockhart

DISTRICTS.

i Waller Burns Houston R. B. Smith Treamer

J. Atkins Navasota W. M. Green Houston

2 Geo. W. Burkett Palestine Theo. Miller Rusk

William Sanders Nacogdoches H. L. Price Palestine

3 C. C. Flannagan Henderson J. M. Gurley Greenbille

U. G. Roach Celeste J. W. Yates Longview

4 J. A. Blackwell. B. C. Browning.

H. G. Goree. H. W. Walker.

5 G. A. Knight Belcheville H. C. Bell Benton

W. H. Love McKinney H. J. Hendricks Gainesville

6 Eugene Marshall. G. W. McCormick.

W. E. King. G. \V. Lanier.

7 C. A. Boynton Waco D. R. Emerson Marlin

G. W. Sledge Cameron R E. Hendricks Calbert

8 W. C. Forbess \Veatherford J. N. Deal Fort Worth

Harry Harris Yatesville J. Will Bynum Brownwood

9 J. G. Hornberger Austin C. V. Compton Taylor

J. T. Harris Brenham D. N. McCoy Giddings

10 H. C. Heilig LaGrange W. J. Miller Hallettsville

H. C. Ferguson Richmond N. H. Haller Angleton

ii C. G. Brewster Laredo F. W. Groce Victoria

D. Abner, Jr Seguin G. R. Townsend Victoria

12 C. C. Drake Eagle Pass Peter Geib Del Rio

W. G. Robinson San Antonio J. S. Cameron San Antonio

13 J. G. Lowdon Abilene R. O. Rector Abilene

C. K. McDowell Dickens T. F. Berner Henrietta

UTAH.

AT LARGE.

C. E. Loose Provo John Meteer Richfield

Arthur Brown Salt Lake City Stephen H. Love Salt Lake City

George M. Hanson Ogden Ephraim Homer Provo

Heber M. Wells Salt Lake City W. H. Clark Salt Lake City

George Sutherland Salt Lake City E. P. Ellison Layton

Thomas Kearns Park City Mrs. W. H. Jones Salt Lake City

78 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

VERMONT.
Delegates. Alternates.

AT LARGE.

John G. McCullough North Bennington George T. Chaff ee Rutland

Henry C. Bates _..St. Johnsbury George T. Howard Craftsbury

Edward Wells Burlington Jacob B. Hindes Vergennes

Levant M. Reed Rockingham Curtis S. Henry Chelsea

DISTRICTS.

i Wm. N. Platt Shoreham Frank Kenfield Norristown

Emery M. Brown Sheldon Henry O. Carpenter Rutland

3 W. H. H. Slack Springfield F. W. Billings .Woodstock

E. M. Bartlett Brighton G. W. Randall Waterbury

VIRGINIA.

AT LARGE.

Park Agnew Alexandria J. Hampton Hoge Roanoke

James A. Walker Wytheville A. P. Funkhouser Harrisonburg

James D. Brady Petersburg W. H. C. Brown Newport News

S. Brown Allen Staunton J. J. Alley Gate City

DISTRICTS.

i C. G. Smithers Cape Charles Josephus Trader Fichetts

Samuel E. Pitts Baity W. H. Parker Onancock

2 Geo. E. Bowden Norfolk S. L. Burroughs Portsmouth

W. S. Hollend Windsor W. H. Thoroughgood Norfolk

3 Morgan Treat West Point E. P. Murphy Richmond

J. R. Pollard Richmond R. E. Jones Richmond

4 R. T. Thorpe Boydton W. F. Jones Lawrenceville

A. W. Harris Petersburg H. L. Jackson Blackstone

5 Charles P. Smith Martinsville M. O. Cornett Independence

V. M. Sowder Floyd, C. H. J. H. Pigg Chatham

6 S. E. Sproul Roanoke G. S. Fitzwater Christiansburg

J. C. Carter Houston Adolphus Humbles Lynchburg

7 C. M. Gibbens Winchester Charles L. Estes Barryville

C. A. R. Moore Mt. Jackson Chas. L. Holtzman Luray

8 Harry W. Eamick Lovettsville B. F. Ellenger Remington

R. R. Homer Warrenton F. T. Johnson Stafford s Store

9 Stuart F. Lindsey Bristol Robert W. Blair Wytheville

A. P. Gillespie Tazewell R. M. Calfee Pulaski

ID W. C. Franklin Pamplin City W. H. Shaw Lexington

C. P. Nair Clifton Forge Robert Southall Staunton

WASHINGTON.

AT LARGE.

Levi Ankeny Walla Walla Charles E. Coon Fort Townsend

L. A. Sims Kalama J. S. Miers Republic

E. C. Neufelder Seattle J. W. Bean Ellenburg

George H. Baker Goldendale A. S. Lindsey Wenatchee

J. M. Ashton Tacoma L. A. Kennedy Ritzville

N. B. Coffman Chehalis S. G. Cosgrove Pomeroy

Herbert S. Conner La Conner E. Baumesiter Asotin

E. J. Hayfield Colfax M. E. Hay Wilbur

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 79

WEST VIRGINIA.

Delegates. Alternates.

AT LARGE.

George W. Curtin Button F. H. Blake Moundsville

Samuel H. Gramm Grafton C. A. Whiteshot Mannington

J. Eugene Dana Charleston S. F. Morris Eckman

Edward H. Flynn Spencer C. H. Payne Huntington

DISTRICTS.

i Morris Horkheimer Wheeling Andrew Carney Wheeling

Daniel U. O Brien Glenville W. F. Morrison Sutton

2 John D. Rigg Terra Alta A. W. Wight Morgantown

L. J. Forman Petersburg S. C. Cross Berkeley Springs

3 Philip Doodwill Bramwell J. W. Heavener Buckhannon

M. J. Simms Montgomery John H. Hill Institute

4 W. W. Monroe Parkersburg R. A. Riggs Point Pleasant

Eugene M. Campbell Huntington T. B. McClure Wayne

WISCONSIN.

AT LARGE.

Joseph B. Treat Monroe Charles H. Baxter Lancaster

H. Augustus Luedtke Milwaukee Andrew J. Frame Waukesha

Isaac Stephenson Marinette John L. Erdall Madison

James H. Stout Menomonie N. C. Foster Fairchild

DISTRICTS.

i James Reynolds Lake Geneva John Luchinger Monroe

James Hoskins Darlington B. B. Blake Racine

2 A. A. Porter Portage W. H. Proctor Portage

George J. Kispert Jefferson A. R. Hoard Fort Atkinson

3 L. H. Bancroft Richland Centre W. A. Warren Baraboo

Samuel W. Reese Dodgeville Matt D. Pitman Boscobel

4 Bernard Leidersdorf Milwaukee Irving M. Bean Milwaukee

W. H. Stevens Milwaukee C. W. Milbrath Milwaukee

5 John R. Dennett Pt. Washington Ed. Foster Waukesha

Chas. Elkert Milwaukee John J. Kempf Milwaukee

6 E. G. Nash Manitowoc Karl D. Jackson Oshkosh

H. A. Winslow Fond du Lac Ira P. Coon Plainfield

7 James T. Barber Eau Claire E. A. Miller Hixton

Levi Withee La Crosse W. L. House Tomah

8 George L. Rodgers Steven Point J. J. Nelson Amherst

Peter Thorn Appleton A. J. Simpich Appleton-

9 Walter Alexander Wausau John Friend Antigo

B. W. Davis Phillipps W. J. Davis Marinette

10 R. L. McCormick Hayward i had. C. Pound Chippewa

John T. Murphy Superior S. A. Peterson Rice Lake

WYOMING.

AT LARGE.

Frances E. Warren Cheyenne Edward W. Stone Cheyenne

Clarence D. Clarke Evanston Thomas D. Bebb Buffalo

Frank W. Mondell New Castle F. E. Rounds Sundance

DeForrest Richard Douglas J. G. Cosgriff Rawlins

J. L. Torrey Embar A. A. Spaugh Mauville

George C. Gobel Rock Springs John D. McGill Rock Creek

80 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

ALASKA.

Delegates. Alternates.

AT LARGE.

John G. Heid Junea Edward de Graffe Sitka

W. D. Grant Wrangel J. F. Collins Wrangel

ARIZONA.

AT LARGE.

Charles H. Akers Phoenix O. D. M. Gaddis Kingman

Charles R. Drake Tucson W. H. Clark Holbrook

John W. Dorrington Yuma R. A. F. Penrose Pearce

Frank Dysart Solomonville Thomas F Grindell Phoenix

J. L. Hubbel St. Johns George Christy Phoenix

J. A. Vail Flagstaff Charles F. Solomon Solomonville

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

AT LARGE.

John E. Jones Washington Geo. E. Emmons Washington

W. Calvin Chase Washington Lucius H. Peterson Washington

NEW MEXICO.

AT LARGE.

Miguel A. Otero Santa Fe Robert P. Ervien Clayton

E. A. Cahoon Roswell R. C. Gortner Santa Fe

Secundino Romero Las Vegas Henry D. Bowman Las Cruces

Frank A. Hubbell Albuquerque David J. Lehy Raton

Juan Santisteven Taos J. M. Sandoval Albuquerque

Abram Abeytia Socorro L. Sollenberger Hillsboro

OKLAHOMA.

AT LARGE.

John R. Tate Blackwell S. C. Eckhard El Reno

J. G. Pringey Harvey P. F. Tyler Watonga

C. H. Thompson Guthrie Frank T. Cook Cloud Chief

W. J. French Alva I. F. Norris Orlando

G. G. Baker Britton J. M. Van Winkle Shawnee

J. W. McNeal Guthrie R. A. Southard Perry

HAWAII.

AT LARGE.

S. Parker Honolulu

A. N. Kepoikai Honolulu

INDIAN TERRITORY.

P. L. Soper Vinita, Cherokee Nation C. W. Poole Chelsea, Cherokee Nation

E. J. Fannin.S. McAlester, Choctaw Nat. D. Thomas Talihina, Choctaw Nation

A. F. Parkinson. . .Wagoner, Creek Nation A. G. W. Sango. .Muscogee, Creek Nation

W. L. McWilliams. .Miami, Quapaw Ag y Wm. Logan Miami, Quapaw Agency

C. L. Long Wowoka, Seminole Nation C. A. Bruner. . .Econtuchka, Seminole N.

Chas. M. Campbell. Ardmore, Chicasaw N. W. C. Blanchard. .Purcell, Chickasaw N.

Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. Mr. Chairman, on behalf of a
majority of the delegates from the State of New York I demand the pre
vious question on the adoption of the report.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 81

Mr. WILLIAM J. SEWELL, of New Jersey. On the part of New Jersey I
second the demand.

Mr. SYDNEY E. MUDD, of Maryland. I second the demand on behalf
of Maryland.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The demand for the previous question
being seconded by two States, the question is, shall it be ordered?

The previous question was ordered.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. There will be forty minutes of debate
upon the question of agreeing to the report of the Committee on Creden
tials. Twenty minutes of the time will be allotted by the Hon. Sereno E.
Payne, Chairman of the Committee on Credentials, and the other twenty
minutes should be equitably divided among the minority, representing the
differing sides.

Mr. PAYNE, of New York. I reserve my time. I do not know that any
debate will be required.

(Cries of "Question!" "Question!")

Mr. H. V. CASHIN, of Alabama. Before the question is put, I wish to
call attention to an error in the report of the Committee in reference to
the delegation from Alabama. The report shows that two of the delegates
are alternates. It is merely a clerical error, which can be easily corrected.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The clerical error has already been cor
rected by the Secretary. If no one desires to debate the matter the ques
tion is on agreeing to the report of the Committee on Credentials.

The report was agreed to.

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The next order of business is the report
of the Committee on Permanent Organization. Is the Committee ready
to report?

Mr. CHARLES H. GROSVENOR, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen,
the Committee on Permanent Organization submit the report which I
hold in my hand. They have selected for Permanent Chairman of the
Convention the Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts. (Applause.)
I ask that the report be read.

The report was read as follows:
To the HON. EDWARD O. WOLCOTT, Temporary Chairman:

The Committee on Permanent Organization begs leave to report the following, for
the permanent officers of the convention:

Permanent Chairman, Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts
6

82 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY.

General Secretary, Hon. Charles W. Johnson, of Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Assistant Secretaries, John R. Malloy, of Columbus, Ohio.

John R. Beam, of Paterson, New Jersey.

Lucien Grey, of Lewistown, Illinois.

Gardner P. Stickney, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

James F. Burke, of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania.

W. B. Bauchman, of Bluff City, Tennessee.

Warren Bigler, of Wabash, Indiana.

John Q. Royce, of Phillipsburg, Kansas.

F. S. Gaylord, of Connecticut.

D. C. Kolp, of Iowa Park, Texas.
Reading Clerks, Dennis E. Alward, of Michigan.

E. L. Lampson, of Jefferson, Ohio.
James H. Stone, of Detroit, Michigan.
H. L. Remmel, of Little Rock, Arkansas.

Clerk at President s Desk, Asher C. Hinds, of Portland, Maine.
Official Reporter, Milton W. Blumenberg, of Illinois.
Tally Clerks, J. Herbert Potts, of Jersey City, New Jersey.

George R. Butlin, of Omaha, Nebraska.

Messengers to Secretary, Griffin Halstead, C. W. DeKnight.
Messenger to Chairman, Joseph W. Young.

OFFICE OF THE SERGEANT AT ARMS.

Sergeant at Arms, George N. Wiswell, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin.
Chief Organizer, David C. Owen, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin.
First Assistant Chief of Staff, W. W. Johnson, of Baltimore, Maryland.
Second Assistant Chief of Staff, Maj. W. P. Huxford, of Connecticut, residence

Washington, D. C.

Master of Doors, Samuel Kercheval, of Indianapolis, Indiana.
Assistant Master of Doors, Earle D. Sweetwood, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

We also recommend an honorary Vice President for each State, to be furnished to
the Secretary of the Convention for the journal of proceedings.

Mr. GROSVENOR, of Ohio. I move the adoption of the report of the
Committee on Permanent Organization.

The report was agreed to.

COMMITTEE TO ESCORT THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Chair appoints as a committee to
escort the Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge to the platform, Governor Shaw, of
Iowa, and Governor Roosevelt, of New York.

The committee appointed by the Temporary Chairman escorted Mr.
Lodge to the platform.

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention, I have the
honor to present as vour Permanent Chairman Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge.
(Applause.)

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

ADDRESS OF THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge). Gentlemen of
the Convention: One of the greatest honors that can fall to any American
in public life is to be called to preside over a Republican National Con
vention. How great that honor is you know, but you cannot realize, nor
can I express the gratitude which I feel to. you for having conferred it
upon me. I can only say to you, in the simplest phrase, that I thank you
from the bottom of my heart. "Beggar that I am, I am even poor in thanks,
and yet I thank you." (Applause.)

We meet again to nominate the next President of the United States.
(Applause.) Four years have passed since we nominated the soldier and
statesman who is now President, and who is soon to enter upon his second
term. Since the Civil War no Presidential term has been so crowded with
great events as that which is now drawing to a close. They have been four
memorable years. To Republicans they show a record of promises kept,
of work done, of unforeseen questions met and answered. To the Democrats
they have been generous in the exhibition of unfulfilled predictions, in
the ruin of their hopes of calamity, and in futile opposition to the forces
of the times and the aspirations of the American people. I wish I could
add that they had been equally instructive to our opponents, but while
it is true that the Democrats, like the Bourbons, learn nothing, it is only
too evident that the familiar comparison cannot be completed, for they
forget a great deal which it would be well for them to remember. (Ap
plause.)

In 1897 we took the government and the country from the hands of
President Cleveland. His party had abandoned him and were joined to
their idols, of which he was no longer one. During the last years of his
term we had presented to us the melancholy spectacle of a President try
ing to govern without a party. The result was that his policies were in
ruin, legislation was at a standstill and public affairs were in a perilous
and incoherent condition. Party responsibility had vanished, and with it
all possibility of intelligent action, demanded by the country at home and
abroad. It was an interesting but by no means singular display of Demo
cratic unfitness for the practical work of government. To the political
student it was instructive, to the country it was extremely painful, to busi
ness disastrous.

We replaced this political chaos with a President in thorough accord
with his party, and the machinery of government began again to move
smoothly and effectively. Thus we kept at once our promise of better and
more efficient administration. (Applause.) In four months after the in
auguration of President McKinley we had passed a tariff bill. For ten
years the artificial agitation, in behalf of what was humorously called
tariff reform, and of what was really free trade, had kept business in a fer
ment, and had brought a treasury deficit, paralyzed industries, depression,
panic, and, finally, continuous bad times to a degree never before imagined.

84 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

Would you know the result of our tariff legislation, look about you! Would
you measure its success, recollect that it is no longer an issue; that our
opponents, free traders as they are, do not dare to make it an issue; that
there is not a State in the Union to-day which could be carried for free
trade against protection. Never was a policy more fully justified by its
works, never was a promise made by any party more absolutely fulfilled.
(Applause.)

Dominant among the issues of four years ago was that of our monetary
and financial system. The Republican party promised to uphold our credit,
to protect our currency from revolution, and to maintain the gold standard.
(Applause.) We have done so. We have done more. We have been
better than our promise. Failing to secure, after honest effort, any en
couragement for international bimetallism, we have passed a law strength
ening the gold standard and planting it more firmly than ever in our finan
cial system, improving our banking laws, buttressing our credit, and re
funding the public debt at two per cent, interest, the lowest rate in the
world. (Applause). It was a great work well done. The only argument
the Democrats can advance to-day in their own behalf on the money ques
tion is that a Republican Senate, in the event of Democratic success,
would not permit the repeal of a Republican law. (Laughter.) This is a
precious argument when looked at with considerate eyes, and quite worthy
of the intellects which produced it. Apply it generally. Upon this theory
because we have defeated the soldiers of Spain and sunk her ships we can
with safety dispense with the army and the navy which did the work. Take
another example. There has been a fire in a great city; it has been checked
and extinguished, therefore let us abolish the fire department and cease
to insure our homes. (Laughter.) Distrust in our currency, the dread of
change, the deadly fear of a debased standard were raging four years ago
and business lay prostrate before them. Republican supremacy and Re
publican legislation have extinguished the fires of doubt and fear and
business has risen triumphant from the ashes. (Applause.) Therefore
abolish your fire department, turn out the Republicans and put in power
the incendiaries who lighted the flames and trust to what remains of Re
publican control to avert fresh disaster. (Applause.) The proposition is
its own refutation. The supremacy of the party that has saved the stand
ard of sound money and guarded it by law is as necessary for its security
and for the existence of honest wages and of business confidence now as
it was in 1896. The moment the Republican party passes from power and
the party of free silver and fiat paper comes in, stable currency and the
gold standard, the standard of the civilized world, are in imminent and
deadly peril. Sound currency and a steady standard of value are to-day safe
only in Republican hands. (Applause.)

But there were still other questions in 1896. We had already thwarted
the efforts of the Cleveland administration to throw the Hawaiian Islands
back to their dethroned Queen, and to give England a foothold for her

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 85

cables in the group. We then said that we would settle finally the Hawaiian
question. We have done so. The traditional American policy has been
carried out. The flag of the Union floats to-day over the crossroads of the
Pacific, and her representatives sit with you in this hall. (Applause.)

We promised to deal with the Cuban question. Again comes the reply,
we have done so. The long agony of the island is over. Cuba is free.
(Applause.) But this great work brought with it events and issues which
no man had foreseen, for which no party creed had provided a policy. The
crisis came, bringing war in its train. The Republican President and the
Republican Congress met the new trial in the old spirit. We fought the
war with Spain. The result is history known of all men. (Applause.)
We have the perspective now of only a short two years, and yet how clear
and bright the great facts stand out, like mountain peaks against the sky,
while the gathering darkness of a just oblivion is creeping fast over the
low grounds where lie forgotten the trivial and unimportant things, the
criticisms and the fault findings, which seemed so huge when we still
lingered among them. Here they are, these great facts: a war of a hun
dred days with many victories and no defeats, with no prisoners taken
from us and no advance stayed, with a triumphant outcome startling in its
completeness and in its world wide meaning. (Applause.) Was ever a
war more justly entered upon, more quickly fought, more fully won, mere
thorough in its results? (Applause.) Cuba is free. Spain has been driven
from the Western Hemisphere. Fresh glory has come to our arms and
crowned our flag. It was the work of the American people, but the
Republican party was their instrument. (Applause.) Have we not the
right to say that, here too, even as in the days of Abraham Lincoln, we
have fought a good fight, we have kept the faith, we have finished the
work. (Applause.)

War, however, is ever like the sword of Alexander. It cuts the knots.
It is a great solvent and brings many results not to be foreseen. The
world forces unchained in war perform in hours the work of years of quiet.
(Applause.) Spain sued for peace. How was that peace to be made? The
answer to this great question had to be given by the President of the
United States. We were victorious in Cuba, in Porto Rico, in the Phil
ippines. Should we give these islands back fo Spain? Never! was the
President s reply. (Applause.) Would any American wish that he had
answered otherwise? Should we hand them over to some other power?
Never! was again the answer. Would our pride and self respect as a na
tion have submitted to any other reply? Should we turn the islands,
where we had destroyed all existing sovereignty, loose upon the world
to be a prey to domestic anarchy and the helpless spoil of some other na
tion? Again the inevitable negative. (Applause.) Again the President
answered as the nation he represented would have him answer. He boldly
took the islands, took them knowing well the burden and responsibility;
took them from a deep sense of duty to ourselves and others, guided by a

86 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

just foresight as to our future in the East, and with an entire faith in the
ability of the American people to grapple with the new task. (Applause.)
When future Conventions point to the deeds by which the Republican
party has made history, they will proclaim with special pride that under
a Republican administration the war of 1898 was fought, and that the peace
with Spain was the work of William McKinley. (Applause.)

So much for the past. We are proud of it, but we do not expect to live
upon it, for the Republican party is pre-eminently the party of action,
and its march is ever forward. (Applause.) We are not so made that we
can be content to retreat or to mark time. The traditions of the early days
of our party are sacred to us, and are hostages given to the American
people that we will not be unworthy of the great leaders who have gone.
The deeds of yesterday are in their turn a pledge and a proof that what we
promise we perform, and that the people who put faith in our declarations
in 1896 were not deceived, and may place the same trust in us in 1900.
(Applause.) But our pathway has never lain among dead issues, nor have
we won our victories and made history by delving in political graveyards.
(Applause.) We are the party of to-day, with cheerful yesterdays and
confident to-morrows. (Applause.) The living present is ours, the pres
ent of prosperity and activity in business, of good wages and quick pay
ments, of labor employed and capital invested, of sunshine in the market
place and the stir of abounding life in the workshop and on the farm.
(Applause.) It is with this that we have replaced the depression, the
doubts, the dull business, the low wages, the idle labor, the frightened
capital, the dark clouds which overhung industry and agriculture in 1896.
This is what we would preserve, so far as sound government and wise
legislation can do it. This is what we brought to the country four years
ago. This is what we offer now.

Again, we promise that the protective system shall be maintained, and
that our great industrial interests shall go on their way unshaken by the
dire fear of tariff agitation and of changing duties. (Applause.) Again
we declare that we will guard the national credit, uphold a sound currency
based on gold, and keep the wages of the workingman, and the enter
prise of the man of business, free from that most deadly of all evils, a
fluctuating standard of value. (Applause.) The deficit which made this
great country in a time of profound peace a borrower of money to meet
its current expenditures has been replaced by abundant revenue, bringing
a surplus, due alike to prosperity and to wise legislation, so ample that we
can now safely promise a large reduction of taxation without imperilling
our credit or risking a resort to loans. (Applause.)

We are prepared to take steps to revive and build up our merchant
marine, and thus put into American pockets the money paid for carrying
American freights. (Applause.) Out of the abundant resources, which our
financial legislation has brought us, we will build the Isthmian Canal, and
lay the cables which will help to turn the current of Eastern trade to the

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 87

Golden Gate. (Applause.) We are on good terms with all nations, and
mean to remain so, while we promise to insure our peace and safety by
maintaining the Monroe Doctrine, by ample coast defences and by building
up a navy which no one can challenge with impunity. (Applause.)

The new problems brought by the war we face with confidence in our
selves, and a still deeper confidence in the American people, who will deal
justly and rightly with the islands which have come into their charge. (Ap
plause.) The outcry against our new possessions is as empty as the cant
about militarism" and "imperialism" is devoid of sense and meaning. Re
gard for a moment those who are loudest in shrieking that the American
people are about to enter upon a career of oppression and that the Re
public is in danger. Have they been in the past the guardians of freedom?
Is safety for liberty now to be found most surely in the party which was
the defender of domestic slavery? Is true freedom to be secured by the
ascendancy of the party which beneath our very eyes seeks! to establish
through infamous laws the despotic rule of a small and unscrupulous band
of usurpers in Kentucky (applause), who trample there not upon the
rights of the black men but of the whites (applause), and which seeks to
extend the same system to North Carolina and Missouri? (Applause.)
Has it suddenly come to pass that the Democratic party which to-day
aims whenever it acquires power to continue in office by crushing out hon
est elections and popular rule; has it indeed come to pass, I say, that that
party is the chosen protector of liberty? If it were so the outlook would
be black indeed. No! The party of Lincoln may best be trusted now, as
in the past, to be true, even as he was true, to the rights of man and to
human freedom, whether within the borders of the United States or in the
islands which have come beneath our flag. (Applause.) The liberators may
be trusted to watch over the liberated. (Applause.) We who freed Cuba
will keep the pledge we made to her and will guide her along the road to
independence and stable government until she is ready to settle her own
future by the free expression of her people s will. (Applause.) We will
be faithful to the trust imposed upon us, and if among those to whom this
great work is confided in Cuba, or elsewhere, wrong doers shall be found,
men not only bad in morals but dead to their duty as Americans and false
to the honor of our name, we will punish these basest of criminals to the
extent of the law. (Applause.)

For the islands of Hawaii and Porto Rico the political problem has
been solved, and by Republican legislation they have been given self gov
ernment, and are peaceful and prosperous under the rule of the United
States. (Applause.)

In the Philippines we were met by rebellion, fomented by a self-seeking
adventurer and usurper. The duty of the President was to repress that
rebellion, to see to it that the authority of the United States, as rightful
and as righteous in Manila as in Philadelphia, was acknowledged and
obeyed. That harsh and painful duty President McKinley has performed

88 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

firmly and justly, eager to resort to gentle measures whenever possible,
unyielding when treachery and violence made force necessary. Unlike the op
ponents of expansion we do not regard the soldiers of Otis and Lawton and
MacArthur as "an enemy s camp." (Applause.) In our eyes they are the sol
diers of the United States, they are our army, and we believe in them and will
sustain them. (Applause.) Even now the Democrats are planning, if they
get control of the House, to cut off appropriations for the army and thus
compel the withdrawal of our troops from the Philippines. The result
would be to force the retirement of such soldiers as would remain to Ma
nila, and their retreat would be the signal for the massacre and plunder of
the great body of the peaceful inhabitants of the islands who have trusted
to us to protect and guard them. Such an event would be an infamy. (Ap
plause.)

Is the Government, is the House, to be given over to a party capable
of such a policy? Shall they not rather be trusted to the party which will
sustain the army and suppress the brigands and guerrillas who, under pre
tence of war, are now adding so freely to the list of crimes committed
in the name of liberty by usurpers and pretenders, and who, buoyed up
by Democratic promises, keep up a highwayman s warfare in hope of
Democratic success in November? It is for the American people to decide
this question. Our position is plain. The restoration of peace and order
now so nearly reached in the Philippines shall be completed. (Applause.)
Civil government shall be established, and the people advanced as rapidly
as possible along the road to entire freedom and to self-government under
our flag. We will not abandon our task. We will neither surrender nor
retreat. (Applause.) We will not write "failure" across this page of our
history. We will do our duty, our full duty, to the people of the Philip
pines, and strive by every means to give them freedom, contentment and
prosperity. (Applause.)

We have no belief in the old slaveholders doctrine that the Constitution
of its own force marches into every newly acquired territory, and this
doctrine, which we cast out in 1860, we still reject. (Applause.) We do
not mean that the Philippines shall come without our tariff system or be
come part of our body politic. We do mean that they shall, under
our teaching, learn to govern themselves and remain under our flag with
the largest possible measure of home rule. (Applause.)

We make no "hypocritical pretence of being interested in the Philippines
solely on account of others. While we regard the welfare of these people
as a sacred trust, we regard the welfare of the American people first. We
see our duty to ourselves as well as to others. We believe in trade ex
pansion. By every legitimate means within the province of government
and legislation we mean to stimulate the expansion of our trade and to
open new markets. Greatest of all markets is China. Our trade there is
growing by leaps and bounds. Manila, the prize of war, gives us inesti
mable advantages in developing that trade. To-day, when our legations

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 89-

are in danger, when our missionaries are assailed and our Consuls threat
ened, it is well indeed that we have ships in the Bay of Manila and troops
that we can send to protect our own. (Applause.)

Manila is the corner-stone of our Eastern policy, and the brilliant di
plomacy of John Hay in securing from all nations a guarantee of our treaty
rights and of the open door in China rests upon it. (Applause.)

We ask the American people whether they will throw away these new
markets and widening opportunities for trade and commerce, by putting
in power the Democratic party, who seek under cover of a newly discov
ered affection for the rights of man, to give up these islands of the East
and make Dewey s victory fruitless? The choice lies between this Demo
cratic policy of retreat and the Republican policy which would hold the
islands, give them freedom and prosperity, and enlarge these great oppor
tunities for ourselves and our posterity. (Applause.) The Democratic
attitude toward the Philippines rests wholly upon the proposition that the
American people have neither the capacity nor the honesty to deal rightly
with these islands. They assume that we shall fail. They fall down and
worship a Chinese half-breed whose name they had never heard three years-
ago, and they slander, and cry down, and doubt the honor of American
soldiers and sailors, of Admirals and Generals, and public men who have
gone in and out before us during an entire lifetime. (Applause.)

We are true to our own. We have no distrust of the honor, the humanity,
the capacity of the American people. (Applause.) To feel or do otherwise
is to doubt ourselves, our government and our civilization. We take issue
with the Democrats who would cast off the Philippines because the Ameri
can people cannot be trusted with them, and we declare that the American;
people can be trusted to deal justly, wisely and generously with these dis
tant islands and will lift them up to a higher prosperity, a broader freedom
and a nobler civilization than they have ever known. (Applause.) We have
not failed elsewhere. We shall not fail here. (Applause.)

Those are the questions we present to the American people in regard to
the Philippines. Do they want such a humiliating change there as Demo
cratic victory would bring? Do they want an even more radical change at.
home? Suppose the candidate of the Democrats, the Populists, the foes
of expansion, the dissatisfied and the envious should come into power,.
what kind of an administration would he give us? What would his Cabinet
be? Think what an electric spark of confidence would run through every
business interest in the country when such a Cabinet was announced as
we can readily imagine he would make. More important still we ask the
American people whether they will put in the White House the hero of
uncounted platforms, the prodigal spendthrift of words, the champion of
free silver, the opponent of expansion, the assailant of the courts; or
whether they will retain in the Presidency the Union soldier, the leader
of the House of Representatives, the trained statesman who has borne vic
toriously the heavy burdens of the last four years; the champion of protec-

90 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

tion and sound money, the fearless supporter of law and order wherever
the flag floats. (Applause.)

But there is one question which we will put to the American people in
this campaign which includes and outweighs all others. We will say to
them, you were in the depths of adversity under the last administration;
you are on the heights of prosperity to-day. Will that prosperity continue
if you make a change in your President and in the party which administers
your government? How long will your good times last if you turn out
the Republicans and give political power to those who cry nothing but
"Woe! Woe!" the lovers of calamity and foes of prosperity, who hold
success in business to be a crime and regard thrift as a misdemeanor? If
the Democrats should win do you think business would improve? Do
you think prices would remain steady, that wages would rise and employ
ment increase when the result of the election was known? Business con
fidence rests largely upon sentiment. Do you think that sentiment would
be a hopeful one the day after Bryan s election? Business confidence is a
delicate plant. Do you think it would flourish with the Democratic party?
Do you know that if Bryan were elected the day after the news was
flashed over the country wages would go down, prices would decline, and
that the great argosy of American business now forging ahead over calm
waters, with fair breezes and with swelling canvass, would begin to take
in sail and seek the shelter and anchorage of the nearest harbor? Do you
not know from recent and bitter experience what that arrest of movement,
that fear of the future, means? It means the contraction of business, the
reduction of employment, the increase of the unemployed, lower wages,
hard times, distress, unhappiness.

We do not say that we have panaceas for every human ill. We do not
claim that any policy we, or any one else, can offer will drive from the
world sorrow and suffering and poverty, but we say that so far as govern
ment and legislation can secure the prosperity and well being of the Ameri
can people our administration and our policies will do it. (Applause.)
We point to the adversity of the Cleveland years lying dark behind us.
It has been replaced by the prosperity of the McKinley years. Let them
make whatever explanation they will, the facts are with us. (Applause.)

It is on these facts that we shall ask for the support of the American
people. What we have done is known, and about what we intend to do
there is neither secrecy nor deception. What we promise we will perform.
(Applause.) Our old policies are here, alive, successful and full of vigor.
Our new policies have been begun and for them we ask support. When
the clouds of impending civil war hung dark over the country in 1861 we
took up the great task then laid upon us and never flinched until we had
carried it through to victory. (Applause.) Now at the dawn of a new
century, with new policies and new opportunities opening before us in the
bright sunshine of prosperity, we again ask the American people to entrust
us with their future. We have profound faith in the people. (Applause.)

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 91

We do not distrust their capacity to meet the new responsibilities even as
they met the old, and we shall await with confidence, under the leadership
of William McKinley, the verdict of November. (Applause.)

PRESENTATION OF GAVELS, ETC.

Mr. CHARLES H. CHILD, of Rhode Island. Mr. Chairman, I am directed
to read the following letters:

PROVIDENCE, R. I., June igth, 1900.
To the HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE,

Chairman of the National Republican Convention.

DEAR SIR: The Rhode Island Delegates and Alternates take great pleasure in pre
senting you this gavel, which was ordered especially for this occasion; thinking it
might be of some historical interest to you.

The mahogany of which it is constructed was secured from the old State Capitol,
the Tobin bronze is part of that used in the construction of the yacht Columbia, which
was built at Bristol, R. I., by the Herreshoff Co.

We trust you will value this as a souvenir of this National Republican Convention,
of which you have the honor to be its chairman.

Respectfully yours,

Charles R. Brayton, Isaac M. Potter,

Frank F. Carpenter, Elam Ward Olney,

Charles H. Child, A. S. Babcock,

Lucius B. Darling, W. E. Spink,

William P. Buffum, JIenr3c.Jg. L __TlepJke,

Joseph E. Fletcher, George L. Pierce,

B. F. Robinson, Jr., Samuel L. Peck,

Richard Thornley, Harry C. Curtis.

TILDEN-THURBER CO.

PROVIDENCE, June 6, 1900.
MR. CHARLES H. CHILD,

DEAR SIR: In response to your request, we beg to submit to you the following
description of the gavel ordered of us to be presented to the Chairman of the National
Republican Convention.

We enclose herewith letters from the Herreshoff Mfg. Co. to the Howard Sterling
Co., certifying that the Tobin bronze supplied to them was a part of the material used
in the construction of the yacht Columbia. Also a guarantee from the Howard Sterling
Co., that the material used in the construction of the special gavel is of the said bronze.
We also certify that the mahogany in the gavel was secured from the Rhode Island
State Capitol, which has just been vacated for the new building. Would also bring to
your attention the printed matter on the case, which tells the story.

Yours respectfully,

TILDEN-THURBER CO.

HERRESHOFF MANUFACTURING CO.

BRISTOL, R. I., November 3, 1899.
HOWARD STERLING CO.,

WM. H. LONERGAN, MGR.,

Providence, R. I.

GENTLEMEN: We hereby certify that the Tobin Bronze Scrap you have purchased
from us is a part of the material used in the construction of the yacht "COLUMBIA."
that we have not sold any part of same to other parties, nor can other parties pur
chase same of us.

Respectfully,

HERRESHOFF MFG. CO.

92 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

HOWARD STERLING CO.

PROVIDENCE, R. I., May 19, 1900.
TILDEN-THURBER CO.,
City.

GENTLEMEN: We hereby certify that the special gavel No. IODX is made of bronze
purchased by us from Herreshoff Mfg. Co., and part of that which was used in con
struction of yacht "Columbia."

Yours respectfully,

HOWARD STERLING COMPANY.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Colonel Child has presented to the Chair
man of the Convention a gavel made in the manner he has described. The
Chairman desires to thank him personally most sincerely for this com
pliment from one of the sister States, but he is well aware that the compli
ment is paid not to him personally, but as the representative of this great
Convention. In its name he takes the liberty of thanking Col. Child
and the State of Rhode Island for the gavel to be used during the sessions
of the Convention. (Applause.)

Mr. JOHN W. LANGLEY, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman, I desire to present
a gavel from the mountains of Kentucky.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Kentucky is recog
nized.

Mr. JOHN W. LANGLEY, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of
the Convention: Up among Kentucky s mountains, in the valley of the
Big Sandy, there is a humble country home, wherein dwells an old man
a soldier of Republicanism who has spent his life in battling for the re
demption of Kentucky from the thraldom of Democracy. He lives at the
foot of the hill upon whose summit the great Garfield won a general s star.
(Applause.) That home is my home; that old man is my father. (Ap
plause.) He has asked me, Mr. Chairman, to present this gavel to you.
It is an unpretentious offering from a modest man, but to me the request
bears the potency of a sovereign s decree. It was carved from the tree be
side which Garfield stood during the battle of Middle Creek, Kentucky,
and beside which he is said to have knelt and asked the God of Battles to
give the victory \o the Union arms.

Some of Indiana s soldier boys were in that battle (applause), and they
displayed the same heroism and the same courageous devotion to duty
that are now being displayed by Indiana s great Governor (applause) in
giving asylum and protection to him who is the rightful Governor of
Kentucky (applause), and who is an exile from his native State to-day,
because if there he could not have enforced the constitutional guarantees
of life, liberty and due process of law. I do not mean by this to assert
that love of liberty is dead in Kentucky, for it still lives in the hearts of all
true Kentuckians (applause) and is being suppressed only by unworthy
leaders of the people. It will be strengthened by the news of the renomi-
nation of McKinley. (Applause.)

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 93

I present this gavel to you, Mr. Chairman, as a token of our continued
devotion to Republican principles, and as a pledge that Kentucky s elec
toral vote will be cast next November for McKinley and Roosevelt. (Ap
plause.)

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair extends the thanks of the Con
vention to the gentleman from Kentucky, who has presented to him this
most interesting gavel.

Mr. SEVER E. OLSON, of Minnesota. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of
the Convention: At the last two National Conventions of the Republican
party there was presented and utilized for the proper purpose a table, the
handiwork of the young lads in the manual training class of the South
Side High School, in the City of Minneapolis. In 1892 it was used at the
National Republican Convention which that year assembled in our beautiful
city and which was presided over by that matchless American, the most
illustrious citizen of our time, who now is the President of the United
States. (Applause.) The first imprint on its surface was made by his
magic gavel.

This table was made further historic by being used for a like purpose
at the National Republican Convention which assembled in the City of
St. Louis in 1896.

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Convention, this pleasing duty has
been assigned to me, and on behalf of the youthful craftsmen who con
structed it, on behalf of our people who are proud of their skill, and on
behalf of the delegation here present from the stalwart North Star State,
I ask the privilege of placing this table at your service during the delibera
tions of the Convention; and its acceptance by you will be a fitting recog
nition of and encouragement to the educational and industrial interests of
our country, which are always foremost and uppermost in the fostering
care of the great Republican party. (Applause.)

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. In the name of the Convention I accept
the table already used at two prior Conventions, and beg to express to you,
Mr. Olson, the thanks of the Convention for the kindness of Minnesota in
again presenting the table to a Republican National Convention. (Ap
plause.)

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF

BUSINESS.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the report
of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. The gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Bingham) is recognized.

Mr. HENRY H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I am directed
by the Committee on Rules and Order of Business to report for your con
sideration and action a body of rules for the governing of this Convention.
It is needless for me to submit that the report of the committee is unanimous.

94 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

It is proper to state that your committee adjourned subject to the call of
the Chairman, so that should the Convention determine in any way to
amend or change the rules submitted, the committee can act immediately.

There have been many suggestions as to a change of the rules, especially
on the basis of representation as now accepted by conventions upon the
basis of votes cast in Congressional districts or other ways of representation.
Your committee determined that the better and safer course was to adopt
the rules which have governed the National Conventions of four and eight
years ago, and to leave any new or additional rules to be the subject of your
action here to-day. I will read the rules proposed:

Rule I. The Convention shall consist of a number of delegates from each State
equal to double the number of each Senator and Representative in Congress; six
delegates each from the territories of Arizona, Indian Territory, New Mexico and
Oklahoma; four from Alaska, two from the District of Columbia and two from Hawaii.

Rule II. The rules of the House of Representatives of the Fifty-sixth Congress
shall be the rules of the Convention, so far as they are applicable and not inconsistent
with the following rules:

Rule III. When the previous question shall be demanded by a majority of the
delegates from any State, and the demand is seconded by two or more States, and
the call is sustained by a majority of the Convention, the question shall then be
proceeded with, and disposed of according to the rules of the House of Representa
tives in similar cases.

Rule IV. A motion to suspend the rules shall be in order only when made by
authority of a majority of the delegates from any State, and seconded by a majority
of the delegates from not less than two other States.

Rule V. It shall be in order to lay on the table a proposed amendment to a
pending measure, and such motion, if adopted, shall not carry with it, or prejudice such
measure.

Rule VI. Upon all subjects before the Convention the States shall be called in
alphabetical order and next the Territories, Alaska, the District of Columbia and Hawaii.

Rule VII. The report of the Committee on Credentials shall be disposed of before
the report of the Committee on Resolutions is acted upon, and the report of the
Committee on Resolutions shall be disposed of before the Convention proceeds to the
nomination of a candidate for President and Vice-President.

Rule VIII. When a majority of the delegates of any two States shall demand
that a vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by States, Territories, Alaska, The
District of Columbia and Hawaii, the Secretary calling the roll of the States and
Territories, Alaska, the District of Columbia and Hawaii, in the order heretofore
established.

Rule IX. In making the nomination for President and Vice-President in no case
shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with. \Vhen it appears at the close of any
roll call that any candidate has received the majority of votes to which the Convention
is entitled, the President of the Convention shall announce the question to be: "Shall
the nomination of the candidate be made unanimous?" If no candidates shall have
received such majority, the Chair shall direct the vote to be taken again, which shall
be repeated until some candidate shall have received a majority of the votes and when
any State has announced its votes it shall so stand, unless in case of numerical error.

Rule X. In the record of the votes, the vote of each State, Territory, Alaska, the
District of Columbia and Hawaii shall be announced by the Chairman, and in case
the vote of any State, Territory, Alaska, the District of Columbia or Hawaii shall be
divided, the Chairman shall announce the number of votes for any candidate, or for
or against any proposition, but if exception is taken by any delegate to the correctness

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 95

of such announcement by the chairman of his delegation, the President of the Con
vention shall direct the roll of members of such delegation to be called, and the
result shall be recorded in accordance with the vote individually given.

Rule XI. No member shall speak more than once upon the same question, nor
longer than five minutes, unless by leave of the Convention, except in the presenta
tion of the names of candidates.

Rule XII. A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of
one member from each State, Territory, Alaska, The District of Columbia and Hawaii.
The roll shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory, Alaska, the
District of Columbia and Hawaii shall name, through its Chairman, a person who
shall act as member of said Committee. Such Committee shall issue the call for the
meeting of the National Convention within sixty days, at least, before the time fixed
for said meeting, and each Congressional District in the United States shall elect its
delegates to the National Convention in the same way as the nomination of a member
for Congress is made in said District, and in Territories the delegates to the Conven
tion shall be elected in the same way as a nomination of a delegate to Congress is made,
and said National Committee shall prescribe the mode of selecting the delegates for the
District of Columbia. An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National
Convention, to act in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in
the same manner and at the same time as a delegate is elected. Delegates at large for
each State and their alternates shall be elected by State Conventions in their respective
States.

Rule XIII. The Republican National Comfhittee is authorized and empowered to
select an Executive Committee to consist of nine members, who may or may not be
members of the National Committee.

Rule XIV. All resolutions relating to the platform shall be referred to the Com
mittee on Resolutions without debate.

Rule XV. No person except members of the several delegations and officers of the
Convention shall be admitted to that section of the hall apportioned to delegates.

Rule XVI. The Convention shall proceed in the following order of business:

First. Report of the Committee on Credentials.

Second. Report of the Committee on Permanent Organization.

Third. Report of the Committee on Resolutions.

Fourth. Naming members of National Committee.

Fifth. Presentation of names of Candidates for President.

Sixth. Balloting.

Seventh. Presentation of names of Candidates for Vice President.

Eighth. Balloting.

Ninth. Call of the roll of States, Territories, Alaska, the District of Columbia and
Hawaii for names of Delegates to serve respectively on Committees to notify the nominees
for President and Vice-President of their selection for said offices.

I move the adoption of the report of your committee.

Mr. M. S. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amend
ment to the report of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business, to
strike out Rule i and insert in lieu thereof what I send to the desk.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The amendment proposed by the gentle
man from Pennsylvania will be stated.

The READING CLERK. It is proposed to strike out Rule I and insert
in lieu thereof the following:

,96 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

That hereafter each State shall be entitled to four Delegates at Large and one addi
tional Delegate for each ten thousand votes or majority fraction thereof cast at the last
preceding Presidential election for Republican electors; and six Delegates from each
organized Territory and the District of Columbia; and that the methods for the election
of such defegates shall be provided for by the National Committee.

Several delegates addressed the Chair.

Mr. M. S. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I believe I still have the floor.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has the
floor, and is entitled under the rule to five minutes.

Mr QUAY, of Pennsylvania. If the amendment is adopted, Rule 12 will
have to be modified to conform to Rule i, as amended.

I desire, Mr. Chairman, to send to the desk and have read a statement
showing the practical effect of the amendment.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania asks that
a statement be read to the Convention by the reading clerk. If there is no
objection the statement will be read.

The READING CLERK proceeded to read the statement.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman from Pennsylvania
desire to have the figures read?

Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I desire that they be read in order that
delegates may understand on what the change proposed is based.

The READING CLERK resumed the reading of the statement, and was in
terrupted by

Mr. JOHN McCLURE, of Arkansas. Mr. Chairman, I rise to a question of
order.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Arkansas will state his
point of order.

Mr. McCLURE, of Arkansas. It is that under Rule 14 all resolutions
relating to the platform shall be referred to the Committee on Resolutions
without debate.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. This is not a resolution. It is an amend
ment to the report of the Committee on Rules.

The READING CLERK resumed the reading of the statement, which is as
^follows :

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 97

STATEMENT SHOWING

Number of delegates according to present basis, as compared with basis
of one delegate for each 10,000 votes, or majority fraction thereof, cast for
President McKinley in 1896. Also, compared with the number of delegates
based upon equal representation as stated, to which is added four delegates-
at-large from each State.

State.

1896.
Rep. Vote.

Alabama

Arkansas

California

Colorado

Connecticut

Delaware

Florida

Georgia

Idaho

Illinois

Indiana

Iowa

Kansas

Kentucky

Louisiana

Maine

Maryland

Massachusetts

Michigan

Minnesota

Mississippi

M issouri

Montana

Nebraska

Nevada

New Hampshire

New Jersey

New York

North Carolina

North Dakota

Ohio

Oregon

Pennsylvania

Rhode Island

South Carolina

South Dakota

Tennessee

Texas

Utah

Vermont

Virginia

Washington

West Virginia

Wisconsin

Wyoming

54,787

87,512
146,170

26,271
110,285

16,804

11,288

60,091
6,824
607,180
828,754
2X9,298
159,541
218,171

22,087

80,465
186,959
278,976
298,582
198,501
5,180
804,940

10,494

102,804

1,938

57,444
221,367
819,888
155,222

26,885
525,991

48,779
728,800

87,487
9,281

41,042
148,778
167,520

18,484

51,127
185,36s

89,158
104,414
268,1*5

10,072

22
16

18
8
12
(i
8
26
6
48
BO
26
20
26
16
12
16
80
28
18
is

Iti

4
15
8

2!t

lit

27
1

714

7
15

5
10

5
65
86
33
20
26

6
12
18
32
33
23

5
34

5
14

5
10
26
86
20

7
57

9
77

8
19
21

9
18

8
14
31

i OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

STATEMENT SHOWING

(a) Number of delegates in 1896 Convention from all the States, 894

(&) Republican vote 1896 in all the States 7,104,779

(d) Republican vote in 1896 in each State.

(e) Vote per delegate in each State.

(f) Number of delegates to which each State would be entitled upon

equal basis of representation according to Republican vote in 1896.

.States.

1896
Rep. Vote.

Vote per
Delegate.

Present
Basis No
Delegates

Equal
Represen
tation
No. Del.

54,737

2,488

Arkansas

87,512

2,345

California

146,170

8,121

26,171

3,284

110,285

9,190

16,804

2,801

Florida

11,288

1,411

60,091

2,811

Idaho

6,824

1,054

Illinois

607,180

12,649

823,754

10,792

289,293

11,127

159541

7,977

K6ntucky

218,171

8,391

22,037

1,877

Maine

80465

6,705

136,959

8,560

278976

9,299

Michigan

298,582

10,485

198,501

10,750

5180

285

304,940

8,969

10494

1,749

Nebraska

102,304

6,394

1 988

328

57444

7 181

New J6rsey

221,367

11,068

New York

819 838

11,387

103

North Carolina

155,222

7,056

North Dakota

26,335

4,889

Ohio

525,991

11,435

48,779

6,097

728800

11 880

Rhode Island

37,437

4,680

9281

516

41 042

5180

148,778

6199

Texas

167,520

5,584

13,484

2,247

51,127

6391

Virginia

135,368

5,640

Washington

39,158

4894

West Virginia

104,414

8,701

Wisconsin

268,135

11,172

Wyoming

10,072

1 679

894

893

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 99

The reading of the statement was interrupted by

Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, the reading of the state
ment will be somewhat protracted. The amendment involves a very radical
change in the base of representation, and the Convention can scarcely,
from the bare reading of the statement by the clerk at the desk, know ex
actly what it is proposed to vote on, if we proceed to take a vote now.

I suggest to the distinguished Chairman of the Committee on Rules and
Order of Business that a vote be now taken upon every rule except Rule
I and Rule 12, and that the reading of the statement be suspended. (Cries
of "platform!")

Mr. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, of Ohio. Delegates here request that the gen
tleman from Pennsylvania take the platform, so that we can hear what he
has to say.

Mr. Quay ascended the platform, and was greeted with prolonged cheer
ing.

THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair begs that order will be preserved.
Otherwise the absolute suspension of business will be necessary.

Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. The suggestion which I desire to make to
the Chair is that the clerk suspend the reading of the statement, which is
somewhat prolix. It will appear in the newspapers of this city in the even
ing, as a matter of course, in connection with the proceedings of the Con
vention. I suggest to the distinguishes Chairman of the Committee on
Rules and Order of Business that he have a vote upon the adoption of every
rule except Rule i and Rule 12, which alone are affected by this amendment,
and allow those two rules to stand over until the meeting of the Conven
tion to-morrow morning, when I will call them up for the deliberate action
of the Convention.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania requests
that Rules I and 12, the only rules affected by his amendment, may be
passed over for the present and their consideration postponed until to
morrow, and that the remainder of the report of the Committee on Rules
and Order of Business be now acted upon. Is there objection?

SEVERAL DELEGATES. I object.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Objection is made. It is the right of the
gentleman from Pennsylvania to demand a division of the question. The
matter of postponement can only be the subject of a separate motion. The
Chair submitted it in the form of a request for unanimous consent.

Mr. JOHN E. McCALL, of Tennessee. Mr. Chairman, there is opposition
to this amendment, and we desire to be heard fully before the Convention
is asked or required to submit to a vote on a question so important and
vital to Southern Republicans. (Applause.) If it is the purpose to have
the amendment passed over until to-morrow, in order that we may be
heard fully, we will submit; but if it is the purpose to cut off debate, so that

100 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

the Convention may not understand fully what is meant by the amendment,
we desire to be heard now.

Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I will say to the delegate from Tennessee
that it is in order that the amendment may be fully understood that I sug
gested a postponement of its consideration until to-morrow.

Mr. JOHN R. LYNCH, of Mississippi. In order that the Convention may
have before it every phase of this question, I desire to submit a proposition,
which has a direct bearing upon the question, as a substitute for the amend
ment proposed by Mr. Quay. Let it be read, and then let them go over
and be considered together. I offer this as a substitute, and desire to
have it read from the desk.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Mississippi has a
right to offer a substitute. The substitute proposed by the gentleman from
Mississippi for the amendment offered by the gentleman from Pennsyl
vania (Mr. QUAY) will be read.

The READING CLERK read as follows:

"In any State wherein the right to vote is denied to any of the male inhabitants
thereof on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, or wherein said
right is in any. way abridged for the same reason, representation in Congress should be
reduced in the proportion which the whole number of male inhabitants so deprived of
the right to vote shall bear to the whole number of male inhabitants twenty-one years
of age in such State."

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the substi
tute submitted by the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. LYNCH) for the
amendment proposed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. QUAY).

Mr. LYNCH, of Mississippi. If it is the desire of the Convention to post
pone this matter until to-morrow, I shall have nothing more to say to-day.

Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I have no objection to

Mr. LYNCH, of Mississippi. When it does come up we want to be heard
fully.

Mr. FLAVEL McGEE, of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I rise to a point of
order.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New Jersey rises to
a point of order. The gentleman will state his point of order.

Mr. McGEE, of New Jersey. The point of order is that the amendment
is not germane to the matter before the Convention.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair sustains the point of order. It
is clearly not germane to the report of the Committee on Rules and Order
of Business. The gentleman from Pennsylvania demands a division.

Mr. H. H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. On that question the Chairman of the Com
mittee desires to be heard.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 101

Mr. P. L. SOPER, of the Indian Territory. With the consent of the hon
orable gentleman from Pennsylvania, I move to strike out the word "or
ganized," preceding the word "Territory." The Indian Territory has 450,-
ooo people, and it is governed directly by Congress. It certainly should
have representation in conventions.

Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I suggest that the word "organized? ^e
stricken out by unanimous consent. There is no objection to striking nt
out.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Without objection, the word "organized,"
before the word "Territory," will be stricken out. That suggestion is ac
cepted by the mover of the amendment. The amendment offered by the
gentleman from Pennsylvania now reads as modified at the suggestion of
the gentleman from the Indian Territory.

Mr. H. H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania. As I stated to the Convention in
the few remarks I made, the general proposition of representation had no
consideration before your committee, for the reason that it was not submit
ted. The committee adjourned subject to the call of the Chairman, in order
that any action of the Convention which would send the rules back could be
duly considered.

However, the gentleman, under the rules of the House of Representa
tives, of his own right demands a division of the question, and asks that
Rule i and Rule 12, with his amendment and such other amendments as
may be in order, go over until to-morrow. As the body of rules are neces
sary for the government of the Convention in permanent organization, I
think it wise to accept a division of the question and to ask for the adop
tion of all of the rules except Rule I and Rule 12.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The request is made that the consideration
of Rule i and Rule 12 may be postponed until to-morrow, and that the other
rules may be disposed of at this time.

Mr. GEORGE H. WHITE, of North Carolina. Mr. Chairman, I desire to
have Rules i and 12 re-read. ,

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The rules have already been read from the
desk. Does the gentleman from North Carolina ask that they be read
again?

Mr. GEORGE H. WHITE, of North Carolina. I ask that Rule i and Rule
12 be re-read, so that we may thoroughly understand the distinction.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Rules i and 12 will be read again, at the
request of the gentleman from North Carolina.

The READING CLERK read as follows:

Rule I. The Convention shall consist of a number of delegates from each State
equal to double the number of each Senator and Representative in Congress; six dele
gates each from the Territories of Arizona, Indian Territory, New Mexico and Okla
homa; four from Alaska, two from the District of Columbia and two from Hawaii.

102 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

Rule XII. A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one
member from each State, Territory, Alaska, the District of Columbia and Hawaii. The
roll shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory, Alaska, the District
of Columbia and Hawaii shall name, through its Chairman, a person who shall act as
member of said Committee. Such Committee shall issue the call for the meeting of the
National Convention within sixty days, at least, before the time fixed for said meeting,
and each Congressional District in the United States shall elect its delegates to the
National Convention in the same way as the nomination of a member for Congress is
made in said District, and in Territories the delegates to the Convention shall be elected
in the same way as a nomination of a delegate to Congress is made, and said National
Committee shall prescribe the mode of selecting the delegates for the District of
Columbia. An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, to act
in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same manner and at the
same time as a delegate is elected. Delegates at large for each State and their alternates
shall be elected by State Conventions in their respective States.

Mr. JOHN E. McCALL, of Tennessee. I rise to ask a question for infor
mation. Is the motion to defer until to-morrow debatable? If so I desire
to be heard in opposition to it.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair supposes it is open to debate,
it being a motion to refer to a time certain.

Mr. McCALL, of Tennessee. Then I desire to be heard.

Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. I make the point of order that
there is no motion to refer before the Convention.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Unanimous consent has been asked that
Rules i and 12 be passed over until to-morrow, and that the remainder
of the report be now disposed of.

Mr. PAYNE, of New York. That is true. Unanimous consent

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair now submits to the Convention
the request for unanimous consent.
Mr. PAYNE, of New York. That was objected to.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr.
QUAY) requests that Rules i and 12 be passed over until to-morrow, and
that they be made the unfinished business, and that the remainder of the
report be disposed of now. Is there objection?

Mr. McCALL, of Tennessee. I desire to ask a question for information.
Will this matter, if passed over until to-morrow, be disposed of before the
nominations of candidates for President and Vice President are made?

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. In the opinion of the Chair it will come up
the first thing in the morning as the unfinished business.
Mr. McCALL, of Tennessee. I have no further objection.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request as stated
by the Chair?

Mr. JOHN McCLURE, of Arkansas. I object.

HON. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana,
Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 103

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Objection is made. The question recurs on
agreeing to the amendment offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania to
Rule i.

Mr. SYDNEY E. MUDD, of Maryland. I move that the consideration of
the amendments which have been offered be postponed, to come up imme
diately after the convening of this body to-morrow.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Maryland (Mr.
MUDD) moves that Rules i and 12, with the proposed amendments, be post
poned until to-morrow, to come up immediately after the assembling of the
Convention.

Mr. T. B. WALL, of Kansas. On behalf of Kansas, I second the motion.

Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I second the motion on the part of Penn
sylvania.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The motion being duly seconded, the ques
tion is on postponing Rules i and 12, with the proposed amendments, until
to-morrow immediately after the assembling of the Convention.

The motion was agreed to.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question recurs on agreeing to the
motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania to adopt the remainder of
the report of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business.

The motion was agreed to.

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the report of
the Committee on Resolutions.

Mr. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from
Indiana.

Mr. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana, read the report of the Com
mittee on Resolutions, as follows:

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM 1900.

The Republicans of the United States, through their chosen representa
tives, met in National Convention, looking back upon an unsurpassed
record of achievement and looking forward into a great field of duty and
opportunity, and appealing to the judgment of their countrymen, make these
declarations:

The expectation in which the American people, turning from the Demo
cratic party, entrusted power four years ago to a Republican Chief Magis
trate and a Republican Congress, has been met and satisfied. When the
people then assembled at the polls, after a term of Democratic legislation
and administration, business was dead, industry paralyzed and the National
credit disastrously impaired. The country s capital was hidden avray and

104 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

its labor distressed and unemployed. The Democrats had no other plan
with which to improve the ruinous conditions which they had themselves
produced than to coin silver at the ratio of sixteen to one. The Republican
party, denouncing this plan as sure to produce conditions even worse than
those from which relief was sought, promised to restore prosperity by
means of two legislative measures a protective tariff and a law making
gold the standard of value. The people by great majorities issued to the Re
publican party a commission to enact these laws. This commission has
been executed, and the Republican promise is redeemed. Prosperity more
general and more abundant, than we have ever known has followed these
enactments. There is no longer controversy as to the value of any Gov
ernment obligations. Every American dollar is a gold dollar or its assured
equivalent, and American credit stands higher than that of any other nation.
Capital is fully employed and labor everywhere is profitably occupied. No
single fact can more strikingly tell the story of what Republican Govern
ment means to the country than this That while during the whole period
of one hundred and seven years from 1790 to 1897 there was an excess of
exports over imports of only $383,028,497, there has been in the short three
years of the present Republican administration an excess of exports over
imports in the enormous sum of $1,483,537,094.

And while the American people, sustained by this Republican legislation,
have been achieving these splendid triumphs in their business and com
merce, they/have conducted and in victory concluded a war for liberty and
human rights. No thought of National aggrandizement tarnished the high
purpose with which American standards were unfurled. It was a war un
sought and patiently resisted, but when it came the American Government
was ready. Its fleets were cleared for action. Its armies were in the field,
and the quick and signal triumph of i$s forces on land and sea bore equal
tribute to the courage of American soldiers and sailors, and to the skill and
foresight of Republican statesmanship. To ten millions of the human race
there was given "a new birth of freedom," and to the American people a
new and noble responsibility.

We endorse the administration of William McKinley. Its acts have been
established in wisdom and in patriotism, and at home and abroad it has
distinctly elevated and extended the influence of the American nation.
Walking untried paths and facing unforeseen responsibilities, President Mc
Kinley has been in every situation the true American patriot and the upright
statesman, clear in vision, strong in judgment, firm in action, always in
spiring and deserving the confidence of his countrymen.

In asking the American people to indorse this Republican record and
to renew their commission to the Republican party, we remind them of the
fact that the menace to their prosperity has always resided in Democratic
principles, and no less in the general incapacity of the Democratic party to
conduct public affairs. The prime essential of business prosperity is public
confidence in the good sense of the Government and in its ability to deal

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 105

intelligently with each new problem of administration and legislation. That
confidence the Democratic party has never earned. It is hopelessly inade
quate, and the country s prosperity, when Democratic success at the polls
is announced, halts and ceases in mere anticipation of Democratic blunders
and failures.

We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold standard and declare
our confidence in the wisdom of the legislation of the Fifty-sixth Congress
by which the parity of all our money and the stability of our currency upon
a gold basis has been secured. We recognize that interest rates are a po
tent factor in production and business activity, and for the purpose of
further equalizing and of further lowering the rates of interest, we favor
such monetary legislation as will enable the varying needs of the season
and of all sections to be promptly met in order that trade may be evenly
sustained, labor steadily employed and commerce enlarged. The volume
of money in circulation was never so great per capita as it is to-day. We
declare our steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited coinage of silver.
No measure to that end could be considered which was without the support
of the leading commercial countries of the world. However firmly Repub
lican legislation may seem to have secured the country against the peril
of base and discredited currency, the election of a Democratic President
could not fail to impair the country s credit and to bring once more into
question the intention of the American people to maintain upon the gold
standard the parity of their money circulation. The Democratic party must
be convinced that the American people will never tolerate the Chicago
platform.

We recognize the necessity and propriety of the honest co-operation of
capital to meet new business conditions and especially to extend our rapidly
increasing foreign trade, but we condemn all conspiracies and combinations
intended to restrict business, to create monopolies, to limit production, or
to control prices; and favor such legislation as will effectively restrain and
prevent all such abuses, protect and promote competition and secure the
rights of producers, laborers, and all who are engaged in industry and com
merce.

We renew our faith in the policy of Protection to American labor. In
that policy our industries have been established, diversified and maintained.
By protecting the home market competition has been stimulated and pro
duction cheapened. Opportunity to the inventive genius of our people has
been secured and wages in every department of labor maintained at high
rates, higher now than ever before, and always distinguishing our working
people in their better conditions of life from those of any competing coun
try. Enjoying the blessings of the American common school, secure in
the right of self-government and protected in the occupancy of their own
markets, their constantly increasing knowledge and skill have enabled them
to finally enter the markets of the world. We favor the associated policy

106 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

of reciprocity so directed as to open our markets on favorable terms for
what we do not ourselves produce in return for free foreign markets.
\s In the further interest of American workmen we favor a more effective
restriction of the immigration of cheap labor from foreign lands, the ex
tension of opportunites of education for working children, the raising of the
age limit for child labor, the protection of free labor as against contract
convict labor, and an effective system of labor insurance.

Our present dependence upon foreign shipping for nine-tenths of our
foreign carrying is a great loss to the industry of this country. It is also
a serious danger to our trade, for its sudden withdrawal in the event of
European war would seriously cripple our expanding foreign commerce.
The National defense and naval efficiency of this country, moreover, supply
a compelling reason for legislation which will enable us to recover our
former place among the trade carrying fleets of the world.

The Nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and sailors
who have fought its battles, and it is the Government s duty to provide for
the survivors and for the widows and orphans of those who have fallen in
the country s wars. The pension laws, founded in this just sentiment, should
be liberal and should be liberally administered; and preference should be
given wherever practicable with respect to employment in the public service
to soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans.

We commend the policy of the Republican party in the efficiency of the
Civil Service. The Administration has acted wisely in its efforts to secure
for public service in Cuba, Puerto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippine Islands
only those whose fitness has been determined by training and experience.
We believe that employment in the public service in these territories should
be confined as far as practicable to their inhabitants.

It was the plain purpose of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution
to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in regulating the
elective franchise. Devices of State governments, whether by statutory or
constitutional enactment, to avoid the purpose of this amendment are revo
lutionary, and should be condemned.

Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the roads
and highways of the country meet with our cordial approval, and we recom
mend this subject to the earnest consideration of the people and of the
Legislatures of the several States.

^ We favor the extension of the Rural Free Delivery service wherever its
extension may be justified.

In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican party to

provide free homes on the public domain, we recommend a_dec[uate national

legislation to reclaim th..arjjJLJa"dQ of the United States, reserving control

oTThe distribution of water for irrigation to the respective States and ter-

/ ritories.

We favor home rule for, and the early admission to statehood of the
Territories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 107

The Dingley Act, amended to provide sufficient revenue for the conduct
of the war, has so well performed its work that it has been possible to re
duce the war debt in the sum of $40,000,000. So ample are the Govern
ment s revenues and so great is the public confidence in the integrity of its
obligations that its newly-funded two per cent, bonds sell at a premium.
The country is now justified in expecting, and it will be the policy of the
Republican party to bring about, a reduction of the war taxes.
^ We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection of an
Isthmian Canal by the Government of the United States. New markets
are necessary for the increasing surplus of our farm products. Every effort
should be made to open and obtain new markets, especially in the Orient,
and the Administration is warmly to be commended for its successful effort
to commit all trading and colonizing nations to the policy of the open door
in China.

In the interest of our expanding commerce we recommend that Congress
create a Department of Commerce and Industries in the charge of a Sec
retary with~a seat in~ tTie^-CatnTfeTT The United States Consular system
should be reorganized under the supervision of this new Department upon
such a basis of appointment and tenure as will render it still more service
able to the Nation s increasing trade.

The American Government must protect the person and property of
every citizen wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in peril.

We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid record of
public service in the volunteer aid association and as nurses in camp and
hospital during the recent campaigns of our armies in the Eastern and West
ern Indies, and we appreciate their faithful co-operation in all works of edu
cation and industry.

President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the United
States with distinguished credit to the American people. In releasing us
from the vexatious conditions of a European alliance for the government
of Samoa, his course is especially to be commended. By securing to our
undivided control the most important island of the Samoan group and the
best harbor in the Southern Pacific, every American interest has been safe
guarded.

\s We approve the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States.
r L We commend the part taken by our Government in the Peace Confer
ence at the Hague. We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy an
nounced in the Monroe Doctrine. The provisions of the Hague Conven
tion were wisely regarded when President McKinley tendered his friendly
offices in the interest of peace between Great Britain and the South African
Republic. While the American Government must continue the policy pre
scribed by Washington, affirmed by every succeeding President and im
posed upon us by the Hague treaty of non-intervention in European con
troversies, the American people earnestly hope that a way may soon be

108 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

found, honorable alike to both contending parties, to terminate the strife
between them.

In accepting by the Treaty of Paris the just responsibility of our victories
in the Spanish war, the President and the Senate won the undoubted ap
proval of the American people. No other course was possible than to de
stroy Spain s sovereignty throughout the Western Indies and in the Philip
pine Islands. That course created our responsibility before the world, and
with the unorganized population whom our intervention had freed from
Spain, to provide for the maintenance of law and order, and for the estab
lishment of good government and for the performance of international ob
ligations. Our authority could not be less than our responsibility; and
wherever sovereign rights were extended it became the high duty of the
Government to maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection and
to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization upon all the rescued
peoples.

The largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and
our duties shall be secured to them by law.

To Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the same
voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this pledge shall be per
formed.

The Republican party, upon its history, and upon this declaration of princi
ples and policies confidently invokes the considerate and approving judg
ment of the American people.

CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS,

EDWARD ROSEWATER, Chairman.

Secretary.

Mr. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana. By direction of the Commit
tee on Resolutions, I move the adoption of the report, and upon that I
demand the previous question.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The previous question is demanded by the
gentleman from Indiana. Is it seconded? Under the rules two States must
second the demand.

Mr. W. J. SEWELL, of New Jersey. I do not think there is a particle of
objection to it. Unanimous consent will be given.

Mr. H. C. HANSBROUGH, of North Dakota. On behalf of North Dako-ta
I second the demand.

Mr. ROBERT METZGER, of Indiana, I second the demand on the part of
Indiana,

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The demand being duly seconded, the
question is, shall the previous question be ordered?

The previous question was ordered.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the re
port of the Committee on Resolutions.

The report was unanimously agreed to.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 109

NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE.

Mr. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business is the nomination of
members of the National Republican Committee.

Mr. FORAKER, of Ohio. I was about to make a motion to adjourn. In
view of the announcement just made by the Chairman, I will withhold the
motion until the business can be transacted.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The roll of States, etc., will be called for
National Committeemen. The chairman of each delegation is requested to
announce the name of the member of the National Republican Committee
from his State, Territory or the District of Columbia.

The READING CLERK proceeded to call the roll of States, etc.

Mr. P. D. BARKER, of Alabama (when Alabama was called). Owing to
the contest, which was only settled this morning, our delegation has not
been able to agree on the member of the National Committee.

Mr. W. T. BURNS, of Texas (when Texas was called). I ask that Texas
be passed for the time being.

Mr. H. M. WELLS, of Utah (when Utah was called). On the question
of National Committeeman, the delegation is divided, one half being in
favor of O. J. Salisbury and the other in favor of W. T. McCornick.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Utah will be passed, the delegation being
equally divided.

The call of the roll of States, etc., was concluded. As finally made up
the National Republican Committee is as follows:

NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE.

Alabama J. W. DIMMICK

Arkansas POWELL CLAYTON

California W. C. VAN FLEET

Colorado EDWARD O. WOLCOTT

Connecticut CHARLES F. BROOKER

Delaware JOHN EDWARD ADDICKS

Florida JOHN G. LONG

Georgia JUDSON W. LYONS

Idaho GEORGE L. SHOUP

Illinois GRAEME STEWART

Indiana HARRY S. NEW

Iowa ERNEST E. HART

Kansas DAVID W. MULVANE

Kentucky JOHN W. YERKES

Louisiana A. T. WIMBERLY

Maine JOSEPH H. MANLEY

Maryland L. E. McCOMAS

Massachusetts GEO. VAN L. MEYER

Michigan WILLIAM H. ELLIOTT

Minnesota THOMAS H. SHEVLIN

Mississippi H. C. TURLEY

Missouri.. ..RICHARD C. KERENS

110 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

Montana WILLIAM H. DsWITT

Nebraska R. B. SNYDER

Nevada P. L. FLANNIGAN

New Hampshire CHAS. S. MEANS

New Jersey FRANKLIN MURPHY

New York FREDERICK S. GIBBS

North Carolina J. E. BOYD

North Dakota ALEX. McKENZIE

Ohio GEORGE B. COX

Oregon GEORGE A. STEED

Pennsylvania MATTHEW S. QUAY

Rhode Island CHAS. R. BRAYTON

South Carolina E. A. \VEBSTER

South Dakota A. M. GREEN

Tennessee WALTER P. BROWNLOW

Texas R. B. HAWLEY

Utah O. J. SALISBURY

Vermont JAMES W. BROCK

Virginia GEO. E. BOWDEN

Washington GEO. H. BAKER

West Virginia N. B. SCOTT

Wisconsin HENRY C. PAYNE

Wyoming WILLIS VAN DEVANTER

District of Columbia M. M. PARKER

Alaska JOHN G. HEID

Arizona . WILLIAM M. GRIFFITH

Indian Territory WM. M. MELLETTE

New Mexico SOLOMON LUNA

Oklahoma WILLIAM GRIMES

Hawaii HAROLD M. SEWALL

(Note: When the name of Hon. M. S. Quay was announced as member
of the Republican National Committee from Pennsylvania, he was tendered
an ovation lasting several minutes. Ed.)

HONORARY VICE-PRESIDENTS.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The roll of States, etc., will now be called
for honorary Vice-Presidents of the Convention.

The roll of States, etc., was called. As finally made up the list of Hon
orary Vice-Presidents is as follows:

Alabama FRANK H. LOTHROP

Arkansas CHAS. D. GRAVES

California H. G. BOND

Colorado W. S. STRATTON

Connecticut JOSEPH R. HAWLEY

Delaware HIRAM R. BURTON

Florida H. S. CHUBB

Georgia J. J. HAMILTON

Idaho L. L. ORMSBEE

Illinois CHAS. H. DEERE

Indiana JAMES A. MOUNT

Iowa CHAS. M. HINSDALE

Kansas W. S. METCALF

Kentucky R. P. STOLL

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. m

Louisiana W. J. BEHAN

Maine WALDO PETTINGILL

Maryland W. E. MALSTER

Massachusetts F. W. ROCKWELL

Michigan REA BARKER

Minnesota GEO. FITZ SIMMONS

Mississippi F. W. COLLINS

Missouri NATHAN FRANK

Montana DAVID E. FOLSOM

Nebraska JNO. D. HASKELL

Nevada M. C. McMILLAN

New Hampshire FRANK JONES

New Jersey F. M. VOORHEES

New York FRANK S. BLACK

North Carolina S. B. ADAMS

North Dakota H. L. HOLMES

Ohio JAMES BARNETT

Oregon F. S. STANLEY

Pennsylvania SAMUEL B. DICK

Rhode Island W. P. BUFFUM

South Carolina JOHN F. JONES

South Dakota A. H. BETTS

Tennessee JOHN J. GRAHAM

Texas JOHN GRANT

Utah ARTHUR BROWN

Vermont HENRY C. BATES

Virginia W. C. FRANKLIN

Washington N. B. COFFMAN

West Virginia S. H. GRAMM

Wisconsin J. H. STOUT

Wyoming DsFORREST RICHARDS

District of Columbia J. E. JONES

Alaska W. D. GRANT

Arizona J. W. DORRINGTON

Indian Territory LEO E. BENNETT

New Mexico W. H. LLEWELLYN

Oklahoma D. F. FLYNN

Hawaii SAMUEL PARKER

ADJOURNMENT.

Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. I move that the Convention adjourn
until 10 o clock to-morrow morning.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the motion
of the gentleman from Ohio that the Convention adjourn until 10 o clock
to-morrow morning.

The motion was agreed to, and (at 3 o clock and 12 minutes P. M.) the
Convention adjourned until to-morrow, Thursday, June 21, 1900. at IO
o clock A. M.

THIRD DAY

PRAYER BY ARCHBISHOP RYAN REPORT OF COMMITTEE
ON RULES ADOPTED NOMINATION OF WILLIAM Mo
KINLEY FOR PRESIDENT ADDRESSES BY SENATOR
FORAKER, OF OHIO, GOVERNOR ROOSEVELT, OF NEW
YORK, JOHN W. YERKES, OF KENTUCKY, GEORGE A.
KNIGHT, OF CALIFORNIA, GOVERNOR MOUNT, OF INDI
ANATHE VOTE FOR PRESIDENT NOMINATION OF
THEODORE ROOSEVELT FOR VICE PRESIDENT AD
DRESSES BY LAFAYTTE YOUNG, OF IOWA, M. J. MURRAY,
OF MASSACHUSETTS, J. M. ASHTON, OF WASHINGTON-
SENATOR DEPEW, OF NEW YORK THE VOTE FOR VICE
PRESIDENT RESOLUTIONS VACANCIES ON NATIONAL
COMMITTEE THANKS TO OFFICERS OF THE CONVEN
TION-THANKS TO THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA-COM
MITTEES TO NOTIFY THE CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT
AND VICE PRESIDENT ADJOURNMENT.

CONVENTION HALL

PHILADELPHIA, PENNA., Thursday, June 21, 1900.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (at 10 o clock and 36 minutes A. M.)- The
Convention will come to order. Most Rev. Archbishop Ryan will offer
prayer.

PRAYER OF MOST REV. P. J. RYAN, ARCHBISHOP OF PHILA
DELPHIA.

Most Rev. Archbishop P. J. Ryan, of Philadelphia, offered the following
prayer :

In the spirit of deep reverence and filial affection let us pray to the
Father, and the Son and the Holy Ghost. O Eternal and Most Sacred God!
Father, Son and Holy Spirit, we believe Thee here present. We adore
Thee. We praise Thee. We thank Thee. We lift our voices to Thee,
Father, in the prayer given to us by Thy Son: Our Father who art in
Heaven, hallowed beyThy name. Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done

112

HON. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, of Ohio,
Who Made the Address Nominating William McKinley for President.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 113

on earth as it is in Heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and forgive
us our trespasses, as we forgive those who trespass against us. Lead us
not into temptation, but deliver us from evil. Amen. And Thou, O Eter
nal Son of the Father, "the figure of his substance and the splendor of Kis
high glory," the light of light, who enlightens every man who cometh into
this World, Thou who as I speak, sitteth at the right hand of the Father; O
Son of the living God, bless this mighty assembly, bless this nation and its
rulers. Send down Wisdom that sitteth by Thy throne that she may illu
mine the intellects and purify the hearts of the whole people and their rulers,
that she may suggest that which will be permanently useful to the great
body of the people, that she may elevate above all personal and mere
party considerations the great ruling power and give to it a consciousness
of the awful responsibility of being minister of God s power to His people,
because from Thee, O Lord, through the people, come all power and do
minion, and therefore the temporal ruler is also the minister of the Most
High. Elevate the intellects and hearts and feelings to this plane on which
alone and from which alone humanity can be ruled, and men bow to the
authority of their fellow men, as wielding Thy delegated power.

And Thou, O Spirit of God, spirit of unity, spirit of love, who proceeds
from the Father and the Son, O Thou who restored order amid chaos, in
the morning of the creation, grant order and unity to this great people,
and preserve its institutions. As at Pentecost, when Thou didst descend
and all the various nations of the earth heard, each man in his own tongue,
the wonderful works of God, and the unity lost at Babel was restored in
Jerusalem, so may the congregated races of this land hear the one voice of
authority and obey it. And may there be not only a union of authority,
but a union of affection. Let us love one another.

Let all the people, in this land unite; we are all of the same destiny,
alike in joy, alike in suffering, travelling through the dark passes of this
valley of tears; let all love one another as we have so much in common.
And also, O Spirit of God, if in the past there have been any races to
whom this charity has not been extended, in the future let it be manifested.
Let not the people whose fathers were enslaved, be made to feel their in
feriority. The children of the forest, whose fathers once owned the glorious
mountains and rivers and rich plains and laughing valleys of this land, O
let them also be considered more favorably. Let us discharge faithfully and
perseveringly our duty towards them.

O Eternal Spirit, spirit of love, spirit of unity, banish all religious big
otry from this glorious young nation. Let us all, whilst prepared to die for
every doctrine in which we pelieve, not allow this to interfere with our
brotherly affection. As our Divine Lord who said "salvation is of the
Jews," did also give to man for all time the heterodox Samaritan as the
example of true fraternal affection, so would he have us know that differ
ence of religion should not impede practical common works of charity.
8

114 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

In fine, O Spirit of God, look down upon this united people. O
look down upon the blood that leaps through its veins, the rejuvenated
blood of the old races that Thou didst bless in the past. Give us love for
Thee, loyalty to Thee, our God, loyalty to our country, loyalty to the com
mon flag, that walking in the light of intelligence, and in the vigor of
chastity, we may work out our manifest destiny as a people during time,
and in eternity join the chorus of all the nations of the universe, singing
forever "Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost."
Amen.

RULES I AND XII.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The first business in order is the unfin
ished business coming over from yesterday, and on that the Chair recog
nizes the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. QUAY).

Mr. M. S. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I take the floor simply
for the purpose of withdrawing, with the consent of the Convention, the
amendment I offered yesterday to the report of the Committee on Rules.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania with
draws the amendment which he yesterday offered to the report of the Com
mittee on Rules. The question is on agreeing to Rules I and 12 as re
ported by the Committee on Rules and Order of Business.

Rules I and XII were agreed to.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The rules have now been adopted as a
whole.

NOMINATION OF CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the nomina
tion of a candidate for President of the United States. (Applause.) The
Clerk will call the roll of States, etc., for the presentation of the names of
candidates.

The READING CLERK proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. P. D. BARKER, of Alabama (when Alabama was called). Alabama
yields to Ohio.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Alabama yields to Ohio.

Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from
Ohio (Mr. FORAKER).

NOMINATING SPEECH OF HON. J. B. FORAKER, OF OHIO.

Mr. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, of Ohio:

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: Alabama yields to
Ohio, and I thank Alabama for that accommodation. Alabama has so
yielded, however, by reason of a fact that would seem in an important sense
to make the duty that has been assigned to me a superfluous duty, for
Alabama has yielded because our candidate for the Presidency has,

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 115

in effect, been already nominated. (Applause.) He was nominated by the
distinguished Senator from Colorado when he assumed the duties of tem
porary chairman. He was nominated again yesterday by the distinguished
Senator from Massachusetts when he took the office of permanent chair
man; and he was nominated for a third time when the Senator from Indiana
yesterday read us the platform. (Applause.) And not only has he been
thus nominated by this Convention, but he has also been nominated by the
whole American people. (Applause.)

From one end of the land to the other, in every mind only one and the
same man is thought of for the honor which we are now about to confer,
and that man is the first choice of every other man who wishes Republican
success next November. (Applause.)

On this account it is that it is not necessary for me or any one else to
speak for him here or elsewhere. He has already spoken for himself (ap
plause), and to all the world. He has a record replete with brilliant achieve
ments (applause), a record that speaks at once both his promises and his
highest eulogy.

It comprehends both peace and war, and constitutes the most striking
illustration possible of triumphant and inspiriting fidelity and success in the
discharge of public duty.

Four years ago the American people confided to him their highest and
most sacred trust. Behold, with what results!

He found the industries of the country paralyzed and prostrated; he
quickened them with a new life that has brought to the American people
a prosperity unprecedented in all their history.

He found the labor of the country everywhere idle; he has given it
everywhere employment. He found it everywhere in despair; he has made
it" everywhere prosperous and buoyant with hope.

He found the mills and shops and factories and mines everywhere closed;
they are everywhere now open. (Applause.) And while we here deliberate
they are sending their surplus products in commercial conquest to the ends
of the earth.

Under his wise guidance our financial standard has been firmly planted
high above and beyond assault, and the wild cry of sixteen to one, so full
of terror in 1896, has been hushed to everlasting sleep alongside of the lost
cause, and other cherished Democratic heresies, in the catacombs of Ameri
can politics. (Applause.)

With a diplomacy never excelled and rarely equalled he has overcome
what at times seemed to be insurmountable difficulties, and has not only
opened to as the door of China, but he has advanced our interests in every
land.

Mr. Chairman, we are not surprised by this, for we anticipated it all.
When we nominated him at St. Louis four years ago, we knew he was wise,
we knew he was brave, we knew he was patient, we knew he would be faith
ful and devoted, and we knew that the greatest possible triumphs of peace

116 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

would be his; but we then little knew that he would be called upon to en
counter also the trials of war. That unusual emergency came. It came un
expectedly as wars generally come. It came in spite of all he could hon
orably do to avert it. It came to find the country unprepared for it, but it
found him equal to all its extraordinary requirements. (Applause.)

It is no exaggeration to say that in all American history there is no chap
ter more brilliant than that which chronicles, with him as our commander-
in-chief, our victories on land and sea. (Applause.)

In one hundred days we drove Spain from the Western Hemisphere,
girdled the earth with our acquisitions and rilled the world with the splendor
of our power. (Applause.)

In consequence the American name has a greater significance now. Our
flag has a new glory. It not only symbolizes human liberty and political
equality at home, but it means freedom and independence for the long-
suffering patriots of Cuba, and complete protection, education, enlighten
ment, uplifting and ultimate local self-government and the enjoyment of
all the blessings of liberty to the millions of Porto Rico and the Philippines.
What we have so gloriously done for ourselves we propose most gener
ously to do for them. (Applause.) We have so declared in the platform
that we have here adopted. A fitting place it is for this party to make such
declaration, here in this magnificent city of Philadelphia, where the evi
dences so abound of the rich blessings the Republican party has brought
to the American people. Here at the birthplace of the nation, where our
own declaration of independence was adopted and our Constitution was
framed; where Washington and Jefferson and Hancock and John Adams
and their illustrious associates wrought their immortal work; here where
center so many historic memories that stir the blood, flush the cheek, and
excite the sentiments of liberty, humanity and patriotism is indeed a most
fitting place for the party of Lincoln and Grant and Garfield and Elaine
(applause), the party of Union and Liberty for all men, to formally dedicate
themselves to this great duty.

W r e are now in the midst of Its discharge. We could not turn back if
we would, and would not if we could. (Applause.) We are on trial before
the world, and must triumphantly meet our responsibilities, or ignomin-
iously fail in the presence of mankind.

These responsibilities speak to this Convention here and now, and com
mand us that we choose to be our candidate and the next President which
is one and the same thing the best fitted man for the discharge of this great
duty in all the Republic. (Applause.)

On that point there is no difference of opinion. No man in all the na
tion is so well qualified for this trust as the great leader under whom the
work has been so far conducted. He has the head, he has the heart, he
has the special knowledge and the special experience that qualify him be
yond all others. And, Mr. Chairman, he has also the stainless reputation
and character, and has the blameless life that endear him to his countrymen

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 117

and give to him the confidence, the respect, the admiration, the love and the
affection of the whole American people. (Applause.)

He is an ideal man, representing the highest type of American citizen
ship, an ideal candidate and an ideal President. With our banner in his
hands it will be carried to triumphant victory in November. (Applause.)

In the name of all these considerations, not alone on behalf of his be
loved State of Ohio, but on behalf of every other State and Territory here
represented, and in the name of all Republicans everywhere throughout
our jurisdiction, I nominate to be our next candidate for the Presidency,
William McKinley. (Applause.)

SPEECH OF HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, OF NEW YORK.

Mr. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, of New York. Mr. Chairman and my fellow
delegates, my beloved Republicans and Americans, I rise to second the
nomination of William McKinley, the President who has had to face more
numerous and graver problems than any other President since the days of
the mighty Lincoln, and who has faced them. (Applause.)

Four years ago the Republicans made William McKinley their nominee
for President. The Republican nominee, even before a fortnight had
passed, he had become the candidate not merely of all Republicans but of
all Americans far-sighted enough to see where the true interests of the
nation lay, and keenly sensitive to the national honor. (Applause.) Four
years ago we were confronted with the gravest crisis which this nation has
had to face since .Appomattox was won and the civil war came to a close.
(Applause.) We were confronted by a situation where, if our opponents
had triumphed, it meant not only an immense aggravation of the existing
and already well-nigh intolerable physical distress, but a stain on the na
tional honor so deep that a generation would have had to pass away before
it could have been wiped out. (Applause.)

We appealed to the nation to put William McKinley in the first place
on the two simple issues that if he were elected prosperity would come to
the country and the country s honor would be upheld at home and abroad.
(Applause.) We did not promise the impossible. We did not say that
prosperity would come to every man, no matter whether that man did or
did not try to get it. In the long run each man s own thrift, industry and
energy must be the prime factors in determining his success. (Applause.)
No legislation can supply their lack, but it is easy enough, by unwise or
dishonest legislation or administration, to nullify them absolutely, and it
is, though less easy, possible by good administration, clean and wise legis
lation, to give them the freest possible scope. And it was that scope which
we promised should be given.

Well, we kept our word. The opportunity was given, and it was seized
by American energy, ingenuity and thrift, with the result that this country
now, as we sit here, has reached a pitch of prosperity never before attained
in the nation s history.

118 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

So it has been in foreign affairs. Four years ago the nation was uneasy
because at our very doors an American Island was writhing in hideous
agony under a worse than mediaeval despotism. We had our Armenia at
our threshold. The situation in Cuba had become such that we could
no longer stand quiet and retain one shred of self-respect. The President
faced this duty as he faced all others. (Applause.) He exhausted every
expedient to get Spain to withdraw peacefully from the island which she
was impotent to do aught than oppress, and when every peaceful means
had failed, we drew the sword and waged the most righteous and brilliantly
successful foreign war that this generation has seen. (Applause.)

It was not a great war because it did not have to be (laughter) ; because
when we could accomplish a result with one finger, we did not need to
exert all our strength. But it was momentous indeed in its effect. And
like every other great feat that has ever been performed in the history of
humanity, it left those who performed it not only a heritage of honor, but
a heritage of responsibility. (Applause.) Great is our responsibility; heavy
indeed; and we are meeting it as it must be met when President McKinley
sends to the Island men like Wood, and Taft, and Allen; men whose names
are synonyms of integrity and honesty, and earnests of the fact that we in
tend that in those islands liberty, justice and orderly law shall prevail from
now onward. (Applause.)

This is what the nation has done during the three years of President
McKinley s administration, and this is what he stands for and typifies. To
him it has been given and thrice blessed the man to whom such is given
to embody in his own personality all that is loftiest, most earnest, most
disinterested in the Nation s hope, in the Nation s desire, and to represent
the Nation s strength in the struggle for righteousness. (Applause.)

We have done so well that our opponents actually use the fact as an
argument for turning us out. (Laughter.) We have put our economic
policy on a basis so stable, we have enacted such wise financial legislation
that they turn to the wise and honest men who deserted them at the last
election and beg them to come back and support them now because even
if they do get in we will prevent them from doing the harm they would like
to do. (Laughter and applause.) I am not exaggerating. That is the
exact argument they use; and to all who might be affected by it let me
address one word of warning. Wise legislation is vitally important, but
honest administration is even more important. (Applause.) No matter
how perfect our financial legislation, if the management of the national
finances were entrusted to any man who would be acceptable to the Popu-
listic Democracy of to-day, we should be plunged back into an abyss of
shame, disgrace and business chaos.

Our opponents have not any more even the poor excuse of honesty for
their folly. They have raved against trusts, they have foamed at the mouth
in prating of impossible remedies they would like to adopt; and now in
my own State we have discovered all of the chief leaders of the Democracy,

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 119

including that leader before whom the other lesser leaders stand with bared
heads and trembling knees (laughter) in a trust which really is of infamous
and perhaps of criminal character. (Applause.) These apostles of De
mocracy, these prophets of the new dispensation, have themselves been dis
covered in a trust through which they hope to wring fortunes for them
selves from the dire needs of their poorer brethren. (Applause.) I pity
the Democratic orator who in New York State this fall speaks the word
"trusts." (Laughter.)

Now for the Philippines. The insurrection still goes on because the
allies in this country of the bloody insurrectionary oligarchy in Luzon have
taught their foolish dupes to believe that Democratic success at the polls
next November means the abandonment of the islands to the savages, who
would scramble for the bloody plunder until some other strong civilized
nation came in to do the work that we would have shown ourselves unfit
to perform. (Applause.) Our success in November means peace in the
islands. The success of our opponents means an indefinite prolongation
of the present bloody struggle.

We nominate President McKinley because he stands indeed for honesty
at home and for honor abroad (applause); because he stands for the con
tinuance of the material prosperity which has brought comfort to every
home in the Union; and because he stands for that kind of policy which
consists in making performance square with promise. (Applause.)

We stand on the threshold of a new century big with the fate of mighty
nations. It rests with us now to decide whether in the opening years of that
century we shall march forward to fresh triumphs or whether at the outset
we shall cripple ourselves for the contest. Is America a weakling, to shrink
from the world-work of the great world-powers? (Applause.) No. The
young giant of the West stands on a continent and clasps the crest of an
ocean in either hand. (Applause.) Our nation, glorious in youth and
strength, looks into the future with eager eyes and rejoices as a strong
man to run a race. We do not stand in craven mood asking to be spared
the task, cringing as we look on the contest. No. We challenge the proud
privilege of doing the work that Providence allots us, and we face the com
ing years high of heart and resolute of faith that to our people is given the
right to win such honor and renown as has never yet been vouchsafed to
the nations of mankind. (Great applause.)

SPEECH OF HON. JOHN M. THURSTON, OF NEBRASKA.

Mr. JOHN M. THURSTON, of Nebraska. Gentlemen of the Convention:
There are voices to-day more powerful and eloquent than those of men
seconding the nomination of William McKinley. They come from the
forest, and the farm, the mountain and the valley, the North, the South,
the East and the West. They are the voices of happy homes, of gladdened
hearts, of bustling, toiling, striving, earnest, prosperous millions, of re-

120 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

established business, re-employed labor, re-opened factories, renewed na
tional credit and faith. (Applause.)

In all the whole broad land every furnace fire that roars, every spindle
that sings, every whistle that blows, every mountain torrent set to toil,
every anvil that rings, every locomotive that screams, every steamship that
plows the main, every mighty wheel that turns, are all joining in the glad,
grand voice of prosperous, progressive, patriotic America, seconding the
nomination of our great President, William McKinley. (Applause.)

And who is William McKinley?

Born of the common people, struggling up through the environments
of humble boyhood and toil, he stands to-day before the world the fore
most representative of all that is most glorious and grand in our uplifted
civilization. (Applause.)

Who is William McKinley?

A citizen soldier of the Republic, a boy volunteer, knighted by his coun
try s commission for daring deeds in the forefront of desperate battle.

His Alma Mater was the tented field, his diploma of valor bore the same
signature as did the Emancipation Proclamation. (Applause.)

When Sheridan, summoned by the mighty roar of doubtful battle, rode
madly down from Winchester and drew nigh to the shattered and retreat
ing columns of his army, the first man he met, to know, was a young lieu
tenant engaged in the desperate work of rallying and reforming the Union
lines, making ready for the coming of the master, whose presence and
genius alone could wrest victory from defeat. That young lieutenant of the
Shenandoah has been rallying and forming the Union lines from that day
to this. (Applause.) He rallied and formed them for the. protection of
American labor; he rallied and formed them to maintain the credit of our
country and the monetary standard of the civilized world. He rallied and
formed them in the great struggle of humanity and sent the power of the
Republic to the islands of the sea, that a suffering people might be lifted
from the depths of tyranny and oppression. He rallied and formed them
that our navies might astound the world and make our flag respected in
all the earth. He rallied and formed them that law and order might pre
vail and life and liberty and property be secure where the banner of the
Republic waves in sovereignty above our new possessions in the East. (Ap
plause.)

His name is on every tongue, his love in every heart, his fame secure in
all time to come and his re-election by the people, whose welfare and honor
he has so jealously guarded and maintained, is as certain as the rising of
the morning sun. (Applause.)

I cannot, dare not stand longer between this Convention and its will.
You are the delegates of the people. You represent their wish as it is soon
to be unanimously recorded. Of the, outcome of the contest that is to fol
low, we have no lingering doubt, for we trust the intelligence of the

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 121

American people and we believe in the justice of Almighty God. (Ap
plause.)

Other candidates of other parties will seek the public confidence and the
popular vote. Hawks and buzzards sometimes soar aloft until they cheat
the human vision to believe them eagles; but the eagle calmly circles high
above them all, the one sole peerless monarch of the snow-capped peaks
and the empyrean blue. (Applause.) So in the realm of statesmanship of
the United States, William McKinley stands above all others, the worthy
successor of Washington, Lincoln, Grant and Garfield our President now
our President to be William McKinley, of Ohio. (Applause.)

SPEECH OF HON. JOHN W. YERKES, OF KENTUCKY.

Mr. JOHN W. YERKES, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman and Fellow Dele
gates: The supreme thought in my mind at this moment is what remains
to be said that ought to be said; and as in time of danger one s thought
naturally turns to his home, I recall that in the historic Philadelphia Re
publican Convention of 1856 liberty-loving men from my State sat as dele
gates. In contrast with this immense audience, this huge hall with its
splendor of decoration and its superb equipment, that gathering would
seem to be of small import. But in devotion to freedom, in intensity and
force of utterance, in eternal results, that assemblage has no peer in the
history of conventions. (Applause.)

Forty 3*ears after that body adjourned Kentucky for the first time gave
her electoral vote to a Republican Presidential candidate, Major William
McKinley. (Applause.) Recognized as a citidel of Democracy she had
capitulated .to the Republicans in the noted State campaign of 1895. She
was Republican in 1896, Republican in 1899, is Republican to-day (ap
plause), and as such she seconds this nomination.

It would be, gentlemen, but a fitting tribute to our President and to the
industrial, commercial, diplomatic and martial victories of his administra
tion if every State placed the stamp of its approval upon his course of* con
duct (applause); and if opportunity were given there would join in this
majestic chorus of national endorsement voices coming across the waters
from our new to our old shores; voices coming from our insular posses
sions to this venerable city where a nation was born consecrated to lib
erty, to freedom and to independence; and what more fitting place for this
universal chorus to sound forth than in this old-time city? These voices
that would come from abroad would ring out from every home over which
for the first time the flag of freedom floats, and that by the orders^ of our
President.

Furthermore, to-day they are linked to our progress and to our destiny,
and therefore stable government, domestic tranquility and Christian civili
zation are assured to them, and just as Lincoln s name sounds to the eman
cipated slave and his children, so the name of President McKinley will be
to these liberated millions of political serfs. (Applause.)

122 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

We believe that with the same leadership and the same policies which
gave us victory in 1896, the same winning will be repeated in 1900. Then it
was a campaign of instruction, of argument, of promise of better days, of
trying to teach the people to trust and rely on our plans and purposes.
Now it will be a campaign in which we will show what has been accom
plished, prophecies fulfilled and pledges redeemed. It will be a presenta
tion of actualities, of facts. You will have a rapid portraiture, you will
have a shifting panoramic view of the present as compared with the past;
and whether this comparison be made by the speaker on the hustings, in
the public press, in the pamphlet, in the marvelous lines of the modern
cartoonist, it will present an argument so forcible that the minds of the
people can not escape it. If there be left among us plain, practical, com
mon, everyday sense, then the columns that followed President McKinley s
leadership four years ago will be doubled in enthusiasm and in numbers
this year. (Applause.)

We support him for our faith in him; for our confidence in his character,
in his capacity; for his splendid personality; for his broad Americanism,
for what he is, for what he has done, and for what he stands pledged to do.
In all these years of his office-holding as member of your National Legis
lature, as Governor, as President, his robes have always been and are to
day as spotless as the snows which crown our mountain peaks. (Ap
plause.)

In Kentucky we know something of what it is to meet the conflicts
and the antagonisms that are born and which reach maturity when
vicious minorities under guise of law, attempt to destroy popular
sovereignty, debauch the ballot box, trample under foot civil liberty and
political freedom, and deny to the people the guaranteed right to select
those who shall rule over them, and to be represented by officials of their
free choice. (Applause). While to us a strong foreign policy, the war and
peace, both coming at humanity s call, the wise currency legislation, the
proper protection of American industries, American labor, and all American
products, appeal with force and directness, yet gentlemen, the right-minded
men in Kentucky are Republicans because they are contending for a free
ballot and a fair count. (Applause.) They are Republicans because this
party by its traditions, by its history, by its platform declarations from the
beginning is pledged to the maintenance and the protection of representa
tive government and of an untrammeled suffrage. (Applause.)

In 1896 we gave you an old, representative slave-holding State. By so
doing we removed one charge against our party, that it was sectional.
The Ohio river was crossed; Republicanism marched southward, and this
sectional line disappeared from the map. We will do it again. (Applause.)
We will show the people of the North and the South and the East that Re
publicanism to use the language of our distinguished chairman means
action, and is always moving forward. (Applause.) I am a Kentuckian,
a lover of my native State, believing in the ultimate integrity and honesty

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 123

of her citizens. I have the fullest confidence in them. I believe they will
make final response to right arguments, and that that response will be made
at our polls next November, in electing electors to vote for President Wil
liam McKinley for re-election. (Applause.)

SPEECH OF MR. GEORGE A. KNIGHT, OF CALIFORNIA.

Mr. GEORGE A. KNIGHT, of California. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of
the Convention, if my history serves me right, this is an anniversary day
for California. I believe the reason why Philadelphia was chosen for hold
ing this Republican Convention was in commemoration of the first Repub
lican Convention, and its nominees. Amid these historic surroundings I
feel quite at home. Forty-four years ago the Republican party met in
National Convention in the City of Philadelphia and nominated a ticket
asking the support of the loyal, liberty-loving citizens of the Union. I
am not a resident of your State, neither am I familiar with the surroundings
of your beautiful city. But it seems to me that this time and these few days
I have been here have been an anniversary for the State of California.
Forty-four years ago John C. Fremont, the weird pathfinder of the Pacific,
was named by the Republican National Convention for President of the
United States. He crossed the level plains, climbed the mountains of rock
and viewed the promised land California God bless her; with a climate
soft as a mother s smile; with a soil fruitful as God s love; an Eden in her
self; broad enough for an empire the Democrats did not want her as a
part of this great National Union. (Applause.)

California came into the Union a free State, heralding the idea that no
man under the shadow of our flag, no matter what his color might be,
should be a slave. Believing in the inalienable rights of man and his just
claim to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Firmly convinced of
the wisdom of Washington s idea of protection, advocating Jefferson s im
perialism, California s admission into the Union was significant and most
important. Had she come into the Union a slave State, the reign of the
dominant power for fifty-five years would have been continued and the
destiny of this Republic would have been problematic.

California elected John C. Fremont one of her first United States Sena
tors, and sent him back to Washington as a pledge of faith that California
was true to the fundamental principles that to-day has made us the greatest
nation on the face of the earth. Therefore, I rejoice with you to-day and
the Republican party when you commemorate the nomination of the Cali-
fornian who carried the banner of Republicanism in the early days of its
sorest trial.

The Convention is impatient. You have had much work to do and I
will not undertake to make a political speech. The time is not opportune
for me to talk of the Republican party and its work, and I will not, at this
time, undertake so great a task. It has written the history of this Govern
ment for every school child to read for the last thirty-five years. There is
not a principle that has been advocated by the party since 61, that has not

124 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

been incorporated and crystalized into statutory or organic law. There is
net a name that is associated with the advancement and the civilization of
our people be he high or low that has not walked under the banner of
Republicanism, and. voted our National ticket. We are tired of history;
\ve want to teach your children geography, and the text books of two years
ago cannot guide the young mind of to-day on account of the advancement
and work of the Republican party of this nation. We have changed the
map and the flag floats now under skies that never knew it before.

In California we know what expansion means. In California we want
this great and liberal nation to be equal to the occasion that offers itself
to it. Happy circumstances shook the world s dice box of opportunity and
we won in the throw. The prizes came not from the sky of blue but from
the ocean, and Hawaii and the Philippine Archipelago, fresh from the soft
creation of the wave, were added to our nation s domain. The King of
Commerce has tapped us on the shoulder and said: "I am coming to the
Fair Pacific to make her my sea-side home."

California welcomes commerce; she is glad that conquest prepared the
way for her peaceful presence.

We know what anti-expansion is in California. Had the advocates of
that doctrine had their way, my fair State would never have been admitted
into the Union. Opposition most strong to the acquisition of California
was made by Senator Corwin of Ohio in the United States Senate in 1847,
and by all the gifts of oratory and tne persuasion of speech, he sought to
influence our Government in its war with Mexico, to withdraw from the
contest and not claim my favored section as a necessary piece of territory
for our nation. We had an advocate in the Senator from Michigan who
told of the unknown country California and incidentally mentioned that
he had been told that the San Francisco Bay was one of the finest- in the
world and that we ought to have it. He predicted that some day the United
States would grow out to the Pacific and, as a matter of precaution, ad
vised that California be retained as a part and parcel of our possessions to
be used in the future. In a most emphatic, scholarly and well-prepared
speech, Senator Corwin combatted the idea of ever purchasing California,
and based his opposition upon the ground that it was too far off to be
practical and it was unjust and indecent to take from a weaker nation.
Speaking of San Francisco Bay he said: "The Senator from Michigan says
it is the finest bay in the world and we ought to have it. Why, gentlemen,
it is like a horse-thief saying that the reason he stole the horse was because
it was the best one he could find." So, gentlemen of the Convention, you
see that California has gone all through this fight on expansion, and had
the anti-expansionists of that flay had their way, one of the greatest States
in this glorious Union would not have been a star in the field of blue on
the National Flag.

We all know what the Democratic party is; we all know what the Demo
cratic party was; we all know what the Democratic party will be until the
crack of doom. (Applause and laughter). I believe it has often been said

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 125

that our forefathers builded better than they knew. I say, no; they knew
better than they had an opportunity of building in their day and in their
time. (Applause.) They had the history of the past; they had the memory
of oppression and the tyranny that brought them to these shores. They
knew the mistakes of the governments of the old world, and they tried, as
best they knew, to avert and avoid them in the building of this new and
great nation. One thing was stamped upon their hearts and their minds
freedom to all and equal rights before the law; and that has been one of the
cardinal principles of the Republican party. (Applause.)

Let me tell you, fellow citizens and gentlemen of this Conven .ion, we
have made no mistakes in our political life. We have taken up the pen
and written into the Constitution of the United States language so simple,
so musical and so just in itself that you would have thought it was in the
original draft, and was the output of the pen that penned the original Con
stitution itself. . (Applause.)

One word with respect to Mr. Bryan. If in the House of Parliament the
same speech and speeches, the same sentiments were expressed that Wil
liam J. Bryan expresses under the shadow and protection of our flag, ther_ j
is not a man, woman or child throughout this great domain who would not
be willing to declare war at once. Put into the mouth of the representative
of any foreign power the sayings of Bryan, let our army be attacked, let
our institutions be made fun of, let our work be degraded in the eyes of
the world by anybody but our people, and war would come. If it be true
what Mr. Bryan says about our territory, if it be true what he says in criti
cism of our institutions, it ought to be right to have the whole civilized
world accord with him.

The Democratic party has always put the arm of labor in a sling.
(Laughter and applause.) The Democratic party has blackened the eye of
commerce. (Laughter.) The Democratic party has crushed the foot of
progress. It has put Uncle Sam to bed every time it has had anything to do
with the Government. (Laughter and applause.) And besides that, it seeks
alliances with the vicious and the outcasts of other lands who do not have
an abiding place under the shadow of their own flag. (Applause.) That is
the indictment against it.

Now, without going further into politics, let me say that the Democrats
are going to have a convention on the Fourth of July in Kansas City. I
wonder why the Fourth of July was chosen? The Fourth of Ju y! Do
you remember when

Our bugles sang truce, for the night cloud had lowered
And the sentinel stars set their watch in the sky,

And thousands had sunk on the ground overpowered,
The weary to sleep and the wounded to die.

Among the soldiers who slept on tented fields was William McKinley,
and under the stars of heaven he slept with his heart on the flag. I know
of no Democrat who has such a record. From 61 to 65 they kept no

126 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

National Anniversaries. I am glad that my friend Roosevelt has said that
the Spanish-American war was not a great war. I fully agree with him in
a limited sense. All the smoke of the Spanish-American war was not in
cense to the god of battles when compared with the battles of Shiloh,
Antietam, Gettysburg and the Wilderness, and the silent heroes of the past
who fought those battles that the nation might live, are entitled at this hour
and time to the praise and remembrance of this grateful Convention. Had
it not been for Lincoln, we would have made no nomination for President
of the United States to-day. Had it not been for Grant, we would have
had no victorious armies. Farragut, lashed in the rigging of the old Hart
ford, his gray locks waving defiance to death and danger, made Dewey a
possibility. And while we give all credit and all honor to those who so
successfully conducted our war with foreign lands, we must not forget those
who made that war s success a possibility. We will not take any honor
from the brave men who brought us territory in the late war. No grander
achievement has ever been chronicled in the history of our country than
the acquisition of the islands in the Pacific. We need them commercially;
we need them politically; we need them in every way that any nation may
need territory. The dismemberment of China is sure to come. The feverish
conditions of the Orient are apparent to everyone, and to-day were it not
that we own the Philippines, we would have to send our soldiers thousands
of miles across the water to protect the lives of the representatives of our
flag. We need those islands as a great depot in the Pacific for the distribu
tion of the output of our inventive genius and industrial hand. We are
proud that California s boys were the first to carry our flag on to foreign
shores, and we know the guarantee they feel in their hearts that the nation
would approve of their acts, will not be a disappointment. Some of them
are over there yet and will never come back. Near the restless sea, amid
the spices and perfumes of the tropical land, Columbia, Fair Columbia,
sighing for her dead, is guarding their hammocks that are swinging in
peaceful and eternal content. I think we will keep the Philippines.

And now a word for California, the regnant queen. We have built the
flagship upon which Dewey stood under the stars and stripes in Manila
Bay; we have fashioned the Monterey and baptized her in the waters of
San Francisco Bay and sent her sluggishly along to do the will of the com
mander of the fleet where she is assigned; we built the Oregon and sent
her with the excursion of our Flag on the grandest and greatest trip that
ever was known in naval achievement, that not only astonished ourselves
but the civilized world stood aghast at the wonderful perfection of these
water fighting machines. But we know what master laid their keel; what
workman wrought their ribs of steel, and we were not at all alarmed when
they started out in defense of the national honor and defense of our con
victions of right.

The time is short and I must close. The embodiment of all the principles
of the Republican party I find in William McKinley, a statesman unexcelled,

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 127

a soldier of honorable renown, and a citizen whose hearthstone of home
is an example to all.

William McKinley stands not only beloved at home, but before all the
nations of this earth as one of the greatest and best rulers that ever graced
the Presidential chair of the United States. (Applause.) November will
soon be here. There will be no doubt as to the result. The ballots are
now counted in the minds and hearts of the American people, and four
years more of respect for law, respect for the flag and hope and faith in the
perpetuity of American institutions and of honor to the name of William
McKinley will follow this nomination. (Applause.)

SPEECH OF HON. JAMES A. MOUNT, OF INDIANA.

Mr. JAMES A. MOUNT, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the
Convention, the anxiety of the Convention to vote on the nomination of
President McKinley only foretells the anxiety of the American people to
express their desire for his election at the polls.

I esteem it a great honor to second the nomination of a man who has
ably discharged every responsibility in peace and war; one who in the
perilous crisis of the great civil conflict in this country, though but a mere
youth, displayed the loyalty of a patriot and the courage of a hero. (Ap
plause.)

This man enlisted as a private soldier and fought in the front rank of
battle until the Union was saved and honored peace secured. He is states
man as well as patriot, a creator of statutes as well as a defender of lib
erty. He became a leader in the Congress of the United States. He was
Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, and the distinguished author
of the tariff law which bore his honored name. The anathemas of the
Democratic party were showered upon that law, and from the same source
came direful prophecies that calamity would follow its adoption. On the
contrary, however, the wisdom of the measure was speedily proclaimed
through flaming furnaces and forges which illuminated the night and by new
industries and expanded markets. It made the closing year of General
Harrison s illustrious administration the climax of national prosperity
achieved up to that period.

The induction of the Democratic party into power in 1893 brought in
its train ruined markets, declining values, diminishing exports, idle men
and a general shrinkage of production. In lieu of the promised better
times the results were loss of confidence, distress and disaster a dismal
heritage of Democratic incapacity. Idle mills, shops, foundries and fac
tories condemned through the eloquence of their silence the party that
had proved recreant to the trust reposed in it by a misguided majority.
The alluring promises made to the farmers by Democratic orators were
as deceptive as the mirage of the desert, which lures to destruction, or as
the dead sea apple that turns to ashes on the lips. (Applause.) Instead
of prosperity, in those four years there was a decrease of 23,000,000 head

128 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

of live stock, and a shrinkage of $828,000,000 in the value of farm animals,
together with a decline of $720,000.000 in the value of farm crops.

The change from a debt-paying to a debt-making policy reve?.led the
utter inability of Democracy to meet and master great economic and finan
cial problems. Four years ago this country was filled with alarm, and fore
bodings of evil prevailed everywhere. The Democratic party offered as a
panacea for depression and disaster one William Jennings Bryan and the
free and unlimited coinage of silver. The Republican party, true to its
tenets, was guided by the same lofty patriotism by which it was inspired
when, in 1860, it chose as its leader that matchless genius, the immortal
Lincoln, the brave and generous-hearted man who piloted the nation
through the dark night of bitter strife into the sunlight of tranqiulity. So,
also, in 1896, it chose as its standard-bearer that brave soldier, intrepid pa
triot and statesman, Major William McKinley.

In prophetic parlance he was designated as the "Advance Agent of Pros
perity." He proclaimed the wisdom of opening the shops, mills and fac
tories to labor instead of opening our mints to the free and unlimited coin
age of silver. (Applause.) In full faith and confidence the people turned
to him as the magnetic needle turns to the po e. He was triumphant, r.nd
with the beginning of his administration came the dawn of a brighter day.
The sun of prosperity awoke the slumbering industries. The whirr of
wheels, the hum of spindles, the clanging of hammers, the sound of reap
ers echoed the song of labor s rejoicing. The magic wand of prosperi;y
touched farm and factor} -, and brought smiling plenty to the home of toilers
throughout the length and breadth of the land. (Applause.) The finger
of progress that had been turned backward on the dial of time by Demo
cratic incompetency and misrule once more moved forward under the in
spiring guidance of President McKinley. An annual increase of $400,000,000
in our export trade, with the unprecedented two billion dollar mark in for
eign commerce reached and passed, are economic truths a part of history
that commends with mightier force than the tongue of eloquence the splen
did administration of this just and far-seeing statesman. (Applause.)
Sound financial legislation has increased the volume and established the
value of our currency.

Impelled by duty s call and the pleadings of the oppressed the United
States engaged in war with the cruel and arrogant Kingdom of Spain.
Grandly our patriotic President met the grave responsibilities of the war,
and with firmness he withstood the clamor for precipitate haste that charac
terizes rash men who are disposed to rush unprepared and recklessly into
conflict. With a conservatism born of greatness, with a quality of sagacity
that commands respect, and with transcendant ability that challenges ad
miration he met the issues and carefully prepared for the clash of armor
that could be no longer averted. In one hundred days he organized and
equipped a volunteer army of 250,000 soldiers, and, with only a fraction of
this army, he defeated the land forces of Spain and destroyed her fleets

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 129

without the loss to this nation of a war vessel, and with a loss of men so
small, with results so important, that a parallel cannot be found in all the
annals of warfare. (Applause.) The military and naval power of the United
States was thus exalted before the nations of the earth, and the name of
William McKinley became honored and extolled by the people of all lands.
(Applause.) Like Abraham Lincoln, our President has been made the
target of abuse by men who will yet, in the calmer moments of candor, ex
tol his fairness, his efficiency, his fidelity and his greatness.

Sons of illustrious sires who wore the Blue and the Gray have unitedly
carried Old Glory" to victory. They have planted the ensign of liberty,
the flag of our Union, in the Antilles and in the Orient, there to remain as
a covenant promise of better government to the inhabitants.

Mighty problems unforestalled have arisen. They have been and are
now being met in this period of transition, this history-making, geography-
changing epoch of the world. We need a man, we must have a man, equal
to the grave responsibilities that may arise. Platforms can not forecast
policies for unforeseen emergencies.

"God give us men. A time like this demands
Strong minds, great hearts, true faith and ready hands;
Tall men, sun-crowned, who live above the fog
In public duty, and in private thinking."

This Convention has named such a man. (Applause.) I therefore take
great pleasure in seconding the nomination of him who stands before the
world clear-headed, clean-handed, strong-hearted a patriot, a statesman
and hero, a typical American, a Christian gentleman, William McKinley.
(Applause.)

130

OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

VOTE FOR CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. If there are no more names of candidates
to be presented, the clerk will call the roll of States. Each State, Ter
ritory and District of Columbia, as it is called, will answer through its chair
man, stating its vote for our nominee for President of the United States.
The Chair begs the Convention and audience to preserve quiet while this
most solemn act is performed. This is putting in nomination a candidate
for President. The clerk will call the roll.

The READING CLERK called the roll, which resulted as follows:

Whole For

Number of William
Delegates. McKinley.

Whole For

Number of William
Delegates. McKinley.

Alabama 22

Arkansas 16

California 18

Colorado 8

Connecticut 12

Delaware 6

Florida 8

Georgia 26

Idaho 6

Illinois 48

Indiana 30

Iowa 26

Kansas 20

Kentucky 26

Louisiana 16

Maine 12

Maryland 16

Massachusetts 30

Michigan 28

Minnesota 18

Mississippi 18

Missouri 34

Montana 6

Nebraska 16

Nevada 6

New Hampshire 8

New Jersey 20

New York 72

North Carolina 22

North Dakota 6

Ohio 46

Oregon 8

Pennsylvania 64

Rhode Island 8

South Carolina 18

South Dakota 8

Tennessee 24

Texas 30

Utah 6

Vermont 8

Virginia 24

Washington 8

West Virginia 12

Wisconsin 24

Wyoming 6

District of Columbia 2

Alaska 4

Arizona 6

Indian Territory 6

New Mexico 6

Oklahoma 6

Hawaii . 2

Total

.926

2
4
6
6
6
6

926

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair will announce the result of the
vote. Total number of votes cast, 926; William McKinley has received
926 votes. It is a unanimous vote, and the Chair declares that William Mc
Kinley is your nominee for the Presidency for the term beginning March 4,
1901.

[The announcement of the result was received with applause and cheer
ing which lasted several minutes.]

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 131

NOMINATION OF CANDIDATE FOR VICE PRESIDENT.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the nomina
tion of a candidate for Vice President. The clerk will call the roll of States,
etc., for the presentation of candidates.

The READING CLERK proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. P. D. BARKER, of Alabama (when Alabama was called). Alabama
yields to Iowa.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Colonel Lafayette
Young, of Iowa.

NOMINATING SPEECH OF MR. LAFAYETTE YOUNG, OF IOWA.

Mr. LAFAYETTE YOUNG, of Iowa. Gentlemen of the Convention: I have
listened with profound interest to the numerous indictments pronounced
against the Democratic party, and as an impartial reader of history I am
compelled to confess that the indictments are all only too true. If I am
to judge, however, by the enthusiasm of this hour, the Republican relief
committee sent out four years ago to carry supplies and succor to the pros
trate industries of the Republic has returned to make formal report that the
duty has been discharged. (Applause.) I can add nothing to this indict
ment except to say that that unfortunate party, through four years of legis
lative and administrative control, has made it, up to 1896, impossible for
an honest man to get into debt or to get out of it.

But, my fellow citizens, you know my purpose; you know the heart of
this Convention. The country never called for patriotic sons from any
given family but that more was offered than there was room for on the
enlistment roll. (Applause.) When this Convention and this great party
called for a candidate for Vice President two voices responded one from
the Mississippi Valley by birth; another by loving affection and adoption.

It is my mission, representing that part of the great Louisiana Purchase^
to withdraw one of these sons and to suggest that the duty be placed upon
the other. I therefore withdraw the name of Jonathan P. Dolliver, of Iowa
(applause), a man born with the thrill of the Lincoln and Fremont cam
paigns in his heart, and with the power to stir the hearts and consciences
of men as part of his birthright.

We turn to this other adopted son of the great Middle West; and at this
moment I recall that this is an anniversary with our candidate. Two years
ago to-day as many men as there are men and women in this great hall
were on board sixty transports lying off Santiago harbor, in full view of the
bay, with Moro Castle looming up on the right, and another prominence
upon the left, with the opening of the channel between. On board those
transports were 20,000 soldiers who had gone away from our shores to lib-
erate another race, to fulfill no obligation but that of humanity. (Ap
plause.)

As camp followers there were those who witnessed this great spectacle

132 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

of the fleet, and on the ship Yucatan was that famous regiment, the Rough
Riders of the West and the Mississippi Valley. (Applause.) In command
of that regiment was that fearless young American student, scholar, plains
man, reviewer, historian, statesman, soldier of the Middle West by adop
tion, of New York by birth. That fleet, sailing around the point, coming
to the place of landing, stood off the harbor two years ago to-morrow, and
the navy bombarded the shore to make a place for landing. No living man
who was in that campaign, as an observer, as a camp follower, as a soldier,
can fail to recall, especially if he closes his eyes, the awful scenes in that
campaign in June and July, 1898.

The landing being completed, there were those who stood upon the shore
and saw those indomitable men land, landing in small boats through waves
that dashed against the shore, landing without harbor, but land they did,
with the accoutrements and their weapons by their sides. And those who
stood upon that shore and saw those men come on, thought they could
read in their faces, "Stranger, can you tell me the nearest road to San
tiago?" That is the place they were looking for. The name of the leader
of that campaign, of one of those regiments, is the one I shall bring before
this Convention for the office of Vice President of the United States. (Ap
plause.)

Gentlemen of the Convention, I know you have been here a long time,
and that you have had politics in abundance; I know the anxiety to complete
the work of this Convention, but I cannot forbear to say that this occasion
has a higher significance than one of politics. The campaign of this year
is higher than politics. In fact, if patriotism could have its way there would
be but one political party and but one electoral ticket in any State of the
Union, because patriotic duty would enforce it.

In many respects the years 1898 and 1899 have been the great years of the
Republic. There is not under any sun or in any clime any man or govern
ment that dares to insult the flag of the United States not one. We are
a greater and a broader people on account of these achievements. (Ap
plause.) They have made Uncle Sam a cosmopolitan citizen. No one
questions his prowess or his bravery. As the result of those campaigns and
as a result of the American spirit, my fellow citizens, the American soldier,
ten thousand miles away from home, with a musket in his hands, says to
the aggressor, to those who are in favor of tyranny: "Halt! Who goes
there?" And the same spirit says to the beleaguered hosts of liberty:
"Hold the fort; I am coming." Thus says the spirit of Americanism. (Ap
plause.)

Gentlemen of the Convention, I place before you this distinguished leader
of Republicanism in the United States, this leader of the aspirations of the
people whose hearts are right, this leader of the aspirations of the young
men of this country. Their hearts and consciences are with this young
leader whom I name for the Vice Presidency of the United States Theo
dore Roosevelt, of New York. (Applause.)

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 133

SPEECH OF. MR. M. J. MURRAY, OF MASSACHUSETTS.

Mr. M. J. MURRAY, of Massachusetts. Gentlemen of the Convention:
Massachusetts commissions me, through her delegation, to speak to you
to-day, and she accompanied that request with the injunction that I should
be exceedingly brief in what I have to say. We who come from the Old
Bay State know and love and appreciate the Governor of New York. (Ap
plause.) HP has many times been welcomed within our borders, and we
have for him that high appreciation which Massachusetts manhood always
has for a thoroughgoing, fighting Republican. We yield to him a full meas
ure of devotion unsurpassed by that of any other delegation upon the floor
of the Convention. His life to us is an embodiment of those qualities
which appeal everywhere to American manhood, and which are a sufficient
guarantee of the kind of public service he will render in this new and high
position of responsibility to the American people. (Applause.)

Gentlemen of the Convention, on behalf of the State of Massachusetts,
which has furnished to the President of the United States one of the best
assistants he has enjoyed in his Cabinet, in the government of the na
tion s affairs, mindful of the duty which he expects us to perform in this
Convention, with the heartiest kind of sympathy and regard for the voice
of this great gathering, on behalf of the delegation which has complimented
me with the privilege I am now to exercise aye, on behalf of all New Eng
land, whose towns and cities have been responsible for some of the charac
ter that has entered into the Nation s life with all the earnestness at
my command, I second the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt, of New
York. (Applause.)

SPEECH OF MR. J. M. ASHTON, OF WASHINGTON.

Mr. JAMES M. ASHTON, of Washington. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen
of the Convention: We come here from the great, the growing and the
mighty Northwest. We come to greet my worthy predecessor, the great
States of New England, in the mighty Northeast. We come from the gate
way of the treasure land of Alaska, the land which will make the free coin
age of silver sink into insignificance. (Applause.)

The name of Theodore Roosevelt is known at every fireside throughout
the great and magnificent mountains and across the broad plains of the
great West. Everywhere that name is the symbol of American heroism
and American manhood. (Applause.) When we came here we had in our
minds for this exalted position an eminent international jurist, an eminent
diplomat, the Hon. Bartlett Tripp, of the great Northwest. (Applause.)
But he has said from the commencement, if it is possible to secure the
nomination of Governor Roosevelt and his acceptance, together with that
grand character in American history, the eminent, the illustrious, the patri
otic statesman and soldier, William McKinley, it would be the greatest
ticket, the grandest ticket, and the strongest ticket which can be placed
before the American people.

134 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

Now, gentlemen of the Convention, beneath the banner of McKinley
and Roosevelt the West will unite with the mighty East and go before the
shrine of the people. We have no fears. You will find when the ballots are
cast next November that the West has with the entire country woven about
the waist of Columbia the girdle of political power and political freedom;
you will find when you count the ballots from the States of the setting sun
that they will read for McKinley and Roosevelt," and we will clasp that
girdle in Republican victory. (Applause.) I thank you.

SPEECH OF HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, OF NEW YORK.

(There were cries of "Depew!" "Depew!")

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair calls upon Senator Depew.

Mr. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, of New York. Gentlemen of the Convention:
Permit me to state to you at the outset that I am not upon the programme,
but I will gladly perform the pleasant duty of announcing that New York
came here, as did every other delegation, for Colonel Roosevelt for Vice
President of the United States. (Applause.) When Colonel Roosevelt ex
pressed to us his wish not to be considered, we respected it and we proposed
to place in nomination by our unanimous vote our Lieutenant Governor,
Timothy L. Woodruff. (Applause.) Now that the Colonel has responded
to the call of the Convention and the demand of the people, New York
and Woodruff withdraw Mr. Woodruff and put Roosevelt in nomination.
I had the pleasure of nominating him two years ago for Governor when
all the signs pointed to the loss of New York in the election, but he charged
up and down the old State from Montauk Point to Niagara Falls, as he
went up San Juan Hill against the Spaniards (applause), and the Demo
crats fled before him as the Spaniards did in Cuba. (Applause.)

It is a peculiarity of American life that our men are not born to any
thing, but that they get there afterward. (Applause.) McKinley, a young
soldier, and coming out a major; McKinley, a Congressman, and making
a tariff; McKinley, a President, elected because he represented the pro
tection of American industries, and McKinley, after four years develop
ment, in peace, in war, in prosperity and in adversity, the greatest Presi
dent save one or two that this country ever had, and the greatest ruler in
Christendom to-day. (Applause.)

So with Colonel Roosevelt we call him "Teddy." (Applause.) He
was the child of New York, of New York city, the place that you gentle
men from the West think breeds coupons, clubs and eternal damnation for
every one. (Laughter.) "Teddy" was the child of Fifth avenue. He was
the child of the clubs. He was the child of the exclusiveness of Harvard
College. He went West and became a cowboy (applause and laughter),
and then he went into the Navy Department and became an Assistant Sec
retary. He gave an order, and the old chiefs of bureau came to him and
said: "Why, Colonel, there is no authority and no requisition to burn this
powder." "Well," said the Colonel, "we have to get ready when war comes,

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 135

and powder was manufactured to be burned." (Applause.) The burning
of that powder sunk Cervera s fleet outside of Santiago s harbor and the fleet
in Manila Bay. (Aplause.)

At Santiago a modest voice was heard, exceedingly polite, addressing a
militia regiment lying upon the ground, while the Spanish bullets were fly
ing over them. This voice said: "Get to one side, gentlemen, please; one
side, gentlemen, please, that my men can get out." And when this polite
man got .his men out in the open, where they could face the bayonet and
face the bullet, there was a transformation, and the transformation was
that the dude had become a cowboy, the cowboy had become a soldier, the
soldier had become a hero, and, rushing up the hill, pistol in hand (ap
plause), the polite man shouted to the militiamen lying down: "Give them
hell, boys! Give them hell!" (Applause.)

Allusion has been made by one of the speakers to the fact that the Dem-
ocatic Convention is to meet two weeks from yesterday, on the Fourth of
July. Great Scott! The Fourth of July! (Laughter.) On the Fourth of
July all the great heroes of the Revolution, all the great heroes of the war
of 1812, all the great heroes of the war with Mexico, and the heroes of the
war with Spain who are not dead will be in processions all over the coun
try those mighty spirits; but they will not be at the Democratic Conven
tion at Kansas. City. (Applause.)

Mr. H. HjBiNGHAM, of Pennsylvania. And the heroes of the War of
the Rebellion.

Mr. DEPEW, of New York. And the heroes of the War of the Rebellion.
There is one gentleman who is detained from there and from the welcome
which they would delight to give him, but he is at present engaged in run
ning a footrace, under the blazing sun, from the soldiers of the United
States. (Laughter and applause.) George Washington s spirit will not be
there, but George Washington Aguinaldo, if he could, would be there as a
welcome delegate. (Laughter and applause.)

I should like to sit in the gallery and hear the platform read; anti-expan
sion, with Jefferson coming out of the clouds and saying, "Who are you?
Didn t my expansion become fifteen States as glorious and as great as any
represented in your Convention? And what are you condemning me for?"
Anti-imperialism! Because we are putting down an insurrection in the
Philippines! And from the grave at the Hermitage comes the spirit of old
Andrew Jackson, saying: "Get out of here, or by the Eternal I will let you
know who I am!" (Laughter and applause.) Anti-acquisition of territory?
And then comes a procession of Democrats of the old Democratic party
Jefferson, Monroe, Polk, Pierce, pointing to Louisiana, pointing to New
Mexico, pointing to California, pointing to Oregon, pointing to what has
made our country first and foremost among the countries of the world.
(Applause.)

But then will come the great card of the Convention, headed by the great
Bryan himself, "Down with the Trusts!" "Down with the Trusts!" and

136 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

when the applause is over it will be found that the pitchers on the table
have been broken by the clashing of the ice within (laughter), for that ice
will be making merry at five cents a chunk. (Laughter.)

I heard a story. (Laughter.) This is a brand new story. (Laughter.) It
is of the vintage of June, 1900. Most of my stories are more venerable.
(Laughter.) There was a lady with her husband in Florida last winter he
a consumptive and she a strenuous and tumultuous woman. (Laughter.)
Her one remark as they sat on the piazza was: "Stop coughing, John."
John had a hemorrhage. The doctor said he must stay in bed six weeks.
His tumultuous wife said: "Doctor, it is impossible. We are travelling on
a time limited ticket, and we have several more places to go." (Laughter
and applause.) So she carried him off. On arriving at the next station the
poor man died, and the sympathetic hotel proprietor said: "Madam, what
shall we do?" She said: "Box him up. I have a time limited ticket, and
several more places to go." (Laughter and applause.)

Now, we buried 16 to I in 1896. We put a monument over it, weighing
as many tons as the Sierra Nevada, when "gold" was put into the statute
by a Republican Congress and the signature of William McKinley. Colonel
Bryan has been a body-snatcher. (Laughter.) He has got the corpse out
from under the monument, but it is dead. He has got it in its coffiin, car
rying it along, as did the bereaved widow, because, he says: "I must, I must;
I am wedded to this body of sin and death. (Laughter.) I must, I must,
because I have a time ticket which expires in November." (Laughter and
applause.)

I remember that when I first used to go abroad it is a good thing for
a Yankee to go abroad I was ashamed because everywhere they would
say: "What is the matter with the Declaration of Independence when you
have slavery in your land?" Well, we took slavery out, and now no Ameri
can is ashamed to go abroad. When I went abroad later the ship was full
of merchants going across to buy iron and steel and wool and cotton and
all kinds of goods. Now when an American goes around the world, what
happens to him? When he reaches the capital of Japan he rides on an
electric railway made by American mechanics. When he reaches the cities
of China he rides under electric lights invented by Mr. Edison and put up
by American artisans. When he goes over the great railway across Siberia
from China to St. Petersburg, he rides on American rails in cars drawn by
American locomotives. When he gets to Germany he finds our iron and
steel climbing over a two dollar and fifty cent tariff, and thereby scaring
the Kaiser out of his wits. (Laughter.) When he reaches the great Ex
position at Paris he finds the French winemaker saying that American wine
cannot be admitted there for the purpose of judgment. When he gets to
old London he gets for breakfast California fruit, he gets for luncheon, bis
cuit and bread made of Western wheat, and he gets for dinner "roast beef
of old England" from the plains of Montana (laughter); and his feet rest

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 137

on a carpet marked "Axminster," but made at Yonkers, New York.
(Laughter.)

Now, my friends, the canvass upon which we are entering is a canvass
of the future. The past is only for record and for reference, and, thank
God, we have a reference and a record. It is the canvass of the future. Why
this war in South Africa? Why these hammerings at the gates of Pekin?
Why these marching of troops over Asia and Africa? Why this parading
of the people and of the empire of other lands? It is because the surplus
products of civilized countries in modern times are greater than civiliza
tion can consume. It is because this overproduction rolls back to stagnation
and poverty.

The American people now produce $2,000,000,000 worth more than we
can consume, and we have met the emergency, by the providence of God,
by the statesmanship of William McKinley, and by the valor of Roosevelt
and his associates. (Applause.) We have our market in Cuba, we have
our market in Porto Rico, we have our market in Hawaii, we have our
market in the Philippines, and we stand in the presence of eight hundred
million people, with the Pacific as an American lake and the American
artisan producing better and cheaper goods than those of any other country
in the world.

My friends, we go to American labor and to the American farm, and say
that with McKinley for another four years there will be no congestion in
America. Let invention proceed, let production go on, let the factories do
their best, let labor be employed at the highest wages, because the world is
ours, and we have conquered it by Republican principles and by Republican
persistency in the enforcement of the principles of American industry and
of America for Americans. (Applause.)

Many of you I met in convention four years ago you from New England
with all its culture and its coldness (laughter), and you from the Middle
West, who, starting from Ohio and radiating in every direction, think you
are all there is of it (laughter); you from the West who produced on this
platform a product of New England transplanted to the West through New
York, who delivered the best presiding officer s speech in oratory and all
that makes up a great speech that has been heard in many a day in any con
vention in this country. (Applause.) It was a glorious thing to see the
fervor of the West and the culture and polish of New England giving us
an ammunition wagon from which the spellbinder everywhere can draw
the powder to shoot down opposition East and West and North and South.
(Applause and laughter.)

Many of you, as I say, I met in convention four years ago. We all feel
what little men we were then compared with what we are to-day. There
is not a man here who does not feel four hundred per cent, bigger in 1900
than he did in 1896; bigger intellectually, bigger hopefully, bigger patriot
ically, bigger in the grasp of the fact that he is a citizen of a country which

138

OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

has become a world power for peace, for civilization, and for the expansion
of its industries and the products of its labor. (Applause.)

We have the best ticket ever presented. (Applause.) We have at the
head of it a Western man with Eastern notions, and we have at the other
end an Eastern man with Western characteristics (applause) ; the states
man and the cowboy (laughter) ; the accomplished man of affairs and the
heroic fighter; the man who has proved great as President, and the fighter
who has proved great as Governor. (Applause.) We leave this old town
simply to keep on shouting and working to make it unanimous for Mc-
Kinley and Roosevelt. (Applause.)

VOTE FOR CANDIDATE FOR VICE PRESIDENT.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. If there are no other nominations to be
made for candidate for Vice President, the Clerk will call the roll of States,
etc., and the chairman of each delegation, as the State or Territory is called,
will announce the vote of the State or Territory for candidate for Vice
President. The Clerk will call the roll.

The READING CLERK proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. BENJAMIN B. ODELL, of New York (when New York was called).
New York casts 71 votes for Theodore Roosevelt, one not voting.

The roll call was concluded, resulting as follows:

Whole
Number of
Delegates.

Alabama 22

Arkansas 16

California 18

Colorado 8

Connecticut 12

Delaware 6

Florida 8

Georgia 26

Idaho 6

Illinois 48

Indiana 30

Iowa 26

Kansas 20

Kentucky 26

Louisiana 16

Maine 12

Maryland 16

Massachusetts 30

Michigan 28

Minnesota 18

Mississippi 18

Missouri 34

Montana 6

Nebraska 16

Nevada 6

New Hampshire 8

New Jersey 20

For Whole For

Theodore Number of Theodore

Roosevelt. Delegates. Roosevelt.

22 New York 72 71

16 North Carolina 22 22

18 North Dakota 6 6

8 Ohio 46 46

12 Oregon 8 8

6 Pennsylvania 64 64

8 Rhode Island 8 8

26 South Carolina 18 18

6 South Dakota 8 8

48 Tennessee 24 24

30 Texas 30 30

25 Utah 6 6

20 Vermont 8 8

26 Virginia 24 24

16 Washington 8 8

12 West Virginia 12 12

16 Wisconsin 24 24

30 Wyoming 6 6

28 District of Columbia 2 2

18 Alaska 4 4

18 Arizona 6 6

34 Indian Territory 6 6

6 New Mexico 6 6

16 Oklahoma 6 6

6 Hawaii 2 2

20 Total 926 925

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 139

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The total vote of the Convention is 926.
Nine hundred and twenty-five votes have been cast (one delegate not voting)
for Theodore Roosevelt, of New York. (Applause.) I hereby declare
him your nominee for the Vice-Presidency for the term beginning March 4,
1901. (Applause.)

[The announcement of the result was received with applause and cheering
which lasted several minutes.]

PUBLICATION OF PROCEEDINGS.

Mr. CHARLES H. GROSVENOR, of Ohio. I offer the resolutions which I
send to the desk.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Ohio offers resolutions
which will be read.

The READING CLERK read as follows:

Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby directed to prepare and
publish a full and complete report of the official proceedings of this Convention, under
the direction of tke National Committee, co-operating with the local committee.

Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention be requested to republish the official
proceedings of preceding Republican National Conventions now out of print, under the
direction of the National Committee.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the resolu
tions submitted by the gentleman from Ohio.
The resolutions were agreed to.

VACANCIES ON NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE.

Mr. THOMAS H. CARTER, of Montana. Mr. Chairman, I submit the reso
lution which I send to the desk.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Montana offers a reso
lution which will be read.

The READING CLERK read as follows:

Resolved, That the National Republican Committee be, and it is hereby empowered to
fill all vacancies in its membership.

The resolution was agreed to.

COMMITTEES TO NOTIFY THE NOMINEES.
Mr. CHARLES DICK/ of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I offer a resolution.
The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Ohio offers a resolu
tion which will be read.
The READING CLERK read as follows:

Resolved, That the Permanent Chairman of this Convention, Hon. Henry Cabot
Lodge, of Massachusetts, be appointed chairman of the committee to notify Hon. Wil
liam McKinley of his nomination for President, and that the Temporary Chairman,
Hon. E. O. Wolcott, of Colorado, be appointed chairman of the committee to notify the
nominee for Vice-President of his nomination; and that the committee notify the candi
date for President on July 12.

The resolution was agreed to.

140 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

THANKS TO CONVENTION OFFICERS.

Mr. SIDNEY M. BIRD, of Maine. I offer the resolution which I send to
the desk.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. J. B. Foraker, of Ohio, in the chair).
The gentleman from Maine offers a resolution which will be read.

The READING CLERK read as follows:

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are tendered to the Temporary Chair
man, the Permanent Chairman, the Secretary and his Assistants, the Sergeant-at-Arms
and his Deputies, the Clerk at the Chairman s Desk, the Reading and Tally Clerks, the
Official Reporter and the Messengers.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the resolution
submitted by the gentleman from Maine.
The resolution was unanimously agreed to.

THANKS TO THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA.

Mr. JOSEPH H. MANLEY, of Maine. Mr. Chairman, I offer the resolution
which I send to the desk.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (Mr. Lodge). The gentleman from Maine
offers a resolution which will be read.

The READING CLERK read as follows:

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are hereby tendered to his Honor,
Samuel H. Ashbridge, Mayor of Philadelphia, the members of the Citizens Committee
and the citizens for the hospitable and perfect provisions made for the session of the
convention and the entertainment of the delegates, alternates and visitors.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Convention has heard the resolution,
and the Chair is sure it will join him in extending much more than formal
thanks to Mayor Ashbridge, to the city of Philadelphia, and to the com
mittees which have been so attentive to our comfort, and so hospitable to us.
The question is on agreeing to the resolution offered by the gentleman
from Maine.

The resolution was unanimously agreed to.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 141

COMMITTEE TO NOTIFY HON. WILLIAM McKINLEY.
The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair requests the Chairman of each
delegation to submit in writing the name of its member of the committee
to notify Hon. William McKinley of his nomination.

The committee as finally made up is as follows:

Chairman, HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, of Massachusetts.

ADDRESS. STATE.

P. D. BARKER Mobile Alabama.

CHARLES M. GREENE Harrison Arkansas.

WILLIAM M. GARLAND Los Angeles California.

DAVID H. MOFFAT Denver Colorado.

LINUS B. PLIMPTON Hartford Connecticut.

J. FRANK ALEE Dover Delaware.

JOSEPH E. LEE Jacksonville Florida.

W. A. PLEDGER Athens Georgia.

W. B. HEYBURN Wallace Idaho.

FRANK O. LOWDEN Chicago Illinois.

JOHN D. WIDAMAN Warsaw Indiana.

C. E. ALLBROOK Eldora Iowa.

E. T. FRANKS Owensboro Kentucky.

JULIUS GODCHAUX New Orleans Louisiana.

WAIN\VRIGHT CUSHUSTG Foxcroft Maine.

WILLIAM F. AIREY Baltimore Maryland.

FRANKLIN E. HUNTRESS Somerville Massachusetts.

FRANK J. HECKER Detroit Michigan.

RAY W. JONES Frazee Minnesota.

SAM P. HURST Clarksdale Mississippi.

JOHN B. OWEN St. Louis Missouri.

DAVID E. FOLSOM White Sulphur Springs. .Montana.

O. A. ABBOTT Grand Island Nebraska.

ROBERT L. FULTON Reno Nevada.

FRED A. PALMER Manchester New Hampshire.

LESLIE D. WARD Newark New Jersey.

FRANK S. WITHERBEE Port Henry New York.

W. A. LEMLEY Winston North Carolina.

FRED LEUTZ Hebron North Dakota.

JOS. G. BUTLER, Js Youngstown Ohio.

HENRY E. ANKENNY Sterling Oregon.

JOSEPH C. FLETCHER Bristol Rhode Island.

E. H. DEAS Darlington South Carolina.

C. B. COLLINS Groton South Dakota.

GEO. N. TILLMAN Nashville Tennessee.

J. G. LOWDON Abilene Texas.

THOMAS KEARNS Park City Utah.

WM. N. PLATT Shoreham Vermont.

J. HAMPTON HOGE Roanoke Virginia.

LEVI ANKENY Walla Walla Washington.

W. W. MONROE Parkersburg . ., West Virginia.

WALTER ALEXANDER Wausau Wisconsin.

CLARANCE D. CLARKE Evanston Wyoming.

W. D. GRANT Wrangel Alaska.

JOHN W. DORRINGTON Yuma Arizona.

W. CALVIN CHASE Washington District of Columbia.

MIGUEL A. OTERO Santa Fe New Mexico.

\\ T . J. FRENCH Alva Oklahoma.

S. PARKER Honolulu Hawaii.

P. L. SOPER Vinita Cherokee Nation. . Indian Territory.

142 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

COMMITTEE TO NOTIFY HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair requests the chairman of each
delegation to submit in writing the name of its member of the committee
to notify the Hon. Theodore Roosevelt of his nomination.

The committee as finally made up is as follows.

Chairman, HON. EDWARD O. WOLCOTT, of Colorado. .

ADDRESS. STATE.

N. H. ALEXANDER Montgomery Alabama.

S. A. DUKE Baxter Arkansas.

GEORGE C. PARDEE Oakland California.

JOHN B. THOMPSON Longmont Colorado.

ANDREW J. SLOPER New Britain Connecticut.

ALVIN D. CONNOR Dover Delaware.

JOHN F. HORR Jacksonville Florida.

E. N. CLEMENCE Columbus Georgia.

GEORGE L. SHOUP Boise City Idaho.

J. H. ROWELL Bloomington Illinois.

CHARLES S. HERNLEY Indianapolis Indiana.

J. J. MARSH Decorah Iowa.

J. T. BRADLEY Sedan Kansas.

W. J. DEBOE Marion Kentucky.

JOHN W. COOKE Lake Providence Louisiana.

ALBERT PIERCE Frankfort Maine.

J. T. BRADFORD Baltimore Maryland.

GEORGE N. SWALLOW Boston Massachusetts.

WILLIAM E. PARNALL Calumet Michigan.

J. J. ECKLUND Duluth Minnesota.

W. E. MASK Winona Mississippi.

WALTER S. DICKEY Kansas City Missouri.

DAVID E. FOLSOM White Sulphur Sprin-s. .Montana.

ALEX LAVERTY Ashland Nebraska.

PATRICK L. FLANIGAN Reno Nevada.

ALBERT WALLACE Rochester New Hampshire.

WM. BARBOUR Paterson New Jersey.

FRANCIS V. GREENE New York City New York.

THOMAS S. ROLLINS Marshall North Carolina.

H. C. PLUMLEY Fargo North Dakota.

GEO. C. RAWLINS Springfield Ohio.

THOMAS McEWAN Sumpter Oregon.

JOHN H. MURDOCK Washington Pennsylvania.

LUCIUS B. DARLING Pawtucket Rhode Island.

J. F. ENSOR Columbia South Carolina.

FMIL BRAUCH Hurley South Dakota.

T. S. ELGIN Selmer Tennessee.

CHARLES M. FERGUSON San Antonio Texas.

C. E. LOOSE Provo Utah.

E. M. BARTLTT Brighton .. Vermont.

C. G. SMITHERS Cape Charles Virginia.

LEVI ANKENY Walla Walla Washington.

JOHN D. RIGG Terra Alta West Virginia.

JAMES REYNOLDS Lake Geneva Wisconsin.

GEORGE C. GOBEL Rock Springs Wyoming.

W. D. GRANT Wrangel .... Alaska.

CHARLES H. DRAKE Tucson Arizona.

JOHN E. TONES Washington District of Columbia.

SECUNDINO ROMERO .. ...Las Vegas .. New Mexico.

J. G. PRTNGEY Harvey Oklahoma.

A. N. KEPOIKAI Honolulu Hawaii.

W. L. McWILLIAMS Miami Quapaw Agency. .Indian Territory.

FINAL ADJOURNMENT.

Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. Mr. Chairman, I move that the
Convention do now adjourn sine die.

The motion was agreed to; and (at 2 o clock and 12 minutes P. M.) the
Chair declared the Convention adjourned without day.

Official Notification of the Candidates

NOTIFICATION OF PRESIDENT McKlNLEY

At his home in Canton, Ohio, on the twelfth of July, 1900, President Mc-
Kinley was officially notified that he had been a second time selected by the
Republican National Convention as Presidential nominee. Senator Henry
Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts was spokesman for the notification commit
tee, and President McKinley replied at length. The speeches were con
sidered to a certain extent as the basis upon which the campaign is to,*be
fought this year.

Chairman Lodge and the members of the notification committee, to
gether with Chairman Hanna and members of the National Committee,
arrived on a special train from Cleveland at n o clock.

There were also on board the train the Tippecanoe Club of Canton, about
50 members of President McKinley s old regiment, a number of distin
guished guests invited by Senator Hanna, and a band.

The Citizens Committee met the party at the station and escorted them
to the President s home. Flags fluttered from every window along the
line of march. Grouped about the lawn at the house were the visiting or
ganizations.

A large space in the front yard was roped off and filled with chairs for
the notification party and distinguished guests. Tables were also provided
for the press.

Five minutes after n o clock the booming of guns announced the arrival
of the Notification Committee at the station. The committee was re
ceived at the McKinley home with cheers.

Senator Lodge, followed by Senator Hanna, was in the lead of the
notification party. Both entered the house and had a few minutes chat
with President McKinley. When they appeared a cheer went up from the
crowd.

Among those occupying seats on the porch were Senator Hanna, Post
master-General Smith, Cornelius N. Bliss, Henry C. Payne, Judge Day,
R. C. Kerens, Representative Taylor. With Mrs. McKinley were Mrs.
Barber, Mrs. Mary Saxton, Mrs. Day and Mrs. Charles G. Dawes.

143

144 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

SENATOR LODGE S SPEECH.

Senator Lodge immediately mounted a small standing block and delivered
his speech. He said:

Mr. President: This committee, representing every State in the Union
and the organized Territories of the United States, was duly appointed
to announce to you, formally, your nomination by the Republican National
Convention, which met in Philadelphia on June 19 last, as the candidate
of the Republican party for President of the United States for the term
beginning March 4, 1901.

To be selected by the Republican party as their candidate for this great
office is always one of the highest honors which can be given to any man.
This nomination, however, comes to you, sir, under circumstances which
give it a higher significance, and make it an even deeper expression of honor
and trust than usual. You were nominated unanimously at Philadelphia.
You received the unforced vote of every delegate from every State and
every Territory. The harmony of sentiment which appears on the face of
the record was but the reflection of a deeper harmony which existed in the
hearts and minds of the delegates. Without factions, without dissent,
with profound satisfaction and eager enthusiasm, you were nominated for
the Presidency by the united voice of the representatives of our great party,
in which there is neither sign of division nor shadow of turning.

THE RECORD REVIEWED.

Such unanimity, always remarkable, is here the more impressive because
it accompanies a second nomination to the great office which you have
held for four years. It is not the facile triumph of hope over experience,
but the sober approval of conduct and character tested in many trials and
tried by heavy and extraordinary responsibilities. With the exception of the
period in which Washington organized the nation and built the state, and
of those other awful years when Lincoln led his people through the agony
of civil war and saved from destruction the work of Washington, there has
never been a Presidential term in our history so crowded with great events,
so filled with new and momentous questions, as that which is now draw
ing to its end.

True to the declarations which were made at St. Louis in 1896, you, sir,
united with the Republicans in Congress in the revision of the tariff and
the re-establishment of the protective policy. You maintained our credit
and upheld the gold standard, leading the party by your advice to the pas
sage of the great measure which is to-day the bulwark of both. You led
again in the policy which has made Hawaii a possession of the United
States. On all these questions you fulfilled the hopes and justified the con
fidence of the people who four years ago put trusts in our promises. But
in all these questions you had as guides not only your own principles, the
well-considered results of years of training and reflection, but also the plain
declarations of the National Convention which nominated you in 1896.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 145

Far different was it when the Cuban question, which we had also promised
to settle, brought, first war, and then peace, with Spain. Congress declared
war, but you, as commander-in-chief, had to carry it on. You did so, and
history records unbroken victory from the first shot of the Nashville to the
day when the protocol was signed. The peace you had to make alone.
Cuba, Porto Rico, the Philippines you had to assume alone the responsi
bility of taking them all from Spain. Alone and weighted with the terrible
responsibility of the unchecked war powers of the Constitution, you were
obliged to govern these islands and to repress rebellion and disorder in the
Philippines.

No party creed defined the course you were to follow. Courage, fore
sight, comprehension of American interests, both now and in the un
charted future, faith in the American people and in their fitness for great
tasks, were then your only guides and counsellors. Thus you framed and
put in operation this great new policy which has made us at once masters
of the Antilles and a great Eastern power, holding firmly our possessions on
both sides of the Pacific.

The new and strange ever excite fear, and the courage and prescience
which accept them always arouse criticism and attack. Yet a great departure
and a new policy were never more quickly justified than those undertaken
by you. On the possession of the Philippines rests the admirable diplo
macy which warned all nations that American trade was not to be shut out
from China. It is to Manila that we owe the ability to send troops and
ships in this time of stress to the defence of our ministers, our missionaries,
our consuls and our merchants in China, instead of being compelled to leave
our citizens to the casual protection of other powers, as would have been un
avoidable had we flung the Philippines away and withdrawn from the
Orient.

Rest assured, sir, that the vigorous measures which you have thus been
enabled to take, and that all further measures in the same direction which
you may take, for the protection of American lives and property, will re
ceive the hearty support of the people of the United States, who are now,
as always, determined that the American citizen shall be protected at any
cost in all his rights, everywhere, and at all times.

It is to Manila again,, to our fleet in the bay and our army on the land,
that we shall owe the power, when these scenes of blood in China are
closed, to exact reparation, to enforce stern justice, and to insist, in the
final settlement, upon an open door to all that vast market for our fast
growing commerce.

THE POLICY STATED.

Events, moving with terrible rapidity, have been swift witnesses to the wis
dom of our action in the East. The Philadelphia Convention has adopted
your policy, both in the Antilles and the Philippines, and has made it their
own and that of the Republican party.
10

146 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

Your election, sir, next November, assures to us the continuance of that
policy abroad and in our new possessions. To entrust these difficult and
vital questions to other hands, at once incompetent and hostile, would be
a disaster to us and a still more unrelieved disaster to our posterity. Your
election means not only protection to our industries, but the maintenance
of a sound currency and of the gold standard, the very corner-stones of our
economic and financial welfare. Should these be shaken, as they would be
by the success of our opponents, the whole fabric of our business confidence
and prosperity would fall into ruin. Your defeat would be the signal
for the advance of free trade, for the anarchy of a debased and unstable cur
rency, for business panic, depression and hard times, and for the wreck of
our foreign policy.

Your election and the triumph of the Republican party which we be
lieve to be as sure as the coming of the day will make certain the steady
protection of our industries, sound money and a vigrous and intelligent
foreign policy. They will continue those conditions of good government
and wise legislation, so essential to the prosperity and well being which have
blessed our country in such abundance during the past four years.

Thus announcing to you, sir, your nomination as the Republican candi
date for the Presidency, we have the honor also to submit to you the decla
ration of principles made by the National Convention, which, we trust,
will receive your approval. We can assure you of the faithful and earnest
support of the Republican party in every State, and we beg you to believe
that we discharge, here to-day, with ieelings of the deepest personal grat
ification, this honorable duty imposed upon us by the convention.

Senator Lodge s remarks were frequently interrupted with applause.

PRESIDENT McKINLEY S RESPONSE.

When Senator Lodge had concluded, the President stepped forward, the
audience cheered him heartily, and it was some moments before he could
continue. He spoke as follows:

Senator Lodge and Gentlemen of the Notification Committee:

The message which you bring to me is one of signal honor. It is also a
summons to duty. A single nomination for the office of President by a
great party, which in thirty-two years out of forty has been triumphant at
national elections, is a distinction which I gratefully cherish. To receive
unanimous renomination by the same party is an expression of regard and
a pledge of continued confidence for which it is difficult to make adequate
acknowledgment.

If anything exceeds the honor of the office of President of the United
States it is the responsibility which attaches to it. Having been invested
with both, I do not under-appraise either. Any one who has borne the
anxieties and burdens of the Presidential office, especially in time of na
tional trial, cannot contemplate assuming it a second time without pro-

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 147

foundly realizing the severe reactions and the solemn obligations which it
imposes, and this feeling is accentuated by the momentous problems which
now press for settlement. If my countrymen shall confirm the action of
the convention at our national election in November, I shall, craving Divine
guidance, undertake the exalted trust, to administer it for the interest and
honor of the country and the well-being of the new peoples who have be
come the objects of our care. The declaration of principles adopted by the
convention has my hearty approval. At some future date I will consider
its subjects in detail, and will by letter communicate to your chairman a
more formal acceptance of the nomination.

On a like occasion four years ago I said:

The party that supplied by legislation the vast revenues for the conduct
of our greatest war; that promptly restored the credit of the country at
its close; that from its abundant revenues paid off a large share of the debt
incurred by this war, and that resumed specie payments and placed our pa
per currency upon a sound and enduring basis, can be safely trusted to pre
serve both our credit and currency with honor, stability and inviolability.
The American people hold the financial honor of our government as sacred
as our flag, and can be relied upon to guard it with the same sleepless vigi
lance. They hold its preservation above party fealty, and have often demon
strated that party ties avail nothing when the spotless credit of our coun
try is threatened.

The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage-earner and the pensioner must
continue forever equal in purchasing and debt-paying power to the dollar
paid to any government creditor.

Our industrial supremacy, our productive capacity, our business and com
mercial prosperity, our labor and its rewards, our national credit and cur
rency, our proud financial honor, and our splendid free citizenship, the
birthright of every American, are all involved in the pending campaign,
and thus every home in the land is directly and intimately connected with
their proper settlement.

TRADE MUST BE WON BACK.

Our domestic trade must be won back, and our idle working people em
ployed in gainful occupations at American wages. Our home market must
be restored to its proud rank of first in the world, and our foreign trade, so
precipitately cut off by adverse national legislation, reopened on fair and
equitable terms for our surplus agricultural and manufacturing products.

Public confidence must be resumed, and the skill, energy and the capital
of our country find ample employment at home. The government of the
United States must raise money enough to meet both its current expenses
and increasing needs. Its revenues should be so raised as to protect the
material interests of our people withe the lightest possible drain upon their

148 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

resources, and maintaining that high standard of civilization which has dis
tinguished our country for more than a century of its existence.

The national credit, which has thus far fortunately resisted every assault
upon it, must and will be upheld and strengthened. If sufficient revenues
are provided for the support of the government there will be no necessity
for borrowing money and increasing the public debt.

WORK TO FULFILL PROMISES.

Three and one-half years of legislation and administration have been
concluded since these words were spoken. Have those to whom was con
fided the direction of the government kept their pledges? The record is made
up. The people are not unfamiliar with what has been accomplished. The
gold standard has been reaffirmed and strengthened. The endless chain
has been broken and the drain upon our gold reserve no longer frets us.
The credit of the country has been advanced to the highest place among all
nations. We are refunding our bonded debt bearing three and four and five
per cent interest at two per cent, a lower rate than that of any other coun
try, and already more than three hundred millions have been so refunded,
with a gain to the government of many millions of dollars. Instead of 16
to i, for which our opponents contended four years ago, legislation has been
enacted, which, while utilizing all forms of our money, secures one fixed
value for every dollar, and that the best known to the civilized world.

EFFECT OF TARIFF LAW.

A tariff which protects American labor and industry and provides ample
revenues has been written in public law. We have lower interest and higher
wages; more money and fewer mortgages. The world s markets have been
opened to American products, which go now where they have never gone
before. We have passed from a bond-issuing to a bond-paying nation; from
a nation of borrowers to a nation of lenders; from deficiency in revenue to a
surplus; from fear to confidence; from enforced idleness to profitable em
ployment. The public faith has been upheld; public order has been main
tained. We have prosperity at home and prestige abroad.

Unfortunately the threat of 1896 has just been renewed by the allied par
ties without abatement or modification. The gold bill has been denounced
and its repeal demanded. The menace of 16 to i, therefore, still hangs over
us with all its dire consequences to credit and confidence, to business and
industry. The enemies of sound currency are rallying their scattered forces.
The people must once more unite and overcome the advocates of repudia
tion and must not relax their energy until the battle for public honor and
honest money shall again triumph.

PLEDGES FULFILLED.

A Congress which will sustain, and, if need be, strengthen the present law,
can prevent a financial catastrophe, which every lover of the republic is in
terested to avert.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 149

Not satisfied with assaulting the currency and credit of the government,
our political adversaries condemn the tariff law enacted at the extra session
of Congress in 1897, known as the Dingley act, passed in obedience to the
will of the people, expressed at the election in the preceding November, a
law which at once stimulated our industries, opened the idle factories and
mines, and gave to the laborer and to the farmer fair returns for their toil
and investment. Shall we go back to a tariff which brings deficiency in
our revenues and destruction to our industrial enterprises?

Faithful to its pledges in these internal affairs, how has the government
discharged its international duties?

THE ANNEXATION OF HAWAII.

Our platform of 1896 declared "the Hawaiian Islands should be controlled
by the United States and no foreign power should be permitted to inter
fere with them." This purpose has been fully accomplished by annexation,
and delegates from those beautiful islands have participated in the conven
tion for which you speak to-day. In the great conference of nations at
The Hague we reaffirmed before the world the Monroe doctrine and our
adherence to it and our determination not to participate in the complica
tions of Europe. We have happily ended the European alliance in Samoa,
securing to ourselves one of the most valuable harbors in the Pacific Ocean,
while the open door in China gives to us fair and equal competition in the
vast trade of the Orient.

THE POSSESSIONS CEDED BY SPAIN.

Some things have happened which were not promised, nor even foreseen,
and our purposes in relation to them must not be left in doubt. A just war
has been waged for humanity, and with it have come new problems and re
sponsibilities. Spain has been ejected from the Western Hemisphere, and
our flag floats over her former territory. Cuba has been liberated and our
guarantees to her people will be sacredly executed. A beneficent govern
ment has been provided for Porto Rico. The Philippines are ours and
American authority must be supreme throughout the Archipelago. There
will be amnesty broad and liberal, but no abatement of our rights, no aban
donment of our duty. There must be no scuttle policy. We will fulfill
in the Philippines the obligations imposed by the triumphs of our arms and
by the treaty of peace, by international law, by the nation s sense of honor,
and, more than all, by the rights, interests and conditions of the Philippine
people themselves.

No outside interference blocks the way to peace and a stable govern
ment. The obstructionists are here, not elsewhere. They may postpone but
they cannot defeat the realization of the high purpose of this nation to re
store order to the islands and to establish a just and generous government,
in which the inhabitants shall have the largest participation for which they
are capable.

150 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

The organized forces which have been misled into rebellion have been dis
persed by our faithful soldiers and sailors, and the people of the islands, de
livered from anarchy, pillage and oppression, recognize American sover
eignty as the symbol and pledge of peace, justice, law, righteous freedom,
education, the security of life and property, and the welfare and prosperity
of their several communities.

THE POWER OF CONGRESS.

We reassert the early principle of the Republican party, sustained by un
broken judicial precedents, that the representatives of the people in Con
gress assembled have full legislative power over territory belonging to the
United States, subject to the fundamental safeguards of liberty, justice and
personal rights, and are vested with ample authority to act "for the highest
interests of our nation and the people entrusted to its care." The doctrine,
first proclaimed in the cause of freedom, will never be used as a weapon for
oppression. I am glad to be assured by you that what we have done in
the far East has the approval of the country.

THE CRISIS IN CHINA.

The sudden and terrible crisis in China calls for the gravest consideration,
and you will not expect from me now any further expression than to say
that my best efforts shall be given to the immediate purpose of protecting
the lives of our citizens who are in peril, with the ultimate object of the
peace and welfare of China, the safeguarding of all our treaty rights and
the maintenaace of those principles of impartial intercourse to which the
civilized world is pledged.

GROWTH OF NATIONAL SENTIMENT.

I cannot conclude without congratulating my countrymen upon the
strong national sentiment which finds expression in every part of our com
mon country and the increased respect with which the American name is
greeted throughout the world. We have been moving in untried paths, but
our steps have been guided by honor and duty. There will be no turning
aside, no wavering, no retreat. No blow has been struck except for liberty
and humanity, and none will be. W r e will perform without fear every na
tional and international obligation.

The Republican party was dedicated to freedom forty-four years ago. It
has been the party of liberty and emancipation from that hour; not of pro
fession, but of performance. It broke the shackles of 4,000,000 slaves, and
made them free, and to the party of Lincoln has come another supreme
opportunity which it has bravely met in the liberation of 10,000,000 of the
human family from the yoke of imperialism.

In its solution of great problems, in its performance of high duties, it
has had the support of members of all parties in the past, and confidently
invokes their co-operation in the future.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 151

Permit me to express, Mr. Chairman, my most sincere appreciation of
the complimentary terms in which you convey the official notice of my nom
ination, and my thanks to the members of the committee and to the great
constituency which they represent for this additional evidence of their favor
and support.

While the speech of the President closed the formal notification, there
had not been oratory enough for the gathering, and other speakers were
called for.

Senator Hanna, of Ohio; Senator Fairbanks, of Indiana; Charles Emory
Smith, Postmaster-General; Colonel Samuel Parker, of Hawaii, and others,
were also heard.

NOTIFICATION OF HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT

Governor Roosevelt was officially notified July 12, 1900, of his nomination
for the Vice-Presidency, at his country home. Sagamore, near Oyster Bay.
The notification committee appointed by the Republican Convention at
Philadelphia left New York on a special train at 10:30 o clock, and made a
quick run to Oyster Bay, where carriages were in waiting to convey them to
Sagamore. A number of invited guests accompanied the party, most of
them prominent New Yorkers. Members of the notification committee
present were: Senator Wolcott, of Colorado, the Chairman; J. B. Thompson,
Colorado; A. J. Soper, Connecticut; Alvin D. Connor, Delaware; C. S.
Hernley, Indiana; J. J. Marsh, Iowa; J. T. Bradley, Kansas; Albert Pierce,
Maine; Alexander Laverty, Nebraska; Albert Wallace, New Hampshire; F.
V. Greene, New York; T. S. Rollins, North Carolina; G. C. Rawlins, Ohio;
J. H. Murdock, Pennsylvania; L. B. Darling, Rhode Island; Emil Brauch,
South Dakota; G. G. Smithers, Virginia; James Reynolds, Wisconsin; John
E. Jones, District of Columbia; W. L. Me Williams, Indian Territory; John
G. Long, Florida; O. C. Strong, Oklahoma.

Among the invited guests who accompanied the committee were William
Barnes, Jr.; Douglas Robinson, F. W. Holls, Col. John H. Partridge, Con
gressman W. A. Wadsworth, and State Senator T. E. Ellsworth.

There was a miscellaneous collection of vehicles drawn up at the station
when the special train drew in, ranging from single-seated buggies to big
carryalls. The committeemen and guests had a good-natured scramble for
seats, and the long line of turnouts started in a brisk trot over the three
miles of dusty roads to Sagamore.

It was noon when the party arrived at its destination. Governor Roose
velt received them on the wide vine-covered porch of Sagamore. Standing
on the lower step, under the porte cochere, he grasped the hand of each
gentleman as he alighted and then, turning, presented each to Mrs. Roose
velt, who stood on the veranda behind him. As the straggling procession
was rather slow in arriving, the early arrivals dispersed about the breezy
verandas and grounds and chatted informally before the formal ceremony of
notification occurred.

SENATOR WOLCOTT S SPEECH.

Shortly after twelve o clock Senator Wolcott called the committee to the
porch. There in the cool shade of the awnings and vines he read the formal
notification in his clear and resonant, voice. He said:

152

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 153

"Governor Roosevelt: The pleasant duty has devolved upon this com
mittee, appointed by the National Republican Convention, and representing
every State in the Union, to make known to you officially the action of the
convention and to hand you a copy of the platform as adopted, which em
bodies the principles of the party.

"The representatives of the Republican party, in convention assembled,
unanimously and spontaneously selected you as the candidate of the party
at the next election for the high and dignified office of Vice-President of the
United States. You were so selected and named through no wish of your
own, but because the convention believed that you, among all the Republi
cans in the land, were best fitted and adapted to be the associate of our
President, in the important and stirring campaign upon which we are enter
ing. The convention realized that you were needed in the great Empire
State, whose executive you now are, and whose people would delight still
further to honor you, but it believed that your path of duty lay for the
future in the field of national usefulness.

"You are still a young man, as years are counted; but the country knows
more of you than of most of its citizens. You were identified, and will ever
be associated with those efforts toward reform in the civil service which
command the approval of intelligent men of all political parties. Your
stirring love of adventure has made you a more familiar figure in Western
camps and on Western plains than on the avenues of your native city. Your
sterling Americanism has led you to the mastery of our earlier history, and
you have told us of the winning of the West with a charm and a spirit that
have made us all better lovers of our country; while your tales of Western
hunting and adventure have filled the breast of every lad in the land with
envy and emulation, and whatever doubts may have existed in the past, now
that you are our candidate, they will be believed to be true by every good
Republican. [Laughter and applause.]

"There is no man whose privilege it was to know you and to associate with
you while you were the Assistant Secretary of the Navy under President
McKinley s appointment, who is not eager to testify to the great ability and
fidelity which characterized your incumbency of that office. Of your services
to our country during the late war with Spain, it is not necessary for me to
speak.

"Your name will ever be identified with the heroic achievements of our
army, and your warmest friends and most devoted admirers are the gallant
band of Rough Riders whom you led to victory.

"This bright and glorious record, however, did not lead that great con
vention at Philadelphia to insist upon you as its candidate, although it fills
with pride the heart of every true American. The Republican party has
chosen you because, from your earliest manhood until to-day, in whatever
post you have been called upon to fill, and notably during your two years
of splendid service as chief executive of the State of New York, you have
everywhere and at all times stood for that which was clean and uplifting,

154 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

and against everything that was sordid and base. You have shown the
people of this country that a political career and good citizenship could go
hand in hand, and that devotion to the public welfare was consistent with
party membership and party organization. There is not a young man in
these United States who has not found in your life an influence, an incentive
to better things and higher ideals.

"With President McKinley you will lead our ticket to victory, for you have
both been tested, and in your honor, your patriotism and your civic virtues
the American people have pride and confidence."

Senator Wolcott s address was frequently applauded, his reference to
Governor Roosevelt s hunting stories evoking a hearty laugh. When he
stepped forward he stood in a clear space on the crowded porch, facing the
doorway of a reception room, in front of which the Governor stood in erect
military attitude.

To fhe left were a number of ladies and other guests of the house, while
Mrs. Roosevelt stood among them, the three children of the Governor look
ing on with wide-eyed interest.

GOVERNOR ROOSEVELT S ACCEPTANCE.

When Senator Wolcott concluded, Governor Roosevelt stepped a pace
forward and replied. His voice was clear and firm, and as he proceeded
there were several interruptions of applause. He said:

"Mr. Chairman: I accept the honor conferred upon me with the keenest
and deepest appreciation of what it means, and, above all, of the responsi
bility that goes with it. Everything that is in my power to do will be done
to secure the re-election of President McKinley, to whom it has been given
in this crisis of the national history to stand for and embody the principles
which lie closest to the heart of every American worthy of the name.

"This is very much more than a mere party contest. We stand at the
parting of the ways, and the people have now to decide whether they shall
go forward along the path of prosperity and high honor abroad, or whether
they will turn their backs upon what has been done during the past three
years; whether they will plunge this country into an abyss of misery and
disaster, or, what is worse than even misery and disaster shame. I feel that
we have a right to appeal not merely to Republicans, but to all good citizens,
no matter what may have been their party affiliations in the past, and to ask
them, on the strength of the record that President McKinley has made dur
ing the past three years and on the strength of the threat implied in what
was done in Kansas City a few days ago, to stand shoulder to shoulder with
us, perpetuating the conditions under which we have reached a degree of
prosperity never before attained in the nation s history and under which
abroad we have put the American flag on a level where it never before in the
history of the country has been placed. For these reasons I feel we have
a right to look forward with confident expectation to what the verdict of

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 155

the people will be next November, and to ask all men to whom the well-
being of the country and the honor of the national name are dear to stand
with us as we fight for prosperity at home and the honor of the flag abroad/

AN INFORMAL POSTCRIPT.

A round of applause broke out as the Governor concluded; but he checked
it instantly by saying:

"Gentlemen, one moment, please. Here, Ned," he cried to Senator Wol-
cott. "this is not for the National Committee, but I want to say this to my
friends. Friends of my own State who are here, just let me say I appreciate
seeing so many of you here to-day. I want to say I am more than honored
and pleased at having been made a candidate for Vice-President on the na
tional ticket; but you cannot imagine how badly I feel at leaving the men
with whom I have endeavored and worked for civic decency and righteous
ness and honesty in New York."

This little postscript to his formal speech was heartily applauded, and the
Governor remarked:

"I shall ask you, gentlemen, to step this way, as some misguided photo
graphers wish to take our photographs."

The crowd followed him to the east veranda, where the photographs were
taken.

Refreshments were then served on the porches and in the dining room,
and a half hour of general conversation followed.

At 1:15 P. M. the party left and started on the return drive to Oyster Bay,
where the special train awaited them.

On reaching the railway station the following telegram was sent to Presi
dent McKinley:

The committee appointed to notify Governor Roosevelt of his nomina
tion to the Vice-Presidency have fulfilled that pleasant duty and join in this
message of congratulation and good-will.

[Signed] "EDWARD O. WOLCOTT."

THE LETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE.

PRESIDENT McKINLEY S LETTER.

SOUND MONEY THE IMMEDIATE ISSUE REVIEW OF FINAN
CIAL AND INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS THE MERCHANT
MARINE AND DEVELOPMENT OF CARRYING TRADE THE
ISTHMIAN CANAL SUGGESTIONS RESPECTING TRUSTS
THE CIVIL SERVICE OUR PLEDGES TO CUBA THE PARIS
TREATY OUR TITLE, AND OUR DUTY TO MAINTAIN OUR
SOVEREIGNTY AND FLAG THE PHILIPPINE SITUATION
OUTLINED AND OUR POSITION PLAINLY STATED.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, D. C, Sept. 8, 1900.
Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, Chairman Notification Committee:

MY DEAR SIR: The nomination of the Republican National Convention,
of June 19, 1900, for the office of President of the United States, which, as
the official representative of the Convention, you have conveyed to me, is
accepted. I have carefully examined the platform adopted, and give to it
my hearty approval. Upon the great issue of the last national election it
is clear. It upholds the gold standard and indorses the legislation of the
present Congress by which that standard has been effectively strengthened.
The stability of our national currency is therefore secure so long as those
who adhere to this platform are kept in control of the government. In the
first battle, that of 1896, the friends of the gold standard and of sound cur
rency were triumphant and the country is enjoying the fruits of that victory.
Our antagonists, however, are not satisfied. They compel us to a second
battle upon the same lines on which the first was fought and won. While
regretting the reopening of this question, which can only disturb the present
satisfactory financial condition of the government and visit uncertainty
upon our great business enterprises, we accept the issue and again invite
the sound money forces to join in winning another and, we hope, a per
manent triumph for an honest financial system, which will continue in
violable the public faith.

As in 1896, the three silver parties, are united under the same leader who
immediately after the election of that year, in an address to the bimetallists,.
said:

156

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 157

The friends of bimetallism have not been vanquished; they have simply
been overcome. They believe that the gold standard is a conspiracy of the
money-changers against the welfare of the human race, and they will con-
tfnue the warfare against it."

The policy thus proclaimed has been accepted and confirmed by these
parties. The Silver Democratic platform of 1900 continues the warfare
against the so-called gold conspiracy when it expressly says, "we reiterate
the demand of that (the Chicago) platform of 1896 for an American financial
system made by the American people for themselves, which shall restore
and maintain a bimetallic price level, and as part of such system the im
mediate restoration of the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at
the present ratio of 16 to I, without waiting for the aid or consent of any
other nation."

So the issue is presented. It will be noted that the demand is for the
immediate restoration of the free coinage of silver at 16 to I. If another
issue is paramount, this is immediate. It will admit of no delay and will
suffer no postponement.

/ Turning to the other associated parties, we find in the Populist national
platform, adopted at Sioux Falls, S. D., May 10, 1900, the following
declaration:

^ "We pledge anew the People s Party never to cease the agitation until
this financial conspiracy is blotted from the statute book, the Lincoln green
back restored, the bonds all paid and all corporation money forever retired.
We reaffirm the demand for the reopening of the mints of the United
States for the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present
legal ratio of 16 to I, the immediate increase in the volume of silver coins
and certificates thus created to be substituted, dollar for dollar, for the bank
notes issued by private corporations under special privilege, granted by
law of March 14, 1900, and prior national banking laws."

^ The platform of the Silver party adopted at Kansas City July 6, 1900,
makes the following announcement:

"We declare it to be our intention to lend our efforts to the repeal of this
currency law, which not only repudiates the ancient and time-honored prin
ciples of the American people before the Constitution was adopted, but is
violative of the principles of the Constitution itself; and we shall not cease
our efforts until there has been established in its place a monetary system
based upon the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold into money
at the present legal ratio of 16 to I by the independent action of the United
States, under which system all paper money shall be issued by the govern
ment and all such money coined or issued shall be a full legal tender in pay
ment of all debts, public and private, without exception."

In all three platforms these parties announce that their efforts shall be
unceasing until the gold act shall be blotted from the statute books and
the free and unlimited coinage of silver at 16 to I shall take its place.

The relative importance of the issues I do not stop to discuss. All of

158 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

them are important. Whichever party is successful will be bound in con
science to carry into administration and legislation its several declarations
and doctrines. One declaration will be as obligatory as another, but all
are not immediate. It is not possible that these parties would treat the doc
trine of 16 to i, the immediate realization of which is demanded by their
several platforms, as void and inoperative in the event that they should be
clothed with power. Otherwise their profession of faith is insincere. It is,
therefore, the imperative business of those opposed to this financial heresy
to prevent the triumph of the parties whose union is only assured by ad
herence to the silver issue. Will the American people, through indifference
or fancied security, hazard the overthrow of the wise financial legislation
of the past year and revive the danger of the silver standard, with all of the
inevitable evils of shattered confidence and general disaster which justly
alarmed and aroused them in 1896?

The Chicago platform of 1896 is reaffirmed in its entirety by the Kansas
City Convention. Nothing has been omitted or recalled; so that all the
perils then threatened are presented anew with the added force of a delib
erate reaffirmation. Four years ago the people refused to place the seal of
their approval upon these dangerous and revolutionary policies, and this
year they will not fail to record again their earnest dissent,
v The Republican party remains faithful to its principles of a tariff which
supplies sufficient revenues for the government and adequate protection to
our enterprises and producers; and of reciprocity which opens foreign
markets to the fruits of American labor, and furnishes new channels through
which, to market the surplus of American farms. The time-honored prin
ciples of protection and reciprocity were the first pledges of Republican
victory to be written into public law.

The present Congress has given to Alaska a territorial government for
which it had waited more than a quarter of a century; has established a rep
resentative government in Hawaii; has enacted bills for the most liberal
treatment of the pensioners and their widows; has revived the free home
stead policy. In its great financial law it provided for the establishment
of banks of issue with a capital of $25,000 for the benefit of villages and
rural communities, and bringing the opportunity for profitable business in
banking within the reach of moderate capital. Many are already availing
themselves of this privilege.

During the past year more than nineteen millions of United States bonds
have been paid from the surplus revenues of the Treasury and in addition
twenty-five millions of two per cents matured, called by the government, are
in process of payment. Pacific Railroad bonds issued by the government in
aid of the roads in the sum of nearly forty-four million dollars have been paid
since December 31, 1897. The Treasury balance is in satisfactory condition,
showing on September i, $135,419,000, in addition to the $150,000,000 gold
reserve held in the Treasury. The government s relations with the Pacific
railroads have been substantially closed, $124,421,000 being received from

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 159

these roads, the greater part in cash and the remainder with ample securities
for payments deferred.

Instead of diminishing, as was predicted four years ago, the volume of
our currency is greater, per capita, than it has ever been. It was $21.10 in
1896. It had increased to $26.50 on July I, 1900, and $26.85 on September I,
1900. Our total money on July I, 1896, was $1,506,434,966; on July I, 1900,
it was $2,062,425,496, and $2,096,683,042 on September i, 1900.

Our industrial and agricultural conditions are more promising than they
have been for many years; probably more so than they have ever been.
Prosperity abounds everywhere throughout the republic. I rejoice that the
Southern, as well as the Northern, States are enjoying a full share of these
improved national conditions, and that all are contributing so largely to our
remarkable industrial development. The money lender receives lower re
wards for his capital than if it were invested in active business. The rates of
interest are lower than they have ever been in this country, while those
things which are produced on the farm and in the workshop, and the labor
producing them, have advanced in value.

Our foreign trade shows a satisfactory and increasing growth. The
amount of our exports for the year 1900 over those of the exceptionally
prosperous year of 1899 was about $500,000 for every day of the year, and
these sums have gone into the homes and enterprises of the people. There
has been an increase of over $50,000,000 in the exports of agricultural pro
ducts; $92,692,220 in manufactures, and in the products of the mines over
$10,000,000. Our trade balances cannot fail to give satisfaction to the people
of the country. In 1898 we sold abroad $615,432,676 of products more
than we bought abroad; in 1899 $529,874,813, and in 1900 $544,471,701,
making during the three years a total balance in our favor of $1,689,779,190
nearly five times the balance of trade in our favor for the whole period of
108 years from 1790 to June 30, 1897, inclusive.

Four hundred and thirty-six million dollars of gold have been added to
the gold stock of the United States since July i, 1896. The law of March
14, 1900, authorized the refunding into 2 per cent, bonds of that part of the
public debt represented by the 3 per cents due in 1908, the 4 per cents due in
1907, and the 5 per cents due in 1904, aggregating $840,000,000. More than
one-third of the sum of these bonds was refunded in the first three months
after the passage of the act, and on September i the sum had been increased
more than $33,000,000, making in all $330,578,050, resulting in a net saving
of over $8,379,520. The ordinary receipts of the government for the fiscal
year 1900 were $79,527,060 in excess of its expenditures.

While our receipts, both from customs and internal revenue, have been
greatly increased, our expenditures have been decreasing. Civil and miscel
laneous expenses for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900, were nearly
$14,000,000 less than in 1899, while on the war account there is a decrease
of more than $95,000,000. There were required $8,000,000 less to support
the navy this year than last, and expenditures on account of Indians were
nearly two and three-quarter million dollars less than in 1899. The only

160 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

two items of increase in the public expenses of 1900 over 1899 are for pen
sions and interest on the public debt. For 1899 we expended for pensions
$139,394,929, and for the fiscal year 1900 our payments on this account
amounted to $140,877,316. The net increase of interest on the public debt of
1900 over 1899, required by the war loan, was $263,408.25. While Congress
authorized the government to make a war loan of $400,000,000 at the be
ginning of the war with Spain, only $200,000,000 of bonds were issued,
bearing 3 per cent, interest, which were promptly and patriotically taken by
our citizens.

Unless something unforeseen occurs to reduce our revenues or increase
our expenditures, the Congress at its next session should reduce taxation
very materially.

Five years ago we were selling government bonds bearing as high as 5
per cent, interest. Now we are redeeming them with a bond at par bearing
2 per cent, interest. We are selling our surplus products and lending our
surplus money to Europe. One result of our selling to other nations so
much more than we have bought from them during the past three years is
a radical improvement of our financial relations. The great amounts of
capital which have been borrowed of Europe for our rapid, material devel
opment have remained a constant drain upon our resources for interest and
dividends and made our money markets liable to constant disturbances by
calls for payment or heavy sales of our securities whenever money strin
gency or panic occurred abroad. We have now been paying these debts
and bringing home many of our securities, and establishing countervailing
credits abroad by our loans and placing ourselves upon a sure foundation
of financial independence.

In the unfortunate contest between Great Britain and the Boer States of
South Africa, the United States has maintained an attitude of neutrality in
accordance with its well-known traditional policy. It did not hesitate
however, when requested by the governments of the South African repub
lics, to exercise its good offices for a cessation of hostilities. It is to be ob
served that while the South African republics made like request of other
powers, the United States is the only one which complied. The British
government declined to accept the intervention of any power.

Ninety-one per cent, of our exports and imports are now carried by
foreign ships. For ocean transportation we pay annually to foreign ship
owners over $165,000,000. We ought to own the ships for our carrying trade
with the world, and we ought to build them in American shipyards and man
them with American sailors. Our own citizens should receive the transpor
tation charges now paid to foreigners. I have called the attention of Con
gress to this subject in my several annual messages. In that of December
6, 1897, I said:

"Most desirable from every standpoint of national interest and patriotism
is the effort to extend our foreign commerce. To this end our merchant
marine should be improved and enlarged; we should do our full share of

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 161

the carrying trade of the world. We do not do it now. We should be the
laggard no longer."

In my message of December 5, 1899, I said:

"Our national development will be one-sided and unsatisfactory so long
as the remarkable growth of our inland industries remains unaccompanied
by progress on the seas. There is no lack of constitutional authority for
legislation which shall give to the country maritime strength commensurate
with its industrial achievements and with its rank among the nations of
the earth.

"The past year has recorded exceptional activity in our shipyards, and
the promises of continual prosperity in shipbuilding are abundant. Ad
vanced legislation for the protection of our seamen has been enacted. Our
coast trade, under regulations wisely framed at the beginning of the govern
ment and since, shows results for the past fiscal year unequaled in our
records or those of any other power. We shall fail to realize our opportu
nities, however, if we complacently regard only matters at home and blind
ourselves to the necessity of securing our share in the valuable carrying
trade of the world."

I now reiterate these views.

A subject of immediate importance to our country is the completion of a
great water-way of commerce between the Atlantic and Pacific. The con
struction of a maritime canal is now more than ever indispensable to that
intimate and ready communication between our eastern and western sea-
/ports demanded by the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands and the expan-
V sion of our influence and trade in the Pacific.

Our national policy more imperatively than ever calls for its completion
and control by this government, and it is believed that the next session of
Congress, after receiving the full report of the commission appointed under
the act approved March 3, 1899, will make provisions for the sure accom
plishment of this great work.

Combinations of capital which control the market in commodities neces
sary to the general use of the people, by suppressing natural and ordinary
competition, thus enhancing prices to the general consumer, are obnoxious
to the common law and the public welfare. They are dangerous conspira
cies against the public good and should be made the subject of prohibitory
or penal legislation. Publicity will be a helpful influence to check this evil.
Uniformity of legislation in the several States should be secured. Discrimi
nation between what is injurious and what is useful and necessary in busi
ness operations is essential to the wise and effective treatment of this sub
ject. Honest co-operation of capital is necessary to meet new business con
ditions and extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but conspiracies
and combinations intended to restrict business, create monopolies, and con
trol prices, should be effectively restrained.

The best service which can be rendered to labor is to afford it an oppor-
ii

162 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

tunity for steady and remunerative employment, and give it every encour
agement for advancement. The policy that subserves this end is the true
American policy. The past three years have been more satisfactory to
American workingmen than many preceding years. Any change of the
present industrial or financial policy of the government would be disastrous
to their highest interests. With prosperity at home and an increasing for
eign market for American products, employment should continue to wait
upon labor, and with the present gold standard the workingman is secured
against payments for his labor in a depreciated currency. For labor, a
short day is better than a short dollar; one will lighten the burdens, the
other lessen the rewards of toil. The one will promote contentment and in
dependence; the other penury and want. The wages of labor should be
adequate to keep the home in comfort, educate the children, and, with
thrift and economy, lay something by for the days of infirmity and old age.

Practical civil service reform has always had the support and encourage
ment of the Republican party. The future of the merit system is safe in its
hands.

During the present administration, as occasions have arisen for modifi
cation or amendment in the existing civil service law and rules they have
been made. Important amendments were promulgated by Executive order,
under date of May 29, 1899, having for their principal purpose the exception
from competitive examination of certain places involving fiduciary responsi
bilities, or duties of a strictly confidential, scientific, or executive character,
which it was thought might better be filled either by non-competitive ex
amination or by other tests of fitness in the discretion of the appointing
officer. It is gratifying that the experience of more than a year has vindi
cated these changes in the marked improvement of the public service.

The merit system, as far as practicable, is made the basis for appointments
to office in our new territory.

^he American people are profoundly grateful to the soldiers, sailors, and
marines who have in every time of conflict fought their country s battles
and defended its honor. The survivors and the widows and orphans of
those who have fallen are justly entitled to receive the generous and con
siderate care of the nation. Few are now left of those who fought in the
Mexican war, and while many of the veterans of the civil war are still spared
to us, their numbers are rapidly diminishing, and age and infirmity are in
creasing their dependence. These, with the soldiers of the Spanish war, will
not be neglected by their grateful countrymen. The pension laws have
been liberal. They should be justly administered, and will be. Preference
should be given to the soldiers, sailors, and marines, their widows and
orphans, with respect to employment in the public service.

We have been in possession of Cuba since the ist of January, 1899. We
have restored order and established domestic tranquility. We have fed
the starving, clothed the naked, and ministered to the sick. We have im
proved the sanitary condition of the island. We have stimulated industry,
introduced public education, and taken a full and comprehensive enumera-

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 16;&gt;

lion of the inhabitants. The qualification of electors has been settled and
under it officers have been chosen for all the municipalities of Cuba. These
local governments are now in operation, administered by the people. Our
military establishment has been reduced from forty-three thousand soldiers
to less than six thousand. An election has been ordered to be held on the
I5th of September under a fair election law already tried in the municipal
elections, to choose members of a constitutional convention, and the con
vention by the same order is to assemble on the first Monday of November
to frame a constitution upon which an independent government for the
island will rest. All this is a long step in the fulfillment of our sacred
guarantees to the people of Cuba.

We hold Porto Rico by the same title as the Philippines. The treaty of
peace which ceded us the one conveyed to us the other. Congress has given
to this island a government in which the inhabitants participate, elect their
own legislature, enact their own local laws, provide their own system of
taxation, and in these respects have the same power and privileges enjoyed
by other Territories belonging to the United States, and a much larger
measure of self-government than was given to the inhabitants of Louisiana
under Jefferson. A district court of the United States for Porto Rico has
been established and local courts have been inaugurated, all of which are
in operation. The generous treatment of the Porto Ricans accords with
the most liberal thought of our own country and encourages the best as
pirations of the people of the island. While they do not have instant free
commercial intercourse with the United States, Congress complied with my
recommendation by removing, on the ist day of May last, 85 per cent, of
the duties and providing for the removal of the remaining 15 per cent, on
the ist of March, 1902, or earlier, if the legislature of Porto Rico shall pro
vide local revenues for the expenses of conducting the government. During
this intermediate period Porto Rican products coming into the United
States pay a tariff of 15 per cent, of the rates under the Dingley act, and
our goods going to Porto Rico pay a like rate. The duties thus paid and
collected both in Porto Rico and the United States are paid to the govern
ment of Porto Rico, and no part thereof is taken by the national govern
ment. All of the duties from November i, 1898, to June 30, 1900, aggregating
the sum of $2,250,523.21, paid at the custom-houses in the United States
upon Porto Rican products, under the laws existing prior to the above-
mentioned act of Congress; have gone into the treasury of Porto Rico to
relieve the destitute and for schools and other public purposes. In addition
to this, we have expended for relief, education, and improvement of roads
the sum of $1,513,084.95. The United States military force in the island has
been reduced from 11,000 to 1,500, and native Porto Ricans constitute for the
most part the local constabulary.

Under the new law and the inauguration of civil government there has
been a gratifying revival of business. The manufactures of Porto Rico are
developing; her imports are increasing; her tariff is yielding increased re
turns; her fields are being cultivated; free schools are being established.

164 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

Notwithstanding the many embarrassments incident to a change of national
conditions, she is rapidly showing the good effects of her new relations to
this nation.

For the sake of full and intelligent understanding of the Philippine ques
tion, and to give to the people authentic information of the acts and aims
of the administration, I present at some length the events of importance
leading up to the present situation. The purposes of the Executive are
best revealed and can best be judged by what he has done and is doing. It
will be seen that the power of the government has been used for the liberty,
the peace, and the prosperity of the Philippine peoples, and that force has
been employed only against force which stood in the way of the realization
of these ends.

On the 25th day of April, 1898, Congress declared that a state of war
existed between Spain and the United States. On May i, 1898, Admiral
Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay. On May 19, 1808, Maj.
Gen. Merritt, U. S. A., was placed in command of the military expedition
to Manila, and directed, among other things, to immediately "publish a
proclamation declaring that we come not to make war upon the people
of the Philippines nor upon any party or faction among them, but to protect
them in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and relig
ious rights. All persons who, either by active aid or by honest submission,
co-operate with the United States in its efforts to give effect to this benefi
cent purpose will receive the reward of its support and protection."

On July 3, 1898, the Spanish fleet in attempting to escape from Santiago
harbor was destroyed by the American fleet, and on July 17, 1898, the Spanish
garrison in the city of Santiago surrendered to the commander of the Ameri
can forces.

Following these brilliant victories, on the I2th day of August, 1898, upon
the initiative of Spain, hostilities were suspended, and a protocol was signed,
with a view to arranging terms of peace between the two governments. In
pursuance thereof I appointed as commissioners the following distinguished
citizens to conduct the negotiations on the part of the United States: Hon.
William R. Day, of Ohio; Hon. William P. Frye, of Maine; Hon. Cushman
K. Davis, of Minnesota; Hon. George Gray, of Delaware, and Hon. White-
law Reid, of New York.

In addressing the Peace Commission before its departure for Paris,
I said:

"It is my wish that throughout the negotiations intrusted to the commis
sion the purpose and spirit with which the United States accepted the unwel
come necessity of war should be kept constantly in view. We took up arms
only in obedience to the dictates of humanity and in the fulfillment ot high
public and moral obligations. We bad no design of aggrandizement and
nn ambition pf rnnrpiPQt Through the long course of repeated representa
tions which preceded and aimed to avert the struggle, and in the final arbi
trament of force, this country was impelled solely by the purpose of reliev-

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 165

ing grievous wrongs and removing long existing conditions which disturbed
its tranquility, which shocked the moral sense of mankind, and which could
no longer be endured.

"It is my earnest wish that the United States, in making peace, should
follow the same high rule of conduct which guided it in facing war. It
should be as scrupulous and magnanimous in the concluding settlement as
it was just and humane in its original action. * * *

"Our aim in the adjustment of peace should be directed to lasting results
and to the achievement of the common good under the demands of civili
zation, rather than to ambitious designs. * * *

"Without any original thought of complete or even partial acquisition,
the presence and success of our arms at Manila impose upon us obligations
which we cannot disregard. The march of events rules and overrules human
action. Avowing unreservedly the purpose which has animated all our
efforts and still solicitous to adhere to it, we cannot be unmindful that
without any desire or design on our part the war has brought us new duties
and responsibilities which we must meet and discharge as becomes a great
nation, on whose growth and career from the beginning, the Ruler of Na
tions has plainly written the high command and pledge of civilization."

On October 28, 1898, while the peace commission was continuing its nego
tiations in Paris, the following additional instruction was sent:

"It is imperative upon us that as victors we should be governed only by
motives which will exalt our nation. Territorial expansion should be ojur
least concern; that we shall not shirk the moral obligations of our victory
is of the greatest" It is undisputed that Spain s authority is perm a nently
destroyed in every part of the Philippines. /To leave any part in her feeble
control now would increase our difficulties and be opposed^ to""tfi e~ interests
prrTurnanity. * *~~~* Nor can we permit Spain to Jnmsfer_jmy""of the
islands_J:o another power! "K or "can we invite^ another power or powers to
join truTTlnited States m so^rej^rrty^ave^them^ We must either hold Them
"or^turn them bacfc to Spain.

"Consequently, grave as are the responsibilities and unforeseen as are the
difficulties which are Before us, the President can see but one plain path^of
duty, Jjhe acceptance of the archipelago. Greater difficulties and more
serious complications administrative and international would follow any
other course. The President has given to the views of the commissioners
the fullest consideration, and in reaching the conclusion above announced
in the light of information communicated to the commission and to the
President, since your departure, he has been influenced by the single con
sideration of duty and humanity. The President is not unmindful of the
distressed financial condition of Spain, and whatever consideration the
United States may show must come from its sense of generosity and benevo
lence, rather than from any real or technical obligation."

Again, on November 13, I instructed the commission:

"From the standpoint of indemnity, both the archipelagoes (Porto Rico

166 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

and the Philippines) are insufficient to pay our war expenses; but, aside from
this, do we not owe an obligation to the people of the Philippines which
will not permit us to return them to the sovereignty of Spain? Could we
justify ourselves in such a course, or could we permit their barter to some
other power? Willing or not, we have the responsibility of duty which we
cannot escape. * * * The President cannot believe anydivision of the
arcjiip_elagocan bring usanvthing but embarrassment irTThe future. The
trade and commerciarsicfe, as well as the indemnity for the cost of the war,
are questions we might yield. They might be waived or compromised, but
the questions of duty and humanity appeal to the President so strongly that
he can find no appropriate answer but the one he has here marked out."

The treaty of peace was concluded on December 10, 1898. By its terms
the archipelago, known as the Philippine Islands, was ceded by Spain to
the United States. It_was also provided Jhat "the civil rights and political
status _of the native inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the United
States shalT be determined by the Congress." Eleven days thereafter, on
December 21, the foTTowmg~"3Tf ection Was given to the commander of our
forces in the Philippines:

"* * * The military commander of the United States is enjoined to
make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that in succeeding
to the sovereignty of Spain, in severing the former political relations of the
inhabitants and in establishing a new political power, the authority of the
United States is to be exerted for the securing of the persons and property
of the people of the island and for the confirmation of all their private rights
and relations. It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupa
tion to announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come,
not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the natives in their
homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious rights."

In order to facilitate the most humane, pacific, and effective extension of
authority throughout these islands, and to secure, with the least possible
delay, the benefits of a wise and generous protection of life and property to
the inhabitants, I appointed in January, 1899, a commission consisting of
Hon. Jacob Gould Schurman, of New York; Admiral George Dewey, U. S.
N. ; Hon. Charles Denby, of Indiana; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michi
gan, and Maj. Gen. Elwell S. Otis, U. S. A.

Their instructions contained the following:

"In the performance of this duty the commissioners are enjoined to meet
at the earliest possible day in the city of Manila and to announce, by public
proclamation, their presence and the mission intrusted to them, carefully
setting forth that, while the military government already proclaimed is to be
maintained and continued so long as necessity may require, efforts will be
made to alleviate the burden of taxation, to establish industrial and com
mercial prosperity, and to provide for the safety of persons and of property
by such means as may be found conducive to these ends.

"The commissioners will endeavor, without interference with the military

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 167

authorities of the United States now in control of the Philippines, to ascer
tain what amelioration in the condition of the inhabitants and what improve
ment in public order may be practicable, and for this purpose they will
study attentively the existing social and political state of the various popula
tions, particularly as regards the forms of local government, the adminis
tration of justice, the collection of customs and other taxes, the means of
transportation, and the need of public improvements. They will report
* * * the results of their observations and reflections, and will recom-
r mend such Executive action as may from time to time seem to them wise
and useful.

The commissioners are hereby authorized to confer authoritatively with
any persons resident in the islands from whom they may believe themselves
able to derive information or suggestions valuable for the purpose of their
commission, or whom they may choose to employ as agents, as may be
necessary for this purpose. * * *

It is my desire that in all their relations with the inhabitants of the
islands the commissioners exercise due respect for all the ideals, customs,
and institutions of the tribes which compose the population, emphasizing
upon all occasions the just and beneficent intentions of the government of the
United States. It is also my wish and expectation that the commissioners
may be received in a manner due to the honored and authorized represen
tatives of the American republic, duly commissioned on account of their
knowledge, skill, and integrity as bearers of the good will, the protection,
and the richest blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering nation."

On the 6th of February, 1899, the treaty was ratified by the Senate of the
United States, and the Congress immediately appropriated $20,000,000 to
carry out its provisions. The ratifications were exchanged by the United
States and Spain on the nth of April, 1899.

As early as April, 1899, the Philippine Commission, of which Dr. Schur-
man was president, endeavored to bring about peace in the islands by re
peated conferences with leading Tagalogs representing the so-called insur
gent government, to the end that some general plan of government might
be offered them which they would accept. So great was the satisfaction of
the insurgent commissioners with the form of government proposed by the
American commissioners that the latter submitted the proposed scheme to
me for approval and my action thereon is shown by the cable message fol
lowing:

"May 5, 1899.
"Schmrman, Manila:

"Yours 4th received. You are authorized to propose that under the mili
tary power of the President, pending action of Congress, government of
the Philippine Islands shall consist of a governor general appointed by the
President; cabinet appointed by tlie governor general; a general advisory
council elected by the people; the qualifications of electors to be carefully
considered and determined; and the governor general to have absolute veto.
Judiciary strong and independent; principal judges appointed by the Presi-

168 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

dent. The cabinet and judges to be chosen Trom natives or Americans, or
both, having regard for fitness. The President earnestly desires the cessa
tion of bloodshed, and that the people of the Philippine Islands at an early
date shall have the largest measure of local self-government consistent with
peace and good order."

In the latter part of May another group of representatives came from the
insurgent leader. The whole matter was fully discussed with them an d
promise of acceptance seemed near at hand. They assured our commis
sioners they would return after consulting their leader, but they never did.

As a result of the views expressed by the first Tagalog representative
favorable to the plan of the commission it appears that he was, by military
order of the insurgent leader, stripped of his shoulder straps, dismissed from
the army, and sentenced to twelve years imprisonment.

The views of the commission are best set forth in their own words:

"Deplorable as war is, the one in which we are now engaged was una
voidable by iis. We were attacked by a bold, adventurous and enthusiastic
army. No alternative was left to us except ignominious retreat.

"It is not to be conceived of that any American would have sanctioned
the surrender of Manila to the insurgents. (Our obligations to other nations
and to the friendly Filipinos and, to ourselves, and our flag_demanded that
force should Ke met by Jorce) Whatever the future of the Philippines may
be7 there ls~no course open to us now except the prosecution of the^ war
until theJjG^urjyerits are reduced to submission! The commission is of the
opinion that thefeTias been no time since the destruction of the Spanish
squadron by Admiral Dewey when it was possible to withdraw our forces
from the islands either with honor to ourselves or with safety to the in
habitants."

After th e most thorough study of the peoples of the archipelago the com
mission reported, among other things:

"Their lack of education and political experience, combined with their
racial and linguistic diversities, disqualified them, in spite of their mental
gifts and domestic virtues, to undertake the task of governing the archi
pelago at the present time. The most that can be expected of them is to
co-operate with the Americans in the administration of general affairs, from
Manila as a center, ariH to undertake, subject to American control or guid
ance (as may be found necessary), the administration of provincial and
municipal affairs. * * *

(^Should our power by any fatality be withdrawn, the commission believes
that the government of the Philippines would speedily lapse into anarchy,
which would excuse, if it did not necessitate, the intervention of other
powers and the eventual division of the islands among them/ Only through
American occupation, therefore^_isjji. idea of a free,; self-governing, and
united Philippine commonwealth at all conceivable. J * *

"Thus the welfare of the Filipinos coincides with the dictates of national

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 169

honor in forbidding our abandonment of the archipelago. We cannot, from
any point of view, escape the responsibilities of government which our
sovereignty entails, and the commission is strongly persuaded that the per
formance of our national duty will prove the greatest blessing to the peoples
of the Philippine Islands."

Satisfied that nothing further could be accomplished in pursuance of their
mission until the rebellion was suppressed, and desiring to place before the
Congress the result of their observations, I requested the commission to
return to the United States. Their most intelligent and comprehensive re
port was submitted to Congress.

In March, 1900, believing that the insurrection was practically ended, and
earnestly desiring to promote the establishment of a stable government in
the archipelago, I appointed the following civil commission: Hon. William
H. Taft, of Ohio; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michigan; Hon. Luke I.
Wright, of Tennessee; Hon. Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and Hon. Bernard
Moses, of California. My instructions to them contained the following:

"You (the Secretary of War) will instruct the commission * * * to
devote their attention, in the first instance, to the establishment of munici
pal governments in which the natives of the islands, both in the cities and
in the rural communities, shall be afforded the opportunity to manage their
own local affairs, to the fullest extent of which they are capable, and subject
to the least degree of supervision and control which a careful study of their
capacities and observation of the workings of native control show to be
consistent with the maintenance of law, order, and loyalty. * * * When
ever the commission is of the opinion that the condition of affairs in the
islands is such that the central administration may safely be transferred from
military to civil control, they will report that conclusion to you (the Secre
tary of War), with their recommendations as to the form of central govern
ment to be established for the purpose of taking over the control. * * *

"Beginning with the ist day of September, 1900, the authority to exercise,
subject to my approval, through the Secretary of War, that part of the
power of government in the Philippine Islands, which is of a legislative
nature, is to be transferred from the military governor of the islands to this
commission, to be thereafter exercised by them in the place and stead of
the military governor, under such rules and regulations as you (the Secre
tary of War) shall prescribe, until the establishment of the civil central gov
ernment for the islands contemplated in the last foregoing paragraph or
until Congress shall otherwise provide. Exercise of this legislative author
ity will include the making of rules and orders having the effect of law for
the raising of revenue by taxes, customs duties and imposts; the appropria
tion and expenditure of the public funds of the islands; the establishment of
an educational system throughout the islands; the establishment of a system
to secure an efficient civil service; the organization and establishment of
courts; the organization and establishment of municipal and departmental
governments; and all other matters of a civil nature for whjch the military
governor is now competent to provide by rules or orders of a legislative

170 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

character. The commission will also have power during the same period to
appoint to office such officers under the judicial, educational and civil ser
vice systems and in the municipal and departmental governments as shall
be provided for. * * * "

Until Congress shall take action, I directed that:

"Upon every division and branch of the government of the Philippines
must be imposed these inviolable rules:

"That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due
process of law; that private property shall not be taken for public use with
out just compensation; that in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall
enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the nature and
cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him,
to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to
have the assistance of counsel for his defense; that excessive bail shall not
be. required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment
inflicted; that no person shall be put twice in jeopardy for the same offense,
or be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; that
the right to be secure against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not
be violated; that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist except
as a punishment for crime; that no bill of attainder, or ex-post facto law
shall be passed; that no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech
or of the press, or the rights of the people to peaceably assemble and peti
tion the government for a redress of grievances; that no law shall be made
respecting the establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise
thereof, and that the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and
worship without discrimination or preference shall forever be allowed. * * *

"It will be the duty of the commission to promote and extend, and, as
they find occasion, to improve, the system of education already inaugurated
by the military authorities. In doing this they should regard as of first
importance the extension of a system of primary education which shall be
free to all, and which shall tend to fit the people for the duties of citizenship
and for the ordinary avocations of a civilized community. * * * Es
pecial attention should be at once given to affording full opportunity to all
the people of the islands to acquire the use of the English language. * * *

"Upon all officers and employes of the United States, froth civil and
military, should be impressed a sense of the duty to observe, not merely the
material but the personal and social rights of the people of the islands, and
to treat them with the same courtesy and respect for their personal dignity
which the people of the United States are accustomed to require from each
other.

"The articles of capitulation of the city of Manila on the I3th of August,
1898, concluded with these words:

" This city, its inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, its educa
tional establishments, and its private property of all descriptions are placed
under the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the American army.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 171

"I believe that this pledge has been faithfully kept. A high and sacred
obligation rests upon the government of the United States to give protec
tion for property and life, civil and religious freedom, and wise, firm, and
unselfish guidance in the paths of peace and prosperity, to all the people of
the Philippine Islands. I charge this commission to labor for the full per
formance of this obligation, which concerns the honor and conscience of
their country, in the firm hope that through their labors all the inhabitants
of the Philippine Islands may come to look back with gratitude to the day
when God gave victory to American arms at Manila and set their land under
the sovereignty and the protection of the people of the United States."

That all might share in the regeneration of the islands and participate in
their government, I directed Gen. MacArthur, the military governor of the
Philippines, to issue a proclamation of amnesty, which contained, among
other statements, the following:

"Manila, P. I., June 21, 1900.

"By direction of the President of the United States, the undersigned an
nounces amnesty, with complete immunity for the past and absolute liberty
of action for the future to all persons who are now or at any time since
February 4, 1899, have been in insurrection against the United States in
either a military or a civil capacity, and who shall, within a period of ninety
days from the date hereof, formally renounce all connection with such insur
rection and subscribe to a declaration acknowledging and accepting the
sovereignty and authority of the United States in and over the Philippine
Islands. The privilege herewith published is extended to all concerned
without any reservation whatever, excepting that persons who have violated
the laws of war during the period of active hostilities are not embraced
within the scope of this amnesty. * * *

"In order to mitigate as much as possible consequences resulting from
the various disturbances which since 1896 have succeeded each other so
rapidly and to provide in some measure for destitute Filipino soldiers during
the transitory period which must inevitably succeed a general peace, the
military authorities of the United States will pay 30 pesos to each man who
presents a rifle in good condition."

Under their instructions the commission, composed of representative
Americans of different sections of the country and from different political
parties, whose character and ability guarantee the most faithful, intelligent,
and patriotic service, are now laboring to establish stable government under
civil control, in which the inhabitants shall participate, giving them oppor
tunity to demonstrate how far they are prepared for self-government.

This commission, under date of August 21, 1900, makes an interesting re
port, from which I quote the following extracts:

"Hostility against Americans originally aroused by absurd falsehoods of
unscrupulous leaders. The distribution of troops in three hundred posts
has by contact largely dispelled hostility, and steadily improved the temper
of the people. This improvement is furthered by abuses of insurgents.
Large numbers of people long for peace, and willing to accept government

172 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

under the United States. Insurgents not surrendering after defeat divided
into small guerilla bands under general officers or become robbers. Nearly
all of the prominent generals and politicians of the insurrection, except
Aguinaldo, have since been captured or have surrendered and taken the
oath of allegiance. * * * All Northern Luzon, except two provinces,
substantial!} free from insurgents. People busy planting and asking for
municipal organization. Railway and telegraph line from Manila to Dagu-
pan, 122 miles, not molested for five months. * * * Tagalogs alone active
in leading guerrilla warfare. In Negros, Cebu, Romblon, Masbate, Sibuyan,
Tablas, Bohol, and other Philippine islands little disturbance exists, and
civil government eagerly awaited. * * * Four years of war and lawless
ness in parts of islands have created unsettled conditions. * * * Native
constabulary and militia, which should be organized at once, will end this
and the terrorism to which defenseless people are subjected. The natives
desire to enlist in these organizations. If judiciously selected and officered,
will be efficient forces for maintenance of order and will permit early ma
terial reduction of United States troops. * * * Turning islands over to
coterie of Tagalog politicians will blight fair prospects of enormous im
provement; drive out capital, make life and property secular, and religion
most insecure; banish by fear of cruel proscription considerable body of
conservative Filipinos, who have aided Americans in well-founded belief
that their people are not now fit for self-government, and reintroduce same
oppression and corruption which existed in all provinces under Malolos in
surgent government during the eight months of its control. The result will
be factional strife between jealous leaders, chaos and anarchy, and will re
quire and justify active intervention of our government or some other.

* * * Business interrupted by war much improved as peace extends.

* * * In Negros more sugar in cultivation than ever before. New fores
try regulations give impetus to timber trade and reduce high price of lum
ber. The customs collections for last quarter 50 per cent, greater than ever
in Spanish history, and August collections show further increase. The total
revenue for same period one-third greater than in any quarter under Spain,
though cedula tax, chief source of Spanish revenue, practically abolished.
Economy and efficiency of military government have created surplus fund
of $6,000,000, which should be expended in much needed public works,
notably improvement of Manila harbor. * * * With proper tariff and
facilities, Manila will become great port of Orient."

The commission is confident that "by a judicious customs law, reasonable
land tax, and proper corporation franchise tax, imposition of no greater rate
than that in average American States will give less annoyance, and with
peace will produce revenues sufficient to pay expenses of efficient govern
ment, including militia and constabulary." They "are preparing a strin
gent civil service law, giving equal opportunity to Filipinos and Americans,
with preference for former where qualifications are equal, to enter at lowest
rank, and, by promotion, reach head of department." * * * Forty-five
miles of railroad extension under negotiation will give access to a large

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 173

province rich in valuable minerals, a mile high, with strictly temperate
climate. * * * Railroad construction will give employment to many,
and communication will furnish market to vast stretches of rich agricul
tural lands."

They report that there are "calls from all parts of the islands for public
schools, school supplies, and English teachers, greater than the commis
sion can provide until a comprehensive school system is organized. Night
schools for teaching English to adults are being established in response to
popular demand. Native children show aptitude in learning English.
Spanish is spoken by a small fraction of people, and in a few years the
medium of communication in the courts, public offices, and between different
tribes will be English; creation of central government within eighteen
months, under which substantially all rights described in the bill of rights
in the Federal Constitution are to be secured to the people of the Philip
pines, will bring to them contentment, prosperity, education, and political
enlightenment"

This shews to my countrymen what has been and is being done to bring
the benefits of liberty and good government to these wards of the nation.
Every effort has been directed to their peace and prosperity, their advance
ment and well-being, not for our aggrandizement nor for pride of might,
not for trade or commerce, not for exploitation, but for humanity and civil
ization; and for the protection of the vast majority of the population who
welcome our sovereignty against the designing minority, whose first demand
after the surrender of Manila by the Spanish army was to enter the city
that they might loot it and destroy those not in sympathy with their selfish
and treacherous designs.

Nobody who will avail himself of the facts will longer hold that there
was any alliance between our soldiers and the insurgents, or that any
promise of independence was made to them. Long before their leader had
reached Manila they had resolved if the commander of the American navy
would give them arms with which to fight the Spanish army, they would
later turn upon us, which they did murderously and without the shadow of
cause or justification. There may be those without the means of full infor
mation who believe that we were in alliance with the insurgents and that
we assured them that they should have independence. To such, let me
repeat the facts. On the 26th of May, 1898, Admiral Dewey was instructed
by me to make no alliance with any party or faction in the Philippines that
would incur liability to maintain their cause in the future, and he replied
under date of June 6, 1898, "Have acted according to spirit of department s
instructions from the beginning, and I have entered into no alliance with the
insurgents or with any faction. This squadron can reduce the defenses of
Manila at any moment, but it is considered useless until the arrival of suf
ficient United States forces to retain possession." In the report of the first
Philippine commission, submitted on November 2, 1899, Admiral Dewey,
one of its members, said: "No alliance of any kind was entered into with
Aguinaldo, nor was any promise of independence made to him at any time."

174 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

Gen. Merritt arrived in the Philippines on July 23, 1898, and a dispatch
from Admiral Dewey to the government at Washington, said: "Merritt
arrived yesterday. Situation is most critical at Manila. The Spanish may
surrender at any moment. Merritt s most difficult problem \vill be how to
deal with the insurgents under Aguinaldo, who have become aggressive
and even threatening toward our army." Here is revealed the spirit of the
insurgents as early as July, 1898, before the protocol was signed, while we
were still engaged in active war with Spain. Even then the insurgents were
threatening our army.

On August 13 Manila was captured, and of this and subsequent events
the Philippine Commission says: "When the city of Manila was taken,
August 13, the Filipinos took no part in the attack, but came following in
with a view to looting the city, and were only prevented from doing so by
our forces preventing them from entering. Aguinaldo claimed that he had
the right to occupy the city; he demanded of Gen. Merritt the palace of
Malacanan for himself and the cession of all churches of Manila, also that
a part of the money taken from the Spaniards as spoils of war should be
given up, and above all that he should be given the arms of the Spanish
prisoners. All these demands were refused.

Gens. Merritt, Greene, and Anderson, who were in command at the
beginning of our occupation and until the surrender of Manila, state that
there was no alliance with the insurgents and no promise to them of inde
pendence. On August 17, 1898, Gen. Merritt was instructed that there must
be no joint occupation of Manila with the insurgents. Gen. Anderson, under
date of February 10, 1900, says that he was present at the interview between
Admiral Dewey and the insurgent leader, and that in this interview Admiral
Dewey made no promise whatever. He adds: "He (Aguinaldo) asked me
if my government was going to recognize his government. I answered
that I was there simply in a military capacity; that I could not acknowledge
his government because I had no authority to do so."

Would not our adversaries have sent Dewey s fleet to Manila to capture
and destroy the Spanish sea power there, or, dispatching it there, would
they have withdrawn it after the destruction of the Spanish fleet; and if the
latter, whither would they have directed it to sail? Where could it have
gone? What port in the Orient was opened to it? Do our adversaries
condemn the expedition under the command of Gen. Merritt to strengthen
Dewey in the distant ocean and assist in our triumph over Spain, with
which nation we were at war? Was it not our highest duty to strike Spain
at every vulnerable point, that the war might be successfully concluded at
the earliest practicable moment?

And was it not our duty to protect the lives and property of those who
came within our control by the fortunes of war? Could we have come
away at any time between May i, 1898, and the conclusion of peace, without
a stain upon our good name? Could we have come away without dishonor
at any time after the ratification of the peace treaty by the Senate of the
United States?

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 175

There has been no time since the destruction of the enemy s fleet when
we could or should have left the Philippine archipelago. After the treaty of
peace was ratified no power but Congress could surrender our sovereignty
or alienate a foot of the territory thus acquired. The Congress has not
seen fit to do the one or the other, and the President had no authority to
do either, if he had been so inclined, which he was not. So long as the
sovereignty remains in us it is the duty of the Executive, whoever he may
be, to uphold that sovereignty, and if it be attacked to suppress its assail
ants. Would our political adversaries do less?

It has been asserted that there would have been no fighting in the Philip
pines if Congress had declared its purpose to give independence to the
Tagal insurgents. The insurgents did not wait for the action of Congress.
They assumed the offensive, they opened fire on our army. Those who
assert our responsibility for the beginning of the conflict have forgotten
that before the treaty was ratified in the Senate and while it was being de
bated in that body, and while the Bacon resolution was under discussion,
on February 4, 1899, the insurgents attacked the American army, after
being previously advised that the American forces were under orders not
to fire upon them except in defense. The papers found in the recently
captured archives of the insurgents demonstrate that this attack had been
carefully planned for weeks before it occurred. Their unprovoked assault
upon our soldiers at a time when the Senate was deliberating upon the
treaty shows that no action on our part except surrender and abandonment
would have prevented the fighting, and leaves no doubt in any fair mind
of where the responsibility rests for the shedding of American blood.

With all the exaggerated phrase-making of this electoral contest, we are
in danger of being diverted from the real contention.

We are in agreement with all of those who supported the war with Spain,
and also with those who counseled the ratification of the treaty of peace.
Upon these two great essential steps there can be no issue, and out of
these came all of our responsibilities. If others would shirk the obligations
imposed by the war and the treaty, we must decline to act further with
them, and here the issue is made. It is our purpose to establish in the
Philippines a government suitable to the wants and conditions of the in
habitants and to prepare them for self-government, and to give them self-
government when they are ready for it and as rapidly as they are ready for
it. That I am aiming to do under my constitutional authority, and will
continue to do until Congress shall determine the political status of the
inhabitants of the archipelago.

Are our opponents against the treaty? If so, they must be reminded that
it could not have been ratified in the Senate but for their assistance. The
Senate which ratified the treaty and the Congress which added its sanction
by a large appropriation comprised Senators and Representatives of the
people of all parties.

Would our opponents surrender to the insurgents, abandon our sover
eignty, or cede it to them? If that be not their purpose, then it should be

176 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

promptly disclaimed, for only evil can result from the hopes raised by our
opponents in the minds of the Filipinos, that with their success at the polls
in November there will be a withdrawal of our army and of American
sovereignty over the archipelago; the complete independence of the Tagalog
people recognized, and the powers of government over all the peoples
of the archipelago conferred upon the Tagalog leaders.

The effect of a belief in the minds of the insurgents that this will be done
has already prolonged the rebellion, and increases the necessity for the
continuance of a large army. It is now delaying full peace in the archi
pelago and the establishment of civil governments, and has influenced many
of the insurgents against accepting the liberal terms of amnesty offered by
Gen. MacArthur under my direction. But for these false hopes, a consider
able reduction could have been had in our military establishment in the
Philippines and the realization of a stable government would be already
at hand.

The American people are asked by our opponents to yield the sovereignty
of the United States in the Philippines to a small fraction of the population,
a single tribe out of eighty or more inhabiting the archipelago, a faction
which wantonly attacked the American troops in Manila while in rightful
possession under the protocol with Spain, awaiting the ratification of the
treaty of peace ty the Senate, and which has since been in active, open re
bellion against the United States. We are asked to transfer our sovereignty
to a small minority in the islands without consulting the majority and to
abandon the largest portion of the population, which has been loyal to us,
to the cruelties of the guerrilla insurgent bands. More than this, we are
asked to protect this minority in establishing a government, and to this end
repress all opposition of the majority. We are required to set up a sta
ble government in the interest of those who have assailed our sovereignty
and fired upon our soldiers, and then maintain it at any cost or sacrifice
against its enemies within and against those having ambitious designs from
without.

This would require an army and navy far larger than is now maintained
in the Philippines, and still more in excess of what will be necessary with
the full recognition of our sovereignty. A military support of authority
not our own as thus proposed is the very essence of militarism, which our
opponents in their platform oppose, but which, by their policy, would of
necessity be established in its most offensive form.

The American people will not make the murderers of our soldiers the
agents of the republic to convey the blessings of liberty and order to the
Philippines. They will not make them the builders of the new common
wealth. Such a course would be a betrayal of our sacred obligations to the
peaceful Filipinos, and would place at the mercy of dangerous adventurers
the lives and property of the natives and foreigners. It would make pos
sible and easy the commission of such atrocities as were secretly planned,
to be executed on the 22d of February, 1899, in the city of Manila, when

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 177

only the vigilance of our army prevented the attempt to assassinate our sol
diers and all foreigners and pillage and destroy the city and its surroundings.

In short, the proposition of those opposed to us is to continue all the
obligations in the Philippines which now rest upon the government, only
changing the relation from principal, which now exists, to that of surety.
Our responsibility is to remain, but our power is to be diminished. Our
obligation is to be no less, but our title is to be surrendered to another
power, which is without experience or training or the ability to maintain a
stable government at home and absolutely helpless to perform its interna
tional obligations with the rest of the world. To this we are opposed. We
should not yield our title while our obligations last. In the language of
our platform, "Our authority should not be less than our responsibility," and
our present responsibility is to establish our authority in every part of the
islands.

No government can so certainly preserve the peace, restore public order,
establish law, justice, and stable conditions as ours. Neither Congress nor
the Executive can establish a stable government in these islands except
under our right of sovereignty, our authority, and our flag. And this we are
doing.

We could not do it as a protectorate power so completely or so success
fully as we are doing it now. As the sovereign power we can initiate action
and shape means to ends, and guide the Filipinos to self-development and
self-government. As a protectorate power we could not initiate action, but
would be compelled to follow and uphold a people with no capacity yet to
go alone. In the one case we can protect both ourselves and the Filipinos
from being involved in dangerous complications; in the other we could
not protect even the Filipinos until after their trouble had come. Besides,
if we cannot establish any government of our own without the consent of
the governed, as our opponents contend, then we could not establish a stable
government for them or make ours a protectorate without the like consent,
and neither the majority of the people nor a minority of the people have
invited us to assume it. We could not maintain a protectorate even with
the consent of the governed without giving provocation for conflicts and
possibly costly wars. Our rights in the Philippines are now free from out
side interference, and will continue so in our present relation. They would
not be thus free in any other relation. We will not give up our own to
guarantee another sovereignty.

Our title is good. Our peace commissioners believed they were receiving
a good title when they concluded the treaty. The Executive believed it was
a good title when he submitted it to the Senate of the United States for its
ratification. The Senate believed it was a good title when they gave it their
constitutional assent, and the Congress seems not to have doubted its com
pleteness when they appropriated $20,000,000 provided by the treaty. If any
who favored its ratification believed it gave us a bad title, they were not
sincere. Our title is practically identical with that under which we hold

178 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

our territory acquired since the beginning of the government, and under
which we have exercised full sovereignty and established government for
the inhabitants.

It is worthy of note that no one outside of the United States disputes the
fullness and integrity of the cession. What, then, is the real issue on this
subject? Whether it is paramount to any other or not, it is whether we
shall be responsible for the government of the Philippines with the sover
eignty and authority which enable us to guide them to regulated liberty,
law, safety, and progress, or whether we shall be responsible for the forcible
and arbitrary government of a minority without sovereignty and authority
on our part, and with only the embarrassment of a protectorate which draws
us into their troubles without the power of preventing them.

There were those who two years ago were rushing us on to war with
Spain who are unwilling now to accept its clear consequence, as there are
those among us who advocated the ratification of the treaty of peace, but
now protest against its obligations. Nations which go to war must be pre
pared to accept its resultant obligations, and when they make treaties must
keep them.

Those who profess to distrust the liberal and honorable purposes of the
administration in its treatment of the Philippines are not justified. Imper
ialism has no place in its creed or conduct. Freedom is the rock upon
which the Republican party was builded and now rests. Liberty is the
great Republican doctrine for which the people went to war and for which
a million lives were offered and billions of dollars expended to make it the
lawful legacy of all without the consent of master or slave. There is a
strain of ill-concealed hypocrisy in the anxiety to extend the constitutional
guaranties to the people of the Philippines, while their nullification is openly
advocated at home. Our opponents may distrust themselves, but they have
no right to discredit the good faith and patriotism of the majority of the
people who are opposed to them; they may fear the worst form of imperial
ism with the helpless Filipinos in their hands; but if they do, it is because
they have parted with the spirit and faith of the fathers, and have lost the
virility of the founders of the party which they profess to represent.

The Republican party does not have to assert its devotion to the Decla
ration of Independence. That immortal instrument of the fathers remained
unexecuted until the people, under the lead of the Republican party, in
the awful clash of battle turned its promises into fulfillment. It wrote into
the Constitution the amendments guaranteeing political equality to Ameri
can citizenship, and it has never broken them or counseled others in break
ing them. It will not be guided in its conduct by one set of principles at
home and another set in the new territory belonging to the United States.

If our opponents would only practice as well as preach the doctrines of
Abraham Lincoln, there would be no fear for the safety of our institutions
at home or their influence in any territory over which our flag floats.

Empire has been expelled from Porto Rico and the Philippines by Ameri-

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 179

can freedom. The flag of the republic now floats over these islands as an
emblem of rightful sovereignty. Will the republic stay and dispense to
their inhabitants the blessings of liberty, education, and free institutions, or
steal away, leaving them to anarchy or imperialism?

The American question is between duty and desertion the American ver
dict will be for duty and against desertion, for the republic against both
j anarchy and imperialism.

The country has been fully advised of the purposes of the United States
in China, and they will be faithfully adhered to, as already defined.

The nation is filled with gratitude that the little band, among them many
of our own blood, who for two months have been subjected to privation and
peril by the attacks of pitiless hordes at the Chinese capital, exhibiting
supreme courage in the face of despair, have been enabled by God s favor
to greet their rescuers and find shelter under their own flag.

The people, not alone of this land, but of all lands, have watched and
prayed through the terrible stress and protracted agony of the helpless suf
ferers in Pekin, and while at times the dark tidings seemed to make all hope
vain, the rescuers never faltered in the heroic fulfillment of their noble task.

We are grateful to our own soldiers and sailors and marines, and to all
the brave men who, though assembled under many standards representing
peoples and races, strangers in country and speech, were yet united in the
sacred mission of carrying succor to the besieged, with a success that is
now the cause of a world s rejoicing.

Not only have we reason for thanksgiving for our material blessings, but
we should rejoice in the complete unification of the people of all sections
of our country, that has so happily developed in the last few years, and
made for us a more perfect Union. The obliteration of old differences, the
common devotion to the flag, and the common sacrifices for its honor, so
conspicuously shown by the men of the North and South in the Spanish
war, have so strengthened the ties of friendship and mutual respect that
nothing can ever again divide us. The nation faces the new century grate
fully and hopefully, with increasing love of country, with firm faith in its
free institutions, and with high resolve that they shall not perish from the
earth." Very respectfully yours,

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

GOVERNOR ROOSEVELT S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE

PRESIDENT McKINLEY S ADMINISTRATION PROSPERITY
UNPARALLELED THE DANGER OF FREE COINAGE OF
SILVER THE PARAMOUNT ISSUE TRUSTS REMEDIES BY
STATE AND NATIONAL LEGISLATION THE PHILIPPINES
AND LOUISIANA McKINLEY AND JEFFERSON COMPARED
IMPERIALISM AND EXPANSION.

OYSTER BAY, N. Y., Sept. 15, 1900.

"To Hon. Edward O. Wolcott, Chairman Committee on Notification of
Vice-President:

"SiR: I accept the nomination as Vice-President of the United States,
tendered me by the Republican National Convention, with a very deep
sense of the honor conferred upon me and with an infinitely deeper sense
of the vital importance to the whole country of securing the re-election of
President McKinley. The nation s welfare is at stake. We must continue
the work which has been so well begun during the present Administration.
We must show in fashion incapable of being misunderstood that the Ameri
can people, at the beginning of the twentieth century, face their duties in a
calm and serious spirit; that they have no intention of permitting folly or
lawlessness to mar the extraordinary material well-being which they have
attained at home, nor yet of permitting their flag to be dishonored abroad.

"I feel that this contest is by no means one merely between Republicans
and Democrats. We have a right to appeal to all good citizens who are
far-sighted enough to see what the honor and the interest of the nation
demand. To put into practice the principles embodied in the Kansas City
platform would mean disaster to the nation; for that platform stands for
reaction and disorder; for an upsetting of our financial system which would
mean not only great suffering, but the abandonment of the nation s good
faith, and for a policy abroad which would imply the dishonor of the flag
and an unworthy surrender of our national rights. Its success would mean
unspeakable humiliation to men proud of their country, jealous of their
country s good name and desirous of securing the welfare of their fellow-
citizens. Therefore we have a right to appeal to all good men, North and
South, East and West, whatever their politics may have been in the past,
to stand with us, because we stand for the prosperity of the country and for
the renown of the American flag.

"The most important of all problems is, of course, that of securing good

180

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 181

government and moral and material well-being within our own borders.
Great though the need is that the nation should do its work well abroad,
even this comes second to the thorough performance of duty at home.

"Under the Administration of President McKinley this country has been
blessed with a degree of prosperity absolutely unparalleled, even in its
previous prosperous history. While it is, of course, true that no legislation
and no administration can bring success to those who are not stout of heart,
cool of head and ready of hand, yet it is no less true that the individual
capacity of each man to get good results for himself can be absolutely de
stroyed by bad legislation or bad administration, while under the reverse
conditions the power of the individual to do good work is assured and
stimulated.

"This is what has been done under the Administration of President Mc
Kinley. Thanks to his actions and to the wise legislation of Congress on
the tariff and finance, the conditions of our industrial life have been ren
dered more favorable than ever before, and they have been taken advantage
of to the full by American thrift, industry and enterprise. Order has been
observed, the courts upheld and the fullest liberty secured to all citizens.
The merchant and manufacturer, but, above all, the farmer and the wage-
worker, have profited by this state of things.

"Fundamentally and primarily the present contest is a contest for the
continuance of the conditions which have told in favor of our material wel
fare and of our civil and political integrity. If this nation is to retain either
its well-being or its self-respect it cannot afford to plunge into financial and
economic chaos; it cannot afford to indorse governmental theories which
would unsettle the standard of national honesty and destroy the integrity of
our system of justice.

"The policy of the free coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to I is a policy
fraught with destruction to every home in the land. It means untold misery
to the head of every household, and, above all, to the women and children
of every home. When our opponents champion free silver at 16 to I they
are either insincere or sincere in their attitude. If insincere in their cham
pionship they, of course, forfeit all right to belief or support on any ground.
If sincere, then they are a menace to the welfare of the country. Whether
they shout their sinister purpose or merely whisper it makes but little differ
ence, save as it reflects their own honesty.

"No issue can be paramount to the issue they thus make, for the para-
mountcy of such an issue is to be determined not by the dictum of any man
or body of men, but by the fact that it vitally affects the well-being of every
home in the land. The financial question is always of such far-reaching
and tremendous importance to the national welfare that it can never be
raised in good faith unless this tremendous importance is not merely con
ceded but insisted upon. Men who are not willing to make such an issue
paramount have no possible justification for raising it at all, for under such
circumstances their act cannot under any conceivable circumstances do
aught but grave harm.

182 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

"The success of the party representing the principles embodied in the
Kansas City platform would bring about the destruction of all the condi
tions necessary to the continuance of our prosperity. It would also unsettle
our whole governmental system, and would therefore disarrange all the
vast and delicate machinery of our complex industrial life. Above all, the
effect would be ruinous to our finances. If we are to prosper, the currency
of this country must be based upon the gold dollar worth one hundred
cents.

"The stability of our currency has been greatly increased by the excellent
financial act passed by the last Congress. But no law can secure our
finances against the effect of unwise and disastrous management in the
hands of unfriendly administrators. No party can safely be intrusted with
the management of our national affairs unless it accepts as axiomatic the
truths recognized in all progressive countries as essential to a sound and
proper system of finance. In their essence these must be the same for all
great civilized peoples. In different stages of development different coun
tries face varying economic conditions, but at every stage and under all cir
cumstances the most important element in securing their economic well-
being is sound finance, honest money. So intimate is the connection be
tween industrial prosperity and a sound currency that the former is jeopar
dized not merely by unsound finance, but by the very threat of unsound
"finance.

"The business man and the farmer are vitally interested in this question,
"but no man s interest is so great as that of the wage-worker. A depreciated
currency means loss and disaster to the business man, but it means grim
suffering to the wage-worker. The capitalist will lose much of his capital
and will suffer wearing anxiety and the loss of many comforts, but the wage-
worker who loses his wages must suffer and see his wife and children suffer
for the actual necessities of life. The one absolutely vital need of our whole
industrial system is sound money.

"One of the serious problems with which we are confronted under the
conditions of our modern industrial civilization is that presented by the
great business combinations, which are generally known under the name of
trusts. The problem is an exceedingly difficult one. The difficulty is im
mensely aggravated both by honest but wrong-headed attacks on our whole
industrial system in the effort to remove some of the evils connected with
it and by the mischievous advice of men who either think crookedly or who
advance remedies knowing them to be ineffective, but deeming that they
may, by darkening counsel, achieve for themselves a spurious reputation for
wisdom. No good whatever is subserved by indiscriminate denunciation of
corporations generally, and of all forms of industrial combination in par
ticular; and when this public denunciation is accompanied by private mem
bership in the great corporations denounced, the effect is, of course, to give
an air of insincerity to the whole movement. Nevertheless, there are real
abuses, and there is ample reason for striving to remedy these abuses. A

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 183

crude or ill-considered effort to remedy them would either be absolutely
without effect or else would simply do damage.

"The first thing to do is to find out the facts; and for this purpose pub
licity as to capitalization, profits and all else of importance to the public is
the most useful measure. The mere fact of this publicity would in itself
remedy certain evils, and, as to others, it would in some cases point out the
remedies, and would at least enable us to tell whether or not certain pro
posed remedies would be useful. The State acting in its collective capacity
would thus first find out the facts and then be able to take such measures
as wisdom dictated.

"Much can be done by taxation. Even more can be done by regulation,
by close supervision, and the unsparing excision of all unhealthy, destructive
and anti-social elements. The separate State governments can do a great
deal; and where they decline to co-operate the National Government must
step in.

"While paying heed to the necessity of keeping our house in order at
home, the American people can not, if they wish to retain their self-respect,
refrain from doing their duty as a great nation in the world. The history of
the nation is in large part the history of the nation s expansion. When the
first Continental Congress met in Liberty Hall and the thirteen original
States declared themselves a nation, the westward limit of the country was
marked by the Alleghany Mountains. Even during the Revolutionary War
the work of expansion went on. Kentucky, Tennessee and the great North
west, then known as the Illinois country, were conquered from our white
and Indian foes during the Revolutionary struggle and were confirmed to
us by the treaty of peace in 1783. Yet the land thus confirmed was not then
given to us. It was held by an alien foe until the army, uncfef General
Anthony Wayne, freed Ohio from the red man, while the treaties of Jay and
Pinckney secured from the Spanish and British Natchez and Detroit.

"In 1803, under President Jefferson, the greatest single stride in expansion
that we ever took was taken by the purchase of the Louisiana territory.
This so-called Louisiana, which included what are now the States of Ar
kansas, Missouri, Louisiana, Iowa, Minnesota, Kansas, Nebraska, North
and South Dakota, Idaho, Montana, and a large part of Colorado and Utah,
was acquired by treaty and purchase under President Jefferson exactly and
precisely as the Philippines have been acquired by treaty and purchase under
President McKinley.

"The doctrine of the consent of the governed, the doctrine previously
enunciated by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, was not held
by him or by any other sane man to apply to the Indian tribes in the Louis
iana territory which he thus acquired, and there was no vote taken even of
the white inhabitants, not to speak of the negroes and Indians, as to whether
they were willing that their territory should be annexed. The great majority
of the inhabitants, white and colored alike, were bitterly opposed to the
transfer. An armed force of United States soldiers had to be hastily sent

184 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

into the territory to prevent insurrection, President Jefferson sending these
troops to Louisiana for exactly the same reasons and with exactly the same
purpose that President McKinley has sent troops to the Philippines. Jeffer
son distinctly stated that the Louisianians were not fit or ready for self-
government, and years elapsed before they were given self-government,
Jefferson appointing the Governor and other officials without any consulta
tion with the inhabitants of the newly acquired territory. The doctrine that
the Constitution follows the flag was not then even considered either by
Jefferson or by any other serious party leader, for it never entered their
heads that a new territory should be governed other than in the way in
which the territories of Ohio and Illinois had already been governed under
Washington and the elder Adams; the theory known by this utterly false and
misleading phrase was only struck out in political controversy at a much
later date, for the sole purpose of justif) 7 ing the extension of slavery into
the territories.

"The parallel betw r een what Jefferson did with Louisiana and what is now
being done in the Philippines is exact. Jefferson, the author of the Declara
tion of Independence, and of the consent of the governed doctrine, saw no
incongruity between this and the establishment of a government on com
mon-sense grounds in the new territory; and he railed at the sticklers for
an impossible application of his principle, saying, in language which at the
present day applies to the situation in the Philippines without the change
of a word, though it is acknowledged that our new fellow-citizens are as
yet as incapable of self-government as children, yet some can not bring
themselves to suspend its principles for a single moment. He intended that
ultimately self-government should be introduced throughout the territory,
but only as the different parts became fit for it, and no sooner.

"This is just the policy that has been pursued. In no part of the Louis
iana purchase was complete self-government introduced for a number of
years; in one part of it, the Indian Territory, it has not yet been introduced,
although nearly a century has elapsed. Over enormous tracts of it. includ
ing the various Indian reservations, with a territory in the aggregate as
large as that of the Philippines, the Constitution has never yet followed
the flag; the army officers and the civilian agent still exercise authority,
without asking the consent of the governed. We must proceed in the
Philippines with the same wise caution, taking each successive step as it be
comes desirable, and accommodating the details of our policy to the peculiar
needs of the situation. But as soon as the present revolt is put down and
order established, it will undoubtedly be possible to give to the islands a
larger measure of self-government than Jefferson originally gave Louisiana.
"The next great step in expansion was the acquisition of Florida. This
was partly acquired by conquest and partly by purchase, Andrew Jackson
being the most prominent figure in the acquisition. It was taken under
President Monroe, the after-time President John Quincy Adams being active
in securing the purchase.

"As in the case of the Philippines, Florida was acquired by purchase

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 185

from Spain, and in Florida the Seminoles, who had not been consulted in
the sale, rebelled and waged war exactly as some of the Tagals have rebelled
and waged war in the Philippines. The Seminole War lasted for many
years, but Presidents Monroe, Adams and Jackson declined for a moment
to consider the question of abandoning Florida to the Seminoles, or to
treat their non-consent to the government of the United States as a valid
reason for turning over the territory to them.

"Our next question of territory was that of Texas, secured by treaty after
it had been wrested from the Mexicans by the Texans themselves. Then
came the acquisition of California, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada and parts
of Colorado and Utah as the result of the Mexican War, supplemented five
years later by the Gadsden purchase.

"The next acquisition was that of Alaska, secured from Russia by treaty
and purchase. Ataska was full of natives, some of whom had advanced well
beyond the stage of savagery and were Christians. They were not consulted
about the purchase nor was their acquiescence required. The purchase
was made by the men who had just put through a triumphant war to restore
the Union and free the slave; but none of them deemed it necessary to push
the doctrine of the consent of the governed to a conclusion so fantastic as
to necessitate the turning over of Alaska to its original owners, the Indian
and the Aleut. For 30 years the United States authorities, military and civil,
exercised the supreme authority in a tract of land many times larger than
the Philippines, in which it did not seem likely that there would ever be
any considerable body of white inhabitants.

"Nearly 30 years passed before the next instance of expansion occurred,
which was over the Island of Hawaii. An effort was made at the end of
President Harrison s administration to secure the annexation of Hawaii.
The effort was unsuccessful. In a debate in Congress on February 2, 1894,
one of the lead ers in opposing the annexation of the islands stated:

" These islands are more than 2,000 miles distant from our extreme west
ern boundary. We have a serious race problem now in our country and I
am not in favor of adding to our domestic fabric a mongrel population (of
this character). Our Constitution makes no provisions for a colonial es
tablishment. Any territorial government we might establish would neces
sarily, because of the population, be an oligarchy, which would have to be
supported by armed soldiers.

"Yet Hawaii has now been annexed and here delegates have sat in the
national conventions of the two great parties. The fears then expressed in
relation to an oligarchy and armed soldiers are not now seriously enter
tained by any human being; yet they are precisely the objections urged
against the acquisition of the Philippines at this very moment.

"We are making no new departures. We are not taking a single step
which in any way affects our institutions or our traditional policies. From
-the beginning we have given widely varying degrees of self-government to
the different territories, according to their needs.

186 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

"The simple truth is that there is nothing even remotely resembling im
perialism or militarism involved in the present development of that policy
of expansion which has been part of the history of America from the day
when she became a nation. The words mean absolutely nothing as applied
to our present policy in the Philippines; for this policy is only imperialistic
in the sense that Jefferson s policy in Louisiana was imperialistic; only
military in the sense that Jackson s policy toward the Seminoles or Ouster s
policy toward the Sioux embodied militarism; and there is no more danger
of its producing evil results at home now than there was of its interfering
with freedom under Jefferson or Jackson, or in the days of the Indian wars
on the plains. Our army is relatively not as large as it was in the days of
Wayne; we have not one regular for every 1,000 inhabitants. There is no
more danger of a draft than there is of the reintroduction of slavery.

"When we expanded over New Mexico and California we secured free
government to these territories and prevented their falling under the mili
tarism of a dictatorship like that of Santa Anna, or the imperialism of a
real empire in the days of Maximilian. We put a stop to imperialism in
Mexico as soon as the Civil War closed.

"We made a great anti-imperialistic stride when we drove the Spaniards
from Porto Rico and the Philippines and thereby made ready ground in
these islands for that gradually increasing measure of self-government for
which their populations are severally fitted. Cuba is being helped along the
path to independence as rapidly as her own citizens are content that she
should go. Of course the presence of troops in the Philippines during the
Tagal insurrection has no more to do with militarism or imperialism than
had their presence in the Dakotas, Minnesota and Wyoming during the
many years which elapsed before the final outbreaks of the Sioux were
definitely put down. There is no more militarism or imperialism in gar
risoning Luzon until order is restored than there was imperialism in send
ing soldiers to South Dakota in 1890, during the Ogallalla outbreak. The
reasoning which justifies our having made war against Sitting Bull also
justifies our having checked the outbreaks of Aguinaldo and his followers,
directed, as they were, against Filipino and American alike.

"The only certain way of rendering it necessary for our Republic to enter
on a career of militarism would be to abandon the Philippines to their own
tribes, and at the same time either to guarantee a stable government among
these tribes or to guarantee them against outside interference. A far larger
army would be required to carry out any such policy than will be required
to secure order under the American flag; while the presence of this flag on
the islands is really the only possible security against outside aggression.

"The whole argument against President McKinley s policy in the Philip
pines becomes absurd when it is conceded that we should, to quote the lan
guage of the Kansas City platform, give to the Philippines first a stable
form of government. If they are now entitled to independence, they are
also entitled to decide for themselves whether their government shall be
stable or unstable, civilized or savage, or whether they shall have any gov-

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 187

ernment at all; while it is, of course, equally evident that under such condi
tions we have no right whatever to guarantee them against outside inter
ference any more than we have to make such a guarantee in the case of
the Boxers (who are merely the Chinese analogues of Aguinaldo s follow
ers). If we have a right to establish a stable government in the islands it
necessarily follows that it is not only our right but duty to support that
government until the natives gradually grow fit to sustain it themselves.
How else will it be stable? The minute we leave it it ceases to be stable.

Properly speaking, the question is now not whether we shall expand
for we have already expanded but whether we shall contract. The Philip
pines are now part of American territory. (To surrender them would be to
surrender American territory. )

"They must, of course, be governed primarily in the interests of their own
citizens. Our first care must be for the people of the islands which have
come unde^r our guardianship as a result of the most righteous foreign war
that has been waged within the memory of the present generation. They
must be administered in the_ interests of their inhabitants, and that neces
sarily means that any question of personal or partisan politics in their ad
ministration must be entirely eliminated. We must continue to put at the
heads of affairs in the different islands such men as General Wood, Gover
nor Allen and Judge Taft; and it is a most fortunate thing that we are able
to illustrate what ought to be done in the way of sending officers thither by
pointing out what actually has been done.

"The minor places in their administration, where it is impossible to fill
them by natives, must be filled by the strictest application of the merit
system, t It is very important that in our own home administration the
merely ministerial and administrative offices, where the duties are entirely
non-political, shall be filled absolutely without reference to partisan affilia
tions; but this is many times more important in the newly acquired islands.
The merit system is in its essence as democratic as our common school
system, for it simply means equal chances and fair play for all.

"It must be remembered always that governing these islands in the inter
est of the inhabitants may not necessarily be to govern them as the inhabi
tants at the moment prefer. To grant self-government to Luzon under
Aguinaldo would be like granting self-government to an Apache reserva
tion under some local chief; and this is no more altered by the fact that the
Filipinos fought the Spaniards than it would be by the fact that Apaches
have long been trained and employed in the United States Army and have
rendered signal service therein; just as the Pawnees did under the admin
istration of Gen. Grant; just as the Stockbridge Indians did in the days of
General Washington, and the friendly tribes of the Six Nations in the days
of President Madison.

"There are now in the United States communities of Indians which have
advanced so far that it has just been possible to embody them as a whole
in our political system, all the members of the tribe becoming United States
citizens. There are other communities where the bulk of the tribes are

188 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

still too wild for it to be possible to take such a step. There are individuals
among the Apaches, Pawnees, Iroquois, Sioux and other tribes who are
now United States citizens, and who are entitled to stand, and do stand, on
an absolute equality with all our citizens of pure white blood. Men of
Indian blood are now serving in the army and navy and in Congress and
occupy high positions both in the business and the political world.

"There is every reason why as rapidly as an Indian, or any body of In
dians, becomes fit for self-government, he or it should be granted the fullest
equality with the whites; but there would be no justification whatever in
treating this fact as a reason for abandoning the wild tribes to work out their
own destruction. Exactly the same reasoning applies in the case of the
Philippines. To turn over the islands to Aguinaldo and his followers would
not be to give self-government to the islanders; under no circumstances
would the majority thus gain self-government. They would simply be put
at the mercy of a syndicate of Chinese half-breeds, under whom corruption
would flourish far more freely than ever it flourished under Tweed, while
tyrannical oppression would obtain to a degree only possible under such an
oligarchy. Yours truly.

THEODORE ROOSEVELT."

SOUTH

MAIN E.NTRANCC

NOHTH

CONVENTION HALL. (Showing Plan of Stage and Seate.)

APPENDIX

THE PRESS

The following newspapers were represented and made telegraphic special
daily reports of the proceedings of the Convention and had seats assigned to
them in the press department.

ALABAMA.

Mobile The Register.

Birmingham The Age Herald.

Little Rock

ARKANSAS.
The Gazette.

ARIZONA.

Phoenix The Arizona Republican

Daily News.

Phoenix ..The Herald.

Phoenix The Arizona Gazette.

CALIFORNIA.

San Francisco...
San Francisco...
San Francisco...
San Francisco...
San Francisco...
Los Angeles. .. .
Los Angeles
Sacramento

.The Evening Post.
.The Examiner.
.The Chronicle.
.The Call.
.The Bulletin.
.The Herald.
.The Times.
.The Daily Bee.

Denver
Denver

COLORADO.

The Rocky Mtn. News.

, The Republican.

CONNECTICUT.

Hartford The Courant.

Hartford The Globe.

Hartford The Telegram.

Hartford The Post.

Hartford The Times.

New Haven The Paladian.

New Haven The Register.

Waterbury The American.

DELAWARE.

\Yilmington The Sun.

Wilmington The Evening Journal.

Wilmington The Morning News.

Wilmington The Every Evening.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

Washington The Evening Star.

Washington The Post.

Washington The Times.

GEORGIA.

Atlanta The Journal.

Atlanta The Constitution.

Augusta The Chronicle.

Savannah The News.

Macon The Telegraph.

ILLINOIS.

Chicago The Journal.

Chicago The Daily News.

Chicago The Evening Post.

Chicago The Chronicle.

Chicago The Record.

Chicago The Times-Herald.

Chicago The Inter-Ocean.

Chicago The Tribune.

Chicago The Statts-Zeitung.

INDIANA.

Indianapolis The Journal.

Indianapolis The News.

Indianapolis The Sentinel.

Indianapolis The Press.

Evansville The Journal.

Terre Haute The Evening Gazette.

Burlington ....
Davenport

Dubuque

Des Moines . .
Des Moines . .
Des Moines ..

IOWA.

...The Hawk Eye.
. . .The Times.
...The Herald.
...The Register.
.. .The Leader.
...The News.

KANSAS.

Atchison The Globe.

Leavenworth The Times.

Topeka .The Capital.

Topeka The Journal.

KENTUCKY.

Covington The Kentucky Post.

Frankfort The Zeitung.

Louisville The Courier Journal.

Louisville The Dispatch.

Louisville The Evening Post.

Louisville The Commercial.

Louisville The Times.

189

190

OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE

New Orleans.

LOUISIANA.
.The Picayune.
.The Democrat.
.The Item.
.The Press.
.The States.

MARYLAND.

Baltimore The Morning Herald.

Baltimore The Sun.

Baltimore The American.

Baltimore Der Deutsche Corresp t.

Baltimore The News.

Baltimore The World.

MASSACHUSETTS.

Boston The Record.

Boston The Journal.

Boston The Post.

Boston The Herald.

Boston The Daily Advertiser.

Boston The Transcript.

Boston The Globe.

Boston The Traveller.

Concord The Monitor.

Springfield The Union.

Springfield The Republican.

Worcester The Spy.

Vicksburg

MISSISSIPPI.
The Herald.

MICHIGAN.

Detroit The Morning Tribune.

Detroit The Evening News.

Detroit The Journal.

Detroit The Free Press.

Detroit The Abend Post.

Grand Rapids.... The Herald.
Kalamazoo The Telegraph.

MINNESOTA.

Minneapolis The Times.

Minneapolis The Tribune.

Minneapolis The Journal.

St. Paul The Dispatch.

St. Paul The Pioneer Press.

St. Paul The Globe.

Duluth The Duluth News Trib e.

MISSOURI.
St. Louis The Globe Democrat.

ft. Louis The Republic,
t. Louis The Post Dispatch.

St. Louis The Westliche Post.

St. Louis The Chronicle.

St. Louis The Star.

Kansas City The World.

Kansas City The Journal.

Kansas City ....The Star.
Kansas City The Times Co.

MONTANA.
...The Herald.

Helena

NEBRASKA.

Lincoln The Journal.

Omaha The Bee.

Omaha The World-Herald.

NEVADA.
Reno .. The Gazette Pub. Co.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

Concord The Monitor.

Manchester The Union.

NEW JERSEY.

Elizabeth The Journal.

Newark The Daily Advertiser.

Newark The Evening News.

Jersey City The News.

Jersey City The Journal.

Camden The Post-Telegram.

Camden The Daily Courier.

Trenton The Daily State Gazette.

Trenton The True American.

NEW YORK.

New York The Sun.

New York The Commercial Adv.

New York The Mail and Express.

New York The World.

New York The Morning Journal.

New York The Evening Journal.

New York The Herald.

New York The Tribune.

New York The Statts-Zeitung.

New York The Times.

New York The Evening Post.

New York The Morning Telegraph.

New York The Evening Telegram.

New York The Publishers Press.

New York The Press.

New York The News.

Albany The Argus.

Albany The Journal.

Albany Press Knickerb k s Exp.

Albany The Times Union.

Brooklyn The Daily News.

Brooklyn The Times.

Brooklyn The Citizen.

Brooklyn The Standard Union.

Buffalo The Buffalo Express.

Buffalo The Times.

Buffalo The Commercial.

Buffalo The Courier.

Buffalo The Enquirer.

Buffalo The Evening News.

Utica The Press.

Utica The Observer.

Rochester The Evening Times.

Rochester The Post Express.

Rochester The Herald.

Syracuse The Herald.

Syracuse The Journal Ptg. & Pub.

Co.

Syracuse The Post-Standard Co.

Troy The Times.

Troy The Press.

Troy The Record.

OHIO.

Akron The Beacon Journal.

Canton The Repository Ptg. Co.

Cincinnati The Enquirer.

Cincinnati The Times Star.

Cincinnati The Post.

Cincinnati The Commerc l Tribune.

Cincinnati The Cincin ti Yolksblatt.

Cleveland The Leader.

Cleveland The Press.

Cleveland The Plain Dealer.

Columbus The Dispatch.

Columbus The Press Post.

Columbus The State Journal.

Dayton The Journal.

TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

191

OHIO Continued.

Sandusky The Register.

Toledo The T9ledo Blade.

Toledo The Times.

Toledo The Bee.

Toledo The Commercial.

Warren The Tribune.

Warren The Chronicle.

Portland

OREGON.
...The Morning Oregonian.

PENNSYLVANIA.

Philadelphia .. ..The Star.
Philadelphia .. ..The Daily News.
Philadelphia .. ..The Item.
Philadelphia .. ..The Associated Press.
Philadelphia .. ..The Inquirer.
Philadelphia .. ..The North American.
Philadelphia .. ..The Telegraph.
Philadelphia .. ..The Times.
Philadelphia .. ..The Press.
Philadelphia .. ..The Record.
Philadelphia .. ..The Evening Herald.
Philadelphia .. ..The Bulletin.
Philadelphia .. ..The Ledger.
Philadelphia .. ..The Democrat.
Philadelphia .. ..The Gazette.
Philadelphia .. ..The Tageblatt.
Philadelphia .. ..The Abend Post.
Philadelphia .. ..The Call.

Altoona The Times.

Easton The Argus.

Harrisburg The Telegraph.

Harrisburg The Patriot.

Harrisburg The Independent.

Lancaster The New Era.

Lancaster The Examiner.

Lancaster The Inquirer.

Lancaster The News.

Oil City The Derrick.

Oil City The Blizzard.

Pittsburg The Times.

Pittsburg The Daily News.

Pittsburg The Dispatch.

Pittsburg The Post.

Pittsburg The Leader.

Pittsbnrg The Chronicle Teleg h.

Pittsburg The Press.

Pittsburg The Commercial.

Pottsville The Daily Republican.

Pottsville The Chronicle.

Reading The Times.

Reading The Journal.

Reading The Republican.

Reading The Herald.

Reading The Eagle.

Scranton The Tribune.

Scranton The Republican.

Scranton The Truth.

Scranton The Times.

\Vest Chester The Republican.

Williamsport ....The Sun.
Wilkes-Barre .... The Times.
Wilkes-Barre ....The Record.
York The Dispatch.

RHODE ISLAND.

Providence The Journal.

Providence The Telegram.

Providence The News.

SOUTH CAROLINA.
Charleston The News Courier.

TEXAS.

Galveston The Tribune.

Galveston The News.

Houston The Daily Press.

Houston TBe Post.

TENNESSEE.

Memphis The Commercial Appeal.

Chattanooga The Times.

Nashville The American.

UTAH.

Salt Lake City... The Tribune.
Salt Lake City... The Herald.

VIRGINIA.

Richmond The Times.

Richmond The Dispatch.

WEST VIRGINIA.

Wheeling The Intelligencer.

Wheeling The Register.

Wheeling The News.

Wheeling The Zeitung.

WASHINGTON.

Seattle The Post Intelligencer.

Seattle The Times.

Tacoma The Tacoma Ev g News.

Tacoma The Ledger.

WISCONSIN-

Oshkosh The Daily Northwestern.

Milwaukee The Journal.

Milwaukee The Sentinel.

Milwaukee The Evening News.

Milwaukee The Ev n g Wisconsin.

Milwaukee The Herald.

Milwaukee The Germania.

Madison The Democrat.

Harper s Weekly.
Frank Leslie s.
Outlook.
Once A Week.
Collier s Weekly. Post.
Saturday Evening

INDEX.

Acceptance, William McKinley s letter of 156-179

Theodore Roosevelt s Letter of 180-188

Adj ournment, sine die 142

Alward, Dennis E., chosen Reading Clerk 82

Appendix, The Press 189- 191

Appleton, D. F., Survivor First Republican Convention 57

Ashton, J. M., address of, seconding nomination of Theodore

Roosevelt for Vice President 133-134

Bauchman, W. B., chosen Assistant Secretary 82

Beam, John R., chosen Assistant Secretary 82

Bell, George H., survivor First Republican Convention 57

Bigler, Warren, chosen Assistant Secretary 82

Bingham, Henry H., Chairman Committee on Rules and Order of

Business 51

remarks by lor

report of Committee on Rules and Order of Business, reported

by 92

Blumenberg, Milton W., Official Stenographer 82

Bolton, Rev. James Gray, D. D., Prayer by 29-30

Boswell, Rev. Charles M., D. D. Prayer by 56

Brinkerhoff, Genl. B. D., survivor First Republican Convention.. 57

Burke, James Francis, chosen Assistant Secretary 82

Butlin, George R, chosen Tally Clerk 82

Cannon, Joseph G., motion to adjourn by 54-55

Chairman, Temporary, Edward O. Wolcott, chosen 33

Permanent, Henry Cabot Lodge chosen 82

Child, Charles H., presentation of gavel by, from Rhode Island 91

ii INDEX.

Committee, Advisory ............................................ 15

National ..................................................... 14

Congressional .............................................. 16

Organization of Executive .................................. 15

Republican National for 1900 ................................ 109

vacancies on, resolution by Thomas H. Carter, relative to va

cancies on .......................... , ..................... 139

to escort Permanent Chairman .............................. 82

Committees, resolution of Wm. J. Sewell, relative to ............... 49

Standing, announcement of ............................. 50-51, 52-53

meeting of .................................................. 54

Chairmen of State Central ................................... 17

The local, and their work .................................... 19-26

to notify the candidates for President and Vice President.... 139-142

Convention, Call of the .......................................... 31

First Republican, survivors of ................................ 57

Conwell, Leon M., "The Local Committees and Their Work" ---- 19

Credentials, Committee on ....................................... 52

Report of Committee on ........... r ......................... 58-59

De Knight, C. W., Messenger to Secretary .......... . ........... 82

Delegates, roll of, as presented by Committee on Credentials.... 59-80

Depew, Chauncey M., address of, seconding nomination of Theo

dore Roosevelt for Vice President ......................... 134-138

Dick, Charles, Secretary National Committee, official call of the

convention read by ........................................ 30

resolution of, relative to committees to notify the candidates... 139

F 1

Fairbanks, Charles W., Chairman Committee on Resolutions ...... 53

report of Committee on Resolutions made by ................. 103

motion by ................................................... 33

Foraker, Joseph B., motion to adjourn made by ................. HI

address of, nominating William McKinley for re-election as

President ................................................ 114-117

Fussell, Jacob, survivor of First Republican Convention ........... 57

Gavels, etc., presentation of .......... : ........................... 91-93

Gaylord, F. S., chosen Assistant Secretary ........................ 82

Grey, Lucien, chosen Assistant Secretary ......................... 82

INDEX. iii

Grosvenor, Charles H., Chairman Committee on Permanent Or

ganization ................................................ 50

report of Committee on Permanent Organization made by... 81-82
motion to adopt report of Committee on Permanent Organ

ization adopted .................. ; ......................... 82

resolution of, relative to publication of Official Proceedings.. 139

Halstead, Griffin, Messenger to Secretary ......................... 82

Hanna, M. A., Chairman National Committee, Convention called

to order by ............................................... 29

opening address of ......................................... 32-33

Ilawley, Gen. Joseph R., survivor of First Republican Convention 57

Headquarters, Campaign, New York ............................. 15

Chicago .................................................... 15

Hinds, Asher C, Clerk at President s desk ...................... 82

Holstein, G. D., M. D., survivor First National Convention ...... 57

Huxford, W. P., Assistant Chief of Staff ......................... 82

Jacobs, John, survivor First Republican Convention ............. 57

Johnson, Charles W., chosen General Secretary of the Convention 82

Johnson, W. W., Chief of Staff ................................... 82

Kercheval, Samuel, Master of Doors ............................. 82

Knight, George A., address of, seconding nomination of President

McKinley ................................................ 123-127

Kolp, D. C., chosen Assistant Secretary .......................... 82

Laing, Walter, survivor First Republican Convention .......... ---- 57

Lampson, E. L., chosen Reading Clerk ........................... 82

Langley, John W., presentation of gavel from the mountans of

Kentucky by .............................................. 92

Levy, Rev. Edgar M., D. D., prayer by ........................... 54

survivor First Republican Convention ........................ 57

Lodge, Henry Cabot, chosen Permanent Chairman ............... 82

address of, as Permanent Chairman of the Convention ........ 82-91

decision of, on Lynch substitute for Quay amendment ........ 100

appointed Chairman of Committee to notify President Mc

Kinley ................................................... 139

address of, notifying President McKinley of his nomination for

President ................................................ 144-146

i v INDEX.

Lynch, John R., remarks of, on Quay amendment, substitute of,

for Quay amendment 100

Malloy, John R., chosen Assistant Secretary 82

McCall, John E., remarks of, on Quay amendment 99

McClure, John, remarks of, on Quay amendment 96

McGee Flavel, Point of order raised by, on Lynch substitute... 100

McKinley, William, biographical sketch of 5~9

named for Presidency by Joseph B. Foraker, seconded by
Theodore Roosevelt, John M. Thurston, John W. Yerkes,

George A. Knight and James A. Mount 114-129

vote of Convention on nomination of 1.30

nominated 130

notified of his nomination 143-151

address of, in response to address of notification 146-151

Letter of Acceptance of 156-179

Mount, James A., address of, seconding nomination of President

McKinley 127-129

Mudd, Sydney E., motion to postpone Quay amendment until to
morrow 103

Murray, M. J., address of, seconding nomination of Theodore

Roosevelt for Vice President 133

National Fremont Association, banner of 57

resolutions of 58

Newspapers, List of 189-191

Notifications 143-155

Committee on, to notify nominee for President 141

to notify nominee for Vice President 141

Proceedings 143-155

Officers of the Convention 3

Temporary 48

Permanent 82

resolution of thanks to 14

Olson, Sever E., presentation of table from school pupils of Minne
apolis 93

Organization, Committee on Permanent 5

Owen, David C, Chief Organizer 82

INDEX.

Payne, Sereno E., Chairman Committee on Credentials 52

report of the Committee on Credentials made by 58

motion by, to adopt report of the Committee on Credentials.. 80

Point of order by, on motion to refer 102

resolution by, relative to rules 49

motion by, to adjourn sine die 142

Permanent Organization, report of Committee on 81-82

Philadelphia, resolution of thanks to 140

Platform, reported by Charles W. Fairbanks 103-108

Potts, J. Herbert, chosen Tally Clerk 82

President, vote of Convention for 130

nomination of 130

Press, The 189-191

Proceedings, Official, resolution relative to 2

resolution of Charles H. Grosvenor relative to publication of. . 139

Proceedings, First Day s 29

Second Day s 56

Third Day s 112

Quay, Matthew S., amendment of, to report of Committee on Rules 95-97

amendment of, postponement of 103

Statement of, showing number of delegates according to pres
ent basis of representation 97

Statement of number of delegates according to his amendment 98

Reception, to National Fremont Association and survivors First

Republican National Convention 57

Remmel, H. L., chosen Reading Clerk 82

Reports, List of newspapers furnishing daily 189-191

Resolutions, Committee on 53

report of Committee of 103-108

report of Committee on, adopted 108

Roll, Delegates and Alternates 59-8o

Roosevelt, Theodore, biographical sketch of 10-13

appointed on Committee to escort Permanent Chairman 82

address of, seconding the nomination of President McKinley. . 117-119
named for Vice President by Lafayette Young, M. J. Murray,

J. M. Ashton, Chauncey M. Depew 131-138

vote of convention on nomination for Vice President 138

nominated for Vice President 138

address of, in response to address of notification 154-155

Letter of Acceptance of 180-188

yi ISDEX.

Royce, John Q.. chosen Assistant Secretary 82

Rules, temporary 49

Rules and Order of Business, Committee on 51

Report of the Committee on 93

debate on 9^- 103

amendment of Mr. Quay to report of Committee on 95-97, 103

Quay amendment to, withdrawn 114

adoption of report on 114

Ryan, Rev. P. J., Archbishop of Philadelphia, prayer by 112-113

Schneider, George, survivor of First Republican Convention 57

Secretary of the Convention, organization of office of 82

Sergeant-at-arms, organization of office of 82

Sewell, William J., resolution by, relative to Committees 49

remarks by, on Platform 108

Shaw, Leslie M., appointed on Committee to escort Permanent

Chairman 82

Sloane, Judge Rush R., survivor First Republican Convention 57

Soper, P. L., amendment of, to Quay amendment 101

Stickney, Gardner P., chosen Assistant Secretary 82

Stone, James H., chosen Reading Clerk 82

Survivors First Republican National Convention of 1856, reception

to 57

Sweetwood, Earle D., Assistant Master of Doors 82

Taylor, W. S., motion by, relative to temporary officers 49

Thanks, resolution of, to officers of Convention 140

resolution of, to Philadelphia 140

Thurston, John M., address of, seconding President McKinley s

nomination 119-121

Vice Presidents, honorary, appointment of iio-in

Vice President, vote for 138

Wiswell, George N., Sergeant-at-arms of the Convention 82

Wolcott, Edward O., chosen Temporary Chairman 33

address of - 33-48

appointed Chairman of Committee to notify Gov. Roosevelt.. 139

address of, notifying Governor Roosevelt of his nomination for

Vice President . 152-154

INDEX.

Woodard, S., survivor First Republican Convention..
Wyand, Jacob, survivor First Republican Convention

VII

57
57

Yerkes, John W., address of, seconding nomination of President

McKinley 121-123

Young, Joseph W., Messenger to Chairman 82

Young, Lafayette, address of, nominating Theodore Roosevelt for

Vice President 131-132

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