Addresses

ADDRESSES

DELIVERED BEFORE

The Canadian Club

of Toronto

SEASON OF 1913-1914

Edited by the Literary Correspondent

\\ -9 .3

TORONTO

TORONTO :

WARWICK BRO'S & RUTTER, LIMITED
1914

F

CONTENTS

Page

Officers of the Canadian Club of Toronto, 1913-14 and 1914-15 v

Past Presidents of the Canadian Club of Toronto, 1897-1914 vi

Constitution of the Canadian Club vii

•Canada's Best Service for British Ideals : BY MR. NORMAN ANGELL. . 1

Newspapers : BY LORD NORTHCLIFFE 10

Imperial Relations: BY THE RIGHT HONOURABLE HERBERT L. SAMUEL 17

The Land Question in England : BY RIGHT HON. SIR ALFRED MONO 27
What the University Can Do for the State : BY CHAS. R. VAN HISE,

PH. D 39

Shakespeare, Fashioner of Fate : BY MR. F. R. BENSON 49

-The Salvation Army : BY GENERAL W. BRAMWELL BOOTH 58

Britain's Treatment of Canada : BY DR. ADAM SHORTT, M. A 65

Railways and the Public : BY SIR WILLIAM CORNELIUS VAN HORNE,

K.C.M.G 75

The British Consular Service and Its Relation to Canada : BY MR.

J. JOYCE-BRODERICK 81

The Street Railway Situation in Toronto : BY MR. BION J. ARNOLD. . 94

The Financial Outlook in Canada : BY SIR GEORGE PAISH 116

Why Newfoundland Has Not Entered Confederation : BY HON. P. T.

MCGRATH . 123

The Navy Question : BY MR. Z. A. LASH, K.C., LL.D 135 •

The Quebec Act: BY HONOURABLE RODOLPHE LEMIEUX, K.C., M.P. 151
Self Government in Canada : BY MR G. G. S. LINDSEY, K.C 163

Banquet to Hon. W. H. Taft : SPEAKERS— HON. W. H. TAFT, SIR
CHARLES FITZPATRICK, SIR JOHN WILLISON, DR. J. A.
MACDONALD 181

Toronto's Financial Administration : BY FREDERICK A. CLEVELAND,

PH. D 211

Imperial Federation : The Lesson of the American Colonies : BY MR.

A. MAURICE Low 227

Two Years Among Wild Men and Wild Beasts in England's Newest

Colony : BY DR. W. S. RAINSFORD 238

Liii]

iv CONTENTS.

Page.

Australia : BY SIR THOMAS TAIT 244

English Radicalism : BY MR. JOSIAH C. WEDGWOOD, M.P 265

'Workmen's Compensation : BY MR. FRED BANCROFT 262 •

Home Rule for Ireland : BY MR. WM. REDMOND, M. P . . 270

The High Cost of Living and Standardizing the Dollar : BY DR.

IRVING FISHER 280

Some Rural Problems : BY GEORGE C. CREELMAN, ESQ., LL.D 292

Antarctic Exploration : BY COMMANDER EVANS, R.N., C\B 305

Poetry : BY MR. ALFRED NOYES 310

The Future of the Canadian Club Movement : BY MR. GEO. WILKIE,

B. A 327

Report of the Literary Correspondent 335

Report of the Honorary Secretary .... 336

Report of the Honorary Treasurer 341

Annual Financial Statement 443

List of Members of the Canadian Club, 1913-1914 . . .345

Officers and Executive Committee

For 1913-1914

President

J. R. BONE

1st Vice-President

D. A. CAMERON

2nd Vice- President

G. FRANK BEER

Hon. Secretary

LESSLIE WILSON

Hon. Treasurer

D. H. GIBSON

Literary Correspondent

F. D. L. SMITH

Assistant Secretary- Treasure!

H. D. SCULLY

Committee

W. C. LAIDLAW D. B. GILLIES R. G. DINGMAN

H. L. Rous R. R. LOCKHART T. W. JULL

BEVERLEY ROBINSON FRANK KENNEDY A. H. U. COLQUHOUN

Officers and Executive Committee

For 1914-1915

Presiaent

LESSLIE WILSON

1st Vice-President
G. H. LOCKE

2nd Vice-President

E. J. KYLIE

Hon. Secretary

E. PERCIVAL BROWN

Hon. Treasurer

R. R. LOCKHART

Literary Correspondent
F. D. L. SMITH

Assistant Secretary-Treasurer

H. D. SCULLY

J. J. GIBSON
A. C. SNIVELY
MAIN JOHNSON

Committee
W. B. ROADHOUSE

DR. G. E. WILSON
JOHN M. IMRIE

[v]

C. V. HARDING
A. M. IVEY
J. R. BONE

Past Presidents

of

The Canadian Club of Toronto

Founded 1897

JOHN A. COOPER 1897-98

W. SANFORD EVANS 1898-99

GEORGE WILKIE 1899-00

W. E. RUNDLE 1900-01

S. CASEY WOOD 1901-02

D. BRUCE MACDONALD 1902-03

W. R. P. PARKER 1903-04

GEORGE A. HOWELL 1904-05

E. R. PEACOCK 1905-06

MARK H. IRISH 1906-07

JOHN TURNBULL 1907-08

R. HOME SMITH 1908-09

GEORGE H. D. LEE 1909-10

J. F. MACKAY 1910-11

K. J. DUNSTAN 1911-12

A. H. U. COLQUHOUN 1912-13

J. R. BONE 1913-14

[vi]

CONSTITUTION

OF THE

Canadian Club of Toronto

(Founded 1897.)

1. The Club shall be called the Canadian Club of Toronto.

2. It is the purpose of the Club to foster patriotism by
encouraging the study of the institutions, history, arts, litera-
ture, and resources of Canada, and by endeavoring to unite
Canadians in such work for the welfare and progress of the
Dominion as may be desirable and expedient.

3. (a) There shall be two classes of members — active and
honorary.

(b) Any man at least eighteen years of age, who is a
British subject by birth or naturalization, and who is in sym-
pathy with the objects of the Club, shall be eligible for
membership.

(c) Honorary membership may be conferred on such
persons as in the opinion of the Club may be entitled to such
distinction.

4. Application for membership must be made in writing
through two members of the Club in good standing, and the
names must be announced at a regular meeting of the Club
and voted upon at the next Executive meeting. Two black
balls shall exclude.

5. (a) Honorary members shall be exempt from the pay-
ment of fees, but shall neither vote nor hold office.

(b) Active members shall pay, in advance, an annual fee
of three dollars.

(c) No one shall be a member in good standing until he
shall have paid his annual fee, such fee being due and payable
on or before November 3Oth of each year.

(d) Only members in good standing shall be eligible for
office or have the right to vote at any meeting of the Club.

(e) Fees of members elected after November 3oth shall
forthwith become due and payable.

[vii]

viii THE CANADIAN CLUB.

(/) All members whose fees are in arrears shall be so
notified by the Treasurer ; and if the same are not paid within
ten days thereafter, their names shall be struck from the roll.

6. (a) The officers of the Club shall consist of a President,
First Vice-President, Second Vice-President, Honorary Secre-
tary, Honorary Treasurer, Literary Correspondent, and several
others holding no specific office. These officers, together with
the last retiring President, shall constitute the Executive
Committee.

(&) The officers shall be elected at the annual meeting of
the Club, which shall be held on the last Monday in April, and
shall hold office until the next annual meeting, or until their
successors are elected.

(c) Nominations shall be made by a nominating committee
appointed at a meeting to be held at least one week previous
to the annual meeting. Their report shall be received at the
annual meeting, and either adopted in its entirety or after
amendment, on motion and ballot.

(d) In case of demission of office, whether by death, resig-
nation, or otherwise, the vacancy thereby caused shall be filled
by the Executive Committee. The person so elected shall hold
office until the next annual meeting.

7. (a) Subject to special action by the Club, the conduct
of its affairs shall be vested in the Executive Committee.

(b) The Executive Committee shall meet at the call of
the President, and five members shall constitute a quorum.

(c) Where the President is unable or refuses to call a
meeting, three members of the Executive may do so by giving
the others at least 24 hours' notice in writing.

(rf) The Executive Committee shall have power to appoint
an Assistant Secretary-Treasurer, who shall be paid such
remuneration as shall be fixed by them.

8. The duties of the officers shall be as follows:

(a) The President, when present, shall preside at all
meetings, and shall, upon request, inform the Club of the
proceedings of the Executive Committee since the last report,
receive and read motions, and cause the sense of the meeting
to be taken on them, preserve order and direct the proceed-
ings of the meeting in regular course. There shall be no
appeal from the ruling of the Chair unless requested by at
least five members and carried by two-thirds vote.

(ft) In the absence of the President, the senior Vice-Presi-
dent present shall preside and perform the duties of the
President and have his privileges.

CONSTITUTION. ix

(c) In the absence of the President and Vice-Presidents,
a chairman for the meeting shall be chosen by the open vote
of those present.

(d) The Literary Correspondent shall have charge of all
correspondence of a literary character, and shall edit any liter-
ary matter issued by the Club, and in a general way promote
and guard the interests of the Club in the daily and periodical
press.

(e) The Honorary Treasurer shall collect and receive all
moneys due the Club, issue receipts therefor, and pay all
authorized accounts.

(/) The Secretary shall take minutes at all meetings of
the Club, as well as those of the Executive Committee. He
shall issue notices of meetings and perform those duties
usually appertaining to the office.

(g} The Assistant Secretary-Treasurer shall perform such
duties as may be assigned to him by the Executive Committee.

9. (a) Meetings held on Mondays, between I and 2 p.m.,
shall be deemed regular meetings, and shall be called at the
discretion of the Executive Committee, except during the
months of May, June, July, August, September, and October.
Special meetings may be held at any time or place at the call
of the President or three members of the Executive Com-
mittee.

(&) No notice of ordinary meetings shall be necessary, but
notice in writing of all annual and special meetings shall be
sent to each member of the Club.

(c) Fifty members in good standing present at any meet-
ing of the Club shall constitute a quorum.

10. Two auditors shall be elected by open vote at the
meeting provided for in clause 6, and shall embody their report
in the Treasurer's annual statement.

11. This Constitution may be amended at the annual meet-
ing, or at a special meeting called for that purpose, by a
two-thirds vote of the members present, after one week's
notice of such amendment.

OF TORONTO

ADDRESSES 1913-14

(June 2, 1913.)

Canada's Best Service for British
Ideals.

BY MR. NORMAN ANGELA.*

A T a special meeting of the Canadian Club, held on the 2nd
^^ June, Mr. Angell said:

You know of course, that we in the Old Country are
coming to take a very lively interest in Canadian politics, for
a very good reason: you are beginning to dictate ours. It
has become a matter of quite tremendous importance in Eng-
land what Canada thinks, and if as in favor of any given
measure it can be shown that Canada approves it, then the
opponents of that measure might just as well quit, right there.
(Laughter.) No one in his senses in England will oppose
anything that the colonies approve. I suppose it is because
we realize that the future, if not the present, is in your hands;
that the potentialities are under your control ; that finally the
pivot will shift from the parent to the children.

So we are naturally interested to know what you are
going to do with us — (laughter) — what sort of empire you
are going to give our children. I don't suppose we are
worrying very much about the actual constitutional forms, ex-

* Mr. Norman Angell was born in England and educated in France.
He has lived and travelled in many parts of the world. As a journalist
and author he is widely known, his book, "The Great Illusion," being-
one of the biggest sensations in recent years in the literary world.

[1]

THE CANADIAN CLUB. [June 2

cept in so far as they express an attitude and a state of mind,
because we have learned that it is not form which matters.
Venezuela has, I believe, the same constitution as Canada, and
as I happen to have spent some time there I think I can say
that you have a better society here than in Venezuela. And
you have so infinitely better a society because your underlying
convictions are so different, and it is that which counts. And
I think the most pregnant question for our common future is
this : Is your influence going to be thrown on the side of the
extension of those underlying ideas in the world, or is the result
of your influence going to be the extension of what one might
almost call the Venezuelan idea? I would like, if I had the
time, to develop at some length all that is implied in the dif-
ference between the two great civilizations of the Western
Hemisphere: the English and the Spanish. I should astonish
you perhaps if I were to say that the Spanish is based on
force, and the British on consent and understanding. Yet that
happens to be true. I have not time to argue it in detail, but
just look at the result; Spanish America split into an odd score
of rival communities, that have at bottom no more real cause
for quarrel than Ontario and Manitoba; each possessing
quite imposing navies and armies; nearly everyone of them
having universal military training, conscription — each one
afraid of the other (and perhaps rightly so), each one piling
up armaments against the other, and, where they are not
fighting one another as states, busy cutting one another's
throats as political parties.

Such are the results of a belief in military force as the
fundamental fact in society and government. I wonder if
we realize how different is the British conception, how far
the British imperial development of the last fifty years has
got from it. You know there are some people who declare
that permanent peace between the nations is impossible,
because there must be an international police force to impose
the will of the majority upon the minority, and that that will
mean war. I wonder if it has struck these people to con-
sider that the five nations of the British Empire — it would
be really more correct to call it fifteen or twenty — have got
no policemen to impose the will of the majority on the min-
ority. However much the British Government may disagree
from any line of action that Canada or Australia may care
to take, you are perfectly aware, of course, that it would
never attempt to support its own view by force. It is an
accepted principle of practice between Great Britain and her
daughter States that she shall not use force against them.

1913] SERVICE FOR BRITISH IDEALS. 3

You may say this is all very well in the domestic field of
British politics or as between British States like Canada and
Great Britain, but it won't do when you come to foreigners.
Well that depends to what extent the foreigners in question
are roughly guided by the same principle. I imagine that some
of you are apt to deem your neighbors the United States none
too nice at times in their foreign relations, and not of an
especially altruistic or self-sacrificing disposition. (Laughter.)
Yet you are eventually prepared to base your relations with
them upon the same order of principles — upon the assumption
that whatever your relations are to be they are to be settled
by mutual consent, since you have left the long frontier which
marches with theirs for thousands of miles quite undefended

Now some of us in Europe are trying to see whether this
essentially British principle cannot be pushed a little further.
We believe that the British Empire is destined to teach man-
kind what the relation of civilized groups must be ; that the
principle which governs the relationship of British States
should govern the relationship of all States, that what is pos-
sible with five is possible with ten, and that if one can make
that plain we shall have done a service not merely to man-
kind but above all to our Empire, and shall have achieved its
final security in the only way it can be achieved. (Applause.)

Well, what role is Canada going to play in that matter?
Is she going to help or hinder a movement of that kind?

When I said just this minute that you would largely determ-
ine the kind of Empire we should have, I was quite serious.
Your influence is bound to increase, you will be taking your
share in the Empire's foreign policy, your weight will often
decide the balance between one line and another. Indeed, I
think it may be doing that already.

In order to make plain what I am driving at, I want to
give you an idea of the sort of conflict which is confronting
us in Europe. The picture is this : Here are two men, both
very angry, both talking at once, neither knowing what it is
all about, and both flourishing revolvers. What are they to
do. We say — I speak of those concerned in the particular
propaganda in which I am concerned — they should find out
what it is all about. We don't believe there is any real cause
of disagreement at all, and that if they do fight — which pos-
sibly they may — it will be from sheer misunderstanding, and
the only way to clear up a misunderstanding is to understand
it. But the other people say: Don't worry about under-
standing it — give both another revolver! (Laughter.) Fight-
ing is inevitable anyhow; men are natural enemies and these

4 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [June 2

two have an insoluble cause of quarrel ! Now I want you to
note this: supposing for the sake of argument that this is
a misunderstanding, that these men have no real cause of
quarrel at all, — nevertheless, they will fight if they refuse to
examine the matter. If each says "Oh, hang all argument,
just see that you are stronger than the other fellow," why,
there will be a scrap, not necessarily because there is any real
cause of quarrel, but because each thinks there is, and because
each refuses to see whether there is or not. To refuse to
examine the grounds of a quarrel is to make the quarrel
inevitable, unless the other party is a poltroon who can simply
be frightened, and I don't think that any sensible man assumes
that to be the case here.

Now Canada's action so far in this quarrel — in helping to
provide pistols and in doing so far nothing else — has had
the effect of supporting those who deprecate the examination
of the causes of quarrel, and who favor the policy of pure
force.

Pbiase don't misunderstand me. I am sure that that was
not the intention of your policy, but it may possibly have been
part of its result. To furnish aid to the British Navy at this
juncture, is in any case a splendid act, and may, for all I know,
be a wise and necessary one. Personally, I believe in self
defence. Those ships may be needed; Germany may, for all
I know, one day attack us. But if she does, it will be because
like others of us, she is laboring under a monstrous error.

By joining the party of force I mean joining those who
believe that these international conflicts are not misunder-
standings to be cleared up, but real collisions of interest which
can only be settled by force.

Now certain indications seem to point to the fact that
Canadian opinion, as a whole, inclines to that view, and will
re-enforce that part which supports it in the Counsel of the
Empire. Of course, if it is a sound view and war is inevitable
in any case, it will not matter, but if it is not a sound view
and war is, in the fine phrase of Mr. Bonar Law — one of the
finest phrases ever pronounced by a British statesman — "not
inevitable, only the failure of human wisdom" — (applause) —
Canada's action will in that case have helped to lead the Em-
pire into a disastrous policy which greater wisdom might have
avoided.

Admitting for a moment that Mr. Bonar Law is right,
and that war is the failure of human wisdom, it is evident
that our policy should be of a two- fold nature ; to retain our
relative armament and insist that we also do our share to-
wards a better understanding. (Applause.)

1913] SERVICE FOR BRITISH IDEALS. 5

You may say that that is very vague. Well, this thing
that we call public opinion is vague. Yet a thousand years
of warfare — the warfare between rival religions — was brought
to an end by just this vague thing — by the fact that the people
who counted got rid of a few mistaken ideas. It is one
instance the more of the ultimate fact which distinguishes
Canada from Venezuela — the force of a few prevailing ideas.

What are some of the ideas which need clarification, if
we are to come out of this squabble without catastrophe?

I will try and indicate a few.

A great fat book has just appeared in England to prove
that Germany is bound to fight the British Empire, because
Germans must get food for their ever-increasing millions.
This coming conflict, is, we are told, in the last resort the
struggle for bread — Germany will fight because Germans need
the wheat of Canada.

Well, now I put it to you — cannot Germans have the wheat
of Canada — by paying for it? And could they get your wheat
without paying for it, even if they did change places with
Great Britain as "owners" of Canada? We, the British, are
supposed to "own" Canada, in the meaningless phrases that
still obscure the discussion of international politics. Does
that mean that we can get a single sack of Canadian wheat
without paying for it? Don't you see that the fact of con-
quest is not going to change the bread problem for Germany
one way or the other.

But, you may object, although the economic position
would remain the same, Germany would like to turn Canada
into a German colony, a place where German law, German
speech and German Government prevail.

Have you ever thought what the permanent conquest of
a virile modern civilized community really means? I imagine
that you deem a Canadian as good as a Boer. Well, in order
to reduce a population of about 100,000 adults, inhabiting a
territory which could not support them the year around, it
took 400,000 of the finest soldiers in the world three years and
cost two billion of dollars. Just work it out by rule of three,
and see how much money and how many men it would take
to conquer a population just as virile and twenty times as
numerous inhabiting a still larger territory, perfectly able to
support them the year around. (Laughter.) And will you
also note this: that even where conquest has taken place, it
has generally been impossible or inadvisable to stamp out the
language or laws of a civilized community, — that was the case
of French Canada when French Canada meant a few thousand

6 THH CANADIAN CLUB. [June 2

farmers. How impossible, how unthinkable, therefore, would
it be to stamp out the language, law, literature of a great self-
governing community, possessing a great press, habits of self-
government, a cheap literature, and so on ! What is the truth
in this matter? If we could imagine a physical impossibility
— the German conquest of Canada — Germans would get pretty
much the same Canada that is open to them now. And for
this reason, Germans — the nation which certain of our more
timid friends are so fond of representing as quite wickedly
shrewd and self-seeking — will not attempt anything so foolish.
God has made Canada one of those nations which cannot be
conquered and cannot be destroyed, except by herself.
(Applause.)

What are some of the other ideas that need a little examin-
ation? One is the idea that most of the Empire's wealth can
be obtained at the cost of a single naval victory. If that is
true, the fact is a standing temptation to foreign nations. And
our statesmen are busy proclaiming it to the nations.

A British Minister once declared that "the whole fortune
of our race, treasure accumulated during so many centuries,
would be swept utterly away if our naval supremacy were
impaired." And a Canadian one, that even without war the
mere possession of stronger power by a rival nation would
take from us "the sole guarantee of the Empire's continual
existence." A great British general has declared that we carry
on our trade merely on sufferance until another nation has
greater power unless we had preponderant power; and Mr.
Frederick Harrison says a naval defeat would mean bank-
ruptcy, starvation, chaos. These phrases were terrifying and
portentous, but quite without meaning — fortunately for those
among others who have money invested in that Empire and
desire to attract more thereto. If Germany, as the result of
a naval victory reduced Britain to bankruptcy she would her-
self be bankrupt; if half of our population starved, masses
of hers would starve also. If Germany prevented Canadians
sending us in England their wheat they could not buy German
goods, and could not be a German market. If Germany pre-
vented us selling our goods we could not buy the Canadian
wheat, which would come to the same thing. If Germany
wanted to profit by her victory she would have to allow us to
carry on our business as heretofore — and she need not con-
quer us in order to do that. If a nation could not carry on
its overseas trade unless it had preponderant naval force, how
comes it that Germany has for twenty years been gaining on
us in overseas market, although all that time she had been

1913J SERVICE FOR BRITISH IDEALS. 7

inferior in power to us ? How could we have used our power
to prevent that competition ? Trade depends on having things
to sell and knowing how to sell them, not in having more
force than someone else. Though we destroyed every ship
Germany possessed sixty-five million people would go on
working and competing with us in the markets of the world !
Where these high-sounding phrases of the statesmen are not
meaningless they are monstrous absurdities, old notions and
old political "axioms" which we have inherited from conditions
long since passed away. It is in the false principles laid down
by British statesmen that German aggressive policy found its
justification. So long as English public opinion condones
these ideas we cannot reasonably look for sounder opinion
upon the continent ; and as long as such represents the founda-
tion of political ideas in Europe it is impossible to arrive at
a better policy.

Well! again you may say "where does Canada come in,
what can she do to help in the better understanding of these
things ?"

Now the truth is this, that while you have done your part
towards giving everybody another revolver, have you done
your part towards helping to finding out "what it is all
about" You are a nation, you have come to man's estate
among the peoples of the world. You take your share in the
Empire's policy by adding to its military force, are you also
fulfilling your share of this other part of the work, contribu-
ting to a better understanding of these problems, using your
influence to see that the Empire's attitude shall be one that
makes understanding possible, that it shall be not only strong
but right?

I will try to make clear what I mean by taking one instance
among many.

There is a movement in England at the present moment
among the more informed commercial classes, and among the
best legal authorities towards the abolition of the right of
capture at sea — towards putting private property by interna-
tional agreement in time of war at sea on the same plane that
it has been placed on land. (Applause.) Now Canada has
a very special interest in that — it would in large part secure
from interruption in time of war those cargoes of food stuffs
destined for England which it is to your interest to sell and
England's to buy. Your neighbor, the United States and most
of the great nations, are in favor of this world reform, but
England has mistakenly, as so many of her people are now
coming to think, so far, for special reasons — obsolete reasons

8 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [June 2

so many think — opposed it. Now, when the offer of naval
help was made to Great Britain, did Canada even express any
desire as to the attitude the Empire should take on this matter?
You may say that she properly could not do so, that it would
have been an impertinence. But as a matter of fact, your right
to express just such opinion is specifically recognized in the
very first resolution of the last Imperial Conference. By the
very fact of this offer of help, you are taking part in her mili-
tary policy, consequently you are giving support to her general
policy. Are you not concerned with what it is? Shall you
strengthen her progressive party — those who are trying to
create a civilized law among the nations, or are you going
to support the party which is indifferent to that and which
bases everything upon sheer force? And let me say again,
that you can furnish help to the Empire in the shape of ships
or money, and still be in favor of the party of law as against
the party of force.

I have mentioned the immunity of private property at sea,
but that is only one of the many reforms that progressive
people at home are hammering at. There are all sorts of
plans of international co-operation, conventions to make loans
by neutral states illegal, to frame working arrangements with
reference to rendering judgments of the courts of one nation
operative in others — plans which are very hard to carry
through because European Governments, dominated by old
diplomatic conceptions, refuse to concern themselves with
these things. But the younger and more vigorous nations are
free from these preconceptions. Why not use your influence
to see that some of the more modern methods in international
relations be given at least a trial ? If Canada can make a present
of thirty-five millions for battleships, could not a fraction, say
two per cent, of that sum, have been set aside for aiding
the work of international co-operation, for helping these inter-
national conventions designed to build up a body of real
international law, to subsidize such work of world organiza-
tion as the International Agricultural Bureau? The moral
effect of setting aside even a fractional sum for such purposes,
or still more of expressing a favorable view of such efforts
as those to secure immunity of cargoes from capture would
be enormous — it would probably suffice to turn the balance
in the case of the British Government.

And more important perhaps even than this, is the ques-
tion of what your educational institutions are doing to contri-
bute to the understanding of these things. Does there exist
in Canada a University Chair of International Relations.

1913] SERVICE FOR BRITISH IDEALS. 9

established for the purpose of enabling the whole problem of
the conflict of nations to be studied systematically, scientifi-
cally ? These things are difficult questions — difficult, however,
mainly because they are overlaid with all sorts of false theories
which the past has bequeathed to us — and we shall not go
straight on them unless we take a little trouble. The newer
nations have, of course, the greater chance of going straight
on them, because they are less hypnotized by the past. But are
those newer nations taking the trouble?

In any case our future is in your hands. More and more
are we looking to you. I repeat the question with which I
started, "What are you Canadians going to do with us?"
(Long applause.)

10 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Sept. 24

(September 24, 1913.)

Newspapers.

BY LORD NORTHCLIFFE.*

AT a special luncheon of the Canadian Club, held on the
** 24th Oct., 1913, Lord Northcliffe said:

Gentlemen, — Please let me first thank you for again so
warmly receiving me in this room. I sometimes feel like
somewhat of an intruder in these Canadian Clubs, because
I think I can claim to have spoken to more Canadian Clubs
than almost any Englishman, and more than most Canadians.
But I am bound to say that to be commanded, as I have been
by your Secretary, to speak for thirty minutes on the subject
of "Newspapers," is one of the most difficult propositions
that I have ever been up against.

I have been engaged in the business of newspapers since
I was a boy. We had a very distinguished politician in Eng-
land, the third Sir Robert Peel, who was a candidate for
Parliament in a constituency where most of his votes were
in the hands of men whose wives kept lodging houses in
Brighton. He said in a speech one time : "I was born in a
Brighton lodging house, I live in a Brighton lodging house,
and I hope to die in a Brighton lodging house!" So I might
say about the newspaper business: I like it as well as I like
anything in this life; but I don't like to have to deal with it
in thirty minutes! (Laughter.)

In this particular audience there are special reasons why
it is very difficult for me to speak of it, because I speak in a
city which is the most highly newspapered city in the Empire.
There is no other city in the Empire with six excellent daily
papers in a population of half a million. On our side of the
water, as the head of the famous and progressive house of
Cassell, Mr. Arthur Spurgeon, who is present here to-day,
said to me, "I don't think we have any city with six daily
newspapers, and we have cities of more than a million."

And I speak not only to an audience .trained to w.atbh
six papers, but you have in this audience editors whose names

* Lord Northcliffe has had a meteoric career in journalism. He
commenced work in the newspaper business in a minor capacity, and is
now the chief owner of the London "Times," controlling' in addition,
several other big English periodicals. He has extensive interests in pulp
and paper mills in Newfoundland.

1913] NEWSPAPERS. 11

are famous far beyond the bounds of this city, even beyond
the Atlantic. So it behooves me to be very, very careful and
very precise, and to confine myself exactly to what I know
about newspapers. (Laughter.) And the more I see, the
more I r&alize that there are many things I don't know about
them. The only thing that can save me to-day is the fact that
I am limited to thirty minutes. (Laughter.)

Many of you have come back from charming holidays,
such as I have spent, among your Canadian lakes and rivers.
It may not have occurred to you, when you were in the lonely
haunts of the moose, the bear and the salmon, that you were
in the birthplace of many of the newspapers of the world,
because on the Canadian forests so many of the newspapers
of the world base their supplies. Many of your vast forests
have been recklessly destroyed, as you know ; many are gone
never to return. But, wiser than your neighbors, you have
passed stringent laws to prevent further destruction of your
treasure. But you have this consolation of knowing that
these forests that have gone across the water in the form of
paper have gone into the making of newspapers which have
done something to make the grandeur and resources of your
country known to the world, and have directed to you some
of the people of the old countries.

Nothing is more remarkable in the streets of Toronto than
the accents of the Scotch and the English that one hears, and
of a good class, not as some gentlemen I remember seeing here
two or three years ago — "bronchos," I think, they were called
(laughter) — who very plainly and frankly said to me that
they had come here to avoid work, and had no intention of
doing any work at all ! The class I meet now are a very dif-
ferent class, and I rejoice to think that, even at somewhat of
a sacrifice, your forests have gone to make newspapers which
have directed these people not only to Toronto, but to the
whole Dominion.

The very fact that newspapers are the chief agents in the
modern movements of people you could not have attracted
but by the publication of the fact of your natural resources,
that very fact, I think, is a stirring, striking proof of that new
force in the world, which is hardly yet recognized, which is
summed up in the word "publicity."

Publicity is a very difficult thing to define. It acts in all
kinds of ways, with which people are hardly acquainted, and
among other ways during the last twenty years it has caused
newspapers to enmesh the whole world in one vast net of
information getters.

12 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Sept. 24

I wonder, when you read your daily newspaper, or your
six daily newspapers — for the excellent man at the news stand
in the King Edward tells me that many people do buy the
whole six — (laughter) — whether you realize that through
these newspapers you are in direct touch practically with every
part of the world? If, for example, a distinguished citizen
of Toronto were ever lost in some lonely part of Siberia, in
a very few hours one of your newspaper men could communi-
cate the fact to his agent in London, and the news would be
flashed from there to St. Petersburg, and to the newspapers
of Siberia — for they have newspapers there. In my opinion
this is one of the greatest forces the world has ever yet known.
That strange net of news gathering renders it practically im-
possible for any evil person long to escape justice, because the
newspaper has the world in its service, using every invention,
the wireless, the telegraph, the telephone, and last but not
least, the photograph.

An accused gentleman, recently, assumed the medical title
of doctor, one Crippen. Five and twenty years ago Dr. Crip-
pen would have been continuing his medical practice in some
remote part of the world ; but what happened ? The same has
happened over and over again. It was this : the photograph
of the suspected man was found, and a specimen of his hand-
writing. That photograph Was published far and wide, to-
gether with the facsimile of his handwriting. Somebody com-
pared the writing with a signature in a hotel register in Bel-
gium, and it was found that the man who wrote the signature
was trying to get tickets for Canada. They proved the iden-
tity of the man not merely by the facsimile of his handwriting
but by his photograph. They telegraphed the news of this to
a certain ship sailing at Antwerp for Quebec. One of the
officers on that ship bought the paper containing the picture,
and compared it with the people going across the gangway.
And so this great modern force served to prevent further
intrigues of that celebrated man.

Very few realize that among all the newspapers of the
world there is that unwritten agreement by which they help
each other in an emergency to provide news of the people of
their own city. I should not have the least trouble in finding
any person from London who had disappeared in your own
city. I would merely have to communicate with one of my
friends — and I am glad to say that the editors of all your
papers are my friends — and I should soon discover him among
your half million people. This is an aspect of the newspaper
to which I do not think sufficient importance is given. It is a

1913] NEWSPAPERS. 13

most important aspect, because it will and must inevitably act
as a great deterrent of crime.

There are people — but I must say they are people who
have never been back of a newspaper during any great national
crisis, such as any war, — who imagine that newspapers flour-
ish by wars, and stir up troubles. That is far from true. Prac-
tically every great war in recent times has crippled one news-
paper, and hurt all of them. Newspapers have had some little
to do with somewhat lessening the number of wars the world
is having. We have had lately in Europe one of the most hor-
rible wars, not only in our time, but of any time. It is diffi-
cult to conceive why out of all modern inventions these var-
ious armies should have resorted to barbarities ; but it is true.
That war never received the attention it should have on this
continent. The time to stop a war is, as the Irishman said,
before it starts. And if, as you people know who live in a
country which has the finest forests in the world, you want
to stop a forest fire, the best time to do so is before it has
got a start. That war in Europe was made up by men who
met in secret, as has been revealed by their secret documents
published in the London "Times," and sprung upon the world
before anyone knew what was happening. I believe publicity
would have been the only means to stop that war. When the
war broke out I do believe all the powers of Europe did their
best to stop it, but though the Czar of Russia, and the Kaisers
of Germany and Austria tried, they could not. I believe that
the world is wearying of that war and is going to stop it.

On this side of the Atlantic you are far removed from war,
and I hope you always will be. (Hear, hear, and applause.)
Mr. Spurgeon and I have been lately quite close to a great war,
I suppose as close as you are to the Province of Quebec, and
we have sometimes been drawn into wars involuntarily whe-
ther we like it or not. But when I see these statements in
English, and in other papers, that the newspapers encourage
wars, I do not believe it. To describe the military preparations
of other nations, is not to encourage war, but to stop it. Had
we known the military preparations of the Balkan States, we
could have prevented the war.

You here, on this continent, especially those on the other
side of your lovely lake, are apparently always engaged in that
form of war that we read of, described in the short generic
term "graft." When I open your newspapers in this city I
see mention of it. We have outgrown, I trust, in England,
that sort of thing — in the Middle Ages there was a great deal
of it ; what was called "the favoritism of kings" — the alloca-

H THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Sept. 24

tion of lands and fees, sinecures — was one form of it. It
seems to me such a thing is practically inevitable, in view of
the vast treasures of your country, that self-seeking men
should be trying to make money for themselves at the cost of
the public weal. I sometimes think that your newspapers use
that term too frequently. Perhaps you will allow a passing
stranger to point out that the constant use of this word creates
an extraordinarily bad impression when cabled abroad. Re-
cently in England we had considerable discussion of the pur-
chase of shares by two Liberal Ministers in an American
company which had no connection with the English company,
I refer to the Marconi scandal, as it was called, of which you
have heard. Although a strong Conservative, I did not like
the attacks upon those Liberal men. And just as our news-
papers made too much of it, so Canadaian newspapers give
the impression to a passing stranger that there is terrible cor-
ruption here, which is not true. (Applause.) This is one of
the dangers of newspapers. I do not pretend that the news-
paper is more perfect than any other human machine. But
when those things go farther it creates an unfavorable im-
pression.

There is a class of people in our part of the world that likes
to represent our country as toppling to its doom. One would
think from what they say that the chief occupation of the
people of England is gathering hay in front of the stock ex-
change! (Laughter.) There is no danger in that kind of
thing for home consumption, but when every Sunday they are
pumped across the ocean, some people almost believe them.
I think they are intelligent people, too. (Laughter.) But it
is hardly possible that a country so imminently close to bank-
ruptcy should be able to lend money to the whole world.
(Laughter.) The two things don't go together. We have
people who always like to represent our country as in a very
poor state, and telling of the number of industries we have
lost. That, I believe, has always been the English way: Eng-
land has always been going to the dogs! (Laughter.) I have
seen a pamphlet two hundred years old complaining of the
same — its title was "The Annihilation of English Commerce."
These articles, numbers of them, are put upon the cable, and
people become almost sympathetic with England. I want to
say, a more highly prosperous people do not exist on the face
of the globe! (Hear, hear, and applause.) I say that with due
consideration, for I have travelled nearly all over the world.
Some people think that because we have lost two or three hun-
dred thousand people every year, we are going down. But

19133 NEWSPAPERS. 15

from the loins of England have sprung how many nations?
When I say "England," I very naturally include Scotland, and
my own country of Ireland. There are this country, Aus-
tralia, South Africa, and many many other parts of the world
we do not usually consider as being in the run of modern civil-
ization, that have been brought into cultivation by England.
To me, it is no sign of lack of prosperity that we send out
these people every year. We send out just the kind of people
that you want — not always, but very often. We have even
seen in London Canadians of whom Canadians are particularly
proud, and you have over eight millions. But we send you
just the people you want, people of muscle rather than people
of mind — you have the minds here, and want people to do
the labor. (Laughter.) We have sent you Scotchmen to con-
trol your newspapers and many of your businesses, and most
of the offices. I was under the impression that the Province
of Quebec got some of them. The fact is that we can send
these people, and I hope always shall be able to send these
people. (Applause.)

You will have here shortly, I understand, quite a distin-
guished member of the British Government. He and I don't
at all agree in politics — I loathe his telephone! (Laughter.)
I prefer to walk, it is quicker! (Laughter) — but if you could
get him to discuss his views of England and of its future, it
would be extremely interesting. He pointed out to me that
despite this drain on our population we were still vigorous,
and he asked me what was to prevent your having a popula-
tion here of a hundred million people. I see no reason at all
to prevent it. The city of Manchester contains more highly
skilled workers than any other city of the world ; Yorkshire
and Lancashire have more skilled workers than any other sim-
ilar parts anywhere else. They do not emigrate, because you
have nothing here for them to do. The north of England has
orders for three years. I quite agree with Mr. Samuel, the
Postmaster-General, though I don't agree with him about
Home Rule. (Laughter.) I think he will alter his tone before
he gets back from this trip. We have not only natural wealth,
but skilled fingers. We make these things well. (Applause.)
English-made goods you may find in Paris, Berlin, St. Peters-
burg, New York. (Applause.) Why? Because these work-
ers will not make bad goods! (Applause.) They say: "It
will not be good for us to turn out inferior goods ; we shall lose
our trade!" It is most strictly the fact that the people most
opposed to bad spinning in Lancashire are not the employers,
but the workpeople. It is a very highly developed state of

16 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Sept. 24

civilization where the workers decline to make bad goods.
(Applause.)

This has little to do with newspapers, except this : that I
wish to raise my voice in protest against the morals and tone
of the Sunday newspapers that pour into this country from
somewhere.

You must not let me close without a word for the Toronto
newspapers. I am not one of those people who fear competi-
tion. It is a good thing for the papers when each competitor
has five others to watch. You can imagine, careful though he
be by nature, how careful that makes him, even in so small a
thing as the typographical appearance, — I don't think there are
better printed papers in the world than in Toronto. I won't
speak of the skilled editorial writers, because their names are
well known on our side of the Atlantic, and they are constantly
quoted there.

On behalf of the whole profession which Mr. Spurgeon
and I represent to-day, I want to say that I believe the news-
papers of the world have vastly improved since Charles Dick-
ens told us of the Eatanswill Gazette, and Mr. Jefferson
Brick's New York Journal. Charles Dickens was an accur-
ate observer, and many of us remember what the papers were
like in those days of sixty years ago. I do claim, however,
that while newspapers are not perfect, yet they have advanced
materially, at least in proportion to the advances in applied
electricity, and quite as much as the advance in medical science
— and I cannot speak of the subject of medical knowledge
without comparing those days with the progress of the splen-
did Canadian hospitals with which your country abounds.
(Applause.)

1913] IMPERIAL RELATIONS. 17

(October 4, 1913.)

Imperial Relations.

BY THE RIGHT HON. HERBERT SAMUEL, M.P.,*
Postmaster-General of the United Kingdom.

AT a special luncheon of the Canadian Club held on Sat-
**• urday, 4th Oct., the Right Hon. Mr. Samuel said:

Mr. President and gentlemen, — Let me thank you in the
first instance very cordially for the warmth and heartiness of
the reception with which you have honored me. I am now
approaching the end of an interesting tour through Canada.
I have visited all the chief cities of the West; I have motored
for some hundreds of miles over the prairies ; I have seen
the processes of your agriculture, from the breaking up of
the virgin soil of the prairie to the handling of the grain in
the elevators ; I have seen some of the development of your
manufactures. And wherever I have met Canadians, they all
say to me: "Well, sir, what do you think of our country?"
(Laughter.) And I will tell you one thing that has impressed
me very greatly. The vast expanse of prairies — that I knew
I should see. And the remarkable inflow1 of population into
the West and into cities such as this — that I knew I should
see evidences of. But I found to my surprise the great devel-
opment which has taken place, within the last three or four
years in some instances, in the cities of the West. I found
that such places as, not only Winnipeg, but Regina and Cal-
gary, Edmonton and Saskatoon, Vancouver and Victoria had
developed, and had reached a higher stage of civic life than
I think any of us in the Mother Land knew was the case.
And most satisfactory of all, this development has been not
only in material things but one finds there a fine and vigorous
civic spirit; one finds there that men who are at the head of
things are zealously interested in their schools and in building
up great new universities ; they are looking to the beauty of
their cities, the dignity of their public buildings, the charm of

*The Right Hon. Mr. Samuel is one of the ablest and youngest
Members of the present British administration, in which he occupies
the position of Postmaster-General. He has been trained in states-
manship almost from childhood, and next to Mr. Asquith is said to
be the most lucid debater in the Liberal party. He was one of the
first British Cabinet Ministers to make a tour of the Dominion while
holding office.

18 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 4

their parks. Here also, as far as one can gather in a visit
which has necessarily been brief, here also the same spirit
animates Canadians in the older Provinces. All this
is a cheering thing to find, to one who comes from the
Old Country. There we thought there was danger in these
new lands, where men face vast and urgent practical problems,
that there would be developed too much attention to material
things, that men would be wholly given up to materialism.
In some aspects our civilization is too materialistic. There is
a fine saying of Emerson's, which is pregnant and truthful:
"Things are in the saddle, and ride mankind." And whenever
one finds the effort on the part of communities to put things
in their proper place, subordinated to and dominated by the
higher human interests, that, I say, is an encouraging and
hopeful sign. (Hear, hear, and applause.) That is what has
struck me in the cities of the West.

I have heard it said here that Canadian civilization is on
the whole, less commercialized than American civilization,
south of the boundary line. I know not enough of either
Canadian or American life to make it other than an impertin-
ence on my part to make any such generalization. But if it
be true, or largely true, that your life here is less commercial-
ized, then I say, that is a precious distinction ; cherish it al-
ways! (Applause.)

But naturally the circumstance that strikes an observer
first, is the great material development of Canada. We are
very conscious of that growth in England. The social and
economic links that bind together the Mother Country and
this Dominion are growing- stouter every year. Our popula-
tion in the Mother Country is not stagnant. Our own increase
of population is about half a million of people every year,
and we can afford to send you many of our best ; and gladly
do we send you a large outflow of immigrants from us, to
be an inflow for you. All our towns and cities, almost all
our villages, have some connection in Canada with immigrants
who have left us. I remember, not long ago, in the North of
England where my constituency is situated, I was changing
trains at Darlington station, in Durham, at midnight, when
I saw gathered on the platform a crowd of people; I heard
singing, and walking down I saw a group of twenty or thirty
young people, with their baggage, starting as emigrants to
become settlers here; and with them was a group of friends,
the choir of their church, singing hymns to bid them farewell
as the train was coming in and as it went out. What was touch-
ing, and impressed me, was the spirit in which these people

1913] IMPERIAL RELATIONS. 19

went out to face what to them was a great adventure, a great
change. But they come to a country where on the whole life
is easier than in the Mother Land, where the prospects are
better, where still they find themselves speaking the British
language, under the British flag, among British institutions.
These young people are links, they are channels which carry
the knowledge of Canada to the Old World.

Things are very different from what they were thirty or
forty years ago, when the Dominions, or colonies as they were
called then, seemed very far away, their affairs were almost
unnoticed, their statesmen were unknown, their views and
opinions ignored. Now, their opinions, their actions, their
people are very constantly in the thoughts of the people of
the Mother Land. And all this must have its effect upon the
organization of our Imperial system. It is upon that I pro-
pose to address you briefly to-day.

Ten years ago there was started in England a great politi-
cal campaign. I do not propose to enter upon matters of
controversy, either Canadian or British, but I may be permitt-
ed to remind you of the fact that ten years ago there was start-
ed by a great statesman, whom we all respect, even if we don't
agree with him, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, (applause) a cam-
paign which I believe was inspired mainly by the sincere desire
to promote the permanent unity of the British Empire. His
proposals became the subject of acute party controversy. I
would ask your leave to-day to tell you, not in a controversial
spirit, and very briefly, what our reasons are, in the Liberal
party to which I belong, the British Liberal party, for oppos-
ing the proposals of Mr. Chamberlain; although we claim to
be as eager as he to maintain and strengthen the bonds of
union between the various portions of the British Empire. We
were told that unless we agreed to change our fiscal system, and
impose taxes which do not now exist, upon wheat and other ar-
ticles from foreign countries, while giving a preference on grain
brought from the British Dominions the result would be dis-
aster to the Empire. We, on our part, held that without that
the British Empire could be maintained, and did not fear that
without that the British Empire might crumble. That became
a great party issue at the elections.

That reminds me of an incident, which may be unimport-
ant, but which is interesting, because it happens to be true.
(Laughter.) In our country there are many music halls, as
you have them here, with such names as "Empire," "Hippo-
drome," "Coliseum," and so forth. At Stockton, near my con-
stituency, in North Yorkshire, during a recent election, a lady

20 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 4

canvasser was going about, and was visiting a home where the
voter chanced to be out but the wife was in— we still hear in
these days of woman not having the vote, (laughter) and I think
in view of the militant suffrage agitation going on it is likely to
be a very long time before Parliament will grant woman suff-
rage— this canvasser, who was working hi the interests of the
Unionist candidate, was trying to induce the woman to urge
her husband to vote for food taxation, "because if we don't
have it," she said, "the Empire will fall to pieces." The wife
replied, "Really, ma'am, it would make no difference to me,
because I always go to the Hippodrome." (Laughter.)

Well, I tell you that, not only because I am assured by
people in my constituency that the incident actually occurred,
but also because it illustrates a spirit which exists among our
people generally, a profound scepticism as to whether the Em-
pire would fall to pieces if we don't adopt any particular policy.
But we who opposed the policy of Imperial preference, and
oppose it still, do so in the interests of the Empire itself, be-
cause, whether right or wrong, we are ourselves profoundly
and quite sincerely convinced that it would be deleterious to
the British Empire in the long run.

So far as foodstuffs are concerned, the Dominion and the
Mother Land stand in the relation of seller and buyer. In one
sense their interests are the same. A seller would be very
sorry if there were no buyer, and a buyer would be sorry if
there were no willing seller. Each has a common interest in
that which concerns the prosperity of the other. But also, in
the commercial world, the interests of seller and buyer are
contrary to one another. The seller wants the highest price
for his commodity, and the buyer wants to purchase as cheap
as possible. So, in a sense, their interests are opposed, and
this is a fact which must be faced when we are dealing with
the commercial aspect of the question, which is not the most
important aspect, but this aspect is the one which is at issue
when we are discussing matters of tariff reform.

The interests of the Dominion and of the Mother Country,
when dealing with food materials, are not the same, but con-
trary to one another, because Canada, for example, wants to
get the highest price she can for her grain in the markets of
the world, while the Mother Country wishes to get her grain
as cheap as possible.

Secondly, in regard to manufactures: We in the Mother
Country want the Dominions, as far as possible, to be a market
for our manufactures, and to a great extent they are. But you
want, and quite properly, to see your manufacturers able to

1913] IMPERIAL RELATIONS. 21

meet the needs of your own consumers here within your own
boundaries. Both these desires are perfectly right and proper,
but to a certain extent they are contrary. If you have a system
of bargaining of any kind, you will sooner or later come up
against that divergence of interest. You cannot make political
arrangements which will be satisfactory, on the one hand to
the grain growers, who want higher prices, and on the other
hand to the grain consumers, who want lower prices ; on the
one hand to our manufacturers, who want to supply their pro-
ducts to your people, and on the other hand to your manufac-
turers, who want to keep the market for the products of your
own country. We should each of us be putting great and
vital economic interests in the hands of the other party, our
own interests into your hands, and your interests into our
hands.

Our view, — we may be wrong, — is that we should each
find local interest conflicting with Imperial ties. Whenever the
Chancellor of the Exchequer at Westminster, or whenever the
Finance Minister at Ottawa, wanted to modify any detail of
these arrangements, the Chancellor would have to get the con-
sent of Australia and New Zealand, of South Africa and of
Canada, and the Finance Minister would have to get the con-
sent of the Governments and the Parliaments at Westminster
and the other capitals. So you, and the others, and we, should
feel that our own interests were not in our own hands ; we be-
lieve that closer contact might mean, in the long run, nothing
more than greater friction. (Applause.)

There is another consideration which has weighed with us
very greatly; we have, as you know, in the Mother Land, a
great mass of poverty, — we have millions of people who live
always only just on the safe side of destitution and sometimes
crossing that line. Sickness, or a brief period of unemploy-
ment, may plunge them into penury. We are dealing with
many of these social problems in a vigorous, practical and suc-
cessful manner. (Applause.) But still the fact remains, that we
have this great mass of poverty. I suppose it is true to say that
man for man, the English people are not so well off in pounds,
shillings and pence, — in dollars, in actual income — as the people
of Canada, for example. Now, we hold the view, rightly or
wrongly, that a tax upon foreign grain supplies would mean
an inevitable increase in the price of all grain to the consum-
ers. This is not the occasion to argue that economic proposi-
tion. But we believe that that result would follow the impos-
ing of such a tax. If the price were not raised, we do not see
where the encouragement to the Canadian farmer would arise,

22 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 4

which is one object of the proposal, for if the prices were not
raised he would not have any more inducement to grow grain.
And if the price were raised, then it would be imposing a fresh
burden upon our poor, and to that we are unalterably opposed.
(Applause.) Not only because we think that it is wrong to
make life harder for those whose lives are already too heavily
burdened. That in itself is sufficient, it is sufficient for most
of us. But we do not want our people to feel that the Empire
imposes this fresh burden. We do not want this position to
arise, that if bad times come in the Old Country, if people in
days of distress find it more difficult to live, that anyone should
be able to go to the mass of the people of the Old Country, and
say to them, "Yes, you are suffering partly because prices are
higher, partly because there is a tax upon imported food. If
you are suffering economic stress, you are suffering for the
sake of the Empire and the Dominions." That would be bad
for the Dominions, bad for our people, and bad for the Em-
pire as a whole.

Perhaps I have been led further than I intended to go.
It is not my intention to argue these propositions but to state
them. I am anxious only to make this plain, that so far as the
party is concerned to which I have the honor to belong, and
to which I have belonged all' my life, so far as the Liberal
party goes in England, — and this is not necessarily the same
thing as the Liberal party in Canada (laughter), and as I
pointed out to the Canadian Club in Winnipeg it is not neces-
sarily a different thing (laughter), so far as the English Lib-
eral party is concerned, if we have opposed Mr. Chamberlain's
program, and stood resolutely against it, it is not from indiffer-
ence to the Empire as a whole. Still less is it from hostility
to the Empire. But it is because we believe it would be
counter to the fundamental principles of Imperial statesman-
ship, contrary to the interests of our people at home, at the
heart of the Empire, and contrary to a sound policy of Imper-
ialism, to run the risk of placing in antagonism to one another
local interests and Imperial ties. (Hear, hear, and applause.)
We do not feel that a policy which is liable to create an anta-
gonism between Imperial patriotism and the economic advan-
tage of the masses of our people can ever be made a stable
basis for Imperial unity.

It is not on the economic, but on the political side that pro-
gress may be made. I for one think our Imperial constitution
has certainly not reached its final form. The constitutional
links which make for Imperial unity, apart from sentiment,
and public opinion, which after all are the most powerful of

1913] IMPERIAL RELATIONS. 23

all, are four. There is, first, the Monachy, which is common
to the whole Empire. Happily preserved through a thousand
years of history, it forms a bond uniting all portions of the
King's dominions, both the white portions of the Empire and
those great parts which lie in tropical and sub-tropical lati-
tudes. And owing to the devotion to the constitution, and the
splendid sense of duty, of the occupants of the throne, espec-
ially during the last three generations, the Monarchy now, I
believe, stands more firmly based than at any time in the whole
history of our Empire. (Applause.)

Secondly, there is the supreme legal tribunal, the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council, on which representatives of
the Dominions sit, which I believe is regarded as a perfectly
impartial and highly competent court. I have, indeed, heard
in Canada severe criticism of the Privy Council by one legal
gentleman ; I found that he had quite recently lost two cases,
which may account for his views. (Laughter.)

Thirdly, there is the Imperial Conference, which meets
once in four years, composed of the Prime Ministers of the
Mother Country and the Dominions, and other Ministers, and
which debates subjects of vital importance to the whole Em-
pire. It arrives at conclusions which are by no means ignored,
but are mostly carried into effect; but it has no executive
authority.

Lastly, there is the Committee of Imperial Defence, which
is mainly composed of representatives of the Home Land, but
which is developing more and more into an organ of the Im-
perial body politic. Dominion Ministers attend its meetings
from time to time, and keep in close contact with its proceed-
ings, and while there they have an opportunity of keeping in
touch with those who are directing the foreign policy of the
Empire. But the Committee itself deals not with policy but
with methods.

These are the four constitutional links of Empire, these
four and no others. The Dominions have great influence in
directing the policy of the Empire as a whole, but they have
no formal and direct share in its constitutional working.
There is no central Legislature, no central Executive formally
representative of all portions of the Empire. But when you
attempt to solve this vast problem you find yourself faced with
the greatest of difficulties. It is the difficulty of reconciling
local autonomy with any form of central government. This
the Mother Land recognizes quite as fully as the Dominions —
I say, with all sincerity — that the local freedom of the Domin-
ions to manage their own affairs is absolutely essential to the
well-being of the Empire. (Applause.)

24 THE, CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 4

You, Mr. Chairman, spoke of me as a representative in the
flesh of Downing Street. Well, of Downing Street in a sense,
but let me assure you, not of the old spirit that prevailed in
Downing Street two or three generations ago. (Hear, hear.).
That is gone ; that is dead. We realize, not only in the inter-
ests of the Dominions themselves, but also of the Empire as a
whole, that Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa,
must manage, free from all interference of any kind, their own
local affairs. The freedom of the Dominions is the strength of
the Empire. (Hear, hear.) The Roman Empire died largely
because its government was too much concentrated at the
centre. The British Empire lives, and will endure, because of
these living, autonomous institutions in the parts. (Applause.)

We are faced, I say, by problems of formidable difficulty
whenever we attempt to reconcile, however tentatively, the
freedom of the parts of the Empire with central government.
1 believe the problem is not insoluble. But I express, not only
my own opinions, but I am sure, those of the Govenment to
which I belong, when I say that we recognize that no error
could be greater than the error of pressing these problems to
a conclusion before they are ripe. No folly could be greater
than that of a statesman who, eager for glory, should sit down
and attempt to pen a complete and logical constitution for the
Empire as a whole. If a really Imperial constitutional organi-
zation comes, it will come as our British institutions usually
come, not by manufacture, but by growth. (Applause.) And
any steps that are taken must be tentative and cautious, so that
if they are found to be in a wrong direction they can be chang-
ed before harm is done.

But so far as the spirit is concerned, I can give you the
assurance that whenever Canada is ready to take a step for-
ward, and whenever the sister States, Australia, New Zealand,
South Africa, are ready to draw together in some form of
central union, you will find, I believe, in the Mother Country
on all hands the most sympathetic desire to meet the wishes of
the Dominions.

Then, lastly, our system of Imperial relations must touch
the question of defence. There must be a system of defence.
(Applause.) And if there is a system of defence, it must be
adequate for its purpose. The very reason that makes us main-
tain defences at all must make us maintain them on a scale
commensurate with the object they have in view, to maintain
the security of our dominions.

But our defences should not be exaggerated. iWe do not
hold in England the view, that the bigger our navy is, the bet-

1913] LAND QUESTION IN ENGLAND. 25

ter it is. We regard armaments as in themselves not a good
thing, but a bad thing; a necessary evil, but an evil; an 'evil,
but still necessary. We have no desire that our armaments
should be swollen beyond the actual need, that we should call
upon any of our people to bear burdens heavier than the case
requires. But we have to consider questions in council week
by week of international relations. We, members of the Im-
perial Government, would feel we should be doing less than our
duty if we failed to provide against possible risks. In these
questions we have to consider not only the international situa*-
tion of the moment; friendships are not always enduring; try
as we will, our efforts may be defeated. The Imperial Gov-
ernment of Great Britain harbors no aggressive design of any
sort against any people on the habitable globe. (Applause.)
Our only object is to maintain the peace of the world. Our
Empire, Heaven knows, is vast enough to content the most
ambitious, and to satisfy any one with the vastness of its area.
But pacific as we may be, and desirous to be on good terms
with all the world, we are never quite sure that quarrels will
not arise. History shows through all its pages that they may
come, swift as a storm out of a summer sky. It is too late
then to provide your defences. And surely though we may
desire to secure permanent peace throughout the world, it is
folly in this stage of the world's development to act in prac-
tice as though the permanent reign of peace had already been
securely obtained. Therefore it is with us in the Mother Land
a first principle of national policy to make secure the command
of the sea. (Applause.) For that we hold to be vital. This
is the policy which I think is equally held by both the great
political parties in our State. We are burdened with a heavy
National Debt, created mostly by wars in the past, wars out of
which our Empire took its rise. But great as is that debt,
and heavy as are other demands upon us, needing vast expen-
ditures to meet them, — and of late years the taxation in the
United Kingdom has been very greatly increased, — yet in spite
of this, the people of the Old Land you may be quite sure, the
British people, would spend their last penny rather than lose
or even risk losing the command of the sea. (Applause.)

I do not intend to express any opinion upon the matter
which is in controversy here in Canada, but only to express my
belief, which I think is widely shared among members of both
parties here, that the present provision for the defence of the
Empire, and the present organization for the defence of the
Empire, cannot be regarded as their final form. It cannot be
right that a burden which is borne for the common advantage

26 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 14

should press upon one pair of shoulders alone. (Applause.)
But what action the Dominions should take, or whether they
should take any action, this as we fully realize is a matter for
them, and for them alone. It is a subject vitally important,
indeed, in the interest of the Empire as a whole. But the
principle of Dominion self-government, in which, as I have
said, we believe as firmly as you, leads us to be reticent, and
to wait patiently till the various parts of the Empire shall de-
cide for themselves what they will do.

I have spoken to you today of Imperial Relations, econo-
mic, constitutional, strategic, — all these are manifestations in
practice of an underlying will ; the will to be one. ( Applause.)
And I have in my own mind a confident belief that not only
is the unity of the Empire to the interest of its parts ; and not
only is it a matter of sentimental attachment of the Mother
Country to the Dominions, and of the Dominions to the Mother
Country; but also that the maintenance of that unity, taking
the matter at its broadest, — I believe that the maintenance of
that unity is to the advantage of the world as a whole.
(Applause.) Nearly one- fourth of the land area of the world
is comprised within the British Empire. Within this Empire,
within these vast dominions the nations and tribes and peoples
that compose it are living at peace with one another. So long
as there exists this vast political unity, that peace will continue,
and history shows that its influence on the world beyond tends
to ensure the peace and to promote the abiding prosperity of
the rest of mankind. (Long applause.)

1913] LAND QUESTION IN ENGLAND. 27

(October 14, 1913.)

The Land Question in England.

BY RIGHT HON. SIR ALFRED MORITZ MOND, M.P.*

AT a special luncheon of the Canadian Club held on the!
** I4th October, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Mond said :

Mr. President and "Gentlemen, — I owe you at the same time
thanks and an apology. Your indefatigable and courteous
secretary communicated with me by wire last Friday at Conis-
ton an invitation to address you here on the land question.
Well, gentlemen, you had given me such a kind reception when
I had the honor to address this Club three years ago that I
felt it would be impolite to refuse the invitation. But I owe
you an apology, because I have neither had the time nor have
I had the materials in order to make to you a speech at all
worthy either of the occasion or of the audience I see before
me. I must ask you, therefore, to accept this afternoon the
few remarks I intend to address to you as the best I can do
under the somewhat difficult circumstances.

I would like to correct one or two misapprehensions I see
have crept into the public press. I see I was announced to
expound the land policy of Mr. Lloyd George. Well, gentle-
men, I am not authorized, nor am I in a position, to expound
our distinguished Chancellor's land policy. I would advise
you to wait till he expounds it himself! (Laughter.) I have
not even the cable summary of his speech to enable me to
know what he said in opening the campaign. But I would like
to point out that not merely may there be some misapprehen-
sion as to the speech he made, but Mr. Lloyd George has the
intention of making at least six speeches, in which he will
progressively deal with the different aspects of the land ques-
tion in England. Therefore the impatience shown by some
of the press because they cannot get from the cable all of his
policy is unreasonable ; they would do well to be patient till
they have the full report of his six speeches.

I think I may, however, say that Mr. Lloyd George is neither
a land nationalizer nor a single taxer. In an old country, where

*Sir Alfred Mond is head of the M'ond Nickel Company, which
has extensive Canadian interests near Sudbury. He is a supporter
of the present Liberal administration in England, and has always
taken a leading part in promoting advanced legislation, particularly
with reference to the land problem.

28 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 14

there have grown up complications through centuries, compli-
cations which you in a new country have happily escaped, one
has to proceed very carefully, slowly and cautiously, in order
to improve conditions, and at the same time take care, not to
destroy what already exists. Therefore I am certain there is
going to be no revolutionary movement; our old country is
going to destroy no old interest today.

Of course, when we speak of the land problem, every
country in the world has a land problem. As soon as any
country begins to alienate land to private interests, it has a
land problem, and you find it endeavoring at some stage of its
existence to reobtain control of what it ought never to have
parted with, namely, its land. When you have a new country
of vast area and a small population the problem has not be-
come apparent or pressing ; though I can imagine that in a city
like Toronto in a short time you will face the problem of hav-
ing to purchase back at a great price land you have alienated
for very little not many years ago. (Applause.) When deal-
ing with England, a tiny country with a very large population,
naturally you have the problem, both in town and in the
country districts, in a very acute form, particularly when you
have permitted those who have been in the ownership and
possession of the country for many generations to control
your legislature almost entirely unchecked, and they have
passed legislation almost entirely in their own favor. The
divorce of the people from the soil on which they have been
born is a great problem. I sometimes wonder, when I hear
the enthusiasm of those who call upon the Englishman to'
defend his native land, how much land he has, and how he
feels when gallantly asked by those who have taken the land
from him to defend it against a common foe.

I think the simplest thing for me to do will be to divide
my discussion of the land question in England as shortly as I
can into these two main lines : first, as to the problem from the
rural point of view, and second, as to the problem from the
urban point of view. Of course, some general considerations
apply to both, but there are distinct problems.

England has a land question of its own. The land system
in Scotland and that in Ireland are vitally different from the
system in England. Therefore analogies drawn from legis-
lation in these countries could by no means apply to English
conditions.

First as to the rural problem. The great bulk, speaking
very generally, of the soil of England is in the possession of
a considerable number, but not a very large number, of fam-

19131 LAND QUESTION IN ENGLAND. 29

ilies, who have acquired it very many centuries ago, or ac-
quired it recently. The landlord, as we term him in England,
is not merely the owner of the soil he lets for agriculture, but
is also the provider of a large proportion of the capital. That
is to say, those farm houses that many of you have seen in
England, those hedges made, those drains put in, have all been
provided by the owner of the land. When the English farmer
rents a farm, he rents not merely the land but the homestead,
on which a large amount of capital has been expended by the
landlord. The farmer, on the other hand, furnishes the agri-
cultural machinery, the live stock, the seed, and provides his
labor. He and the landlord are in a way partners, and this
dual ownership has complicated the land system.

Now we have a third person, who is largely unknown on
this continent but looms large with us, the agricultural laborer,
of whom you have heard a good deal, the hired working man,
who is usually housed in a house provided by the landlord but
let to the farmer. There you have a triumvirate which the
system is asked to support, the landlord, the farmer, and the
agricultural laborer. It is asking a good deal of agricultural
land to ask it to support three different sets of people instead
of one. That is one of the economic difficulties we have to face.

In England the usual practice is for the farmer to have
the land on a one year rental, an annual tenancy, which can
be given notice to on either side, either by the landlord or by
the tenant. Although it is perfectly true that in practice this
annual tenancy is extended sometimes for the life of a man,
sometimes for generations, for as long as the man pays his
rent and farms his land properly he is not likely to be disturb-
ed— yet the uncertainty of tenancy is undoubtedly holding
back the agriculture of England. That is one of the points
on which the farmers most greatly complained to the Commis-
sion that has investigated the problem for the Government.
If you ask how the problem has become more acute than per-
haps it was some years ago, I may reply by saying that on
every sale of large estates taking place, changes of tenancy and
rent may occur; this creates more insecurity for the farmers
than when a man is allowed to continue on his farm, as he
commonly does when estates pass from father to son. You
must not consider the English landlord as a grasping tyrant,
grinding all he can out of his tenants ; any picture such as that
is grossly unfair and untrue. On the whole the agricultural
landlord has been reasonable as regards his land. On the
whole he has tried to do his duty by his neighbors. So it is
not "a question of tyranny ; it is much more a question of the

30 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 14

system at stake. The system is not applicable to the business
of scientific agriculture. The farmer has had legislation pass-
ed considerably in his favor. But the farmer who improves
his farm is liable to have his rent raised on the improvements
he has made. That does not, of course, lead to the best class
of farming. If he leaves the farm he is legally entitled to
compensation for unexhausted improvements. These laws do
not operate as much in favor of the farmer as they should.

But what the farmers want are two things : they desire a
greater fixity of tenure, so that a farmer may know that if he
does his duty on the land he will be allowed to remain on the
land on which he has sunk his capital ; and also many of them
want some system of impartial tribunal for the purpose of fix-
ing a fair rent.

The original Irish Land Acts touched the same questions;
in 1885 the start was made with judicially fixed rents by their
Land Acts. And two years ago the Scotch — who are always
more wideawake and clever than the English (laughter) — got
a Land Act passed ; applied at present to holdings of fifty
acres or under, but they wish to get it extended ; they also have
a tribunal to adjust by law the rent that is to be paid. The
English farmer is beginning to ask why he should not have
something of a similar character. That is one more of the
points to which we have given attention in the new program.

I won't enter upon the long and vexed question of the
damage done by game preserves. Of course there is a certain
amount of damage done by them, and also a certain amount
of exaggeration about it. It is a fact which nobody who
studies England can deny, that the soil of a country should
not be utilized rather for the purpose of producing pheasants
than for people to live on it and till it. I think no sane
economist can have any doubt on that point. (Applause.)

These are some of the problems that assailed us at the
very beginning. There are many others. For example, the Eng-
lish law of entail. Many estates are in the hands of trustees,
who are holding them for the eldest son, and he has no perma-
nent interest, but only a life interest in the same. Some land-
lords have no capital to use as it might very properly be utiliz-
ed. This is one of the factors which tend to diminish that
progress in agriculture we think we have a right to demand.

One thing which to my mind transcends all other questions
is the application of scientific methods to agriculture. No
doubt we could almost double the production of the agricul-
tural products which we raise today; this could undoubtedly
be brought about in the way of better education, greater re-

1913] LAND QUESTION IN ENGLAND. 31

search, more application of State money, — what I might call
treating agriculture more as we treat industry. To eliminate
the loss of poor methods of farming will pay any nation that
has the energy and the enterprise to take it up. (Applause.)

I have dealt briefly with the farmer. But I don't think
that English agriculture has been as flourishing for many a
day as it is today. The increase in price in agricultural land
during the last few years has been quite remarkable. I come
now to the unfortunate agricultural laborer, the landless man
on low wages, with long hours, and of low education, who
faced a future of more or less semi-starvation with the work-
house as his refuge in his old days, from which, I am glad to
think, our Old Age Pension Act has rescued him. In order to
deal with this man, I ask you for a few moments to go back
in history; you can't understand the questions of a country
with a history such as ours unless you go back to the causes
of those questions. Go back, then, to the beginning of the
i8th century, and you would have a view of a country in which
agriculture was carried on to a very much greater extent in
the way in which Germany, France and Italy carry it on than
in the way in which it is carried on in England today. That
is to say, you had attached to your villages quantities of com-
mon land, land to which every commoner had access in certain
strips for cultivation and pasturage of cattle. While they had
small plots of land, they had surplus labor to give to the far-
mer for harvest time. A large number of small people were
raising stock. They had neither great wealth, nor great
poverty.

This summer I happened to have a house in the south of
England, in that part known as the New Forest — it is known
as "New" because William the Conqueror planted it when he
came to England — that is what we call "new." (Laughter).
That Forest has always been Crown property, and so it is to-
day. The foresters have largely maintained their old common
rights, and the people have to this day the right to turn their
cattle loose in the Forest, much as I see them in the bush here ;
and they are relatively prosperous, at any rate not poor. That
is like the condition of England at the beginning of the i8th
century.

There arose a school of agricultural reformers, among
whom the most prominent was Arthur Young; they contend-
ed that the common lands were a bad method, inefficient. They
asserted that if you have land enclosed, fenced and drained,
and privately owned it can be cared for much more economic-
ally. This led to Enclosure Acts mostly in favor of large land

32 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 14

owners known as "lords of the manor." Between 1702 and
1760 the enclosure of about 400,000 acres had been effected
by 246 Acts of Parliament; while in the reign of George III.
5,686,400 acres were enclosed under 3,554 Acts of Parliament.
And a great deal more than that has passed from the people.
A very interesting book has appeared recently, published by
Mr. Fisher Unwin, written by Mr. Joselyn Dunlop, on ''The
English Agricultural Laborer," which shows that there has
been a very good kind of transformation taking place in his
condition. The whole class of peasant proprietors was prac-
tically extinguished. From being an independent person, the
laborer had become dependent upon some person to employ
him in order that he might live at all. The result was a state
of misery, of which very few people have any conception.
From that condition, at the end of the i8th century, there has
been a great improvement. Another great change came over
English agriculture because of the high wheat prices during
the Napoleonic wars and shortly after their close.

That was really the beginning of the difficulty we are still
laboring under today. We are trying to reverse those condi-
tions. We are trying today to get the small farmer re-estab-
lished over all the wide country, and England turned to a
country where the agricultural laborers shall have a little land
and a house of his own, — to make him in fact an independent
human being. (Applause.)

This question would have been solved at least a hundred
years ago, if it were not for the industrial development ; that
has obscured the issue. We see today a large population, paid
miserable wages, three or four dollars a week, out of which
they have to feed and clothe themselves and their families. It
is too little; it can't be done! (Hear, hear.) You cannot get
efficient labor at this price ; the labor you get out of the people
is inefficient. If we had more economic wisdom, we should
see that a rise in wages, far from increasing the difficulty of
getting- efficient labor, would be likely to diminish it — (ap-
plause)— because the money will go farther, and if a man gets
more wages he will work under better conditions. One of our
most derelict counties is Essex ; to this came a large number
of Scotch farmers — and the Scotch farmers are the best we
have. (Applause.) They will take up farms, places that
others could not make pay: they get them for low rents, and
on long leases, you may be sure! (Laughter.) They found
a few poor agricultural laborers who had been working for
very low wages; and they immediately raised their wages.
Now when a Scotchman parts with any money that he need

1913] LAND QUESTION IN ENGLAND. 33

not part with, you may be sure he expects he is going to make
something out of it. (Laughter.) Very well! that was what
resulted in this case in Essex ; these Scotch farmers got better
labor by raising the wages. (Applause.)

These conditions are intensified by the housing problem.
It is not difficult to understand, but it is difficult to solve. For
one thing, we are something like a hundred thousand cottages
short. Secondly, there is a continually increasing standard of
requirements for cottages. Some of you, when motoring
through England, have seen those cottages, clad with honey-
suckle and roses, and have thought "How charming they are!"
But when you investigate them more closely, you find there is
no drainage system, the water comes through the roof, there
are no windows, the floors are damp, the people in them are
living much too close together, breeding tuberculosis and crip-
pling rheumatism and typhoid. And you understand that this
has been their condition for centuries. A great many of these
cottages are in rural areas, where disease is much more rife
than in cities.

A low wage affects the business man who wants to build
cottages. Unless he is able to get sufficient rent he cannot
have interest on his capital. If a laborer is getting a low wage,
he is not able to pay him more than one or two shillings — that
would pay a week's rent for a cottage. A cottage cannot be
built to pay rent and repairs on such low terms.

There are two policies dividing public opinion, the one is
in favor of state and rate-aided cottage building, and if the
cottage is cheaper than is economic to the laborer the state
and local authority bear the difference in cost. The other
is for the laborer to get a large enough wage to enable him to
pay a fair rent.

Personally I am in favor of a man getting an economic
wage, to enable him to pay enough rent for a cottage. The
question then arises, how far his wage can be raised. There
you come back to a very difficult question which has occupied
the House of Commons as far back as 1796, when a Bill was
read a second time, whereby there would be a legal minimum
wage for agricultural laborers. I am not fond of legal mini-
mum wages if they can be avoided ; but when this plan has
been established by trade boards it has worked extremely well.
If there is no other way out, I am sure I should not be sur-
prised to see a legal minimum wage taking care of agricultural
wages.

Then there is the difficulty which faces every country to-
day— how to keep the people on the land, how to prevent the

34 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. u

overgrowing of cities. This problem is right in front of us,
and it is baffling. As long as people on the land cannot earn
as much as in the city, you can't keep them on it. The first
thing to do would be to pay a man sufficient wages to induce
him to stay on the land. Then, of course, you have to coun-
teract what you might call the city pleasure movements — to
make country life more attractive. Not in the way of the
reformer and leader in benevolent philanthropy, which has
been adopted often by the clergyman and the squire, who be-
tween them have bestowed upon the agricultural laborer a
well-meant but misplaced attention, which has induced many
to quit and go into the town, where nobody looks after them.
And there are many other aspects of that kind. A good many
of those living on the land, as I have said, have been benevo-
lently disposed, but a very considerable amount of despotism
has been shown, affecting people's religious and political free-
dom. He who has great favors to bestow possesses great
power ; for when a man can't get a new kitchen range put in
because he is not of the same political complexion as his land-
lord, you can see that while the landlord is doing nothing ab-
solutely wrong there is a strong inducemnt for him to vote as
his landlord wants him to. (Laughter.) These conditions
lead one more and more to see that houses must be provided,
and not merely by private individuals but by local authority,
so that the man feels, as he does not now in many an English
village, that if he comes up against the landlord it does not
rr\ean exile or ruin. In some villages today many houses be-
long to one man, and if any man goes up against the landlord
today he has to quit the place. Such a man does not know
what to do when he is forced to move and to seek employment
elsewhere. Here you are more used to mobility than we are,
you are more used to traveling and getting about in a large
country; our people are fearful and afraid of moving about
trying to get another job. When a man has a house he feels
that whatever happens he can stay there as owner as long as
he likes.

Another question has had great attention given to it and
has been the occasion of a considerable amount of legislation.
I was drawing your attention to the divorce of the people from
the land, and the extinction of the small holder. There has
been some legislation along these lines already. The Govern-
ment now in power has passed — not by any means the first
Act, but I think the most effective one, which came into force
on the first of January, 1908, which gave the County Councils
power to acquire by purchase small holdings not exceeding

1913] LAND QUESTION IN ENGLAND. 35

thirty acres or less than three acres. Since then, in 1908 and
1909 County Councils acquired 60,889 acres for the purpose
of the Act, and six thousand small holdings have been created.
That is at least a start in the right direction, but we want to do
a great deal more. (Applause.)

In the matter of land for public purchase, where there are
great private interests, as in England, it is much more diffi-
cult, you can understand, for the private interests get the best
of much of the legislation. It is safe-guarded with so much
red tape, and tied up with so much machinery, and so much
of supercharges and legal charges, which enable men to re-
ceive so much more than they have asked privately, that you
have to charge high prices. I think the guiding principle
should be, that the people exist first, and the land exists after-
wards. (Hear, hear.) Where public interest conflicts with
private interest, the public interest ought to be first considered.
(Applause.) That simple principle would effect a great
change in our legislation.

A good deal has to be done along these lines also in the
urban districts ; because in our towns you are right up against
similar difficult problems of private enterprise under private
control.

The constituency I have the honor to represent, Swansea,
in South Wales, like our whole district, is growing at a rate
I think you can scarcely understand here so far as population
is concerned. We are short an enormous number of cottages.
Our corporation at present is laying out a garden city of some
six hundred cottages. We have some of our towns girdled
around by people holding up land with no other purpose
than to try to get as much as possible out of it. (Hear, hear.)
These people are serving no earthly purpose to the community ;
they are employing neither brains nor capital ; they are simply
sitting there to make use of the necessity of the people who
will come to live there, in order to enrich themselves out of
their need! (Applause.) Any legislation which tends to de-
stroy that kind of thing is useful. Speculating in land has
never done any good to any community. (Applause.) The
developer of land is an inestimable boon to any community.
(Applause.) But there will be this divorce of people from
the land so long as legislation is a tool in the hands of those
who own the land simply to use it for themselves.

Then you have the leasehold system. It is impossible some-
times to acquire a piece of freehold land at all from a wealthy
man. I think the architecture of our cities shows this. People
are not willing to expend large sums to enrich other people's

36 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 14

property. I think any system of purchase whicii would enable
people to acquire freehold property in cities would be good.

I am not sure that we shall not have to limit what is a fair
rent for a man to charge in the city. You find in the industrial
portions of our city rents are beyond reason, owners charge
the workmen rents which cannot be paid by them without hard-
ship. This manipulation will have to be curbed in some way
by legislation.

Another evil we suffer from, which may aitect other places
as well, is our extremely inequitable system of local taxation.
(Hear, hear.) Like many other things, that dates back to the
reign of Queen Elizabeth. (Laughter.) It is unsuitable in
England to-day. The idea of rating a man by the rental of his
property is unsuitable. A more unsuitable system to our in-
dustrial conditions you would find very hard to imagine any-
where. (Applause.) It is another great defect, that we rent
and value not the site of the building ; we rate the rental value
of the composite object, the site and the building; that is tp
say, if I have a house in a street of high site value, it may be
a small building at a low rent, and I pay much less in local
taxation than the man next me, who puts up a high building.
The result of that system is to discourage building enterprise.
If the moment a man puts up a building you immediately fine
him for having done something to increase the prosperity of
the community, you encourage people to use the land badly ;
the worse they use it the less you fine them! (Applause.) A
more unbusinesslike national method of taxation I think it
would be impossible to find. (Applause.) By the Parliamen-
tary group on land values taxation one point will be pressed, —
and I am glad to see that the Chancellor mentioned it in his
Bedford speech, — I am confident that if you shift the taxation
from the building to the site value you effect a great improve-
ment. And I don't see how you can hurt any person. (Ap-
plause.) When you see vacant land contributing not one
farthing above the lowest rate, if I bought a piece of land and
put up a store or a building of any kind, immediately the rate
collector would charge me a rate on it ! Of course it won't all
be done in a day. I hope it may be done in my life time.
(Applause.) You have to do it slowly, gradually. You can't
shift all at once contracts and legal bargains which have been
in force for many years.

The whole question of taxation of land in general for gen-
eral purposes is in a muddle. It would be impossible for me
to explain this afternoon, or possibly on any afternoon, the
enormous complexity of it, and its relation to our local taxa-

1913] LAND QUESTION IN ENGLAND. 37

tion account and our Imperial taxation account. There is the
greatest muddle almost that ever existed, and where it very
strongly needs reform. Educational funds are partly paid to
local authority and partly to the central body. /\ll through we
need some system of land taxation to relieve the poorer and
highly burdened classes where land has become of enormous
value, and any such reform is to be very greatly encouraged.
When we talk of site value, we mean unimproved site value,
not buildings, so any man may develop it as much as he can.
The definition adopted by the Finance Act in great measure is,
value denuded of any form of improvement created by any
individual, but made by the concretion of efforts of the com-
munity in which it is situated, which gives that land a value.

I have only extremely imperfectly and very hurriedly dealt
with a few corners of the problem. You realize, from the few
remarks I have made, how complex and difficult and vast it is.
We can't end it by any patent pill in order to deal with land
reform ; there is no one royal remedy, no one road, to the
solution of a large number of difficult problems. There will
have to be a large number of remedies. You will have to
combine ideas of many schools today antagonistic in order to
achieve final success.

I saw a very amusing article in a paper the other day,
which said that the whole English land situation could be
summed up in four lines. It said the Conservative side of the
question was this, that letting farmers buy land they would
thereby become Conservatives ; while the Liberal aspect of it
was that by keeping a man a tenant he would thereby be dis-
contented with the landlord and become a Liberal! (Laugh-
ter.) According to that reasoning, we should have a great
mass of Liberal farmers ; but the percentage of farmers who
vote Liberal is extremely small. The farmer is essentially by
temperament Conservative.

But that is not the essential difference between the Unionist
and the Liberal land policy. The Unionist land policy, as
Lord Lansdowne has outlined it in part, is based more or less
on the model of the Irish Land Purchase Act, which is based
on State aid by cheap money loaned by the State, to enable
the farmer to pay the landlord a high price for his farm.
When a landlord like the Marquis of Lansdowne sells lands,
he would very well like to deal with English questions the,
same way. I can well understand that. But I fancy that
when he goes to his friends in the city, the financiers, to ask
them where the money is to come from, and on what terms,
he would be up against a financial proposition that no respon-
sible statesman would take up.

38 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 14

I am not opposed to land purchase on political grounds.
But Lord Lansdowne would not make it compulsory, so what
can the farmer do in case the landlord won't sell? If our
plan were introduced, it would enable the farmer to lease the
land at a fair rent whether the landlord were willing or not.
The English farmer does not wish to buy the land ; he does not
want to tie up his capital, but he wants to pay a reasonable
rent. If he buys the land, he has to raise a mortgage, and
perhaps is no better off, perhaps is worse off, than if he had to
pay rent to the landlord. You have merely substituted the
mortgagor for the landlord. Many farmers have no desire for
this system in England ; in Ireland they have. There is no
use to try working out land reform for people by giving them
what they don't want. That, therefore, is the difference
between the two policies.

The problem is very big. All we can do, or hope to do, is
not so much to try to lay down a hard and fast line, which you
must follow, and which every one must follow, as to estab-
lish the facts which will be published in October. These facts
we shall have to thrash out by discussion and argument, in
the manner common in British communities. We shall review
the conclusions and arguments, and we think when that win-
nowing process has worked out for some time, and every one
has contributed his thought and experience, all will be satis-
factory. I sincerely trust and hope it may so work out the
program, and help to regenerate the country of which we are
all proud, and from which many of you have come; and may
restore to the land many of those now divorced from it, and
may get rid of the disgrace that a great many of our popula-
tion are living under the subsistence line in places worse than
those in which many animals are housed; that it may place
them in homes, not merely houses, so we shall have a free and
decent people dwelling in decent homes. That will be, not
only a great land reform, but a benefit to the whole community.

If we succeed in bringing into practice only partially all
this dream, I think we shall not merely have done a good ser-
vice to the country, but shall have done a great service to the
Empire. (Applause.) It is of essential value to you that the
stock from which the Empire is recruited shall be of the
finest; that the people of the Mother Country shall remain
strong, virile, healthy; and that everything in human reason
shall be done to improve conditions; so that you can at all
times be proud of them in the face of the entire world.
(Applause.)

1913] UNIVERSITY CAN DO FOR STATE. 39

(October 21, 1913.)

What the University can do for
the State.

BY CHARLES RICHARD VAN HISE, PH.D., LL.D.,*
President of the University of Wisconsin.

A

T a special luncheon of the Canadian Club, held on the
2ist of October, Dr. Van Hise said:

Gentlemen of the Canadian Club, — It is a very great pleasure
indeed for me to respond to the cordial invitation of your
secretary to address you. I suppose that few present have
seen more of Ontario than your visitor. I have travelled
your railroads from one end of the province to the other,;
I have walked along your railroad lines ; I have canoed your
lakes and streams at various places, from Lake Winnipeg to
Lake Timiskaming. Therefore, I know something of the
growth of Ontario, and of this city of Toronto during the
past twenty-five years. This morning the secretary of the
American Club, Mr. Miller, kindly took me to the new sub-
urbs. I was amazed at the growth of the residental portion
of the city since I was here three or four years ago.

In speaking upon the subject, "What the University can
do for the State," I am talking on a topic assigned by your
secretary. I suggested one or two other subjects which I
thought might be more interesting, but he insisted that the
subject named was the one upon which your president
desired that I should address you.

The universities in the United States, whether state or
endowed, are far more like than unlike the universities of
Canada and of England. The universities of the United
States were originally patterned after the English universi-
ties. Some have developed in different directions from
others; but all have the same fundamental purpose — the
teaching of ideas and ideals to the youth of the nation, and
the advancement of knowledge. However varied the ways

*President Van Hise is one of the leaders in the movement to
make the University serve the people in a practical way. His policy
is to carry the message of the professor to those who can profit by
it in every day life. Wisconsin is one of the most democratic States
in the Union, and its university has led the way in stimulating inter-
est in popular government.

40 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 21

in which these two fundamental principles may express them-
selves, their essential ends are the same.

At the inaugration of Dr. A. Lawrence Lowell, as pre-
sident of Harvard University, Mr. James Bryce, then Ambas-
sador of Great Britain to the United States, gave an address,
in which he uttered what I think was the most pregnant
sentiment of the celebration. He said: "A university should
reflect the spirit of the times without yielding to it."

A university in reflecting the spirit of the times should
not yield its freedom. I do not know how it is in Canada,
but we are absolutely free in the universities of the United
States to hold any heterodox notions we may choose regard-
ing higher mathematics, or even philosophy — (laughter) —
but when we get to subjects such as sociology, political
economy, or political science, then many people are somewhat
sensitive about what the university teaches. It is clear that
the university must hold itself absolutely free to investigate
and teach the truth as it sees it throughout the fields of the
political and social sciences. Only so can an institution be
a university; only so can it be sure not to yield to the spirit
of the times. (Applause.)

While these statements are somewhat dogmatically made,
I fully understand that the spirit in which this work is done
must not be that of the advocate ; it must not be that of
certainty. We must realize that for all subjects, everywhere,
knowledge is incomplete. No man knows everything about
a grain of sand; nor ever shall. Therefore, it is the func-
tion of the university for all subjects ever to advance toward
completion and perfection, without expecting to reach either
anywhere. While the university professor should be free to
teach and investigate, his attitude must be that of the seeker
after truth, that of the judge, and not that of the advocate.

However, it is not these commonplaces that I am ex-
pected to emphasize here to-day; they are presented as the
trunk of the university, from which the special branches to
be considered spring. The fundamental spirit of all true
universities in these essential respects are the same every-
where and must continue to remain the same.

Gradually it dawned upon some people in the university
world, and first at Oxford, that it was not sufficient to teach
students who came to the doors of the university ; that it was
not sufficient to advance knowledge; that the university had
a third function — that of carrying knowledge to the people.
Of the Oxford University extension movement you all know.
What are the fundamental principles upon which this move-

1913] UNIVERSITY CAN DO FOR STATE. 41

ment is based? They are these: The advancement of know-
ledge has been greater in the past sixty years than in two
thousand years before. Until about 1850 the development
of knowledge was so slow that the ideas which the people
might utilize to their benefit were fairly well assimilated ;
but during the past sixty years transportation has brought
all parts of the world together; communication has become
instantaneous; discovery has taken place in every direction
with amazing speed. Thus, knowledge has far outrun the
assimilation of the people. We know enough about agricul-
ture so that if it were only applied in Ontario the agricul-
tural wealth of the province could be doubled in a decade.
(Applause.) We know enough about medicine so that, if
the knowledge were applied, infectious and contagious dis-
eases could be eliminated from this city in a score of years.
We know enough about eugenics so that, if the knowledge
were applied, within a generation the feeble minded would
disappear, and the insane would be reduced to an insignifi-
cant number.

It may be said that it will be sufficient to teach the new
knowledge to the boys and girls in the schools ; and this, of
course, should be done ; but since many of you left the
schools, a vast portion of this new heritage has accumulated.
You have twenty-five or fifty years more to live. And you
are but illustrations of the people throughout this province
and the nation of Canada. Therefore, it is not sufficient to
teach the new knowledge to the children in the schools ; it
must be carried to the mature everywhere. '(Applause.)

It was this situation which led us at Wisconsin to under-
take extension work. The extension movement of Oxford
began by the lyceum method of instruction. The professors
went out and spoke to the people, giving perhaps, two, four,
or six lectures upon a subject; and directly after the lectures
there were colloquiums. That was good work to do ; and
work of this class continues to the present time. But the
method was found to be limited in its application. For the
most part it was a method of pouring in knowledge upon
the recipient and not asking the latter to dig out knowledge
for himself. It was an informational, rather than an educa-
tional method. Therefore, the lyceum method of extension,
while it has performed a brilliant service, and will continue
to do so, has failed to accomplish all that was expected \vhen
the extension movement was launched at Oxford some sixty
years ago.

42 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 21

Therefore, at the University of Wisconsin, when re-
organizing our extension work some eight years ago, we
placed the movement upon a broader basis. In addition to
lyceum work, correspondence work was undertaken. At the
present time, Wisconsin has about as many students doing
work by correspondence as at the university — somewhere
between five and six thousand. While a part of these stu-
dents are doing work of college grade, many of them ar"e
doing work of a lower grade. (Applause.) When this plan
of correspondence work was first broached to an eastern
educator, he asked: "What about your standards? Is it
proper for a university to do work outside of the university
buildings and not of college grade?" I replied that we did
not publish the names of the correspondence students in the
catalogue of our institution, or change the requirements for
our degrees ; and we failed to see that it demeaned us to do
such educational work not elsewhere provided for. For our
part, at the University of Wisconsin, we propose to do any
line of educational work for which we are the best fitted instru-
ment, without regard to anybody's ideas anywhere concern-
ing the proper scope of the university. (Applause.) This
does not mean that we are to take up the work of the elemen-
tary school or the secondary school. For such work we are
not the best fitted instrument; but the university is the best
fitted instrument for the education of people not in school
who wish to add to their education.

The Wisconsin system of education, in addition to ele-
mentary and secondary schools, provides for continuation
schools. Although established only two years ago, some
fifteen thousand boys and girls who have finished the ele-
mentary work are in schools of this kind. But everyone of
us should be students in a continuation school throughout
life. It is to serve this large purpose for the people of
Wisconsin that the university extension division of the uni-
versity was organized.

Our faculty in the University of Wisconsin — I don't know
how it is in the University of Toronto — were somewhat con-
servative when it was proposed to enter upon this new work.
Some were afraid that the standards would be lowered.
We said, however, that no department would be obliged to
take up extension work. On that basis a few departments
began the work, but soon many departments joined in the
movement. At the present time opposition to the Extension
Division has entirely disappeared. (Applause.) The pro-
fessors state that the correspondence work is well done — as

1913] UNIVERSITY CAN DO FOR STATE. 43

well as in the university. We, of course, do not accept exten-
sion work alone for a degree; only one-half may be done
in absentia.

It is a great satisfaction to me that the extension move-
ment has opened the door of opportunity and made an
education available to any boy or girl without respect to
condition of birth, without respect to his ability to go to col-
lege or university. (Applause.) To illustrate: In the
little village of Blooming Grove, eight or ten miles from
Madison, a boy lived on a forty acre farm. He had a
mother, an aged grandfather, and others, to support. It was
simply impossible for him to get away from that little farm;
but he was interested in astronomy. Not having any money,
he made his own telescope, including the lens. Two of the
comets discovered one year bear the name of that boy!
(Applause.) He took correspondence work in mathematics
at the University of Wisconsin; and has now become an
astronomical instrument maker.

Thus, extension has a twofold purpose; not only to carry
knowledge to the people, but also to find a way for the boy
or girl of parts, whatever the condition of birth.

The extension work of the University of Wisconsin is
along various lines. I shall mention only a few of them.

We have a municipal reference bureau, the purpose of
which is to give information to any municipality in the state
regarding sewage systems, forms of charters, systems of
water works, city planning, municipal ownership of public
utilities, etc. This bureau serves as an expert adviser to the
municipalities in Wisconsin throughout the state.

Another field is that of debating and public discussion.
I do not know how it is in Toronto and Ontario, but the
Anglo-Saxons and Scandinavians over in Wisconsin are so
cantankerous that in almost every little crossroads community
there is a debating society! (Laughter.) itn my youth the
questions discussed were such as, "Is George Washington or
Abraham Lincoln the greater man?" "Is man's intellect
equal to woman's, or vice versa?" — perfectly futile questions,
which begin nowhere and end nowhere. (Laughter.) It
seemed to us, however, that here was an educational oppor-
tunity. The burning questions of the day, such as the initia-
tive, the referendum, and the recall, methods of taxation,
currency reform, the tariff, all of which were before our
people, have been taken up by our extension division and a
careful syllabus of the arguments on both sides of each
question has been prepared. For of each political and social

44 THE CANADIAN CLUB. (Oct 21

question regarding which you differ among yourselves, there
are honest arguments on each side. Wise action depends
upon the weight of argument between the two.

Upon the same questions covered by the syllabi, little
bundles of books and pamphlets are made up containing
material upon them. When the crossroads debating society
wants to discuss the tariff, the syllabus on the subject and
the accompanying bundle of information go to the society.
The preparation of the debate with the material involves
study; it is educational work. Thus, wherever is a cross-
roads debating society is a powerful educational force.
(Applause.) Besides furnishing material to societies that
already exist, the department of debating and public discus-
sion has organized many more. If we are to have in Wis-
consin the initiative, the referendum, and the recall, as doubt-
less we shall in the near future, it is high time to get the
people seriously thinking upon the great questions upon
which they will be obliged to pass. (Applause.)

Another of the lines of work of the extension division is
that of travelling exhibitions and public institutes. To illus-
trate: An institute on hygiene runs three days in the village
of Sauk, and a school of philanthrophy continues for three
months in Milwaukee. A tuberclosis exhibition goes to any lit-
tle town which asks for it and furnishes a room in which it may
be placed. The physicians in the town co-operate by giving
lectures upon the prevention of tuberculosis, the means of
elimination of the disease, and the conservation of health.
The cost of such an exhibit is small, and this method of work
to eliminate the disease from the state is far more efficient
than extensive sanitariums costing- hundreds of thousands of
dollars. (Applause.)

Another line of extension work is that of expert service
to the state. Your president raised the question whether the
university were subordinate to the legislature or the legislature
subordinate to the university. Now this is a tender subject
with us — (laughter) — and a tender subject with the legisla-
ture. (Laughter.) They scarcely enjoy an intimation that
they do not rule. But I am very glad the point has been
raised, because with it I can illustrate a principle. At the
university we carefully refrain from tendering our advice
until we are asked ; but it has become the habit of many
members of the legislature of Wisconsin to believe that in-
tuition is a poor guide in regard to a complicated measure.
Therefore, a legislative reference library was created and
placed under the charge of Charles McCarthy, Doctor of

1913] UNIVERSITY CAN DO FOR STATE. 45

Philosophy of the University of Wisconsin. While Dr. Mc-
Carthy's department is the official source of information for
the legislature, the professors of the university, when asked,
give such assistance as they can. As a matter of fact, pro-
fessors of the university have had a large part in formulat-
ing some of the most important bills. For a number of
difficult measures the legislature has appointed expert com-
missions to report to the succeeding legislature. At the pre-
sent time more than forty men of the instructional staff of
the university are doing regularly expert work of various
kinds for the state ; and many other men are doing such work
incidentally.

When the public utilities commission was established, it
was believed by the railroads that they would be dealt with
unfairly ; it was believed that this new commission would take
away their property. But United States Senator LaFollette,
then Governor of Wisconsin, appointed a scientific commis-
sion consisting of an experienced statistician, an able lawyer,
and the professor of transportation in the university. The
latter was in Germany at the time, but by cable was asked
to take the place. Officials of the railroads have told me
that they think the Wisconsin commission has been fair to
the railroads. Neither side would go back to the old plan ;
on one side hold-up bills to be defeated by questionable
methods; on the other side deep-seated suspicion of the rail-
roads and resentment concerning their methods. We now
have peace, because we have the rule of reason applying to
both parties.

In Wisconsin, in addition to a public utilities commission,
we have a tax commission and an industrial commission.
The bill creating the latter commission was largely the work
of Professor John R. Commons, of the university. After
the bill became law, the Governor asked Professor Commons
to take the chairmanship of the commission. The industrial
bill laid down the broad principles that there should be reason-
able conditions of safety and sanitation, leaving to the com-
mission the working1 out of the detailed regulations under
these broad principles of law. It is sometimes said that pro-
fessors are not practical ; but the commissioners did not evolve
these regulations from their own heads, they sat at various
places to hear the points of view of both manufacturers and
laborers. The result was that both sides agreed upon many
of the requirements to be enforced; and there is general
satisfaction on the part of both workingmen and employers.
After the commission had been in operation two years, vari-

46 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 21

ous amendments were suggested to the legislature by the
commission, practically all of which were adopted. And now
Professor Commons, having done his constructive work with
the industrial commission, has decided that a professor can-
not possibly spend $5,000 a year and has returned to the uni-
versity, at a salary of $3,500, to carry on his work of instruc-
tion and research.

Returning to the extension work of the university we
estimate that we reached last year, directly and indirectly,
some two hundred thousand of the Wisconsin people. But
President Falconer knows that this was not done without
money. When our extension movement began, some seven
or eight years ago, our ideas were but a rainbow vision in the
sky. For the first year the regents granted the sum of $7,-
500 for this work. The next year we asked the legislature
for $20,000 a year for the following two years, and they
voted it. The next session we asked $50,000 for the first
year of the biennium, and $75,000 for the second; and they
gave it. The next biennium we told the legislature we could
not do all the extension work from Madison as a centre ;
that we ought to establish district centres ; we, therefore,
asked for $100,000 and $125,000 for the two years; and they
granted it. Last year we asked the usual increment of
$25,000 per annum for this year and next; and the legisla-
ture voted it. The above amounts, you will understand, are
in addition to the appropriations for agricultural extension,
for which work the legislature gave $60,000 per annum more.
Of course, in the province of Ontario the agricultural exten-
sion work is carried on by Guelph.

In voting large sums of money for extension the legisla-
ture has not crippled the university, or failed to provide for
its growth in other directions; indeed, our support for other
lines is larger than it would have been had we not under-
taken the extension work; for if a university does for the
people what they want done, they will have confidence that
there are sound reasons for spending increased sums in other
directions. In addition to the appropriations for this exten-
sion work, the last legislature gave for general university
purposes about $1,200,000 a year, and have voted for build-
ings and land, during this year and next together, $1,400,000.

While the university extension movement was actuated at
the inception by no other purpose than to perform a larger
service to the state of Wisconsin, we have found that it was
wise simply from our own point of view. Of course, a
university nowhere exists for itself; its existence is justified

1913] UNIVERSITY CAN DO FOR STATE. 47

only as it performs service to the people. By liberal support
of its university a state will increase its material wealth and
at the same time add to the intellectual, moral, and spiritual
growth of the commonwealth; which after all must ever
remain the chief purpose of a university. We produce things
for men and women ; and if in creating things we forget the
highest development of human beings we make a funda-
mental mistake.

This principle of carrying knowledge to the people, this
principle of finding a way for the boy and girl of parts, is
fully developed in Ward's "Applied Sociology," a book of
some two hundred pages. Ward shows that the greatest loss
of a nation or a province is its loss of talent. You know
that not all the ability of Toronto is born in the handsome
residental sections of the city. You know that talent is quite
as likely to be found among the children in manufacturing
districts adjacent to your docks.

It has been sometimes proposed to take all property and
distribute it equally. That proposal has never met with the
approval of the majority of an Anglo-Saxon people any-
where; and I doubt if it ever will. But equal distribution
of wealth is not fundamental to a democracy. So long as
you have a system of education, such that the boy or girl of
parts can find a way, so long you maintain the essentials of
democracy; and if ever your institutions develop in such a
way that this is not possible, then, whatever your forms of
government, a real democracy has ceased to exist.

When elementary education was democratized in the states,
it was regarded as a great achievement — as far as they could
possibly go. But later, in the Middle West, the people were
not satisfied, and secondary schools were developed at public
expense. The East regarded this as a great innovation, an
unwarranted waste of public money. But the movement ex-
tended from the Middle West to the far West, to the South,
and to the East. Still later came the idea of democratizing
university education. This was deemed highly socialistic.
Men said: "That is a proposal to take my property to give a
university education to some other man's boy!" But there
were no funds in the Middle West from private sources to
build universities; and yet there came ever stronger pressure
from the boys and girls for a university education. The
state university system is the result, and this system has ex-
tended from the United States into Canada, from the pro-
vince of Ontario to the Pacific Ocean.

48 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 21

In short, it has become the North American ideal not
only to democratize primary and secondary education, but to
democratize higher education ; and if this be accomplished,
it will be a new thing in the world. We know that German
universities, while state institutions, are available only to the
well-to-do classes. This same is true to a large extent of
the ancient and honorable universities of Oxford and Cam-
bridge, which have done so much to make Britain a great
world power. Only recently has England, by the develop-
ment of her municipal universities, realized public responsi-
bility for higher education.

If in Ontario you develop good elementary schools, second-
ary schools equal to any, a system of continuation schools where
boys and girls who are obliged to go into the shops at an
early age may proceed with their education, and a university
with the broader ideal to-day advocated, the province of
Ontario will move forward, materially, intellectually, and
spiritually, with a speed vastly greater than even the amazing
acceleration of the past.

1913] SHAKESPEARE POIETES. 49

(October 2J,

Shakespeare Poietes, Fashioner
of Fate.

BY MR. F. R. BENSON.*

>\ T a special meeting of the Canadian Club held on the 27th
**• October, 1913, Mr. Benson said:

Mr. President and Gentlemen, — As is usual, I take it, on the
part of the guests at your hospitable board, I commence with an
apology. The President has kindly said some very compli-
mentary things, and it is for me to try to show the gratitude
and appreciation that Mr. Flower, the Chairman of the Shake-
speare Memorial Theatre, and myself feel at this warm
welcome. Also I have to make a little personal explanation.
I sensed, when I came into this room, that there was a kind
of feeling that the President was a little late. He was a
little late, let this not be a bone of contention between us —
(laughter) — he surprised me in the act of trying to remedy,
not only the ravages of time, but of the hardness of Canadian
water, at any rate, of the river bed on my face.

The President said, "I see you are a little cracked." I
wish to explain that this cracked forehead, broken nose and
black eyes are due to the exploration of the depths and shal-
lows of your waters, not necessarily your strong waters.
They are due to not looking before I leapt, a dive into the
dark, while bathing, not to any difference of opinion between
the President and myself. (Laughter.)

The President said that some of the thought and some
of the work of this city took cognizance of that which the
birds of the air and the beasts of the field and the angels
were doing. Now, that only leaves me the opportunity of
speaking for another power. (Laughter.) In doing this, I
may find some justification in the magic letters D-L, which,
thanks to one of your great universities, I have now the right
of adding to my name. That degree which, I need not say,
I count as a very great honor, I shall hope to try to deserve

*Mr. Benson has managed the Annual Festivals at the Shakes-
peare Memorial Theatre at Stratford-on-Avon for the past thirty
years, and his repertoire company has become famous as a school
of acting. His company was the vanguard in the movement to pro-
vide for Canada more plays from Great Britain.

50 THE, CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 27

by service in the future more than I can pretend to at the
present moment. Be that as it may, it gives me the pleasure
and the privilege of addressing you as a brother Canadian.
(Applause.)

What song have I to sing before this illustrious, this in-
spiring meeting of practical poets? To sing it aright would
need the genius of my master, the Bard of Stratford-on-
Avon. I will begin by telling you a little story. A well-
known bishop, in the course of his diocesan visitation in War-
wickshire, found himself the guest of a large farmer, the best
agriculturist of the district. In the course of a morning
walk, the farmer took him along a pathway. On the right,
there was a very good crop of wheat; on the left, some
enemy had sown tares. Needless to say, the field on the
right belonged to the farmer. The bishop, who had failed
up to this moment to draw his host into conversation, asked,
"To what do you attribute the difference between these two
crops?" The farmer, with a dramatic gesture, pointed first
to the smiling field on the right and then to the blue sky
above, as he replied, "Muck and Him." Now, I think that
English yeoman, worthy descendant of that Merrie England,
which has written the noblest pages in our history, had gotten
near defining the basis on which the English-speaking Empire
has been reared — that is, a close connection with Mother
Earth, an ear to listen to that mother's many voices, the
practical power to make use of her wise messages, the eye
that reads the signs of the times, the far vision that obtains
strength for manly purpose by lifting its gaze to the hills.
The farmer went on to say, "I owe my success as a farmer,
above everything else, to what I have learned from Shake-
speare." I wonder how many members of the English
speaking race say that. Marlborough, on the Field of Blen-
heim,— "Shakespeare taught me to win my victories." Just
as Conde, in another land, of another dramatist, said, — "Of
course, I won my battles because I knew Corneille's plays."
Or, again, an engine driver, after his first visit to the theatre,
where he saw the play of "Macbeth," made the following
comment: "That will just help me to drive my engine better
to-morrow."

So much for the practical value of the poet's message,
the quicke-ning life-rhythms that help us to accomplish our
daily tasks. What is the meaning of this word, poet? The
Greeks invented it because, to that strenuous people, with
their intense love of liberty under the law, having as their
ideal the freedom of the world, whether under republic or a

1913] SHAKESPEARE POIETES. 51

constitutional monarchy, there was little difference between
thinking and doing, and so they called the singer, "Poietes,"
the man who thinks and does, the man who fashions destiny
for himself and for the world. "We Greeks defeated the
Persians at Marathon because we have ever loved the beauti-
ful." And we, who speak the rhythmic measure of Shakes-
peare's tongue, pride ourselves above everything on being a
practical people who love doing and being, who love the strong,
full, free life that pulses through the melody of Shakespeare's
verse. Of us has it been well said that our empire depends
on the boundless capacity of its members for poetry. "Show
me a nation's laws and I will tell you the measure of her
decadence ; let me hear her song and I will tell you the glory
of her achievement." (Applause.)

A friend, who was describing to me the organization of
one of the trans-continental railways, referred to one of its
chiefs, who also happened to be the founder of a great uni-
versity, as the poet of the party. "What," I asked, "has he
published?" "Oh, no books," replied my friend. "I mean
that he had the poet's vision and imagination, the stout heart
and strong right hand that express thought in terms of action
whereby he was able with spade and axe and dredger to carve
out his long poem ; using the earth as his parchment, he
traced channels of communication by bridge and tunnel and
inland sea for the thought and commerce of the nations.
Just as to-day is being done at Panama, where the East meets
the West; where the turbulent waters of the Atlantic are
being mated to the peacetide of the rising and the setting
sun.

In this sense, you above all people, are poets, fashioners
of fate, in that you are pioneers making roadways, ad astro,
toward the stars, building up a brave new world. Shake-
speare stands out pre-eminent for all time, king of the poets,
prince of pioneers.

He was also a member of the dramatic profession. As a
humble follower of the same craft, a sort of cheap kodak
wandering through many lands, taking various sense impres-
sions of many varying phenomena, I venture to address you
this afternoon.

Here let me say, it was the actor's side of Shakespeare's
genius that places him supreme upon his throne, even more
than his gift as a thinker and a writer. It was this that en-
abled him to sympathize with and to live the life of all the
various beings whose story he sings for us. He was able to
enter into and identify himself with the being of bird and

52 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 27

beast of man, woman and child, God, devil or angel, also with
that touch of Hellenic and Indian pantheistic paganism which
gives him so much of his power, he was at one moment the
essence of the storm, the lightning, the wind, at another the
wave, the river, the tree, or the flower.

Son of a strenuous age, his art is that of expressing
thought and feeling in terms of action. He knew all the
opportunities of life and used them. He combined intimate
knowledge of the particular with an understanding of the
universal truths of which they are the expression. Surely a
practical man for his generation, and for all the generations
to come. I have thus quite inadequately tried to define the
meaning of the word poet. Let me, if I am not trespassing
too long on your time and patience, give you a few concrete
examples of the influence this man exercises on to-day as I
have seen it at our Shakespeare festival at Stratford-on-
Avon. The festival we wish to make a race festival for the
sons of the King folk — the men who can — around the shrine
of the representative genius of the Anglo-Celtic race. Such
as was the shrine of Delphi or the Olympic festival for the
Grecian States.

The little theatre on the banks of the Avon, within a
stone's-throw of the church where three hundred years ago
Shakespeare was buried, stands in what I suppose might be
called a village, one of the cradles of the strong, home-loving
people of England. It was built mainly by Mr. Flower's
uncle and some friends ; quietly, in the face of much opposition
they did for themselves that which they believed worth doing,
but could get few others to do. (Applause.) Mr. Flower
and these men thought that Sir Philip Sidney was right when
he said "the drama was the art that gives noble pleasure to
a noble people which shall thereby become nobler." They
thought there was some fear lest Shakespeare's successors
should become less noble if they ceased to listen to his song.
And so the pilgrims come from all over the world for the
message of the master singer of his own land and his own
time and of every land and all-created space, and they read
in this festival something of the Pax Britannica. The
striker reads harmony and cessation of industrial strife and
useless wars of aggression. He also reads some message of
the need of readiness (on the part of all who speak the Eng-
lish tongue) to strike a blow, if need be, when the homestead
is in danger. The striker saw what our festival meant, saw
that it leads back to harmony, to a sense of proportion, to
that sense of beauty which is the chief constitutent of com-

1913] SHAKESPEARE POIETES. 53

mon sense, which is always uppermost in the minds of a
people who preserve their reverence for nature and a love of
art. "Sir," said he, "I tell my union things in the words of
Shakespeare, which if I said myself they would do me in as
I went home in the dark." Another, an old man, came out
of his cottage and said, "God bless you, Sir, you have shown
me in those history plays how we Britishers became what we
are and how we can keep so." And the Indian Rajah comes,
and he says, "I will take back to my people the story of your
festival, I will tell them of your rejoicing in drama, in folk
song, in folk dance of Back to the Land of the Garden City,
and then our two nations will understand each other's religion
better than they do." And another, a learned sage of the elder
Aryan stock, went through India, and said, "I have found the
heart of England by Shakespeare's grave and it is gentle,
kind and tolerant, as well as proud and strong." (Applause.)
And so while we are singing Shakespeare's songs at Strat-
ford, we dream of many things, that seem coming with the
rising of to-morrow's sun. Among them of a great Aryan
empire or confederation that shall embrace all those who
speak the tongue in which Shakespeare sang, America, Can-
ada, Australia and New Zealand, South Africa, and all our
sons and cousins in the Dominion over sea, together with that
old Land of India, wise in counsel, valiant in war. Such is
the empire dimly shadowed in Shakespeare's verse, the em-
pire of the King folk, the strenuous, dominant people who
are always busy doing in the drama of life. One of the
melodies of the drama is the ceaseless swing of the pendulum
between freedom of expression for the individual, as repre-
sented by the singer and the artist, and the adjustment of that
individual note to the collective interests of the common
weal, the work of the law giver, liberty under the law.
(Applause.) An empire or confederation, call it what you
will, founded on principles of association and expansion, not
of exploitation, harmonizing with our poet's song that sounds
for ever as a challenge, a trumpet call to the peoples to care
for those things that really matter, those things that never
pass away, the only practical foundation on which an empire
can be built. And what does one mean by an empire builder?
What does this splendid institution, the Canadian Club, exist
for? What do the King and the constitution exist for?
What does drama exist for? For nothing but what your
chairman said, "to spread among others and understand for
ourselves, to make our own and the property of our brothers
and our children's children, the full joy of the strong, free

54 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 27

life. I know nothing of art for art's sake, or law for law's
sake, or song for song's sake, I only know these things for
life's sake. (Applause.)

My theme would tax the ability of a far abler speaker
than myself to describe, or, if possible, a still busier and more
strenuous people than my audience, to carry out in action.
My halting remarks are so lamentably crude and inefficient,
I must refer you again and again for better confirmation to
the life rhythms of Shakespeare, which we have come here
to sing.

If a certain note were uttered clearly and harmoniously
in this room all the finger bowls on the table, all the glasses
on the shelves, would ring out that triumphant sound and be
shattered into fragments. Such is the physical power of the
word. If you expand this principle, you will readily under-
stand how when the hosts of the mightly shouted the walls
of Jericho fell prone, or the topmost stone of the Pyramids
settled in its place. One night at a concert in the Albert
Hall, above the massed orchestra, above the thousand voices
singing in the chorus, I heard one clear, ringing, thrilling
note, that of Madam Albani, the soprano. And so is it
always with the power of song. The balanced harmony of
one true musical note soars like the eagle above all the rest
of the winged tribe and seems to reach the centre of the sun.
Such is the pureness and the truth of the notes that Shake-
speare sang. Here let us remember that the master singer
blends with his own song, the song words of his folk and of
his times. Do we sing now as our forefathers sang? Have
we not in accepting the service of machinery, without under-
standing its limitations, lessened our capacity for singing?
Has the factory with the dust and clatter, the jarring and
the groaning, produced melodies for the laborer that will
compare with the work songs still remembered, still chanted
among us, of harvest, of the loom, of the shipyard, the ham-
mer, the forge, the village green? Do not the wheels of our
industrial machine creak over much to be truly economical?
Does not noise and ugliness mean waste of power, waste of
life? Cannot the artist and the singer do something to
amend? (Hear, hear.)

Sir William Crooks has shown us that if we strike a glass
tube with different colored hammers, the note will vary in
accordance with the difference of color. Further that no two
persons in the whole of the world can evoke the same note,
though they use the same hammer. Has not the law giver
of to-day something to learn from the artist and the scientist

1913] SHAKESPEARE POIETES. 55

on the value of the personal equation? And again, it has
been shown by science that the musical note of an Albani, the
song pf any true singer, the note of every one of us in our
capacity of poets, rings out beyond the realms of the earth's
atmosphere, and when it has reached the regions of infinite
space which are tuned to the music of the spheres its vibra-
tions become so rapid that they pass into the form we call
light. It is no far stretch of the imagination to think of the
Shakespeare melody blending with the brilliance of the rain-
bow and your Northern Lights, shedding a beam of freedom,
hope and courage across the paths of the children of men.
(Applause.)

Is it a vain dream? Sometimes I fancy the Arch-Priest
and Poet of the world's destiny saying to the angel of fate
as he holds the balance of men's history between his finger
and his thumb, "to which of the sons of the mighty shall be
entrusted the future shaping of my world?" You and I at
any rate believe that those who speak the tongue in which
Shakespeare sang, who won the right of freedom through
years of agony, by their Catholic sympathy, by their infinite
capacity and courage, that finds inspiration in the hour of
disaster, that laughs at death with a stout heart, that never
knows when it is defeated, and therefore can rest assured
of ultimate victory, that ours is the right to undertake this
poet task. So through the measure of Shakespeare's match-
less music rings out the call of the blood. Oh yes, we singers
from the old sleepy mother land are beginning to feel the in-
spirations sent us by our children over the sea. Dimly are
we waking up to the richness, the limitless possibilities of
our inheritance.

A quotation from Service:

"The men, aye, of undying love to the Motherland,
We hear at last and soon shall understand."

We are weary and faint by the way because we have not
always listened to our singers, we have not trained our eyes
to the revelation of the poet and the artist of to-day and long
ago. We have accepted without question a mechanical and
soulless attitude towards material progress, an attitude un-
worthy of true empire makers, but you have sent us a sum-
mons to new exertion and the motherland is preparing to
respond. We realize something of what is meant by being
the "melting pot" of the world. Something of the privilege
and responsibility of saying every day to two thousand im-
migrants, "Bread and salt, brother." "There are no strangers
in this land. It is a land so large that hate dies out in its

56 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Oct. 27

borders." And so on the neutral ground of art and song
will be forged the chain impalpable but permanent, that links
the Aryan races together. An empire founded upon truth
and justice and beauty, so strong that none dare quarrel with
her, so just that none will wish to, so free that men will
gladly die for her, so lovely that the women and children will
embroider with joyful patterns the hem of her sheltering robe.
(Applause.)

The sound of Shakespeare's song has gone out unto all
nations. Great is the power of the word. Greater still is
the power of the fair thought, of which it is the symbol.
"What a piece of work is man, how noble in reason, how
infinite in faculty, in action how like an angel, in apprehen-
sion how like a god, the beauty of the world, the paragon of
animals." This was brought very near home to me on the
occasion of my first visit to America, when I saw the fair
thought of new world citizenship altering expression, and
color-moulding contour prevailing over artificial distinctions
of creed and caste, redeeming from the curse of heredity or
of hate. In a moment, as Masefield phrases it, "a word can
become a star or a spear for all time." A morning star of
promise, a spear to strike down error and flash the light of
progress into the uttermost darkness. So of Shakespeare,
the seer and the singer of our race. His genius, as the Saga
tells, must be able to see the wind as it sweeps through the
trees and the grasses, to hear the wool grow on the sheep's
back. Thus attuned, can he catch the rhythm of the red
blood lilting through the veins of men and women, of the
west wind as it caresses the smallest flower, the roar of the
thunder, the tramp of the warrior, the joy leap of the dancer,
the murmur of the brooks, the ceaseless surging of the sea,
the still small voice, and the mighty heart-beat of the world.
So equipped like Odin can he march to the edge of the world,
dare to look over into the beyond, the back of God's speed,
if need be he will give his eye as the price of wisdom, and
with what remains of sight will look the future squarely in
the face. On wandering with the will to the good from
East to West will find that there is no East and no West,
only a globe circling through space in harmony with eternal
law. Full of courage he returns after reading his runes,
undismayed at the fate which he himself is helping to fashion.

One other note will you catch if we sing our song aright.
The melody of the great peace for which the world is always
waiting ; the realization of the brotherhood of man, the "touch
of nature which makes the whole world kin," not in terms of

1913] SHAKESPEARE, POIHTES. 57

abstract intellect, or pink-blooded copy-book headings, but
of a common humanity realized through patriotism and in-
tensification of national life. (Applause.)

As we drew near your shore the stars were suddenly
paled in a flood of opal radiance and one said, "see the halo
of the Northern Lights." And then the icebergs swept down
toward us, the silent sentinels of the Northern Sea, and just
as Orpheus with his lute, "did make the trees and the moun-
tain tops that freeze, bow themselves when he did sing," so
did they open up their ranks and give passage to Shake-
speare's messengers ; and then the river led us hundreds of
miles along its splendid channel, and the maple leaf, red as
the blood of all the people of all the world, flashed out a
welcome ; and we passed through orchards, through gardens
and farmsteads and smiling wheat fields ; through groves and
woods and the busy hum of varied industry till it seemed to
us that we came into the presence of the Queen of the Siiow-
Land, sitting in the sun on a throne of precious metals and
gems, in a bower of oak and cedar and pine, of twining plants
and flowers, with a canopy of azure over her head. At her
feet were piled up apples, red, gold and green, corn and oil,
olive and vine. The mists of night and morning were her
garment. In her hair glinted the flame of the woods, in her
eyes gleamed the fires of earth and of heaven, in her right
hand was the sceptre of courage, in her left was the orb of
hope. The guards at her gates were strong and gentle, the
women of her train were very beautiful, and the children
exceeding- glad. On her banner was emblazoned "free
opportunity of life for all," across her shield was written,
"Service is power." In her courts, we the latest pilgrims to
her shrine, kneel down and humbly pray for her benison as
we offer our tribute of Shakespeare's song, the singer, of
whom, it may be said in the words of the Wandering Piper,
"And I will lead you forth to play high in the sunshine,
close to the waterfall, into a land of sun and vines, yea and of
men that sing, sing far away forever."- -"The Song of the
Pioneers." (Long applause.)

58 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 3

(November 3, 1913-)

The Salvation Army

BY GENERAL BRAMWELL BOOTH.*

AT the first regular meeting of the Canadian Club, held
'** on the 3rd November, 1913, General W. Bramwell
Booth said, after a long burst of applause:

Mr. President, — Among the many interesting functions
which my dear father attended, and of which he subsequently
spoke to me with more or less pleasure or pain, his presence
at the Canadian Club six years ago was one to which he fre-
quently referred as being one of the most pleasant and grati-
fying- experiences of his whole life. Therefore it is doubly
pleasant to me to hear you refer, Mr. President, to the pleas-
ure from your side which that visit had given you.

The fact that I am here to-day is a melancholy circumstance
to me. I would so much rather, if in God's providence his
life had been spared, that he had been here, and he had strong
hope of living to visit you again when that misfortune fell
upon him in the loss of his sight, and the operation after for
cataract, which proved unsuccessful.

I am glad, however, to be here, though I am well aware,
that at present, at any rate, my only claim upon your atten-
tion, and the only ground upon which you can care about
seeing or hearing anything from me, is the mere fact that
I have been appointed his successor. You know, when a
man comes into a position as successor to his father, it is
not always an advantage. I quite understand, and am not
angry, if anybody should find ground for misgiving about
me. One of my most intelligent and faithful men said to
me, when we were all feeling great grief in our loss, speak-
ing about my appointment, "Well, you know, General, after
all, looking at it from the best point of view, you are only a
makeshift." (Laughter.) I quite understood and appreciated
his feeling, and my reply was, "God helping us, we will shift
something!" (Applause.)

My dear father was a remarkable man. He had that
faculty of associating himself with the difficulties of others

*General Bramwell Booth is the eldest son of the late General
Booth, and was born and raised in the ranks of the Salvation Army.
He is the author of several books and numerous pamphlets on
social and religious subjects.

1913] THE SALVATION ARMY. 59

which lies at the root, I suppose, of great benevolences, that
capacity of placing himself in the other man's position, and
looking at wrong and crime and vice and the neglect of God
and the disparity of righteousness from the point of view
which those he was studying held. It was that that helped
so much in the cultivation of that whole field of sympathies
which his life has called forth. It gave him the creative
touch which was so valuable and has inspired not only
thoughtful men, men of intelligence and means such as
yourselves, but has inspired the lowest and basest types with
the ambition to do something for their fellows.

I asked Sir Rider Haggard, that eminent writer whom
you know, to write a book about my father's work in the
Salvation Army. He replied : "I will do so on two conditions :
first, that I shall only write about what I shall see." "Right
you are!" said I, "you shall see everything." "Second, that
you don't pay me anything for it." "Right again !" I said.
(Laughter.) He spent three months investigating the work,
and wrote a very clever book. When it was finished, I
asked him, "Haggard, tell me what impressed you most,
what single incident?" He went night and day into all man-
ner of places, at unexpected times, and he said: "\\fell, a
prostitute brought off the streets of Glasgow by the police,
who was put into the Home there, was ready to do work
for another after being three months in the institution. She
had received some sort of spiritual help and light, and had
been sent out on an errand." That is one of the methods
adopted of showing confidence: we have no locks or bars,
no one need stay an hour anywhere. "She found another
woman on the streets, a young woman, and came back to
the warden of the institution and told : "I saw a young girl —
she could not have been more than seventeen, on the street
corner; I knew what it meant, and I want her brought into
the Home." The warden said that the place was full. "Then
let her sleep in my bed," she replied, "and I will sleep on
the landing." The warden mentioned the expense of her cloth-
ing. But the girl replied : "If you will trust me to send me out
I will work extra with my needle to earn enough to pay for her
clothing." The day Rider Haggard was in the institution
that girl had called with the extra money she had earned,
four or five pounds, with her needle, in order to pay for the
clothing of that other wastrel on the streets of Glasgow.
Sir Rider Haggard said to me : "It is more to me as evidence
of what you are doing, a greater tribute to the power of your
father's spirit, that you are able to inspire that poor street

60 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 3

woman with the ambition to save her sister, than if you should
have moved the principalities and powers of the world." I think
you will agree with me that one of the great features of the
Army is that it is able to place in the hearts and minds of the
people a desire, not only to help themselves, but to be of
some service to their fellows in misfortune. (Applause.)

I do not know that I should occupy your time in talking
about my father, the founder of the Army. I have one ad-
vantage over the former General, that when, unlike yourself,
Mr. President, I am at a loss what to talk about, I can always
speak about my predecessor. (Laughter.) He had a great
unity with all classes, so that one of the most prominent
Buddhists said to him: "General Booth, you are the reincar-
nation of our noblest men." That great vision and inspiration
so that a Jew, once in talking with him, who knew him rather
intimately, said : "You are a prophet, one of our old prophets
come back again." And a Roman Bishop once said to him :
"General, if you were only in the Church we should make
you a Pope." (Laughter.) It was this sense of unity with all
which made true also what a French agnostic, a celebrated
man, said to him : "Well, General Booth, you may be an
Englishman," — he felt it was a misfortune that he was not
a Frenchman, I suppose (Laughter) — "but you belong to
humanity!" (Applause.)

I should like to thank the gentlemen here, who, I know,
took so deep and interested a part in gathering what was
necessary for the Memorial scheme to the General here in
Toronto. I believe there are many here in Toronto who
participated in that effort. I wish to thank you for your
kindness. I think we shall raise some Memorial in almost
every country. In Java some $50,000 has been gathered
and the Government has contributed in addition $25,000
more. On the other side of the world, in Buenos Ayres, they
have voted a piece of land in one of their new thoroughfares,
in a boulevard which they have called after him, and have
also made a grant of £5,000 towards the erection of a suitable
building. And we want to do something in England and
something in the United States. I mention that, thinking
that you would be interested and might like to know what
other men are proposing to do. (Applause.)

I think you might well conceive of the Army under the
idea of "the helping hand" ; and that in every department of
human life there is some place which we can take in that
capacity, toward individuals and with the community, whether
it be municipal or national or religious; there is some place

1913] THE SALVATION ARMY. 61

in all in which our agencies can be of service. (Applause.)
And for myself, speaking as the responsible leader of the
movement, I assure you that we who are at the centre of
things have no higher ambition than to be considered the
helpers, without respect to creed, nationality, or race, the
helpers of all. (Applause.)

I think that help will, of course, in many cases, be material
in its form. We shall take the down and out, the poor, the
unfortunate, and raise them by those methods which are
known to you as commercial, business methods : work, oppor-
tunity, provision in some form or other of capital, using the
word "capital" in its largest sense. And I think the material
help we can render is one of the valuable assets which you
have in the Salvation Army in a community.

And I think the help also will be of a moral and spiritual
character. We say — some here will not altogether follow
me — but we say, nevertheless, that man is a composite being;
you cannot do well for him on one side unless you do well
for him on all sides ; you cannot do well for him in his body,
with his business and his family, unless you also do some-
thing for him intellectually and spiritually. Thus we say
about criminals : your prison system is excellent ; you
have many contrivances for helping those poor fellows while
you are punishing them ; but wonderful as this is, you cannot
have complete success unless you care for their souls. That
is the philosophy of our religious propaganda. Not that we
are out to proselytize, or merely to build up a big society:
we don't care whether we are big or little ; but to be of real
service, not only to be of intellectual and physical help, —
the spirit which comes from material things, — but of help to
character. While you look at people who are down lowest —
one section of our work is among the paupers, the vicious,
the criminal, of which classes you have not in Canada a very
large number, — you nearly always find that while the trouble
is material it is also moral. The man in the lowest position
has some crook, some crack, in his character. Therefore to
be really able to repair him, there must be something at least
done for him which may be of moral and spiritual benefit.
I am not claiming any patent for that. I do not say the
Salvation Army method is unique. There is no reason to say
that. We know that, and we are glad to be imitated. When
my father went to visit King Edward, one of the questions
His Majesty asked him was, "How do the clergy of the Church
of England treat you?" The General was rather in a quan-
dary; he did not want to criticize the clergy of the Church

62 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 3

of England to the King; but he thought a moment and then
said, "Well, Your Majesty, they imitate me." (Laughter.)
"And I am quite happy to be imitated." The King enjoyed
it very much, and the General extricated himself from a little
difficulty. Well, I am proud to say that anything we do is
the property of all.

With regard to Canada, I am a stranger among you. I
am accustomed to ridicule people who visit a country for a
month or so and then attempt to criticize it. But while here
may I offer one or two suggestions to you in Canada, espec-
ially in Ontario? Go ahead and keep your lead with regard
to all that encourages the home life of your people. (Ap-
plause.) Now, of course, it is easy to make a general obser-
vation like that, and you may reply, "Oh, very well, but how
are we to do it?" I can only say that it is up to you! But I
do say, the home life of a people has more to do, believe me,
with the real prosperity, the permanent prosperity, which is
what you want, than any other part of its life. (Applause.)
The home is the little tributary, the little rill, which runs
down the mountain side to feed the great stream of the na-
tional life and you, believe me, need to give attention to all
that belongs to the happiness, the brightness, the seclusion,
the calm, of the true home. (Hear, hear.)

Here in Toronto, and in Ontario in general, you have the
opportunity of talking it up. Don't be afraid to set the fash-
ion in these matters! (Hear, hear.) Many of you take part
in public functions, many of you are engaged in church life
and church work, and some are connected with the press,
that most potent pulpit of all pulpits. May I say, you can
lift this question to a higher plane by insisting upon the
sacredness and privacy of the home, admonishing your people
that something is really accomplished for themselves and the
nation when they set up and keep a happy home life. (Ap-
plause.) You have got the liquor traffic well in hand. I
think you lead the world in that matter. (Applause.) I
would to God that we in England could follow your steps
more rapidly than seems likely at present. That is one great
step towards preserving the sacredness and purity of the
home.

Secondly, you recognize — there is no man within the
sound of my voice who does not recognize — that moral qual-
ities— faith, courage, unselfishness, love — are the character-
istics which make enduring power in any people. Take the
opportunity, so far as you can, of giving religion a real
chance in your schools, because religion is the easiest way of

1913] THE SALVATION ARMY. 63

promoting these qualities. Put it on the low ground of
finance, — perhaps I ought not to call that low ground in such
an assembly as this (laughter) — but I will say, on the lower
ground of finance only, the promotion of these qualities is
best secured by the use of religion. Religion is the instru-
ment, the handmaid, most likely to encourage these qualities.
Use her, therefore, as a helper for your people's prosperity.
And although I suppose here, as everywhere else, the
question of the extent to which religion shall be taught in
the schools is a contentious one, and I would rather avoid any-
thing of that nature, still let me speak as an individual not
without some opportunity of observation and some exper-
ience of what I say: I would urge upon you to give religion
a fair chance with the children. (Applause.) I don't mean
merely setting up noble examples ; that can be done with-
out religion ; we don't require the Bible except as a book of
history to provide noble ideals for the world; there are many
we would agree upon as indifferent Christians who have
presented examples of noble work and noble lives. I am
speaking of something more than that. It is the function of
religion to open the sources of power to rise to those high
ideals, and the school is the place in which it can be done with
advantage to the future of the nation. I don't think there
could be any difficulty if that were seen to be the end. I
think it could be done without any thought of proselytizing
or denominationalizing. Show the children that a noble pur-
pose, a noble life, is obtainable only by the assistance of
divine power. (Applause.)

An eminent Jew, an able and thoughtful man, a large
benefactor of charities on this side of the Atlantic and on
that, once said to me: "You know I have no regard for your
Saviour ; I don't like to hear his name mentioned ; but I will
say this: I taught all my children the Beatitudes before they
were twelve years of age; not because I think they are the
words of any divine being, but because, speaking as a Jew,
I believe them to contain the highest teaching which the mind
of man can conceive." (Hear, hear.)

^ I want one other word: materialism is a great danger to
this rising nationality, this great Dominion which is yours,
as it is a great danger elsewhere. Thoughtful Europe, at
any rate in the last generation, has been greatly disappointed
in the tremendous strides which materialism has made in your
neighbor, the United States. It has been a disappointment
to the reflecting, thoughtful, literary and religious Europe,
that things have taken that turn across the border. Now,

64 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 3

beware! (Hear, hear.) The twentieth century is Canada's;
you are the coming people: be on your guard; don't set too
high a value on merely getting on! Dollars are very, very
important, and I am very short of them (laughter) but don't
set them too high. Put in your own minds, before your
own children and your own clerks, on your 'Change, in your
stock markets, in your own counting houses, a place for the
higher things. And remember, — allow me to put it so, — a
high standard is one of the greatest riches that can be possess-
ed by any people. (Hear, hear, and applause.) Here in
Ontario you have the opportunity of raising that standard for
all Canada. God give you not only the opportunity but the
grace and the courage to use it — if not in His name, — in His
name if possible, — but if not in His name then in the name
of the advancement and prosperity of what is going to be
a mighty nation. God bless you! (Long applause.)

BRITAIN'S TREATMENT OF CANADA. 65
(November 10, 1913.)

Britain's Treatment of Canada.

DR. ADAM SHORTT, M.A., C.M.G.*

A

T a regular luncheon of the Club held on the loth Nov-

ember, Dr. Shortt said:
Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Canadian Club of
Toronto, — I assure you that I appreciate to the full the honor
which has been done me in asking me to come here to address
the Canadian Club of Toronto once more, because I regard
the Toronto Canadian Club as my foster mother, in this
matter of addressing Canadian Clubs. It was before this
Club that I gave my first address and I certainly feel the
honor of being asked again.

Without, however, wasting time with preliminary matters,
let me get down to my subject which is "Britain's Treatment
of Canada."

The question of the relation of the colonies to the mother
country and to one another has been one of eternal interest.
It may change in its aspects, but must remain a matter of
great interest until we work out some practical solution of
that relationship in the development of an organization which
will express the proper, stable relations of the colonies to the
mother country.

Here in Canada, as you know, we have, by reason of our
peculiar relations to the mother country, become pioneers in
the development of colonial relationship, especially in work-
ing out some of the more independent features of the rela-
tions with the mother country. Now what I am here to do
is not to go into great detail in discussing these relations as
such, but to enter a plea for the more careful study of them.
I think that no one who has dipped into that matter at all,
especially no one who has had the good fortune to deal with
the original documents — material of the most fascinating
interest — can fail to realize that upon the adequate study of
those documents the proper solution of present questions and
the proper development of future relations must depend.

What has chiefly stimulated me to take this subject to-day
is the frequent observation, in the newspaper press and else-
where, of what I regard as a mistaken attitude as to the re-
lations of Britain to the colonies. __

*Professor Shortt is one of Canada's most distinguished political
economists. He was head of the Department of Political Science at
Queens University until he became Chairman of the Civil Service
Commission a few years ago.

66 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 10

Now these false impressions have been due, I think, to
lack of study of the facts, and to the further cause that in
our history there have been certain conspicuous landmarks,
certain crises, which have attracted special attention, but when
their general atmosphere is not well known they have given
rise to false impressions regarding their causes and conse-
quences. Let me point out some general features.

In the first place, what was the original colonial relation-
ship? What its stamp? What the fundamental character-
istics? When you go back, not only to the early British col-
onial relations, but to the French, the Spanish, the Portuguese,
the Dutch and others, you find the development in a crude
and very matter of fact way of very elementary principles.
These countries saw opportunities to extend their dominion,
to their economic advantage, in other parts of the world. This
implied an awakening common to them all. One mistake we
make is in thinking- that this was the result of the discovery
of America; it was just the other way, the discovery of
America occurred over the head of the development of the
idea and practice of extended dominion and enterprise. We
find these countries sending out commercial agents, most
frequently and most successfully in the form of chartered
agencies, or companies, granted monopolies of certain trades.
The English Muscovy Company was formed by giving a
charter to certain people to monopolize the trade to Russia;
it was an old and well known company on the same basis as
the Levant Company. Another company was the East India
Company, and almost at the same time the Hudson's Bay
Company was formed. These companies represented one and
the same principle, the sending out of emissaries to exploit
those regions for the benefit of the home country. This stim-
ulated to rivalry in the ransacking of the world, and in process
of that movement America was discovered. The difference
between the Muscovy Company and those trading to new
lands was that the former was trading to an old and well
settled country while the latter had to establish factories or
agencies of their own. You all have read of the factories in
India; and those of the Hudson's Bay Co. here, such as Nel-
son Factory and Moose Factory. These in countries less
developed or barbarous were under the necessity of working
out their own economy to a greater extent than in older set-
tled countries. Where the question of bringing goods in to
market had to be dealt with, it became necessary to make
roads and open the country. That led in suitable climates to
colonization. But permanent colonists brought new interest.

1913] BRITAIN'S TREATMENT OF CANADA. 67

Suppose a company was organized here in Toronto, with a
capital of two million dollars, to develop a new mine prospect
back in the north country where there are no settlers. The
company gets out equipment, spends money, and employs
people to go back and open and work the mine for them.
These people build their houses in a year or two, take up
their families, and begin to settle. Suppose later on these
people sent down a polite note to the company at Toronto,
stating that they had decided to take over the mine on their
own account, and asking what assistance the company could
offer them towards maintaining it! What a commotion there
would be down here around the Board in Toronto! (Laugh-
ter.) Yet that is practically what has occurred in several
British Colonies in the course of time.

One case was that of the Georgia Company, in the State
of Georgia. When the returns were slow in coming the
Company sent out a new Governor, who was expected to be
more vigorous in getting returns; but when they were urged
by him to make suitable returns they sent back the Governor
himself; as one director pathetically remarked, "It was the
only remittance they had ever had from the colony." (Laugh-
ter.) That represents the change, from the original idea of
sending out emissaries with a view to trade returns merely
round to the present idea of self-governing nations within
the Empire. It is a long, long stretch, and that sweep is the
history of British colonial development. (Applause.)

What I wish you to consider is this : you take a country
starting out on that primary basis ; you have to consider what
it means when development will have changed their point of
view, and they face a new situation. But you find those who
know little about that change saying, "What do these people
mean by telling us they can't do this or that, or accept this
or that?" It is not, however, merely a question of the un-
reasonableness of the demands of Britain, or of the unreason-
ableness of the colonial attitude. It is a question of facing
and understanding a new situation and the marvel is, that
the relationship should have held together at all! And we
represent the only empire that has held together on that basis.
(Applause.)

Now what one objects to in a good deal of the discussion
on this subject is the supposition that the relations of Britain
to the colonies, and of the colonies to one another, have always
been on the same basis. No allowance is made for historical
conditions or development. Too much attention is paid to
the matter from the present point of view, carrying back that

68 THH CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 10

point of view to the past. That misfortune can be corrected
only by more careful study of the facts, and by being a great
deal more sympathetic in the discussion of the issues. When,
therefore, you say Britain was doing this or trying to do that
with us, the first question is as to what were the conditions
at the time; was it unreasonable then? Certainly it might
be so now; but could Britain have done differently at that
time? That is the question you must settle before you can
declare whether Britain was just or unjust. In the frequent
facing of new conditions and stages there is certain to be a
great deal of friction and trouble. We know it in our own
experience as in the history of the Western Provinces, and
the winning of responsible government by the West. The
parties standing out against the movement in Britain or at
Ottawa were severely criticised. But all those difficulties
have been overcome, and we have come around to the present
point of view.

Another aspect of the matter is the further assumption
that the British system of government has always been the
same so far as colonial government is concerned. That the
fight, for example, for constitutional government was a fight
to bring the colonies around to what Britain had always en-
joyed. But when you look at the facts in the light of closer
study, you find the development of responsible government in
Britain to be just a little in advance of ours. When the United
States broke off from Britain, they took the form which they
saw at the time at work in the British system. Thus they started
with an independent President, a Cabinet, Secretaries of State,
and Legislature. This was simply a reflection of British con-
ditions at the time. Again you find in Canada, that the people
we suppose to have been the pioneers in responsible govern-
ment, did not realize what we now understand by responsible
government. If I had time to go into details, I could show
you that our form was given to us not by the people who are
supposed to have worked it out, but by practical parliamen-
tarians from Britain. There was a series of Governors, Lord
Durham, Lord Sydenham, Sir Charles Bagot, Lord Metcalfe,
and Lord Elgin, who were chiefly concerned in the practical
establishment of British responsible government. The people
who were opposed to the Home Government in Canda were
supposed to be always fighting for some fundamental prin-
ciples and those supporting the Government were supposed
to be always on the side of the Home Government — that,
however, is another myth. I have gone over very interesting
letters and documents of William Lyon Mackenzie, whom I

1913] BRITAIN'S TREATMENT OF CANADA. 69

select because he was in the forefront of the rebellion. When
he got the ear of* Lord Goderich, he wrote to his friends in
Canada telling how fine a thing the British Government was,
how liberal, how splendid, because for the time being they
were taking his side. What was the corresponding wail from
the Family Compact? They wrote that if things were not
done as they wanted, they knew another country they could
be annexed to and live in freedom under another flag.
(Laughter.) But there arose another ruler in the Colonial
Office who knew not Mackenzie, at least did not know him
in that way, and Mackenzie became more rebellious, and the
Family Compact more devoted than ever!

This appeal from the parties in Canada, even from help-
less minorities in Canada, to the Government of Britain to
take their side, and fight their battles, and bring them to
the front, is seen in hundreds of documents, and some of the
most interesting letters in reply were written by Gladstone
when he was at the Colonial Office.

These are merely phases. I am just telling you a few
points that bear on my general argument that the British
Government did not dominate Canada but simply accepted
its policy from Canada. I am asking you to look more care-
fully and study the facts. (Applause.) When we find this
"Downing Street domination," we might suppose the remedy
should have been, "Let the people who are bound to run the
country take their own way." But when we get down to cold
facts, we find that the Home Government was simply support-
ing one element in Canada, which was giving them all the
ammunition, all the information, all their point of view,
against another party which was fighting the first. It was
a fight between two Canadian elements, both trying to get the
ear of the Home Government, stuffing the Home Government,
of course, with stories pro and con. (Laughter.) There is
an attitude you will appreciate.

Take another concrete illustration, on the commercial side.
We find Lord John Russell writing to Lord Sydenham, asking
how it is that the Legislature of Canada, just before the
Union, sends over such contradictory demands regarding
trade policy. Writing back, Lord Sydenham says it is quite
simple: the Legislature of Canada, when it could do nothing
itself, and could not decide which one of the parties it was
going to favor and which to turn down simply sent on the
demands of each. When the people of Montreal ask for ex-
clusion of goods shipped by any other route than the St.
Lawrence and the people of Toronto say they want their goods

70 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 10

by way of the Erie canal because it is cheaper; when the
farmers of the West ask for protection on grain, and the
people of Montreal want free grain, the Legislature simply
backs them all in their appeal to Britain! (Laughter.) Be-
cause the Canadian administration will not be responsible for
turning down any of them, all these burdens are thfown on
the Home Government, and its decision is odious to some
important element in Canada. Such a situation affords one
of the strongest arguments for responsible government, thus
throwing the burden of settling these things on Canadians
themselves. When they were thrown back on them, how did
it work? Lord Sydenham and others arranged that the
majority of the Legislature must decide how things were to
be done. The Canadian Government decided, for instance,
in one of these cases that they would impose a differential
duty on goods coming by any other route than by way of the
St. Lawrence ; pretty nearly the solid vote of Quebec favour-
ed this, as well as the Eastern section of Upper Canada, but
the other part was not in favor of it. The minority finding
itself turned down did not accept the decision but wrote off
in haste to the British Government about a "most alarming
development" that was taking place, a "most unheard-of in-
fringement of the Navigation Acts, and the British foreign
policy" with which Canada had no right to interfere. They
appealed to the old colonial system, the old Navigation Acts,
insisting that everything should be done by Britain, but they
were told that Canada must now settle its domestic difficulties.
To disallow the provincial act would be simply to favor the
western part of Canada. The ordinary idea was that in such
matters Britain should take one or the other side, as in prev-
ious times she frankly did. But this was considered British
domination, trying to stamp out freedom in the British Em-
pire. Canada's past history has been framed by regarding
only the high lights and overlooking the underlying conditions.
Thus there has grown up what I consider a very unfair con-
ception of the attitude of the mother country. (Applause.)
A proper understanding of that will have various effects.
I think one striking lesson taught is the wisdom of having
Canada settle as much as she can, as much as she ought
to of her own affairs, (applause) rather than have
too many things thrown back upon the British Government.
And you will observe, we never ask the British Government
to take any responsibility if we can arrive at any kind of
unanimity among ourselves. We have always gone to them
with an appeal to help out one or other Canadian party.

BRITAIN'S TREATMENT OF CANADA. 71

Another of the features in criticism of Britain has refer-
ence to the boundary questions. This has relation chiefly to
our neighbors to the south, the Americans. I might pass in
review the boundary treaties in general, but the one most
talked of, and in which Britain is regarded most continuously
as having "sold us out," or words to that effect, is the affair
of the Maine boundary, settled by the Ashburton Treaty in
1842. It is urged that Britain was more anxious to please
the United States than her own people, and consented to
give away a good slice of Canadian territory in order to please
the United States. What are the facts? It is a long and
voluminous subject; I presume I have read a thousand docu-
ments on it if I have read one. The foundation of the whole
matter is laid in that part of America which was owned and
settled by the French in Canada. Britain, in fighting for her
own people, shoved the boundary far north, right into the
midst of the French. Especially after the Treaty of Utrecht
which so greatly enlarged the British dominions they set up
claim after claim, map after map, showing the south bank of
the St. Lawrence as the northern boundary. That was one of
the items for which they were fighting, the south bank of the
St. Lawrence as the boundary between the French dominions
and the British. When she ultimately conquered Canada
Britain held the North American continent entirely under
her supervision until the American Revolution. Britain out-
lines the subdivisions of her jurisdiction in that territory in
the Proclamation of 1763 which included in the Province of
Quebec part of the territory south of the St. Lawrence. Yet
the south bank was claimed as part of the original British
territory. In case the French should recover Canada Britain
could say "there is what you get back, that is all you own."
(Laughter.) But for the sake of administration they put
into Quebec or Canada a portion south of the St. Lawrence.
Though the true line was very indefinite, it followed the
height of land separating the St. Lawrence from the Ameri-
can rivers. Similar remarks might be made about the Nova
Scotia or Acadia boundary also.

The next point is that in the boundary of Quebec fixed
by the Quebec Act of 1774, the description of the Proclama-
tion of 1763 was repeated, except that when you get to Lake
Erie it takes a dip to the Ohio, in order to get behind the
American colonies and prevent them from extending in that
direction. The result was to put that part of the continent
under French law and French institutions, which, as Lord
Hillsborough said, "will keep them out better than any
boundary." (Laughter.)

72 THE CANADIAN CLUB. Wov. 10

In the Treaty of 1783 recognising the independence of the
United States, the boundary is described again and on the
same basis as far as the St. Lawrence at Cornwall as in 1763
and 17/4. As that was laid down, Britain was putting more
over into the purely Canadian line than she ever admitted as
against France or up to that time. Thus Canada as a province
was enlarged to a very great extent. Then came numerous
demands for the actual survey of the boundary. Meantime
Britain wanted a military road between Quebec and New
Brunswick and wanted to get across the upper angle of Maine
on much the same principle as when we tried to get an all-
Canadian route into the Klondyke by shoving back the Am-
erican line. When that was finally settled in the Ashburton
Treaty, what we find as a simple matter of fact is, that Bri-
tain got somewhat more than she was entitled to under the
first award or under her own showing as against France.
Her chief difficulties were in fighting her own documents
during previous conditions. Lord Ashburton certainly
achieved a singular success. Governor Bagot congratulated
him most heartily, and Mr. Featherstonhaugh, the British
Agent, wrote a pamphlet showing that the settlement was
most favorable to Canada, and to British interests. Mr.
Webster, on the other hand, had a hard time of it with the
American Congress. (Laughter, and applause.)

Two or three points incidental to the settlement are worth
referring to as partly accounting for subsequent false im-
pressions in Canada. In order to get the boundary settled at
all, it was necessary for the Federal Government to persuade
the State of Maine to hand over the territory in dispute to the
United States under the assurance that it would do every-
thing possible to protect their interests. In order to persuade
the people of Maine to transfer the territory it was hinted
that a certain map had been discovered in the French Archives
on which Franklin had drawn a line giving color to the
British claim and the matter should be settled before the
British discovered it. Subsequently the Maine people said
they were hoodwinked, and made trouble in Congress. This
map was the famous "red line map," the discovery of which
induced Mr. Featherstonhaugh to write a second pamphlet
claiming that Webster had deceived the British representatives
including Lord Ashburton and the others.

It turned out that the Franklin map in the northern sec-
tion indicated a line which no one in Britain or elsewhere
had ever contended for. When this question was brought
up in the British House of Commons and it was asked, "How

1913] BRITAIN'S TREATMENT OF CANADA. 73

were the Americans allowed to get away with this?" the
answer of Sir Robert Peel was, "We knew all about that;
our Agent in Paris had mentioned the map but it was not
considered worth while. But," he added, "there was another
map that we didn't say anything about. It was a map sent
by our Agent, Mr. Oswald, to the King himself, and was
placed in the King's library. This shows what was his con-
ception of the boundary at that time, and that map gives the
Americans their claim." He said, "Of course, we didn't say
anything about that." Nevertheless Mr. Featherstonhaugh's
second pamphlet has been accepted as the justification of
popular belief in this country.

Lastly, there was this wind-up to the matter. When later
it came to a question of settlement of the boundary between
Quebec province and New Brunswick, the British claim would
have given the disputed territory to Quebec while the Ameri-
can claim would have given a good deal to New Brunswick.
Now, though New Brunswick was the province which stoutly
supported the British claim against the Americans, yet in this
new boundary dispute with Quebec they maintained that the
proper boundary was what the Americans had claimed and
not that defined by the British documents and arguments.
Quebec thought she was absolutely secure and left the matter
to the British experts. But the boundary was decided in
favour of New Brunswick, thus supporting the previous con-
tentions of the Americans.

If that was so then we got many hundred square miles
more than we were entitled to, and all the congratulations
offered to Lord Ashburton were amply due to him. Well,
that is one of the instances in which, we are told by people
high in authority, Britain "sold us out." Britain, of course,
did nothing of the kind ! She was supporting us, and we got
quite all that we were entitled to! (Applause.)

But my time is up. I simply wished to give one or two
examples which could be duplicated and reduplicated to any
extent to show you that in dealing with these matters you
have to find the primary situation, to consider the develop-
ments, the change in point of view, the surrounding facts and
conditions; you have to regard the sweep from the original
founding of colonies, on the basis of emissaries sent out to
bring home wealth, to the present system of self-governing-
colonies. The toleration of the British Government, no less
than the enterprise of the colonial leaders, has been essential
to the realization of the Empire. All the first statesmen of
Britain are on one side. Chatham, Fox, Burke, Shelburne and

74 THE CANADIAN CLUB, [Nov. 10

Pitt the Younger were all on the one side in advocating toler-
ation with the progressive colonies. They believed in finding
out the actual situation, easing off the strain and retaining the
American colonies.

The last word I have is this : When you find from time to
time in the development of colonial relations, that British
statesmen and others have given expression to the view that
"We can't hold the Canadians very much longer, they are
bound to break off," what is the basis for that very pessimis-
tic sentiment? Always the extreme demands of Canada,
involving concessions which would disrupt the domestic and
foreign policy of Britain. When these demands were not
promptly met there has been talk of rebellion or annexation.
It matters not whether they were Liberals or Conservatives,
who were making the claims, they all tell the same story.
Take the Rebellion of 1837 or the Annexation Manifesto of
1848. My point is this: before you condemn Britain — she
has her faults, and we have ours — before you make up your
minds that we have been hoodwinked or sold out by her and
before you settle what must be the immediate future of our
relations to her, look into the matter closely, study it up care-
fully and you will commonly find the matter somewhat differ-
ent from the popular conception of it. (Applause.)

1913] PUBLIC AND RAILWAYS. 75

(November 17, 1913.)

The Relations between the Public and
the Railways.

BY SIR WILLIAM CORNELIUS VAN HORNE, K.C.M.G.*

AT a regular luncheon of the Club held on the I7th Novem-
^"^ her, Sir William C. Van Home said:

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, — While I deeply appreciate
and am very much flattered by the words of your Chairman
concerning myself, they are somewhat embarrassing to me,
for I know how far short I am of deserving them. I want
to take but a minute of your time to call your attention to
the fact that the real men in the Canadian Pacific Railway
were the men who found the money; my part of it was the
very simple one which consisted only in spending that money,
wisely or not. (Laughter.) And as to that I frequently
think of the many mistakes I made in doing it, and how much
more cheaply we could have done thing's if I had only known
enough. However, I thank you for your kind words. I
would mention Lord Mountstephen, Lord Strathcona, Mr.
Angus, and in the early days that doughty Scotchman, Dun-
can Mclntyre, as among those who had to do with the original
financing of the Company, not forgetting our friend, Sir
Edmund Osier. (Applause.)

Your Honorary Secretary has warned me and put upon
me a maximum of time limit of thirty minutes; fortunately
for me, and no doubt for you also, he has not fixed any mini-
mum. (Laughter.) And therefore I shall keep you away
from your business just as little time as possible.

I had thought of speaking to you here to-day on what I
regard as an exceedingly important subject, the drift of the
farm population of Canada towards the towns, which has,
as you know, been going on so long in the United States,
and with, I think, unhappy results. But when I arrived here
this morning and saw your imposing Union Passenger Sta-
tion (laughter) with all its lightness and grace—an extraor-
dinary contribution to the architecture of the Dominion of Can-
ada, (laughter) — and when I walked out through the beautiful

*Sir William Van Home after many years of railway experience in
the United States entered the service of the Canadian Pacific Railway
at one of the most critical periods in its history. When it commenced
operation there were few who thought it could be made a financial
success, but under Sir William's management the foundation was laid
for the wonderful system which we now know.

76 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 17

walks of your Waterfront Park along the Windmill Line, —
another contribution to the beauties of Canada (laughter)
the landscape gardening of Canada, and to the healthfulness
of your city, I changed my mind. (Laughter.) For it came
to me that there was something of very much greater and
more immediate importance than the farm movement.' That
can be deferred a few weeks. I refer to the relations between
the public and the railways.

I don't think the railways have always been very well
treated by some of the people of Toronto, not nearly so well
as they deserve. And I think it would have been better long
ago if there had been more sympathy, if all had worked more
in accord. (Hear, hear.) For I think the Park would have
been a little more attractive, and the Union Station perhaps
a little lighter, and various other things would have been better.

You all know, I am sure, that the railways of the United
States have for a long time back been under attack ; that at
every session of the State Legislatures a great number of ad-
verse laws are launched against them, laws which I believe
to have originated in political stock jobbing or other similar
motives. At all events, the public generally has supported
these laws without giving them, I am sure, very much thought.
And to-day the railways of the United States are struggling
almost for their existence; they are struggling, many of
them, against bankruptcy. I am quite unable to account for
the spirit of hostility shown towards the railways there, be-
cause I am sure there are many among you who will bear me
out in this statement, because the service by the railways in
the United States is far above that of those in any other
country in the world, — save perhaps the railways of Canada,
we must never forget. (Laughter.) Their rates are very
much lower than those of any other country in the world,
saving again Canada. (Laughter.) They are operated with
an intelligence and public spirit that you don't find in any
other country in the world. They have greater regard for the
public interest and the rights of the individuals, as usually
shown, than in any other country I have visited, — save Can-
ada always. (Laughter.) I don't know the reason, as I
have said, for this hostility, but it has created a situation,
a deplorable situation, that is really a great cloud, and the
great danger of the situation of the American railways is that
it overshadows the business of the United States to-day so
that all other dangers are trivial compared with it.

We have seen recently the New York Central Railway
compelled, through the false statement of an employee to the
effect that he could not see a red light on a particular occa-

1913] PUBLIC AND RAILWAYS. 77

sion, which every railway man knows to have been false, —
we have seen the New York Central Railway com-
pelled to expend untold millions, fifty or sixty million
dollars, I don't know how much, on changing its New York
terminals. And we have seen the New York, New Haven
& Hartford Railway hounded by ignorant public sentiment
to the very verge of bankruptcy, hounded to the point where
its very financial existence was threatened.

Now all these things are catching, and sometimes, — too
frequently, I think, — Canada has shown a disposition to fol-
low the example of the United States, as along labor laws and
others I might mention. I am only afraid they may follow
in laws against railways. However, up to the present time,
there has been comparatively little illiberal, unintelligent
legislation affecting railways in Canada. I will mention one
case, that where ten years ago the foundations were cut into
of that splendid grain elevator system in the Northwest,
which had been built up by the Canadian Pacific Railway after
many years' effort, with the result that the farmers from that
time on have not received nearly as much for their grain as
before. There was an exception on that occasion, and the
effect of that legislation, I am afraid, will continue forever.
We have had some legislation of that kind, but not very much
to complain of.

I want to plead to-day for a more liberal, intelligent, and
friendly consideration of the railway interests of Canada,
and against any attempt on the part of "blatherskites" to put
through ignorant legislation such as has been the curse of
most of the States among our neighbors on the south.

I have now passed my fifty-sixth railway year, and in
that time I have known hardly one executive or managing
officer of a railway, either in the United States or Canada,
who did not take the deepest possible interest in the welfare
of the property entrusted to his administration, who did not
feel the deepest possible interest in the welfare of the com-
munities served by his railway, who did not heartily desire
the good will and friendship of every patron of the road and
of everybody living along the line. I cannot recall one single
exception to this. It has been my lot or fortune to have been
a director, of one railway at a time, of a good many lines in
the last forty years, and I can truthfully say that in all that
time I have never heard a suggestion of an illiberal character.
(Applause.) In any question, any matter of policy, or any
other case, where there has been the least doubt, the question
has been decided on the liberal side and in favor of the public.

78 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 17

There are many who think, perhaps most people think,
that the first efforts of the managing directors and managing
officers of the railways are directed to squeezing out dividends.
I can say that that is absolutely false! It is the very last
consideration. I don't know one single exception in Canada,
or any exception on any railways I have ever been connected
with in the United States.

Railway men are extraordinarily busy men; they have all
that they can possibly do within the twenty-four hours, and
perhaps they have failed in making sufficient explanations
to the public; but that is a very difficult thing to do; and
that may perhaps be nullified quite by the statement of some
ignorant "blatherskite" who has the gift of the "gab."
(Laughter.) But the hearts of the railway men of Canada are
in the right place. There is not a man among them who is not
interested intensely in the welfare of the public. And again
1 plead, when there are any questions between the public
and the railways, they should be talked over in a friendly
way. (Hear, hear.)

Somebody some time ago said something about corpora-
tions having no souls. I say, as a result of sitting in a vast
number of Board meetings, not only of railway directors
but of manufacturers and others, for many years, that a
corporation has a soul, and it has a bigger, cleaner, finer soul,
than any individual on the face of the earth! I don't pre-
tend to say that there are not ignorant men and simple men
sitting on some Boards, but those men never have the hardi-
hood to show their bad side. I have never known it, and at
present sitting here there are many men who will bear me
out in this statement.

I thank you again, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen. (Ap-
plause.)

In moving a vote of thanks to Sir William C. Van Home,
Sir John S. Willison said:

Mr. President, Sir William Van Home, and. Gentlemen, —
I always make a much better impromptu speech when I have
had time to prepare it. I have the same qualities, not of an
intellectual type, which belonged to Sir Robert Peel. Disraeli,
he said, drew on his imagination for his facts, and on his
memory for his jokes. To-day I have had no adequate
opportunity to draw on either.

It is, however, an extreme pleasure, unexpected as it is,
to be asked to move a vote of thanks to Sir William Van
Home. I suppose we are not absolutely agreed as to the eter-
nal unfailing benevolence of railways. I don't think, however,

1913] PUBLIC AND RAILWAYS. 79

in the final judgment of history it will be said that the founders
of the Canadian Pacific Railway have not been pre-eminently
makers of this Dominion of Canada. Sir, I altogether refuse
to believe that the men who control this great corporation,
who develop, extend and carry on this great public enterprise,
are actuated only by selfish and mercenary considerations. I
have lived long enough also to know that there is a public
spirit of patriotism in every class of the population. (Hear,
hear.) And I am profoundly convinced that the men who
made the Canadian Pacific Railway, and who made the other
great transportation companies of Canada, were actuated by
as profound patriotism as we men on the newspapers and in
other offices, who misunderstand what they are doing, and
speak with exceptional authority on subjects which we do not
quite understand.

Just in closing, may I say a thing I have said elsewhere,
although not in the form of a public address? Anyone who
crossed the Canadian West in the early days of the Canadian
Pacific Railway must have been absolutely amazed to find
that with a road trailing across such enormous territory, with
only a few straggling villages and with only small stretches
of scattered settlements — I was one of those who must have
been absolutely amazed to learn that the road could be suc-
cessfully operated. It is a great miracle in the history of the
Canadian Pacific Railway, not that it was built, because gen-
erous subsidies were provided towards its construction, but
that when the money was expended and the road constructed
men with the genius of Sir William Van Home were found
to operate it, and to operate it successfully under these onerous
conditions.

So I say in closing and in moving a vote of thanks to
Sir William Van Home that we in this growing commercial
city hold for him great admiration and regard; (hear, hear
and applause) ; that we believe he is a great and unselfish Can-
adian patriot, and that in the pages of the history of our
Dominion no name will shine with greater radiance than that
of our guest to-day. I move a vote of thanks to Sir William
Van Home for his address. (Applause.)

Mr. D. R. Wilkie, seconding the vote, said:

Mr. Chairman, Sir William and Gentlemen, — This honor
is quite unexpected, but I can assure you I take advantage of
it to-day with the greatest pleasure. I have looked upon Sir
William Van Home ever since he came to this country as

80 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 17

a leader in the industrial progress of the country and of the
finer class of gentlemen who make up the nation. The only
thing we regret is that the Canadian Pacific Directors are not
oftener in Toronto. We are not as much in touch with them
as we would like to be. I only hope this is the first of many
addresses from Sir William; there are many subjects on
which he could give us valuable information. I hope it will
be the pleasure of Sir William to come again. No man has
greater admiration for him than myself. I have very much
pleasure in seconding Sir John Willison's motion. (Applause.)

1913] BRITISH CONSULAR SERVICE. 81

(November 24, 1913-)

The British Consular Service and its
Relation to Canada.

BY MR. J. JOYCE-BRODERICK.*

A

T a regular luncheon of the Club held on the 24th No-
vember, Mr. Joyce-Broderick said:
Mr. President and Gentlemen, — I assure you that it gives me
very great pleasure indeed, and that I esteem it a high honor
as well, to have the opportunity of appearing before this
magnificent gathering and of telling you something
about the Imperial Service to which I belong. If it be
agreed, and I believe it will be, that the subject upon which
I propose to speak to you to-day, namely, the British Consular
Service, is one which has a practical interest for industrial
Canada, then I count it an advantage as well that I should
be able to appear before a representative audience in the city
of Toronto, which has taken a leading part in the industrial
development o_f this Dominion.

I understand that at the present time you have over one
thousand factories working in this city; the capital you have
invested here is close to $150,000,000. It is, therefore, an
exceptional advantage that I should be able to speak to you
on this practical subject.

I only wish that all that the Chairman has said about me
were true, not alone for your sakes at this present moment, but
for my own sake permanently. Usually Irishmen are supposed
to have the gift of facility of expression and fluency of lan-
guage— a gift which has unfortunately been denied me. I told
a story which took so well, and especially tickled the fancy,
as it seemed, of the representatives of the press, that I think,
since it has succeeded in Hamilton (laughter) and elsewhere,
I will tell it here. (Laughter.) I believe that it is now ripe
for presentation in Toronto — not because of its subject, how-
ever. It tells of two criminals (laughter), inhabitants of the
city of New York, of unknown nationality. One of them
had inside knowledge of the conditions in the New York State
prison at Sing Sing, and the other lived in the happy antici-
pation that his unconventional mode of life and the force of
circumstances and the vigilance of the New York Police force,

*Mr. Broderick was for many years British Vice-Consul at New York,
and was recently promoted to be Consul at Amsterdam. He was chosen
by the British Ambassador to make a tour through Canada, and explain
the British Consular Service and its relation to Canada.

82 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 24

which is most renowned (laughter) would finally result in his
being compelled to make an extended stay in that same insti-
tution. And he desired to have some information concerning
the daily routine of the place, so he asked his companion to
describe to him what was done there every day. And his
companion out of the fulness of his knowledge told him- every
detail of the routine — what time the bell rang for them to get
up in the morning, when breakfast was served, and so on.
The other said, "I think now I have a very good idea of what
happens in Sing Sing, and what to do when I go there; but
I wish you would tell me how they put people to death."
The other man had not yet had actual experience in this re-
spect, so what he replied was from hearsay : "Oh, they just
sits them comfortably in chairs and they turns on the
elocution." (Laughter.) I guessed it would succeed in
Toronto too. (Hear, hear.) Now, incidentally, I believe
Sir Edmund Walker will agree with me — that is really an
abominable libel on New York elocution — it is not quite so
deadly. At present you are all comfortably seated in chairs
and would like a speedy release, but unfortunately there is
no supply of elocution to be turned on. (Laughter.)

I have been nearly five years as Consular Representative
of the British Government in New York City. During that
period I have been greatly struck with the fact that the in-
quiries for commercial information, and for other assistance
to commerce, received from Canada came at very rare intervals.
And it occurred to myself and to a number of my colleagues
that possibly for some reason or another Canadians might have
the notion that the British Consular Service, so far as its
commercial activities were concerned, existed exclusively and
entirely for the benefit and advantage of manufacturers and
exporters of the United Kingdom. Some short time since,
I had the good fortune to meet the distinguished founder of
Canadian Clubs, Mr. C. R. McCullough, of Hamilton, and he
suggested to me that, if that notion really existed, it might
be very largely dispelled if one of His Majesty's consular
representatives in your immediate neighbourhood should visit
the Dominion and explain to as many people as possible who
would be interested, not only that no barrier existed which
would prevent the British consular service from giving its
services to Canada, but that the British Government and the
consuls themselves were eager and anxious that they should
have very frequent opportunities of doing so.

About a year ago, the desire of the British Government
in this respect was repeated and emphasized in a circular des-
patch which was issued by the Foreign Office to British

1913] BRITISH CONSULAR SERVICE. 83

consuls all over the world, in which they were enjoined to
neglect no opportunity of corresponding with the Canadian
Government and Canadian firms with a view to furnishing
to Canadian firms information on commercial matters when-
ever the need arose. I believe that this circular was the im-
mediate result of correspondence and conversation between
the Canadian Government and Sir Edward Grey. On many
occasions the Consul-General at New York and I myself have
had the pleasure of making the position as clear as we could
to Canadian audiences in New York City. And some of you
may remember that towards the close of last August I was
invited to speak before the Association of Canadian Clubs
at their annual meeting at Niagara Falls, and that I there
briefly covered the ground over which I would like to go just
now. Shortly after that meeting it was very gratifying to me
to receive from Canadian sources several inquiries which,
according to the writers, were the immediate result of the
observations I had the pleasure of making on that occasion.

Now at the present I am here with the object of placing
that same message before a wider public, and of endeavoring
to arouse in Canadians, and especially Canadian business
people, greater interest than they have hitherto evinced in
the possible service which the British consular service may
be able to render to the trade and commerce of the Dominion.

I am well aware that, as the chairman has just said, the
main reason why you do not more frequently look to the
foreign field for an outlet for your goods is that your domes-
tic demand for manufactured goods greatly exceeds your
domestic production. There are many who have made a close
study of the subject who claim that it will be a long time
before your factories and mills will be in a position to cope
with home requirements and overtake home demand, a demand
v/hich is rendered annually more voluminous and more varied
by the rapid development of the West and Northwest, and
by increasing population devoting its labor and energy to the
extraction of wealth from your forests, your mines and your
rivers.

At the same time the Department of Trade and Commerce
at Ottawa has issued statistics which show rather another side
of the picture, and indicate an absolutely unexampled rapidity
of industrial growth. For example: I find that the output
of manufactured products of the Dominion last year reached
a value of almost $1,165,000,000. During the past ten years
the capital invested in your industries has increased by 180
per cent, approximately. And in the same period, as a result

84 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 24

of the application of that capital, the value of your industrial
production has increased by about 144 per cent. Within the
short space of ten years, the total volume of your commerce
has almost doubled itself. Since 1868 your population has
doubled itself: in 1868 it stood at about 4,000,000; to-day I
believe it stands at about 8,000,000. And the immigrants who
flock constantly to your shores are being drawn from the most
alert and progressive and thrifty element of the populations
of the Old World and the New. Incidentally I may be per-
mitted to congratulate you on the care with which you filter
this inrushing stream of immigration, and, if I may say so, it
might be desirable to increase your caution and thus save
yourselves in the future from many problems of assimilation
which are being keenly felt in your immediate neighbourhood.
The value of your exports of manufactured goods, which was
only a little over $2,000,000 in 1868 and which had reached
$16,000,000 in 1901, more than doubled itself in the succeeding
ten years and reached a total of almost $42,000,000 in 1912.
The vast water power at Niagara and elsewhere all over the
Dominion is being rapidly chained, and is being made the
handmaiden of your industry by transformation into electrical
energy to drive your mills.

It is perhaps unnecessary for me to give so many figures
in illustration of a progress and a growth with which you
yourselves are more familiar than I ; but I do so in order to
base upon them this claim, that they are significant enough
to justify, certainly in the more sanguine amongst us, the
expectation that in the near future Canada, while not losing
her eminence as an agricultural country, will be mainly a man-
ufacturing country. They show, I think, that even at the
present time Canada is not, and cannot be, indifferent to
foreign markets; and that she will probably outrun the
cautious predictions of experts, and shortly enter the arena
with the other great industrial countries of the world and
compete with them in the struggle for the world's trade.

Now when she does so, when the time comes for her to
enter into this competition, she will find other countries equip-
ped with the most efficient and most up-to-date weapons: if
they did not have these weapons they would be forced out of
the race, for the keenness of modern competition, as you
know, is such as to give swift victory to the best equipped
machinery. And amongst the weapons that they will use will
be the Consular Services, which I might describe as the an-
tennae or feelers of their commerce, very sensitive and keenly
alert to discover outlets for their surplus products. And

BRITISH CONSULAR SERVICE. 85

when that time comes, I believe it will be a fortunate circum-
stance for Canada that the rivalry between British and foreign
trade will have served to develop the British Consular Ser-
vice, that that Service will have been engaged in the struggle
and in the thick of the fight from the outset, and that, without
any period of preliminary training or initial mistakes, it will
be ready to place any powers and facilities it possesses at the
disposal of Canada to help her material expansion.
(Applause)

The question now naturally arises as to what the British
Consular Service is, what its duties and equipments are, and
what is the exact nature of the information and assistance
it can afford you as you enter more and more into the foreign
field. To answer these questions even cursorily it will be
useful to take a brief glance at the history of Consular estab-
lishments in general, to see what role they have hitherto play-
ed in the economy of nations, what their traditions are, and
how these traditions affect their standing and influence at the
present time.

' The office of Consul, although not the name, is coeval
with commerce itself. In ancient times just as much as to-day
— but perhaps I should put it in the reverse way — men were
anxious to obtain as much of their neighbour's goods as they
could at the sacrifice of as few as possible of their own.
(Laughter.) Some amongst them who had reduced this pro-
cess to a fine art and who were unwise enough to operate
on a retail basis, have always been dubbed as thieves and
placed in penitentiaries ; others with greater prudence operate
on a wholesale basis and are hailed as financial geniuses and
placed on pedestals. (Laughter.) From the very beginning
barter and exchange of any kind have been attended by all
sorts of disputes and quarrels, which rendered it necessary
for some person to be appointed abroad, who would be forti-
fied by the authority of a powerful nation and whose decisions
would be accepted without question by the parties to the
dispute.

Demosthenes tells us of certain functionaries called
"Proxeni," appointed by the Grecian cities who held court
on board foreign vessels and decided differences between
sailors and merchants according to their own confessions and
to the testimony of witnesses. That is exactly what I try
to do every other day. The ancient Egyptians had special high
priests consecrated for the peculiar purpose of settling mer-
cantile disputes, and they also had special temples solemnly
dedicated to the Gods in which these high priests held court,.

86 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 24

and in which they handed down their decisions; the object
probably being to take advantage of the religious feeling of
the people and thus to make the decision all the more binding.
1 fear that, with the exception of Toronto, religion has not
such a tight hold on the world to-day as would make people
chary of criticising an adverse decision even if it were handed
down in the church (laughter) ; and from the rather exten-
sive knowledge which I possess of the character of seamen
I feel quite convinced that it would render them distinctly
uncomfortable if the holy nature of their surroundings should
deprive them of that wonderful vocabulary which assists them
so marvellously to accept compromise. (Laughter.)

These functionaries of Greece and Egypt to whom I have
referred, appear to be the earliest consuls recorded in history.
I am not convinced, however, that they were the earliest in
fact, although it is quite plain that had a consul been on the
spot to intervene between Cain and Abel the latter would
not have suffered so sad a fate whatever might have been the
fate of the Consul. These Grecian and Egyptian functionaries
you will notice were citizens of the countries in which the
disputes arose, and the system was consequently liable to
many abuses. Their power was derived from laws which
were alien to the merchants and seamen between whom they
intervened, and I presume that they were not exactly moderate
in their charges. (Laughter.) Maritime nations such as the
Rhodians and Phoenicians — the Rhodians were the most
famous maritime people of antiquity and possessed a wonder-
ful nautical code, some of the principles of which derived
through fragments of Roman law are embodied in the mari-
time statutes of modern nations— were quick to see that if
they were to provide adequate protection to their commerce
against injury and forfeiture, they would be obliged to appoint
at the foreign ports frequented by their vessels men of their
own race, of upright and moral character, whose decisions
would be impartial, and who would act for their country and
government not merely in matters relating to the trifling dis-
putes of seamen, but also in larger questions upon which
might depend the friendship or hostility of nations.

In a form somewhat similar to the present Consular
establishments began after the decay of the Eastern Empire,
when the Venetians and other Italian cities commenced their
trade with the East. From the East the institution came back
to the mercantile cities of Southern Europe whose merchants
early adopted the practice of appointing one of their own
number to act as arbitrator in their disputes, the principal

BRITISH CONSULAR SERVICE. 87

object of this being — and I hope there are not too many law-
yers present — to avoid the tedious formalities of the regular
courts of law. (Laughter.) These functionaries were called
"Juges Consuls," consular judges, the object being to endow
them and their tribunals with dignity and inspire a respect
for them in others, by bestowing upon them the name borne
by the Chief Magistrates of the Roman Empire.

England was slow to follow the lead of the Italian cities
and the towns of the Hanseatic League in appointing Consuls,
probably owing to the late development of her trade. And it
was only in 1485 that the first British Consul was appointed.
The first British Consul was an Italian. (Laughter.)
His name was Lorenzo Strozzi, and he was appointed
by King Richard III a few months before the king was slain
at the battle of Bosworth Field. He was appointed English
Consul at Pisa in Italy, where English merchants were at that
time intending to trade. His commission is still preserved
in the archives of the Foreign Office in London and is a most
interesting old document: it is the oldest original copy of a
consular commission in existence; it does not differ very
seriously from the commission which I hold myself, although
it is much more prolix. There is one rather striking passage
in it, of which I take the liberty of giving you a modern ver-
sion. We read that the king observing "that whereas certain
merchants and others from England intend to frequent for-
eign ports and chiefly Italy with their ships and merchandise
and being desirous to consult their peace and advantage as
much as possible and observing from the practice of other
nations the necessity of their having- a peculiar magistrate
amongst them for determining- of all disputes between mer-
chants and others, natives of England; moreover we, under-
standing- that the city of Pisa is a very proper place for the
residence of our merchants, and being assured of the fidelity
and probity of Lorenzo Strozzi, a merchant of Florence, have
and do appoint him to be Consul and President of all our
merchants at Pisa and parts adjacent allowing him for his
trouble herein the fourth of one per cent, of all goods of Eng-
lishmen either imported to or exported from thence." I have
many times lamented that this excellent system of remunera-
tion is not in vogue at the present time. (Laughter.) The con-
suls appointed for some time after Strozzi were also foreign-
ers: the first Englishman to be appointed consul was sent
abroad about the year 1530 as Consul for Canada. His name
was Dionysius Harris — no relation of the lady of the same
name since he did actually exist. (Laughter.) After him con-

88 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 24

suls were appointed more rapidly as the expansion of English
trade demanded. In 1825 the service was reorganized and
at the present time we have consular representatives of the
British Empire at every place of importance on the habitable
globe, and at some places of absolutely no importance at all.
(Laughter.)

After the capture of Constantinople by the Turks in the
year 1453 the Turkish rulers were so entirely ignorant of
Christian usage that they found it convenient to give to their
newly-acquired Christian subjects certain rights and privileges
of self-government. Genoa and other mercantile cities of
Italy who had at that period establishments on the Bosphorus,
succeeded in obtaining similar privileges for themselves and
their representatives from the Sultan, and other maritime
nations followed their example in due course. The treaties
under which these privileges were accorded by the Sultan were
known as "capitulations" — not in the modern sense of the
term, but rather as heads or articles of a treaty — and they
gave the official representatives of the nations concerned
civil and criminal jurisdiction within Turkish territory in
matters affecting their nationalities. The practice extended to
other non-Christian countries which include China, and — until
recently — Japan. The treaty upon which our British rights
in Turkey are based was entered into between Charles II.
and the then Sultan of Turkey, and gives to our consuls the
civil and criminal jurisdiction of which I have spoken.

During recent years commercial nations have more and
more encouraged their trade interests to seek active aid from
consuls in protecting and extending their foreign commerce,
and this watchfulness now forms one of the chief duties of
our consuls in Christian countries. By international law and
special treaties they are granted certain peculiar privileges —
such, for instance, as freedom from arrest — a most useful
thing, (laughter), inviolability of consular archives, exemp-
tion from taxation, exemption from the performance of mili-
tary service, and from the obligation to appear as witness.
When the testimony of a consul is desired the usual procedure
is for the court to appoint a commissioner to go to his office
and take his evidence, which is subsequently read in court.
Usually, however, the consul prefers to appear in court and
I think that this privilege will soon become obsolete since it
is so unbusinesslike.

The duties of consuls are of a public character and they
enjoy the special protection of the law of nations. Owing to
this protection and to the dignity and importance of their

1913] BRITISH CONSULAR SERVICE. 89

calling, as well as to their quasi-representative character, they
enjoy a prestige which enables them to procure information
on trade matters which would be afforded with reluctance —
or not afforded at all — to private representatives of individual
firms or even to government representatives who go abroad
under any other title. Other countries take every advantage
of these special facilities possessed by their consuls and British
business men all over the Empire cannot afford to neglect
them if they are to obtain and retain a firm footing in the
markets of the world.

From Canada you export vast quantities of raw materials
and food stuffs. Now raw materials and food stuffs as you
are aware practically compel their own market. The foreign
purchaser comes in search of them because upon them de-
pends his subsistence and his ability to create wealth for him-
self. But producers of manufactured goods are obliged to
use every resource at their disposal to find markets for their
surplus. Consuls cannot take the place of individual repre-
sentatives of private firms. A consul cannot, of course, bring
negotiations to a conclusion. He has no definite proposal to
make ; he has no bargain to offer, and you are well aware
that no sale is ever made unless a bargain is offered. A consul
cannot create trade, but he can indicate the manner in which
trade might be created. He can give invaluable information,
especially in remote countries regarding local styles and pre-
judices. To give you a trifling example, he could tell you,
for instance, that it would be wise to place a dragon on the
trade-marks of goods exported to China since dragons are
popular in that country. For the same reason a rampant
leopard should be placed on goods sent to India, the Star of
Bethlehem on goods sent to Uruguay. He could tell you that
it would be useless to export washtubs to Singapore, because
they wash their clothes there in mid stream. (Laughter.)
I remember a story of a very energetic citizen of the U.S.
who went abroad to represent a certain firm of clock manu-
facturers— Waterbury. He went to South Africa with the
object of extending the trade of his firm in that country, and
in his journeyings found that nearly all the Kaffirs possessed
clocks. He got a sample clock and discovered that it was
made in Birmingham, but that it was of such inferior quality
that his firm could easily place upon the market a better
article at a lower price. He reported this to his firm and a
special rush order was put through and the consignment of
clocks came to South Africa for the Kaffirs. To the vast
astonishment of himself and his firm the Kaffirs would have

90 THH CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 24

nothing to do with them, and the firm sent a special man
to find out why the natives were so stupid as to refuse the
purchase of a better article at a smaller price. The investi-
gator very soon discovered that amongst the Kaffirs the
possession of a clock indicated a certain standard of prestige,
and the reason the English clocks were preferred was because
they had a louder tick. (Laughter.)

A famous German anthropologist went to South Africa
also to do some research work amongst the Zulus and found
that they possessed a great variety of assegais or spears. He
made a collection of these, packed them up in a bag and took
them up to Cape Town to take them home to Germany; and
as he went on board the steamer at Capetown, preceded by
a small boy stumbling under the weight of the bag, the Cap-
tain, who was standing- by the gangway, asked him what the
bag contained. He replied that it was a most interesting
collection of spearheads which he had made among the Zulus
and upon which he intended to write a most interesting
pamphlet concerning the artisitc development of the Zulus
as indicated by the work on the spearheads. When the Captain
saw the collection he said to the very much disgusted scientist,
"Why, God bless you! Professor! They're made in Birming-
ham." (Laughter.) Most of you know, I suppose, that a con-
siderable population of that same city of Birmingham make
a living by the manufacture of Gods for the Hindus to worship.

A consul can furnish you with reports; for example, on
shortage of crops, general difficulties of trade, harbour im-
provements and the extension abroad of railroad facilities
and other means of transportation which open up new districts
for commerce. He can give you information on movements
of trade, the increasing or declining demand for certain kinds
of goods, changes in taste or habits of life as affecting demand
for imported articles.

Mr. Whelpley, an American writer, tells a story of an
American who, when travelling in Central America, went into
the dark shop of the principal or perhaps the only general
merchant in the place; and there he was astonished to find a
number of young women busily engaged in taking candles
out of yellow wrappers and wrapping them up in blue ones.
He enquired what was the cause of this waste of energy and
time, and the merchant dolefully informed him that formerly
he did a roaring trade in candles wrapped in blue paper. His
people in the U.S. had sent his last consignment wrapped in
yellow paper, and to his disgust his customers refused to
accept them; he was therefore obliged to have them wrapped

BRITISH CONSULAR SERVICE. 91

in blue wrappers, after which they sold like hot cakes. The
American firm of candlemakers are to this day at a loss to
understand what is the difference between the same candle
wrapped in yellow paper and wrapped in blue paper. This
and the others which I have given are simply trifling examples
of this important fact: that you must pander to the prejudices
of your customers, however absurd they may be, or else
surrender the trade to firms who will do so.

Consuls can and constantly do save their merchants from
exasperating exactions and delays by giving them full infor-
mation regarding local regulations governing the import of
goods especially in countries where tariffs often change. The
U.S. Customs have been credited with classifying a mare's
colt as household furniture, and frogs' legs as poultry! And
in England snails imported from France for the purpose of
educating the taste of the English people, were classified by
a bright Customs Officer as "wild animals unenumerated."
(Laughter.) I myself had a lady friend who had a pet dog
which she desired to bring with her to England for a short
time. She found, however, that under the very strict regu-
lations of the Board of Agriculture that she would have to
have a special permit signed by the Secretary of the Board,
and that this permit would only be issued on condition that
her pet should remain in quarantine for six months. It would
have broken her heart to part with it for so long, and he
would probably not survive the experience ; so to my certain
knowledge she fraudulently entered that harmless little
animal as a wolf. (Laughter.) I have many times tried in
vain to convince her that she will not go straight to heaven
when she dies. (Laughter.)

I might go on for a long time enumerating the services —
some small, some great, all important, — which a vigilant con-
sul can and does daily give. His duties are endless and
indefinable, and are as manifold as your legitimate interests
are manifold. I might sum up his duties by saying that he
is the ambassador of trade, to see that its way is made as
smooth and easy as possible.

To repeat what I said before, the victory in the struggle
for the world's markets will be to the strong and well-equip-
ped. Canada has been described by one of her statesmen as
'The Land of the Twentieth Century" ; her development will
proceed, I think, with greater acceleration than that of the
U.S. The development of the U.S. has been the marvel of
the nineteenth century. Canada's will be the greater marvel of
the twentieth. It will proceed with greater acceleration be-

92 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 24

cause it comes at a later time when mechanical invention has
made greater progress. Canada will be able (and she ought)
to take advantage not only of the successes, but of the mis-
takes made in the course of the industrial development of the
Republic to the South. She has vast water powers which the
U.S. did not possess, and I am convinced that her advance-
ment will be more rapid. This is a century in which all pro-
gress proceeds at an astounding pace; I think it was Glad-
stone who compiled figures showing that the wealth accumu-
lated in the first half of the nineteenth century was equal to
the total amount of wealth accumulated in the eighteen hun-
dred years which preceded it ; and the wealth amassed in the
twenty years between 1850 and 1870 was equal again to that
amassed in the preceding fifty years. What does this mean?
It means that in the short space of seventy years— the lifetime
of one man — in an age of applied invention the energy of
man has extracted from the earth more wealth — one hundred
per cent, more wealth — than was amassed in all the centuries
which have rolled by since the coins of the world bore the
image and the superscription of Caesar. I think that this
example strikingly shows the rapidity of development in mod-
ern times ; and of this Canada will be an outstanding instance.
Here Canadian business men have in their hands the
threads of a vast organization, extending all over the world,
improving yearly in quality and capacity, for notwithstanding
certain criticisms which are only very occasionally justified,
I think that I may fairly claim that the British Consular
Service is at least equal in efficiency to that of any of the
great industrial rivals of the British Empire. Of course in
every large organization you must expect to find inequalities
in the personnel. Which of you who has a large business
does not find it so ? Which of you can claim that his business
organization is absolutely without flaw? Some men are good
and others are bad; some are vigilant and others negligent;
some are careless and others keen; but the greater and closer
direction given in recent years to consular activity has greatly
increased its efficiency, and I think it is also true to say that
since the negotiations of about a year ago between the Can-
adian Government and the British Foreign Office, British
Consuls have evinced greater interest in matters relating to
Canada.

A consul cannot, of course, be a specialist in every line.
If he were a specialist in any line it is highly probable that he
would devote himself to it and amass great riches thereby.
What is needed is that the Service should be recruited from

BRITISH CONSULAR SERVICE. 93

men of versatility and common sense who can readily grasp
the essentials of any given subject. If this is done, and I
believe it is done, their efficiency will be enhanced in propor-
tion as they are bombarded with letters and requests for in-
formation of all kinds by Canadian and British firms; the
consular system is a machine which will work with greater
efficiency the higher the speed at which it is driven.

But in order that you should not be under any false im-
pression I should hasten to add that the great majority of
British Consuls need no outside stimulation at all to render
eager and useful service to Canada. (Applause.) And I am
authorized to state to you to-day, not only on behalf of the
British Government, but also on behalf of everyone of my
colleagues with whom I have come in contact in recent times,
that you should make use of us and all our resources and
facilities whenever and wherever you think it would be to
your advantage to do so. (Applause.)

For my own part, let me assure you that I consider there
is no higher service I could render to the British Service, and
no greater work I could do, than to contribute, in however
slight a degree, to the wonderful expansion which is now
beginning in this great Dominion. And I hope that in what-
ever part of the world I may be, whether in civilization or
as a consular Crusoe in some far-off island to be discovered
only on the map, you will recall something of what I have
told you to-day, and that you will not fail to give me the
opportunity of rendering you whatever service it may be in
my personal power to give. (Applause.)

94 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 29

(November 29, 1913.)

The Street Railway Situation in
Toronto

BY MR. BION J. ARNOLD.*

AT a special meeting of the Canadian Club on the 29th of

November, Mr. Arnold said:

Mr. President, Your Worship the Mayor, Members of the
Canadian Club and Guests, — Making a public speech is
something I always avoid, if I possibly can. It seems to be
one of the things that my calling requires me to do, so when
the various situations warrant or seem' to require it, the re-
sponsibility is not actuallv shirked. For that reason, when
your President, or Honorary Secretary, rather, asked me to
address this Club, I demurred, and tried to get out of it, but
finally consented to do so at some future time. That is my
way of getting out of it, but as in this case I always get
nailed. (Laughter.)

Recently my time has been occupied with matters of this
kind in Chicago, so much so that there has been absolutely
no time for preparation, as I have been working for the last
sixty days practically day and night. I have not had suffi-
cient time to get the necessary amount of sleep, although I
think I am awake now. That is my excuse. Consequently
I shall have to speak extemporaneously, using such notes as
my assistant and I have made dealing with the transporta-
tion question in Toronto, and later will answer such questions
as you may put.

Briefly, on the general facts of the situation in this country
and the States, I think what I may say may apply to this
country as well as to the United States. The traction situation
in almost every large city is more or less of a political ques-
tion, or rather the conditions arising out of the traction situ-
ation are political, consequently when I am put into a situa-
tion to analyze it, I analyze it to the best of my ability as a
disinterested engineer, having in my analyses absolutely no
politics, no axes to grind ; but I try to find the truth and tell
it, always aiming to do that regardless of the side it hits ; some-

*Mr. Bion J. Arnold is one of the foremost transportation experts
in the United States. He has specialized in electric railway systems,
being1 Chairman of the Chicago Traction Board. His visit to Toronto
was particularly timely in as much as the proposal that the City
should purchase the Toronto Street Railway then occupied the people's
attention.

RAILWAY SITUATION IN TORONTO. 95

times it may be my own friends, but what I mean to do is to
go down the middle of the road, and I have endeavored to
do this in Canada. (Applause.) Unfortunately there are
always political questions involved, but I want you to feel
that what figures I have prepared in connection with the
Toronto situation have been sincerely prepared. I believe
there are those who construe figures their own way for polit-
ical effect ; this is one of the things I sometimes have to suffer
for, but I generally am charitable enough to try to believe
that adverse criticism is by those who do not understand my
figures.

I want to make this point quite clear. The traction situ-
ation, especially in my own country, (and as I said, this applies
to yours also), is in the condition at present in many of our
larger cities of having certain amounts of money invested in
the business, for which there seems to be no real property
in existence. I mean no tangible property, physical property,
something you can go out and find, but the fact remains that
much more value exists than is represented by the physical
property found, — it is the difference between what you can
see and the value of the company, which difference is some-
times termed intangible value, — it may have been spent on
tracks, cars, etc., which have worn out, and which have be-
come obsolete, — it may be partly due to the fact that the
capitalization is often over and above what the property ever
was worth. Consequently when you speak of intangible value,
it is necessary to define exactly what you mean. In a good
many cases companies have banked too heavily on the expect-
ed future profits of horse car lines after being- electrified.
They figured that the receipts in the future would be about
what they proved to be but they had not correctly estimated
the increase in the operating expenses as they failed to include
a proper amount for maintenance and depreciation or the
depreciation proved to be greater than the owners at that time
believed it would be, consequently the net profits of the busi-
ness have not been as great as the operators or proprietors
then believed they would be. The increased gross receipts
have almost invariably been realized, these increased _ gross
receipts being due to the electrification of the properties, to
the increased population, and also the increased riding habit
of the people. For the past eleven years I have been engaged
in endeavoring to get the railway and the municipalities to-
gether upon some reasonable basis of compromise so as to
eliminate on some fair basis the "intangible value" above
referred to, no matter how it happened to accrue. Those

26 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 29

that were in the electrical business years ago (and I
was one of them), as well as city officials and citizens of
municipalities are just as guilty for creating this situation
as the railway companies themselves, because they caused
franchises to be granted on very easy terms, and acquiesced
in expecting that the net profits would be extensive.' They
permitted the issuance of securities to cover not only franchise
values but often far in excess of the value of the properties
and allowed these securities to be sold to the public; there-
fore many of us should not now too severely criticise these
companies for we are partially guilty.

I am making no local application ; but when you are trying
to get a basis of relieving the situation, you must take into
consideration the fact that you yourself are, or at any rate
I myself am, partly guilty, because I was in those days en-
gaged as an engineer in examining and building properties.
The gross receipts came along all right, but none of us under-
stood depreciation, and consequently none of us then prepar-
ed to take care of that depreciation. We ran along a number
of years, allowing the properties to run down, and did not
set aside a fund with which to renew them. Consequently
many companies find that they have depleted properties to-
day, and no cash with which to renew them, insufficient cap-
italization to pay for the renewals, and a state of public sen-
timent that does not allow of its increase. The result is that
a number of traction companies are practically in a state of
bankruptcy if required to give adequate service. That, how-
ever, is not the situation in Toronto exactly. It is for the
purpose of relieving such situations as I have described that
for eleven years I have been trying to work out some medium
or fair ground upon which the municipalities and the com-
panies could meet.

I want to be quite clearly understood ; I have no prepared
scheme of settlement to advocate here, I am not here to
advocate the purchase of the Toronto Railway Company, or
any other scheme, I am here simply to explain things that
may not be understood in my reports. I am just as open
to new suggestions as any other man. I have not made up
my mind. With respect to the purchase of the Toronto Rail-
way Company when his Worship the Mayor asked me if I
recommended it, I replied that when I took into consideration
the probable earnings, the present situation, the urgent neces-
sity for some sort of a clean up, I thought, looking at it from
the most pessimistic standpoint of the public, that the differ-
ence between the present actual value and the price asked
for the property was not sufficiently great to warrant not

RAILWAY SITUATION IN TORONTO. 97

making the arrangement, provided certain contingencies were
completely cleared up, so that the city could acquire a clear
right of way, both physical and legal. (Applause.)

I have just been shown this morning the plan submited
by the Harbour Commission. I could not go into it thoroughly
enough to formulate a definite opinion; I may say, however,
that it appears to have some very excellent points. I believe
that it should be thoroughly considered before taking action,
(hear, hear) — how meritorious it is I am not prepared just
now to say. It is possible that a co-ordination of that scheme
with the present plan may work out something to suit all in
the long run. (Applause.)

Your Honorary Secretary, Mr. Wilson, was kind enough
to write me a 'letter, which reached me just as I was starting
for the train, containing five questions, suggesting that if
I spoke to these five questions, I would probably satisfy you
to-day, so that I will confine myself as closely as I can to them.

The first question is, —

"On what do you base your estimate of the population
in 1921, Please explain how you arrived at that figure,
705,000?"

Now in general I want to say that I have had quite an
extensive experience in determining the probable future pop-
ulation of various cities. In 1902 the duty was placed upon
me of making an exhaustive study of the traction situation
in Chicago. I did the best I could with respect to this situ-
ation and wrote a book of 250 pages, analyzing many things,
among others the probable future population of Chicago for
fifty years in the future from that date. I want to say, that
while the city had increased from 1837, the date of its incor-
poration, to 1902 at a rate averaging 8 per cent, per annum,
my estimate for the future growth was somewhat lower than
that. Since that date for a period of n years, the population
increase has followed the curve based upon my estimates so
closely that no material difference is discernible when based
upon the Federal Census, and I estimated the gross receipts
of the street railway company also so closely that the same
has been the result. In like manner I have estimated the
population and future earnings of several other cities, and the
increases in population and receipts have followed my predic-
tions with sufficient accuracy to warrant me in saying that I
believe I exercised reasonably sound judgment. That may
appear a little conceited, but it perhaps justifies my own belief
in my reasoning for Toronto especially when my estimates

98 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 29

are substantiated by two or three other men, whose judgment
is admittedly sound, and I believe that my reports should
receive at least careful consideration before being turned
down.

In Toronto I estimated the future increase in population
and consequently the gross receipts of the street railway
property, if owned by the city or by the company, in either
case somewhat higher than I would in the case of other cities.
It I recollect correctly, the population increase was estimated
at 6 per cent, per annum, and the gross receipts of the
street railway company were estimated to increase at the rate
of ii per cent, per annum. On that point I want to say that
in the general analysis of the increase in population of prob-
ably twenty cities of the United States with which I have had
to do (possibly not quite twenty but quite a number), analysis
of the gross receipts of these companies shows that the
increase of the street railway receipts is about as the square
of the population, that is, if the population doubles, the trac-
tion gross receipts will quadruple. I have estimated your
gross receipts in Toronto on a slightly lower basis than that.

Recently I made an analysis of the steam railway terminals
at Chicago, where there are twenty-five railroads entering.
It was necessary to estimate the future passenger growth of
the city. I found that the increase of train movement and
consequently the necessity for the increase of passenger ter-
minal facilities would be practically the same as in the street
railway business, i.e., as the square; and that the increase in
passengers carried would be as the cube of the population
increase. That is, while there would be four times the num-
ber of passenger trains when the population doubled, there
would be eight times the people carried. This statement is
merely an incidental thing so far as the Toronto situation
is concerned but is based upon train capacity and passenger
carrying capacity of principal cities in all the states of the
United States, and then narrowed down to the Northern and
Central States around Chicago.

Now the reason I think Toronto is going to go ahead is
this, — and it is also the reason why you should not base the
estimated increase in population of Toronto upon the increase
in certain other cities of like population in the United States,
i.e., with respect to their increase in population during the
last ten or fifteen years; the reason is this: you have a great
empire here before you; you are increasing at a very rapid
rate, therefore you should compare yourself not with the
United States as it exists to-day, with a population of ap-

1913] RAILWAY SITUATION IN TORONTO. 99

proximately one hundred million, but with the United States
of fifty years ago with a population of fifty million.*

Now then, I think you will find my estimate for the growth
of the population of Toronto very conservative, and I will
give you a few figures to substantiate that reason.

In Philadelphia, from 1800 to 1900, the average increase
was 31-2 per cent, per year; in New York, within the same
period, 3.9 per cent. ; in Chicago, from 1837 to 1892, the rate
was 8.6 per cent. ; from 1892 to 1902, 4.9 per cent. Now,
considering the growth of the above three cities, when they
were approximately the same size as Toronto now is, the
following are found to be the facts. New York grew at an
average annual rate of 6 per cent, between the time when it
had 400,000 and when it had 700,000 population, that is, ap-
proximately the basis on which I have estimated the growth

* The following statistics which were not used by Mr. Arnold when
speaking are here given in order to amplify this statement.

The density of the population of Canada is very small in comparison
with that of the United States and the population of the country as a whole
is increasing at a very much more rapid rate. The population of Canada
in 1911 was approximately eight million, while the total population of the
continental United States is nearing the one hundred million mark. The
density of population in the United States for the year 1910, was 30.9 per
square mile, whereas in the same area in 1860 the density was 10.6 per
square mile ; in Canada the density of population for all the provinces in
the year 1911, was 1.93 per square mile and that of the province of Ontario
was 9.67 per square mile. In other words, the density of population in
Ontario at the present time is approximately that of the United States in
1860.

A proper test, therefore, of the reasonableness of the rate of growth
taken for Toronto during the next eight years as compared with the
growth of American cities of approximately the same population requires
a reference not to the rate of growth of American cities of the present
day, but to the rate of growth of American cities of the United States, of
fifty years ago, when the States were at substantially the same stage of
development as Canada now is.

The development of the arts since that time, however, particularly
those of transportation and inter-communication of different kinds tend to
bring about a more rapid increase of what are at this time sparsely settled
districts than was the case fifty years ago. Tbe economic attraction of
large cities like Philadelphia, Chicago and New York, with populations
running from one and one half million to nearly five million interferes with
the rate of growth of smaller cities ; a coudition to which there Is no
parallel in Canada so far as the magnitude of the city is concerned, for
the reason that the city of Toronto, the largest English speaking city in
Canada, has a population to-day of less than one half million, but if such a
parallel should exist in Canada the city of Toronto would be benefited by
it (if such is not already the case) for according to the 1911 Canadian
Census the increase in population of all cities of the province of Ontario
of over 1,000 population during the decade 1901 to 1911 was 41.93%
whereas the increase in population of Toronto according to the same
census is found to be approximately 82%.

10D THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 29

of Toronto during the next eight years. Philadelphia grew
at the rate of 16 per cent, between the time when its popula-
tion was 200,000 and when it was 700,000. With respect to
Chicago, between 1870 and 1880 the population increased 69
per cent, or an average of 6.9 per cent, per year. From 1880
to 1890, when the numerical increase was from 500,000 to
1,000,000, the increase was 218 per cent, or 21.8 per cent, per
year. So when I say Toronto is likely to increase at the rate
of 6 per cent, per year, I don't think I am very much over-
estimating the future of this city. (Applause.)

One other point which bears upon this subject is that the
movement towards the cities at the present time is much
greater and much more rapid now than in the period for
which the statistics I have quoted apply.

The United States census bulletin for 1910 shows that
of fifty cities with a population of more than 100,000 thirty-
four show a greater absolute increase in population in the
decade 1900 to 1910 than in the preceding decade, and twenty-
five show also a greater percentage of increase.

Now, take the increase in the cities of the United States,
during the last decade Detroit increased 69 per cent., Los
Angeles increased 211 per cent., Seattle 194 per cent., Port-
land 129 per cent., Kansas City 52 per cent. Taking all these
things into consideration, and having in mind the great coun-
try filling up behind you, I think that my figures are reason-
ably conservative as to your future population.

With these figures I think I can leave this subject for it
seems to me that I am safe in my prediction for Toronto's
growth.

My assistant calls my attention to my report on page 38,
where I show my estimate of the population of the city of
Toronto, both in a table and by a curve, which indicates that
during the last five years the average growth of Toronto has
been 8.88 per cent, while during the preceding decade it had
been 7.55 per cent, per annum. During the last five years,
however, you have materially increased the area of the city
by annexing outlying districts, in which districts there was
considerable population. However, by assuming that all the
population has been accumulated in the last twenty years, and
that in 1891 the population of the outlying districts was
practically negligible, the average increase has been 4.35 per
cent, without this additional growth.

Bearing on that point, and assuming that I have been con-
servative in my estimate of the increase in population, I want
to go back to the increase in earnings. As I said a while ago,

1913] RAILWAY SITUATION IN TORONTO. 101

while this estimate of growth applies in general, it may not
apply in every case because of local circumstances. But these
would likely make an increase, rather than decrease, in the
city of Toronto. With the vast water powers that exist near
here, and consequently cheap power, having in mind the
splendid location of this city, its tremendous harbour develop-
ment, and the settling- up of the western country, also the fact
that its industries are only beginning to be established, every-
thing would appear to be in your favor for the continuation
of the rapid growth of Toronto.

But there is one further point : the increase in gross re-
ceipts and consequently in rides per capita does not alone
depend upon the increase in population, but comes partly from
the increased riding habit of the people. As cities increase,
the riding habit of the people increases, so that as your
communities grow up, you have a little community here and
another here, another- eire"over~there ; the actual exchange of
business between these communities grows, so that the riding-
habit increases in greater proportion than the population.
That is what makes what is known as the "law of the squares"
hold with respect to traction earnings. In other words, if the
population doubles, and the riding habit doubles, necessarily
the gross receipts are four times as many. The increase in
the gross receipts of the Toronto Railway Company has been
remarkably constant, for the said increase has not been less
than ii per cent, per annum during the past fifteen years
with two exceptions, — during the years 1907 and 1908, the
years when our cities were affected by a panic, and in which
years the increase over the previous year was in excess of

10 1-2 per cent. In other words, in the past seventeen years,
the receipts of the Toronto Railway Company have increased

11 per cent, per annum in fifteen of them, and it should be
further stated that the increase in the gross earnings was
ii per cent, in one year when the increase in population of
the city during the same year was but 3 per cent. So when I
say I think that the gross earnings of the Toronto Railway
Company, which have been increased approximately ii per
cent, per annum for the past seventeen years, will continue
to increase at that rate for the next seven and one-half years,
especially when the entire mileage of the system is more than
doubled, I think I am still conservative. (Applause.)

Referring now to the increase in traction earnings in other
cities, particularly as to the increase in per capita earnings,
the following statistics are given:

102 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 29

Take San Francisco : in 1900 it had a population of 342,700,
and the receipts per capita were $13.67; in 1912 with a popu-
lation of 431,738 the receipts per capita were $18.93; that is,
with an increase in population of less than 100,000 or approx-
imately 26 per cent., the receipts per capita have increased
from $13.67 to $18.93 or 39 Per cent- In Kansas City in 1897
the population was 197,516, the population in 1912 was ap-
proximately 353,820; the per capita earnings were $9.02, in
1897, and in 1912 they were approximately $16.50. In Chi-
cago, when my report was made in 1902, the receipts per
capita, were about $10; to-day they are $17.44. In Buffalo
in 1900 the population was 352,387, the receipts per capita
were $7.84; in 1912 with a population of 437,981, the per
capita receipts were $14.23, that is, with an increase in popu-
lation of less than 100,000 or approximately 24 per cent.,
the per capita receipts have increased approximately 82 per
cent. In St. Louis in 1900, with a population of approximately
500,000, the per capita receipts were $7-77; in 1912 with a
population of 709,387, an increase of 209,000 or 41 per cent,
the receipts were $17.27 per capita, an increase of $9.50 or
122 per cent. In Boston, with a population of 560,000 in
1900, the receipts per capita were $18.20; in 1912 with a
population of approximately 700,000, an increase of approx-
imately 140,000 or 25 per cent., the receipts per capita were
found to be $23.60, an increase of $5.40 or 30 per cent. In
Toronto the population in 1900 was 205,887, and the receipts
per capita were $7.71 ; the population in 1913 is estimated
at 442,550, an increase of 237,000 or 115 per cent, and the
receipts per capita are now approximately $13.66, an increase
of $5.95 or 77 per cent. This is exclusive of the receipts of
the Radial lines inside the city limits and of the Civic lines,
which receipts when added to the gross earnings of the To-
ronto Railway Company will be found to give an earnings
of approximately $14 per capita in Toronto at this time.
This matter of per capita receipts is the substance of the
second question. I hope that I have fully explained.

The third question regards extension to the system.
"Your report covers this point to a considerable extent, but
it does not seem to have been grasped by the public. Will
you, therefore, let us know what provision you have made
for the extension of the system, and how it is to be financed."

In my report of this year we made provision in estimated
future receipts for the extension of the traction system from
147 miles, the present length, including the Radials inside
the city limits, and the Civic lines, to 283 miles in 1921,

1913] RAILWAY SITUATION IN TORONTO. 103

necessitating an increase in capitalization or the investment of
approximately $14,000,000 in new money. The exact locations
of those lines which I thought should be built up to and in-
cluding 1918 are all given in my report of 1912, together with
specific reasons for them. I hope that answers the questions
as to what provision is made for extensions.

I have gone into this in the valuation report although not
to the same extent. I have made provisions for extensions
throughout the period we are analyzing, not only for the sur-
face lines, but on the assumption that the present owners
ought to give the service I thought the population should
have. (Applause.) Also in my report of 1912 I went into
considerable detail as to a competitive system involving a
line on Yonge street, including the civic system, on a plan
showing how you could construct a system independent of
the Toronto Railway Company in case you could not get to-
gether with that company.

As to how the new money necessary to build the exten-
sions, or $14,000,000 is to be financed, I did not make any
attempt to tell the city how to finance its own affairs. I was
not asked to tell the city anything as to its policy in handling
this phase of the street railway situation. I simply estimated
what amount would be necessary, where it should be spent,
and about what year each line should be built, but did not
attempt to tell you how to raise the money.

If I had been asked as to how to finance the extensions,
I would probably have said that you would have to issue
securities upon the property, if the laws allow you, or some
sort of city bond or debentures at a low rate of interest, so
as to enable you to build this property for less cost than it
would take under a private corporation, because presumably
you can borrow money at a lower rate of interest than a
private corporation could (hear, hear) ; that is probably what
I would have said had I been asked at the time. I do not
think I am called upon nor should I attempt to tell you how
to finance your own affairs. If you acquire the traction
property, you will be able to work it, but you will have to
worry out as to how to finance and build the city lines.

Coming back to the receipts per capita, my attention
has just now been called to statistics from seventeen cities
as given in the Electric Railway Journal of October 25, 1913,
with their street railway receipts per capita per annum.

They are given as follows : —

Boston (Boston Elevated) $23.73

Winnipeg 21.51

104 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 29

San Francisco (United Railroads) $20.32

Detroit (Detroit United Railway) (estimated) . . 19.49

Los Angeles (Los Angeles Railway) 19-44

Mexico City (1911) 18.73

Omaha and Council Bluffs -. . 18.55

St. Louis 17.82

Chicago (combined companies) !7-44

New York City (combined companies) J7-39

Denver 16.03

Minneapolis and St. Paul I5-59

Baltimore (United Railway and Electric) 15-3S

Pittsburgh (Pittsburgh Railways) (estimated).... 15.24
Brooklyn (Brooklyn Rapid Transit, Coney Island

& Brooklyn) 15.07

Memphis M-77

Toronto 14-72

The receipts, you will note, run from $23.73 down to

$14.72, the average being $17.71 per capita for the seventeen

cities.*

* Regarding these figures Mr. Arnold, in a speech to the Members of
the Board of Trade later in the day, said :

"It should be stated with respect to these figures that most of the
reports from which the statistics are compiled, are for the calendar year
1912, but a number of companies reported for the fiscal year June 30, 191?,
whereas the population figures by which the gross receipts were divided in
order to obtain the receipts per capita above given are those of the 1910
or 1911 census. This fact would tend to reduce the figures from five to
ten per cent. The figures may contain other minor errors as the statistics
were only called to my attention this morning and I have not had time to
verify them.'1

Subsequent Note : After Mr. Arnold had had time to make a closer
analysis of these data it developed that the per capita receipts for the city
of Winnipeg, as given, include not only Street Railway fares but also
revenue from Electric Light and Power, and that this complication also
applies to some of the other cities listed; further, that in a number of cases,
notably Boston, the population of the city proper has been taken rather
than that of the Metropolitan District served by these companies.
Obviously the latter is the correct basis for such comparisons. In the
following table some of these have been re-computed :

EARNINGS PER CAPITA AMERICAN STREET RAILWAY SYSTEMS.
Based on Metropolitan Districts Served and 1910 Population and Earnings.

Year ending. Authority.

San Francisco:

U.R.R 12-31-10 (Arnold Report) $18.35

All Companies 1911 20.00

Omaha 12-31-10 (McGraw) 17.21

Greater New York:

Excl. Hudson and Manhattan 6-30-11 (P. S. Comm. 1st Dis-
trict Report) 16.98

RAILWAY SITUATION IN TORONTO. 105

Now, as to the question of franchises, the question asked
is, "Is the agreement which you have seen a real clean-up of
all of the franchises or are the radials to continue to have
rights of any kind within the present city or future exten-
sions of the city resulting from increase of population and
annexation. In other words, what will be the position of the
radials under the agreement with Mackenzie and Mann?"

When Mr. Moyes and I were called upon to value the
property of the Toronto Railway Company, we did so to the
best of our ability. In our report we placed the value of the
physical property at approximately $10,000,000, and what we
called the intangible assets at approximately $12,000,000.
That was the valuation which I desire to go into a little later
on. Accompanying this valuation we wrote a letter to his
Worship the Mayor, which we shaped up just as a sort of
general guide, stating that there were several weaknesses in
the tentative agreement which would have to be cleared up,
as we pointed out in detail in the letter which we laid before
him. It was our duty as experts, if we found anything in
the tentative draft of the agreement between the Mayor and
Sir William Mackenzie or in the whole proposition that was
not clear, or did not seem right to us, that we should point it

Year Ending. Authority.

St. Louis 12-31-10 (McGraw) $lfi.86

Denver 12-31-10 (McGraw) 16.84

Kansas City 1912 (Arnold Report) 16.53

Chicago 12-31-10 (Board Sup. Engrs.) 16.36

Los Angeles:

(Excl, Pac. El. Ry.) 1912 (Pub. Service Comm.) 16.20

Minneapolis-St. Paul 12-31-10 (McGraw) 14 30

Cincinnati* 6-30-11 (McGraw) 14.13

Memphis* 12-31-10 (McGraw) 13.75

Oakland:

(Excl. Key Route and Pacific

Local) 12-31-10 (McGraw) 13.55

Brooklyn-Queens 6-30-10 (McGraw) 1 3 . 09

Philadelphia . . 12-31-10 (Transit Report) 13 . 03

Boston (Metropolitan) 12-31-10 (B. T. Comm. Report) 12.91

Pittsburg ( District) 1 2-31-10 (Arnold Report ) 10 . 00

Cleveland* 12-31-10 (McGraw) 10 92

Average, 15 cities $14 . 55

NOTE. — Based on Gross Income.

From the above it appears that the average receipts per capita for the
districts listed is considerably lower than for the cities proper, but that in
general the newer metropolitan centres show the highest riding habit,
especially the Western cities. Toronto appears to advantage in compari-
son with Brooklyn, Philadelphia and Boston, although below San Francisco,
Omaha and Kansas City.

* Not entirely authoritative, insufficient data.

106 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 29

out, and as his Worship the Mayor said, he would expect to
have it pointed out. In our letter of September 20, 1913,
we pointed out certain things we thought should be agreed
upon and reduced to absolute language before any agreement
was entered into. These points, as I understand, were placed
before Sir William Mackenzie by his Worship the- Mayor,
and may be put in a few words as follows : That the absolute
possession and right to all existing lines in the present city
limits, both local street railway lines and radial lines, together
with all franchises which they might carry with them, would
become absolutely the property of the city of Toronto with
no strings to them. (Hear, hear.) I am sure the language
is strict, if not, it must be made so. If it did not mean that,
I do not know how to use the English language. I am very
certain that, if the arrangement should be made, his Worship
the Mayor, and the atorneys of the city, would see that the
language is sufficiently strict to be sure that the city acquired
these rights with no strings on them. Mr. Moyes and I saw
that, unless that point was to be guarded, a question might
be left, so that the radials would have the right to run into
the heart of the city over the city tracks and the city would
be powerless to prevent them, and, therefore, would not get
all the receipts it should, and it would not be the clean-up
which I understand is the fundamental question here. (Hear,
hear.) Our language is this: "The position taken in this
report is that, if the Railway Company is paid an amount
of money not less than the value of its property and intangible
assets, in return the Railway Company shall turn over the
property in its entirety, including all physical and intangible
assets, granted to or possessed or held by or used in the
prosecution of the street railway business, and all similar
assets as may be the property of the radial lines used in oper-
ating under the light, heat, and power franchises." That is
our language. I think it is broad enough to cover the point.
We concluded by saying, "We earnestly advise you that these
conditions be carefully considered."

The object was to place the city in such a position that the
radials and any other company now operating railways in
the city of Toronto would have no rights whatever; there-
fore in coming into the city they would have to take the
mater up de novo with the city and negotiate the terms for
coming into the city, and these terms should be absolutely
just to the railways and to the city. (Hear, hear.)

As to the question of intangible values. Perhaps I used
an unfortunate term when I said I would place the "intangible

1913] RAILWAY SITUATION IN TORONTO. 107

value" at $12,000,000. The term means many things ; in
Toronto we figured it to be simply the amount of money the
Toronto Railway Company would make between now and
1921, if it continue to operate as it now operates. (Laugh-
ter.) Consequently also the value which we estimated in our
recent figures is what we believe the city of Toronto, if it
acquires the property and operates the property as efficiently
as the present Toronto Street Railway is operating it
(laughter), will make out of the same property during the
same period.

Now, as to whether the city will operate it as efficiently,
that question is entirely in your hands. I understand that if
the property is acquired it is to be placed under a Commission,
which will endeavor to operate it as efficiently as it is being
now operated, in which case the figures I have given will, I
think, absolutely hold because I have tried to present figures
of results that ought to be realized.

"Intangible value" in the Toronto case means simply
"swapping dollars" as one of your bright newspaper men
made me say in an interview. In other words, you are paying
the Railway Company for the dollars it will make during the
remaining life of its franchise, as you are assuming you will
be able to make the same number of dollars.

I want to tell you that street railways operated under
proper commissions do make money. I do not want to blow
my own horn too much, but we have had a similar commission
in Chicago for the past seven years, of which it has been my
good fortune to be chairman. It is absolutely non-political.
I know the politics of but few of the board force of ninety
or one hundred men. The properties so managed are operated
under an agreement or franchise with the city, which pro-
vides that after 8 per cent, of the gross receipts have been
set aside for depreciation, and not less than 6 per cent, have
been spent on maintenance, and after an accident fund and
operating expenses have likewise been paid, the companies
shall receive 5 per cent, on their actual investment. The rest
is divided into two parts, 55 per cent, of the remaining net
profits going to the city, and 45 per cent, to the companies.
As a result of this arrangement, the companies have made
7 per cent, on their capital; the city has had $14,500,000 in
cold cash paid into its treasury in seven years. (Applause.)
A commission can run a railway.

My assistant asks me to call your attention to this fact, —
that our present board is composed of three men, one appoint-
ed by the city, one by the companies, and the third a dis-

108 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 29

interested party, absolutely independent. The city and the
companies have delegated broad authority to the board. We
do not entirely manage the operation of the properties, but
we have supervision over them, and we have the final say
so on every question. So far as the supervision of investment,
auditing of accounts and construction matters go, we are
absolutely in control. Under that arrangement we have spent
$84,000,000 in seven years; we have put $14,500,000 into the
city treasury, and the companies have made 7 per cent, profit.
I think that shows fairly satisfactory management. (Ap-
plause.)

The last question is that of tubes.

"Will you discuss the practicability of tubes in Toronto?"
We believe you are especially qualified to discuss this ques-
tion, and in view of the proposal which was submitted to the
City Hall to-day by the Harbour Commissioners, do you think
that the combination of a tube and surface lines proposed by
them will be an adequate solution of the transportation
problem ?"

I can say offhand that I do not think the proposition as
submitted by the Harbour Commision will be an adequate
solution. I do think it is a very valuable suggestion. (Hearf
hear!) It could be co-ordinated with the existing lines, and
when that plan is analyzed thoroughly by competent authority,
and you have had a chance to thoroughly digest the question,
you will then have formulated, in my judgment, a system for
the city of Toronto such as I think it ought to have, and one
which I think you can support. I thank you. (Prolonged
applause.)

At this point, as the hour of 2 o'clock had been reached,
an opportunity was given for any who had engagements to
withdraw, and after a few had done so, the opportunity was
given of asking Mr. Arnold questions, which, with his replies,,
follow.

Mr. N. Ferrar Davidson, K.C. : "May we ask Mr. Arnold
whether he was advised, as a matter of law, that the Toronto
Railway Company would be entitled to the same sort of
valuation at the expiration of the company's franchise as he
is making now? I ask this, because there is a very wide
impression among the people of Toronto that the Toronto
Railway Company would be only paid on a scrap iron basis."

Mr. Arnold : "As I understand the franchise, the Railway
Company would have to accept the valuation of its physical
property then in existence, not necessarily as scrap iron, but
valued as physical property then in existence. That would

RAILWAY SITUATION IN TORONTO. 109

not include any of these intangible values of $12,000,000,
for they would have earned them ; but it would include what-
ever physical property it would have then."

Mr. W. F. Maclean, M.P. : "What it would cost to re-
produce the property in its then state."

Mr. Arnold: "Exactly."

Mr. T. Stewart Lyon: "You said in the table you gave
of seventeen cities in the United States, that the gross earn-
ings per capita ranged from $14.70 to $23; were these cities
on all fours with the city of Toronto, or were they what we
know as nickel-fare cities? It seems to me that the estimate
of the gross earnings should be given of cities with 3 i-S and
41-6 cent fares, and not those with 5 cent fares. I know that
Chicago, Boston, Buffalo, and one or two others are nickel
cities. How many cities have fares approximately the same
as in Toronto?"

Mr. Arnold: "It does not make much difference so long
as Toronto is earning a higher rate. In other words, the
riding habit of the people increases as the rate of fare de-
creases, so that the receipts per capita, or rather the gross
receipts, are not so changed as it might seem. The rate of
increase will be the same as in other cities."

Mr. Lyon: "Would it not be true that in Toronto, with
a 3% cent fare, we would have to greatly increase the riding
habits of the people to produce anything like as much as the
nickel fare in these other cities?"

Mr. Arnold : "You can't say yes or no to that question.
It depends upon the local situation. I am assuming that the
fare would not be reduced below what it now is."

"Would that be true if you increase your system so as to
give the people the service the city should have?"

"That would increase the riding habit, I think, so as to
make up in value."

Dr. Thos. R. Millman : "What is your opinion as to muni-
cipal ownership of properties such as street railways, where
they are managed by the municipality, managing them by a
changing class every year, such as a Mayor, Controllers or
Aldermen? If after your statement made about Chicago,
have you a Commission that is entirely independent of the
Mayor and Aldermen so that they can't interfere with you?"

Mr. Arnold: "I will answer the last question first. Our
Commission in Chicago is absolutely independent of any
city official or other political official of any kind. I mean that
so far as the balance of power is concerned, we are indepen-
dent. The city representative on the Commission is subject

110 THE CANADIAN CLUB. LNov. 29

to the Mayor and^Council ; he is appointed by the Mayor and
approved by the City Council. The railway company's repre-
sentative is appointed by and removable by the company.
But the third man, the Chairman, was elected at the time
the ordinance creating the Commission was passed ; his. name
is written in the ordinance; he therefore holds office for
twenty years, unless he gets crooked or does something else
for which he should be removed. I have been busy at times
keeping the board non-political, but we are purely a technical
board, comprised of men who especially understand the busi-
ness. When you get a Commission like that and allow it to
do as it wants to do, you get results, because we think we
have got them in Chicago. Usually a new administration
attempts to antagonize the board, thinking probably it is very
similar to other bodies created by law which are political. We
usually have two years of trouble with a new administration;
they think we should be amenable — when they are reasonable,
we are amenable, but when they are not, we are not. (Laugh-
ter.) We have trouble like that for the first one or two years ;
then they realize that we are trying to do our duty, and they
turn around and are our friends for the rest of their term.
As indicative of the present feeling I might state that the
council passed two weeks ago a merger ordinance, which put
all the street railways under one management, under one head,
by a vote of 57 to 7 in that council. Under that ordinance
greater powers are given to this board."

Mr. N. F. Davidson: "Have you made any deduction for
paying for these physical assets now, instead of paying for
them eight years hence? Ought there not to be a discount
on the physical assets because you pay the money now, and
allow for the profits during the eight years?"

Mr. Arnold: "That is what we do exactly."

Mr. W. H. Orr : "Our trouble is here : we have too much
difficulty in getting home between 5 and 6 o'clock. You are
well acquainted with the transportation here in this city ; what
would you suggest in the way of immediate relief, so that
within six or twelve months all that difficulty may be
remedied ?"

Mr. Arnold : "I would make some extensions, according
to my 1912 report, right away, as quick as you can, more cars
and more tracks." (Applause.)

A written question: "When you speak of gross receipts
from railway traffic in Chicago as being $18 per capita, does
this include local steam railway traffic?"

RAILWAY SITUATION IN TORONTO. Ill

Mr. Arnold: "It does not include steam railway traffic,
simply surface and elevated, proper intramural traffic. It has
no reference to steam or suburban railways."

Another written question: "When Mr. Arnold said the
railway should be operated as efficiently as it is by the com-
pany, does this mean operated with the higher standard con-
templated under civic control, or merely under the profit-
producing system now in force?" (Laughter and applause.)

Mr. Arnold: "I think that was Mr. Fleming's question.
(Laughter.) Our figures are based upon a proper service to
the people. (Hear! hear!) An adequate system, adequate
tracks, and adequate service. Now, as to how profitable it
would be is for you to say. (Laughter.) Mr. Fleming is a
good railway manager, I'll tell you that. (Applause.)

A voice: "He'll come, too."

Mr. Arnold : "Our scheme, as I have laid it down, is based
on service first, profit second, and a proper operating ratio to
get that. At the same time, so far as profit to the company
or the city is concerned, I have not assumed that you are
going to squeeze any company until you strangle it, or your-
selves until you die." (Hear! hear!)

Another question: "Do you consider that 70 per cent, of
the gross earnings provides a comfortable, convenient service
in American cities, such as Toronto?"

Mr. Arnold : "I will read from the memorandum I re-
cently sent to Mr. John McKay.

"I think it appears in his interim report ; I am betraying no
confidence, therefore, but I am perfectly willing to have any-
thing I have written to him or any other man on earth made
public.

"On Table II. there is given the operating cost in cents per
car mile. The figures on this table have been obtained by
dividing the various gross amounts shown on Table I. by the
number of car miles operated by the traction systems in
question during the year in which the given receipts or ex-
penses were realized or incurred. From this table it will be
noted that the gross receipts per mile in Toronto are com-
parable with cities having a five cent fare, rather than those
in which a reduced fare is now prevailing, i.e., Cleveland.
It will be noted from this table that the decreased cost of
operation of the Toronto Railway Company is due primarily,
in fact, almost entirely, to those items of expense which are
fixed by franchise conditions, rather than by those dependent
upon the efficiency of the management. The items to which
this observation is applicable are those of Maintenance of

112 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 29

Roadway and Structures, and taxes. The Maintenance of
Roadway is considerably less, as will be noted from Table II.
in the case of the Toronto Railway Company, because of the
fact that the track substructure and paving surface is installed
and maintained by the city of Toronto. This constitutes the
largest item of expense in the maintenance of the roadway of
a traction company. Just what saving it means in the opera-
tion of the property is well shown by Table II., for it will be
noted that the average cost of maintenace on all of the systems
shown in this table is 4.15 cents per car mile, whereas the cost
in Toronto is 2.92 cents per car mile, or a saving of 1.23 cents
by 18,543,297 car miles, or approximately $236,000 per year.
That the saving in maintenance by the Toronto Railway Com-
pany is due to this provision is further brought out by the
fact, as will be noted from Table II., that the Toronto Railway
Company expends more per car mile on the maintenance of
its car equipment than any of the other companies therein
shown. The other large savings in the cost of operating the
Toronto Railway due to ordinance provisions is that in the
payment of taxes, for as will be noted from Table II. the
payments of the Toronto Railway Company equal .31 cents
per car mile, whereas the payment of the other companies
herein given vary from 1.17 to 1.62 cents per car mile, the
average for the four companies being 1.35 cents. Since the
average payment of all the companies whose statistics therein
given is 1.35 cents, and the Toronto Railway Company ex-
pends but .31 cents for taxes, its operating expense is there-
fore reduced 1.04 cents per car mile due to certain conditions
of the particular franchise under which it operates, which
reduction when taken with the reduction because of other
franchise conditions affecting the expense of maintenance
(or 1.23 cents) gives a total reduction of 2.27 cents per car
mile. This additional charge would give a corrected operating
ratio for the Toronto Railway Company comparable with
all companies operating in the States under similar con-
ditions of 61.8 per cent., or approximately the same operating
ratio (as will be noted from Table I.) as exists in Kansas City,
Pittsburgh and Buffalo.

"In other words, if you put 70 per cent, of the gross re-
ceipts into the operation of a street railway such as you have
in Toronto, including maintenance, depreciation, and taxes,
that would give you, in my judgment, an adequate service.
That exceeds the actual amount we put in in most of our cities.
But that is the position I have always taken, that 70 per cent,
should include all operating expenses, and that is all that

RAILWAY SITUATION IN TORONTO. 113

should be asked of a company in order to give adequate ser-
vice. In Chicago we do not put so much, for the reason that
we have not sufficient tracks. That is the reason why for
sixty days I have been studying the subway problem, and also
the question of additional railroad terminals."

Mr. J. E. Atkinson: "As to the 70 per cent., did you
estimate that before you estimated the intangible assets?"

Mr. Arnold: "That was estimated before I ever heard of
this situation. We assumed that the city of Toronto is now
spending — we took the same ratio as now, 56 per cent. ; but
you are furnishing part of that now. You would have to fur-
nish it then; you add what you are now furnishing to the 56,
and that would bring it up to 69 per cent."

"As we understand it then, whereas, in cities in the United
States, usually the operating expenses are about 66 per cent.,
you have estimated them here at 69 per cent.?"

"Yes, for the figures I have given you."

Mr. W. F. Maclean : "I think you said that in the division
of profits, in Chicago, 45 per cent, went to the city and the
balance to the company?"

Mr. Arnold: "It is the other way round, 45 per cent, to
the company, 55 to the city."

"Then, if Chicago had public ownership, it would give you
the whole 100 per cent. ?"

"Yes, sir, it would." (Applause.)

Mr. Mark H. Irish : "Would you be willing to prepare, and
I think probably in pamphlet form, to hand out for distri-
bution to the people, a synopsis of the appointment and the
powers of the Chicago Commission?"

Mr. Arnold: "I should be very glad to. I can send the
Mayor the complete ordinance. Could I give it to you now
briefly?"

Mr. J. E. Atkinson: "Could any commission, such as you
have in Chicago, operate our railway?"

Mr. Arnold: "I am sure it could, but I want to say that
there has been considerable pleasant criticism of our actions,
and some unpleasant criticism of the salaries paid us, there-
fore I can't tell whether you would stand by such a commission
or not/'

Mr. W. D. Gregory: "As I understand, the tangible assets
are the profits the company would make. Do you think it
would be in the interests of the city to incorporate in the agree-
ment the provision that we should run this railway by an
expert board if we took it over, and that instead of paying
that $11,000,000 now, we pay them annually through that term
the profits we make?" (Laughter.)

114 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Nov. 29

Mr. Arnold : "I am not sure that I understand the question.
I might say I have heard of public ownership and private man-
agement, but I never heard of private ownership and public
management exactly."

Mr. Gregory: "Let me make myself clear. Some of us
are doubtful as to whether the population and the earnings of
the railway will increase as we have heard. In order to take
no chances, but to make sure of all the profits the railway could
get, all the profits that an expert board would get out of the
system, do you not think it would be in the interests of the
city to make such an arrangement, to pay an annual sum equal
to what the railway would get out of it?"

Mr. Arnold: "If you put them in charge of it, all right."

Mr. Gregory: "But if you put it under an expert board?"

Mr. Arnold: "No, it would not be fair, for this reason:
all my figures are based upon the definite proposition or
assumption that you take the railway as it is, that you put
so much money year by year into operating it efficiently and
properly. I do not think that any railway company should be
asked to have no voice in the management of its property
and take a chance with any other body managing the system."

Mr. Gregory: "Is it right for the city to take the chance?"

Mr. Arnold : "It is all right ; if you want to take the propo-
sition, then take it, but don't make it a jug-handled affair. If
you are going to make the deal, face the proposition; if not,
then say so." (Hear! hear!)

A question: "Why does Mr. Arnold use the term 'intang-
ible assets' rather than good will or franchise?"

Mr. Arnold: "It has nothing at all to do with good will.
I don't regard a street railway company as having any good
will. (Laughter.) I want to answer the question fairly, — I
did not mean to be witty. I don't regard a railway comapny
which has been granted a public right to operate in the
streets has any good will except what the public gave it. But
it does have a legal right to operate on those streets so long
as its franchise permits, to its certain earning power. It is
that legal right that gives it the chance to earn what I will call
intangible assets.

"Our Chicago franchise has been practically adopted by
Kansas City, where I have also been adviser for the Federal
Court now in charge of the property, having prepared a valu-
ation of the property and outlined a policy to lay before the
people. We used such means as have occurred to me and
others to make the ordinance an improvement on the Chicago
ordinance, and it looks probable and likely that the ordinance

RAILWAY SITUATION IN TORONTO. 115

will be adopted. I gave a valuation of $35,000,000 on the
property. It was a large property to valuate, but the news-
papers and others, including the Mayor, thought that there
was not more than $14,000,000 worth. The sum 'determined
by me was considered honestly arrived at; they did not want
to say that any dollar honestly invested should be lost, and
at the same time said that, if shown that the value was there,
they would recognize it. Well, they have recognized my valu-
ation, for they have practically found vouchers for every
dollar expended. They were surprised ; they thought it could
not be so high but the proof was there. The settlement, how-
ever, was finally based upon an allowed capitalization of
$30,000,000 at 6 per cent., instead of $35,000,000 at 5 per cent.,
which amounts to the same net return to the company. They
have a Board of Control there similar to the Chicago Board of
Control, with a city representative, appointed by the city, and
a company representative, appointed by the companies, while
the third man, when needed, is to be selected by the State
Public Utilities Commission.

"In conclusion I want to say that they were appreciative
enough to choose my friend here (Mr. Philip J. Kealy) as
one of the board. (Applause.)

"Now, gentlemen, I came unprepared, but I have endeavor-
ed to answer your questions, and I thank you for your atten-
tion." (Applause.)

116 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Dec, 4

(December 4, 1913.)

The Financial Outlook in Canada.

BY SIR GEORGE PAISH.*

AT a special meeting of the Club held on the 4th Decem-
•** her, Sir George Paish said:

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, — I have very great pleasure
in speaking to you to-day, for several reasons, one of which
undoubtedly is my great admiration for Canada, and my ad-
miration also for the financial ability of the business men
of Toronto. And I chose "The Financial Outlook in Canada"
as the subject of my address as I thought you particularly
would be interested in it. I think you will agree with me
that the subject selected is not without a certain amount of
importance at the present time. It is indeed of interest not
merely to you business men of Toronto, and not merely to
every citizen of Canada, but is one that is in the minds of
business men all over the world, and especially it is in the
minds of the bankers of the world. People are asking what
is the financial outlook of Canada?

Of course, no one acquainted with the natural wealth,
the potential wealth, of Canada has any doubt about its
future. Indeed, most people who have given thought to the
matter expect that the course of affairs here will resemble
very closely the course of affairs in the United States over
the last century. You will remember that that country made
enormous progress from decade to decade, but usually after
periods of expansion lasting about ten years reactions occurr-
ed, in order to give the country time to recuperate. In a
somewhat similar manner Canada moves on. You made very
considerable expansion in the 6o's and early 7o's ; then in
common with the rest of the world you made a halt and there
was very little progress in the late 7o's ; in the 8o's you went
ahead again, building the Canadian Pacific Railway and
developing your western country ; in the cp's again you halted
and made very little headway; now in the last ten years you
have made a great leap forward. Your progress in the last

*Sir Georg-e Paish is editor of the London "Statist," probably the
most eminent financial paper in the world. His clear and sane analysis
of Canadian business conditions attracted world-wide attention, and
was a real service to Canadians in the business world generally.

1913] FINANCIAL OUTLOOK IN CANADA. 117

decade has indeed been of a most remarkable character. You
have built here, in a comparatively short time, two great
systems of railway, at enormous cost; you have extended the
Canadian Pacific Railway in every direction ; you have added
a great deal of second track; and beyond this, the old Grand
Trunk Company has greatly improved its system. In doing
this, you have spent a great sum of money, — I think the
amount is not far short of £175,000,000 (175 millions sterling),
a very great sum to spend in a short time on railway construc-
tion.

The expenditures are now nearly over. I am told that the
Grand Trunk Pacific has only a few miles to construct in
order to have the roadbed completed from one end of the
country to the other ; it has still several hundred miles of rails
to lay, but that is comparatively inexpensive work. For all
practical purposes the financing of the Transcontinental Rail-
way is finished. The money has been raised. It is obvious
that after building so great a railway the company will be
obliged to proceed slowly with capital expenditures, will have
to make productive the vast amount of money now sunk in
the undertaking. That, of course, will involve a certain
amount of trade diminution ; capital will not come in so fast.
The Canadian Northern is not as far advanced as the Grand
Trunk Pacific Railway, but not much more money is needed
to complete all your great roads. In short, you are ap-
proaching the time when your great railway systems will be
completed for the time being, and, when consequently the in-
flux of capital for their construction will greatly diminish.

Beyond the capital that has been invested here in your
railways, great quantities have been coming for your munici-
palities and for all kinds of enterprises. The amount is so
great that very few people realize or appreciate it. The
Mother Country in the last few years has provided Canada
with a sum of no less than 250 million pounds, a sum which
you will admit is a very large one. I am told that the United
States has also provided a very large sum of money. The
result is, that at the present moment the Canadian people owe
to Great Britain and the United States, a sum of upwards of
£600,000,000, or $3,000,000,000; over £500,000,000 to Great
Britain, and over £100,000,000 to the United States, and it is
now up to Canada to provide the interest on this great sum
of money.

Even those of us who are optimistic about the future of
Canada recognize that with such a great influx of capital it
is necessary for the country to go rather slow in capital ex-

118 THE CANADIAN CLUB. tDec. 4

penditure for some time in order that the interest on the capital
already expended may be provided, and in order also that
Canada may not borrow beyond its power to pay interest. For
myself, I am convinced that Canada is able to bear its present
interest burden. (Applause.)

Canada is in a very privileged position. We in England
greatly admire the Canadian people; we have a great senti-
ment of friendship for you ; and the result of this sentimental
attachment is of important material advantage to Canada.
We have loaned this great sum of 500 millions sterling to
Canada at a rate of interest only slightly over 4 per cent ; we
should have charged any other country, at any rate any foreign
country, over 5 per cent. (Applause.) That means, that
although you owe us 500 millions sterling, the cost of the
loan to you is not more than 400 millions sterling would be
to a foreign country ; in other words, you have got the ad-
vantage of borrowing an extra hundred millions for nothing.
(Laughter.) On the capital you have borrowed from the
United States you are paying a higher rate of interest,
because most of that capital has come in for industrial opera-
tions, giving relatively higher returns. But when one adds
the whole amount, I think the interest paid by Canada for
capital obtained from abroad is not much more than 4^ per
cent. ; in other words, you have incurred a yearly burden of
£27,000,000 for interest, and it is that sum that you have to
provide.

Now, how are you going to provide it ? What is the result
of this expenditure of money? Well, in the first place, you
will have extended your railway system from about 18,000
miles to about 35,000 miles in eleven or twelve years. Your
railway mileage in operation last year was nearly 27,000,
but beyond this nearly 9,000 miles were under construction,
and most of this will be completed and opened for traffic
within the next two years. In your railways you have got
a great machine which will help you enormously to increase
your wealth production, and will enable you, I hope and be-
lieve, to provide the great sum of £27,000,000 for interest
without great or serious difficulty.

For the time being, however, those trades which have
gained advantage from this great influx of capital will be
slack; on the other hand, those natural industries, such as
farming and mining, which will largely benefit from the ex-
tension of railway mileage, should make more rapid progress.
We shall all be greatly disappointed if they do not. When
one marks the great expansion that has taken place in the

1913] FINANCIAL OUTLOOK IN CANADA. 119

past few years in these industries, one gets some notion of
the enormous expansion that should come in the next decade
or so. You will realize that a farmer when he starts in busi-
ness has necessarily to put under cultivation a relatively small
acreage, but as the years pass, his acreage increases, and we
expect that your wealth production will rapidly increase, that
in a short time your productions of wheat, oats and the other
agricultural products for which you are famous, will im-
mensely expand ; and that consequently the burden of interest,
which now may be rather heavy, will in a short time become
light, so light indeed that you will be warranted in going
ahead again in railway construction and in spending still
greater sums of money on capital account.

Sir, with regard to the outlook, I am very confident.
(Hear, hear.) There is only one matter upon which I am
in any way disturbed, and that is the transition from what
I may term the existing condition of things, or rather the con-
dition of things a few months ago, to the condition of things
when capital will come in less freely. I want you to realize that
in the current year the influx of capital shows no diminu-
tion. The contraction noticed in one or two directions is due
to other causes. The amount of capital provided by British
investors has continued to grow, and for the year will reach
nearly £60,000,000, and a sum far greater than we have ever
previously lent to Canada in a single year. So the reaction
is not due to any diminution of the influx of capital from
England. You have yet to experience the effect of a really
serious diminution in the influx of capital into Canada. I
am positive that in a year in which you are most cautious
in your borrowings the amount of capital received will still
be large ; I shall be disappointed indeed if it ever falls £20,000,-
ooo a year. Nevertheless, it is important for business men
and traders to realize that the first effect of a period of small
borrowings is an export of gold. The gold goes out to coun-
tries that continue to sell goods, because traders in the bor-
rowing country, not knowing that it is desirable to buy in
a conservative manner, go on buying, expecting the public
to buy as freely as usual. I would urge the traders of Can-
ada to act in a conservative manner at the present time. If
they do, no avoidable consequence will result from the dimin-
ished influx of capital. If stocks of goods are not allowed
to accumulate on the hands of manufacturers and traders,
there will be no outflow of gold, but just a gentle and gradual
lessening of activity till you are in a position to borroAV freely
again and to take another big step forward.

120 THE CANADIAN CLUB. Wee. 4

In reviewing these matters, I have dealt purely with Can-
ada. I have given you the views held by a large number of
people on the other side. Some of them are much less opti-
mistic about Canada than I am. I have been here, and I
feel, therefore, that my optimism is warranted. (Hear! hear!
and applause.)

But I want you to realize that the influx of capital into
Canada has only been part of a world movement ; that during
the period you have been getting wealthy other countries
have also been going forward, and the amount of capital
required to keep the world's trade on its present level is enorm-
ous, indeed the demand now exceeds the supply. You in Can-
ada fortunately have held a favorable position, and while some
countries of the world have had to do with much less capital
you have got a greater quantity. In recent years England has
been supplying foreign and colonial countries with capital at
the rate on the average of 160 millions sterling a year — in
the current year nearly 200 million pounds; but the supply
is not equal to the world's demand. The recent Balkan war
has disturbed the world's affairs. The outbreak of the war
caused great uneasiness. On the continent of Europe cash
was hoarded to the extent of fifty or sixty million pounds.
This frightened investors. The result is that the amount of
capital available to transact the world's affairs is smaller than
usual, though we in England have done our level best to make
good the deficiency. Hence, the reaction from the recent
activity will not be confined to Canada, but will be more or
less general. Already the reaction in some of the South Amer-
ican countries is quite pronounced. If you go down to Brazil,
you will find there conditions not nearly as favorable as here.
We are hoping that Brazil will get through without a worse
situation than she is now experiencing. We in England will
do our best to help. Her coffee has fallen in price, her rubber
has fallen in price, and she is unable to borrow as much as
usual. In making this statement to you, the business men of
Canada, I hope you will not take any alarm : there is no cause
for alarm; but I trust you will act as the captain of a ship
would do when the weather is uncertain — take in sail. (Ap-
plause.)

I think the period of reaction will be a short one. For
one thing, education in the old countries and all over the world
has made remarkable strides in recent times; people are not
content, in Europe at any rate, with the small incomes they
used to enjoy ; and they will not be content for long with low
rates of interest, when they can send it to this country and
get higher rates.

1913] FINANCIAL OUTLOOK IN CANADA. 121

Then there is another matter affecting the future which
I think is very important, the question of the gold supply.
I was mentioning a short time ago, that you must see your
gold ebb away unless you take in sail in time. Well, already
gold is ebbing from Brazil, and already, in the current year,
10 millions of gold has left that country. And it is probable
that other borrowing countries will lose some of their supplies.
You will realize, that while gold is coming back to us from
the borrowing countries, the world's gold supplies are still as
large as ever; so that the amount of gold in the international
markets will become so great, and money so easy, that the
spirit of enterprise will be restored, and not very much time
will be occupied in the work of restoring confidence to invest-
ors. In brief, while I have referred to contraction, to a halt
in things here in certain directions, yet your farmers and
those engaged in developing your natural resources will go
ahead. In a very short time you will again start on the up-
ward course, and the expansion will doubtless be nearly as
great as in recent years. In other words, whereas the expan-
sion during- the past ten years has been 150 per cent., I think
you can rely on the expansion of Canada in the future being
at least at the rate of 100 per cent, every decade. (Applause.)

In moving a vote of thanks to Sir George Paish, Sir Ed-
mund Walker said :

Mr. President, and Gentlemen, — It is a very great pleasure
to me to rise to move a vote of thanks to Sir George Paish.
It has been a very great pleasure and a very great instruction
to me to be here to-day to listen to him. When I spent three
months in England during the past year in what was prac-
tically a pretty trying time for a Canadian banker, when about
every kind of thing was said about Canada, and all sorts of
questions were fired at him, one of the most pleasant and
instructive interviews I had was with Sir George Paish. I
regard him as one of the sanest men writing on financial mat-
ters in England. It is a very easy thing indeed to criticize;
indeed a British financial writer has no easier task than to
find fault — finding fault seems to indicate wisdom ; but to be
cheerful, to see the bright sides of things, to see the result as
a unity, is one of the greatest qualities. I am glad that this
speech has been made to Canadian business and financial men
here, because of my admiration for the Canadian Clubs. I
was very glad to hear Sir George say so emphatically what
some of us have been saying, that beyond a doubt we have
come through a trial, but beyond a doubt I am hopeful that
we have come through it. If the people are wise and will be

122 THE CANADIAN CLUB. Ll'ec. 4

content at this time of halting till we get another great crop,
then undoubtedly we shall be safe and shall be in the posi-
tion Sir George has spoken of, in a position to undertake great
expansion again. But we are on trial for awhile, but I should
say that it will be for only six months or another year. It
is for you to take what Sir George has said home with you.
(Applause.)

Mr. W. K. George, seconding the vote, said:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, — There is really very little
I can add to what has been so well said by Sir Edmund, ex-
cept to express my personal pleasure at hearing such a sane
statement on the Canadian financial position from one who
is looked upon hi Great Britain and in Canada also as the fore-
most financial diagnostician, I am sure, of the Empire. It
is certainly most encouraging to hear such a careful, delib-
erate, sane presentation of our conditions, and must have gone
home to every one of us as absolutely true. And it is indeed,
most delightful to hear a man in Sir George's position say,
that with the possibilities we have in Canada, our halting
stage should be short. I am sure it will carry conviction to
everyone, and what he said must be of material service in
giving the men of this country knowledge as to how best to
direct their affairs in the coming years. (Applause.)

1913] NEWFOUNDLAND & CONFEDERATION. 123

Why Newfoundland has not Entered
Confederation.

BY HON. P. T. McGRATH.*

A T a regular luncheon of the Club held on the 8th Decem-
*"* her, Hon. P. T. McGrath said:

Mr. President and Gentlemen, — I thank you, Sir, person-
ally, for the all too flattering introductory remarks you have
made, and the company for their presence in such numbers
and for their cordial welcome. I recognize, of course, that
it is not the speaker that has attracted this auditory here to-
day, but the subject, for I feel sure, from my knowledge of
the views of many Canadians on the matter, that it is by no
means the least interesting of the questions that concern the
Canadian public to-day.

Usually when I meet a Canadian and am introduced to
him as a man from Newfoundland, he asks, either, "When are
you going to come in with us?" or, "Why don't you come in
with us?" (Laughter.) It is to answer this question that I
am here to-day.

When a Past President of this Club, Mr. Dtmstan, visited
St. John's eighteen months ago, he bore me an invitation to
address the Canadian Club. I asked him to kindly defer the
matter until after our next election, because it would be most
inadvisable for anyone from Newfoundland to come up here,
even to tell about why we don't come into Confederation,
with an appeal to the country in prospect. I have a lively
recollection of a gentleman who some years ago, came here
to tell why we should federate and what befell him and his
party. But now the elections are over, and the political sea
will be untroubled for four years, so I have come to explain
why we have not entered into Confederation.

Newfoundland has an area of about 42,000 square miles,
rather more than that of the three Maritime Provinces; and
a population of about 250,000 or about one-fourth of that
of those Provinces. But a different significance will attach

*Hon. Mr. McGrath, a journalist by profession, is one of Newfound"
land's best known public men. He has contributed to numerous
periodicals on subjects relating: to Newfoundland, and has occupied
several positions in the Government.

124 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [°ec- 8

to the latter fact, when I tell you that while they have increas-
ed only 14 per cent, in forty years, we have in the same period
increased 50 per cent.

Another fact is that in our country the people are entirely
of British stock, of English, Irish and Scotch ancestry. We
have no aboriginal population, the last of the Beothics having
been wiped out nearly a hundred years ago. Our population
to-day is 99 per cent, native born. This fact, as the Chairman
said, makes me doubly proud to call myself a Newfoundlander.
Our fathers and grandfathers came originally from the
British Isles; but there has been no immigration, practically,
for forty or fifty years, so that virtually all of the Terrano-
vans of to-day first saw the light in our Island home.

Our population should be much larger, but the repressive
policy pursued towards the Colony in bygone days at the
instance of the West-of-England merchant adventurers who
controlled the fisheries and wished to retain this control un-
disputedly, prevented the country from being settled. In fact
laws were specially framed to forbid settlement and in at
least one instance a Star Chamber Ukase was issued directing
the deportation of the whole of those living in the country
in defiance of previous regulations, while even at a later period
after this monstrous policy had been abandoned, the Island
was ruled by fishing admirals created by this rough and ready
method — the captain of the first fishing schooner entering a
harbor was Admiral for the season ; the second was Vice
Admiral; and the third was Rear-Admiral. (Laughter.)
You can imagine the kind of justice they administered.
(Laughter.) It was only just a century ago that the holding
of land was permitted to our people and less than that since
the first road was built. Last summer I had the pleasure of
being present when the Duke of Connaught dedicated the
memorial tower at Halifax to celebrate the granting of Rep-
resentative Government to Nova Scotia one hundred and
fifty years previously. You will hardly believe that the same
boon was denied to Newfoundland until seventy years later,
and that it was not until 1855 that we secured Responsible
Government or the autonomy, with full control of our own
affairs, such as the Dominion of Canada enjoys to-day.

In 1867, when proposals were brought forward for the
Confederation of this country, Newfoundland was invited
to participate. Our Government sent two delegates to Que-
bec, two gentlemen who have now passed to the better land,
Frederick Carter and Ambrose Shea — subsequently knighted —
and there was a ditty composed on their going to Quebec for
this purpose, which ran:

1913] NEWFOUNDLAND & CONFHRDATION . 125

"Remember the day
When Carter and Shea
Crossed over the "say,"
To barter away
The rights of Terra Nova." (Laughter.)

At a general election in Newfoundland in the fall of 1869
the party in favor of Confederation was obliterated. It may
be of interest to you to know the arguments that were used
by their opponents : they were that the people of Newfound-
land would see their children used as gun wads for Canadian
cannon; (that was shortly after the Fenian invasion of your
country) ; that their bones would bleach on the desert sands
of Canada; that there would be taxes on everything, even
on the panes of glass in the windows ; and in a country where
coal was not mined and wood the sole fuel supply, they were
told that no man would be allowed to cut wood, so many
people went out, fearing this dreadful thing would befall
them, and cut enough wood to last for years. (Laughter.)
Men dressed up in soldier's coats were sent about to represent
Canadian press gangs. The result of all this was that the
pro-Confederation candidates were simply snowed under. I
might observe that this form of political warfare is still in
vogue. (Laughter.) You anticipated me — I was about to say,
still in vogue in Canada. (Renewed laughter and applause.)
I was struck with this fact three years ago when in the
famous by-election in Drummond-Arthabaska, the French-
Canadian women were urged not to let their sons join the
proposed Dominion navy to be slaughtered in foreign wars.

After the defeat of Confederation, the cause languished
till 1887, when Sir Charles Tupper, on his way to England,
from Halifax via St. John's, informally opened negotiations
with the Newfoundland Government of the day, led 'by Sir
Robert Thorburn, which decided to send delegates to Ottawa,
but this provoked such popular hostility, that the delegates,
who were actually on the way, had to be recalled from Hali-
fax, and negotiations abandoned.

The next attempt was in 1895, following the disastrous
bank failures which occurred two years after the fire that
devastated St. John's in 1892. The Whiteway Government
was then in power and the delegates were Premier Whiteway
being too ill to go, — Sir Robert Bond, the late Premier, Sir
Edward Morris, the present premier, Sir William Horwood.
now Chief Justice, and Executive Councillor Emerson, now
senior assistant Judge of the Supreme Court. The Canadian
conferees were Sir Mackenzie Bowell, then Premier of

126 THH CANADIAN CLUB. IDec- 8

Canada, Hon. George Foster, then Finance Minister, the late
Sir Adolphe Caron, then Postmaster-General, and the late
Hon. John Haggart, then Minister of Railways. After fruit-
less negotiations, they were unable to reach an agreement.
The Canadian delegates were unwilling to advance the further
sum of $54,000 a year to Newfoundland which our delegates
considered indispensable to maintain our local administration ;
and the proposals fell through. Had that been granted, New-
foundland would have been likely a Province of the Dominion
to-day, and judging by her prosperity since then not the least
prosperous of the territories that make up this great appan-
age of the British Crown. (Hear, hear, and applause.)

By those who have not studied the subject fully, and it
has of course not been much in the public mind since, — there
has been a disposition to severely criticize the Canadian dele-
gates for their failure to give this additional sum, but it should
be remembered that, first, $54,000 a year looked to Canada in
those days very much more than it does now ; second, that the
Canadian delegates feared that if they gave Newfoundland
this additional $54,000, they would have a demand from all
the other Canadian Provinces to be levelled up in the same
ratio; third, that there was some concern as to Quebec's atti-
tude towards the inclusion of another English-speaking Prov-
ince; fourth, that there had been no opportunity to elicit the
sentiment of Canada as a whole towards Newfoundland or
the readiness of the Canadian people to give exceptional terms
to our country ; and fifth, that the Bowell Government was a
dying one at this time and those who controlled it were nat-
urally unwilling to take the risks which an administration
fresh from the country or in its vigorous maturity would be
willing to embark upon. It was only after the negotiations
had fallen through and a virtually unanimous chorus of pro-
tests from the newspapers of every shade of politics, public
men, and civic organizations against the loss of this oppor-
tunity, caused the powers that be at Ottawa to realize what a
mistake they had made,; but it was too late then; their action
could not be undone, and if Canada feels that she has cause
to regret the opportunity, there is no regret on Newfound-
land's part, as she has progressed at least as fully as, if not
more so, than she could have done had she united with you
at that time.

Since that time Confederation has not been officially be-
fore the constituencies at any election either in this country
or in ours. At the same time, however, it has figured prom-
inently as a side issue in every election with us and if I had

1913] NEWFOUNDLAND & CONFEDERATION. 127

time and did not try your patience too much, I might speak
at some length in describing how this question has come to
figure so prominently every four years in our political con-
troversies. (Cries of "Go ahead!") I thank you, but I know
that at this lunch hour, in the middle of the day, with a
gathering of business. men before me, I ought not to unduly
delay them.

When in 1867 proposals for Confederation were advanced
to us, there was not much in the way of argument in favor
of Union that could be put forward except what was
embodied in the phrase "Union is strength." The idea of
federating the North American Colonies was new, the pro-
ject was simply an experiment and no man could tell how
it was going to work out. Certain offers were made to us,
such as that railways would be built in our country, that
taxation would be reduced, and that such a stimulus in trade
and otherwise would be incurred as we would not get in any
other way, but it was argued effectively among us that we had
better wait and see how the scheme worked out among the
mainland colonies before we ventured in, even if we were
to venture at all, and it was pointed out, which was very true,
that as we had but one industry, fishing, we had virtually
nothing in common with our neighbors and that little advan-
tage could follow to us from combining with them. Influenced
by this reasoning and by the cries quoted above, we rejected it
with such positiveness that, as I say, it has never been officially
submitted to our electorate since, and I now propose to show
the reasons why union is not advisable at the present time.
Before doing so, however, I might briefly summarize the
arguments which are presented in favor of Confederation.
They are five, namely:

First, that it will round off the Dominion. In other words,
that the Dominion is incomplete without Newfoundland and
that especially in these days, when the Federal principle fe
predominant, as has been shown by the Australian and South
African Federacies, it is an anomaly for Newfoundland to
be outside, but to this there is, of course, the retort that we
are in precisely the same position with respect to Canada that
New Zealand is to Australia.

Second, is the strategic reason, the importance of New-
foundland as the sentinel of the St. Lawrence, since, by virtue
of its geographical position, it would be possible for an enemy
holding St. John's to bottle up Canada's whole water-borne
commerce. Access to the Gulf is .obtained either through
Belle Isle Strait on the north of Newfoundland, or Cabot

128 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Dec. 8

Strait on the south, and commerce destroyers could devastate
these waters if Newfoundland were in hostile hands.

Third, is the naval value of the Island. If Canada is to
go in for the naval policy — and here I realize that I am tread-
ing on dangerous ground — Newfoundland is vitally important.
I might point out that whether you are to have a navy of
your own or to maintain a flotilla as part of the Imperial Navy,
if your ships are to be manned from this side of the water
you will have, in my humble judgment, to get much of
your material from us, because the Canadians in the Mari-
time Provinces, just as the Americans in the Down East States,
are abandoning the fisheries as being too dangerous and un-
remunerative. We find that from our experience in the North
Atlantic fishery situation that the Gloucester fleet, the back-
bone of the Massachusetts fisheries, is crewed very largely with
Newfoundlanders, and it is equally certain that the fleet from
Lunenburg, Nova Scotia, which operates on the Grand Banks
every year, is not increasing because of inability to get your
own people to keep in the business. Hence, if you are to
obtain blue- jackets for your warships, you will have to get
most of them from us. The British Admiralty has already
recognized the value of Newfoundland fisherfolk in this con-
nection by establishing a naval reserve amongst our fishermen
and maintaining a disclassed cruiser at St. John's as a train-
ing ship.

The fourth reason why Canada might desire Newfound-
land is because of its political importance. We have a popu-
lation of 250,000 English-speaking people in a Province that
would have at least ten members at Ottawa, who could be
relied upon at all times to advocate purely British aspects of
this country's progress (applause) against any possibilities of
trouble that foreign races in the West might give rise to. In
regard to this matter I might say that Canadian public men
of both parties would do well to recognize the fact that if
Confederation ever became a live issue in the future it will
be considered by us only if we are guaranteed an irreducible
minimum in our representation at Ottawa. It may be ten or
it may be twelve members, but we would not put ourselves
in the position of the Maritime Provinces who are seeing
their representation whittled away after every census, and
would take the precaution to see that we had a fixed number
of members assured to us.

The fifth reason for Union would be the commercial value
of Newfoundland, in that it would afford Canada a market
for several millions of dollars' worth of products annually.

1913] NEWFOUNDLAND &• CONFEDERATION. 129

At the present time we buy from Canada about five and a
quarter million dollars' worth of her products out of fifteen
million dollars' worth, and from the United States about as
much more, taking about four and a half million dollars' worth
from the Mother Country, and the remainder from the rest of
the world. Under Confederation a great deal of the commod-
ities now obtained from the United States would be procured
from Canada, and, of course, to Canadian manufacturers,
millers and business men this would appeal strongly.

On the other hand, the reasons why Newfoundland does
not desire Confederation are many and varied. To begin
with, we were promised in 1867 a railway like the Intercol-
onial. We have, however, provided our own railway, of
which we have now about 1,000 miles, 800 miles completed
and 200 more that will be finished in a year or two, as large
a railway mileage per head as you had in Canada until veqy
recently. We have two i,5OO-ton steamers plying across
Cabot Strait every night, giving us daily connection with the
Intercolonial and the whole outside world, steamers with ac-
commodation for loo first and 200 second class passengers
each, making 16 knots, and superior beyond all dispute to any-
thing you have in Canada east of Montreal. The same is true
of ten or twelve other coastwise and in-bay steamers plying
all round our seaboard connecting with the railway at con-
venient points, and making up one transportation system that
touches virtually every settlement in the country, and besides
that we have two steamers plying weekly to Labrador in the
summer months when some 20,000 of our fisherfolk are locat-
ed there engaged in their industry. All these steamers are
new and of the most modern type, built, some of them, by
the same Companies as built the Mauretania and Lusitania and
others by firms scarcely less noted, and you have no shipping
in Canada, except of the larger class, to compare with them at
all. We have financed the railway and provided subsidies
for these steamers, as our circumstances have permitted, and
when it has suited ourselves, whereas had we entered Con-
federation in 1867 on a promise of railways, we might have
had to wait until now for them. You will remember that
British Columbia, though promised a railway as a condition of
entry, had virtually to revolt some years later in order to
secure it and that Lord Dufferin crossed "the sea of moun-
tains" as a pacificator; and you will remember, too, that al-
though Prince Edward Island was promised better winter
communication, she is only now, after forty years, seeing
this promise implemented.

130 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Dec. 8

Another inducement held out to us at that time was that
under Confederation we would have a free breakfast table.
Well, we have been able to provide that for ourselves also.
We have wiped out the taxation on tea, sugar, pork, flour,
molasses, kerosene oil, lines, twines, fishing implements and
farming implements, so that the working classes now will be
practically tax free so far as the necessaries of life are con-
cerned. To secure a revenue we levy duties on our imports,
but, as you will note, these articles are the staples and come in
free, and the balance of the taxation is borne by the classes
best able to carry the same. The Customs Revenue obtained
from the import duties provided for all the public services of
every character whatever, even the upkeep of the roads and the
maintenance of schools. In other words, every form of public
service you have in Canada, efther under the Dominion, Pro-
vincial, County, or Municipal Governments, is provided for
the people of Newfoundland out of the general revenue, and
the Newfoundlander knows nothing of direct taxation such as
the people of Canada have to face in the various Provinces.
In addition the Newfoundlander gets all the land he wants for
nothing. (Hear, hear.) Our country, I might say, has an
interior practically unsettled. The people live almost alto-
gether around the seaboard. Fishing is their first occupation,
but there is scarcely a man now who does not raise his own
vegetables and garden stuff and provender for his horse, cow,
sheep and pigs, and land for this purpose is procurable prac-
tically without cost. The distinguished ecclesiastic who sits
on my right, Archbishop McNeil, when Bishop of St. George's
on our West Coast for many years, having come from Cape
Breton where agriculture is largely practised, did much to
induce the people of the West Coast to cultivate the land on
a larger scale and his efforts were highly successful. Another
of our Bishops, the late Dr. McDonald, of Harbor Grace,
also a Cape Bretoner, was equally active in this direction,
(Applause.) Having abundant fish in the waters beside his
door; being able to raise much, if not all, his own garden
produce; able also to stock his larder with caribou, rabbits,
and game birds, unrestricted in his access to the forests to
cut wood for fuel, for house building and for boat building,
all of which work he does himself, he is as well off as the
farmer, the miner, or the working man anywhere in the
Dominion.

In our trade we are practically self-contained. Conditions
such as disturb you to-day and described as due to a "money
stringency," affect us little if at all. We are not worried over

1913] NEWFOUNDLAND & CONFEDERATION. 131

tight money, the collapse of real estate booms, or over-specu-
lation. The noise of financial panics finds no echo in our
Island. Last year there was not an insolvency in our country
of sufficient importance for Dun's or Bradstreet's to record.
(Applause.) We live in the fortunate case of having the one
tariff applying to the outside world and of selling in the high-
est and buying in the cheapest market. As an instance, we
can purchase flour in St. John's cheaper than it can be got
at Halifax, for Canadian and American millers compete for
our trade, whereas in Canada the import duty on American
wheat and flour enables the Canadian trader to raise the price
substantially above what we pay, and what is true of flour
is true of many other commodities as well. In view of these
facts, then, you will not find it surprising that Newfoundland
has kept pace in population with your country until the past
decade. In the previous ten years Canada's net gain in popu-
lation was about io*4 per cent., while Newfoundland's was
nearly 10 per cent., and this, moreover, though on our part
we had no immigration whatever, whereas you had a sub-
stantial immigration, though, of course, nothing like what you
have had during the past decade. This big inrush from
Europe and from the United States to your Northwest has
upset the balance, but by comparison with Ontario and the
Maritime Provinces we are holding our own in point of num-
bers. In prosperity, too, our condition is highly gratifying.
The reductions in taxation we have made the past ten or
twelve years represent a sum of about $750,000 less paid
now by our people into the Treasury than was paid then, and
during that time, in addition to providing the funds for all
our public services on a substantially increased scale every
year, we had surpluses in this period aggregating about a
million and a quarter dollars, of which we spent $750,000
in extra public works and put the other $500,000 away in the
Bank of Montreal as a cash reserve against the proverbial
rainy day for which it still remains.

In view of this record, then, and of our enjoying a pros-
perity so long continued, so widespread and with such pros-
pects of permanence, it is difficult to see where any advantage
could accrue from Union. Moreover, every element amongst
us sees in Confederation a menace to its individual betterment.
Thus Confederation is opposed by our merchants and gen-
eral dealers because they believe that if it was ever brought
about large Canadian concerns would establish branch houses
in St. John's and put them out of business. It is also opposed
by our manufacturers, (for we have manufactories, producing

132 THE CANADIAN CLUB. t°ec- 8

many articles of common use amongst us, such as cordage,
tobacco, biscuits, boots and shoes, etc.) and the owners of
these factories claim that the larger Canadian concerns of the
same class would flood our market with the surplus product
and not alone destroy the capital invested in the local concerns,
but also throw out of employment the operative forces therein,
and it is estimated that $35,000 per week is paid out by the
factory owners in labor in our country, this, of course, not
including" such enterprises as the iron mines and the pulp and
paper mills up country. Our farmers, in their turn, claim that
their industry would be destroyed if the produce of the Mari-
time Provinces and Upper Canada were to obtain free entry
into our Island. At the present time, we help to stimulate
a farming industry by a protective duty, which, of course,
would be removed if under Confederation.

It is to the fishermen, however, that the proposal for Con-
federation seems the most serious. They claim, to begin
with, that the administration of our fisheries would be trans-
ferred from the Government at St. John's to that at Ottawa,
as under the British North America Act the sea fisheries are
a Federal subject. They contend that there would then be
no guarantee that the future of this industry might not be
jeopardized by an Ottawa administration, which might use
it to secure the advantage of the rest of Canada to the detri-
ment of Newfoundland in some trade compact with the United
States. Moreover, our fishermen feel that they would not
have anything like as sympathetic and responsive a carrying
out of the fishery laws through the agency of a bureau at
Ottawa that they would have with the center in St. John's and
regulations inimical to their interests might be framed and en-
forced. In the next place our fishermen argue that every
man in Canada engaged in sea fishing has to take out a license
and pay a fee therefor, which in the case of large cod traps,
the most costly and modern method of fishing, amounts to
$50 or $75 a year. In Newfoundland we have no licenses, no
fees, and such regulations as are made for the conduct of the
fisheries, are made for virtually every locality in response to
the wishes of the people therein.

I have heard it argued that under Confederation the
Dominion would provide us with better coast facilities, light-
houses, fish hatcheries, etc., but with regard to this I would
simply say that we tried fish hatching ourselves some years
ago and abandoned it ; we are making as generous provision
for coast aids as our finances will allow, and perhaps as gen-
erous as we would get under Confederation, and that Canada

1913] NEWFOUNDLAND & CONFEDERATION. 133

is at the present time maintaining a number of important light-
houses on our seaboard, not for our advantage but for the
benefit of her own shipping that uses the St. Lawrence route,
so we would stand to gain very little in this way.

In addition to the merchant, the manufacturer, the farmer
and the fisherman, the economist amongst us opposes Con-
federation because it would mean that in addition to the one
Government, with one set of politicians, as we have to main-
tain at present, we would find this condition duplicated under
Confederation (laughter), and while there does not seem to
be much difficulty to maintain two sets of politicians and two
Governments in this country, and allow your Federal poli-
ticians, Parliament after Parliament, to increase their stipends,
I tremble for the man who would advise a similar policy with
us. ( Laughter. )

Every element, therefore, opposes Confederation because
of individual and general interests, and the consensus of
agreement among all classes is that Canada has nothing to
offer us. Our total trade last year was nearly thirty-one mil-
lion dollars. Of this sixteen millions consisted of imports
and nearly fifteen millions of exports. Our imports increased
a million dollars during the year and our exports a million and
a quarter. The apparent balance of trade against us is
due to the import of large quantities of materials in connection
with the operating of the mining and paper-making plants.
The former are producing 1,300,000' tons of ore annually now,
and the latter are putting out 240 tons of newsprint paper and
about half as much sulphite and ground wood pulp every day,
providing articles of export valued the past year at two and
a half million dollars. The value of our fishery products for
the last fiscal year was about ten million dollars. Thus, of
itself, at the present figures, Confederation would not give us
any better assurance in this repect in regard to our fisheries.
It would not benefit us as to agriculture, mining, or paper
making, and the only substantial argument in favor of Union
would be that the articles we import from Canada at present
would then go in duty free, but it is optional to us at any time
we may choose, to bring about this by removing the duties
from Canadian products if we saw fit to do so, but it would
leave a hiatus now or under Confederation, which would have
to be met by direct taxation in order to satisfy the needs of
a provincial administration. Direct taxation would be ex-
tremely unpopular in our country, and the fear of it forms one
of the strongest reasons why our people oppose Confederation.

134 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Dec.*

I have heard and read of criticisms on our colonial public
debt, which is now about twenty-five million dollars or, say
$100 per head of our population. Your Federal debt is about
half that amount, and if you add to that the provincial, county
and municipal debts, and the direct taxes and charges your
people have to pay in other respects, I think it will be found
that the Canadian taxpayer is more heavily burdened than the
Newfoundlander.

Two or three years ago, a Federal M.P. from the Mari-
time Provinces told me he thought we were wise to keep out
of Confederation, and that these Provinces very much
regretted that they did not do so as well. However, that may
be, the people of Newfoundland, for the reasons I have already
given, and for the further reasons that they are not prepared
to merge their independence and the proud prestige of their
country as the oldest oversea possession of the Empire, into
the Dominion, are decidedly opposed to Union in any form.

Moreover, Newfoundland controls the bait supply of the
North Atlantic. On this supply Canadian, American and
French fishermen, as well as our own, rely almost wholly.
For nearly thirty years we have excluded the French by our
Bait Act. For twenty years we were at war with the Ameri-
cans in the same connection. In 1892 and 1893 we were com-
pelled to prove to your authorities that we were paramount
in this matter. While we remain as we are, our control of
this weapon is undisputed, but under Confederation we would
transfer it into your hands, and knowing its value and potency
we are reluctant to do this.

In my humble opinion, if Confederation should ever be
brought about in the future, it must be through the influence
of one of two circumstances : either a complete transformation
of conditions m the eastern part of British America, which we
cannot see in prospect at the present time, so that Newfound-
land would consider it to be of advantage for financial or other
reasons to come in ; or the menace of foreign domination
might force her to do so. But at the present time our country
is too prosperous, our people are too contented, the outlook
is too promising, for us to consider any proposal for union
on the part of the Dominion, even if the Dominion were dis-
posed at this time to make one. (Applause.)

1914] THB NAVY QUESTION. 135

(January 5, 1914.)

The Navy Question.

BY MR. Z. A. LASH, K.C., LL.D.*

AT a regular meeting of the Club, held on the 5th January,
^ Mr. Lash said:

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, — I found the subject upon
which I had promised to address you to-day was so wide a
one, and the time within which the address was limited so
short a one, that it was impossible for me to attempt to speak
from notes in order to condense properly and give you what
1 want to say at the one time. I found it absolutely necessary
to place what I was going to say in writing, and with your
permission, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I will read whait I
intend to say.

The Navy Question in Canada in 1913.

Stripped of the fireworks which have been let off very
freely by speakers and writers on both sides of this question
since it unfortunately got into the domain of very fierce party
politics, and confined to the admitted or readily established
facts, the material issues which up to the present time lie be-
tween the Government and the Opposition are comparatively
easy to define, though they are not so easy to solve. I shall
endeavor to strip away the fireworks and present to you the
material issues.

I regard as fireworks all charges of disloyalty or bad faith
or ulterior motives, no matter by which side made. I regard
as fireworks all charges of inconsistency between views
and opinions previously expressed and subsequently expressed,
no matter by or against whom the charges are made. I regard
as fireworks all charges that the Government or the Opposition
has been coerced to take its position, or any position upon
this question, to gain support or avoid opposition, or because
it has made any alliance, holy or unholy, with any faction or
interest. I regard as fireworks all charges that either party
is or is not willing- to deal with this great question in the way

*Mr. Z. A. Lash, a lawyer by profession, is Vice-President of the
Canadian Bank of Commerce and the Canadian Northern Railway.
While he has never been active in political life, he has been a close
student of public questions from boyhood. Any pronouncement he makes
on a question of the day is sure to be the result of careful study and
investigation.

136 THE CANADIAN CLUB. tjan- 5

best suited, in its sincere opinion, to the welfare of Canada
and the Empire.

All these charges are not material to the real issues involv-
ed. I shall assume that the great bulk of the people of Can-
ada and of their representatives in Parliament, being Can-
adians, are sincere Canadians, and are loyal to Canada and
the Empire, and are taking their stand and expressing their
views honestly and with conviction, and not under compulsion.

The question is a national and not a party one, and it is
not too much to hope and believe that the reasonable-minded
and thoughtful men on both sides (and they, holding the
balance, can create the majority) will consider the real issues
involved, strip them of all irrelevancy, and exercise upon
them a calm, sincere and non-partizan judgment. (Applause.)

As the question has been debated by the political parties
I shall, in endeavoring to reach the real issues, refer freely
to the deliberate utterances of the responsible leaders on both
sides, and to their action in Parliament, and to the official
records and documents of the House. To make either party
responsible for the utterances of each of its supporters, or
supposed or alleged supporters, and to introduce these utter-
ances into the discussion, would be but a waste of time. If
such utterances support the position of the leaders, reference
to them is unnecessary. If they differ from that position, it
would be unfair to make the party responsible.

Fortunately there was a time when both sides rose above
party and came to a unanimous decision as to the prime duty
of Canada and the principles involved in performing- that
duty. This decision affords me a good starting point.

Years ago but few people in Canada gave much thought
to the fact that Great Britain was bearing alone the burden
of securing, from attack by sea, our ships and our country,
and was alone bearing the great expense involved. As we
grew in numbers and wealth and began to realize more clearly
our position in the Empire, a feeling arose that we should
not go on indefinitely allowing the mother country to bear
all the expense. This feeling grew stronger and wider as
time went on. The Press began to reflect and support it;
public speakers took occasion to promote it, but it was not
until it had taken hold of the masses that any one in Parlia-
ment had courage to propose a specific resolution there in its
support.

On the 29th of March, 1909, the Hon. George E. Foster,
a member of the Opposition, moved in the House of Commons
a short resolution expressing the opinion of the House that

1914] THE NAVY QUESTION. 137

Canada should no longer delay in assuming her proper share
of the responsibility and financial burden incident to the
suitable protection of her exposed coast line and great seaports.
This resolution was supported by him in a speech com-
mencing with the wish that the subject of national defence
should be "kept as far outside of party politics and party
contentions" as it is in England, and with the statement that
it was in that spirit and with that intent that he made the
motion.

Mr. Foster was followed by Sir Wilfrid Laurier, then
Premier, in a speech commencing with congratulations for the
temperate and moderate manner in which Mr. Foster had
approached a difficult and very important subject. Sir Wilfrid
continued on the same high plane. These two speeches gave
a superior tone to the debate, in which about a dozen leading
members of the House took part, and the subject was kept
out of party politics. As a result, a unanimous resolution was
passed.

The debate, though earnest, was not acrimonious; the
speakers expressed fair minded and sincere views, and for
this reason it affords unusually satisfactory evidence of the
real attitude of both parties, stripped of that which I have
termed "fireworks."

The Government offered a much longer resolution in
substitution for that moved by Mr. Foster, and Sir Wilfrid
hoped that it would meet with his concurrence.

Mr. Borden, then Leader of the Opposition, now Premier,
followed with a speech on the same high, non-partizan plane,
in which he offered suggestions for changes in Sir Wilfrid's
resolution, and gave his reasons.

At the conclusion of the debate Sir Wilfrid accepted Mr.
Borden's suggestions, and the following resolution was passed
unanimously. I quote it in full because of its importance.

"This House fully recognizes the duty of the people
of Canada, as they increase in numbers and wealth, to
assume in larger measure the responsibilities of national
defence.

"The House is of the opinion that, under the present
constitutional relations between the mother country and
the self-governing dominions, the payment of regular and
periodical contributions to the imperial treasury for naval
and military purposes would not, so far as Canada is con-
cerned, be the most satisfactory solution of the question
of defence.

138 THE CANADIAN CLUB. tjan- 5

"The House will cordially approve of any necessary
expenditure designed to promote the speedy organization
of a Canadian naval service in co-operation with and in
close relation to the imperial navy, along the lines sug-
gested by the admiralty at the last imperial conference,
and in full sympathy with the view that the naval
supremacy of Britain is essential to the security of com-
merce, the safety of the Empire and the peace of the
world.

"The House expresses its firm conviction that when-
ever the need arises the Canadian people will be found
ready and willing to make any sacrifice that is required
to give to the imperial authorities the most loyal and
hearty co-operation in every movement for the mainten-
ance of the integrity and honour of the empire."
The Imperial Conference referred to took place in 1907.
Each party claims that it desires to carry out the terms of
this resolution, but each party has charged the other with de-
parting from the true meaning and spirit of it. This charge
was made against the Laurier Government during- the debate
upon the Naval Bill introduced by that Government in Feb-
ruary, 1910. The same charge was made against the Borden
Government during the debate upon the Bill, to provide
$35,000,000 with which to build battleships, introduced by
that Government in December, 1912.

We can clear the air a little by considering what the reso-
lution meant, and what the House meant when adopting it.
A glance at its form when first proposed by Sir Wilfrid
Laurier will help. The words then used in the second clause
were that "the payment of any stated contributions to the
Imperial treasury" would not be the most satisfactory solution
of the question of defence.

The words of the clause as passed are "the payment of
regular and periodical contributions" — an important difference
in substance, made at Mr. Borden's instance. When speaking
upon this clause he said, — "It seems to me that this is a little
inconsistent with the last paragraph of the resolution. The
day might come — I do not know that it will come — the day
might come — it might come to-morrow, it might come next
week, it might come next month, when the only thing we
could do in the absence of preparation in this country would
be to make some kind of contribution."

At the conclusion of the debate Sir Wilfrid Laurier said, —
"The suggestions which have been made by my hon. friend,
the leader of the Opposition, are such as can be accepted by

THE NAVY QUESTION. 139

this side of the House." He then moved the resolution with
the changes made, and it was passed in the form quoted.

The distinction between a gift of money for a special
purpose and on special terms, and gifts of regular and period-
ical contributions, is too clear for argument. That a special
gift could not be, and could not be honestly claimed to be,
a solution of the question of defence within the meaning of
the resolution, is also clear. What might be called the perma-
nent policy or solution of the question is that aimed at by the
third clause, viz., the organization of a Canadian Naval Ser-
vice of the kind outlined in the clause. There would be noth-
ing inconsistent with the resolution in a measure or in measures
providing for the organization of a Canadian Naval Service
or for a special contribution, or for both, and it would be
immaterial which was provided for first or whether both
were provided for simultaneously.

The Laurier Government in January, 1910, determined to
make a beginning in the organization of a Canadian Naval
Service, and on the I2th of January introduced their Naval
Bill for that purpose, but did not ask for a special contribution.
This was entirely consistent with the resolution. Whether
they should have asked more for the new navy, or should
have asked for a contribution as well, was a matter for debate.
They decided to submit to the House the Bill as introduced.

The Opposition did not agree with the Government policy
or with the measure in detail, but the Bill was passed and
became law. It is called "The Naval Service Act" (being
Cap. 43, Statutes of 1910).

The most serious difference between the parties as to the
meaning and effect of the resolution, and the main question
upon which the people of Canada must ultimately pass, is
involved in the words "a Canadian Naval Service in co-opera-
tion with and in close relation to the Imperial Navy along
the lines suggested by the Admiralty at the last Imperial con-
ference, and in full sympathy with the view that the Naval
supremacy of Britain is essential to the security of commerce,
the safety of the Empire and the peace of the world."

The Naval Service Act of 1910 makes detailed provisions
for the creation of a Canadian Naval Service under the con-
trol of the Minister of Marine and Fisheries. The crux of
this Act, so far as it relates to the Imperial Navy, is contained
in sections 22 and 23, which are as follows:

"22. The Governor in Council may place the Naval
forces or any part thereof on active service at any time
when it appears advisable to do so by reason of an emerg-
ency.

140 THE CANADIAN CLUB. tJan. 5

"23. In case of an emergency the Governor in Council
may place at the disposal of His Majesty, for general
service in the Royal Navy, the Naval Service or any part
thereof, any ships or vessels of the Naval Service, and
the officers and seamen serving on such ships or vessels,
or any officers or seamen belonging to the Naval Ser-
vice."

The Act makes it the duty of the Government to call a
meeting of Parliament within fifteen days after the Navy has
been placed on active service.

"Emergency" is defined by the Act to mean "war, invasion
or insurrection, real or apprehended."

When introducing his Bill Sir Wilfrid Laurier was asked
whether the "war" referred to was war in any part of the
Empire or in Canada only, and he replied, "War everywhere.
When Britain is at war Canada is at war ; there is no distinc-
tion. If Great Britain, to which we are subject, is at war
with any nation, Canada becomes liable to invasion, and so
Canada is at war."

During the same debate Sir Wilfrid defined more clearly
the effect of his Naval Service Act. He was asked by Mr.
Borden, "Suppose a Canadian ship meets a ship of similar
armament and power belonging to an enemy, meets her on
the high seas, what is she to do? I do not ask now what
she will do if attacked; but will she attack, will she fight?"
Sir Wilfrid replied, "I do not know that she would fight. I
do not know that she should fight either. She should not
fight until the Government by which she is commissioned have
determined whether she should go into the war." Mr. Borden
replied, "I understood the Prime Minister to say that our
ships would not fight until they were ordered to do so, and
therefore they would in effect be neutral until the Governor-
in-Council had made an order that they should participate in
the war. Have I misstated my hon. friend's position?" To
which Sir Wilfrid answered "No."

The serious difference referred to arises here. By the
Act as it stands, the Canadian Navy would form part of the
Imperial Navy only if the Governor-in-Council thought fit to
place it at His Majesty's disposal for that purpose. The
present Opposition claim that this conforms to the terms of the
resolution. The Government claim that the reservation to
the Governor-in-Council of the power to place, and conse-
quently of the power to withhold, is not "co-operation with
and in close relation to the Imperial navy along the lines sug-
gested by the Admiralty at the last Imperial Conference,""

1914] THE, NAVY QUESTION. 141

within the meaning of the resolution; and in support of this
they quote the following statement of the Admiralty from the
Notes of Proceedings at the Conference of 1907, —

I quote : "The only reservation that the Admiralty
desire to make is that they claim to have the charge of the
strategical questions which are necessarily involved in
naval defence, to hold the command of the naval forces of
the country, and to arrange the distribution of ships in
the best possible manner, to resist attacks and to defend
the Empire at large, whether it be our own islands or the
dominions beyond the seas,"

and they contend that the resolution contemplated the control
and command of the Canadian Naval Service, in time of war,
in some central authority, such as the Admiralty, in order that
the whole forces of the Empire may be concentrated effectively
for the purpose of a great battle, whether on our coasts or
elsewhere.

If the meaning of the resolution and of the lines laid
down by the Admiralty were material to the main question
involved and had to be decided, it might be difficult to resist
the conclusion that the reservation of the power to place or
withhold is not consistent with the resolution, but the main
question is not "what is the intention of the resolution of
1909" ; it is "what do the people of Canada intend shall be the
permanent relations of Canada with Great Britain and the
Empire on the great question of naval defence."

To prove that the policy of one party in 1913 was incon-
sistent with the terms of a resolution passed in 1909 may give
the other party a tactical or party advantage, but it leaves
unsolved the man question, which is a National and not a
party issue.

I now come to the action of the present Government.
On November 24th, 1910, during the debate on the address,
Mr. Borden, referring to the question of the Naval Defence,
said: — "It may be fairly asked what we would do if we were
in power to-day with regard to a great question of this
kind. So far as I am concerned our plain course and duty
would be this : The government of this country are able to
understand and know, if they take the proper action for that
purpose, whether the conditions which face the Empire at this
time in respect of naval defence are grave or not. If we were
in power we would endeavor to find that out, to get a plain,
unvarnished answer to that question, and if the answer to
that question, based upon the report of the government of the
mother country and of the naval experts of the Admiralty,

142 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 5

were such — and I think it would be such — as to demand in-
stant and effective action by this country, then I would appeal
to Parliament for immediate and effective aid, and if Parlia-
ment did not give immediate and effective aid I would appeal
to the people of the country. Then, sir, as to the permanent
policy, I think the people have a right to be asked about that."

In considering the main question it must be remembered
that the people of Canada have not yet been consulted about
it. The Naval Service Act of 1910 was passed without being
submitted to the people, and without a mandate from the
people with respect to any permanent solution of the question.
Mr. Borden and some of the speakers during the general
election of 1911 did refer to it, and, so far as it could have
been considered an issue in that election, the verdict did not
support the Laurier Government's position, but the main
question decided by that election was upon the reciprocity
agreement with the United States of America ; the Navy
question was not decided, and the position taken upon it by
the then Opposition is important only in considering whether
their attitude then is consistent with their attitude now.

No one can truthfully say that up to the time the present
Government assumed office much effective progress had been
made by Canada in carrying out the substance of the unani-
mous resolution. It certainly devolved upon the incoming
Government to take some action. They assumed office in
October, 1911. Parliament met in November, 1911, and was
prorogued in April, 1912. Mr. Borden then followed the
course indicated by him in 1910. He went to England, con-
sulted the Government and Admiralty there, and brought back
their statement.

In this remarkable document the Admiralty refer to the
self-evident fact, that the power of the British Empire to main-
tain the superiority on the sea which is essential to its security
must obviously be measured from time to time by reference
to the other naval forces of the world. They give the facts
relating to the increase of the German fleet from 1898 on-
wards, and compare it with the British fleet and its increase
during the same period. I shall not weary you with details
and figures, or with a confusing comparison between the
strength and numbers of the different kinds of ships, but a
short allusion to the increase in numbers of officers and men
of the German fleet will be illuminating. The Admiralty state
that in 1898 the number was 25,000; in 1912 it was 66,000,
and in 1920, under the new law, it will be 101,500. They call
attention to the explicit declaration of the tactical objects for

1914] TH% NAVY QUESTION. 143

which the German fleet exists, as set forth in the preamble to
the German Naval Law of 1900, as follows :

I quote : "In order to protect German trade and com-
merce under existing conditions, only one thing will
suffice, namely, Germany must possess a battle fleet of
•such a strength that even for the most powerful naval
adversary a war would involve such risks as to make that
Power's own supremacy doubtful. For this purpose it is
not absolutely necessary that the German Fleet should
be as strong as that of the greatest Naval Power, for,
as a rule, a great Naval Power will not be in a position
to concentrate all its forces against us."
The Admiralty point out the rapid and increasing expansion
of Canadian sea-borne trade, and truthfully say, "For the
whole of this trade, wherever it may be about the distant
waters of the world, as well as for the maintenance of her
communications both with Europe and Asia, Canada is de-
pendent and has always depended upon the Imperial navy,
without corresponding contribution or cost." They emphasize
the fact that Great Britain's present naval power must be
diminished with the growth, not only of the German navy,
but by the simultaneous building by many powers of great
modern ships of war, and that the existence of a number of
navies comprising ships of high quality must be considered
in so far as it affects the possibilities of adverse combinations
being suddenly formed, and that anything which increases the
margin in the newest ships diminishes the strain and augments
the security and the chances of being- unmolested. They state
that, whatever may be the decision of Canada at the present
juncture, Great Britain will not in any circumstances fail in
her duty to the Overseas Dominions of the Crown ; that the
aid which Canada could give at the present time is not to be
measured only in ships or money, and that any action on her
part to increase the power and mobility of the Imperial navy
would be recognized everywhere as a most significant witness
to the united strength of the Empire and to the renewed
resolve of the Overseas Dominions to take their part in main-
taining its integrity. The memorandum concludes with the
following now historic words :

"The Prime Minister of the Dominion having enquir-
ed in what form any immediate aid that Canada might
give would be most effective, we have no hesitation in
answering after a prolonged consideration of all the cir-
cumstances that it is desirable that such aid should include
the provision of a certain number of the largest and

144 THE CANADIAN CLUB. tjan- 5

strongest ships of war which science can build or money
supply."

With the promise made by Mr. Borden in opposition, with
the information obtained in England, with the statement of
the Government and Admiralty of Great Britain, with the
people of Canada clamouring for some effective action, what
was the duty of the Government? Was it to give no aid
until the years had elapsed which it would take, first to estab-
lish ship yards in Canada, and then to build the ships in them ?
Was it their duty to solve permanently, without consulting
the people, this great question of Naval Defence, involving
as it must in case of war the status of Canada with respect
to Foreign Countries and with respect to Great Britain and
the Empire? Or was it to make provision for the building
at the earliest possible date of "a certain number of the largest
and strongest ships of war which science can build or money
supply," and in the meantime to consider carefully the perma-
nent policy and submit it to the people for their verdict ?

The Government conceived it to be their duty to adopt the
latter of these alternatives, and when presenting to the House
the statement of the Admiralty the Prime Minister presented
also a Bill to authorize (a) the expenditure of $35,000,000
"for the purpose of immediately increasing the effective naval
forces of the Empire . . . (b) under the direction of the
Governor-in-Council, in the construction and equipment of
battle ships or armoured cruisers of the most modern and
powerful type, (c) the ships when constructed and equipped
to be placed by the Governor-in-Council at the disposal of His
Majesty for the common defence of the Empire," the whole
(d) "subject to such terms, conditions and arrangement as
may be agreed upon between the Governor-in-Council and His
Majesty's Government."

In his speech when introducing this Bill, Mr. Borden in-
dicated one of the terms of the arrangement which would be
made. He said, "We have the assurance that if at any time in
the future it should be the will of the Canadian people to
establish a Canadian unit of the British Navy these vessels
can be recalled by the Canadian Government to form part of
that Navy."

It would not be possible within the time limit for this
address to refer in detail to the reasons given by the Prime
Minister in support of this measure. They may be summed
up in the short statement that Great Britain needed the aid
and support of .Canada before it might be too late to give it,
and that such aid and support could now best be given in the

1914] THE NAVY QUESTION. 145

way pointed out by the Admiralty, and that years would have
to elapse, with greatly increased expenditure, before Canada
could give the aid and support by a navy of her own, and that
during the construction of the ships in Great Britain with the
money granted the permanent solution of the question of our
part in naval defence would be sought for and submitted to
our people for approval or disapproval.

The position of the Opposition was crystallized into a
resolution offered by their leader, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, and
from this resolution the real issues between the parties can be
gathered.

During the debate a number of imaginary issues were set
up, and time was wasted in discussing them. For instance,
it was stoutly asserted that this special contribution was but
the beginning of the regular and periodical contributions
which the unanimous resolution had declared would not be
a satisfactory solution of the question, and much time was
consumed in debating this, notwithstanding that in presenting
the Government proposals Mr. Borden expressly stated :
"We are not undertaking or beginning a system of regular
and periodical contributions. I agree with the resolution of
this House in 1909, that the payment of such contributions
would not be the most satisfactory solution of the question of
defence." Because Mr. Borden, after having satisfied himself
by enquiries that immediate aid was requisite, asked the
Admiralty in what form it would be most effective, it was
stoutly asserted that before he went to England he had
abandoned the policy of a Canadian Navy, and much time was
consumed in debating this imaginary issue. Sir Wilfrid
Laurier said that Mr. Borden "went to England to ask what
England would accept in case of an emergency, although
there was no emergency." Much time was consumed in debat-
ing the meaning of this word, which was not used by the Ad-
miralty or by Mr. Borden in introducing his Bill.

The questions involved cannot be described by the dic-
tionary meaning of one word, though one hon. member read
a dictionary definition and made a speech upon it. (Laughter.)

Other imaginary issues were raised and debated, and
many fireworks let off on both sides, and much smoke created,
which clouded the real position. Let me try to clear away
this smoke.

The proposal of the Government was simply to contribute
$35,000,000 for a specific purpose. No announcement of their
intentions with reference to the permanent solution of the
question, or as to the extension or modification of the Laurier

146 THE CANADIAN CLUB. CJan- 5

Naval Act, was made. On the contrary, Mr. Borden had
affirmed and reaffirmed (I quote his words) that "a permanent
policy would have to be worked out, and when that permanent
policy has been worked out and explained to the people of
Canada, to every citizen in this country, then it would be the
duty of any government to go to the people of Canada .to
receive their mandate, and accept and act upon their approval
or disapproval of that policy."

He had also affirmed and reaffirmed his approval of the
unanimous resolution, and his adherence to its terms and
spirit.

I now come to the amendment offered by the Opposition.
It is as follows :

"This House declines to concur in the said resolution,
and orders that the same be referred back to the com-
mittee with instructions to amend the same in the follow-
ing particulars, namely, to strike out all the words after
clause (a) (This is the clause granting the $35,000,000.)
and substitute therefor the following:

"The memorandum prepared by the Board of Admir-
alty on the general naval situation of the Empire and
communicated to this House by the right hon. the Prime
Minister on December 5th shows that several of the
most important of the foreign powers have adopted a
definite policy of rapidly increasing their naval strength.

"That this condition has compelled the United King-
dom to concentrate its naval forces in home waters, in-
volving the withdrawal of ships from the outlying portions
of the Empire.

"That such withdrawal renders it necessary that
Canada without further delay should enter actively upon
a permanent policy of naval defence.

"That any measure of Canadian aid to Imperial naval
defence which does not embody a permanent policy of
participation by ships owned, manned and maintained by
Canada and contemplating construction as soon as pos-
sible in Canada, is not an adequate or satisfactory ex-
pression of the aspirations of the Canadian people in
regard to naval defence, and is not an assumption by
Canada of her fair share in the maintenance of the naval
strength of the Empire.

"This House regrets to learn the intention of the
Government to indefinitely postpone the carrying out by
Canada of a permanent naval policy.

1914] TH$ NAVY QUESTION. 147

"It is the opinion of this House that measures should
be taken at the present session to give effect actively
and speedily to the permanent naval policy embodied in
the Naval Service Act of 1910, passed pursuant to the
resolution unanimously approved by this House in
March, 1909.

"This House is further of the opinion that to increase
the power and mobility of the Imperial navy by the addi-
tion by Canada under the above Act of two fleet units,
to be stationed on the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of Can-
ada, respectively, rather than by a contribution of money
or ships, is the policy best calculated to afford relief to
the United Kingdom in respect to the burden of Imperial
naval defence, and, in the words of the Admiralty memor-
andum, to restore greater freedom to the movements of
the British squadrons in every sea and directly promote
the security of the dominions ; and that the Government
of Canada should take such steps as shall lead to the
accomplishment of this purpose as speedily as possible."

What issues did the resolution raise? The grant of
$35,000,000 was not opposed. The Opposition wanted a much
larger sum (probably double) spent on naval defence, but
they wanted the money expended under the Naval Service
Act of 1910, and they wanted the permanent policy to be the
taking of measures at the then session to give effect to that
Act They wanted such policy to embrace aid to Imperial
naval defence by ships owned, manned and maintained by
Canada and constructed in Canada. These are the issues
raised by the Opposition resolution. The other parts are
argumentative only.

In the debate it was said that there was no "emergency"
calling for immediate action by Canada. The resolution does
not raise any issue on this question ; it expressly calls for
action by Canada "without further delay" and "at the present
session."

After a long debate the Government measure was carried
in the House of Commons. In the Senate the Bill wa$ de-
feated on the motion of the leader of the Liberal Party there,
in the following words :

"This House is not justified in giving its assent to this
Bill until it is submitted to the judgment of the country."
From what I have said you will see that there are four

material issues between the parties, which may be stated

shortly as follows :

148 THE CANADIAN CLUB. tjan- 5

1 i ) The Government wanted $35,000,000 expended now for
the purpose of increasing the effective naval forces of the Em-
pire in the construction and equipment of battleships to be
placed at the disposal of His Majesty for the common defence
of the Empire.

The Opposition did not object to the expenditure of even
a larger sum for the same purpose, but they wanted the ex-
penditure to be made upon two fleet units, one to be stationed
on the Atlantic and one on the Pacific, neither of which would
be placed at the disposal of His Majesty unless the Governor-
in-Council saw fit so to place them.

(2) The Government wanted to provide for aid at this time
by the construction of battleships in Great Britain, where the
necessary shipyards and plant already exist, and where the
construction could be made with the least delay.

The Opposition wanted the aid to be given by the construc-
tion of ships in Canada, where there are at present no ship-
yards or plant fit for the purpose.

(3) The Government wanted to submit for the approval
or disapproval of the people of Canada their permanent
policy or solution of the question of naval defence.

The Opposition wanted the Naval Service Act of 1910
accepted as the solution of this question, without its being
referred to the people, and they wanted any expenditure by
Canada upon ships of war to be made under the provisions
of that Act.

(4) The Government wanted the people of Canada to
pass upon the question whether the command and control
of the Canadian Naval Service in time of war should as of
right be in some central authority such as the Admiralty.

The Opposition wanted the decision of this question left
to the Governor-in-Council from time to time.

I have endeavored to state frankly and as clearly as I
can the issues between the parties. It would not be possible
to argue their cases now.

Before closing I wish to refer to some of the matters
which seem to me to require consideration in connection with
any permanent solution of the problem of Canada's part in
the naval defence of the Empire. I shall do so by asking
questions.

Can such defence be best accomplished by having the
movement of all ships intended therefor subject as of right
to some central control, or by having this control depend upon
the consent from time to time of those who own the ships ?

1914] 77/£ NAVY QUESTION. H9

If there is to be a central control, how is it to be consti-
tuted, and what part is to be taken in it by Great Britain and
by her Dominions and Colonies?

On what conditions and in what events is this control
to be exercised (a) in case of war; (b) during peace?
By what authority is war to be declared?
What part is each member of the Empire to have in the
decision upon the question of declaring war?

What part is each member of the Empire to have with
respect to the Foreign Policy of Great Britain?

What control over its own Foreign Policy is each member
to have?

If the control by the central authority of the movements of
ships owned by a Dominion or Colony be made to depend
upon the consent from time to time of the Dominion or
Colony, then if such consent be withheld — Great Britain being
at war — what effect would the withholding of such consent
have (a) upon the status of that Dominion or Colony with
respect to Great Britain and to the Empire; (b) upon its
status or position with respect to the enemy ?

These are some of the main questions which must, sooner
or later be answered. They are not easy of solution. All
can not be answered at the same time. They can only be solved
gradually and after mature consideration and discussion with
the interests involved. This will take time, but the solution
will surely be found ; it will not come all at once, but, like
the development of the Empire itself, it will be gradually
unfolded.

The question is a great National question, far above and
beyond party, and every Canadian, as a Canadian, and not
as a party man, should form his own opinion upon it. (Ap-
plause.) I shall defer any expression of my opinion until
I hear what the Government, whose duty it is to act, may
propose. Meantime, as a Canadian addressing this Canadian
Club, I am entitled to express an opinion upon the present
position.

I think the Government should outline their permanent
policy during the coming session of Parliament, (Hear, hear.)
and have it discussed in the House and in the Press and
country.

They should treat the subject as a National one, outside
of party politics, and they should be free to consider impar-
tially all suggestions which may be made, whether by the
Opposition or their own supporters, having in view only the
lasting interests of Canada and the Empire.

150 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 5

They should then mature their policy as soon as possible
and in such way that it can be submitted clearly and succinctly,
and apart from any other question, for the approval or dis-
approval of the people, but not at a general election. (Hear,
hear.)

Meantime the building of battleships with money supplied
by Canada should be gone on with (hear, hear, and applause)
in Great Britain, where the construction can be completed
without delay, in order that Canada may at the earliest date
have ships ready to take part in the Empire's naval defence,
and ready to form part of the Canadian Navy under any plan
which the people may sanction.

I am among those who regret that the majority in control
of the Senate saw fit to refuse the aid asked for.

I hope that the Government will ask for it again during
the session now approaching, and that it will be granted,
(hear, hear) and that Canada will be saved from the humil-
iating position, upon this great question, which she now must
occupy in the eyes of Great Britain and of the other self-
governing Dominions. (Applause.)

1914] THE QUEBEC ACT. 151

(January 12, 1914.)

The Quebec Act.

BY HON. RODOLPHE LEMIEUX, K.C., M.P.*

A T a regular luncheon of the Club held on the I2th Jan-
^"^ uary, Hon. Mr. Lemieux said :

Mr. Chairman, and fellow Canadians of the Canadian
Club, — With the expression of my best wishes for a Happy
New Year, let me thank you from the bottom of my heart
for your most cordial welcome to-day. My good friend, the
President, has been kind enough to wish that I might be
spared for thirty years so as to come back to office.
(Laughter.) There is an old saying, I think it is in Shake-
speare, a line of which runs as follows :
"If France you must win,
By Scotland you must begin."

Well, as a Liberal — don't mention it, please (Laughter) —
if Ottawa we must win — and we will — by Toronto we will
begin. (Laughter and applause.) And there is hope: since
the stern and unbending citizens of Toronto have just elected
a Socialist! We don't stand for Socialism; we are against
extremes : if you join my friend, Mr. Rowell, we will be
satisfied. (Laughter.)

Will you allow me, speaking in the name of my fellow
countrymen of Quebec, to express the hope that your esteemed
and revered Premier, Sir James Whitney, may yet recover.
(Hear, hear, and applause.)

Three years ago, upon my return from South Africa, I
was privileged in giving you a few glimpses of the newly-
born Union — I then spoke of the new King's subjects, the
Boers, and of their hopes and aspirations under British self-
government. I then stated that there was some similarity
in the conditions existing in South Africa with those existing
in Canada, after the Conquest. 1910 in South Africa, 1774
in Canada, witnessed epoch-making events. In both cases
British statesmanship won a signal victory.

Under the benign influence of the Crown, our traditions
have been preserved — our customs — our laws have been main-

* The Honourable Rodolphe Lemieux has been a member of Parlia-
ment for many years, and was Postmaster General in the Laurier Govern-
ment. He is an authority on Canadian and Constitutional History, and is
one of the most eloquent debaters in the House of Commons, speaking"
English fluently as well as his native tongue.

152 THH CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 12

tained. Religious liberty we fully enjoy. The French
language is officially recognized. It is freely used in the
courts of the land and in Parliament.

Indeed, if we did not cling to the memories of the past,
we should be unworthy of the great nation which gave us
life. If we did not proclaim our loyalty, we should be un-
grateful to the great nation which gave us liberty. French by
descent and affection, we are British by allegiance and convic-
tion.

May I now crave your indulgence for thirty minutes so as
to give you as concise and as faithful an account as possible of
the circumstances which brought about the Quebec Act, of its
immediate causes and effects.

It is a page of history, certainly the most remarkable
since the treaty of Paris (1763). The Quebec Act is consid-
ered as the Magna Charta of especially the French Catholic
subjects of Great Britain in North America. And by all Can-
adians, in my humble judgment, it should be looked upon as
one of the foundation stones of that greatest of human fabrics
— the modern British Empire.

History is not only the record of events as events them-
selves. Experience is also history, and it is by sketching
briefly some of the events which took place after the cession
that I intend to draw a lesson.

Before proceeding any further, let me ask the following-
question: Could France have maintained her supremacy in
North America?

The French policy was an Imperial policy — it was clear,
consistent, far-reaching. The object aimed at was a French
dominion in North America; the lines of communication be-
ing the two great rivers, the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi.
Canada and Louisiana were to be joined ; the English were to
be kept between the Alleghanys and the Atlantic ; the French
king was to be lord of all; the Catholic religion was to be
supreme; the Indians were to be converted and made French
in sympathies and interests. The scheme was brilliant but
impossible.

The American colonists, thirteen times as numerous as the
French, held the base of a gigantic triangle — the base being
the seaboard.

The French made, in the great conflict, a heroic resistance.
On the Plains of Abraham both victors and vanquished gave
the world a lesson of valour and of true heroism.

With the capitulation of Montreal, war in North American
came to an end. The surrender of Montreal included all
Canada.

THE QUEBEC ACT. 153

Vaudreuil and his subordinates went back to France to be
brought severely to account for their shortcomings. Amherst
himself left Canada almost immediately but remained in
America as Commander-in-Chief, with headquarters at New
York. There were three governors subordinate to him:
Governor Murray at Quebec, Colonel Burton at Three Rivers,
and General Gage at Montreal.

Matters at first went on smoothly. Canadians worn with
war desired only rest and fair dealing. Fair dealing they re-
ceived at the hands of British commanders, among whom
Murray was a conspicuously human example.

The status was one of military occupation, but on the
whole, there was a nearer approach to freedom and more
even-handed justice than in the days when Bigot and his con-
federates robbed the peasantry in the name of the French
King.

With the treaty of Paris (1763) we pass from military to
civil government. By that treaty, signed February the loth,
France besides renouncing all her pretensions to Nova Scotia
ceded and guaranteed to Great Britain Canada and all its
dependencies, including Cape Breton.

The liberty of the Catholic religion was guaranteed to the
people of Canada; the understanding being that the most
effectual orders would be given to secure to the new Roman
Catholic subjects the exercise of their religion "as far as the
laws of Great Britain allowed." Mark these words. No
mention was made of the civil or criminal laws in the treaty.

The first act of the British Government following peace
was to issue a Proclamation, October 7th, 1763, dividing the
new American acquisitions in four separate provinces: Que-
bec, East Florida, West Florida and Grenada.

Three outstanding facts must be remembered in connec-
tion with this proclamation:

First, the boundaries of Quebec, which I need not recite;
but it will be noticed that no mention is made of the Indian
reserves West of the American provinces. Later on, this
will be one of the grievances of the American colonists.

Second, the introduction of the English law in the
province.

Third, the power to " summon and call general assemblies
of the freeholders and planters" of the new province as
soon as its situation and circumstances would admit of so

doing.

The boundary question, as regards the western territory,
irritated the American colonists. They considered that

154 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 12

immense territory as their own; they were anxious to trade
with the Indians.

The proposed assembly never was summoned, and the
reason is very obvious.

The promise of an Assembly had been made with the idea
of inducing- British settlers to come; but immigration had
made but slow progress, and the French still were in a very
large majority. How could a minority of some 400 lord it
over a population of some 70,000 — because no Catholic was
eligible. Yet the minority claimed its right to an Assembly,
and even petitioned for the recall of Murray because, for-
sooth, he did not view the project with favor.

Murray seems to have been very hostile to the early
British settlers. " Nothing," he asserted, " would content
the licentious fanatics trading in Canada but the expulsion of
the Canadians." Murray was recalled in 1766, and was
succeeded by Guy Carleton.

The latter (afterwards Lord Dorchester) deserves the
everlasting gratitude of every true Canadian. He was
endowed with a heroic temperament, military genius and
ability for statesmanship which enabled him to render excep-
tionally important service to the Empire. But we must not
anticipate.

The introduction of English laws and forms of procedure
created quite a commotion. With regard to one point, how-
ever, there was general agreement. The English criminal
law was recognized to have the advantage both in certainty
and lenity, and there was practically no opposition to its
enforcement. But with regard to Civil Law it was quite
different. The French Canadians felt that they were entitled
to their usa?es and customs. True, an effort was made to
blend the English and the French laws, but without success.

Right here, perhaps, it would not be amiss to recall suc-
cinctly the propositions laid down by that great English jurist
Lord Mansfield on the effect of the conquest:

i — " A country conquered by the British arms becomes
a Dominion of the King in the right of his Crown and, there-
fore, necessarily comes under the legislative power of the
Parliament of Great Britain.

2 — '' The conquered inhabitants once received into the
conquerors' protection become subjects, and are universally
to be considered in that light, not as enemies or aliens.

3 — " Articles of capitulation upon which the country is
surrendered, and treaties of peace by which it is ceded, are
sacred and inviolatt. according to their true intent and
meaning.

1914J THE QUEBEC ACT. 155

4— ' The laws and legislation of every dominion equally
affects all persons and property within the limits thereof,
and is the true rule for the decision of all questions which
arise there . . .

5 — " The laws of a conquered country continue in force
until they are altered by the conqueror," and Lord Mansfield
here explains that if the King has power to alter the old and
make new laws for a conquered country, he can make none
contrary to fundamental principles.

Though Murray seems to have acted with discretion and
to have devised a modus v'wendi as regards the administra-
tion of Justice, yet the proclamation of 1763 created, as I
have already stated, a great commotion and also a great con-
fusion. Notwithstanding the proclamation, lands continued
to be divided as formerly and the estate of intestates to be
distributed according to French law. At the same time,
when it worked in their favour, Canadians were acute enough
to take advantage of the English law.

Apart from the question of the establishment of a popular
assembly and the system of laws to be finally adopted, there
also remained the question of the future status of the Catholic
Church. True, the liberty of practising their religion had
been given to the Canadians both by the Capitulation and the
Treaty of Peace. Nothing, however, had been said with
regard to what provision would be made for the Roman
Catholics in the future.

On the whole, therefore, a note of uncertainty still pre-
vailed with regard to the future of Canada. Indeed, the
proclamation issued in 1763 was a mere temporary expedient
to give time for considering the whole situation in the colony.
If maintained, it was calculated to do infinite harm, as it
attempted to establish English civil law, and at the same time
required oaths which effectively prevented the French
Canadians from serving in the very assembly which it pro-
fessed a desire on the part of the King to establish.

As already stated, the English-speaking people in the
colony did not number more than 400. Yet, all power was
to be placed in their hands and the 70,000 French-Canadians
had to be ignored.

I have already explained how Murray contrived by his
high sense of duty to do justice to the new subjects of the
King committed to his care. His difficulties were lessened
by the fact that the French, having at that time no concep-
tion of representative institutions, were quite content with any
system of government which left them their language, re-
ligion and civil laws without interference.

156 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 12

It is only fair to state that in 1766 Mgr. Briand was
chosen, with the approval of the Governor, to be Roman
Catholic bishop at Quebec. He was consecrated at Paris
after his election by the Chapter of Quebec, and it does not
appear that his recognition ever became the subject of
parliamentary discussion.

But, surveying the whole situation, the condition of things
became practically chaotic, and it might have been much
worse had not General Murray at first, and Sir Guy Carleton
at a later time, endeavored so far as lay in their power to
mitigate the hardships to which the people were subjected
by being forced to observe laws of which they were utterly
ignorant.

The Governor-General was advised by an Executive
Council composed of officers and some other persons chosen
from the small Protestant minority of the Province.

During the years which elapsed between 1763 and 1774
the British Government was anxious to show every justice
to French Canada, and to adopt a system of government most
conducive to its best interests. From time to time the points
at issue were referred to the Law Officers of the Crown for
their opinion, so anxious was the Home Government to come
to a just conclusion. Attorney-General Yorke and Solicitor-
General de Grey, in 1766, severely condemned any system
that would impose new, unnecessary and arbitrary rules,
especially as to the titles of land and the mode of descent,
alienation and settlement; which would tend to confound and
subvert rights instead of supporting them.

In 1772 and 1773 Attorney General Thurlow and Solicitor
General Wedderburne dwelt on the necessity of dealing on
principles of justice in the Province of Quebec. The
Advocate General Marriott, in 1773, also made a number of
valuable suggestions, though not exactly in the same spirit,
and at the same time expressed the opinion that under exist-
ing conditions it was not possible or expedient to call an
assembly. L\>

Murray had been recalled in I7J[6 and succeeded by Guy
Carleton, who later on became Lord Dorchester. He was
indeed a great colonial governor. The Imperial Government
had the advantage of his wise experience during the long and
protracted investigation which took place before the passing
of the Quebec Act.

The Act was brought before the House of Lords by the
Earl of Dartmouth on May 2nd, 1774, and passed without
any opposition on May I7th. From May 26th until June

1914J THE QUEBEC ACT. 157

I3th it was discussed in the House of Commons. The
principle of the Act fixed no territory limits for the province.
It comprised not only the country affected by the proclama-
tion of 1763, but also all the eastern territory which had
previously been annexed to Newfoundland. In the west
and southwest the province was extended to the Ohio and
the Mississipi, and, in fact, enclosed all the lands beyond the
Alleghanys coveted and claimed by the old English colonies
now hemmed in between the Atlantic and the Appalachian
Range.

It was now expressly enacted that the Roman Catholic
inhabitants of Canada should thenceforth "enjoy the free
exercise " of their religion " subject to the King's supremacy
declared and established " by law, and on condition of taking
an oath of allegiance set forth in the Act. The Roman
Catholic clergy were allowed " to hold, receive and enjoy
their accustomed dues and rights, with respect to such per-
sons only as shall confess the said religion " — that is, one-
twenty-sixth part of the produce of the land, Protestants
being specially exempted. The French Canadians were
allowed to enjoy all their property, together with all customs
and usages incident thereto, " in as large, ample and bene-
ficial manner " as if the proclamation or other acts of the
Crown "had not been made ;" but the religious orders and
communities were accepted in accordance with the terms of
the capitulation of Montreal. In " all matters of controversy
relative to property and civil rights " resort was to be had
to the old civil law of French Canada "as the rule for the
decision of the same;" but the criminal law of England was
extended to the province on the indisputable ground that its
" certainty and lenity " were already " sensibly felt by the
inhabitants from an experience of more than nine years."
The government of the province was entrusted to a Governor
and a Legislative Council appointed by the Crown " inasmuch
as it was inexpedient to call the assembly." The council was
to be composed of not more than twenty-three residents of
the province. At the same time the British Parliament made
special enactments for the imposition of certain customs
duties "towards defraying the charges of the administration
of justice and the support of the civil government of the
province." All deficiencies in the revenues derived from
these and other sources had to be supplied by the Imperial
treasury.

Let us now, for a few moments, consider the political
situation in England and' in the thirteen colonies at that time.

158 THE CANADIAN CLUB. tjan- 12

In 1763 England was the most powerful nation in the
world. London was the administrative centre of a vast
Colonial Empire. Besides the thirteen colonies and Canada,
England had a foothold in Africa and had laid the foundation
of the present Indian Empire. Outposts scattered over
many seas provided naval stations and points of defence.
England was not unlike Athens at the close of the Persian
wars: a trading nation, a naval power, a governing race, a
successful military people. The English completed the
parallel by tightening the reins upon their colonies until they
revolted. Great Britain had not only gained territory and
prestige from the war. She had risen rich and prosperous,
and a national debt of 140 million pounds was borne without
serious difficulty.

It was also a period of political development; great
names are those of Burke, Chatham and Fox.

The long Jacobite period had come to an end. George
the Third was accepted by all classes as the legitimate sove-
reign. The great Tory families which for many generations
had been excluded from office now came forward. George
the Third had his personal adherents — the King's friends.
The King's prerogative was also strongly advocated. This
could not but affect the English colonial policy. The Whigs
generally made the cause of the colonies their own.

Briefly stated, the grievances of the colonies were these:

In their Declaration of Rights they declared that they
were entitled to life, liberty, property and immunities of free
and natural born subjects within the realm of England. They
denied the right of the British Parliament to legislate in
cases of taxation and internal polity, but cheerfully con-
sented to the operation of such Acts of the British Parlia-
ment as were bona fide restrained to the regulations of their
external commerce. They protested against "the keeping
up in these colonies of a standing army in times of peace."
They enumerated a long list of illegal acts, including the
coercive statutes and the Quebec Act.

The patriots were well organized— the Loyalists were not.
Another influence which hastened the revolution was a desire
to supplant the men highest in official life.

The grievance, however, most strenuously put forward
was that of taxation without representation.

On this point the Colonists were supported by the power-
ful authority of Pitt, of Burke, of Fox and of many other
English statesmen. This cry had great popular effect 11
was simple, it was universal, it sounded like tyranny. Yet,

THE QUEBEC ACT. 159

one must remember that the taxes had not taken 400 thou-
sand pounds out of their pockets in ten years. The armies
had cost them nothing, and except in Boston had not inter-
fered with the government. The acts of trade were still
systematically evaded, and the battle of Lexington came just
in time to relieve John Hancock from the necessity of
appearing before the Court to answer to a charge of
smuggling.

Without going any deeper into the causes of the American
revolution, one can state, however, that the passing of the
Quebec Act by the Imperial government was very keenly
felt by the leaders of public opinion in the thirteen colonies.

In the Imperial Parliament, strangely, my friends, the
Whigs opposed it most strenuously. If I had time I would
quote Fox, who said the Bill did not go far enough — which
happens sometimes with an Opposition : it blames the Govern-
ment because it does not go far enough. (Laughter.) Fox
blamed the Government : he said this was no Bill ; where was
the sparkle of liberty in the Bill? Burke was against the
Bill, which gave no government to the new colony ; he said,
" In establishing any government, you had better say to the
House and the country, ' We will govern by the government
of necessity.' " And Lord Chatham, with his imperative and
choleric character, was much more outspoken. Addressing
the bench of Bishops, he said the Bill was a child of inordin-
ate strength, and asked if any of that bench would hold it out
for baptism. He said, " I have ten thousand reasons to be
opposed to that Bill, and I will heartily vote in the negative."

Lord North, if you read his speech, was most generous
and most liberal. He gave the Bill his blessing. And the
French Canadians of to-day, nay more, the Protestants of
to-day, owe him a debt of gratitude for having introduced
that Bill in the House of Commons and having got it passed
by Parliament. He was considerably helped by Guy Carle-
ton, whose evidence given in committee was supported by
Chief Justice Hay, by Baron Maseres, and Mr. de Lotbiniere,
ancestor of Sir Henri Joly Lotbiniere.

In French Canada the Act was received without any
popular demonstration, but the men to whom the great body
of people always looked for advice and guidance, the priests,
cures and seigneurs naturally regarded these concessions to
their nationality as giving most unquestionable evidence of
the consideration and liberal spirit in which the British
Government was determined to rule the Province. They
had had ever since the conquest satisfactory proof that their

160 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 12

religion was secure from all interference, and now the British
Parliament itself came forward with legal guarantees not
only for the free exercise of that religion, with all its incidents
and tithes, but also for the permanent establishment of the
civil law, to which they attached so much importance.

The fact that no provision was made for a popular
assembly could not possibly offend the people to whom local
self-government in any form was entirely unknown. It was
not a measure primarily intended to check the growth of
popular institutions, but solely framed to meet the actual con-
ditions of a people unaccustomed to the working of represen-
tative institutions. It was a preliminary step in the develop-
ment of self-government. Such as it was, the Quebec Act
was the first real bond of friendship between Canada and
Great Britain.

The new Council had hardly been convened by Guy Car-
leton when the Americans invaded Canadian territory.

With no British troops available, unable to count upon
any organized militia, Carleton's position was indeed des-
perate. Nevertheless, he wrote home cheerfully that the
importance of the Province would make him obstinate in its
defence.

And this is where my little lesson comes. I hope that
closure will not yet be applied. The Americans tried hard
to secure the help of French Canada, and sought to win the
Quebec citadel for the second time. But at Quebec, Guy
Carleton with the French habitants, with their Bishop, Mgr.
Briand, at their head, when surrounded in the citadel, de-
fended it successfully against General Montgomery. This
was the first result of the passing of the Quebec Act. It
showed the loyalty of the French Canadian towards the
British Crown, and you will remember that later on, in 1812
the French Canadians, headed by their clergy, led by the lea-
ders of public opinion in their districts, fought and died nobly
for the British flag against the invaders at Chateauguay.
(Applause.)

Just two minutes more and I am done. A few con-
siderations: The strength of British statesmanship through-
out the history of Canada, and the history of the Empire —
the strength of British diplomacy lay in its wisdom. I may
say: its wisdom is its strength; its strength is its wisdom.
(Applause.) Reviewing the constitutional growth of
Canada, there are three outstanding stages of development,
each marking a large, a very large, measure of liberty.

1914] THE QUBBHC ACT.

161

US,-a rePresentative government-it edu-
cated the French Canadians to the notion of popular govern-
ment; second it gave us responsible government; third it
gave us federal government. And at each stage, I am proud
to say. Great Britain made secure for the French Canadians
the minority, its religion, its laws and customs, and its
language The traditional policy of Great Britain, for the
student of history, is that England trusts her own people.
(Applause.) She made the French Canadians loyal in 1774
because she trusted the French Canadians. (Applause.)

May I say, might I suggest to this audience in Toronto,
that in these days of monopoly and trusts and mergers, there
must not be any such monopoly as a monopoly of loyalty?
(Hear, hear and applause.) Loyalty is not in the trade; it
is not even patented ; it is in the heart of every man. (Hear
hear.) _ We may differ as to the methods of how best to serve
the British Empire, but our aims are all the same. We may
disagree on details, but we are all agreed on essentials. And
I don't see the object of advertising, say, one half of this
country as disloyal. We are all loyal. The great bond of
union of all is, not the Grit party nor the Tory party — the
great bond of union for every Canadian, after all, is His
Majesty the King and the Crown. (Applause.) And the
great instrument of freedom, which belongs to me as well as
it belongs to you, is the British Constitution, an unwritten
instrument, which is as dear to me as it is to you. We may
speak different languages, profess different creeds, but the
French Canadian in Quebec, the Scotch in the Highlands, the
Manxman, the Irishman, the Welshman, is as loyal, as patri-
otic, as the Englishman from Lancashire — or even from
Toronto. (Laughter and applause.)

Then, if you ask me why I am a British subject, and why
I wish to remain one? (applause) I reply, that I honor the
flag that honors its obligations; that I prize most .those insti-
tutions that secure me most strongly in my rights and
liberties; and am proud to be a sharer in that great work of
advancing peace and progress throughout the world, for
which the British Empire stands ; gratitude for what has been
done for them in the past, contentment in the liberties which
they to-day enjoy : pride in the greatness of England and her
dominions scattered throughout the whole of the globe; this,
and much more, warms the hearts of the French Canadians
to the Motherland, and makes of them loyal subjects second
to none under the British Crown. By the vastness of the

162 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 12

Empire their imagination is stirred; by the self-government
it insures, their confidence is secured.

Talk not of annexation of French Canada! — (applause)
— outside of election time, of course. (Laughter.) Because
all that there is of charm in monarchy is retained in our con-
stitution, and all that there is of democracy in a republic is
retained.

Therefore, gentlemen, it being two o'clock, I resume my
seat. God save the King, and God bless Canada and the
Empire. (Long applause.)

SELF-GOVHRNMENT IN CANADA, 163

Self-Government in Canada.

BY G. G. S. LINDSEY, K.C., of Toronto.*

T a regular meeting of the Club, held on i9th January,
Mr. Lindsey said :

Mr. President and Fellow Canadians, — I want to say to
yon at once that I feel very deeply honored in being asked to
address the Canadian Club, and with a word of thanks for
the far too generous sentiments which your distinguished
President has bestowed upon me, and of sincere, very sincere,
thanks to you for your kindly reception of me, I will dip into
my subject, because it is going to take all of the thirty
minutes placed at my disposal.

You had last week from the Hon. Rodolphe Lemieux an
admirable address on the Quebec Act, in which he explained
why the Statute of 1774, passed after nine years of British
Military rule, contained no provision for an elective legisla-
tive body. He left you with a Governor and Crown nomin-
ated Council governing the Province of Canada, for there
was then only one Province, and largely French. And he
pointed out how closely the American Revolution followed on
the passing of this Act, its influence on the revolution and its
effect in saving Canada to the British Crown. The popula-
tion of Canada then was estimated at 69,000 souls, of whom
7,600 were converted Indians. We have now to deal with
the history of Parliaments.

During and after that revolution people poured into
Canada from the thirteen colonies, Loyalists and discharged
soldiers. They colonized, too, the continental part of Nova
Scotia, part of which in 1784 was created the Province of
New Brunswick and given a legislative assembly. Free
grants of land were made to all. In nine years the popula-
tion had increased to 125,000, of whom 12,000 had settled in
Canada West. The American residents soon began to
petition for an elective Parliament such as they had previ-
ously lived under. Their unwillingness to be subjected to

* Mr. G. G. S. Lindsey is a grandson of William Lyon Mackenzie,
and by virtue of natural inclination and ability, as well as of ancestry,
he is recognized as an authority on Canadian History, particularly that
portion of it relating- to the development of self-government. He is a
prominent member of the Bar in Toronto.

164 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 19

French civil law and their demand for an elective Assembly
brought about the enactment of the Constitutional Act of
1791, at the instance of the younger Pitt.

Under this Act the former Province of Quebec was
divided into the two Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada.
The division line was practically the river Ottawa, which
separated roughly the French and English settlements. A
Legislative Council and a Legislative Assembly were consti-
tuted within each Province, by whose advice and consent the
Sovereign, represented by the Governor, and appointed by
him, should have power to make laws for the peace, welfare
and good government of the separate Provinces. In Upper
Canada the Legislative Council was to consist of " a sufficient
number of discreet and proper persons, being not fewer than
seven," to be appointed by the governor, each person to hold
his seat for life. The Legislative Assembly was to consist of
not less than sixteen members, who were to be chosen by
electoral districts. One other element of the provincial con-
stitution was the Executive Council, appointed by the
Governor within such Province for the affairs thereof.
Practically the same provision was made for Lower Canada.

Thus, as the machinery of government, was provided, a
Governor with an Executive Council selected by himself, a
Legislative Council selected by the same Governor, and a
Legislative Assembly elected by the people.

The debate on the Bill in the House of Commons was
conducted in the main by three of the most famous men in
parliamentary history — Pitt the younger, Burke and Fox.
Pitt said that the question was, whether Parliament should
agree to establish two Legislatures. The principle was to
give a Legislature to Quebec in accord, as nearly as possible,
with the British constitution. Fox was on the whole^ rather
against the division of the province. But, in discussing the
policy of the Act, he laid down a principle which was des-
tined, after half a century, under the Union Act^of 1840, to
become the rule of colonial administration. " I am con-
vinced," said he, "that the only means of retaining distant
colonies with advantage, is to enable them to govern them-
selves." (Applause.) It was during this debate on the
Constitutional Act that the memorable quarrel took place
between Burke and Fox which severed their long private
friendship. ,

John Graves Simcoe was the first Governor of Upper
Canada, and was entrusted with the duty of putting the new
Act into operation, and in his speech at the close of the first

1914] SELF-GOVZRNMHNT IN CANADA. 165

session of the Legislature on October 15, 1792, congratulated
his yoemen Commoners on possessing what, to him at any
rate, seemed " not a mutilated constitution, but a constitution
which has stood the test of experience, and is the very image
and transcript of that of Great Britain." This was his theory.
How far it was to be made, in nractice, to differ from its
prototype is well expressed by a great writer:

" Though it might be the express image in form, it was
far from being the express image in reality, of parliamentary
government as it exists in Great Britain, or even as it existed
in Great Britain at that time. The Lieutenant-Governor, re-
presenting the Crown, not only reigned but governed with a
Ministry not assigned to him by the vote of the Assembly
but chosen by himself, and acting as his advisers, not as his
masters. The Assembly could not effectually control his
policy by withholding supplies, because the Crown, with very
limited needs, had revenues, territorial and casual, of its own.
Thus the imitation was somewhat like the Chinese imitation
of the steam vessel, exact in everything except the steam."
(Laughter.)

The position of the House of Commons in the Govern-
ment of Great Britain, at this time, the manner in which the
King selected his Executive Council, and the conditions on
which they continued in office are well described by a great
historian, who says :

" The struggle of the House of Lords, under Marl-
borough's guidance, against Harley and the Peers marks the
close of the constitutional Revolution which has been silently
going on since the restoration of the Stuarts. The defeat of
the Peers and the fall of Marlborough which followed it
announced that the transfer of political power to the House
of Commons was complete. . . . The Ministers of the
Crown ceased in all but name to be the King's servants.
They became simply an Executive Committee representing
the will of the majority of the House of Commons, and cap-
able of being easily set aside by it and replaced by a similar
committee whenever the balance of power shifted from one
side of the House to the other. Such was the origin of that
system of representative government which has gone on from
the time of the first English Ministry at the close of the
Seventeenth Century (1693) down to our own day."

Had the various military governors interpreted this con-
stitution as the British interpreted theirs, responsible govern-
ment would then have been established. If from the new
Parliament of the people the Governors had selected as

166 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 19

Executive Councillors those who could and did command a
majority of the popular house, and in all things took and
acted on their advice, dismissing them only when their con-
trol of the Assembly was gone, then would the British prac-
tice under the constitution have been introduced into Canada.
It was the refusal of the Governors, backed up by the
Imperial authorities, to so interpret the constitution, that
ultimately split the people into two great parties, one con-
tending against and the other for responsible government as
practised in Great Britain. The Governors, instead of being
advised by the representatives elected by the people, took their
advice, if they took any, from the Executive Councils
appointed by themselves, and to whose influence they were
always subject. Against this the Assembly protested, but
in vain.

From the date of the Constitutional Act to the time of the
war of 1812 the people were busy making homes for them-
selves. New comers were numerous. All were then called
on to resist invasion, and, when the war was over, the next
few years were devoted to recovery from its effects.

It would take too long here to discuss the various griev-
ances of the people which grew up under the system of
government which, entrenched behind irresponsible power,
left the people powerless, which provoked the most bitter ani-
mosities and ended in the struggle for independence in the
two Canadas. For our purpose it is enough to trace the
movement for responsible government from its inception to
its culmination. For the reasons which necessitated and
brought about this change it is better to quote the judgment
rendered by the great English statesman who investigated on
the spot the conditions prevailing at the time, and who en-
dorsed those who were asking for the change. What they
asked for, and when they asked it, may be briefly stated.

It was in 1817 that we see the birth of parliamentary
opposition to the Government party in the poDular Assembly
of Upper Canada. When a Committee of the Whole House
discussed several subjects highly displeasing to the Governor
and Executive, the Governor promptly prorogued the House.

In 1828 the people of Upper Canada set forth in a petition
to His Majesty King George III. their grievances as they
saw them and pointing out the inability of the Legislative
Assembly to effect any remedy, they prayed for Responsible
Government. From this time the demand was steadily made
and as persistently refused. In the celebrated Grievances
Report of 1834 they said: "This country is now principally

SHIP-GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 167

inhabited by loyalists and their descendants, and by an acces-
sion of population from the Mother Country, where is now
enjoyed the principles of a free and responsible government,
and we feel the practical enjoyment of the same system in
this part of the Empire to be equally our right ; without which
it is vain to assume that we do or can possess in reality or in
effect ' the very image and transcript of the British Constitu-
tion.' ' " The House of Assembly has, at all times, made
satisfactory provision for the civil government, out of the
revenues raised from the people by taxation, and while there
is cherished an unimpaired and continued disposition to do so,
it is a reasonable request that His Majesty's adviser in the
Province and those about him should possess and be entitled
to the confidence of the people and their representatives, and
that all their reasonable wishes respecting their domestic
institutions and affairs should be attended to and complied
with."

In Lower Canada the House was at this time refusing the
supplies.

A Royal Commission was appointed by the British
Government in 1835 to enquire into the affairs of Lower
Canada. This Commission reported against the demand for
an Elective Legislative Council and against a responsible
Executive. When the Report of the Commissioners came
before the Imperial Government Lord John Russell, in the
debate on the Canadian Resolutions, on March 8th, 1836,
contended that the demand for an Executive Council, similar
to the Cabinet which existed in Great Britain, set up a claim
for what was incompatible with the relations which ought to
exist between the colony and the mother country. " These
relations," he said, " required that His Majesty should be
represented in the colony not by Ministers, but by a Governor
sent out by the King, and responsible to the Parliament of
Great Britain." A Colonial Ministry, he contended, would
impose on England all the inconveniences and none of the
advantages of colonies. This simply meant that there was
no hope from England of responsible government for either
Province. The Colonial Secretary advised the Governor that
this determination was to apply as well to Upper as to Lower
Canada.

These and other events led to the struggle for indepen-
dence in both the Canadas in 1837. It arose out of the
abandonment of all hope that the Home Government would
concede the only remedy of any use, and the one which time
proved to be inevitable. Sir Robert Peel, in the debate on

168 TEH CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 19

the Canada Resolution, charged the Ministry with want of
foresight in not sending out an army to Canada with the
Resolutions. (Laughter.)

The rebellions in the two Provinces, however unfortunate
in the field, commanded the attention of the British Govern-
ment, brought the Earl of Durham to Canada to straighten
out the tangle, and Durham brought responsible government,
though not just at once. (Applause.)

This great English statesman had been one of Earl Grey's
famous Administration of 1830, holding the office of Lord
Privy Seal, and he had with Lord John Russell, assisted by
Sir James Graham and Lord Duncannon, been entrusted with
the preparation of the Reform Bill, and he had been one of its
most powerful defenders in the House of Lords.

Canada was indeed fortunate in the selection of so capable
a Governor. He came here in 1838 with plenipotentiary
powers as Governor-General of all the North American
Provinces, and his famous Report of the next year is one of
the greatest of British State papers. On many of the ques-
tions raised and on the one under consideration it is best to
let him speak for himself. He recommended the Union of
the two Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada under one
Legislature, to which he advocated should be entrusted re-
sponsible government. On surveying the weakness of the
whole Colonial policy in the American colonies he; wrote:

" It is impossible to observe the great similarity of the
constitutions established in all our North American Provinces,
and the striking tendency of all to terminate in pretty nearly
the same result, without entertaining a belief that some defect
in the form of government, and some erroneous principle of
administration, have been common to all. . . . It is but
too evident that Lower Canada, or the two Canadas, have
not alone exhibited repeated conflicts between the Executive
and the popular branches of the Legislature. The repre-
sentative body of Upper Canada was, before the late election,
hostile to the policy of the Government; the most serious
discontents have only recently been calmed in Prince Edward
Island and New Brunswick; the Government is still, I believe,
in a minority in the Lower House in Nova Scotia; and the
dissensions of Newfoundland are hardly less violent than
those of the Canadas. It may fairly be said that the natural
state of government in all these Colonies is that of collision
between the executive and the representative body. In all of
them the administration of public affairs is habitually confided
to those who do not co-operate harmoniously with the popular

1914] SELF-GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 169

branch of the legislature; and the Government is constantly
proposing measures which the majority of the Assembly
reject, and refusing its assent to bills which that body has
passed." And on review of the existing conditions he could
find but one remedy : " When I look," he said, " on the
various and deep-rooted causes of mischief which the past
inquiry has pointed out as existing in every institution, in
the constitutions, and in the very composition of society
throughout a greater part of these Provinces, I almost shrink
from the apparent presumption of grappling with these
gigantic difficulties. If a system can be devised which shall
lay in these countries the foundation of an efficient and popu-
lar government, ensure harmony, in place of collision,
between the various powers of the State, and bring the influ-
ence of a vigorous public opinion to bear on every detail of
public affairs, we may rely on sufficient remedies being found
for the present vices of the administrative system."

Dealing with the struggle for responsible government he
says:

" The powers for which the assembly contended appear
to be such as it was perfectly justified in demanding. It is
difficult to conceive what could have been their theory of
government who imagined that, in any colony of England,
a body invested with the name and character of a representa-
tive Assembly could be deprived of any of those powers
which, in the opinion of Englishmen, are inherent in a popular
Legislature. It was a vain delusion to imagine that, by mere
limitations in the Constitutional Act, or an exclusive system
of government, a body, strong in the consciousness of wield-
ing the public opinion of the majority, could regard certain
portions of the Provincial revenues as sacred from its con-
trol, could confine itself to the mere business of making laws,
and look on as a passive and indifferent spectator, while those
laws were carried into effect or evaded, and the whole busi-
ness of the country was conducted by men in whose intentions
or capacity it had not the slightest confidence."

Lord Durham points out two things : First, that " The
reformers, however, at last discovered that success in the
-elections ensured them very little practical benefit. For the
official party, not being removed when it failed to command
a majority in the Assembly, still continued to wield all the
powers of the executive government, to strengthen itself by
its patronage, and to influence the policy of the Colonial
Governor and of the Colonial Department at home. By its
secure majority in the Legislative Council, it could effectually

170 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 19

control the legislative powers of the Assembly. It could
choose its own moment for dissolving hostile Assemblies, and
could always ensure, for those that were favorable to itself,
the tenure of their seats for the full term of four years
allowed by the law. Thus the reformers found th?^ their
triumph at elections could not in any way facilitate the pro-
gress of their views, while the executive government remained
constantly in the hands of their opponents. They rightly
judged that, if the higher offices and the Executive Council
were always held by those who could command a majority
in the Assembly, the constitution of the Legislative Council
was a matter of very little moment, inasmuch as the advisers
of the Governor could always take care that its composition
should be modified so as to suit their own purposes. They
concentrated their powers, therefore, for Ihe purpose of
obtaining the responsibility of the Executive Council ; and I
cannot help contrasting the practical good sense of the
English reformers of Upper Canada with the less prudent
course of the French majority in the Assembly of Lower
Canada as exhibited in the different demands of constitutional
change, most earnestly pressed by each."

And second, that :

" It was upon this question of the responsibility of the
Executive Council that the great struggle has for a long time
been carried on between the official party and the reformers;
for the official party, like all parties long in power, was
naturally unwilling to submit itself to any such responsibility
as would abridge its tenure, or cramp its exercise of authority.
Reluctant to acknowledge any responsibility to the people of
the Colony, this party appears to have paid a somewhat re-
fractory and nominal submission to the Imperial Government,
relying in fact on securing a virtual independence by this
nominal submission to the distant authority of the Colonial
Department, or to the powers of a Governor, over whose
policy they were certain, by their facilities of access, to
obtain a paramount influence."

The views of the great body of the Reformers appear to
have been limited, according to their favorite expression, to
the making the Colonial Constitution ' an exact transcript '
of that of Great Britain; and they only desired that the
Crown should in Upper Canada, as at home, entrust the
administration of affairs to men possessing the confidence of
the Assembly."

Lord Durham then proceeds to acquiesce in this view of
dealing with the manner of effecting a remedy. It is inter-

SELF-GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 171

esting to note that he deems no new legislation essential.
He says:

" Every purpose of popular control might be combined
with every advantage of vesting the immediate choice of
advisers in the Crown, were the Colonial Governor -to be
instructed to secure the co-operation of the Assembly in his
policy, by entrusting its administration to such men as could
command a majority ; and if he were given to understand that
he need count on no aid from home in any difference with the
Assembly, that should not directly involve the relations be-
tween the mother country and the colony. This change might
be effected by a single despatch containing such instructions.

"It is not by weakening, but strengthening the influence of
the people on its Government ; bv confining within much nar-
rower bounds than those hitherto allotted to it, and not by ex-
tending the interference of the Imperial authorities in the de-
tails of colonial affairs that I believe that harmony is to be re-
stored, where dissension has so long prevailed ; and a regular-
ity and vigor hitherto unknown introduced into the administra-
tion of these Provinces. It needs no change in the principles of
government, no invention of a new constitutional theory, to
supply the remedy which would, in my opinion, completely
remove the existing political disorders. It needs but to follow
out consistently the principles of the British constitution, and
introduce into the Government of these great Colonies those
wise provisions, by which alone the working of the representa-
tive system can in any country be rendered harmonious and
efficient. We are not now to consider the policy of establish-
ing representative government in the North American
Colonies. That has been irrevocably done; and the experi-
ment of depriving the people of their present constitutional
power is not to be thought of. To conduct their Government
harmoniously, in accordance with its established principles, is
now the business of its rulers ; and I know not how it is pos-
sible to secure that harmony in any other way than by admini-
stering the Government on those principles which have been
found perfectly efficacious in Great Britain." And he depre-
cates the action of the Governors in referring so many ques-
tions for settlement to Downing Street. " Almost every
question," he says, " on which it was possible to avoid, even
with great inconvenience, an immediate decision has been
habitually the subject of reference "... and " the real
vigor of the Executive has been essentially impaired ; distance
and delay have weakened the force of its decisions ; and the
Colony has, in every crisis of danger, and almost every detail

172 THE CANADIAN CLUB. fJan- 19

of local management, felt the mischief of having its executive,
authority exercised on the other side of the Atlantic."

I have said that self-government in the Canadas did not
follow immediately on the making of the Earl of Durham's
report, though before ten years it was well established in Nova
Scotia, New Brunswick and the United Canadas. Having
thrown up his Commission in consequence of his Government's
unwillingness to back up his banishment of several rebels to
Bermuda, Durham returned to England, and not long after
died.

Poulette Thompson, afterwards Lord Sydenham, who had
also been a member of the British Government, succeeded
Durham as Governor of the Canadas, and came here with
instructions to bring about the Union of the two Canadas,
which he skilfully did. But his instructions on the question
of responsible government were in no case to allow it. Lord
John Russell, the Colonial Minister, in a despatch to the new
Governor as late as October, 1839, points out to him that in
the debate on the Lower Canadian Commissioner's Report two
years before " The Crown and the Houses of Lords and
Commons having thus decisively pronounced a judgment upon
the question, you will consider yourself precluded from enter-
taining any proposition on the subject."

Sydenham's real view was expressed in a letter to Lord
John Russell since published : " I have told the people plainly,
that as I cannot get rid of my responsibility to the Home
Government, I will place no responsibility on the Council ; that
they are a Council for their Governor to consult, but no more."
His view, however, on the condition of Government is
worth noting. In a letter written from Toronto on November
20th, 1839, to a friend in England, and published by his
biographer, he said : " When I look to the state of government,
and to the departmental administration of the Province, in-
stead of being surprised at the condition in which I find it, I
am only astonished it has endured so long. I know that, much
as I dislike Yankee institutions and rule, I would not have
fought against them, which thousands of these poor fellows,
whom the Compact call 'rebels,' did, if it was only to keep up
such a government as they got." (Hear, hear, and laughter. ")
But in the first Session of the first Parliament of Canada
under the Union Act, and during Lord Sydenham's adminis-
tration, the House of Assembly took the matter into its own
hands 'and the celebrated Responsible Government Resolution
was passed. It in part read : " That in order to preserve
between the different branches of the provincial parliament

1914] SELF-GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 173

that harmony which is essential to the peace, welfare and good
government of the Province, the chief advisers of the repre-
sentative of the Sovereign, constituting a provincial adminis-
tration under him, ought to be men possessed of the confidence
of the representatives of the people, thus affording a guarantee
that the well-understood wishes and interests of the people,
which Our Gracious Sovereign has declared shall be the rule
of the Provincial Government, will, on all occasions, be faith-
fully represented and advocated."

What Sydenham would have done when asked to live up
to these resolutions we do not know. Two days after they
were passed he was thrown from his horse at Kingston, the
then seat of government, and died after a brief illness, Sep-
tember, 1841.

It is interesting to add that in Nova Scotia at this time, on
the request of the House of Assembly, Sir Colin Campbell, the
Governor, was recalled and a Governor asked for who " would
establish harmony between the Executive and the Legislature
of this Province."

Sir Charles Bagot followed as Governor. He refused to
depart from the rules laid down by the resolutions for his
guidance and acted quite consistently on the advice of his
Ministers, till serious illness forced him to resign after little
more than a year of office. For the first time, new Ministers
on selection went back to their constituencies for re-election.

He in turn was succeeded by Sir Charles, afterwards Lord
Metcalf. This Governor resolutely refused to recognize the
doctrine of responsible government, and quarrelled with his
Ministers, who resigned. He was, says Sir Francis Hincks,
one of his Executive Councillors, " selected as the best avail-
able statesman to crush responsible government in Canada."
But he only suspended its operation, and wore himself out in
the struggle, and retired in 1846.

It is interesting to note the career of Metcalf, because he
was a well-meaning and able man, who could have governed
Canada under the plan of refusing responsible government if
anybody could.

Too much praise cannot be given to those members of the
House, and notably to Robert Baldwin, who from 1841 to
1849 steadily pressed on the necessity for government by a
responsible Ministry. Sir Charles Metcalf's position was
that although the Governor ought to choose his Councillors
" from among those supposed to have the confidence of the
people," nevertheless "each member of the administration

174 THE CANADIAN CLUB. Uan. 19

ought to be responsible only for the acts of his own Depart-
ment, and consequently that he ought to have the liberty of
voting with or against his colleagues whenever he judged fit,
that by this means an Administration composed of the princi-
pal members of each party might exist advantageously for all
parties, and would furnish the Governor the means of -better
understanding the views and opinions of each party, and
would not fail under the auspices of the Governor to lead to
the reconciliation of all." He tried the experiment and it
failed lamentably ; but perhaps it is as well the experiment was
tried, for fail it must. He failed lamentably, not because of
inability, but because he tried to do the impossible. Baldwin
and his friends watched the working of the experiment
calmly, and wisely refrained from violence, knowing that the
experiment must fail, and that theirs was the only practical
way of governing the country. So it turned out. (Applause.)
Lord Falkland tried the same policy in Nova Scotia, with the
same results.

At the beginning of 1847 the Earl of Elgin and Kincardine
came to Canada as Governor. By his marriage with Lady
Mary Louise Lambton, Lord Elgin was the son-in-law of Lord
Durham. In a letter addressed to Lady Elgin he wrote : " I
shall adhere to my opinion that the real and effectual vindica-
tion of Lord Durham's memory and proceedings will be the
success of a Governor-General of Canada who works out his
views of government fairly."

This he did nobly. When his Ministers advised his assent
to the Rebellion Losses Bill, he freely gave it. As a conse-
quence the mob, which contained many persons of the highest
reputed respectability, rotten-egged and stoned him, and set
fire to and destroyed the Parliament Buildings in Montreal.
But here the struggle ended, and soon all parties recognized
the virtue and necessity of responsible government. The
principle of government insisted on has become as much the
guiding star of one great political party in Canada as of the
other; both have been from that time resolute in its defence.
The only question asked nowadays is, how could it ever have
been otherwise? An Elective Legislative Council or Upper
House was voted by the Legislative Assembly with but one
dissentient voice in 1856 under a Coalition Government. In
Nova Scotia Sir John Harvey recognized Responsible Govern-
ment in 1848.

What that means is well explained by Erskine May in his
Constitutional History of England (1871) :

SELF-GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 175

" By the adoption of this principle," he says, " a colonial
constitution has become the very image and reflection of par-
liamentary government in England. The Governor, like the
Sovereign whom he represents, holds himself aloof from and
superior to parties, and governs through constitutional
advisers, who have acquired an ascendancy in the Legislature.
He leaves contending parties to fight out their own battles,
and, by admitting the stronger party to his counsels, brings
the executive authority into harmony with popular sentiments.
And as the recognition of this doctrine, in England, has prac-
tically transferred the supreme authority of the State from
the Crown to parliament and the people, so, in the colonies,
has it wrested from the Governor and from the parent state
the direction of colonial affairs. And again, as the Crown has
gained in ease and popularity what it has lost in power, so has
the mother country, in accepting to the full the principles of
local self-government, established the closest relations of amity
and confidence between herself and her colonies." (Ap-
plause.)

No better confirmation of the changed attitude of parties
can be given than the one afforded by the writings of Sir
Alexander Gait in 1859, then the Honorable A. T. Gait, a
Conservative Finance Minister of Canada. He was defending
an increase in the Canadian tariff against the complaints of the
Sheffield manufacturers, that Canada had no right to take this
course. He wrote a pamphlet reviewing the previous ten
years of expansion under self-government, as to which the
following extracts explain his attitude and that of the Govern-
ment to which he belonged:

" The history and progress of the Colonies of Great Britain
must naturally be a subject of deep interest to the people of
England, especially since the experiment has been fairly tried
of entrusting these dependencies of the Empire with local self-
government.

" On the one hand, it was contended that constitutional
government could not be safely entrusted to colonists; while
on the other, it was as strongly urged that the institutions
under which Great Britain had herself attained a position of
such power and eminence were capable of being worked by
her subjects everywhere; and that the vast resources of her
colonial possessions would be far more usefully developed by
giving their people the entire control of their own affairs.

" In no part of the colonial empire has the experiment
received a fuller or fairer trial than in Canada ; and it cannot

176 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 19

but be interesting to review the progress of that country, and
to mark how far its inhabitants have worthily exercised the
power conceded to them. . . . For some years succeeding
the Union an unsettled state of things continued, marked,
however, by gradual concession to the demand of self-govern-
ment, until 1846, when Lord John Russell, then Secretary for
the Colonies, first fully admitted the principle of what is
termed responsible government, and required that the affairs
of the country should be administered by advisers of the
Crown, possessing the confidence of the people, and in har-
mony with their well-understood wishes. The system thus
fairly inaugurated in 1849 may be said to have received its
final and conclusive acceptance, both by the mother country
and the colony, as from that date no attempt has ever been
made to interfere with its free and legitimate operation. The
political differences and difficulties of Canada have been dealt
with by her own people and Legislature, and Great Britain
has never been required to take part in any local question
whatever, except to give effect, by Imperial legislation, to the
express desire of the Provincial Legislature."

Up to the time of Confederation there were several further
important modifications of Imperial policy. The first was the
cession to the Crown of Canada of complete control of its
revenues derived from land sales and of its ungranted lands
and the full right to the Colonies to administer them. In
1847 to the United Parliament was given full control over all
the revenues of the Province.

In 1846 Imperial statesmen made the admission that
Canada ought to possess the exclusive right to frame her own
tariff and regulate her own trade and commerce at her discre-
tion. In 1859 Sir Alexander Gait insisted on this right in his
reply to a memorandum of the Duke of Newcastle voicing the
protest of the manufacturers of Sheffield against the new
Canadian Customs tariff, and he added: " Her Majesty cannot
be advised to disallow such an Act unless her advisers are
prepared to assume the administration of the affairs of the
colony irrespective of the views of its inhabitants." (Hear,
hear.) And again the right was conceded to Canada to enter
into reciprocal trade relations with the United States.

These were great advances. " What," says a great writer,
" would George III. have thought of an Empire which not
only takes away the right of taxation from the central power,
but abolishes that right of regulating commerce which was
held even by Chatham to be essential?"

1914] SELF-GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 177

The British North America Act of 1867 embodies a wide
measure of self-government for Canada, and by it the Im-
perial Parliament, it has been construed, has forever relin-
quished its right to interfere with provincial legislation under
any possible circumstances. Sir John Macdonald, speaking in
the debate on the British North America Bill, said of its effect
on the status of Canada : " England, instead of looking on us
as merely a dependent colony, will have in us a friendly
nation." (Applause.)

Since then, on representation of one Minister of Justice,
the exercise of the prerogative of mercy and other prerogative
rights by the Governor-General has been considerably altered
in favor of the Governor accepting more completely the advice
of his Ministers in all matters affecting the interests of
Canada.

Again, we have obtained the right to be consulted in the
making of treaties — Canada's interests were represented in
1871 by Sir John Macdonald in the Treaty of Washington,
and by Sir Alexander Gait in 1879 m conducting negotiations
for free commercial intercourse between this country and
France and Spain. In 1881 it was promised that Canada
should be thereafter relieved from the obligations of any new
treaties with foreign powers to which objection was taken and
be given the option of refusing or accepting them and be
associated in the negotiations of all foreign treaties in which
Canada was interested.

In 1897, at the instance of Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the German
and Belgian treaties were denounced, and any British colonies
may now without restriction grant preferences to each other
and to the mother country in respect of tariffs. (Applause.)

As a result of the Confederation Act, British troops were
withdrawn from Canada shortly after 1867, and we were left
to protect our own country at our own cost and with our own
land forces.

The policy of withdrawing Imperial troops from Canada
was discussed by a Committee of the Imperial House. Glad-
stone's opinion as to the wisdom of withdrawal before that
Committee was remarkable. " No community," he said,
" that is not primarily charged with its own defence is really,
or can be, in the true sense of the word, a free community.
The burdens of freedom and the privileges of freedom are
absolutely associated together. To bear the burdens is as
necessary as to enjoy the privileges in order to form theft
character which is the highest ornament of freedom." Glad-
stone's view prevailed. (Applause.)

178 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 19

This glimpse at a century of Canadian history makes it
abundantly clear that on Canada's insistance, and always after
Imperial resistance, we have been permitted to do things our
own way. It has been a long journey into this land of self-
government, beset with many difficulties and obstructions, but
taken always along one straight path. There has never been
any deviation or circuition, and we have now arrived inevitably
at that stage of our journey which finds Canada left not only
without a British fleet on either the Atlantic or Pacific oceans,
but left also to devise its own defence for its own seaboards.
The ships that did protect us are now released to Britain's
other obligations, and Canada is left to assume her own naval
burden.

Many English statesmen, among them Huskisson, Benja-
min Disraeli, Sir George Lewis, Mr. Leslie Stephen, Lord
John Russell and Lord Palmerston have thought that the con-
cession of this right to govern their own affairs could not be
granted without the colonies ultimately becoming absolutely
and completely independent of the Mother Country. Disraeli
in 1872 said, speaking of the granting of self-government to
the colonies : " There had been no effort so continuous, so
subtle, supported by so much energy and carried on with so
much ability and acumen, as the attempt of Liberalism to
effect the disintegration of the British Empire. (Laughter.)
Those subtle views," he said, " were' adopted by the country
under the plausible idea of granting self-government."

But, as the present Canadian Prime Minister said in an
admirable address in 1902, dealing with such prophecies :

" When we look at the present relations of Canada with
the Mother Country, how vain do all these prophecies appear.
There has never been a time since the granting of responsible
government to the colonies, or indeed before that time, when
the attachment of the colonies to the Mother Country was
warmer or closer than it is at the present time. (Applause.)
That attachment may differ in its nature from that which was
formerly felt, but it is none the less warm and none the less
real. It is the attachment which Canada, as a great Dominion
forming part of a great Empire, feels for the country which
founded that Empire and which still controls its destinies. It
is the attachment, not of a dependent and helpless child, but
of a matured and emancipated child towards the parent who
is now its ally, confidant and adviser.

"The colonies having the right of self-government exer-
cise that right in their own way, and have no cause for com-

SELF-GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 179

plaint against the Mother Country if misgovernment exists.
If Great Britain today controlled the public lands, the mines,
the fiscal policy and the commercial relations of Canada, the
view which is now directed by those dissatisfied with the policy
of the party in power against that party would in that case be
directed against the supposed misgovernment of the Mother
Country, and ultimately against the continuance of further
relations with the mother land." These are the Rt. Hon. Mr.
Borden's views.

In a Short History of the Expansion of the British Empire
William Harrison Woodward, of Christ Church, Oxford,
speaking of Durham's Report, says : " Based upon this Report
the Reunion Act was passed in 1840, and under it Canada won,
though not at once, that full measure of " responsible govern-
ment " which is the characteristic feature of the greater
English colonies of today. It is possibly the most important
service which Canada has rendered to the Empire that from
her constitutional struggles arose that form of complete self-
government under which the unity of the Empire is reconciled
with the practical independence of its daughter communities."
(Applause.)

For myself, I pray Canada will always remain within the
Empire. (Hear, hear and applause.)

Self-government was denied the thirteen American
colonies; they revolted. It was granted to the Canadas, and
they became enthusiastic supporters of the Empire. The
principle was carried from the far North down under the
Southern Cross, and Australia, too, became a great Im-
perialist. No sooner was South Africa subdued, than the
people were entrusted with free parliamentary government.
They were for the most part a conquered race : in a night they
became Imperialists. These three great self-governing
entities are the chief partners in the Empire.

The British Empire is built up on the foundation rock of
self-government, and lives. The Roman Empire was built
upon the basis of centralization, and, though it ruled the whole
world it died. Gone, too, are all the older Empires of the
world, and for the same reason.

Canada blazed the trail. Durham's doctrine was " a recog-
nition based on knowledge, inspired by sympathy, that the
authority of the Mother Country rested on other than material
ascendency. He appealed to the sentiments and ideals of men,
and laid four square to all the winds that blow the foundations
not only of a great Dominion, which he did not live to see, but

180 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan- 19

also of that passionate loyalty which served England well in
recent years of warfare and peril."

" That government alone is strong which has the hearts of
the people," said Fox. " Canada will one day do justice to my
memory," were the dying words of Durham. The day has
surely come, and the hearts of Canadians, strong in his -faith,
will ever keep his memory green. Bold and large as were his
plans, he builded better than he knew : he built an Empire.

1914] TAPT BANQUET. 181

(Jan. 29, 1914.)

The Taft Banquet. *

A T a special banquet in the King Edward Hotel, at which
the guests of honor were ex-President William H Taft,
Rt. Hon. Sir Charles Fitzpatrick, Sir John Willison, and Dr.
James A. Macdonald, the President, Mr. John R. Bone, in his
introductory speech, said :

Your Honor, Mr. Taft and Gentlemen: We are assembled
here to-night to do honor to a man distinguished in politics and
a man of great personal charm — (hear, hear) — who has en-
joyed about all of honor and power that this world has to offer.
When he comes to us in his private capacity, we welcome him
not only for his individual merits but as the representative of a
great nation — our neighbors. (Applause.) There have been
many occasions when Canadian public men have appeared at
functions of this character in United States, but the occasions
when Canadians have had the opportunity of welcoming and
entertaining distinguished American statesmen have been rare.
We hope that to-day marks a new era in that respect. (Hear,
hear.) Let us have, at least in social intercourse, shall I say,
reciprocity. (Laughter.)

The reins of the office which our guest has recently laid
down is probably the most remarkable office in the world.
(Hear, hear.) As President of the United States he had no
crown, he had no titles of nobility to distribute, he had no
titles even for himself, he had no official dress, no insignia of
office, no guards, no chamberlain, no gentlemen-in-waiting.
His features do not even grace a coin or a postage stamp —

* The Hon. W. H. Taft, former President of United States, made his
first visit to Toronto on this date. The Club tendered him a public ban-
quet as a tribute to the distinguished place he occupied in the United.
States, to his standing- as a jurist and to those remarkable personal
characteristics which endeared him to all who heard him.

Sir John Willison is one of Canada's best known newspaper men.
The high place he occupies in the profession he has followed all his life
was recognized by His Majesty the King:, who conferred Knighthood upon
him two years ago.

Sir Charles |Fitzpatrick is one of Canada's most distinguished Irish
Canadians. After many years of service in the House of Commons, and
as Minister of Justice in the Laurier administration he was appointed
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, which position he now fills with hon-
our and ability.

Dr. J. A. Macdonald is widely known as the editor of the Toronto
" Globe,'' and has an international reputation as a speaker. He has been
prominent in the Peace Movement both in the old and new world.

182 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 29

(applause) — and yet he enjoyed a greater authority than any
European king. (Hear, hear.) He had vested in his person
the central executive power of ninety millions of people. If
unhappily his country had been at war, he would as Com-
mander-in-Chief of the army and navy have become a virtual
dictator. It is said that Lincoln exercised a more absolute
authority than any Englishman from the days of Oliver
Cromwell. And in these days the contrast is scarcely less
striking. While it has become the undoubted duty of the
English King to assent, as a matter of form, to every measure
passed by the British parliament — Home Rule included —
(laughter) — it is none the less the undoubted duty of the
American President to exercise his independent judgment on
every measure which comes before him ; and it is recorded that
one President exercised the veto power no less than three
hundred and one separate occasions. It ought to be added,
and our friend the American consul will pardon me for re-
minding him, that this President was a democrat. (Laughter.)
In the words of an authority competent to judge, the office
of President is the greatest in the world if we except the Pope,
to which a man can rise by his own merits. We are here to
welcome a man who has held this glittering prize, and if he
had a tinge of cynicism in his disposition he could tell us how
great or how small is this greatest prize. I am sure we all
welcome this opportunity, which is a unique opportunity, of
emphasizing the cordial relations that exist between Canada
and the United States — (hear, hear) — between the British
Empire and the United States, the world's greatest Empire
and the world's greatest republic, with Canada as the point of
contact between the two. There may have been occasions
when we have been disposed to be critical of our neighbors,
when we were disposed to question their good judgment.
Perhaps our guest can recall an occasion when he was even
inclined to their good judgment. Perhaps we were in the
wrong sometimes when they have objected. But in any case,
as Sir Edward Grey recently so happily expressed it, when we
disagree with Americans we disagree in the same language.
(Applause.) We do not need to call on any foreign inter-
preter to tell us what we are trying to say to each other. There
have been occasions when the relations between the two coun-
tries were disturbed by political propaganda. It took a few
of our people a long time to learn that Providence intended us
to be two nations on this North American continent, that
Providence had a definite purpose in setting down these Great
Lakes where they are — although I do not know that Provi-
dence had anything to do with the 49th parallel or the Maine

1914 3 .> TAFT BANQUET. 183

boundary. (Laughter.) But happily these times are long
since past, and we can now give expression to sentiments of
warmest friendship without the danger of being misunder-
stood.

There have been occasions when Canada felt that her
interests did not receive proper consideration at Washington,
occasions when she thought they did not receive proper con-
sideration in England; and in this connection I would say, I
would remind you, if I may do so without presumption, that
nations, like individuals, are masters of their own destinies,
and that Canada will have just that standing and that influence
at Washington or London or elsewhere, her interests will
receive just that consideration to which Canada is entitled by
reason not only of her physical strength, but of those finer
qualities of mind and heart and soul which are growing more
and more worth while.

A great fellow-countryman of our guest has said : " There
is a time in every man's education when he arrives at the con-
viction that envy is ignorance, that imitation is suicide." I
would apply the words of the philosopher of Concord to
nations, and say that for every nation " envy is ignorance,
imitation is suicide," and that the quicker a nation scorns imita-
tion, smothers all baser feelings and develops a sane, confident
self-reliance, meeting other nations with a level eye, neither
boastful nor timorous, shirking no responsibilities, seeking no
favors, — the quicker will that nation command the general
respect which the possession of similar qualities commands
for the individual.

One hundred years ago to-night there clustered not far
from this spot where we are now gathered a little colony of log
cabins nestling in the forest. They gave shelter and rude
comforts of the frontier to about one thousand souls all told.
That little centre of population was even then the capital of
Upper Canada, but it was a capital of equivocal standing.
Some of its public buildings lay in ashes. Its very existence
was threatened. The country was in a state of war. It is our
boast from that time until this peace has prevailed. But I do
not know that it is anything we need boast about. If at any
time there had been in that period anything else but peace, it
would have been to the lasting disgrace of the parties respon-
sible. Two neighbors are not worthy of particular praise
because they are able to live side by side without flying at each
others' throats every time they meet, without lying in wait
every dark night to sandbag each other. Good-neighborliness
requires some more positive manifestation than the mere
abstention from these things. And the object lesson which

184 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 29

Canada and the United States can give and are giving to the
world is not merely an object lesson in peace. It is an object
lesson in friendship and amity, showing how two neighboring
states may live side by side, each recognizing the other's indi-
viduality with whatever of quirks and crotchets it may contain,
each recognizing the common interests that bind them toge-
ther, the problems that are common to both, recognizing not
merely their common heritage of laws and ideals and religion,
not merely the community of interest they have in certain
matters of high politics, but recognizing also and rejoicing in
our community of interest in the transcendent problem of life,
the problem of making this world a better place to live in, the
problem of distributing a little more sunshine to the masses of
mankind.

Now, gentlemen, I have been transgressing

Sir John Willison : Go ahead.

Mr Bone: We are honored by having with us to-night in
addition to Mr. Taft, three fellow-Canadians, each of whom
representing a particular department of thought and activity,
adds distinction and significance to this occasion. First, I
have to announce that Hon. W. T. White, whose name appears
on the program, has been detained .at his home through illness.
When he accepted our invitation he told us of the anticipated
pleasure he had in expecting to be with us as an old friend of
the Canadian Club of Toronto and as a representative of the
Dominion Government, to assist us in welcoming our distin-
guished visitor from across the border. He assured us that no
cares of office, no duties of the session, no tactics of an un-
scrupulous opposition — (hear, hear and laughter) — would
prevent him from being with us. Unfortunately, we did not
foresee the possibility of illness, but we can rejoice in reports
from Ottawa that he is making progress towards recovery. I
will not apologize for the gentleman who is going to take his
place, although I might describe him as an added attraction. I
have to introduce Sir John Willison.

Sir John Willison said: Your Honor, Mr. President, Mr.
Taft and Gentlemen : I have listened with interest to the Chair-
man's references to myself, and I have only this to say that if
it be true, as I was taught in my youth, that we have to give
account for every idle word we say, I am sorry for him.
(Laughter.)

Now, a word in explanation is necessary at the outset. I
appear tonight, as the Chairman has said, as an unworthy
substitute for the Minister of Finance.

Mr. Bone: I did not say that.

TAFT BANQUET. 185

Sir John Willison : Owing to a passing illness he could not
come to Toronto to bear tribute to a man who has had almost
every human experience that a man may have, and he has kept
himself unspoiled, unembittered and untouched by the pomp
and pride which surround those who occupy high places.
(Applause.) Unfortunately it was not possible that the Prime
Minister could assume the duty which the Minister of Finance
was expected to discharge. Not only is he at the threshold
of an arduous parliamentary session, but he is similarly
afflicted as was Job, and as have been other good men whom
the gods love. (Laughter.) But I have no doubt, judging
from the record, they did not include the management of
Congress or of an imaginative House of Commons and an
intractable Senate. (Laughter.) And probably our guest
will agree that there are greater worries in the world than any
that Job experienced. It is all right to say in justice to my-
self that I have no responsibility for the temporary indisposi-
tion of Ministers. Although I have just returned from
Ottawa, I did nothing to add to their trials and difficulties in
order that I might have this very brief moment of glory and
you this long moment of martyrdom. There was a vacant seat
in the Senate, there was a High Commissionership unfilled,
there was a prospective Lieutenant-Governorship, and who
should be nearer the succession than I am at this moment?
(Laughter.)

Mr. Bone: Carried.

Sir John Willison: I said nothing. (Laughter.) I sent
out no runners. I dug no trenches. On the contrary, I actu-
ally beamed with goodwill in order that the Ministers might
not fear approaching me. (Laughter.) While I thought I
saw the trail of those who were seeking office, I could not
discover any office that was seeking the man. Unfortunately,
Sir, it was not even recognized that the man was there, so I
came back to Toronto. (Laughter.)

Mr. President and Gentlemen, in fitting myself for this
duty I had to do some hard labor. I found I had nothing
available for this emergency. (Laughter.) Looking back
for two or three years over the files of the irreproachable
journal I am connected with, I found many references to our
distinguished guest, but nothing that was absolutely suitable
for this occasion. (Laughter.) I found an extraordinary
amount of black type, and occasionally a line of brilliant red
type across the page. I do not quite know why red type is
so much more impetuous and aggressive than black type. I
suppose it suggests the thin red line and raises the suspicion

186 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 29

that Colonel Sam. Hughes may be in the offing. But, as the
poet has said, " We may rise on our ' red ' selves to higher
things." It didn't take me long to discover when I got into
these files that this prodigal display of type indicated a
general election, and it took me even less time to discover
that I would never get the material for a speech for tonight
in that atmosphere.

During the last Presidential election I crossed the United
States from Detroit to San Francisco, and while I want to
be cautious, it did seem to me that I occasionally read state-
ments in the American press and utterances from the plat-
form which suggested just a shade of feeling, having a suspi-
cion of partisanship. But, Sir, in Canada, as we approach a
general election our opponents sink to unexpected depths of
depravity, and large type and a more exuberant rhetoric are
required to save the common country. (Laughter.)

Perhaps our distinguished guest discovered long ago that
we English-speaking Canadians were the Scotch of the New
World, and for a long time we have invaded the United
States as the Scots for centuries invaded England, sitting un-
obtrusively in the desirable places with emoluments, acquir-
ing positions in a lowly spirit of Christian resignation and so
combining thrift with foresight and so adjusting morality to
truth (laughter and applause) as to regard alike the maxims
of the moralists with the practices of the malefactors. I have
no doubt that if the secret should be disclosed, the provision
in the Constitution reserving the Presidency to native born
Americans was adopted as a precaution against Canadians.
Nothing perhaps so clearly reveals the prophetic insight of
the authors of the American constitution, whose idea was
not to mar the only safeguard against ultimate Canadian
ascendancy, and the substitution of a monarchy. Which they
feared most they are too wise and prudent to reveal.

Mr. President and gentlemen, the attitude of many Can-
adians towards the United States provides a curious study in
human emotions. We are filled with veiled enjoyment when
American policies excite the resentment of other nations. But
if our great neighbor, and I am sure we are all conscious of
the fact, if our great neighbor should ever be in real trouble,
we would go with filled hearts and filled hands for any ser-
vice that we could render. (Hear, hear, and applause.) We
agree, Sir, that Old Glory often flies with just a little too
much' complacence over summer cottages in Canada, but we
feel a thrill of common pride and common kinship when it is
carried through our streets in these fraternal celebrations

1914J TAFT BANQUET. 187

which are becoming so common in both countries. In short
we have all the foolishness and all the fondness which give
interest and variety to family relationships. So should we
ever reflect that in so far as there is misunderstanding between
these two countries, the faults lie back in history, and there
is nothing so fatuous and foolish as stirring the ashes of dead
fires and cherishing the grievances of other centuries. (Hear,
hear.) The truth of history is always slowly revealed. Al-
most always the judgments of the passing generations are
obscured with prejudices, but if you will permit a prophecy, I
venture to say this, that in the final judgment of history it
will be established that there was nothing in the policy of
Great Britain to justify the American revolution. (Laughter.)
And I do not think faults of British policy lie behind the war
of 1812. They were connected with the struggle of Great
Britain to preserve the peace and to preserve the freedom of
Europe, but for the estranging anger and bitterness which
followed the civil war of the 6o's, the great responsibility
rests upon British journals and upon British statesmen. We
all have something to forgive and something to forget, or
better still to remember for discipline and for warning.

It is inevitable, Sir, that our attention should centre upon
the faults rather than upon the virtues of free institutions.
In that way we blaze the path of human progress. Know-
ledge comes and wisdom lingers. But wisdom is on the way.
Is it not true that most of those who despair of democratic
government have never set their hands to the task? They
are content to sneer at those who sweat out their lives in the
public service (hear, hear), but even they are the beneficiaries
of the weaknesses and the rascalities which they deplore. But
democratic government still has this: it is true that the great
mass of the people desire the good of the state, and that the
great majority of public men of one party or the other party,
or of no party, are actuated by high motives, and apply their
best knowledge and judgment to the problems they have to
consider. I offer you as the best fruit of free government
in North America the long roll of Presidents of the United
States and Prime Ministers of Canada, and if it be true, as
I believe, that no man of mean character can rise to either
office, then it is the people who fix the standard and deter-
mine that only such men as these shall occupy these high
places. (Applause.)

We have here tonight one who has exercised authority
over nearly one hundred millions of people; who has held
high judicial positions; who has administered a great de-

188 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 29

pendency, but who has kept his hands clean and his life sweet,
(loud applause), and whose ultimate place in history will
shame the minor judgments of his own time. (Applause.)
I do not suggest, Sir, that he holds a poor place in the estima-
tion of his contemporaries, for it becomes abundantly' mani-
fest, more manifest with every week and every month that
passes, as his character becomes more clearly understood, his
purposes become more clearly revealed, his wisdom is more
signally demonstrated, that he holds and deserves a secure
place in the affections and . confidence of his fellow countrv-
men. I offer you as the product and triumph of free institu-
tions our guest of tonight. We rejoice that he has come to
Canada with a message of good will (applause), and because
he has come among us there will be keener sympathies and
warmer attachments between ourselves and our neighbors.

Gentlemen, for the privilege of speaking to you just for
these moments I am grateful. I am grateful for your atten-
tion. I rejoice in the occasion which has brought us to-
gether, and I feel that the welfare, position and security of
this continent to which we belong, and — whether upon one
side of the boundary or the other — in which we have an im-
mense and just pride, I feel that all good things and all good
purposes will be advanced and strengthened by the visit of
Mr. Taft. May he come to us often again, and many other
representative American statesmen follow with him. (Loud
applause.)

Right Hon. Sir Charles Fitzpatrick, Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court of Canada, said: Your Honor, Mr. Taft, Mr.
President and Gentlemen, — I wish to express my thanks to
you all for the opportunity to be present at this reception to
one of the foremost citizens of the United States, to a man
who, having stood long in the fierce light that beats upon the
Throne, commands the esteem, confidence and respect of those
who have the privilege of his acquaintance or who are at all
familiar with the history of his country in the making of which
he has, in recent years, taken such a very large and important
part.

There are many things one would like to say about your
guest, if he were absent, which, for obvious reasons, I hesitate
to repeat to his face. I do not know that he^ is a very ardent
admirer of that policy which is usually associated with a free
use of the big stick, but I have seen him swing a club on the
golf links at Murray Bay and I know what happens to the
ball when he does not by chance miss it. (Laughter.)

1914] TAFT BANQUET. 189

As a lawyer, a judge of the Circuit Court, a member of
the Executive, a governor of the Philippines and as President
of the United States, Mr. Taft's name must forever remain
inseparably associated with some of the most important phases
in the development of the national life of the Great Republic.
Joseph De Maistre, the well known French writer, speaking
many years ago of the United States and of the perils in-
cident to a Republican form of Government, said: "Laissez
grandir cet enfant encore au berceau." If the child has suc-
cessfully traversed the early stages of its development, has
emerged, so to speak, from the nursery and the school room,
has successfully weathered the storm and stress of civil war,
and now stands forth, in the full glory of its splendid man-
hood "four square to all the winds that blow," it is due in
large measure to the patient toil, to the far-seeing statesman-
ship, to the self-sacrificing spirit of such men as Mr. Taft. I
am well within the limits of historical truth when I add that
not only the citizens of the United States, but the people of
the world owe him a debt of gratitude deep and lasting, not
only for his work of constructive statesmanship, but above
all for the splendid example he has given us of fortitude in
adverse circumstances and of the highest courage of which
man is capable that of giving testimony even to his own undo-
ing for the honest convictions of his soul.

Your guest, in conditions to which it would not now be
proper to refer, came down from the highest position to
which a citizen of any country may to-day aspire to take his
place in the ranks of those who earn their daily bread in
useful occupations, and this without an audible sigh, an ut-
tered regret or a word of reproach to those from whom he
was entitled to expect different treatment. His useful life
is not, however, at an end ; having laid down the sceptre, he
has taken up the torch to light up to others the path of duty
in which he has stood so long. (Hear, hear.)

Realizing all the truth of Webster's saying "that the
greatest abiding interest of any nation is the law, the settled
honest administration of the law," Mr. Taft has gone to one
of America's great Law Schools where, by precept and exam-
ple, he is giving himself up to the noblest of all occupations,
that of teaching the youth of his country how to acquire
knowledge and develop courage and above all, to practise it,
to realize all the nobility of the beautiful sentiment expressed
in Schiller's line "Life "itself is not the highest good." Mr.
Taft is no longer the Chief Executive of the United States,
but he is President of the American Bar Association, and he

190 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 29

must find comfort and solace in the thought that those who
know him best appreciate and love him most, as was recently
said of another. The good opinion of those with whom we
have worked and against whom we have contended from the
first early struggles of youth on through the best years of
life is an incomparably more precious possession than the
estimate formed of us by the world outside — a world which
knows our virtues and our faults only by repute and at
second hand, and which judges men as a rule, not over the
whole course of their conduct, but on some particular in-
cident which, at a dramatic moment, has happened to come
within the circle of the lime light.

Coming now to the topic which seems to be the subject
of thought uppermost in the minds of all at such functions
as this, viz., the relations of the British Empire and the Ameri-
can Republic, I fear that I must strike a somewhat discordant
note. Although I concede to no man a greater desire to main-
tain the most harmonious relations between the two countries
— many of my relations owe allegiance to the United States
and some of my dearest friends are citizens of that country,
— but I am not of those who believe "que tout est pour le
mieux dans le meilleur des mondes." Our apparently friendly
relations do not seem to stand the test of everyday experi-
ence. Occasionally, as in Manilla Bay, if a fight is on, a gun
is trained or a British cheer is heard to make manifest the
the good feeling for the United States that lies dormant in
the breast of every Britisher "just as mechanism sleeps in
silence till the touch comes that wakens it into sound." But
in our daily intercourse, there seems to be something lacking.
I am of opinion that much that is said about the presumed
friendly relations which are alleged to exist between the peo-
ple of the two countries is predicated upon false ideas. We
talk about celebrating a century of peace between the two
countries as if the millennium had arrived. "Let us not be
blinded by visions of 'Golden Ages' or by delusions of the
future and the past." To talk of peace, of universal peace,
in the abstract, is to ignore the lessons of history. Please
do not attribute this sentiment to that pugnacity which is pre-
sumed to be the characteristic of every Irishman. The cry
for peace is an old world cry, but how often has it been heard,
and when was there peace in the world? Think of the Temple
of Janus at Rome. How often were its doors closed? De
Maistre says : "Depuis le jour ou Cain tua Abel, il y a toujours
eu ca et la, sur la surface de la terre, des mares de sang que
ne peuvent dessecher ni les vents avec leurs brulantes haleines

TAFT BANQUET. 191

ni le soleil avec tous ses feux." It is a fact in nature : the life
of man is a constant conflict, a continuous fight. From the
cradle to the grave, man is engaged in a ceaseless, never end-
ing struggle — against disease, for subsistence; against his
passions, for virtue. Peace, perfect peace can only be had
when conflict ends at the approach of death. The grave-
yard is the only place when one ceases from conflict and,
therefore, enters into perfect peace.

The history of the individual is the history of the com-
munity and of the nation. I am not a militarist, although I
believe with Tacitus "miseram pacem vel bello bene mutari"
that a miserable peace may well be exchanged even for war,
I never fired a shot in anger, the trappings of war do not
appeal to me, the sight of human blood sends a shudder
through my veins — but man with his passions, his avarice,
his ambition, his lust, must be taken for what he is, and na-
tions are men in the aggregate. I recall the impression made
on me by the picture which I saw on the cover of a French
magazine at the time the Palace of Peace was inaugurated at
the Hague. On one side, was the Palace in all its barbaric
splendor and on the other, the smoking ruins of an Albanian
village during the recent Balkan war. The contrast was sug-
gestive and instructive.

If you can stand a further shock, there is another myth
to which perhaps you will pardon a brief reference. I con-
stantly hear that a war between the two countries is unthink-
able, because it would be fratricidal, for it is said, the United
States and our Empire are two Anglo-Saxon countries, bound
together by ties of blood, language, literature, traditions. Was
there ever a greater fallacy? Of the 90 or 100 millions of
people in the United States how many are of Anglo-Saxon
ancestry? Am I well within the limits when I answer: only
a relatively small percentage. It is quite true that, for the
moment, English is the dominant language in both countries
and, to a large extent, we have a common literature, but the
traditions and historical background of the United States
vary with different communities. To the great majority, tra-
ditions go back to the Revolutionary period with its legacy of
ill-feeling and misunderstanding. The Declaration of Inde-
pendence was inspired, to a larger extent, by the "Rights of
Man" and the "Contrat Social" than by Magna _Charta and
the monarchical principle of the English Constitution. I have
no doubt that many of you are shocked by this plain speak-
ing, but did time permit, I could make good all that I have
said and deliberately said. I do not use this language be-

192 mn CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 29

cause I have anything in common with the Jingoes, Heaven
forbid! — but because I honestly love my country as I sincerely
respect the United States, and I know how important it is,
not only from the narrow standpoint of the selfish interest of
those two nations, but from the broader point of view of the
interest of mankind, that there should be peace between them.
But no good or great object was ever attained by loose and
inaccurate thinking and speaking. We have much in com-
mon, in addition to language and literature. We have the
bond of the English Common Law based, as it is, upon the
sound foundation of Divine Justice applied to the affairs of
men with a leven of the logical system inherited from old
France. We have many mutual interests and ties of kindred,
but there is only one enduring foundation upon which Peace
can rest, and that is the foundation of mutual respect and
confidence. We must respect our neighbor's vineyard and be
tolerant even of his prejudices. We must guarantee equal
rights to unequal possessions, equal justice to the strong and
the weak. (Hear, hear.) The old Roman maxim "Audi
alteram partem" coupled with the rule "to stop, look and
listen" applicable in railway crossing cases has a special place
in international relations. I discovered this on two occasions:
first at the Hague, when I sat as a member of the Tribunal
which heard the Newfoundland Fisheries Reference. After
listening to Sir Robert Finlay, I thought there was only one
side to the question, but when Mr. Root sat down, I fully real-
ized how men may differ in the construction of our interna-
tional treaties. Recently I had another experience which
drove the same truth forcibly home: I was present at the
Canadian Club, Ottawa, when a distinguished member of the
American Bar was the speaker. He chose for his subject the
Panama Canal Tolls, and let me assure you that when he
finished his calm logical exposition of that question from the
United States side, there was not a man present who did not
feel satisfied that there were two sides to it.

No one has done more to promote the cause of Interna-
tional Arbitration than your honored guest, and no man
can do more to promote and foster a feeling of mutual respect
and forbearance between our two countries. You, on your
side, Gentlemen of the Canadian Club, have a duty to per-
form. Two nations with 3,000 miles of frontier and inland
oceans and rivers held practically in common, must neces-
sarily rub -elbows at many points: under such conditions,
friction is inevitable, controversies must arise, and when thev
do, remember the maxims "Hear the other side," "stop, look

^l*] T AFT BANQUET. 193

and listen," before indulging in harsh language or unfair
criticism. Teach our people that, as there are two sides to
every controversy, we cannot expect both parties to look at
the question in dispute from the same angle. This holds good,
let me say, not only in international, but also in interprovin-
cial relations. No one element in this country and no one
country among the nations of the earth has a monopoly of
intelligence, learning, patriotism and honesty. Let us always
remember that if wisdom and justice in policy are a stronger
security than weight of armament, the language of passion,
the language of sarcasm, the language of satire serves merely
to arouse mischievous passions — holding in mind, however,
that armaments are a necessary evil. (Applause.)

Reverting again to our relations with the United States,
let me say this final word: our proximity may have its disad-
vantages, but there are compensations. Living within the
shadow of a country with a population of 90 or 100 millions,
we must not be surprised if occasionally the rays of the sun
which shines for all are shut out from us. We have this com-
pensating advantage that there is no place in the world in
which more is attempted to better the political, social and
industrial conditions under which men, women and children
live, and these conditions are so much alike in the two coun-
tries that we must largely benefit by their success and their
failures. Gentlemen, all is not profligacy and corruption in
the political, municipal and social life of the United States
any more than with ourselves. Those of us who go to New
York, for instance, may see the seamy side of things crudely
exposed — perhaps we find what we are looking for — on the
other hand, there are the hospitals, the schools, the improved
tenement houses, the libraries, the museums, the picture gal-
leries, all making for the uplifting of man and his physical
and moral improvement.

I recall some years ago when in Italy I visited the aquar-
ium at Naples and in conversation with another tourist asked
if there was anywhere a finer collection of specimens from
the deep.

"There is only one better," I was told.

"In New York there is an aquarium which is second to
none in the world." And yet how little do we know of what
is being actually accomplished almost in our midst.

As making also for better and closer relation between our
two countries, we have the ceaseless ebb and flow of popula-
tion south and north — north and south — thousands each
year bring the new land memories of their old home and
friends.

194 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 29

Let me conclude with this quotation from Russell's speech
on International Law at Saratoga:

"Mr. President, I began by speaking of the two great divi-
sions— American and British — of that English speaking world
which you and I represent to-day, and with one more, refer-
ence to them I end."

"Who can doubt the influence they possess for ensuring
the healthy progress and the peace of mankind? But if this
influence is to be fully felt, they must work together in cordial
friendship, each people in its own sphere of action. If they
have great power, they have also great responsibility. No
cause they espouse can fail ; no cause they oppose can triumph.
The future is, in large part, theirs. They have the making of
history in the times that are to come. The greatest calamity
that could befall would be strife which should divide them.

"Let us pray that this shall never be. Let us pray that
they, always self-respecting, each in honour upholding its
own flag, safeguarding its own heritage of right and respect-
ing the rights of others, each in its own way fulfilling its high
national destiny, shall yet work in harmony for the progress
and the peace of the world." (Loud applause.)

Dr. J. A. Macdonald said: Mr. President, Your Honor,
Mr. Taft and Gentlemen, — The time allotted to me I would
gladly surrender to our guest of the evening. But I recall
that ever since two o'clock this afternoon Mr. Taft has been
on his feet almost continuously making speeches. A chance
at "tired nature's sweet restorer" would no doubt be grateful
to him. As it is not my intention to express any personal
opinions about him, good, bad or indifferent, the next twenty
minutes would be for him a perfectly safe opportunity for
"balmy sleep." I feel under no obligation, such as pressed
upon Sir Charles Fitzpatrick and Sir John Willison, either
to defend Mr. Taft's record or to justify my own. No
recorded words of mine would be out of tune with the genial
courtesies of this occasion. I turn, rather, to the duty assigned
to me as a member of this Canadian Club : the duty of speak-
ing some words in the presence of our distinguished guest on
the Significance of Canada's Imperial Relations.

We may not all agree as to Canada's Imoerial relations,
or as to their significance. Were Imperial relations mechani-
cal and artificial, and were Canada a dead thing without will
or power, a mere pawn on the board, there would be no room
for difference of opinion. But in a situation of life and
growth and constant change, and dealing with matters and
movements that have absolutely no precedent or example in

TAFT BANQUET. 195

all history, it is inevitable that differences should arise, alike
as to the relative importance of facts and as to their real sig-
nificance. There are, however, some few things which seem
to be pertinent and which one may venture to express on this
occasion.

i. Canada's Imperial relations have been and still are of
Canada's own choosing. I have sometimes been asked by
Americans if Cana\da is not ready to join the United States
in one great continental republic. Not long ago the question
was put in all seriousness in this form : How long before Can-
adians will demand their freedom?

People who so think do not know that the world has moved
since the Declaration of American Independence. They do
not understand what changes the past century wrought —
changes in Britain, changes in America, changes in the world,
changes in the whole conception of national freedom and in
the ideals of national life. They have not measured the real
significance, the world significance, of the movement that led
to the independence of the American Colonies in the i8th cen-
tury. Least of all do they appreciate the thing done by Can-
ada, the unique thing, the original thing, the world-changing
thing done by Canada in the iQth century.

We are sometimes told that Canada has nothing to her
credit in the political history of the world : that everything
Canadian is due to Britain: that this Dominion has been a
non-productive beneficiary of Imperial advantages. My
answer to all that humiliating talk is this: were it not for
what was done by a former generation of Canadians, Canada
might not to-day be a part of the Empire. And this must be
added : Had Canada made the other choice, the British Empire
as the world to-day knows it could not have been.

Looked back upon fom our vantage point of clearer vision
those were crisis-days when the struggle for self-government
was on in Canada. That struggle had to come to these
Provinces as it came to the American Colonias a century
earlier. Men of the British breed gathered into communities
overseas in which they made their homes could not but feel
the throb of the Anglo-Saxon impulse. With all due respect ''
to the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada, and
with respect, too, for the grateful fact that in my own blood,
as in his, there is no Sassenach strain, I use deliberately the
words " Anglo-Saxon." Sir Charles warned us that " a rela-
tively small percentage of the people of the United States are
of Anglo-Saxon ancestry." What matter? That percentage
in numbers may be small, and in other respects its influence

196 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 29

may be insignificant, but my observation, in all parts of the
American Republic, is that the United States to this day, even
as Canada, is directed and dominated, in all controlling ideals
and movements of government, by that subtle something
which through the centuries has stirred in the Anglo-Saxon
_ blood, and which I venture to call the Anglo-Saxon impulse.
(Hear, hear.)

That impulse everywhere and forever makes for personal
liberty and for the community rights of self-government.
For the American Colonies, liberty and the rights of self-
government meant separation from the Mother Country and
the loss of that national background running back through a
thousand years. There was no other way known to history.
Never in all history did any colony of any empire come to
national self-government except by cutting the painter and
striking for independence. Washington, Franklin and the
rest took the only way at that time known to statesmen.

Then in the iQth century came Canada's day of decision.
It was a long and stormy day. No man saw clearly. There
was no blazed trail. No people had ever gone from colonial
subjection to national self-government except by one road —
the road of separation. There were those in Canada who
believed that self-government must take that one road of
separation, and they fought against it. These were those who
even at that cost were ready to take it. In Britain statesmen,
in both parties, thought the separation of Canada inevitable.
They were prepared to grant, not Confederation, but Indepen-
dence. Beaconsfield and Gladstone both thought what was
called confederation and autonomy would lead straight to the
independence of Canada.

But in Britain and especially in Canada were statesmen of
the farther vision. They saw, dimly, fitfully saw, the rise of
a new Canada — a new Canada leading the way for a new
Empire. Lyon Mackenzie and Louis Papineau, Baldwin and
Lafontaine, George Brown and John A. Macdonald; men of
vision, men of courage, men of faith: they went out not
knowing whither they went; and by the trails they blazed
the people of Canada have come to their own, to their rights
of free citizenship, to their responsibilities of national self-
government, to their obligations and dignities in Canada's
Imperial relations. (Applause.)

And so it has come about that, not by constraint, not by
compulsion, but by the free and deliberate choice of Canadians
themselves, Canada's Imperial relations are what they are, and
In the great days to come shall be what Canadians choose to

TAFT BANQUET. 197

make them. (Hear, hear.) Not in tariff and trade merely,
not in immigration and citizenship merely, not in defence
merely, but in all the great choices of Canadian nationhood
the law of the nation stands:

i

" The gates are mine to open

And the gates are mine to close."

2. Upon that first point this second follows: Canada's
achievement in Imperial relations made for the transforma-
tion of Britain's Imperial idea, and for the prestige and the
Permanence of the British Empire. On the old lines the
Empire could not endure. The old idea of " imperium," with
its centralized sovereignty and its subject states, had no
future for sons of the British blood. Its day was done. Un-
less there came a new idea disintegration was inevitable. The
coming of Canada brought that new idea — the idea of
national feedom and national autonomy not without but
within the Imperial circle. Canada achieved it. After
Canada came Australia, then New Zealand, then, only yester-
day, South Africa. The four overseas dominions, with self-
governing Newfoundland, constitute, with the Mother Coun-
try, the great strong right hand of the world-empire of
Britain. Those five fingers are bound to that great palm, not
by bandages of dependence, not by bonds of compulsion, but
by the vital ties of a common blood, a common purpose and a
common Imperial will ; and, not in the mailed fist of threat-
ening or oppression, but in the handclasp of world friend-
ship, those five fingers all close toward the palm. „

3. Canada's Imperial relations give special significance to
Canada's American position. On this continent and in rela-
tion to the power of English-speaking civilization in North
America, Canada stands for more than Canada alone. This
Dominion has indeed a part of its own to play, a part which
can be played only by Canadian citizens. That part is im-
portant to the American Republic and to North American
life. But as an integral and constituent factor in the life and
power of the British Empire Canada plays a part in America
unmatched by any other nation.

As an expression of what I mean, and as an adequate
statement of the significance of international relations in
North America, I venture to quote in the presence of our
guest a statement made to me in the White House at Wash-
ington by the Hon. P. C. Knox, when he was Secretary of
State in Mr. Taft's Government. Mr. Taft may remember

198 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 29

the occasion, and perhaps also the words. It was at a time
when opinions were being expressed as to the political effect
of trade relations between Canada and the United States.
Mr. Knox's words were these :

" Instead of us desiring- the political union of these two
countries it is to our advantage that Canada remain out
of the Republic and remain in the Empire. If there
were no Canada it would be in the interest of the United
States that one should be created and should be made a
self-governing nation in the British Empire."
I asked him why? and this was his answer:
" The power of North America to-day is the power of
the United States, and the power of Canada, plus the
power of Britain. If Canada were separated from the
Mother Country, and made either a distinct and indepen-
dent sovereignty or States in this Republic, there would
then be for North America no ' Plus the power of
Britain/ "

Sir, for myself as a Canadian I accept that philosophy. I
accept that doctrine of American internationalism. And Mr.
Taft himself, as I recall his words, made this pertinent com-
ment :

" The situation on the Pacific, which is the large concern
of both countries, is a much simpler and much safer
proposition for this whole continent because two flags,
representing English-speaking civilization, ideals and
power are afloat on the Pacific from the Mexican bound-
ary to the North Pole."

It is indeed the Pacific, not the Atlantic, that gives this
English-speaking fraternity of North America their chief
concern. And to the United States as well as to Canada it
is of prime importance that far across the Southern Pacific
the Commonwealth of Australia and the Dominion of New
Zealand rise up, in the freedom of their young national life,
flying aloft the Union Jack of Britain. The Atlantic for us
has no secrets, no surprises, but who can tell what mysteries
lie hid in the darkness of the Pacific. For this reason, in the
days now emerging, the four English-speaking nations front-
ing on the Pacific, the United States, Canada, Australia and
New Zealand, under their< flags of the Red, White and Blue,
must accept their full shave of responsibility for preserving
the interest of English-speaking citizenship on the Pacific, as
through the long centuries Britain has preserved it over the
Seven Seas. (Loud applause.)

TAFT BANQUET. 199

4. The international relations between Canada and the
United States and our common boundary line, unbarbarized
by forts or battleships or guns, are of significance, not for
these nations alone, but for all the world. That unprece-
dented and unparalleled fact of 4,000 miles of civilized inter-
nationalism is a message to all continents, the supreme
message of North America to all the world. What has been
done by these proud and ambitious Anglo-Saxon peoples
ought not to be impossible in Europe or elsewhere in the
civilized world. What does this thing mean? It means
this : In this new civilization national rights are respected and
national aspirations are given free course. To illustrate and
tp justify that new doctrine Canada stands up in North
America with less than 8,000,000 of people over against the
United States with nearly 100,000,000, and for a hundred
years has been free and unmolested; and to-day, without a
standing army or a " visible " navy, Canada is more secure
from war and from war scares than any war nation of
luirope. And why? For this reason: the United States and
Canada have both learned the meaning of that saying of
Canning when he conceived the Monroe doctrine — " every
nation for itself and God for us all."

Great Britain and the United States have both illustrated
in history, as Mr. Taft so splendidly declared to the Empire
Club to-day, that any people that desires to be free and is fit
to be free must be given freedom's unfettered chance. That
principle is the guiding star of Britain in her dependencies.
It guides the United States in relation to the Philippines, to
Cuba and to Mexico. Canada stands up to prove it true for
all the world. (Applause.)

5. One thing more and I have done. Canada and the
United States, facing their responsibility for the development
and the defence of English-speaking civilization in North
America have need of something more than great armies on
shore and huge navies on sea. The supreme question is not:
Shall the Oriental nations open their doors to our trade, to
our civilization and to our Christian missionaries? Those
doors are open now — wide open. Within ten years an abso-
lutely new world situation has been created. In that new
situation this is for us the serious question : In the impact of
North American life on the nations beyond the Pacific shall
our civilization stand? The Armageddon of the Pacific will
not be in the clash of brute force but in the clash of vital ideas.
The last arbitrament is not the sword of war but the life of
the nation. It is ideas against ideas, character against char-

200 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 29

acter, life against life. In that conflict the United States and
Canada shall stand or shall fall together. It is our supreme
and sacred obligation, men of Canada, men of the United
States, Americans all, so to live and so to lead that in the
inevitable testing of our nations the ideals of our North
American civilization shall stand. (Hear, hear.)

Sir, it is because Mr. Taft believes in the supremacy, not
of brute force but of ideas, because he is concerned supremely
for the supreme things in our civilization, and because he has
done a man's full share in making the civilization of the
United States and of Canada a civilized unit, vital, virile,
Christian, as North America faces the older civilizations of
the world, that you and I and all true Canadians would join
in doing him honor to-night. (Cheers and loud applause.)

Mr. Bone: Your Honor and Gentlemen, — It is now my
pleasure to propose the second and the last toast to-night. I
am sure no words of mine can add to the heartiness with
which you will respond. It is a toast to a man whose name,
even if his career were ended, which it is not — (hear, hear) —
because I am sure there are still fresh honors in store for
him, is assured of a high place in the pages of history when
the smoke of party conflict has passed away. History is
generally fair, and history will record that the twenty-seventh
President of the United States was a man of rare attainments,
who as lawyer, judge, diplomat, governor and President
served his country well — (hear, hear) — who left behind him
a record of distinct achievement, who very materially in-
creased the prestige of the United States in his relations with
foreign countries, Canada included. He was actuated by a
desire not only to serve his own people, but by sentiments of
friendship and good will to all to improve her connection with
other powers. He is a man of likeable personality, filled with
human sympathy, and a sincere gentleman, and in asking you
to drink his health I beg to assure him that we do it, not as
absolute strangers, but as friends.

Hon. William Howard Taft: Mr. Chairman, Your Honor
and Gentlemen of the Canadian Club of Toronto, — I feel as
though what I were about to say was anti-climax from the
great speeches which we have heard. I feel as though you
were entitled to a personal explanation — (laughter) — as
though I ought to offer some excuse for the very strenuous
life that my presence in your midst has brought to some very
worthy men.

I begin with that delightful gentleman, that fine lawyer,
that father and that host, who has made my stay in Toronto

1914] TAFT BANQUET. 201

full of the utmost pleasure, His Honor Sir John Gibson,
Lieutenant-Governor of Ontario. (Applause.) They have
taken me into Government House, and if all Government
Houses arid all families in Government Houses are as this
one, I intend to solicit invitations to all Government Houses.
(Laughter.)

I do not know how I have got into this. My recollection
is that it was the President of Toronto University who took
the first step. He seemed to think that he had a society on
his hands. I do not know whether it was altogether a wise
step of inviting somebody from beyond the border to talk to
the boys and girls. But after that came the Empire Club,
and after that the Canadian Club, and then the Women's
Canadian Club, and I do not know how many other
clubs I would have had the opportunity of speaking
to if there had been forty-eight hours rather than twenty-four.
(Laughter.) But I have enjoyed every minute of it, and the
only thing that had detracted from that pleasure is the con-
sciousness that my being here has interfered with the proper
administration of the Provincial Government and that proper
attention on the part of the University officials to the duties
they ought to discharge, and in addition to have the pleasure
of these various Ministers of the Government who have
honored me by their presence at some of the numerous enter-
tainments where I have had to inflict a few observations on
the victims that were gathered before me.

Now there are a great many things that I will contemplate
in this visit. One of them is brought up by the kindly re-
marks of Sir John Willison. In the first place, Sir John
pictured himself in the capital of the Dominion with a number
of vacant offices there seeking the men. He reminded me of a
story that I heard in Kentucky when I was in the respectable
business of being a judge. (Laughter.) They once elected
a Republican governor in Kentucky. There is part of Ken-
tucky that has always been Republican, the mountain part,
and where they have been voting for Republican candidates
for years and years and years, and finally Providence inter-
vened and gave them a Republican governor. Then there
started down from the mountains an old man called Zeke
Carter, who had been a thorough Republican and had voted
and voted and voted but all to no purpose, and finally the
kingdom had come. He mounted his old mare and drove
down to Franklin, and intimated to the authorities that hav-
ing been a supporter of the Republican party they ought to
recognize that with an office. He put up at the Capital Hotel

202 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 29

for about ten days. Then looking at his vanishing bank roll
he moved to a boarding house. He spent some ten days there,
and then he took to sleeping where he could, and pursuing
what we call in our country — 1 do not believe you have it in
yours — the free lunch route. But finally, after he had had
a number of conferences with a great many leading Re-
publicans, he heard from them that they did not propose
to maintain the spoils policy of the Democratic party.
They were introducing a reform in which the office was seek-
ing the man. Well, his free lunch route gave out and he had
to give up. He mounted his old mare, and as he went
through the town he passed before the Capital Hotel, where
he saw seated a good many people with whom he had made
acquaintance during his stay, and they called out to him,
asking where he was going. He said, "I am going home.
My money has run out and I cannot stay. I have heard a
good deal of talk about the office seeking the man here, but
1 have not seen any office seeking the man. If any of you
fellows see any office seeking the man I wish you would tell
it that you just saw old Zeke Carter on the Versailles Turn-
pike mounted on his old mare, and he is going damn slow."
(Laughter.) Some of us who have been in political life
know how Zeke felt.

I had occasion to make a few remarks in Montreal at the
meeting of the American Bar Association, and perhaps I can
repeat a sentiment that I there expressed. You never get
quite close to a man as a friend until you have had a row
with him. Until he calls you names and until you call him
names, and you get filled with that frank expression in a con-
troversy that develops heat, and after that you can come to
the most pleasant and loving terms. I got so used in my own
country to that sort of friendship (laughter) that when I en-
countered the same kindly treatment in Canada I was at
home.

The Chairman in his very pleasantly and ably conceived
speech in the opening to-night referred to the Presidency and
the power of that office. That is what met me everywhere
I went in the United States. I was told it was the most power-
ful office in the world, and I suppose it is. But when you
hold it you do not realize it. (Laughter.) You are always
thinking about its limitations and not about its powers. It is
an office that I would not advise any man to hold unless his
epidermis is fairly thick. It is an office that makes you con-
sider at some length the truthfulness of the public press
(laughter) and I may add, its accuracy. (Laughter.) But

1914] TAFT BANQUET. 203

one of the things you learn is that most of the things that
seem hard, most of the things that you think you will never
forget are not worth in any degree the worry you give them.
(Hear, hear.) The lessons — and there are many lessons —
that those of us who have gotten along even as far as I have
gone would like to introduce in the heads and into the con-
sciences of every man so that they might learn the truth in
the pursuit of happiness and contentment in life. But they
have got to have their lessons just as you have and you
cannot ever make them conscious of the fact respecting many
truths that time spent in thinking how you are going to get
even with some man who has done something that you think
is worthy of very severe treatment by you is time wasted.
(Applause.) Life has so many pleasures, and there is so little
time to enjoy them, that there is no use depriving ourselves
of comfort and contentment by worrying ourselves over an
opportunity to get even with somebody, because you always
find, if you are a man that has ever made response to real
manly sentiments, that when the opportunity comes to get even
you are too much of a man to take advantage of it. And
therefore I look back upon my Presidency now, full as it was
of worries with the utmost gratitude for the opportunity
it gave me and without the slightest feeling toward anybody
that had anything to do with making it a trial. (Bravo.)

I do not claim any credit for that. I only claim that it is
a discovery that helps to make life in the future a great deal
pleasanter, and I hope to make life more useful not only to
myself but to other people with whom Providence enables me
to live, and in the same degree to contribute to their happi-
ness. (Hear, hear.)

Now, Sir John Willison said something about democratic
government. I agree with him. What kind of government
should we live under if it was not democratic government.
How would we feel under a government that we did not have
some voice in. I have been told that I did not believe in
democratic government, that I am really not in favor of popu-
lar government. While time was that I would get excited
about that charge, when I would say that a man who said so
was a liar, now I would smile and say he was not correct in
his statement. I have got along far enough now to be able
to say just what I think about popular government and to
introduce some slight qualifications with reference to its use-
fulness, and the necessity of placing restraint upon the major-
ity instead of the minority. That I have said and am going
to say right along, no matter whether they think I am reac-

204 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Jan. 29

tionary or a man that does not believe in popular government
or not, because I know differently. I think and believe that
those of us who understand popular government and know
what will work out for the permanent good of humanity and
insist upon having these elements in it are the real friends of
popular government and are those who are anxious to make
it beneficial to the human race.

Now, at the Empire Club I talked about the Empire. To-
night I would talk about democratic government. Canada
and the United States have much in common in that regard.
We in making government more responsible for the happiness
of the people are going to make government more democratic
and are introducing two elements that make success more
difficult.

We have dronned the laissez faire idea that the only good
government is that which governs the least, and we have come
to think that there is much that a government can do, and
ought to do to help along all the people and thereby to make
life lighter and easier for those who are unfortunate in the
race — an object we must have if we are going to make pro-
gress in the human race ; and therefore we are imposing on
government a greater and greater burden. It is more ex-
pensive and it requires greater and greater ability to adminis-
ter a government on that plan successfully. It requires effi-
ciency, and it requires experience. You do not employ a
lawyer to build a bridge; you do not employ a doctor to con-
struct a railway. You employ in your private business the
men who are trained by their experience to do the things you
wish done. We cannot get on in government unless we pro-
ceed in the same way with reference to those tasks that require
expert knowledge.

Now, on the other hand, the democratic spirit at first seems
to veer in the direction of assuming that everybody in the com-
munity is able to do everything, and do it just as well as
everybody else, and perhaps a little better, and we have to
curb these two tendencies and bring them together, and it is
no easy thing to do, gentlemen.

Encountering now those strong tendencies it seems to
me that the cure for those difficulties pressing on democracy
is a spirit that tends towards not only equality of opportunity,
not only equality of right before the law, but equality of
experience, equality of character, and even equality of com-
mon sense. (Hear, hear.)

Now, we have been struggling in the United States to in-
troduce a merit system into the civil service. We have got-

TAFT BANQUET. 205

ten along fairly well in the Federal government. Of course
after one party has been in office fifteen years, the civil ser-
vice, while theoretically it seems a wonderful thing to speak
of, but practically it brings a tremendous strain, and patriots
who have been out and fought for fifteen years think a civil
service rule is all right, if you will only just give them six
months in which to make the necessary changes. I am not
complaining of that, Sir. There is something very trying
when a party comes into power, finding all the offices filled.
But I am hoping that if the good Lord shall arrange it that
the Republican party should come back in four years it would
not have the same temptation to strain the civil service law
as a party that has been out for fifteen years. So that after
a while by action and reaction we will get a system such as
they have in England, and such as I hope you have here.
(Laughter.) Well, I did not mean to trespass on any local
prejudice. But in England I think they have it in perfect
form. They have permanent Under-Secretaries and from that
clear down to the tide waiter everything is governed by merit.
(Hear, hear.) There is a solid body of civil servants who go
on every day discharging their duties. They are experts in
the work they have to do, and the only changes are in the
political Under Secretaries and Secretaries, and they, of
course, oueht to change when the party goes out in order that
the policy of the Government may agree with the verdict of
the electors.

Now, that is essential not only in the national government,
but it is even more essential in municipal government. One
thing that has tried our faith in popular government is the
failure that we have made in the United States in our munici-
pal government. But I am glad to say there is a new spirit
there now, and those who advocate the merit system in local
matters are now given a very much better hearing than they
were. Now, then in municipal government you need experts
quite as much, and indeed a little more than you do in national
government. It is the municipal government that looks after
our health; it is the municipal government that gives us our
transportation ; it is the municipal government that gives us
our water, our light and everything that goes into the com-
fort of life. Therefore we should have experts in the gov-
ernment to make it what it ought to be, because every day
we are putting greater and greater burdens on that govern-
ment, and the only way we can do it is by retaining a body of
civil servants in the employ of that government who will learn
by experience how to discharge their duty. But the positions

206 THE CANADIAN CLUB. tjan- 29

must be permanent, and you must pay good salaries, because
if you create such positions they will attract the best men in
the community towards them. How can you expect to get
good officers if you only give them a year, or two years or
three years, and then a change takes place and they go out.
Of course you are not going to get the best men under such a
system. It is a wonder that we ever get good men at all.
But the capacity of the Anglo-Saxon for government is such
that we have been able to adapt ourselves to some very poor
machinery.

There are other problems, too, in a different direction. We
can go too far in this matter of adding to the functions of
government. The government can do a good deal, but it can-
not do everything, and one of the things we have to learn is
that legislation cannot make a man over. They are goine
ahead to do a great many things to-day that they are going to
regret they ever attempted to do. They are going into a wave
of municipal ownership and operation. I do not object to
municipal ownership, but I think municipal operation is a very
dangerous experiment. I think we shall find it to be so. We
have so many interests, and so many municipalities we can
trv them on some and then the wiser people can wait and see
how it works out, but those who rush ahead can pay the bill.
Men can get on the hustings and get into office by
offering all sorts of improvements, that the government
is going to run everything, and everybody is going to
enjoy the millennium of comfort, and they will project some
plan to borrow on the bonds of the municipality, but they will
find that the interest charged on that wicked Wall Street
or elsewhere becomes so high that it increases the taxes,
and they learn that high taxes are not just the best plat-
form to go to the. people on. (Laughter.) The change that
is coming about is an economic change that the government
cannot go into an excessive use of public funds and public
credit for a lot of things that men would like to do because
the government is not fit to carry on a great many enter-
prises profitably, and the government is not going to be able
to convince many people that it can.

It has been a great pleasure for me to hear Sir Charles
Fitzpatrick, even if he did cast aspersions at my golf. (Laugh-
ter.) That is one of the easiest things to do. Golf is a game
that everybody can enjoy, no matter how much of a novice he
is, therefore a jest at a man's game is nothing to the purpose
because it does not drive him from the game. "Hope springs
eternal in the human breast." (Laughter.)

1914] TAFT BANQUET. 207

Now, we are getting along very well as between the United
States and Canada, and as between the United States and
England. It is true that the relations between these two coun-
tries and our own country are different from other interna-
tional relations in this that it is true that the suggestion of
war brings a feeling of revulsion in both countries. (Ap-
plause.) Of course we have our differences. While we went
ahead we were not looking around to see what everybody else
was doing. We expanded, and our heads were swelled. Well,
we have come to a halt in our expansion, and many of our
people are now thinking that money is not everything, and
expansion is not everything. There are a good many other
things to attend to, and we have got to have a halt to look
around and help those who are not so successful in the race,
and that feeling has come over the entire country. It is not
going to stop us in business, but I am quite sure it has affected
the attitude of society towards material growth and material
expansion. That there are other things higher and better to
look after that ought to command the attention of the people,
and the people are going to do it.

Now, on your side it is but natural that as you are in your
era of expansion and growth that you should look at us
askance, and that you should reason sometimes that we are
not paying as much attention to you as you are entitled to —
and very often we do not. There is no doubt about that. You
have inherited from your Anglo-Saxon ancestors as we did
that certain sense of national self-consciousness that might be
improved upon. (Laughter.)

I went to the Philippines and came in touch with the Span-
ish civilization there. There are some difficulties about that
civilization which we all recognize and which we are only
too willing to point out, and then there are some very strik-
ing truths in their system of philosophy. They believe that
contentment and happiness is largely made up of small things
in life, largely made up by the lubrication of society in man-
ner, and in bearing and in courtesy.

Now, as between the United States and Canada, we have
had in times past a good many strains. I am not going back
with Sir John Willison to argue over the righteousness of the
American Revolution. I am a little bit afraid to do that, be-
cause this afternoon when I submitted a few observations of
admiration for the British Empire I was told that if I had
been living at the time of the revolution, I would have been
a United Empire Loyalist. Then I expressed the opinion that
I had rather overdone it in what I said about the British Em-

208 THE CANADIAN CLUB. CJan- 29

pire. (Laughter.) I am entirely willing to let that revolu-
tion stand just where it is. ( Laughter. ) I am not going back
either to discuss the righteousness of the War of 1812 which
was conducted for the purpose of freedom of all the world.
And my friend Macdonald is wrong about Canning. If he is
to bring Canning back he should not do it at the time of the
War of 1812. His day did not come until 1820. (Laughter
and applause.) I am not sning to enter into that discussion
either. I am entirely willing to admit that Canning was the
first to suggest the principle of the Monroe doctrine, and I
beg you to remember, gentlemen, that it came from England,
and you can make it mean anything. But we have had a
good many strains during that one hundred years of
peace. There is the Oregon and Maine boundary business,
that was settled by two great statesmen — Daniel Webster and
Lord Ashburton. There were a lot of people in the United,
States who said "fifty-four forty" or fight. Well, they did
not fight, and it was not "fifty-four forty" either. Then we
come to the Civil War, and that was a great strain, and never
as long as I am able to express my view shall I fail to express
the gratitude, the deep gratitude that as an American I feel to
Her Majesty Queen Victoria for her personal interposition
to save the breach between England and the United States in
the dark days of the Civil War. (Applause.) Then we had
the French ready with their troublous times, and then we had
Venezuela, and there we heard some views as to what the Mon-
roe doctrine meant, that we were virtually the sovereign power
of this hemisphere, and that our fiat was law. While we do
not believe that now (laughter) it was not so then. It was an
unfortunate expression. The Monroe doctrine is a very use-
ful doctrine. There are those in the United States who call it
an obsolete Shibboleth, and think it ought to be done away
with. Well, it has kept our troubles in this hemisphere to our-
selves, and it has become a permanent, accepted doctrine not as
part of International law, but as something that European
powers respect. It is better that we should settle in this coun-
try, if we can, our own difficulties. I know some of them
seem to be insoluble. I could mention one now. I do not
believe you know. You do not always appreciate the benefits
that the United States gives Canada. You do not seem to
appreciate the great advantage that we offer you in being the
buffer between you and some other country. (Laughter.)

Now it takes a lot of different people to make up a nation
and a populace. And you cannot make the whole people
responsible for the heat of extreme declarations of a part of

TAFT BANQUET. 209

the populace. I do not know of any people that does not
have a large foreign assortment of — I do not like to call them
by an invidious description — but I must say a large and varied
assortment of asses, who say a great many things, that, if they
were called upon to say if they really meant it would take the
hint lest others in the intoxication of the moment might feel
it necessary to give prominence to an undoubted use of super-
latives, and we are not going to get into a breach on account
of these people. (Hear, hear.)

I really believe that there is not any reason, not only that
there is no good reason (of course there is no good reason)
for any trouble between us or any breach between us. We
have settled a great many differences by arbitration, and we
are going to settle a lot more. About arbitration, there are
some gentlemen in our country that have this view of arbitra-
tion. They are strongly in favor of arbitration when they are
certain that the arbitration is going to result in their favor.
That is not arbitration at all. If you play the game you have
to be willing to lose (hear, hear), and there is no use talking
of making an agreement to submit an issue to a tribunal if
you are not going to take your medicine when you get it, and
that is what we are coming to.

Now, there is the question of the Panama tolls. We do not
agree among ourselves. Mr. Root and Mr. Choate don't
think we have the right, and Mr. Knox and I think we have
the right. Now, all I object to is this : I do not mind you say-
ing you have the right; what I object to is that you should
say because you have the right you should not be will-
ing to have the issue decided. Now, we do not want
to argue what the treaty means. If the treaty means
what you think it means, and the issue ever comes (I
do not know what the present administration is going
to do) but if the issue ever arises, of course it will go
to arbitration, and the place I would be glad to leave it, as Sir
Charles said to-night, I would be glad to leave it to a tri-
bunal consisting of three Supreme Court Judges of the
United States and three members of your Privy Council, and
have the lawyers sit as judges. There are those who would
fear that a tribunal of this character would be hampered by
allegiance to one's country. But I believe the administration
of justice should be higher than allegiance to any country. I
believe that the judges under our system have a higher appre-
ciation, and come nearer to the highest ideal than that in any
other judicial system that I know of. I won't say anything
about those who are talking of our building the canal and

210 THE CANADIAN CLUB. tjan 29

managing it, and therefore won't arbitrate anything about it.
They are talking through their hats. It is quite true if the
issue comes we are going to arbitrate it, and we are going to
arbitrate it because we made a treaty in which you are en-
titled to certain rights in the management of the canal, and
whether you are entitled to these rights is not to be determined
by whether we built the canal, but because the treaty binds
us, and if it does, we are going to live up to it, that is all.
But do not be too confident about the treaty. There used
to be a lawyer with us who had a great reputation for jury
trials, and he said he never was certain of but one case in
his life, and that one he lost. (Laughter.)

But I am glad to be here with you, and with the Club.
I am glad to meet my friends here. Brother Macdonald and
I went down in "one red burial," and I am not going- to
revive that struggle here. I am not here for that purpose. I
do not want to bring back those things into this atmosphere.
That is past history. It is one of the things that men who
examine details later on will wonder over, that is all. It is a
delight to me to be able to come here and greet you gentlemen
who in the partisan controversy, if I may call it such, thought
it necessary to paint certain pictures that were I won't say,
incorrect, but were a little shaded. But now we have for-
gotten all that, and later on will come again — probably in
other controversies. These are the things that are practically,
I presume, a federal controversy. Those happy days we all
have, and after awhile the common sense of the people pre-
vails when they learn the facts.

That is how my friend Willison and my friend Macdonald
do, and those of us who are filling offices have to stand it.
But it is not a very bad thing after all.

I am grateful to you all in Toronto for the very cordial
reception that you have given me. I have one word more to
say, and I am done. I do not represent anybody. That is
one great pleasure I have in coming here. I have no responsi-
bility. Perhaps you have discovered that, but I do bring
you what I know to exist, the good will of my fellow coun-
trymen, their respect and their hope, and anticipation that
this century of peace that we have enjoyed will continue for-
ever. I thank you. (Cheers and applause.)

1914] FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION. 211

(February 3, 1914.)

Toronto's Financial Administration.

BY FREDERICK A. CLEVELAND, PH.D.*

/V T a special luncheon of the Club held on the 3rd February,
^^ Mr. John A. Macdonald, speaking preliminary to the
address byHe^gTte^lr^ftherday, Dr. F. A. Cleveland, said:

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, — What I have to say will
be as brief as possible, for I know that you are waiting- to
hear Dr. Cleveland; and I will put a few facts before you
which will be new, possibly to some of those who are pre-
sent.

One day last winter Mr. John I. Sutcliffe and myself were
discussing the necessity of a better understanding of civic pro-
blems before much needed reforms could be hoped for, and
we decided to write to the New York Bureau of Municipal
Research for advice, which we received in the shape of some
very interesting literature on the subject of Municipal Re-
search.

Mr. John Firstbrook and others joined in this inquiry,
and some fifteen or twenty of us united in an invitation to
Mr. Henry Bruere, a Director of the New York Bureau, to
address a meeting. This meeting was held at the National
Club one day last July, and it was then decided to form a
Committee of One Hundred Citizens — each pledged to pay
one-hundredth part of the expense of a preliminary Survey
of Toronto's Civic Administration, which was estimated to
cost about $5,000. As a matter of fact the Survey has cost
much more than that, and a Civic Survey Committee of about
130 members has subscribed over $6,000.

On September 28th, a deputation headed by Sir Edmund
Osier waited upon the city council and received permission
to make the survey.

Mr. Fred. W. Linders, accompanied by several municipal
specialists in various departments, made the survey during
November and December.

During January, Messrs. Driscoll and Holton, two of
these specialists, presented the sections of the Survey Report

* Dr. Cleveland is one of the principals in the Bureau of Municipal
Research of-New York City, who were retained by the Civic Survey Com-
mittee of Toronto to make a special report on Toronto's Civic Administra-
tion. Dr. Cleveland was Chairman of ex-President Taft's Commission on
Economy and Efficiency, which made a special study ot the United States
Civil Service. He is one of the leading authorities on civic finance on
this "continent.

212 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 3

dealing with the Fire Department and Works Department.
The section of the Property Department was published last
week. The section on the Assessment Department will come
later.

Dr. Frederick A. Cleveland, Managing-Director of the
Bureau of Municipal Research of New York, has come from
that city to present to the Civic Survey Committee the section
of the report dealing with the City Treasurer's Department.
This was done yesterday when the Committee met at the
National Club.

Through the courtesy of the Canadian Club, this meeting
has been arranged so that the public may hear Dr. Cleveland
on the Financial Administration of Toronto.

Dr. Cleveland is a national figure in the United States, and
is fast becoming an international figure in North America.
Accountancy and Finance are his specialties. When ex-Presi-
dent Taft, whom you heard last week, formed his famous
Commission on Economy and Efficiency in the great Spend-
ing Departments of the United States Federal Government,
Dr. Cleveland was chosen as the chairman of that commit-
tee.

At first some few, and they were very few, were sceptical
as to the value of this Survey. If there are still any unbeliev-
ers, which I doubt, I have this to say in answer. Last Novem-
ber the Survey staff found such conditions in some of the
theatres in Toronto that they felt it a duty to make a special
Preliminary Report to the Mayor. As the result of that re-
port thousands of dollars have been spent by the theatres in
better methods of fire prevention. Every man on the Execu-
tive Committee of the Survey feels that this result alone has
been worth all the time and trouble he has given to this
undertaking, and that the whole cost of the entire Survey
has been well repaid by this one achievement in itself.

We have been asked repeatedly — How do you expect to
get practical results from this inquiry? What prospect is
there of the many valuable suggestions made in the Survey
Report being carried out?

The answer is that civic governments everywhere, and
Toronto is no exception, respond freely and quickly to any
interest manifested by the citizens in their own government.
Toronto citv officials have alre?^y shown their willingness to
respond to such interest, and to consider our recommendations
and to carry them out.

That citizen support of this Municipal Research Move-
ment is of pressing interest is unquestionable, not only to

1914] FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION. 213

Toronto but to all Canadian cities. The success of the move-
ment in the United States has demonstrated conclusively how
vital a force it is in securing- efficient municipal government.
Toronto should be awake to this and reaping the benefits of
the experience of the New York Bureau by at once estab-
lishing a local Bureau of Municipal Research, which will have
at its back the results of eight years' practical application of
these methods in thirty-five United States cities — the principal
ones of which are New York, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, Mil-
waukee, St. Louis, .Dayton, etc.

The formation of a local Bureau in Toronto, we feel sure,
will eventuate in the spread of this work throughout the
Dominion.

We can hope for no better achievement than first to de-
monstrate practically in Toronto what can be done, and then
nothing can prevent our being called upon to lead the way,
or to perform services for the municipalities throughout
Canada. Dr. Allen, another doctor of the N. Y. B., will be
here to talk about this Tuesday next.

The financial support necessary to the success of this un-
dertaking must emanate from interested citizens. That there
are such citizens in Toronto the Survey has proved. That
their interest will be continuous will soon be demonstrated
by their subscribing a total of not less than $20,000.00 per
annum for five years. The local Bureau will be started at
once. You will all have an opportunity to give it your sup-
port, and I have no doubts as to the outcome.

Gentlemen, in conclusion, I have just one word to say. I
think there are very few of those here, and possibly not all
the members of the Civic Survey Committee, who are aware
of the wonderful services and the immense benefits that our
Honorary Secretary, Mr. John I. Sutcliffe, has rendered to
us. He has been twice in New York, and has worked at it
day and night, and I would ask you to remember, whenever
you hear of the good this Survey is doing and is going to
do, — please remember the name of John I. Sutcliffe. (Ap-
plause. )

Dr. Cleveland was then introduced, and said:

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Canadian Club and
the Civic Survey Committee, — In the States we have looked
to English institutions and English experience as a boy looks
to his tutor for ideals and leadership. England and her col-
onies have given to the world her most important lessons in
democracy — in responsible government — government as an
organized trusteeship administered for the welfare of the gov-

214 THE CANADIAN CLUB. tFeb- 3

erned. The greatest contribution of England has been a
parliamentary system in which provision is made for responsi-
ble leadership. The greatest contribution of the English
colonies has been in the development of the functions of the
electorate. From England we took our constitution. From
the colonies we have taken many of our best methods of popu-
lar control. From the colonies we have also taken many of
our ideals of public service. We speak of our Australian bal-
lot ; of our Initiative, Referendum and Recall ; of our Torrens
system ; of our methods of administrating public works, and
other community enterprises. In speaking of them as ours,
however, we do not forget that nearly all of our highest ideals
and practical solutions in government, in adapting our institu-
tions to the fulfilment of the hopes of the people have come
from our British ancestors and our British brothers. (Ap-
plause.)

Toronto has been before us for years as an example of
civic interest and civic accomplishment, which we have sought
to emulate. We have not only been struck with the unwritten
law in this community that has demanded the retention in
public service of men who have proved their fitness without
regard to party, but we have also looked to Toronto for some
of the best pioneer work that has been done in marking out
the way for rendering public service through government en-
terprise. When asked to come to Toronto, therefore, we ap-
proached the subject of its institutions and practices with
much of the same feeling that a student of political science
goes to the House of Parliament.

The reason for our being here, as we understand it, is that
both citizens and officers in the city of Toronto have been con-
scious of the fact that the city has been growing at a marvel-
lous rate — during the last nine years it has doubled its popula-
tion— that its Civic needs have far outstripped the provisions
made for meeting them. Since our organization has been en-
gaged in specializing for a number of years in the cities of the
States in finding how cities are adapting their institutions to
meet their growing needs (in the consideration of practices
that have been found to be useful in one part of the world or
another) we were asked to come here and make a survey —
to apnlv methods of independent research as an aid to both
citizens and officers in thinking about the civic problems with
which they are confronted.

With this in view we have undertaken to make a careful
study of conditions and practices ; to submit our statements
of fact to officers who are in charge of administrative details ;

1914] FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION. 215

and having reached an agreement with respect to what the
facts are, to submit our conclusions :

1. Pointing out what are deemed to be the defects in pre-
sent methods.

2. The changes which should be made in order to adapt
government methods to the necessity for administering to the
wants of a much larger and more complex community.

As has been pointed out by Mr. Macdonald the results of
our survey have been submitted to the Civic Survey Commit-
tee in reports on the following departments, viz., fire, prop-
erty, works, finance and assessment. We are happy to say
that with respect to none of these has there been any question
raised on statements of facts. The only differences have been
differences of opinion. These are to be expected, and discus-
sion of such differences cannot do harm.

In taking up the subject of finance yesterday with officers
discussing- statements of fact, criticism of methods and recom-
mendations, there were many points reviewed. Most of these
would be of little interest to you at the time. But there are
a few recommendations which are so close to the citizenship
of Toronto that I am venturing elaboration to-day.

Among the constructive suggestions is one pertaining to
the budget.

The budget, as conceived by English people — for they are
the ones who have most successfully developed and used a
system of budgetary control — is emploved as an instrument
by means of which a large community of citizens, a Dominion,
a Nation, an Empire may have laid before them each year a
definite program for the next year's business. Recognizing
that public opinion is the great force, the controlling factor
to be relied on to support the activities of government, it was
found to be in every way desirable to get before the people
what it is their government is doing, and what it proposes to
do. This was the fundamental concept of a budget. This has
been the theory of the constitutional inhibitions attached to
money bills running back to the days of Magna Charta. This
idea, however, did not become fully developed in the British
system until within the last hundred years. It was not until the
last fifty years that one of its most salient features was firmly
established, namely, the provisions which fixed executive re-
sponsibility, by requiring that the Prime Minister become a
leader before the Nation. In formulating our recommendations
we have thought that the city of Toronto should take the steps
necessary to develop just this kind of leadership, a leadership
which will assume responsibility before the people for what

216 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 3

the administration is doing, and what it proposes to do, and
to do this through the submission of a budget before each
annual election.

Concretely, our budget proposals are these: To utilize
your annual election as a referendum on questions of admin-
istration policy. Your elections of Mayor and Board of Con-
trol come just at the beginning of the fiscal year. In order
to get a clear expression of views issues must be clearly de-
fined. Instead of waiting until the new administration has
been installed, instead of waiting for the new administration
(which has only a year of official life) to take up the subject
of what it proposes to do, and how it proposes to finance its
projects after it has been seated, instead of waiting until after
the first of January to begin consideration of what it will
undertake for the city within the next twelve months, our
first proposal is that the city shall require of its officers who
are in responsible positions to begin in the autumn to make
plans for the next •"ear to let the people know what has been
done, and what is proposed by the administration and by the
opposition before the election. (Hear, hear, and applause.)
As a means to this end we suggest that the departmental
heads be required to submit their estimates — their detail state-
ments telling about what service is being rendered, and the
cost of what has been done by them, what additional work
they are proposing to do, with an estimate of the cost of
these proposals — that these business statements of cost and
estimate be prepared bv the heads of the departments and be
placed in the hands of the Board of Control not later than
October. (Hear, hear.) That when these cost data and
estimates go to the Board of Control, the Mayor as the chair-
man (or prime minister) shall be required to assume responsi-
bility for preparing and submitting a budget, which will clearly
lay before the Aldermanic Council, as the appropriating body,
what it is that the administration through its Board of Con-
trol recommends for the next year, that in order to inject the
element of personal responsibility, and give definiteness to
your discussion in municipal campaign, in order that you may
have before you as an electorate well-defined issues when you
determine by ballot who shall exercise the functions of gov-
ernment during the next year, each member of the Board of
Control shall be requied either to concur in the budget sub-
mitted by the Mayor or, in case he does not, to state specifi-
cally the items in which he does not concur and his reasons
for disagreement. (Hear, hear.)

1914] FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION. 217

Here in Toronto the Board of Control is the Administra-
tion and the Mayor is its head. Having required that the
administration clearly define its position, having utilized
the experience gained by officers during their incumbency,
and the experts of the Government in the various depart-
ments to formulate an administration platform, one which
very directly and concretely relates the business of the gov-
ernment to the welfare of the city, and to lay this before the
Aldermanic Council as a proposal, then each member of the
Council would also be placed in such position that he would
be held responsible for the manner in which he acted
or failed to act on the budget proposal. So that before the
day of election the city of Toronto, its citizens, its voters,
would have before them an administrative program and the
counter proposals of an opposition — a statement of issues
joined, which would be just as clearly defined as would be
required in a Court of Justice when parties litigant come
before it to have their rights adjusted. (Hear, hear.)

If there is one thing in the English governmental system
that both the people and their political agents have carefully
guarded, it is its judicial procedure. By most carefully ela-
borated rules parties litigant are required to define clearly
their issues by employment of counsel, or otherwise, before
they are permitted the court will take testimony and admit
argument of them before it. Our proposal is that the mayor
shall be the leader — the advocate for the people — the attor-
ney for the plaintiff in the formulation and submission of the
complaint for social service ; that the Aldermanic Council shall
be regarded as a Court of First Instance in the matter of
city administration against the opposition on all issues pre-
sented by the budget; the electorate shall act as a Court of
Last Resort. That in these proceedings and during the cam-
paign both the Aldermanic Council and the electorate should
have the benefit of the same clarity of presentation of issues
as a court of justice has when it is called upon to act on>a
subject of litigation. (Hear, hear.)

Now, let us suppose that the council, the aldermanic body,
fails to agree, or fails to reach a decision before the 3ist of
December, and let us assume that the time has come when the
case of the administration or the opposition is taken before
the electorate without any act of appropriation having been
passed. Notwithstanding the failure to act on the part of the
board of aldermen there would be a month of deliberation
in council during which members must assume responsibility
for action or inaction, and the attitude of each representa-

218 THE CANADIAN CLUB. tFeb- 3

tive or council would be before the city. The issues would
be first presented in the form of a budget, the proposal of the
mayor and of members of the opposition members on the
Board of Control; this would be submitted to council in ad-
ministration and opposition proposals. Following this the
people would have the benefit of the discussion in council
before action would be required by the electorate. With such
a system instead of having our political campaign waged on
personal lines, — instead of having the question as to whether
Bill Smith is a good fellow the question before constituents in
the campaign, would be "What has Bill Smith done, and what
does he propose to do for this town?" and is the position of
the mayor sound? Is he standing for or against public wel-
fare? (Applause.) In other words, a procedure would be
established that would insure that before January ist you as
citizens would have mapped out a public service program,
and a financial program ; every man in the Government would
have to take sides — to assume definite responsibility and let
the people know where he stands on a platform that could not
be accepted or rejected as the act of an irresponsible unofficial
partisan body.

Think of the advantage which this would have for the
citizen ; think also of the advantage such a procedure would
give to officers who are trying to render efficient service.
When the new administration comes in, if it is a continuation
of the old one, (i.e., if the proposals of the mayor are sanc-
tioned by the electorate), the mayor, as head of the new
administration, would have a clear sailing chart before him
from the first day of the new fiscal year. The mayor would
also have about him controllers as members of a board com-
mitted to the support of his policies. But let us assume that
the mayor fails to receive a vote of confidence, that his pro-
gram is not approved by the electorate. Then the opposition
would become the new administration, and since the issues
had been clearly defined before the campaign, the new mayor
would have just as clear a sailing chart. Both the board of
control and the Council would know just where the acts of
appropriation would require change. So that by leaving the
tax levy to be made after January I, any modification in the
appropriations could be covered by revenue provisions.

Fixing responsibility for leadership would give to
the elected officers the added advantage, at the beginning of
the new administration, of knowing what amount they could
spend. This is very important. At the present time, no one
knows what will be available for carrying on the city's govern-

1914] FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION. 219

ment till near the middle of the fiscal year. Last year, it was
some time in May that the appropriations were passed. Each
administration is handicapped ; the city as a corporation is
handicapped ; citizens who are looking" for service are disap-
pointed. You cannot make the tax levy till the rate is fixed,
and you cannot fix the rate till you know what is needed. Fol-
lowing" present procedure, usually it is the first of July before
you can make the tax levy for the fiscal year which begins
January ist. Meanwhile, the Government has no revenues,
except what comes from miscellaneous sources. It must de-
pend on borrowing. (Hear, hear.)

I could spend much more time than we have to-day on the
subject of the budget. We know that the city of Toronto will
spend many days considering it. Within the short time avail-
able I have tried to get before you one of the recommendations
of our report. There will doubtless be differences of opinion
on this matter. But it is of such commanding importance, and
has so many bearings on the welfare of the city as we see it,
that this occasion was welcomed, to get before you our rea-
sons for recommending the submission of an annual budget,
by the mayor as the chairman of your board of control — the
responsible head of your government before the annual elec-
tion.

We are submitting another matter, the need for a business
statement such as we think the citizens ought to have before
them. To-day none is submitted except in the annual report.
Usually this is ancient history when it reaches you, and is then
in a form which makes it almost useless. That is, it serves but
poorly to give you an idea of your city's business. In the re-
port just submitted we have nointed out the character of the
annual statement and its defects.

One of the primary defects of the annual report which is
now issued to citizens is that it is not so framed as to help
either the people or the officer to understand what is going on,
or what are the results obtained — to get a picture of the pro-
blem, that the government has before it, and how the adminis-
tration has handled it. We think that citizens as the beneficiar-
ies of this great corporation, organized for welfare purposes,
are entitled to the same clarity of statement, as are the share-
holders of Mr. Macdonald's company. We think the city is
entitled to know what it owns and what it owes. It does not
to-day. (Applause.) We think that citizens are entitled to
know what are the different kinds of activity which the gov-
ernment is conducting, the cost of each and the amount and

220 THE CANADIAN CLUB. CFeb- 3

sources of revenue. These facts are not available to-day. We
think the citizens should be told how the city is being financed,
and what is the condition of each of the funds through which
it is being financed. This information is not available to-day.
In calling attention to this lack of information we do not
charge officers with neglect. We think present conditions are
an inheritance of bad methods, and lack of system — an in-
heritance which is quite as much of an injustice to officers as
it is to you. In other words, the official has a day's work to do
every day. He comes to office and finds it equipped with in-
ferior tools. He as our servant is not given the ordinary facil-
ities for rendering efficient service. Nor is he given the facil-
ities for improving methods and equipment. You are calling
for more information. The processes through which informa-
tion must be obtained if at all remain the same as they were
years ago in the city's years of infancy. It is still in its swad-
dling clothes. Unless someone is given time and opportunity
to go into the whole subject of its administrative methods sys-
tematically, unless time and opportunity is given to devise
ways of making new adaptations, unless officers can then have
the opportunity to bring about the co-operation required be-
tween the officers to enable them to adopt improved methods,
the old methods must remain. This can't be done by a man
who must sit at his desk and do his routine day's work every
day, meet the public, attend public dinners, and do other things
that public officials are called upon to do.

We are suggesting, therefore, that some provision be made
for what in the German Government is called "staff" as dis-
tinct from the "line organization." The "staff" organization
would be employed by the Board of Control to collect informa-
tion and advise with the mayor and other officers who are cor-
recting defects — those who are responsible for making deci-
sions but who now are quite fully occupied with the day's work
of the busy official. In other words, you have now a well or-
ganized line for the conduct of government, but you have no
staff to speak of — persons relieved from the line duties to give
attention to problems of planning and observing the manner in
which plans are executed with a view of advising officers of the
line. This is a weakness of nearly every government on this con-
tinent. We have to go to Germany, France and England to find
well equipped staff organizations, except in military affairs.
In the United States there are well organized staffs in the mili-
tary departments but absolutely no staff for civil departments.
The President has no staff ; the cabinet officers are simply men

1914] FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION. 221

of the line. To study and deliberate on problems of admin-
istration requires time for the acquisition of scientific informa-
tion. This our busy executives have not. This statement is
quite as true of our municipalities. It is quite true also, so far
as we are able to learn, of your Canadian municipalities.

Perhaps I may say a word about one other matter of prim-
ary importance in the few minutes which remain — the neces-
sity for citizen co-operation with officers. In Toronto this is
an element of great strength. We have found here the facil-
ities for intelligent citizen co-operation in the city of Toronto
developed to a much higher degree than in any of our Ameri-
can cities. We have been working toward this end in recent
years. We believe that a government which has not the co-
operation of its citizens cannot do good work (hear, hear, and
applause) — that intelligent citizen support and intelligent citizen
opposition is essential to democratic institutions. When we
found that one of the principal organizations of this city, one
of the large organizations was devoted to non-partisan inquiry
and action ; that this organization was sub-organized by wards
and precincts (the manner usually employed by us in the United
States to control the electorate through misinformation in the
interest of those who live by patronage, and to support what
is called the "pork barrel" legislation (laughter)) ; when we
found a citizen's organization in Toronto organized in this
manner for the purpose of keeping out of politics, and for get-
ting efficient and trustworthy men to run for office, no matter
to what party they belong ; when we found that this organiza-
tion, with its many centres and points of contact was attempt-
ing to understand problems of government and through know-
ledge of facts know how to act, and that feeling itself handi-
capped for obtaining information about the more complex and
technical aspect of city business, it had organized this Civic
Survey Committee with a view of getting information for the
use of citizens and officials, we had a new emotion ! It was the
first time we had found a community which is thoroughly alive
to citizen opportunity and citizen responsibility in any munici-
pality. (Applause.) Here is a great urban community inter-
ested in having a civic survey made, a survey through the
agency of a keenly alert citizenship. A survey made by an
agency of government may be made equally valuable, if
through responsible official leadership its results are dramatized
for the people, and can be made to reach them in a manner to
inspire confidence. But where men through the agencies of
citizenship undertake to act in a broadly organized movement
for the welfare of the community, as is being done here, it

222 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 3

seems to me, Mr. Chairman, that the city of Toronto has every
reason to congratulate herself.* (Applause.)

Dr. Cleveland. — Mr. Macdonald has asked me to say a word
about this balance sheet, this financial statement. The balance
sheet, using the term as understood in business circles,
is nothing more or less than a statement on a single
page (so that it can be apprehended at a glance) — a
summary statement of what the city owns, and what it
owes. In determining what shall be the form or ar-
rangement of items on the balance sheet, it is clear that the
facts should be so arranged and displayed as to give all inter-
ested readers the answers to their questions. What are the
questions which citizens and officers ask? What are the
answers you want? In the first place, you as a citizen, as a
taxpayer, an officer, want to know about the present or press-
ing financial needs of the city. To answer questions about
pressing financial needs we have arranged the items in the first
section of the statement before you under the caption "Cur-
rent Assets and Liabilities." This gives the picture of what
the city owns and what it owes, that may be used for its im-
mediate purposes; what arrangements have been made for
meeting current obligations, for protecting the city's trading
credit. This section deals with the present.

The second section deals with the future : what is owned
by the city acquired for continuous use, and what is the in-
debtedness incurred in acquiring these properties. In other
words, the section of the balance sheet under the caption "Capi-
tal Assets and Liabilities" is an account with the next genera-
tion. The items are the inheritance which this generation is
passing down to its children — an inheritance of property on
the one hand, and of indebtedness on the other. Closely re-
lated to this group is the sinking fund — its assets, liabilities
and reserves, shown under a third general caption. In other
words, the funds which have been accumulated and made avail-
able for meeting the indebtedness that has been left to the next
generation, when due. The sinking fund is a part of this in-
heritance.

These three groups of acts presented in a single summary
put you in a position to think about and know conditions — to
know something about the financial and property affairs of
Toronto. This is presented as an alternative to having as a
regular diet of intellectual hash, information all mixed up in

*At this point the speaker took his seat, the hour of two having arrived.
He was urged to continue, and Mr. Macdonald requested an explanation
of the form of balance sheet that had been handed to each person present.

1914] FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION. 223

the annual report. Let us look at the statement a little more
closely.

For example, with regard to "current assets and liabilities,"
what are the main facts shown. On one side is set up the
amount of cash, the amounts due the city (uncollected taxes,
etc.), the advances that are to be repaid as for local improve-
ments, the stores and reserves that might have been available
for future expenses. On the other side is shown the amount
of the citv's current liabilities such as bank overdrafts, three
million dollars ; loan by R. McCollum, sixteen thousand ; inter-
est due but not paid, $946,000; these are in the nature of im-
mediate demands, amounting to over five million dollars. The
total cash available to meet these immediate demands on the
day shown is only $488,000. The total of amounts receivable,
such as uncollected taxes and other amounts receivable, are less
than $2,000,000 ; in other words, the statement shows that the
city has about half as much in hand and available in the form
of collecticles as there are immediate demands to be met. This
it is assumed is desirable information. It is a picture that can
be caught at a glance while it helps you to answer questions
about current finances.

Has the city $3,000,000 more of immediate demands than
it has current assets available to meet them ? We find that on
this day advances amounted to more than the uncollected taxes
and accounts receivable. In the statement it is shown by the
indented figures that about two and a half million of these ad-
vances are for local improvements. What does this mean?
You have been using money collected from taxes to finance
these improvements until they are completed at which time
you will be able to float debenture issues, or, if you do not do
this, until you can collect the assessments. In other words, it
shows that you have not provided for financing your perman-
ent improvements, except through advances from collections of
taxes, and that by doing so you are unable to meet current de-
mands for which taxes are levied. This we think raises an
important question. How it shall be answered is for you to
determine. Will you continue to use money collected from
taxes for local improvements and then meet current bills
through overdrafts on your London banks? This is one of
the questions of policy clearly presented by a balance sheet
on the form suggested.

In relation to capital assets and liabilities. I may say we
don't assume that this balance sheet represents facts — only fig-
ures. You will see that the picture is taken as of more than
a year ago. It is presented merely as a way of getting at the

224 THH CANADIAN CLUB.^ [Feb. 3

problem. As to the capital assets, the stars on this balance
sheet show that we are unable to get any satisfactory informa-
tion whatever about the cost or present worth of lands, build-
ings, street and sewer improvements, municipal enterprises,
many of these great classes of corporate properties and equip-
ment that are necessary to the successful handling of your
business. A total figure is shown opposite one of the items,
but this means nothing except the accumulation of a lot of
old book balances, which we have put down here in toto. The
statement simply shows what should be listed as items of
capital assets on the one side. On the other side we have at-
tempted to represent the amounts that the city owes in the
nature of capital obligations — the city debt, and the amount
which may be deducted from the city debt as cash and incre-
ments to the sinking fund. This gets before you the capital
indebtedness. It also should inform you about the relation of
indebtedness to the cost and present worth of properties owned.

There are many relations of property and debt that require
consideration, but the purpose of this balance sheet is not only
to give the picture of inheritance but also to enable citizens and
officers to consider questions of administration — property ad-
ministration on the one hand and debt administration on the
other. The property items lead into supporting statements and
details having to do with repairs, replacements, physical deter-
ioration, obsolescence, and funding provisions for upkeep. The
debt items lead into considerations having to do with borrow-
ing, sinking funds, etc.

The sinking fund statement, I think, needs no further ex-
planation than this: the balancing figure here shown means
nothing. Instead of the item "Sinking fund requirements"
being arbitrarily established as an amount equal to sinking
fund assets it should be determined by actuarial calculations.
This is necessary to enable one to know whether the assets are
sufficient to meet actual requirements. In that event, the bal-
ancing figures would be significant in that they would show a
surplus or deficiency.

You will find on the back of the sheet before you what is
called "fund statement." This is also a one-page summary.
The facts are not combined with the balance sheet for the rea-
son that they speak of a new and entirely different set of rela-
tions. As has been said the purpose of a balance sheet is to
show what the city owns and what it owes — the corporation's
financial condition, its assets, its liabilities, and the conclusion
reached by its comparison, — its surplus or deficit; the laws
which govern the balance sheet are the laws of property, and

1914] FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION. 225

the laws controlling relations of debtor and creditor. But
the purpose of the fund statement is to show what are the con-
ditions of the authorizations to spend that have been given to
officials. It deals not with corporate conditions but with limita-
tions placed upon the officers as agents of the corporation ; the
laws which govern those relations expressed by the "fund state-
ment" are laws of trusteeship.

While these data are often confused with balance sheet
items, there is nothing lost and much gained by way of clarity
by separating them. The only reason that there are any such
relations and facts to express is to be found in constitutional
and statute law enacted for purposes of control.

In order that there may be a definite limitation placed upon
the spending power of officials, funds are created. One of
these, we will say, is created to ear mark the resources that
are available for appropriation for current expenses ; another
fund is created to ear mark the resources which officers may
use for capital improvements, and a third class of resources
is ear-marked for special and trust use. In the statement
before you each of these funding relations is distinguished.

In this statement under the caption "general fund" are sum-
marized the resources available to meet appropriations, and
on the other hand the authorizations to spend, and the incum-
brances on these authorizations. You will notice that nearly
every item is in red ink. Red ink means something unusual —
something to excite immediate attention. That a condition is
present which is not normal or the reverse of that has been in-
tended. Instead of there being resources in the fund there is
a deficiency. Taking the figures from the books as of the date
represented, the red ink entries on the resource side indicate
that the general fund is in what would be called in vernacular
a "busted condition." (Laughter.) I am not saying that this
is a true representation (laughter) but it gives an illustration
of what would have been reflected from the books if a
statement of this kind had been made at a particular moment
something over a year ago.

In this picture we have something novel in municipal fin-
ancing. (Laughter.) We found on the assets side only $67,-
ooo of reputed assets which is an unrealized estimate of what
was thought would be accrued as revenue. The second item
that stands in place of a fund resource is a current deficit
amounting to $583,000, which as the figure shows in the bal-
ance sheet is the shortage in current assets available to meet
current liabilities. In other words, the current liabilities are
larger than the current assets by an amount exceeding $583,-

226 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 3

ooo, and there is no balance available for appropriation. The
fund deficiency is again increased by a third condition, namely,
expenditures which are unauthorized amounting to $938,000,
shown on the other side of the account. What are marked
"additional resources" would be additional if they were not
deficiencies. (Laughter.) But these are in red ink also, you
will notice.

Much the same condition is found in the "debenture fund."
The principal resources are bonds authorized but not issued,
and a reserve of cash that should be but is not in the general
fund. Against these are set up the unexpended balances of
authorizations to spend debenture funds. To this amount is
added a further item novel in fund accounts, viz., expendi-
tures for local improvement purposes not authorized. In other
words, that there has been expended on capital account as well
as for current purposes public moneys, without authority given
in money bills, sums amounting in this case to $4,245,000.

I wish to call your attention also to certain blank spaces,
lines both in the "general fund" and "debenture fund" ac-
counts. Indented under the item unexpended balance of ap-
propriations will be found blank spaces for showing what
part of the unexpended balances are unencumbered. To illus-
trate, let us assume that the appropriation for running public
works were $10,000,000, and that $5,000,000 contracts have
been let without a dollar having been paid out. In this event
$5,000,000 should be shown as in reserve for contracts, and
$5,000,000 as unencumbered. This information is not now
available. We could not get it from the book. Responding
to the request of your chairman I have pointed to some of the
uses of the statements before you, and some of the relations
that should excite your attention. If information of this kind
were put in your hands each month, if this were supplemented
with an operation account, and if early in the autumn of each
year the citizens had before them estimates and requests for
appropriations that would enable them to think about the
municipal problem ; if in addition the mayor were required to
submit and assume responsibility for a definite budget, I ven-
ture to suggest that the municipal campaign of Toronto would
be a very lively and animated parliament in which the whole
electorate would take sides and executive responsibility, and
leadership would be something real and vital. (Applause.)

IMPERIAL FEDERATION. 227

(February 6, 1914-)

Imperial Federation: The Lesson of
the American Colonies.

BY MR. A. MAURICE Low, M.A., OF WASHINGTON, D.C.*

A T a special luncheon of the Club held on the 6th February,
^^ Mr. Low said :

When your Secretary honored me with an invitation to
appear before your Club, he suggested a topic fitting for the
occasion, and I countered with the suggestion that if he did not
object I should prefer to talk on "Imperial Federation : The
Lesson of the American Colonies." I do not have to tell the
members of this Club what a diplomat their secretary is. He
delicately intimated that itinerant Englishmen of high and low
degree had inflicted their views on Imperial Federation on
the defenseless members of this Club without having got any
"for'ader" (laughter), but if I had something practical to say
he supposed the Club would listen. I need hardly assure you
that his letter was couched much more gracefully than the
crude way I have expressed it, but between the lines I could
see the warning finger.

Remembering that, I shall talk as a practical man to prac-
tical men. This is a Club, I understand, composed of men ac-
tively engaged in large affairs (hear, hear, and laughter), not
men who theorize but men who do, the men who in the last
decade or so have put Canada on the map, who have developed
its marvellous resources, who have built its railways and its
cities, who have reclaimed the wilderness and subdued barren
places, who have made the Dominion the wonder and admira-
tion of the world. To such men the practical appeals, as it
appeals to me. And Imperial Federation, gentlemen, is essen-
tially a business question. (Hear, hear.) It is a question
properly to be dealt with by business men and not by politi-
cians or doctrinaires. If the Empire is federated, and I hope
it will be for the reasons I shall later give, it will be because
the men who made the Empire and gave it vitality, our great
traders and merchants and bankers, see that it is necessary as
a matter of business.

* Mr. A. Maurice Low is a veteran journalist, having been stationed
at Washing-ton as permanent representative of various British papers since
1886. For many years he has been giving special attention to the subject
of "Imperial Federation."

228 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 6

Some years ago I began a study of American history as a
preliminary to writing a book on the psychology of the Ameri-
can people. I wanted to ascertain the reasons for the Ameri-
cans having departed from the original stock and developed
a race that, while showing English characteristics, is unlike
the parent stem. That study involved greater research than I
contemplated at the time. Among other things it made me
see that if the work was to be properly done I must have a
thorough knowledge of American history, especially that phase
of it leading to the rupture between the colonies and the Mother
Country.

If I had the power I should make every Britisher learn
American history ; and when I use the term Britisher I mean
not only those of us who were born in Great Britain, but the
sons of the Empire wherever accident caused them to be born,
the sons of Canada, as proud of their native country as they are
loyal to the Empire ; the children of Australia as well as those
of the Union of South Africa. It would not be time wasted, I
assure you. If that study were made philosophically and im-
partially, with an open mind and a desire to profit by the mis-
takes of the past, and to apply that lesson to the problems of
the present, then the follies of our ancestors would not have
been in vain, and there would be less danger of their descend-
ants repeating the same blunders.

We lost the colonies not because the ministers of King
George put a tax on tea or made the colonists pay stamp
duties, which is the belief common to the average Englishman
and American, but because the old bond between the colonies
and the Mother Country had become attenuated. The seeds
of independence were sewn long before dependence had ceased.
To the men of Massachusetts and Virginia, and the other col-
onies their own colonies had become the first consideration, and
were to them more important than the affairs of England.
Their own continent was now the seat of their thoughts,
a historian has said. The more powerful England became,
and the less the colonies had to fear attack of European
nations, the more the colonists were persuaded that they
were able to take care of themselves, and were no
longer dependent upon the Mother Country for protec-
tion. Heretofore they had leaned on England, now they
were able to stand alone. In fact, some of the colonists be-
lieved that they were giving- assistance to England and fight-
ing England's battles because the colonies furnished men in
the wars against France. The colonists ought to have realized
that it was to the Mother Country they owed their security ; it
was her genius that made them masters in their new home.

1914] IMPERIAL FEDERATION. 229

Here, I think, is one lesson that we may heed. The Ameri-
can colonists had been made secure on their own continent
because England had made them so, and not through their own
efforts. I believe in peace, and cultivating- the most friendly
relations between all nations; friction between nations Is as
stupid as the senseless quarrels between individuals, and I
shall say nothing to wound the sensibilities of even the most
sensitive neighbor and friend, but I have no sympathy with the
man who is too lazy or too cowardly to look facts squarely in
the face. (Hear, hear, and applause.)

These days we hear much about the unbroken years of
peace ; idealists are fond of pointing to a border three thousand
miles long on neither side of which are forts, nor great armies
watching each other, ready always for the feared attack ; and
we are told that two nations at least have beaten the sword into
a typewriter. (Laughter.) No man rejoices more than I in
the fact that the border is not walled by forts but connected
by bridges, that two great countries can live side by side in
amity, that its people are free to come and go as they please,
that a Canadian feels as much at home in the United States
as an American does in Canada ; but in our enthusiasm let us
not lose sieht of realities. War between the United States and
the British Empire, of which Canada is such an important
part, is of course unthinkable and impossible, but would Can-
ada feel that she had no necessity for forts or ships were it
not that she is fortified by the armies and fleets of the Empire ?
(Hear, hear, and applause.) No part of the Empire is weak,
no part need fear attack, so long as the whole is strong, and
its defences are true.

We have at the present moment an impressive object les-
son of what may happen when two nations, the one more power-
ful than the other, live side by side. No forts mark the border
between the United States and Mexico. No steel sheathed
ships guard the shores of Mexico. And yet, all is not well
with Mexico.

Let us return again to the American colonies, and draw
from them another lesson. One of the great men of the revolu-
tionary period, James Otis, of English descent, as all great
Americans of that time were, was wiser than the Britisher
statesmen of his day, wiser even than statesmen, with few
exceptions, of the present day. He not only saw the danger,
but he was wise enough to propose the remedy to avert
it. He saw the colonies breaking away because there
was no nexus to hold them. He was the first man of
whom I have been able to find any mention who used

230 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 6

a word that should make his name very dear to this
audience, the first man in speaking of the ColoniQs to term
them "Dominions." (Applause.) He anticipated by more
than a hundred years — marvellous as the fact, is — the pas-
sage of the British North America Act, which has given to
Canada the control of her own affairs. "The Colonies," this
man of far seeing vision wrote, "are subordinate dominions,"
and it was "best for the good of the whole" that they should
"be continued in the enjoyment of the subordinate legislation,
not only for their own benefit but for the good of the whole."

But Otis did not stop there. He was the pioneer among
Imperial Federalists. Not only should these "subordinate dom-
inions" be given autonomous powers but — mark how he blazed
the trail for us to follow — they were to be "represented in some
proportion to their number and estates in the grand legislative
of the nation: that this would firmly unite all parts of the
British Empire in the greatest peace and prosperity; and ren-
der it invulnerable and perpetual."

"Invulnerable and perpetual !" How those words thrill. How
the-" stir the blood of patriotism, at times to run sluggish. The
British Empire invulnerable and perpetual, facing with lofty
serenity its envious rivals and jealous foes ; in its strength
without fear; an Empire to endure. (Applause.) Otis saw
that the colonies could be held to the Empire so long as they
were bound by a political tie ; that they were not represented
in the "grand legislative of the nation," that is, in the Imperial
Parliament in Westminster, was the centrifugal force to tear
the Empire asunder.

This then is the grand lesson. We lost our American col-
onies because there was not wisdom enough in the statesman-
ship of that day to grasp the salient fact that an Empire must
be legislated for as a whole and not in detached parts ; that
politics is as necessary to hold an Empire intact as affection
is to keep a family united. Shall we turn that lesson to ac-
count or remain deaf to its teachings?

I should be careless of the injunction of your secretary to
be oractical if I was content merely to recount history without
trvine to make it serve a useful purpose. When I read what
Otis -wrote, and other men of his time said it was plain to me
that the danger Otis foresaw, but which he was powerless to
avert, because in an age of folly he was the one man of wis-
dom, is a danger as real to-day as it was in the eighteenth cen-
tury, a calamity that will come upon us now as it did then
unless we are wise enough to forestall it. •

IMPERIAL FEDERATION. 231

It rests with Canada and the other self-governing- Domin-
ions whether the Empire shall be federated for the advantage
of all its parts, to be invulnerable and continue perpetual, or
whether it shall remain loosely knit, vulnerable and in danger
of passing as have other Empires that in their day ruled the
world. (Applause.) The United Kingdom is the predominant
partner, but the United Kingdom can put no coercion upon the
other members of the firm. The Dominions can have federa-
tion if they desire it, and see that it is for their advantage.
Federation will continue to be discussed as an academic ab-
stract unless they take the initiative. It is a question Candians
must answer for themselves. Will they gain or lose by fed-
eration ?

Canada is in truth as well as poetic fancy daughter in her
mother's house and mistress of her own. The old theory that
a colony was to be exploited for the benefit of the Mother
Country has long since been discarded ; it was an immoral and
vicious doctrine, and it had to go down before progress. Can-
ada controls her own affairs, as properly she should. Politically
and economically she is independent of the home government.
In effect she makes her own treaties, political and fiscal. No
arrangement would be entered into by the British Government
that affected the interests of Canada without first consulting
the responsible governors of the Dominion. This is a happv
and correct relation, but can it last, does it not have the germ
of dissolution, is it not taking us on the path that leads to
destruction ?

It will perhans be said that the interests of Canada, and
those of the rest of the Empire are not in all respects identical.
Canada has certain material interests that not only are not
identical with those of the rest of the Empire but distinctlv
clash with it. I was told by a Canadian statesman a few years
aeo when I discussed with him a certain proposed policy,
which I ventured to think would be of doubtful advantage to
Canada, and of distinct disadvantage to the rest of the Em-
pire, that I spoke as an Englishman, and he thought as a Can-
adian, and the duty of a Canadian, he added, was first to con-
sider the interests of Canada, even though they conflicted
with those of the United Kingdom. That, I confess, came as
a shock to me. It convinced me what I had long feared, that
the component parts of the Empire thought locally and not
imperially. (Hear, hear.)

It was local thinking in the time of the third George that
cost us the American Colonies. (Applause.) Englishmen in
England were able to think no further than the water's edge.

232 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 6

Englishmen in America thought in terms of their own contin-
ent. Between them the ocean rolled. It drowned a common
understanding as it drowned so many of those hardy adventur-
ers who were the first and truest imperialists, who set forth
not to weaken the mother, but to make her strong through her
children ; not to set up a kingdom of their own, but -to per-
petuate and make invulnerable the Empire bought in the price
of blood. Unfortunately the old habit remains. We are still
thinking locally, we in England as much as you in Canada, if
I may be permitted to say so ; we are still too prone to think
that our own interests are paramount, and are too little willing
to subordinate them for the general good. I do not believe this
is selfishness or indifference, at least I hope not ; rather it is
ignorance and the stunting effect of localism. We of the Eng-
lish strain are not given to emotion. When the emergency
demands it we show our passionate devotion to the Empire, and
all that it stands for ; no sacrifice is too great ; the appeal to
patriotism is not in vain. Should the call to arms sound we
shall stand shoulder to shoulder as in the past. The bugle will
thrill the men of your far west as it will electrify those of the
east ; Australia will hear and respond ; to India, to Africa, to
the far corners of the earth its notes will penetrate; English
and Scotch, Irish and Welsh will fall into line;, from the far
flung Empire its legions will be massed in battle array; the
roll of county and province, and dependency and colony will
be called, and their sons will answer "present," ready to die to
protect the mother of all. (Applause.)

I have no fear that in a crisis we shall forget our tradi-
tions or be traitors to our heritage. What I fear is that when
the crisis comes it will be too late ; and it would be as foolish for
us not to keep the future in mind, as it is for a man to waste his
strength in youth and take no heed of the day to come when
he can no longer labor. An emergency in the life of a nation
is very similar to death-bed repentance ; it is then too late either
to do good or to regret evil. (Applause.)

It is in time of peace that we must be prepared for war,
it is before emergency arises that we must take steps to be
able to meet it with serenity. What I propose, to bind the
loose strands of Empire into a rope of steel that neither the
sword in the hand of our foe nor our own folly can sever, is
federation in the widest use of that term ; but realizing that
there are prejudices to be overcome and difficulties to be met,
I would proceed slowly, always, however, with a definite end
in view. My end, I venture to claim, is logical, practical and
beneficial. It is an experiment for which warrant exists. It

IMPERIAL, FEDERATION. 233

is easily tried. It can be abandoned without injury if it is
found not to be workable, although I believe that danger need
not be apprehended. It cannot do harm, it may be anticipated
that it will do much good. It involves no surrender of rights
now enjoyed by any autonomous Dominion ; it necessitates no
change in any constitution or organic act ; it does not take
from the people the control of their own affairs. In a word,
my hope is to bring the Empire into one room. Is not that an
appeal to imagination? (Applause.)

How can that best be done ? By the creation of an Imperial
Council. That Council would consist of delegates representing
the Empire. Without going too much into detail, let us take
Canada as showing the working of the plan. Each Colony or
Dominion represented in the Council would elect or appoint
delegates in the manner it saw fit. Personally I believe that
the wisest course would be for each province to elect say two
delegates and the Prime Minister to have the appointment of
two, thus the delegation of Canada in the Imperial Council
would consist of twenty members. The delegates elected by
the Province at large would fairly represent the sentiment of
its majority, and thev would be elected for a fixed term ; those
appointed by the Premier would be removable at his pleasure.
The council would be a permanent body sitting in London, its
sessions probably lasting about six months in the year, so that
there would be plenty of time every year for delegates to re-
turn to their own countries, and by personal contact test the
sentiment of their constituents and the people as a whole on
any controversial subject. In addition to the delegates repre-
senting the United Kingdom the Prime Minister, the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, the Secretaries of State for Foreign
Affairs, War and the- Colonies, and the First Lord of the Ad-
miralty would be ex officio members of the Council. Prime
Ministers of self governing colonies, and members of their
cabinets, while in London would automatically become ex officio
members.

Delegations would vote as units, consequently it would
make no difference that Canada was represented in the Council
by twenty delegates, and the Commonwealth of Australia by
fourteen (on the same basis as that suggested for Canada,
namely, two delegates representing each State, and two ap-
pointed by the Premier), the United Kingdom by thirty, and
so on. Each delegation would in private decide whether to
support or to oppose a proposition, the majority of that dele-
gation would control, and in the Council the delegation, through
its chairman, would cast a single vote.

234 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 6

The object in treating each Dominion as a whole in voting'
is fundamental. The Council is the voice of the Empire. A
question arises, let us say, of vital interest only to Canada, of
slight interest to Australia, of no interest to South Africa, and
of interest only to the United Kingdom because of the political
considerations involved. What the Council desires is the opin-
ion of the Empire. Canada being the party most in interest it
is necessary for the Council to know what Canada feels and
thinks, not what Alberta or Ontario thinks, but the Dominion
as a whole. Every delegate of course would be accorded the
freest opportunity for debate, so that the diverse views of Can-
adians themselves would be known, then the position of Can-
ada as a whole would be stated, then it would be for the Empire
to determine how far it could go; whether it must yield or
will resist ; whether sacrifices must be made by a part for the
good of the whole, or the whole is prepared to make sacrifices
to sustain one of its members.

Statesmanship would give the Council plenary powers, but
I am aware this would arouse too much opposition at the be-
ginning, and therefore I am forced to compromise, ajthough
compromise is a word I very much dislike, as it is usually
only a politer term for cowardice or surrender. The Council
would be limited to conference, discussion and recommendation,
but it would have no power to impose its will upon the Empire,
or to enforce a decree. The Council would have advisory pow-
ers only. It would be for the Empire, through its responsible
ministers, to say whether that advice should be accqoted or
disregarded.

Would anything be gained by the creation of such a Coun-
cil? Would any practical results follow? Would the Empire
be strengthened ? Would we be able to feel more confident of
its invulnerability and perpetuity? To me these questions
answer themselves.

If the Council did nothing else than to bring the Empire
into one room it would have justified its existence. At present
no arrangement exists by which that can be done. It is true
that at long intervals delegates representing the Empire meet
and discuss imperial questions, but that is a very different thing
from a permanent Council whose members are brought in daily
intimate contact, who can understand not only each other but
the people they represent and learn that although we are all
Britishers the Canadian does not always see eye to eye with the
Englishman, nor the Englishman with the Australian. That
is knowledge not to be acquired in a few days. And think how
it would enlarge the vision of men naturally inclined to be self-

1914] IMPERIAL FEDERATION. 235

centred, by inclination and education believers in their own
superiority, for let us be frank with ourselves and admit that
self satisfaction is a national vice. I do not hesitate to say
that it would be immensely for the benefit of the English dele-
gates to be able to look at England from the outside, that is
through the eyes of Canadians and Australians, perhaps they
might hear some truths that would be salutary ; for
What can they know of England
Who only England know?

And it would be equally for the advantage of their Can-
adian colleagues to get an English perspective, and thus be
brought to realize the burden of Empire. (Hear, hear, and ap-
plause.)

Can anyone doubt that this would help enormously to break
down that pernicious habit of local thinking, and cultivate the
habit of thinking imperially ? To nearly every man that which
he knows best is of greatest importance. To the average man
his city is of higher consequence than his province, his province
than his country. Let him understand that great as his pro-
vince is, and great as his country is they are small compared
with the Empire, that his present welfare and his future safety
depend not upon what his neighbors do, or the provincial au-
thorities decree, or his country's lawmakers enact, but upon
something so remote that he neither sees it, nor does it touch
him at the moment.

It will perhaps be said that the Dominions and Colonies are
now represented in London by High Commissioners and Agents
General, who, in a sense, constitute an Imperial Council. But
these men are virtually ambassadors, and the first duty of an
ambassador is to his own country. That is the very thing 1
am aiming to break down : the conception of the Empire legis-
lated for separately instead of as a whole. That is our danger.
The Empire no more than a family can endure whose members
have antagonistic interests. The bond is perpetual only when
the interests of the family or nation are considered as a whole,
when the common good is the policy of statesmen as well as of
peoples.

I think if we made a beginning with the creation of an
Imperial Council we should eventually extend the powers of the
Council so that, to use the memorable words of Otis, it would
come to be "the grand legislative of the nation," and be clothed
with the power to legislate for the entire Empire. Let us pause
for a minute on that striking word used by Otis. He spoke
of a "nation." We know well enough what that word con-
motes. It means a people united in a common cause, and ani-

236 THE CANADIAN CLUB. tFeb- 6

mated by a common purpose. To Otis, although Englishmen in
England and Englishmen in America were separated by tum-
bling seas — and that separation was much greater in his day
than in ours, because steam was undiscovered and electricity
undreamed — it was still possible to unite them in the bonds of
nationality. Was that fancy of a dreamer or wisdom of a
statesman ? Is the genius of the twentieth century incapable of
doing what the eighteenth saw so true? Can we live and en-
dure unless we are, in fact, as well as in name a nation — not
Englishmen or Canadians or Australians, but the great British
nation.

The "grand legislative," then, would concern itself not with
matters of local interest but only with national questions. It
would carry out on a grander scale the system now existing in
Canada. It would recognize the principle of autonomy, and the
subordination of autonomy to nationality. Each of your pro-
vinces is sovereign, and yet subject; each possesses wide pow-
ers, and yet cheerfully yields some of them for the good of
all. A system that is no longer an experiment, that has been
tried and worked well in Canada, can surely be extended and
made to work well in a larger field.

The "grand legislative" would, as I have already indicated,
concern itself solely with the affairs of the Empire, and not
with those of its component parts. The common defence, the
common progress and welfare, the relations of the Empire with
the rest of the world, the means whereby the great British
Nation can keep in the van — these would be the problems to
be discussed and solved.

Objections of course will be raised. Will England, it will
be asked, consent to be outvoted by Canada or Australia, will
Canada willingly risk the danger of finding herself in a minor-
ity? If selfish considerations prevail, if we are British in name
only, and not in nationality, what has been proposed here to-day
is impossible, but if we are willing to yield for the general
good, to make sacrifices even if necessary, the scheme does not
offer any insurmountable difficulties. As I have already said,
it is a business rather than a political question. Reduced to
its lowest terms what we have to ask ourselves is this : Will
it pay? Will it pay in the broadest sense? not Will it pay Eng-
land at the expense of Canada or Canada at the expense of
Australia, but shall we all profit by it ? And that is not lower-
ing a high ideal or making statesmanship sordid. Statesman-
ship, statesmanship of the highest order, concerns itself with
the practical, for this is a practical age, and all the progress
and advancement that have been made, all the improvement

1914] IMPERIAL FEDERATION. 237

which we see around us, and in which we share, everything
that makes man better and happier, and more humane is the
work of the practical mind and not the visionary, the mind
able to envisage the future, forecast great movements, under-
stand the drift of forces, and either turn them in the right
direction or be by them engulfed. This is the lesson that is
offered to us, this is the lesson by which we shall profit or
ignore at our peril. This is my message. Shall we strive by
every means in our power to make the British Nation, and
the British Empire invulnerable and perpetual, regarding our-
selves as trustees for our children, or spend our substance
foolishly, cursed by our children for our folly?" (Applause.)

238 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 16

(February 16, 1914.)

Two Years Among Wild Men and

Wild Beasts in England's

Newest Colony.

BY REV. DR. W. S. RAINSFORD, OF NEW YORK.*

A T a regular luncheon of the Canadian Club, held on the
^^ i6th February, Dr. Rainsford said:

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Canadian Club, — I
may be allowed, perhaps, to begin what I have to say to you
with a personal reference, and it shall be brief. It is this:
In the splendid opportunity my own friends and the city gave
me yesterday to address as stimulating an audience as any
man could hope to address, I said nothing that to my mind
could possibly be twisted into offering the suggestion of whe-
ther I approved or did not approve of what is known as Im-
perialism. I was speaking of what I believe to be the need
of reformation that is on us in religion, and I said, and say,
that the lines are drawn, and men must choose their standards,
must choose between the religious movement that is imperial-
istic and the religious movement that is democratic. That is all,
gentlemen. (Applause.)

I can only hope this afternoon, in trying, as I shall to
deal with the land of East Africa, — to give you a brief sketch
of a land at present scarcely known, and of the peoples among
whom I dwelt for two years who are practically unknown,
some tribes with whom I was last year having never seen
any white man until they saw me and my hunter. It is im-
possible to speak of Africa intelligently unless you can by
some legerdemain succeed in imparting to Western people
something of the atmosphere of the land. We cannot with-
out imagination understand conditions hopelessly barbarous,
where customs are so different, where science and progress
stops, a land where there are no roads, and no path wider than
that narrow 1 2-inch path trodden by the naked feet of the
black natives, a land where famine may rage, where a lion

* Dr. W. S. Rainsford came to St. James Cathedral, Toronto, from
England in 1876. After a remarkable career in Toronto he became Rector
of St. George's, New York, in 1883. He left St. George's in 1905, and
since then has achieved great distinction as a lecturer, author, traveler
and naturalist.

1914] TWO YEARS AMONG WILD MEN. 239

may stop the way, where as you wander down the veldt
where for two thousand years the chain gang has made its
desolate way to the sea, as you step into the lush grass you
may disturb with your foot skull after skull. Only of late
years has English and German rule put a stop to throat-cut-
ting. Desolation, misery, death, ruled supreme, and nature,
uninfluenced by science and religion, held her dreadful sway.

If you lived, as I did for more than two years, among the
black men themselves, you learn to love these men — very near
the monkey, probably hundreds of thousand years nearer
than we are. They are so true, so brave ! More than once
has my gun bearer hurled himself in front of me to take on
his body the seemingly inevitable charge, and I almost shot
him. That same man would in two years perhaps forget
my name. You have there a life near the monkey, no mem-
ory, no conception of morals whatever, no conception of the
spirit, yet with qualities so affectionate, so capable of develop-
ment, so full of sympathy.

Now you see, gentlemen, unless you can get the atmos-
phere of such a land, you cannot understand its story. Men
come back from Africa and tell hunting stories, but I am
not going to tell you any hunting stories, I have not time for
that. Most men who go to Africa are only trippers. You
can take passage on a reasonably good steamer, and in five
weeks from the time of leaving London be at Mombasa; if
you want antelope you can be guided to their haunts, and
have a cook better than you can get here. (Laughter.) I
only mention some of the benefits you can get if you have
money, but all this life is the tripper's life. From it a man
comes back with various heads, his own often larger than be-
fore (laughter) with his rhino — a very easy thing to get —
and a buffalo, if he is very lucky. Maybe he will get a lion.
He comes back in two or three qionths to Nyrobi, and thinks
he has seen Africa. But he has seen and knows nothing of
Africa. You have to get farther away, and submerge your-
self in the continent, to surround yourself with a hundred
and fifty black carriers out of different tribes, so that you
can easily open communication with the tribes you visit. You
have to go month after month among them, learn to speak
their language, to sit around their camp fires, and so catch
the life of this land. Some of their stories are such as per-
haps a hundred thousand years ago our own ancestors told
around their camp fires, — you could not tell them if there
were ladies present. These conditions of human life have
lasted perhaps for two hundred thousand years. On real
Safari life we are back in the long past of our race. Man has

240 THE CANADIAN CLUB. tFeb- 16

not trained any beast to help him — we plod along as men
toiled forward ages ago. The only mode of carriage is on
the head, the only means of carrying food. After such a
plunge into barbarism you come back to civilization with a
larger sense of responsibility, and a deeper sense of the worth
of the effort that has lifted us out of it — out of shere bar-
barism.

Gentlemen, I want to speak of the unknown of Africa
as it thus remains. Yet though none can tell its story,
for it is the land of the great, dark, dim unknown — we
hear people who go there, they strive to tell us about it, but
we are disappointed. No man knows Africa unless he has
buried himself in the heart of that land. Africa is a land of
mystery. The African in East Africa where I was, has little
in common with, the African as you know him in the West.
Africa has no history, because it has no traditions. I lived
for over a year in the midst of a semicircle of mountains
looking down upon a beautiful plain, and there dwelt there
seven different tribes. These seven different tribes looked
down upon that plateau, and in that plateau there are traces
of a forgotten unknown people, who built stone kraals, —
houses or villages — so that there was a population that occu-
pied that plateau, many thousands — perhaps it would not be
exaggerating if I said tens of thousands in number, and I am
absolutely certain that they occupied it a hundred years ago.
How am I certain? Because in Africa, the instant you take
your hand away from the land there sprouts a tree. I have
cut down a tree and carefully counted the rings, and I never
found more than a hundred rings in a tree in such a kraal.
This is proof that it was occupied by men a hundred years
ago, and that by some dread desolation — war, famine, or
pestilence, — these thousands suddenly ceased to live. But
in the surrounding mountains, occupied by these seven differ-
ent tribes, not the faintest tradition remains of who these
peonle were who long ago built these stone kraals. Science is
baffled — these people were swept out of life — why and how,
no man knows — and no tradition among surrounding tribes
tells of their fate.

World powers that succeeded in other lands failed to in-
fluence Africa. We know Egypt failed because she took
nothing from African fauna for the world. The hen came to
Egypt from the East. So did the cow, and the dog, — and if
you could only take that dog and train him he would be one
of the finest dogs in the world, though left wild he is danger-
ous. The zebra would make an excellent beast of burden,
and the eland would make a superb cow. But Egypt

1914] TWO YEARS AMONG WILD MEN. 241

failed absolutely to make any penetrative effect upon
the great African continent. Though in the time of
St. Augustine there were four hundred Bishops of the
faith in Northern Africa, but the missionaries never crossed
the Sahara, and the power of civilization has never touched
the heart of Africa. Will England fail? When a
man says England always succeeds, north, south, east or
west, I differ with him. I don't think she has succeeded in
South Africa. There is nothing but praise for the English
civil servant — I take off my hat to him every time. He is the
bravest, the most self-sacrificing of men, if sometimes a little
stupid — (laughter) — give him a chance and he will do magni-
ficently. He goes out there knowing absolutely nothing but
what he got in an English school, and while that goes a cer-
tain way it does not go the whole way. I have seen him sit-
ting down there with his Swahili dictionary and a couple of
native interpreters before him, trying to make out what black
men are jabbering, — he does his job on £200 a year — with too
often an unsympathetic government, and he knows that in ten
years probably he will have a rotten liver. By such men Eng-
land is served, and well served, along her far-flung battle line.
There can be little question but that Uganda is one of the
richest lands in the world; the western part of East Africa,
and the country that surrounds the great lakes, is a natural
granary, from which India could be supplied. Two crops
can be reaped in a year, sometimes three. Corn grows 10 or
15 feet high in four months. You can plant sticks no bigger
than your thumb, and in five years' time you will have to take
an ax to save yourself from being driven out of your home
by the trees. (Laughter.) I have myself measured gum
trees 98 feet high grown in ten years. The land is rich vol-
canic soil. It can raise the best cotton in the world, and is
raising to-day the best coffee in the world, fetching £2 IDS.
a ton more than any other.

The Uganda mutiny put all this country in jeopardy for
a time. Two battalions were sent up the Nile. Now one of
the shortcomings of the Nubian soldier is that it is impossible
to separate him from his women. He absolutely refuses to
be separated from his wives and children. The English bar-
gained that the Nubians were not to be separated from their
wives and children for more than six months. But it was
found that the campaign would have to go on for eighteen
months instead of six. The officers, who had passed their
word of honor, and the Government which had done so — for
they were representing the Government to these simple peo-
ple—-found themselves obliged to tell the Nubians that they

242 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 16

had to go on to Victoria Nyanza. After some distressful
time, these officers gave in their resignations, and new men
were appointed, who did not speak the Nubian language —
with the result that the soldiers broke into fury, and started
to take the country themselves. They were not a large band
of men — only two battalions, but they were entrenched, and
they had Maxims and Martinis, the best weapons in the world.
There were men there, missionaries, trying to help the peo-
ple, to help their bodies as well as their souls. The Waganda
gathered round their missionaries and asked, "Do you think
it right for these mutinous mohamedans to take all our coun-
try?" There could be but one answer — "no." Then will you
lead us against them?

The mutineers entrenched themselves above the lake at
Jubas Borna, and from behind the fortified position defied
attack. They were armed with Martini rifles and Maxims.
Led by Mr. Pilkington, the heroic missionary and their own
war chief, the Waganda spearmen charged the Borna wall.
Tore at the spring hedge with their hands. Charged and
charged! till Pilkington, their war chief, and 900 men lay
dead before the guns.

They were beaten back. But the heart of the mutiny was
broken — and Uganda was saved to England and civilization.
Pilkington lies buried under a rose bush on Mengo Hill — no
honors were his — yet surely no braver soldier of the cross
ever gave his life for his fellowmen.

I launched out into this wild land with my 100 wildmen
and felt absolutely safe. Each man was carrying his sixty-
five pound load on his head. You have to give him a pound
and a half of that meal a day ; it isn't very much, but in one
month he has eaten forty-five pounds of the sixty, and what
are you going to do about it? There is the crux and the
quandary of African travel. That is the reason that journey-
ing in Africa is a trouble and a toil. Hunters leaving the
great rivers behind them, the easy means of travel, and go-
ing where there are no roads and no rivers, must have food.
These men had to carry food, but they could not carry more
than sixty pounds each, and when that food was gone they
had to get food. The African has no food; he has no such
thing as possession. He is a happy man because he has noth-
ing to lose. If he has food, it is hidden in the bush, for in
this country which is swept by slavers that is the only hiding
place. Even Mr. Stanley, when he went to find Livingstone,
could not get food. Every man holds what he has. The man
who has it fights for it; and the next man who comes has to
fight an enraged man from whom food has been taken ! The

1914] TWO YEARS AMONG WILD MEN. 243

fact is Mr. Stanley's steps in Africa were died in blood!
Livingstone wanted to be left alone ! But the papers had to
achieve something, and Stanley was sent!

When the question is asked, "Can a man trust the black
man ?" I say you certainly can trust him.

Alongside her civil servants who serve her well there
stands a man whose position is even nobler, the English and
American missionary, who doesn't count life dear to himself,
who holds up before and points out to the black man, — who
is yet going to be a man, — some adequate representation of
what a man should be. The English ivory hunter lives like
the black man, but the missionary — I know a man, on $250 a
year, the man and his wife together, living amongst the blacks,
tending with their hands the sick, always standing for the
best, — these men and a few noble women with them, these
want support. People at home think they know everything
about East Africa, its gadflies and sleeping sickness. I saw
a man sit down to teach a Bible lesson, — he had to teach a
black man the epistle to the Romans ; how was he to teach the
man justification by faith? "Doctor," he said, "I'd rather
take St. James." I knew a man who with his dear little wife
was living in a village where a man-eating leopard came. I
sat up two nights to get that leopard. One night their baby
was sick. The weather was hot. He was a great big Wis-
consin, six feet two. The window was wide open. Presently
he had that sens'e in the darkness of something near, and
looked out of the window, when literally his nose almost
touched the nose of that man-eating leopard. He reached
down for his gun, which mercifully was within reach, and
blew the leopard's head off! That man is living among the
Masai, trying to teach them the life that should be. The
Masai are the most advanced tribe, and the best organized for
war of any tribe of East Africa. They are a cattle-keeping
tribe, but I will tell you a terrible thing about them. No man
between twenty and thirty can marry; he lives in the war
kraals, places of strategic position in the country. The little
girls between ten years old and puberty are the property of
these great warriors, and live promiscuously with these husky
blacks till they reach puberty, then they go back to their
homes and are married ! Against that sort of thing, men like
my missionary friend are striving and fighting, trying to help
the black people to better themselves ! Thank you for listen-
ing to me so long !

In response to the long and hearty applause which marked
the conclusion of Dr. Rainsford's address, he said: "Gentle-
men, four of the happiest years of my life were spent in this
city ! Good luck to you !"

244 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 23

(February 23, 1914.)

Australia.

BY SIR THOMAS TAIT, OF MONTREAL.*

A T a regular luncheon of the Club held on the 23rd Feb-
** ruary, Sir Thomas Tait said:

Mr. President and Gentlemen, — Thirty minutes is but a
short time to pay a visit to the other side of the world, and
Australia is a large subject to cover in the time at our dis-
posal. My reasons for selecting Australia as my subject to-
day are, first, that it is always well to speak on a subject that
you know more about than most of your audience, and second,
that I think it desirable in these days that citizens of one
part of the British Empire should know something- about
other parts of the Empire. The time at my command being
so short, I shall therefore without any further preliminary
remark than to thank you for the invitation to address you to-
day plunge at once into my subject, and with that optimism
characteristic of the plunger trust that we shall emerge better
informed about Australia.

I say advisedly "better informed," for I suppose you to-
day, as I had ten years ago, have but a hazy knowledge of
that country. I well remember, when the matter of an ap-
pointment in Australia was broached to me, seeking the En-
cyclopaedia Britannica to find out in what part of Australia
Melbourne was situated. Under these circumstances, it will,
I fear, be necessary to present you with a rather dry dessert
of facts and figures, but of course you are at liberty to add
such liquid refreshment to this dry diet as may be at your
disposal.

The figures I_ shall give are for the year ending the 3Oth
of June, 1912, as those are the latest comparative figures
available.

Australia has an area of approximately 3,000,000 square
miles, of which you will be surprised perhaps to learn over
one-third is situated within the tropics. It is the largest island
and the smallest continent on the globe. Its area is greater
than that of the United States exclusive of Alaska. It is four-

* Sir Thomas Tait is a son of Sir Melbourne Tait, Chief Justice of the
Superior Court of Quebec. He took up railway work as a boy, and after
filling many important positions in the service of Canada's two larg-est
railways, he was appointed Chairman of the Victoria Railway Commission.
After a few years he reorganized that system, putting- it on a profitable
basis. He resigned and returned to Canada a few years ago.

19143 AUSTRALIA. 245

fifths the size of Canada, three-fourths that of Europe, and
it constitutes more than one-fourth of the area of the Empire.
East and west it runs twenty-five hundred miles, and north
and south two thousand miles.

Western Australia is the largest state, constituting- one-
third of the whole. Queensland is about one-fifth, South Aus-
tralia one-eighth, New South Wales one-tenth, then follows
little Victoria, and then the island state of Tasmania. But
there is a large area left which is not yet a state, known as
the Northern Territory. Last, but not least, there is the new
Federal Capital site Canberra, comprising about 100 square
miles.

Physically, Australia is like most of the other continents,
in that there are coastal ranges, and that the country slopes
back from them to the great interior, a large part of which is
but little above the level of the sea, and in some places below
that level. Countless ages ago the interior of Australia was
a great ocean, covering 1,500,000 square miles or about one-
half of the present continent. There are no great rivers, al-
though the Murray, with its tributary the Darling, is one of
the longest rivers in the world; in the Spring there is a large
volume of water in it, but very little water reaches the sea,
and indeed during part of the year no water reaches the ocean,
more being taken up by seepage and evaporation than is
received.

The Australian continent extends from Lat. n south to
38 south. To make apparent to you what that means I may
say that in the Northern Hemisphere it corresponds to the
region stretching from the north end of South America to,
say, Washington. But you must remembej that in the South-
ern Hemisphere the seasons are the opposite to those in the
Northern Hemisphere : January and February are the mid-
summer months, July and August are midwinter ; and the
farther north you go the hotter it gets. The northern part
of Australia is not suitable for colonization by white people.
At sea level, there is no snow, and no frost in Australia pro-
per, but on the higher mountains there is snow in the winter
time.

The climate in the large cities I may describe to you by
saying that Brisbane is like Florida, Sydney and Adelaide like,
'say, Savannah, and Melbourne like San Francisco. The heat
in the great interior is intense, due to the small rainfall, and
the refraction of the sun's heat from the surface of the
ground. Australia, speaking generally, is one of the dryest
countries in the world, — I mean in 'the matter of rainfall.
(Laughter.) There is under ten inches of rainfall over one-

246 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 23

third of it, and over a considerable area under five inches of
rain, per annum. Over more than half of Australia the rain-
fall is less than 15 inches. There are of course parts of Aus-
tralia in which there is an ample rainfall as for instance in
Victoria, and generally speaking", the coastal districts. In
the north, during the monsoon the rain is phenomenal.

The population is about 4,500,000 people ; an increase dur-
ing the past ten years of 700,000. In density of population
Australia compares with Canada as 1.57 is to 1.93 inhabitants
per square mile. One of the striking features of the popu-
lation of Australia is that 95% of the people were born either
in Great Britain, Australia, or New Zealand. The non-
European population, including that of the half castes and
aborigines, is 72,000. Australia never had a dense population
of aborigines, and after the advent of the white people it
rapidly disappeared. Perhaps what was said of the Pilgrim
Fathers when they landed in New England might be said of
Captain Cook and his companions: "First they fell upon
their knees, and then they fell upon the aborigines." (Laugh-
ter.)

Just at this moment I would like to mention the restric-
tions placed upon immigration. They have been greatly ex-
aggerated : the only restriction is that the immigrant must be
able to write from dictation fifty words of a European
language, and that of course no criminals, no people of estab-
lished bad character, and no mentally or physically incapable
people, are admitted.

The proportion of males in Australia and New Zealand to
the total population is greater than in any other country ; but
notwithstanding that, or perhaps because of it, women are
given the vote ; so it is no longer a case of "one man, one
vote," but "one adult, one vote." (Applause.) While it may
bring me into dangerous waters, I may without expressing
an opinion on the question of woman suffrage at least, say
this — that the women of to-day are undoubtedly better quali-
fied to exercise the franchise than the men were when they
were given it; and that in all those matters that affect our
homes and our personal life, that is, all matters except such
as divide political parties, such as protection and free trade,
women are as well qualified as men to judge, and are likely
to take more interest than men — I refer to such questions as
education, the liquor traffic, health, the care of the infirm and
of the aged and children, the wellbeing of the working
classes, and so forth. (Applause.)

A noticeable feature regarding the population is the pro-
portion living in the cities, and the size of the cities. Sydney

AUSTRALIA. 247

has a population of 700,000, Melbourne 600,000, Adelaide
200,000, Brisbane 150,000. As to the States, New South
Wales has the largest population, 1,600,000; Victoria has i,-
300,000; the two together constituting two-thirds of the
whole population. Queensland has about 600,000; South
Australia about 400,000; Western Australia about 300,000;
and Tasmania about 200,000.

On the ist of January, 1901, the States federated, under
the title of the Commonwealth of Australia. There is a Gov-
ernor-General, appointed by the King from Great Britain ; a
Senate of thirty-six members, six from each State, three from
each State retiring every three years; and a House of Repre-
sentatives, of seventy-five members, elected from the States on
a population basis, the minimum representative for any State
being five. It was supposed that the Senate, being elected by
the people of the State as a whole, would prove to be a very
conservative body; but the contrary is the case.

As regards State government, each State has a Governor
from Great Britain appointed by the King, and an Upper and
a Lower House, the members of the Upper House being ap-
pointed by the Crown in New South Wales and Queensland,
and in the others being elected ; in the Lower House, need-
less to say, the members are elected, on a population basis in
all the States.

There is left the Northern Territory, formerly belonging
to South Australia, but taken over by the Federal Govern-
ment on the ist August, 1911, the Commonwealth assuming
its debts, and agreeing to build a north and south transcon-
tinental railway.

It may interest you to know that the Federation of Aus-
tralia is on a different basis from that of Canada. In Canada
certain specific powers were left with the Provinces, and
everything else went to the Dominion; in Australia certain
specific powers were given to the Federal Government, and
everything else was left to the States. I think the Canadian
method has proved the better. (Applause.)

The chief production of Australia, as you all know, is
wool. The average annual value of the wool exported during
the past five years was $130,000,000. Australia has more
sheep than any other country in the world, nearly 100,000,-
ooo. Argentina being next with Russia a close third. It may
surprise you to hear that Australia grows nearly 100,000,000
bushels of wheat per annum.

Australia has been making great strides recently in the pro-
duction of butter; over 200,000,000 pounds being now made
there, and over $23,000,000 worth exported annually. This
is largely due to the supervision the Governments exercise

248 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 23

over the butter factories and over the grading of export
butter. The State also supervises the cold storage warehouses
at the ports and the refrigeration on the ships, so that the
buyer of Australian butter knows he will get what he pur-
chases. (Applause.)

What first made Australia prominent in the eyes of the
world was its production of gold. Up to 1911 it had pro-
duced $2,650,000,000 worth, of which little Victoria produced
over half. Australia also has copper, silver, lead, tin and iron
mines, and large and excellent coal deposits in New South
Wales. It also exports frozen mutton, rabbits, hides, skins,
and wine — good wine.

The total trade of Australia is over $690,000,000, as com-
pared with that of Canada, $890,000,000 for the same year;
that is, with a little over half the population, Australia had
three-fourths the total trade of Canada. (Applause.) The
imports per head are the same as those of Canada, $70 per
annum; but in exports Australia leads the way, with
$80 per head, as compared with $50 for Canada. The total
trade is thus $150 per capita in Australia as compared with
$120 in Canada. Strange as it may seem in Australia and New-
Zealand the wealth per capita is greater than in any other
country in the world, with the exception of one or two.

The customs tariff is about the same as in Canada: on
dutiable goods 28%, and on all goods including free goods
17% ; the percentage of free goods, both in Canada and in
Australia being 3=;% of the whole.

They have a preferential tariff in favor of Great Britain,
a reduction of about $% in the rate, that is, say 20% against
British goods, as against 25% against the rest of the world,
or a difference of about 25%.

An interesting financial feature is that the Commonwealth,
which was constituted in 1901, is practically free of debt as
yet. (Applause.) The issue of notes by the Common-
wealth, instead of by the banks less the reserve of gold, which
had to be retained gave the Commonwealth between 25 and
30 million dollars for nothing, this with an abounding revenue
from customs and graduated land tax, postal and excise
revenue and revenue from other sources has permitted of a
large expenditure for Public Works and Defence Purposes,
and for administration without incurring much, if any, public
debt.

But when we turn to the States, we find a different con-
dition. The public debt of the States amounts to the enormous
sum of $1,355,000,000, or $300 per head. This money has
"been expended mainly for railways, telegraphs, telephones,

19141 AUSTRALIA. 249

waterworks, irrigation, harbour and purchase of land for
closer settlement. The net profit from the States Public
Works pays interest on the whole of the State loans, which is
just under 4%. (Hear, hear, and applause.)

Now as to railways: the total mileage is 18,653, of which
the States own about 17,000 miles, the balance being private
lines, half of them being for general traffic and half for spe-
cial purposes. We have a greater variety of gauge in Aus-
tralia than in any other country ; about half of the lines are 3
feet 6 ; about a quarter of them 5 ft. 3, about one-half 4 ft.
8T/4 in. ; and a few are 2 ft. and 2 ft. 6. The State expendi-
ture on railways amounts to $800,000,000, on which a profit
equal to 4.13 per cent, is earned or over $5,000,000 in excess
of the interest charges. The freight charges per ton per
mile are higher than in Canada, but the average haul is much
shorter. The rate per passenger mile is about the same as
here unless suburban traffic is included, when it is lower. A
transcontinental railway, about 1,000 miles in length, is being
built east and west, by the Federal Government under an
agreement with South Australia; and as before mentioned
under an agreement with the same State, a transcontinental
railway is to be built north and south. On the east and west
line an interesting experiment is to be tried owing to the small
rainfall and the scarcity of water, namely, the use of internal
combustion locomotives.

The railways are constructed and operated largely in ac-
cordance with British practice ; they are mainly owned by the
States, and administered by Commissioners. Therefore the
proposition was most interesting to a man brought up on
Company-owned railways built and worked in accordance
with American practice. My observations lead me to think
that while British railwaymen have something to learn from
American railwaymen, the reverse is also true, and that as
traffic grows more dense in America, for instance in New
England, many British practices and methods will be adopted
here to cope with the conditions.

A striking feature of Victoria's railway traffic is the
enormous suburban business done at Melbourne: in and out
of the central suburban station at Melbourne every day pass
about 200,000 people, and 1,500 trains arrive and leave that
station every day. The average fare is 5 cents per passenger,
and the average passenger journey is 5 miles.

Australia and New Zealand were for many years in ad-
vance of the rest of the world in social and industrial legis-
lation. The great aim of the legislation of that character has

250 TEH CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 23

been to extend the reasonable comforts of a civilized com-
munity to those engaged in every branch of industry, and to
care for those who are infirm and old and poor. (Applause.)
While those countries were formerly in advance in this class
of legislation, many of the civilized countries of the world
have been following, and in some instances have even gone
ahead. Australia has excellent factory laws — well observed.
These, with minimum wages and regulated working hours,
have done away almost entirely with sweating, and have been
conducive to the prevention of injury and to the health and
general welfare of the working classes. You would be pleased
to see the conditions under which the working people of
Australia work and live. (Applause.)

Australia has old age pensions, but not as yet compulsory
insurance against sickness and unemployment. And they do
not feed their school children. There is a maternity allow-
ance, under which every woman who has a child receives, I
think, £5 for each child, and under which $3,000,000 was paid
out for the year. There are minimum wages, which are al-
most necessary if sweating is to be prevented ; but, strange to
relate, one result of the minimum wage is an increase in un-
employment, for if an employer has to pay a minimum wage
he is only going to keep men who are worth it. (Hear, hear.)
The remedy for that, to my mind, is to set up some tribunal
to determine the value of such unfortunate men and to allow
the employers to pay them something less than the minimum
wage. (Applause.)

They have the eight-hour day in Australia. Perhaps here
I might give you the creed of the Australian workingman :
"Eight hours to work, eight hours to play, eight hours to
sleep, and eight bob a day." (Laughter and applause.)

In no country in the world has there been more legislation
to prevent industrial disputes than in Australia and New
Zealand, but notwithstanding this, there are more strikes there
in proportion to their industries than in any other country. It
may be said, therefore, that compulsory arbitration is not a
success. But I think the difficulty is, the legislation does not
go far enough. The assets of the employer are get-at-able
should he violate the law, but those of the employee are not.
It is impossible to put a thousand men in jail, and to put the
leaders in jail makes martyrs of them. New Zealand is, I
understand, contemplating legislation which will go a long
way, in my opinion, to overcome the difficulty and prevent
industrial strife. This legislation will provide that the funds
of the Unions shall be reported to the State, and that they

1914] AUSTRALIA. 251

shall be attachable in case of violation of the law to the extent
of £1,000 or more, and that each striker shall in addition be
fined to the extent of £10.

Australia has been wise in not applying its industrial legis-
lation to its primary production, — I refer to grazing, dairy-
ing and farming, — on which it relies for its prosperity. Nearly
all the land was granted or taken up at small prices in the
early days for sheep raising, and to-day there is, generally
speaking, not much free land of good quality obtainable. A
sheep station, as they call it, of thirty or forty thousand acres
employs but ten or twelve men, except during shearing, when
shearing gangs go around, and produces only wool and sheep.
The same area under cultivation would produce grain and
fodder, etc., as well as sheep and wool, and would support
hundreds of families. Therefore in order to provide good
land for immigrants and others desiring to settle on the land,
and to have the best use made of the land, the States have
passed legislation to enable them to resume land at a price
fixed by arbitration in case of failure to agree. With the
idea of inducing the subdivision of large landed estates the
Commonwealth Labor Government has passed a graduated
land tax measure under which the more valuable the estate
the higher the rate of taxation. Also an absentee land tax.
that is an extra tax on land owners who do not steadily reside
in the Commonwealth. I may say that the policy of the sub-
division and close settlement of lands has been accompanied
by very satisfactory results.

The preat problem of Australia, however, is the northerly
part, lying within the tropics. It is unsuitable for coloniza-
tion by white people, and is a constant invitation to the black,
yellow and brown people who exist in millions to the north to
come and take it, for there is practically no population there,
and it will never be well populated by white people, for they
cannot work in the fields and thrive or bring up healthy
children in that country.

Australia has come to the fore lately in the matter of de-
fence. (Applause.) First, as to the land forces. Lord
Kitchener was invited to come to Australia and recommend
a scheme. He sent before him General Kirkpatrick, a son of
our dear old Sir George, to gather information for him. Gen-
eral Kirkpatrick then returned with Lord Kitchener and
assisted him in writing his report, and he was then appointed
to carry out Lord Kitchener's recommendations. He has done
splendid work, and has now been appointed to a most im-
portant position in India, namely, Director of Military Opera-
tions".

252 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 23

In Australia under the Kitchener scheme, which became
effective on ist January, 1911, lads from twelve to fourteen
years are Junior Cadets, who must be trained ninety hours
per annum. From fourteen to eighteen years, Senior Cadets,
who must train for four whole days, twelve half days, and
twenty-four night drills per annum. From eighteen to twen-
ty-five years, Citizen Forces, who must have sixteen whole
days' training every year, of which eight at least must be in
continuous camp. At the 3Oth June, 1912, including rifle
clubs and cadets, the forces numbered 168,000; and there
has been considerable augmentation since then.

As to the navy. In 1890 Australia and New Zealand
agreed with the British Government, in consideration of cer-
tain vessels being stationed in Australian waters they would
contribute $630,000 ner annum towards interest and upkeep.
In 1893 the agreement was changed to provide annually
$1,000,000 from Australia and $200,000 from New Zealand.
In 1909 Australia decided to replace the squadron provided
by Great Britain under the agreement just mentioned, and
asked Admiral Henderson to recommend a scheme. That
scheme called for a total expenditure spread over about twenty
years of about $200,000,000 with an annual outlay for up-
keep of about $24,000,000. Australia undertook to provide
one unit of this scheme forthwith at an estimated cost of
$18,750,000, and an annual upkeep cost of $3,850,000. This
unit was to consist of one battle cruiser, three light cruisers,
six torpedo boat destroyers and submarines. Of these, there
have been built in England and are in commission the battle
cruiser, two light cruisers, and three torpedo boat destroyers
and submarines, leaving one light cruiser and three torpedo
boat destroyers to be built or, more correctly speaking, assem-
bled in Australia. I regret to say, that the cost of the ships
to be built in Australia has been considerably greater, and the
time of construction considerably longer than was expected.

The total estimated expenditure on defence for the year
1912-13 was $27,000,000, of which the navy's proportion was
$7,500,000 or about $1.70 per head of the population. The
expenditure of Great Britain for the defence of the Empire
on the seas is $5 per head for every man, woman and child.
Australia, on the same basis, would contribute $22,500,000,
and Canada $40,000,000, per annum.

In my opinion, the provision and maintenance of a navy
in Australian waters strong enough to cope with any im-
portant power is too great a burden for that country. (Hear,
hear.) And in any event I question whether ships stationed

1914] AUSTRALIA. 253

in those waters, three or four weeks distant from where the
battle to determine the command of the seas will probably be
fought, would be of much value in the defence of the Empire
on the seas. (Applause.) I would like to make a few ob-
servations on this subject, not from the point of view of Can-
ada and Canadians only but from that of the whole Empire
and all its people. (Hear, hear.) Apart from a negligible
few the people of the British Empire — no matter their an-
cestry or their race, irrespective of their politics, and regard-
less of their religion, — in my opinion, desire the maintenance
of the Empire — (Hear, hear, and applause.) — if for no
loftier reason, than their own individual interests and the
general advantage of their respective communities. For to
my mind there is much to lose, and, so far as I can see, noth-
ing to gain, by the breaking up or dismemberment of our
Empire. (Applause.) The maintenance of the Empire,
with all that that implies, including freedom to make our
customs tariffs, and conduct our trade as we please, depends,
I submit, on the supremacy of the Empire's naval forces
against any probable combination that might be arrayed
against them. If my premises are correct, and I submit they
are, then, if our naval forces are not in that impregnable con-
dition, it is the duty and to the interest of all parts of the Em-
pire and all their peoples to do their share towards placing
them in that supreme position on the seas to which I have re-
ferred. (Applause.) And to do it as quickly as possible.
(Hear, hear, and applause.) That is the important point —
time, for it takes nearly two years to build a Dreadnought.
If the naval forces of the Empire are not sufficiently strong to
maintain the command of the seas, then each part of the Em-
pire should determine what is the utmost it can do towards
attaining that position, and regardless of all other considera-
tions should endeavor to obtain the greatest possible result
in that direction in the least possible time, and to continue to
do so until the Empire is absolutely, beyond the peradventure
of a doubt, supreme on the seas against any probable com-
bination that may be arrayed against it. (Applause.)

Again I emphasize the importance of time, and leave this
part of the subject with these words — "as much as possible,
as soon as possible." (Applause.)

We have now emerged from our plunge into the subject
of Australia. I trust the addition to your lunch has not
proved unpleasantly dry or unpalatable. I hope that it has
been the means of increasing' the knowledge of at least some
of you in reference to Australia. I can assure you all of a

254 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Feb. 23

most hearty welcome and boundless hospitality should you
visit Australia. You will find there a country to be proud of
and worthy of its position as one of the brightest jewels in
the diadem of Dominions which form so important a part of
the crown of our magnificent Empire. You will find there
an intelligent, progressive, resolute, resourceful, and in every
way fine people. A people who honor the same traditions,
hold the same sentiments and have the same aspirations as
yourselves. You will find fellow citizens who like us will not
be found lacking if the call should come to rally to the defence
of our great British Empire. (Applause.)

1914] ENGLISH RADICALISM. 255

(March 12, 1914.)

English Radicalism.

BY JOSIAH C. WEDGWOOD, M.P.*

A

T a special meeting of the Canadian Club held on the
I2th March, Mr. Wedgwood said:

Mr. Chairman and Brothers, — (Hear, hear.) — It is all very
well to be "cousins" in the south land, but we are brothers up
in this: — I am indeed proud to have this opportunity of
addressing such a magnificent audience on my first visit to
Canada. I have found Toronto, and I expect I shall find it
again. (Applause.) On this occasion I have exactly three
hours in which to discover Toronto. I have discovered the
Canadian Club, and I have discovered the highest building
in the Empire. (Laughter.)

Now, I am a Radical, and Radicals have a habit of getting
down to business. I am to tell you to-night what British
Radicalism is doing, and why it is doing it, or trying to do it.
In the Old Country we think that the efficiency and strength
of British Liberalism lie in the fact that it stands for freedom
and justice, and the great measures Liberalism is trying to
carry through are all based on freedom and justice. (Hear,
hear, and applause.) Every decent Liberal knows that a man
would sooner govern himself, even if he does it badly, than
be governed by somebody else, however well intentioned.
And people have a perfect right to govern themselves, and
Liberals seek to give them a chance to exercise that right.

It may be we shall have Mr. Redmond here to-night ; he
can tell you of the desire of the Irish to govern themselves. I
believe that the Home Rule discussion in Britain, and in
Canada as well, is along the lines of true Liberalism. I ven-
ture to think that the abolition of the plural voter is also along
the lines of freedom and justice. (Applause.)

However, if we act only along the lines of freedom and
justice, more emphatically even than what we are doing for
Home Rule for Ireland or electoral machinery, yes, what we
are doing for greater freedom for humanity, is what we are
doing with the land question.

*Mr. Josiah C. Wedgwood, M.P., was a direct descendant of the
founder of the famous Wedgwood pottery. He has had a remarkable
career as a manufacturer, social worker, soldier, naval architect and mem-
ber of Parliament. He is one of the most prominent and aggressive sup-
porters of Mr. Lloyd George's reform movements.

256 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 12

I know quite well that in Canada it is the habit to advo-
cate Single Tax on the lines largely of the benefit to indus-
try. You bring forward irrefutable arguments, because every
remission of local taxation upon buildings and improvements
is of benefit to industry. You say, quite rightly, that a tax
upon improvements reduces those improvements, checks the
production of wealth, creates unemployment and social evils.
What you want to do is to change the basis of local taxation,
as they have done in Vancouver, and gradually remove taxa-
tion upon all buildings and improvements created by buildings
upon the land, and place the taxation instead upon the land
value alone. What you emphasize is freedom of taxation
upon improvements ; I want you also to look at that from the
point of view of labor as a whole. The man who does work,
and does not get the reward of his labor is a wage serf. It is
only the Single Taxer who sees this, not merely from the
point of view of increasing industry and wealth, and relieving
the taxpayer from the burden upon improvements, but that
only by basing local and general taxation upon land values
can you make the wage serf a free man. (Applause.)

We are out for freedom, for the taxpayer but also for the
working man. I mean, in the few minutes at my disposal,
to take you through the fundamentals of our policy, and show
you how it is putting the tax upon land values, how it is pro-
posed to free the wage serf, and to show you what we are do-
ing in England, and to ask you to consider this question for
yourselves.

Wage slavery comes from one simple law, which Karl
Marx called "the iron law of wages." So long as three men
are after one job, and have no alternative but to take the job
or starve, wages will be cut down to the subsistence level,
and the workingman has simply to toil on and breed another
who takes his place when he is thrown on to the scrap heap.
Whatever careful, well-intentioned legislation you pass, to
improve the condition of the worker, and make him more com-
fortable and contented, it cannot do permanent good so long
as there is that "iron law of wages," so long as a man must
take work on the master's terms or starve he is a wage slave.
We believe in freedom, but you cannot get it under the pre-
sent conditions of employment; but when you break them
down, by giving the worker a new alternative, giving him the
opportunity of employing his labor for himself, the feeling
that he is his own master, then you have freedom for the
worker.

1914] ENGLISH RADICALISM. 257

Years ago I went through the South African war as a
Captain of artillery engineers, and I worked, 'I am glad to
say, with the 3rd Battery of Canadian Artillery. (Applause.)
After the war stopped I remained as Resident Commander of
a large district, sixty miles each way, and I was the autocrat
of that district ; it is a very pleasing position — I should recom-
mend every one of you to be an autocrat — with sufficient
salary! (Laughter.) Well, I was faced with the unem-
ployed problem. There was no poor law there. But all
around this town was a tract of four thousand acres, town
lands, as they were called, and on these town lands was the
town coal mine. And seeing that no individual owned these
lands, I, in the exercise of my autocratic power, threw them
open for the men to settle on. I gathered them together, and
they put up dwellings ; they borrowed barbed wire from the
block house — when the sentinels were not looking — (Laugh-
ter)— and in a wonderfully short time had a little town built,
as you know discharged soldiers can do. They mined the
coal, grew mealies, potatoes and other things on these lands ;
we charged them no rent, collected no taxes ; they were under
no capitalist, visited by no tax collector; these men got the
full reward of their labor, they* lived a free life. (Laughter.)
Because that door was open, of unlimited opportunity for
self-employment, the people of Ormelo were free, and their
wages were one pound a day. They were able to look their
employers in the face; a worker was able to bargain with the
man himself ; he had no longer the cruel alternative of taking
the work at the employer's terms or starving. It brought the
working people to feel themselves free. That important
alternative, by which the men could employ themselves by
working a free mine or free lands as free men, served as a
good example. It is not necessary for a man to take it : a
man may work for a master if he chooses, but if so he works
on equal terms, and the competition of the unemployed is no
longer crowding him. You ask any working man whom he
is afraid of in this world : he will say it is not the master, not
those firms who introduce all the latest devices to get a man
to do twice as much as he has been accustomed to doing, — no,
it is the man outside the factory gate, only too anxious to
sneak in if he gets the chance. Give this man access to
natural resources, take away the dread that harasses him of
being thrown out of employment by giving him the oppor-
tunity of working for himself — that is what Single Taxers are
out for! (Applause.) To provide the alternative, that
there .shall be land of high fertility, for which there is no com-

258 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 12

petitive demand, open to all men to cultivate as they like,
with security 'for all improvements, without paying rent or
taxes, without the interference of any man, backed by the
law and backed by the police, to turn them off that land.

The world is dark at present on this subject, but
as soon as the people understand it, as soon as the land is
free to all who will come and take it, they will find that Mal-
thus was wrong, and the population of the globe is not crowd-
ing by increase. That land should be available for all men is
the Single Taxers' theory. You make it impossible for a
man to keep land idle, waiting for the speculative price to
get up, by taking the local taxes off buildings and improve-
ments, and putting them on land values alone. You make
the position of the land speculator more unpleasant than it is
at the present time.

I dare say you have taxes on unused dogs here. (Laugh-
ter.) It is no use trading them, but we pay for each such
dog 73. 6d. a year. Contemplate for one moment the effect
of doubling the tax on dogs. I know in England the popu-
lation of the various canals would be immediately greatly in-
creased. (Laughter.) There would be a slump in dogs,
and they would become a drug on the market. Well, it is
exactly the same way with the tax falling upon unused land :
it has a tendency to throw it into the market. You cannot
throw your unused land into Lake Ontario, but you can thus
throw it on the market, and there is a slump in land values,
land becomes cheaper, and people who want it can get it
cheaper. Change the taxation ; remove it from buildings and
improvements; make it so that people have to pay taxes on
land value whether they use it or not, and they will pretty
soon send around to the agent and say: "Look here, I am
not going to hold this land any longer. This is a mug's game.
I am not going to hold it. I don't care what price you get
for it, but get rid of it." A man is able to get land then on
the market more cheaply. You force the Canadian Pacific
to take their mailed fist off all the blocks they have now.
(Hear, hear.) Instead of having to go in Canada right under
the Arctice Circle to get your free 160 acres, you can get
the same nearer home. The margin of cultivation would not
be the same as now. You would have all the land for pro-
ductive use. By economic pressure such as this you have
free land, for which there is no competitive demand.

Only under real freedom can you get co-operation. The
worker would get for himself in freedom the full reward of
his work, all that is his due. That, gentlemen, is my reason

1914] ENGLISH RADICALISM. 259

for fighting for the single tax. And now let us consider
what we can do in our generation to bring the single tax
about. Here in Canada, your course is perfectly obvious ; you
must press for home rule in taxation. (Hear, hear.) I am
delighted to know that you passed by a majority of 36,000 a
referendum in Toronto in favor of allowing municipalities to
tax improvements at a lower rate than land. A large pro-
portion of those who voted for home rule in taxation did so
because they wanted to reduce the cost of improvements.
You will find this question come up with every local ques-
tion ; the people will become educated ; they will find that so
far as expediency is concerned, and the booming of trade,
they will be in favor of the change. You will soon discover
also that you base your political condition upon economic
foundations. What more advantageous than to take into the
coffers of your municipality those values created by the muni-
cipality ? You will add public parks at enormous expense to the
taxpayers; you will spend money on garden plots, and put up
beautiful statues — or the reverse — (laughter) — and the peo-
ple who get the benefit will be the whole people, not the land-
owners who own the land adjacent to these improvements.
Directly you put the local taxes on land values alone, it im-
mediately reflects returns to the local treasury. You will be
encouraged to make parks, to build tramways, effect street
widenings, and do all those municipal things which you want
to do, perhaps not so badly as we in England. If you get
home rule in taxation you remove the argument such as is
fighting you at every street corner, that no one can have a
chance under the existing law.

True, one argument will meet you : you will be told that
this is robbery, confiscation ; that widows and orphans have
invested their hard-earned savings in buildings and improve-
ments, and will be deprived of their income if you take the
taxes off them. In England we have been met by this argu-
ment; but the widows and orphans I think of are those of
the men who have been robbed of their returns for their work
in the years past! (Laughter.) There is a story told of a
little girl who was taken by her mother to visit a picture
gallery. They saw the picture of Prometheus, and the mother
told the little girl how Prometheus brought fire down from
heaven and the gods punished him by chaining him to a
rock, where the vultures tore out his heart and his liver, but
each day these were built up again and the next day the vul-
tures came again — a very pleasant story! The mother
explained this stragic history of Prometheus, and paused,

260 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 12

for the infant to comprehend this tragedy. The little girl
looked at the picture a moment and then exclaimed, "Oh,
mamma, the poor vultures ; the same breakfast every morn-
ing." (Laughter.) That little girl suffered from what I
call inverted morality. And these people who say we are rob-
bers and spoliators and everything wicked, are suffering,
just like that little girl from inverted morality! (Applause.)
You want home rule in taxation in every town and coun-
try district in Canada. (Hear, hear.) You have got it
some places. I don't see why you should not have it every-
where. You will have a stiff fight. Vested interests think
home rule most undesirable. In England we have a much
more difficult task, I am afraid, because we have not so many
of the middle classes in our cause as you have here and in
America. The middle classes in England are naturally, I
think, more conservative than you find them here; they have
not had the question so long before them as you have had;
they have not examples as near them as you have in Van-
couver; nor is there the intense desire there for a town to
have more population and to beat its rivals, which is so marked
a feature of American life. (Laughter.) They say, "Let
well enough alone." Therefore we have not the hold there
on the middle classes that you have here. But I venture to
think that we have more hold on the working classes. Among
the 173 members of Parliament who signed the memorial in
favor of home rule in taxation are the whole of our British
Labor party. (Applause.) Moreover, we find that those
advocating these reforms in England are found so often ad-
vocating them in conjunction with the Labor party. So even
when we were making the demonstration against the injustice
of the war in South Africa, the English and the Irish were
on far more intimate terms with the Labor party than with
any other. Therefore we have a strong backing of what you
might call the uneducated opinion. They are beginning,
however, to understand that this land question is the bottom
question, and to understand our social evils ; they are begin-
ning to think how to end that land monopoly. They are
thinking of that in England ; and we have Mr. Lloyd George
seeking to smash the land monopoly. There are many parti-
cular items of his program we do not agree with, but we are
one with him on that suggestion to make it compulsory upon
all local authorities to transfer 5 per cent. — only one-twen-
tieth— of the present local taxation to land values, and pro
tanto to relieve the buildings upon the land. That is a very
thin end of the wedge, but the wedge is there. More than

ENGLISH RADICALISM. 261

that, they are proposing to go the whole way in taxation, in
regard to both County and Borough Councils, and allow
them to shift not more than 5 per cent, each year, so gradu-
ally making this change.

In Vancouver and in Australia and New Zealand this
change has been made. In Sydney, I believe, the basis of
taxation is entirely upon land value. That is of course the
kernel of the Lloyd George campaign. It is bitterly opposed
by the land interests and the vested interests, which are con-
servative. Many of our landlords are clearing out. All
around me they are doing it. The Duke of Sutherland is
selfing off his land, and buying instead in Texas and Canada.
A number of them are selling out. Watch this change,
because it will not be of so much use for humanity as a. whole
if we get rid of our landlords in England and you in Can-
ada get them instead. (A voice: "No, sir," and laughter.)

It is a very old question, and the fight will rage next year :
somewhere about June, 1915, when it comes, the land question
will be to the front. The whole of England will be ringing
with the song:

"The land, the land, 'twas God who made the land;
The land, the land, the ground on which we stand;
Why should we be beggars with the ballot in our hand?
God gave the land to the people." (Applause.)

While we are fighting in England for the change of the
basis of local taxation, we in England and you here in Amer-
ica, it is the beginning of Single Tax, the emancipation of
labor. I think the struggle will be a long one. But to those
who are fighting for something worth fighting for, those who
who do hate slavery, as every decent Englishman does, who
base their whole lives on justice, there can be no more noble
cause than ours. Shall we at length succeed? Ultimately,
yes. But in our time, or in the memory of our time? Who
shall say? Men who see oppressions and misery must right
them as far as possible. There is disappointment, and bit-
terness. So it was in the old time, so it is now; let us not
deceive ourselves. For every man the standard of justice is
raised in this world. For every man there must be diffi-
culties, sometimes very great. If weak are the forces op-
posed to truth, how shall error so long prevail? But for
those who see truth, and who follow her, who recognize jus-
tice and stand for it, success is not the only thing! (Ap-
plause.) Success, — falsehood has even that to give; injus-
tice has even that to give ; must not truth and justice have
something to give, which is their own, of proper right? That

262 THE CANADIAN CLUB, [Mar. 12

they have! And that all those know full well who amid
reaction and every kind of discouragement fight against
privilege for the freedom of the people! (Long applause.)

WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION.
BY MR. FRED BANCROFT.

Following Mr. Wedgwood's address, Mr. Fred Bancroft,
Vice-President of the Trades and Labor Congress of Can-
ada, gave an address on Workmen's Compensation. Mr.
Bancroft said:

Mr. President, and to emulate a very worthy gentleman,
brothers, — The remarks that I shall make this evening will
be so far as possible non-controversial, for the simple reason
that at the present time the Ontario Government is face to
face with a piece of legislation which is said by some to be
the most advanced piece of legislation in the world, and is
recognized by everyone as probably the most important piece
of legislation in the history of the Province of Ontario, a
piece of legislation which will affect every worker so far as
it is proposed in the Province of Ontario, and affect him in
a measure which it becomes plain to see makes it one of the
most fundamental problems of the workers, so that it might
on that account be described as the most important piece of
legislation so far as the people of Ontario are concerned that
has ever been introduced anywhere.

Before I say anything else, I should say that my colleagues
and myself, representing organized labor, have stated our
position for the last three years not only before the Com-
missioner but before the workers of Ontario, both publicly
and privately, and anything I may say to-night will not alter
the position taken by the workers.

This legislation as proposed, if passed, is going to make
a radical change in the position of the workers in regard to
compensation for accidents arising in the course of employ-
ment ; and let me say that it is recognized by everyone that
this legislation will make a great change in Ontario. And
supplementing what Mr. Wedgwood has said, you cannot
make any change without affecting some interest which has
grown up before that.

I propose very rapidly and briefly to speak of some of the
noticeable features of this legislation. There are many
aspects that cause a distinct difference of opinion between

* Mr. Fred Bancroft is Vice-President of the Trades and Labor Con-
gress of Canada, and had charge of the preparation and conduct of the
case for organized labor in connection with the new Workmen's Compen-
sation Bill in Canada.

1914] WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION. 263

the manufacturers and the representatives of organized labor,
but there are features upon which they coincide, and upon
which they can march together to have placed upon the statute
books of Ontario. One of the features causing trouble at
the present time, yet which in the end we feel sure will be
settled is the feature called compulsory State insurance.
Most men, when you mention "State insurance," conjure up
notions of socialism; it seems to many that to make a very
modest step is very radical legislation.

I shall speak upon this subject from a business stand-
point, so dissociate what I say from the thought that I am
a representative of labor, for though particularly nonored as
spokesman before the Commissioner and since, yet I wish
you to dissociate all idea that I am speaking from the parti-
cular labor standpoint, and wish to assure you that we have
been dealing with this question also from the business stand-
point.

There are those who try to confine all we say and preach
to the arena of the labor man's position, but there are labor
men to-day all over the world who can be regarded not only
as statesmen on this question but as public servants and states-
men when it comes to questions affecting the whole com-
munity. (Applause.)

I want to point out one feature: the Commissioner has
proposed in Part I. a plan of compulsory State insurance; the
employers in different industries which he has named in the
First Part shall be grouped together, and they shall be divided
into different classes representing the particular industries in
which they are engaged, and shall pay a tax upon their
yearly wage roll into a State-managed fund, out of which
compensation shall be paid to injured workers automatically
by a Crown Commission, and where a worker is killed his
widow shall receive compensation, and his children shall be
taken care of until they are sixteen years of age.

I am not before the Canadian Club this evening to use
any argument for tne general uplift of the working classes,
I am using arguments to business men to show why it is
better for the industries of the people, for the Government
of Ontario to carry out this legislation in this way than in
any other way that is proposed. And I will illustrate it from
the business standpoint.

Just let me lay this down as fundamental : if the Province
of Ontario is going to take upon itself to care for those
injured in industries by a tax, no one has attempted to defend
the present position: everyone, a manufacturer and laboring

264 mn CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 12

man, Grit and Tory, says it is time for a change ; so when
everyone speaks that way in concert, we feel right in trying
to get this change made.

If the public are going to pay for this, then, from a
scientific standpoint, experts say, in the last analysis the great
consuming public is going to pay for this compensation. That
is true, we say ; that is, whatever tax you place upon a com-
modity, it will find its way into the cost of that commodity.
Premiums are paid at the present time under the Employers'
Liability law ; the cost of that also finds its way to the con-
suming public, although the compensation does not get to the
workers, except only a small sum.

Then we face this question : there are those who say that
the employer should be allowed to insure any way he likes,
provided he insures his workmen. The proposal is that he
shall be compelled to insure in the State fund. Naturally
many men balk at the idea of compulsion, or the thought of
restraint by the State. What is the State? People gathered
together in a city under the name of municipal government
pass laws to restrain the people in such a municipality. The
same applies to a State. Liberty is not license to the in-
dividual You can have liberty as far as you agree to go
under the laws we all agree are right. If there is necessary
compulsion, that is exercised in the general interest.

If the Province of Ontario is going to pay for compensa-
tion, what I think I am right in saying is that it should pay
it in the most economical way and at the lowest cost of
administration. I submit this is a business proposition: let
me give you evidence to substantiate it.

Any change in legislation must touch some vested interest
somewhere; you cannot possibly remedy any injustice and
leave all the vested interests. If the public can at two million
dollars a year pay this compensation, is it just to compel the
public to pay four million dollars, to save some private insur-
ance company?

Let me give you some figures. We have to go to New
York to get figures to substantiate our argument. It seems
that most experts who use figures as to insurance draw their
figures from the United States. You will easily see the rea-
son. In the Provinces and in the States of the Union, particu-
larly in the State of New York, liability insurance com-
panies have to report every year to the State Insurance De-
partment. In the Province of Ontario they do not. Fire
insurance companies report, I believe, to the Provincial
Insurance Department, but not so far as employers' liability

1914] WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION. 265

is concerned; these reports go to the Dominion. If you want
to substantiate these figures that come from every country,
you can do it by taking the Insurance Report for 1912, issued
at Ottawa, giving the figures for employers' liability.

In New York, one of the experts said in cases of bene-
fits paid by employers' liability insurance in New York, the
best figures and the latest he could get were these: in 1909,
the insurance companies that insured employers under the
present Employers' Liability law, collected in all $27,446,492
in premiums. Their expenses were $14,102,922, or 51% of
that amount. The claims paid amounted to $9,590,779, or
35% of the premiums. It is estimated, and this is by one of
the foremost actuaries in the world to-day, that in the case of
tne great insurance companies in New York State not more
than 25% of the premiums reach the victims and their fam-
ilies, after deduction of lawyers' and attorneys' expenses !
What does it mean? That for every dollar paid in the State
of New York by an employer to insure himself under the Em-
ployers' Liability law, only 25 cents ever reaches the victims
and their families for which that dollar was originally paid!
That is an illustration from the State of New York.

Another illustration, from the other side of the continent,
the State of Washington. They passed an Act two years
ago, embodying compulsory State insurance. When it was
first promulgated and presented to the Legislature, all the
interests saw the approach of an era of blue ruin for the
industries, as here. But after two years' operation, under
the principle proposed, that is, of State compulsory insur-
ance, or rather, to be plain, a State-managed fund for paying
compensation automatically to workers and their dependents,
this is the report: the total receipts in the two years, ending
with September 30, 1913, — and remember I am not going
back thirty years into German history to prove this, — the
cash in the accident fund, amounted to $321,217; the cash in
the reserve fund to secure compensation was $734,206; the
claims paid in these two years were $1,529,115; the total
expenses, from June I, 1911, to Sept. 30, 1913, which were
paid out of the general fund of the State, totalled $210,078.
The ratio of expenses to total contribution to accident fund
was 8.13 per cent. So that in the State of Washington under
the compulsory State insurance plan proposed by the Com-
missioner in his legislation, it cost 8.13 cents out of every
dollar to operate the insurance business, and 02 cents, almost,
remaining, went in compensation to where it was intended,
the workers, the victims, and those left or into the reserve

266 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 12

fund. (Applause.) The difference — in New York State,
25 cents out of every dollar reached the victims, — and mark
you this, and I want to make this plain, that there are many
employers in this Province, and a great proportion of those
in the Province, as far as I have heard representative em-
ployers speak, who lay this down as a fundamental prin-
ciple: "We want the compensation to go to the workers, and
not be eaten up by intermediaries. That is what we paid it
for, and that is where it does not go," — in the State of New
York 75 cents of the dollar is eaten up by intermediaries,
51% in expenses and the rest in other ways; in the State of
Washington, where the employer is paying his premium to
the State, representing by a Commission the common people,
92 cents of the dollar goes to the common people, and is not
eaten up. That is a business proposition! (Applause.)

We have looked at this from a business standpoint, and
we say absolutely that workmen's compensation is a public
matter, not a private matter. When the employer pays a
premium, in the last analysis the public pays, and so the pay-
ing of insurance is a public proposition, not a private matter.

Why should there be compulsion? If it is left to the
employer to choose where he shall insure, in comes the agent
to offer all kinds of inducements, asking the employer to
insure in his private insurance company. Also there is
another danger, there may be many a manufacturer who is
interested also in an insurance company, so he does not know
where he stands on this proposition ; if he is interested in an
insurance company he does not like to give his insurance to
any other, and so he hardly knows exactly where he is at, —
I think the public will settle it for him.

The question is asked, of what interest is it to the com-
mon people whether an employer insures in an insurance
company or in the State, so long as compensation is paid.
It has been used in argument times without number, that if
this kind of legislation proposed is passed, the old men in an
industry will be discharged. We argue, and we have evi-
dence, that it is not always the employer who discharges the
old men. We know very well that under our present system
of profits the older employee goes as a matter of course by
the introduction of younger men; the consequence is that in
business he has been almost driven out by the stress of dol-
lars and cents. I have often wondered why, and have said
so in church, — I could not reconcile myself to some preach-
ing, if we are sincere, you and I should not only carry out our
religion past Sunday night but our humanitarian motives

1914] WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION. 267

should be put into practice from Sunday night to Saturday
night. (Applause.)

So when you ask what is the difference between an
employer's insuring in a company or in the State, an expert
who has travelled all over Europe has said, as the British
Trades Congress and other organizations have pointed out,
that a discrimination exists, and the meanest and most vicious
kind of discrimination, against employers who retain old men
in their employ. The practice under existing conditions,
which throws the old man out of employment and gives his
place to a younger and more vigorous man, is because the
private insurance company is willing to make quite a little
lower rate if the employer will do that.

We were told by some that to ask for a certain kind of
legislation, and in particular this kind of legislation the result
would mean that employers would discharge their old em-
ployees. We did not believe it, we did not think it true.
Where workmen's compensation is dominated by private
insurance companies, the insurance company goes to the
employer and tells him that if he will discharge his old
employees, it will make him a little lower rate because there
is a little less risk. That is the evidence. While we say, and
to give credit where credit is due, the employers too say it,
from a different standpoint, but both together say it, that
under this scheme of workmen's compensation this does not
occur. The legislation should be carried out and paid for
on the most economical basis in the people's interests, it
must be administered by representatives of the people, by
means of a Crown Commission, and thus forever wipe out
from the courts of Ontario this inhuman battle as to whether
a worker shall receive compensation for accidents arising out
of employment.

To give an illustration of what it means to the workers,
you will understand the importance of this to us who are
obliged to see it. Take an example: a man is hurt in an
industry; his employer pays to an insurance company, and
the company says "Hands off, this is not your business, it is
ours." And so it deals with the case in the courts to its own
advantage. We are not advocating this legislation or speak-
ing in this manner as an attack upon any private interest. We
say the Province of Ontario in the last few years has thor-
oughly changed ; we have great industries, great corporations,
great monopolies of finance ; if we would give the people of
this Province a chance to be citizens, to keep away as much
as possible from charity, that last insult to the common

268 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 12

people, we must change the old form of legislation which
grew up before this, and change it to a more humane and
Christian standard, suited to the present time. (Applause.)

And so in ftiis movement we are not necessarily attacking
any private interest, but want to make this point, that in the
consideration of this legislation there will be many, very many
details, upon which the different interests and ourselves can
agree. We may have to fight them on some things, but on
this point the manufacturers and ourselves coincide, upon
compulsory State insurance. I present it to you without
trimmings of any kind, as a business proposition: if there
is going to be compensation for those in the Province of
Ontario who are injured in accidents, it should be settled on
a proper basis, not trying to keep any vested interests, for if,
as I said, the total amount required to be paid by manufac-
turers or employers to afford compensation is a tax upon a
wage roll of a hundred and fifty or two hundred million
dollars a year, and if a tax upon that yearly wage roll to
cover the cost of compensation means a tax of $2,000,000,
and if that is to be paid by an increased cost of products,
then it is absolutely wrong to tax the people another 100 per
cent, in order to perpetuate or for the purpose of keeping in
existence a vested interest which has grown up under the old
Employers' Liability Act.

One other illustration. In the development of machinery
there has often been a struggle between the employer and
the workmen from this standpoint, — or a controversy, — it
is recognized that machines have been invented which dis-
place a great deal of human labor. Every one of you gentle-
men will recognize this argument, that when workmen cri-
ticize the introduction of machinery and the displacement of
human labor they are told they are standing in the march of
progress, because the invention of machinery brings down
the cost of production. If the invention of a machine will
do away with twenty men, you will say it is ignorance that
opposes it, for it eliminates waste, and you say those who
oppose it are standing in the march of progress. What shall
we say to show that this is a parallel in the case of work-
men's compensation legislation? Any one who looks at it
from the business standpoint, not only of the workers but
of the manufacturers and everybody else, can see that a State
Insurance Department can operate at 8.13 per cent, of
expenses, and an insurance company privately managed
increases the total cost over 100 per cent.

1914] WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION. 269

When we say to the financial interests that it is wrong
to saddle all this cost upon the public, to perpetuate a private
interest in this manner, we are met with the argument touch-
ing vested interest, so we are in the exactly parallel case.
Machinery invention makes for efficiency, and we say that a
compulsory State Insurance Department is a modern develop-
ment on a business-like basis, making for efficiency, and any-
body fighting against that must be placed in the same posi-
tion as those fighting against the introduction of machinery.
(Applause.)

Now, gentlemen, it is a privilege to have had the oppor-
tunity of speaking to the Canadian Club. There are lots of
things that could be said stronger, that I have not said.
(Laughter.) We fight like everybody else; we are not com-
plaining, I want to make it very clear, about the interests
fighting on the other hand. We do claim, as Labor men,
who have intelligence, to make this as keen a fight for the
common people as the representatives of the manufacturers
do for their interests. And now, gentlemen, I have the
greatest honor perhaps I have ever had, to be sandwiched
between Mr. Josiah Wedgwood and Mr. William Redmond,
and passing on a remark from a preceptor who can always be
followed, I think the meat of the sandwich is always in the
middle ! ( Laughter. )

I wish to say in conclusion, gentlemen, we try to give
credit to our opponents for sincerity ; we are trying to obtain
justice as far as the people of Ontario are concerned; we
would like everyone here to put prejudice to one side, and
consider if it is not better, with Ontario developed to be the
banner Province of this Dominion, with our industries
developing in a productive way, and with signs of progress
in our trade every day, — whether it is not both better, and
necessary to adopt this legislation. To use a phrase from
the sayings of Mr. Gunsaulus, "those who sit on the safety
valves of evolution are like a man who sits upon the safety
valve of a boiler." The industrial world is like the seething
caldron in the centre of our earth: when the pressure gets
too great, it blows off the top of some volcano. Wherever
it is proposed to remedy the evils of the industrial world, you
will have discontent and all kinds of trouble. Is it not better
to give justice to the workers of Ontario in this regard,
than continually to sit on the safety valves of evolution until
there is a blow-off? (Applause.)

270 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 12

HOME RULE FOR IRELAND.
BY MR. WILLIAM REDMOND, M.P.*

Mr. William Redmond, M.P., happening to be passing
through the city on his way home to Ireland, accepted the
urgent invitation of the Canadian Club to give an address,
and having just arrived in the late afternoon, came in while
Mr. Bancroft was speaking. Mr. Redmond said:

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, — I can assure you that I
am very grateful to the Canadian Club for affording me the
opportunity of saying a few words here to-night. I received
by wire a very kind invitation to attend the meeting of the
Club, but unfortunately at that time I believed that I would
not be able to be in Toronto. To-night I found myself
somewwhat unexpectedly here, and the invitation has been
very kindly extended to me a second time to address you.

I can assure you that as a member of the Irish National
party there is nothing which I esteem a higher privilege than
to have an opportunity like this of saying even a few words
about the great cause with which myself and my colleagues
have been identified all our lives.

And perhaps at this particular juncture it may not be with-
out special interest that you gentlemen, representing, I have
no doubt, all schools of political thought, may hear something
from one who is on his way home, and who expects within
the limit of this month to cast his vote, as he has already
done twice, in favor of the Bill which proposes once more to
bestow upon the Irish people their ancient right, a right they
never relinquished themselves, of governing their own dom-
estic affairs upon the shores and soil of their own country.

And, Mr. Chairman, if the Irish cause occupies, as it
undoubtedly and admittedly does, a strong and paramount
position in the politics of Great Britain to-day, I think it does
largely because those of us who represent the National cause
of Ireland have had more frequently given to us the oppor-
tunity which you kindly give me to-night, of explaining what
it really is that the Irish people are asking at the present
time.

Mr. Chairman, I am sorry to have to admit, because it
makes one conscious how the years pass by, I am almost one

* William Redmond, M,P., is a brother of John Redmond, M. P., the
leader of the Home Rule party in the British House of Commons. Advan-
tage was taken of Mr. Redmond's unexpected arrival in Toronto to have
him address the members of the Club, which he did on short notice, on
the subject nearest to his heart, " Home Rule for Ireland."

1914] HOME RULE FOR IRELAND. 271

of the oldest members of the British Parliament there is ; wi-
the service to-day. Thirty-one years ago I entered the House
of Commons, and I have been there ever since; and how
well I remember in my young days in the House of : Com-
mons, how bitter and how strong indeed was the feeling1 with*
which I saw the prejudice against the cause dear to the hea'rts
of the Irish people.

We found it very difficult indeed, those of us ;wfao were
organized by Mr. Parnell more than thirty years ago,r4<&:
gain the ear of the British people; the press was '' almost
entirely against us and our cause, and everybody knows what
an immense power and influence the press is. We had the
press against us, and there prevailed — I do1 not Say it was
their own fault, — all their own, — but there prevailed in the
minds of the English people a grand misunderstanding as to
what Ireland really asked for. Well, to-day "this is all'
changed, and I should like every gentleman here to recog-
nize this fact, whether they may approve of Home Rule of
not, that to-day not the Irish people only, but, I make bold1
to say, the vast majority of the people of Britain,' regard the
Irish question as of supreme importance not only ;to our owrt
little Island but to the interests of Great Britain;' ^nd to'tlie
interests of the British Empire in the future- as ; Avell: > And' I
know it may be hard for some of those who -are' still 'Unre-
conciled to the idea of Irish self-government to believe, but
the fact is this, that in every great centre in Great Britain to-1'
day our representatives meet with' a^; kind a reception', ! ad
cordial a hearing, as patient, as is given to the leaders of* the
British Liberal party themselves; • ! Iri$of matiort ' has beeri
spread. English representative! 'men, frohlf the Prime MirfJ
ister down, have studied the Irish' question' 'day and night;
They have visited our country;; They 'have listened to tjs
during the weary struggle of ! -the 'last thirty-three years iri
the House of Commons. -They hai>e seen the effect upon"
Ireland and the national demands rof the1 'great : beneficent re*
forms passed by one Administration ' after another.1 'And
the end of all this investigation and patient inquiry is to bd
found in the fact that tdMay/ even if I were' to Stay here in
Toronto and never go home tb' 'vote- in the House of Com-
mons in favor of the Home 'Rule'; Bitl/afld if all my 'col-
leagues in the Nationalist party were absenty even the North
of Ireland members, who at*e 'momentarily' i estranged from
the party, if not a single member from Ireland were there
to vote, a large— a considerable majority of ''the English;
Scotch and Welsh members of Parliament would >pass for

272 THE CANADIAN CLUB. tMar- 12

the third time the Home Rule Bill, in order to send it to His
Majesty for his Royal assent.

I mention this to show that the Irish cause to-day, whe-
ther approved or disapproved, occupies a strong position in
the public mind of England. However prejudiced, however
.reluctant men may be to admit the change, the change is
there. The British people are determined to-day to settle
the Irish question by applying to it Liberal principles. (Ap-
plause.)

Gentlemen, I remember the unfortunate days of the Boer
War, a war which, I frankly admit to you, I opposed as
unnecessary and uncalled for. (Hear, hear.) When the
war was over, and the Liberals were glad to work under the
leadership of that great, noble-minded man, Mr. Campbell-
Bannerman, — what was the attitude of the British House of
Commons to the Boer people? The Conservative party
thought that to give a free constitution to the people of
South Africa would be an experiment of a most dangerous
kind, fraught with untold risk to Great Britain; it was plac-
ing in the hands of people who were beaten weapons to con-
tinue the struggle. The Liberals were in power, and Sir
Henry Campbell-Bannerman said, "No, the war is over; we
intend to heal the wounds of the war, not by attempting to
continue our ascendancy, which could only be maintained by
maintaining a large force ; we have trust in human nature ;
we believe in the honor, the common sense, and the good
faith of these men who have shown themselves to be such
capable opponents of ours with arms in their hands in the
field ; we will trust them ; we will give them a free constitu-
tion." And he did so. And there is no man in Great Bri-
tain to-day, of thought, who is not bound to admit that the
application of the Liberal policy of freedom and trust to
South Africa has resulted to-day in the blending of the two
races, going forward hand in hand, and meaning prosperity
and progress to South Africa. (Hear, hear, and applause.)

Gentlemen, I submit to you to-day, on behalf of Ireland,
that it is at least worth while trying the application of the
same principle to Ireland. (Applause.)

Now, gentlemen, I ask you for one moment to look at
the hfstory of our country. One hundred and fourteen years
ago, as every historian admits, the Irish people had their
native Parliament taken from them, against their will, by
force, by corruption, by means which to-day stand condemned
by every student of history, no matter what party he may
belong to. And in place of our ancient Parliament, restricted

1914] HOME RULE FOR IRELAND. 273

as it was to men of the Protestant faith in a Catholic coun-
try, in place of that Parliament which in point of antiquity
could almost rival the Parliament of England, — for, be it
remembered, we in Ireland with slight intervals were in pos-
session of a Parliament at Dublin from the reign of King
John, — we had another Government placed over, us, composed
of men who were always in a very small minority in Ireland,
a system of government in which the people governed had
no responsibility whatever, a system of government carried
out from England, administered by English Ministers, men,
I freely grant, many with the best intentions and good will,
but still more or less foreign to the circumstances and inter-
ests of our country. Well, for a hundred and fourteen years,
gentlemen, we have had experience of this government, sub-
stituted for our own Parliament, and what has been the
result? There is no Englishman of any party to-day who
can honestly say that he does not feel it a discredit to Eng-
land, that her attempt to govern Ireland has failed. (Ap-
plause.)

Of course, there are people who say, "Well, the Irish are
a difficult people to govern." (Laughter.) Mr. Gladstone,
in one of his mighty speeches introducing the Home Rule Bill
in 1886, said, "Some people think that the Irish are endowed
from birth with a double dose of original sin." You will ex-
plain the undoubted failure of England to govern Ireland by
saying "the Irish are so temperamentally constituted that it is
impossible to govern them without having turmoil and dis-
content." Gentlemen, it is not so ! I do not think any man,
no matter how bitterly opposed he may be to Home Rule,
would deny that Irishmen, aye, and men like me who am
proud to be a Catholic Irishman, can be as sensible of responsi-
bility when it is cast upon them as any other men can be.
(Applause.)

A month ago, I left the other end of the Empire. I went
to every State of the Australian Commonwealth. There is
not a State where a man of more than average ability, as the
majority of the Irish people are, is not high in the service of
the Crown and the people, and they are going forward as
rapidly and as earnestly as any other race, in the extension
and development of this Empire. (Applause.)

In Ireland we find that in every one of the past hundred
and fourteen years there has been discontent, sometimes we
have had abortive rebellion, sometimes force and agitation,
but never has there been one of those years which has not
seen some measure of protest in our country on the part of

274 THE, CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 12

the Irish people against being deprived of the right of rul-
ing themselves. (Hear, hear.)

Of course, the Conservative party, I think about five and
twenty years ago, formulated a policy which they thought
would be effectual in checking Home Rule, by overwhelming
the Irish people with kindness and consideration. • The
Unionist party, and I give credit to them for it, tried to solve
the difficulty by sweeping reforms ; and evictions are no
longer heard of, the vast majority of the people are already
in possession of the ownership of the land they till, and it is
only a matter of a few years till every tenant farmer in Ire-
land owns the land he tills. (Applause.) We have legisla-
tion for labor, — Mr. Bancroft will be glad to hear, — we have
also — and this again we owe to the Unionist Government —
complete control of our local forms of taxation by County
and District Councils ; we have got immense improvements
in the facilities for education ; we have got within the last few
years from the Liberals the thing we have been pining for
generation after generation, a National University, to which
all the young men in the country can go, feeling secure that
their faith and their opinions would never be questioned. We
have improvements in every direction. We have an Agri-
cultural Department, I venture to think, that is second to
none in the world, and we are adopting American and Can-
adian improvements too. In the thirty-one years I have
been in Parliament, the whole face of Ireland has changed.
It is true, our population unfortunately has decreased
immensely, — we have lost between four and five million of
our people, and Ireland is the only place in the Empire where
that is the case. It seems incredible, that seventy years ago
the population of Ireland was more than half the population
of England and Wales, three or four times the population
of Scotland, almost half the population of the whole of Great
Britain, and now we see to-day year by year our population
dwindling, and the people of every other corner and crevice
of the British Empire expanding and growing. But apart
from that unfortunate decrease in population, the whole face
of Ireland has changed : the people are better fed, better clad,
better housed; they have recovered their self-respect, because
they know now that they are the owners of the land; it is
better for them and their children; and no landowner can
come and confiscate their land.

Ireland, thanks to this policy of beneficent and kind legis-
lation of both parties, has prospered immensely. Much of
this has been passed by the Unionist party, but the headline

1914] HOME RULE FOR IRELAND. 275

of it all was set by the Liberal party, in Gladstone's land
scheme in '70 and '80. But I mention all this, to show that
the policy of killing the national demands for self-government
by beneficial legislation, by moral improvement, has failed:
the stronger they are, the better off they are, the more edu-
cated they are, so in proportion grows the resolution of the
people of Ireland not to rest satisfied till they enjoy some
measure of self-government. (Applause.)

I come, Mr. Chairman, from a part of Ireland in the very
historic county of Wexford, in the southeast, where the great
rebellion of 1798 broke out, where perhaps the last great
struggle for freedom was made. In that county the people
were uie very first to avail themselves of the facilities to buy
their land. There is hardly a farmer now on a farm that he
has not bought. The people are immeasurably better off;
they are not the same p'eople; and yet there is in that county
to-day the strongest possible demand on the part of the peo-
ple for the restoration of national self-government.

Well, gentlemen, what is to be done about it? The
Unionists say they will oppose Home Rule to the last gasp.
Supposing, — I do not believe it possible, sincerely speaking,
— but suppose that by some untoward chance the policy of
the present Prime Minister were to be defeated, if it is jus-
tifiable for sixteen representatives, representing a minority
of the representatives of one part of Ireland, to threaten civil
war if their way is not taken, if that is justifiable, what is to
be said of the vast majority of the Irish people? (Hear,
hear.) I certainly do not indulge in any threats, and I do
not believe in the language of threats in politics at all; but
supposing this policy of Home Rule be overthrown, what
then? Are the people of the British Empire prepared
to resort to the old methods of ruling Ireland? Is the law
to be suspended? Are we to have exceptional legislation?
Are the prisons to be filled again? Are we to have all the
mad and violent passions aroused in Ireland by a policy of
coercion? Is there any Unionist who can look upon that
prospect without feelings of dismay?

The Irish question is no longer purely an Irish question.
(Hear, hear.) I have reasons for knowing that in every part
of the Empire the Irish question is closelty watched. I have
visited every State in Australia, I have visited New Zealand,
and I know the feeling certainly in every portion of the Em-
pire where Irishmen are to be found: there are everywhere
centres of unrest, discontent, because of the non-settlement
of the Irish question. I don't believe anyone here in Canada

276 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 12

is prepared to deny that Irishmen have done their part as
pioneers or as statesmen on the floors of the Parliaments of
this great land. I have read of their actions in adventure
and in defence. They must be considered, and it is not
merely the few millions left as a remnant at home, but the
great race throughout the world. Can any thoughtful, rea-
sonable man contemplate without absolute dismay the substitu-
tion for a policy of good will that policy of coercion?

I listened to Mr. Bancroft with the greatest interest, when
he spoke of this measure so vitally affecting the workingmen
of Ontario. I could not help feeling a little glad, as one of
the despised Irish race, when I reflected that there was never
introduced a Bill in the British Parliament for the benefit
and uplifting of the British people that was not largely
moulded and carried into effect by those representing the
Irish race. In the British House of Commons to-day there
are no members in more cordial sympathy with the repre-
sentatives of Labor than the Irish members. (Applause.)
There is to-day a cordial understanding and good feeling
between the mass of the British people and the Irish people,
and it is that upon which we rely most of all for the settle-
ment of the Irish question.

Gentlemen, it would give me great pleasure to detail
some of the concessions which are now proposed to settle
the question, but it is not in my power, being so far from the
centre. But this I can say with confidence, that there is noth-
ing which my colleagues and myself in the National Irish
party are not prepared to agree to accept in order to bring
our countrymen who are not in union with us into harmony
with us, except those not consistent with the establishment
of a National Parliament in Ireland. I do not know whe-
ther the proposals for a plebiscite in the north of Ireland with
regard to Home Rule are to be carried out or not, but I do
say this, — and for years I have had some knowledge of Ulster
as well as of the great county in the southwest of Ireland
which I represent, — I feel convinced that those who have
cherished the idea that Ulster is not in favor of Home Rule
will be greatly disappointed. The majority of the people of
Ulster, I believe, to-day are in favor of Home Rule. What
does that mean, gentlemen? It used to be that if a man were
a Catholic it was taken for granted that he was a Nationalist
in politics, and any man who was a Protestant was sup-
posed to be opposed to Home Rule. That is not so to-day,
and I do say without fear of contradiction that there are tens
of thousands of Irish Protestants among the staunchest

1914] HOME RULE FOR IRELAND. 277

friends of Home Rule. And if it ever goes to a vote, if any
part of Ulster separates from the rest of Ireland in order not
to be under a National Parliament, it will be an infmitesimally
small part. We are told to-day that Belfast is united against
Home Rule. It is not true. The great shipbuilding indus-
try of Harland and Wolf is established there, and the men at
the head of this are among the staunchest friends of Home
Rule. There is an intolerance and a lack of fair play about
much of the opposition to Home Rule. I see many repre-
sentatives of every industry in Belfast, Protestant gentlemen
every one, who are our friends.

No, gentlemen, whether with us or against us, don't, in
the interests of common honesty and truth, believe that any-
thing but a portion of the Province of Ulster is opposed to
Home Rule. If you take the Parliamentary representation,
we have the majority of the elected representatives in Ulster ;
there is no County in Ulster but we have one representative
from. There is even in the strongest portion of Ulster at
least one Home Ruler M.P.

I say this, not in a controversial spirit, but I can only say
that whatever the settlement may be, I am convinced that
the national question of Ireland is about to be settled here and
now. I go farther, and I say this with confidence, as a man
who entertains no bitter personal feelings against his political
opponents — and by the way, I think it can be honestly said,
in spite of the wordy warfare we read of in the newspapers,
there is no bitter personal feeling between the Nationalist
and the Unionist members, — you had a visit recently from
Mr. Walter Long, — I am sure that apart from politics there
is not a single Irish member of my party but in his own
feeling is on terms of the best of good will and fellowship
with Mr. Long. Gentlemen, I believe that even these men
in their hearts must admit that the policy of coercion can
never be resurrected, that the settlement of the Irish question
upon lines of self-government is absolutely imperative and
binding, no matter what party is in power. (Applause.)

I assure you, as one of the oldest members, we have no
desire to see any separation; we value the north of Ireland,
and regard its interests as a part of the whole; we believe
that it only needs some arrangement whereby the people of
the north shall be brought in contact with1 the Catholics and
Nationalists, to ieel that they have a common responsibility
and a common work to do, in order to obliterate completely
these bitter sectarian feelings which remain from the strug-
gles-in the days gone by. There is no Irishman in our party

278 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 12

but is prepared, — when our fight is won, and we assume
responsibility for our country, — but will be glad to see our
Protestant fellow countrymen assume their full share — I will
go farther, and say a great share — of responsibility. When
this vexed question is settled, I believe people will say, as
they did after the war in South Africa, "Well, it looked a
dangerous experiment for civil liberty, but the course of
events has proved it justified." I am sure the course of
Home Rule will do for the Irish people what liberty has al-
ways done, and that they will be as contented and loyal sub-
jects of the British Empire as there are to be found in any
part of it. (Applause.)

Trust us in Ireland ! Put on us the responsibility of man-
aging our own affairs. Let us see our statesmen governing
our country with the whole world looking on with interest.
Give us a chance to show what is in us. It will be better for
Ireland, better for England, and will end the oldest and bit-
terest quarrel in the world. (Applause.) It will further
peace, general prosperity and good will between Scotchmen,
Welshmen, Irishmen and Englishmen, and the men of all the
races that go to make this great Empire up. (Hear, hear.)

And one more word: may I say, without impertinence,
that there is the great English-speaking nation, so friendly,
so well disposed at heart, — it is worth while, in the interests
of peace, to have the American nation satisfied on this ques-
tion; and believe me, the American nation is deeply inter-
ested: there are fifteen to twenty million people of our race
in the United States of America; they are as anxious as you
are here, and Irishmen in every part of the world, to have
this question settled, and settled amicably, and all around the
world linking these are interests making for settlement — it
is certainly worth while. When Home Rule was carried the
last two times, by no and 109 of majorities, as it will be this
time, Mr. Asquith was overwhelmed with congratulations
from every part of the world, from every part of the Eng-
lish-speaking world, from every part of the civilized world;
but I remember hearing him say, that the thing which af-
fected him most, which he valued most, which was most sig-
nificant and encouraging to the Government, was that he
received from no less than thirty-five States of the American
Union resolutions passed by their Legislatures, sent to him
under their official seals, expressing the thanks of those
American States to the British Government and people for
their enlightened and liberal manner of dealing with the Irish
question. (Applause.)

HOME RULE FOR IRELAND. 279

When any people does not participate in and is not
allowed to shape its own affairs, if governed by others, no
matter how well intentioned, there is nothing but unhappi-
ness. I ask you, is it better for England and the Empire
that that policy shall be continued, or whether it would not
be better to say, first as last, "Well, we have governed the
Irish people for a hundred and fourteen years in a way they
have resented; in God's name, let us try another and better
way ! We are strong enough, and powerful enough, to make
the experiment, if experiment it be." That is the feeling of
Great Britain to-day, and I feel it is the feeling even of the
majority of the British Empire.

I esteem it a great privilege, on behalf of the party to
which I belong, your allowing me the opportunity of address-
ing you. (Long applause.)

280 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 16

(March 16, 1914.)

The High Cost of Living, and
Standardizing the Dollar.

BY DR. IRVING FISHER.*

A T a regular meeting of the Club, held on the i6th March,
** Dr. Fisher said:

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Canadian Club, —
We are interested all over the world, not only in the cost of
high living, but in the high cost of living: here is a question
of fact at the outset which your Chairman has inadvertently
raised: what the question really is. (Laughter.) My former
master in political economy, Professor Sumner, one of the
greatest men with whom I ever came in contact, said: When-
ever you have any economic problem you should ask yourself
four questions: first, what is it? Second, why is it? Third,
what of it? And fourth, what are you going to do about
it? And so I will take up these four questions with regard
to this great world problem of the high cost of living: what
are the facts? What are the causes? What are the evils?
And what are the remedies?

Now as to the facts: is it a problem of the high cost of
living, or is it a problem of the cost of high living? Mr. J.
J. Hill, who I think is well known in Canada, suggested a
couple of years ago that we were not suffering from the high
cost of living, but from the cost of high living, and the phrase
has been caught up until it is quite natural that we should
confuse the two. But what are the facts?

I remember, a couple of years ago, talking with one of
the directors of the Deutsche Bank in Berlin, and he said,
"It is not a question of things costing more; you can buy
just as much for a mark to-day as you ever could; but it is
a question of extravagance." And I said, "You think, with
Mr. Hill, that it is the cost of high living." He was very
much delighted that some one across the sea had suggested
the phrase. But phrases are not facts, and the fact is, we

* Dr. Irving' Fisher is one of the most distinguished political economists
on the continent, being head of the Department ot Political Economy at
Yale University. He was closely identified with Mr. Roosevelt, former
President of United States, in the conservation work inaugurated duringf
his presidency.

1914] THE HIGH COST OF LIVING. 281

are suffering from a higher cost of living than during the last
fifteen years. These facts are well authenticated; you have
them in this country assembled by Mr. Coats, of Ottawa, the
Statistician of the Department of Labor, we find them gath-
ered by our Department of Labor in the United States. The
Board of Trade's official statistics show the same thing there ;
Sauerbeck, in London, finds the same thing; so it is in Ger-
many, France, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Austria, Italy,
Australia, New Zealand, India, and Japan. Everywhere
where the gold standard exists we find the prices of com-
modities have risen during the last fifteen years, and they
have risen rapidly. In the United States and Canada the two
movements have been so nearly alike that if you apply the
curve showing the index number of prices made by our
Department of Labor and yours these two curves so nearly
coincide that it almost takes a microscope to separate them.

We find also a resemblance between the upward curves of
prices in countries which have the gold standard, for which
we have statistics, which suggests, if it does not prove, that
there is a common cause.

I would like to go into the discussion of these four sub-
jects outlined, the facts, the causes, the evils, and the rem-
edies ; but as I would very much like to have questions asked
and objections raised to my particular remedy, I would like
to concentrate attention to-day on that, therefore I will run
briefly over the other three.

We may assume, therefore, so far as the facts are con-
cerned, that the rise in prices in the last fifteen years has been
about fifty per cent. It has been over 50% in Canada and
the United States, and somewhat less than 50% in other coun-
tries, the lowest of the large countries being Great Britain.

What are the causes? This is one of the largest subjects,
and I greatly regret that there is not time to go into all the
reasons for the conclusions which I have reached; but if I
may take the liberty of advertising one of my books, I would
refer you to my "Purchasing Power of Money" for the statis-
tical proof of the conclusions which I am going to state
somewhat dogmatically.

According to my philosophy, which is nothing more than
a restatement of well known first principles as laid down by
Ricardo, the general rise in prices, as distinct from a rise of
particular prices, such as the price of beef, must be due
proximately to one or more of five causes, and only five : you
may have prices rise because of an increase in the amount of
money in circulation ; you may have prices rise because of an

282 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 16

increase in the amount of substitutes for money in circula-
tion, or deposits subject to cheque — what we call the money
in the bank, but which every banker knows is not all there.
(Laughter.) In the United States, for instance, we have
something like eight and a quarter billion dollars of deposits
subject to cheque, but the banks only have something like
one and a half billion of dollars there ; that is, the deposits are
a big credit, which serve the purpose of money, but which
are not literally money. Therefore the expansion of deposits
subject to cheque will have the same effect on general prices
as the expansion of money in circulation. Thirdly, prices
may rise because of an increase in the velocity of circulation
of money. And fourthly, prices may rise because of an in-
crease in the velocity of deposits subject to cheque, — that is,
what the banker calls a quickening in the activity of his
accounts. Fifthly, you may have prices rise because of a
decrease in the volume of trade, in the actual number of tons,
pounds, yards, acres, etc., of goods exchanged.

Briefly, then, we may say that a rise in prices may be
explained either on the one hand through monetary inflation,
that is, an inflation of money or its substitutes or in the velo-
city of its circulation, or on the other hand through a decrease
in the volume of goods exchanged. And the great question
to-day is, Is our present rise in prices due to the inflation of
the means of paying for goods, or to the contraction in vol-
ume of those goods themselves? Are we suffering from a
superabundance of money and its substitutes, or are we suf-
fering from scarcity of the good things of life?

But you say, "surely, the problem is not so simple as this !
Surely it is due to many other things than these five." I
reply, "Yes, but only so far as these other causes affect or
work through one of these five." You have the rise in prices
due to droughts, or to tariffs, to the concentration of popula-
tion in cities, or migration from the country. We may have
it due to a great many causes, but these cannot affect the
general level of prices except as they would through one or
other of the five causes first mentioned. There is the task
before the statistician — to study the volume of money in cir-
culation, and its velocity, the volume of substitutes for money
in circulation, and their velocity, and the volume of trade.

I have endeavored for many years to collect statistics, and
relying on these I make bold to say, that the rise in prices to-
day is due to money and credit expansion, or in other words,
to inflation. We are not suffering from impoverishment of
goods — quite the opposite. Statistics show that the volume

1914] THE, HIGH COST OF LIVING. 283

of trade in the United States has increased during the past
fifteen years 5.3 per cent, per annum, while the population
has increased only il/2 per cent, per annum, showing that
trade has outstripped population.

We hear a great deal of the fact of our farms being
denuded of population, and that they are not producing so
many bushels of wheat as formerly. These facts are mis-
stated. Taking the last fifteen years as a whole, we find this
in the United States, that the product of our farms has
increased. True, during 1910 there was an exceptionally
small production of the farms, compared with the exception-
ally large production in the year 1900, when the former cen-
sus was taken, which gives some people the impression that
wheat production is falling off. But those two years were
exceptional, one one way and one the other, so that there is an
exaggerated contrast between the two. But take the inter-
censal statistics of agriculture as a whole, and the only ques-
tion as to the productions of our soil — to say nothing of trade
and other things entering into consumption — is as to how
much they have increased.

Take the statistics of the International Institute of Agri-
culture at Rome, which has assembled the figures, so far as
they are available, for all the agricultural countries in the
world. We find the increase of the production of the soil is
far outrunning the world's population. The average man is
better off to-day than fifteen years ago: he has more bread;
he has more clothing; he has more of almost everything. Of
course, you can point to meat, or some other particular com-
modity, which is relatively scarce; but take things in the
large, you cannot explain the rise in prices through a pro-
gressive scarcity of goods. On the other hand, we do find
increased abundance of means of paying for goods. Money
has increased very fast in the United States ; it has increased
very fast in almost all the civilized countries where the gold
standard exists, and as a consequence of the great increase of
gold production in Cripple Creek, in the Klondyke, and in
South Africa.

Then, not only has money increased, and not only has its
velocity increased, but deposits subject to cheque have in-
creased still faster. In Canada the deposits held by the peo-
ple in the banks have increased something like 12% per
annum, and in the United States there has been an increase
at the rate of 7l/2% per annum in deposits subject to cheque.
In Germany, where they are just beginning to wake up to
the advantages of banking, we find a very great increase,

284 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 16

something like 13%, in deposits subject to cheque. You
can readily see, if my philosophy is correct, these facts will
fit into it. To put it into the form of an equation, the money,
multiplied by the velocity, plus the deposits multiplied by
their velocity, will equal the price level, multiplied by the
volume of trade. Almost every year we find by studying
the statistics of this equation, an inflation of money and credit
just enough to explain the facts which we have actually to
explain ; we find there has been an increase in price just
exactly enough to keep pace with the increase in the money
and deposits which would cause that effect.

Now, what are the evils. What is the real significance of
this increase in the cost of living? To my mind, if the causes
are monetary, the significance is monetary, the evils are mone-
tary, and the cost of living problem is a problem of currency
and banking. And by the way, I tried to make a rough fore-
cast of what would happen in the next fifteen years, and I
believe we have good reason to suppose that in the next fifteen
years prices will rise very much as they have risen in the last
fifteen years. I base that conclusion not simply on the fact that
there is a great deal of gold still in sight in South Africa, but
even as much on the frightful rate at which our deposits sub-
ject to cheque are increasing. When I say that, I do not mean
that the banks are not performing an important service to trade.
I was one of those who advocated the change in our banking
system by which we will have eight or twelve central banks
in the United States. I believe this would greatly outweigh
the disadvantages. But it is unfortunate that this reform
should take place just at the time when we are all suffering
from a surfeit of the means of purchase of goods. As it is,
this expansion of deposits, or deposit currency, will be super-
imposed upon the expansion already going on of a monetary
kind. Consequently, although we shall reap the advantage
in benefits from this reform, we shall aggravate for ourselves
the cost of living. That is inevitable by reason of the expan-
sion of banking going on all over the world. You will recog-
nize that only in Anglo-Saxon countries is the bank book, the
cheque book, used. In the United States 92 per cent, of
transactions are performed by cheque ; so in other Anglo-
Saxon countries you will find something like this percentage.
It does not hold true of France, or of Germany. If then
expansion is still going on where they have already reached
the limit, think of the tremendous, enormous room for expan-
sion in the continent of Europe, in Japan, and elsewhere in
those lands now waking up to the advantages of banking.

1914] THE HIGH COST OF LIVING. 285

They are going to introduce the cheque book. However
much good it may do in other ways, it will aggravate the
evil of inflation, and tend to increase rapidly the rising prices
all over the world. And then in the next two or three de-
cades, when the continent of Europe will have perhaps in
some degree caught up with the Anglo-Saxon nations in this
regard, there will next be an expansion rapidly going for-
ward in the Far East. Banking is being introduced in India,
and will be introduced into other Oriental countries in the
Occidental sense. So if there is the same tendency to in-
crease the cost of living, while having a temporary slump due
to contraction, the tendency will be to expansion, so in the
next decade or two we may look forward to an increased rise
of prices.

If it ever transpires that prices shall fall, we are simply
jumping out of the frying pan into the fire, for a progressive
fall of prices is just as injurious as a progressive rise. Many
of you can remember a long period of falling prices, from
1873 to 1896. There was a proposal to inflate our currency
with silver, and the "16 to i" heresy held men's minds at
that time. In other words, we were gradually waking up
to the fact that we were suffering from a monetary cause,
from inadequacy of the monetary means to pay for the goods
to be exchanged. And not having a scientific remedy to
propose, people got one of the most unscientific and harmful
remedies that could be proposed. And I venture to predict,
if the business men don't get some scientific treatment, we
will find some unscientific treatment, which may be as hard
to get rid of, as we found in the United States the free silver
heresy.

The fact of high prices, not understood scientifically, is
leading to bread and meat riots, discontent, and Socialism.
A Socialist who recently spoke at a meeting at which I gave
my views, said, "Professor Fisher, I know you are right,
that this high cost of living has a monetary cause, but we let
them think it is due to capitalists." Some day, business men
will be sorry, when there is a violent revolution, if they do
not take up and handle it in a scientific manner.

What are the evils? The evils are of distribution. We
may sum them up in the phrase, a transfer of wealth and a
gamble in wealth. During the last fifteen years a certain class
have lost heavily, but their losses, in some individuals, have
produced gains for others that did not belong to them. Those
who have lost are the creditors and the creditor-like classes,
namely, bondholders, savings bank depositors, salaried men —

286 THH CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 16

some of us can speak feelingly on that subject — (Laughter)
— and wage earners ; and those who have gained are the
stockholder, the independent producer, the farmer, the specu-
lator, the plungers. There has been a subtle transfer of
wealth from one great class to the other, but the net loss to
society is the lack of certainty and the increased risk; we
have become to-day, as it were, speculators in the dollar,
speculators in gold. And the evil in every speculation is,
that though someone is bound to win, the net effect of in-
creased speculation is a loss.

The bondholder and the savings bank depositor has not
been getting any increased income. This seems at first im-
possible. But consider the servant girl who put $100 into
the savings bank in 1896; to-day, if she has allowed it to
accumulate interest, she has $150, having accumulated 4 per
cent. She says, "I have got 50 per cent, more than I had,"
but when she tries to spend that $150, she finds that every-
thing costs 50 per cent, more than it did in 1896 — (Hear,
hear) — therefore she gets for her $150 only as much as she
could have bought for $100 fifteen years ago. Where is her
interest? (Applause.) She has been unconsciously swindled
out of her interest from depreciation of the dollar!

With the bondholder it is the same way. Suppose a bond-
holder owning $100,000 of 4% bonds, he has been spending
every year his $4,000 of interest paid him on those bonds,
and calling it income, but it was not income. One of the
first principles of you business men is that you must first
put back a depreciation fund to upkeep your principal. When
we are talking in absolute units we must keep up the principal
to real, not nominal, value. If a bondholder fifteen years
ago had $100,000 of principal, to-day he will also have
$100,000, but only two-thirds of this $100,000 to-day is really
worth the principal with which he started. If he had really
kept up his principal, he would have had to put by a sinking
fund every year to have accumulated the increased amount,
so as to-day to have not $100,000 but $150,000 invested, to
equal the principal of $100,000 when he started. How much
would he have had to put by each year out of his $4,000 inter-
est? Every cent! — it would have taken every cent to keep
up the principal, so he has simply been eating up, and living
on his principal every year. So I assert the creditor is rob-
bed of his interest, if the interest is only 4% per annum; if it
is more, he will get only the difference.

With the stockholder we find the opposite effect. Dur-
ing the Civil War we had a depreciation of paper money;

1914] THE HIGH COST OF LIVING. 287

between 1860 and 1865 paper money depreciated until it was
not worth more than about 40 cents as compared with its
original purchasing power. What happened? The farmers
in the West liked it, for those on farms which were mortgaged
were paying off their mortgages in depreciated money, and
these "disappeared like smoke ;" they were getting the ad-
vantage, and at the expense of the creditors. During the
past fifteen years the stockholder has been winning from the
bondholder. He has been getting not only his dividends, but
what belonged to the bondholder as interest. Consequently
there is a new class of rich people. The people on Fifth
Avenue are an entirely new set. These people have been
unconsciously picking the pockets of other people, — and I
use the word "pickpocket" in the highest sense. (Laugh-
ter.)

Now, gentlemen, this matter is of very considerable
importance. It means there has been a transfer, a subtle
transfer, from one set of pockets to another set of pockets
during the last fifteen years, running into billions of dollars,
due to lack of a stable monetary standard, due to the fact
that our money is a fixed weight of gold ; and gold will vary
inevitably in purchasing power like any other commodity.
There could not be any more unscientific yard stick of com-
merce than the gold dollar. I don't mean that the silver
dollar would be any better, or that an iron dollar, or a tin
dollar, or a platinum dollar, or a radium dollar. The one
ideal dollar would not be dependent on one metal or one
commodity, but one which represents the same average pur-
chasing power over all things.

We got the gold standard by accident. Gold was selected
because it was a convenient medium of exchange. Money in
the early days served only that one function, of being a med-
ium of exchange, but to-day it serves as standard of value,
for life insurance companies, railways, banks, all sorts of
relations where contracts are a feature. Leases are sometimes
framed to run for a thousand years; but even if they ran
but ten years the depreciation or appreciation of the dollar in
the intervening time is of the utmost importance.

I think every business man should recognize that a stan-
dardized dollar is of first importance. We have standardized
every other unit, — the yard stick, the measures of electricity,
such as the ampere, the kilowatt, the volt, the ohm, etc. There
is an international standard, everything except the dollar is
standardized; and yet the dollar enters into every contract,
whereas these other units only enter into some. What would

288 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [M^r. is

you think if the yard stick was not a standard measure? The
yard was originally the girth of the chief of the tribe, it was
called a gird; afterwards they took the length of the arm of
Henry I.; then a stick was made, of a certain length. of iron;
then it was made of platinum. What would a business man
think if the yard stick were the girth of the Governor-Gen-
eral of Canada, or the President of the United States?
(Laughter.) Imagine some of you business men having
made contracts to supply cloth, so many yards of cloth,
which contracts were drawn before the 4th of March last —
(Laughter) — I am a friend of Mr. Taft, and I voted for Mr.
Wilson, and intend no derogation of either; but I think you
will agree that there would be a depreciation in the yard
stick! Well, that depreciation in the yard stick, if we had
an unscientific yard stick, would affect only the cloth mer-
chants ; but the depreciation of the dollar affects every mer-
chant. The dollar is on the other side of every contract. We
have standardized the unit on the one side, but not that on
the other!

My proposal, therefore, is this: to standardize the dollar,
to do for money what we have done for every other magni-
tude, to have a unit of value that shall be a unit of value, of
purchasing power, and not a unit of weight.

There are some shallow minds who have said that gold
must have been selected because it is stable. Look, they say,
at the mint price: £3 175. io^d. an ounce; or, in the United
States and Canada it is $18.60 an ounce 9-10 fine, or $20.60
an ounce for pure gold. Does the constancy of the mint price
prove there is any stability in gold ? Not a bit !

I remember some months ago attempting to banter my
dentist: with a very sober face I said to him: "I suppose you
suffer from the high cost of living just as other people? Does
it affect the price of gold ?" He replied, "I do not know ; I
will look it up," and he asked his clerk to find out the prices
of gold then and some years back. The clerk came back with
a surprised look on her face, and said that the prices were the
same to the last cent as fifteen years ago! I said, "Well,
that is just about as surprising as that the price of a quart of
milk is always two pints of milk!" (Laughter.) The dentist
said, "I don't get your meaning." I answered, "You are
measuring the price of gold in gold; you measure in ounces,
the other man in dollars ; which is simply another weight,
that is all ; one weight is called an ounce, another weight is
called a dollar. The dollar is 1-19 of an ounce; so naturally
it takes 19 dollars to equal an ounce. Therefore an ounce

1914] THE HIGH COST OF LIVING. 289

of gold costs the same in dollars now as it used to, just as a
quart of milk will always cost the same in pints." So the fact
that the mint price is constant is no argument in favor of the
stability of gold. (Applause.)

Some men have objected to the plan I am going to describe,
saying it interferes with supply and demand, but the oppo-
site is true. The plan we now have interferes with supply
and demand. We have an enormous quantity of gold from
South Africa flowing through the mints into the world ; has
that affected the price of gold? Not one cent! If you had
increased the amount of tin, or of lead, or of any other metal
like that, it would decrease the price enormously; but an
increase in the production of gold does not influence the price
of gold, because it is fixed by law. This will continue as
long as we have a fixed weight of gold for the dollar. Since
the increased supply of gold cannot decrease the price of gold,
it takes revenge by increasing the cost of living. Since you
can't decrease the price of gold in terms of which everything
else is expressed, you increase the price of everything else in
terms of gold as your alleged unit.

My proposal is this : turn the thing around ; have gold
affected by increased supply, just as everything else is ; let
the increased supply of gold reduce the price of gold, instead
of increasing the cost of living. That amounts to the same
thing as for the price of gold to be allowed to fall, as to say
that the weight of the dollar is to be allowed to rise. We
now have a dollar of fixed weight, and therefore of variable
purchasing power. We should have a unit of fixed purchas-
ing power, and therefore of variable weight. That is the
proposition. We have now but a mockery of the standard,
just as much a mockery as to have for a yard stick a stick that
weighs a pound. Suppose we elaborately weighed the yard
stick, and were to say that every stick that weighs a pound
should be called a yard. It would make a great difference
whether the stick were of hickory or of pine. For a dollar,
we want a unit that buys just the same, we don't care what
it weighs.

"But," you say, "how are you going to vary the weight?"
I am not going to say change the weight of coins from time
to time. The best way would be to get rid of the actual
gold in circulation altogether, and have in Canada what we
have in the United States and Canada, only paper, represent-
ing gold bullion. We have a gold certificate. There are a
billion dollars in the United States Treasury to-day repre-
sented-by a billion dollars of gold certificates. A bar weigh-

290 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 16

ing a thousand times 25 8-10 grains of gold is called a $1,000
bar, and will always buy or sell for $1,000. A man comes
from the Klondyke with gold weighing that much, — he will
get $1,000 for it; and the jeweler can go to the Sub-Treas-
ury and get back that bar for $1,000.

I propose that the bar shall have a variable, not a fixed
price. That price shall be not $1,000 always; sometimes it
will be $990; in other words, the price of bullion shall be,
not $18.60 for all time and forever, but $18.50 sometimes,
$18.30 sometimes; it shall vary back and forth.

"But," you ask, "are you going to leave a dangerous dis-
cretionary power with the Sub-Treasury officials, — to always
name the price? No. We have an index number now; —
you have a most excellent system gotten up by Mr. Coats.
This index number of prices would be calculated from market
prices by clerks, also without discretion. That is, the idea
is simply to watch the prices of the market averaging them
into an index number. Suppose between now and next
month the Index Number should show 101 per cent. ; that
deviation of i% above par would ipso facto be the signal
for decreasing the price of gold by i%. So the Sub-
Treasury would always know what to do — follow the
official Index Number. Therefore, in international relations
all we would have to do would be to have the Powers fix
on one Index Number for the world. The system would
be introduced without a jar; individuals in commerce would
not know there was any change, except that instead of great
convulsions in prices, which cause discontent, and are the
cause of the increased cost of living, this discontent in trade
bringing on crises, we would be on even keel, the general
level of prices would always be near 100 per cent., never
varying more than one or two per cent., since as soon as it
varies the correction is applied and it is brought back to par.

I have taken so much time in the preliminaries, I have not
given any details. I would not like you to accept the pro-
posal second hand, but I don't mind saying that where my
proposal has been studied it has been almost universally
accepted. Naturally the stand-patters of society are averse
to making any improvement, even when it promises something
good, but with that exception, there are really none who have
studied it but have accepted it. President Wilson told me
some time ago that my plan was entirely feasible. Sir David
Barbour, largely responsible for introducing the gold ex-
change standard into India, one of the greatest steps forward
in practical monetary science; Prof. F. Y. Edgeworth of All

1914] THH HIGH COST OF LIVING. 291

Souls College, Oxford, England ; J. M. Keynes, editor of the
Economic Journal, London; Adolphe Landry, author and
member of the French Chamber of Deputies, Paris; G. H.
Knibbs, Commonwwealth Statistician of Australia, are all
endorsers of the plan which I have suggested for standardiz-
ing the monetary units. In this is the promise of a stable yard
stick of commerce. The idea of stabilization is the important
thing, not my particular method of producing stability. There
may be many other ways of achieving stabilization and of
standardizing the dollar. Whether my particular method or
some other device is better, whichever we adopt does not
matter, so long as we adopt a standardized dollar. It seems
to me the idea of standardization should be in the bottom of
the minds and hearts of all business men. For that reason
I came to speak to you to-day, because it will not be through
college professors and presidents, but only through the grow-
ing of the idea in the minds of business men that the standard-
ization of the dollar will ultimately be brought about. Then,
and not till then, shall we have a real standardization of the
dollar." (Applause.)

292 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 23

(March 23, 1914.)

Some Rural Problems.

BY GEORGE C. CREELMAN, ESQ., LL.D.*

A T a regular meeting of the Club, held on the 23rd March,
** 'Dr. Creelman said:

Mr. President and Hon. Mr. Duff, and Members of the
Canadian Club of the City of Toronto, — Surely the farmer is
coming into his own, when I am permitted to appear before
you as a guest of the Canadian Club in this great cosmopoli-
tan city, at what we call a banquet, and at a time when things
are quiet on the farm and there is nothing much to do but
the chores. On behalf of the farmers of Ontario, I thank
you for inviting me to your party. (Laughter.)

If I have got to decide right off whether the city of
Toronto is to have a million people or not in the immediate
future, I have a bigger problem before me than I anticipated
when I came; because the President said nothing of that
when he gave me the invitation ; and like Hon. Mr. Duff and
those who are keeping the seals of the Province, I will ask
you to let me take it into my consideration. (Laughter.)

FARMING IN ONTARIO.

Perhaps there never was a time in the history of Ontario
when there was as much need for instruction in agriculture
as at the present day. Farming and farm operations have
changed so materially that the father can not now give the
best and most up-to-date instruction, even to his own boys.

Wheat is now but one of our minor crops. You remember
the common saying, "What as good as wheat?" That is all
changed ; corn, and sugar beets, and alfalfa, and peaches and
apples, and onions and tomatoes, and tobacco, are coming to
be counted among our staple crops. The climate of Ontario
seems to be adapted to the growing of so many varieties of
crops that there is no reason why the farmer's daily life need
any longer become monotonous. Ontario has changed her
methods with the new order of things — I say that advisedly

* Dr. George C. Creelman is President of the Ontario Agricultural
College, Guelph. He has devoted his whole life to the improvement of
farming- methods and the welfare of the agriculturist. He was trained in
Canadian and United States schools, universities and agricultural colleges.

1914] SOME RURAL PROBLEMS. 293

— and owing to the superior intelligence of her people she has
established herself as one of the best farming Provinces of the
whole world. Perhaps you don't just appreciate that, but
if any of you have had the opportunity of looking at the state
of farming in other countries, you would observe that they
specialize in one crop, and do it to perfection; but the splen-
did intermingling of English, Scotch and Irish blood has pro-
duced a race of farmers here who are no longer called "moss-
backs" and "hayseeds," but are indeed responsible for the
real prosperity of this great Province of ours.

Notwithstanding the great development in our Western
Provinces the field crops of Ontario yet exceed in value all
the field crops produced in Canada west of Winnipeg, in spite
of the fact that a large percentage of the Western farmers
have been drawn from Ontario farm homes.

As one goes through this Province, from county to county,
and township to township, he is forced to the conclusion that
as an agricultural district it is very highly favored indeed.
Good land, well watered, and excellent climate with plenty
of sunshine, always insures fair crops, and while our bank
managers in their annual statements often forecast good or
bad times, according to the conditions of the crops in the
West, yet because they have never been disappointed in
Ontario crops they never speak of what might happen if we
had a failure here.

FARMING NOT POPULAR.

In this favored Province, then, one would expect to find
farming the most popular business of all, and the people from
cities and towns would only live in such places until they could
make money enough to own and operate a farm of their own.
(Laughter.) As a matter of fact, the situation is exactly
reversed. Farmers' boys and farmers' girls are leaving, in
large numbers, for the cities and towns, and most of the
farmers themselves hope to remain on the farm only so long
as will enable them to make enough money which at 3% will
give them sufficient income to retire to the neighboring town
or city. Here they hope to pass their days in peace and idle-
ness, to sleep late in the mornings and sit up late at nights,
in fact to "eat, drink and be merry" all the rest of their lives.
(Laughter.)

Now you know as well as I do how differently it works
out. (Laughter.) The farmer has as much right to retire,
after a life of hard work, as anyone else, perhaps more so,
as he is one man who has earned every dollar that he has

294 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 23

made. (Laughter.) The difficulty is that he does not know
the difference between the life of the producer and the con-
sumer, nor can he appreciate the circumstances with which
he will find himself surrounded when he gets out of his
own element.

RETIRED FARMERS.

Speaking of retired farmers, — and I do it kindly and rever-
ently— (Laughter) — this may be a new view to you, but it
seems to me that the great pity lies, not so much in the fact
that he does not fit into his new conditions, but that his long
experience, his habits of thrift, his knowledge of the com-
munity, and his leisure time, are now all lost to the neigh-
borhood in which he has done all of his work, and in which
position he should be able, in his declining years, to do a
great deal of good. (Hear, hear, "That's true," and ap-
plause.)

You know, perhaps, better than I do, how much clear-
headed, conscientious, broad-minded help is needed among
the School Boards in our rural communities, and our urban
communities sometimes as well. (Laughter.) You know
what one man of the right sort could do with a little leisure
in improving the appearance of the school and the conditions
of the school grounds. You know what can be accomplished
by such a man coming forward, in the support of the teacher,
in the introduction of modern methods, and you know how
such a man should stand as a strength in the community, and
could very easily secure additional funds each year for the
purchase of those little things, in the way of school equip-
ment, that make the difference between the mere humdrum of
teaching by text books and teaching by demonstration.
(Applause.)

THE BOY AND GIRL.

If then the coming generation of farmers are to be kept
in the country, are to be expected to settle on a corner of the
old farm after they have turned their larger property over
to the son or the son-in-law, then we must start very early to
interest the boy and the girl in the ethics of rural living. You
can't teach old dogs new tricks ; and if the old dog is living
on the old concession, the young dog doesn't see many new
tricks there. (Laughter.) The farmer's boy must be encour-
aged to play in a systematic way; he must be taught to co-
operate with his neighbors in everything; he must be in-
structed in the first principles of scientific farming; he must
be encouraged to read widely and persistently. He must be

SOME RURAL PROBLEMS. 295

taught to draw as well as to read and write, and he must be
encouraged along the line of his talents, to do everything
systematically, that his latter days on the farm may lead to
neatness about the buildings and fences, orderliness in the
barns, stables, harness rooms, and implement sheds; shorter
hours for men and teams ; the desire to adopt new methods
which have been proven to be the best at the Colleges and
Experiment Stations; and the readiness to change from one
method to another, on the advice of the best farmers in the
community.

All such ideas must be inculcated in youth, and as the
parents are now asking for more help from the Agricultural
College, the boy will get more encouragement at home than
would have been the case a few years ago.

THE COLLEGE AND THE FARMER.

The Agricultural College during its existence of nearly
forty years has proven by experiment, surely and definitely,
that by farming certain fields, in a certain way, that breeding
and feeding certain classes of live stock, that introducing
certain crops on certain soils, that handling the orchard by
certain methods, and draining the land in a certain way,
absolute success in farming is assured.

From that point, however, we have not done all that we
should in getting this information to the individual farmer
on his own farm. We have at the present time over five
thousand farmers conducting experiments on their own farms,
and reporting to us, but there are over two hundred thousand
heads of families on farms in this Province whom we reach
but indirectly. As a matter of fact, the difference between
the average and the possible yield on the ordinary farm is at
least 300%. What do you think of that, you hard-headed
business men, who if you can cut down your costs to a very
narrow margin say, "If I could cut down my expenses to 10%
I'd scrap the old machinery?" Yet when we point out to a
man how he can save 300%, he very often does not take it
down, or thinks it applies to someone else.

I think it would be quite within the mark were I to say
that our Agricultural Colleges and Experiment Stations had
already proven, by experiment, enough facts to double the
output on the ordinary farm, if put into actual practice. The
whole trouble has been that we have not been able to get the
farmers to adapt these facts to their every day work on the
farm. -

296 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 23

WHAT SCIENCE HAS DONE.

Take for example that the crop of wheat is 22 bushels on
the average in this Province. We are rather behind other
countries in that. In England the average is 32 bushels, in
Germany 36, after a thousand years of cropping! Where
shall we be a thousand years from now at the present rate of
increase? In Germany and in Sweden, in old inhospitable
Sweden, they far outstrip us, — in the latter country they pro-
duce 75 bushels to the acre in fields, and 90 in plots! But
they never sow wheat unless it is pedigreed. A newspaper
might be spread in the field anywhere, and it would touch
evenly the heads grown from pedigreed seed — we are a long
way from that yet!

Alfalfa is worth pound for pound as much as bran for
feeding live stock. We can and do produce 5 tons of alfalfa
hay per acre in the ordinary season in Ontario. Bran is
worth to-day — and I made special inquiry — $24 a ton, which
would make the alfalfa crop actually worth to the farmer $120
per acre ; and yet it is the hardest kind of work at times to
persuade farmers, who have suitable land, to risk ploughing
up even an old pasture to put into alfalfa.

The average cow in Ontario produces less than 3,500 Ibs.
of milk per year, and yet we had a cow in the College herd
that produced 20,788 Ibs. by actual weight in twelve months.
This is a difference of nearly 600%. The average hen in
Ontario lays less than 100 eggs in a year, while last year we
had whole pens of hens that produced 180 eggs each, while
the six hens in one coop, pedigreed stock, produced 256 eggs
each.

And so I might go on, but the very telling of these things
does not help you to produce this kind of hen, or cow, or
crop.

We were a long time finding this out, but now we have
come finally to the conclusion that the best and quickest way
to improve the farming in this Province is to actually send
trained men into the country and leave them there long enough
to get the confidence of the people. (Hear, hear.)

You know the farmer has been a long time coming into
his own, and he has not got very far yet; but we would have
been much less advanced if Sir James Whitney had not him-
self taken an interest in the matter and said we should take
the College to the people.

1914] SOME RURAL PROBLEMS. 297

CARRYING THE GOSPEL OF AGRICULTURE TO EVERY FARMER.

No sane man would think of asking a young doctor, or
lawyer, or preacher, if you will allow me to say so, to go
back to a community and work for the people and pay his
own board; yet people have been expecting a young man to
spend just as much money at an Agricultural College, and
go back and work as hard as before; he is expected to keep
his fences all straight, his barns painted, his trees in exact
rows, to have no weeds in his crops, — it is to be a model
farm, because he has had a course at College ; then he is ex-
pected to attend meetings of Farmers' Clubs and Institutes,
meetings in the school house and the church, and when he is
not too tired making a model farm for himself to teach others !
That is what the Agricultural College was up against, till we
put men at this work and pay them. We find that one man
visiting farmers can teach a thousand people. These men
are being employed, and paid for it, enabling them to get in
touch with the farmers.

Such men we have termed Agricultural Representatives,
and we have now one in each of forty districts in this Pro-
vince, and they are all doing excellent work. They have
already accomplished a good deal through holding short
courses for farmers, longer courses in High Schools for
farmers' sons; introducing pure seed; starting Farmers'
Clubs; giving plans for farms for drainage; starting school
fairs — we distributed 17,500 eggs last spring to school child-
ren, they took them, put them under hens, raised them and
fed them, and more than half of them were brought to exhibi-
tions last fall; judging at local exhibitions — boys thought they
could judge Shropshires because their fathers raised, them,
but those boys got around where a man could give reasons
for judging, and those boys watched with their mouths open,
and now they say, "The best is none too good for me" ; tak-
ing old orchards and regenerating them and making them
produce good fruit ; helping in the selection of improved tools
and machinery; helping to conduct experiments on different
farms; and a thousand and one other activities, according to
climate, soil and altitude. I want you to watch the opera-
tions of these men, and note the progress they are making,
because I believe they are going to wield a greater influence
on the future prosperity of Ontario than anything else that
has ever been attempted up to this time. (Applause.)

Then the educationists of the Province have fallen right
in with this, and are working with them, because we believe

298 THH CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 23

that the teaching of this thing in spots is not going to accom-
plish very much except to give some of us a chance to talk;
so we have opened our doors to the teaching profession, and
from the letters being received from day to day, it would
look as though this has been a move in the right direction.

The Agricultural Representatives will work among the
young men and the older men in active co-operation with the
schools at the same time, so that there may be no conflict in
the subject matter, or in the methods taught. Am I going
too far, when I say, that I am not sure but that rural teachers
and rural preachers may have to take Agricultural College
courses yet, that they may learn to teach morals and religion
to farmers in terms of their daily life? (Hear, hear, and
applause.)

SOME PROBLEMS.

There are of course very many problems. I am not going
to worry with them to-day, but will just touch on some of
them. First, the killing of weeds. Weeds share our crops
to-day to the extent of one-third. The variety of weeds is so
great — you knew of the Canada thistle, but that is mere child's
play to get rid of, compared with the sow thistle, the bind-
weed, the cockle, and others we have now.

The second problem is the planting of varieties of crops
best suited to the farm and the neighborhood. You remember
that Hon. John Dryden was an extensive breeder of Short-
horns ; he said he wished that twenty or thirty Short-horn
breeders would come and settle near him. The average man
thinks competition is going to hurt his business. But he
did not ; he said, "No, it would do good." The real com-
petitor, he considered, was the man who came to buy a car-
load of cattle but could get only five or six or seven head of
cattle in that neighborhood, and would have to go to Wel-
lington or Middlesex for the rest of his carload; if that man
could get a whole carload at one place, the entire car would
cost less. That is good business.

Our extreme southwest, from Essex to Elgin and perhaps
Norfolk, should devote most of its energies to growing corn
and beans and tobacco and poultry and early fruit and vege-
tables; the Niagara peninsula to fruit growing and truck
farming; the shores of Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, and the
Georgian Bay to apples ; Eastern Ontario, generally speaking,
to dairying ; and Western and Northern^ Ontario to general
farming and live stock.

19143 SOME RURAL PROBLEMS. 299

A third problem is the securing of better and more
permanent hired help. A great many men could put up a
cottage and let it on terms to make that hired man a human
being. (Laughter and applause.) We forget that the hired
man is the farmer of to-morrow. Sometimes the hired man
will take over the farm, and after he has worked it for ten
years then turn it back to the farmer and work for him again.
So I tell a great many English immigrants that say: "Jack is
as good as his master." "Yes, if as good, but not unless."
(Laughter and applause.) On the farm you need to keep a
man busy all the year around, to give him a house, so his
children can attend school and get a chance to become bright,
young, intelligent Canadian citizens.

I do not know how the Minister of Agriculture would
look at it, but I would send good men, good farmers, of both
political stripes, such as Farmers' Institute workers, 'and
judges of live stock, to the Old Country in to the lanes and
byways of Great Britain, where the people are talking of
emigration, to hold meetings and show pictures of our orchards
and our farms, our cattle and sheep and homesteads. We
need all the farm help we can get, and perhaps we could do
with fewer so-called mechanics — Jacks of all trades.

CO-OPERATION.

We have to come to marketing our crops by co-operation
with our neighbors, that we may get the most possible for our
labor.

This is a question which has occupied the attention of
political and social economists for many centuries. It has
gained little ground among farmers in this country, but has
dominated the whole system of farming in some of the coun-
tries of Europe. In Denmark and parts of Germany co-opera-
tive methods have given the farmers charge of the banks, the
telephones, the railroads, and even the Governments. Money
may be had at from two to three per cent., and the poorest
citizen, — if he be but honest — I don't go farther than that,
that is important and necessary, if he be but poor and honest
— has the same chance to promote his business and sell his
goods in the best market as has the largest farmer in the land.

In America it looks as though our farmers will be forced
almost to the wall, our farms worn out, and our land desolate,
before we give up our small jealousies and our petty suspi-
cions of one another. It is remarkable, that farmers, when
they, hire a man to manage a co-operative society, as soon as

300 THH CANADIAN CLUB. CMar- 23

he realizes $50 a month they think he is getting- more than
he is worth, and break up the society. The reason is that
most farmers wait until the end of the year and sell their
produce in bulk; but they are feeding their families and edu-
cating their families all the way through, and never see $50
in cash, or very seldom ; the result is that they are not accus-
tomed to doing a cash business. And so apples that we could
have bought last year for $2 a barrel easily, we pay now $4,
$5 and $6 for, and many farmers sent their apples to the can-
ning factories, where they got 30 cents a hundred pounds!

With so many people rushing from the country to the city,
and so many people coming into our cities from foreign lands,
it is not surprising that prices of all foodstuffs are dearer.
Fewer people producing and more people consuming, easily
accounts for the present conditions of high prices.

The question then arises, How may we, with more mouths
to fill, and inefficient as well as insufficient help, meet the in-
creased demands? The Colleges and the Experiment Sta-
tions have done their part, and done it well. They have, by
experiment, proven absolutely many things that if put into
general practice would easily double our present out-
put. They have taken a certain number of students from
towns and cities and country places, and have taught them
the best known methods of farming.

I think it is lack of organic union among ourselves,
whereby every farmer on his own farm may obtain informa-
tion at first hand, not only as to raising a crop, but as to the
marketing and transporting and delivering of it to the cus-
tomer, that is the great fault. And the farmer will not get
into his real stride till we have that.

ROAD IMPROVEMENT.

The next point is the improvement of roads. This is
absolutely essential, and I am now of the opinion that some
School of Practical Science must put on a course of instruc-
tion in road making which must teach draining, draining,
draining, before metal or cement are thought of at all, to
make roads in country places. (Hear, hear.) These prin-
ciples need to be instilled into the average pathmaster and
roadmaster. I have seen hundreds of tons of gravel put on
roads that did no good at all, because the road was not first
drained. We need draining first, draining second, draining
all the time, of the middle of the road and the sides, and
when it gets hard the water will not permeate.

1914] SOME RURAL PROBLEMS. 301

ELECTRIC POWER.

The securing of electric power on the farm is another
problem. This is coming very fast Besides the actual sav-
ing in animal power, what an uplift it will give the home
life, to have electric light in every room of the house and
barn and stable. At present farmers work so hard that they
have a poor chance to enjoy the light of day, and at night a
poor light to enjoy the chance of reading or anything else.
(Laughter.)

Think also what it will mean to have running water in
the house.

MORE PLAY Is NEEDED.

We want more shrubs and perennial flower beds and tennis
courts and time for play, that the farm life may be the envy
of the young people of the city and town. I am convinced —
I ask you to listen carefully — I am convinced that it is not the
glare and glitter of the city streets that attracts boys and
girls to the city, but rather the lack of social organization in
the country where every healthy young man and young woman
may have some exercise and entertainment and amusement,
in the furthering of which both sexes may take an active
part. This is most important. Plowing and sowing and
reaping and mowing and doing chores may be exercise
enough, but it is not the highest kind of entertainment, —
(Laughter) — and youth must be served.

EDUCATION.

In the Old Country I find that the aim of education is to
make a "well dressed man who reads books and speaks cor-
rect English." In Canada he must also work for a living,
therefore he must have special training. In country places
our young people are practically all intelligent — is not that
so? — temperate, frugal and industrious — is not that so? That
accounts for our young men adapting themselves to any walk
of life when they go to our cities or to the United States, and
our girls who practically control and manage the large hos-
pitals of this continent.

But what about the country boy and girl who remain at
home? We have made a start. Five hundred young men
took instruction in agriculture from our Agricultural Repre-
sentatives this winter. Nearly one thousand more attended
short courses at the College. Some school teachers have taken

302 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 23

courses at the Agricultural College. When all rural school
teachers have a good working knowledge of agriculture, I
predict a great awakening in rural affairs.

WHAT AROUT OUR GIRLS?

What about the girls? Do you realize that 90 per cent,
of the women of this country do their own work, or with the
help of their mothers or sisters or mothers-in-law? I believe
as many men go to perdition each year from bad cooking as
from strong drink? (Laughter, and applause.) I believe
also that strong drink tastes better after poor cooking.
(Laughter.) If you can't get the real thing, you have to get
some substitute. I say seriously now, and never so seriously,
if at least 90 per cent, of the women of this country do their
own work, every girl should be taught how to cook and to
sew while her time is not worth much, that she may economize
time when it is valuable. Flour and sugar and salt are three
of our most necessary foods, and yet they are cheaper than
twenty years ago. If it takes 1^4 cents to make your five
cent loaf of bread in Toronto, and 1^/4 cents to deliver it,
then half the cost of the staff of life was saved you by your
mother's baking. Why don't your wives bake now? They
don't know how. (Laughter.) You have sent your girls to
some ladies' college, because you have had some sort of crazy
idea that you must have your young people "finished," and
so you have sent them to schools which have undertaken to
finish your girls for you, — and many of them they did!
(Laughter) — that is, so far as usefulness is concerned. Of
course we are going through the same old mill: if our girl
can play a few chords, she has the making of a great musi-
cian ; if she can draw a few strokes, she is likely to become a
great artist! If she is writing essays — and doesn't get them
published — we are quite excited, and spend a lot of money
to have her "finished." Many musicians and artists and essay-
ists have in this way been not made, but good cooks lost. You
say you don't want your girls to learn housework. Why
not? We have got to come to it. There has got to come to
this country, among our homes, a feeling of the dignity of
labor. (Applause.) What greater credit than for a young
girl, in her own kitchen or her mother's properly clothed for
her work, with knowledge, making up something for the
people she loves in her own home! (Applause.)

You can get whatever permission you want from the Edu-
cation Department for its introduction of this subject. I

1914] SOME RURAL PROBLEMS. 303

have talked with the Minister of Education, and with his
Deputy, who is here to-day, asking if they would give us
teachers. They have said to me, "Certainly, you can get them ;
we will give you teachers for this work." They will instruct
your girl, and she will get to the Entrance or Matriculation
just as quickly, if one-third or one-quarter of her time is
devoted to the things she has got to come to. (Applause.)

WHAT WE NEED.

You say, "Why bother us city people with your rural
problems ?" Because you are specialists in organization, and
we are not. We are willing to do the work, but we don't
know how. We also need public money, and we don't know
how to get it. (Laughter.) We could use an extra million
dollars right now to demonstrate and put into practice what
we already know.

We want rural architects to show us how to lay out and
plan our homesteads, and to get running water into our
houses.

We want a model mile of good road in every township.
(Hear, hear.) Right now.

We want traveling teachers of agriculture, and traveling
teachers of cooking and sewing, in every district.

We want a weed killing and good seed campaign in every
county.

We want more orchards sprayed, and lessons in apple-
packing, and pre-cooling fruit houses, and egg circles, not
here and there, but everywhere — and we want them now!
What's the use of proving these things in the Agricultural
College and the Experiment Stations, if we go back and do
no better?

Please excuse my impetuosity, but my heart is in the work,
and we need the help and sympathy of every thoughtful
Toronto citizen. (Hear, hear.)

We want as many instructors and experimenters and de-
monstrators in each county, to look after the better breeding
and feeding and nourishing and improving of crops and
animals, as we now have doctors of medicine, and that is
not too many. Then our farmers, who are already intelligent
and temperate and industrious, will produce for you more
and better food, and put it on the market where the consumer
can get it, in such attractive condition that canned vegetables
and dried fruit and blank sausages and last year's eggs will
all be forced out of competition — (Laughter) — and your wife

304 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 23

will with confidence, bred of knowledge, take the greatest
pride in personally manufacturing or personally superintend-
ing the manufacturing of your bread and your biscuits, and
your cakes and your cookies, and your sauces and your salads,
and your jams and your jellies, and your preserves and your
pancakes, all because you have come to your senses and1 insist
that vocational training is sensible and necessary training for
boys and girls. .

The training of country children must be different from
that of city children, but the proper training of each is essen-
tial to the best success and happiness of the Canadian man
and woman of to-morrow, and perhaps in the end country
people will lose their jealousy of their neighbors in the cities
and towns, and the town people will come to appreciate more
and more the economic as well as the social value of the farm-
ers, to the credit and benefit of both. (Hear, hear, and very
long and hearty applause.)

1914] ANTARCTIC EXPLORATION. 305

(March 30, 1914.)

Antarctic Exploration.

BY COMMANDER EVANS, R.N., C.B., OF LONDON, ENGLAND.*

A T a regular luncheon of the Club, held on the 3Oth March,
•**• Commander Evans, R.N., C.B., said:

Mr. President, Members of the Canadian Club, and Fel-
low Guests, — It goes straight to my heart to feel that fresh
from the Antarctic we are welcomed in this fashion. I
think in England perhaps we are a little bit slow in showing
our feelings — at least the English are — I am half Welsh and
half Irish. (Laughter.) But the whole lot of us are quick
and keen to appreciate real hospitality and also absolute
patriotism, and that is what we get over here.

Well, gentlemen, I am not here to talk on the Home Rule
question, or Canadian railways, or anything of that sort. I
have only one subject, my association with Captain Scott.
You were perhaps present at the lecture the other night and
heard what was connected with the history of the expedition.
I will try to-day to give some of the more human touches.

First of all, in an Antarctic expedition, one gets men of
all sorts, but after working together you shortly discover that
your view point has been exaggerated. You have Canadian,
Australian, English, Irish, Isaac, Jacob, all sorts — (Laugh-
ter)— the only difference is a little difference due to training,
making some fit in in one direction, others in another. An
engineering training makes a man a better mechanic, whereas
Charles Wright was a better practical man. The training of
a Canadian makes him better as a sledger, perhaps a better
pioneer than those brought up in other parts of the Empire.

While particular differences are bound to obtain, the selec-
tion was a very difficult thing. The selection of sixty men
out of eight thousand volunteers was a great responsibility on
those who were trying to perfect arrangements for the expedi-
tion. The scientific selection was in the hands of Captain
Scott and Dr. Wilson. They were very broad-minded, and
it turned out well. As many men came from the Dominions
as those from home universities; there was no difference

* Commander Evans was second in command of the famous Scott
Expedition to the South Pole. He has been identified with Polar expedition
work since the voyage of the Discovery in 1902. He entered His Majesty's
navy in 1907.

306 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 30

among them. It was very interesting. We picked up some
in Australia and they wished to go and say good-bye, so they
met us later going by another route — the "Terra Nova" took
a hundred and twenty days to reach New Zealand, — some
people can get there more quickly than the rest. To me as
Commander of the "Terra Nova" it was very interesting to
see how each new man who joined the party was received ; it
always reminded me of a little bit of fish handed to a sea
anemone — all hands were out to receive him, he was assim-
ilated at once, and became part of the party. The view point
of course of some men was quite peculiar. Cheetham, the
boatswain of Capt. Scott's relief expedition, had also been on
Shackleton's ; he told us he was starting on his seventh voy-
age to the Antarctic, and was on the last southern voyage of
the "Terra Nova." He was allowed certain privileges a man
of his rank was not usually entitled to, by virtue of his long
and faithful services. He used to talk to the Captain and
express his opinions fairly freely. (Laughter.) One of his
opinions expressed to me as Captain of the "Terra Nova,"
was this : "You know, Sir, Antarctic expeditions ain't what
they used to was." (Laughter.) Asked what he meant, he
said: "In the old days of Captain Cook" — I don't mean Dr.
Cook — (Laughter) — "Men went out and never knew when
they were coming back; now you know to a month, almost,
when you will come back home — it takes half the excitement
out of it." (Laughter.) When you get men of that kind,
you don't feel afraid of going anywhere or doing anything.
The principal factors making an expedition a success are
immense good will and sense, unselfishness, and I think a
sense of humor. Setbacks are inevitable, and after all, all
expeditions are governed tremendously by luck.

One setback we had was on a sledging journey. Wright
and I with two Irish seamen left a depot on the great ice
barrier. It was St. Patrick's Day, and we had put aside a
little for a celebration. Observing that there were two and a
half Irishmen in the party of four (Laughter), we gave it to
Wright to prepare the feast. We put in all the pemmican,
and chopped up biscuits — those of us who had better teeth —
we bit them up and dropped them into the aluminum mugs,
after which they were turned into the soup. No one ever
thought of asking whether you had cleaned your teeth, for as
a matter of fact you had not for five months. We didn't
mind that at all. What was jealously guarded was the pos-
sibility of a crumb being swallowed, so the people with good
teeth were made to open their mouths, to see that no crumb

1914] ANTARCTIC EXPLORATION. 307

was left there. When we had the soup all ready, one of the
men was suddenly seized with a cramp in the leg, and upset
the dish, so that it very quickly disappeared into the snow.
The one remark made was that by Charles Wright, "I have
never known anything so funny in my life." (Laughter.) Of
course when men look on life in such a bright easy way, you
can't be angry, and you always do your best. We certainly
did pull well together on this expedition. (Applause.)

I happened to read the other day something by Rudyard
Kipling; he said he was not an explorer but a traveler; but
that all travelers bring back memories in the same way, whe-
ther travelers or explorers, and tnat there are a great many
things you can't publish. You never think them worth while ;
sometimes you can't publish them — the printers wouldn't print
them. The scents and smells of the places visited are among
these. You have vivid memories of these. It is quite true.
One smell that always permeated our nostrils was the smell
of the cooker, the paraffine stove; and whenever I pass a
motor car, the odor I get recalls that stove. In the ship we
had the smell of the dogs; that was horrible; but the smell
brings one back to the days of sledging, — it is very much the
same whether in the north or the south. First of all, you get
up about two hours earlier than usual, — if you are accustomed
to getting up at 7, you get up at 5, but generally, due to the
difference in longitude, you find you are being called at 4
instead of 5. The cook is a privileged man, he remains inside
the tent ; the others get ready, dig the sled out from its snow-
ed-up condition, which is its usual condition — and the men
put on their fur boots. Your fingers are by this time thor-
oughly cold, and you warm them on the mugs of tea. You
have no water unless you cook it, and to do this you would
need to carry fuel, which means more weight, and that shortens
the rations, so you give up all ideas of washing and cleanli-
ness, but it is extraordinary how clean you remain. (Laugh-
ter.) After warming one's hands, and filling — or not filling —
one's stomach, one starts at length on the run. Usually the
first stage is short. For the first few miles you experience
terrific discomfort; but first your feet get warm, then your
hands, last of all your face. It takes at least an hour to warm
up; then one can open one's coat a little bit. After strug-
gling along for four hours or five, you stop for lunch. Every-
one is very glad, but the lunch is very sad, for the best meal
is the one at the end of the day ; lunch is usually two biscuits
and a mug of tea. Those who smoke have a pipe of tobacco,
and. they have been known to chew all the "dollup" at the

308 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Mar. 30

end. After four or five hours' march again one is very tired.
This always culminated in one thing- — thoughts of food, what
you would like to eat; things you would ordinarily refuse as
most distasteful, you hunger for, but you seldom or never get
enough.

At the end of the sledging day, the tired out men pitch
the tent. The ice is frozen very hard, — you here in Canada
know something about it, but add a little to your cold temper-
ature, divide it by the same faces that always accompany you
— it is really the same company, and instead of fresh faces
and new landmarks, you have the great wide bleak plain
always the same, — but the faces, the more the men become
familiar to you, really become better looking, on any proper
kind of expedition the ugliest man becomes handsome before
you are done with him ; subtract the comforts you are accus-
tomed to, and multiply it by the days you spend, and you get
some idea of the hardships of a sledging trip.

I had perhaps the hardest time, as I was the first man
smitten with scurvy. As my men got tired they would be
replaced. I started to pioneer the way ahead of Captain Scott,
but although the spirit was willing — in the end I broke down,
as scurvy overcame me. I managed to struggle on, with two
men, two splendid men to help me.

It was an enormous sense of relief when the fight was
almost over, and at last I found myself strong enough to go
on again. We came to the little shack we left some years
ago as a magnetic observatory; we had built it in the first
expedition in 1904. I shall never forget the first day in that
shack, when we experienced actual warmth from a stove!
Nor the reception from the bluejackets, and we were put into
sleeping bags, the delightful sense of comfort! As Peary
said, it was "not a case of sleeping, but sleep, sleep, sleep, then
turn over and sleep again." (Applause.)

I made four voyages to the Antarctic regions — I am sorry
to talk so much about myself, but one can't quite eliminate
self when describing things one has seen — (Applause) — the
first voyage south was very much like the others. Before
one could get from New Zealand and civilization to the ice-
bound Antarctic one had to face gales and long heavy seas
washing over the ship. The decks were most slippery with
the briny water. Everyone was wet through the oilskins.
The dogs were the most pathetic animals, and our best friends.
A dog can stand cold, but not salt water. As he loses his
hold and slips down the waterways, he looks up almost pathe-
tically, as much as to say, "It is your fault." Of course it is,

1914] ANTARCTIC EXPLORATION. 309

for you take them there. We brought those that were left
back — we did not kill any dogs — and gave them all homes in
various parts of the Empire, and they will never have to pull
any more sledges, — and by Jove I don't think they could if
they had to, I think they are fatter than the other members of
the expedition! (Laughter.)

Then when one gets across this more disturbed ocean,
and reaches calmer seas, one sees real beauty, the orange-
glinting crystals, and enormous bergs, some many miles in
length, before they become disintegrated as they drift farther
up north.

When we get into winter quarters, there is the first sad-
ness. There is, however, a spirit of humor, not only amongst
the men, but also in the penguins. I think the most humorous
things on earth are the penguins, also the most determined.
They would follow the ship and try to touch the ship, but
directly they would fly off the floes and get near, the kick of
the propellers sends them away fifty or sixty feet, and they
don't know what's up. They get on the ice, and don't know
what to make of the ship at all, so after looking at it a while
they collapse like drunken men on the ice floes. Then every-
one laughs, and throws coal at them. (Laughter.)

The first sign of a real sense of sadness, when you feel
really cut off from civilization, is when the ship turns home,
and takes your little messages; then you realize how splen-
did your companions are, and you get to realize what good
comrades they are going to be.

I can only conclude by saying that there is a tendency
nowadays — I may be contradicted — to say the young men of
the day are not the men their fathers were. Many of our
fathers are alive still, and are fine men, splendid fellows; we
emulate their example; but Captain Scott and his company
show that men are to be found nowadays worthy of holding
up that splendid heritage as a nation that our fathers won for
them. Thank you. (Long applause, followed by three
hearty cheers and a "tiger.")

310 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Aprils

(April 3, 1914-)

Poetry.

BY MR. ALFRED NOYES.*

A T the special meeting of the Club, held on the 3rd April,
^*" Mr. Alfred Noyes provided what proved, in the words
of the President, "a unique and altogether delightful contri-
bution to our program, by reading four of his poems, viz.,
"The Admiral's Ghost," "Forty Singing Seamen," "The High-
wayman," and "The Barrel Organ." Mr. Noyes simply pre-
faced the several poems with a few words of introduction, and
made two or three passing comments during the readings.
The audience, of some four hundred men, was loth to have
the poet cease reading. Mr. Noyes said:

"I have been asked to inflict some of my own poems upon
you. I know you will understand the circumstances. I
should like, however, before beginning to read, to sweep away
at one blow what the reporters have said about the financial
aspect of poetry. (Laughter.) I would ask you to pay atten-
tion if you can to the poems, rather than to the person who
reads them.

"The first poem I shall read is based on an incident in
Devonshire, told to me by a native of Devonshire.

THE ADMIRAL'S GHOST.

I tell you a tale to-night

Which a seaman told to me,
With eyes that gleamed in the lanthorn light

And a voice as low as the sea.

You could almost hear the stars

Twinkling up in the sky,
And the old wind woke and moaned in the spars,

And the same old waves went by.

Singing the same old song
As ages and ages ago,

* Mr. Alfred Noyes has been described as the "most considerable "
English poet since Tennyson. He was educated at Oxford, and was
recently appointed lecturer of English Literature at Princeton University.

1914] POETRY. 311

While he froze my blood 'in that deep-sea night
With the things that he seemed to know.

A bare foot pattered on deck;

Ropes creaked; then — all grew still,
And he pointed his finger straight in my face

And growled, as a sea-dog will.

"Do 'ee know who Nelson was?

That pore little shrivelled form
With the patch on his eye and the pinned-up sleeve

And a soul like a North Sea storm?

"Ask of the Devonshire men !

They know, and they'll tell you true;
He wasn't the pore little chawed-up chap

That Hardy thought he knew.

"He wasn't the man you think!

His patch was a dern disguise!
For he knew that they'd find him out, d'you see,

If they looked him in both his eyes.

"He was twice as big as he seemed;

But his clothes were cunningly made.
He'd both of his hairy arms all right !

The sleeve was a trick of the trade.

"You've heard of sperrits, no doubt;

Well, there's more in the matter than that!
But he wasn't the patch and he wasn't the sleeve,

And he wasn't the laced cocked hat.

"Nelson was just — a Ghost!

You may laugh! But the Devonshire men
They knew that he'd come when England called,

And they know that he'll come again.

"I'll tell you the way it was

(For none of the landsmen know),
And to tell you it right, you must go a-starn

Two hundred years or so.

"The waves were lapping and slapping
The same as they are to-day;

312 THH CANADIAN CLUB. [Aprils

And Drake lay dying aboard his ship
In Nombre Dios Bay.

"The scent of the foreign flowers

Came floating all around;
'But I'd give my soul for the smell o' the pitch/

Says he, 'in Plymouth Sound.'

" 'What shall I do/ he says,

'When the guns begin to roar,
An' England wants me, and me not there

To shatter 'er foes once more?'

"(You've heard what he said, may be

But I'll mark you the p'ints again;
For I want you to box your compass right

And get my story plain.)

" 'You must take my drum/ he says,

'To the old sea-wall at home;
And if ever you strike that drum/ he says,

'Why, strike me blind, I'll come!

" 'If England needs me, dead

Or living, I'll rise that day!
I'll rise from the darkness under the sea

Ten thousand miles away/

"That's what he said; and he died;

An' his pirates, listenin' roun',
With their crimson doublets and jewelled swords

That flashed as the sun went down.

"They sewed him up in his shroud

With a round-shot top and toe,
To sink him under the salt, sharp sea

Where all good seamen go.

"They lowered him down in the deep,

And there in the sunset light
They boomed a broadside over his grave,

As meanin' to say 'Good-night/

"They sailed away in the dark
To the dear little isle they knew;

1914] POETRY. 313

And they hung his drum by the old sea-wall
The same as he told them to.

"Two hundred years went by,

And the guns began to roar,
And England was fighting hard for her life,

As ever she fought of yore.

" 'It's only my dead that count/

She said, as she says to-day:
'It isn't the ships and it isn't the guns

'Ull sweep Trafalgar's Bay.'

"D'you guess who Nelson was?

You may laugh, but it's true as true!
There was more in that pore little chawed-up chap

Than ever his best friend knew.

"The foe was creepin' close,

In the dark, to our white-cliffed isle;
They were ready to leap at England's throat,

When — O, you may smile, you may smile;

"But — ask of the Devonshire men;

For they heard in the dead of night
The roll of a drum, and they saw him pass

On a ship all shining white.

"He stretched out his dead cold face

And he sailed in the grand old way!
The fishes had taken an eye and an arm,

But he swept Trafalgar's Bay. (Applause.)

"Nelson — was Francis Drake!

O, what matters the uniform,
Or the patch on your eye or your pinned-up sleeve,

If your soul's like a North Sea storm?" (Applause.)

"The next poem that I am going to read — I am not sure
that there is any definite philosophy in, until one reads the
last stanza; though, some time after it was written, I sus-
pected there might be an allegory hidden in it somewhere.
(Laughter.) It is based on a legend of Pope Prester John, in
which the following words occur —

314 THH CANADIAN CLUB. [Aprils

"In our lands be Beeres and Lyons of dyvers colors as
ye redd, grene, black, and white — "Possibly Post — Impres-
sionist animals," remarked Mr. Noyes, amid laughter). And
in our land be also unicornes and these Unicornes slee many
Lyons. . . . Also "this seemed rather a rash statement."
interjected the poet) there dare no man make a lye in our
land, for if he dyde he sholde incontynent be sleyn." (Laugh-
ter.)

"Incidentally, I may say in regard to my method of read-
ing these poems, that I try to read them exactly as it occurred
to me to write them, without any attempt at elocution. (Laugh-
ter.) It seems to me one of the worst enemies of Grail
poetry during the last decade, has been a certain kind of elo-
cutionist who makes it his business to destroy exactly what
the poet has spent weeks, and sometimes, months, in the
endeavor to perfect, namely, the metre and rhythm of the
poem." (Applause.)

FORTY SINGING SEAMEN.

Across the seas of Wonderland to Magadore we plodded,

Forty singing seamen in an old black barque,
And we landed in the twilight where a Polyphemus nodded
With his battered moon-eye winking red and yellow through

the dark!

For his eye was growing mellow,
Rich and ripe and red and yellow,

As was time, since old Ulysses made him bellow in the dark !
Cho. — Since Ulysses bunged his eye up with a pine-torch in
the dark!

Were they mountains in the gloaming or the giant's ugly

shoulders
Just beneath the rolling eyeball, with its bleared and vinous

glow,

Red and yellow o'er the purple of the pines among the boulders
And the shaggy horror brooding on the sullen slopes below,
Were they pines among the boulders
Or the hair upon his shoulders?

We were only simple seamen, so of course we didn't know.
Cho. — We were simple singing seamen, so of course we
couldn't know.

But we crossed a plain of poppies, and we came upon a foun-
tain
Not of water, but of jewels, like a spray of leaping fire;

1914] POETRY. 315

And behind it, in an emerald glade, beneath a golden mountain
There stood a crystal palace, for a sailor to admire;
For a troop of ghosts came round us,
Which with leaves of bay they crowned us,
Then with grog they well-nigh drowned us, to the depth of

our desire!
Cho. — And 'twas very friendly of them, as a sailor can admire !

There was music all about us, we were growing quite forget-
ful

We were only singing seamen from the dirt of London-
town,
Though the nectar that we swallowed seemed to vanish half

regretful

As if we wasn't good enough to take such vittles down,
When we saw a sudden figure,
Tall and black as any nigger,

Lik the devil— only bigger — drawing near us with a frown !
Cho. — Like the devil — but much bigger — and he wore a
golden crown!

And "what's all this?" he growls at us! With dignity we

chaunted,

"Forty singing seamen, sir, as won't be put upon!"
"What ? Englishmen ?" he cries, "Well, if ye don't mind being

haunted,
Faith, you're welcome to my palace; I'm the famous Pres-

ter John!

Will ye walk into my palace?
I don't bear 'ee any malice!
One and all ye shall be welcome in the halls of Prester

John!" .

Cho. — So we walked into the palace and the halls of Prester
John!

Now the door was one great diamond and the hall a hollow

ruby —

Big as Beachy Head, my lads, nay bigger by a half !
And I sees the mate wi' mouth agape, a-staring like a booby,
And the skipper close behind him, with his tongue out like

a calf!

Now the way to take it rightly
Was to walk along politely

Just as if you didn't notice — so I couldn't help but laugh!
Cho. — For they both forgot their manners and the crew was
bound to laugh !

316 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Aprils

But he took us through his palace and, my lads, as I'm a

sinner,

We walked into an opal like a sunset-coloured cloud —
"My dining-room," he says, and, quick as light we saw a

dinner

Spread before us by the fingers of a hidden fairy crowd;
And the skipper, swaying gently
After dinner, murmurs faintly,
"I looks to-wards you, Prester John, you've done us very

proud!"

Cho. — And we drank his health with honours, for he done us
very proud!

Then he walks us to his garden where we sees a feathered

demon

Very splendid and important on a sort of spicy tree!
"That's the Phoenix," whispers Prester, "which all eddicated

seamen

Knows the only one existent, and he's waiting for to flee!
When his hundred years expire
Then he'll set hisself a-fire

And another from his ashes rise most beautiful to see!"
Cho. — With wings of rose and emerald most beautiful to see !

Then he says, "In yonder forest there's a little silver river,

And whosoever drinks of it, his youth shall never die!
The centuries go by, but Prester John endures for ever
With his music in the mountains and his magic on the sky !
While your hearts are growing colder,
While your world is growing older,
There's a magic in the distance, where the sea-line meets

the sky."

Cho. — It shall call to singing seamen till the fount o' song is
dry!

So we thought we'd up and seek it, but that forest fair defied

us,—

First a crimson leopard laughs at us most horrible to see,
Then a sea-green lion came and sniffed and licked his chops

and eyed us,

While a red and yellow unicorn was dancing round a tree!
We was trying to look thinner,
Which was hard, because our dinner
Must ha' made us very tempting to a cat o' high degree !
Cho. — Must ha' made us very tempting to the whole menar-
jeree !

1914] POETRY. 317

So we scuttled from that forest and across the poppy meadows

Where tne awful shaggy horror brooded o'er us in the dark !

And we pushes out from shore again a-jumping at our

shadows

And pulls away most joyful to the old black barque !
And home again we plodded
While the Polyphemus nodded
With his battered moon-eye winking red and yellow through

the dark.

Cho. — Oh, the moon above the mountains, red and yellow
through the dark!

"This," remarked Mr. Noyes, "is where I think the philo-
sophy comes in" —
Across the seas of Wonderland to London-town we blundered,

Forty singing seamen as was puzzled for to know
It the visions that we saw was caused by — here again we

pondered —

A tipple in a vision forty thousand years ago.
Could the grog we dreamt we swallowed
Make us dream of all that followed? (Laughter.)
We were only simple seamen, so of course we didn't know !
Cho. — We were simple singing seamen, so of course we could

not know! (Laughter.)

"Agnostics to the very end, you observe," said the poet.
(Laughter, and applause.)

"I may say it is with a great sense of relief that I read that
poem, with an expert on Greek mythology on my right (Prin-
cipal Maurice Hutton, of University College). Because
when I read it recently before a Women's Club in the United
States a woman came to me afterwards, and asked me, 'Oh,
Mr. Noyes, win you please tell me where I can read some
more about that delightful Irish woman Polly Famus ?' "
(Laughter.)

"The next is The Highwayman/"

THE HIGHWAYMAN.
PART ONE.

The wind was a torrent of darkness among the gusty trees,
The moon was a ghastly galleon tossed upon cloudy seas,
The road was a ribbon of moonlight over the purple moor,
And the highwayman came riding —

Riding — riding —
The highwayman came riding, up to the old inn-door.

318 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Aprils

He'd a French cocked-hat on his forehead, a bunch of lace at

his chin,

A coat of the claret velvet, and breeches of brown doe-skin;
They fitted with never a wrinkle: his boots were up to the

thigh !
And he rode with a jewelled twinkle,

His pistol-butts a-twinkle,
His rapier hilt a-twinkle, under the jewelled sky.

Over the cobbles he clattered and clashed in the dark inn-
yard,

And he tapped with his whip on the shutters, but all was
locked and barred;

He whistled a tune to the window, and who should be waiting
there

But the landlord's black-eyed daughter,
Bess, the landlord's daughter,

Plaiting a dark red love-knot into her long black hair.

And dark in the dark old inn-yard a stable-wicket creaked
Where Tim the ostler listened; his face was white and

peaked ;

His eyes were hollows of madness, his hair like mouldy hay,
But he loved the landlord's daughter,
The landlord's red-lipped daughter,
Dumb as a dog he listened, and he heard the robber say —

"One kiss, my bonny sweetheart, I'm after a prize to-night,
But I shall be back with the yellow gold before the morning

light;

Yet, if they press me sharply, and harry me through the day,
Then look for me by moonlight,

Watch for me by moonlight,
I'll come to thee by moonlight, though hell should bar the

way."

He rose upright in the stirrups; he scarce could reach her

hand.
But she loosened her hair i' the casement! His face burnt

like a brand
As the black cascade of perfume came tumbling over his

breast ;
And he kissed its waves in the moonlight,

(Oh, sweet black waves in the moonlight!)
Then he tugged at his rein in the moonlight, and galloped

away to the West.

POETRY. 319

PART Two.

He did not come in the dawning; he did not come at noon;
And out o' the tawny sunset, before the rise o' the moon,
When the road was a gipsy's ribbon, looping the purple moor.
A red-coat troop came marching —

Marching — marching —
King George's men came marching, up to the old inn-door.

They said no word to the landlord, they drank his ale instead,
But they gagged his daughter and bound her to the foot of

her narrow bed;
Two of them knelt at her casement, with muskets at their

side!
There was death at every window;

And hell at one dark window;
For Bess could see, through her casement, the road that he

would ride.

They had tied her up to attention, with many a sniggering

jest; -
They had bound a musket beside her, with barrel beneath her

breast !
"Now keep good watch !" and they kissed her.

She heard the dead man say —
Look for me by moonlight;

Watch for me by moonlight;
I'll come to thee by moonlight, though hell should bar the way!

She twisted her hands behind her ; but all the knots held good !
She writhed her hands till her fingers were wet with sweat or

blood!
They stretched and strained in the darkness, and the hours

crawled by like years,
Till, now, on the stroke of midnight,

Cold, on the stroke of midnight,
The tip of one finger touched it! The trigger at least was

hers!

The tip of one finger touched it ; she strove no more for the

rest!
Up, she stood up to attention, with the barrel beneath her

breast,

She would not risk their hearing ; she would not strive again ;
For .the road lay bare in the moonlight;

320 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Aprils

Blank and bare in the moonlight ;

And the blood of her veins in the moonlight throbbed to her
love's refrain.

Tlot-tlot; tlot-tlot! Had they heard it? The horse-hoofs

ringing clear;
Tlot-tlot, tlot-tlot, in the distance? Were they deaf that they

did not hear?

Down the ribbon of moonlight, over the brow of the hill,
The highwayman came riding,

Riding, riding!
The red-coats looked to their priming ! She stood up, straight

and still !

Tlot-tlot, in the frosty silence! Tlot-tlot, in the echoing

night !

Nearer he came and nearer! Her face was like a light!
Her eyes grew wide for a moment; she drew one last deep

breath,

Then her finger moved in the moonlight,
Her musket shattered the moonlight,
Shattered her breast in the moonlight and warned him — with

her death.

He turned ; he spurred to the Westward ; he did not know who

stood
Bowed, with her head o'er the musket, drenched with her own

red blood!

Not till the dawn he heard it, and slowly blanched to hear
How Bess, the landlord's daughter,

The landlord's black-eyed daughter,
Had watched for her love in the moonlight, and died in the

darkness there.

Back, he spurred like a madman, shrieking a curse to the sky,
With the white road smoking behind him, and his rapier

brandished high !
Blood-red were his spurs i' the golden noon ; wine-red was

his velvet coat;
When they shot him down on the highway,

Down like a dog on the highway,
And he lay in his blood on the highway, with the bunch of

lace at his throat.

1914] POETRY. 321

And still of a zvinter's night, they say, when the wind is in the

trees,

When the moon is a ghostly galleon tossed upon cloudy seas,
When the road is a ribbon of moonlight over the purple moor,
A highwayman comes riding —

Riding — riding —
A highwayman comes riding, up to the old inn-door.

Over the cobbles he clatters and clangs in the dark inn-yard ;
And he taps with his whip on the shutters, but all is locked

and barred ;
He whistles a tune to the window, and who should be waiting

there
But the landlord's black-eyed daughter,

Bess, the landlord's daughter,
Plaiting a dark red love-knot into her long black hair.

"The next, and probably, I think, the last, as it may take
nearly ten minutes to read, is entitled The Barrel Organ.'
The reference is to a celebrated operetta, an elaboration of
songs really sung by children in some parts of London on
May Day. Interspersed through the poem are attempts to re-
produce the cries of London streets, not the actual cries, but
the effects of them, — an attempt, you might say, at a London
symphony." ( Laughter. )

THE BARREL-ORGAN.

There's a barrel-organ carolling across a golden street

In the city as the sun sinks low ;

And the music's not immortal; but the world has made it
sweet

And fulfilled it with the sunset glow ;
And it pulses through the pleasures of the city and the pain

That surround the singing organ like a large eternal light ;
And they've given it a glory and a part to play again

In the Symphony that rules the day and night.

And now it's marching onward through the realms of old

romance,

And trolling out a fond familiar tune,
And now it's roaring cannon down to fight the King of

France,
And now it's prattling softly to the moon,

322 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Aprils

And all around the organ there's a sea without a shore

Of human joys and wonders and regrets ;
To remember and to recompense the music evermore

For what the cold machinery forgets. . . .

Yes ; as the music changes,

Like a prismatic glass,
It takes the light and ranges

Through all the moods that pass ;
Dissects the common carnival

Of passions and regrets,
And gives the world a glimpse of all

The colours it forgets.

And there La Trariata sighs

Another sadder song ;
And there // Trovatore cries

A tale of deeper wrong;
And bolder knights to battle go

With sword and shield and lance,
Than ever here on earth below

Have whirled into — a dance!

Go down to Kew in lilac-time, in lilac-time, in lilac-time ;

Go down to Kew in lilac-time (it isn't far from London!)
And you shall wander hand in hand with love in summer's
wonderland ;

Go down to Kew in lilac-time (it isn't far from London!)

The cherry-trees are seas of bloom and soft perfume and

sweet perfume,
The cherry-trees are seas of bloom (and oh, so near to

London ! )
And there they say, when dawn is high and all the world's

a blaze of sky

The cuckoo, though he's very shy, will sing a song for
London.

The nightingale is rather rare and yet they say you'll hear

him there

At Kew, at Kew in lilac-time (and oh, so near to London!)
The linnet and the throstle, too, and after dark the long hal-
loo

And golden-eyed tu-whit, tu-whoo of owls that ogle Lon-
don.

1914] POETRY. 323

For Noah hardly knew a bird of any kind that isn't heard
At Kew, at Kew in lilac-time (and oh, so near to London!)

And when the rose begins to pout and all the chestnut spires

are out
You'll hear the rest without a doubt, all chorusing" for

London : —

*

Come down to Keiu in lilac-time, in lilac-time, in lilac-time;

Come doivn to Kew in lilac-time (it isn't far from London!)

And you shall wander hand in hand with love in summer's

wonderland;

Come down to Kew in lilac-time (it isn't far from
London!).

And then the troubadour begins to thrill the golden street,

In the City as the sun sinks low ;

And in all the gaudy busses there are scores of weary feet
Marking time, sweet time, with a dull mechanic beat,
And a thousand hearts are plunging to a love they'll never

meet,
Through the meadows of the sunset, through the poppies and

the wheat,
In the land where the dead dreams go.

Verdi, Verdi, when you wrote // Trovatore did you dream

Of the City when the sun sinks low,

Of the organ and the monkey and the many-coloured stream
On the Piccadilly pavement, of the myriad eyes that seem
To be litten for a moment with a wild Italian gleam
As A die la morte parodies the world's eternal theme

And pulses with the sunset-glow?

There's a thief, perhaps, that listens with a face of frozen

stone

In the City as the sun sinks low ;

There's a portly man of business with a balance of his own,
There's a clerk and there's a butcher of a soft reposeful tone,
And they're all of them returning to the heavens they have

known :
They are crammed and jammed in busses and — they're each

of them alone
In the land where the dead dreams go.

There's a very modish woman and her smile is very bland
In- the City as the sun sinks low;

324 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Aprils

And her hansom jingles onward, but her little jewelled hand

Is clenched a little tighter and she cannot understand

What she wants or why she wanders to that undiscovered

land,

For the parties there are not at all the sort of thing she plan-
ned,
In the land where the dead dreams go.

There's an Oxford man that listens and his heart is crying out

In the City as the sun sinks low ;
For the barge, the eight, the Isis, and the coach's whoop and

shout ;
For the minute-gun, the counting and the long dishevelled

rout,

For the howl along the tow-path and a fate that's still in doubt,
For a roughened oar to handle and a race to think about
In the land where the dead dreams go.

There's a labourer that listens to the voices of the dead

In the City as the sun sinks low ;

And his hand begins to tremble and his face is rather red
As he sees a loafer watching him and — there he turns his

head

And stares into the sunset where his April love is fled,
For he hears her softly singing and his lonely soul is led

Through the land where the dead dreams go.

There's an old and haggard demi-rep, it's ringing in her ears,

In the City as the sun sinks low ;
With the wild and empty sorrow of the love that blights and

sears,
Oh, and if she hurries onward, then be sure, be sure she

hears,

Hears and bears the bitter burden of the unforgotten years,
And her laugh's a little harsher and her eyes are brimmed

with tears
For the land where the dead dreams go.

There's a barrel-organ carolling across a golden street

In the City as the sun sinks low ;
Though the music's only Verdi there's a world to make it

sweet
Just as yonder yellow sunset where the earth and heaven

meet
Mellows all the sooty City! Hark, a hundred thousand feet

1914] POETRY. 325

Are marching on to glory through the poppies and the wheat
In the land where the dead dreams go.

So it's Jeremiah, Jeremiah,

What have you to say
When you meet the garland girls

Tripping on their way?

All around my gala hat

I wear a wreath of roses
(A long and lonely year it is

I've waited for the May!)
If any one should ask you,

The reason why I wear it is —
My own love, my true love is coming home to-day.

And it's buy a bunch of violets for the lady

(It's lilac-time in London; it's lilac-time in London!)

Buy a bunch of violets for the lady;
While the sky burns blue above :

On the other side the street you'll find it shady

(It's lilac-time in London; it's lilac-time in London!}

But buy a bunch of violets for the lady,
And tell her she's your own true love.

There's a barrel organ carolling across a golden street

In the City as the sun sinks glittering and slow ;
And the music's not immortal ; but the world has made it

sweet

And enriched it with the harmonies that make a song com-
plete
In the deeper heavens of music where the night and morning

meet,
As it dies into the sunset gow ;

And it pulses through the pleasures of the City and the pain
That surround the singing organ like a large eternal light,

And they've given it a glory and a part to play again
In the Symphony that rules the day and night.

And there, as the music changes,

The song runs round again ;
Once more it turns and ranges

Through all its joy and pain:

326 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [Aprils

Dissects the common carnival

Of passions and regrets ;
And the wheeling world remembers all

The wheeling song forgets.

Once more La Traviata sighs

Another sadder song:
Once more // Trovatore cries

A tale of deeper wrong;
Once more the knights to battle go

With sword and shield and lance
Till once, once more, the shattered foe

Has whirled into — a dance!

Come down to Ke^v in lilac-time, in lilac-time, in lilac-time;

Come down to Kew in lilac-time (it isn't far from London!)

And you shall wander hand in hand with Love in summer's

ivonderland,

Come dozim to Kew in lilac-time (it isn't far from Lon-
don!) (Applause.)

1914] CANADIAN CLUB MOVEMENT. 327

(April 2"j, 1914.)

The Canadian Club Movement and
Its Future.

BY MR. GEORGE WILKIE, B.A.*

A T the annual meeting- of the Club, held on the 27th April,
*"• after the conclusion of ,the business, Mr. George
Wilkie, B.A., one of the early Presidents, introduced a discus-
sion on the subject, "The Canadian Club Movement and Its
Future." Mr. Wilkie said:

Mr. President and Gentlemen, — On all important occa-
sions of this kind, it is usual for the speaker to thank you
for the honor which you do him in giving him the oppor-
tunity of expressing his views upon the question on which
he addresses you. And so I thank you, Sir, for your kind-
ness in allowing me to reminisce a few minutes, and to tell
you how much better they used to do in the early days of
this Club than you and your coadjutors have been doing
this past year. (Laughter.) In those good old days when
I was President of the Club, it was the usual practice of the
retiring President to give an account not merely of his
stewardship but of the events in the world at large which had
had an effect upon Canada and Canadians. For a great
many years now, I believe, that subject has been neglected.
Of thirteen or fourteen Presidents, none has taken over that
duty, none has performed it. It was the custom to take an
hour for that, and so I propose now to take up seriatim the
matters which should have been treated by those Presidents,
and to deal with each at such length as each of them should
have done. (Laughter.)

The first thing I propose dealing with is the Canadian
Club. I will read you a portion of the Constitution, the
most important portion, that is, its objects. The President
has very kindly turned up the volume here, so I shall be able
to read it, although I should not be able to remember it. It
is more necessary, perhaps, to read it, because this Club is
so well fitted with a Constitution that it does not even feel

* Mr. George Wilkie, B A , was one of the first Presidents of the
Toronto Canadian Club, and has always taken an active interest in its
affairs. A lawyer by profession, he has been a keen student of Canadian
problems from his youth, and is a speaker of no mean ability.

328 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [April 27

its presence. "The purpose of the Canadian Club shall be
to foster patriotism, and to encourage the study of the his-
tory, literature, arts, and resources of Canada." That was
the object with which a gathering- of young men some seven-
teen years ago undertook the business of forming a . Can-
adian Club in Toronto. There had been one in Hamilton for
a few years previous, the solitary instance in which Hamil-
ton had got ahead of Toronto. (Laughter.) The objects
of the Club, if I recollect aright, received. a good deal of
careful attention. Reading it now again after a considerable
lapse of years one is struck once more with the wisdom of
the draughtsmen of this Constitution, in setting forth the pur-
pose of the Club as being "to foster patriotism" — notice the
astuteness, they did not say patriotism towards what, because
we live in a Canada that is not undivided, because in Canada
some people are patriotic towards one set of institutions, and
some to another, and perhaps the draughtsman foresaw what
Lord Milner was to say some fourteen years later, that he
could no more understand Canadians being patriotic to Eng-
land than he could understand Englishmen being patriotic to
Canada.

For a short time we attempted to live up to the Constitu-
tion. For the first two or three years we did encourage the
study of the institutions of Canada, at any rate we encour-
aged the discussion of them, among ourselves — we "only
incidentally or occasionally introduced a stranger to tell us
what we ought to do. We studied the history of Canada, and
we gave heed to the study of the arts. It was an event in
those days for the Canadian Club each year to attend the
exhibition of the Ontario Society of Artists, and we made
provision that on the night the Toronto Canadian Club at-
tended that gathering no strangers were to be admitted, the
whole exhibition was sacred only to the members of the
Toronto Canadian Club, none others. I don't know to what
extent that encouraged the art of Canada, but that was the
only art exhibition at the time in Toronto, and we did our
best by attending that one.

As for the literature of Canada, I think in some ways we
did better in that regard than now. We had Canadian poets
speak to us from time to time, and gave them a luncheon or
a dinner, just as we thought they most stood in need of.
(Laughter.) We had Dr. Drummond on several occasions.
He was a most excellent man, a most charming man to meet,
and I hope many of you are encouraging Canadian litera-
ture by reading Dr. Drummond's poems. On one occasion,

1914] CANADIAN CLUB MOVEMENT. 329

or more, we gave a dinner to Sir Gilbert Parker. And so
we entertained literary men who were Canadians, some Eng-
lishmen, and I hope some of them were Irishmen. (Laugh-
ter.)

With regard to studying the resources of Canada, per-
haps we then did no more than you are doing now, perhaps
not so good work, but we had some idea in the early days of
the Club of endeavoring to fulfil its function. Whether as
a result of those efforts or not, I do not know, but certainly
after them, and therefore according to popular logic because
of them, the years following were years of great importance
to Canada. Those of you who are not so old as Mr. Cooper
and myself can get an idea of the position of Canadian
affairs in 1896 and 1897 — only with considerable difficulty.
If you have great difficulty in imagining it, and Sir Richard
Cartwright says you will — get his "Reminiscences." You
will find there an account of the position of our trade. For
.many years it had grown at a very slow rate, something like
3 per cent, per annum ; population was stagnant, not even re-
taining our own natural increase — according to the census of
the United States there were 1,200,000 Canadian-born per-
sons living in the United States. Those were trying times in
many ways. Just a few years before the question of annex-
ation occupied a considerable space in the newspapers and on
the public platform. Three or four years before a member
of the Legislature called a meeting at Windsor, in which
annexation was advocated and a resolution in favor of it
carried. A similar meeting was called for Woodstock, but
Sir Oliver Mowat arranged matters so that when the vote
was taken there the resolution in favor of annexation was
voted down by a majority of something like twelve to one.
The Dominion Government had recently changed, the de-
feated government had gone out under a cloud. The new
government was new, and untried, new men, at any rate, in
whom the populace had not yet learned to have confidence.

In order to understand the objects of the Canadian Club,
it is necessary to have some idea of the problems which were
presenting themselves to the Canadian people at the time.
At that time the position of Canada in the Empire and in
the world, was very different from what it is now. If you
will read books of the day, you will find some indication of
the progress Canada made in those few years. I think in
1895 the Ministers of the Cabinet of Great Britain and the
Dominion of Canada and other colonies — everybody called
them colonies then, nobody thought of them as anything else

330 THE CANADIAN CLUB. [April 27

— the making of treaties was the exercise of a sovereign
power which the colonies did not have ; for colonies
to have the making of their own treaties was nothing more
or less than colonial independence ! To-day, and for years,
we have made our own treaties in trade matters, without a
thought of doing anything more than exercising the proper
functions of Canadian government. We made a treaty with
France, and Mr. Asquith knew nothing of it, and he said it
was quite proper and right. Since then we have made
treaties with Germany, one with Italy, two with the United
States — I am not now referring to 1911. (Laughter.) At
any rate we have gone thus far in the few years since the
birth of the Canadian Club, we have advanced to a point
unthinkable when it originated. So far have we gone that
we call ourselves a nation, and are called a nation by think-
ing men in Great Britain, and by thinking men everywhere.
The term is one, however, that requires a little consideration,
because while in common practice we make our own laws and
treaties, and administer our own laws, with the single excep-
tion that there is an appeal to the King in his Privy Council,
perhaps even it might be said that having theoretically one
set of rights we are exercising in actuality another set — so
far as we are concerned, in practice we make our own laws
and treaties, and to all intents and purposes are our own gov-
ernors, yet in theory we are as much to-day as ever we were
dependent upon the British Crown ; our Constitution is an
Imperial Statute which the Imperial Parliament may amend
or repeal, but in practice this is like the veto of the King,
which no one, he himself least of all, thinks of exercising.
So far as the growth of self-government is concerned, we
have advanced greatly beyond the point where we stood
fourteen or fifteen years ago. The problems of the right to
govern ourselves and deal with our own affairs are practi-
cally wiped off the slate of practical affairs with which we
need concern ourselves.

We have added during the past fourteen or fifteen years
a very valuable chapter to the history of the world ; we have,
partly by our own efforts, partly by the good offices of the
Imperial authorities, and partly by the iorce of circumstances,
changed the condition of Canada so that it is practically work-
ing out its own affairs, still retaining its British connection
unworn and unstrained. (Applause.)

The course of our literature is perhaps not less interest-
ing than that of our history ; while our resource? are grow-
ing more interesting every day.

1914] CANADIAN CLUB MOVEMENT. 331

In the year 1896-7 we were divided by one of the most
bitter sectarian strifes that ever cursed a people. We got
rid of that, and for the sake of cold, bald, bare justice, I
want to tell you how we got rid of it. It has been my mis-
fortune, in this Orange city of Toronto — I have no objections
to its being Orange, but it is Conservative, and I have objec-
tions to that — (Laughter) — to listen to attacks made upon my
fellow Canadians of Quebec. I have let them go unchal-
lenged when I thought they should not be unchallenged. To-
day I am going to say something about them. I need not
dwell upon the origin of the topic, — I refer, as you all know,
to the Remedial Bill. Under the Constitution, when the
Roman Catholics of Manitoba came into Confederation, they
preserved their rights to their schools.

The Privy Council said there was a right under the British
North America Act to remedy the difficulty. The Remedial
Bill was brought in and a Dominion election held upon the
issue. I do want to tell you to-night, that throughout the
Province of Quebec, which we are disposed to-day to call
Roman Catholic, priest-ridden and bigoted, the hierarchy of
the Roman Catholic Church made the fight in favor of the
Remedial Bill their own and went so far that one Archbishop
said it would be a mortal sin for a Catholic to vote for the
Remedial Bill. There was an election practically on that
question, and if I had not the figures I would not venture
to give you the result, but Manitoba, whose rights were in-
vaded by the Remedial Bill, voted in favor of having the
Dominion Parliament force that Remedial Bill down its own
throat. Ontario, which then as now, was unsectarian, un-
bigoted, and free to pass upon the question, sent a majority
in favor of the Bill. That is perhaps just a little doubtful,
because the parties were not divided definitely, and there were
the Patrons of Industry, whose allegiance was perhaps not
easily defined. But of the opponents of the Bill only forty-
four went to Parliament from Ontario. The other Provinces
divided in such wise that if the Province of Quebec was left
out there would have been Remedial legislation, and Mani-
toba would have had Remedial schools, if it had not been for
Quebec's vote. Now I have done saying my own words about
this, and I will now read you the words of a member of your
own party — no matter which party you belong to, — in the
Life of Sir Wilfrid Laurier by Sir John Willison (Laugh-
ter) :

" To the Liberals of Quebec, maligned, misrepresented
and misunderstood from the very birth of Confederation,

332 . THE CANADIAN CLUB. [April 27

faithful through long years of adversity to the essential
principles of civil and religious liberties, we owe the delivery
of Manitoba from the policy of federal coercion, and the
pacific settlement of a quarrel which threatened the integrity
of Confederation and menaced the self-governing rights of all
the Western communities."

On the political aspect of.that I wish to have nothing to
say to-day, but on the Canadian aspect of it I have some-
thing to say. I should like every man here to have some-
thing to say about it. It was not the first nor the second
nor the last time that the French-Canadian has demonstrated
that he does not deserve that we should say that he is either
priest-ridden or bigoted.

What do I think should be the business of the Canadian
Club? I think the great work of the Canadian Club in the
future will be wholly different from what it was, and per-
haps rightly, in the past. The problems of material success
we have measurably solved, at any rate we have demon-
strated our capacity to produce sufficient for our people.
The problems of distribution of wealth we have perhaps yet
to solve. But it seems to me, if we are to work out our great
destiny in this last and best piece of land fit for the habita-
tion of white men, we can do so only on great principles,
principles of fairness and justice to the East and to the West,
of fairness and justice to the English-speaking man and of
fairness and justice to the French-speaking man. (Ap-
plause.)

I wanted to present to you the most striking fact in
showing that we were not always fair, not always just, per-
haps not always honest, in dealing with those who speak
another language, but who are nevertheless just as good
Canadians as we, notwithstanding that they speak a different
tongue than we do, who were Canadians indeed before we
were, for their history stretches back to the earliest history
of this continent. If I were a Frenchman, if French were
my mother tongue, I should glory in that history just as
they do ; and if my native tongue was the French tongue,
with all its glory of literature, drama and history, I should
glory in that tongue as they do. And I sympathize with
them to the full when they want to preserve, as much as they
can, all these things which they have inherited from their
glorious ancestry. (Applause.)

Then another people to whom we in Ontario should
extend great consideration are those who form that advanced
guard of civilization who are furnishing the labor and the

CANADIAN CLUB MOVEMENT. 333

hardship in making the new country in our Canadian North-
west. There always has been on the North American con-
tinent a struggle between the East and the West. There was
in the United States years ago, but bitter as it was, as those
of us who were grown up then remember, it is pretty well
past. I am afraid we have that struggle with us now, have
had for some time, and shall have it for some time longer;
and our position is a more dangerous one than theirs, because
their territory stretched unbrokenly from east to west, while
between the fertile East of Canada and the fertile West
there stretches eight hundred miles of uninhabitable rock and
water. West of that is an inhabitable tract of rich country,
in which at some time in the not distant future there will be
a population probably greater, potentially many times greater,
than the population of the East. To the south lies another
people, of the same race, speaking the same language, carry-
ing on the same class of business, manufacturing goods that
these people want to buy, and buying goods these people
want to sell. And yet, if we are to have such a Canada as
we ought to have, we must have that West knit to this East,
if we are to have unity we must have understanding; and
we must have more, we must have plain, simple, fair, even-
handed justice and fair dealing.

What do I see ahead of the Canadian Club? I see this
as its greatest practical work, to broaden the minds of the
people of Ontario, of the people of the other Provinces, so
that the people of Ontario will understand and appreciate
the good qualities of the people of the other Provinces. What
are the words of the poet:

" Be to their faults a little blind ;
Be to their virtues always kind."

One hears something of the bad qualities of this Province
and of its people ; one hears it said that Quebec is slow ; and
the same man, perhaps, will tell you that the Provinces of the
West are too fast, too ambitious, too proud, too hopeful.
But that is just what you ought to have in the West. And
I would look for, in Quebec, something different — we have
there what we need, a steady population, clinging close to
the soil, working out their way along that slow and toilsome
road that leads to an honorable but not highly ornamented
grave. But the more active, hurly-burly life of the West
preserves the nervous hard crust of life. That being so,
now, we find that our greatest literary men are Quebeckers ;
our greatest sculptor is from that Province; many of our

334 THH CANADIAN CLUB. [April 27

greatest painters, too. On the other hand, the West is hope-
ful,— if you like to try it, see how long you would stay there
if you have not hope in abundance — it is a necessary condi-
tion of life upon the prairies ; to every pioneer it is needful
to bear the labor and struggles of life. The chief business
of the Canadian Club, indeed, is to see to it that every 'Can-
adian is making this Canada of ours what it should be, and
will yet be, the best place under the sun for a man to live in."
(Applause.)

LITERARY CORRESPONDENT'S REPORT. 335

Annual Report of the Literary
Correspondent.

Seldom in the history of this organization has a single
season brought within the reach of the Club so many dis-
tinguished world figures who were available for addresses as
in the past year. The high standing of those invited to
address the Club in the season, their authoritative knowledge
of the subjects on which they spoke, combined with the time-
liness of the topics, enabled the Club to set a new high-water
mark in point of attendance at and interest in meetings.

The season just closed was productive of information on
a varied range of subjects, and will be remembered for the
discussions, not only on civic, provincial, national, imperial,
and world-wide matters, but also on topics for the uplifting
and betterment of the lot of man.

The duties of the Literary Correspondent are practically
confined to the editorial preparation of the volume containing
the addresses delivered before the Club during the season.
This part of the Canadian Club's work has become an estab-
lished and recognized feature, and the modest volume issued
from year to year is a valued source of information for those
not so happily placed as are the members of this Club in
securing first-hand information on current topics.

F. D. L. SMITH.

Literary Correspondent.
May 22nd, 1914.

336 THE CANADIAN CLUB.

Report of the Honorary Secretary of

the Canadian Club for the

Season 1913-1914.

Mr. President and Gentlemen:

The season of the Canadian Club which is now being
brought to a close has been an unusually successful one in
the points of increase of membership and uniformly larger
average attendance at meetings. The gratifying attendance
has resulted to a considerable extent from the development
and extension of the Club's membership among young and
enthusiastic business and .'professional men. The promin-
ence of the speakers and the exceptionally interesting char-
acter of the subjects have also, of course, been largely re-
sponsible for making this season a record one in the Club's
history.

It has been my custom in previous reports to analyse the
changes that have taken place in the Club's membership and
to compare the results attained in the season under considera-
tion with those of previous years. The following figures
will be interesting in this connection :

The paid up membership is now 1,541 as compared with
1,255 for the preceding season, a net increase of 286 mem-
bers as compared with a net loss of 31 members last season
and a loss of 114 members the season before; this increase
resulted from a quiet membership campaign carried on by
the Executive Committee. No effort to add to the member-
ship has been made for some years past owing to crowded
conditions at important meetings and the unsatisfactory char-
acter of the accommodation. The more regular attendance
this year, coupled with a small increase in the price of
luncheons, has made possible a slight improvement in the
catering, which it is hoped will encourage the incoming
Executive to renewed efforts to solve the accommodation
problem, which has been such a handicap to the Club's
activities from the very beginning.

From such a large membership in a Club which has been
established so long and which has no entrance fee, there are
necessarily many resignations from year to year. This
season 137 old members dropped out as compared with 158

SECRETARY'S REPORT.

337

last season. In this connection it should be pointed out that
many of our older members joined fifteen or sixteen years
ago, and we must now face a reasonable diminution of their
interest and enthusiasm. This can be met, as was done this
year, by recruiting our membership in the future from young
men. The new members this season amounted to 423 as
compared with 127 new names last season.

Ten Executive Committee meetings were held, the same
number as last season, with an average attendance of ten out
of thirteen members. Numerous informal meetings of the
Program Committee also took place.

Twenty-seven Club meetings, regular and special, includ-
ing a successful banquet, were held. The average attendance
increased from two hundred and fifty at the twenty-seven
meetings last year to three hundred and forty-five this season.
Two meetings only fell below 250, the attendance at the
smallest being 161 as compared with 125, the smallest meet-
ing last season, and 75 the lowest of the year before. Seven
meetings this season had an attendance of over four hundred,
and twenty meetings were attended by upwards of three
hundred members.

The following is a list of the meetings, the dates, the
ames of speakers and the attendance :

DATE

1913
June 2(S).

Sept. 24 (S).
Oct. 4 (S).

Oct. 14 (S).
Oct. 21 (S).
Oct. 27 (S).

Nov. 3... .
Nov. 10

Nov. 17...
Nov. 24....

Nov. 29 (S).
Dec. 4(S).

SPEAKER

r. Norman Angell.

Lord Northcliffe

The Rt. Hon. Herbert Louis

Samuel.
Right Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz

Mond.
Chas. R. Van Hise, Ph.D.. .

Mr. F. R. Benson . .

General W. Bramwell Booth
Dr. Adam Shortt, M.A . .

Sir Wm. C. Van Home, K.C.

M.G.
Mr. J. Joyce-Broderick

Mr. Bion J. Arnold.
Sir George Paish. . ,

SUBJECT

"Canada's Best Service for 400
British Ideals."

"Newspapers" 475.

"Imperial Relations" 450.

"The Land Question in 350.

England."
"What the University Can 235.

Do for the State."
"Shakespeare, Fashioner of] 380

Fate."

"The Salvation Army" 390.

Britain's Treatment of 337

Canada."

The Railways and the 471

Public."
The British Consular Ser- 355.

vice and It's Relation to

Canada."
"The Street Railway Situ- 425.

ation in Toronto.'
"The Financial Outlook in 401.

Canada."

<l

338

THE CANADIAN CLUB.

DATE

SPEAKER

Sl'BJECT

1913
Dec. 8..

Hon. P. T. McGrath.

1914
Jan. 5
Tan. 12
Jan. 19

Jan. 29 . . .

Feb. 3.(S)
Feb. 6(S)

Feb. 16..

Feb. 23....
Mar. 12 (S).

Mar. 16..

Mar. 23....

Mar. 30. . . .
April 3(S).
April 21....

Mr. Z. A. Lash, K.C., LL.D
Hon. Rodolphe Lemieux, M. P,
G. G. S. Lindsay, Esq., K.C.

Hon. William Howard' Taft,
Ex-Pres. United States
Sir Charles Fitzpatrick;
Sir John Willison;
Dr. J. A. Macdonald.

Freder'k A.Cleveland, Ph.D.

"Why Newfoundland Has 265.
Not Entered Confeder-
ation "

|"The Navy Question" 310.

"The Quebe? Act" |2*5

"Self Government in Can-; 161
ada."

Mr. A. Maurice Low.

Rev. Dr. W. S. Rainsford..

Sir Thomas Tail ,

Josiah C. Wedgwood, M. P.

Mr. Fred Bancroft

Mr. Wm. Redmond, M.P.
Dr. Irving Fisher

Georg-e C. Greelman, Esq.,
LL.D.
ommander Evans, R. N..C.B.

Mr. Alfred Noyes

Mr. Georg-e Wilkie, K.C. . . .

Banquet "

Ad-

"Toronto's Financial
ministration."

"Imperial Federation: The
Lesson of the American
Colonies."

"Two Years Among- Wild 370
Men, Wild Beasts in Eng-
land's Newest Colony."

"Australia"'

"Eng-lish Radicalism" ....

"Workmen's Compensation"
Home Rule for Ireland."

"The High Cost of Living 285
and Standardizing the
Dollar."
'Some Rural Problems".

'Antarctic Exploration'

•The Canadian Club Move-
ment and Its Future."

400.

870.

295.

475.
275.

Fourteen of these speakers were Canadians, eleven were
Englishmen, and the remainder were from the United States.

The meeting of January 29th took the form of a banquet
in honor of Hon. W. H. Taft, ex-President of the United
States. Mr. Taft's address was one of the most interesting
speeches ever delivered before the Club. He talked in a
delightfully informal manner for about one hour on " Can-
adian-American Relations." Unusually excellent addresses
were also delivered by Sir Charles Fitzpatrick, Sir John
Willison and Dr. J. A. Macdonald. This meeting was in
every way a complete success, and undoubtedly played an
important part in giving the members who applied early
enough to secure tickets a common-sense view of good rela-
tions between Canada and the United States.

SECRETARY'S REPORT. 339

My report would not be complete without some reference
to the old problem of accommodation. This problem appears
almost as far from satisfactory solution as ever, but it hardly
needs to be said that no effort has been spared by your
Executive Committee to solve this question, which has mili-
tated so seriously against the Club's success in the past.
Your Committee have endeavored to interest various indi-
viduals and Corporations in the project of supplying a suitable
convention hall which would accommodate our largest
meetings.

There is nothing definite to report at present, although
there are several possibilities from which a satisfactory result
may develop in the next two or three years.

It is a pleasure to be able to report that the work of the
Association of Canadian Clubs is now on a permanent basis.
A paid Secretary has been engaged, with headquarters in
Ottawa. The promotion of new Clubs and the development
of the smaller existing Clubs along the ideal lines already
laid down in the Canadian Club movement should now be
undertaken in a businesslike and satisfactory manner.

I cannot conclude my last report as Honorary Secretary
without a hearty expression of thanks to all members of the
Canadian Club for their kindness and toleration in electing
me to this office for so many seasons. The work has been
a continual source of pleasure and recreation for me. It has
been my most interesting hobby for nearly five years, and now
I look forward with dread to a dull, prosaic future which will
lack the thrilling excitement of finding a speaker and a sub-
ject for each Monday during the seven or eight months of
the Club's season. The associations have been so congenial
that I would seek the office for many a year to come were I
able to spare the time to handle the work as I can see it
should be done.

I have the heartiest congratulations for my successor,
whoever he may be, on being chosen for such a highly
honorary office, the work of which is so full of interest and
pleasant associations, and I bespeak for him as a perquisite
of the office a continuation of the refreshing enthusiasm and
the generous co-operation of the members of the Club and
the Executive Committee with whom it may be his good
fortune to be associated.

I am pleased to add, however, that I am convinced that
the maintenance of the Club's traditions and its future pro-
gress are assured so long as the Honorary Secretary has an
assistant such as I have had to do the work. I cannot speak

340 THE CANADIAN CLUB.

in high enough praise of the efficiency of Mr. Scully, and of
his sober enthusiasm and his absolute infallibility. I feel that
the success of the Club during the past five years, during
which he has held office, has been more due to his effor*^
than to those of any other single person. I have the neces-
sary deference, of course, for the Presidents and other
officials who have served the Club so well in that period, but
I seriously believe that results would have fallen far below
what they have been if the work of the higher officers had
not been so splendidly implemented by Mr. Scully with his
tireless energy.

All of which is respectfully submitted,

C. LESSLIE WILSON,

Honorary Secretary.

TREASURER'S REPORT. 341

Report of the Honorary Treasurer.

To the President and Members of the Canadian Club of
Toronto :

The paid membership this season is 1,541 as compared
with 1,255 f°r the previous season, a net gain of 286 mem-
bers or $858 in membership fees. The number of old mem-
bers who dropped out during the year was 137, but as 423
new members joined there was a net gain of 286. %

The receipts and disbursements this year are much in
excess of the previous year. The total receipts of the Club
for the past season were $6,682, which is $1,232.27 greater
than last year. This is attributable to the increased member-
ship. The ordinary expenses of the Club were higher than
during the previous season, the principal increases resulting
from the increased postage by reason of the larger mailing
list; higher catering charges, the higher cost of the Year
Book, and to the fact that a greater proportion of the Club's
guests had their expenses paid by the Club this year than last.
Smaller increases are also noticeable in the printing and re-
porting accounts. Your Executive, at its first meeting,
decided to transfer the work of the Literary Correspondent
to the Assistant Secretary-Treasurer, and by reason of the
additional duties thus placed upon the latter officer, and also
having in mind that the amount of correspondence and other
work involved in administering the Club's affairs has greatly
increased since ten years ago, when the combined honorarium
to the Secretary and Treasurer was fixed at $750, voted to
increase this figure to $1,000. It should perhaps be explained
to the members of the Club that out of this sum the Assistant
Secretary-Treasurer pays for clerical assistance. This was
the largest individual increase in the Club's expenditures
during the current year. The only item in which a substan-
tial saving was made was in the expenses involved in visits
to Sister Clubs. No delegates were sent from the Toronto
Club to outside meetings this year, and considerably over
$100 was saved by reason of this.

Taking the items of printing and stationery, postage, sun-
dries, catering, reporting and guests' expenses into considera-
tion the average cost of meetings this year was $70.75, as
compared with $57.70 last year, an increase of $13.05, which
is made up of approximately $3.00 in post-cards, 5oc. in

342 THE CANADIAN CLUB.

printing of post-cards, an average of $3.00 in head table
expenses due to the increased price of the luncheon, $4.00 in
rent of chairs through increased attendance, and the balance
of the increase in guests' travelling expenses.

At the end of last season we had on hand $1,978.28.
From this sum has to be deducted $901.40, the cost of print-
ing and distributing the Year Book for the season 1912-13,
and $26.10 representing accounts chargeable to the season
1912-13, which left a net surplus of' $1,050.78. Of this,
$971.07 was invested in a $1,000 debenture of the City of
Owen Sound to yield 5^4 per cent. Your Executive has already
acquainted the members of the Club with its decision to
supply Year Books only to those members who advised the
Secretary that they wished a copy. A circular to this effect
was sent out in October. Orders for approximately 600
books were received. The reduction in the number of books
ordered will effect a material saving in the cost of the book,
so that the cost of the book and its distribution next year
should not exceed $650. Practically all other outstanding
accounts have been paid. Allowing $25 for sundry expendi-
tures, which will be charged back to 1913-14, and estimating
the cost of the Year Book at $650, the net surplus of the
Club, including the investment of $971.07, will be approxi-
mately $2,022.90. It will be seen, therefore, that the Club
could safely invest an additional $500 of its cash surplus,
which is $1,051.83, immediately. The balance will finance
the Club until October next, when the fees for next season
are due, and after these fees are collected the balance of the
present cash surplus could be invested. The Club has im-
proved its position to the extent of about $600 during the
past season.

The fixed charges of the Club next season should, if any-
thing, be a little less than last year, so that the Club has
every reason to look forward to continued prosperity.

All of which is respectfully submitted.

D. H. GIBSON,

Honorary Treasurer.

TREASURER'S REPORT.

343

TREASURER'S STATEMENT OF RECEIPTS AND PAY-
MENTS, SEASON ENDING APRIL 3OrH, 1914.

RECEIPTS

By Balance in Imperial Bank, Toronto,

May 1st, 1913 $1,930.28

By Petty Cash on hand, May 1st, 1913 48.00

By Membership Fees,

Old members, (1912-13) 3 @ $3,

Old members, (1913-14) 1,118® 3,
New members, (1913-14) 423 @ 3,

By Interest credited by Imperial Bank . .
By Interest on Investment, Owen Sound
Debenture ....

£ 9.00
3,354.00
1,269.00

$4,632.00
47.08

25.00

4,704.08
$6,682.86

PAYMENTS

To Accounts chargeable to the season ending- April
30th, 1912, as per detailed statement attached. .

To Assistant Secretary-Treasurer's Honorarium. . . .

To Printing- notice cards and stationery

To Telegraph accounts

To Telephone accounts

To Postage, post cards, and petty cash disbursements

To Sundries

To Catering .*

To Reporting

To Guests' expenses

To Expenses re Taft Banquet $1,405.05

Less amount rec'vd from sale of tickets 1,324.00

SURPLUS

Petty Cash on hand and in Bank

Investment, Owen Sound Debenture

Balance in Imperial Bank of Canada ....

; 927.50

1,000.00

230.48

43.23

52.50
582.35

28.64
508.31
160.50
369.90

81.05
$3,984.46

$100.00

971.07

1,626.83

2,697.90

$6,682.36

344 THE CANADIAN CLUB.

COMPARATIVE STATEMENT OF RECEIPTS AND PAY-
MENTS FOR THREE SEASONS ENDED
APRIL 30TH, 1912, 1913 AND 1914.

RECEIPTS

1911-12 1912-13 1913-14
Income from Membership Fees, Interest,

etc $3,966.22 $3,82333 $4,704.08

PAYMENTS
Club Expenses $2,961.16 $3,471.81 $3,984.46

Net revenue earned by years $1,005.06 $ 351.52 $ 719.62

Surplus brought forward from previous

years 621.70 1,626.76 1,97828

Accumulated surplus by years $1,626.76 $1,978.28 $2,697.90

MEMO OF MEMBERSHIP
Number of members by years 1,286 1,258 1,544

1913-14.

Abbs, C. E.
Acres, Chas. R.
Adam, George.
Adam, G. G.
Adams, E. Herbert.
Adams, Herbert R.
Adams, J. Frank.
Adamson, Agar.
Addison, W. L. T.
Agar, Chas. J.
Aikens, J. W.
Aikins, H. W.
Alcock, T. B.
Alderson, W. H.
Alexander, R. o.
Alexander, W. H.
Algate, A. J.
Allan, W. A.
Allen, G. F.
Allen, J. B.
Allen, Thos.
Alloway, A. R.
Ames, A. E.
Amyot, J. A.
Anderson, A. C.
Anderson, C. W.
Anderson, H. \V.
Anderson, R. jf,
Anderson, Wallace.
Andrew, R. B.
Andrews, E. B.
Anglin, R. W.
Anglin, S. E.
Annandale, A. W.

Anthes, L. L.
Appleby, F. L.
Appleton, John.
Archibald, J. W.
Argue, W. L.
Armer, J. C.
Armour, E. N".
Armstrong, A. E.
Armstrong, J. j.
Arnott, A. W.
Amup, J. H.
Ashworth, Ed. M.
Aspden, T. Fred.
Atherton, J. w.
Atkinson, C. J.
Atkinson, D. H.
Atkinson, J. E.
Atkinson, M. LeC.
Auld, A. R.
Austin, G. C.
Austin, J. F.
Austin, Wm. R.
Authors, Hartley G.

B

Bach, J. S.
Bach, W. A.
Back, W. G.
Bailey, Fred S. .
Bailey, John.
Baillie, F. "W.
Baillie, J. W.
Bain, W. A.
Baird, W. A.
Baker, E. G
[345]

346

THE CANADIAN CLUB.

Baker, J. Chas.
Baker, E. A.
Baker, E. L.
Baker, S. A.
Baker, W. H.
Baldwin, L. H.
Balfour, G. B.
Ball, G. B.
Ballantyne, A. W.
Balm, Henry.
Banfiekl, E. J.
Banfield, W. H.
Barber, H. A.
Barker, H. W,
Barker, B. J. W.
Barr, Walter J.
Barrett, J. H.
Barrett, W. W.
Bastedo, A. E.
Bates, Gordon.
Batten, A. C.
Baxter, D. W.
Beamish, W. G.
Beard, M. D.
Beaton, John W.
Beaton, Wm. J.
Beatty, H. A.
Beatty, J. W.
Beaumont, J.
Beck, E. L.
Beck, H. T.
Beck, J. J.
Beecroft, F. L.
Beemer, A. A.
Beemer, A. H.
Beer, E. G.
Beer, G. Frank.
Begg, E. A.
Begg, Geo. M.
Belcher, A. E.
Bell, A. J.
Bell, John.
Bell-Smith, F. M.
Berry, W. W.
Bertram, Geo. M.
Beyer, J. C.

Bickle, E. W.
Biggar, E. B.
Bilger, W. F.
Bilton, N. C.
Binnie, A. W.
Binnie, J. L.
Birchard, I. J.
Bird, E. G.
Bird, T. A.
Bishop, C. H.
Bishop, G. J.
Bishop, E. H.
Blachford, A. W.
Blachford, Chas. E.
Blachford, F. E.
Blachford, H. C.
Black, H. H.
Black, J. C.
Black, R. G.
Black, S. W.
Black, W. A.
Black, Wm.
Blackburn, A. R.
Blackburji, F. J.
Blackburn, Herbert.
Blacklock, S. C.
Blain, Hugh.
Bland, A. G.
Bland, Thos.
Bleasdall, W. H.
Blogg, A. E,
Blogg, T. Lyle.
Bole, W. W.
Bollard, Arthur.
Bone, J. R.
Bongard, C. W.
Bonnar, H. D.
Bowen, Thos. P.
Bowles, H. W.
Bowles, R, P.
Bowman, W. M.
Boyd, George.
Bradley, H. E.
Bradshaw, Thos.
Brecken, P. E.
Breckenridge, E. A.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

547

Breckenridge, J. C.
Brent, W. C.
Brigden, George.
Briggs, A. A.
Briggs, A. W.
Briggs, S. E.
Bristol, Everett.
Bristol, J. E. K.
Britnell, Albert.
Britnell, A.
Britnell, Ed.
Brock, S. G.
Brocklebank, C. M. T.
Brooks, W.
Broughton, J. R. Y.
Brown, B. R.
Brown, C. A. B.
Brown, T. Crawford.
Brown, E. B.
Brown, E. P.
Brown H. S.
Brown, James.
Brown, Jas. H.
Brown, Richard.
Brown, W, E.
Brown, W. N".
Browne, E. S.
Bruce, H. A.
Bruce, H. M.
Bruce, John.
Bruce, R. J.
Bryden, Jas.
Bucke, Wm.
Buekland, H. G.
Bull, Emerson.
Bull, W. P.
Bulley, Chas.
Bundy, J. W.
Burnett, A. H.
Burnett, H. E.
Burns, A. N.
Burns, C. E.
Burns, J. A.
Burns, R. N.
Burruss, G.
Burton, C. L.

Burwash, N. A.
Bushell, Amos.
Butchart, A. S.
Butt, H. A.

C

Caldbeck, G.
Calhoun, J. C.
Cameron, D.
Cameron, D. A.
Campbell, A. M.
Campbell, E. T.
Campbell, G. C.
Campbell, J. L.
Campbell, Paul.
Campbell, W. F.
Candee, C. N.
Canfield, F. B.
Capp, T. W.
Carder, M. D.
Cargill, Wm.
Carnahan, W. J. A.
Carrick, John.
Carruthers, A.
Carter, J. S.
Carveth, J. A.
Carr, W.
Caskey, H. K.
Cassidy, E.
Caswell, E. S.
Catto, J. A.
Causton, E. N.
Caven, J. G.
Chadsey, S. B.
Chamberlin, J. E.
Chamberlin, J. R.
Chant, W. A.
Chapin, A. S.
Chapman, F. M.
Chapman, S. H.
Chapman, W. F.
Charlewood, C. B.
Charlton, W. A.
Chatterson, A. E.
Chipman, W.

348

THE CANADIAN CLUB.

Chisholm, A.
Chisholm, E. W.
Chisholm, T. A.
Christie, R. J.
Churchill, F. W.
Clancy, W. T.
Clare, Harvey.
Clark, E. E.
Clark, G. M.
Clark, Dr. Harold.
Clark, J. M.
Clark, L. J.
Clark, W. J.
Clarke, F. G.
Clarke, G. B.
Clarke, W. F.
Clarke, W. J.
Clarkson, Eoger.
Cleaver, S.
Cleland, F. A.
Clemes, H. B.
Clements, A. G.

Clendennan, G. W.

Cliff, G. J.

Cliff, W. C.

Coakwell, J. A.

Coatsworth, E. T.

Coburn, John.

Cockburn, E.

Cody, H. J.

Cooper Cole, C. E.

Coleman, E. H.

Collins, J. E.

Collinson, Frank.

Colquhoun, A. H. U.

Colwell, C. A. E.

Congdon, J. W.

Connor, E. N. E.

Cook, T. S.

Cook, M. H.

Cooke, H. M.

Coombs, F. J.

Coombs, J. W.

Cooper, J. A.
Cooper, J. E.
Copeland, C. M.

Copeland, B. J.
Corcoran, J. W.
Corner, H. C.
Corrigan, W. J.
Corson, E. B.
Coryell, R. S.
Costello, T.
Cottrelle, G. E.
Coulson, D. C.
Coulter, J. A.
Couzens, H. H.
Cowan, H. P.
Cowan, John.
Cowan, Wm.
Craick, W. A.
Craig, Jas.
Craig, Jas. H.
Craig, Wm.
Crane, S.
Cranston, J. K.
Crean, G. C.
Creer, F. N.
Creighton, W. B.
Cringan, J. W.
Crofoot, C. W.
Croft, Wm.
Croft, Wm. H.
Crosby, G. W.
Crossland, E. F.
Crowe, H. J.
Crowther, A. T.
Crowther, W. B.
Crowther, W. C.
Cummer, W. E.
Cuthbertson, A. E.
Cuthbertson, C. E.
Cutten, L. F.

D

Dale, J. G.
Dallyn, F. A.
Dallyn, E. E.
Daly, H. J.
Daly, R. A.
Dancy, A. H.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

349

Dancy, R. C.
Daniel, C. D.
Daniel, F. C.
Darling, Frank.
Davidson, N. F.
Davidson, Richard.
Davies, A. B.
Davies, E. S.
Davies, T. A.
Davis, B. N.
Davis, B. N.
Davis, E. J.
Davis, L.
Day, F. J.
Deacon, F. H.
Deacon, G. P.
Dean, W. F.
Dean, W. G.
Delong, F. L.'
Denison, G. T.
Denison, Shirley.
Denne, A. J.
Dent, C. R.
Dewart, H. H.
Denton, Frank.
DeWitt, N. W.
Deyell, J. W.
Dick, John.
Diekenson, H.
Dickinson, D.
Dignum, E. J.
Dilworth, R, J.
Dineen, F. B.
Dineen, W. F.
Dingman, R. G.
Dinnick, W. S.
Dixon, Geo.
Dockray, T. D.
Dobbs, J. E.
Doherty, G. F. B.
Doidge, W. A.
Donaldson, A. G.
Donogh, J. O.
Doolittle, P. E.
Doran, F. W.
Douglas, W. M.

Douglass, W. A.
Duffett, W. G.
Duggan, R. B.
Duggan, T. W.
Duncan, E. J. B.
Duncan, J. M.
Dunlap, D. A.
Dunstan, K. J.
Dyke, F. G.
Dykes, Philip.

Earl, T. R.
Easson, R. H.
Eaton, J.
Eaton, J. C.
Eaton, R. W.
Eaton, R. Y.
Eberhard, C. II.
Eby, Hugh D.
Eby, W. P.
Echlin, J. A.
Eckardt, A. E.
Eckardt, A. J. II .
Eckardt, H. D.
Eckardt, H. P.
Eddis, Chas. S.
Eddis, J. W.
Eddis, W. C.
Edmonds, C. E.
Edmonds, W. L.
Elgie, R. B.
Elliott, A.
Elliott, F. C.
Elliott, T.
Elliott, W. F.
Ellis, A. W.
Ellis, J. A.
Ellis, J. F.
Ellis, M. C.
Ellis, P. W.
Ellis, R. Y.
Ellis, W. G.
Elwood, A. L.
Emslie, B. L.

350

THE CANADIAN CLUB.

Endicott, J.
Evans, G. T.
Evans, L. C.
Evans, W. B.

Fairbairn, B. D.
Fair ley, H. T.
Fairty, I. S.
Falconer, E. A.
Farewell, F. L.
Farquharson, Jas.
Farr, H. Y.
Fawcett, W. J.
Fearnley, Wm.
Fennell, W. J.
Ferguson, H. V.
Ferguson, J. B.
Ferguson, J. M.
Fetherstonhaugh, F. B.
Fielding, Ed.
File, L. K.
Findley, Thos.
Finkle, E. D.
Fisher, A. B.
Fisher, E. C.
Fitzgerald, J. G.
Flavelle, J. E.
Flavelle, J. W.
Fleming, C. H.
Fleming, J. H.
Fletcher, A. G.
Fletcher, H. G.
Foley, F. J.
Foley, J. J.
Follett, J. H.
Ford, Wm. H.
Forster, J. W. L.
Fortier, H. C.
Foster, A. S.
Foster, S. B. E.
Foster, S. H.
Foulds, A.
Foulds, A. E.
Fountain, "Wm.

Fox, E. C.
Fox, W. C.
Foy, F. C.
Franks, Harold.
Fraser, G. W.
Fraser, B, D.
Fraser, J. A.
Fraser, W. J.
French, D. G.
Frost, H. B.
Fullerton, J. A.

Gaby, F. A.
Gage, W. J.
Galbraith, G. M.
Gale, G. C.
Gallagher, Z.
Gardiner, J. J.
Gardiner, J. N.
Garlick, H. S.
Gartshore, J. J.
Garvin, J. W.
Gates, F. W.
George, James.
George, W. K.
Gibson, D. H.
Gibson, J. J.
Gibson, E. E.
Gibson, Theron.
Gibson, Thos.
Gibson, T. A.
Gifford, J. B.
Gilbert, G. A. E.
Gilchrist, Jas.
Gilchrist, John.
Gillespie, Walter.
Gillies, D. B.
Gillooly, C. J.
Gilmour, C. II.
Gilmour, J. T.
Gilverson, A. E.
Gissing, Edwin.
Gladman, J. G.
Godfrey, J. M.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

351

Godson, T. E.
Goforth, W. F.
Goldsmith, P.
Goodenow, A. H.
Gooderham, G. H.
Gooderham, Henry.
Gooderham, H. P.
Gordon, A. E.
Gouinlock, Geo.
Gould, E. J.
Gourlay, E. S.
Gow, Walter.
Gower, Edwin P.
Graham, Win. M,
Grange, E. A. A.
Grant, W. H.
Grassick, F. C.
Gray, Arch.
Gray, F. M.
Gray, G. H.
Gray, E. A. L.
Gray, Wm. A.
Greening, W. S.
Greenshields, G. A.
Gregory, W. D.
Greig, E. E.
Greig, W. J.
Griffin, Watson.
Grimbly, Maurice.
Grover, G. A.
Grubbe, T. P.
Gulley, C. L.
Gulley, Thos.
Gundy, J. H.
Gundy, W. P.
Gunther, B. E.
Gurney, E. H.
Gzowski, C. S.

H

Haehborn, E. G.
Hagyard, Chas.
Haig, D. C.
Hale, E. E.
Hales, Jas-

Haley, J. S.
Hall, A. F.
Hall, H. E.
Hall, J. B.
Hall, J. E.
Hallam, J.
Halliday, Eoy.
Halpenny, E. W.
Halstead, J. A.
Halsted, T. A.
Hamilton, E. C.
Hamilton, W. A.
Hamly, H. T.
Hammond, M. O.
Haney, M. J.
Hanna, H. G.
Hanna, W. J.
Banning, G. F.
Harcourt, F. W.
Harcourt, E. B.
Harding, C. V.
Harding, David.
Hardy, G. B.
Harper, E. W.
Harris, E.
Harris, H. K.
Harris, Jas.
Harris, E. C.
Harris, W. C. E,
Hart, H. B.
Hart, J. H.
Hart, J. S.
Hart, M. M.
Hart, Percy.
Hartney, F. B.
Hartwell, W. J. F.
Hassard, F. G.
Hastings, Chas. J.
Hatch, A. E.
Hathaway, E. J.
Hawes, A.
Haworth, G. F.
Hay, A. M.
Hay, C. McD.
Hayes, F. B.
Heaton, Ernest.

352

THE CANADIAN CLUB.

Heaven, W. J.
Hedley, Jas.
Henderson, David.
Henderson, Jos.
Henderson, L. A.
Henderson, P. E.
Henderson, Q. B.
Henderson, Robt.
Henderson, R. B.
Henderson, S.
Henderson, T. A.
Henry, D. E.
Hermant, Percy.
Hessin, A. E.
Hetherington, W. J.
Hethrington, J. A.
Hewitt, Arthur.
Heyes, H. R.
Heyes, S. T.
He2?elwood, O.
Hiam, T. A.
Higgins, A. T.
Higgins, F. P.
Hill, N. A.
Hillary, N.
Hillery, W. O.
Hillman, H. P. L.
Hillock, C. W.
Hillock, J. F.
Hiltz, W. W.
Hindmarsh, H. C.
Hobberlin, A. M.
Hodgins, F. E.
Hodgkinson, C. I.
Hoidge, W. H.
Holden, J. B.
Holliday, T. F.
Hooper, H.
Hopkins, C. F.
Hopkins, H.
Hopkins, J. C.
Hopper, L. R.
Horton, E. E.
Horton, H. G.
Horwood, J. 0. B.
Hough, E. W.

Housser, J. H.
Houston, Wm.
Howarth, C. E.
Howe, L. P.
Howell, D. J.
Howell, G. A.
Howes, E. J.
Howitt, Henry.
Howland, G. W.
Howland, Peleg.
Huckvale, C.
Hudson, H. H.
Huestis, A. E.
Huestis, A. M.
Huffman, Louis.
Hughes, J. L.
Hull, H.
Hunter, A. W.
Hunt, H. W.
Huston, B. T.
Hutchinson, A.
Hutchison, O. A.
Hutton, M.
Hynes, J. P.

I

Imrie, J. H.
Imrie, J. M.
Inglee, J. F.
Innes, J. P. D.
Innes, W. C. C.
Inrig, Wm.
Ireland, H. W.
Irish, M. H.
Irvin, W. C.
Irvine, R. N.
Irvine, W. H.
Irving, G. T.
Irving, T. C., jr.
Isard, C. H.
Ivens, E. H.
Ivey, A. M.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

353

J

Jackson, H. E.
Jacobs, F. A.
Jaffray, Eobt.
James, C. C.
James, C. W.
James, D. D.
James, T. B.
Jarvis, E. M.
Jarvis, J. B.
Jarvis, F. C.
Jarvis, W. H. P.
Jefferis, C. A.
Jeffrey, A. H.
Jemmett, F. G.
Jenking, E. J.
Jennings, G. T.
Jennings, P. H.
Jephcott, W. C.
Jessop, W. G.
Jewell, H.
Johnson, A. J.
Johnson, Main.
Johnston, D. F.
Johnston, J. R.
Johnston, R. L.
Jolley, H. W. B.
Jones, C. S.
Jones, J. E.
Jones, L. M., Sir.
Jones, T. R.
Jones, W. A. M.
Jones, Wm. W.
Jordan, A. R.
Joyce, B. F.
Jull, T. W.

K

Keeler, P. A.
Keirstead, E. M.
Keith, Alex.
Keith, D. L.
Keith, G. A.
Keith, J. M.

Kelley, N. P.
Kemp, C. A.
Kemp, W. A.
Kennedy, C. A.
Kennedy, II. L.
Kennedy, Frank.
Keough, T. H.
Kerr, J. H. 8.
Kerr, J. K.
Kertland, A. H. R.
Kettlewell, W. C.
Keys, D. R.
Kiely, P. G.
King, A. C.
King, A. E.
King, A. S.
King, E. E.
King, J. II.
Kingsmill, W. B.
Kingston, G. A.
Kinnear, J. P.
Kinnear, Thos.
Kirby, R. G.
Kirkpatrick, A. D.
Krrkpairick, A. M. M.
Kirkwood, J. C.
Kirkwood, W. A.
Kitchener, Jas.
Klotz, E. W.
Knapp, G. H.
Knight, F. J.
Knowles, C. O.
Knowles, Geo.
Knowles, P. D.
Kyle, J. C.
Kyle, J. F.
Kylie, E. J.
Kynoch, Jas.

Lacey, J. C. T.
Lacey, L. A.
Laidlaw, A. T.
Laidlaw, Robt.
Laidlaw, R. A.

354

THH CANADIAN CLUB.

Laidlaw, W. C
Laird, Alex.
Lake, E. M.
Lambe, W. G. A.
Lander, Jas.
Lander, N. J.
Lang, David.
Langlois, W. H.
Langman, A. E.
Langstaff, J. M.
Langton, W. A.
Larkin, P. C.
Larsen, C. N.
Laschinger, E. H.
Lash, J. F.
Lash, Z. G.
Lawson, J. D.
Lawson, T. W.
Leadley, A.
Leask, D. H.
Lee, C. E.
Lee, G. H. D.
Lee, P. J.
Lee, W. C.
Lee, W. T. J.
Leeming, Thos.
Lefroy, A. H. F.
LeMesurier, C. C.
Leonard, C. J.
Leslie, J. M.
Lewis, E. A.
Lewis, J. D.
Lewis, E. T.
Lightbourn, E. T.
Lindsay, J.
Lindsay, John.
Lindsay, Martine.
Lindsey, G. G. S.
Littlejohn, J. E. B.
Lines, S. L. B.
Livingston, C. W.
Lloyd, H. F.
Locke, G. H.
Locke, J. T.
Lockhart, N. B.
Lockhart, E. E.

Loftus, J. T.
Long, A. E.
Long, W. E.
Lorriman, J. G.
Louks, LeE.
Lovell, J. S.
Lovell, E. D.
Lovering, W. J.
Lucas, I. B.
Lucas, Jos.
Lugsdin, L. J.
Luke, F. E.
Lukes, L.
Lyon, A. E.
Lyons, J. P.
Lytle, W. J.

M

McArthur, C. A.
McCammon, L. B.
McCannell, J. S.
McCarthy, J. O.
McCaul, J. G.
McClain, E. W.
McClellan, E. E.
McClellan, G. B.
McClellan, W. H.
McClelland, J.
McClelland, J. H.
McClennan, A. W.
McColm, E. E.
McConegal, E.
McConkey, D. M.
McConkey, T. G.
McCormack, E. L.
McCoy, S. H.
McCracken, T. E.
McCrea, W. J.
McCreath, B. H.
McCredie, A. L.
McCullough, J. W. S.
McCutcheon, F. W. C.
McDonald, C. S.
McDougall, D. H.
McDougall, W. H.

LIST OF MHMBBRS.

355

McEachren, N. C.
McEachren, W. N.
McFall, A. A.
MeFarlane, P. A.
McGee, Henry.
McGiffen, G. A.
McGregor, J. B.
McGuire, W. H.
Mcllwraith, W. N.
Melntosh, J. M.
Mclntosh, W. D.
Mclntyre, D. M.
Mclntyre, E. L.
McKay, A. C.
McKechnie, J. B.
McKenney, J. S.
McKenzie, B. E.
McKinnon, J. G.
McKinnon, J. 8.
McKinnon, E. S.
McKinnon, E. B.
McKinnon, W. L.
McKnight, J.
McLaren, D.
McLaughlin, F. S.
McLaughlin, E. J.
McLaughlin, E. S.
McLean, F. G.
McLean, J. S.
McLean, N. J.
McLean, W. J.
McLenaghen, Jas.
McLeod, G. J.
McLeod, J. B.
McMahon, F.
McMichael, A. E.
McMichael, S. B.
MeMurray, L. S.
McNairn, W. H.
McNaught, W. K.
McPherson, E. U.
McQuillen, T.
McTavish, W. M.
McWhinney, J. M.
McWhinney, W. J.
McWilliams, J. D.

Mabee, O. II.
MacBeth, W. J.
Macabe, T. J.
Macdonald, A. A.
MacDonald, C. S.
Macdonald, D.
Macdonald, D. B.
Macdonald, H. W.
Macdonald, J. A.
MacDonald, J. A.
MacDonald, J. B.
Macdonald, Mervil.
Macdonald, W. E.
Macdougall, A. K.
MacDougall, A. E.
Macfadden, J. A.
MacGregor, A.
MacGregor, J. P.
Maelnnes^, B. S.
Maclnnes, C. S.
Maclntyre, G.
Mackay, F. D.
MacKay, John.
MacKay, J. F.
Mackenzie, A. J.
MacKenzie, D. E.
MacKenzie, J. A.
MacKenzie, S. H. P.
MacKerrow, E.
Mackie, Alex.
Mackie, A. C.
MacLachlan, J. P.
MacLaren, J. F.
MacLean, J. M.
MacMurchy, A,
MacMurchy, J. C.
Macpherson, G. A.
Macrae, E. M.
MacTavish, N.
Magwood, S. J. N.
Mahon, A. W.
Mahony, E. J.
Malcolm, A. G.
Mallon, J. P.
Mandell, H. N.
Mann, D. D.

356

THE CANADIAN CLUB.

Mann, F. J.
Manning, C. E.
Manning, H. E.
Manning, H. W.
Mara, F. G.
Mara, W. H.
Marks, A. H. S.
Marshall, G. L.
Marshall, W. J.
Martin, A. W.
Martin, J. P.
Martin, Wm.
Martin, Wm. T.
Martin, W. H.
Masecar, J. E.
Mason, A. D. A.
Mason, D. H. C.
Mason, H. H.
Mason, J. H.
Mason, T. H.
Massey, A. L.
Massey, Vincent.
Mathews, J. B.
Matthews, W. L.
Mathison, Robt.
Maw, F. C.
Maxwell, P. A.
Maybee, J. E.
Megan, F. P.
Mellish, A. E.
Meredith, Thos.
Merriam, G. E. C.
Meyers, D. C.
Mickles, L. G.
Miles, A. W.
Millard, F. P.
Miller, J. A.
Millichamp, E.
Milliehamp, W.
Millman, Thos.
Millman, W. H.
Mills, Alex.
Milner, W. S.
Milnes, J. H.
Milnes, J. P.
Minns, F. S.

Mitchell, A. J.
Mitchell, C. H.
Mitchell, C. S. F.
Mitchell, J. W.
Mitchell, L. W.
Mitchell, Thos.
Mix, E.
Moffatt, F. M.
Molesworth, G. N.
Monypenny, L. F.
Monypenny, T. F.
Moody, F. H.
Moore, J. T.
Moore, S. J.
Moore, W. H.
Moore, W. P.
Morgan, E. E.
Morgan, M. T.
Morley, E. B.
Morphy, E. J.
Morren, E. W. S.
Morris, Cecil.
Morrison, C. E.
Morrow, A. D.
Morrow, G. A.
Morrow, W. B.
Mortimer, A. B.
Mortimer, C. H.
Mortimer, Thos.
Mosely, G. H.
Moss, Fred.
Moss, John.
Moss, Wm.
Mowat, G. S.
Moyle, David.
Muckle, C. P.
Muirhead, J. A.
Mulholland, F. A.
Mulock, Cawthra.
Mulock, Wm., Jr.
Mulveney, Wm.
Munns, Wm.
Munro, C. E.
Munro, Hugh.
Muriroe, E. B.
Munroe, E. S.

Murphy, F. M.
Murphy, J. E.
Murray, C. B.
Murray, II. W.
Murray, Wm. G.
Murray, W. P.

N

Nasmith, H. C.
Needier, G. H.
Neely, C. II.
Neely, T. A.
Neil, John.
Nelles, C. M.
Nelson, F.
Nesbitt, W.
Nightingale, Hy.
Niles, C. B.
Nisbet, E. A.
Noble, C. J.
Northway, A. G.
Northway, John.
Northway, J. A.
Norton, W. E.
Nourse, C. E.
Nursey, W. R.

o

Oakley, J.
O'Brien, A. H.
O'Connor, J.
O'Connor, W. M.
O'Donoghue, J. G.
O'Hara, G. H.
Oldham, J. H.
Oliver, Jos.
O'Meara, T. R.
O'Reilly, H. R.
Ormsby, R. P.
Orr. W. E.
Orr, W. H.
Overend, M. A.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

Page, Wm. A.
Pakenham, Wm.
Palm, O. G.
Palmer, C. E.
Park, Andrew.
Park, A. F.

Parker, C. Q.

Parker, Robt.

Parker, W. R. P.

Parkinson, M.

Parsons, R. C.

Parsons, S. R.

Parton, G. F.

Paterson, H. D.

Paterson, J. A.

Paterson, J. H.

Paterson, R.

Patterson, E. L. S.

Patterson, I. H. F.

Paterson, J. D.

Patterson, J. H. L.

Payne, A. R.

Paynter, C. J.

Peacock, E. R.

Peacock, H. M.

Pearce, C. T.

Pearson, A.
Pearson, Chas.
Pearson, Jno.
Pember, W. T.
Pemberton, G. C. T.
Pepler, Eric.
Perry, Geo. D.
Perry, J. B.
Perry, W. H.
Peters, G. A.
Peters, Henry.
Peterson, H. R.
Pettes, D. H.
Pettit, J. H.

357

358

TEH CANADIAN CLUB.

Pettit, Stanley.
Phillips, Chas.
Philips, H. S.
Phippen, F. H.
Plant, W. H.
Platt, S. A.
Plumptre, H. P.
Pontifex, B.
Poole, C. D.
Poole, J. E.
Pope, W. W.
Porter, G. D.
Potts, F. H.
Poucher, "F. B.
Price, W. H.
Priest, II. C.
Prime, F. A.
Prime, F. H.
Primrose, A.
Prosser, C. B.
Provan, A.
Prudham, J. E.
Putnam, G. A.

R

Rae, H. C.
Ramsay, J. J.
Randall, A. E.
Raney, W. E.
Ratcliffe, J. B.
Rawlinson, M.
Raymond, H. D.
Rea, A. E.
Rea, T. W.
Readman, C. W.
Redman, H. E.
Reed, W. G. C.
Reed, Wm. L.
Rees, L.
Reid, A. W.
Reid, A. J.

Reid, A. T.
Reid, G. B.
Reid, G. J.
Reid, J. A.
Reid, Thos.
Rennie, R.
Rennie, Thos.
Rice, A. B.
Rice, Gordon.
Richardes, R.
Richards, E. H.
Richards, John.
Richardson, C. F.
Richardson, J. E.
Richey, M. S. L.
Ridout, Geo.
Ritchie, C. F.
Roadhouse, W. B.
Roberts, F. E.
Robertson, C. S.
Robertson, W. D.
Robertson, W. G.
Robin, C. E.
Robinette, T. C.
Robins, M. E.
Robinson, E. W.
Robinson, G. H.
Robinson, J. B.
Robinson, M. H.
Robinson, R. K.
Robson, A. H.
Rogers, A. C.
Rogers, Elias.
Rogers, E. A.
Rogers, J. P.
Rogers, T. G.
Rohold, S. B.
Rolph, E. R.
Rolph, Frank.
Rooke, C. H.
Rooke, Henry.
Rooney, H. E.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

359

Eooney, W. J.
Korke, L. V.
Ross, A. H. D.
Eoss, D. G.
Ross, D. W.
Ross, J. F.
Ross, R. D.
Ross, W. D.
Rons, H. L.
Rowell, N. W.
Rowland, J. A.
Rowlatt, F. A.
Rudolf, R, D.
Rumsey, R. A.
Rundle, C. R.
Rundle, W. E.
Rupert, H. S.
Russell, T. A.
Rutherford, E. E.
Rutter, A. F.
Ryckman, E. B.
Ryrie, Harry.
Ryrie, James.

Saer, J. B.
Salmond, J. J.
Sanderson, H. M.
Saunders, E. M.
Scott, C. G.
Scott, E. W.
Scott, F. W.
Scott, J. C.
Scott, R. F.
Scripture, A. W.
Scully, H. D.
Seaman, W. B.
Sewell, H. F. D.
Shantz, F. R.
Shapley, H. W.
Sharp, Andrew.
Shaver, Geo. H.

Shaw, J. A.
Shaw, J. R.
Shaw, W. H.
Sheen, H. L.
Shenstone, J. N.
Shepard, F. S.
Sheppard, L. C.
Sheppard, S. T.
Sheppard, W. J.
Shiels, M. S.
Short, H. V.
Silverthorn, T. A.
Sime, T. W.
Simonski, A. A.
Simonski, I.
Sims, P. H.
Sinclair, J. M.
Sing, J. G.
Sisley, O.
Sisson, W. J.
Skeaff, J. S.
Skelton, J.
Skelton, J. M.
Slater, L. R.
Sloan, F. M.
Smallpiece, H. E.
Smith, A. T.
Smith, E. H.
Smith, F. D. L.
Smith, F. J.
Smith, G. B.
Smith, G. H.
Smith, H. L.
Smith, J. M.
Smith, R. G.
Smith, R. Home.
Smith, V. R.
Smith, W. E.
Smith, W. H.
Smith, W. R.
Snarr, J. F.
Snively, A. C.
Snyder, N.
Somers, G. T.

360

THE CANADIAN CLUB.

Somerville, G. A.
Somerville, J.
Southam, R.
Sparrow, J. M.
Spaulding, W. G. L.
Spears, J. W.
Speight, T. B.
Spence, B. H.
Spence, F. S.
Spence, Jas.
Sprague, H. S.
Sproatt, G. E.
Sprott, A. F.
Spry, F. M.
Squirrell, J. E.
Stamper, Hugh.
Standfield, M. E.
Stanley, Frank.
Stanners, A. C.
Stanway, A. G.
Stapells, R, A.
Stark, H. L.
Steele, J. J.
Steele, R. C.
Steele, W. D.
Steinhoff, I. W.
Stephenson, F. C.
Stephenson, H. R.
Stevens, W. R.
Stevenson, C. E.
Stewart, A. F.
Stewart, E.
Stewart, H. B.
Stewart, J. A.
Stewart, J. F. M.
Stewart, Wm.
Stewart, Wm. B.
Stewart, W. D.
Stirrett, J. T.
Stobie, M.
Stock, H. E. R,
Stone, W. T.
Storrie, Wm .
Stovel, A. E.
Strathy, F. W.
Strathy, G. S.

Strathy, Stuart.
Strathy, Winder.
Stuart, R. J.
Sutherland, A.
Sutherland, Hy.
Sutherland, J. A.
Sutherland, John.
Sutherland, R. F.
Sutton, S. T.
Sutton, T. E. P.
Swan, D. A.
Sweatman, J. W.
Sweeny, Bishop.
Sykes, C. A.
Sykes, S. B.
Symons, D. T.
Symons, W. L.

Tandy, H. M.
Tanner, F. W.
Tate, J. A.
Taylor, H. A.
Tample, H. P.
Temple, W. M.
Tew, D. S.
Tew, Richard.
Thayer, Ira B.
Thayer, J. M. G.
Thomas, E. H.
Thomas, W. H. G.
Thompson, B.
Thompson, H. V.
Thompson, S.
Thomson, A. M.
Thomson, H. G.
Thomson, J. H.
Thome, J. L.
Thurston, A. D.
Tidy, C. J.
Tindall, W. B.
Tinline, T. C.
Tippett, W. H.
Toller, P. B.
Torrington, F. H.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

361

Tory, John A.
Tovell, N. W.
Tow, W. J.
Trigge, A. St. L.
Trotter, W. C.
Troyer, H. L.
Tubby, C. A.
Tugwell, H. C.
Turnbull, Jno.
Turner, A.
Tyrrell, H. V.

u

TJrquhart, C. E.
Urquhart, Thos.

V

Valentine, Geo.
Van Du?er, C. W.
Van Norman, C. C.
Van Nostrand, A. J.
Van Nostrand, C. J.
Van Nostrand, G. J.
Van Nostrand, Jno.
Vanstone, B. *8.
Van Vleet, P. G.
Vareoe, F. P.
Vaughan, B. C.
Vaughan, Wm. H.
Vearncombe, H. C.
Vigeon, Harry.
Vonszeliski, Paul.

W

Wade, B. O.
Wade, Wm. C.
Wainwright, C. S.
Walder, Bobt.
Wales, Alex.
Walker, C.
Walker, E. Sir.
Walker, H. H.
Walker, J. A.

Walker, Wm.
Wallace, H. E.
Wallace, J. S.
Wallace, M. W.
Wallace, W. F.
Ward, A. T.
Ward, T. E.
Warden, G. T.
Wardlaw, T. D.
Warren, C. A.
Warren, J. M.
Warren, B. D.
Warren, T.
Warwick, G. B.
Watson, G. F.
Watson, Wm.
Watt, John.
Weaver, F. I.
Webb, E. H.
Webber, L. V.
Webster, G. J.
Webster, T. S.
Wedd, E. K. N.
Weeks, B. P.
Weld, H. F.
West, Gordon.
West, W. N.
Westren, J.
Wetherall, J. E.
Wetherell, Elgin.
Whaley, E.
Whatmough, A. E.
White, Aubrey.
White, F. F.
White, F. J.
White, F. W.
White, Geo.
White, J. P.
. White, M. A.
White, M. P.
Whitney, Sir Jas.
Whittemore, A. B.
Wickett, J. A.
Wickett, S. M.
Wickett, S. B.

362

THE CANADIAN CLUB.

Wickson, John.
Wickware, B. C.
Wiggins, Wm.
Wildman, J. F.
Wilkie, D. E.
Wilkie, Geo.
Wilkinson, E. H.
Wilkinson, H.
Wilkinson, W. C.
Willans, Ed.
Willard, J. C.
Willard, W. T.
Williams, C. E.
Williams, H. B.
Williams, H. H.
Williams, Mackenzie.
Williamson, E.
Willison, Sir J.
Willison, W. A.
Willison, W. T.
Willoughby, J. H. C.
Willson, C. H.
Willson, G. H.
Willson, John.
Wilson, A. E.
Wilson, C. L.
Wilson, G. E.
Wilson, Geo.
Wilson, G. L.
Wilson, H.
Wilson, Jno.
Wilson, M. F.
Wilson, S. F.
Wiltcn, E. F.
Winchester, A. B.
Winger, A. H.
Winter, F. W.
Winter, H. N.
Winter, L. A.

Winyard, C. W.
Withers, C. A.
Wood, E. E.
Wood, G. H.
Wood, L. N.
Wood, Bobt.
Wood, E. G.
Wood, S. Casey.
Wood, T. H.
Wood, W. A. P.
Woodbridge, Thos.
Woodcock, J. N.
Woodhouse, C.
Woodland, C. W. I.
Woodland, Fred.
Woods, J. W.
Worth, Arthur.
Worthington, G. E.
Wreyford, C. D.
Wright, Alf.
Wright, E. F.
Wright, E. W.
Wright, N. S.
Wylie, Norman.

Yeigh, Frank.
Yeigh, Henry.
Yorston, J. A.
Young, A. H.
Young, C. E.
Young, M. J.
Young, W. A.

z

Ziegler, O. H.

JUL. O—

F Canadian Club of Toronto

5547 Addresses

T6C33
1913/U

PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY