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Captain General and Governor in Chief, etc., of the Province 

of the Massachusetts Bay in New England and Colonel of 

one of His Majesty's Regiments of Foot 


April 1915 

Chapters in the History of Halifax, 
Nova Scotia 


When England's power at last would be complete 
On all the tide-washed shores of Acadie, 

She sent Cornwall is with a friendly fleet 
To found this goodly city by the sea. 

Acadian Ballads. 


HE history of Nova Scotia has an interest wholly 
disproportionate to the size and remote geograph- 
ical position of the small peninsula which with the 
island of Cape Breton constitutes the present prov- 
ince bearing that name. Of the nine British provinces that com- 
pose the Dominion of Canada, Nova Scotia stands lowest but 
one in point of size, but on the stage which her comparatively 
small land area presents have been enacted some of the most 
striking events which find place in the drama of American his- 
tory. 1 It was the peninsula of Nova Scotia that formed the 
chief part of the ancient French province of Acadia, it was here 
that the first permanent European settlement except James- 
town, Virginia, was made, and it was from the wooden walls 
of this new world Port Royal, that the white flag of the Bour- 
bons, proclaiming France's ownership of Acadia, long flew to 

i. The province of Nova Scotia (with the island of Cape Breton) comprises 
21,428 square miles, or 13,713,771 acres. It has a total population of 492,338. Of 
this number, 122,084 af e ' n the island of Cape Breton, 370,254 in the peninsula. 
The city of Halifax, together with Dartmouth, its main suburb (across the har- 
bour), has a population of 51,677. The city itself, however, has only 46,619. Of 
other towns, Nova Scotia has but six that have populations of over five thousand, 
these are: Sydney, 17,723; Sydney Mines, 7,470; New Glasgow, 6,383; Truro, 6,- 
107; Springhill, 5,713; North Sydney, 5,418. 



the breeze. In the island of Cape Breton, which for many 
years now has been part of Nova Scotia, though it was originally 
not comprehended in Acadia, France reared her strongest for- 
tress in the new world except Quebec, and it was in the present 
province of Nova Scotia at large, as at Louisburg and Beause- 
jour, that some of the most vigorous military movements which 
resulted in the complete overthrow of French power on the con- 
tinent were pursued. 

In the tragedy of the expulsion of the Acadians from the 
shores of Grand Pre in 1755, Longfellow found the theme for a 
narrative poem of remarkable beauty, the world-famed Evan- 
geline, but almost from the beginning of New England, Boston 
enterprise had found play at various spots on the Acadian sea- 
coast, and at last in 1760 a tide of New Englanders, from Mas- 
sachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, swept into Nova 
Scotia and made the desolate Acadian farms and many never 
previously cultivated places in the province blossom as the rose. 
At the Revolution, between 1775 and 1783, from thirty to thirty- 
five thousand Loyalists for a longer or shorter time found refuge 
in Nova Scotia, and here, in the old province, or in that part of 
it that in the latter year, on the demand of the Tories was set 
off as the province of New Brunswick, a very considerable num- 
ber found all the scope that remained to them for the rest of 
their days for the distinguished abilities they had manifested in 
their native provinces abilities which, directed in favor of Eng- 
land, had made them supremely hateful to the leaders of the 
American cause. 

In the year 1749 George II. was on the throne of England 
and Louis XV. on the throne of France. On the eighteenth of 
October of the preceding year the long, wasteful struggle be- 
tween France and England known as the "war of the Austrian 
Succession," which began in 1744, had come to an end, and by 
the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, which signalized its close, the 
strong fortress of Louisburg, won to England chiefly by the 
fierce determination of New England militia troops in 1745, in 
exchange for Madras had been blindly restored by the British 
plenipotentiaries to France. In England the inglorious Pelham 
ministry was in power, and in France Madame de Pompadour 


was at the height of her influence over the volatile king, whose 
subjects were having a short breathing spell before the begin- 
ning of another seven years war. In New England, William 
Shirley, the most powerful Englishman in America, whose influ- 
ence as an adviser of the crown and a director of American 
affairs had been conspicuously felt here before the beginning of 
the then recent war, and had contributed more than that of any 
other public servant of the crown to the final overthrow of 
French power on the continent, was governor of the province 
of Massachusetts Bay. 

At the head of Annapolis Basin, on the Bay of Fundy shore 
of Nova. Scotia, stood the scattered village and dilapidated for- 
tress of Annapolis Royal, which since the destruction by a French 
force from Louisburg under Du Vivier, in May, 1744, of the 
small garrison at Canso, and the removal of the men as prison- 
ers to Louisburg, had been the only important centre of Eng- 
lish influence in the whole province. Of other inhabitants of 
English extraction and speech, save about the fort of Annapolis 
Royal, there were very few, and these scattering New England 
fishermen and small traders and in Cumberland, miners, who 
probably, for the most part, in winter returned to their New 
England homes. 

The successful campaign, which included in its scope every 
position where the French had strongly intrenched themselves 
throughout America, was planned and in large measure car- 
ried out under the direct supervision of Shirley. In Cape Bre- 
ton the fortress of Louisburg frowned threateningly not only on 
the British ownership of Acadia, but on "his Majesty's interest 
and the security and prosperity of the colonies of New England," 
and second in importance to that, within the confines of Nova 
Scotia, was Fort Beausejour, near the isthmus of Chignecto, in 
what is now the county of Cumberland in this historic province. 
The destruction of both forts was in Shirley's plan of cam- 
paign, and inspired by his determination and roused to greater 
action by racial antagonism and religious zeal, New England 
militia troops, assisted at Louisburg by British war-ships, in 
1745 effected the overthrow of Louisburg, and ten years later 
made successful capture of the lesser fort. To determine prop- 


erly the direct responsibility for the expulsion of the Acadians 
in 1755, it is necessary to read carefully the correspondence of 
Shirley with his superiors in England and his fellow crown 
officials in the various American colonies. The question of how 
best to neutralize the influence of the French in Nova Scotia, so 
that in any future designs France might have on the new world 
they should be harmless, was frequently in Shirley's mind, and, 
as is well known, his proposal for a long time was to distribute 
people of British allegiance among the French in Nova Scotia so 
thickly that through intermarriage and in other ways the loyalty 
of the latter to France should be weakened and the hold of Eng- 
land upon them gain greater strength. 

That it was Shirley's immediate suggestion that determined 
the home government finally to establish a civil government 
and create a strong strategic military centre at the Nova Sco- 
tia point where Halifax stands we are not explicitly told, but 
we can hardly believe that the plan was first presented to the 
British ministers by any one else. In any case, in 1747 the min- 
istry requested Shirley to draw up a plan for civil government 
for N/ova Scotia, and in February, 1748, the governor submitted 
to the Duke of Bedford such a plan. His plan was of a char- 
ter government, and was not accepted, but a year later, in 
February, 1749, Louisburg again being in French hands, and 
the French ministry having by no means given up the idea of 
some day recapturing Acadia, the government did adopt a plan, 
which in the meantime had been devised, for establishing such 
civil government, for that purpose sending out a large body of 
colonists to Chebucto Bay, as Halifax Harbour was then called, 
to create a town. In pursuance of this plan, the following March 
the Lords of Trade published in the London Gazette an adver- 
tisement calling for volunteers for the enterprise. 

The substance of the proclamation was also soon published 
in French and German newspapers, the terms offered being 
briefly, a free passage and support for twelve months after land- 
ing ; arms and necessary utensils ; the establishment of a secure 
civil government; lands in fee simple, free from payment of 
quit-rents or taxes for the period of ten years, fifty acres to be 
awarded every private soldier or seaman, with ten acres for 


every person in his household, eighty acres to be given every 
officer under the rank of ensign in the land service, and of lieu- 
tenant in the sea service, and fifteen acres to each person in his 
household, while ensigns were to receive two hundred acres each, 
lieutenants three hundred, captains four hundred, and officers 
above the rank of captains six hundred, all the members of the 
households of these various officers to receive thirty acres apiece. 
Surgeons, it is declared in this prospectus, whether they have 
been engaged in his Majesty's service or not, are to fare in the 
distribution of lands as ensigns in the service. For the expense 
of this scheme parliament voted a subsidy of forty thousand 
pounds sterling. 

The special encouragement given soldiers and sailors in this 
proclamation of the Lords of Trade was of course due to the 
fact that at the termination of the war with France a large 
number of both had been thrown out of employment and needed 
to have some provision made for them. The advertisement in 
the London Gazette begins: "A proposal having been presented 
under his Majesty, for establishing a civil government in the 
province of Nova Scotia, in North America, as also for the bet- 
ter peopling and settling the said Province, and extending and 
improving the fishery thereof, by granting lands within the 
same, and giving other encouragement to such of the officers and 
private men lately dismissed his Majesty's land and sea service, 
as shall be willing to settle in the said province ; and his Majesty 
having signified his Royal approbation of the purport of the said 
proposals, the Right Hon. the Lords Commissioners for Trade 
and Plantations, by his Majesty's command give notice that 
proper encouragement will be given to such of the officers and 
private men lately dismissed from his Majesty's land and 
sea service, and to artificers necessary in building or husbandry, 
as are willing to accept of grants of land, and to settle, with or 
without families, in the province of Nova Scotia." 

Chebucto Bay, now Halifax Harbour, lies on the southeast 
coast of Nova Scotia. It is a magnificent harbour, about six miles 
long by a mile wide, with excellent anchorage in all parts, and in 
spite of its northern latitude is open for navigation all the 
year round. In the north, a narrow passage connects it with 


what is called Bedford Basin, a lovely sheet of water, six miles 
long by four wide, and deep enough for the largest men of war 
to enter, and on this harbour it was proposed to locate the new 
Nova Scotia town. Chebucto Bay was of course well known to 
European voyagers to the province, and only recently, in 1746, 
it had been the refuge of the melancholy fleet of M. de la Roche- 
foucauld, Due d'Anville, when, on its way to seize the forts of 
Louisburg and Annapolis, attacked by storm and pestilence, it 
had been forced to anchor in Bedford Basin until, though 
wretchedly depleted, it had regained strength to return to 
France. In anticipation of the settlement, the government had 
taken pains to acquaint itself intimately with the harbour and 
the coast near it, shortly before the project took final shape em- 
ploying Captain, afterwards Admiral, Philip Durell, who had 
commanded one of Warren's ships at Louisburg in 17-15, in mak- 
ing a careful survey of both. 1 ' 

Command of the new expedition was given to the Honourable 
Edward Cornwallis, M. P. for Eye (a borough long in the hands 
of the Cornwallis family), sixth son of Baron Charles Corn- 
wallis, and his wife Lady Charlotte Butler, whose father was 
Eichard Earl of Arran. Colonel Cornwallis, who was born Feb- 
ruary 22, 1713, had served as major of the Twentieth regiment 
in Flanders in 1744 and 1745, and in the latter year had been 
appointed lieutenant-colonel of his regiment. On the decease of 
his brother Stephen he was chosen for Eye, and during the ses- 
sion of parliament following was made a groom of his Majesty's 
bedchamber. On the ninth of May, 1749, he became colonel of 
the Twenty-fourth regiment, and received the appointment of 

2. In a letter of Governor Cornwallis to the Duke of Bedford of July 23, 1749, 
we find Cornwallis saying: "As perhaps no copies were taken of the Plans sent 
me of the Harbour, I send along with this a copy of Durell's plan." Of this plan 
of Durell's, Cornwallis in another letter says, "the two points that make the en- 
trance to Bedford Bay are marked as the places proper to fortify." In his cor- 
respondence with the Lords of Trade the governor also refers to "a copy of Durell's 
Plan of the Harbour and Bay." 

Admiral Philip Durell, as "Captain Durell," commanded the Eesham, one of 
Warren's ships at the first taking of Louisburg. In Boscawen's fleet at Halifax, 
in May, 1758, we once more find him as commander of the Princess Amelia, 80 
tons. April 4, 1759, General Jeffery Amherst writes to Governor Lawrence : "I 
wish Admiral Durell had had the men he wanted for his ship^ from the Massa- 
chusetts Government in the manner I desired, which Mr. Pownall I thought readily 
consented to; I fear it will fall on the Regiments to _ give him men to get out or 
he will be too late, and the regiments will suffer by it." 


Governor of Placentia, in Newfoundland, and Captain-General 
and Governor-in-Chief in and over his Majesty's province of 
Nova Scotia or Acadia. 3 

To the government 's proclamation so large a number of people 
responded, not only soldiers and sailors retired from active ser- 
vice, but mechanics of various sorts, and farmers, that early 
in May, 1749, a fleet consisting of thirteen transports and a 
sloop of war, carrying in all 2,576 persons, set sail from Eng- 
land for Chebucto Bay. In about a month some of these an- 
chored at Chebucto, some, however, not arriving until late in 
June. The ships in the fleet were the Spinx, war sloop, which 
brought Cornwallis and his suite, the frigates Charlton and Can- 
non, and the ships Winchelsea, Wilmington, Merry Jacks, 
Alexander, Beaufort, Roehampton, Evcrly, London, Brother- 
hood, Baltimore, and Fair Lady. Of the settlers conveyed in 
these ships there were two majors in the army, one foot-major 
and commissary, six captains, nineteen lieutenants, and three 
ensigns. Of retired naval men and others there were three lieu- 
tenants, five lieutenants of privateers, twenty-three midshipmen, 
one cadet, one artificer, five volunteers, one purser, one engi- 
neer, fifteen surgeons, one lieutenant and surgeon, ten surgeon's 
mates and assistants, one surgeon's pupil, one clergyman (Rev. 
William Anwyl), one "gentleman and schoolmaster" (John Bap- 
tiste Moreau), one commissary, one brewer and merchant, one 
attorney, several "gentlemen," four governor's clerks, and one 
clerk of stores. Of the total number of settlers the number of 
adult males was 1,546, five hundred of these being former men- 
of-war sailors. Among the names of the colonists that in the 
progress of the settlement became more or less prominent were 
Richard Bulkeley, Alexander Callendar, John Collier, John 
Creighton, Robert Ewer, John Galland, Archibald Hinchelwood, 

3. In 1757, Colonel Cornwallis was advanced to the rank of major-general and 
in 1760 to lieutenant-general. On his retirement from Nova Scotia he went to 
England and was unanimously elected to parliament from Westminster, which con- 
stituency he represented for a few years until he was appointed Governor of 
Gibraltar. Edward Cornwallis was an uncle of Charles Cornwallis, first marquis 
and second earl, who from 1776 until the close of the American war was in com- 
mand of British troops in America, and later was Governor General of India. Ed- 
ward Cornwallis married in 1753, Mary, daughter of Charles, second Lord Vis- 
count Townsend, and died, without issue, December 29, 1776. See Collins's Peer- 
age, Vol. 2. 


William Nesbitt, Lewis Piers, and John Pyke, the last of whom 
is believed by his descendants to have been private secretary to 

Before reaching Chebucto, Cornwallis touched at Lunenburg, 
or Merligueche as it was called by the French. There he found 
a small French settlement, the people living in * ' tolerable wood- 
en houses, covered with bark." They had a good many cattle 
and had cleared more land than they needed to cultivate, and 
Cornwallis says they were favourable to English rule and heard 
of the new settlement to be made at Chebucto with unfeigned joy. 

The first site chosen for Halifax was "Sandwich Point," near 
the end of Point Pleasant, that spot being considered, as it was, 
very favourable for defence, especially since the North- West 
Arm, which the settlers named Sandwich River, was navigable 
for war ships to its very head. For at least a day the settlers 
worked there, cutting down trees, but the depth of water in 
front of the place, the exposure of the spot to the south-east 
gales, and "other inconveniences," led them to abandon it for 
the present site. The city of Halifax to-day extends, north, 
south, and west, far beyond its original limits, but in the begin- 
ning, Buckingham Street on the north and Salter Street on the 
south marked its utmost bounds. Regarding the location of the 
town Governor Cornwallis writes to the Duke of Bedford: 
"Your Grace will see that the place I have fixed for the town is 
on the west side of the harbour 'tis upon the side of a Hill 
which commands the whole Peninsula, and shelters the town 
from the Northwest winds. From the shore to the top of the 
hill is about half a mile, the ascent very gentle, the soil is good, 
there is convenient landing for Boats all along the Beach, and 
good anchorage within Gunshot of the shore for the largest 
Ships." On the spot finally chosen, John Brewse or Bruce, the 
English engineer who had come with the settlers, and Mr. 
Charles Morris, of Massachusetts, the government surveyor, were 
ordered to lay out the town. By the fourteenth of September 
the plan was completed and the lots appropriated to their re- 
spective owners. The town, says Dr. Akins, "was laid out in 
squares or blocks of 320 by 120 feet deep, the streets being 55 
feet in width. Each block contained 16 town lots, 40 feet front 


by 60 feet deep, and the whole was afterwards divided into five 
divisions or wards, called Callendar's, Galland's, Ewer's, Col- 
lier's, and Foreman's divisions, after the names of the persons 
who were appointed captains in the militia, each ward being 
]arge enough to supply one company." "Foreman's new divi- 
sion was afterwards added as far as the present Jacob Street. 
The north and south suburbs were surveyed about the same 
time, but the German lots in the north were not laid off till the 
year following." 

For the first few weeks after reaching their destination, many 
of the colonists either remained on board the transports which 
had brought them, or found shelter under canvas or tarpaulin 
tents. In some instances, it is said, the trunks and boxes in w T hich 
their goods had come "served as a temporary floor to protect 
them from the dampness of the ground." By the last of Octo- 
ber about three hundred small one-story houses were scattered 
up and down the rocky hillside, between what are now Buck- 
ingham street on the north and Salter street on the south. Many 
of these houses were built of pickets, set up vertically in rows 
close together, on which boards were nailed, but for at least the 
governor 's house and St. Paul 's Church the frames were obtained 
from Boston. By the last of October also two forts were fin- 
ished and a barricade around the town was completed. By March, 
1750, Cornwallis had had the frame of a hospital erected, the 
sick until this time having been cared for on one of the ships. 
He had also in process a schoolhouse for orphan children, where 
these unfortunate little ones should be cared for until the boys 
were old enough to be apprenticed to fishermen. He was expect- 
ing soon from New England the frame of the church, which was 
to be an exact copy of Marylebone Chapel in London, and was 
to cost, by the estimate that had been sent him from Boston, a 
thousand pounds. In October, 1749, the town was named, with 
what formal ceremonies we do not know, for the Earl of Halifax, 
a nobleman then at the head of the Board of Trade. 4 

4. The Council of Trade and Plantations, created in 1695, and lasting until 
1782, exercised an important control over mercantile matters at home and the 
settlement and trade of the colonies wherever they existed, and in 1748, George 
Montagu, Earl of Halifax, of not particularly happy memory, became president of 
this body. The exact date of the naming of Halifax is clear from the Governor's 
dispatches. Until the I7th of October, 1749, Cornwallis sends his letters from 
"Chebucto"; on the above date he first uses the name Halifax. 


On the thirteenth of August, 1749, a sloop arrived from Liver- 
pool, England, after nine weeks voyage, bringing a hundred and 
sixteen more settlers to the town. For these people two new 
streets were added, and more lots were assigned. In August, 
1750, the colony was still further increased by the arrival of three 
hundred and fifty- three more English settlers in the ship Alder- 
ney (a vessel of five hundred and four tons), whom it was con- 
sidered best to settle on the east side of the harbour, where until 
then there had been no settlement made. For these new arrivals, 
therefore, in the autumn of 1750, the town of Dartmouth was 
laid out, its name being given in honour of William Legge, first 
Earl of Dartmouth, a nobleman high in the favour of Queen 
Anne, who had made him in 1710, one of her principal secre- 
taries of state, and in 1713 Lord Privy Seal. 5 

July 13, 1750, three hundred and twelve German Protestants 
from the Palatinate arrived in Halifax in the ship Ann. The 
British government had engaged a Rotterdam merchant, Mr. 
Johann Dick, to make contracts with such families or persons as 
he could find willing to settle in Nova Scotia, and to arrange 
for their transportation thither, and these German emigrants had 
been sent from Rotterdam by him. 6 The provision made by gov- 
ernment for maintaining the colony was not sufficient, and the 
coming of these new settlers gave Cornwallis'and his council no 
little anxiety. As cold weather drew near the problem of their 
support became very serious, and through the long hard ensuing 
winter they were undoubtedly very poorly housed and fed. When 
spring opened they were set to work clearing land, building a 

5. The Earl of Dartmouth died December 15, 1750, very soon after the Nova 
Scotia settlement bearing his name was formed. 

6. Johann or John Dick, the Rotterdam merchant mentioned here, undertook 
to send over a thousand continental Protestants, at a guinea a head, and he seems 
to have fulfilled his agreement in a most unscrupulous way. He was later accused 
by Governor Hopson of having advised the poor emigrants whom he engaged, 
probably in order to secure more room on the ships, to sell even their bedding, 
before they embarked. On this .account they were obliged during the whole tedious 
voyage to sleep on the bare decks or elsewhere without any beds or proper bed- 
coverings. Among the people he sent to Halifax were "many poor old decrepid 
creatures, both men and women, who were objects fitter to have been kept in alms- 
houses than to be sent as settlers to work for their bread." When the people were 
landed there were over thirty of them who could not stir from the beach, eight of 
these being young orphans, who had to be put in an orphanage as soon as one was 


battery and fort on George's Island, and constructing a palisade 
around the settlement of Dartmouth. 

In 175.1 and 1752 some thirteen hundred more foreign settlers 
came, the greater part of them Germans, but some Swiss, and 
some French from Montbelliard or Mumpolgarter, the capital 
city of an arondissement in the French department of Doubs. 
Some Germans who came in the spring of 1751 the Council pro- 
posed to place at Dartmouth, opposite George's Island, and in 
preparation for locating them it sent Captain Charles Morris 
to survey the land. For some reason, however, the Germans 
were not located there. Six of the ships in which the settlers 
of 1751 and 1752 came were the Pearl, Gale, Sally, Betty, Mur- 
doch, and Swan. 

On the 28th of May, 1753, 1,453 of the German and French 
emigrants were sent by Governor Hopson, Cornwallis's succes- 
sor, to Merligueche, where already, as we have seen, there were 
a few French settlers of the old Acadian population, favourable, 
however, to British rule. The fourteen transports on which 
they sailed from Halifax were under convoy of the provincial 
sloop York, commanded by Sylvanus Cobb, a New England sea- 
captain, who in 1755 was engaged in the removal of the Aca- 
dians, in 1758 conveyed General Wolfe to a reconnoitre at Lou- 
isburg, later made his home in Liverpool, Nova Scotia, but died 
at Havana in 1762. The first company of Germans who came to 
Halifax were from Luneburg, the chief town of a district in 
the Prussian province of Hanover, and in recognition of their 
native place the settlement of Merligueche (or " Malaga sh") 
was now re-named LunenburgJ "I pitched upon Merlegash for 
the settlement of the foreigners," writes Governor Hopson to 
the Lords of Trade in July, 1753, ' ' it was preferable to Musquo- 
doboit, as there is a good harbour, which is wanting at Musquodo- 

7. The departure of these German settlers from the Duchy of Luneburg, in 
Hanover, says the Rev. Mr. Roth, a Lutheran clergyman once settled in Lunen- 
burg, Nova Scotia, is at once interesting and pathetic. "On the eve of departure 
they were summoned by the bell to their church and there for the last time they 
sang sacred songs of faith and trust, united in the prayers that were offered for 
their guidance and protection by the power of the Almighty, listened to the ex- 
hortations of their faithful pastor, and then amid the tears and farewells of their 
dearest friends took leave of the home of their childhood, the associations of their 
youth, and the land they were destined never to see again. Some of them came in 
extreme destitution and their sufferings in their new home were not few nor light." 


boit. Had it been possible to have sent the settlers by land it 
would have been a great satisfaction to me to have saved the ex- 
pense of hiring vessels, but on inquiring, found it absolutely im- 
possible, not only as they would have had at least fifty miles to 
go through the woods but there is not any road." 

The removal of the Halifax Germans in general to Lunenburg 
did not, however, take all of these foreigners who had come to 
the town. It is difficult to say how many remained, but the Kev. 
Dr. Partridge, historian of St. George's Parish, says that some 
twenty or twenty-five families who had received grants in the 
north and south suburbs of Halifax made their permanent 
homes there. 

In a letter to the Lords of Trade, written August 20, 1749, Gov- 
ernor Cornwallis says that a good many people from Louisburg 
have settled in the town, and ' ' several ' ' from New England, and 
that he is told that over a thousand more New England people 
desire to come there before winter. "I have ordered," he says, 
''all vessels in the Government's service to give them passage." 
To his letter the Lords of Trade reply that they are very glad 
to hear that such numbers of people are preparing to come down 
from New England, and that they approve the measure he has 
taken to enable them to get a ready passage. Every acquisition 
of people, they say, will be an acquisition of strength, and they 
hope that the design of "the French Protestants from Martini- 
co " to settle in Halifax may likewise take effect. 8 In July, 1752, 
the governor had a census of the town taken, the various divi- 
sions being the North Suburbs, the South Suburbs, within the 
Town, within the Pickets, within the Town of Dartmouth, on the 
several islands and harbours employed in the fishery, and at the 
Wock house and the isthmus. 9 

As one reads the names of the citizens of Halifax as given 
in this census, one is struck by the number of New England, gen- 

8. Cornwallis writes, August 20, 1749: "A French merchant has been here and 
proposed to bring some Protestant families from Martinico, with their effects, if I 
would give them encouragement, protection, and land. He has given me a list of 
their names, with what each of them is worth he makes their fortunes amount to 
above 50,000 sterling. I have promised all kinds of protection and he is gone to 
get a passport at Louisburg. From thence he goes to Martinico, and thinks they 
shall be able to get here before winter." The Martinique Protestants never came. 
See Nova Scotia Archives, Vol. I, p. 579- 

9. The whole number of the population as given in this census is 5,134. 


erally Boston, names. Among such are, Fairbanks, Fillis, Ger- 
rish, Green, Lawson, Morris, Prescott, and Salter. That this 
should be so is not, however, at all strange, for ever since the 
final capture of Port Royal in 1710, which capture had been 
effected largely through New England troops, there had been 
constant close communication between Annapolis and Boston, 
while Canso, the extreme eastern point of the Nova Scotia penin- 
sula, had long been a New England fishing and trading station, 
with warehouses for the storage of fish. At other places on the 
shores of Nova Scotia, and notably at Chebucto itself, single men, 
and perhaps families, from New England, had been more or less 
permanently located, gathering fish in summer, and selling goods 
in small quantities to the Acadians in return for the products of 
their toil. One Boston firm, indeed, had before 1749 secured a 
grant of four thousand acres at Chignecto, in what is now Cum- 
berland county for the purpose of coal mining, and when Corn- 
wallis came were more or less vigorously digging coal. By the 
lease granted this Boston company by the military government 
at Annapolis Royal, the firm receiving the privilege was required 
to pay the government a quit rent of one penny an acre. 10 Of 
Malachy Salter of Halifax, who was a Boston born man, and who 
in the progress of the town came to be one of the most important 
men in trade, politics, and social life, the tradition is well estab- 
lished that he, and perhaps his family, had been settled at 
Chebucto some time before Cornwallis came. 

Describing rather graphically the earliest condition of Hali- 
fax as a town, Dr. Beamish Murdoch in his valuable documen- 
tary history of Nova Scotia says: "Halifax in the summer and 
autumn of 1749 must have presented a busy and singular scene. 
The ship of war, and her discipline, the transports swarming 

10. It is said that in 1733 no less than forty-six thousand quintals of dry fish 
were exported from Canso, and that at the most prosperous time of the fishery 
there in the summer season from fifteen hundred to two thousand men were em- 
ployed in fishing. Even whale fishing, it is said, was carried on at Canso, though 
in a limited way; and the trade of enterprising New Englanders at this point with 
the French on the peninsula and Cape Breton shores, must have been very consid- 
erable, dry goods, and other articles of British or American manufacture for do- 
mestic use, as well as prints, vegetables, oats, shingles, bricks, flour, meal, and bis- 
cuits, being given in exchange for fish, oils, and furs. 

Our statement concerning mining operations at Chignecto we have found in 
Brown's "History of Cape Breton." 


with passengers who had not yet got shelter on land, the wide 
extent of wood in every direction, except a little spot hastily and 
partially cleared, on which men might be seen trying to make 
walls out of the spruce trees that grew on their house lots, the 
boats perpetually rowing to and from the shipping, and as the 
work advanced a little, the groups gathered around the Eng- 
lishman in the costume of the day, cocked hat, wig, knee-breeches, 
shoes with large glittering buckles ; his lady with her hoop and 
brocades ; the soldiers and sailors of the late war now in civilian 
dress, as settlers; the shrewd, keen, commercial Bostonian, tall, 
thin, wiry, supple in body, bold and persevering in mind, calcu- 
lating on land grants, saw-mills, shipping of lumber, fishing 
profits ; the unlucky habitant from Grand Pre or Piziquid, in 
homespun garb, looking with dismay at the numbers, discipline, 
and earnestness of the new settlers and their large military 
force, large to him as he had known only the little garrison of 
Annapolis ; the half wild Indian, made wilder and more intracta- 
ble by bad advisers who professed to be his warmest friends ; 
the men-of-war's men; the sailors of the transports, and per- 
haps some hardy fishermen seeking supplies, or led thither by 
curiosity, of such various elements was the bustling crowd 

The arrival of Cornwallis at Chebucto with the commission of 
captain-general and governor-in-chief of the province brought 
to an end Nova Scotia's thirty-nine years military rule. The 
military governor of the fort at Annapolis Royal since 1740 had 
been Major Paul Mascarene, 11 and this excellent official had been 
duly apprised beforehand of the sailing of the Cornwallis fleet. 
Shortly after his arrival, the new governor sent the transport 
Fair Lady, whose passengers had been landed on George's Isl- 
and, to Annapolis Royal to bring Mascarene and a quorum of 
his council to Halifax to be formally dismissed from office. On 
the 12th of July the Annapolis officials arrived and Cornwallis 
displayed to them his own commission and took the oaths of office 
in their presence. On the 14th, Friday, on board the Beaufort, 

ii. For an account of Major Mascarene see the "New England Historical and 
Genealogical Register," Vol. 9, p. 239; and the "Correspondence of William Shir- 
ley," Vol. i, pp. 337, 338. 


in the harbour, he chose a new council, and thus formally organ- 
ized the civil government. The members of the new council 
were : Paul Mascarene, Edward Howe, John Gorham, Benja- 
min Green, John Salusbury, 12 and Hugh Davidson, the last of 
whom became the first secretary of the province under civil rule. 

Very soon William Steele, Peregrine Thomas Hopson (who on 
account of his higher military rank at once took precedence of 
Mascarene), John Horseman, Robert Ellison, James Francis 
Mercer, and Charles Lawrence, were added to the list, the number 
thus being raised to the full complement of twelve, the number 
of the earlier military council. The formation of the council was 
announced to the people by a general salute from the ships in 
the harbour and the day was given up to general festivity. The 
table around which the first council sat on the Beaufort is now 
in the small Council Chamber in the Province Building, and is 
one of Nova Scotia's most famous historical relics. On the 18th 
of July Cornwallis appointed John Brewse or Bruce, Robert 
Ewer, John Collier, and John Duport, Esquires, justices of the 
peace, for the township of Halifax, thus organizing a minor town 
government for the new settlement, in addition to the govern- 

By his commission, Governor Cornwallis, "with the advice 
and consent of his Council and Assembly, or the major part of 
them respectively, ' ' was given full power and authority to make, 
constitute, and ordain laws, statutes, and ordinances for the pub- 
lic peace, welfare, and good government of the province, these 
laws to be submitted to the home government for its approba- 
tion or disallowance within three months after making. It will 
thus be seen that the home government from the first contem- 
plated the establishment, as soon as circumstances should make 
it possible, of some form of representative government for Nova 
Scotia, but it was not until 1758, nine years after the settlement 
under Cornwallis began, that a representative assembly was 
formed. Until then the governor and his council exercised un- 

12. John Salusbury, who returned to England in the spring of I753. and died 
in 1762, was of a Welsh family, and was a friend of Lord Halifax. His wife, a 
Miss Cotton, is said to have brought him a fortune of 10,000, "which he spent in 
extravagance and dissipation." His daughter was Mrs. Thrale, afterwards Mrs. 
Piozzi, famous as during her first marriage the friend of Dr. Samuel Johnson. 


limited control in the province, and it was naturally not without 
much unwillingness that these functionaries suffered any part 
of the government of the province at last to pass out of their 
hands. The interests of the newly appointed council of Nova 
Scotia and the governor-in-chief were many and varied. The 
French and Indians had to be promptly dealt with, the defences 
of the town and suburbs vigorously pushed, conditions of trade 
determined, the sale of liquor regulated, offenders against the 
law tried and punished, houses, wharves, a church, a hospital, 
and an orphanage built, allowances to needy settlers granted, 
Sunday traffic kept in check, the town divided into wards, a ferry 
to Dartmouth established, a light-house placed at the entrance 
to the harbour, and an efficient militia established and trained, 
these were some of the many tasks that at once claimed the at- 
tention of the newly formed government and taxed its executive 

In November (1749) the council ordered that all trees remain- 
ing within the forts or barricades should be left standing for 
ornament or shelter for the town, none to be cut down or 
"barked." For each tree destroyed in defiance of this order, 
the penalty was forty-eight hours imprisonment and a fine of 
one pound. The order, however, did not hinder any one from 
cutting trees on his own lot. In December, housekeepers were 
ordered to give notice within twenty-four hours to one of the 
clergymen of the town of any deaths that had occurred in their 
houses, the penalty for failure to do this likewise being impris- 
onment and fine. Persons refusing to attend a corpse to the 
grave, when ordered to do so by a justice of the peace, were to 
be imprisoned, and it was strictly enjoined that "Vernon the 
carpenter" should mark the initials of every deceased person 
on the coffin in which his body was inclosed. In June, 1750, a 
market place was ordered to be set apart for the sale of black 
cattle and sheep. In July the proprietors of lots were ordered 
to clear the ground in front of their lots to the middle of the 
streets which ran before them. January 14, 1751, it was ordered 
that the town and suburbs be divided into eight wards, and that 
the inhabitants be empowered to choose annually the following 
officers for managing such prudential affairs of the town as 


should be committed by the governor and council to their care, 
namely, eight town overseers, a town clerk, sixteen constables, 
and eight scavengers. 13 

Regarding the settlement of French in the environs of Halifax 
before the coming of Cornwallis 's fleet, we have not very much 
knowledge, but we do know something. June 22, 1749, Governor 
Comwallis writing from Chebucto to the Duke of Bedford says : 
"There are a few French families on each side of the Bay [the 
name he always uses in speaking of Bedford Basin], about three 
leagues off ; some have been on board. ' ' A month later, the 23rd 
of July, he writes the Duke: "Tis twenty -five leagues from 
hence to Minas and the French have made a path by driving their 
cattle over. ' ' In the same letter he says : ' ' Another company 
I shall send to the head of the Bay, where the road to Minas 
begins." Indeed, among the older residents of Halifax in recent 
times a clear tradition existed that before Cornwallis came there 
was a scattered settlement of French on the southwest shore of 
Bedford Basin, near what is now Bockingham, which continued 
on the opposite shore, near what is now Navy Island. As in 
King's and other further western counties of the province it is 
not many years since the foundations of what are said 
to have been French houses could plainly be seen on the 
Bedford Basin shores, between Bockingham (Four Mile 
House) and Fairview (Three Mile House), a certain point 
here being very well known as "French Landing." There 
is also a tradition that a few French houses, probably of 
settlers who were occupied in fishing, were scattered 
along the shore of the Northwest Arm. 14 That the French in the 
environs of Halifax when Cornwallis came were very few, and 
the settlement at Bedford, if such existed, very inconsiderable, 

13. When Halifax was founded, New York was a hundred and twenty-eight 
years old, Boston a hundred and fifteen, and Philadelphia sixty-seven. 

14. These last interesting facts have been given us by Harry Piers, Esq., the 
able Nova Scotia archivist and curator of the Provincial Museum, who says that 
"French Landing" may have been the place where D'Anville disembarked his men 
to recuperate, in 1746. "Is it not likely," says Mr. Piers, "that D'Anville landed 
his men close to these French houses, in order to get fresh vegetables for which 
his men were suffering? D'Anville' s men who died were buried near by, in what 
is now woods. There is an old cemetery (I have unearthed there many bones my- 
self) which plainly antedates the settlement of Halifax, at Birch Cove, a couple of 
miles above French Landing. The cemetery has no stones." 


is proved by a statement made by the Rev. William Tutty to the 
venerable Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in a letter 
written by him on board the Beaufort in Halifax Harbour, Sep- 
tember 29, 1749. Mr. Tutty says: "The nearest of the French 
settlements lie at the distance of about forty miles from the Town 
of Halifax, so that 'tis very difficult to have any communication 
with them, at least such comimunication as might convince them 
of the errors of their faith. ' ' 

Of the number of Indians located near Halifax we know still 
less than we do about the French. "The Indians," says Gov- 
ernor Cornwallis in a letter to the Duke of Bedford dated July 
23, 1749, "are hitherto very peaceable, many of them have 
been here with some chiefs. I made them small presents, told 
them I had instructions from his Majesty to offer them friendship 
and all protection, and likewise presents, which I should deliver 
as soon as they could assemble 1 their tribes and return with pow- 
ers to enter into treaty and exchange their French commissions 
for others in his Majesty's name." "The Indians of this 
Peninsula, when we first arrived," says the Rev. Mr. Tutty, 
"came frequently amongst us with their wives and children, 
traded with us and seemed not in the least dissatisfied with our 
settling here. But they vanished all at once, summoned as we 
learned afterward by their priest at Chignecto, who was endeav- 
oring to stir them up to arms, and has himself now, as he did in 
the last war, appeared about Minas at the head of some of 
them. But as an officer is posted there with an hundred men, 
and is so fortified as to be a match for all the Indians of the 
Peninsula, there is no danger to be apprehended on that side." 

Any favourable opinion Cornwallis may have formed, of the 
Indians, however, he was destined soon to change. No later 
than October of the year of the settlement he felt obliged to 
publish a proclamation authorizing all his Majesty's subjects 
"to annoy, distress, take or destroy the savages commonly called 
Micmacks wherever they are found, and all such as are aiding- 
and assisting them," and to offer a reward of ten guineas for 
every Indian taken or killed. The occasion of this proclama- 
tion was several depredations committed by the Micmacs short- 


ly before, some of them on the settlers of Halifax itself. 15 The 
worst of the earlier atrocities committeed by the natives was an 
attack on the people located at Dartmouth, in May, 1751, in 
which a number of white people, one of whom was Mr. John 
Pyke, were killed and scalped, and others carried off as prison- 
ers. The Indians concerned in this tragedy were not, however, 
drawn from anywhere near Halifax, they are said to have col- 
lected first "in great force" on the Basin of Minas, then to have 
ascended the Shubenacadie river in canoes, and at last through 
the almost trackless woods to have come stealthily on their prey. 

The administration of Governor Cornwallis, as we have seen, 
lasted only three years. His task in organizing and firmly 
planting a new colony and in directing all its pressing affairs 
was one of great difficulty and he discharged it in the main with 
comprehensive and wise judgment and with singular force of 
mind. For a short time, between him and the Lords of Trade a 
certain lack of harmony existed, but whatever fault this body 
had to find with him was clearly due rather to a failure on his 
part to understand fully the proper conduct of financial business 
than to an obstinate determination to have his own way, and in 
the end his English masters must have been well satisfied with 
his management of the difficult enterprise they had entrusted to 
his hands. That the colonists themselves for the most part ap- 
proved of and liked him we are strongly assured, the only seri- 
ous complaint that we know of against him having been made by 
a Jewish trader, Joshua Mauger, 16 whose unscrupulous smug- 
gling of goods into Halifax he made determined efforts to stop. 

Somewhere between the middle of June and the last of July, 
1752, Cornwallis, worn out with his labours, resigned and went 
home, 17 and on the 3rd of August Major-General Peregrine 

15. Nova Scotia Archives, Vol. i, p. 582. 

16. In the February issue of Americana we have said that Joshua Mauger. 
whose name figures prominently in early Halifax history, had a daughter who be- 
came the wife of the Due de Brouillan. This is incorrect. We are indebted to 
Mr. George Mullane of Halifax, an indefatigable and accurate student of Halifax 
local history for the fact that Miss Mauger was married to a Captain D'Auvergne, 
R. N., a native of the island of Jersey, who became heir to a Due de Broiii'lan, of 
whom he is said to have been a left-handed relative. At the peace of Amiens, 
D'Auvergne went to Paris to urge his claims to the Brouillan title, but he was ar- 
rested at the instance of Napoleon, who was angry with him for the part he had 
taken in an expedition against the French coast in connection with the emigres. 

17. Shirley's correspondence (Vol. i, p. 503) informs us that when Cornwallis 


Thomas Hopson was sworn into office as Governor of Nova Sco- 
tia. When Louisburg was restored to the French under the 
treaty of Alix-la-Chapelle, Hopson was the English commander 
of that fort ; after the delivery of the fort he came up with the 
troops to Chebucto, and was sworn in senior councillor, taking 
precedence, as we have said, of Paul Mascarene, governor of 
Annapolis Eoyal, because of superior military rank. As 
governor he resided in the province a little more than a year, 
on the first of November, 1753, sailing for England, whence he 
never returned. On his departure from Halifax, Colonel Charles 
Lawrence, another English officer from Louisburg, was appoint- 
ed to administer the government, a formal commission as lieu- 
tenant-governor under Hopson being given him the next year. 

was given his commission he was promised that he should be relieved in two 
years. March 28, 1750, Shirley asks that he may be appointed governor of Nova 
Scotia, in addition to his Massachusetts governorship, if Cornwallis should leave 
before the two years, as he seems to think he might possibly do. 

[The following slight changes should be made in our articles entitled "Rhode 
Island Settlers on the French Lands in Nova Scotia" in AMERICANA for January 
and February, 1915. In the January number, p. 21, note, we have stated that only 
Falmouth and Newport sent members to the legislature. This is not true, Windsor 
also had representation. On pp. 36, 37 the name Winckworth, of Col. Tonge's 
estate, is said to be in late years "incorrectly spelled Wentwprth." The fact no 
doubt is that the name Winckworth was by design (and legitimately) changed to 
Wentworth by the Cunningham family when they acquired the estate. This correc- 
tion has been kindly suggested to us by Mr. Harry Piers, the able archivist of Nova 
Scotia, who is likewise a very accurate local historian. In the February issue, p. 
92, we have said that Joshua Mauger's only daughter was married to the Due de 
Brouillan, this, as Mr. George Mullane has shown us, is not true. Proper correc- 
tion of the statements appears elsewhere in this issue. On p. 97 we have said 
that Perez Morton Cunningham died unmarried. This, Judge Savary informs us, 
is also incorrect. The facts of Cunningham's marriage, however, we are at pres- 
ent unable to give. A. W. H. E.j 


ers of lands thereon from llth Street southwardly to 4th Street 
and from 20th Street northwardly to 23rd Street to reset (at 
their own expense) the curb and gutter so as to reduce the car- 
riage way to the same width of 40 feet and to grant permission 
to such owners, between 4th and 23rd Streets to enclose 15 feet 
of the sidewalks within court yards, as had been permitted in 
the case of Fifth Avenue, of 23rd Street, etc., etc., and if neces- 
sary to obtain from the Legislature an Act authorizing such 
enclosures. The Corporation further agreed to place a foun- 
tain, equal to that in Union Square, in each of the enclosures 
aforesaid, the same to be under the control of the City officials. 
(Mins. C. C., Vol. XVII:3). The release is not of record. 

On August 4, 1849, the "widening [sic] of the sidewalks in 
Second Avenue, from 60 to 45 feet" and the resetting of the 
curb and gutter in the Avenue from llth to 20th Streets were au- 
thorized and the question of building fountains was referred to 
the Croton Aqueduct Board with instructions to procure plans 
and estimates and submit them to the Common Council. Said 
Department was directed on October 11 to erect the fountains 
and $7,500 was appropriated to cover the expense. 

Considering the above action it is rather disconcerting that 
the Mayor should have approved resolutions, Jan. 5, 1850, open- 
ing as a public square the triangular piece of ground lying be- 
tween and contained by the Bowery, Third Avenue and 7th 
Street, (Vol. XVII :566) and that the Legislature should have 
passed a law, March 16 of that year laying out a public place 
on the above plot to be known as Stuyvesant Square, (Chap. 65.) 
This has now become Cooper Square and lies just south of 
Cooper Union. 

Many people of note settled around the original square. Those 
families which inherited parts of the Stuyvesant farm were 
anxious to live thereon and built substantial brick mansions 
along the broad stretch of Second Avenue. Their following went 
with them and a great deal of the social gaiety of the City was 
transferred away over to the East Side. There still remain 
many of these fine old houses where people live in comfort and 
it is yet a highly respectable place of residence which, although 
fashion has passed by, clings tenaciously to its old home charms. 

Chapters in the History of Halifax, 
Nova Scotia 


"Time was when America hallowed the morn 
On which the lov'd monarch of Britain was born, 
Hallowed the day, and joyfully chanted 

God save the King! 

Then flourish 'd tho blessings of freedom and peace, 
And plenty flow'd in with a yearly increase, 
Proud of our lot we chanted merrily 
Glory and joy crown the King! 

"But see! how rebellion has lifted her head! 
How honour and truth are with loyalty fled ! 
Few are there now to join us in chanting 

God save the King! 

And see! how deluded the multitude fly 
To arm in a cause that is built on a lye ! 
Yet are we proud to chant thus merrily 
Glory and joy crown the King!" 

Loyalist Poem by the Rev. Jonathan Odell, M. D., on the 
King's birthday, June 4, 1777. Printed in the Gentleman's 

OF THE several provinces that constitute the Domin- 
ion of Canada, Quebec and Nova Scotia were the only 
ones at the time of American Revolution that could 
be considered settled. The nearest of the provinces 
to the colonies engaged in revolt was Nova Scotia, and the fact 
that her population had in great part only recently been drawn 
from New England, and that her trade was still most largely 
with Boston, gives this province a significance in the great strug- 



gle for independence that is second only to that of the revolt- 
ing colonies themselves. Political sympathies are usually most 
strongly determined by racial connection and commercial inter- 
est, and with a large proportion of the people of Nova Scotia 
at the period of the Revolution, near ties of blood and the neces- 
sities of trade naturally combined to produce a feeling of sym- 
pathy with the revolt, that showed itself strongly throughout 
the province, particularly in the two important but widely sepa- 
rated counties of Yarmouth and Cumberland. That in the Rev- 
olution the political fate of Nova Scotia "hung upon a very 
slender thread" is a statement that has recently been boldly 
made in Nova Scotia itself, and strong as the statement to many 
people may seem, the facts in the case we believe fully warrant 
the historian in making the charge that his statement implies. 1 
Geographically, Nova Scotia and the adjoining province of 
New Brunswick, which until 1783 was reckoned as part of 
Nova Scotia, belong with New England, and in the commissions 
of several of the governors sent out as the chief executives of 
Massachusetts, Nova Scotia was included as part of the terri- 
tory over which these officials were empowered to exercise con- 
trol. 2 For two-thirds of a century before the Revolution, ever 
since England had gained the final undisputed right to rule Aca- 
dia, intercourse, political and social, between the two provinces 
had been of the closest kind. Massachusetts, indeed, for much of 
this time had been in a military way much more than a friendly 

1. Edmund Duval Poole in "Annals of Yarmouth and Harrington," page i. 

2. Sir William Phips's commission, in 1692, gave this governor control of 
"the Old Colony, the Colony of New Plymouth, the Province of Maine, of Nova 
Scotia, and all the country between the last two mentioned places." See Sparks's 
American Biography, Vol. 7, p. 77. William Shirley's commission, in 1741, reads : 
"Whereas by a Royal Charter under the Great Seal of England, bearing date the 
Seventh day of October in the 3rd year of the Reign of King William the Third, 
the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, the Colony of New Plymouth, the Province of 
Main in New England, the Territory of Acadie or Nova Scotia, and the Lands 
lying between the said Territory of Nova Scotia and the Province of Main afore- 
said were United, Erected, and incorporated into one real Province, by the name 
of Our Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England. . . . We repos- 
ing Especial Trust and Confidence in the Prudence, Courage, and Loyalty of you 
the said William Shirley. ... do Constitute and Appoint You the said Wil- 
liam Shirley to be Our Captain General and Governor in Chief in and over Our 
said Province of the Massachusetts Bay." "The Correspondence of William Shir- 
ley," edited by Charles Henry Lincoln, Ph.D., Vol. i, pp. 28-36. The "seventh day 
of October in the third year of the Reign of King William the Third" was Octo- 
ber 7, 1691. 


neighbor to the more easterly province, she had, primarily of 
course for her own protection, used her forces unsparingly in 
guarding the interests of Nova Scotia against the machinations 
of the common foe of all the eastern American colonies, the 
papistical French. 3 In the matter of trade the two provinces 
had been extremely valuable to each other, important commer- 
cial intercourse between them having begun even earlier than the 
time that De Razilly's warring lieutenants, D'Aulnay Charni- 
say and Charles La Tour, were waging their petty wars for su- 
premacy in the Acadian woods. 

As we have seen, there was no attempt at British settlement 
of Nova Scotia until 1749, and thereafter no further attempt un- 
til 1758, so that the political grievances of which long settled 
Massachusetts had come to complain had had no chance to de- 
velop in the former province. But the population of Nova Sco- 
tia, wherever population existed in the districts outside of Hali- 
fax, had been largely drawn from New England, and as has 
been said, and as we should expect, these Nova Scotian New 
Englanders soon after the outbreak of the Revolution showed 
unmistakable signs of close sympathy with the cause to which 
their relatives and friends in the colonies they had left behind 
had given their passionate support. At Halifax, however, mat- 
ters were different, many of the most influential inhabitants of 
the town, it is true, were New Englanders, but society there had 
begun on a distinctly aristocratic plan, the governor was an 
Englishman, the council, into which several New England men 
had already been admitted, was a body which stimulated and 
gave exercise for the love of power which most men possess, 
and already a considerable number of the Boston Congregation- 

3. In 1747, Governor Shirley wrote the Duke of Newcastle that "New Eng- 
land had furnished for years the only succour and support the Garrison at An- 
napolis Royal had received, and that the General Assembly of Massachusetts were 
growing tired of haying the burden of defence thrown upon them, and desired 
his Majesty's more immediate interposition for the protection of Nova Scotia." 
Archdeacon Raymond, LL.D., in "Nova Scotia under English Rule; from the 
Capture of Port Royal to the Conquest of Canada, A. D. 1710-1760," published in 
the "Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada," Third Series 1910, p. 68. 

March 28, 1750, Shirley writes the Duke of Newcastle that Nova Scotia hav- 
ing long been the object of his attention, appears to him "immediately to affect 
the safety of all his [Majesty's] other Northern Colonies, particularly those of 
New England, and in its consequences the interests of Great Britain itself in a 
very high degree." "The Correspondence of William Shirley." 


alists settled in the town had conceived an attachment, stronger 
or weaker, for the Anglican Church. When the Revolution 
began, therefore, self interest for most of the Halifax men 
seemed to demand that whatever might come they should keep 
loyal to England, hence the strong censure with which any disaf- 
fection towards British control was visited at Halifax from first 
to last through the whole continuance of the war. 

The Revolutionary conflict started in Massachusetts on the 
nineteenth of April, 1775, by the march of some eight or ninte 
hundred royal troops from Boston towards Concord to seize 
stores of ammunition and food the provincials had collected there 
for use in the impending certain strife. The attempt was un- 
successful, and before long Boston, where the British forces 
were gathered, was completely surrounded by provincial troops 
and all supplies for the King's army were cut off. As soon as 
this fact became known in Nova Scotia, Governor Legge of this 
province ordered shipments of provisions from the Bay of Fun- 
dy, and likewise dispatched four companies of the 65th regi- 
ment, then stationed at Halifax, to assist the royal troops in the 
beleaguered town. In the Massachusetts Archives is a mass of 
documents which reveal with great clearness the unhappy con- 
ditions which existed both in Nova Scotia and in Massachusetts, 
from the prohibition of all intercourse between the two prov- 
inces by the patriot authorities of Massachusetts, throughout 
the progress of the strife, until the enactment of the resolve of 
July fifth, 1792, by the Massachusetts Great and General Court 
abolished privateering and put trade relations once more on a 
friendly basis. 

Fear that the interruption of trade relations, and more es- 
pecially that the close relationship that existed between a 
great part of the inhabitants of Nova Scotia and the people of 
New England, might produce a feeling of sympathy in Nova 
Scotia with the revolting colonies, caused the government at 
Halifax to bestir themselves vigorously almost as soon as the 
Revolution began to check any outward demonstration of dis- 
loyalty the N^ova Scotians might be disposed to make. At the 
opening of the Legislature in June, 1775, Governor Legge in 
Ms speech said diplomatically : * ' On so critical a conjuncture of 


affairs in America I cannot forbear expressing the great pleas- 
ure and satisfaction I receive from your steady and uniform be- 
haviour in your duty and allegiance to the King, and in your 
due observance of the laws of Great Britain. Nothing can more 
advance the good and welfare of this people, nor render us more 
respectable to Great Britain, nor be more subservient to procure 
the favour and protection of our Royal and most gracious sov- 
ereign; as on the continuance of his protection our safety, our 
prosperity, and the very existence of this colony depends." The 
replies of the Council and the Assembly to this speech were as 
loyal in tone as could be asked, but the Governor soon began in 
letters to the Home Government to charge disloyalty to England 
on most of the people under his rule, clearly insinuating that 
even members of the Council itself were tainted with treasonable 
feeling. 4 Positive orders issued both by the revolted colonies 
and the Governor and Council of this province prohibiting in- 
tercourse between Nova Scotia and the other colonies soon pro- 

4. At Halifax the restraint of trade was of course severely felt, and a few 
persons there were charged by name with unfriendliness towards the English 
cause. A quantity of hay had been bought from Mr. Joseph Fairbanks for the 
King's troops at Boston, but by some means it was burned before it could be got 
away. Responsibility for destroying it was publicly laid on two Massachusetts 
residents of the town, John Fillis, formerly of Boston, and William Smith. They 
stoutly denied the charge, however, and the council exonerated them. In Octo- 
ber, 1777, an order was passed in council for the arrest of Mr. Malachy Salter, 
one of the most prominent merchants of the town, also a native Bostonian, 
on a charge of correspondence of a dangerous tendency with parties in Boston, 
and a prosecution was ordered against him for unlawful correspondence with 
the rebels. In the next session of the Supreme Court Mr. Salter was tried but 
he too was honourably acquitted. 

The Eddy rebellion in Cumberland county in 17/6, led by Jonathan Eddy, John 
Allan, and Samuel Rogers, all of whom had been members of the Nova Scotia 
Legislature, is a conspicuous matter of Revolutionary history. How the news of 
this rebellion affected the government at Halifax a minute of the council books 
shows. This notable entry is as follows : 

"At a council holden at Halifax, on the I7th Nov., 1776, Present the Honoura- 
ble the Lieut. Governor, the Hon. Charles Morris, Richard Bulkeley, Henry New- 
ton, Jonathan Binney, Arthur Gpold, John Butler. 

"On certain intelligence having been received that Jonathan Eddy, William 
Howe, and Samuel Rogers have been to the utmost of their power exciting and 
stirring up disaffection and rebellion among the people of the county of Cumber- 
land, and are actually before the fort at Cumberland with a considerable number 
of rebels from New England, together with some Acadians and Indians. It was 
therefore resolved to offer 200 Reward for apprehending Jonathan Eddy and 
100 for apprehending John Allan, who has been deeply concerned in exciting said 

A fact never entirely lost sight of by historians of Halifax is that in this 
Eddy rebellion in Cumberland a young Irishman, Richard John Uniacke, who in 
later life was to hold high positions in the local government and to found in 
Halifax a family of the first importance, took part against the British authorities. 


duced a most unhappy state of feeling all over the province; 
Nova Scotia had lost her markets, privateering on both sides was 
rampant on the seas, so large a number of prisoners were being 
brought into Halifax that the prison ship in the harbour and 
the jail in the town were full to overflowing, and to crown all an 
order had gone out from Governor Legge for the enrollment of 
a large body of militia in various parts of the province for im- 
mediate service, if necessary in the field. Legge, who was a rel- 
ative of the Earl of Dartmouth, was the most unpopular gover- 
nor Nova Scotia has ever had, he was autocratic and suspicious, 
and in the three years that he spent as head of the government, 
he managed hopelessly to antagonize not only the lieutenant- 
governor, Mr. Michael Francklin, and the members of the Coun- 
cil, but the people at large of perhaps every settled township in 
the province under his rule. His order to the militia was re- 
ceived throughout the province with marked disapprobation; 
* ' Those of us who belong to New England being invited into this 
province by Governor Lawrence's proclamation,' 1 say the peo- 
ple of Cumberland, "it must be the greatest piece of cruelty 
and imposition for them to be subjected to march into different 
parts in arms against their friends and relations." Protests 
from Onslow and Truro speak of the hardships of the militia 
law, since it takes men from their avocations, and also leaves the 
parts of the country from which they come exposed to attack. 

The movement of Loyalists from Massachusetts to Nova Sco- 
tia began very soon after the skirmish at Lexington. Many per- 
sons of comfortable fortune, in and near Boston, foresaw that if 
the provincials triumphed their own fortunes must lie elsewhere 
than in their native province, and cast their eyes on Nova Scotia 
as a place of refuge. Early in May, 1775, therefore, several 
vessels arrived in Halifax harbour with families that were glad 
to escape thus early from the scene of what clearly threatened 
to be a miserable and protracted civil war. 

The first Massachusetts Loyalists that we know to have ar- 
rived in Halifax were a group who embarked at Salem on the 
twenty-ninth of April, 1775, in the brig Minerva. This group 
comprised Mr. George DeBlois, a local Salem merchant, a first 
cousin of Gilbert and Lewis DeBlois, the well known Boston 


Tories who died in England, Dr. John Prince, a Salem physi- 
cian, Mr. James Grant, and a Mrs. Cottnam and her family. 5 
A little over a month later, on the eighth of June, 1775, Edward 
Lyde and his family of Boston left their native city, in some 
vessel, and sought refuge in Halifax. Edward Lyde was a 
prosperous iron merchant, a man of the first social position, who 
had managed to make himself highly offensive to the patriots, 
and his flight from his native town at this early period seems 
to have been necessary for his safety. Precisely where in Hali- 
fax he lived during the year he spent there we do not know, but 
when his friends from Boston arrived with General Howe, as 
we shall presently see, he met Chief Justice Peter Oliver, and 
at once took him to his house, where he kept him during his stay. 
Some time in 1776, Mr. Lyde embarked for London, though he 
did not long stay abroad. In 1779 he came to New York, where 
he had important business interests, and in that city he spent 
most of the remainder of his life. 6 When Howe's fleet reached 
Halifax, among the Refugees that came with it were Mr. By- 
field Lyde of Boston, Edward Lyde's father, and two or three 
sisters of Edward Lyde. Of these sisters, Sarah, became in 
3777, in Halifax, the second wife of Dr. Mather Byles. 

Very soon after the battle of Lexington, Major John Vassall 
of Cambridge and Boston, and his family, and Colonel Isaac 
Royall of Medford, sailed for Halifax, and with the latter prob- 
ably went also Sir William Pepperrell, 2nd, Colonel Royall 's son- 
in-law, and Lady Pepperrell. In Halifax Lady Pepperrell died, 
her funeral taking place there October eighth, 1775. Late in 
1775, or early in 1776, Rev. John Troutbeck, who had been for 
about twenty-one years assistant minister of King's Chapel, 
also took refuge in Halifax, and with the exception of the Pep- 

5. See the writer's "Old Boston Families, No. i, the DeBlois Family," in the 
N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register for January, 1913. Mrs. Cottnam afterward kept 
a school for girls, first in Halifax, then in St. John. She and her daughter are 
occasionally referred to in the Byles correspondence. 

6. Edward Lyde's movements are clearly learned from the deposition he 
made before the commissioners appointed to receive petitions from Loyalists for 
compensation for their losses in the Revolution. See "Ontario Sessional Papers,* 
Vol. 37, Parts n and 12 (2 Vols., 1905). 


perrells these persons were all in Nova Scotia when Howe's 
iieet arrived in March and April, 1776. 7 

Almost immediately after the battle of Lexington, as we have 
said, Boston came into a state of siege, General Gage promptly 
ordering the inhabitants of the town to have no communication 
whatever with the country around. Just before the battle of 
Bunker Hill (June 17, 1775), General Howe said to his troops: 
"Remember, gentlemen, we have no recourse if we lose Boston, 
but to go on board our ships, which will be very disagreeable to 
us all." On the seventh of March, 1776, Howe's situation "was 
perplexing and critical. The fleet was unable to ride in safety 
in the harbour. The army, exposed to the mercy of the American 
batteries and not strong enough to force the lines, was humiliat- 
ed and discontented. The Loyalists were expecting and claim- 
ing the protection that had so often been guaranteed to them. 8 In 

7. Rev. John Troutheck was in Boston as late as October. 1775. when he 
signed the address from the gentlemen and principal inhabitants of Boston to 
Governor Gage. When Dr. William Walter, Rector of Trinity Church, Boston, 
arrived in Halifax we do not know, but it was probably earlier than the coming 
there of Howe's fleet. 

Colonel Isaac Royall left his beautiful mansion in Medford (which is stand- 
ing still) with great sorrow, three days before the battle of Lexington. He ex- 
pected to go to Antigua, but he soon decided to go to Halifax, and in that town 
he remained until the Spring of 1776. Probably in May, 1776, he embarked for 
England, and there without ever revisiting his native country, he died in 1781. 
One of his daughters was the wife of Col. George Erving, another the wife of 
Sir William Pepperrell, 2nd. 

Of Colonel RoyalFs house at Medford, Mr. Stark writes: "The mansion it- 
self was inded one of the finest of colonial residences, standing as it did in the 
midst of elegant surroundings. In the front, or what is now the west side, was 
the paved court. Reaching farther west were the extensive gardens, opening from 
the courtyard, a broad path leading to the summer house. The slave quarters 
were at the south. . . . The interior woodwork of the house is beautifully 
carved, especially the drawing room, guest chamber, and staircase. The walls are 
pannelled, and the carving on each side of the windows is very fine." 

This notable mansion was the scene of great hospitality. "No home in the 
colony," continues Mr. Stark, "was more open to friends, no gentleman gave bet- 
ter dinners, or drank costlier wines." Colonel Royal was a kind master to his 
slaves, a charitable man to the poor, and a friend to everybody. From Halifax, 
March twelfth, 1776, he wrote from Halifax to Dr. Simon Tufts of Medford, 
directing Tufts to sell some of his slaves. See Stark's "The Loyalists of Massa- 
chusetts," pp. 293, 294; and Brooks's "History of Medford," p. 173. 

8. Public acts of the Massachusetts Loyalists that were particularly offensive 
to the patriot party were, a respectful address of the merchants and others of 
Boston to Governor Hutchinson, May 30, 1774, before Hutchinson's departure for 
England; an address of the barristers and attorneys of Massachusetts to Gover- 
nor Hutchinson on the same day; an address of the inhabitants of Marblehead 
to Governor Hutchinson, May 25, 1774; an address to Governor Hutchinson from 
his fellow townsmen in the town of Milton shortly before the Governor sailed ; 
an address presented to his Excellency Governor Gage, July u, 1774, on his ar- 
rival at Salem; a loyal address from the gentlemen and principal inhabitants of 


addition, the belief was general that no despatches had been re- 
ceived from the government since October." Accordingly, on 
the 7th of March, 1776, Howe convened his officers in Council, 
and in a speech, impassioned and forceful, told them that in 
spite of the humiliation which the action would involve, and 
of the losses that the Loyalists under his protection must inevi- 
tably suffer, in order to save the army he must evacuate the town. 
Ten days later the formal evacuation came. On Sunday the 
17th, very early in the morning, the troops began to embark. 
"About nine o'clock," says Frothingham, "the garrison left 
Bunker Hill, and a large number of boats, filled with troops and 
inhabitants, put off from the wharves of Boston." How soon 
after his final decision was made to leave Boston Howe notified 
the majority of the Loyalists under his protection, we do not 
know, but the Rev. Henry Caner, Eector of King's Chapel, tells 
us that he himself had only a few hours given him to prepare for 
his flight. 

Although the formal evacuation occurred on the seventeenth 
of March, the whole fleet did not leave Boston harbour for sev- 
eral days, and Frothingham says that during that time the 
British officers wrote many letters to their friends. On the day 
of the evacuation, one wrote from "Nantasket Road": "The 
dragoons are under orders to sail tomorrow for Halifax, a 

Boston to Governor Gage, October 6, 1775, shortly before he sailed for England; 
and a "loyal address to Governor Gage on his departure, October 14, 1775, of 
those gentlemen who were driven from their habitations in the country to the 
town of Boston." 

In September, 1778, was passed by the General Court of Massachusetts the 
Banishment Act of the State, "an Act to prevent the return to this state of cer- 
tain persons therein named, and others who have left this state or either of the 
United States, and joined the enemies thereof." In this were included many gen- 
tlemen in various professions and businesses prominent in several towns of the 
State. The second section of the act reads : "And be it further enacted by the 
authority aforesaid, that if any person or persons, who shall be transported as 
aforesaid, shall voluntarily return into this state, without liberty first had and ob- 
tained from the general court, he shall on conviction thereof before the superior 
court of judicature, court of assize and general gaol delivery, suffer the pains of 
death without benefit of clergy." On the 3Oth of April, 1779, was passed the "Con- 
spiracy Act," or Act of Confiscation, "an Act to confiscate the estates of certain 
notorious conspirators against the government and liberties of the inhabitants of 
the late province, now state, of Massachusetts Bay." (The term "notorious con- 
spirators" was highly insulting to men who were honestly convinced that what- 
ever the mistakes the British Government was then making, it was wrong to 
thrpw^off allegiance to the mother land. Private letters of Harrison Gray in the 
writer's custody show how indignantly they resented it, and how inappropriate it 
really was). 


cursed, cold, wintry place, even yet; nothing to eat, less to 
drink. Bad times, my dear friend." On the twenty-fifth of 
March, another wrote: "We do not know where we are going, 
but are in great distress." On the twenty-sixth, still another 
wrote: "Expect no more letters from Boston. We have quitted 
that place. Washington played on the town for several days. 
A shell, which burst while we were preparing to embark did very 
great damage. Our men have suffered. We have one consola- 
tion left. You know the proverbial expression, t neither Hell, 
Hull, nor Halifax,' can afford worse shelter than Boston. 9 To 
fresh provision I have for many months been an utter stranger. 
An egg was a rarity. Yet I submit. A soldier may mention 
grievances, though he should scorn to repine when he suffers 
them. The next letter from Halifax." 

The whole effective besieging force that withdrew with Howe, 
says Lossing, including seamen, was about eleven thousand, and 
the number of Refugees about eleven hundred, but a list of the 
latter in the handwriting of one of them, Mr. Walter Barrell, 
Inspector General of Customs, which was long ago printed in the 
"Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society," gives 
the number as nine hundred and twenty-seven. 10 In Barrell 's 

g. "There is a proverb, and a prayer withal. 

That we may not to three strange places fall : 

From Hull, from Halifax, from Hell, 'tis thus, 

From all these three, good Lord, deliver us!" 

John Taylor (the "Water Poet"), 1580-1654; in "News from Hell, Hull, and 

The siege of Boston had been in progress for ten months when Howe evac- 
uated the town. 

10. "Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc.," Vol. 18, p. 266. Also Stark's 
"Loyalists of Massachusetts," pp. 133-136. In his "Siege of Boston," Richard 
Frothingham, Jr., gives the number of Refugees with Howe as "more than a thou- 
sand." Of members of Council, commissioners, custpm-house officers, and others 
who had occupied official positions, he says, there were a hundred and two ; of 
merchants and other inhabitants of Boston two hundred and thirteen ; of persons 
from the country a hundred and five; of farmers, traders, and mechanics three 
hundred and eighty-two, and of clergymen eighteen, all of whom "returned their 
names on their arrival at Halifax." About two hundred others, he adds, did not 
return their names. Where the "return" made at Halifax, that Frothingham 
speaks of, was ever deposited we do not know. Nor can we feel at all certain 
that Frothingham's summary is correct. It is impossible, for instance, that there 
can have been eighteen clergymen among the Refugees. The only Massachusetts 
clergymen that the fleet can possibly have carried were Rev. Dr. Henry Caner, 
Rector of King's Chapel, Rev. Dr. Mather Byles, who had been Rector of Christ 
Church, Rev. Moses Badger, whose home was in Haverhill, and possibly though 
not at all likely, Rev. Dr. William Walter, Rector of Trinity Church. When Dr. 


list we find besides Lieutenant-Governor Thomas Oliver and his 
servants, six persons in all, eleven members of council, and a 
clerk of the courts, they and their households numbering in all 
seventy-three, a group of custom house officials numbering no 
less than thirty-seven, they and their families aggregating a 
hundred and thirty-two, and two hundred and twenty-eight other 
men, with their families, these comprising the greater number 
of the Bostonians in private life who were regarded as occupy- 
ing the most prominent positions in the town. Among the Refu- 
gees were Hon. Harrison Gray, Receiver General of the prov- 
ince and member of council, Brigadier-General Timothy Bug- 
gies, Hon. Foster Hutchinson, Col. John Murray, Col. Josiah 
Edson, Mr. Richard Lechmere, Col. John Erving, Mr. Nathaniel 
Ray Thomas, Messrs. Abijah Willard, Daniel Leonard, Nathan- 
iel Hatch, George Erving, and leading representatives of the 
families of Atkinson, Brattle, Brinley, Cazneau, Chandler, Cof- 
fin, Cutler, DeBlois, Dumaresq, Faneuil, Gardener, Gay, Gore, 
Gray, Green, Greenwood, Holmes, Hutchinson, Inman, Jefferies, 
Johannot, Joy, Loring, Lyde, Oliver, Paddock, Perkins, Phips, 
Putnam, Rogers, Saltonstall, Savage, Sergeant, Snelling, 
Sterns or Stearns, and Winslow. That several other important 
Boston men like Thomas Apthorp, and Major John and Wil- 
liam Vassall, are not found in this list of Refugees with the fleet 
is to be accounted for by the fact that they had left, either for 
Halifax or directly for England, some time before. 12 

Walter went to Halifax, we have nowhere found recorded, it may have been 
with the fleet, or it may have been, as was the case with Rev. John Troutbeck, a 
little earlier. There may have been several army or navy chaplains on Howe's 
ships, there were no Massachusetts clergymen except those we have mentioned. 

11. On page 136 of his "Loyalists of Massachusetts" Mr. Stark gives the names 
of thirty-six mandamus councillors appointed August 9, 1774. Of these, several, 
like Foster Hutchinson, Timothy Ruggles, and Nathaniel Ray Thomas, going with 
the fleet, settled permanently in Nova Scotia. 

12. Judge Curwen, of Salem, one of the most important Massachusetts Loy- 
alists, landed at Dover, England, July 3, 1775, and after visiting the castle there, 
at once took coach for London. The next evening, at seven o'clock, he arrived at 
the New England Coffee-House, on Threadneedle Street. He remained in Eng- 
land until 1784, when at the urgent solicitation of his old friends, "the principal 
merchants and citizens of Salem," he returned to New England. At Salem he 
says, "not a man, woman, or child but expressed a satisfaction at seeing me, and 
welcomed me back." His affairs were in so bad a condition, however, that he 
thought he might have to "retreat to Nova Scotia," but he staid in Salem, and 
died there in 1802. April 24, 1780, he writes : 

"This day, five years are completed since I abandoned my house, estate, and 
effects and friends. God only knows whether I shall ever be restored to them, 


On the thirtieth of March, 1776, so tradition has it, the Hali- 
fax people, who had had no previous notice of the action of 
Howe, were startled to see a fleet sailing into their harbour. 13 
Their first thought was that another French fleet bent on re-con- 
quest of Nova Scotia had suddenly surprised the town, but the 
truth was soon learned, and then the greatest perplexity arose 
to know how to house the thousand civilians who wished to dis- 
embark from the ships, and to provide food for the more than 
eleven thousand soldiers and sailors that General Howe's forces 
comprised. To supply shelter every available spare room in the 
town was quickly secured and tents were thrown up on the 
Parade, and for food, cattle were rapidly driven in from the 
suburbs and slaughtered, and all shops and storehouses were 
taxed to the limit of their supplies. So great was the demand 
for food that as in all such crises the price of provisions rose to 
what was then an exorbitant figure, and this went on until the 
Governor was obliged to issue a proclamation fixing the price of 
meat at a shilling a pound, milk at sixpence a quart, and butter 
at one and six-pence a pound. 

At this time, it will be remembered, Halifax was only twenty- 
seven years old, and its regular inhabitants numbered not more 
than between three and four thousand, and we can well imagine 
the excitement that must have prevailed in all ranks of society 
at the sudden descent of such a force on the town, and at the 
prospect of such a permanent increase to the population as the 
remaining there of a large number of the Bostonians would 
make. Towards the troops and the people who accompanied 
them, however, there seems to have been generally the kindest 
feeling shown, and however limited the hospitality the Hali- 
gionians were able to offer, the Boston people were no doubt 
thankful to their hearts' core to receive it, for they had been 
living for months previous to their enforced embarkation in a 

or they to me. Party rage, like jealousy and superstition is cruel as the grave; 
that moderation is a crime, and in time of civil confusions, many good, virtuous, 
and peaceable persons now suffering banishment from America are the wretched 
proofs and instances." See Curwen's "Journal and Letters," and Stark's "Loy- 
alists of Massachusetts," pp. 246-254. 

13. This is the tradition, but it is also said somewhere in print that when 
General Howe found that he must leave Boston he dispatched Brigadier-General 
Robertson to Halifax to make ready for the troops. 


state of apprehension and in some cases of real physical discom- 
fort. The distress of the troops and inhabitants of Boston dur- 
ing the siege, some one wrote at the time, "is great beyond all 
possible description. Neither vegetables, flour, nor pulse for the 
inhabitants; the King's stores are so very short none can be 
spared for them; no fuel, and the winter set in remarkably se- 
vere. The troops and inhabitants absolutely and literally starv- 
ing for want of provisions and fire." 14 

Details of the voyage of these Boston Tories to Halifax are 
not entirely wanting. In the Journal of Chief-Justice Peter Oli- 
ver, as quoted in Thomas Hutchinson's "Diary and Letters," 15 
we have one prominent Bostonian's account of it. On the sev- 
enteenth of March, the day of the embarkation, Judge Oliver 
writes : * ' The troops at Boston embarked, and about 20 sail fell 
down into King's Koad by 11 o'clock this morning." On the 
twenty-seventh, then well at sea, he writes : "I sailed from Nan- 
tasket, at 3 o'clock, afternoon, in the 2nd and last Division of 
the fleet, about 70 sail, for Hallifax, under convoy of the Chat- 
ham, Admiral Shuldham, and of the Centurion, Capt n Braith- 
waite 28th, A good wind. 29th, Ditto. Were on Cape Sable 
Bank. 30th, Wind about N. E. A tumbling sea, supposed to be 
occasioned by the indraught of the Bay of Fundy. 31st, Ditto. 
April 1st, A tumbling sea : wind at N. E. 2nd, A southerly wind 
and smooth sea. Made land, on a north course, about 3 o'clock 
afternoon, and came to anchor before Hallifax at half an hour 
past 7 at night. 3d, Landed at Hallifax. Edward Lyde, Esq. in- 
vited me to his house, where I tarried till I embarqued for Eng- 
land. I was very happy in being at Mr. Lyde's, as there was so 
great an addition to the inhabitants from the navy and army, 
and Refugees from Boston, which made the lodgings for them 
very scarce to be had, and many of them, when procured, quite 
intolerable. Provisions were here as dear as in London. The 
rents of houses were extravagant and the owners of them took all 
advantages of the necessity of the times, so that I knew of three 
rooms in one house w ch house could not cost 500 Sterl g , let for 
250 Sterl g p year. Thus mankind prey upon each other. . . . 

14. We can understand from this account how it was that the Old North 
Church, the Church of the Mathers (Dr. Increase and Dr. Cotton Mather), with 
about twenty other buildings, was torn down for fuel during the siege. 

15. "Diary and Letters of Thomas Hutchinson," Vol. 2, pp. 46-54. 


I pitied the misfortunes of others, but I could only pity them : for 
myself, I was happily provided for, and was the more happy, as 
I had been very sea-sick during my 6 1-2 days voyage, so that I 
could not enjoy to my wishes, the grand prospect of the ocean 
covered with ships in view, and some of them so near as to con- 
verse with our friends on board them. ' ' 

How Halifax appeared to the Refugees we also learn from 
Judge Oliver's journal. "Halifax," Oliver writes, "is a very 
agreeable situation for prospects, and for trade: it is situated 
on a rising ground fronting the Harbour and ocean. There are 
6 or 7 streets parallel to each other on the side of the hill, of 
about 1 1-2 or 2 miles in length, very strait, and of good width. 
There are many others which ascend the hill, and intersect the 
long streets. On the top of the hill there is now a most delight- 
ful prospect of the harbour, Islands near the entrance of the 
harbor, and of the ocean, so that you may see vessells at a very 
great distance at sea : and when the woods are cleared off, there 
will be a most delightfull landscape, but at present there is not 
a great deal of cleared land. 

"The harbor of Hallifax is a most excellent one, capable of 
containing the whole English navy, where they may ride land- 
locked against any storms ; at this time there are 200 sail before 
the town ; and when L d Lodoun was here in the year 1757, there 
were above 300 sail of vessells in the harbor. It is above a mile 
wide for 3 or 4 miles, and it is deep with good anchorage, and a 
bold shore. Above the harbor there is a Basin which empties 
into it; it is 5 or 6 miles broad, and 7 or 8 miles long; a good 
shore, and in some places 50 fathom deep. In this Basin Duke 
D'Anville retired out of observation in y e year 1745 [sic], and 
here he left one of his 70 gun ships, which is now at the bottom 
of this Basin. 

"The houses of Hallifax seem to have been sowed like mush- 
rooms in an hot-bed, and to have decayed as fast; for although 
they have been built but a few years, yet there are scarce any of 
them habitable, and perhaps a conflagration might occasion a 
Phoenix to rise out of its ashes." 16 

16. Chief Justice Oliver further says: "During my stay at Hallifax, as well 
as during my residence in Boston, I was treated with y e utmost politeness, not to 


Until early in June Howe's fleet lay at Halifax, the general 
up to this time having undoubtedly been waiting for the arrival 
of his brother, Admiral Lord Richard Howe, with instructions 
for his further movements. In June the fleet sailed for New 
York, and there in July the general was joined by his brother, 
who brought with him a large force, and came armed with the 
King's authority to the general and himself to treat with the 
rebels, who it was fondly believed could yet be cajoled into more 
complaisancy towards the mother country. 17 

Of the high standing in Boston of these Refugees with Howe's 
fleet, a writer in the "Memorial History of Boston," giving the 
names of a hundred and forty of the Loyalists proscribed in 
1778 as inveterate enemies to the State, says: "When it is con- 
sidered that forty-five of the above were termed esquires, nine 
were ministers and doctors, and thirty-six were merchants, we 
can form some idea of the great social changes produced by the 
Revolution. ... It can easily be seen that this forced emi- 
gration must have had the effect to destroy the continuity of the 
social history of the town. The persons who adhered to the 
Crown were naturally the wealthy and conservative classes. They 
composed the families which had prospered during the preceding- 
century and which had been gradually forming a local aristoc- 

say friendship, by General Howe, who offered and urged me to every assistance 
I might wish for, and assured me, now at Hallifax, of being provided with a good 
ship for my passage to England ; but the Harriot Pacquet, Cap n Lee, being sent 
to carry home Gov r Legge of Hallifax, Mr. Legge invited nr.v niece Jenny Clarke 
and myself to take passage with him; not suffering us to luy in any stores for 
ourselves, but to partake in his, of which he had made ample provision." 

Judge Oliver then proceeds : "We accordingly embarked in the s d Packet on 
y e 1 2th May, having as passengers in the cabin Gov r Legge, James Monk, Esq., 
Solicitor General of Hallifax, and his lady, Mr. Birch, Chaplain of a Regiment, 
and Miss Clarke and myself. We embarked at 8 o'clock in the morning, and came 
to sail at 3 o'clock in the afternoon. There were six sail more in company, con- 
voyed by the Glasgow Man-of-War, Cap n How." the voyage to England was made 
in three weeks, the ship reaching Falmouth harbour about midnight of the first 
of June. 

It is probable that in the "six sail" Judge Oliver mentions went to England 
most of the Tories who did not wish to remain in Halifax, or that did not a few 
weeks later continue with Howe to New York. 

17. In Dr. Ezra Stiles's Diary (Vol. 2, p. 168) we find recorded a dispatch 
from Halifax of June 13, 1776. The dispatch reads : "The British Fleet is gone 
from this place for New York ; great Dissention prevailed on their Departure, 
among officers and soldiers. This morning about 2 o'clock two Transports found- 
ered in a gale of wind near this place and about 300 troops perished." 


racy. The history of the times which should omit these families 
would be fatally defective." 18 

A considerable group of Boston Loyalists, among these some 
who sailed with the fleet to Halifax, for a longer or shorter time 
afterwards, settled in Bristol, England. In a letter to William 
Pynchon, Esq., of Salem, written April 19, 1780, Judge Cur- 
wen enumerates these as follows : Miss Arbuthnot, Mr. Barnes, 
wife and niece, Mrs. Borland, a son and three daughters, Na- 
thaniel Coffin, wife and family, Miss Davis, Mr. Faneuil and 
wife, Robert Hallowell, wife and children, Nicholas Lechmere, 
wife and two daughters, R. Lechmere, brother of Nicholas, Colo- 
nel Oliver and six daughters, Judge Sewall, wife, sister, and two 
sons, Samuel Sewall, "kinsman to Mr. Faneuil," Mr. Simp- 
son, John Vassall, wife and niece, and Mr. Francis Waldo. 19 
Some of the Boston Loyalists also seem to have located for a 
time, at least, in Birmingham, England, but the majority settled 
in London, where many of them spent the rest of their days. In 
London in 1776, they formed a club for a weekly dinner at the 
Adelphi, Strand, the members being Messrs. Richard Clark, Jo- 
seph Green, Jonathan Bliss, Jonathan Sewall, Joseph Waldo, 
Samson Salter Blowers, Elisha and William Hutchinson, Sam- 
uel Sewall, Samuel Quincy, Isaac Smith, Harrison Gray, David 
Greene, Jonathan Clark, Thomas Flucker, Joseph Taylor. Dan- 
iel Silsbee, Thomas Brinley, William Cabot, John Singleton 
Copley, and Nathaniel Coffin. To these names also must be add- 
ed, Thomas Hutchinson, previously governor of Massachusetts, 
Samuel Porter, Edward Oxnard, Benjamin Pickman, John 
Amory, Judge Robert Auchmuty, and Major Urquhart. 20 In 
May, 1779, the Loyalists in London formed an association, evi- 

18. William H. Whitmore in the "Memorial History of Boston," Vol. I, pp. 
563, 564. 

19. "Journal and Letters of the Late Samuel Curwen, Judge of Admiralty, 
etc.," pp. 237, 238. 

20. ''Journal and Letters of the Late Samuel Curwen, Judge of Admiralty, 
etc. (1842), p. 45. Later the members of this club must have met regularly for 
their weekly dinner at the New England Coffee House. On the 4th of July, 1782, 
Judge Curwen writes in his journal: "Went to London to the Thursday dinner at 
New England Coffee-House." July nth he writes: "Dined as usual at New 
England fish-club dinner." July 27th : "Dined at New England Coffee-House on 
fish, in company with Mr. Flucker, Francis Waldo, Mr. Hutchinson, Mr. Gold- 
thwait, etc." 


dently for united political action, or for the improvement of 
their own condition, composed of representatives from all the 
New England colonies, and mjade Sir William Pepperrell, sec- 
ond baronet of the name, who was a leading one of their number, 
president. 21 

The unhappy condition of probably a good many of the Boston 
Refugees when they reached Halifax, is reflected in a letter of 
Rev. Dr. Henry Caner, of King's Chapel, written to the Society 
for the Propagation of the Gospel, shortly after the Loyalists 
arrived. Under date of May tenth, 1776, Dr. Caner says: "I am 
now at Halifax, but without any means of support except what 
I receive from the benevolence of the worthy Dr. Breynton. Sev- 
eral other clergymen, Dr. Byles, Mr. Walter, Mr. Badger, etc., 
are likewise driven from Boston to this place; but [all] of them 
have some comfortable provision in the Army or Navy as Chap- 
lains, a service which my age 22 and infirmities will not well ad- 
mit of. I have indeed greatly suffered in my health by the cold 
weather and other uncomfortable circumstances of a passage to 
this place ; but having by the good providence of God survived 

21. The Loyalists who went to England did not lose sight of Nova Scotia. 
On the i8th of January, 1784, Chief-Justice Oliver writes from Birmingham : 
"Nova Scotia populates fast 60,000 already." February gth he writes: "Parson 
Walter is arrived from Nova Scotia; many other Refugees are come. America is in 
a bad plight they will lose their whale and cod fishery, and Nova Scotia will 
ruin the four New England governments." March 5th he writes from London : 
"Mr. Winslow and family are there [Halifax]. Mr. Walter is here, having left 
his family at Port Roseway. Col. Ruggles hath built him a large house near to 
Annapolis : they settle there very fast. The whalemen are leaving Nantucket for 
Nova Scotia, and the New Englanders will suffer extremely by overacting their 
importations, and English merchants will suffer by them." Again he writes : "A 
new Province is made on St. John's river, and called New Brunswick. Gen 1 Carle- 
ton's brother, Col. Carleton, is the Governor, and the General to be Gov r Gen- 
eral of Canada and all. Col. Willard with a thousand Refugees, I hear, is em- 
barking for Nova Scotia, so that that they will encrease rapidly, and I suppose that 
our Province will sink as they rise, for none can return to it without the expense 
of Naturalization." "Diary and Letters of Thomas Hutchinson." 

22. Dr. Caner was then seventy-six. He too went to England in the Spring 
of 1776, and when he reached there, the S. P. G. appointed him at his own re- 
quest, to the mission at Bristol, Rhode Island. Whether he ever came to Bristol 
or not we do not know. At some time after he left Boston he married a young 
wife, and at one time lived with her in Wales. He died in England in 1792. In 
one of the record books of King's Chapel which he took with him from Boston, 
he wrote: "An unnatural rebellion of the colonies against His Majesty's govern 
ment obliged the loyal part of his subjects to evacuate their dwellings and sub- 
stance, and take refuge in Halifax, London, and elsewhere ; by which means the 
public worship of King's Chapel became suspended, and is likely to remain so 
until it shall please God, in the course of his providence, to change the hearts of 
the rebels, or give success to his Majesty's arms for suppressing the rebellion." 


the past distress, I am in hopes some charitable hand will assist 
me in my purpose of proceeding to England, where the com- 
passion of the well-disposed will I hope preserve me from per- 
ishing thro' the want of the necessaries of life. If otherwise, 
God 's will be done. ' ' A letter has reached the Society from the 
Rev. Dr. Byles, writes the Secretary of the S. P. G. in the So- 
ciety's report for 1776, who is "now at Halifax with five moth- 
erless children, for a time deprived of all the means of support." 
But towards these clergymen, as indeed towards all the Refu- 
gees that needed help, not only by Dr. Breynton, but by all the 
leading secular officials and private gentlemen of Halifax, un- 
remitting and thoroughly appreciated kindness seems to have 
been shown. "Two letters have been received in the course of 
the year from the Society's very worthy missionary, the Rev. 
Dr. Breynton," writes the secretary of the S. P. G. in the report 
mentioned above, ' ' lamenting the unhappy situation of affairs in 
America ; in consequence of which many wealthy and loyal fam- 
ilies have quitted New England, and in hopes of a safe retreat 
have taken up their residence at Halifax, thereby becoming a 
great acquisition to the province, and a considerable addition to 
his congregation. For many of them, tho' Dissenters in New 
England, have constantly attended the service of the church 
since their arrival in Halifax." 

Of the social life of Boston, from which these Halifax Tories 
were so unwillingly obliged to flee, we get glimpses in the ' * An- 
nals of King's Chapel," that admirable history of the mother 
Episcopal parish of New England, of which so many of the Tor- 
ies were members. King's Chapel, says the annalist, "saw all 
the rich costumes and striking groupings of that picturesque age 
gathered in that ancient day, within its walls. Chariots with 
liveried black footmen brought thither titled gentlemen and fine 
ladies ; and the square pews were gay with modes of dress which 
must have brightened the sober New England life as the ruf- 
fled sleeves and powdered wigs, and swords ; the judges, whose 
robes were thought to give dignity and reverence to their high 
office as they set upon the bench; the scarlet uniforms of the 
British officers in army and navy, all mingling with the beauty 
and fashion which still look down from old family portraits the 


special flavour of an age very different from our own. ' ' 23 At the 
chapel, says the historian, writing of two decades before the Rev- 
olution, "worshipped not a few of the first gentlemen of the 
Province, now at the meridian of success and distinction, who 
in twenty years were to be swept away in the vortex of the 
Eevolution. " 24 "We see again the Royal Governor in his pew 
of state. . . . we recall the British officers of the army and 
navy crowding here as honoured guests ; we hear the familiar 
prayers for King and Queen and royal family repeated by loyal 
lips. The Church as it was, seemed to be in some sense a part of 
the majesty of England. Then the sky lowers, as the blind and 
senseless oppressions of the British ministry change a loyal 
colony to a people in rebellion. For a time the church brightens 
more and more with the uniforms of the King's troops, as the 
church is changed into a garrison; till, on a March Sunday in 
1776, they hurriedly depart, never to return, and the dutiful 
prayers vanish, to become a dim vision of the ancient world, so 
different from ours. A large part of the congregation went 
also ; and at their head went their aged rector, whose pride and 
life-work had been with unwearied pains to ensure the erection 
of the noble structure to which he bade farewell as he followed 
his convictions of duty to his King." 25 

Nor was the noble gravity and dignity of King's chapel as a 
building at all out of harmony with the character of the houses in 
which these Loyalists of Boston lived. On King Street, and 
Queen Street, and Beacon Street, and Tremont Street, as on 
Milk and Marlborough and Summer streets, stood fine colonial 
houses, that had rivals, indeed, in Roxbury, and Cambridge, and 
Medford, and Milton, in all which there was architectural beauty 

23. "Annals of King's Chapel," by Rev. Henry Wilder Foote, Vol. i, p. 549. 

24. On the registers of King's Chapel most of the names prominent in Bos- 
ton before the Revolution are sooner or later to be found. Many strictly Congre- 
gational families as they rose to wealth and influence gave the Chapel more or 
less support. Some families of importance, however, were from the first Episco- 
palians, not Congregationalists. Among the King's Chapel worshippers were fam- 
ilies of Auchmuty, Brattle, Brinley, Coffin, Cradock, DeBlois, Gardiner, Green- 
leaf, Hallpwell, Hutchinson, Lechmere, Lyde, Minot, Oliver, Royall, Sewall, Shir- 
ley, Snelling, Vassall, and Winslow. A notable family was the large family of 
Mr. Samuel Wentworth, originally a Portsmouth, New Hampshire, man, but 
long one of the most prominent merchants of Boston. He died before the Revo- 
lution, but his wife lived, we believe, with her son, Benning in Halifax, near her 
daughter Lady Frances Wentworth, wife of Governor S'r John. 

25. Annals of King's Chapel, Vol. II, p. 336. 


and stately elegance. Some of these houses were large, two or 
three story mansions, with handsome approaches, dignified hall 
ways, wainscotted drawing-rooms, fine stair-cases with carved 
balusters, ample tiled fireplaces, classic mantlepieces, and walls 
hung with portraits and landscapes by the best American paint- 
ters before the Bevolution. Lady Agnes Frankland, as is well 
known, up to the time of the siege lived chiefly at Hopkinton, but 
her house in the North End of Boston, to which she came early 
in the siege, is minutely described by James Fenimore Cooper. 
The Frankland house was of brick, heavily trimmed with wood, 
and had a spacious hall, off which led the drawing-room, the 
panels of whose walls were painted with imaginary landscapes 
and ruins. The walls were also " burdened with armorial bear- 
ings," indicating the noble alliances of the Frankland family. 
"Beneath the surbase were smaller divisions of panels, painted 
with various architectural devices; and above it rose, between 
the compartments, fluted pilasters of wood, with gilded capitals. 
A heavy wooden and highly ornamental cornice stretched above 
the whole, furnishing an appropriate outline for the walls. . . . 
The floor, which shone equally with the furniture, was tessellated 
with small alternate squares of red cedar and pine. ... On 
either side of the ponderous and laboured mantel were arched 
compartments, of plainer work, denoting use, the sliding panels 
of which, being raised, displayed a buffet groaning with massive 

In 1766, John Adams wrote in his diary : ' ' Dined at Mr. Nick 
Boylston's an elegant dinner indeed. Went over the house to 
view the furniture, which alone cost a thousand pounds sterling. 
A seat it is for a nobleman, a prince. The Turkey carpets, the 
painted hangings, the marble tables, the rich beds with crimson 
damask curtains and counterpanes, the beautiful chimney clock, 
the spacious garden, are the most magnificent of anything I 
have ever seen. 26 

As early as 1708 John Oldmixon, an English author, after 
visiting Boston wrote: "A gentleman from London would al- 
mjost think himself at home at Boston, when he observes the 
number of people, their houses, their furniture, their tables, 

26. "Memorial History of Boston," Vol. 2, p. 452. 


their dress and conversation, which perhaps is as showy as that 
of the most considerable tradesmen in London." Thirty- two 
years later, in 1740, Mr. Joseph Bennett, another Englishman, 
writes : ' * There are several families in Boston that keep a coach 
and pair of horses and some few drive with four horses, but for 
chaises and saddlehorses considering the bulk of the place they 
outdo London. . . . When the ladies ride out to take the 
air, it is generally in a chaise or chair, and then but a single 
horse ; and they have a negro servant to drive them. The gentle- 
men ride out here as in England, some in chairs, and others on 
horseback, with their negroes to attend them. They travel in 
much the same manner on business as for pleasure, and are at- 
tended in both by their black equipages. . . . For their do- 
mestic amusements, every afternoon, after drinking tea, the 
gentlemen and ladies walk the Mall, and from thence adjourn 
to one another's houses to spend the evening, those that are 
not disposed to attend the evening lecture; which they may do, 
if they please, six nights in seven the year round. . . . The 
government being in the hands of dissenters, 'they don't admit 
of plays or music houses, but of late they have set up an assem- 
bly, to which some of the ladies resort. . . . But notwith- 
standing plays and such like diversions do not obtain here, they 
don't seem to be dispirited nor moped for want of them, for both 
the ladies and gentlemen dress and appear as gay, in common, 
as courtiers in England on a coronation or birthday. And the 
ladies here visit, drink tea, and indulge every little piece of gen- 
tility to the height of the mode, and neglect the affairs of their 
families with as good grace as the finest ladies in London." 
' ' I remember, ' ' says Miss Dorothy Dudley of Cambridge, writ- 
ing after the Revolution of her beloved Christ Church, in the 
university town, "the families as they used to sit in church. 
First, in front of the chancel, the Temples, who every Sabbath 
drove from Ten Hills Farm ; Mr. Robert Temple and his accom- 
plished wife and lovely daughters. . . . Behind the Tem- 
ples sat the Royalls, relatives of Mrs. Henry Vassall, the In- 
mans, the Borlands, who owned and occupied the Bishop's Pal- 
ace, as the magnificent mansion built by Rev. Mr. Apthorp, op- 
posite the President's house, is called. The house is grand in 


proportions and architecture, and is fitted in every respect to 
bear the name which clings to it. It was thought that Mr. Ap- 
thorp had an eye to the bishopric when he came to take charge 
of Christ Church, and put up this house of stately elegance. . . . 
Among his congregation were the Faneuils, the Lechmeres, the 
Lees, the Olivers, the Ruggleses, the Phipses, and the Vassalls. 
Mrs. Lee, Mrs. Lechmere, and Mrs. Vassall the elder, are sisters 
of Colonel David Phips, and daughters of Lieutenant-Governor 
Spencer Phips. The ' pretty little, dapper man, Colonel Oliv- 
er,' as Reverend Mr. Sergeant used to call in sport our some- 
time lieutenant-governor, married a sister of Colonel John Vas- 
sall the younger, and Colonel Vassall married his. Mrs. Buggies 
and Mrs. Borland are aunts of John Vassall 's. These families 
were on intimate terms with one another, and scarcely a day 
passed that did not bring them together for social pleasures. 
. . . I well remember the train of carriages that rolled up to 
the church door, bearing the worshippers to the Sabbath service. 
The inevitable red cloak of Judge Joseph Lee, his badge of of- 
fice in the King's service, hung in graceful folds around his 
stately form; the beauty and elegance of the ladies were con- 
spicuous, as silks and brocades rustled at every motion, and In- 
dia shawls told of wealth and luxury. ' ' 

From Copley's portraits, painted in Boston during the ten or 
fifteen years preceding the year 1774, when the painter finally 
left for Europe, we can see how richly the Boston people 
dressed. One of Copley's woman sitters is in brown satin, the 
sleeves ruffled at the elbows, a lace shawl and a small lace cap, 
and is adorned with a necklace of pearls. Another has a bodice 
of blue satin, and an overdress of pink silk, trimmed with 
ermine. One is in olive-brown brocaded damask, one in white 
satin, with a purple velvet train edged with gold, one in blue sat- 
in, a Marie Stuart cap, and a sapphire necklace, one in pink da- 
mask, open in front to show a petticoat of white satin trimmed 
with silver lace, and one in yellow satin, also with silver lace, 
and with a necklace and earrings of pearls. Hardly less richly 
dressed, also, are Copleys men. One full-wigged gentlemen 
wears a brown broadcloth coat and a richly embroidered satin 
waistcoat, one a gold-laced brown velvet coat and small clothes, 


one a blue velvet doublet with slashed sleeves and a large collar 
trimmed with white lace (evidently a fancy costume), one a 
brown dinner coat, a blue satin waistcoat with silver buttons, 
and ruffles at the neck and wrists, and one a crimson velvet 
morning gown, with white small-clothes, and a rich dark velvet 
cap. 27 

Before the Revolution, as we have seen, a very considerable 
group of New England families were permanently settled in 
Halifax, the Brentons, Fairbankses,Fillises,Gerrishes, Gorhams, 
Greens, Lawlors, Lawsons, Monks, Morrises, Newtons, Pres- 
cotts, Salters and others ; when the Revolution was at its height, 
or had passed, we find the New England element permanently 
increased by such important families as the Blowerses, Brattles, 
Brinleys, Byleses, Gays, Halliburtons, Howes, Hutchinsons, 
Lovells, Lydes, Minots, Robies, Rogerses, Snellings, Sternses, 
Thomases, Wentworths, 28 and Winslows, with others besides. 29 
Among well known Boston Loyalists who died at Halifax were 
William Brattle, Theophilus Lillie and Byfield Lyde, who died 
in 1776, John Lovell, the Tory schoolmaster, in 1778, Jonathan 
Snelling, in 1782, Christopher Minot, in 1783, Jeremiah Dum- 
mer Rogers and Edward Winslow, Sr., 30 in 1784, Jonathan 

27. See Mr. Frank W. Bayley's "The Life and Works of John Singleton 
Copley," Boston, 1915. 

28. Sir John Wentworth, Bart., who was governor of Nova Scotia from 1792 
until 1808, was from New Hampshire, but his wife, who was his first cousin, was 
a daughter of Mr. Samuel Wentworth of Boston. Lady Wentworth's brother 
Benning was also one of the Refugees in Halifax and for some years was secretary 
of the province. To this position Sir. John's only son, Charles Mary, was like- 
wise appointed, but he probably never assumed the office. 

29. In a letter to his aunts in Boston, written from Halifax December 24, 
1783, Mather Byles, 3d, eldest son of Rev. Dr. Mather Byles, 2d, writes: "The 
final evacuation of New York has taken place and many New England gentry 
arrived here from that place are appointed to the first offices in the Garrison. 
Messrs. Brinley, Townsend, Coffin, Winslow, and Taylor are among the number, 
so that our Refugee party will be very strong this winter." From other records 
we know that some of the Loyalists who settled permanently in Halifax went on 
to New York with General Howe, but several years later returned to Halifax. 
This was true of Edward Winslow, Sr. 

30. Mr. Edward Winslow's funeral at Halifax in June, 1784 (he died June 
8) was conducted with great ceremony. The pall-bearers were Mr. John (after- 
wards Sir John) Wentworth, General Edmund Fanning, then lieutenant-governor 
(under Governor Parr), Hon. Arthur Goold, Brigadier-General John Small, Hon. 
Judge Foster Hutchinson, and Henry Lloyd, Esq. The chief mourner was Colo- 
nel Edward Winslow, Jr., who was followed by the family servants in deep 


Sterns or Stearns in 1798, Judge Foster Hutchinson in 1799, 
George Brinley in 1809, Archibald Cunningham in 1820, and 
Chief-Justice Sampson Salter Blowers in 1842. Of Sir John 
Wentworth, Baronet, the ninth governor of Nova Scotia from 
Colonel Cornwallis, a New Hampshire man but with a Boston 
wife, we shall have much to say in a later chapter of this series. 
Brigadier-General Timothy Buggies, previously of Hardwick, 
Massachusetts, one of Gage's mandamus councillors, died in 
Annapolis County, Nova Scotia, in 1795, and Hon. Nathaniel 
Bay Thomas of Marshfield, Massachusetts, another mandamus 
councillor, died at Windsor, Nova Scotia, in 1791. 

When we come to follow the fortunes of Halifax in detail af- 
ter the arrival of the Boston Loyalists, we shall see how greatly 
the large, energetic group of these people that settled perma- 
nently there stimulated the town's activities and gave fresh col- 
our to its social life. But the prominence in the Nova Scotia 
capital of these new comers was not by any means viewed with 
entire complaisance by the earlier settlers. There had been at 
the very first beginning of the settlement of Halifax, ' ' says Mur- 
doch in his History of Nova Scotia, "something like a division 
between the settlers from England and those who joined them 
from New England, but this difference died out shortly after, 
without occasioning much mischief, the people being united to 
defend themselves against the French and their Indian allies. 
Now, however, circumstances had brought into the country a 
new and numerous population from New England, New York, 
etc., and a rivalry of interests sprang up between their promi- 
nent men and the older inhabitants. . . . The party division 

mourning. After this walked in pairs, Sampson Salter Blowers and William 
Taylor, Esq'rs. their excellencies the Governor and the General of the forces, 
Gregory Townsend, Esq., and Lieutenant Hailes of the 38th Grenadiers, William 
Coffin, Esq., Captain Morrice Robinson, Rev. Dr. Mather Byles, Captain Adden- 
brooke, the Governor's aid-de-camp, and Lieutenant Gordon, major of brigade. 
Next came the members of his Majesty's Council, "a number of the respectable 
inhabitants," and many gentlemen of the army and navy. The funeral service was 
rendered in St. Paul's Church by the Rev. Dr. Breynton and the Rev. Joshua Win- 
gate Weeks, and the burial was in the town burying-ground in Pleasant street, 
which bears the name "St. Paul's." In this cemetery a stone was erected to Mr. 
Winslow, which bears a lengthy inscription. See Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. 
Soc., 2nd Series, Vol. 3. 


thus originated extended for some years to the house of assem- 
bly, and it was long before it was quite allayed. An anonymous 
correspondent of the Nova Scotia Gazette at this time alludes to 
it as a division into 'old comers and new comers,' or 'loyalists 
and ancient inhabitants. ' ' ' 

One of the most serious local issues of this strife was a severe 
charge of maladministration of justice, brought by two attor- 
neys, Messrs. Jonathan Sterns or Stearns and William Taylor, 
refugees from Massachusetts with Howe's fleet, against the 
Nova Scotia chief-justice, Isaac Deschamps, and an assistant 
judge of the supreme court, Judge James Brenton. Deschamps 
was of Swiss extraction and had long been in the province, Bren- 
ton was from Newport, Rhode Island, and he too had early set- 
tled in Halifax. The attorneys publicly charged that cases 
brought by Loyalist settlers could not get fair trial at the hands 
of these judges, and so strongly did they press their charges 
that the judges were finally impeached. For a time the lawyers 
bringing the charges were disbarred, but the Chief Justice re- 
signed his office, and Judge Brenton like him for some time 
remained under a cloud. At last, however, in 1792, when the 
case had dragged along for between four and five years, the 
Privy Council in England, to whom it had been appealed, ac- 
quitted the judges and the matter was finally set at rest. In a 
letter to his sisters in Boston, in May, 1788, the Rev. Dr. Mather 
Byles writes: "From this day [April 2nd] to the 21st, my time 
was entirely engrossed by the dispute between the old inhabi- 
tants of this Province and the American Loyalists. The flame, 
which has been so long kindling, now blazes with the utmost vio- 
lence. I first joined in a remonstrance to the Governor signed 
by more than two hundred inhabitants of Halifax, and when this 
was not properly attended to, I wrote several letters to my Eng- 
lish correspondents recommending Sterns and Taylor, who on 
the 21st sailed for England as our agents, to seek that redress 
at White-Hall which it was impossible to obtain from a corrupt 
junto. They are both gentlemen of the law, my particular 
friends, and men of the most unblemished character ; they have 
been grossly injured, and I hope God will graciously succeed 


them. The case was so perfectly plain that I thought myself 
obliged to be open, active, and fearless ; and I have the pleasure 
to learn that remonstrances similar to ours signed by many hun- 
dreds, are constantly arriving from all parts of the country. ' ' 

The coming of thousands of New York Loyalists to Nova Sco- 
tia in 1783 furnishes material for a highly interesting chapter of 
Loyalist history, which, since the facts all have a close bearing 
on Halifax history, we shall feel it necessary to give in some de- 
tail as this narration proceeds. Among the vast number of New 
York Tories, who finally settled in New Brunswick a consider- 
able number of Massachusetts Tories also settled, and some of 
the historic families of New Brunswick, like the Blisses, Chal- 
oners, Chipmans, Coffins, Paddocks, Sewalls, Uphams, and Win- 
slows, have been of this stock. The most influential New York 
Loyalist that settled in Halifax was the Bight Reverend Charles 
Inglis, D. D., previously Kector of Trinity Church, New York 
City, who in 1787 came to Halifax as the first incumbent of the 
newly erected Nova Scotia Anglican See. Until 1816, when he 
died, Bishop Inglis continued to exert an influence in Nova Sco- 
tia and New Brunswick in religious and educational matters, 
that has not ceased to be felt to the present day. 31 

31. "An Occasional," writing in the Halifax Acadian Recorder newspaper for 
March 21, 1914, says : 

"Let me remind you that Charles Inglis, the first Episcopal bishop of Nova 
Scotia ; Sir John Wentworth, governor of this province at the beginning of this 
century; Edward Winslow, a member of a distinguished Massachusetts family, 
whose death at Halifax, in 1784, was followed by Tuneral ceremonies of unusual 
distinction; Sampson Salter Blowers and Ward Chipman, chief justices, the first 
of Nova Scotia, and the second of New Brunswick; Judge Sewall, of New 
Brunswick, an early and intimate friend of John Adams ; Foster Hutchinson, 
judge of the supreme court of Nova Scotia; Jonathan Bliss, attorney-general of 
New Brunswick, and Benning Wentworth, provincial secretary of Nova Scotia, 
were all Loyalists, and all, with two exceptions, graduated at Harvard ; that Sir 
Brenton Halliburton, whose life story has been well told by the Rev. Dr. Hill ; 
Egerton Ryerson, founder of the well-known school system of Ontario ; Joseph 
Howe, of whom no Nova Scotian can be ignorant; and Judge Stewart, of the 
Supreme Court of this province, were sons of Loyalists ; that Sir John Inglis, the 
brave defender of Lucknow ; Sir Frederick P. Robinson and Sir W. H. Robinson, 
both knighted on account of their military services ; Lemuel Allan Wilmot, like 
Joseph Howe, a leader in the struggle for responsible government, and, like him, 
at one time a governor of his native province; Sir George Cathcart and Major 
Welsford, who fell in the Crimea . . . were grandsons of Loyalists. The late 
Sir Robert Hodgson, lieutenant-governor of Prince Edward Island, was also of 
Loyalist descent. Let me remind you of these and of many others living or dead, 
whose names may occur to you, with the suggestion that a study of the history of 
the Loyalists at large would swell the brief list given to an almost indefinite ex- 


In the next chapter of this history we shall discuss the social 
life of Halifax after the war of the Revolution, giving also some 
account of the striking physical features of the town. 

tent, and you may form some idea of the value of the men and of the descendants 
of the men who were driven abroad by the bitterness of the revolutionary victors." 
In this enumeration the writer makes the mistake of supposing that it was 
Judge Foster Hutchinson of Massachusetts who became a judge in Nova Scotia. 
The Nova Scotia Judge Foster Hutchinson was son of the Massachusetts judge. 


Housekeeping was conducted on unalterable rules, and no 
work that could be avoided was done on Sunday. All meals 
were served cold. A member of Groton Church. Every 
year for fifty-six years she read the Bible through. In 
1813, Commodore Decatur was blockaded in New London 
Harbor by an English fleet. Inhabitants feared battle. Women 
fled into the country taking their children and valuables. 
"Mother Bailey" sent her effects, but remained to face 
the danger. Supply of flannel being short for wadding, a 
search was made in the village for some but not half enough was 
obtained. After a moment's hesitation, "Mother Bailey" seized 
her scissors, which every matron of that day carried at her side, 
quickly clipped the strings of her flannel skirt and stripping the 
garment from, her person handed it to the messenger saying: 
"It is a good heavy one, but I do not care for that." The mar- 
tial petticoat and its patriotic donor have ever since been re- 
nowned in our local annals. 

She was honored with visits from distinguished soldiers and 
statesmen. Lafayette and suite called upon her in 1824. Presi- 
dents Monroe, Jackson and Van Buren, Colonel R. M. Johnson 
and General Cass. She was noted for her qualities as a nurse. 

Mr. Bailey died in August, 1848, it is said he was the last sur- 
vivor of the Fort Griswold massacre, first postmaster of Groton 
office held till his death and thereafter Mrs. Bailey held the office 
till her death three years later, January 10, 1851, aged ninety- 
two years. 

The foregoing is a copy of some of the facts contained in an 
article written for the Anna Warner Bailey Chapter by Mrs. 
H. T. Palmer and Miss M. E. Benjamin, and published by Con- 
necticut Chapters D. A. R. and sent to the magazine by A. A. 

Chapters in the History of Halifax, 
Nova Scotia 

NO. Ill 


"All hail to the day when the Britons came over 

And planted their standard, with sea foam still wet, 
Around and above us their spirits will hover, 

Rejoicing to mark how we honour it yet. 
Beneath it the emblems they cherished are waving, 

The Rose of Old England the roadside perfumes, 
The Shamrock and Thistle the north winds are braving, 

Securely the Mayflower blushes and blooms." 

(On the hundredth anniversary of Cornwallis's landing at Chebucto.) 

"Be aristocracy the only joy: 
Let commerce perish, let the world expire!" 


IN the landscape of Nova Scotia at large, to the cultivated 
traveller as to any impressionable native of the province, 
there is a strongly compelling if never wholly definable 
charm, that stirs deeply the romantic and poetic elements 
in the mind. If the romance of the early settlement of the coun- 
try, which was one of the most conspicuous and treasured of the 
colonies of ancient Bourbon France, is ever exaggerated in the 
mind of the historian or the poet, the romance of Port Royal, 
Pisiquid, Beausejour, and Grand Pre, there is yet in the varied 
natural charm of the landscape enough to cast an unusual spell 
over the imagination and quicken the soul to poetic fervor. The 
Nova Scotia landscape has great variety, we find in it the verd- 
ant luxuriance and apparently exhaustless fertility of the broad 
dyke-lands about the Bay of Fundy, the deep Italian blue of 
Minas Basin, the sweet, sheltered grace of the Valley of the 




Gaspereau, the gray lights and purple shades and wraith-like 
mists that pass over the steep slopes of the North Mountain, the 
stern aspect of Blomidon, as it looks out coldly on the restless 
tide, the marvellous orchard-bloom that rolls, pink and per- 
fumed, in great waves across the landscape in early June, the 
red glow of the laden apple trees in October, the wide-spreading 
fields of red clover, the ridges of flaming goldenrod, the splen- 
did patches of purple wild asters, with on the Atlantic sea- 
board and along the rivers that flow thither, in contrast to the 
drowsy islands that dot the bays where these rivers empty, a 
tumbled wealth of rugged scenery that gives virility and strength 
to the whole. 

Of the situation and natural setting of the capital of Nova 
Scotia, the city of Halifax, a graceful Canadian writer, Dr. 
Archibald MacMechan, has recently written: "One feature 
must be plain even to the least observant, the unmatched mag- 
nificence of the setting. 'Beautiful for situation,' the phrase of 
the Psalmist for his sacred city, fits the capital of the Mayflower 
Province. Before her feet lies the great land-locked harbour, 
where the old three-deckers used to swing at their anchors ; on 
her right hand extends the long picturesque fiord we call the 
'Arm;' 1 on her left is a second inner haven, twenty miles in cir- 
cuit, called Bedford Basin. In the very centre is the hill crowned 
with a citadel. From this point of vantage you can see how the 
peaceful roofs huddle close around the base of the projecting 
stronghold, and how the dark blue water washes all sides of the 
triangular peninsula on which the city stands. ' ' 

In general aspect Halifax is a gray, smoke-coloured town, 
largely built with wooden houses, but containing likewise a good 
many substantial buildings of brick and stone, the most historic 

i. The "Northwest Arm" extends inward from the sea perhaps more than 
a mile, and is lined on both sides with comfortable cottages, occasional club- 
houses, and tiny bungalows for summer use. Near the head of the Arm is an 
islet known as Melville Island, which one reaches by a road called the "Dingle 
drive." On this island stands the little naval prison, where after the war with 
France, numbers of French sailors who had been captured on ships-of-war, pri- 
vateers, and merchant vessels were for months confined. These sailors were 
cheerful, industrious fellows, who employed themselves by making bone boxes, 
dominoes, and other small articles, and it became the fashion to row over to 
the island in summer, or skate across in the winter, to purchase trinkets from the 
men. The war with the United States, of 1812, brought crowds of American 
prisoners also here. 


of which are the Province Building and Government House. 
The first of these buildings Frederic Cozzens, an American 
author of the last generation, in his book "A Month with the 
Bluenoses, " describes as a structure of great solidity and re- 
spectability, and this emphatically the building is. There can be 
few more solid or better proportioned buildings on the continent. 
It is constructed of rich brown freestone, its corner-stone was 
laid August 12, 1811, and the structure was completed in 1819, at 
a cost of $209,400. For two or three decades after it was built it 
was often said to be the finest building, architecturally, in North 
America. Within its walls are the House of Assembly, the Leg- 
islative and Executive Council Chambers, and the combined 
Provincial and Nova Scotia Historical Society's libraries, which 
contain not only many valuable books, but a great wealth of 
manuscript records of priceless value for purposes of history. 
On the walls of the Legislative Council Chamber hang portraits 
of King George II, King George III, and King William IV; 
Queen Charlotte and Queen Caroline; Sir John Eardley Wilmot 
Inglis, the "Hero of Lucknow;" Sir Fenwick Williams, the 
"Hero of Kars ;" Sir Charles Hastings Doyle, Sir Brenton Hal- 
liburton, Judge Thomas Chandler Haliburton, the author of 
"Sam Slick," and a portrait by Benjamin West of Sir Thomas 
Andrew Strange, in scarlet gown, and wig. 2 This Province 
Building is distinguished not only as the home of the Pro- 
vincial Legislature, but as having been the scene of several his- 
toric balls, one as early as 1826, in honour of Sir James 
Kempt, an English governor of the province, one in 1841, in 

2. There are other portraits in this building besides the ones we have men- 
tioned, notably a recently acquired one of the late King Edward. In private 
houses in Halifax there are also a few notable portraits, the finest being a Cop- 
ley of the elder Dr. Mather Byles, of Boston, painted in 1774, it is believed, the 
year Copley finally left Boston for England. This distinguished Copley belongs 
to W. Bruce Almon, Esq., M. D., and has been reproduced, by its owner's kind 
permission, in the writer's latest book, "The Famous Mather Byles.'' In Hali- 
fax also, in the possession of Major William B. Almon, is an interesting por- 
trait of Miss Catherine Byles, daughter of Dr. Byles, senior, which was painted 
by Henry Pelham, Copley's half-brother. This also, by the owner's kind per- 
mission has been reproduced in the writer's book. 

A highly important and very complete resume of paintings and engravings 
done in Halifax by Robert Field. William Valentine, and others, who worked in 
this province, has lately been published by Mr. Harry Piers, the able archivist 
and local historian of Nova Scotia, in the eighteenth volume of the Collections 
of the Nova Scotia Historical Societv. 


honour of Prince de Joinville, and one, the best remembered of 
all, in 1860, in honour of his late Majesty, King Edward Seventh, 
then Prince of Wales. 

The first Governor's House in Halifax was a small wooden 
building, the frame of which, as we have seen, was ordered from 
Boston, which stood on the site of the present Province Build- 
ing, its primitive defences being cannon mounted on casks or 
hogsheads filled with gravel. Whether this house was com- 
pleted as early as October, 1749, we do not know, but by the 
fourteenth of that month Governor Cornwallis had removed 
from his ship to the shore, and the Council was meeting in his 
"apartment." In 1758 Governor Lawrence built a new resi- 
dence on the same spot, to which Lord William Campbell added 
a ball-room, later governors still further enlarging and beauti- 
fying the house. In 1800, on the site of an old wooden building 
on Pleasant Street long used to shelter field officers and for other 
military purposes, the corner-stone of the present Government 
House was laid, and here ever since it was finished successive 
governors have kept their little courts, holding state levees, giv- 
ing state dinners and balls, and more quietly entertaining hos- 
pitably not only native Nova Scotians but many distinguished 
foreign guests as well. This Government House is an exact copy 
of the famous London Lansdowne House, and for many decades 
it was naturally the chief centre of Nova Scotia 's smartest social 
life. 3 

3. The governors of Nova Scotia in succession, from 1749 to 1800, all of 
course during their terms of office residing at Government House, were : Col. 
the Hon. Edward Cornwallis ; Col. Peregrine Thomas Hopson : Col. Charles Law- 
rence ; Henry Ellis, Esq.; Col. the Hon. Montagu Wilmot; Rt. Hon. Lord Wil- 
liam Campbell, fourth son of the fourth Duke of Argyle; Major Francis Legge; 
John Parr, Esq. ; Sir John Wentworth, Bart. From 1800 to 1900 they were : Sir 
John Wentworth ; Lt. Gen. Sir. George Prevost, Bart ; Gen. Sir John Coape Sher- 
brook, K. B. ; Lt. Gen. George Ramsay, ninth Earl of Dalhousie ; Lt. Gen. Sir 
James Kempt, G. C. B. ; Gen. Sir Peregrine Maitland, K. C. B. ; Major Gen. Sir Colin 
Campbell; Viscount Falkland; Sir John Harvey, K. C. B. ; Hon. Augustus Con- 
stantine Phipps, 2nd Marquis of Normanby and Earl Mulgrave ; Sir Richard 
Graves Macdonnell. K. C. M. G. ; Sir William Fenwick Williams, Bart., K. C. B. 
a native Nova Scotian, hero of Kars ; Sir Charles Hastings Doyle, K. C. M. G. ; 
Hon. Joseph Howe, a native Nova Scotian, whose father was John Howe, the 
Boston Loyalist; Hon. Sir Adams George Archibald, K. C. M. G., a native Nova 
Scotian ; Matthew Henry Richey, Esq. ; Archibald Woodbury McLelan, Esq. ; 
Hon. Sir Malachy Bowes Daly, K. C. M. G. ; and Hon. Alfred Gilpin Jones, a 
Nova Scotian of New England descent, who was appointed August 7, 1900, and 
died in office March 14, 1906. 


In a later chapter of this history detailed account may be 
given of the defences of Halifax, the great Citadel, surrounded 
with its moat, the various shore batteries along the harbour, 
the forts on McNab's and George's islands and at Point Pleas- 
ant, Fort Clarence, on the Dartmouth side of the harbour, and 
York Redoubt, far out in the bay. Until about 1870 two regi- 
ments of the line were always stationed here, but Egypt and 
Ireland needing more troops, one was finally withdrawn, and 
for perhaps thirty years before the Imperial troops were re- 
moved there was but one Line Regiment, with the force of Artil- 
lery and Engineers about equal in number to a full regiment. 
There has always been, likewise, in Halifax, a corps of Sub- 
marine Engineers specially trained by Imperial officers for man- 
ning the harbour defences. As a matter of course there are in 
the vicinity of the Citadel extensive barracks for the accom- 
modation of soldiers and their families, and quarters for those of- 
ficers who, unmarried, are not living in rented houses in the town. 
Not far from the centre of the city, towards the South, is Belle- 
vue, now an officers' mess, a large wooden house which was long 
the residence of the General in command, and in the far northern 
part of the town, overlooking the Dockyard, stands what was 
''Admiralty House," where until the Dockyard was closed, from 
May to December of every year the Admiral of the Fleet on the 
North American station gave a succession of agreeable dinners 
and balls. The beginning of the Citadel was a block-house with 
a parapet, built in 1753, on the sumimit of the hill, then eighty 
feet higher than now, that overlooks the town. This block-house 
has port-holes in its sides for cannon, and all around it a ditch 
and ramparts of earth and wood, strengthened by palisades or 
pickets driven close together. In 1795 his Royal Highness the 
Duke of Kent caused the old fortifications to be removed and 
began the erection of the present Citadel, which has accommo- 
dation within for a regiment, and has always had ready signal 
communication with the harbour forts. For many decades in 
the past, with measured march, from the eastern entrance of 
the fortification little companies of soldiers would often be 
seen issuing, while on extraordinary occasions, as for church 
parades, the greater part of the regiment, with its band playing, 


would magnificently march, down the side slope of the hill. Be- 
low the glacis, directly facing the middle of the town, is still the 
old square clock-tower, another conspicuous memorial of the 
residence in Halifax of the Duke of Kent. 

The Dockyard, which was begun in 1758, nine years after Hali- 
fax was founded, occupies half a mile of the harbour front, and 
within its guarded walls anciently stood the Commissioner's res- 
idence and other houses for the several employees whose official 
duties included the landing and shipping of naval stores. The 
final inclosure was made, as the figures over the central gate an- 
nounce, on the line of the present wall, in the year 1770. In 
1815, one of the historic loyal celebrations of Halifax took place 
here, after the victory of Waterloo, and many a time the Dock- 
yard has been the scene of brilliant aquatic contests, of which 
many have been held in Halifax harbour, in earlier or later times, 
Until late in the nineteenth century, throughout the summers 
there was hardly a week that several war-ships of the British 
fleet were not flying their flags in the harbour, hardly an evening 
when the music of magnificently trained ships ' bands did not float 
from mid-stream across the water to the Halifax or Dartmouth 
shores. Halifax, as we have intimated, was the headquarters of 
the Commander-in-Chief of the North American Naval Station, 
from the middle of May till the latter part of October ; then the 
war-ships took their departure for Bermuda, Nassau, or Ja- 
maica. During their stay society was always in a whirl of din- 
ner giving and dancing, and this gayety was often still further 
increased by the visit, for longer or shorter time, of some Ger- 
man, French, or American man-of-war. 

The closing of the Garrison Chapel in the north end of Hali- 
fax made one of the greatest losses the town suffered by the re- 
moval of the Imperial troops. From the time when it was 
opened, the year 1846, until 1905, it was the authorized place 
of worship for the British soldiers who were not Roman Cath- 
olics or Presbyterians, and nothing could exceed the heartiness 
of the service performed there. 4 From the Wellington Bar- 

4. The corner-stone of the Garrison Chapel was laid in October, 1844, the 
Rev. Dr. John Thomas Twining then being chaplain. The chapel was closed in 
1905, and the next year was purchased by the congregation of Trinity Church, 
which until 1907 worshipped in a church in Jacob Street. This congregation 


racks, from Artillery Park, and from the Citadel, on Sunday 
mornings, the troops, with bands playing, would march to the 
church for a crisp military service, for when the twelve o'clock 
gun fired the prayers and the short sermon must promptly be 
done. To civilian worshippers it was always an inspiration to 
hear the soldiers' firm responses, and their hearty singing, as 
accompanied by the organ and several instruments of the band 
they rendered the familiar chants of the Prayer-Book and the 
"Ancient and Modern" hymns. Soldiers who were Presby- 
terians as a rule went to St. Matthew's Church, and Roman 
Catholics to St. Mary's Cathedral, on Spring Garden Road. Not 
infrequently in the quiet Halifax streets would be heard the dull 
beating of the muffled drum which headed the sad funeral pro- 
cession of some private soldier or soldier's wife or child, who 
as the waning sun threw purple shadows round the Citadel, in 
barracks or hospital had breathed his last on earth and gone into 
the unseen. On a low gun-carriage the still form would now 
be passing to Camp Hill Cemetery, or the Military Burying 
ground at Fort Massey, or to the Cemetery of the Holy Cross, 
there to be laid away to moulder slowly to dust. From the 
burial, the band, according to custom, would always return, play- 
ing no longer the ''Dead March in Saul," but the liveliest pop- 
ular airs the bandsmen knew. In these Halifax burying grounds 
where soldiers and soldiers' families lie are touching inscrip- 
tions to the memory of men of all ranks in the service, lieuten- 
ant-colonels, captains, ensigns, colour-sergeants, staff-sergeants, 
and corporals, and to many a hard-working soldier's wife or 
sweet little one, who in the long, cold Halifax winter, perhaps 
rendered more susceptible to the climate by previous residence in 
Bermuda or India, had sadly drooped and died. 

has occupied the Garrison Chapel since 1907. A newspaper notice at the time 
of the laying of the corner-stone of the chapel reads : "Yesterday afternoon, Oc- 
tober 2jd, 1844, a t three o'clock, the corner-stone of the new Military Chapel 
was laid. The troops were in attendance, accompanied by the band of the Royals. 
Sir Jeremiah Dickson, Colonel Calder, Colonel Bazelgatte, and Major Tryon, and 
other officers belonging to the military department were in attendance. 

"A part of the o.oth Psalm was sung, and the Reverend Doctor Twining offered 
prayer. Sir Jeremiah Dickson performed the ceremony of laying the stone, on 
which was a suitable Latin inscription. Reverend Doctor Twining remarked in 
the course of his address that he had held services in no less than eleven different 
buildings." For a brief sketch of Dr. Twining, see Eaton's "History of King's 
County, Nova Scotia," p. 851. 


A highly picturesque feature of Halifax has always been the 
"Green Market," held on Wednesday and Saturday mornings 
on the sidewalks, near the Post Office and the Market Slip. All 
summer through, as regularly as these mornings came, a mixed 
company of ' ' Chezzetcookers ' ' and negroes, the former some of 
the dark-skinned descendants of the old Acadians, have been 
accustomed to troop into town, across the Dartmouth Ferry^ 
their rude wagons laden with farm produce, poultry, flowers, and 
domestic small wares of various sorts, and ranging themselves 
along the side-walks unobtrusively offer their goods for sale. 
The negroes, descended from slaves who at the time of the Rev- 
olution or in the war of 1812 escaped from the Southern States, 
are so like those one may see still in Portsmouth, Virginia, or 
Charleston, South Carolina, that watching them squatted on the 
pavement in motley garments and gay head coverings, and lis- 
tening to their thick negro dialect, one might easily imagine 
one's self in far more southern climes. Describing the buyers 
at this open-air market, some writer of early in the nineteenth 
century whose name is unknown to us said : ' ' Here we can see 
the regimental mess man, the smart gun-steward from the Dock- 
yard, the caterer for the ships, and the natty private soldier 
who has just set up housekeeping with a newly made wife from 
the servant class of the town, jostling gentlemen's servants in 
livery and eager-eyed boarding house keepers, or even the mis- 
tress of some aristocratic mansion, who in fresh morning gown 
has thriftily risen early to do her own marketing for the day." 

The Halifax fish market, too, has always been liberally sup- 
plied and well patronized, salmon, cusk, halibut, pollock, mack- 
erel, lobsters, herring, gaspereaux, and trout being abundant 
and cheap. A story is told of a certain naval captain of old 
days, new to the station, who, probably better accustomed to the 
prices which ruled at Billingsgate than at Halifax, once gave his 
steward a sovereign to buy lobsters for the cabin dinner. The 
man returned with a small boat load of the crustaceans in two 
or three wheelbarrows and presented them to the captain, whose 
surprise can be easily imagined. 

The residences of the wealthier Haligonians have in large 
part been built on the sloping wooded shores of the beautiful 


"Arm," but they have not by any means been confined to these 
charming outskirts of the town, they have been scattered through 
the city, some even daring to show themselves far in the mostly 
unfashionable extreme " north end." 

Another interesting feature, added to Halifax in the nine- 
teenth century, is the large park, at Point Pleasant, in the south 
part of the city, the point where the Arm opens in from the 
Atlantic below the steep, heavily wooded shore. The Park com- 
prises several hundred acres in an almost natural state, but with 
nature's primeval ruggedness judiciously softened and refined. 
The Halifax Public Garden, too, has been for years a spot of 
unusual beauty, in artistic arrangement and marvellous wealth 
of shrubbery and floral bloom easily rivalling the finest public 
gardens of the old or the new world. 5 

These were some of the attractive physical features of the 
Halifax of the nineteenth century, as they are of the Halifax of 
to-day, who, it will be asked, were the people who actually 
created and gave character to the finished town! The negative 
answer to that question is that they were not, save in a few 
cases, the original British settlers that came with Colonel Corn- 
wallis in 1749. 6 To no small extent they were native-born Bos- 
tonians, or other New Englanders, who almost immediately after 
Halifax was founded, drawn thither through previous knowl- 
edge of the province, or by the fresh fame of the Cornwallis en- 
terprise, brought their families here, and in official positions, or 
in trade, 7 or both, soon rose to influence, and in some cases to a 

5. The able director of the Halifax Public Garden for many years has been 
Mr. Powers. One often wishes that the Boston Public Garden could have had 
the benefit of his artistic skill. 

6. The character of many of the settlers of Halifax Governor Cornwallis 
brought with him from England was not by any means pleasing to this eminent 
leader in the British colonization of Nova Scotia. On the 24th of July, 1749, he 
writes the Lords of Trade that the number of men among the colonists fitted to 
carry on the settlement creditably is very small. Some were "idle and worthless 
persons who had embraced the opportunity to get provisions for a year without 
labour, or sailors who only wanted a passage to New England" and had embraced 
the opportunity afforded by the expedition to obtain passage free to American 

7. Almost immediately after his arrival at Halifax, though the precise date 
we do not know, Governor Cornwallis entered into an agreement with Messrs. 
Charles Apthorp and Thomas Hancock, influential merchants of Boston, to fur- 
nish the new colony with supplies, and this contract evidently lasted for years. 
At some early period, Messrs. De Lancey and Watts, of New York seem to have 
shared in furnishing Halifax with supplies. 


much wider prosperity than had found opportunity to gain in 
their native provinces. The great migration of Bostonians to 
Halifax, as we have seen in an earlier chapter of this history, 
came when Boston was evacuated by the British in March, 1776, 
but from 1749 to that period probably not a year had passed in 
which some native of Massachusetts, usually of Boston, had not 
transferred himself, and his family if he had one, permanently 
to the new Nova Scotia capital. Among very early influential 
families in Halifax, it is true, were such families of immediately 
British origin as Best, Bulkeley, Collier, Nesbitt, Piers, Pyke, 
Wenman, etc., but from Massachusetts, chiefly from Boston, much 
before the Revolution came the Belchers, Binneys, Blagdons 
("Blackden"), Clevelands, Fairbankses, Fillises, Gorhams, 
Grays, Greens, Howes, Lawlors, Monks, Morrises, Newtons, 
Prescotts, Salters, Sandersons, Shaws, Tidmarshes, and others, 
almost all which families had been people of excellent standing 
among the New England commercial gentry to which they be- 
longed. At, or following in the wake of, the Revolution came 
another for the most part highly connected group of permanent 
settlers from New England, families named Blowers, Brinley, 
Brown, Byfield, Byles, Clarke, De Blois, Gay, Greenwood, 
Halliburton, Hart, Howe, Lawson, Minns, Nutting, Robie, Saw- 
yer, Snelling, Stayner, Wentworth, Winslow, and Wylde; while 
in the same movement came from New York the Inglis family, 
and the Lynch, Pryor, Thorne, Tremaine, and Wilkins families ; 
from New Jersey the Boggs, Cunard, and Odell families; from 
Maryland the Stewarts ; from Virginia the Wallaces ; and from 
Georgia, through the island of Jamaica, the Johnstons. A large 
number of Halifax families of note in the nineteenth century 
did not trace to the United States, but came independently and 
singly at intervals, before the end of the eighteenth century or in 
the early part of the nineteenth, directly, or in some few instances 
through other British colonies, from Great Britain or Ireland. 
Such were the Allans, Allisons, Andersons, Archibalds, Beck- 
withs, Blacks, Bowies, Bremners, Breyntons, Brymers, Bullocks, 
Butlers, Campbells, Cochrans, Crawleys, Creightons, Crichtons, 
Cunninghams, Dalys, Donaldsons, Doulls, Duffuses, Fancklins, 
Francklyns, Frasers, Georges, Grahams, Grassies, a second 


family of Grays, the founder of the Hare family, the Henrys, 
two families of Hills, the Hostermans, Kennys, Macleans, Mc- 
Donalds, McNabs, Mitchells, Morrows, Murdochs, Oxleys, Park- 
ers, Richardsons, Richeys, Rltchies, Slayters, Stairses, Sterlings, 
Thomsons, Tobins, Twinings, Uniackes, Woodgates, and Youngs, 
some of whom, however, like the Archibalds, Macleans, and Rltch- 
ies had settled first in other counties of the province. Of import- 
ant American names that came into Halifax through the migra- 
tion from New England to other parts of Nova Scotia in 1760, 
we have Albro, Chipman, Cogswell, Collins, De Wolfe, Harring- 
ton, Hunt, Longley, Starr, Troop, Whidden, and Wier. The 
Almon family, always of high social standing in Halifax, was 
founded here by Dr. James William Almon, a physician, born 
probably in Newport, Rhode Island, though on his father's side 
of Italian origin, who married after the Revolution the eldest 
daughter of the noted Tory clergyman, who fled here from Bos- 
ton, the younger Dr. Mather Byles. 

The character of the social life of Halifax throughout the 
town's whole history, has depended of course very largely on the 
town's commercial prosperity, and for a small, remotely situ- 
ated eastern American town the prosperity of Halifax for many 
decades was rather unusually great. Along the water front of 
the city stand many staunch granite warehouses, where before 
the days of steamships not a few considerable fortunes were 
made in the United-States or the British- West-Indian trade. 
In Halifax, as is well known, the Cunards early established a 
business that laid the foundation of their world-renowned en- 
terprise, the great steamship line that bears their name. 8 In 

8. Mr. Frederick P. Fairbanks, a native Haligonian, from whom this chapter 
will hereafter quote liberally, writes : 

"In 1838 Samuel Cunard was a prominent merchant in Halifax and agent for 
the East India Company. In response to certain circulars sent out by the British 
government he went to England and became associated with George Burns and 
David Maclver ; and together they raised money and started the Cunard Service. 
Then they made a contract with the government to carry the mails for seven 
years between Liverpool and Boston, and Halifax and Boston ; and they got a 
subsidy of $80,000 per annum for this service. They were to employ four steamers ; 
these were at first the Britannia, Acadia, Calendonia, and Columbia. The Britannia 
sailed from Liverpool on Friday, July fourth, 1840 and inaugurated the serivce. The 
facts connected with this service are very interesting; the above ships were fol- 
lowed by the Hibernia, Cambria, America, Niagara, Europa, Asia, Arabia, Persia, 
and Scotia. These ended the paddle wheelers. The Britannia took 14 days and 
eight hours to cross. 


1825 a group of merchants of local note, of whom Samuel 
Cunard (afterward Sir Samuel Cunard, Bart.) was one, found- 
ed here the first joint-stock banking house in the province, and 
one of the founders of this bank, the Honorable Enos Collins, of 
a Cape Cod, Massachusetts, family, son-in-law of Sir Brenton 
Halliburton, finally died in the town worth six and a half millions 
of dollars, a very great fortune for the days in which it was 
acquired. 9 Nor did the town's commercial prosperity cease 
when sailing ships gave place to steamships on the busy seas, 
after that period, as is true of it to-day, Halifax became a chief 
distributing port for almost the whole of British America. 

Given a certain amount of commercial prosperity, the over- 
shadowing and largely controlling influence in the social life of 
Halifax in the nineteenth century was undoubtedly exerted by 
the presence of the army and navy. But even this influence, 
strong, and foreign to practical American social ideals, as it was, 
could not change the fact that fundamentally Halifax was, as it 
had been from the beginning, essentially an American town. Up 
to the Revolution, Boston had been virtually an English 
provincial community, but with an independence of spirit and 
a power of creating fresh ideals that belonged strictly to the 
new world rather than the old. From the start, Halifax drew 
much of its best life directly from Boston ; its earliest trade was 
with the Massachusetts capital, and the frames of its first public- 
buildings came from there, from Boston shops the necessary 
housejiold stores of its people were replenished, and almost im- 
mediately after its founding, as we have seen, Boston people of 

"In my younger days the arrival of what was then generally designated 'the 
English steamer' was a matter of public importance. All vessels were signalled 
from the citadel. The first signal was by balls signifying a large or small steamer, 
then would come the Cunard private signal showing that it was coming to the 
Cunard firm, then the distinctive flag denoting the 'English Mail' ; so the people 
would breathe sighs of relief. This experience would be repeated every fort- 
night right along through the year." 

9. The other founders of the bank besides Cunard and Collins were John 
Clarke, Joseph Allison, William Pryor, James Tobin, Henry Hezekiah Cogswell, 
and Martin Gay Black. (Eaton's "History of King's County, Nova Scotia, p. 
481). Sir Samuel Cunard died worth five millions of dollars, Mr. William Mur- 
doch worth over a million and a half, and Mr. Charles Murdoch worth a mil- 
lion. Many persons in Halifax in the igth century accumulated from seven or 
eight hundred thousand down to a hundred and fifty thousand dollars. Chief Justice 
Sampson Salter Blowers (a Boston born man) died worth four hundred thousand, 
and Chief Justice Sir William Young worth three hundred and fifty thousand. 


influence poured into the town. When a judiciary needed to be 
established for the province, as of course was quickly the case, 
an able Boston born lawyer of eminent family, Mr. Jonathan 
Belcher, was called to be the chief justice, and in the determined 
movement of the Halifax people soon after for representative 
government, Mr. Belcher, in opposition to the governor, as be- 
came a man reared in a province where representative institu- 
tions largely prevailed, was the chief mover. When the first 
Assembly was actually created, an overwhelming number of the 
members elected were, like Mr. Belcher, Boston born men. 10 

In structure and general tone, Boston before the Revolution 
was much more aristocratic than it was after the struggle. And 
it is a great question whether with the passing of the town's 
control into the hands of men steeped in the democratic spirit, 
Boston did not suffer forever the loss of some of her very finest 
ideals. In Halifax there was no Revolution, and here we may 
say emphatically, the best social ideals and most hospitable 
customs of pre-Revolutionary Boston, for many decades after 
the Revolution continued to prevail. It is quite true that the 
general intellectuality, that increased rather than diminished 
in Boston after the Revolution, was always sadly lacking in 
Halifax, and that the people, divorced from libraries and having 
little to stimulate them to think world-problems out, absorbed 
themselves largely in business and pleasure and petty politics, and 
that in religion, when they felt the power of religion, they accept- 
ed without question common traditional orthodox views. For a 
long time, both before and after the Revolution, we know, strict 
moralists deplored the frivolity of Halifax, and censured in 
scathing terms the low moral standards of its smart social life. 

Of the controlling power of the army and navy in Halifax, no 
visitor to the town in the whole of the nineteenth century could 
fail to be aware. About the time of the Crimean war, probably 

10. The strength of the New England element in Halifax in 1758, is shown 
by the fact that probably no less than twelve of the nineteen members elected in that 
year to the first House of Assembly were from either Massachusetts or Con- 
necticut. These were : Jonathan Binney, Robert Campbell, Joseph Fairbanks, 
Henry Ferguson, John Fillis, William Foye, Joseph Gerrish, Philip Hammond, 
Henry Newton, William Pantree, Joseph Rundle (probably Randall), and Robert 
Sanderson. The last of these, Sanderson, was elected Speaker. From the first 
appointment of members to the Council, Boston men figured largely in that body 


very soon after the fall of Sebastopol, when Nova Scotia, al- 
ways, to the present moment, staunchly loyal to England, was 
more than usually aglow with military ardor, Frederic Cozzens 
of New York, visiting Halifax, wrote of the town: "Every- 
thing here is suggestive of impending hostilities, war in bur- 
nished trappings meets you at the street corners, and the air 
vibrates from time to time with bugles, fifes, and drums." "But 
0," he adds, "what a slow place it is. Even two Crimean regi- 
ments, with medals and decorations, could not wake it up." 11 
Though Cozzens speaks strongly in praise of the hospitality 
of Halifax, the morals of the place, so far as we remember, 
he does not criticize. It is a matter of common knowledge, how- 
ever, that popular British military and naval stations, for ob- 
vious reasons, are universally places where superficial love of 
pleasure and often easy virtue in social relations, among the 
commoner classes at least, are apt to prevail. Of the com- 
parative slowness of Halifax in anything besides pleasure, Judge 
Thomas Chandler Haliburton, a quarter of a century earlier 
than Cozzens, had made his Yankee "Clockmaker" in answer 
to the question "What do you think of the present state and 
future prospects of Halifax?" Say: "If you will tell me when 
the folks there will wake up, then I can answer you; but they 
are fast asleep." 12 

The only important connected study of Halifax social life in 
the first half century of the town's history that to our knowledge 

IT. Frederic Swartout Cozzens, "Acadia, or a Month with the Bluenoses." 
New York, Derby and Jackson, 1859. "That the Haligonians are a kind and good 
people, abundant in hospitality," Cozzens says, "let me attest. One can scarcely 
visit a city occupied by those whose grandsires would have hung your rebel 
grandsires (if they had caught them) without some misgivings. But I found 
the old Tory blood of three Halifax generations yet warm and vital, happy to 
accept again a rebellious kinsman, in spite of Sam Slick and the Revolution." 
(Cozzens does not remember that some of the Massachusetts patriots would 
have hanged the Tories with right good will ; it is not at all clear that the reverse 
was the case). 

12. "The Clockmaker : Sayings and Doings of Samuel Slick of Slickville," 
first printed as a series of sketches in the Nova Scotian newspaper in 1835, soon 
afterward published in book form. Judge Haliburton, whose books are many, 
was of New England descent, but was born at Windsor, Nova Scotia. His fam- 
ily in Nova Scotia belong to the New England migration to that province in 
1760. A United States author who has mentioned the external features of Hal- 
ifax is Charles Dudley Warner, in his "Baddeck and That Sort of Thing." This 
book "a narrative of a journey to New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Cape Breton," 
was published in Boston by James R. Osgood and Co. in 1874. 


has come into print was made about 1860 by the Eev. Dr. 
George William Hill, then and for long after, Kector of St. 
Paul's Church in Halifax, in his memoir of Sir Brenton Halli- 
burton, Kt., the seventh chief justice of Nova Scotia. 13 After 
describing the public buildings and the external features in gen- 
eral of Halifax, and giving some important facts of the town's 

13. Sir Brenton Halliburton (who was knighted when he was very old) was 
born in Newport, Rhode Island, and came to Halifax with his parents at the 
Revolution. His father, John Halliburton, was born in Scotland, but married in 
Newport Susannah Brenton, whose brother (Judge) James Brenton settled early 
in Halifax, as did also did her sister Mary, wife of Hon. Joseph Gerrish. The 
importance of Hon. Jahleel Brenton and his family in Newport has often been 
mentioned in print. Mr. George Champlin Mason in his "Reminiscences of New- 
port (1884)" says: "Jahleel Brenton was fond of society and kept an open house, 
both at the homestead [on Thames Street], and at Hammersmith [near Fort 
Attains], where he was always prepared to entertain a large number of guests. 
He was public-spirited, gave the clock that hangs in Trinity Church steeple, was 
one of the original members of the Artillery Company, and one of the committee 
to build the State House. But however well off in landed property, he was at 
times crowded for ready money, and when he died, in 1767, his estate was en- 
cumbered" (p. 369). 

Of Dr. Halliburton, Mr. Brenton's son-in-law, Mr. Mason writes: "At the 
foot of the Parade, where there is now a modern brick building, there stood until 
within a few years a large gambrel-roof house that dated far back in the last 
century. When the ground on which it stood was wanted for other purposes it 
was removed to Bridge Street, where it still does service for shops and tenements. 
On its old site it was occupied in succession by a number of physicians, all of 
whom doubtless found it a good location. The first was Dr. Thomas Rodman, 
who came from Barbadoes in 1680, and here resided up to the time of his death in 
1827. His son Thomas, also a physician, was his successor. After him came Dr. 
William Hunter, a Scotch physician, who was eminent in his day, and whose 
worth has been frequently dwelt upon. Dr. John Halliburton was the next phy- 
sician to occupy the house. He was residing here when the war broke out, took 
sides with the Crown, and in 1781 was suspected of keeping up a secret commun- 
ication with the enemy. So strong was the evidence against him that he left 
hastily in a boat and made his way to New York early in 1782; for in one of his 
letters now before me, dated New York, March 17, 1782, he speaks of his sudden 
departure and expresses regret at having to leave one of his very sick patients, 
Mr. William Tweedy. In this letter he urges his friends in Newport to see that 
his wife and children were sent to him by the first flag. When his family joined 
him, he removed to Nova Scotia and settled there; but for a time at least his 
position in his new home was not a comfortable one, for in a letter dated at Hal- 
ifax, September 8, 1782, he writes: 'A few casual acts of civility I have now and 
then experienced, but that sincere and generous hospitality that was formerly 
practised in Rhode Island is seldom to be met with in any country. . . . There 
are a few agreeable and courteous people here, from whom we have received 
some civilities, but whether for want of a proper knowledge of us, or from what- 
ever cause, they want that cordial and generous confidence, that smiling ease 
and cheerful communication which alone make civilities palatable.' In time this 
feeling was changed ; there was a better understanding between the doctor and 
the people of Halifax, who had learned to know and esteem him highly. He 
died in 1807. Mrs. Halliburton, who was a daughter of Jahleel Brenton, died 
in 1818. Their son Brenton Halliburton, chief justice of the province, was hon- 
ored with Knighthood." (pp. 28, 29). 

-* Rev. Dr. George Hill's "Memoir of Sir Brenton Halliburton" (207 pp.) was 
printed in Halifax by James Bowes and Sons in 1864. It m?y be found in Boston 


history, Dr. Hill says : ' ' The private dwellings were usually 
small, covering a very limited area, and seldom more than one 
story in height, finished above with an attic. Although the town 
was laid out in squares, each containing sixteen lots, of forty 
feet in width and sixty feet in depth, each individual obtained, 
if he could, except in the central part, more lots than one. Thus 
the residences of many were quite detached, and ample scope 
afforded for gardens, which were assiduously cultivated by the 
proprietors. . . . Not a few planted trees before their 
doors, under the shade of which the dairy cow loved to ruminate 
during the hot days of summer, and to lie down at night, to the 
inconvenience and danger of the pedestrian. 

"The furniture in the dwellings of those who possessed means 
was of a far more substantial character than that now used by 
persons of the same class, and was considerably more expensive. 
. . . It was usually made of a mahogany wood, of a rich, 
dark color; the dining-room table was plain, but massive, sup- 
ported by heavy legs, often ornamented with the carved re- 
semblance of a lion 's claw ; the side-board was high, rather nar- 
row and inelegant; the secretary, or covered writing desk, was 
bound with numberless brass plates at the edges, corners, and 
sides ; the cellaret, standing in the corner, which held the wines 
and liquors brought up from the cellar for the day's consump- 
tion, was also bound elaborately with plates of burnished brass ; 
the chairs, cumbrous, straight-backed, with their cushions cov- 
ered with black horse-hair cloth, were as uncomfortable as they 
were heavy; the sofa, though not common, was unadorned but 
roomy; the great arm-chair deserved its title, for it was wide 
enough and deep enough to contain not only the master of the 
household, but, if he pleased, several of his children beside. 
These for the most part comprised the furniture of the dining- 
rooms of the upper classes. That contained in the bed-room 
was built of the same wood, and of a corresponding style. The 
bedsteads were those still known as four-posted, invariably cur- 
tained, and with a canopy overhead. . . . The chests of 
drawers and the ladies ' wardrobes were covered with the ubiqui- 
tous brazen plates, and being kept bright, gave the room an air 


of comfort and cleanliness. In almost every hall stood a clock, 
encased by a frame of great size. . . . 

"The kitchen department in those early times was of the 
greatest importance. The day's labor began at early morning 
with the often unsuccessful attempt to produce fire from flint 
and steel; baking and brewing, as well as ordinary cooking, were 
for the most part attended to at home, and all was done for 
many years at the open hearth, on which hard wood was burned 
for fuel. . . . 

"It was the habit to dine at an early hour, and take supper 
between eight and nine o'clock. The fashionable dinner hour 
was three o'clock, and on some state occasions it was made as 
late as four. 14 As a consequence of this custom, business ceased 
to be transacted, at least by the public offices, soon after mid- 
day. It was too late to return when the somewhat lengthened 
meal was over. In the ordinary course, a custom prevailed of 
walking on a fine day, after dinner, sometimes towards the 
Point, sometimes to the North, and in less favorable weather to 
the Market, for a promenade beneath the balcony. On return- 
ing home, those whose resources in themselves were small, usu- 
ally played cards until supper was laid; while among the more 
intellectual it was the admirable custom that the gentlemen 
should read aloud while the ladies worked at embroidery. The 
standard English authors were their text books on these oc- 
casions ; they had but few, but these were the works of the ablest 
historians and the more distinguished poets. Few are aware 
how well informed, in spite of many disadvantages, were the 
upper classes of society in those early times. . . . The full 
and accurate acquaintance of many ladies with History, ancient 
and modern, with Milton and Shakespeare, with Pope and Dry- 
den, and with others of equal fame, may yet be traced through 
a few of their daughters who survive themselves old ladies 
now to adorn their native land. Many of them learned the 
French language, and both wrote and spoke it fluently. ' ' 

Later in his description Dr. Hill says : "It is quite indicative 
of the general ease and lack of urgent business in the community 

14. Speaking of food, Dr. Hill tells us that porcupines were much used as 


that even as late as 1796, . . . there were no less than 
twenty-four holidays, during which the public offices were clos- 
ed." Levees at Government House, he adds, were very fre- 
quent, on which occasions the streets leading to the executive 
mansion were filled with gentlemen in powdered hair, and silk 
stockings, and with silver-hilted swords. 

Full dress for the women of the period was commonly a stiff 
brocaded silk or heavy satin gown, with a long prim waist, from 
which the ample hooped skirt spread off like a balloon, the 
sleeves being tight to the arm. Over the neck and bosom a lace 
handkerchief was likely to be spread, fastened by a heavy 
jewelled pin. For church a richly wrought apron, and spangled 
white kid shoes, with peaked toes and high heels were worn. The 
hair, dressed with pomatum, was drawn over a cushion perhaps 
twelve inches in height and sprinkled thickly with powder, a 
white rosebud or other natural flower crowning this extraor- 
dinary dome. In these days there were few hair dressers in 
Halifax, so people were obliged to begin very early in the day 
to prepare for afternoon or evening entertainments, and very 
clever must the fashionable hair-dresser have been who man- 
aged to keep all his patrons in good humour as he went his slow 
rounds from house to house. Full dress for men consisted of 
knee-breeches, silk stockings, shoes with silver buckles, a white 
neckerchief of great thickness, a straight-collared coat with 
large buttons, a brilliantly coloured waistcoat, and the silver- 
hilted sword or rapier we have spoken of. 

Many of the large dinners of early Halifax were given at a 
three-story wooden hotel at the corner of Duke and Water 
streets, known as the "Great Pontac, " a house built before 1757. 
For dinners the cooks of the war-ships were often called into 
requisition, and when naval officers themselves were the hosts 
the dishes would be brought up to the windows of the hotel by 
ships' stewards, rowed by sailors in spotless white, and handed 
in for the several courses. In 1757, before the second taking of 
Louisburg, Generals Wolfe and Amherst were entertained at 
the Great Pontac, and for many years thereafter few distin- 
guished men visited Halifax who did not find accommodation 
within its hospitable walls. 


About 1790 there was but one closed carriage in Halifax, and 
the owner of this vehicle was so gallant that on the evening of 
grand balls he was accustomed to send his servant round for 
many of the ladies of the smart set, in turn. For a long time 
sedan chairs were commonly used in the town. An advertise- 
ment in a newspaper in 1794 announces that sedan chairs may 
be ordered in Barrington Street at one shilling, one and three- 
pence, and sixpence a ride. For church on Sundays the price 
was an eighth of a dollar ; to Dutchtown, near the Arm, the price 
was a shilling. 15 

In a former chapter we have described in some detail the re- 
markable accession to the population of Halifax that came with 
the exodus from Boston in 1775 and 1776 of almost the whole of 
that town's acknowledged aristocracy. As the Revolutionary 
spirit in Massachusetts grew, the position of those who felt com- 
pelled to take strongly the British side became more and more 
intolerable, and as early as the spring of 1775, singly or in 
small groups, Boston and Salem families of importance began 
to seek shelter in the Nova Scotia capital. When the formal 
withdrawal from Boston of General Howe's troops was posi- 
tively determined on, the British sympathizers who had always 
lived in the town, and those who from other places had recently 
sought refuge there, also hastily prepared to leave, and on the 
seventeenth of March, 1776, families and single men to the num- 
ber of between nine and eleven hundred persons embarked with 

15. As we have shown in the first chapter of this history, a considerable 
number of Germans came to Halifax in the wake of the Cornwallis English 
settlers. Many of these removed to Lunenburg, but a considerable group remain- 
ed in the north end of Halifax. Among these Germans some picturesque social 
customs prevailed. At their weddings the bridal party walked to church in pro- 
cession, led by the bride and groom elect, the women dressed in white with white 
caps and ribbons, the men wearing white trousers and round blue jackets. At 
the conclusion of the ceremony all went to a tavern, and partook of refreshments, 
after which they went home for two or three days' feasting and dancing. For 
one German wedding, in Halifax, the good things provided, included several 
sheep, eighteen geese, soups, hams, puddings, pies, cakes, and wines in abundance. 
The best fiddler that could be found was secured and the people danced all night 
and perhaps all the next day. It is said that the host and hostess generally in- 
sisted on the guests staying until all the food was eaten up. One quaint custom 
observed at these weddings was for some guest at the wedding supper, on the 
first day of feasting, to ask the bride to take off one of her shoes, which he then 
passed round to each of the party for a coin as a gift to the lady. Usually guests 
gave a dollar apiece, and sometimes the shoe was sold at auction to the highest 
bidder, who returned it to the bride, together with the purchase money. 


the fleet. The arrival in Halifax of this bruised and heart-sick 
multitude, the straits to which they were put to find even tem- 
porary comfortable lodgment on shore, the departure of many 
of them in a few weeks for England, and of some of them later 
with the fleet for New York, their reinforcement before long by 
others of their sort from the middle and southern colonies, the 
introduction of many of those who settled permanently in the 
town into the highest public positions, and the natural jealousy 
felt towards such by the older inhabitants these are incidents 
in the progress of the history of Halifax that we have already 
tried to describe. The establishment of an Episcopate in Nova 
Scotia, and the consequent founding there of a college in which 
Anglican principles should be taught, were two of the results of 
the coming of the Loyalists, and the appointment in 1787 of 
Rev. Dr. Charles Inglis as bishop, and in 1792 of Mr. John 
Wentworth as governor, tended soon to make these later comers 
to Nova Scotia well nigh supreme in the councils of church and 

What gave especial brilliancy to the social life of Halifax in 
the last decade of the eighteenth century was the presence there 
for part of this time of His Royal Highness Prince Edward, 
Duke of Kent, later Queen Victoria's father, who was then in 
chief command of the King's forces in British North America. 
To this residence of Prince Edward in Halifax we shall devote 
an independent chapter as this history goes on. Giving, as it 
did, a great and lasting stimulus to the loyalty of Nova Scotians 
to the British Crown, it likewise tended strongly to stimulate 
gayety in Halifax, and the accounts of social entertainments, 
in the town while it continued are highly interesting to read. 
John Wentworth was governor from 1792 until 1808, and for 
much of that period of sixteen years he made Government House 
the scene of great festivity. Early in 1795 he was created a 
baronet, and after that notable event in his career, as before, 
he, and his wife Lady Frances, a woman of unusual charm and 
accomplishment, devoted themselves with energy to making 
Halifax social life as hospitable and gay as they could. ' ' There 
have dined at Government House between 12 December, 1794, 
and 29 October, 1795, ' ' writes young Nathaniel Thomas, a cousin 


of Lady Wentworth (son of Nathaniel Ray Thomas, the well 
known Massachusetts Loyalist, who spent the rest of his life 
after 1776, and died, in Windsor, Nova Scotia), "two thousand, 
four hundred and thirty-seven persons." On the evening of 
Thursday, December twentieth, 1792, says a newspaper of the 
day, ' ' the Lieutenant-Governor and Mrs. Wentworth gave a ball 
and supper to the ladies and gentlemen of the town and the 
officers of the army and navy, which was altogether the most 
brilliant and sumptuous entertainment ever given in this coun- 
try. " Describing in detail the features of the entertainment, 
the newspaper pays a highly enthusiastic tribute to the "ele- 
gance and superiority of manners ' ' of Mrs. Wentworth, and the 
"hospitality, perfect good breeding, and infinite liberality, which 
so distinguish the character of our beloved and adored gov- 
ernor." On this magnificent occasion, says the article, "every- 
thing tended to promote one sympathizing joy, and never was 
there a night passed with more perfect harmony and luxurious 
festivity. ' ' 

From year to year, as the history of Halifax in the time of 
the Wentworths goes on, we read of social events that surprise 
us with their luxury and brilliancy, for the town was then, we re- 
member, less than fifty years old. The visits of royal person- 
ages were always the signal for elaborate functions and great 
display. On the fourth of October, 1786, Prince William Henry, 
afterwards King William the Fourth, arrived in H. M. ship 
Pegasus, and his visit was twice afterward repeated in 1787, 
Magnificent, indeed, were the doings on these occasions, the 
presence of a son of the Sovereign making the people almost 
wild with joy. Notable also were the celebrations of the birth- 
days of royalties, especially of that of King George's rather 
staid and exceedingly proper queen. On the eighteenth of Janu- 
ary Queen Charlotte was born, and every year as the day came 
round, Halifax echoed with the thunders of cannon, while levees 
and balls, with brilliant illuminations of the houses, enlivened 
the cold and somewhat dreary town. In 1794, the birthday of 
Prince Edward, the exact date of which was November second, 
came on Sunday, and the popular customs precluded any gayety 
on that sacred day. Accordingly there was only a salute from 


the citadel and a quiet levee at Government House. Monday 
night, however, there was a magnificent ball and supper at the 
Governor's, for which three hundred invitations were issued. 
On Tuesday night the town was illuminated, and over the gate 
of Government House appeared a crown and the initials P. E., 
"enclosed by a blaze of lights." On the twelfth of August, 1796, 
the Prince of Wales 's birthday was celebrated, with parades, 
salutes, and all the military pomp possible. A banquet at Gov- 
ernment House, "at which Prince Edward, the army and navy 
officers, and chief gentlemen of the town were guests of Sir 
John Wentworth, concluded the festival." 

On Tuesday, the thirteenth of September, 1796, Lady Went- 
worth gave a ball and supper at Government House to Captain 
Beresford, of one of his Majesty's war ships, who had "success- 
fully beaten off a superior French ship, supposed to be a vessel 
of the line. " " Most of the ladies and gentlemen of the town, ' ' 
Murdoch says, "were invited, and the officers of the army and 
navy. As a compliment to the captain, all the ladies wore navy 
blue cockades, and many had on bandeaux and ornaments of 
blue, on which his name was inscribed in gold letters. Splendor 
and taste were predominant, and gayety reigned supreme. 
The merry dance was not deserted till the small hours of the 
morning came on." 

Nor did the loyal celebrations of Haligonians lose any of their 
fervor after the nineteenth century opened. On Friday, April 
seventh, 1820, George the Fourth, who had been nine years 
regent, was proclaimed King at Halifax. "At half past ten, 
A. M. t the governor went in state to the council chamber. The 
members of His Majesty's council, the speaker and several mem- 
bers of the assembly then residing or remaining in town, the 
justices of the peace in Halifax, grand jurors, and many of the 
inhabitants, and the officers of the army and navy, had pre- 
viously assembled there. The governor having taken his chair, 
the provincial secretary read the official despatches notifying 
the demise of the late king and the accession of his eldest son and 
heir. A proclamation of the new king's reign was signed by the 
governor, councillors, and other chief persons present. His 
Excellency having appointed David Shaw Clarke, Esquire, to 


be herald at arms, that gentleman read the proclamation aloud 
in a distinct and clear voice. At this time the Royal standard 
was hoisted upon citadel hill. The herald proceeded from the 
council chamber in a carriage, accompanied by the sheriff, to 
the front of the Province House, to the market square, to the 
door of St. Paul's Church, and to the new parade on Brunswick 
Street, near the North Barracks, escorted by troops and at- 
tended by the populace, and at every place repeated the procla- 
mation. At the North Parade the garrison were drawn up under 
arms, and a salute of twenty-one guns fired from six field 
pieces. The procession then returned to the Province House, 
and the proclamation was again read in the Supreme Court 
room, now the Legislative Library. At one P. M. the Eoyal 
standard was lowered to half mast, and minute guns were fired 
from the fort on George's Island, which was continued the re- 
mainder of the day, in memorial of the deceased sovereign. On 
Sunday, sermons suited to the occasion were delivered in the 
different places of public worship." 

In 1830 was published by Henry Colburn and Richard Bent- 
ley, in New Burlington Street, London, an interesting volume, 
called ' ' Letters from Nova Scotia, Comprising Sketches of a 
Young Country, ' ' by Captain William Moorsom, of the Fifty-sec- 
ond Light Infantry, which was written in Halifax in 1829, while 
the author was officially engaged "in various tours undertaken 
for the purpose of gaining some military information relating to 
the province." 16 In describing Halifax the author says: "The 
garrison forms about one-eighth of the population, and of course 
materially influences the tone of society. A young officer in 
whose head conceit has not previously effected a lodgment stands 
every chance of undergoing a regular investment, siege, and 
assault from this insidious enemy on joining his corps in Hali- 
fax. He finds himself raised at once to a level above that ac- 
corded to the scarlet cloth at home his society generally sought, 
frequently courted, and himself esteemed as a personage whose 
opinions are regarded with no little degree of attention. 
It is not the fault of the inhabitants if Halifax be not a 
pleasant quarter for a stranger, and particularly for a military 

16. The book has nineteen chapters. It also may be found in Boston libraries. 


stranger. Hospitality, unbounded in comparison with that 
which such a person will experience in England, is offered to 
his acceptance. . . . The general tone of intercourse is 
somewhat analogous to that we meet with in Ireland ; it is in fact 
such as naturally prevails where the circle is not very extended, 
where the individual members have been long acquainted, and 
where military have long been stationed with few internal 
changes. . . . There are no regular public assemblies in 
Halifax. A theatre, conducted by amateurs, is opened five 
or six tunes during the season, but a dearth of female perfor- 
mers renders it not particularly attractive. Quadrille cards have 
lately been issued every fortnight by one of the regiments in 
garrison, and have been received in the light they were intended, 
as an earnest of social harmony and amusement. Picnic parties 
in summer and sleighing excursions in winter complete the scale 
of divertis semens. . . . Whenever a fine day and a well- 
formed road combine their attractions, from a dozen to twenty 
of the members of the sleigh club may be seen with tandem, pair, 
four-in-hand, or postillions a I Anglaise, first making the tour 
of the streets, to the open-mouthed admiration of all the little 
truant ragamuffins, and the dashing out of town along the fine 
' Bason road' to partake of a dejeuner a la fourchette at some 
country inn a few miles off. Each preux chevalier is accom- 
panied by the lady of his choice, while some in double sleighs 
are so unconscionable as to monopolize three or four. The only 
sine qua non of propriety seems to be that the signorine shall 
be matronized by some one. Strange as it may appear, while 
hosts of the unqualified are ready to the moment, matronly 
volunteers are rarely to be found ; and the one who is eventually 
pressed into the service usually finds her numerous charge as 
perfectly beyond all control, as the necessity for which control 
is perfectly trivial." 

Elsewhere Moorsom says: Were an Englishman "placed in 
the midst of the party at the Governor's weekly soiree, he would 
not conceive himself to be elsewhere than in some English 
provincial town with a large garrison. In fact there cannot 
be any town out of Great Britain where this similarity is so 
complete as at Halifax." "The winter is here," he continues, 


"as in other places, the season for gaiety similar to that we find 
prevalent elsewhere, in the shape of dinner and evening parties, 
rational and irrational, festive, sober, and joyous, insipid, dull, 
and stupid. How far individual gout, or rather degout, may 
act to give a 'jaundiced eye' I know not, but it seems to me the 
general tone of these social meetings indicates a stage of luxury 
rather than of refinement, of gaiety rather than its com- 
bination with that intellectual foundation which renders such 
gaiety truly delightful." 

In 1842 and '43, an educated Italian named Gallenga, who af- 
terward wrote many books under the pseudonym of L. Mariotti, 
spent some time in Nova Scotia and saw much of Halifax society. 
In a very entertaining book he wrote called "Episodes of my 
Second Life," 17 he says, evidently with great pleasure in the 
recollection: "Picnics at the Duke of Kent's Lodge, reunions 
at Government House, balls given in turn by the officers of the 
garrison at the Assembly rooms or by the naval officers on board 
the Admiral's frigate, were almost daily occurrences balls with 
such a show of beauty as hardly any other town of the same size 
and pretension could exhibit, and to the charms of which, I, 

17. In 1842, "Luigi Mariotti" came out from England, where he had just 
declined the position of private secretary to Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, to be 
professor of modern languages in King's College, at VVindsor. Lord Falkland 
was then governor of the province, and Dr. John Inglis, bishop of the diocese, and 
Mariotti gives very graphic pictures of these dignitaries and of the other chief per- 
sonages of the Province at that time. The Bishop, he says, was a dapper little man 
with a lively face on which the sense of what was due to his prelatic dignity was 
perpetually struggling to check the impulse of his bustling activity. There was in him 
something of the look and manner of Dean Stanley. The Bishop's wife and "four 
thin, and not very young daughters," he describes as having stateliness enough for 
the whole Episcopal bench in the House of Lords. The new professor seems not 
to have been the most contented person in the world, and he was very much dis- 
appointed in King's College, his position for one thing proving far more of a 
sinecure than he either expected or desired, but he soon set up a modest establish- 
ment, bought a horse, engaged a black groom, and embarked on the sea of Windsor 
and Halifax society. With Dr. McCawley, the president of the college, and his 
wife, he was at once on good terms, and speaking of some of the girls he met at 
Windsor, he says that the Miss Haliburtons, the Miss Heads, and the Miss Uni- 
ackes "wanted neither prettiness nor animation and showed no invincible objection 
to a little flirting." He does not deign to tell us to whom it was, but he confesses 
that he lost his heart in Windsor, and when later he settled in Halifax, and was 
a frequent guest at Government House (although the beautiful Lady Falkland was 
then "in deep mourning for her brother, the Earl of Munster"), at the officers' 
mess, and at assembly balls, and hops on the Admiral's frigate, he used regularly 
on Saturday to saddle his horse and ride forty miles over a rough road to spend 
Sunday in the college town with the fair captor of his affections. 

An edition of "Episodes of my Second Life," was published in London by 
Chapman and Hall, in 1884. The book may be found at the Boston Public Library. 


though I never danced, could not be blind the charms of. the 
acres of dazzling-white bare necks and shoulders of the Arch- 
deacon's strapping daughters, of the bright eyes and elegant 
figures of the four Miss Cunards, of the fair complexions and 
sweet expression of the four Miss Uniackes, two of them stars 
of the first magnitude all of whom whirled before me as crea- 
tures of another orbit, happy in the arms of the red-coated or 
blue-jacketed gallants encircling their waists." 

In recollection of his boyhood and young manhood in Halifax, 
Mr. Frederick P. Fairbanks, 18 a bachelor of arts of King's Col- 
lege, Windsor, much of whose later life has been spent in the 
neighborhood of New York City, has written the following pleas- 
ant description of the social life, as he remembers it, of his native 
town. "Halifax," he says, "had exceptional advantages for 
social recreation. Being the summer headquarters of the 
fleet of the British and North American squadron and 
being garrisoned by two regiments of infantry, several batteries 
of artillery and a corps of engineers, the military and naval ele- 
ment were largely in the ascendant, and aided to a considerable 
degree in the entertainment of the citizens. This element 
broughtwith it as residents the Commander-in- Chief of the forces 
in America, and the Admiral of the fleet, with their respective 
staffs, and Halifax being the place of residence of the Governor 
of the Province, the Judges of the Supreme Court, and all the 
executive officers of the government, as well as the Bishop of the 
Diocese, naturally furnished excellent material for tea parties 
and other social events. The respective regiments and ships of 
war offered a lavish hospitality to the townspeople, to which 
the latter did not fail to make satisfactory response, and hardly 
a week passed that cards were not out for a General's, Ad- 
miral's, or Governor's ball, or a dance on board ship, or by in- 
vitation of the military officers or some one of the prominent 

' * Then to fill in, there was a constant round of driving parties, 

18. Mr. Frederick Prescott Fairbanks, Barrister, of Passaic, New Jersey, a 
warm friend of the writer, is one of the few Haligonians who have ever taken the 
trouble to describe the social life of their native town as it was about the middle of 
the nineteenth century. His manuscript is a notable one and we are glad to re- 
produce so much of it here. 


yachting, garden, skating parties, or picnics, the participants in 
which generally returned to the house of the patron for an im- 
provised dance. Military reviews and parades, and sham fights, 
too, were very frequent, concerts by the military bands were 
given twice a week at the public gardens during the summer, 
and all kinds of out door sports were in vogue, which were 
largely attended by spectators. For example, it was not un- 
common on a fine winter day, when the ice was good on the North 
West Arm, to find assembled there on skates the best representa- 
tives of all classes of society. High officials of the government, 
judges, lawyers, rectors, and curates, and even the dignified 
Bishop joined hands with the crowd; colonels, majors, captains, 
and middies were all on skates, and naturally the fair sex of the 
city were out in force to greet them. When the sun shone 
and the ice was smooth, there was good fellowship and enjoy- 
ment which could hardly be excelled. 

' ' In all social festivities, the heads of the house of Fairbanks 
indulged and encouraged their children to indulge. They ac- 
cepted invitations and made bounteous return. For many years 
at Briar Cottage they kept open house and entertained freely, 
until all the daughters but one were married and that one had 
retired from society. Briar Cottage was seldom quiet in the 
evening. Both parents and children were fond of company and 
liked it best at home. Large and small dances, family dinners, 
dinners to politicians, high teas to clerical friends and the peo- 
ple of the church, card, charade, round game, and children's 
parties were interspersed with an occasional ball, when every- 
body in the Army, Navy, or Citizen force considered properly 
entitled to an invitation would get one. A feature of these re- 
ceptions was the absence of formality. Our parents made no 
pretension to style, the ladies wore no dazzling jewels or costly 
attire, and a man's income was never regarded as the measure 
of his eligibility. Everything, however, was comfortable and 
pleasing. The girls looked well, the military came in full dress 
uniform with plenty of scarlet and blue and gold-lace, so at- 
tractive to the feminine fancy, and the young men of the city 
were so well looked after that they could not feel otherwise than 
at home during the whole of the event. 


"On such occasions the two back parlours were opened for 
dancing, the drawing room was reserved for tete-a-tetes and 
conversation, and the supper was served in the front sitting 
room, where it was laid early in the day, the room not being 
opened till midnight or thereabout. During the evening, re- 
freshments were served from the pantry or the sideboard in the 
dining room. Wine and ale were always provided, and the sup- 
per was of a substantial character, generally comprising boned 
turkey, chickens, salads, and sweets of various kinds. 

' ' The greater part of the time the daughters had friends visit- 
ing them, and as men callers were always welcome in the even- 
ings, many improvised dances were often got up. Every night 
before retiring we had supper, even when the family were alone, 
and a good bottle of ale was considered, both at supper and din- 
ner a sine qua non. In these days a guest was never allowed 
to depart without partaking of some refreshment a very good 
custom, and one which our children would do well to observe. 

1 ' At Christmas there was always a family gathering at Briar 
Cottage. On such occasions the little front sitting room was 
made to do duty for the children, and the recollection of that 
room can never fade from their minds. While the children 
were allowed their stockings in bed in the morning, they had 
to wait until after breakfast for any further inspection of their 
Christmas gifts. Then the family adjourned to the sitting room, 
where on a round table (trees were not in vogue with us in those 
days) the presents were displayed. This little front sitting room 
could tell many a tale, if it had a voice, for it was the room re- 
served, as well, for the daughters of the house when they were 
about to be married. Often at such momentous times the boys 
would receive the strict injunction: 'Don't come in without 
whistling.' " 

In a later manuscript Mr, Fairbanks writes : 

' i The principal public functions of Halifax were held at Gov- 
ernment House, Admiralty House, the Commandant's residence, 
the Provincial Building, and Masonic Hall. The balls on shore 
had no distinctive feature, but were like all balls ; it may be noted, 
however, that by whomsoever the entertainment was given one 
was sure to be treated most lavishly as far as the inner man was 


concerned. The hospitality of Halifax is proverbial, and one's 
host was never lacking in his desire to regale one with the very 
best that the market afforded or that the most pronounced epi- 
cure could desire. 

"The most popular of all the social events that took place in 
those days, were, I think, the hops on board the ships of war. 
This was possibly owing to some extent to the fact that they 
possessed certain novel features not met with on shore. The 
ships lay out in the stream some distance off the dockyard, and 
a constant stream of boats manned by the sailors in holiday 
dress, and commanded by midshipmen, moved back and forth 
taking the guests from the dockyard to the ship. Once on board, 
the most diffident could not but feel at home; he was free to 
dance, smoke, sleep, eat or drink, or amuse himself by doing 
nothing ; there was simply no restraint, and abundant opportun- 
ity was furnished for having a good time in the way one wished. 
There was a beautiful deck in the finest condition for the dance ; 
there were the ward room and gun room below for those who 
desired to indulge in mild dissipation ; and there were numerous 
nooks all over the vessel to be used as desired. There was most 
deferential attendance, there were eatables and drinkables in 
profusion ; and you were away from the hum of the city, floating 
serenely on the placid waters of the great harbour, with some 
of the finest ships of the British navy in close proximity, and 
your surroundings in all ways pleasing. The water of the 
harbour was often an intense blue which enhanced the beauty 
of the vista from the shore, and there was plenty to look at in 
the stream from the deck of the man-of-war. 

Of certain popular regiments, Mr. Fairbanks says : 
"I remember the arrival of the 62nd and 63rd regiments 
which came directly to Halifax after the Crimean war. They 
presented a very ragged appearance as they disembarked from 
the troop ships and marched to their barracks. The 62nd was 
very popular in Halifax and a number of its officers married 
Halifax girls. Another very popular regiment was the 78th, 
which took part in the relief of Lucknow. It was customary 
at that time, and I believe still is, to have concerts by a military 
band in the Public Garden (then the 'Horticultural Garden,' 


once or twice a week). There was a musical composition en- 
titled * The Relief of Lucknow ' if I remember rightly, which the 
78th 's band used sometimes to perform. One part of the band 
occupying the stand was supposed to be in the fort, and while 
it was playing, another portion of the band was heard 
a long distance off in a remote part of the garden playing ' The 
Campbells are Coming.' As soon as this became distinct, the 
band on the stand took up the air and the two divisions played 
it. in unison till the relief party marched into the 'fort,' when 
there was tremendous enthusiasm among the spectators. The 
Fourth (King's Own) was also a very popular regiment in Hali- 

"A feature of the arrival of troops in the city was that the 
town crier turned out, ringing his bell and 'crying down credit' 
that is crying to the effect that all persons were prohibited from 
giving credit to the members of her majesty's th regiment, 
and that the government would not be responsible if they did. 
I remember one of the town criers very well, I often heard him 
cry 'Lost; Strayed; or Stolen!' etc., etc. 

"An extremely popular social organization in my day," this 
writer adds, "was the Halifax Archery and Croquet Club, a 
large and interesting club to which many of the army and navy 
men as well as civilians belonged. A portion of the Horticultural 
Garden was set apart for its use, and on field days the gathering 
was most animated and gay. At that period tennis had not 
come into vogue. A few years ago when in Halifax I saw an 
aquatic carnival on the Arm. It was said that there were about 
a thousand boats on the water. It was one of the prettiest 
sights I ever saw. The Governor General of Canada, Earl Grey, 
was then on a visit to Halifax, and this and many other interest- 
ing social events were arranged in his honour." 

In another manuscript by a native Nova Scotian we read: 
"When an old regiment was ordered off the station there was 
always sorrow in the drawing rooms and deep regret in the 
Halifax Club, while on the part of the private soldiers and their 
sweethearts there were presumably many tender farewells in- 
dulged in and many bitter tears shed. When the last echoes of 
' The Girl I Left Behind Me, ' however, had died on the air, and 


the new regiment, after disembarking from the ships, with flying 
colours had marched into the town, a fresh round of acquaint- 
anceships, usually equally pleasant with the old, began to be 
made, fresh dinners and dances loomed on the near social 
horizon, and the feminine heart, in high circles and low, was 
athrob with the anticipation of new triumphs in the matrimonial 
line. While imperial troops continued to visit Halifax, the 
general ambition of girls in the smart set was to marry officers, 
and few families of fashion in the town but succeeded, sooner 
or later, in allying themselves with families of greater or less 
note in England by marrying their daughters to young officers 
of the army or navy. Of these two sets of officers, the latter, on 
the whole, had more popularity than the former, for there is 
usually a more open confidingness in sailors than in soldiers, 
and it used to be felt that naval officers at large had the higher 
breeding of the two departments of the British service of public 

"The entertainments common in Halifax in the nineteenth 
century were tennis, badminton, polo, lobster-spearing, tobog- 
ganing, skating, dinners, luncheons, hops, kettledrums, balls, 
picnics, and fairs. The balls given by the naval or military 
officers were often especially brilliant affairs, the uniforms in 
evidence including those of the line regiments, the artillery, the 
engineers, and the various war-ships then on the station. ' ' 

In one of his essays, Charles Dudley Warner says of the 
dramatic social plantation life of the southern States before 
the abolition of slavery : ' ' Already, as we regard it, it assumes 
an air of unreality, and vanishes in its strong lights and heavy 
shades like a dream of the chivalric age." The old picturesque 
eighteenth and nineteenth century life of Halifax has largely 
disappeared too. For better or for worse, probably much for 
the better industrially, certainly much for the worse in point of 
dramatic interest, under the influence of insistent modern prac- 
tical demands, it has utterly changed. One of the things that 
helped give it and that helps it still retain a certain flavor of 
the old England which it loves to copy, and in whose traditions 
it has a persistent feeling of somehow having a right to share, 
was and is the bestowal of occasional knighthoods on Halifax 


men. For special service to the Empire, Britain has always thus 
rewarded her sons, and thus she will probably long continue to 
reward them. Of such easily given honours, that very likely 
tend to keep dignity in the popular life, and that even in a 
thoroughly democratic province such as Nova Scotia now is, 
cannot at least do much if any harm, Halifax will always, prob- 
ably, as long as Britain remains in name a monarchical country, 
receive and welcome from the sovereign a modest share. 


Nova Scotians, many of them Haligonians, who have received titles. Several 
of these names appear in the Dictionary of National Biography. 


SIR ADAMS GEORGE ARCHIBALD, K. C. M. G., June 6, 1885 (C. M. G., 1872, Lieu- 
tenant-Governor of Manitoba and the North West Territory, 1870-1873 ; of 
Nova Scotia, 1873-1883). 

SIR EDWARD MORTIMER ARCHIBALD, K. C. M. G., Aug. 26, 1882, British Consul for 
some years at New York. 

SIR THOMAS DICKSON ARCHIBALD, Kt. Bachelor, Feb. 5, 1873, Judge of the Queen's 
Bench, London and Baron of the Exchequer, brother of Sir Edward Mor- 
timer Archibald. 

Maurice and Lazarus, received from King Charles Albert, of Italy, Dec. 
15, 1848. He was born at Halifax, Oct. 2, 1789, a nephew of Sir Brenton 
Halliburton, Kt. Bach. 

REAR-ADMIRAL SIR EDWARD BELCHER, R. N., K. C. B., March 13, 1867 (Kt. Bach., 

1843). He was born at Halifax, in 1799, son of Hon. Andrew Belcher, 

i M. E. C., and his wife, Marianne Geyer (of Boston), his grandfather being 

Chief-Justice Jonathan Belcher, of Nova Scotia, and his great-grandfather 

Governor Jonathan Belcher, of Massachusetts and New Jersey. 

SIR FREDERICK WILLIAM BORDEN, K. C. M. G., 1902, born in King's County, Nova 
Scotia, May 14, 1847. He was for some years Minister of Militia in the 
Dominion Parliament. 

Rx. HON. SIR ROBERT LAIRD BORDEN, K. C. M. G., 1914, born in King's County, 
Nova Scotia, June 26, 1854. Premier of Canada at the present time. 

SIR JOHN GEORGE BOURINOT, K. C. M. G., May 21, 1898, born Oct. 24, 1857, died 
Oct. 13, 1902. He was Clerk of the Dominion House of Commons, and 
a literary man of distinction. 

SIR JAMES COCHRAN OR COCHRANE, Kt. Bachelor, March 12, 1845. He was born at 
Halifax, June 2, 1794, and was Chief-Justice of Gibraltar from 1840 to 
1877. He was an uncle of Sir John Inglis, K. C. B. He died at Gibraltar 
June 24, 1883. 

Sir James Cochran, was born in Halifax April 19, 1790. He was a dis- 
tinguished military man, serving in the Peninsular War. 


SIR SAMUEL CUNARD, BARONET, March 9, 1859, was born in November, 1787. In 
1840 he successfully inaugurated ocean travel by establishing the Cunard 
Steamship Line. His son SIR EDWARD CUNARD, born January i, 1816, suc- 
ceeded to his title April 28, 1865 and died in 1869. SIR BACHE EDWARD 
CUNARD, born May 15, 1851, succeeded as third baronet in 1869. 

:SiR MALACHY BOWES DALY, K. C. M. G., was Governor of Nova Scotia from 
1890 to 1895, and again from 1895 to 1900. 

SIR JOHN WILLIAM DAWSON, K. C. M. G. September 11, 1884 (C. M. G., 1881), 
was an eminent geologist and President of McGill University. He was 
born at Pictou, Nova Scotia, Oct. 13, 1820. 

COLONEL SIR WILLIAM F. DE LANCEY, K. C. B., a native of New York (son of 
Stephen De Lancey) came with his father to Nova Scotia about 1783. He 
entered the army, died at Waterloo, and was buried at Brussels. His father 
became Chief-Justice of the Bahamas, and later Governor of Tobago. Sir 
William's daughter, Susan, was the wife of Sir Hudson Lowe, Governor 
of St. Helena when Napoleon was captive there. 

SIR SANFORD FLEMING, K. C. M. G., 1897 (C. M. G., 1877) was born in Scotland, 
but was for many years a summer resident of Halifax, where he owned 
valuable property. Sir Sanford was long one of Canada's most useful 
public men. He died at Halifax in July, 1915. 

Judge Thomas Chandler Haliburton, was C. B., 1880, K. C. B., 1885, and G. 
C. B., 1887, and was raised to the peerage in 1898. He died childless and the 
peerage is extinct. Lord Haliburton was born at Windsor, Nova Scotia, 
Sept. 26, 1832. 

SIR BRENTON HALLIBURTON, KT. BACHELOR, April 13, 1859, was a son of Hon. 
John Halliburton, M. D., and his wife, Susannah Brenton (of Newport, 
R. I.). He was Chief -Justice of Nova Scotia from 1833 to 1860, when he 

SIR JOHN EARDLEY WILMOT INGLIS, K. C. B. January 21, 1858, was a son of 
Bishop John Inglis and grandson of Bishop Charles Inglis. He was born 
November 15, 1814, and was knighted for successfully defending the Pres- 
idency of Lucknow in the Crimean War, in 1857. He is popularly known 
in Nova Scotia as the "hero of Lucknow." 

SIR EDWARD KENNY, KT. BACHELOR, Nov. 3, 1870, was born in Ireland in 1800, 
but was long a resident of Halifax. He was successively President of the 
Legislative Council of Nova Scotia, Receiver General of the Province, 
President of the Privy Council of Canada, and a member of the Dominion 


SIR JAMES MONK, KT. BACHELOR, born in Boston in 1746, removed with his parents 
to Halifax early in the history of the town, and by 1774 became Solicitor 
General of Nova Scotia. After 1777 he removed to Montreal and there 
became Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench. He was knighted late 
in life. 

the Dominion of Canada, was born at Halifax Oct. 28, 1813. 

SIR THOMAS ANDREW STRANGE, KT. BACHELOR, March 14, 1798, was Chief-Justice 
of Nova Scotia, June 6, 1791, to Sept. 9, 1797. He was afterward Chief- 
Justice of Madras, India. 


SIR JOHN SPARROW DAVID THOMPSON, K. C. M. G., Sept. 10, 1888, was Minister of 
Justice for the Dominion of Canada, and later Premier. 

SIR CHARLES JAMES TOWNSHEND, KT. BACHELOR, was eleventh Chief-Justice of 
Nova Scotia, from Nov. 2, 1907 until some time in 1915. 

RT. HON. SIR CHARLES TUPPER, BARONET, 1888 (C. B., 1867, K. C. M. G., 1879, G. 
C. M. G., 1886). Sir Charles was the most distinguished statesman Nova 
Scotia has produced. Like several others in this list he was of New Eng- 
land origin. He died in England, October 30. 1915. 

SIR CHARLES HIBBERT TUPPER, K. C. M. G., 1893, son of Sir Charles Tupper, Bart., 
was born August 3, 1855, and became Minister of Justice for the Dominion 
of Canada. 

B., 1860), was born at Halifax, April 12, 1791, and died February, 1892. He 
had a distinguished career in the Navy, and was long known as the "Father 
of the Fleet." It was he who conducted the Chesapeake into Halifax in 1813. 

SIR ROBERT LINTON WEATHERBE, KT. BACHELOR, 1906, tenth Chief-Justice of Nova 
Scotia, from 1905 to 1907, was born in Prince Edward Island, April 7, 1836, 
and died at Halifax in 1915. 

SIR JOHN WENTWORTH, BARONET, 1795, was Governor of Nova Scotia from 1792 to 
1808. He died at Halifax April 8, 1820, when his son, Charles Mary suc- 
ceeded to the baronetcy. The latter died childless in England, April 10, 
1844, when the title became extinct. 

was born July 26, 1785, and died January n, 1875. He was wounded at 
the battle of Trafalgar. 


B., 1852, K. C. B., 1856), was distinguished in the Crimea. He is known as the 

"hero of Kars." He was born at Annapolis Royal, probably in 1799, and died 

unmarried in London, England, July 26, 1883. 
SIR WILLIAM ROBERT WOLSEY WINNIETT, R. N., K. C. B., June 29, 1849, was born 

at Annapolis Royal, in 1794. 

SIR WILLIAM YOUNG, KT. BACHELOR, 1868 or 1869, was Chief-Justice of Nova 
Scotia from 1860 to 1881. He died at Halifax May 8, 1887. 

[Since this list was compiled, another Haligonian, Dr. Charles Frederick Fraser, 
has been knighted for conspicuous public service. He was made Kt. 
Bachelor, June 3, 1915. 

Our list does not include either New Brunswick or Prince Edward Island men 
who have received titles]. 


wealth; let Rome tell of her devout Numa, the law-giver by 
whom the most famous commonwealth saw peace truimphing 
over extinguished war and cruel plunders, and murders giving 
place to the more mollifying exercises of his religion. Our New 
England shall boast and tell of her Winthrop, a law-giver as 
patient as Lycurgus, but not admitting any of his criminal dis- 
orders ; as devout as Numa, but not liable to any of the heathen- 
ish madness ; a governor in whom the excellence of Christianity 
made a most improving addition into the virtues wherein even 
without those he would have made a parallel for the great men 
of Greece or of Rome which the pen of Plutarch has eternized." 

(To be continued) 

Chapters in the History of Halifax, 
Nova Scotia 


No. IV 

Here Wentworth and his Tory compeers came 
When fierce rebellion rent the neighboring land, 
Foes to the foes of England and her King. 

Acadian Ballads. 

A woman of fashion and wit and grace, 
The Governor's wife, of Portsmouth town, 
From Copley's canvas still looks down 
Beautiful Lady Wentworth 's face. 

Acadian Ballads. 

IN September, 1775, after proroguing the New Hampshire As- 
sembly at the Isles of Shoals, Mr. John Wentworth, last roy- 
al governor of this New England province, found it neces- 
sary to flee in haste from his home in Portsmouth to the shel- 
ter of the King's troops in Boston. Among the notable fam- 
ilies of New England before the Revolution not a single one 
stands out more conspicuously than the New Hampshire Went- 
worths. Descended from the finest English stock they early 
planted themselves in America, and here brought into exercise 
the high qualities of intelligence, energy, dignity, and courtesy 
that by nature, the heritage of generations of high-bred ances- 
tors, were theirs. Both Longfellow and Whittier have celebrated 
the family in charming verse, Whittier, especially, in his ' ' Amy 
Wentworth, ' ' of whom he says : 


K. T., K. St. P., Etc. 


* l Her home was brave on Jaffrey Street, 
With stately stairways worn 
By feet of old Colonial knights, 
And ladies gently born. 

1 ' Still green about its ample porch 
The English ivy twines, 
Trained back to show in English oak 
The herald's carven signs. 

' ' And on her from the wainscot old 
Ancestral faces frown, 
And this has worn the soldier 's sword, 
And that the judge's gown." 

The romantic second marriage of Benning Wentworth, first 
Royal Governor of New Hampshire as a separate colony, furnish- 
ed the subject, also, for Longfellow's poem, ''Lady Wentworth," 
the poet's tale in "Tales of a Wayside Inn." In this poem Long- 
fellow followed closely the account given by Brewster, which 
runs thus : ' ' The Governor invited a dinner party, and with many 
other guests, in his cocked hat comes the beloved Rev. Arthur 
Browne [Rector of Qjueen's Chapel, Portsmouth]. The dinner 
is served up in a style becoming the Governor 's table, the wine is 
of good quality, etc. In due time, as previously arranged, Mar- 
tha Hilton, the Governor's maid servant, a damsel of twenty 
summers, appears before the company. The Governor, bleached 
by the frosts of sixty winters, rises : ' Mr. Browne, I wish you to 
marry me. ' ' To whom ! ' asked the Rector in wondering surprise. 
' To this lady, ' was the reply. The Rector stood confounded. The 
Governor became imperative : ' As the Governor of New Hamp- 
shire I command you to marry me. ' The ceremony was performed 
and Martha Hilton became Lady Wentworth." 1 

With a poet's license, Longfellow has given Martha Hilton 
Wentworth a title that was never hers, Lady Frances Went- 
worth was the only ' ' Lady Wentworth ' ' this continent has ever 
known. Moreover, the Wentworth family history says that Mar- 

i. This second marriage of Governor Benning Wentworth took place 
March 15, 1760. On the iQth of December, 1770, two months after her elderly 
first husband's death, Martha Wentworth became the wife of a retired English 
army officer, Col. Michael Wentworth, one of the English Wentworths, who 
settled in New Hampshire and the rest of his life shared the comfortable for- 
tune his distant relative, the Governor, had left. 


tha was not servant but young housekeeper to the Governor, she 
being only twenty-three while her elderly lord was sixty-four. 

John Wentworth's grandfather, John, was Lieutenant Gover- 
nor of New Hampshire before that Colony became separated from 
Massachusetts. Among his sons were Governor Benning Went- 
worth, born July twenty-fourth, 1696, graduated at Harvard Col- 
lege in 1715, who became as we have said the first royal governor 
of New Hampshire as an independent colony; Mark Hunking 
Wentworth, an eminent merchant in Portsmouth and a represent- 
ative to the legislature, whose son was Governor John Wentworth 
of Portsmouth and Halifax; and Samuel Wentworth, father of 
Governor John's wife, Lady Frances. 

Governor John Wentworth was born at Portsmouth, August 
ninth, 1737, graduated at Harvard College, in the class with 
President John Adams, in 1755, took his master 's degree in 1758, 
and in a short time became, like his father and his uncle Benning, 
a leading merchant in Portsmouth. From the standing of his 
family in New England and with the administration in England, 
and through strong qualities in himself, having already acquired 
political influence, when in 1767, on account of age and infirmities 
his uncle Benning resigned the governorship, he was at once ap- 
pointed in his place ; to the governorship being added the office of 
Surveyor of the King's Woods for all North America. On the 
llth of November, 1769, at Queen's Chapel, Portsmouth, the Rev. 
Arthur Browne united in marriage Governor John and his first 
cousin, Frances, the remarkable fact being that exactly a fort- 
night before the lady had become the widow of another first cou- 
sin of both her and John, young Theodore Atkinson, to whom she 
had been married less than eight years. 2 

For nine years John Wentworth administered the government 
of New Hampshire, entertaining lavishly in his comfortable town 
house on Pleasant street, Portsmouth, and his roomy cottage at 
Wolfeborough, and until his Tory sympathies showed themselves 
was generally liked by the New Hampshire people. At last, how- 

2. It is said that on the day he married Frances (Wentworth) Atkinson 
to her cousin, John Wentworth, Rev. Arthur Browne fell down some stone 
steps and broke his arm. Until the appointment of his son, Marmaduke 
Browne, as assistant missionary he was the only Anglican clergyman in New 
Hampshire. Rev. Arthur Browne was an Englishman. 


ever, his quick response to Gage 's appeal for workmen from his 
province to help build barracks at Boston for the British troops, 
which appeal had become necessary by the refusal of the Boston 
carpenters to assist in the work, sealed his own fate and that of 
his government, and he had to leave Portsmouth by the back en- 
trance and through the garden of his house. With his wife and 
infant son, on the frigate Scarborough he fled to Boston, 3 and 
from Boston, in 1776, sailed with Howe's fleet for Halifax, his 
wife and child having previously left on the ship Julius Caesar 
for England. 

In April, 1776, Mr. Wentworth was at Halifax, in November he 
was at Long Island ; in January, 1777, he was in New York City, 
and in May of the same year he was at Newport, B.I. In February, 
1778, he went to England, and there he remained until August, 
1783, 4 when as Surveyor General of all the woods in North Amer- 
ica that remained to the King, with a salary of seven hundred 
pounds a year, he sailed for Halifax, which he reached on the 
20th of September. On. the 25th of November, 1791, Governor 
Parr died at Halifax, and late in April or early in May, 1792, Mr. 
Wentworth was appointed Governor of Nova Scotia. At this 
time he was in England, and Saturday, May 20th, he reached 
Halifax in his Majesty's frigate Hussar, commanded by Rupert 
George. 5 On Sunday he disembarked and was received by a de- 

3. "His Excellency John Wentworth, Esq., Governor of the Province of 
New Hampshire, with his Lady and son, is arrived here in his Majesty's ship, 
Scarborough, Captain Berkley." Massachusetts Gazette, and Boston Post Boy 
and Advertiser, for September 7, 1775. 

"Governor Wentworth has left his retreat at the mouth of the Piscataqua 
river, and taken refuge at Boston, with the rest of the Tories." Boston-Gazette 
and Country Journal, September n, 1775. 

In a letter from Halifax, dated September 23, 1783, Dr. Mather Byles says 
that Governor Wentworth and Lt. -Governor Edmund Fanning arrived at Hali- 
fax from England, September 20, three days before. December 3Oth, of the same 
year, Dr. Byles dined with Governor Wentworth. 

4. It is said that in 1778 Mr. Wentworth was also in Paris, and that one 
night on leaving the theatre he encountered President Adams. The latter soon 
recognized his Harvard classmate, but it is pretty clear, as we may well believe, 
that he did not give him a very cordial greeting. Friendship, however, proved 
stronger than political rancour, and the two men, in spite of the antagonism in 
their political views, whenever they met afterwards met as friends. On this par- 
ticular occasion, "not an indelicate expression," writes President Adams, "to us 
or to our country or our ally escaped him. His whole behaviour was that of an 
accomplished gentleman." 

5. It seems impossible that his commission as Governor could have been 
issued May i4th, since he reached Halifax May 20th, "after a voyage of five 
weeks from Falmouth," but so a printed record reads. 


tachment of the 21st Regiment, and by the Royal Artillery, who 
saluted him with field pieces on the Grand Parade. To Govern- 
ment House he was escorted by the acting secretary of the Prov- 
ince, Mr. J. M. Freke Bulkeley, and on Monday at one o 'clock was 
sworn into office, a salute of fifteen guns being fired by a party of 
Royal Artillery drawn up on the Parade. Addresses of congratu- 
lation and welcome were then presented him by the magistrates, 
the bishop and his clergy, and many societies and individuals. 

In May, 1795, Governor Wentworth was created a baronet, 6 
and on Sunday, the 31st of that month, the Duke of Kent with all 
the officers of the garrison attended a levee at Government House, 
where congratulations were showered upon Sir John first, and 
then on Lady Wentworth in her drawing room. Sir John's ad- 
ministration, of the Nova Scotia Government lasted until 1808, 
when he resigned, and was succeeded by Sir George Prevost, 
Bart. From the time of his retirement until his death, April 
eighth, 1820, at the age of eighty-three, he enjoyed a pension of 
five hundred pounds a year. Although Sir John was a native of 
Portsmouth his wife, Lady Frances, was not. Her parents, Sam- 
uel and Elizabeth (Deering) Wentworth, were important mem- 
bers of the aristocratic society that on occasion ; ' trooped in full 
tide through the wainscotted and tapestried rooms, and up the 
grand old winding staircase with its carved balustrades and its 
square landing places" of the famous Province House, of Boston, 
' ' to do honor to the hospitality of the martial Shute, the courtly 
Burnet, the gallant Pownall, or the haughty Bernard, ' ' and that 
knelt with proper reverence on Sundays in the high-walled square 
pews of King's Chapel, where the Rev. Henry Caner, D. D., or 
his assistants the Rev. Charles Brockwell, or the Rev. John 
Troutbeck, said Morning or Evening Prayer. Samuel Went- 
worth, who was a merchant of prominence, died in 1766, but in 
the Revolution his whole family were Royalists, and their lives 
generally after the evacuation of Boston may be learned from 
the Wentworth family history. 

During most of Sir John's governorship of Nova Scotia Lady 

6. The Wentworth family history says that at this time he was "further 
honoured with the privilege of wearing in the chevron of his arms, two keys, as 
the emblem of his fidelity." 


Wentworth was with him in Halifax, her charms lending not a 
little colour to the somewhat sombre social life of this cold pro- 
vincial capital. In England, however, both she and Sir John had 
attached themselves to the well known titled English Wentworth 
families, the Rockinghams, Straffords, and Fitzwilliams, and with 
the last of these, the Earl and Countess Fitzwilliam, Lady Fran- 
ces, and her son Charles Mary, had a long and intimate friend- 
ship. In England, in close intercourse with these noble kinsmen 
of hers, much of Lady Wentworth 's later life was spent, and it is 
said that Sir Charles Mary in his last years lived with the Fitz- 

In July, 1798, Lady Frances Wentworth was presented at 
court by Countess Fitzwilliam, and Queen Charlotte was so 
charmed with the handsome Colonial that she had her appointed 
lady-in-waiting, at a salary of five hundred pounds a year, with 
the privilege of residing abroad if she wished. 

Sir Charles Mary Wentworth, Sir John 's only legitimate child, 
named for his God-parents, the Marquis and Marchioness of 
Rockingham, 7 spent very little of his life in Halifax. He was 
graduated at Oxford, acted as private secretary to Lord Fitzwil- 
liam when the latter was Lord of the Treasury, and at his fath- 
er's death succeeded to the baronetcy. He died unmarried, at 
Kingsland, Devon, April tenth, 1844, and the baronetcy granted 

7. Sir Charles Mary Wentworth, Bart., was born at Portsmouth, January 
20, 1775. On that event, his maternal grandmother, Mrs. Samuel Wentworth, 
wrote her sister, Mrs. Nathaniel Ray Thomas, then in Boston, the following 

"Portsmouth, February 2, 1775. 
"My Dear Sister, 

"I had the pleasure to receive your favour of the loth December, in which 
you make no mention of any from me. I wrote some time past and trust it met 
your hand. Mrs. Wentworth is safe in bed with a fine, hearty boy, with another 
blessing added, in being able to nurse him herself. I need not attempt to tell 
you the pleasure this child has brought with it to all its connections. The Gov- 
ernor's happiness seems to be complete ; and had a young prince been born there 
could not have been more rejoicing. The ships fired their guns. All the gentle- 
men of the town and from the King's ship came the next day to pay their com- 
pliments. The ladies followed, and for one week there were cake and caudle 
wine, etc., passing. I forgot to mention that this young gentleman made his ap- 
pearance on the 2Oth January, and this house has been full ever since. Adieu, 
my dear sister, and be assured you have not a more affectionate one than 


"To Mrs. Nathaniel Ray Thomas, Boston." 

Mrs. Nathaniel Ray Thomas, it will be remembered, with her husband and 
family, came at the Revolution to Windsor, Nova Scotia, and there spent the rest 
of her life and died. 


his father then became extinct. Sir John had ambitions for his 
son in Nova Scotia and June sixteenth, 1801, had the latter, then 
in his twenty-sixth year, sworn as a member of the council. In 
this dignified body the young man sat in 1801, 1802, and 1803, but 
in March, 1805, his father reported his seat vacant, and it is 
doubtful if he was ever in Nova Scotia after that. When his un- 
cle Benning died in Halifax in 1808, Charles Mary was appointed 
to the vacant Provincial Secretaryship and the Registry of Pat- 
ents and Deeds, Mr. Michael Wallace being appointed Deputy 
Provincial Secretary. Three months after his appointment Sir 
John retired from the government and the son never personally 
assumed the office. 8 When Sir Charles Mary died he left his cou- 
sin, Mrs. Catherine Gore, the authoress, twenty- three thousand 
acres of land in Nova Scotia, including the famous " Prince's 
Lodge, ' ' and also the papers, plate, and pictures he had inherited 
from his father. 

Sir John Wentworth's town house in Portsmouth, as we have 
said, was on Pleasant Street. It is yet standing, a comfortable 
old Colonial house, still pointed out with pride by the Ports- 
mouth people. His house at Wolfeborough, burned the year of 
his death, was a hundred feet long, and forty-five feet wide, with 
five barns near it, and a large farm about it in which Sir John 
took great pride. In Portsmouth Sir John lived in much state, 
his stable containing the very considerable number of sixteen 
horses. In Halifax he and Lady Wentworth made Government 
House the centre of a social life on the whole more brilliant than 
Halifax has probably ever had since. As we have said in a pre- 

8. In place of Charles Mary Wentworth, Mr. Samuel Hood George was 
made Provincial Secretary in 1808. Mr. George held the office until 1813, when 
he died. See the writer's monograph on the Cochran family, p. 8. Admiral Sir 
Rupert George, then a junior officer in the navy, a young Irishman, married in 
Halifax, in 1782, Margaret, eldest daughter (by his first wife) of Hon. Thomas 
Cochran of Halifax. The Georges had eight children, of whom Samuel Hood, 
born in 1789, was the eldest, and Rupert Dennis, born October 9, 1796, was the 

As has been mentioned above, Sir John Wentworth was graduated at Har- 
vard in 1755, an d took his Master's degree there in 1758. He was also made a 
Master of Arts by Princeton College in 1763; an LL.D. by the University of 
Aberdeen in 1764, and by Dartmouth College in 1773; and a D C. L. by Oxford 
University in 1766. Sir Charles Mary Wentworth, received his A. B. from Ox- 
ford in 1796, and his A. M. from the same university later. An honorary A. M. 
was also given him by Harvard in 1801. He was further created a D. C. L. 
by Oxford in 1806. 



vious chapter, Lady Wentworth's cousin, young Nathaniel Bay 
Thomas, Jr., once wrote: "There have dined at Government 
House between December 12, 1794, and October 29, 1795, two 
thousand, four hundred, and thirty-seven persons." There is a 
story told of Governor John in Portsmouth, that one day a coun- 
tryman met him among his horses. ' ' They say, ' ' said the rustic, 
"that Johnny is short and thick and fond of wine, but on the 
whole a pretty clever sort of fellow. How I should like to see 
him!" The Governor soon asked him to step into the house, 
where the man to his great confusion learned who his companion 
was. Among the early entertainments given by the Wentworths 
at Government House, in Halifax, was one on Sunday, August 
12th, of the year of Sir John's appointment. On that day, the 
birthday of the Prince of Wales (afterward King George the 
Fourth) Governor Wentworth gave a grand dinner to the officers 
of the army and navy and many gentlemen of the town. During 
the evening, Government House was brilliantly illuminated. 

December 20th of the same year, from the Gazette newspaper 
we learn that, "On Thursday evening, the Lieutenant Governor 
and Mrs. Wentworth gave a ball and supper to the ladies and 
gentlemen of the town and the officers of the army and navy, 
which was altogether the most brilliant and sumptuous entertain- 
ment given by the Wentworths. The company being assembled 
in the levee room at eight o 'clock, the bands which were very num- 
erous and excellent, played * God save the King ' three times over, 
after which the country dances commenced, two sets dancing at 
the same time. The whole house was open every room illumi- 
nated and elegantly decorated. There was a room set apart for 
cotillions, above stairs, for those who chose to dance them, and a 
band provided on purpose for it. During the dancing there were 
refreshments of ice, orgeat, capillaire, and a variety of other 
things. At twelve the supper room was opened, and too much 
cannot be said of the splendor and magnificence of it; the ladies 
sat down at table and the gentlemen waited upon them. Among 
other ornaments, which were altogether superb, there were exact 
representations of Hartshorne and Tremain's new flour-mill, and 
of the windmill on the Common. The model of the new lighthouse 
at Shelburne was incomparable, and the tract of the new road 


from Pictou was delineated in the most ingenious and surprising 
manner, as was the representation of our fisheries, that great 
source of the wealth of this country. To all these inimitable orn- 
aments corresponding mottoes were attached, so that not only 
taste and elegance were conspicuous, but encouragement and gen- 
ius were displayed. The viands and wines were delectable, and 
mirth, grace, and good humor seemed to have joined hands to cel- 
ebrate some glorious festival ; but this was only for the friends of 
the Governor and Mrs. Wentworth. When the ladies left the sup- 
per-room the gentlemen sat down to table, when the governor 
gave the several loyal toasts, with three times three, and an ap- 
plicable tune was played after each bumper, which had an ad- 
mirable effect. At two o 'clock the dancing recommenced, and at 
four the company retired. That ease, elegance, and superiority 
of manners, which must ever gain Mrs. Wentworth the admira- 
tion of the whole community ; and that hospitality, perfect good 
breeding and infinite liberality which so distinguish the charac- 
ter and conduct of our beloved and adored Governor never shone 
with more lustre than on this occasion, when every care of his and 
Mrs. Wentworth 's mind seemed to be to give one universal satis- 
faction. Everything tended to promote one sympathizing joy, 
and never was there a night passed with more perfect harmony 
and luxurious festivity. ' ' 

At some time early in his official career in Halifax Governor 
Wentworth purchased land and erected a small villa a few miles 
north of the town. To the villa he gave the name, suggested by 
Romeo and Juliet, " Friar Laurence's Cell," and there, until the 
Duke of Kent came, he probably in summer lived. This place 
was leased by his Royal Highness on his arrival, and the house 
greatly enlarged, and in it in considerable state, with Madame de 
St. Laurent, during his stay the Duke for the most part lived. Of 
the Prince 's Lodge, as the place came to be called after the Duke 
left, the late Dr. Thomas B. Akins has given the following graphic 
account: "This beautiful little retreat," he says, "had been 
erected by Prince Edward on the land of the Governor, Sir John 
Wentworth. The grounds were laid out and improved at con- 
siderable expense under his direction. The Rotunda, or music 
room, on the opposite side of the road, next the water, surrounded 


by the rich foliage of the beech groves, and surmounted by a 
large gilded ball flashing in the sunlight, presented a beautiful 
and picturesque appearance on the approach to the Lodge. The 
villa was built altogether of wood, consisting of a centre of two 
stories containing the hall and staircase, with a flat roof. There 
were two wings containing the Duke's apartments. In the rear was 
a narrow wooden building with pointed gothic windows, resem- 
bling a chapel, containing the kitchen and offices, which extended 
some distance southward beyond the main building. The group- 
ing of the beech and birch trees around the house was well ar- 
ranged. They were the original forest trees, selected and per- 
mitted to stand in clearing away the space for the buildings. The 
rooms were not spacious and the ceilings were low, as appears to 
have been the fashion of building in Halifax at the time. 

"The woods around were very beautiful. They were tra- 
versed by walks, and in several places by a carriage road with 
vistas and resting places where little wooden seats and several 
imitation Chinese temples were erected. Several of these small 
summer houses were in existence in 1828 and probably later, and 
portions of them could be seen through the openings in the trees 
on passing the main road. The Duke erected a range of low build- 
ings on the edge of the Basin, a little to the north of the Rotunda, 
which were occupied by two companies of his regiment, and con- 
tained the guard-room and a mess-room for the officers. This 
building was afterwards known as the Rockingham Inn, a favor- 
ite resort in Summer, when tea and ginger beer were to be had 
under the piazza which ran along the edge of the water. ' ' 9 

In September, 1795, Sir John and Lady Wentworth made a 
tour of the western part of Nova Scotia and on this occasion some 
now forgotten poet of Granville, Annapolis County, composed 
and printed the following poem. 

0. The Rockingham Club was established either while the Duke of Kent 
was resident in Halifax or very soon after his leaving for Canada. Its members 
were Sir John Wentworth, the whole of his Majesty's Council, the Admiral on 
the station, several of the principal military officers, and a number of leading 
civilians. One of these latter was the Rev. Dr. Stanser, Rector of St. Paul's, 
another the Hon. Andrew Belcher, both of whom had villas on the Basin. The 
club was partly literary and party social. The members dined together at the 
hotel, about this time named the "Rockingham House," a building erected near 
the Prince's Lodge for the accommodation of the two companies of his regi- 
ment that the Duke of Kent had stationed near him. The name "Rockingham" 
was in compliment to Sir John's English connexions. 



"When Tyrants travel, though in pompous state, 

Each eye beholds them with indignant hate ; 

Destroying angels thus are said to move, 

The objects more of terror than of love ; 

For grandeur can't, unless with goodness joined, 

Afford true pleasure to the virtuous mind. 

But when our loyal Wentworth deigns to ride 

(The Sovereign's fav'rite and the subjects' pride) 

Around his chariot crowding numbers throng, 

And hail his virtues as he moves along. 

Such high respect shall be conferred on him 

The King delights to honor and esteem, 

Whose loyalty unshaken, spotless fame, 

And social virtues shall endear his name 

In every loyal bosom long to live, 

As our lov'd Monarch's representative." 

The last years of her life Lady Wentworth spent in England, 
and from the spring of 1810 to at least the summer of 1812 Sir 
John was with her there. She died at Sunning Hill, Berks, twen- 
ty-four miles out of London, on the fourteenth of February, 1813, 
but Sir John was then in Halifax. His own last days Sir John 
spent in lodgings at Mrs. Wentworth Fleiger's, on the east side 
of Hollis Street. 10 He died April eighth, 1820, aged eighty-three 
and his remains were deposited in a vault under St. Paul's 
Church. In the church was erected a mural tablet to his memory, 
bearing the following inscription: "In memory of Sir John 
Wentworth, Baronet, who administered the Government of this 
Province for nearly sixteen years, from May, 1792, to April, 
1808. With what success, the public records of that period, and 
His Majesty's gracious approbation will best testify. His un- 
shaken attachment to his Sovereign and the British Constitution 
was conspicuous throughout his long life. ' ' Governor Wentworth 

10. From a letter of Lady Wentworth's written from Morin's Hotel, Lon- 
don, to her nephew, Samuel Henry Wentworth, and dated March i, 1810, we 
learn that she and Sir John had recently crossed the Atlantic and had had a 
hard voyage. On their arrival they had been met by their son. Other letters 
prove that up to July 24, 1812, at least. Sir John was with his wife in England, 
but on her death at Sunning Hill, Berks, February 14, 1813, if not earlier, he 
returned to Halifax and took lodgings at Mrs. Wentworth Fleiger's. 


left nine manuscript volumes of copies of his correspondence, ex- 
tending from 1767 to 1808, a period of forty-one years, which are 
now in the Provincial Archives at Halifax. Like many of the 
most prominent Loyalists of the American Revolution, a complete 
history of his life has never yet been written, but it is to be hoped 
that at least his correspondence may some day come into print. 

Of Sir John's character, the Nova Scotia historian, Mr. Beam- 
ish Murdoch in a private letter once wrote : ' ' One thing has im- 
pressed me distinctly in my examinations, viz., that although Sir 
John was ardently attached to the Royal Government, he had a 
great and sincere love for his native land, and disapproved of 
most of the measures that incensed the people and produced re- 
volt. At every step I have been more and more impressed with 
his candor, hospitality, urbanity, constancy, and the affectionate 
nature of the man, evinced toward his kinsfolk, friends, neigh- 
bors, and his country (America), of whose future he was ever 
sanguine. I found the task of following his career as Governor 
of New Hampshire a very pleasing one. The confiscation of his 
estate must have been very painful to him, as he had taken great 
interest in its improvement. ' ' 

There are Copley portraits in existence of both Sir John and 
Lady Frances Wentworth. That of Sir John is a fine crayon, 22 
by 18 inches in size, made in 1769. In it Sir John wears a white 
wig and a light coat and waistcoat. Lady Wentworth 's portrait 
was painted in 1765, when she was nineteen years old. It is a 
three-quarters length portrait and an excellent specimen of Cop- 
ley's work. In it Miss Wentworth sits by a small table holding 
a delicate chain, to which is attached a flying squirrel. This por- 
trait is in the gallery of the New York public library. 11 

The youngest brother of Lady Frances Wentworth was Ben- 
ning Wentworth, and he too, and his family were long distin- 
guished residents of Halifax. Benning Wentworth was born 
March sixteenth, 1757, and baptized at King's Chapel the first of 
the following May, Governor Benning Wentworth, Charles Pax- 

II. Mrs. Archibald McPhedris (Sarah Wentworth), an aunt of Lady 
Frances, was also painted by Copley. Mrs. Theodore Atkinson, another aunt of 
Lady Frances, and Mr. Atkinson (second husband of this aunt), with their son, 
Theodore, cousin and first husband of Lady Frances, were painted by Blackburn. 


ton, Esq., and Mrs. Penelope Vassall, being sureties. He was 
graduated at Oxford, married at All Saints Church, Hereford, to 
Ajine, daughter of William Bird, of Drysbridge House, and after 
1788, like his sister, Frances, removed to Halifax. In the north 
part of this city he owned a small place known as " Poplar 
Grove," the place becoming later the property of Col. John Starr, 
M. P. P., 12 and finally having a street cut through it, which was 
named ' ' Starr Street. ' ' Before coming to Nova Scotia, Benning 
Wentworth must have lived in New Hampshire, for by an Act of 
Attainder, in 1778, he was proscribed and banished and his estate 
confiscated in that Province. In Nova Scotia, November 12, 1796, 
he was made a member of H. M. Council, thereafter becoming 
Treasurer of the Province. In 1800 he was appointed Master of 
the Rolls, Registrar in Chancery, Captain and Paymaster in the 
King's Nova Scotia Regiment, and Provincial Secretary, in 
which last important office he died, February 18, 1808. Benning 
Wentworth and his wife had eleven children, all of whom sur- 
vived their father and went to England with their mother. One 
of these was Benning William Bentinck Wentworth, R. N., who 
died in England in 1810, aged twenty-one. Mrs. Benning Went- 
worth died at Hereford in 1812. About the Wentworths in Hali- 
fax clustered a group of their distinguished Boston connexions, 
families of Brinleys, Goulds, Monks, and Thomases, some of 
whom came before the Revolution, some about the time that the 
Wentworths themselves came. 

The extraordinary social brilliancy of Sir John Wentworth 's 
administration of the Nova Scotia government was enhanced in 
no slight degree by the residence in Halifax during part of the 
period that it covered of His Royal Highness Prince Edward, 
fourth son of King George Third, who while he was stationed in 
Nova Scotia was created Duke of Kent. 13 In 1790, at Gilbraltar, 
the Prince was given command of the 7th regiment of foot (Royal 

12. Colonel John Starr was the writer's great-great uncle. He was father 
of Hon. John Leander Starr, M. L. C. who married for his second wife a Miss 
Throckmorton of New Jersey. A granddaughter of Mr. Starr by this second 
marriage is Mrs. John DuFais, of Newport, Rhode Island, and a grandson, Mr. 
John Starr Hunt, a lawyer in Mexico City. 

13. Prince Edward was born November 2, 1767, he was therefore less than 
twenty-seven years old when he took up his residence in Halifax. When he mar- 
ried he was between fifty and fifty-one. 


Fusiliers). In 1793 he was at Quebec, the next year, February 
sixth, he arrived at Boston 14 on his way to the West Indies, where 
he had been ordered to assume chief command of the troops. In 
the West Indies he remained but a short time, for on Saturday, 
May tenth, 1794, after a voyage of eleven days from St. Kitts, he 
landed at Halifax to take command of the troops on the North 
American station. The afternoon of his arrival, at six o'clock, 
his Excellency Governor Wentworth waited on His Royal High- 
ness on his ship and congratulated him on his safe arrival, then 
the Prince and the Governor landed under royal salutes from the 
Blanche and the Earl of Moira, warships, and the great fortress 
above the town. The next Monday a salute was fired from the 
Grand Parade, which was answered by the garrison batteries, and 
on Wednesday there was a crowded levee at Government House, 
and in the evening a brilliant illumination of the town. At the lev- 
ee flattering addresses were presented to the Prince, in which he is 
described as the " heroic offspring of highly revered parents, of a 
king the undoubted father of his people, of a queen the unriv- 
alled pattern of her sex," and as himself having "noble and en- 
gaging qualities of active valour and condescending courteous- 
ness" with much else of a like extravagant eulogistic sort. On 
Saturday His Royal Highness, attended by General Ogilvie, mili- 
tary commander, Commodore George of the Royal Navy, and 
other officers, reviewed the troops stationed in Halifax, behind 
the citadel Hill. On Monday the 26th, Bishop Charles Inglis pre- 
sented the Prince with an address on behalf of himself and his 
clergy, by which we see how completely the Bishop also had lost 
his head in the presence of royalty, and how far gone he had got 

14. A fact of sufficient local interest to be remembered is that on the thir- 
teenth of February, 1794, Miss Nancy Geyer's marriage in Boston to Mr. Rufus 
Amory was graced by the presence of Prince Edward, who on his way from 
Canada to the West Indies was detained in Boston for a few days. Miss Gey- 
er's father, Frederick William Geyer, who lived in Summer street, was a mer- 
chant of much social prominence in the New England metropolis, and his 
daughter's wedding was no doubt a brilliant affair. How the Geyers knew the 
Prince sufficiently well to invite him to the wedding we do not know, but it is 
recorded that they did invite him and that he came with his aides. It is also re- 
corded that he claimed the privilege of kissing the bride and bridesmaids. An- 
other daughter of Mr. Geyer, Mary Anne or Marianne, was married in 1792 to 
Hon. Andrew Belcher, of Halifax, Nova Scotia, son of Chief Justice Jonathan 
Belcher, and became the mother of Rear Admiral Sir Edward Belcher, K. C. B., 
and of Catherine, wife of Charles Maryatt, M. P., and mother of Captain Frederick 
Marryatt, the English novelist. 


from the possibility of expressing himself in unexaggerated prose. 
"Your progress Sir," he says "to this part of His Majesty's 
American dominions, has been marked by a variety of hazards. 
Whilst we admired that heroic ardor and intrepidity, which at the 
call of duty and honour led you to spurn every danger from fa- 
tigue through inhospitable wilds, from the extremes of climate, 
from armed enemies, and from others who were secretly hostile, 
we were greatly agitated, and felt the utmost anxiety for your 
safety. Like the celebrated Roman, who is equally memorable 
for the number of his victories and for the celerity of his military 
movements, you flew to the embattled hosts of your enemies ; like 
him, you came, you saw them, you conquered." 

Prince Edward was, as we have said, the fourth son of King 
George the Third and Queen Charlotte, this royal family compris- 
ing no less than seven sons, George the Fourth, Frederick Duke 
of York, William the Fourth (Duke of Clarence), Edward Duke 
of Kent, Ernest Duke of Cumberland, Augustus Duke of Sussex, 
Adolphus Duke of Cambridge; and besides the King's favorite 
daughter, the Princess Amelia, 15 and we believe four other 
daughters who died young, Charlotte, wife of Frederick, King of 
W T urtemberg, Elizabeth, wife of Frederick, Prince of Hesse Hom- 
burg, and Mary, wife of William Duke of Gloucester. 16 Of the 
coming to Halifax of Prince Edward, the historian Murdoch says : 
"As our colonists were gratified and felt deeply honored by the 
repeated visits of Prince William Henry (afterwards King Wil- 
liam the Fourth, who came here first as a young naval officer, and 
after that in command of a frigate, and were charmed with hi? 
frank, genial, and simple manners 17 [so] they were dazzled and 

15. Miss Frances Burney speaks affectionately of this child as "that en- 
dearing child ... the lovely little Princess Amelia." 

16. In all, this prolific royal pair brought into the world fifteen children. 
"Farmer George" may therefore be pardoned, perhaps, for the rigid economies 
with which he is commonly credited. 

17. On Wednesday, October fourth, 1786, Prince William Henry arrived at 
Halifax from St. John's, Newfoundland, in the war-ship Pegasus. On Thurs- 
day morning he landed at the King's Slip, "where the people thronged joyfully 
to see him." He was welcomed on shore by Major-General Campbell and Gov- 
ernor Parr, who conducted him to Government House. On Thursday, June 
twenty-eighth, 1787, he came again, this time from Jamaica, in the Andromeda, 
and was received with great applause. On Wednesday, October twenty-fourth, 
1787, he came the third time, now from Quebec. Beamish Murdoch's "History 
of Nova Scotia," Vol. 3, pp. 50-53, 55, 6r. 

On one of Prince William Henry's visits he rode through Windsor and 


impressed greatly by the residence of the young prince, Edward, 
who brought with him the personal reputation he had earned for 
great activity and zeal in his military profession. Independently 
of the eclat which his rank gave him, he gained the hearts of the 
civilians by his affability, benevolence, and liberality. His gen- 
erosity was displayed in many ways. He gave employment to 
workmen of every kind laborers, painters, carpenters, etc. He 
interested himself sincerely in the welfare of families and indi- 
viduals, and this feeling continued during his life ; for long after 
he bade a final adieu to Halifax, his exertions and influence wore 
often used to procure commissions, pensions, or employment for 
persons whose parents he had known while here. He remained. 
in fact, the ready patron of Nova Scotians until his death," 

Soon after the Prince came to Halifax he leased from Sir John 
Wentworth the property out of town we have referred to, 
which ever since the Duke's stay in Nova Scotia has been called 
the " Prince's Lodge." 18 The house in town in which he 
first placed his establishment, and to which he probably 
from time to time returned, was a dwelling in the North 
End that chroniclers describe as a handsome structure, with 
a portico on the front resting on Corinthian pillars. After 
he went away this house became an army hospital, the stables 
in connection with it, which were roomy and large, being used as 
a barracks storehouse and for a garrison library. The villa, sev- 
en miles north of the town, which His Royal Highness rented 
from Sir John Wentworth, originally comparatively small, the 

Kentville to Annapolis Royal, accepting hospitality from several private citizens 
along the way. He left a quieter record in Nova Scotia than in Barbadoes, for 
Leigh Hunt tells us of a certain landlady in Barhadoes who became famous "in 
Barbadian and nautical annals" for having successfully drawn up a bill of dam- 
ages against His Royal Highness to the amount of seven hundred pounds. The 
Prince, then a wild young naval officer, in a fit of ultra joviality begun at the 
mess of the 4Qth Regiment had demolished all the good woman's furniture, "even 
to the very beds," and as a concluding act of good nature had upset the staid 
woman herself as he left the house. 

18. In a private letter to John King, Esq., under secretary of state, written 
September 27, 1799, Sir John Wentworth says : The Prince "has entered upon 
his command with infinite activity, and ideas extremely enlarged, since his de- 
parture from here. The arrangement in contemplation promises a plenteous cir- 
culation of money, and improvement in this province. He is now residing chiefly 
at my house near town, which he requested to reoccupy, and I have accordingly 
lent it to him during his stay in Nova Scotia, though I have not another place 
to go to for a day's retirement. However, it must be so ! for he wrote to me, 
and now says he has more pleasure in that villa than in any other place out of 
England." Quoted by Murdoch in his "History of Nova Scotia," Vol. 3, p 181. 


Prince enlarged until it became, as we see by engravings of it 
that have come to us, and the description we have already given, 
a spacious residence, somewhat in the Italian style, with exten- 
sive wings at the north and south, and drawing-rooms in the cen- 
tre. The Lodge stood in the middle of a fine open lawn, about 
two hundred yards from the post road which winds around Bed- 
ford Basin, and was flanked by large and well appointed stables. 
Dr. Akins's pleasant picture of it and its surroundings which 
we have reproduced is added to or given a little differently by 
other historians. The Lodge grounds, they say, though rustic and 
retaining a great deal of their primitive wildness, had many 
charming surprises, among these an artificial lake, and several 
little pagoda-like summer houses and "Greek and Italian" imita- 
tion temples which stood on elevated mounds among the thick- 
growing trees. In the neighborhood of the Lodge were dwellings 
for mechanics and workmen of various sorts employed on the 
estate and in directly military service, so that the place was like a 
small feudal town. The little Rotunda, containing a single room, 
which was richly frescoed and hung with paintings by the Prince 
himself, was built especially for dancing, and under the narrow 
portico which surrounds this building the Prince's regimental 
band used to play in the afternoons. From the house, gravelled 
walks used to stretch in all directions, and there the household 
and their guests used to stroll at leisure on every fine day. On an 
adjoining hill the Prince had a signal station erected, by means of 
which he could send his orders into town, a responsive signal hav- 
ing been erected by his orders on Citadel Hill. 19 

19. Writing of Halifax about 1828, Judge Thomas Chandler Haliburton 
says : "At a distance of seven miles from the town is a ruined Lodge, built by 
H. R. H. the late Duke of Kent, when Commander in Chief of the forces of this 
Colony, once his favorite summer residence and the scene of his munifiicent 
hospitalities. It is impossible to visit this spot without the most melancholy feel- 
ings. The tottering fence, the prostrate gates, the ruined grottoes, the long and 
winding avenues cut out of the forest, overgrown by rank grass and occasional 
shrubs, and the silence and desolation that reign around, all bespeaking a rapid 
and premature decay, recall to mind the untimely fate of its noble and lamented 
owner, and tell of affecting pleasures and the transitory nature of all earthly 
things. It is but a short time since this mansion was tenanted by its Royal Mas- 
ter; and in that brief space how great has been the devastation of the elements. A 
few years more and all trace of it will have disappeared forever. The forest is fast 
reclaiming its own, and the lawns and ornamental gardens, annually sown with seeds 
scattered by the winds from the surrounding woods, are relapsing into a state of 
nature, and exhibiting in detached patches a young growth of such trees as are 
common in the country." 


When Prince Edward came to Halifax he was unmarried but 
he brought with him from the West Indies a lady who as much as 
she was permitted by society shared his social responsibilities, 
and who, sincerely attached to his interests and to his person, as- 
siduously ministered to his wants. In Martinique, it is said, the 
Prince found Madame Alphonsine Therese Bernadine Julie de 
Montgenet de St. Laurent, Baronne de Fortisson, and this noble 
Frenchwoman was his companion during his stay in Halifax, and 
afterwards until nearly the time of his marriage to the widow 
who was to become through her alliance with Prince Edward the 
mother of Victoria, England's illustrious and greatly beloved 
queen. In Quebec the Prince had formed the acquaintance of a 
French family named De Salaberry, and this acquaintance rip- 
ened into a very close intimacy, cemented by Edward's patron- 
age of and continued regard for two of the De Salaberry boys, 
Maurice and Chevalier. As a result of this friendship we have 
a small volume of the letters of the Prince to Monsieur de Sala- 
berry, which contain as frequent and familiar references to Ma- 
dame de St. Laurent as if the lady had been the Prince's legal 
wife. When Prince Edward first landed in Halifax he wrote De 
Salaberry regretting that his friend Madame de St. Laurent had 
not yet come, and in almost every succeeding letter written dur- 
ing his stay he freely couples her name with his own. How the 
Wentworths, at Government House, treated the Prince's mis- 
tress we have never been informed, but there are still historic 
echoes heard in Halifax of the disapproval with which Mrs. Mi- 
chael Francklin, and other conventional ladies (probably like 
Mrs. Francklin of Boston antecedents) regarded the lady who 
presided over the household and assisted in dispensing the hos- 
pitalities of the royal establishment. 

In 1818 the Duke of Kent married, and in that rarely interest- 
ing gossippy narration entitled the ' ' Creevey Papers ' ' we find a 
conversation recorded between him and Mr. Creevey which took 
place at Brussels the year before, from which we get a glare of 
light on His Royal Highness' state of mind towards matrimony 
and towards the lady who had so long and affectionately shared 
his varied fortunes. Apropos of the future succession to the 
British throne, Prince Edward says : " As for the Duke of York, 


at his time of life and that of the Duchess, all issue of course is 
out of the question. The Duke of Clarence, I have no doubt, will 
marry if he can, but the terms he asks from the ministers are 
such as they can never comply with. Besides a settlement such 
as is proper for a Prince who marries expressly for a succession 
to the Throne, the Duke of Clarence demands the payment of all 
his debts, which are very great, and a handsome provision for 
each of his ten natural children. These are terms that no Minis- 
ters can accede to. Should the Duke of Clarence not marry, the 
next prince in succession is myself, and although I trust I shall 
be at all times ready to obey any call my country may make on 
me, God only knows the sacrifice it will be to make, whenever I 
shall think it my duty to become a married man. It is now seven 
and twenty years that Madame St. Laurent and I have lived to- 
gether; we are of the same age, and have been in all climates and 
in all difficulties together, and you may well imagine, Mr. Cree- 
vey, the pang it will occasion me to part with her. I put it to 
your own feeling in the event of any separation between you 
and Mrs. Creevey. ... As for Madame St. Laurent herself, 
I protest I don't know what is to become of her if a marriage is 
to be forced upon me, her feelings are already so agitated upon 
the subject. You saw, no doubt, that unfortunate paragraph in 
the Morning Chronicle, which appeared within a day or two 
after the Princess Charlotte's death, and in which my marrying 
was alluded to. Upon receiving the paper containing that article 
at the same time with my private letters, I did as is my constant 
practice, I threw the newspaper across the table to Madame St. 
Laurent and began to open and read my letters. I had not done 
so but a very short time when my attention was called to an extra- 
ordinary noise and a strong convulsive movement in Madame St. 
Laurent's throat. For a short time I entertained serious appre- 
hensions for her safety ; and when upon her recovery I enquired 
into the occasion of this attack she pointed to the article in the 
Morning Chronicle relating to my marriage. 

1 ' From that day to this I am compelled to be in the practice of 
daily dissimulation with Madam St. Laurent to keep this subject 
from her thoughts. I am fortunately acquainted with the gentle- 
men in Bruxelles who conduct the Liberal and Oracle newspa- 


pers ; they have promised me to keep all articles upon the subject 
of my marriage out of their papers, and I hope my friends in 
England will be equally prudent. My brother the Duke of Clar- 
ence is the elder brother, and has certainly the right to marry if 
he chooses, and I would not interfere with him on any account. If 
he wishes to be King to be married and have children, poor man 
God help him ! let him do so. For myself, I am a man of no 
ambition and wish only to remain as 1 am. . . . Easter, you 
know, falls very early this year, the 22d of March. If the Duke of 
Clarence does not take any step before that time I must find some 
pretext to reconcile Madame St. Laurent to my going to England 
for a short time. St. George's day is the day now fixed for keep- 
ing the birthday, and my paying my respects to the Eegent on 
that day will be a sufficient excuse for my reappearance in Eng- 
land. When once there it will be easy for me to consult with my 
friends as to the proper steps to be taken. Should the Duke of 
Clarence do nothing before that time as to marrying, it will be- 
come my duty, no doubt, to take some measures upon the sub.ject 

"You have heard the names of the Princess of Baden and the 
Princess of Saxe-Coburg mentioned. The latter connection would 
perhaps be the better of the two, from the circumstance of Prince 
Leopold being so popular with the nation ; but before anything is 
proceeded with in this matter I shall hope and expect to see jus- 
tice done by the Nation and the Ministers to Madame St. Laurent. 
She is of very good family and has never been an actress, and I 
am the first and onlypersonwho ever lived with her. Her disinter- 
estedness, too, has been equal to her fidelity. When she first came 
to me it was upon a hundred pounds a year. That sum was after- 
wards raised to four hundred pounds, and finally to a thousand 
pounds, but when my debts made it necessary for me to sacrifice 
a great part of my income, Madame St. Laurent insisted upon 
again returning to her income of four hundred pounds a year. 
If Madame St. L. is to live amongst her friends, it must be in such 
a state of independence as to command their respect, I shall not 
require very much, but a certain number of servants and a ca- 
riage are essentials. Whatever the Ministers agree to give for 
such purpose must be put out of all doubt as to its continuance. I 


shall name Mr. Brougham, yourself, and two other people, on be- 
half of Madame St. Laurent for this object. 

"As to my own settlement, as I shall marry (if I marry at all) 
for the succession, I shall expect the Duke of York's marriage to 
be considered the precedent. That was a marriage for the suc- 
cession, and twenty-five thousand pounds for income was settled, 
in addition to all his other income, purely on that account. I shall 
be contented with the same arrangement, without making any de- 
mands grounded upon the difference of the value of money in 
1792 and at present. As for the payment of my debts, I don't call 
them great. The Nation, on the contrary, is greatly my debtor. ' ' 

Mr. Creevey's reporting this remarkable declaration of the 
Duke's which was clearly not intended for other ears than the 
first hearer's, causes the editor of his memoirs to say: "It must 
be confessed that his Royal Highness was not very discreet in 
chosing Mr. Creevey as the repository of his confidence in such a 
delicate matter. Creevey seems to have had no scruple in com- 
municating the tenour of the conversation to some of his friends. 
He certainly told the Duke of Wellington. ' ' Mr. Creevey himself 
says somewhat later than the conversation : ' ' The Duke of Well- 
ington 's constant joking with me about the Duke of Kent was ow- 
ing to the curious conversation I had with the latter at Brussels 
in the autumn of 1817, the particulars of which had always 
amused the Duke of Wellington very much. ' ' 

It would be interesting to know the details of the tragical part- 
ing between the Duke and Madame de St. Laurent when at last 
Prince Edward determined fully for state reasons to sacrifice in- 
clination to duty and give up his mistress for a wife, but no such 
details have been vouchsafed to the world. The last notice we 
have of Madame de St. Laurent is in 1819. Sometime in that 
year Major-General de Bothenburg writes Lieutenant-Colonel de 
Salaberry sententiously : * * Madame de St. Laurent ha s retired to 
a convent." 

In 1798 the Duke of Kent had a troublesome accident in Hali- 
fax. On the eighth of August of that year he was riding fast 
across a little wooden bridge somewhere in the town, when a 
plank gave way and his horse fell, coming with all his weight on 
the rider's leg and thigh. Prince Edward suffered much from 


the fall, but continued to perform his military duties until Octo- 
ber, when on the urgent advice of Dr. John Halliburton, the phy- 
sician of the naval hospital, and Dr. William James Almon, the 
leading civil doctor, in concurrence with a Dr. Nooth of Quebec, 
he decided to go to England for treatment. On the thirtieth of 
November he reached Portsmouth, and in England he remained 
until August, 1799. On Friday the sixth of September of this 
year he once more reached Halifax, and here he stayed until early 
in August, 1800, when with many expressions of good-will 
towards the people, and attended by sorrowful regrets on their 
part, he finally sailed away. On Sunday, August third, he em- 
barked in the warship Assistance, the garrison forming a double 
line through which, attended by the Governor, the members of the 
Council, and the naval, military, and civil officials, he passed to 
the King's wharf. As he went through the town salutes echoed 
and people crowded to the tops of the houses to cheer the depart- 
ing royalty on his way. On the thirty-first of August he landed 
at Portsmouth, England, again. On the 29th of May, 1818, he 
married at Coburg her Serene Highness Victoria Mary Louisa, 
widow of Emich Charles, Prince of Leiningen, the ceremony be- 
ing repeated on Monday, the thirteenth of the following July, in 
the Queen 's drawing room in England, in presence of many mem- 
bers of the Royal family. On the same occasion the Duke of Clar- 
ence married the Princess Adelaide of Saxe-Coburg Meiningen. 
In Prince Edward 's life at Halifax there is much to remind one 
of the simple homeliness of the life at Windsor of his father, 
plain ' i Farmer George. ' ' The King used to get up at unseason- 
able hours and march round in his shovel hat to poor people's 
cottages, he played backgammon every evening regularly with the 
dull people of his dull court, while the equerries * ' yawned them- 
selves to death in the ante-room" Prince Edward, we are told, 
used often in Halifax to put his own hand to the jack-plane and 
drive the cross-cut saw, and there was little in the doings either 
of his troops or his ordinary workmen that he did not personally 
oversee. If he was deficient in the strict virtue of his mother, 
who Thackeray tells us regarded all deviation from the strict path 
of conventional morality with absolute disfavor and "hated poor 
sinners with a rancour such as virtue sometimes has, ' ' he at least 


had a large share of his father's energy and his father's simple, 
homely tastes. 

The great and lasting service the Duke of Kent did for Halifax 
was to put its defences on a solid foundation. He had not been a 
great while in Halifax when through the governor he called for 
help from the militia in constructing the great citadel and 
strengthening and rendering more impregnable the various har- 
bour forts, and these works, with other industries which he stimu- 
lated, soon told greatly on the prosperity of the town. Mingling 
freely and affably with the citizens, at the entertainments at Gov- 
ernment House and probably in other social ways, he gained the 
thorough good-will of the Halifax people, and when he finally left 
the Province his going was attended with much more than per- 
functory regret on the part of all classes in the maritime town. 
Whether he did anything in Halifax for the education of the chil- 
dren of the soldiers there we do not know, but he is said to have 
been the first commander of a regiment in the whole British army 
to establish a regimental school. So highly were his efforts for 
the education of soldiers' children appreciated, that in 1811, at 
the Free Masons' Tavern in London, the following resolution, 
moved by Lord Lansdowne and seconded by Lord Keith, was 
unanimously adopted : ' ' That the respectful thanks of this meet- 
ing be presented to H. R. Highness the Duke of Kent, whose 
friendship to soldiers' children has been shown in that princely 
liberality with which H. R. H. has established a school in the 
Royals, as Colonel of that Regiment, and set an example which it 
is hoped will be universally followed by military commanders, 
and thereby promote the welfare of and do honour to the charac- 
ter of the British army. ' ' 

In spite of the general amiability which won Prince Edward 
an enduring place in the affections of the Halifax people, and has 
done much to keep his memory fragrant in Nova Scotia even to 
the present time, 20 in his military discipline the Duke of Kent 

20. Prince Edward is said to have had the faculty, (as had also his daughter, 
Queen Victoria) of never forgetting a face. He was always ready to return, with 
apparent friendship, the greetings of any persons he met. At his dinners, though 
of course much of the recognized royal etiquette was observed, every one felt 
comfortable and at home. In Halifax he encouraged dramatic performances, and 
Murdoch says that during the winters of his stay in the town plays seem to have 
been given about once a fortnight. As an evidence of his amiability, DeGaspe tells 


was a martinet, and sometimes, one cannot help believing, in his 
punishments almost criminally severe. In the journal of Dr. Al- 
non, who was the leading medical practitioner of Halifax at the 
tune of the Prince's stay, we find mentions of an appalling num- 
ber of cases of illness and death among the soldiers of the Sev- 
enth Eoyal Fusiliers, the direct result of the severe punishments 
inflicted by his orders, and at the Lodge is still shown a burrow or 
cave in which tradition says he kept a soldier confined for two or 
three years until he died. It is recorded that he ordered for one 
poor fellow a thousand lashes on his bare back, and that once or 
twice in Halifax a soldier committed suicide from fear of the ter- 
rible punishment he had sentenced him to undergo. In the use of 
cards and drink in the army the Duke was very strict, in order 
to discourage gambling he never touched cards himself, and to 
promote temperance both in the army and in civil society he used 
great moderation in wine. To prevent drunkenness in his regi- 
ment he used to make his men get up at five o 'clock in the morn- 
ing for drill, which regulation of course precluded their being 
away from barracks in Halifax bar-rooms late at night. At this 
early morning drill he used to be present regularly himself. 

The severity of the Duke of Kent's discipline we may attribute 
partly to inherited traits, partly to the inflexible training he had 
received in Hanover, and partly to the almost utter lack of sym- 
pathy he seems to have found in his royal father and his 
carousing brothers. The Dukes of Clarence, Cumberland, and 
Cambridge, all appear to have received from Farmer George 
some proper share of consideration, but poor Prince Edward was 
early sent away from home, and during his fourteen successive 
years of foreign service, in the Mediterranean, Canada, the West 
Indies, and Nova Scotia, was kept on a starvation income, and 
allowed to contract debts which for many years made life for him 
a burden. He was, we believe, one of the best of George the 
Third's sons, and why the old King or indeed Parliament, should 

us that once, when His Royal Highness was in Quebec he went to the Isle of Or- 
leans to see an old woman, a centenarian. Having talked to her for some time he 
asked her if he could confer any pleasure on her. "Yes," said the old lady, "I 
should like to have you dance a minuet with me, that I may be able to say before 
I die that I have danced with the son of my Sovereign." The Prince at once com- 
plied with her wish and after the dance, conducted her to her seat and bowed gal- 
lantly, the old lady curtseying low in return. 


have permitted him to live most of his life under a heavy burden 
of debt it is quite impossible to tell. It is stated in a pamphlet 
published sometime after 1815, called "A detailed statement of 
the case of His Eoyal Highness the Duke of Kent, ' ' that Mr. Pitt 
shortly before his death became thoroughly aroused to Prince 
Edward's necessities and took great blame to himself for not hav- 
ing considered his case earlier. Mr. Pitt's death, however, put an 
end to any hope the Prince may have had from that quarter, and 
so, appeals to his spendthrift brother the Prince of Wales being 
met with prompt refusal, at last in 1815 he tried to get permis- 
sion to sell by lottery Castle Hill, the only piece of property he 
owned, in order to raise sorely needed ready cash. From first to 
last he seems to have had a hard time. His earliest military 
training was received in Hanover under an execrable man, Baron 
Wagenheim, whom his father persisted in keeping as his tutor, 
but whom the Prince himself, no doubt quite properly, once char- 
acterized as a ' * mercenary tyrant. ' ' When he was twenty, he was 
removed from Hanover to Geneva, a better place, but one he 
found so utterly uncongenial that as soon as he came of age he 
resolved to go to England (without leave) and try by personal 
remonstrance to get that consideration which his father had hith- 
erto wholly denied him. Accordingly, he went to London and 
took up his quarters at an hotel, where he was at once visited by 
his brother the Prince of Wales. Together the two went to Carl- 
ton House, and were there joined by another brother, the Duke 
of York, who undertook to communicate Prince Edward's arrival 
to the King. The King's anger was terrible. He refused to see 
the Prince, and in a few days sent him written orders to proceed 
within twenty-four hours to Gibraltar. On the night before he 
left, his royal father deigned to see him for a few minutes, and 
this was the first time the King and his son had met for six 
years. 21 

21. Of George the Third himself, Leigh Hunt says: "He was a very brave and 
honest man. He feared nothing on earth, and he acted according to his convictions. 
But, unfortunately, his convictions were at the mercy of a will far greater than his 
understanding; and hence his courage became obstinacy, and his honesty the dupe 
of his inclinations." He possessed "an extraordinary mixture of domestic virtue 
with official duplicity; of rustical, mechanical tastes and popular manners, with the 
most exalted ideas of authority; of a childish and self-betraying cunning, with the 


In spite of the Duke's extreme severity with his soldiers and 
his strictness regarding their conduct, the following amusing 
story is told of him. One evening in one of the Halifax streets he 
suddenly came upon one of his men who was much under the in- 
fluence of drink. Staggering towards his colonel, the soldier joc- 
osely said: "Aha Neddy, you've caught me at last!" The Duke 
was amused at hearing once more his old nursery name, and 
laughing a little to himself passed on without even reprimanding 
the man. Prince Edward had a special fondness for young men, 
and many a youth who afterward rose to high rank in the army 
owed his earliest promotion to the good offices of the Duke. 22 It 
is said that the 7th Royal Fusiliers needed severer regulations 
than other regiments, for the Duke had filled it with good look- 
ing fellows, many of whom had little but their fine physical ap- 
pearance to recommend them. 

The friendship of Prince Edward for Sir John and Lady Went- 
worth was of a very intimate and enduring character. When 
Mr. Wentworth received his baronetcy in 1795 the Prince, as 
we have seen, with all the officers of the garrison, went to 
Government House in due form to offer his congratulations, 
and it is evident that no important function given by Sir 
John while the Duke was in Halifax was neglected by this 
royal soldier. When the ocean came to divide the Went- 
worths and him the correspondence between the friends 

most stubborn reserves ; of fearlessness with sordidness ; good nature with unfor- 
givingness; and of the health and strength of temperance and self-denial, with the 
last weaknesses of understanding, and passions that exasperated it out of its reason." 

22. One of Prince Edward's proteges and warmest admirers in Halifax, among 
the young men of the period, was Brenton Halliburton, who began life as a lieu- 
tenant in the Duke's regiment, the 7th Fusiliers. In later life, as Chief-Justice of 
Nova Scotia, Sir Brenton wrote of the Prince : "A tale of woe always interested 
him deeply, and nothing but gross misconduct could ever induce him to abandon any 
one whom he had once befriended." Another Nova Scotian who was taken into the 
7th Fusiliers was young Charles Thomas, son of Hon. Nathaniel Ray Thomas, one 
of the Boston refugees in Halifax (who finally settled in Windsor, Nova Scotia). 
Charles Thomas was accidentally shot by a brother officer in a road-house near Hal- 
ifax, in August, 1797, and the Prince mourned him as a personal friend. At Lieu- 
tenant Thomas's funeral his commander is said to have shown much feeling, and a 
little later he had a tombstone erected in St. Paul's burying-ground, bearing the fol- 
lowing inscription : 

This Stone | sacred to the memory of | Lieut. Charles Thomas | of f His 
Majesty's | Royal Fusilier Regiment | who departed this Life | on the i6th of Au- 
gust, 1797 | aged 24 years | is placed as a Testimony of | His Friendship and Es- 
teem | by | Lieut. General His Royal Highness | Prince Edward | his Colonel. 


did not cease, and when at last the Prince had married 
\*V and his illustrious daughter was born, Sir John sent his own and 
Lady Wentworth's congratulations in due form. To Sir John's 
letter the Duke replied : " I have received your kind congratula- 
tions on the birth of our little girl, which you may be sure I highly 
appreciate, as coming from the heart of one of my best and old- 
est friends. You will, I am sure, be pleased to hear that the 
Duchess has been able to suckle her child from the first to the 
present moment, and that both are doing wonderfully well." 
When Lady Wentworth died, the Duke wrote Sir John express- 
ing his sorrow, and ending with: "I look forward anxiously to 
the time when I shall receive you again at Castle Hill, and retain 
you there as a guest. ' ' 


world. That is what absolute protection has done for that great 
American industry. It is the wonder of the shipping world and 
yet, some men actually propose to destroy this business by open- 
ing it to the competition of our rivals ! 

Here is a vast business performed by Americans for Ameri- 
cans, under government protection from foreign competition by 
laws that are never violated and a vast business that is done bet- 
ter and cheaper than any similar business in all the world ; done 
better and cheaper than upon the Seven Seas where ocean traffic 
is carried on under free trade conditions and with less than half 
the wages. The commerce upon the Great Lakes saves the 
American people the vast sum of $250,000,000 a year over tho 
cheap rail rates, notwithstanding the fact that the American rail- 
roads carry freight cheaper than any other railways in the 

With these facts before us shall we legislate for America or for 
Europe and Asia! Shall we continue to play into the hands of 
our commercial rivals or shall we play the game for our own peo- 

Chapters in the History of Halifax, 
Nova Scotia 

No. V 


NO history of Halifax could properly be written that did 
not treat at some length of the governmental and judi- 
cial institutions of Nova Scotia, that had and continue 
to have their source and fountain head in the capital 
of the province, and that did not give some account of the Halifax 
men who brought these institutions into being. In the first of our 
present series of sketches we have shown that almost immediate- 
ly after he reached Chebucto, Governor Cornwallis chose a Coun- 
cil of twelve members, whom he associated with himself in the 
government of the new colony to which he had been sent. This 
Council, which has passed into history conspicuously as the ' * Old 
Council of Twelve, ' ' had a long and varied history, the first check 
to the oligarchical power it exercised being the creation of a Rep- 
resentative Assembly, whose very existence its members fre- 
quently felt to be an impertinence, and from whose jurisdiction it 
persistently withheld all the governmental interests of the prov- 
ince it could. 

In this Council were vested legislative, executive, and often 
judicial functions. Its members, who by common custom were 
styled ''honourable," sat with closed doors, and in the order of 
precedence early established took rank next to the Governor, 
while at the chief executive's death or in his absence from the 
province, the eldest of them as president for the time being ad- 
ministered the government. To the Executive this body stood in 



nearly the same relation as the Privy Council in Great Britain 
stands to the sovereign. In its legislative capacity it sometimes 
deliberated as a distinct body apart from the executive, but as a 
privy council it was always convened by the governor, who was 
present at its deliberations. ' * Dissimilar, ' ' says Judge Halibur- 
ton in 1832, "as this body is in many important particulars to 
the House of Lords, any nearer approach to the original appears 
from the state of the country to be very difficult. " ' * Mr. Pitt, ' ' 
he adds, ' ' seems to have entertained the idea of creating an order 
of hereditary nobility in Canada, for the purpose of assimilating 
the condition of that province as nearly as possible to Great Bri- 

In the creation of a House of Assembly the power of the Council 
of course received a considerable check; but this body still con- 
tinued to exercise almost absolute sway over the affairs of the 
province, appointing the magistrates, who were thus the creatures 
of its will, and often vetoing the most serious and best considered 
measures of the Assembly, the people at large being left wholly 
without redress. The laws of Nova Scotia explicitly recognized 
all forms of religion save Roman Catholicism as having a right 
to exist in the province, but the members of the Council for the 
most part distinctly favored the Church of England, and when 
at last Nova Scotia was erected into the first Colonial Anglican 
See, the bishop also became a member of the Council, his appoint- 
ment henceforth giving the body a closer interest in the ecclesias- 
tical affairs of the province, and naturally leading it to throw its 
influence almost entirely on the side of the church of England 
and against ' ' dissent. ' ' With an intelligent and steadily growing 
population, the opinions of four-fifths of whom were not repre- 
sented in the Council, and who were properly growing more and 
more jealous of their rights, it was impossible that sooner or later 
there should not come a stout conflict between these two branches 
of the legislature. Between 1830 and 1840, such a strife did come, 
but it was not by any means confined to this province, the govern- 
ments of both Upper and Lower Canada were constructed sim- 
ilarly to that of the Maritime Provinces, and in all the provinces 
the people discovered that they had the same causes of discon- 
tent. In Upper Canada, as early as 1820, it was publicly charged 


that the council was averse to every liberal measure, and that its 
policy was selfish and narrow throughout. Its members were re- 
proached as ''land-grabbers," bigots, and the enemies of public 
schools; and fierce complaints were made that the people were 
prohibited by law from meeting to talk over their grievances and 
frame petitions for the redress of their wrongs. Nor did the 
Canadian people complain only of the councils and their direct 
acts. The magistrates throughout the country districts in all the 
provinces were responsible to no one but the councils, and every- 
where, it was charged, neglect, mismanagement, and corruption 
were clearly to be seen. 

Regarding the Nova Scotia Council in the year 1762, Mr. Mur- 
doch says : "It may not be amiss to notice, that although it was 
given as the opinion of the crown lawyers in England that the 
Governor and Council had not a right to the legislative powers 
they had for some time exercised, and that although an Assembly 
had now been constituted for four years to supply this constitu- 
tional defect, yet the Governor and Council continued on many 
occasions to dispose of the moneys raised under the ordinances of 
earlier dates, without seeking the concurrence of the representa- 
tive body. It will be seen by and by that at subsequent periods 
larger funds still were virtually appropriated and disposed of 
by the Council without any reference to the House. These being 
duties collected under acts for the regulation of trade by the 
English parliament, were in point of form controlled entirely by 
the English authorities, but in effect the opinion and recommen- 
dation of the Governor and Council were almost invariably 
adopted and sanctioned in such matters. The consequence was 
that the influence and standing of the Assembly was diminished 
and rendered insignificant, as that body had but a very small 
revenue under its control, while the Council had not only much 
public money to give away, but held all the best local offices them- 
selves, and exercised the almost exclusive patronage of all others, 
whether of honor or emolument. This anomalous and unconstitu- 
tional state of things endured far into the present century." 
Later, speaking of a conflict between the two branches of the legis- 
lature in 1808, Mr. Murdoch says: "The error of all the old 
colonial constitutions, which combined in one small body of men 


all kinds of offices and powers, some quite incompatible with 
others, was at the bottom of the mischief. The same men were 
a Privy and a Cabinet Council and a House of Lords. They also 
held most of the executive and judicial offices, and their tenure 
of all these functions w r as practically for life ; also, on a vacancy 
in their number by death or removal they had it much in their own 
hands to nominate the person to fill it. Thus a distinct oligarchy 
was established. How could they help undervaluing the men 
sent for a short period as deputies to the Assembly, who had little 
influence as individuals except in the immediate locality of their 
homes ! How could they brook being opposed, censured, or called 
to account, by parties comparatively so humble ! ' ' 

The first open break between the Governor and Council and the 
House of Assembly, in Nova Scotia, occurred at the close of the 
elections in 1799. Hitherto the representation of Halifax, the 
metropolitan county, had been held by residents of the city of 
Halifax ; in this election the city candidate, Mr. Michael Wallace, 
a man of high social standing, was opposed by a Hants County 
man, Mr. William Cottnam Tonge, a gentleman of excellent edu- 
cation and of well known liberal sentiments, who had already by 
his ability and eloquence made himself a power in the House. 
When the returns were counted, Mr. Wallace was found to be de- 
feated by Mr. Tonge by several hundred majority, but it being 
shown that Mr. Tonge had not sufficient real estate in the county 
to qualify him as a member, upon a petition he was unseated for 
Halifax and relegated to his return for Newport, for which town- 
ship also he had been elected. In the previous session of the 
House Mr. Tonge had been chosen speaker, now when he was 
again presented for this office Governor Wentworth's strong Tory 
prejudices and hatred of liberal sentiments led him to exercise 
the prerogative, long unused in Great Britain and entirely with- 
out precedent in Nova Scotia, of vetoing the choice of the Assem- 
bly, and commanding the House to choose another speaker. Prom 
Sir John's arbitrary decision there was no appeal, and the House 
most unwillingly retired, to elect presently to the speakership 
Mr. Lewis Morris Wilkins, a son of Dr. Isaac Wilkins, the old 
Westchester Tory lawyer and clergyman, who about 1798 had re- 
turned from Nova Scotia to his native land. 


As may be supposed, the temper of the Assembly was not ma 
terially improved by this high-handed act of the executive, and 
there was besides at the time another cause of discontent in the 
minds of the people and the people's representatives. Soon after 
the erection of Nova Scotia into the first Colonial Diocese of the 
Church of England, an exclusive and narrow charter had been 
secured for a Church College at Windsor, for the education of 
such Nova Scotia students as were in a position to take a college 
course. The restrictions of the statutes of this college were an 
outrage on the intelligent people of the province, four-fifths of 
whom were not adherents of the Church of England and had not 
the the slightest idea of ever becoming so. In 1805, the Rev. Mr. 
McCulloch, an able young Scotch Presbyterian clergyman, well 
known through a long and busy life in Nova Scotia as the Rev. Dr. 
McCulloch, conceived the idea of founding an academy at Pictou, 
that should be open to the whole province without any restriction 
of creed. For this purpose an appeal for funds was made to the 
legislature, in the popular branch of which it naturally met with 
a cordial response. In the Council, however, it was bitterly op- 
posed and for fifteen long years this opposition was vigorously 
kept up. At last, however, the Home Government was obliged to 
step in and administer to the Council a stinging rebuke, and the 
body thereupon yielded through fear what it had so long refused 
on the ground of justice and right. 

During this protracted struggle some of the best speeches of 
the House of Assembly were made in favor of the undenomina- 
tional academy, and in its progress the people and the people's 
party learned not only to understand but boldly to claim their 
inalienable rights. The men who, as representatives of the peo- 
ple, may be named as constituting the earliest nucleus of the 
liberal party in Nova Scotia, besides Mr. Tonge, were Samuel 
George William Archibald, Edward Mortimer, Simon Bradstreet 
Robie, and William Lawson, but as time went on other notable 
men became its champions and friends. 

In the ten years between 1830 and 1840, popular feeling in all 
the provinces of what is now the Dominion of Canada ran very 
high. In Ontario, which had been settled chiefly by Loyalists, a 
life and death struggle went on between the two branches of the 


legislature, which was made still more bitter by the controversy 
over the Clergy Reserve Fund, the Loyalists generally having a 
bigoted attachment to the English Church. In Quebec large and 
excited meetings were held, the young French Canadians banding 
themselves into societies called "Sons of Liberty," whose aim 
was to limit the Council's prerogative and extend the people's 
power. At last the struggle passed into the rebellion of 1837, 
which culminated in the attempt of the liberals to seize Toronto, 
and the fierce engagements of St. Denis, St. Charles, and Bois 
Blanc. In the Maritime provinces the opposition, though not con- 
ducted with outward violence, as we have said, was no less per- 
sistent and strong. 

In 1836 Sir Colin Campbell was governor of Nova Scotia. He 
was a stern, arbitrary soldier, accustomed to command, unused to 
argue, and so very poorly fitted to govern a province where such 
a fire of popular discontent had already begun to burn. His sym- 
pathies were naturally with the Council and against the people, 
and under his administration things rapidly got worse and worse. 
At this juncture, in 1837, the Honourable Joseph Howe was elect- 
ed to the House of Assembly, and his commanding abilities, his 
utterly fearless championship of all liberal measures, and the de- 
termined scorn with which he treated the prerogatives of the 
Council raised him at once to a position of eminence in the poli- 
tics of the province such as no party leader before his time had 
ever had. 1 

Mr. Howe's actual leadership of the liberal party in Nova 
Scotia began with the publication in his newspaper the Nova 
Scotian of an article charging the magistrates of Halifax with 
gross corruption and neglect of duty. Being prosecuted for libel 

i. The Hon. Joseph Howe, Nova Scotia's ablest statesman, was the son of 
the Loyalist, John Howe, of Boston, who before the Revolution was editor with 
Mrs. Draper of the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston News-Letter. Coming with 
Howe's fleet in 1776, John Howe settled permanently in Halifax, where in 1781 he 
established the Halifax Journal and became King's Printer. He died in 1835, in 
his 82d year. His other sons besides Hon. Joseph Howe were William, who was 
Assistant Commissary General at Halifax, John, Jr., who became King's Printer 
and Deputy Post-Master General, and David, who published a newspaper at St. 
Andrews, New Brunswick. 

A very important biography of Hon. Joseph Howe was published by the Hon. 
Mr. Justice James Wilberforce Longley, D. C. L.. of the Supreme Bench of 
Nova Scotia, in 1906, in a series known as "Makers of Canada." Morang and 
Co., Toronto; pp. 307. 


he ably conducted his own defence, and on his triumphant ac- 
quittal by the jury at once proceeded to attack still further the 
venerable abuses in the government. In a short time he boldly 
arraigned the Council itself, and for many years, even after re- 
sponsible government was secured, continued eloquently and ably 
to fight for reform and to advocate progressive measures, as 
against the party of ancient privilege, who nowhere believe that 
"the voice of the people is the will of God." From this time, 
on all popular questions, whether national or local, questions of 
the reconstruction of government, the opening of mines, the 
building of railways, education, the tariff, confederation, Mr. 
Howe was the acknowledged leader of the people's party, and 
his views the conservatives found it hard to combat. Unless it be 
the late Rt. Hon. Sir Charles Tupper, Bart., whose statesman- 
ship was undoubtedly of a very high order and whose political 
career was exceptionally able, no Nova Scotian has so distinguish- 
ed himself in political life as the Honourable Joseph Howe. 

In the session of 1837, the Assembly, led by Mr. Howe, formu- 
lated an address to the throne, in which with many professions 
of loyalty to the Supreme Authority, its members stated the 
grievances of the colony they represented and proposed a remedy. 
In the infancy of this colony, they said, its whole government was 
necessarily vested in a Governor and Council; and even after 
a Representative Assembly was granted, the practice of choos- 
ing members of Council almost exclusively from the heads of 
departments, and from among persons resident in the capital, 
had been still pursued. With a single exception, they added, this 
course had been continued for thirty years, and the practical 
effects of the system had been in the highest degree injurious 
to the best interests of the country, " inasmuch as one entire 
branch of the legislature had generally been composed of men, 
who, from a deficiency of local knowledge, or from the natural 
bias incident to their official stations, were not qualified to decide 
upon the wants or just claims of the people ; by which the efforts 
of the representative branch were, in many instances, neutralized, 
or rendered of no avail. ' ' Among the many proofs that might be 
adduced of the evils arising from the imperfect structure of the 
upper branch of the legislature, they said, it was only necessary 


to refer "to the unsuccessful efforts of the Assembly to extend 
to the out-ports the advantages of foreign trade ; to the enormous 
sums which it was compelled, after a long struggle, to resign, 
for the support of the Customs establishment; to the difficulties 
thrown in the way of a just and liberal system of education ; ' ' and 
to recent abortive attempts it had made "to abolish the uncon- 
stitutional and obnoxious fees taken by the judges of the Supreme 

After setting forth the injustice of the Anglican Church alone 
having representation in the Council, the Bishop having since 
1809 belonged to the body while no other denomination of Chris- 
tians had been allowed representation therein ; and in other ways 
illustrating the evils that existed, the address still further urged 
that while the House had a due reverence for British institutions, 
and a desire to preserve to the people the advantages of the con- 
stitution under which the inhabitants of the British Isles had 
enjoyed so much prosperity and happiness, its framers were 
obliged to feel that Nova Scotians participated but slightly in 
these advantages. The spirit of the British constitution, the 
genius of British institutions, was complete responsibility to the 
people, by whose resources and for whose benefit they were main- 
tained. But in Nova Scotia the people were powerless, since 
even with a Representative Assembly, upon the actual governing 
body of the province they exercised very little influence, and 
over its final action had absolutely no control. In England the 
people by one vote of their representatives could change the 
ministry and alter any course of policy they found injurious to 
their interests; in Nova Scotia "the ministry were his Majesty's 
Council, combining legislative, judicial, and executive powers, 
holding their seats for life, though nominally at the pleasure of 
the Crown, and often treating with entire indifference the wishes 
of the people and the representations of the lower house." As 
a remedy for the evils under which they groaned the petitioners 
implored the King i i to grant them an elective legislative council ; 
or to separate the executive from the legislative, providing for 
a just representation of all the great interests of the province in 
both, and by the introduction into the former of some members 
of the popular branch, and by otherwise securing responsibility 


to the representatives, to confer upon the people of the province 
what they valued above all other possessions, the blessings of the 
British constitution. 

Upon the British government and upon Lord Glenelg, then at 
the head of the Colonial Office, this address had the desired effect, 
and in answer, the Colonial minister forwarded two dispatches 
to Sir Colin Campbell, in which he declared the sovereign's cheer- 
ful assent to the greater part of the measures of the House, and 
stated that his Majesty was convinced that they would be condu- 
cive alike to the honour of the Crown and to the welfare of his 
faithful subjects. 

Having no alternative, the Governor now set to work to reor- 
ganize the legislature, and before the opening of the session of 
1838 the old Council of Twelve had given place to a Legislative 
Council, including nineteen members, sitting with open doors; 
and an Executive Council, consisting of the old number of twelve. 
Of the latter Council, four sat in the lower house, and two or 
three in the upper, but the body which "after a fashion was 
charged with the administration of affairs," 2 acknowledged no 
responsibility whatever to the Assembly. 

Through some mistake of the Home Government, the instruc- 
tions sent to Lord Durham, the Governor- General, on the matter 
of the Council, differed materially from those sent to Sir Colin 
Campbell. By Lord Durham's commission, the Executive Coun- 
cil was to be limited to nine members, and the Legislative Coun- 
cil to fifteen. Consequently, before the close of the session, the 
two councils were dissolved, and two others by proclamation ap- 
pointed in their stead. When the appointments to these new coun- 
cils became known, it was found that Mr. Huntington, the only 
liberal in the Executive had been left out, and that the Legislative 
Council contained a "packed and determined" majority hostile to 
responsible government. 

Nothing could have been more flagrantly opposed to the spirit 
of Lord Glenelg 's dispatches than such a policy as this, and the 
liberal party, with Mr. Howe at their head, at once began to wage 
relentless warfare upon it. In 1839 Lord Durham's famous re- 
port as Governor-General of Canada suggested to the Home Gov- 

2. Hon. William Annand, in "Howe's Speeches and Public Letters." 


eminent a union of all the British American provinces, and the 
establishment throughout this confederation of responsible gov- 
ernment. The same year Lord John Russell became Colonial Sec- 
retary and entered at once with vigor into the affairs of his de- 
partment, one of his first acts being the appointment to the gov- 
ernor-generalship of Canada of Mr. Poulett Thompson (after- 
wards Lord Sydenham), in place of Lord Durham, who had sud- 
denly withdrawn. Soon after Mr. Thompson came out, Lord John 
sent him dispatches relative to his government of the Canadas 
and the Maritime Provinces, which under Lord Dorchester, in 
1786, had all been included in one general government. These 
dispatches were dated October 14th, 1839, and two days later 
were followed by further dispatches from the Colonial Secretary 
to all the governors of the British North American colonies, lay- 
ing down certain rules thereafter to be enforced, regarding the 
tenure of office of colonial officials. These new dispatches which 
were wholly in the spirit of Lord Durham's report, and were 
much less guarded than those sent two days earlier to Mr. Thomp- 
son, declared that offices were no longer to be held for life, that 
all officials were expected to retire from the public service as often 
as any motives of public policy might seem to make such a course 
expedient, and that a change in the person of the governor would 
be considered as sufficiently warranting the removal of any one 
from office. The new policy was not to extend to ministerial or 
judicial offices, but was distinctly to apply to heads of depart- 

In New Brunswick the dispatches of Lord John were com- 
mended by Sir John Harvey, then governor of that province, al- 
though they displeased his Council, but in Nova Scotia Sir Colin 
Campbell shamelessly suppressed them. It is true he introduced 
three new members of the House of Assembly into the Council, 
but they were from the party of the minority in the House, and 
their elevation tended rather to increase than to lessen the popu- 
lar bitterness. When the House met in 1840, led by Mr. Howe 
its members passed resolutions stating their grievances and de- 
claring that the Council as it was then constituted did not possess 
the confidence of the House. These resolutions were sent to the 
governor, who as might have been expected treated them with lit- 


tie respect, in the course of correspondence taking occasion to 
affirm his own entire satisfaction with his advisers of the Council. 
The House had now gone too far to recede, and accordingly felt 
that it must take the strong measure of asking the Home Govern- 
ment for Sir Colin 's recall. In the course of the summer of 1840, 
the Governor General came to Halifax to look into affairs, and in 
September Sir Colin Campbell was summoned home and Vis- 
count Falkland (whose wife was Amelia Fitz-Clarence, one of the 
natural daughters of King William the Fourth) was sent out in 
his place. A few weeks later five of the members of the Executive 
Council sent in their resignations, and three liberal members of 
the Assembly, selected by the Colonial Office, Messrs. S. G. W. 
Archibald, James B. Uniacke, men of rather moderate views, and 
Joseph Howe, were appointed in their place. 

In November a general election came on, which was fought 
along the old lines of the Council and the Assembly, but the com- 
promise that had lately been effected robbed party feeling of 
somewhat of its usual virulence, and in the election returns it was 
seen that the constitution of the new Assembly differed very 
little from that of the one that had sat for the past four years. 
Mr. Howe's acceptance of a place in the Executive Council while 
that body was still irresponsible, has been variously commented 
upon by his biographers, but the truth undoubtedly was that he 
felt the necessity of accepting any concession that could be wrung 
from the party of the Council, while he still hoped and intended 
to agitate for better things. Lord Falkland's administration 
began favorably for the liberal party, but before long it was 
discovered that the governor was much more in sympathy with 
the opponents than with the friends of responsible government. 
Accordingly, party strife ran even higher than in the time of Sir 
Colin Campbell, for with every year the people of the province 
at large had become more imbued with liberal sentiments and 
more bitter against exclusiveness and ancient prerogative in 
the administration of public affairs. After three years, Mr. 
Howe and his sympathizers resigned from the Council, and it was 
not until Lord Falkland had left the province he had so sadly mis- 
governed, and the much wiser Sir John Harvey had taken his 
place, that order began to come out of the political chaos that had 


so long reigned. During the last years of his rule Lord Falkland 
was continually the butt of Mr. Howe's brilliant sarcasm, while 
by the people at large, in several portions of the province, he was 
respectfully but pointedly told in public addresses that his in- 
fluence as governor was completely gone. 

At last, in August, 1847, another general election was held, and 
a strong majority of liberals was returned. The administration 
was defeated in Halifax, and in many of the more populous and 
important counties of the province, and when in January the ses- 
sion of 1848 began, the contest over the speakership resulted in a 
victory for the liberals, Mr. Young, afterwards Sir William 
Young, being elected to the chair. Almost immediately a motion 
of want of confidence in the Executive Council was made by Mr. 
Uniacke, the debate on which lasted for two days ; then the house 
divided and the motion was carried by a majority of twenty-eight 
to twenty-one. In accordance with the practice in the English 
Parliament, a new cabinet was now formed, the members of which, 
were, the Honourables James B. Uniacke, Michael Tobin, Hugh 
Bell, Joseph Howe, James McNab, Herbert Huntington, William 
F. DesBarres, Lawrence 'Connor Doyle, and George R. Young. 
On Mr. Howe was conferred the office of provincial secretary, 
which for some time previously Sir Rupert Dennis George had 
filled, while to Mr. Uniacke was given the attorney-generalship, 
and to Mr. DesBarres the solicitor-generalship. For the first time 
in Nova Scotia history the liberals now surrounded the lieuten- 
ant-governor and had free access to the Colonial Office, and at 
last and forever the old system of prerogative was done. " Re- 
sponsible government," says Mr. Annand, "was secured to 
British America. Principles and rules of administration, de- 
fined and illustrated by the conflicts of the past four years, were 
clearly apprehended, and could be mis-stated and mystified no 
longer. The right of any party commanding a parliamentary 
majority to form a Cabinet, and administer public affairs; the 
right of ministers to be consulted, to resign when they were not, 
and to go into opposition without injury to the prerogative; in 
fact, nearly all the points upon which there had been so much 
controversy, were now settled and disposed of. ' ' 

So came into being Nova Scotia's present system of local gov- 


eminent, the Legislative Council being appointed for life, indeed, 
by the executive head of the province, but with greatly limited 
powers ; the Executive Council being drawn chiefly from the up- 
per and lower houses ; the heads of departments, who correspond 
to the Cabinet in the government of the United States, unlike the 
members of the United States Cabinet being also representatives 
of the people and in the event of a defeat of the government being 
obliged to refer again to the polls. 

The leading opponent of Mr. Howe in the long struggle between 
the two branches of the legislature was Mr. James William John- 
stone, successively a member of the House of Assembly, a member 
of the Council, Solicitor-General, and Judge in Equity. Like Mr. 
Howe, in his last days when the heat of party strife was past, 
he was appointed to the governorship of the province, although 
he did not live to take office. He was the son of Captain William 
Martin and Elizabeth Lichtenstein Johnston, formerly of the 
State of Georgia, but long settled in the island of Jamaica, in 
which West India island, on the 29th of August, 1792, Jarnes Wil- 
liam Johnstone was born. Coming to Nova Scotia in early life 
he studied law and was admitted to the bar, and when at last 
he rose to the Council, from his position on that board he watched 
eagerly the movement in favour of responsible government. Con- 
servative by nature and a thorough aristocrat, he soon came out 
boldly in opposition to the popular movement, and from that time 
on, for many years, he and Mr. Howe were bitter opponents in 
general political affairs. 

One of the earliest acts of Governor Cornwallis after his arriv- 
al, with the approval of the Council he had appointed, was to 
make provision for an established Judiciary. In pursuance of 
this measure he appointed a Committee of Council to examine the 
various legal systems in force in the other American Colonies and 
report on their fitness for Nova Scotia's needs. On the thirteenth 
of December (1749), Hon. Benjamin Green reported that after 
careful investigation the committee had decided that the laws of 
Virginia were most applicable to the case in hand, and his report 
was adopted. This report, says Dr. Akins, ' ' referred principally to 
the judicial proceedings in the General Courts, the County Courts, 
and other tribunals. " " The first thing I set about after the de- 


parture of the Charlton, writes the Governor in March, 1750, 
was to establish the courts of judicature," and later in the year 
he says that it gives him great satisfaction to find that the Lords 
of Trade approve of the way in which he has established the 
courts. These earliest Nova Scotia courts were three : a Court of 
General Sessions, having powers like those of similar courts in 
England; a County Court, having jurisdiction over the 
whole province, which then comprised but one county, the mem- 
bers of which were men in the Commission of the Peace at Hali- 
fax ; and a General Court, or Court of Assize and General Jail 
Delivery, in which for the time being the Governor and Council 
sat as judges. The County Court sat monthly, and except in 
criminal matters was invested with all the powers of the Court of 
King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer, without limitation 
of sums, or restriction as to the nature of the action ; either of 
the litigating parties, however, having the right, after judgment, 
to carry the cause by appeal into the General Court and there ob- 
tain a trial de novo. The General Court was held twice a year, 
in April and October, and with a jury tried all criminal offences, 
and appeals from the County Court in which the sum in dispute 
exceeded five pounds. It lasted, however, only until 1752, when 
a Court of Common Pleas was erected in its stead upon the plan 
of Inferior Courts of Common Pleas in New England. 3 This 
Court sat four times a year, its judges being selected from those 
judges who had presided in the County Court. Inconveniences 
soon arising from the peculiar construction of the General Court, 
in 1754, a Chief Justice was appointed, and a Supreme Court, of 
which the Chief Justice was the sole judge, was established in 
place of the General Court. This Supreme Court was also a 
Court of Assize and General Jail Delivery, and its jurisdiction 
was in all other respects similar to that of the court whose place 
it took. 

In 1758, when the House of Assembly was created by a tem- 
porary act of the legislature, the practice of the Court of Com- 

3. The first persons appointed judges of the Court of Common Pleas were 
Messrs. Charles Morris, James Monk, John Duport, Robert Ewer, and Joseph 
Scott. John William Hoffman and Leonard Christopher, Esquires, were at the 
same time appointed justices of the peace. Of the first list, Charles Morris and 
James Monk were Bostonians. 


mon Pleas was changed and a new mode was prescribed, com- 
pounded partly from the practice of Massachusetts, and partly 
from that of England. Two years later New England people 
in large numbers settled in various parts of the province and then 
new counties were formed and new courts of Common Pleas were 
established. As thus constituted the Nova Scotia Judiciary re- 
mained until 1764, when on the advice of the Assembly, seconded 
by the Council, Governor Wilmot appointed two assistant judges 
for the Supreme Court, with salaries of a hundred pounds each, 
which amount was afterward reduced to fifty pounds. The per- 
sons appointed were the Honourable Charles Morris, a Bostonian 
now active in Nova Scotia, and the Honourable John Duport, both 
members of the Council and conspicuously able men. The powers 
of these new judges were, however, very limited, they were not 
permitted to try a cause except with the Chief Justice, or even 
to open or adjourn a court without his presence or concurrence. 
In 1770, Judge Duport was created Chief Justice of Prince Ed- 
ward Island, and Mr. Isaac Deschamps, one of the first judges of 
the Court of Common Pleas for King's County, was appointed to 
the judgeship he had left. Mr. Morris, however, retained his 
judgeship until his death in 1781. 

In 1774 an act was passed for the establishment of circuits in 
the province, which authorized the holding of courts at Horton, 
Annapolis, and Cumberland, to sit not beyond five days at each 
of these places. At these courts two judges were required to be 
present. The terms at Halifax were fourteen days each, the court, 
however, having liberty to continue six days longer if necessity 
required. Another act of the legislature, in 1809, raised the 
salaries of the assistant judges of the Supreme Court from four 
hundred to five hundred pounds currency each, besides travel- 
ling fees, and increased their number from two to three. Accord- 
ingly, the next year the Governor, Sir George Prevost, appointed 
as the third assistant judge, Mr. Foster Hutchinson, another 
Bostonian, now senior barrister of the Nova Scotia bar and a 
member of the House of Assembly. In 1816 an act was passed 
to appoint an associate judge on the circuits of the Supreme 
Court, and in pursuance of the act, Peleg Wiswall, Esquire, also 
of a New England family, was given a judgeship. At the same 


time Mr. Lewis Morris Wilkhis, a native of New York, was ap- 
pointed to a judgeship of the Supreme Court in place of Judge 
George Henry Monk, who had resigned. 

In 1758 there were also in existence in Halifax a Probate Court, 
an Admiralty Court of Appeals, and a Court of Vice Admiralty, 
of which the Hon. John Collier was the judge. The judges of 
the Court of Common Pleas in this year were Charles Morris, 
James Monk, John Duport, Joseph Gerrish, and Edmund Craw- 
ley, the first of whom received a salary of sixty pounds, the others 
forty pounds each. Three years later Joseph Winniett, George 
Dyson, and Henry Evans, Esquires, were named as judges of a 
similar court for Annapolis County, and Isaac Deschamps, Henry 
Denny Denson, and Robert Denison, Esquires, for the County of 
King's. The first Halifax court house stood at the corner of 
Buckingham and Argyle streets, but the building was destroyed 
by fire in 1783. 4 

In reading of the appointments to chief places in the early Nova 
Scotia judiciary, we see at a glance how preponderatingly large 
is the number of New England names in the list. Charles Morris, 
James Monk, Joseph Gerrish, and Foster Hutchinson, were all 
representatives of important Boston families. Henry Evans, 
Peleg Wiswall, Robert Denison and others, in various parts of the 
province, were also all conspicuous New England born men. 5 

Of Judge Foster Hutchinson, it is interesting to note that he 
was a son of Judge Foster Hutchinson of Boston, one of the five 
judges of the Superior Court of Massachusetts at the outbreak 
of the Revolution ; and a nephew of Governor Thomas Hutchin- 
son. The senior Judge Foster Hutchinson, who married, April 
twelfth, 1750, Margaret Mascarene, daughter of Major Paul 
Mascarene, came to Halifax with his family in 1776, his son Fos- 
ter, being then probably in his fifteenth year. The Senior Judge 
Hutchinson died at Halifax in 1799, but his son rose to as great 

4. A tablet has lately been placed on a building now on the spot, to commem- 
orate the fact of the court-house having been there. The statement, however, has 
been made in print that "as late as 1803" the courts, and the legislative assembly as 
well, met in a large wooden building owned by Hon. Thomas Cochran and his 
brothers, which stood where the Post Office now stands. 

5. Judge Lewis Morris Wilkins, however, as we have said, was of a noted 
New York family, his father being Mr. (afterward the Rev.) Isaac Wilkins, the 
Loyalist, whose life as a clergyman was spent at Westchester, New York. 


prominence in Nova Scotia as his father had enjoyed in Massa- 
chusetts, serving as representative in the legislature for Halifax 
town, as senior member of the bar receiving a judgeship in 1810, 
and being admitted to the Council in 1813. The testimony of Sir 
George Prevost, the governor, concerning Hutchinson was, that 
he was " learned in the law, of good estate, and irreproachable 
character, ' ' and Mr. Beamish Murdoch exalts him as "a polished 
and truly amiable gentleman and a man of remarkable integrity, ' ' 
his tastes also being "classical and refined." Hutchinson, how- 
ever, was not robust and he did not live long to enjoy the dignity 
of the bench. He died in Halifax, unmarried, in 1815, in his fifty- 
fourth year, and his seat on the Supreme Court bench was given 
to the Solicitor-General, Mr. James Stewart. 6 

The complete organization of the Nova Scotia Judiciary was 
effected, as we have seen, in 1754, by the appointment of a Chief 
Justice and the establishment of a Supreme Court. The first 
Chief Justice of the province was a Boston born lawyer, Mr. 
Jonathan Belcher, second son of the Honourable Jonathan Bel- 
cher, of Boston, who was successively governor of Massa- 
chusetts and New Jersey, and his first wife, Mary Part- 
ridge, daughter of a lieutenant-governor of the province of 
New Hampshire. The Nova Scotia Chief Justice was born 
in Boston, July twenty-third, 1710, and was graduated at Har- 
vard College in 1728, after this going to the Middle Temple 
in London to study law. In January, 1733, still of the Temple, he 
was made a master of arts by Cambridge University, and sooner 
or later he seems to have gone to 1 Ireland to practice his pro- 
fession there. In the Halifax Gazette of Saturday, June eighth, 
1754, we find a dispatch from Boston which gives an extract from 
a letter from London, dated March nineteenth of that year, con- 
taining the announcement that "Jonathan Belcher, Esq., Son of 
his Excellency Governor Belcher, is appointed Chief Justice of 
Nova Scotia, with a Salary of Five Hundred Pounds Sterling per 

6. Of Judge Foster Hutchinson, Senior, Murdoch says (Vol. 2, pp. 575, 576) : 
"Mr. Hutchinson, late a judge in Massachusetts, who came here on the evacuation 
of Boston, had some very treasonable addresses reprinted in the Halifax news- 
paper, thinking to excite the resentment of the people of Nova Scotia by showing 
the openly avowed rebellion of New England. The Council disapproved of this 
course and Mr. Hutchinson apologized. A proclamation was then ordered to for- 
bid the reprinting treasonable documents." 


Annum, and is expected here [Boston] from Ireland very soon, 
to embark for that Place." On Monday, October fourteenth, 
having arrived from Boston, Belcher was sworn in Halifax a 
member of the Council, and a week later he took the oath of office 
as Chief Justice. 7 

"On Monday, 14th October," says Mr. Beamish Murdoch, 
"Jonathan Belcher, the newly appointed Chief Justice of the 
Province, was (by his Majesty's mandamus) sworn in as a mem- 
ber of the Council; after which the Council adjourned to the 
Court House, where, after proclamation made for silence, the 
King's commission appointing Charles Lawrence lieutenant-gov- 
ernor was read in public. He was sworn in and took the chair. 
The Council addressed him in congratulation and he made a suit- 
able reply. A commission by patent for the Chief Justice was 
prepared, and on the 21st October (Monday) it was read in Coun- 
cil, and the Chief Justice took the usual oaths and oath of office. 
On the first day of Michaelmas term, Chief Justice Belcher walked 
in a procession from the governor's house to the Pontac, a tavern. 
He was accompanied by the Lieutenant-Governor, Lawrence, the 
members of the Council, and the gentlemen of the Bar in their 
robes. They were preceded by the Provost Marshal, the Judge 's 
tipstaff, and other civil officers. At the long room of the Pontac 
an elegant breakfast was provided. The Chief Justice in his 
scarlet robes was there received and complimented 'in the politest 
manner' by a great number of gentlemen and ladies and officers 
of the army. 

"Breakfast being over they proceeded, with the commission 
carried before them, to the church (St. Paul's), where the Rever- 
end Mr. Breynton preached from this text : * I am one of them that 
are peaceable and faithful in Israel.' A suitable anthem was 
sung. After this they proceeded to the Court House, handsomely 
fitted up for the occasion. The Chief Justice took his seat under 
a canopy, with the Lieutenant-Governor on his right hand. The 

7. Various brief sketches of Chief Justice Belcher have from time to time ap- 
peared in print, but a much longer and by far the most valuable sketch of him is 
by the Hon. Sir Charles Tpwnshend, Kt, whose own Chief-Justiceship of Nova 
Scotia lasted from 1907 until 1915. Sir Charles was the eleventh Chief Justice of 
Nova Scotia. His successor is the Hon. Chief Justice Graham. Sir Charles's bi- 
ography of Chief Justice Belcher will be found in the eighteenth volume of the 
"Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society," pp. 25-55. 


Clerk of the Crown then presented the commission to Mr. Belcher, 
which he returned. Proclamation for silence was made. Belcher 
gave some directions for the conduct of practitioners. The grand 
jury was sworn and the Chief Justice delivered his charge to 
them. After this the court adjourned and his Honor the Chief 
Justice, accompanied and attended before, went back to the Gov- 
ernor's house." 

A few days after these elaborate ceremonies, the Chief Justice 
went in his judge's robes, attended by the members of the Bar, 
the Grand Jury, and the various court officers, to Governor Law- 
rence 's house and in his own name and the names of those who 
were with him congratulated Lawrence on his appointment to the 
governorship. To the address Lawrence replied that the Judiciary 
would have his full support in the performance of their functions, 
the law, he said, being "the firm and solid basis of civil society, 
the guardian of liberty, the protector of the innocent, the terror 
of the guilty, and the scourge of the wicked." 

The influence of Chief Justice Belcher in Nova Scotia was far- 
reaching and wide. The early enactments of the legislature which 
form the groundwork of the statutes of the province and make 
the basis of the legal order which has been in force there ever 
since, were all prepared by him, and there was no important ques- 
tion of government during his control of the Judiciary that he did 
not in some way influence. On the death of Governor Lawrence 
in October, 1760, as president of the Council he for a short time 
administered the government, and then, the newly appointed gov- 
ernor, Henry Ellis, formerly Governor of Georgia, for some rea- 
son not coming to his post, on the twenty-first of November, 1760, 
he was formally created lieutenant-governor. Chief Justice Bel- 
cher 's greatest achievement for Nova Scotia, however, apart from 
his able control of her Judiciary, was his successful appeal to the 
Home Government for a Representative Assembly for the prov- 
ince. As early as 1755 the question of the legality of statutes made 
for the province by the Governor and Council alone was vigorous- 
ly raised by Mr. Belcher. " Lawrence and his predecessors in of- 
fice," says Sir Charles Townshend, "with the approbation of the 
Council had passed large numbers of laws, or as they were styled 
ordinances, for the government of the settlement. They had 


furthermore put these ordinances in force as a Court, and adju- 
dicated on the rights and controversies of the settlers so far as 
these ordinances applied to them. They had even tried, con- 
victed, and hanged one man under such authority. All these acts 
and proceedings were in good faith believed by them to be author- 
ized by the Governor's Commission and the Royal Instructions. 
Belcher took exception to such a construction, and contended that 
laws could be made only by the representatives of the people duly 
elected, and urged upon the Council the necessity of calling a 
Representative Assembly for that purpose. Lawrence and pre- 
sumably other members of the Council were opposed to that view. 
Finally the whole matter was referred to the Home Authorities. ' ' 
As a matter of course the Lords of Trade gave the matter under 
such serious discussion in Halifax their immediate attention, and 
on the seventh of May, 1755, they wrote Governor Lawrence 
that they had received from both the attorney-general and the 
solicitor-general of England an unqualified decision that laws as 
then made in Nova Scotia were not valid, and they directed the 
governor to take steps to call a representative assembly. Fear- 
ing that such an assembly would embarrass him in his govern- 
ment of the province, Lawrence remonstrated, but at last, after 
much debate, in January, 1757, a detailed plan 8 was resolved on in 

8. The chief provisions of the submitted plan were as follows : "That a House 
of Representatives of the inhabitants of this province be the Civil Legislature 
thereof, in conjunction with H. M. Governor or Commander-in-Chief for the 
time being, and His Majesty's Council of the said province. 

"The first House to be elected and convened in the following manner and to 
be styled the General Assembly, viz : That there shall be elected for the province 
at large, until the same shall be divided into counties, sixteen members; four be- 
ing for the township of Halifax, two for the township of Lunenburg. 

"That until the said township can be more particularly described, the limits 
thereof shall be deemed to be as follows, viz. : That the township of Halifax com- 
prehend all the lands lying southerly of a line extending from the westernmost 
head of Bedford Bason across to the northeasterly head of St. Margaret's Bay, with 
all the islands nearest to the said lands, together with the islands called Corn- 
Wallis', Webb's and Rous' islands. That the township of Lunesburg compre- 
hend all the lands lying between Lahave river and the easternmost head of Mahone 
Bay, with all the islands within said bay, and all the islands within Mirligash Bay, 
and those islands lying to the southward of the above limits. 

"That when fifty qualified electors shall be settled at Pisiquid, Mines, Cobe- 
guid, or any other township which may hereafter be erected, each of the said 
townships so settled shall, for their encouragement, be entitled to send two repre- 
sentatives to the General Assembly, and shall likewise have a right of voting in the 
elections of representatives for the province at large. 

"That the house shall always consist of at least eleven members present, be- 
sides the speaker, before they enter upon business. That no person shall be 
chosen as a member of the said house, or shall have the right of voting in the 


Council, and the second of October, 1758, nineteen duly elected 
representatives of the people, pursuant to a summons from the 
Provost Marshal or Sheriff, convened in the first Nova Scotia 
Assembly. The newly elected members were: Joseph Gerrish, 
Robert Sanderson, Henry Newton, William Foye, William Nes- 
bitt, and Joseph Rundell, Esquires; and Jonathan Binney, Henry 
Ferguson, George Suckling, John Burbridge, Robert Campbell, 
William Pantree, Joseph Fairbanks, Philip Hammond, John 
Fillis, Lambert Folkers, Philip Knaut, William Best, and Alex- 
ander Kedie, gentlemen, five of whom in the first group, Ger- 
rish, Sanderson, Newton, Foye, and Rundell (as seems prob- 
able), and at least six in the second, Binney, Campbell, Pan- 
tree, Fairbanks, Hammond, and Fillis, were New England, chiefly 
Boston born, men. Of the remaining eight, some were English- 
men, and some were Germans who had come to Halifax shortly 
after the first group of English settlers came. The speaker chosen 

election of any member of said house, who shall be a Popish recusant, or shall be 
under the age of twenty-one years, or who shall not at the time of such election, be 
possessed in his own right, of a freehold estate within the district for which he 
shall be elected, or shall so vote ; nor shall any elector have more than one vote 
for each member to be chosen for the province at large, or for any township, and 
that each freeholder present at such election, and giving his vote for one mem- 
ber for the province at large, shall be obliged to vote also for the other fifteen." 

The scheme proposed four members for the township of Halifax, two for 
Lunenburg, one each for Dartmouth, Lawrencetown, Annapolis, and Cum- 
berland, and twelve for the province at large. (See Murdoch's "History of Nova 
Scotia," Vol. 2, p. 234). The correspondence between the Governor and the Lords 
of Trade relative to the Assembly will be found in the first volume of the "Nova 
Scotia Archives." The proposed plan was formally accepted by the Governor and 
Council, but the Governor and the Lieutenant Governor being about to leave for 
Louisburg, it was agreed that the Assembly should not be convened until October. 
The nineteen members, immediately after they convened elected three of their 
number, Messrs. Nesbitt, Newton, and Rundel, to wait on the Governor. The lat- 
ter then appointed two members of the Council, Messrs. Green and Morris, to swear 
them in. After the oaths had been administered his Excellency requested the pres- 
ence of the members at Government House, where they found the Governor sitting 
with the Council. They then proceeded to choose a speaker. The minor officers of 
the House were David Lloyd, clerk, William Reynolds, doorkeeper, and John Cal- 
beck, messenger. 

The New England members in the Second Assembly of the province, which 
met for the first time in December, 1759, were : Henry Newton, Jonathan Binney, 
Malachy Salter, Benjamin Gerrish, Capt. Charles Proctor, Col. Jonathan Hoar, 
John Newton, Capt. Simon Slocomb, Col. Joseph Fry, and John Huston. 

Among Governor Cornwallis's first councillors, it will be remembered, were at 
least three Massachusetts men, John Gorham, Benjamin Green, and Edward How. 
By 1758, two others from Massachusetts had been added to the list, Messrs. Jona- 
than Belcher and Charles Morris. For Charles Morris, see the writer's sketch of 
him in the "N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register," Vol. 67, pp. 287-290. For Hibbert 
Newton and his family, see the writer's sketch in the same periodical, Vol. 68, pp. 


was Robert Sanderson, who had been a merchant in Boston and 
was now a merchant and ship-owner in Halifax. He was without 
doubt a grandson of Robert Sanderson, silversmith, of Boston, a 
deacon of the First Church, who with John Hull was given charge 
of the first coinage of shillings, sixpences, and threepences in the 
Colony of Massachusetts Bay, in 1652. 

Chief- Justice Belcher's tenure of office as lieutenant-governor 
of Nova Scotia lasted only from November, 1761, until Septem- 
ber twenty-sixth, 1762, when Col. the Honorable Montague Wil- 
mot assumed the office. But until his death, which occurred on 
the twenty-ninth of March, 1776, the Chief -Justice's interest was 
unremitting in public affairs. In the expulsion of the Acadians 
from the province in 1755, and the subsequent settlement of the 
lands from which they had been removed and the lands never 
previously occupied by European inhabitants ; in defending Hali- 
fax from possible attack by the French; in regulation of Nova 
Scotia's commerce; and in the settlement of no end of local dis- 
putes, Mr. Belcher's voice was persistently raised and his influ- 
ence strongly felt. "Although from all that is known of him," 
says Sir Charles Townshend, ' i it would seem that he was a man 
of strong will, and possibly of despotic temperament, against that 
it must be remembered that in the rude and unsettled state of the 
Province, and the constant peril and danger surrounding the 
country, first from the French and Indians, and afterward from 
the outbreak of the American Revolution, a strong and fearless 
man in office was required. ' ' I think it is a fair deduction from all 
we know of him, ' ' he continues, ' ' that he was a man of pure and 
elevated character, that he devoted himself to the land of his 
adoption with zeal and energy, and that to his great learning and 
his determination we are largely, perhaps chiefly, indebted for 
our constitutional rights and for the law and order which have 
prevailed in Nova Scotia from the first." 9 

Chief- Justice Belcher's house in Halifax, was somewhere in 
Argyle Street, but he also owned a farm at Windsor, which was 
known as "Belvidere Farm." He was more or less interested in 
shipping, and he had grants of land at Sheet Harbour and possi- 

g. "Jonathan Belcher, the First Chief Justice" by Sir Charles Townshend, in 
the "Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society," Vol. 18, pp. 35, 5 2 - 


bly other places, but he never amassed wealth and sometime after 
his death his only surviving daughter was granted for her partial 
support a pension of fifty pounds a year. On the thirty-first of 
March, 1776, he was buried under St. Paul's Church. It is com- 
monly believed that in the Kevolution, of which he lived to see 
the earlier events, his sympathies were decidedly with his New 
England friends who had espoused the patriot cause. He was 
succeeded in the office of Chief Justice by Bryan Finucane, Esq., 
an Irish barrister, who assumed the office early in 1778, but be- 
tween his death and the arrival in Halifax of Mr. Finucane the of- 
fice was temporarily filled by the Hon. Charles Morris. 10 

Between 1778 and 1797 four Chief Justices in succession ad- 
ministered the chief judicial affairs of Nova Scotia, Messrs. 
Bryan Finucane, Isaac Deschamps, Jeremiah Pemberton, and 
Thomas Andrew Lumisden Strange, none of whom were New 
England men, but in the latter year a Boston born lawyer once 
more became head of the Provincial Judiciary. On the ninth of 
September, 1797, Judge Strange 's resignation was placed before 
the Council, 11 and Sir John Wentworth, who was then governor, 
stated that he had His Majesty's approval to make the Attorney 
General, Mr. Sampson Salter Blowers, Chief Justice. Sampson 
Salter Blowers, son of John Blowers, goldsmith, and his wife 
Sarah Salter, was btfrn in Boston, March tenth, 1742 (of our 

10. In his interesting sketch of Chief Justice Belcher, Sir Charles Town- 
shend speaks of the handsome equipment of the Chief Justice's house and of the 
valuable library he owned. "We can fairly presume," he adds that at his hospitable 
board many of the notable men who lived in and visited Halifax were worthily 

The Belcher family, was continued for some years in Halifax by the Chief 
Justice's only living son, Hon. Andrew Belcher, who married in Boston Mary Ann 
or Marianne Geyer, and among whose children was the distinguished Rear Admir- 
al Sir Edward Belcher, K. C. B. In the i8th volume of the "Coll. of the N. S. 
Hist. Soc." the writer has given the name of Mrs. Andrew Belcher as von Geyer, 
this is a mistake which has repeatedly been made in print, the name was not a German 
but a New England name and sometimes was spelled Gaier, Geier, etc., as well as 
Geyer. For Admiral Sir Edward Belcher, see the "Dictionary of National 

n. For the life of Chief Justice Strange, see the "Dictionary of National 
Biography." Strange was knighted March 14, 1798, in which year he was removed 
for important judicial service to Madras, India. He was born in England and edu- 
cated at Oxford. A portrait of him by Benjamin West was painted for Halifax, 
and one for Madras by Sir Thomas Lawrence. Strange died in England, July 16, 
1841. A more definite account of his appointment in India than that given in the 
Dictionary of National Biography says that he left Nova Scotia having accepted the 
appointment of recorder in the fort of St. George, Bombay. Before he left Nova 
Scotia he made a present of his law library to the province. This became the nu- 
cleus of the present library of the Bar at Halifax. 


present calendar), the youngest but one of five children, four of 
whom were girls. For the rather remarkable name he bore he was 
indebted to his maternal grandfather, Sampson Salter, who when 
he died in 1778 mentioned him conspicuously in his will. 12 At 
the age of eleven Blowers entered the Boston Latin School and 
and after spending six years there, one year less than the full 
course in that school in preparation for college, entered Harvard. 
In 1763 he graduated, the twenty-first member in social rank of 
a class the whole number of which was thirty-nine, among his 
classmates being Jonathan Bliss, afterward Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Court of New Brunswick, Nathan Gushing, Judge of the 
Superior Court of Massachusetts, Dr. John Jeffries, a notable 
Tory, remembered for his balloon flight across the English Chan- 
nel on the seventeenth of January, 1785, Nathaniel Noyes, Timo- 
thy Pickering, Secretary of State for the United States, Josiah 
Quincy, and Joshua Upham, Judge of the Supreme Court of New 
Brunswick. After leaving college Blowers studied law in the 
office of Governor Thomas Hutchinson, and probably in July, 
1766, was admitted to the Massachusetts Bar. 

Blowers 's activity as a lawyer in Boston is declared by the 
large number of cases in which the Suffolk Court records show 
him to have been concerned, a conspicuous one of these being the 
defence of Captain Preston, a British officer, and some other 
British soldiers, who had taken part in what is known as the 
Boston massacre, in 1770. His colleagues in this case were 
Messrs. John Adams and Blowers 's Harvard classmate, Josiah 

12. In the Boston fire of 1760, Sampson Salter had a brew-house burned in 
Quaker Lane. Mr. Salter made his will March 31, 1778, (proved April 4, 17/8). It 
was understood in Boston that he originally intended his grandson to have much 
more of his estate than he finally left him, but that he feared that all Blowers had 
would be confiscated by the Patriots. For the Blowers family at large, see 
Paige's "History of Cambridge, Mass.," p. 489. The Blowers descent of Sampson 
Salter 4 Blowers was : John 3 , Rev. Thomas*, Captain Pyam 1 . John Blowers and 
Sarah Salter were married by Rev. Joshua Gee of the Second Church, Nov. 27, 
1735, and had children: Sarah, born Sept. 3, 1736; Martha, Dec. 19, 1738; Emma, 
March 12, 1740; Sampson Salter, March 10, 1742; Martha, April 8, 1744. The 
baptisms of the first three of these children will be found on the Register of the 
Second Church, the baptisms of the last two we have not anywhere found. Chief 
Justice Sampson Salter Blowers was a second cousin once removed of Chief Jus- 
tice Jonathan Belcher of Nova Scotia, and was related, but perhaps even more re- 
motely, to Malachy Salter, one of the most considerable merchants of Halifax in 
early times. 


Quincy. 13 When the Revolution came, Blowers 's sympathies 
were strongly with the British cause and on the thirtieth of May, 
1774, with other barristers and attorneys of Massachusetts he 
signed a complimentary address to his friend Governor Hut- 
chinson, shortly before the latter 's departure for England. In 
this year the Massachusetts courts were suspended, and in No- 
vember Blowers himself left for England, where with other Loy- 
alists besides Hutchinson we find him from shortly before the 
first of January, 1775, until August, 1777. Under date of January 
third, 1775, Governor Hutchinson records in his diary: "Three 
gentlemen from New England, Ingersoll, Bliss, and Blowers, 
came to my house in the evening, with a great number of letters 
and papers from my friends. ' ' Of the fourth of January Hutchin- 
son says : "In the morning accompanied the New England men 
to L d Dartmouth's, who made a particular enquiry into the af- 
fairs of the Province. Bliss gave the fullest account. He was 
clear, upon Lord D. asking whether any concession would be like 
to satisfy, that it would not, and that nothing but a force sufficient 
would bring them to order." 14 

Under date of January first, 1776, Judge Samuel Curwen, the 
Salem, Massachusetts, refugee, writes in his journal kept in Eng- 
land: "To the Adelphi, Strand, where by appointment met 
twenty-one of my countrymen, who have agreed on a weekly din- 
ner here, viz. Messrs. Richard Clark, Joseph Green, Jonathan 
Bliss, Jonathan Sewall, Joseph Waldo, S. S. Blowers, Elisha 
Hutchinson, William Hutchinson, Samuel Sewall, Samuel Quincy, 
Isaac Smith, Harrison Gray, David Greene, Jonathan Clark, 
Thomas Flucker, Joseph Taylor, Daniel Silsbee, Thomas Brin- 
ley, William Cabot, John S. Copley, and Nathaniel Coffin. Samuel 
Porter, Edward Oxnard, Benjamin Pickman, John Amory, Judge 

13. For the prominence of Mr. Blowers as a lawyer in Massachusetts, see 
"Record Book of the Suffolk Bar," in the igth Vol. of the Proceedings of the 
Mass. Hist. Soc. (ist Series), pp. 145, 147, 148, 151, 152. See also Vol. 8, p. 440, and 
Vol. 15, pp. 184, 397. See further Suffolk Court Records unprinted; and Blowers's 
own testimony before the commissioner on Loyalist claims at Halifax, in 1785. 

14. David Ingersoll, a lawyer, born in 1742, was graduated at Yale College in 
1761. He like Blowers addressed Hutchinson in 1774. He was the third son of 
Capt. David Ingersoll of Great Barrington, Mass., and practiced law in that town. 
He died in England Nov. 10, 1796. Jonathan Bliss, born Oct., 1742, graduated at 
Harvard in 1763, and like Ingersoll and Blowers practised law. He settled in New 
Brunswick about 1784, and became Chief Justice of that province. He was the 
father of Judge William Blowers Bliss of the Nova Scotia Supreme Court. 


Robert Auchmuty, and Major Urquhart, absent, are members of 
this club, as is also Governor Hutchinson." 15 On the eighth of 
June, 1776, Judge Curwen writes: "Dined with Judge Sewall at 
Brompton Row; and with him his wife and sister, Mr. Blowers 
and wife, Samuel Sewall, and William Browne, was admitted to 
the queen's palace in St. James's Park." March twenty-seventh, 
1777, Curwen writes : ' ' Walked out with Judge Sewall and Mr. 
A. Willard to Cromwell's garden, which is in ill repair; drank 
tea at the house of the former, and passed the evening with the 
New England Club, say 'Brompton-Row Tory Club,' at Mr. 
Blowers." 16 

The date of Blowers 's return to America from his sojourn in 
England has usually been given in print as some time in 1778, 
but his own statement before the commissioner on Loyalist 
claims in Halifax, in November, 1785, is that he left England for 
New York in August, 1777. 17 From New York he soon went to 
Rhode Island, where the British troops were still in control, and 
in Newport he remained until April, 1778. On the eighth of De- 
cember, 1777, his father-in-law, Mr. Benjamin Kent of Boston, 
petitioned the Massachusetts Council that his daughter Eliza- 
beth might be permitted to go to Newport to see her sister, who, 
he says, had been absent from her family ' ' above three years, ' ' 
and bring her back to Boston with her. The next day the Council 
granted Miss Kent permission "to depart this State for New- 
port in the state of R de Island to see her Sister who has lately ar- 
rived there from Great Britain and to return with her said Sis- 
ter to this State, provided the IIon ble Major Genl. Spencer in- 

15. A document printed in Vol. 3, of the New England Historical and Genea- 
logical Register (pp. 82, 83) gives the form of agreement made by these gentlemen 
to dine at the Adelphi Tavern, every Thursday. There are twenty signatures given 
to this agreement, of which Sampson Salter Blowers's is the nineteenth. The ex- 
pense of the dinner, exclusive of liquors and waiters is to be two and sixpence each 
person present, and no more. The month and day on which the agreement was 
signed are not given, but the year was 1775. 

16. Judge Curwen tells us that Jonathan Clarke, Thomas Danforth, Edward 
Oxnard, Judge Sewall, and himself all lodged in Brompton Row, Kensington, but he 
does not tell us whether Mr. Blowers lived there or not. 

17. The commissioner who took his evidence in Halifax on the 3oth of Novem- 
ber, 1785, was Mr. Jeremy Pemberton, previously a barrister of Lincoln's Inn, who 
had been sent out from England to take evidence in the cases of Loyalists who had 
lost property in the Revolution. He sat for this purpose in Halifax in 1785-86. He 
became in August, 1788, fourth Chief Justice of Nova Scotia, but his incumbency 
terminated before May, 1790, when he was succeeded by Thomas Andrew Lumisden 


dulges her with a Flag for said purpose, she engaging to carry no 
papers or letters detrimental to this or any other of the United 
States." 18 That Mrs. Blowers did return to Boston with her sis- 
ter we know from her husband's declaration before the commis- 
sioner in Halifax, for in that he details rather minutely his move- 
ments during the Revolutionary struggle. 19 In April, 1778, he 
says, he went from Newport to Boston to visit Mrs. Blowers, who 
was ill, he having previously l i obtained a written leave from Gen- 
eral Sullivan" to do so. On his arrival in his native town, "he 
was immediately thrown into a Gaol with 4 or 5 Comn. felons and 
kept a close prisoner for 8 days and then sent off in a flag of Truce 
to Halifax." 20 Of this indignity Mr. Edward Winslow, at Hali- 
fax, on the thirteenth of November, 1778, writes to Major Barry: 
"I've been listening this day with great satisfaction to the ob- 
servations of my friend Blowers, made during his barbarous con- 
finement at Boston. . . . The harsh treatment which he re- 
ceived during his stay at Boston was most unparalleled and cruel. 
You may one day hear the particulars from him, I will only tell 
you that the dampest, dirtiest hole in the common gaol was the 
place allotted him." 21 

From Halifax Mr. Blowers returned to Newport, and on the 
twenty-ninth of April, 1779, was appointed there Judge of the 
Rhode Island Court of Vice Admiralty. Newport was evacuated 
by the British on the twenty-fifth or twenty-seventh of October, 
1779, and he then sailed for England to seek compensation for 
his financial losses. The next year he came back to America, this 

18. "Revolution Petitions," in the Massachusetts Archives, and also the "Kent 

19. See "Second Report of the Bureau of Archives of the Province of On- 
tario" (1905), part i, pp. 490, 491. 

20. The fierce act of proscription of the Loyalists who had left the State was 
not issued in Massachusetts until September, 1778, so that Mr. Blowers violated no 
statute in returning to his native State. This act declared that if any of the ab- 
sentees should voluntarily return from exile they should "on conviction thereof by 
the Superior Court of Judicature, Court of Assize and General Jail Delivery, suf- 
fer the pains of death without benefit of clergy." It is said that this visit of Mr. 
Blowers to Boston was the last he ever made to his native town. 

21. The "Winslow Papers," edited by Archdeacon Raymond, LL.D. Some time 
in 1778 Edward Winslow wrote Jonathan Sewall : "The conduct of our dearly be- 
loved cousins at Boston towards Blowers gives one a pretty little idea of the present 
government. . . . Blowers tells us many extraordinary stories relative to the 
improvement of the Bostonians in what a certain lady calls 'the liberal arts.' Would 
you realize that the sons of some of our true old charter saints publicly roll in 
chariots with kept mistresses, and that many of our former meek and lowly Chris- 
tians, now freed from restraint, are rioting at great rate." 


time with the appointment of Solicitor General for New York. 22 
Early in September, 1783, with Mrs. Blowers and her sis- 
ter Elizabeth Kent, Blowers sailed for Halifax, although the 
evacuation of New York did not take place until November 
twenty-fifth of that year.* 3 

In an interesting letter to Ward Chipman ("My dear Chip") 
which he writes from Halifax on the twenty-fifth of September, 
1783, Mr. Blowers says of his voyage from New Y'ork and his 
reception at Halifax : ' ' Our passage was as well as we had room 
to expect, and we are now comfortably lodged at a Mrs. Whittys, 
where we have three rooms and a kitchen for eight pounds a 
month, and are now all three of us, sitting in tolerable health and 
spirit round a good fire. I have been politely received by the 
Governor, and have seen several of the great men here, and am 
told by them all that my coming among them is agreeable and that 
I shall soon find business. This last I am inclined to doubt in any 
extreme degree. ' ' The first employment of a public sort he seems 
to have obtained was at military headquarters, for on the tenth 
of October, 1783, Winslow writes to Chipman: "GenT Fox has 
been very civil to Blowers, and on looking about he seems toler- 
ably well satisfy 'd. He is appointed one of the Board of Ac- 
counts here. ' J24 In the early part of 1784, as we see by the Nova 
Scotia Gazette and Weekly Chronicle of February third and Feb- 
ruary tenth, where we find published an extract from "General 
Orders issued from headquarters by order of General Campbell, ' ' 
he was acting as military secretary at Halifax. 25 

In a note to the "Winslow Papers, " Archdeacon Raymond says 
that in 1784 Blowers was named as Attorney General for New 

22. The date of Mr. Blowers's appointment by the Lords of the Admiralty to 
the Rhode Island judgeship was April 29, 1779. Blowers was appointed by Gover- 
nor Robertson of New York to the Solicitor-Generalship of New York, "under Seal 
of the Province," March 13, 1781. He served also as secretary to the Board of 
Loyalists at New York all the time that that Board existed. 

23. Hon. Ward Chipman, a close friend of Blowers, writes Edward Winslow, 
July 29, 1783 : "Blowers with his family mean to embark in the course of the next 
month for Halifax." Major Upham writes Edward Winslow from New York, Au- 
gust 21, 1783 : "We shall all soon be with you everybody, all the World, moves on 
to Nova Scotia Blowers, etc., will soon be there." "Winslow Papers," pp. in, 124. 
October 18, 1783, Sarah Winslow, at Halifax, writes Benjamin Marston. In this 
letter she says that her family and the Blowers family arrived at Halifax in the 
same vessel, on the I4th of September, 1783. "Winslow Papers," pp. 141-143. 

24. "Winslow Papers," pp. 139, 140. 

25. This extract from General Orders is signed "S. S. Blowers, Secretary." 


Brunswick, but that he relinquished this position immediately on 
receiving a similar appointment for Nova Scotia. 26 In a letter to 
Ward Chipman from Halifax, written January fourteenth, 1785, 
Blowers says : "You will have heard before this reaches you that 
Gov. Parr has made me Attorney General here. I am now in the 
full execution of the office. The warrant has not yet arrived, but 
I have letters from Sir William P., of the 4th September, ac- 
quainting me that Mr. N. was to write me at once. 

"Nothing is said respecting my successor in New Brunswick, 
but as Matthews' warrant for Louisburg was forwarded by the 
same opportunity, I think it probable he is not the man. I wish 
you may be. 27 In the meantime, would it not be well to get an 
order from your Governor and Council for you to do the duty, 
and let it be known in England that you are doing it. It will be 
necessary to have such appointment when grants are to be made, 
for the King's instructions require the Attorney General's fiat. I 
will furnish you with the form whenever you want it." 28 

On the twenty-fourth of December, 1784, Blowers was appoint- 
ed Attorney General of Nova Scotia ; in 1785 he sat in the Assem- 
bly for the County of Halifax, and on the fifth of December of this 
year he was unanimously chosen Speaker of the House. January 
third, 1788, he was made a member of the Council, and on the 
ninth of September, 1797, he was sworn in sixth Chief Justice of 
Nova Scotia, in succession to Chief Justice Strange. 29 On the 
same date he also took his seat as President of the Council. 

In a note on Chief Justice Blowers printed in the "Diary and 
Letters" of Governor Thomas Hutchinson, which is signed "W. 

26. This note is on page 208 of the "Winslow Papers." Archdeacon Raymond 
also refers here to Lawrence's "Footprints or Incidents in the Early History of New 
Brunswick," p. 13, and to "Canadian Archives" for 1895, under "New Brunswick." 
Blowers undoubtedly never lived in New Brunswick and how often at this early 
period of his residence in the Lower Provinces he may have visited there we do 
not know. 

27. Ward Chipman, born in 1754, another of the many able Massachusetts 
Loyalists who settled in the Maritime Provinces, acted as Attorney General of New 
Brunswick for some little time, but was never appointed to that office. He was, 
however, appointed Solicitor General of New Brunswick, August 19, 1784. In 1809 
he was appointed a Judge of the Supreme Court of the same province. He died in 

28. For this letter, see Lawrence's "Footprints," and (in an imperfect form) 
the "Kent Genealogy." 

29. The annual salary he received as Chief Justice was eight hundred and fifty 


J. Stirling," we find a much more intimate account of Blowers 
given than we have ever been able to get elsewhere. Blowers, 
says Mr. Stirling, "was of great ability. He had untiring in- 
dustry, vast legal knowledge, sound judgment, impartiality, and 
patience. He had little eloquence ; no wit nor imagination. His 
mind was grave, deliberate, and cautious. But on one occasion 
he showed an irritable temper. Uniacke, the Attorney General of 
Nova Scotia after Blowers, a very able, but ruffianly man, had a 
street fight with Jonathan Sterns, a Boston Loyalist. Uniacke, 
a very strong man, beat so savagely Sterns, a weak and sickly 
man, as to cause his death. Blowers, who was an intimate friend 
of Mr. Sterns, was so angry that he challenged Uniacke to fight 
a duel. Uniacke accepted the challenge, but secretly sent his 
wife to inform the police Magistrate. So the two officers of the 
law in the Colony were bound over to keep the peace. 30 Blowers 
had the greatest esteem for Foster Hutchinson, Jr., [nephew of 
Governor Thomas Hutchinson, and son of Judge Foster Hutchin- 
son, Sr., of Massachusetts], and was greatly grieved by his death. 
Blowers retained his faculties to the last. He kept up his College 
studies, and always read with pleasure the Greek and Latin 
classics. In his latter years he was silent and gloomy and would 
not speak of the scenes he had witnessed many years before. He 
destroyed all his papers : no letters nor memoranda of any kind 
were left by him. In person he was very short and rather thin : 
his face had some resemblance to that of Washington ; a portrait 
of him is in the Legislative House at Halifax, but does not in the 
least resemble him. He had no children, and his property, after 
his widow's death, went to a Mr. Bliss." Another note in the 
same volume says that in the political and personal disputes be- 

so. Accounts which we have of Hon. Richard John Uniacke, Sr., one of the 
ablest public men in Nova Scotia, in her whole history, describe the long rivalry 
which existed between him and Blowers for public position. Uniacke's_ bitterness 
rose to its highest pitch when Blowers was appointed to the Chief-Justiceship in- 
stead of him. It was probably in 1797, shortly before Blowers was appointed Chief 
Justice, and Uniacke succeeded to the Attorney-Generalship, as he did, that this 
duel was proposed. It is said that the duel was prevented by the Chief Justice 
(Strange). Uniacke took the oath as Attorney General on the same day, Septem- 
ber gth, that Blowers took the oath of office as Chief Justice. Blowers had filled 
the office of Attorney General, as we have seen, from December 24, 1784. Jonathan 
Sterns, another conspicuous Massachusetts Loyalist, died in Halifax May 23, 1798. 
Except as Stirling's account gives it, we have never known the cause of his death. 
Sterns was a lawyer and his public career in Halifax is well worth tracing. 


tween Loyalists and the "Old Inhabitants," which for several 
years after the Revolution raged in government circles in Hali- 
fax, Blowers was the acknowledged leader of his fellow refugees. 
In the thirty-five years that he served as Chief Justice of Nova 
Scotia "he outlived every person [of his contemporaries] in 
public life in the Colony. The Governor and two of his succes- 
sors ; the two Judges, and four of their successors ; the forty Mem- 
bers of the Assembly, and many who had succeeded to their seats 
all these passed away while Blowers was Chief Justice. He 
lived ten years after retiring from the Bench, and died at Hali- 
fax, from the effects of a fall, in October, 1842. " 31 

Of the legal acts or opinions of Chief Justice Sampson Salter 
Blowers during his leadership of the Nova Scotia Judiciary we 
have few records anywhere remaining. His opinion on the ques- 
tion of the legality of slave-holding in the British Colonies, how- 
ever, we find recorded. The question was agitated during the 
chief-justiceship of Blowers 's immediate predecessor, Strange, 
and for several years after Blowers himself became Chief Justice, 
and both Strange and Blowers decided against it. Chief Justice 
Ludlow of New Brunswick, previously of New York, took his 
stand on what he called ' ' the Common Law of the Colonies, ' ' by 
which he said the right to hold slaves had been uniformly recog- 
nized and established without any act ever having been passed 
directly authorizing slavery. In opposition to him, Blowers held 
strongly that the Common Law of England was that of the Col- 
onies, that these had none other, and that slavery being declared 
illegal by the Common Law of England, its illegality in the Colon- 
ies was undoubted. The difference in the opinions of these two 
Maritime-Provincial Chief Justices, it has been said, may have 
been in some measure due to the fact of Ludlow 's training in New 
York, and Blowers 's in Massachusetts, in which province "slav- 
ery had obtained but a weak foothold and died early and quietly, ' ' 
while in New York it "had an earlier establishment and a more 
extensive development. ' ' 32 

31. "The Diary and Letters of His Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, Esq.," Vol. 
i, p. 341. It is said that to the end of his life Chief Justice Blowers was accus- 
tomed to take long walks for his health. It is also said, in print, that the Hon. 
Joseph Howe in some speech said that Blowers never wore an overcoat in his life. 

32. See "The Slave in Canada," by Rev. T. Watson Smith, D. D., in the tenth 
volume of the "Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections," pp. 97-103. 


Chief Justice Sampson Salter Blowers married in Boston (the 
Rev. Dr. William Walter of Trinity Church officiating) on the 
fifth of April, 1774, Sarah Kent, born May nineteenth, baptized 
May twenty-seventh, 1758, her parents being Benjamin and Eliz- 
abeth (Watts) Kent. In the same year as her marriage Mrs. 
Blowers went to England with her husband, and when he re- 
turned three years later, came with him to New York. Late in 
1777, as we have seen, she received permission to revisit Boston, 
and there for a short time she remained. After this we suppose 
she was with her husband continuously to the close of his life. 
Outliving the Chief Justice a little while, she died in Halifax some 
time in July, 1845, having never, so far as we know, borne any 
child. 33 

33. For a minute account of Benjamin Kent and his family, see "Genealogies 
of the Different Families bearing the name of Kent in the United States," by L. 
Vernon Briggs, Boston, 1898, pp 38-48. Benjamin Kent, third son of Joseph and 
Rebecca (Chittenden) Kent, was born in 1708, and after graduating at Harvard in 
1727, entered the Congregational ministry. In 1731 he was chaplain of the garrison 
at Fort George, Brunswick, Maine, and October 27, 1733, he was installed minister 
of the church at Marlborough, Mass. In 1735 he withdrew from this charge and in 
time took up the study of the law. He is said in the Kent Genealogy to have been 
"a humorist, not sufficiently reverent of things divine to please his straight-faced 
contemporaries. He was full of fun, drollery, humor, and had an unmethodical, ir- 
regular head, but his thoughts were good and [his] expressions happy. After leav- 
ing the ministry he studied for the bar, where he became celebrated for his eccen- 
tricity and wit." During the years 1757-67 he practiced in Worcester County, but 
later he became prominent in Boston, where he rose to be attorney-general of Massa- 
chusetts. Whether Mr. Kent's sympathies in the Revolution were strongly 
with the British does not seem to be known, but somewhere between June, 1783, 
and January, 1785, probably influenced by his son-in-law, with his wife Elizabeth 
he went to Windsor, Nova Scotia, and then to Halifax, where he and his wife 
spent the rest of their lives and died. On a tombstone in St. Paul's burying-ground, 
Halifax, is the following inscription : Sacred to the memory of Benjamin Kent, 
late of Boston, New England, barrister-at-law, who died on the 22nd day of Octo- 
ber, 1788, in the 8ist year of his age; and also his wife, who departed this life 
on the 2nd day of August, 1802, in the 8oth year of her age." Elizabeth Kent, 
eldest sister of Mrs. Blowers, born Jan. 6, 1745, baptized by the minister of the 
West Church, Boston, Jan. 13, 1745, was with her sister, Mrs. Blowers, in New 
York, for in June of that year her father petitioned the Massachusetts legislature 
that she might return to Boston, as she was ill and he feared greatly that 
the sultry weather of New York in midsummer would prove fatal to 
her. Whether she did return or not we do not know, but apparently the Great 
and General Court failed to act on her father's petition. (See "Revolution Peti- 
tions," Mass. State Documents, Vol. 188, p. 90. Connected with the petition in this 
volume is a draft of the desired permission for Miss Kent to return, but the draft is 
unsigned and was never acted on by the Court. The draft bears date June 3, 1782.) 

When the Blowerses finally left New York for Nova Scotia Miss Kent was 
with them, and she was living in Halifax at least as late as 1818. On the 26th of 
May, 1793, Elizabeth Kent, widow of Benjamin Kent, Sampson Salter Blowers and 
his wife Sarah, and Elizabeth Kent, single woman, at Halifax, deeded to William 
Burley of Boston, for six hundred pounds, a brick dwelling house and land on the 
north side of State Street (earlier known as King Street), formerly the dwelling 
house of Benjamin Kent, late of Boston, deceased. 


Chief Justice Blowers resigned the position of chief of the Nova 
Scotia Judiciary in the year 1833, his successor in this high office 
being Mr. Brenton Halliburton, born in Newport, Rhode Island, 
(the son of Dr. John Halliburton, another notable Loyalist), who 
received knighthood shortly before his death, which occurred in 
I860. 34 Sampson Salter Blowers died at Halifax October twenty- 
fifth, 1842, his life having covered, as we have said, a little more 
than a full century. 35 He was buried in Camp Hill Cemetery, as 
was his widow a little less than three years later, and there are 
tombstones to their memory. The most conspicuous monument, 
however, erected to the memory of Chief Justice Blowers, rests on 
the east wall of St. Paul's Church, Halifax, in which church the 
Chief Justice for many years worshipped. The monument is a 
beautiful piece of sculpture, and bears the following notable in- 
scription : 

In Memory of 

The Honourable Sampson Salter Blowers 
For Five and Thirty Years President of H. M. Council 

And Chief Justice of Nova Scotia 

A Learned, Careful, And Impartial Judge 

An Able and Faithful Servant of the Crown 

And a True Friend to this Province 

Of a Strong and Discriminating Mind and Sound Judgment 

Amiable and Benevolent in Manners and Disposition 

Exemplary in Conduct and of the Stricted Integrity 

After a Long Career of Labour and Usefulness 

Honoured and Esteemed by All 

He Resigned His Office 

And Passed the Decline of Life in Peaceful Retirement 

And Died on the 25th Day of October, A. D. 1842 

At the Age of One Hundred Years 

Chief Justice Blowers 's will was executed at Halifax, Novem- 
ber twenty-ninth, 1833, and was filed and recorded in Boston, 
November thirteenth, 1843. In it he gives to Sarah Ann Bliss, 
wife of William Blowers Bliss, two thousand pounds current 

34. An interesting Life of Sir Brenton Halliburton was written many years 
ago by the Rev. Dr. George William Hill, Rector of St. Paul's Church, Halifax, and 
will be found in the Boston Public Library and elsewhere. An important assistant 
judge in Nova Scotia, was Judge James Brenton, an uncle of Sir Brenton Halli- 

35. The exact length of Mr. Blowers's life was one hundred years, seven 
months, and fifteen days. 


money of Nova Scotia, and also his house and grounds at Wind- 
sor, known as "Fairfield Cottage, 7 ' with the furniture, cattle, 
and implements thereto belonging. To Mrs. Ann Anderson, 
mother of Mrs. Bliss, he leaves two hundred pounds current 
money, and to Mrs. Ann Kidston, a like sum of two hundred 
pounds. Other legatees by his will are his sister Mrs. Martha 
Pritchard, "now or late of Boston," and her children, and the 
children of his late sister Elizabeth Rhodes. The rest and residue 
of his estate he leaves to his dear wife, "for her use and behoof 
during her life, ' ' after her decease the whole residue of his estate 
to go to Mrs. Sarah Ann Bliss and her heirs. His executor and 
executrix are William Blowers Bliss and his wife Sarah Ann. 36 
In Boston, Chief Justice Blowers lived in Southack's Court, 
now Howard Street, for on the sixth of September, 1784, he and 
his wife sold through Dr. Samuel Danf orth, to whom Blowers had 
previously given power of attorney, to Elisha Sigourney, for five 
hundred pounds, a wooden house, which had formerly been their 
dwelling, and the land about it, in the westerly part of Boston, 
' ' situated on Southack 's Court. ' ' 37 The affluence of the Blowerses 

36. William Blowers Bliss was the third son of Jonathan Bliss, a classmate of 
Chief Justice Blowers at Harvard, a Loyalist and an early Chief Justice of New 
Bfunswick, and his wife, Mary Worthington. He was born at St. John, New 
Brunswick, August 28, 1795, graduated at King's College, Windsor, Nova Scotia, 
studied at the Inner Temple, London, practised law in Halifax, and in April, 1834, 
was elevated to the Supreme Bench, in place of Judge Richard John Uniacke (son 
of the first Richard John Uniacke). He is regarded as one of the ablest judges 
Nova Scotia has ever had. He had a handsome residence at Fort Massey, Halifax, 
where he died March 16, 1874, aged 79. He resigned his seat on the Bench in 1869. 
The "Mrs. Ann Anderson," mother of Mrs. William Blowers Bliss, is said to have 
been related in some way to Mrs. Sampson Salter Blowers ; what the relationship 
was, however, we do not know. Mrs. Blowers had a sister Ann Kent, but she 
probably died in Boston (see the burial records of Trinity Church) early in Sep- 
tember, 1782. Judge William Blowers Bliss and his wife Sarah Ann had in all seven 
children, three sons and four daughters. One of these daughters, became the wife 
of the Rt. Rev. Hibbert Binney, Anglican Bishop of Nova Scotia, and one the wife 
of Hon. Senator William Hunter Odell. Chief Justice Jonathan Bliss of New 
Brunswick died at Fredericton, N. B., October i, 1822. For a valuable memoir of 
Judge William Blowers Bliss, by Hon. Chief Justice (of N. S.) Sir Charles Town- 
shend, see Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections, Vol. 17 (1913), pp. 23-45. 

37. The instrument appointing Blowers's "good friend," Samuel Danforth, of 
Boston, physician, his attorney, was first issued at Halifax, August 7, 1783, and was 
affirmed at Halifax, May 8, 1784. It was once more affirmed October 13, 1784, 
Mr. Blowers then declaring himself as residing in the city of New York. The in- 
strument was first signed, with seals, by Mr. and Mrs. Blowers, in presence of Sam- 
uel Winslow and John Amory, Jr. The Blowers's property in Southack's Court is 
fully described in the Suffolk County Registry of Deeds. Blowers's losses in the 
Revolution are carefuly detailed in his deposition before the commissioner on Loyal- 
ist claims. 


in Nova Scotia is amply testified to by the way in which they 
lived, they had their town house in Halifax, and their country 
place at Windsor, 1 1 a handsome country seat, ' ' as tradition styles 
it, whither they drove every summer, with a coachman and two 
liveried footmen, from the capital town. 

The portrait of Chief Justice Blowers, of which Mr. Stirling 
makes mention in the note in Governor Hutchinson's Life, was 
painted in 1820 by request of the "Quarter Sessions and Grand 
Jury" of Halifax made to Mr. Blowers on the twenty-first of De- 
cember, 1819. The painter of the portrait, Mr. Harry Piers tells 
us, was John Poad Drake. 38 

38. See Murdoch's documentary "History of Nova Scotia" under the year 1819. 
Mr. Piers speaks of the portrait in his valuable paper in the eighteenth volume of 
the Nova Scotia Historical Society's "Collections," entitled "Artists in Nova Sco- 
tia." The portrait now hangs in the Halifax County Court House. It is reproduced 
in the "Winslow Papers," edited by Archdeacon Raymond, opposite page 614. 

Chapters in the History of Halifax, 
Nova Scotia 


No. VI 


"The present population of Nova Scotia is^not the development of a single 
primitive nucleus or germ. Neither has it resulted from a gradual and almost 
imperceptible sifting in of promiscuous elements. It is mainly the product of 
certain well-defined immigrations of considerable size, capable of being more easily 
traced because as a rule they have occurred consecutively rather than simultane- 
ously." Dr. David Allison, in Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, 
Vol. VII. 

IN any important addition to its population that the prov- 
ince of Nova Scotia at large has at any time received, the 
permanent capital of the province, Halifax, has naturally 
sooner or later come to have a considerable share. The 
two strains that by all means predominate in the present 
population of Nova Scotia are the New England and the 
Scotch, the latter of which is the product of a series of migra- 
tions direct from Scotland that began in 1772 and ended some- 
where about 1815. Of the close political relations between New 
England and Nova Scotia from the time of the capture of Port 
Eoyal (Annapolis Royal) by New England troops in 1710 to the 
war of the Revolution, far too little has hitherto been written. 
Nor is it generally recognized, even in Nova Scotia itself, much 
less in New England, how largely the province of Nova Scotia, 
and the adjoining province of New Brunswick, which until 1783 
was part of Nova Scotia, were in the eighteenth century settled 
by New England people, and how closely allied by ties of blood 
a great part of the native Nova Scotians and New Brunswickers 
today are to many of the Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode 
Island families whose names are identified with the history of 



the progress, politically, religiously, socially, of these various 
New England States. 

The most widely known of the migrations from New England 
to the Maritime Provinces is of course the Loyalist migration of 
1775-1783, but the most permanently influential migration, and 
the one now most effective in the general progress of at least 
Nova Scotia, was not the Loyalist migration, important in point 
of numbers and in some quarters of political and social influence 
as that was, but the migration, comparatively little known to 
United States historians, of New England families of the best 
stock from the three states we have mentioned chiefly in the 
years 1760 and 1761. Of the importance of this migration, Dr. 
David Allison, who has written much on Nova Scotia history, 
says : ' ' The settlement during the years 1759-61 of a large part 
of Nova Scotia, and that as a rule the most fertile part, by 
groups of colonists from New England, is one of the most im- 
portant events in the history of our Province. Until recently 
this event has unquestionably not received the attention due to 
its importance. As a movement of population from west to east 
it was a reversal of the usual order, and has quite generally been 
confounded with the Loyalist migration to the Provinces, which 
it preceded by nearly a quarter of a century, and which in in- 
fluence on the political and industrial development of what is 
now Nova Scotia it undoubtedly surpassed. ... As a rule 
this element has been the most tenacious of all our English 
speaking stocks." 1 

i. See Dr. Allison's article in Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical 
Society, Vol. 7, p. 63. 

In a pleasantly written article entitled "The Military Traditions of Canada," 
by A. G. Bradley, printed in the Cornhill Magazine for December, 1915, occurs the 
following entirely inaccurate statement : "The Maritime Provinces were virtually 
annexed en bloc by the United Empire Loyalists, as the exiles proudly called 
themselves. The small groups of Acadians on the west and British, etc., around 
Halifax on the east were numerically and yet more, morally, overwhelmed by the 
influx and count for little in the ethnology of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. 
The United Empire Loyalist element, though their early sufferings in the woods 
were great, once these were overcome, enjoyed a comparatively unclouded future. 
In every sense they dominated the province. There was no geographical contact 
or semi-partnership with French Canadians, no serious influx of doubtful American 
emigrants such as kept the loyalists of Upper Canada in a constant state of 
uneasiness, and their hands metaphorically always on their sword hilts. . . . 
It may safely be affirmed today that at least every second 'Blue Nose' is directly 
descended from those brave, unfortunate people, whose devotion to the Empire 
forced them to start life afresh in the wild woods of the then dreaded and 


Elements of considerable importance in the present Nova Sco- 
tia population, apart from the New England and the Scottish, are 
the Scotch-Irish, a strain which was introduced either from Lon- 
donderry and other neighboring towns of New Hampshire in 
1760, or directly from the North of Ireland in 1761 and 1762 ; the 
German and French elements, which as we have seen in our chap- 
ter on the founding of Halifax were introduced in 1749 and 1750 ; 
the Celtic Irish element which has filtered into the province as it 
has into all American colonies in sporadic migrations during many 
years, and has had especial influence in Halifax ; and the Acadian 
French, a strain which antedates all the others, but which since 
the expulsion of all of the people of this blood that could be found 
in 1755, has had like the German comparatively little influence in 
the development of the province at large in any way. 

Migration for settlement in Nova Scotia of New England people 
actually began at the capture of Annapolis Royal in 1710, and 
of this slight movement, which is interesting but which was too 
limited in extent and for the most part too transitory to be con- 
sidered more than an incident, we shall give some account when 
we come to treat of the earlier capital of the province, the an- 
cient town of Annapolis Royal. But the year 1749 brought a 
very large New England element to the town of Halifax, and the 
people who came to Nova Scotia at this time were almost with- 
out exception Bostonians. How largely Halifax business and 
social affairs for many years after the Revolution were con- 
trolled by Loyalists from not only New England but New York, 

unknown North." Whatever truth there may be in this statement as made of New 
Brunswick, it is far wide of the truth in its reference to the Province of Nova 
Scotia. It is quite true that between 30,000 and 3S,ooo Loyalists, as is estimated, 
came into Nova Scotia and New Brunswick between 1775 and 1783, by far the 
larger portion of them sailing from New York in the latter year, but there were 
very few counties of Nova Scotia as it is today that received permanently any 
considerable number of them. Where they finally went is a fair question, the 
Province of New Brunswick got as permanent settlers a large share of them, but 
it seems almost certain that many of them in longer or shorter time returned to the 
United States. In his article on the Shelburne Loyalists, in the sixth volume of 
the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, Dr. T. Watson Smith says : 
"Numbers of these exiles found their way to Britain, the West Indies, and the 
Canadas . . . Few records of their wanderings and sufferings have been pre- 
served." It is rather surprising how comparatively few well known Nova Scotians 
today are of Loyalist stock. The Nova Scotians who rise to conspicuous posi- 
tions in this age, like the present Premier of Canada, are much more frequently 
descendants of the New Englanders who came in 1760 or '61. 


New Jersey, and other colonies from which Tories had fled, is a 
matter of current knowledge, but the predominating influence 
until a late period of the Bostonians who came in shoals at the 
town's beginning is a fact that is comparatively little in the minds 
of people today. The truth is, that from 1749 to the middle of 
the nineteenth century the blood that coursed through the veins 
of Halifax was largely New England, and of that chiefly Boston, 

Of United States historians who have dealt with the expan- 
sion of New England's population, not one, we believe, has 
shown more than the most superficial knowledge of any move- 
ment whatever of population, except the Loyalist movement, 
from the other colonies to Nova Scotia at any time. 2 The great 
fortress of Louisburg, as we know, was captured by New Eng- 
land troops, and after the capture a considerable number of peo- 
ple either in military or in civil occupations remained at the 
place. In 1748, by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the fortress 
was given back to France, and this extraordinary diplomatic ar- 
rangement compelled the speedy withdrawal of the English gar- 
rison and naturally of the civilian office holders and traders who 
had for three years found it convenient to live there. As we 
have already shown, Colonel Cornwallis had been but a few 
weeks at his post on Chebucto Bay when he wrote the Lords of 
Trade who directed the enterprise in pursuance of which he had 
come that a group of civilians from Louisburg had arrived to 
settle in the new town. Other settlers also, he said, had come 
direct from New England, and in the course of the summer and 
autumn he expected that over a thousand more would come. The 
interest felt in Boston in the Cornwallis enterprise is strongly 
indicated by references to it in the Boston press of the time. In 

2.. Probably the fullest consecutive treatment of the "expansion" of New 
England's population is that of Lois Kimball Matthews in her "The Expansion 
of New England, etc., 1620 1865." (Houghton Mifflin & Co., 1909, pp. 303). The 
extent of this writer's knowledge of the several migrations to Nova Scotia that 
we shall in this chapter detail is shown by the following note to page 118 of her 
book. Miss Matthews says : "There is no room in this study for the investigation 
of the New England migrations to Canada following the French and Indian 
War. Fishermen from Cape Cod and Nantucket took advantage of the proclama- 
tion of the Governor of Nova Scotia in 1756 [sic], and as early as 1757 the 
movement to Cape Sable began. In 1761-62 a number of families founded 
Harrington. See the Doane Family, 75, 76." Later in this chapter we shall show 
the importance of the migration of 1760 and '61., 


the Boston Weekly Neivs Letter of June 7, 1750, appears the 
following dispatch from Europe: 

"Franckfort, March 25 

" Printed advertisements have been stuck up and dispersed 
in this city, inviting all, who, with permission of their sovereigns, 
intend to settle in Nova Scotia, to apply as soon as possible to a 
commissary, who is arrived here from Rotterdam to treat with 
them for their passage." 
Underneath this dispatch are printed the following stanzas 

from the Gentleman's Magazine for February, 1750, the reader 
being referred by this magazine to the Weekly Entertainer for 
the whole poem to which they belong : 

To the Tune of King John and the Abbot of Canterbury 

Let's away to New Scotland, where Plenty sits queen 
'er as happy a country as ever was seen ; 
And blesses her subjects, both little and great, 
With each a good house and a pretty estate. 

Derry Down, etc. 

There's wood, and there's water, there's wild fowl and tame; 
In the forest good ven'son, good fish in the stream, 
Good grass for our cattle, good land for our plough, 
Good wheat to be reap'd, and good barley to mow. 

Derry Down, etc. 

No landlords are there the poor tenants to teaze, 
No lawyers to bully, nor stewards to seize: 
But each honest fellow's a landlord, and dares 
To spend on himself the whole fruit of his cares. 

Derry Down, etc. 

They've no duties on candles, no taxes on malt, 
Nor do they, as we do, pay sauce for their salt : 
But all is as free as in those times of old, 
When poets assure us the age was of gold. 

Derry down, etc. 3 

3. For an important notice of the settlement of Halifax, see the Gentleman's 
Magazine for August, 1749. On page 441 of the volume containing this number 
of the magazine a plan of the town is found. 


In the third year after Halifax was founded, the year 1752, a 
census of the town was taken and the population probably ac- 
curately ascertained. 4 In this census the names of families re- 
siding in the various sections of the town, and the outlying dis- 
tricts, are scrupulously given, and almost everywhere we find 
New Englanders in considerable force. The population is stated 
as numbering 906 families, or, with unmarried men, 4,249 souls, 
and while only a critical comparison of the names with those that 
appear in the long lists of people who came from England with 
Cornwallis could make us sure of the exact strength of the New 
England contingent in the town at this date, we see at a glance 
that a large proportion of the names there are New England 

In the "North Suburbs," for example, we find such familiar 
names as Caverly, Cox, Bowden, Brewer, Dwight, Gerrish, Oil- 
man, Harris, Hoar, Ives, Proctor, Rundell, Storer, and Tongue. 
In the "South Suburbs" we find Brooks, Chapman, Child, 
Clarke, Cleveland, Ferguson, Gerrish, Greenfield, Hammond, 
Hardin, Harris, Hurd, Ives, Jackson, Kent, Lamb, Marshall, 
Mason, Monk, Pierce, Pierpont, Poor, Porter, Eigby, Rogers, 
Salter, Shatford, Steele, Taylor, Trefoy, and Wallace. Within 
the Town "we find Cotton, Gerrish, Greenwood, Potter, Saul, 
and Steele. "Within the Pickets" we find Blackden, Codman, 
Fairbanks, Fillis, Fogg, Foye, Green, Lee, Little, Morris, Rons, 
and Scott. 41/2 In a census of the province made a little less than 

4. "A list of the Families of English, Swiss, etc., which have been settled in 
Nova Scotia since the year 1749, and who now are settlers in places hereafter 
mentioned." (Halifax, July, 1752). Nova Scotia Archives, Vol. i, pp. 650-670. 
In this census no account of the people's origins is given, but there must have 
been in the town somewhere between one and two hundred New England families. 
Of the departure of these people from Boston we have not found any record in 
New England Archives. They were not as a rule among the most important 
people of Boston, though some like William Foye were members of families of 
the first standing, but they were industrious and energetic, and a number of them 
rose to great influence in Halifax. They left Boston, it is probable, as single 
families or in small groups. Besides those who had come before the census of 
1752 was taken there were no doubt some who came at later dates. The lists of 
settlers who came from England with Cornwallis in 1749 are given in the Nova 
Scotia Archives, Vol. i, pp. 506-557. 

4 l /2. The German emigrants, 1,450 of whom in May, 1753, were removed by 
the Governor's orders to Lunenburg were almost exclusively settled in the North 
Suburbs. A few straggling families or persons engaged in fishing lived on the 
islands in the harbour, and a few more were settled at "the Block House and the 


fifteen years later, however, under the direction of the lieutenant- 
governor, Michael Francklin, where the population of Halifax 
is given as only 3,022 (a little over twelve hundred less than 
fifteen years before), we find 1,351 persons given as Americans, 
while but 302 are ranked as of English origin. 5 

Writing of the Halifax population at this early period, Dr. 
Thomas B. Akins says: "After the evacuation of Louisburg 
the population received a considerable accession ; a number of 
the English inhabitants came with Governor Hopson, and many 
from New England were daily arriving, and upwards of a 
thousand more from the old provinces had expressed themselves 
[as] desirous of joining the Settlement before winter. The Gov- 
ernor therefore gave orders to all vessels in the Government ser- 
vice to give them a free passage. The New England people soon 
formed the basis of the resident population, and are the ances- 
tors of many of the present inhabitants. They were better set- 
tlers than the old discharged soldiers and sailors who came on 
the fleet ; most of whom died or left the country during the first 
three or four years, leaving, however, the most industrious and 

5. It has been stated in print that in this census of Lieut. Governor Francklin's, 
which bears date January i, 1767, and is of the whole of Nova Scotia, including 
what is now New Brunswick, as well as the islands of Cape Breton and St. 
John (P. E. I.), all people born in America, whatever the origin of their parents 
may have been, are ranked as "Americans." To what extent this is true we cannot 
tell, the part of the population of Halifax that numbers most largely next to 
"Americans" is "Irish," and these people we suppose are chiefly Scotch-Irish who 
came with Alexander McNutt in October, 1761 and November, 1762, from the 
North of Ireland direct. Whether any of their children or the children of the 
first settlers from England are ranked as Americans in this census we do not 
know, but it is quite certain that in Truro, where the whole population (301) is 
given as "Irish," a great many of the people had been born in New Hampshire. 
while some had been born in Truro after the New Hampshire Scotch-Irish 
emigrants came there. The Halifax population in 1767 is distributed according 
to origin as follows: 1,351 Americans, 853 Irish, 302 English, 264 Germans and 
other foreigners, 200 Acadian French, and 52 Scotch. The whole population of 
Nova Scotia, including Cape Breton and St. John islands, is given in this census 
as 13,374. Of these people, 6,913 are given as Americans, 2,165 as Irish, and only 
912 as English. For the Scotch-Irish immigrations to Nova Scotia in 1761 and 
1762, see the writer's monographs on the "Settlement of Colchester County," in 
Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 3rd series, Vol. 6, section 2 (1912) ; 
and "Alexander McNutt the Colonizer," in Americana for December, 1913. 

"In 1752," says Professor Walter C. Murray, LL.D. (History of St. Mathews 
Church, Halifax, in Coll. of the Nova Scotia Hist. Soc., Vol. 16, p. 166. 1912), 
"there were 4,249 persons in Halifax, of which Mr. Breynton [Rector of St. Paul's] 
estimates one half as members of the Church of England. In 1755, the number of 
inhabitants had fallen to one half. The census of 1767 gave Halifax 3,022 persons, 
of whom 667 were Roman Catholics. In 1769 the number was much reduced, and 
in 1791 the population of the town was 4,897. The exodus during Revolutionary 
times made serious inroads on the Dissenting Congregation." 


respectable among them as permanent settlers." 6 Of the two 
elements in the population, Dr. David Allison writes in the same 
vein: "While Cornwallis's transports brought over a limited 
number of persons of means, energy, and character, the great 
bulk of their passengers were just such people as a rosy-colored 
advertisement in the London Gazette would be likely to attract 
in a time of great business dulness. They were in no proper 
sense of the term settlers. As 'birds of passage' they did not 
purpose to continue long in one place. A large proportion 
were men without families. Over five hundred had been man- 
of-war sailors. They were in great part the very kind of per- 
sons to whom the novelty of such an enterprise would be attrac- 
tive and its practical hardships distasteful. So long as rations 
were the order of the day they remained. When these were sus- 
pended and men were expected to work for a living, the place 
knew most of them no more. ' ' But of the small group of * ' in- 
fluential" New England families that accompanied or closely 
followed the departing troops from Louisburg and the much 
larger group that soon after came from Boston, he says, the 
persons who composed this element of the population in a short 
time ' l drew into their hands a large part of the business of the 
place, and filled many of the most important positions in the 
Colony." 7 

To these testimonies of older writers to the strength of the 
New England element in the early Halifax population, Pro- 
fessor Walter C. Murray adds his voice. Akins, he writes, says 
that " 'the New England people soon formed the basis of the 
resident population,' and Tutty in 1750 nearly doubles his esti- 
mate of the population given the preceding year. The increase 
is due to the influx of New Englanders. . . . It is perhaps 
unnecessary to say but little more in support of the opinion that 

6. Dr. Thomas Beamish Akins's "Prize Essay on the History of the Settlement 
of Halifax," enlarged and published as the "History of Halifax City," in the 8th 
volume of the "Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society" (1895), p. 16. 
Dr. Akins says further that many of the adventurers who came with Cornwallis 
''caused him and his successors much trouble and annoyance, in demoralizing the 
people by the illicit sale of bad liquors, and in other ways." 

7. "The Settlement of the Early Townships, Illustrated by an Old Census," 
by David Allison, LL.D., in "Collectio"hs of the Nova Scotia Historical Society," 
Vol. 7 (1889-1891), pp. 45-71. See chiefly pp. 59, 60. 


the main current of life in Halifax in the early days was New 
England in origin." 

Of the English settlers with Cornwallis in 1749, a few from 
the start held prominent places in the official or social life of the 
town, but these for the most part were persons who were in 
close touch with the Governor, some of them indeed having come 
out as members of his suite. Such men, as we can see by follow- 
ing the subsequent history of the town, were Richard Bulkeley, 
John Collier, John Creighton, John Duport, Archibald Hinchel- 
wood, William Nesbitt, and Lewis Piers. 8 Of New England men 
on the other hand, we find many who on account of business en- 
ergy or military prestige or breeding and education almost im- 
mediately came to rank as among the first citizens of the town. 
Among these New Englanders of high standing may be men- 
tioned Jonathan Binney, Samuel Blackden or Blagdon, Judge 
James Brenton (from Newport, Rhode Island), Rev. Aaron 
Cleveland and his brothers, Josiah and Samuel, Preserved Cun- 
nabell, Joseph Fairbanks, John Fillis, William Foye (a Harvard 
graduate, son of the Receiver General of Massachusetts who im- 
mediately preceded Harrison Gray), the brothers, Joseph and 
Benjamin Gerrish, both members of the Council, John and Jo- 
seph Gorham, Joseph Gray, Hon. Benjamin Green, Edward 
How, Jacob Hurd, William Lawlor, William Lawson, Otis Lit- 
tle, James Monk, Hon. Charles Morris, Hon. Henry Newton 
(whose father, however, had long lived at Annapolis Royal), 
Jonathan Prescott, John Rous, Malachy Salter, and Robert San- 

If distinct proof were needed of the preponderating influence 

8. Brief sketches of some of these men, as well as of the English settlers 
who occupied prominent places in early Halifax, will be found given in valuable 
notes by Dr. Akins in the first volume of Nova Scotia Archives, which he edited. 
Of Englishmen, Dr. Akins discusses, for example, Captain Edward Amhurst, 
Richard Bulkeley (whose escutcheon hangs in St. Paul's Church, Halifax), John 
Collier, Captain William Cotterell (the first provost marshal of Halifax), John 
Creighton, Hugh Davidson, John Duport, Archibald Hinchelwood, William Nesbitt, 
and John Salusbury. Richard Bulkeley came out as aide-de-camp to Governor 
Cornwallis, and from about 1759 to 1793 filled the office of Secretary of the 
Province. John Collier, a retired army officer, became one of the earliest justices 
of the peace, a captain in the militia, and finally a member of the Council. Still 
other men of this English migration were William Best. John Burbidge, and 
John Pyke. Thomas Cochran, who became a member of Council, came from the 
North of Ireland with McNutt, the Tobins and Kennys were Roman Catholic 
Irishmen, who came later from Ireland. 


of New England men in the early life of Halifax we should find 
it sufficiently in the constitution of the first Representative As- 
sembly of Nova Scotia, which was brought into being largely 
through the determined efforts of Chief Justice Belcher. In 
this first Assembly there were nineteen members elected by the 
people, six of whom technically ranked as esquires, thirteen as 
gentlemen. Of the six esquires we find five to have been New 
England men, Joseph Gerrish, Robert Sanderson (who was 
chosen Speaker), Henry Newton, William Foye, and Joseph 
Rundell. Of the thirteen ranked as gentlemen, we find at least 
six to have been from New England, Jonathan Binney, Rob- 
ert Campbell, William Pantree, Joseph Fairbanks, Philip Ham- 
mond, and John Fillis. Of the remaining eight members, six 
seem to have been Englishmen, and two Germans from among 
the Continental settlers who were temporarily or permanently 
settled in the North Suburbs of the town. In the second assem- 
bly, which met for the first time in December, 1759, we find of 
New England men, Henry Newton, Jonathan Binney, Malachy 
Salter, Benjamin Gerrish, Capt. Charles Proctor, Col. Jonathan 
Hoar, John Newton, Capt. Simon Slocomb, Col. Joseph Fry, 
and John Huston. 9 

Before passing on to the second large migration to Nova 
Scotia from the earlier settled American colonies to the west and 
south, we may properly say a little more about some of these 
New England men and their families who largely controlled the 
early destinies of Halifax. 

JONATHAN BINNEY, originally of Hull, Massachusetts, before 
coming to Halifax had been a merchant and ship-owner in Bos- 

9. Professor Murray ("History of St. Matthew's Church, Halifax") goes on 
to say: "The Governor in 1758 unconsciously paid a tribute to the power of the 
New England element when he says that 'too many members of the Assembly are 
such as have not been the most remarkable for promoting unity or obedience to 
His Majesty's Government here, or indeed that have the most natural attachment 
to this Province.' Lt. Col. Morse in 1783 estimated the number of old inhabitants 
(exclusive of disbanded soldiers and Loyalists) to be about 14,000 out of a total 
of 40,000, and he added 'it may not be improper to observe that a great part of the 
old inhabitants, especially the wealthy ones, are from New England, and that 
they discovered during the late war the same sentiments which prevailed in that 
country. I think it necessary to add that the Legislature is principally composed of 
these men and that some of the higher public offices are at present filled with the 
most notorious of these characters." (Coll. of the Nova Scotia Hist. Soc., Vol. 
16, pp. 148, 149. 


First Chief Justice of Nova Scotia. Born in Boston in 1710. Died in Halifax in 
Portrait by John Singleton Copley. Photograph loaned by 
Hon. Sir Charles Townshend, Kt. 



ton, where his first wife, Martha Hall, had died. An uncle of 
his, Dr. Joseph Binney, had been a surgeon at the capture of 
Louisburg, and in the siege or not long after had died at that 
place. The nephew had not, so far as we know, served in the 
siege, but it is possible that his uncle's service and death at Cape 
Breton had aroused his interest in this eastern province. At 
any rate, in 1753 he left Boston and came to Halifax, and here 
he married secondly, in 1759, Hannah Adams Newton, daughter 
of Hibbert Newton, and sister of Henry Newton, and so founded 
the Halifax Binney family, from which came the fourth Anglican 
Bishop of Nova Scotia, and other locally important men. 

AARON CLEVELAND was the first Congregational minister of 
Nova Scotia, and he and William Foye, both of the class of 1735, 
and Otis Little, were the first Harvard graduates to settle in 
Halifax. The presence of so many Bostonians in the town at 
the start drew a Congregational church together almost as soon 
as an Anglican parish, and of this church Aaron Cleveland, who 
had come with his brothers Josiah and Samuel in 1749, became 
the first minister. Cleveland was "a man of distinction and a 
scholar," he staid in Halifax only three years, then he went 
to England and took orders in the Anglican Church. "On his 
way out the vessel sprang a leak. His heroic endeavors to help 
save the leaking ship injured his health. After a short time in 
mission charges he died at the house of his friend Benjamin 
Franklin, in Philadelphia. ' no The Rev. Mr. Cleveland 's brother, 
Captain Samuel Cleveland, met a violent death at the hands of 
Indians in May, 1753. 

LIEUTENANT JOSEPH FAIRBANKS saw service at the first siege 
of Louisburg, and in 1752 we find him settled in Halifax with a 
family (and servants) consisting of ten persons. He was born 
in Sherborn, Massachusetts, September seventeenth, 1718, and 
his second wife was Lydia Blackden, sister of the second wife of 

10. "The History of St. Matthew's Church. Halifax," by Professor Waller 
C. Murray, M. A., LL.D., in Coll. of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, Vol. 16, 
pp. 168, 169. For a very valuable sketch of Rev. Aaron Cleveland, in which the 
facts of his brother Samuel's death are also given, see the New England Historical 
and Genealogical Register for January, 1888. The sketch is by Benjamin Rand, 
M. A., Ph.D., of Harvard University. It is published also as a reprint. Rev. 
Aaron Cleveland was great-grandfather of the late Hon. Grover Cleveland, 
President of the United States. 


Dr. Jonathan Prescott, surgeon and captain of Engineers at 
Louisburg, who founded the Prescott family, so distinguished 
in Halifax County and in King's. 

Joseph Fairbanks left no children by either of his wives. The 
well-known and much respected Fairbanks family of Halifax 
was founded here by Rufus Fairbanks, his nephew, who was 
born at Killingly, Connecticut (where his father was a Con- 
gregational clergyman), October twentieth, 1759, and graduated 
at Dartmouth College in 1784. Rufus Fairbanks married No- 
vember seventeenth, 1785, Ann Prescott, daughter of Dr. Jona- 
than Prescott, and inheriting his uncle Joseph's property was 
one of early Halifax's comparatively wealthy men. His son, 
Hon. Charles Rufus Fairbanks, one of the ablest lawyers Nova 
Scotia has produced, in 1832 was appointed Solicitor General, 
and in 1834 Judge of Vice Admiralty and Master of the Rolls. 

JOHN FILLIS had been in some kind of mercantile business in 
Boston, where he was born, and at the founding of Hali- 
fax he also with his family removed to Nova Scotia. In the new 
maritime-provincial town he became a highly prosperous mer- 
chant and ship-owner, and among the Congregational families 
of Halifax at least his family occupied a foremost place. He 
married first, in Boston in 1747, Elizabeth Stoddard, second, in 
Halifax, not long after his settlement there, another Boston 
woman, Sarah, widow of Samuel Cleveland, whose first husband 
was one of the earliest emigrants from Boston to die. For many 
years John Fillis with his son John was engaged in a general 
mercantile business in Halifax, and he owned a wharf and no 
doubt vessels in which he traded with Boston. It would seem 
that for some years until the Revolution he may have had a 
branch business or agency in Boston, for his son, who married 
Louisa, daughter of Byfield Lyde, was stationed in Boston when 
the Revolution began. In 1775 some hay belonging to Mr. 
Joseph Fairbanks that was intended for the British troops in 
Boston was burned before it could be shipped, and Messrs. 
John Fillis, Sr., and another New Englander, Mr. William 
Smith, were popularly accused of having been the secret agents 
in its destruction. On the sixteenth of June of this year Fillis 
and Smith made formal complaint to the Assembly that they had 


been maligned in the accusations, and being unable to detect 
their "vile traducers," begged relief from the House. In a 
formal resolve of the Assembly both men were completely ex- 
onerated of the charge, the government decla'ring that it be- 
lieved the accused persons to be "dutiful and loyal subjects of 
His Majesty King George." 11 Fillis died in Halifax on the six- 
teenth of July, 1792. 

WILLIAM FOYE was a son of William F'oye, Esq., who was 
Treasurer and Receiver General of the province of Massachu- 
setts Bay from 1736 to 1759, and grandson of Joseph Foye, 
mariner. His mother was Elizabeth Campbell and he had two 
sisters, one of whom, Mary, was married as his second wife to 
Rev. William Cooper of Boston. William Foye was born No- 
vember 1, 1716, graduated at Harvard College in 1735, and came 
to Halifax in 1749. Almost immediately after coming there he 
was appointed by Colonel Cornwallis provost marshal or sheriff 
of the province. Of his family, if he had any, we at present 
know nothing. He died at Halifax in 1771, for in the Boston 
Evening Post of September 23, 1771, we find : 

"Died at Halifax, William Foye, Esq., aged 55, son of the late 
Treasurer. He was Provost Marshal of that Province 22 years 
and Lieutenant Colonel of the City of Halifax." 12 By his fath- 
er's will, which was made in Milton, Massachusetts, March 17, 
1759, and proved April 10, of the same year, he inherited valua- 
ble properties in Boston. As we have said, William F'oye and 
Aaron Cleveland, both of the class of 1735, and Otis Little of the 
class of 1731, were the earliest Harvard graduates to settle in 
Nova Scotia. 

JOSEPH GEERISH Among pre-Revolutionary families in and 
about Boston, as further east in the colonies of New Hampshire 
and Maine, few families were better known or socially more in- 
fluential than the Gerrish family, who were intermarried with 
the Sewalls, Waldrons, and Greens. An important member of 

11. Murdoch's "History of Nova Scotia," Vol. 2, p. 539; and the Nova Scotia 
Gazette of June 20, 1775. 

12. See N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, Vol. 19, pp. 207, 8. The elder William 
Foye's estate seems to have been very large and he must have been known as an 
extremely rich man. He left a house in Mackerel Lane, Boston, a house in Han- 
over Street, Boston, whei* he had lately lived, and a "mansion house" in Milton. 
He left also several slaves 


the family was Captain John Gerrish, of Boston, one of the 
owners of Long Wharf, a merchant of note, and a captain in 
the Ancient and Honorable Artillery. With a large number of 
daughters he had two sons, the elder of whom, Joseph, after his 
father's death, seems to have closed the Boston business, in 
which he had a share, and when the call for volunteers for Lou- 
isburg came, joined the Third Massachusetts Regiment and went 
to Cape Breton. After the capture he remained in military ser- 
vice in Nova Scotia, and in the winter of 1746-7 was in command 
at Minas, where he received a severe wound. Before 1759 he 
was appointed Naval Storekeeper at Halifax, with a salary of 
a hundred pounds a year, and on August sixteenth, 1758, was 
made a member of the Council, in which position he remained 
till his death. 

BENJAMIN GERRISH, younger brother of Joseph, also settled in 
Halifax, sometime before 1752. He married in Boston in April, 
1744, Rebecca Dudley, a daughter of the Hon. William Dudley, 
granddaughter of Governor Joseph Dudley, and great grand- 
daughter of Governor Thomas Dudley; and in Halifax founded 
the important shipping firm of "Gerrish and Gray." Benjamin 
Gerrish, like his brother Joseph, was admitted to the Council 
and was a member of that body when he died. His death oc- 
curred at Southampton, England, May sixth, 1772, and after he 
died his widow was married to John Burbidge, Esq., of Corn- 
wallis, another member of the First Assembly, who had come out 
with Governor Cornwallis, from the Isle of Wight. 

COLONEL JOHN GORHAM, eldest son of Colonel Shubael Gor- 
ham of Barnstable, Massachusetts, was born at Barnstable De- 
cember twelfth, 1709, and married March ninth, 1732, Elizabeth 
Allyn, daughter of James and Susannah (Lewis) Allyn. He 
lived at Barnstable until 1742, when he entered on military ser- 
vice. In 1744 we find him in command of a company of militia 
troops at Annapolis Royal, and the next year, in Boston, raising 
a company for the expedition against Louisburg. His father 
was colonel of the Seventh Massachusetts regiment, and as cap- 
tain of the Second Company of that regiment he took part in the 
Louisburg siege. Shortly after the siege he was promoted to 
a lieutenant-colonelcy, and on the death of his father was made 


full colonel of the Seventh. When Louisburg was taken he re- 
turned to Annapolis Eoyal in chief command of the troops sta- 
tioned there. When civil government for Nova Scotia was es-<X 
tablished. Governor Cornwallis gave him a place on his new />* 
Council, but he must have died late in 1751 or early in 1752. His A 
widow soon after married Captain John Stevens and removed & 
to Gloucester, Massachusetts. 13 

MAJOR GENERAL JOSEPH GORHAM, brother of Colonel John, 
was born at Barnstable, May twenty-ninth, 1725, and was prob- 
ably a lieutenant at Louisburg. In 1749 he was lieutenant in 
the "Bangers" sent from New England to Nova Scotia, and this 
position he still held in 1758 and 1759. In 1761 the Rangers 
were established as regular troops, and in 1770, as an officer of 
the British anny he was commissioned Lieu tenant-Governor of 
Placentia in Newfoundland in place of L-t.-Col. Otho Hamilton. 
In 1766 he also was admitted to the Nova Scotia Council, and on 
the twenty-eight of April, 1790, was made major-general in the 
army. He married at Halifax December thirtieth, 1764, Anne 
Spry, sister of William Spry, judge of the newly established 
Court of Admirality at Halifax, an Englishman, who with his 
two sisters had come to Halifax about three months before. 
At the time of his marriage he owned a house in Halifax and a 
place which he called ' ' Gorham Hall, ' ' near the town of Lunen- 
burg. Both he and his brother received grants of land in the 
province. His governorship of Placentia did not require his 
continued residence in Newfoundland and he still lived mostly in 
Halifax, where in his house on Sundays the Eev. Thomas Wood, 
curate of St. Paul's Church, frequently instructed the Micmac 
Indians, in their own tongue. He died at Halifax probably in 
1790, or soon after that year. Of his children, Joseph William, 
born September twenty-fifth, 1765, and Amherst, born in Sep- 

13. In Parsons's "Life of Sir William Pepperrell," (p. 240), we find a letter 
from Col. John Gorham to Pepperrell, dated Halifax, July 5, 1751, describing the 
important part Gorham took in the Louisburg siege. The Boston News-Letter 
of June 28, 1750, has an account of a wound Col. Gorham had received at Pisiquid, 
Nova Scotia, in a skirmish with the French shortly before. Gorham lay for some 
time in "the first house in Pisiquid," then he was taken by water round the shore 
to Halifax. 

A memoir of Major Joseph Gorham will be found in the "Collections of the 
Nova Scotia Historical Society," Vol. 2, (1879-1880), pp. 26, 27. He sailed from 
New York, June 30, 1762, for the capture of Havana. 


tember, 1766, were in the British army. He had also a daughter, 
Charlotte Spry, who was married twice. 

BENJAMIN GREEN One of the first members of the Council 
appointed by Governor Cornwallis was Benjamin Green, a son 
of the Rev. Joseph Green, minister of the Congregational Church 
at Salem Village, now Danvers, Massachusetts. Before 1745, 
Mr. Green was for some years in business in Boston, but when 
the expedition against Louisburg was organized he was given 
the position of secretary with military rank to Sir William Pep- 
perrell. After the capture of Louisburg he remained at the place 
in some public position or other until 1749, when like so many 
other New Englanders there he removed to Halifax. In 1757 he 
was appointed military secretary to the commander-in-chief of 
the forces, Governor Charles Lawrence, and also colonel in the 
militia. His wife was Margaret Pierce of Portsmouth, New 
Hampshire, and she bore him seven children, two or three of 
whom intermarried with the family of Hon. Henry Newton. Hon 
Benjamin Green was a second cousin of Hon. Joseph and Hon. 
Benjamin Gerrish, both like him, as we have seen, members of 
the Nova Scotia Council. 

Daniel and Sarah (Jones) Hoar, and was born at Concord, Mass- 
achusetts, where his family always lived, January 6, 1707. He is 
recorded as having graduated at Harvard in 1740, although 
thirty-three years is a very unusual age for men to reach before 
leaving college. We are puzzled likewise with other facts in his 
record. In 1755 he went as a major to Fort Edward (Windsor), 
Nova Scotia, probably in connexion with the expulsion of the Aca- 
dians. It may be also that a little earlier he assisted in the capture 
of Fort Beausejour. The next year (as lieutenant-colonel) he 
went with Major General Winslow to Crown Point, and in 1758 
he was at the second capture of Louisburg. In 1759, having re- 
ceived a grant of land at Annapolis, he was elected to the legisla- 
ture for that township, his election from this constituency being 
repeated in 1765. In the Massachusetts Archives we find records 
of military service performed by him in 1762 and 1763, his resi- 
dence then being given as Concord, Massachusetts. But in 1762, 


Born in Boston in 1727. Died in Halifax, October 9, 1771. From a 

painting by Copley. Reproduced from a photograph loaned by 

the Nova Scotia Historical Society 


the History of Annapolis tells us, he was a judge there of the 
court of common pleas, and active in organizing the militia. In 
1767, also, the same History says, he was appointed judge of 
probate at Annapolis. In 1771, we learn from Bond's History of 
Watertown, where many other facts concerning him are given, 
he was in England, whence, having been appointed ' ' governor of 
Newfoundland," he sailed for that island. On the way thither, 
this record says, he died. The estate he owned at Annapolis was 
sold in 1782. 14 

JACOB HUED, member of a useful and more or less influential 
family in Boston, received a water lot in Halifax on the twen- 
tieth of July, 1752. For many years he was a prosperous mem- 
ber of the Halifax trading community and a little street there 
known as Kurd's Lane commemorates his name. He married in 
Boston on the twentieth of May, 1725, Elizabeth Mason, and on 
the register of the New South Church the baptisms of no less 
than fourteen children born to him and his wife in Boston are 
to be found. How many of these lived and how many accom- 
panied him to Halifax we do not know. His son Nathaniel, how- 
ever, a well known engraver, whose portrait was painted by 
Copley, spent his life and died in his and his parents' native 
town. 15 

THOMAS LAWLOR and his wife, Susanna, who were connected 
with the New Brick Church in Boston, do not seem to have been 
especially noted in the Boston community, but their descendants, 
if not themselves, came to have considerable prominence in Hal- 
ifax, where they removed, although it would seem not earlier than 
1757. In Boston they had five children baptized, the second of 
whom, William, became an important officer of the Halifax mi- 

14. Lt.-Col. Otho Hamilton, governor of Placentia, in Newfoundland, died 
in Ireland, February 26, 1770, and very soon after Major Joseph Gorliam, of whom 
we have given a brief sketch, was appointed his successor. It is probable that 
Lt.-Col. Jonathan Hoar was appointed immediately after Lt.-Col. Hamilton's death, 
and that as the record says, he died before assuming the duties of the office. See 
Bond's "Genealogies and History of Watertown," p. 298; A r . E. Plist. and Gen. 
Register, Vol. 53, p. 197; and "History of Annapolis," pp. 323-326. 

15. Nathaniel Hurd, born in 1730, died in Boston in 1777- He was one of 
the earliest important engravers in America, and he also painted a few minatures 
on copper. "He engraved the seal of Harvard College, and the seals for most of 
the thirteen original colonies." His portrait by Copley, which went to Halifax 
after his death and remained there for about a hundred years, was probably 
painted about 1770. At the present time it is owned in the United States. 


litia. Their elder daughter, Susanna, became in Halifax, first 
the wife of William Read or E-eid, then third wife of the eminent 
Loyalist Angelican clergyman, the younger Dr. Mather Byles. 
A grandson of William Lawlor was the famous Haligonian, Ad- 
miral Sir Provo William Parry Wallis, who when he was only 
twenty-two years old took command of the British frigate Shan- 
non after her victory over the Chesapeake, and brought both ves- 
sels into Halifax harbour, in 1813. 16 Admiral W T allis who lived 
a little more than a full centuiy was for many years known in 
British circles as ' ' Father of the Fleet. He died in England in 
February, 1892. 

WILLIAM LAWSON, son of John and Sarah Lawson of Boston, 
born March 27, 1720, with his wife Elizabeth, whom he married 
in 1743, and several children, came to Halifax in or soon after 
1749. The family he founded in Halifax, during the whole of the 
nineteenth century enjoyed much social prominence. There were 
of course continual intermarriages among these Halifax families 
of Boston origin. 

OTIS LITTLE, of Marshfield, Massachusetts, born January 29, 
1711, was graduated at Harvard in 1731, and then studied law. 
We find no record in the Massachusetts Archives of military ser- 
vice performed by him, but Dr. Akins says he was "Captain of 
one of the Independent Companies raised in New England for 
Colonial service. ' ' In 1748 in London and in 1749 in Boston he 
published an octavo pamphlet entitled "The State of Trade in 
the Northern Colonies considered; with an Account of their 
Produce, and a particular description of Nova Scotia," extracts 
from which are given in the New England Historical and Genea- 
logical Register, volume 9, pages 105, 106. When the Comwallis 
enterprise was set on foot he was in England, and joining it he 
came out in the Channing frigate, and in the new town acted for 
a little while as ' l commissary of stores. ' ' From this office Corn- 
wallis removed him, but in 1753 we find him "the King's attor- 
ney" or attorney-general of the province. He died, we believe 
some time before 1758. Of his family we know nothing except 

16. Admiral Wallis's mother was Elizabeth Lawlor and his father Provo 
Featherstone Wallis of the Halifax Dockyard. His grandfather, William Lawlor, 
was major of the First Battalion of the Halifax Regiment. For Admiral Wallis 
see the Dictionary of National Biography. 


that he had, as it is reported, a daughter who died, we suppose 
in Halifax, unmarried. Mr. Little, Rev. Aaron Cleveland, and 
William Foye, were the first Harvard graduates to reside in Hali- 

n . 1! *S4 

tax. I :f;*g 

JAMES MONK Before coming to Halifax, James Monk seems to 
have been a merchant in Boston, where he had lived for some 
years, but before long in Halifax he seems to have practised and 
had good standing as a lawyer. 17 In 1752 he was named as a 
judge of the Court of Common Pleas, and in 1760 " King's Solici- 
tor." His wife was Ann Deering, a sister of Mrs. Samuel Went- 
worth (mother of Lady Frances Wentworth) and Mrs. Nathaniel 
Ray Thomas, and of his children, born in Boston, and most of 
them, at least, baptized at King's Chapel, James was appointed 
Solicitor General at Halifax in 1774, and George Henry in 1801 
was raised to the Nova Scotia Supreme Bench. In 1777, prob- 
ably, James Monk, Jr., went to the province of Quebec, and in 
that part of what is now the Dominion of Canada in time became 
Chief Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench. After he retired 
from the Bench he was knighted. He died in England in 1826. 
Judge George Henry Monk was long a resident of Windsor, 
Nova Scotia, where his relatives the Nathaniel Ray Thomases 
lived. Late in his life he went to Montreal, and in that city died 
in 1823. 18 

CHARLES MORRIS No man in the early history of Halifax save 
the governors filled higher positions, or had a more active career, 
than Charles Morris, who was born in Boston in 1711. Morris 
was captain of one of the six companies sent by Governor Shirley 
to Annapolis Royal to protect that place against recapture by 
the French in October, 1746. The following December he was 
sent to Minas, in King's County, to guard the settlement there 
during the winter, and the next month he helped repel the attack 
made by French and Indians on the place, in which Lieutenant 
Colonel Arthur Noble and his brother Francis, from Maine, lost 

17. Whether James Monk was nearly related to George Monk, of Boston, a 
well known resident and inn keeper there for many years we have not been able 
to make out. 

18. Judge George Henry Monk's descendants were for many years in the 
igth century very conspicuous in political life in the Province of Quebec. Sir 
James Monk died childless. 


their lives. When Halifax was founded, Morris, who had been 
trained as a surveyor, was employed by Governor Cornwallis 
as one of two men to plan and lay out the town. After this he 
became Surveyor General for the province, was made a judge of 
the Superior Court of Common Pleas, although he was not a 
lawyer rose to a judgeship of the Supreme Court, became a mem- 
ber of the Council, and after Chief Justice Belcher died, for two 
years acted as Chief Justice. His wife was a daughter of At- 
torney General John Read of Boston, and his eldest son Charles, 
who also became a member of the Council and a judge of the 
Supreme Court, was his successor in the Surveyor-Generalship. 
The office thus filled by two generations of the Morris family 
became indeed hereditary in the family, it did not pass from 
Morris hands until two generations more of the family had dis- 
charged its functions and enjoyed its emoluments. The Sur- 
veyor General in the third generation was Charles Morris, 3d, 
his successor was his son John Spry Morris. 19 

HENBY NEWTON was one of the three sons of Hibbert Newton, 
Esq., only son of Judge Thomas Newton of Boston, to whom a 
tablet was placed on the walls of King's Chapel in 1853. The 
inscription on the tablet describes Thomas Newton as one of 
the original founders of King's Chapel parish, a member of its 
first Vestry in 1699, and a Warden in 1704. "He was many 
years," it says, "one of the principal lawyers in the Province 
[of Massachusetts] and filled various places of honour and trust 
here, and at the time of his death was Attorney-General, Comp- 
troller of the Customs, and had been a Judge of the Admiralty 
Court. He was a gentleman of exalted virtues, and greatly be- 
loved and respected, both in this country and in England, where 
he was born and educated." Hibbert Newton, early settled at 
Annapolis Royal, and there and at Canso served as Collector of 
Customs long before Governor Cornwallis came. Henry New- 
ton, son of Hibbert, was the first Collector of Customs at Hali- 

19. See the writer's sketch of Hon. Charles Morris, ist, in the New England 
Historical and Genealogical Register for July, 1913. This sketch is the first of a 
series of sketches of "eminent Nova Scotians of New England birth." The second, 
a sketch of Hibbert Newton, will be found in the Register for January, 1914. The 
writer has also published in the Register genealogical sketches of the Gerrish, 
DeBlois, and Byles families. 


fax, and this important office he filled honorably for fifty years. 
On October 24, 1761, during Chief Justice Belcher's administra- 
tion of the Government, he was appointed to the Council, and in 
February, 1790, he became President of this body. He died at 
Halifax, January 29, 1802, aged seventy, and a tablet to his 
memory was later placed on the walls of St. Paul 's Church. His 
first wife was Charlotte, daughter of Hon. Benjamin Green, and 
his second, Anne Stuart, only sister of Gilbert Stuart the painter, 
whose father had settled on his grant at Newport, Hants County, 
in 1775. After her husband's death Mrs. Newton opened a 
school for young ladies in Medford, Massachusetts. The New- 
ton family in Halifax were intermarried with the Binneys and 

DR. JONATHAN PRESCOTT. The surgeon-general of Massachu- 
setts troops at Louisburg was Dr. Edward Ellis of Boston, an as- 
sistant surgeon (and captain of Engineers) was Dr. Jonathan 
Prescott, who was born at Littleton, Massachusetts, May 24, 
1725. Dr. Ellis settled in Hants County, although not until 1760, 
Dr. Prescott came to Halifax probably in 1749. Receiving im- 
portant grants of land in Lunenburg County Prescott settled at 
Chester and conducted a prosperous business there, but he had 
always a close and intimate connexion with Halifax. He died at 
Chester January 11, 1802. He married, first, Mary Vassall, a 
daughter of William Vassall, Esq., of Cambridge and Boston. 
Mrs. Prescott died in 1757, and he married, secondly, Ann Black- 
den, born in London, England, March 21, 1742, died in Halifax 
in February, 1810. The family Dr. Prescott founded in Nova 
Scotia had much social distinction throughout the province. An 
important sketch of it will be found in Eaton's History of Kings 
County, pp. 783-785. 

CAPTAIN JOHN Eous or ROUSE may have been born at Marsh- 
field, Massachusetts, but of what Massachusetts town he was a 
native we are not sure. The chief biographical sketch of him 
that has yet come into print will be found in John Charnock's 
"Biographia Navalis" (vol. 5, pp. 412-414). In that sketch he is 
said to have probably early become a lieutenant in the navy, but 
the important beginning of his career is placed at the first siege 
of Louisburg, in 1745. At the siege he so distinguished himself 


as to attract the attention of Sir Peter Warren, who commanded 
the sea force in the attack. Before this attack on the Cape Bre- 
ton fort he had been master of a Boston privateer, which after 
the capture became the Shirley galley. Of the Shirley he now 
became captain, and this position he retained when the vessel 
was hired to be a ship of war * ' on the sloop establishment, ' ' and 
later when she was put on the higher plane of post ship or fri- 
gate. In 1749, as captain of the Albany and in England, he 
sailed with the Cornwallis fleet, but in 1755 he commanded an- 
other ship, the Success. In the last ship he was at Beausejour, 
and then at Annapolis Eoyal, at the expulsion of the Acadians 
from that place, in 1755. At the second siege of Louisburg, in 
1758, he commanded a fourth ship, the Sutherland, but he died 
at Portsmouth (probably England) April 3, 1760. October 1, 
1754, he was made a member of the Council at Halifax. Of his 
family we know nothing except that a daughter of his, Mary 
Rous, became the first wife of Hon. Richard Bulkeley. Mrs. 
Bulkeley, who died in June, 1775, bore a son Freke Bulkeley, 
who succeeded his father as the second secretary of the province. 
MALACHY SALTER, JR., of Boston, son of Malachy Salter and his 
wife Sarah Holmes, was born February twenty-eighth, 1714, and 
married July twenty-sixth, 1744, Susanna Mulberry (both fam- 
ilies belonging to the Old South Church). As we have said in a 
previous chapter he was probably the most conspicuous Boston 
trader on Nova Scotia shores before Cornwallis came. How early 
he moved his family to Halifax we do not know, but he and they 
soon became their important people in the town. Salter was 
one of the most active and apparently prosperous merchants in 
early Halifax and he and Robert Sanderson owned at least one 
vessel together. This was the armed schooner Lawrence, which 
sailed from Halifax November sixteenth, 1756, ' * on a six months 
cruise to the southward against the enemy." Salter had a 
number of children, and his family were always prominent in the 
Halifax Congregational Church. At one time the various Con- 
gregational churches of Nova Scotia received aid from their 
sister churches in Massachusetts, and the distribution of the 
money raised for their help was given into Mr. Salter 's hands. 
It is probable that in the early history of Mather's, later St. 


Matthew's Church, Salter and Fillis were the two most important 
men. Salter 's house stood at the corner of the present Hollis 
and Salter streets. It was afterward for a long time occupied 
by William Lawson, then it passed into the hands of John Esson. 

ROBERT SANDERSON The first Speaker of the Assembly, as we 
have seen, was Robert Sanderson. Like so many other Bos- 
tonians in Halifax he was a general merchant and ship-owner. 
He was without doubt a grandson of the Robert Sanderson, sil- 
versmith, of Boston, a deacon of the First Church, who with John 
Hull was given charge of the first coinage of shillings, sixpences, 
and threepences in Massachusetts, in 1652 

A Boston woman of the widest social influence in Halifax and 
Windsor, from the time of her marriage to her death, was Mrs. 
Michael Francklin. The husband of this lady was a highly suc- 
cessful merchant of Halifax, who began life there in 1752. He 
was a Devonshire man, who came out from England in the ship 
Norfolk late in the year mentioned, having previously, we are 
told, had some business experience in London, and in the begin- 
ning he sold liquor at retail in Halifax. His education and breed- 
ing, however, were evidently such as to commend him at once 
to the people of best culture in the town, and very soon he 
widened his business and rose to great local prominence. Ten 
years after he landed in Halifax he married in Boston (February 
7, 1762) Susannah Boutineau, a daughter of Mr. James Bou- 
tineau, attorney, and his wife Susannah Faneuil, sister of Peter 
Faneuil, the princely Boston merchant who built Faneuil Hall. 
In the public affairs of Nova Scotia no citizen of Halifax in the 
eighteenth century was more active, and in the local government 
none had a higher place than he. March 28, 1766, he was com- 
missioned lieutenant governor of the province, and this position 
he held until 1776. The chief home of the Francklins was at 
Windsor, where they had a fine farm, but they naturally spent 
much time in Halifax. They reared a large family, who married 
well, some of them living in Nova Scotia, some abroad. One or 
two of their sons, notably James Boutineau Francklin, occupied 
prominent public positions in the province. Both in Windsor 
and in Halifax Mr. and Mrs. Francklin were staunch supporters 
of the Anglican Church. 


At the time of the Revolution, Mrs. Francklin's parents, Mr. 
and Mrs. James Boutineau, her aunt, Mary Ann Faneuil, who 
was then the widow of Edward Jones, and her cousins, Peter and 
Benjamin Faneuil, were all Loyalists. Mr. and Mrs. Boutineau 
went, possibly via Halifax, to Bristol, England, where we believe 
they remained until Mr. Boutineau 's death, which occurred some 
time before February 20, 1784. For a while after the evacua- 
tion of Boston, Mrs. Edward Jones resided (we suppose with the 
Francklin's) in Halifax and Windsor. The rich Peter Faneuil 
of Boston died intestate in 1743, and no doubt Mrs. Francklin 
with the rest of his nieces and nephews shared in his large 
wealth. Mrs. Francklin died at Windsor, April 19, 1816, in her 
seventy-sixth year. The date of her birth is given in the Bos- 
ton Town Records as February 22, 1740. 20 

Of the settlement of Dartmouth, on the east side of Halifax 
harbour, the most important suburb of the capital town, a few 
words should here be said. A history of Dartmouth, written by 
Mrs. William Lawson, was published (after the writer's death) 
in 1893. From this history we learn that the " township" was 
not settled until 1786-87, when the vacant lands there were 
granted to a small company of Nantucket whalers, bearing such 
familiar names as Coleman, Folger, Starbuck, etc., all of them 
Quakers in religion, and all expecting to make Dartmouth a basis 
for the industry to which they had been accustomed in their 
island home. A frugal and industrious people, peace-loving, 
God-fearing, says Mrs. Lawson, these Nantucket whalers were, 
but the failure of a large business house in Halifax that had en- 
couraged the whale fishing here gave the Dartmouth settlement 

20. Mrs. Francklin's mother was Mary Bowdoin, of Boston. We find thus 
introduced into Nova Scotia the blood of two of the notable group of Huguenot 
families that were so thrifty and rose to such high positions in Boston in the 
i8th century. Such families were the Boutineaus, Bowdoins, Brimmers, Faneuils, 
and Johonnots. The founder of the Boston De Blois family was of Huguenot 
stock, but he came at a later time than the others. His descendants and collateral 
descendants in the De Blois name came also (at the Revolution), to Halifax. For 
an interesting letter from James Boutineau to Mrs. Edward Jones at Halifax, in 
1778, and from Mrs. James Boutineau to her nephew Edward Jones at Boston, 
in 1788, and her sister Mrs. Jones at Boston in 1785, see "Sabine's Loyalists," under 
the name James Boutineau. For Lieutenant Governor Francklin, see a very impor- 
tant sketch by Mr. James S. McDonald in the Nova Scotia Hist. Coll., Vol. 17, pp. 
7-40. For the Francklin family, see the writer's article on the settling of Windsor, 
Nova Scotia, in Americana for February, 1915. 


its death blow, and in 1792, the greater part of the Nantucketers 
left the province, never to return. A few, however, remained, 
for a longer time, one of these being Seth Coleman, a man whom 
the historian describes as "a model of piety, industry, and gen- 
eral philanthropy." 21 

The second notable migration from the earlier settled Ameri- 
can colonies to Nova Scotia occurred between 1759 and 1762, 
chiefly in 1760 and '61. Early in 1755 the French fort Beause- 
jour, which stood near the isthmus which connects Nova Scotia 
with New Brunswick, was captured, as Port Royal had been in 
1710 and Louisburg in 1745, by New England troops, and before 
the end of 1755, in vessels furnished by New England, the expe- 
dition having been put in command of Lieutenant-Colonel John 
Winslow, a Marshfield, Massachuetts, man, the greater number 
of the Acadian French throughout Nova Scotia were forcibly 
removed and the unfortunate people set down as paupers in little 
groups wherever they were allowed to land on the American 
coast from Maine to Georgia. The complete destruction of 
French power in the province now being effected, the govern- 
ment was left free to invite British settlers to the unpeopled 
lands which the French had tilled, and to those parts of the 
province which had never been settled, and very soon the gover- 
nor, then Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Lawrence, began to dis- 
cuss projects for settlement with the Lords of Trade. In the 

21. "History of the Townships of Dartmouth, Preston, and Lawrencetown, 
Halifax County, Nova Scotia," edited by Harry Piers. This book was published 
at Halifax by Morton & Company, in 1893. Mrs. Lawson says (pp. 17, 18) : "In 
1758, a return was made by the Surveyor-General, the first Charles Morris, to 
Governor Lawrence, giving a list of the lots in the town of Dartmouth, and the 
names of the proprietors who had complied with the Governor's request regarding 
settlement and improvement. The number was small, and from this period the 
township was almost derelict. The Indians still collected in force in the vicinity 
of Shubenacadie, and were always sending out scouts in search of plunder. The 
unhappy inhabitants, in constant dread of an attack, passed a miserable existence, 
and were anxious to escape from a place where there was neither assurance of 
safety nor promise of prosperity. For nearly thirty years, only these few 
straggling families held the unfortunate town. The government did nothing to 
induce later arrivals of emigrants to settle among them, nor took any measures to 
assist the discouraged occupants in the improvement of the village." 

In a note to the above copied by Mr. Piers from "A Description of the Several 
Towns in the Province of Nova Scotia, with the Lands Comprehended in and 
bordering upon said Towns, drawn up ... Jan'y g, 1762, by Charles Morris, 
Esq., Chief Surveyor" we find : "The Town of Dartmouth, situated on the 
opposite side of the Harbour, has at present two Families residing there, who 
subsist by cutting wood." 


winter of 1756-7 Governor Lawrence made a visit of some length 
to Boston, and when lie returned to Halifax wrote the English 
authorities that he had learned that a group of New Yorkers 
had been planning a settlement at Cape Sable, the extreme south- 
western end of the province, but as no recent attempt had been 
made to recapture the French fortress of Louisburg they had 
given the project up as unsafe. From what he knew of the coun- 
try about the Bay of Fundy, he said, he felt sure that at least 
twenty thousand families might be " commodiously settled" in 
the parts of the province that have since then become the coun- 
ties of Cumberland, Colchester, Hants, Kings, and Annapolis, 
and that if the fear of French aggression were entirely removed, 
substantial and useful settlers would flock thither from every 
part of the American continent. People at Cape Cod, he added, 
were very anxious to settle, as New Yorkers had proposed to 
do, at Cape Sable, and though he himself had no knowledge of 
that remote spot he believed that it might be a suitable place to 
make the base of a flourishing fishery. While he was in New 
England he had taken every occasion to discover how New Eng- 
landers felt about emigrating, and he had found that it was 
largely owing to the lack of a representative assembly in Nova 
Scotia that they had not already made some movement towards 
asking for grants of the evacuated Chignecto and Minas and 
Annapolis lands. 22 

Determined efforts to attract settlers from New England to 
Nova Scotia began to be made by the Government in the autumn 
of 1758. At that time the Governor and Council prepared a 
proclamation, the terms of which they had probably for the most 
part if not entirely already discussed with the Lords of Trade, 
inviting settlers from New England to the lands formerly oc- 
cupied by the French and to the hitherto unsettled lands in the 
province, and sent it to Boston for publication. In the Boston 
Gazette of October 12, 1758, formal announcement is made that 
the enemy who had so long been disturbing and harassing the 
province and obstructing its progress had been compelled to 

22. Murdoch's "History of Nova Scotia," Vol. 2, pp. 330, 331. Lawrence's 
letter to the Lords of Trade, giving this information was written November 9, 


retire to Canada, and that thus a favorable opportunity was 
presented for ' * peopling and cultivating as well the lands vacated 
by the French as every other part of this valuable province." 
The French lands are glowingly described as comprising "up- 
wards of one hundred thousand acres of interval and plow lands, 
producing wheat, rye, barley, oats, hemp, flax, etc." "These 
have been cultivated, for more than a hundred years past, and 
never fail of crops, nor need manuring. Also, more than one 
hundred thousand acres of upland, cleared, and stocked with 
English grass, planted with orchards, gardens, etc. These lands 
with good husbandry produce often two loads of hay per acre. 
The wild and unimproved lands adjoining to the above are well 
timbered and wooded with beech, black birch, ash, oak, pine, 
fir, etc. All these lands are so intermixed that every single 
farmer may have a proportionate quantity of plow land, grass 
land, and wood land ; and all are situated about the Bay of Fundi, 
upon rivers navigable for ships of burthen." Proposals for 
settlement, it is stated, "will be received by Mr. Thomas Hancock 
of Boston [uncle of Governor John Hancock], and Messrs. De 
Lancey and Watts of New York, and will be transmitted to the 
Governor of Nova Scotia, or in his absence to the Lieutenant 
Governor, or the President of the Council." 

The interest which this proclamation aroused in New England 
seems to have been immediate and widespread. A great many 
men from Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island had 
taken part in the first capture of Louisburg, not a few Massa- 
chusetts soldiers and sailors had made themselves acquainted 
with the Nova Scotia peninsula by serving in the capture of 
Beausejour and in the expulsion of the Acadians, and fisher- 
men, especially of Cape Cod, were thoroughly familiar with the 
opportunities for successful fishing in the waters that washed the 
shores of the sea-girt province to which New Englanders were 
now invited. Consequently, as soon as the proclamation appear- 
ed the agent in Boston was plied with questions as to what terms 
of encouragement would be offered settlers, how much land each 
person would receive, what quit-rent and taxes were to be ex- 
acted, what constitution of government prevailed, and what free- 
dom in religion settlers would enjoy. The result of these in- 


quiries was that at a meeting of council held on Thursday, Janu- 
ary 11, 1759, a second proclamation was approved, in which the 
Governor states that he is empowered to make grants of the best 
lands in the province. That a hundred acres of wild wood-land 
will be given each head of a family, and fifty acres additional for 
each person in his family, young or old, male or female, black or 
white, subject to a quit-rent of one shilling per fifty acres, the 
quit-rent to begin, however, not until ten years after the issuing 
of the grant. The grantees must cultivate or inclose one-third 
of the land in ten years, one-third more in twenty years, and the 
remainder in thirty years. No quantity above a thousand acres 
would at first be granted to any one person ; on fulfilment of the 
terms of the first grant, however, the person receiving the grant 
would be entitled to another on similar terms. The government 
of Nova Scotia, it was stated, was constituted like that of the 
neighbouring colonies, its several branches being a Governor, a 
Council, and an Assembly. As soon as people were settled, town- 
ships of a hundred thousand acres each, or about twelve miles 
square, would be formed, and each township would be entitled to 
send two representatives to the Assembly. The courts of justice 
were constituted like those of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and 
other northern colonies ; and as to religion, both by his majesty's 
instructions and by a late act of the Assembly, full liberty of 
conscience was secured to all "persuasions," Papists only ex- 
cepted. Settlers were to be amply protected in their homes, for 
forts garrisoned with royal troops had already been established 
in close proximity to the lands of which grants would be made. 

The first formal movement in New England towards respond- 
ing to Governor Lawrence's proclamation seems to have been 
made in eastern Connecticut and E.hode Island. About the mid- 
dle of April, 1759, several agents from these two colonies ar- 
rived at Halifax, commissioned by groups of intending settlers 
to ascertain the exact condition of the offered lands and to put 
to the Council questions the proclamation had not entirely an- 
swered. On the 18th of April the Council convened at the Gover- 
nor's house and the agents met its members there. Questions put 
by the New Englanders being satisfactorily answered, the Coun- 
cil invited the agents to go in a government vessel round the south- 


ern shore to Annapolis Basin and up the Bay of Fundy to Chig- 
necto and Minas basins, that they might make a thorough in- 
spection of the chief lands from which the French had been ex- 
pelled. After nearly a month, the agents, who had been accom- 
panied by Mr. Charles Morris, the government surveyor, one of 
their own countrymen and as we have seen a highly important 
official at Halifax, returned, greatly pleased, to the Council, and 
requested that grants to them and their constituents might im- 
mediately be made. Accordingly, on the 17th of the month the 
Council ordered two grants to be prepared, of a hundred thou- 
sand acres each, in what is now the county of King's, these 
grants including a large part of what had previously been one 
of the richest and most productive spots in the whole Acadian 
country. The "townships" with which the grants were synony- 
mous were to be called respectively Horton and Cornwallis, and 
the large tracts they comprised were to be distributed in individ- 
ual parts of from 750 to 250 acres (a share and a half to half a 
share) by some equitable process of division as soon as possible 
after the settlers should arrive. 

On the 27th of June a grant was made of the township of 
Granville, in Annapolis County, and in July, other agents came 
and were received by the Council. In August that energetic col- 
onizer Alexander McNutt appeared and applied for lands for a 
company of Scotch Irish, his own nationality, who or whose 
fathers had come to the colony of New Hampshire from ten to 
forty years before. In the end we find a large group of town- 
ships, which are comprised now in nine of the fourteen counties 
in the Nova Scotian peninsula and two or three of the counties of 
New Brunswick settled by people from New England who had 
responded to Governor Lawrence's proclamation. In the census 
of the province (including what is now New Brunswick, and the 
islands of Cape Breton and St. John (Prince Edward Island), 
which was made under Lieutenant Governor Francklin's direc- 
tions in 1766, we find ' l Americans " given as constituting about 
half of the entire population of 13,374, and if we add to this 
number the population in the two townships of Truro and Onslow 
which is ranked as ; ' Irish, ' ' this meaning Scotch Irish from New 
Hampshire, we shall see that the New Englanders in these prov- 


inces number considerably more than the people of all other 
origins combined. 

Of the New England people in this migration of 1760-61, those 
who settled in Amherst, Annapolis, Barrington, Chester, Cum- 
berland, Granville, Liverpool, Maugerville, Onslow (in part), 
Sackville, Wilmot, and Yarmouth, were chiefly from Massachu- 
setts, but from widely separated towns in that flourishing prov- 
ince. The settlers in Horton and Cornwallis, the first estab- 
lished townships, were with very few exceptions from the chief 
townships of eastern Connecticut. The settlers in Hants Coun- 
ty, the townships of Falmouth and Newport, were almost wholly 
from the several Rhode Island towns bordering on Narragan- 
sett Bay; while Truro and in part Onslow, in what is now Col- 
chester County, were settled by Scotch Irish, who had lived in 
Londonderry, New Hampshire, and neighbouring New Hamp- 
shire towns. In Onslow, however, a large number of the most 
important of the permanent settlers were Massachusetts-born 
people of strictly English descent. 

It is surprising how few mentions have been made by New 
England local historians of this large widespread migration to 
Nova Scotia in 1760 and 1761, but three interesting notices of 
it, though slight ones, we do find. In her history of the ancient 
town of New London, Connecticut, Miss Frances Mainwaring 
Caulkins says : ' l The clearing of Nova Scotia of the French 
opened the way for the introduction of English colonists. Be- 
tween this period [1760] and the Eevolution, the tide of immigra- 
tion set thitherward from New England, and particularly from 
Connecticut. Menis, Amherst, Dublin, and other towns in the 
province, received a large proportion of their first planters from 
New London County." And in her history of Norwich this 
author says : "Nova Scotia was then [1760] open to immigrants, 
and speculation was busy with its lands. Farms and townships 
were thrown into the market, and adventurers were eager to 
take possession of the vacated seats of the exiled Acadians. The 
provincial government caused these lands to be distributed into 
towns and sections, and lots were offered to actual settlers on 
easy terms. The inhabitants of the eastern part of Connecticut 
and several citizens of Norwich in particular, entered largely 


into these purchases, as they did also into the purchase made at 
the same period on the Delaware River. The proprietors held 
their meetings at the town-house in Norwich, and many persons 
of even small means were induced to become subscribers, in the 
expectation of bettering their fortunes. The townships of Dublin, 
Horton, Falmouth, Gornwallis, and Amherst were settled in part 
by Connecticut emigrants. Sloops were sent from Norwich and 
New London with provisions and passengers. One of these in a 
single trip conveyed a hundred and thirty-seven settlers from 
New London County. ' ' Mention is also made of the migration in 
Macy's History of Nantucket. "It would seem by the preceding 
account of the whale fisheries," it says, "that the [Nantueket] 
people were industrious and doing well and that business was in 
a flourishing state. No one would suppose that under the cir- 
cumstances any of the inhabitants could feel an inclination to 
emigrate with their families to other places ; yet some, believing 
that they would improve their condition, removed to Nova Scotia, 
some to Kennebeck, some to New Garden, in the State of South 
Carolina, etc." 

In several Nova Scotia local histories, however, accounts of 
the migration of much greater importance will be found. The 
most complete county histories of Nova Scotia are the histories 
of Annapolis and Kings, and in both of these much light will be 
found on the advent of these New Englanders to the province in 
1760 and '61, and on the method pursued of distributing lands to 
them. Another work of special interest dealing with the migra- 
tion is a volume by Ven. Archdeacon Raymond, LL.D., entitled 
"The River St. John, its Physical Features, Legends, and His- 
tory, from 1604 to 1784." In his account of the settlement of 
Maugerville (in what is now New Brunswick), Dr. Raymond 

"At the time the grant of this township was being made out 
the obnoxious Stamp Act was coming into force in America and 
the Crown Land Office at Halifax was besieged with people 
pressing for their grants in order to save stamp duties. " " Nearly 
all the first settlers of the township of Maugerville were from 
Massachusetts, the majority from the single county of Essex. 
Thus the Burpees were from Rowley, the Perleys from Boxford, 


the Estexs from Newburyport, while other families were from 
Haverhill, Ipswich, Gloucester, Salem, and other towns of this 
ancient county, which antedates all others in Massachusetts but 

As we have seen, the people who came chiefly for fishing to 
the southwestern shore of the province, were in great part from 
Cape Cod and Nantucket, 23 while those who chose farms in the 
interior were from a variety of towns where agriculture was the 
chief occupation. By the History of Annapolis we find that the 
people who settled that important county were from such widely 
separated, for the most part agricultural, Massachusetts towns 
as Barnstable, Byfield, Cambridge, Dorchester, Groton, Haver- 
hill, Lunenburg, Mar] borough, Medford, Mendon, Plympton, 
Sherborn, Shirley, 'Taunton, Westborough, Worcester, and 
Wrentham. Settlers in Onslow came from Brookfield Dudley, 
Spencer, Western (now Warren), and perhaps Worcester, in 
Worcester County ; Brimfield and Palmer, in Hampden County ; 
Medfield in Norfolk; Maiden, Reading, and Woburn, in Middle- 

23. "The first people of English descent to fix their abodes at the head of 
caves and harbours around the shores of southwestern Nova Scotia were fisher- 
men mostly from Cape Cod and Nantucket in Massachusetts. They were not 
refugees for loyalty's sake but 'hard liners' and net men, who had found out by 
their fearless cruises in 'pink stern' craft that fish abounded in those waters. 
The proclamation of the Nova Scotia Colonial Governor inviting settlers from 
New England and elsewhere to occupy the vacated lands followed immediately 
the expulsion of the Acadians, and as early as 1757, Governor Lawrence writes of 
having received 'application from a number of substantial persons in New Eng- 
land for lands to settle at or near Cape Sable.' A first company for some reason 
or other failed to make a settlement, but in 1761-1762 a large number representing 
the best families of Cape Cod and Nantucket removed to the Cape Sable district 
and formed a settlement at what is now the town of Barrington. They were for 
the most part a lot of intelligent and so far as the times allowed, educated men." 
"The Doane Family," Boston, 1902. See pp. 75, 76. 

"In 1760-1763, Barrington was settled by about 80 families from Nantucket 
and Cape Cod, and in 1767 the township was granted to 102 persons." "Yarmouth, 
Nova Scotia. A sequel to Campbell's History," by George S. Brown, (1888) p. 127. 

"In 1764 the population of Liverpool was 500. These persons had arrived at 
this place in 1762-3-4. There were, however, some arrivals as early as 1759." 
"History of Queen's County," by James F. More, Esq. (1873), p. 13. Mr. More 
also says that the first warrant of survey for a grant in Liverpool was made some 
time in 1759. The first effective grant of the township was made in 1764. 

The people of Yarmouth, Barrington, Liverpool, Chester, and Dublin "came 
with scarcely any exceptions from the Nantucket and Cape Cod districts of the 
Colony of Massachusetts, and save Chester and Dublin these townships are still 
mainly peopled by descendants of the original families." Dr. David Allison, in 
Cell, of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, Vol. 7. 

"For many years before any families settled in this County, our harbours of 
Yarmouth and Chebogue were the resort of American fishermen." 

Rev. J. R. Campbell in "History of the County of Yarmouth," p. 25. 


sex; and North Bridgewater, in Plymouth. By the History of 
King's County we see that the settlers in Cornwall is and Horton 
had previously lived in such Connecticut towns as Bolton, Can- 
terbury, Colchester, Danbury, East Haddam, Fairfield, Green- 
wich, Groton, Guilford, Hebron, Killing-worth, Lebanon, Lyme, 
Middle Haddam, New London, Norwich,' Preston, Saybrook, 
Stonington, Tolland, Wallingford, Windham, and Windsor. The 
earlier homes of the settlers in Falmouth and Newport, we shall 
find to have been in the Ehode Island towns of East and West 
Greenwich, Little Compton, Middlet-owii, Newport, North and 
South Kingstown, Portsmouth, and Warwick. 

In the census of the province made under the direction of 
Lieutenant-Governor Francklin in 1766, of which we have 
already spoken, the nationalities of the people in the several 
townships for the first time are given, and in that census we see 
that in the peninsula of Nova Scotia, and that part of the province 
that since 1784 has been known as New Brunswick, with Cape 
Breton Island also, and Prince Edward Island as well, of a total 
population of 13,374, the number ranked as "Americans" is 
almost 7,000. The nationality that figures most largely next to 
American is "Irish," and this of course means Scotch-Irish, of 
which people 401 are given as in the two townships of Truro and 
Onslow. But the people of these two townships though, as we 
have seen, of Scotch-Irish stock, had many of them been born in 
New Hampshire, in which colony their parents or grandparents 
had settled, in some cases as much as forty years before. A con- 
siderable number of these, therefore, we may properly regard 
as Americans, but even with such addition we do not think it 
likely that seven thousand conies anywhere near the true num- 
ber of the original immigrants from New England in 1759-61. 
Not a few who were granted lands and came to the province 
before 1762 soon became dissatisfied and returned to New Eng- 
land, and we cannot feel absolute certainty that the census of 
1767 reports with entire accuracy the full number of the people 
that remained after these were gone. The most reasonable guess 
we could make concerning the actual numerical strength of this 
migration would fix the number who came from New England 


in 1759-61 as somewhere between seven and ten thousand souls. 24 
Of these seven to ten thousand it is probable that something like 
two thousand settled in five or six townships of what is now the 
province of New Brunswick, on the St. John river or near the 
isthmus which connects the two provinces. It is evident that 
few settled either in Cape Breton or in Prince Edward Island. 

Of the superior intelligence and high moral worth of these 
settlers in Nova Scotia in 1759-61 too much cannot- possibly be 
said. Many of them were people of influential standing in the 
New England towns from which they had come, their willing- 
ness to emigrate arising from the common wish, especially with 
people of English stock, to be considerable owners of land. One 
has only to know intimately the character of the institutions they 
reared in Nova Scotia, their interest in education and in religion, 
their strong self-respect and the generally high moral worth that 
underlay that self-respect, to hold these New England settlers in 
Nova Scotia in the highest esteem. From the people of this mi- 
gration have come such men as the noted Judge Thomas Chand- 
ler Haliburton, the Honourable Samuel George William Archi- 
bald, the Bight Honourable Sir Charles Tupper, Baronet, Pro- 
fessor Simon Newcomb, the astronomer, the Bight Honourable 
Sir Bobert Borden, the present premier of Canada, and many 
other distinguished public men. In every sort of industrial and 
professional life, members of these notable New England fami- 
lies have held foremost places, a great many such naturally find- 
ing spheres of distinction and usefulness in those States of the 
American Union which were originally the colonies whence their 
ancestors had migrated. Known, the continent over are such 
names as Archibald, Borden, Chipman, Collins, Dimock, Eaton, 
Haliburton, Irish, Longley, Morse, Newcomb, Band, Starr, Tup- 
per, Woodworth, Young, and many others. 

24. In 1783, according to the report of Lieut-Col. Morse to Sir Guy Carleton, 
there were in the peninsula of Nova Scotia and that large part of the present 
province of New Brunswick that was called the County of Sunbury, 14,000 "old 
British inhabitants," one thousand of whom Morse gives as within the present 
New Brunswick limits. It is almost certain that the actual number of these old 
settlers was much larger than Morse reported it, but at present we have no means 
of knowing what it really was. 



AMHERST, 1763. 

History in part given by W. C. Milner in Collections of 
the Nova Scotia Historical Society, Vol. 15. 
ANNAPOLIS, August 4, 1759. 

History by W. A. Calnek and Judge A. W. Savary in 
" History of Annapolis County," 1897. 
BARRINGTON, December 4, 1767. 

History, in part, given by George S. Brown in ' ' Yarmouth, 

Nova Scotia. A Sequel to Campbell's History," 1888. See 

p. 127. Also i ' Annals of Yarmouth and Barrington, in the 

Revolutionary War," by Edmund Duval Poole, 1899, pp. 133. 

CHESTER, October 18, 1759. 

The township first called l i Shoreham. ' ' History given in 
"History of Lunenburg County," by Judge M. B. Des 
Brisay, 1895. 
CORNWALLIS, May 21, 1759. 

History given by Dr. Arthur Wentworth H. Eaton, in 
"History of King's County," 1910. 

History in part given by W. C. Milner in ' ' Collections of 
the Nova Scotia Historical Society, ' ' Vol. 15. 
FALMOUTH, July 21, 1759. 

History of settlement given by Dr. Arthur Wentworth H. 
Eaton in Americana (magazine), January, 1915. 
GRANVILLE, June 27, 1759. 

History given by W. A. Calnek and Judge A. W. Savary 
in "History of Annapolis County," 1897. 
HORTON, May 21, 1759. 

History given by Dr. Arthur Wentworth H. Eaton in 
"History of King's County," 1910. 
MAUGERVILLE, October 31, 1765. 

History given by Ven. Archdeacon W. 0. Raymond, LL.D., 
in "The River St. John, Its Physical Features, Legends, and 
History from 1604 to 1784." 
NEWPORT, July 21, 1761. 

History of settlement given by Dr. Arthur Wentworth H. 
Eaton, in Americana (magazine), January, 1915. 
ONSLOW, July 24, 1758. 

History of settlement given by Dr. Arthur Wentworth H. 
Eaton, in "Settling of Colchester County," etc., in "Trans- 
actions of the Royal Society of Canada"; Third Series, Vol. 
6, 1912. 


SA.CKVILLE, 1763. 

History in part given by W. C. Milner, in ' ' Collections of 
the Nova Scotia Historical Society," Vol. 15. 
TEURO, November 24, 1759. 

History of settlement given by Dr. Arthur Wentworth H. 
Eaton, in " Settling of Colchester County," etc., in "Trans- 
actions of the Royal Society of Canada"; Third Series, Vol. 
6, 1912. 
WILMOT, 1764. 

History given by W. A. Calnek and Judge A. W. Savary, 
in "History of Annapolis County," 1877. 
YARMOUTH, September 1, 1759. 

History given in "History of the County of Yarmouth," 
by Rev. J. R. Campbell, 1876, pp. 200; and in "Yarmouth, 
Nova Scotia. A sequel to Campbell's History," by George 
S. Brown, 1888, pp. 524.* 

Of especial interest is "The River St. John, Its Physical 
Features, Legends, and History, from 1604 to 1784." By Rev. 
William 0. Raymond, LL.D., F. R. S. C., 1910, pp. 552. 


The Province of Nova Scotia has eighteen counties, fourteen of which are in 
the Peninsula of Nova Scotia and four in the Island of Cape Breton. Of a few 
of these counties detailed Histories of great interest and value have been published ; 
of others no complete Histories have been put in print, but published monographs 
of value, or yet unpublished manuscripts, may be found in various quarters. Such 
Histories and monographs are as follows : 

ANNAPOLIS. "History of the County of Annapolis," by W. A. Calnek and 
Judge A. W. Savary, 1897, pp. 660. "Supplement to the history of the County of 
Annapolis," by A. W. Savary, M. A., D. C. L., 1913, pp. 142. See also "Memoir 
of Governor Paul Mascarene," by J. Mascarene Hubbard, printed as a third 
appendix to "Historical Records of the 4Oth Regiment," published in 1894. 

ANTIGONISH. No history, far as we know, written. 

COLCHESTER. History in part written by Dr. Arthur Wentworth H. Eaton, 
but still chiefly in manuscript. That part relating to the settlement of the county 
however, published in "The Settling of Colchester County by New England Pur- 
itans and Ulster Scotsmen," in "Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada," 
Third Series, 1912, pp. 221-265. Also, "Historical and Genealogical Record of the 
First Settlers of Colchester County," by Thomas Miller, 1873, pp. 400. 

CUMBERLAND. Of this county no history has been written, but a valuable 
monograph entitled "History of Beau Sejour," by W. C. Milner (representative 
of the Dominion Archives at Halifax) was published in Coll. of the N. S. Soc., 
Vol. 15, and reprinted as "Records of Chignecto." A small volume exists entitled 
"The Chicgnecto Isthmus and Its First Settlers," by Howard Trueman, pp. 268. 
See also N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, Vol. 63 (1909). 

*The "thirteen old townships," commonly so called, were probably: Annapolis, 
Barrington, Cornwallis, Cumberland, Falmouth, Granville, Horton, Liverpool, New- 
port, Onslow, Sackville, Truro, Yarmouth. 


DIGBY. "A Geography and History of the County of Digby," by Isaiah W. 
Wilson (1900), pp. 471. 

GUYSBOROUGH. A history of this county has been written by Mrs. James 
E. Hart (Harriet Cunningham Hart), which, still in manuscript, is in the custody 
of the N. S. Hist. Soc. 

HALIFAX. Many monographs on Halifax city will be found in the "Collections 
of the Nova Scotia Historical Society," the most important being Dr. Thomas 
Beamish Akins's chronicles. Of Dartmouth, Preston, and Lawrencetown, a valuable 
history by Mrs. William Lawson was published in Halifax in 1893, (pp. 260). See 
also "Footprints Around and about Bedford Basin," by George Mullane (reprinted 
from the Acadian Recorder), pp. 49. 

HANTS. The chief monograph on Hants county that has been written is 
found in a series of three articles in Americana, entitled "Rhode Island Settlers 
on the French Lands in Nova Scotia in 1760 and 1761." (Americana for Jan., 
Feb., and March, 1915). By Dr. Arthur Wentworth H. Eaton. See also a sketch 
(bound as a small volume) by Ray Greene Huling, entitled "The Rhode Island 
Emigration to Nova Scotia," 1889, pp. 49. The chief facts in this sketch are 
included in Dr. Eaton's articles in Americana, and mentioned above. See also a 
pamphlet by Henry Youle Hind, entitled "Old Parish Burying Ground of Windsor, 
Nova Scotia," 1889, pp. 99. The chief facts in this pamphlet also are included in Dr. 
Eaton's articles in Americana. 

KING'S. "The History of King's County, Nova Scotia, Heart of the Acadian 
Land," by Arthur Wentworth Hamilton Eaton (the Salem Press So., Salem, Mass., 
1910), pp. 898. 

LUNENBURG. "History of the County of Lunenburg," by Judge Mather Byles 
DesBrisay, 2nd edition, 1895, pp. 585. Historical work of great value, it is under- 
stood, is now being done in the county. 

PICTOU. "History of the County of Pictou," by Rev. George Patterson, D. D., 
1877, PP- 471- 

QUEENS. "History of Queen's County," by James F. More, Esq., 1873, pp. 250. 

SHELBURNE. Facts in the history of Shelburne are given in Brown's "Yar- 
mouth, Nova Scotia. A sequel to Campbell's History," pp. 129-131, and 134, 135. 
Several articles of great value in the Collections of the Nova Scotia and New 
Brunswick Historical Societies, especially one on the Loyalists of Shelburne by 
the Rev. Dr. T. Watson Smith, in the 6th volume of the N. S. Hist. Coll. 

YARMOUTH. "History of the County of Yarmouth," by Rev. J. R. Campbell, 
1876, pp. 200. "Yarmouth, Nova Scotia. A sequel to Campbell's History," by 
George S. Brown, 1888, pp. 524. "Annals of Yarmouth and Barrington, Nova 
Scotia, in the Revolutionary War," by Edmund Duval Poole, 1899, pp. 133. 

The above are all the counties of the Peninsula of Nova Scotia; on the four 
counties of the island of Cape Breton Cape Breton, Inverness, Richmond, and 
Victoria, so far as we know little has been written except in Brown's History of 
the whole island. 


"An Historical and Statistical Account of Nova Scotia." By Thomas Chand- 
ler Haliburton, Esq. 2 vols., Halifax, 1829. 

"A History of Nova Scotia or Acadia." By Beamish Murdoch, Esq., Q. C. 
3 vols. Halifax, 1865, 1866, 1867. 

Nova Scotia in its Historical, Mercantile, and Industrial Relations. By 
Duncan Campbell, Halifax, N. S., pp. 548. Published in Montreal in 1873- 


army chaplains, receiving army pay. When the founding of 
Halifax was projected, the Society appointed two clergymen, the 
Rev. William Tutty, M. A., of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, 
who had been ordained in 1737, and the Rev. William Anwyll, 
B. A., a naval chaplain, of the diocese of Chester j 1 and a school- 
master, Mr. Edward Halhead, to accompany the expedition. To 
minister to the continental French speaking people who it was 
learned would follow in the wake of the English settlers, they ap- 
pointed also a highly educated French clergyman, the Rev. Jean 
Baptiste Moreau, who had been a Roman Catholic, and prior 
of the Abbey of St. Matthew, near Brest, but had been converted 
to Protestantism and received into the Church of England. 2 

The first ships that came from England brought Mr. Anwyll 
and Mr. Moreau, and a few weeks later, probably about midsum- 
mer, Mr. Tutty appeared. On the twenty-first of June, 1749, 
which is regarded as the birthday of Halifax, Mr. Anwyll con- 
ducted the first service on shore, undoubtedly under the open 
sky, and for a little while, when the weather served, services con- 
tinued to be held out doors. When Governor Cornwallis's house 
was built, on the spot where the Province Building now stands, 
the modest drawing-room of this official dwelling was used for 
worship, but a little later, until a church building could be erected, 
the rude warehouse of a certain half-pay officer, a Mr. Callendar, 
who had begun some kind 3 of business in the town, was engaged. 

Among the first acts of the governor after he landed was to 
send to Boston for the frames of two or three buildings. One of 
these was his own house, another was St. Paul's Church. In a 
letter to the Lords of Trade dated March nineteenth, 1750, Corn- 

1. Before coming to Halifax, Mr. Tutty had been curate in a parish in Hert- 
ford. For some reason, but what we do not know, very soon after the settlement of 
Halifax the Society became dissatisfied with Mr. Anwyll and recalled his license for 
this mission. The poor man, however, did not get away from Halifax, but died 
there, and was buried February 10, 1750. 

2. The Rev. Mr. Moreau's son, Cornwallis Moreau, is said to have been the 
first male child of the new settlers born in Halifax. Moreau (whose name Judge 
Des Brisay in his "History of Lunenburg" spells Morreau) came out in the frigate 
Canning, Captain Andrew Dewar, in the first group of ships that came from Eng- 
land. The French who formed his chief congregation came later, but it must have 
been well understood by the S. P. G. that they were coming. Moreau preached in 
Halifax first, Judge Des Brisay says, September 9, 1750. 

3. In a letter to the Lords of Trade written September 16, 1750, Cornwallis says 
that he had had service performed in Mr. Callendar's warehouse three times a week 
for some time. Nova Scotia Archives, Vol. I. 


wallis writes : "I expect the frame of the church will be here 
the next month from New England." The church, built of oak 
and white pine, at probably the estimated cost of a thousand 
pounds, the model for it being St. Peter's, Vere Street, London, 
was formally opened for worship on the second of September, 
1750, Mr. Tutty alone conducting the service, for before this time 
Mr. Anwyll had died. 

The biographers of Mr. Moreau take pains to tell us that he 
could speak three languages, and from the fact that on the four- 
teenth of October, 1752, this missionary writes the Society that 
his congregation numbers eight hundred adults and two hundred 
children, we suppose that he was able to minister to the German 
speaking people in Halifax as well as the French. But the Ger- 
mans, who were at least in part Lutherans of the Confession of 
Augsburg, seem to have brought with them, or imported soon, a 
minister of their own faith, a Mr. Burger, and pastoral work 
among them seems to have been performed by him, as well as the 
Rev. Mr. Tutty and the Rev. Mr. Moreau. Before long, however, 
Burger was won to the Anglican Communion, and with Mr. 
Tutty 's and Mr. Moreau 's and the Governor's recommendations, 
sailed for England to apply for Orders. Whether, had he re- 
turned, he would soon have led most of his Lutheran friends into 
the Church of England we do not know, but he was probably lost 
at sea on his return voyage, for the town of Halifax never saw 
him again. On the eighth of June, 1753, the larger part of the 
foreign settlers, both Germans and French, were removed to 
Lunenburg, and with them the French clergyman Moreau. 4 Af- 

4. It is not easy to tell the relative number of Germans and French in Halifax 
or Lunenburg. The Germans evidently greatly outnumbered the French, but among 
the grantees in Lunenburg were many French names. Such for example, were 
Beautillier, Bissane, Contoy, Darey, Deauphinee, Emonout, Jeanperin, Jodery, Lean- 
gille, Masson, Morash, Pernette, Risser, Spannagel, Vienot, etc. The Germans were 
largely from Luneburg, in Hanover, but some we believe were from Switzerland. 
The French came largely from Montbeliard, the capital city of an arondissement in 
the French department of Doubs. All these people were Protestants, the Germans 
being divided in religion between Lutheranism and the German Reformed faith, the 
French being attached to their own form of Protestantism. The latter, it would 
seem, more easily conformed to the Anglican Church than the former. French Pro- 
testantism as a separate religion in Lunenburg seems to have disappeared soon un- 
der the influence of Mr. Moreau, Lutheranism, however, and the German Reformed 
faith (although in 1837 this was transformed into Presbyterianism), have lasted 
there until the present day. Mr. Moreau continued to minister in Lunenburg as an 
Anglican clergyman until 1770, when he died. 


ter this there were left in the town of these foreign people only 
from fifteen to twenty-five families of Germans, numbering it is 
probable at most not more than a hundred and fifty souls, and to 
them Mr. Tutty, who had learned the German language sufficient- 
ly well to preach in it, continued to minister when his duties to 
his English parishioners would permit. 

In 1752, two more Anglican clergymen came to Halifax, the 
Rev. John Breyntori and the Rev. Dr. Thomas Wood. The first 
of these was an Englishman, a graduate of Magdalene College, 
Cambridge, who had been a naval chaplain for several years, the 
second was a man who had been "bred to physic and surgery" 
in the province of New Jersey, and had served as a surgeon to 
troops at Louisburg, but from Louisburg, in 1749, had gone to 
England for ordination to the priesthood of the Anglican Church. 
For between two and three years after graduation, we suppose, 
Dr. Wood had ministered to churches in New Brunswick and 
Elizabethtown, New Jersey, but in the autumn of 1752 he came 
to Halifax. His long, valuable service to the cause of religion 
in Nova Scotia we cannot here take time to describe, in Halifax 
and at Annapolis Royal, to the English speaking people, and to 
the Micmac natives, whose language soon after coming to Nova 
Scotia he took pains to learn, he gave faithful ministry until his 
death at Annapolis Royal in 1778. 5 Mr. Breynton came out from 
England to assist Mr. Tutty at St. Paul's, but early in 1753 Mr. 
Tutty went home to attend to some private business, and before 

5. The following letter testimonial which Dr. Wood took with him to Eng- 
land when he went there to apply for ordination throws light on Wood's history 
from 1746 or '47 until June, 1749. The letter reads : 

"Louisburg, 3rd June, 1749. 

"This is to certify that Mr. Thomas Wood, late surgeon of the Regiment of 
Kent, commanded by Capt. William Shirley, during his residence in this place, 
which was for the space of two years and upwards, hath lived a sober, regular, and 
blameless life, nor hath he written or maintained, as far as we know or believe, 
anything contrary to the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England. 


After receiving Orders Dr. Wood probably gave up the practice of medicine and 
devoted himself to the ministry, and until he came to Nova Scotia (in the autumn 
f I 7S 2 ) was S. P. G. missionary at New Brunswick and Elizabethtown in New 
Jersey. See the writer's notices of him in "The Church of England in Nova Scotia 
and the Tory Clergy of the Revolution" ; and Canon Vernon's "Bicentenary 
Sketches" (published in Halifax in 1910). 

Minister of King's Chapel, Boston 


the year ended lie had died in his native land. Mr. Breynton was 
then appointed Rector of St. Paul's, and in this position, an 
active, conscientious, and useful clergyman, he ministered to the 
Halifax people for thirty-two years. 

The distinction of St. Paul's Church, Halifax, the parish, 
which was first fully organized in 1759, and the church building, 
still standing, which was erected in 1750, as the mother church 
of the Anglican body in all Canada, must render this church an 
object of distinction in the thought of all the generations to come. 
The church has a further distinction in that its deed of endow- 
ment, dated January fourth, 1760, describes it as a " Royal Foun- 
dation and of Exempt Jurisdiction," which means that it is, from 
its peculiar foundation, not subject to the jurisdiction of the 
bishop, since its authorization was directly by the King or by a 
subject especially commissioned by him. 6 When St. Paul's was 
established, the nearest Anglican parishes to it, besides whatever 
of a parish existed at Annapolis Royal, were : the Queen 's Chapel 
at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, whose rector was Arthur 
Browne; St. Paul's Church, Newburyport, Massachusetts, whose 
rector was Matthias Plant; St. Michael 's,Marblehead, whose rec- 
tor was Alexander Malcolm; St. Paul's, Salem, whose rector was 
William McGilchrist ; the King's Chapel, at Boston, where Dr. 
Henry Caner was the chief clergyman; Christ Church, Boston, 
whose minister was Dr. Timothy Cutler; and Trinity Church, 
Boston, the rector of which was the Rev. William Hooper. In 
December, 1755, Mr. Breynton informs the Society that the 
church building "is completely finished without, and makes a 
very handsome appearance, and is aisled and plastered within 
and pewed after a rough manner by the inhabitants." Five 
years later he writes : ' ' The church at Halifax ( called St. Paul 's ) 
is almost finished in a neat and elegant manner;" which state- 
ment of course refers chiefly to the interior of the building. 

Concerning the progress of the parish of St. Paul's in the 
earliest years of its history we have much information. Its 
boundaries for a good while were coterminous with those of the 

6. See an interesting note on this subject by the present Rector of St. Paul's, 
Ven. Archdeacon Armitage, Ph.D., in the parish year book for 1910. 


town, and as the general population increased or diminished the 
duties of its rectors and curates became greater or less. The 
presence of the military, in larger or smaller numbers of course 
added vastly to the responsibility and the labours of the busy 
clergy, for although, at least after the Revolution, a special gar- 
rison chaplain nominally ministered to the troops, the regiments 
in great part, and until a spacious garrison chapel was built in 
1846, the chief military and naval officers, must have regarded 
St. Paul's as their proper religious home. In October, 1750, Mr. 
Tutty writes the Society that the civilian population of Halifax 
then numbers four thousand, but in July of the next year he places 
it at about six thousand. In June, 1753, as we have seen, a large 
part of the French and German settlers and some few English 
were removed permanently to Lunenburg, and this with the 
exodus of many of the less desirable English who had come 
with Cornwallis, to other parts of the continent, so reduced the 
population that in December, 1755, Mr. Breynton writes the So- 
ciety that the town has then but thirteen hundred civilians. Of 
these thirteen hundred the rector claims eight hundred as adher- 
ents of the Anglican Church. 

If Mr. Tutty 's estimate of the population in the two successive 
years, 1750 and 1751, is correct, between these two dates some 
two thousand persons must have arrived from abroad, and from 
New England to join their countrymen who had come from Louis- 
burg or directly from Boston in 1749. 7 These New Englanders 

7. In the Boston Gazette of August i, 1749, appears the following : "We learn 
by the latest Accounts from Chebucta that his Excellency Governor Cornwallis hath 
appointed a new Council to assist in the civil Government of that Infant Settlement, 
most of the old Council being left out (as we learn) on Account of their Distance 
from that place, as Chebucta is now to be the Metropolis." In the issue of the same 
paper of August 15, 1749, appears an advertisement for carpenters to go to Che- 
bucta. Persons desirous to go are directed to apply to Charles Apthorp and Thomas 
Hancock. The passage of men will be paid and provisions found for them at the 
government's expense. 

In the issue of August 15, appears an advertisement for settlers for Halifax. All 
persons will be welcome that have been in His Majesty's service by sea or land, and 
"all tradesmen, artificers, and fishermen who have a mind to go." New England 
settlers "will be on the same footing and have the same encouragement as those 
who come from England." The advertisement is inserted by Messrs. Apthorp 
and Hancock, by Governor Cornwallis" s orders. Another advertisement to the same 
effect appears in the issue of August 29. 

The issue of October loth contains an extract from a letter from a gentleman 
in Halifax saying that the day the letter was written, "Governor Cornwallis to our 
great joy came on Shoar from the Beaufort under the discharge of near a hundred 


with a few exceptions were Congregationalists, who had been 
reared in Boston Congregational churches, and as we should ex- 
pect and hope, preferring their own religious organization and 
mode of worship to the Anglican, they soon took measures to 
establish a Congregational Church. In a communication to the 
Boston Weekly Neivs Letter of April twelfth, 1750, a Halifax cor- 
respondent whose name is not given says : " We shall soon have 
a large church erected, and for the encouragement of Protestant 
Dissenters a handsome lot is laid out for a Meeting-House and 
another for a Minister, in a very pleasing situation. ' ' In another 
letter in the same newspaper, probably the same correspondent 
writes : ' ' Yesterday the Governor laid the Corner Stone of the 
Church [St. Paul's] which is now building, and which I believe 
will be the handsomest in America. And as soon as we can get a 
Dissenting minister settled here we shall have a handsome Meet- 
ing-House with a good Dwelling-House for the Minister, built 
at the Public Expense. I have subscribed to the support of Mr. 
Cleveland for two months, as have the Governor and most gentle- 
men here ; and I believe we have Dissenters enough here at pres- 
ent for four ministers." 8 

In June, 1750, the Congregationalists called a young New Eng- 
land minister, Rev. Aaron Cleveland, a graduate of Harvard, of 
whom we have already spoken, to minister to their spiritual 
needs, and the liberal spirit of Anglican Colonial churchmanship 
in that day is commendably shown in the fact that until a Con- 
gregational meeting-house was built, this being probably from 
one to three years later than the call to Mr. Cleveland, the whole 
Congregational community, and no doubt their pastor, worship- 
ped comfortably at St. Paul's on Sunday forenoons, while in the 
afternoons they were hospitably given the use of the church for 

Cannon from the Ships in the Harbour to reside in his own House, which now 
makes a very pretty Appearance." 

In the issue of January 30, 1750, announcement is made that the sloop Endeav- 
our, John Homer, master, lying at Long Wharf, will take freight or people to Hali- 
fax. March 13, 1750, a similar announcement is made regarding the schooner 
Wealthy, Joseph Rose, master. April 24, 1750, a similar announcement is made re- 
garding the brig Dolphin, Ebenezer Rockwell, master, lying at Hought's wharf, in 
the North End. (In the last chapter we should have given William Lawson and his 
family, five persons, as living in the South Suburbs of Halifax in I75 2 )- 

8. This is quoted in the writer's "The Church of England in Nova Scotia and 
the Tory Clergy of the Revolution," p. 272. 


their own non-liturgical service. In July, 1751, Mr. Tutty writes 
the Society : ' ' There is perfect harmony between the Church of 
England and the Dissenters;" even the most "biggotted" of 
whom, he says, "seldom fail to come to church every Sunday 

The history of St. Paul's Church has been interestingly 
sketched for us by the Reverend Dr. George Hill in an early 
volume of the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, 
the history of "Mather's" Congregational Church, by Professor 
Walter Murray, in a late volume of these Collections. On the 
registers of these churches, which fortunately are well preserved, 
will be found most of the names of the early settlers of Halifax 
of British or American birth, for until the introduction of Wes- 
leyanism in 1781-1785, the Protestant people of Halifax, except 
the foreigners in the North End, belonged for the most part to 
one of these two churches. 9 

Of the moral and spiritual condition of the people of Halifax 
generally in the forty years between 1750 and 1790, in spite of 
the enthusiastic local support which the two chief churches re- 
ceived, we find a great many depressing accounts. One of the 
more thoughtful New Englanders in the town wrote the Eev. Dr. 

g. In 1786, shortly after his removal from Amherst to Halifax, the Rev. Wil- 
liam Black, the noted Wesleyan missionary, wrote : "There is [in Halifax] one 
large English Church, one small Dutch Church, one Presbyterian Meeting House, 
one R. C. Chapel, one of Sandemanians, and one of the followers of Swedenborg; 
together with a few of Lady Huntingdon's Society, and a great swarm of Infidels." 
Rev. Dr. T. Watson Smith's History of the Methodist Church within the Territor- 
ies embraced in the late Conference of Eastern British America (2 vols. Halifax, 
Toronto, and Montreal, 1890. Vol. i, p. 173). Of the "Dutch Church" of which 
Mr. Black writes we shall give the history later, but of any Swedenborgian chapel we 
have no knowledge at all. Of the introduction of Roman Catholicism into Halifax, 
Dr. Thomas B. Akins says : "The Penal Statutes [against Roman Catholics] had 
been repealed in 1783. The Roman Catholics in the town, chiefly emigrants from 
Ireland, having become numerous, purchased a piece of ground in Barrington 
Street, where they built a Chapel, which was dedicated to St. Peter. The frame was 
erected on the rgth of July, 1784, and many of the inhabitants, both Protestants and 
Roman Catholics, attended the ceremony. This building stood in from the street, 
directly opposite the head of Salter Street. It was painted red, with a steeple at the 
western end." Coll. of the N. S. His. Soc., Vol. 8, p. 86. 

A sketch of the history of the Church of England in Nova Scotia by Dr. 
Thomas B. Akins, published in Halifax somewhere about the middle of the nine- 
teenth century; Eaton's "The Church of England in Nova Scotia and the Tory 
Clery of the Revolution," published in New York in 1891 ; and "Bicentenary Sketches 
and Early Days of the Church in Nova Scotia," by Canon C. W. Vernon, published 
in Halifax in 1910, are other sources to be appealed to for information concerning 
St. Paul's Church. Many of the most important facts for the history of the church 
are naturally to be found in the first instance in the Reports of the S. P. G. 

Fifth Rector of St. Paul's Church, Halifax, 1865-1885 


Ezra Stiles, the well known Puritan divine, laconically in 1760 : 
"The business of one-half the town is to sell rum, the other half 
to drink it. You may from this simple circumstance judge of our 
morals, and infer that we are not enthusiasts in religion." "Un- 
happily," writes the Rev. Dr. Hill in his Life of Sir Brenton Hal- 
liburton, speaking of the time immediately subsequent to the Rev- 
olution, ' ' these days were eminently irreligious days. The laxity 
of sentiment and the disregard to the doctrine and precepts of 
the Gospel were painfully manifest. Noble exceptions there 
were, bright spots amid the murky clouds, refreshing cases in 
the desert. But the testimony left on record by those whose 
opinions is worthy of trust is that religion was treated with indif- 
ference by the many, with scorn by some, and with reverence but 
by few. To cite none others, the first Bishop of the Diocese was 
so impressed with the fearful condition of the community, the 
general tone of society, and the debasing tendency of the opinions 
prevailing, that he wrote a letter to some in high places, which is 
still extant, bewailing in no measured terms the terrible degen- 
eracy of the day, and urging that some step should be taken to 
erect barriers against that impetuous torrent, which threatened 
to overwhelm religion and morality." 10 In June, 1781, the Wes- 
leyan minister, Rev. William Black, preached for two days in 
Halifax. His sermons fell, he says, on stupid ears, "few seemed 
to care for their souls. There was scarce the shadow of religion 
to be seen." 

Services, nevertheless, in the two churches went regularly on, 
and there is almost unvarying testimony to the faithfulness to 
his ministry of the Rev. Dr. Breynton of St. Paul's. In the 
ministry of Mather's Church the Rev. Aaron Cleveland remained 
only until the summer of 1754, then, like the German minister 
Burger, he became enamored of Anglicanism and going to Eng- 
land was ordained a priest. After his resignation the Congre- 
gationalists, for what reason we do not know, suffered them- 
selves to go without a settled minister for almost, if not quite, the 
space of fifteen years. During this time they were ministered 
to by a succession of either Congregational or Scotch Presbyte- 

10. "Memoir of Sir Brenton Halliburton," by Rev. Dr. George W. Hill, p. 62. 


rian clergymen, who seem for the most part if not wholly to 
have served merely as longer or shorter but still temporary ' ' sup- 
plies." Before the end of the eighteenth century, Mather's Con- 
gregational Church, owing to a variety of causes, chiefly the in- 
coming to Halifax of Scottish settlers, the political separation 
between Nova Scotia and New England occasioned by the War 
of the Revolution, and very likely the permanent attachment of 
themselves of a good many of the Congregational families to St. 
Paul's, had become frankly a Scotch Presbyterian Church of the 
order of the Established Church of Scotland, its old name being 
changed to ' * St. Matthew's, ' ' the name it still bears. 

A notable religious service in St. Paul's in the earliest years 
of this church's history was an event to which we have already 
alluded, the inauguration of Mr. Jonathan Belcher as the first 
Chief-Justice of Nova Scotia, on Monday, the twenty-first of Oc- 
tober, 1753. After Mr. Belcher had taken the oaths of his high 
office, and a reception and breakfast had been given him at the 
Great Pontac inn, in his scarlet robes, accompanied by Lieuten- 
ant-Governor Lawrence and the other chief public and private 
men of the town, the Chief -Justice, with his commission carried 
before him, proceeded to the church. There, to a deeply im- 
pressed congregation Mr. Breynton preached from the declara- 
tion of the "wise woman" in Second Samuel, 11 "I am one of 
them that are peaceable and faithful in Israel." A few years 
later, on Tuesday, the seventeenth of February, 1761, at eleven 
o 'clock in the forenoon, the president and members of the Coun- 
cil, the officers of the army, and the "chief inhabitants," dressed 
in mourning, went in procession from Government House to St. 
Paul's to observe the recent death of King George the Second. 
To memorialize the sad event the pulpit, reading-desk, and gover- 
nor 's pew were hung with black, and while the prayers were be- 
ing said and the sermon preached, minute guns were fired from 
the fortifications of the town. 

By 1766, the Rev. Thomas Wood had become sufficiently skilled 
in Micmac to conduct service and preach to the native Indians 
in their own language. On a certain Sunday in July, 1766, he 

ii. 2d Samuel 20:19. 


gathered a large number of the red men into St. Paul 's, and there 
in the presence of Lord William Campbell, the governor, most of 
the officers of the army and navy, and the leading citizens, said 
the prayers of the church and preached to these people of the 
woods. Before the service the Indians sang an anthem, and then, 
it is said, a chief came forward and kneeling down prayed that 
God would bless his Majesty, King George the Third, "their law- 
ful king and governor," Mr. Wood at the close of his prayer 
interpreting it to the white congregation. The natives now sang 
a second anthem, and at the end of the whole service "thanked 
God, the Governor, and Mr. Wood for the opportunity they had 
had of hearing prayer in their own tongue. ' ' 

The arrival at Halifax with Howe 's fleet in the spring of 1776 
of the Boston Loyalists was a highly important event in the 
progress of St. Paul 's Church, as it was of course in the general 
progress of the town. The larger proportion of the refugees who 
settled in the town were either Episcopalians or had no unwilling- 
ness to become so, although a good many of the most ardent Bos- 
ton Tories were people who had been reared in the Congrega- 
tional faith. Of any special activity on behalf of these new-com- 
ers to Halifax shown by the then Presbyterian pastor of Math- 
er's Church, we are not informed, but Dr. Breynton (for in 1770 
in England this clergyman had received an honorary doctorate 
in divinity) was indefatigable in his attention to the Loyalists 's 
needs. The responsibility of finding adequate shelter on shore 
for those who wanted to leave the cramped ships made it neces- 
sary to set up canvas tents on the Parade in front of the church, 
and these not being adequate, and every house being taxed to its 
utmost to give people shelter, Dr. Breynton, we believe, ordered 
St. Paul's to be opened for a short time to give those who could 
not find accommodation elsewhere a covered place to sleep. 

Of the Loyalists who remained permanently in the town, as a 
very considerable number did, the DeBloises, who had come from 
Salem in 1775, the Blowereses, Brattles, Brinleys, Byleses, Cof- 
fins, Cunninghams, Gays, Halliburtons, Hutchinsons, Lovells, 
Lydes, Eobies, Snellings, Sternses, Wentworths, Winslows, and 
others, all connected themselves with St. Paul's. "Two letters 
have been received in the course of the year, ' ' says the secretary 


of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in his report for 
1776, "from the Society's very worthy missionary the Rev. Dr. 
Breynton, lamenting the unhappy situation of affairs in America ; 
in consequence of which many wealthy and loyal families have 
quitted New England, and in hopes of a safe retreat have taken 
up their residence in Halifax, thereby becoming a great acquisi- 
tion to the province, and a considerable addition to his congre- 
gation. For many of them, though Dissenters in New England, 
have constantly attended the services of the church since their 
arrival at Halifax." 12 And in his report for the next year, 1777, 
Jie says : ' ' Three letters have been received from the Rev. Dr. 
Breynton, acquainting the Society that the number of inhabitants 
(which usually amounts to five thousand) is greatly increased 
in that mission ; as it hath been for some time the only asylum 
for loyalists ; and many of these refugees, from being rigid Dis- 
senters, were become regular communicants." 

The appearance St. Paul's congregation must have presented 
on Sundays, after the Revolution had passed and Halifax with 
its population increased with a good deal of the best blood and 
breeding of Boston had settled into something like quiet ways, 
we may easily picture to ourselves. The Rev. Henry Wilder 
Foote in his History of King's Chapel has given us alluring 
glimpses of the outward brilliancy of the pre-Revolutionary con- 
gregation that on Sundays thronged that historic church. In 
an earlier chapter we have quoted exactly much of Mr. Foote 's 
description of the scene King's Chapel commonly presented. At 
the time of service, chariots with liveried black coachmen and 
footmen (for most of Boston's pre-Revolutionary aristocrats 
kept slaves) would be seen rolling up to the church door on 
Tremont street, bearing fine gentlemen merchants or judges or 
councillors or other officers of the Crown, in powdered wigs and 
rich brocaded waistcoats and lace ruffles and velvet knee-breeches 
and swords and gold or silver buckled shoes. Beside them would 
be their wives and daughters, only slightly more magnificent than 

12. The report goes on to say: "The peculiar situation of those unhappy fugi- 
tives, who had been obliged to leave their friends, part of their families, and most 
of their substance behind them, justly claimed all his [Dr. Breynton's] attention; and 
from a principle of duty he hath exerted himself in a singular manner to soften 
and alleviate their banishment by every civility and consolation in his power." 


the men, the heavy silks or satins in which they were arrayed 
rustling stiffly or hanging in rich folds as they passed from their 
carriages into the church. From their necks and elbows rare 
lace would be falling, on their heads would rest plumed bon- 
nets of great elegance, surmounting their high-dressed coiffures. 
In the Governor's raised pew, on the School Street side of the 
church, with its red curtains and canopy-roof Would be seen the 
chief representative in the province of royalty, in brave uniform, 
some visiting titled Englishman or British army officer of rank, 
in red tunic, gold lace, and epaulets, very likely sitting beside 
him. In various pews along the middle and side aisles would be 
the families who composed the most important set of the local 
aristocracy, the James Apthorps, Robert Auchmutys, Thomas 
Brinleys, Gilbert and Lewis DeBloises, George Ervings, Sylves- 
ter Gardiners, Robert Hallowells, John Jeffries', Richard Lech- 
meres, Charles Paxtons, Isaac Royalls, John and William Vas- 
salls, and Samuel Wentworths. 13 

After the Revolution St. Paul's congregation was permanently 
enriched by not a few of the same people who had frequently, if 
not regularly, worshipped at King's Chapel. But from the first, 
the St. Paul's congregation had embraced the chief aristocracy of 
the town. Governors, lieutenant-governors, provincial secretar- 
ies, the chief-justice, most if not all of the members of council ; 
and as well, the officers of the army and navy in their brilliant 
uniforms, had habitually worshipped in the church. The English 
settlers who came with Cornwallis were, we presume, all An- 
glican Churchmen, but a considerable number of the pre-Revolu- 
tionary Bostonians who migrated thither, even though they had 
been reared Congregationalists, soon identified themselves with 
the parish of St. Paul 's. Chief Justice Belcher, for example, be- 
longed to a family whose principal place of worship in Boston 
was the Old South Church, but he, no doubt in England, had 

13. See the plan of the pews of King's Chapel and their owners in 1775, "An- 
nals of King's Chapel," Vol. 2, p. 328. James Apthorp had pew 75, Judge Robert 
Auchmuty pew 25, Thomas Brinley pew 79, Gilbert DeBlois pew 72, Dr. Sylvester 
Gardiner pews 7 and 8, Robert Hallowell, pew 29, Richard Lechmere pew 82, Charles 
Paxton pew 4, Isaac Royall pew 10, John Vassall pew 76, William Vassall pew 109, 
and Samuel Wentworth pew 9, all on the middle isle. Lewis DeBlois had pew 66, 
George Erving pew 65, and Dr. John Jeffries pew 67, all on the left aisle. The 
canopied state pew was of course on the right aisle. Almost all these owners of 
pews mentioned were on Howe's fleet, but almost all went to England, from Halifax. 


adopted the Anglican faith. In Boston, after his Halifax life be- 
gan, he married at King's Chapel, his wife, Abigail Allen, and 
until the last member of the Chief Justice 's family disappeared 
from Halifax the Belchers were devoted members of St. Paul's. 
The Binney family, which gave the fourth bishop to the diocese 
of Nova Scotia, was another of the Massachusetts Puritan fami- 
lies that in Halifax conformed to Episcopacy. Joseph Gerrish 
was reared a Congregationalist, though his wife was a Brenton 
of Newport and an Episcopalian, and he, too, naturally con- 
nected himself with St. Paul's. 14 

Of other New England settlers in Halifax, Judge James Bren- 
ton, a Rhode Islander, not a Massachusetts man, a brother of 
Mrs. Gerrish, had been reared in Trinity Church, Newport ; Miss 
Mary Cradock (who must have been visiting in Halifax before 
her marriage took place), the second wife of Hon. Joseph Ger- 
rish, was a daughter of George Cradock, one of the early prom- 
inent supporters of King's Chapel; James Monk (probably an. 
Englishman by birth) and his family had belonged to the same 
church; the elder Charles Morris, although of a Congregational 
family, had married a daughter of John Read, who was likewise 
a supporter of King's Chapel ; and the Newtons also were sprung 
from a notable founder of this historic parish. 

After the Revolution, we find in the St. Paul's congregation 
such familiar Loyalist names as Blowers, Brinley, Brown, Byles, 
Clarke, Coffin, DeBlois, Gay, Halliburton, Hutchinson, Lynch, 
Pryor, Robie, Snelling, Sterns, Stewart, Tremain, Wentworth 
and Winslow. A dignified and w'ell-bred throng indeed, it was. 
that trod the church aisles every Sunday when the Revolution 
was past, performing their devotions with reverence within the 
now ancient walls. As great Wealth as that of the King's Chapel 
Faneuils and Royalls and Vassalls the St. Paul's congregation 

14. It is uncertain to us whether Benjamin Gerrish and his wife Rebecca Dud- 
ley (daughter of Hon. William Dudley of Roxbury) were in Halifax chiefly Epis- 
copalians or Congregationalists. Joseph Fairbanks was connected with St. Paul's, 
though the Fairbanks family generally in later generations were identified with St. 
Matthew's. Such families as the Lawlors, and probably the Kurds and others, 
though previously Congregationalists, in Halifax belonged to St. Paul's. The 
Fillises and Salters, however, prominent Boston-Halifax people, seem never to have 
conformed to Episcopacy. The persistently evangelical character of St. Paul's to the 
present day may very well be due to the strong Congregational, moderate Calvin- 
istic, influence of a large part of its early congregation. 


perhaps never had, but Halifax has usually had a rather remark- 
able share of business prosperity and incomes have frequently 
been sufficiently large to afford of a good deal of luxury. Espe- 
cially after the Wentworths were established at Government 
House and the Duke of Kent was in residence in or near the 
town, expensive modes of living and a great deal of elegant 
display seem to have been characteristic of the town's social life. 
Writing of Halifax in the first quarter of the nineteenth century, 
Dr. Thomas B. Akins says: "Sunday presented a gay scene in 
Halifax in those days. There being then no garrison chapel for 
the troops, the regiments in garrison preceded by their bands 
playing, marched in full dress to St. Paul's and St. George's 
churches, amid the ringing of bells and the sound of martial mu- 
sic. The carriage of the Governor (who was then always a gen- 
eral officer) bearing his Excellency in full military costume, with 
his aids-de-camp, drove up to the south door of St. Paul's, the 
whole staff having first assembled under the portico, which then 
ran along the southern end of the church. His Excellency, fol- 
lowed by a brilliant display of gold lace and feathers, the clank 
of sabres and spurs, and the shaking of plumed hats of officers, 
many of whom were accompanied by their ladies, on entering the 
church presented a most brilliant spectacle. All this was fol- 
lowed by the old Chief Justice Blowers in his coach and livery, 
the carriage of the Admiral, and the equipages of the several 
members of the Council. 

* ' All being seated in the bodv of the church, full of fashion and 

CJ ** 

dress, the peal of the organ began to be heard, and the clergy 
in surplices and hoods (he who was about to preach, however, 
always in the black gown) moved from the vestry up the east 
side aisle to the pulpit, preceded by a beadle in drab and gold 
lace, carrying a large silver headed mace, who after the clergy 
had taken their seats deliberately walked down the aisle again 
to the vestry with the mace over his shoulder. . . . The ser- 
mon in the morning being concluded, the troops marched back to 
the barracks, and the General and Staff returned to Government 
House." After luncheon, Dr. Akins says, at three o'clock, the 
General, attended as in the morning, always reviewed the troops 
on the Common. 


In St. Paul 's all the brilliant weddings of Halifax in early days 
took place, many of these being of Halifax girls of directly Brit- 
ish or New England stock to young army or navy officers, not 
rarely men expecting some day to inherit titles. Of imposing 
funerals, too, there are many on record in the church's annals. 
One of the earliest of these, a funeral of solemn state, was of 
Governor Charles Lawrence, the next governor but one to Colonel 
Cornwallis, who died on the eleventh of October, 1760, and was 
buried beneath the church. In May, 1766, another governor's 
obsequies were held here, this governor being the Honorable Col- 
onel Montague Wilmot, whose immediate successor in the gover- 
norship was Lord William Campbell, youngest son of the fourth 
Duke of Argyle. In November, 1791, Governor John Parr's 
funeral was held here, and in 1820, Sir John Wentworth's; and 
besides these were Chief Justice Belcher's in 1776, Hon. Michael 
Francklin's in 1782, Chief Justice Finucane's in 1785, Bishop 
Charles Inglis 's in 1816, Chief Justice Sampson Salter Blowers 's 
in 1842, and Chief Justice Sir Brenton Halliburton 's in 1860. 
The funerals also of all the Boston Loyalists who died in Hali- 
fax probably without exception took place in the church, 
General William Brattle 's, TheophilusLillie 's, and Byfield Lyde 's 
in 1776, John Lovell, the "Boston Tory Schoolmaster's," in 
1778, Col. Jonathan Snelling's in 1782, Christopher Minot's in 

1783, Jeremiah Dummer Rogers 's and Edward Winslow, Sr.'s, in 

1784, Jonathan Sterns 's in 1798, Judge Foster Hutchinson, Sr.'s, 
in 1799, George Brinley's in 1809, and Archibald Cunningham's 
in 1820. Of Mr. Edward Winslow 's funeral in June, 1784, we 
have a minute description, probably first given in a Halifax 
newspaper of the time. From wherever Mr. Winslow died, to the 
church, as we suppose, and afterwards to the cemetery on Pleas- 
ant street, the procession moved. First, in it, came probably 
the two officiating clergymen, the Rev. Dr. Breynton and the 
Rev. Joshua Wingate Weeks. Then came six pall-bearers, 
Mr. John Wentworth (not yet a baronet) and beside him the 
Lieutenant-Governor of the province, General Edmund Fanning, 
both fellow-Loyalists of the deceased; Hon. Arthur Goold and 
Brigadier-General John Small; and Judge Foster Hutchinson, 
Sr., and Henry Lloyd, Esq. Next came the body of Mr. Winslow, 


probably in a hearse rather than on a gun-carriage, followed by 
Colonel Edward Winslow, Jr., his son, and possibly other rela- 
tives, and by the family servants "in deep mourning." Then 
walked in pairs, Sampson Salter Blowers and William Taylor, 
Esquires; their Excellencies Governor Parr and the General of 
the Forces ; Gregory Townsend, Esq., and Lieutenant Hailes of 
the 38th Grenadiers ; William Coffin, Esq., and Captain Morrice 
Robinson ; Rev. Dr. Mather Byles and Captain Addenbrooke ; and 
the Governor's aid-de-camp and Lieutenant Gordon, major of 
brigade. After these gentlemen walked the members of Council 
"a number of respectable inhabitants," and many gentlemen of 
the army and navy. The services in the church and at the grave 
were divided between the clergymen mentioned first. 

The extraordinary brilliancy which the presence of Imperial 
troops in large numbers, and throughout the summers when war- 
ships were in the harbour, of naval officers and men, gave Hali- 
fax, almost from its founding until late in the nineteenth century, 
can not easily be exaggerated. Halifax was for many years before 
the Imperial troops were withdrawn and the "Dockyard" was 
virtually closed, the chief military and naval base for Great 
Britain on the Atlantic seaboard of the American continent, and 
as such it rejoiced in the presence in successive years of a large 
number of the crack regiments of the British army and of many 
of the noblest ships of the British war-fleet. In the general out- 
ward brilliancy of the town on this account, St. Paul's Church, of 
course, to a very large extent shared. For ninety-six years, until 
the Garrison Chapel, in the North End was opened in 1846, St. 
Paul's, as we have said, was undoubtedly the chief place of wor- 
ship for both the army and the navy, and the services there must 
constantly have been enriched by magnificent displays of military 
and naval uniforms, and enlivened by the music performed by 
detachments of the best regimental bands. After the Garrison 
Chapel was built the British troops for the most part worshipped 
there, and no similar scene on the American continent could 
ever have been more thrilling than the movement of troops with 
their bands playing on Sunday mornings, in the church parade, 
from the several parts of the town where they were in barracks 
to the great church where they were to say their prayers and sing 


hymns. 15 At St. Paul's, for many years before, the spectacle must 
have been equally fine, and here in larger numbers than in the 
later Garrison Church were mingled with the troops the dignified 
and cultured citizens of Halifax who represented the town's and 
indeed the province of Nova Scotia's most aristocratic social life. 
"The first British infantry regiments to attend St. Paul's" says 
Dr. Armitage, "were Hopson's 40th and Warburton's 45th, and 
the first corps of artillery, a detachment of the Eoyal Train of 
Artillery in the year 1750." "In the years from 1755 to 1760," 
he adds, ' ' there were as many as twelve thousand troops, sailors, 
and marines, in Halifax under famous admirals and captains, 
notably Holborne, Boscawen, Howe, Saunders, Warren, and Col- 
ville, and generals, Lord Lodoun, Lord Dundonald, General Am- 
herst, and General Wolfe." During the war of the Revolution 
there were several famous regiments here, ' l notably the 33rd, the 
28th, the 69th, the Orange Bangers, and the 82nd, in which Sir 
John Moore, the hero of Corunna, was captain. From the close 
of the Revolution until 1846, St. Paul's was the chief place of 
worship of a multitude of regiments, not a few of them among 
the most renowned in the Imperial service. And not only the 
line regiments, but the Royal Artillery and Royal Engineers 
found their church home here. ' l Representatives of nearly every 
prominent family in the United Kingdom and Ireland have 
through our long connection with the Army and Navy, ' ' says Dr. 
Armitage, "worshipped in St. Paul's Church." 16 

After the removal of their fellow countrymen to Lunenburg 
in 1753, the few families of Germans who remained in the North 
End of Halifax, while welcoming the ministrations which the 
clergy of St. Paul's were able to give them, still persevered in 
their allegiance to the Lutheran faith. By 1758, their humble but 
determined efforts resulted in the building of a simple church, 

15. On two or three occasions not long before the Garrison Chapel was closed 
the writer had the unusual experience of preaching to the troops there, and he 
can never forget the thrill the music gave him as the bands of the various detach- 
ments of soldiers approached the church, nor the uplift of the scene as he looked 
down from the high pulpit into the faces of the great soldier audience. The sing- 
ing of the men, too, was stirring beyond description. 

16. The quotations we have given from Archdeacon Armitage will be found in 
St. Paul's Year Book for 1910. The list of regiments he gives (on pages 50-52) as 
having worshipped in St. Paul's he says were furnished him by Messrs. Harry 
Piers and Arthur Fenerty. 

26 1 

they named St. George's, where in the absence of a minister their 
schoolmaster every Sunday read a sermon and some prayers, 
while the congregation with true piety joined in singing their na- 
tive German hymns. On the fourth Sunday in Advent, 1758, they 
organized a church, but they were then and always dependent 
upon the priests of St. Paul's to administer to them the Holy 
Communion and give such other ministration as according to the 
rules of their church laymen could not properly give. At the 
opening service in St. George's the sermon was preached in Ger- 
man by a Mr. Slater, a visiting English army chaplain, his 
double text being Isaiah 48 :17, 18, and Hosea 9 :12. The conse- 
cration of the church, however, did not take place until March, 
1760, when Dr. Breynton was the chief if not the only officiating 
clergyman. At last after New York was evacuated in the Revo- 
lution, an educated German Loyalist clergyman, Rev. Ber- 
nard Michael Houseal, who had for over ten years been 
pastor of a Lutheran church in New York, came to the 
town, and possibly raised hopes in the hearts of the faithful 
Lutherans that he would remain and minister to them in their 
own way. It seems likely that he did so minister for a few 
months, but by 1785 he, like Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Burger, had 
gone over to Anglicanism, and as an Anglican priest in that year 
he came back to this German parish in the North End. The par- 
ish now, whether with the approval of the entire congregation or 
not, became absorbed by the Church of England. On the 10th of 
April, 1800, the corner stone of the present Anglican St. George 's 
Church, the ' ' Round Church, ' ' was laid, the Duke of Kent per- 
forming this office. In the midst of the graves of the early Ger- 
man Christians in Halifax, the little "Chicken-Cock Church," as 
it is familiarly called, the first St. George's, in which these 
foreigners worshipped, still stands, a monument to the earnest 
piety and persistent energy of the little emigrant band, whose 
characteristic religious confidence was expressed often in the 
great Luther's hymn they sang, Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott. 
The Rev. Bernard Michael Houseal died in Halifax on the ninth 
of March, 1799. 

Of the chief minister of St. Paul's throughout the most pic- 
turesque period of this church's history, the period which 


covers the whole time of the Revolution and a few 
years beyond, some further account must here be giv- 
en. The Rev. John Breynton was born in Montgomeryshire, 
Wales, probably about 1718, received his early schooling some- 
where in Shropshire, at nineteen entered Magdalene College, Cam- 
bridge, and from this university in 1741 received his bachelor's 
degree. In 1742 he was ordained and became chaplain in the 
navy, and for several years thereafter he officiated on the war- 
ships Robust, Nonsuch, and Chatham. In one of these ships or 
some other of Sir Peter Warren's fleet, in 1745 he came to the 
first siege of Louisburg, and it would seem that he remained there 
for four years. At any rate he was there in June, 1749, for on 
the third of that month he signed at Louisburg a testimonial to 
the good character of the Rev. Thomas Wood. In 1752 he was 
sent to assist Mr. Tutty at Halifax, and the following year, as we 
have seen, he became rector of St. Paul's, 17 In this capacity he 
laboured faithfully in Halifax until 1785, when he returned to 
England, possibly in a somewhat uncertain state of mind as to 
whether he would ever come back to his charge, but desiring to 
keep the St. Paul's rectorship still. It is said that at one time, 
we suppose during a visit he made to England in 1770 and 1771, 
he was made chaplain extraordinary to Queen Charlotte, and that 
he preached before her in German, which language he had 
learned after he was forty years old. After 1785 he never re- 
turned to Halifax, but he kept the rectorship of St. Paul's until 
1791. His death took place in London on the fifteenth of July, 
1799. On the sixth of April, 1770, he received from Oxford Uni- 
versity the honorary degree of Doctor of Divinity. 

Precisely when Dr. Breynton married first we do not know, but 
it was probably just before he came as curate to Halifax. His 
wife's first name was Elizabeth, but of her family name we are 
ignorant. She died at Halifax September thirteenth, 1778, and 

17. "St. Paul's Sunday School," says Ven. Dr. Armitage, the present Rector of 
St. Paul's Church, "was founded by Rev. Dr. Breynton about 1783. It is one of the 
oldest Sunday Schools with a continuous existence in the world, and is today the 
largest in the Maritime Provinces. Its foundation was only a year or so later than 
the work of Raikes, the founder of Sunday Schools at Gloucester, England, 1780. 
The movement obtained a footing in the United States only in 1791, when Sunday 
Schools were inaugurated at Philadelphia under the leadership of Bishop White." 
Year Book of St. Paul's Church for 1910. 


was buried from St. Paul's, September fifteenth. Between 1753 
and 1768, she bore seven or eight children. Dr. Breynton mar- 
ried, secondly, in Halifax, on the sixth of September, 1779, the 
widow of Hon. Joseph Gerrish, a member of the Council, one of 
the Boston pre-Revolutionary settlers in the town. Mrs. Gerrish 
was originally Mary Cradock, of Boston, and she was the Hon. 
Joseph Gerrish 's second wife. 18 

Dr. Breynton has passed into Nova Scotia history as an 
earnest, faithful clergyman and a sympathetic, kindly Christian 
man. Chief Justice Jonathan Belcher lived, of course, in very 
close relations with him, and this eminent parishioner of his, 
pronounces him a man of ' ' perfect good acceptance ' ' in the com- 
munity, "indefatigable labors," "experienced assiduity," and 
great moderation. * ' He was, ' ' says Dr. Hill, ' ' the personal friend 
and counsellor of the successive Governors and Lieutenant Gov- 
ernors, the associate and adviser of all others in authority, the 
friend and helper of the poor, the sick, and afflicted, and the pro- 
moter and supervisor of education." He tried to promote the 

18. The second Mrs. Breynton, who was the eldest daughter of Hon. George 
and Mary (Lyde) Cradock of Boston, was born May 18, 1723. She had sisters, 
Elizabeth, wife of Hon. Thomas Brinley, a refugee with Howe's fleet (who was a 
first cousin of his wife) ; Catherine, married to Nathaniel Brinley of Boston, Natick, 
and Tyngsborough, Mass. ; and Miss Sarah Cradock of Boston, who made her will 
July 10, 1798, and in it mentioned Dr. and Mrs. Breynton. Sept. 21, 1791, Dr. Breyn- 
ton and his wife Mary, Elizabeth Brinley, widow, and Sarah Cradock, spinster, "all 
of Edgeware Road in the parish of Marybone, Co. of Middlesex," England, sold a 
certain property in Boston to Nathaniel Brinley and his wife Catharine, for five 

Many of the intimate details of Dr. Breynton's life we have received from 
Miss Beatrice Hurst of H'orsham Park, Sussex, England, one of his 
descendants. Miss Hurst gives Trefeglawys, Montgomeryshire, as the place 
of her ancestor's birth, and says that he went to some school or schools, she does not 
know what, in Shropshire. His mother, "old Mrs. Breynton," died at Trefeglawys 
in the spring of 1779, aged at least eighty-three. In a list of English ships at the 
first siege of Louisburg given by Mr. C. Ochiltree Macdonald in his book ''The Last 
Siege of Louisburg" (p. 10), the Robust Nonsuch, and Chatham do not appear. 
Neither, however, does the Eesham, which we know was there, in command of Cap- 
tain Philip Durell, who later became an admiral. For the letter of testimonial to 
Mr. Wood signed by Dr. Breynton at Louisburg, see Bicentenary Sketches by Canon 
Vernon, pp. 46, 47. 

It seems probable that the ship on which Dr. Breynton served longest and last 
was the Robust, for on the 28th of August, 1781, he wrote his son-in-law. Captain 
Eliot, from Halifax : "I have reason to believe that the 'Robust' Ship of War will 
return to Europe this fall and be paid off, and as I have two yrs. pay due from 
that ship I have armed my agent with proper certificates to appear at the Pay table 
on my behalf. The amount is abt. 250. Mr. Ommaney will lay before you his 
difficulties respecting my pay for the 'Nonsuch' and 'Chatham,' the whole amounting 
to 160 more or less." 


welfare of the ignorant Micmacs, he influenced the starting of 
missions among the New England settlers throughout the pro- 
vince who came in 1760 and 1761, he did all he could to alleviate 
the distresses of the Loyalists and give them comfort in their 
exile from their native homes, and his attitude towards clergy- 
men of other denominations seems to have been uniformly friend- 
ly and kind. The hospitality he extended towards the Congrega- 
tionalists in giving them the use of St. Paul 's church until their 
own house of worship could be built no doubt arose from not 
only the generous nature of the man but the reasonable conviction 
that no one scheme of ecclesiasticism has exclusive divine sanc- 
tion, but that all orderly churches are equally commissioned by 
God to do the world good. When Freeborn Garrison, one of the 
earliest apostles of Methodism in the Maritime Provinces, came 
to Halifax in 1785 to promote spiritual religion there, Dr. Breyn- 
ton received him with great kindness. "You are on a blessed 
errand," he said, "I will do what I can to assist you. I desire to 
see the Gospel spread ;" 19 and the testimony of a later Methodist 
missionary, the Eev. William Bennett, was that he never knew 
a man so universally regretted as Dr. Breynton was when he left 
the province, "every individual of every denomination" being 
sorry to see him go. "A person who during a residence of up- 
wards of twenty years in this Province has deservedly gained the 
good will and esteem of men of all ranks and persuasions," was 
the description of him once given by some man not of his own 
communion. ' ' He preaches the Gospel of peace and purity, with 
an eloquence of language and delivery far beyond anything I 
ever heard in America. ' ' At the annual meeting of the ' ' Church 
Society" which took place in St. Paul's in 1770, says Dr. Thomas 
B. Akins, "the dissenting ministers all attended at the church to 
hear the doctor preach his Visitation Sermon." 

With the five New England Episcopal clergymen who came to 
Halifax either a little before or under the immediate protection 
of Howe's fleet, and with at least two others who came later, Dr. 
Breynton had very close relations. The Dean of the New Eng- 

19. "History of the Met'hodist Church within the Territories embraced in the 
late Conference of Eastern British America." Rev. Dr. T. Watson Smith (1877), 
Vol. i, p. 155. 


land Episcopal clergy was the venerable Rev. Dr. Henry Caner, 
of King's Chapel, and in his first report to the Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel after he fled from Boston this aged 
clergyman testified feelingly to Dr. Breynton's kindness to him: 
"I am now at Halifax," he says, "but without any means of 
support except what I receive from the benevolence of the worthy 
Dr. Breynton." To Dr. Walter, Dr. Byles, Mr. Troutbeck, and 
Mr. Badger, Dr. Breynton was no doubt, so far as they needed 
help, equally kind, 20 and there was one needy New England 
clergyman, who fled to Halifax later than the others, to whom 
he was conspicuously a friend. This clergyman was the Rev. 
Jacob Bailey, who like the greater number of the Episcopal clergy 
of New England before the Revolution had been reared a Con- 
gregationalist. Jacob Bailey was born in Rowley, Massachu- 
setts, in 1731, and graduated at Harvard in 1755. For some years 
after leaving college he preached as a Congregational minister, 
but in 1760 he went to England to take orders in the Episcopal 
Church. Ordained deacon by the Bishop of Rochester, and 
Priest by the Bishop of Peterborough, he then returned to New 
England and began missionary work at Pownalborough, Maine. 
As the Revolution progressed, his situation as an Episcopal 

20. In all, as a result of the Revolution, twenty-eight Episcopal clergyman took 
refuge in Nova Scotia : John Agnew, Samuel Andrews, Oliver Arnold, Moses 
Badger, Jacob Bailey, John Beardsley, George Bissett, Isaac Browne, - 
Brudenell, Mather Byles, Henry Caner, Richard Samuel Clarke, William Clarke, 
Samuel Cooke, Nathaniel Fisher, John Rutgers Marshall, Jonathan Odell, George 
Panton, John Hamilton Rowland, James Sayre, John Sayre, James Scovil, Epenetus 
Townsend, Roger Viets, William Walter, Joshua Wingate Weeks, John Wiswall, 
and Isaac Wilkins (the latter, however, not a clergyman until after he returned to 
New York). Of these men, eight were graduates of Harvard, seven of Yale, six 
of Columbia, and one at least of Princeton, while only two were educated in Bri- 
tain. The New England Episcopal clergy at the time of the Revolution were al- 
most all native New Englanders, and the great majority had been reared Congre- 
gationalists. Of the five who came a little before or with Howe's fleet to Halifax, 
Badger, Byles, and Walter were graduates of Harvard, and Caner was a graduate 
of Yale. Troutbeck alone was an Englishman. Bailey and Weeks who came in 
1779, and Wiswall, who came in 1782, were also Harvard men. From Halifax 
Moses Badger went to New York; after the Revolution he was Rector of the 
church that had been King's Chapel, in Providence. Dr. Henry Caner soon left 
Halifax for England, and so did John Troutbeck. Both died abroad. Mather Byles, 
as we shall show, staid in Halifax for thirteen years, then he settled in St. John. 
Dr. William Walter went from Halifax to New York, and in 1783 settled at Shel- 
burne, Nova Scotia. In 1791 he returned finally to Boston, and the next year be- 
came Rector of Christ Church, in which position he died December 5, 1800. Jacob 
Bailey died at Annapolis Royal in 1808; John Wiswall died in Wilmot, Annapolis 
County, in 1812. Sketches of all these men will be found in the writer's "Church of 
England in Nova Scotia." 


clergyman and a sympathizer with the Crown became more and 
more intolerable and at last in a state of destitution he and his 
family got on board a small vessel at Kennebec and sailed for 

The sufferings in the Revolution of no one of the Loyalist 
clergy have been recorded with greater minuteness than have 
Mr. Bailey's in the journal he himself kept and the letters of his 
that have been preserved. And his portrayals of these suffer- 
ings are exceedingly graphic. The picture Halifax presented to 
him as he sailed up the harbour when he was first exiled he also 
reproduces for us in a vivid way. After describing the outer 
entrance to the harbour he says : " As we advanced still further 
from the ocean, the town began gradually to open, and we had 
in prospect several strong fortifications, as the Eastern Battery, 
George's Fort, and strong ramparts upon the neighbouring 
heights, with all their terrible apparatus of cannon and mortars. 
When we arrived near the above mentioned Island of St. George 's 
we had a most advantageous, striking view of this northern cap- 
ital, stretching a mile and a half upon the eastern ascent of an 
extensive hill, while a large collection of shipping lay either con- 
tiguous to the wharves, or elsewhere riding, with the British 
colors flying, in the channel, a sight which instantly inspired us 
with the most pleasing sensations." 

The vessel on which he and his party were, he says, came to 
anchor at a wharf near the Pontac tavern, but before they reached 
the shore the people on deck were conscious that their ' ' uncouth 
habits and uncommon appearance had by this time attracted the 
notice of multitudes, who flocked towards the water to indulge 
their curiosity." "These inquisitive strangers," he continues, 
"threw us into some confusion, and to prevent a multitude of 
impertinent interrogations, which might naturally be expected 
by persons in our circumstances, I made the following public 
declaration, standing on the quarter deck : * Gentlemen, we are a 
company of fugitives from Kennebeck, in New England, driven 
by famine and persecution to take refuge among you, and there- 
fore I must entreat your candor and compassion to excuse the 
meanness and simplicity of our dress.' 

After they anchored, " I at that moment discovered among the 


gathering crowd, Mr. Kitson [probably Kidston], one of our Ken- 
nebeck neighbors, running down the street to our assistance. He 
came instantly on board, and after mutual salutations helped 
us on shore. Thus, just a fortnight after we left our own be- 
loved habitation we found ourselves landed in a strange country, 
destitute of money, clothing, dwelling or furniture, and wholly 
uncertain what countenance or protection we might obtain from 
the governing powers. Mr. Kitson kindly offered to conduct us 
either to Mr. Brown's or Capt. Callahan's; and just as we had 
quitted our vessel, Mr. Moody, formerly clerk to the King's 
Chapel, appeared to welcome our arrival." 

If Mr. Bailey could describe with bitterness the ill-treatment 
he received at the hands of the Maine ' ' patriots, ' ' he could also 
describe with humour the grotesque appearance he and his for- 
lorn party made when they reached Halifax and walked through 
the streets. "As it may afford some diversion to the courteous 
reader," he goes on to say, "I will suspend my narration a few 
moments to describe the singularity of our apparel, and the order 
of our procession through the streets, which were surprisingly 
contrasted by the elegant dresses of the gentlemen and ladies we 
hapened to meet in our lengthy ambulation. And here I am con- 
foundedly at a loss where to begin, whether with Capt. Smith or 
myself, but as he was a faithful pilot to this haven of repose, I 
conclude it is no more than gratitude and complaisance to give 
him the preference. He was clothed in a long swingling thread- 
bare coat, and the rest of his habit displayed the venerable sig- 
natures of antiquity, both in the form and materials. His hat 
carried a long peak before, exactly perpendicular to the longi- 
tude of his acquiline nose. 

"On the right hand of this sleek commander shuffled along 
your very humble servant, having his feet adorned with a pair 
of shoes which sustained the marks of rebellion and indepen- 
dence. My legs were covered with a thick pair of blue woolen 
stockings, which had been so often mended and darned by the 
fingers of frugality that scarce an atom of the original re- 
mained. My breeches, which just concealed the shame of my 
nakedness, had formerly been black, but the colour being worn 
out by age nothing remained but a rusty grey, bespattered with 


lint and bedaubed with pitch. Over a coarse tow and linen shirt, 
manufactured in the looms of sedition, I sustained a coat and 
waistcoat of the same dandy grey russet, and to secrete from pub- 
lic inspection the innumerable rents, holes, and deformities which 
time and misfortunes had wrought in these ragged and weather- 
beaten garments, I was furnished with a blue surtout, fretted 
at the elbows, worn at the button-holes, and stained with a variety 
of tints, so that it might truly be styled a coat of many colours, 
and to render this external department of my habit still more 
conspicuous and worthy of observation, the waist descended be- 
low my knees, and the skirts hung dangling about my heels ; and 
to complete the whole, a jaundice-coloured wig, devoid of curls, 
was shaded by the remnants of a rusty beaver, its monstrous 
brim replete with notches and furrows, and grown limpsy by the 
alternate inflictions of storm and sunshine, lopped over my 
shoulders and obscured a face meagre with famine and wrinkled 
with solicitude. 

1 ' My consort and niece came lagging behind at a little distance, 
the former arrayed in a ragged baize night-gown, tied round her 
middle with a woolen string instead of a sash ; the latter carried 
upon her back the tattered remains of an hemlock-coloured lin- 
sey-woolsey, and both their heads were adorned with bonnets 
composed of black moth-eaten stuff, almost devoured with the 
teeth of time. I forgot to mention their petticoats, jagged at the 
bottom, distinguished by a multitude of fissures, and curiously 
drabbled in the mud, for a heavy rain was now beginning to 
set in. ' ' 

The destination of the party was * ' Captain Callahan 's, ' ' nearly 
half a mile from the wharf where they had landed. The Calla- 
hans like "Mr. Kitson" had been neighbors and intimate friends 
of the Baileys at Kennebec, and when the latter reached the Cal- 
lahan house the welcome they received was affecting. Soon Mir. 
Thomas Brown and Mr. Martin Gay, both refugees from Boston, 
came to welcome the clergyman and his family. A few minutes 
after they arrived, came "the polite and generous Dr. Breynton," 
rector of St. Paul's. "He addressed us," says Mr. Bailey, "with 
that ease, freedom, and gentleness peculiar to himself. His coun- 
tenance exhibited a most finished picture of compassionate good 


nature, and the effusions of tenderness and humanity glistened in 
his venerable eyes when he had learned part of our history. He 
kindly assured us that he most heartily congratulated us upon 
our fortunate deliverance from tyranny, oppression, and poverty, 
and he declared that we might depend on his attention and as- 
sistance to make us comfortable and happy. The turn of his fea- 
tures, and the manner of his expression afforded a convincing ev- 
idence of his sincerity, and the event afterwards gave me undeni- 
able demonstration that I was not mistaken in my favourable 
conjectures. Before we parted he informed me that it was ex- 
pected I should wait upon the Governor at eleven to acquaint him 
with my arrival, and to solicit his countenance and protection." 21 

To Governor Parr he was soon taken, and both the governor 
and the legislature as a body promptly interested themselves in 
him and endeavoured to supply his needs. He was taken by one 
gentleman's orders to a tailor to be measured for a suit of clothes, 
so that he might be more presentable, another man gave him a 
beaver, ' ' almost new, ' ' Dr. Breynton procured a house for him 
on the east side of Pleasant street, "the most elegant street in 
the town," and "much frequented by gentlemen and ladies for an 
evening walk in fine weather," and the General Assembly gave 
him two hundred dollars in money and private gentlemen con- 
tributed nearly three hundred more. A few months after he 
landed he received a call to settle in Cornwallis, Kings County, 
and thither in October, 1779, he and his family went. In July, 
1782, he removed from Cornwallis to Annapolis Royal. 

Of the clergymen who came to Halifax with or before Howe's 
fleet, Dr. Mather Byles was the only one who remained long in 
the town. One priest who arrived later, the Rev. Joshua Win- 
gate Weeks, previously Rector of St. Michael's Church, Marble- 

21. The interesting extracts from Mr. Bailey's journal we have given above are 
taken from a much longer narration which will be found in "The Frontier Mis- 
sionary, a Memoir of the Rev. Jacob Bailey, A. M., Missionary at Pownalborough, 
Maine; Cornwallis and Annapolis, Nova Scotia," by Rev. William S. Bartlett, A. M., 
sometime Rector of Chelsea, Massachusetts, pp. 365. (Published at Boston by Ide 
and Dutt9n, 1853). For further information concerning Mr. Bailey, see this writer's 
"History of King's County, Nova Scotia," and the Calnek-Savary "History of An- 
napolis County, Nova Scotia." 

The Loyalists Mr. Bailey mentions as finding at Halifax were Mr. Atkins, 
"formerly a merchant in Boston and afterward a custom house officer at New- 
bury," Mr. Thomas Brown, Mr. Martin Gay, Dr. John Prince, previously of Salem, 
and "Colonel Phips's lady." 


head, a brother of the Rev. Jacob Bailey's wife, " Sally Weeks," 
did remain there after he came for eleven or twelve years, but 
except Dr. Byles he was the only refugee clergyman who staid. 
Mather Byles was the eldest son and the only son who lived be- 
yond very young manhood of the famous Tory Congregational 
minister of Boston, the senior Rev. Dr. Mather Byles. A grad- 
uate of Harvard, he too was in 1757 ordained to the Congrega- 
tional ministry, and settled at New London, but in 1768 he went 
to England for ordination to the Anglican priesthood and before 
the end of that year returned to Boston as Rector of Boston's 
now venerable Christ Church. In 1775 he withdrew from the 
rectorship of Christ Church, intending to go to Queen's Chapel, 
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, but the troubles of the Revolution 
thickening and his Tory sympathies being conspicuously strong, 
he was obliged to remain in Boston under the protection of the 
King's troops. With the fleet he went to Halifax, where he was 
soon made garrison chaplain and given occasional duty at St. 
Paul's, and in Halifax, sometimes officiating and sometimes not 
having any regular duty, he remained until May, 1789, when 
he became rector of Trinity Church, St. John, New Brunswick, 
and garrison chaplain in that Loyalist town. 22 In his St. John 
rectorship he remained until his death in 1814. 

Like his father, Dr. Byles was a man of character, education, 
and some literary gift. Like his father, also, he was a man of 
aristocratic tastes and his social and ecclesiastical connections, 
both before and after he adopted episcopacy, were such as we 

22. On the 3Oth of September, 1776, Dr. Byles wrote the Society for the Propa- 
gation of the Gospel that he had been appointed Chaplain to the Garrison, that he 
occasionally assisted Dr. Breynton, and that he had under his care two battalions 
of marines, the women and children and invalids of more than twenty regiments, a 
large hospital, and a school consisting of nearly four hundred pupils, which he reg- 
ularly visited twice a week. Since coming to Halifax (in March) he had baptized 
fifty-four, and had buried fourteen. As long as he remained in Halifax, that is 
until May, 1789, Byles was nominally chaplain to the garrison, but a great deal of 
this time his duties seem to have been only nominal. Until the Garrison Chapel was 
built in 1846, probably during Byles's stay in the town as well as later, there were 
CTidently small chapels or buildings used for chapels in which services for special 
bodies of troops were held, but the subject of these chapels is involved in some 
obscurity. At the time of Dr. Byles's third marriage, to Mrs. Reid (Susannah Law- 
lor), we know from the Byles correspondence that the Doctor had a little chapel 
somewhere in the town. In any case, for some years he despised Dr. Breynton so 
thoroughly that he could not possibly have been a worshipper at St. Paul's, much 
less have officiated there. This will more emphatically appear if we ever publish, as 
we hope to do, our "Life and Letters of the Younger Mather Byles." 

From a painting by his nephew, Mather Brown 


should expect such a man to choose. He was at heart deeply 
religious, but he was a man of great natural sensitiveness and a 
highly nervous organization, and suffering much, as he did, from 
ill health, his temper was frequently anything but equable. In 
Halifax, for what reason we do not know, he came to have bitter 
dislike for most of the members of the ruling class, and his antag- 
onism to his fellow clergyman, Dr. Breynton, was especially fierce. 
How deep this bitterness went certain allusions in his correspon- 
dence, much of which has been preserved, enables us clearly to 
see. While Dr. Byles was in London in 1784, an infant child of 
ihis died of small-pox, and both the family in Halifax and he 
abroad were plunged by the event into deep distress. What Dr. 
Breynton had done on the occasion to excite the family's dis- 
pleasure we are not told, but something unpleasant he had done, 
of which the family wrote Dr. Byles an account. On receipt of 
their letter, after deploring the child's death the father wrote: 
"Dr. Breynton 's conduct upon the occasion was perfectly char- 
acteristic, equally exciting indignation, horror, and contempt. 
Rest satisfied from me that it is not in his power to do me or my 
family the least prejudice. My son's behavior was noble and 
manly, and exactly what I could have wished it. His modesty, 
his condensension, his prudence, and his firmness do him great 
honor. It is a mercy to mankind that the greatest bullies when 
properly opposed are always the most despicable cowards, and 
though w'e are taught to let our moderation be known to all men, 
we are at the same time directed not to give place to the Devil. 
Well may an old man be peevish when all enjoyments of a dissi- 
pated life are past, never to return, and he has nothing to hope 
for but annihilation. But brutal behavior in a man will not pur- 
chase the fate of a brute. I check my pen, conscious that I have 
said enough upon the subject perhaps too much. Shortly af- 
ter Dr. Breynton left Halifax, finally as it proved, for England, 
Dr. Byles wrote his sisters in Boston : * * Two events have lately 
taken place which are of importance in my history, one is the de- 
parture of Dr. Breynton for England, with whose worthless name 
I believe I have never before condescended to blacken my page. 
It is generally hoped he will never return; and I trust that I 


have bid a final adieu to the haughtiest, the most insolent, ava- 
vicious, unprincipled of men." 23 

In his lifetime Dr. Byles wrote a little good poetry, but as a 
poet, like his father, who had, however, distinctly higher poet- 
ical gifts, he could occasionally make his verse the medium for 
expressing his bitter dislikes. Before he left Halifax he satirized 
in verse most of the leading public men of the place, while the 
rector of St. Paul's he held up to conspicuous ridicule. One of 
the members of the council was a merchant, Hon. Thomas Coch- 
ran, a North of Ireland man who came to Halifax in 1761 humble 
and poor, but who rose by good business judgment and energy to 
the highest social position in the town. By his second wife, Jane 
Allan, Mr. Oochran had a family of sons and daughters who when 
they grew up came to occupy positions of much importance, but 
he had also a daughter Margaret, his eldest child, whose mother 
was undoubtedly a North of Ireland woman. In 1778 Margaret 
Cochran was about eighteen, and in that year Dr. Breynton's 
first wife died. About a year later the elderly rector, who was 
probably a little over sixty, married, as we have seen, Mrs. 
Joseph Gerrish, 24 but in the meantime, if Dr. Byles 's muse is to 
be trusted, the clergyman was foolish enough to set his eyes on 
his young parishioner, Miss Cochran. Whether the episode of his 
proposing to her, which Dr. Byles rather discreditably exploits 
in verse, ever happened, or to what extent the details as Byles 
gives them were true, we have no present means of knowing, but 
in any case the following lampoon which Byles wrote for the edi- 
fication of his friends, but which, however, we believe, was never 
printed, affords additional testimony to his strong dislike of Dr. 

23. The other event of importance in Dr. Byles's history was the marriage, 
August 3, 1785, of his eldest daughter, Rebecca, to Dr. William James Almon, a 
bachelor of about thirty-one, a promising physician of Halifax. Through this mar- 
riage was founded one of the most prominent of the igth century families of Hali- 
fax. See the writer's Byles Genealogy in the N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, for 
April, 1915. 

24. Miss Beatrice Hurst writes that she has found in Dr. Breynton's corres- 
pondence the announcement of his engagement to Mrs. Gerrish, they "to be married 
in a few days." Twice in later letters the Doctor says that "he does not think there 
could be found in the whole world two beings more happy, more healthy, and more 
contented than they were." When he wrote these letters he and his wife were 
living in lodgings instead of taking a house, as every year he was hoping to go 
to England. He speaks of his increasing infirmities, and of the rigors of the Nova 
Scotia climate, and further shows a longing to be nearer his children. The salary 
he receives at St. Paul's, however, was of great importance to him. 


Breynton. It illustrates, moreover, as well, the remarkable li- 
cense in satirical writing that was permitted in the best society 
in the eighteenth century, a license that we know well to have ex- 
isted in England in at least the somewhat earlier time of Pope 
and Swift. Dr. Byles's poem, as it has been preserved in Hali- 
fax, is as follows :' 25 


The morning was fair and the month it was May, 
And the Pine trees exhaled all their wealth, 
When a Parson so good and a Lady so gay 
Rode out from the town, their devotion to pay 
To the Spring for the sake of their health. 

His name was St. Austin, and hers Agathene, 
His age was three score and a bit; 
The Lady just bloomed, in the charms of eighteen, 
Like the Goddess of Beauty and Love she was seen, 
And he, like Death's head on a spit. 

To a valley they came that was still and remote 
When the Saint squeezed her hand to his breast, 
Thrice attempted to speak, but a burr in his throat 
Stopp'd the way and prevented his sounding a note, 
Still his utterance he hemm'd, haw'd, and spit to promote, 
And at length thus the damsel addressed : 

"By my Maker, Sweet Girl ! I'll no longer restrain 
The affection which tortures my soul, 
For my blood effervesces, and maddens my brain, 
Pit-a-pat beats my heart, prayers and fastings are vain, 
And my love burns beyond all controul. 

"O yes lovely nymph, since your bib you laid by 

I have watched every turn in your charms, 

I mark'd when your bosom first heaved with a sigh, 

And the down on your cheek with the peaches might vie, 

Till I saw you mature for my arms. 

"Nay shrink not, and seem in this terrible fright, 
For I'm sure you can't think me too old, 
Pray look at my features, complexion, and height, 
And who knows what a cassock may hold." 

How distressed was the damsel, she fainted, she cried, 
Look'd pale and then red, nor from laughter forbore, 
Had her Grandfather's skeleton stood by her side 
And thus wooed her, and offer'd to make her his bride, 
Her amazement could ne'er have been more. 

25. In 1782, Miss Margaret Cochran was married in Halifax to a young Irish 
naval officer Rupert George, who afterward became Admiral Sir Rupert George, 
Bart., and her eldest son, Samuel Hood George, was Provincial Secretary of Nova 
Scotia from 1808 to 1813. Six of Lady George's Cochran half brothers and sisters 
were as follows: Judge Thomas; Elizabeth, wife of Bishop John Inglis ; Isabella, 
wife of Very Rev. Dean Ramsay of Edinburgh; Lieutenant-General William; Sir 
James, Chief Justice of Gibraltar ; and Rupert John, who died in New York. 


Still the lover persisted yet nearer to creep, 
The Lady his suit to repel 
She gave him a push, and his horse took a leap, 
When the Doctor no longer his saddle could keep 
But into a pond that was muddy and deep 
Plump down to the bottom he fell. 

Thrice he sunk in the mud, thrice immerg'd to the chin, 
And each time that his head he could raise 
He was heard to cry out, with deplorable din, 
"Oh ! Woman, the flesh and the devil within, 
Had I never known thee I had never known sin, 
And thus died in the prime of my days." 

Tho' his heart was so heavy, yet his tail was but light, 
So he just made a shift to creep out, 
And then, Oh ! Good Lord, what a laughable sight, 
Without hat or wig, and his noddle so white 
Was as black as a coal all about. 

Hissing hot he went in, but now rose from this bed 
Cold as ice like an eelskin all dripping and slack, 
Like Aaron's rich ointment the mire from his head 
Down his beard to the skirts of his pettycoat spread, 
And thus he jogged leisurely back. 

But how the folks star'd in the Town on his way 
At a rigure so strange and ungain, 
Geese cackled, ducks quack'd, asses set up a bray, 
The great dogs all bark'd, the small ran away, 
And the children all blubber'd amain. 

From that time to this, since the story was known 
Thro' the whole of the parish, I ween, 
How the Parson such wonderful prowess has shown, 
Neither maid, wife, or widow, my Lady or Joan, 
Would suppose herself safe with the Parson alone, 
When she thinks of the fair Agathene. 

The only other New England refugee clergyman besides Dr. 
Byles who staid long in Halifax was, as w*e have said, the Rev. 
Joshua Wingate Weeks. This clergyman, like his brother-in- 
law Mr. Bailey, and also Dr. Walter, Mr. Badger, and Dr. Byles, 
was of Congregational antecedents, and was graduated at Har- 
vard College. From 1762 to 1775, he was rector of St. Michael's 
Church, Marblehead, from which place in the latter year he was 
obliged to flee. For some time he was at Pownalborough, Maine, 
with Mr. Bailey, then he went to England for a little while. Three 
weeks after Mr. Bailey arrived at Halifax he too appeared there. 
Very soon, his wife and eight children, who had remained in New 
England, joined him, and he and they did not leave Halifax 
finally until at least 1791. During his stay in Halifax he assisted 


Dr. Breynton, and when the old rector went to England in 1785 
he was given temporary charge of the parish. After 1791, when 
the Rev. Robert Stanser became rector, Mr. Weeks officiated at 
Preston, and at Guysborough. 26 

An event of great importance to organized religion in eastern 
America, and especially to St. Paul 's Church, was the erection of 
Nova Scotia in 1787 into the first British Colonial Anglican See. 
Until after the Revolution all efforts made in America to secure 
the Anglican Episcopate for any of the colonies were unavailing, 
consequently, the Church of England was never completely organ- 
ized here. When the Revolution had passed, the determined 
energy of the few New England clergymen who remained at their 
posts at length succeeded in wrenching from Britain the gift 
which America ought to have had generations before, and No- 
vember fourteenth, 1784, the Rev. Dr. Samuel Seabury was con- 
secrated in Scotland Bishop of the first "Episcopal" diocese on 
the American continent, the Diocese of Connecticut. On the 
fourth of February, 1787, Dr. Samuel Provost and Dr. William 
White were consecrated at Lambeth, the former for the diocese 
of New York, the latter for the diocese of Pennsylvania, and on 
the twelfth of August, 1787, the Rev. Dr. Charles Inglis, who 
from March, 1777, until November, 1783, had been Rector of Trin- 
ity Church, New York, was consecrated also at Lambeth, for the 
diocese of Nova Scotia. Sailing from England the sixteenth day 
after his consecration, Bishop Inglis reached Halifax on the 
fifteenth of October, and a reception at St. Paul 's was, of course, 
promptly accorded him that was entirely in keeping with his own 
dignity and with the importance of the change in Nova Scotia's 
ecclesiastical affairs which his coming to the province as bishop 
meant. 27 

26. For a much longer notice of Mr. Weeks, see the writer's "Church of Eng- 
land in Nova Scotia," pp. 184-186. He, too, for some reason came under the severe 
displeasure of Dr. Byles. 

27. December 17, 1784, Dr. Byles, in London, writes in a diary letter to his 
family in Halifax : "Dr. Seabury has not returned from his Quixotic Expedition to 
Scotland, where he has been dubbed nonjuring Jacobite Bishop of Connecticut. By 
renouncing his allegiance he has forfeited every emolument from this Country. A 
Bishop he certainly is, but not in the Communion of the Church of England, and it is 
much to be questioned whether the Revenue of his See will be sufficient to furnish 
him with Mitres and Lawn-Sleeves. The Parliament have passed an Act empower- 
ing the Bishop of London to ordain ministers for the United States, which is suf- 
ficient to convince anybody except Dr. Chandler that there is no Design of sending 


More mural tablets adorn the walls of St. Paul's Church than 
are to be found, we believe, in any cathedral or other parish 
church on the continent of America, the church has sometimes 
fondly been called ' ' the Westminster Abbey of Canada. ' ' In the 
twenty vaults beneath the church rest the ashes of a good many 
of the most distinguished early residents of Halifax, while these 
graceful tablets perpetuate the memory of their virtues and their 
useful deeds. On the fronts of the east and west galleries, and in 
the vestibule hang also rows of blazoned heraldic shields or hatch- 
ments, which give additional testimony to the social importance 
of the church's early worshippers, and lend richness to the atmos- 
phere we find within the walls of the sacred building today. 

Quaint records, too, are to be read in the archives of the par- 
ish. At a meeting of the vestry on the twenty-fourth of July, 1770, 
it was voted that l i Whereas the Anthems sung by the clerk and 
others in the gallery during Divine Service have not answered 
the intention of rasing the Devotion of the Congregation to the 
Honour and Glory of God, inasmuch as the major part of the 
congregation do not understand either the words or the musick 
and cannot join therein; therefore, for the future the clerk have 
express orders not to sing any such Anthems or leave his usual 
Seat without direction and leave first obtained from the Reverend 
Mr. Breynton." Voted further, "that whereas also the organ- 
ist discovers a light mind in the Several tunes he plays, called 
voluntaries, to the great offence of the congregation, and tending 
to disturb rather than promote true Devotion; therefore he be 
directed for the Future to make a choice of such Tunes as are 
Solemn and Fitting Divine Worship, in such his voluntaries, and 
that he also for the future be directed to play the psalm Tunes 
in a plain Familiar Manner without unnecessary Graces." 

An interesting episode of the Revolution in New England was 

a Bishop to Nova Scotia. Dr. Benevolence Muckworm might therefore have spared 
himself the Trouble of directing your wise Governor and Council to petition against 
it." (Dr. Benevolence Muckworm was Dr. Breynton). 

In his letters to his sisters, the Misses Mary and Catherine Byles, in Boston, 
Dr. Byles several times mentions Bishop Inglis's friendliness with him. April 2, 
1787, he writes : "I and my family dined by invitation at the Bishop's. That good 
man and I are upon the most friendly terms. We converse with the utmost familiar- 
ity and confidence, and I esteem myself happy in the connexion. He frequently con- 
sults me and our sentiments seldom differ." 


the introduction into Halifax in 1776 of the small sect known as 
Sandemanians, which had had an existence in Boston and a few 
other places in New England for the preceding ten or twelve 
years. The sect was founded in Scotland in 1725, by the Rev. 
John Glas, who had previously been an earnest minister of the 
Established Church of Scotland, but its doctrines were brought 
to America in 1764 by Glas's son-in-law and the most eminent 
apostle of his views, Robert Sandeman, who became a member 
of the sect while pursuing his studies at the University of Edin- 
burgh in 1736, and whose subsequent prominence in relation to 
it led to the attachment of -his name to it rather than that of his 
father-in-law Glas. The sect was one of the many fugitive or 
local sects of Christians that have arisen at various times in the 
old world or the new in defense of a literalistic return to the 
beliefs and practices of primitive Christianity and in protest 
against all departures from what has been conceived to be the 
inspired views and customs of the earliest Christian age. With 
certain more or less defensible notions of "faith," and with a 
firm belief that an exact model for church organization and wor- 
ship for all times was to be found in the New Testament, they 
adopted a Congregational polity, refused to countenance a paid 
ministry, received new members with the imposition of hands 
of the "elders" and with the "holy kiss," read the Scriptures 
at great length in their public services, practised the washing of 
feet, and at the Love-feast, which was held between morning 
and afternoon service on Sundays, gave each other religiously 
the Apostlic "kiss of peace." 

The first Sandemanian church in America was founded at 
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, May fourth, 1765, at least one man 
of influence there, Hon. Nathaniel Barrell of the Governor's 
Council, giving it his strong support. In Boston the first meet- 
ings are said to have been held at house of Edward Foster, who 
at the Revolution settled at Dartmouth, Nova Scotia, but pre- 
cisely when the Boston Society was organized we do not know. 
By November, 1766, the sect had a chapel of its own, in the North 
End, and this being burned in April, 1773, its members soon 
erected another. Eventually Sandemanian churches were estab- 
lished in other New England towns, as Danbury and New Haven, 


Connecticut, and Taunton, Massachusetts, but by 1830 the 
movement throughout New England had spent its strength, al- 
though lingering remnants of the sect were to be found as late 
as the beginning of the present century. 

In Boston, always since the downfall of theocratic power a hot- 
bed of new religious cults, the Sandemanian doctrine fastened 
itself upon the minds and consciences of a small group of some- 
what influential people, and when the Revolution came on these 
people like others had to choose between sympathy with the pop- 
ular cause and continued loyalty to the crown. The injunction 
of St. Peter, " Honour the King," they believed to be just as 
binding on them as the correlative exhortation * ' Fear God, ' ' so 
at the evacuation they had no alternative whatever but to flee to 
Halifax with the rest of the Loyalist band. 28 Precisely when or 
where they organized themselves in Halifax we do not know, but 
their permanent place of meeting on Sundays was the upper 
room of a wooden building on the north side of Prince street, 
between Barrington and Granville streets. In that room, it is 
said, Samuel Greenwood, one of the chief Boston Sandemanian 
refugees, suddenly died. By the marriage of two of the daugh- 
ters of Edward Foster, another prominent refugee, to men of 
earlier settled Halifax families, the sect here came finally to 
include other names than those of the founders, but it never 
increased very largely, and by the middle of the nineteenth cen- 
tury, if not earlier, it was represented only by a few persons, 
chiefly women. One of the leading members of the sect and an 
elder was the Loyalist publisher and printer, the father of the 
Hon. Joseph Howe. 29 

28. In the Diary of Ezra Stiles, D. D., Vol. i, p. 502, we find the following: 
"The Sandimanians opened Shops in Boston on Thanksgiving day last and the 
Episcop a at Cambridge refused to observe it ; the young Dr. Biles, Episc Clergy- 
man, refused to open his Church in Boston, to the great Offence of his little Flock, 
which are more for Liberty than any Episco. Congregation north of Maryland." 

29. From the absence of immediate records of the Sandemanian Church in 
Boston it is not easy, or indeed we suppose possible, to make a complete list of the 
adherents of the church there before the Revolution. The following, however, were 
members: Ebenezer Allen, Walter Barrell (Inspector General of Customs), Alford 

Butler, Edward Foster, Mrs. Cotton, Adam De Chezzeau, Samuel Greenwood, 

Joseph and John Howe, Edward King, David Mitchelson, Mrs. Rae, Mrs. Richard 

(Abigail) Stayner, Isaac Winslow, Sr., and Isaac Winslow, Jr. The last survivor 
of this group is said to have been Alford Butler, who died in Boston March 23, 1828, 
aged 90. The society was not wholly broken up by the Revolution, in 1817, 
it is said, it still had six members. 


Drake in his "Landmarks of Boston" says that the earliest services of the San- 
demanians were held at the Green Dragon tavern on Union Street, perhaps the 
most noted hostelry of Boston in the i8th century. This tavern, Daniel Webster 
styled the headquarters of the Revolution. Another account says that the first 
meetings were held at Edward Foster's house. It seems likely that the meetings 
were first held at Foster's, but that they soon outgrew a private house and went to 
the Green Dragon. 

The members of the Boston Sandemanian Church who went to Halifax were, 
Ebenezer Allen, who became in 1784 one of the original grantees of Preston, Nova 
Scotia, and had a tan-yard about three miles from Dartmouth, on what is now the old 
Preston road ; Edward Foster, who settled in Dartmouth, and established iron-works 
there, and who died in 1786, leaving, Sabine says, thirteen children; Adam DC Chez- 
seau, whose family in Howe's fleet consisted of seven persons; Samuel Greenwood 
who took to Halifax a family of five persons ; John Howe, who went unmarried but 
who later settled in Halifax permanently with a wife, and had an honourable career 
in the town ; possibly Edward King, who went with seven other persons in the fleet ; 
possibly David Mitchelson, who went with two other persons; widow Abigail Stay- 
ner, who took a family of three ; and Isaac Winslow r Sr., who went with a family 
of eleven, as also his nephew Isaac Winslow, Jr., who may have taken a family. 

At some later time came to Halifax also, Thcophilus Chamberlain and Titus 
Smith, graduates of Yale College and previously Congregational ministers, but con- 
verts to Sandemanianism. These men were probably before their removal to Nova 
Scotia, members of the Sandemanian Church at New Haven, Connecticut. For con- 
spicuous notices of them see Mrs. William Lawson's "History of Dartmouth, Pres- 
ton, and Lawrencetown," pp. 171-173, 199, 205-207. For them and other Sandeman- 
ians, see also valuable notes by "Occasional" in the Halifax Acadian Recorder for 
May 27, 1916. For Ebenezer Allen, also, see Mrs. Lawson's History, pp. 108-111. 
His family in Howe's fleet comprised eight persons. John Howe's name for some 
reason does not appear in Barren" s list of refugees. 

A letter written by Edward Foster May i, 1782, is said to show that the Sande- 
manians in Halifax were not thoroughly organized as a church at that time. By 1784, 
however, they probably were. John Howe was one of their elders in Halifax, and 
he is said to have conducted services on Sundays for a long time. 

For an interesting account of the "Sandemanians of New England," see an arti- 
cle with this title by Professor Williston Walker in the Annual Report of the 
American Historical Association for the year 1901 (Washington, 19x12), pp. 131-162. 
Interesting manuscript letters of Robert Sandeman will be found in the library of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society. See also "Places of worship of the Sande- 
manians in Boston," by Henry H. Edes, in Publications of the Colonial Society of 
Massachusetts Transactions, Vol. 6 (1899, 1900), pp. 109-130. At their love feast 
each person gave the holy kiss to the person who sat next him on each side. The 
kiss was regarded as a divinely appointed means "for promoting that mutual love 
which is essential to true Christianity." 

[Since the foregoing notes were put in print the writer has received a few more 
valuable facts concerning the Halifax Sandemanians. In the Acadian Recorder of 
May 27, 1916, Occasional wrote: "There is a tradition of a division in the Prince 
street congregation on account of consanguinity. The body gradually broke up, until 
at last only three ladies, of a later generation, were left. In 1884, an elder, named 
Blakeney, an artist by profession, came to Halifax. He was the guest of Mr. Crowe, 
of the firm of DeChezzeau and Crowe. On this occasion Elder Blakeney baptized 
one of the old ladies mentioned above. The remants of the Sandemanians left in 
Halifax were among the Lawson and Piers families." In corroboration of this last 
statement Mr. Harry Piers has lately given the writer important information. John 
Lawson, born in Boston, who became a notable merchant in Halifax, married for his 
second wife a daughter of Edward Foster, the Sandemanian Loyalist, and Temple 
Stanyan Piers, Esq., son of Lewis Piers, Esq. (who came to Halifax from England 
with Governor Cornwallis), married another daughter, Mercy Foster. Thus mem- 
bers of both these important Halifax families, the Lawsons and Pierses, became 
members of the Sandemanian church. Temple Stanyan Piers probably continued to 
be an Anglican Churchman, but he died early and both his young sons, Temple Fos- 
ter Piers and Lewis Edward Piers, were reared by their mother in the Sandemanian 


faith. "My grandfather, Temple Foster Piers," writes Mr. Harry Piers, "was 
through and through a Sandemanian, yet I think I am right in saying that for some 
years he did not attend the Sandemanian place of worship, but worshipped at home." 
This was probably owing, Mr. Piers thinks, to the fact that one of the members, per- 
haps an elder, had married a near relative, a circumstance which gave offence to 
some of the stricter members of the church, Mr. Piers among the number. "M,y 
aunt, Miss Mary DeChezeau Piers (born 1819, died 6 March, 1906)," says Mr. Piers, 
"may be considered the last member of the sect here, if we regard regular induction 
into the church and public regard for its forms of worship as constituting member- 
ship. On the other hand, my father, Henry Piers (born 1824, died 24 June, 1910), 
and my uncle, George Piers (born 1830, died 29 October, 1910) were in belief Sande- 
manians, and as such were always regarded and always regarded themselves." The 
"three ladies of a later generation" of whom Occasional makes mention, were two, 
Miss Lawsons and Miss Mary Piers. Miss Piers, Occasional says, attended a Sande- 
manian Conference at Danbury, Connecticut, as late as 1882. Precisely when these 
three ladies relinquished public worship according to the usages of their sect, Oc- 
casional probably does not know.] 


and sterling, has been unbreakable by any adverse stroke of 

He is, indeed, such a man as only the great civilization of the 
present could produce; and that which he in sober fact has 
wrought seems in the splendor of its progress like the weird 
magic of a fairy tale ; for to sum up briefly, without peradven- 
ture it may now be said he is the greatest living retail merchant 
in the world, he is without a peer in his achievements, and the 
great corporation which owns his headship and his guiding 
hand boasts the largest number of customers for its wares of 
any business of any type throughout the entire universe, is in 
its own field the indisputable peer, and in a nation typical of 
marvels in industry and enterprise, stands forth an industrial 
and commercial wonder of the age. To all these may be added 
that he holds in private ownership the very highest busi- 
ness building standing on the earth; heavily interested and 
actively associated in managing several of the big metropolitan 
banking institutions; it would be impossible to here cite all 
the ramifications of his varied interests or adequately to 
portray the whole that he has done. Captain of industry; 
merchant leader; financier and banker; director and conductor 
of a host of things and men; the responsibilities of millions 
have not made him a machine, but his sympathy with the needy 
and unfortunate has found utterance in generous assistance, 
and "his left hand has helped many a man and many a cause 
of which his right hand makes no record." 

And these achievements, this brief history in outline, of this 
twentieth century wizard of the modern forces, comprises not 
the work of generations, but Frank W. Woolworth, its author, 
living, may in his own person view the giant creatures of his 
brain, his own work, his own creation, the greatest, the most 
lasting, the most monumental, testimonial he could receive. 

Chapters in the History of Halifax, 
Nova Scotia 



Here loyal Bourbons carved the fleur-de-lys 
And flung to Heaven the white flag of their Kings ; 
Here Britain's war-ships came with flapping wings 
What strifes then rent the peace of Acadie ! 

Acadian Ballads. 


HE predecessor of Halifax as the capital of Nova 
Scotia was the little town known as Annapolis Royal. 
At the head of Annapolis Basin, a beautiful land- 
locked bay into which as into other bays on the Nova 
Scotia coast the Bay of Fundy drives daily its fierce-flowing 
tides, stands this peaceful town. Elms and maples like those of 
New England and the rest of Nova Scotia line its well-kept 
streets. Houses that bespeak refinement and comfort, with gar- 
dens about them in summer rich with varied bloom, are on every 
hand. Through the great dykes near the town flows the An- 
napolis river, while round the wooden piers of a few old wharves 
the Fundy tides dash twice a day, sometimes bearing on their 
crests peaceful merchant craft and passenger steamships of 
moderate size. Above the Basin, on a lifted plateau, near where 
the "upper town" in the eighteenth century used to stand, is an 
extensive earthwork lined within with a wall of solid masonry 
some twelve feet thick and surrounded by a dry moat. Inside the 
great inclosure which once formed this new-world fort stand the 
latest barracks ever built here, which are still in a good state of 
repair. The prosperous town and the ruined fort of Annapolis 
Royal attract many visitors in summer, but few who walk the 
streets where the houses stand, or press their feet on the grassy 
turf of the smooth fields near the fort, have much knowledge of 



the long, strange, thrilling story that Annapolis Royal has to tell 
when she summons from the realm of shadow the many now al- 
most forgotten facts of her historic past. 

Save the Spanish settled St. Augustine in Florida, which was 
founded in 1565, no town on the American continent had its first 
beginning as early as Annapolis Royal, and save St. Augustine 
and the English settled Jamestown in Virginia, no town has had 
so long a continuous existence as a peopled place. 1 Nor in the 
varied history of French exploration and military conquest in 
America, does any town except Quebec figure so romantically. 
* ' Port Royal, ' ' the French explorers called the settlement where 
in 1604 they first attempted to found the capital of their great 
forest domain. When at last, however, after more than a cen- 
tury of intermittent strife for ownership of the province of 
Acadia, the country yielded to the superior skill of British 
diplomacy and strength of British arms, the English captors of 
the fort and so conquerors of the province gave the place in 
honour of the reigning British sovereign, her Majesty Queen 
Anne, the name it now bears. 

For a few years over two centuries now, Nova Scotia, that 
part of the French province of Acadia that was most settled and 
in every way best known, has had a comparatively peaceful his- 
tory, though for thirty-nine years after its final conquest by 
England in 1710, until Halifax was founded in 1749, there were 
occasions when at Annapolis Royal great apprehension was 
felt for the security of British rule over the province, and two 
or three times when actual attacks on the fort were experienced. 
But there was an earlier hundred years when hostilities were so 
many in Acadia, and changes of ownership came so fast that the 
historian is almost bewildered as he tries to follow closely the 

i. St. Augustine was first settled in 1565, and its history has been continuous 
to the present time. Jamestown, the first settlement made by the English on the 
continent, dates from May 13, 1607, and its history as a settlement since that time 
has had no interruption. Annapolis Royal was first visited and temporarily set- 
tled in 1604; its history, however, has been continuous only since 1610. For the 
complete history of Annapolis Royal, the town and fort, two works should be con- 
sulted, these are "A History of Nova Scotia or Acadie," by Beamish Murdoch, 
Q. C, in three volumes, 1865-1867; and an able "History of the County of Annapo- 
lis, including Old Port Royal and Acadia, etc.," by William Arthur Calnek and 
Judge Alfred William Savary, D. C. L., 1897, (with a later supplement by Judge 
Savary, 1913). Murdoch's history is documentary, but it contains a great deal of 
graceful writing. 


march of events. For these events in Acadia, Port Eoyal always 
furnishes the chief setting, small as the place was, rude and 
often dilapidated as its fortifications were, it symbolized and 
centred successively the authority of both the great Empires 
that held nominal sway over Acadia as a transatlantic colonial 
possession. Within its confines during that first century of its 
history dwelt renowned explorers like Champlain, DeMonts, 
and Poutrincourt, some of these nobles of the then gayest court 
in Europe; cassocked priests of the historic orders of Jesuits 
and Recollets; eminent Huguenot protesters against the arro- 
gant domination of Borne ; and one year the poet Lescarbot, with 
his vivacious spirit and varied gifts of mind; while across the 
seas, amidst the splendor of palaces, on their sometimes un- 
worthy heads resting the glittering circles that denote power, 
played anxiously for the control of its destinies great sovereigns 
like the Kings of Nlavarre, the Stuarts, or Queen Anne. In the 
hands of such kings and queens indeed the fortunes of Acadia 
nominally rested, but the men who actually played the great 
game of empire in which it held a conspicuous place on the board 
were shrewd, skilful statesmen, who often controlled kings and 
queens, men like the French Bichilieu and Mazarin, of the Eng- 
lish Clarendon and Pitt. 

In the first nearly forty years of its history after the final 
conquest of Acadia by England, Annapolis Royal was, as we 
have said, the capital of Nova Scotia, the name that ever since 
the conquest the Acadian peninsula has borne, and during those 
forty years activities went on at Annapolis that since the town 
was the immediate and only predecessor of Halifax as the Nova 
Scotian capital it is neciessary in sketching the history of the lat- 
ter town briefly to tell. As the oldest settlement by far, howr 
ever, in eastern America, with a history full of stirring interest, 
we may be excused if we run briefly over the whole series of 
striking events which give Annapolis Royal distinction, from 
the earliest period of its romantic settlement by French ex- 
plorers, to the year 1749, when its distinction as a new world 
capital forever ceased. 

What European first set foot on the soil of Acadia we shall 
never know. Whether the Cabots, father and son, even caught 


sight of the peninsula in their successive voyages in 1497 and 
1498, or whether Gasparde Cortereal, the resolute Portuguese 
mariner, who entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence in 1500, in re- 
lating the story of his new-world discovery actually described 
Acadia or not we cannot tell. We do know that the Basque fish- 
ermen, in remembrance of a cape on the French coast near 
Bayonne, sometime in 1504 named the island of Cape Breton. 
We know also with tolerable certainty that the Italian Veraz- 
zano, in 1554 skirted seven hundred leagues of the American 
coast, from North Carolina to Newfoundland, and gave the coun- 
try he looked on as he sailed not an Italian name but the name 
4 i New France. ' ' We are told, also, that an English sea-captain, 
Master Thomas Thorne of Bristol, in 1527 entered the Gulf of 
St. Lawrence and went as far south as Cape Breton, and "Aram- 
bee," the earliest name given the peninsula of Nova Scotia. 
And we are certain that Jacques Cartier in 1534 visited and was 
delighted with the northern coast of New Brunswick, and that 
at Cape Gaspe he formally took possession of the country, erect- 
ing there a cross thirty feet high, hanging on it the shield of 
France, and with pious fraud assuring the Algonquin natives 
that he had put the monument there only as a landmark for ex- 
plorers. The sad fate of the forty convicts brought to Sable 
Island by the Marquis de la Roche in 1598 is also a matter of his- 
tory. It is said that the Marquis visited the mainland of Nova 
Scotia with the purpose of selecting there a place to locate his 
oonvict colony, before he placed the wretched men who com- 
posed it on the barren sands of Sable Isle. Through the rough 
tides of the Bay of Fundy, however, we are not sure that in the 
whole sixteenth century a single European vessel ever rode. 2 
Port Royal or Annapolis Royal's history begins with the 
landing there in the spring of 1604 of Sieur de Monts, who had 
previously accompanied Chauvin and Pontgrave to the river St. 
Lawrence, had become possessed with the spirit of new world 
conquest, which at the beginning of the 17th century took so wide 
a hold on the popular imagination in France, and had determined 

2. In the i6th century, however, European fishermen diligently prosecuted 
their calling along the Atlantic coast of Nova Scotia and on the banks of New- 



moreover to seek riches in the fur trade on these western shores. 
There is a French tradition that a little settlement was made in 
Cape Breton as early as 154-1, but except for this, Port Royal 
was the first settlement ever attempted in any part of the great 
province of Acadia, of which the peninsula of Nova Scotia was 
always the most conspicuous part. 3 

In days when there are few worlds left to conquer, and when 
the spirit of adventure which characterized the sixteenth cen- 
tury explorers is consequently little found, we can hardly im- 
agine the eagerness with which French explorers at the begin- 
ning of the seventeenth century sought the American continent, 
nor the magnificence of the dreams that came to them of vast 
wealth and power to be gained in these wooded wilds. At the 
beginning of 1604, the mantle of De Chastes, who in his old age 
had ardently longed to plant the cross and the fleur-de-lis in the 
forests of New France, but who had died in returning from his 
first unsuccessful voyage thither, fell on a Calvinist nobleman, 
Pierre du Guast, Sieur de Monts, gentleman in ordinary of the 
king's bedchamber, and governor of Pons. Undaunted by the 
tragic fate of the Marquis de la Roche, who after the melan- 
choly failure of his plans for a convict colony and of all his own 
political hopes died miserably in 1599 ! , and undiscouraged by the 
ill success of the later ventures of De Chastes and young Cham- 
plain, this nobleman eagerly petitioned the king for leave to- 
colonize La Cadie or Accadie, a region he described as extending 
from the fiftieth to the forty-sixth degree of north latitude, or 
from Philadelphia to Montreal. 4 In the face of some opposition 

3. It cannot be said that the boundaries of Acadia as a province of France 
were ever clearly defined. In the treaty of Utrecht, of 1713, the province is con- 
sidered as extending from the St. Lawrence river on the north to the Atlantic on 
the south, and from the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the Strait of Canso on the east, 
to a Ime: drawn due north from the mouth of the Penobscot on the west, the 
country thus embracing the provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Ed- 
ward Island, a portion of Lower Canada or Quebec, and part of the State of Maine,, 
but not the island of Cape Breton. At a much later date, however, the French de- 
clared that the province they had ceded by this treaty comprised only about a twen- 
tieth part of this great territory, not even the whole of the peninsula of Nova Sco- 
tia being included in it. It was thus that until 1755 they persisted in maintaining 
a fort, Beausejour, on the isthmus that connects Nova Scotia with New Bruns- 
wick. Dispute over the boundaries of Acadia, says Parkman, was "a proximate 
cause of the war of 1755." 

4. See Parkman's "Pioneers of France," pp. 240-243. Parkman says that the 
name La Cadie or Acadie is not found in any public document. The word is said 
to be derived from the Indian word aquoadiauke or aquodic, supposed to be the fish 


De Monts succeeded with the King and soon obtained a com- 
mission as Lieutenant-General of the Country of Cadie, to 
people, cultivate, and cause to be inhabited the said lands the 
most speedily, to search for mines of gold, silver, etc., to build 
forts and towns and grant lands, to convert the savages to 
Christianity, and to do generally whatsoever might make for the 
conquest, peopling, inhabiting, and preservation of the said 
Acadian land. De Chastes had forestalled the jealousy of the 
merchants of France of his monopoly by forming a trading com- 
pany for his enterprise, and this company De Monts now con- 
siderably enlarged, at once taking steps to secure colonists for 
his domain. 

By the early spring of 1604 the colony was ready, an incon- 
gruous mixture of gentlemen of condition and character and 
men of low origin and bad reputation, some Protestants, some 
Roman Catholics, among the Protestants at least being one 
Huguenot clergyman, and among the Catholics one or more 
priests. Conspicuous in the company were the ardent young 
Champlain, and Baron Poutrincourt, a fellow nobleman of De 
Monts, who shared with the lieutenant-general himself the lead- 
ership of the expedition. From Dieppe sailed two vessels of the 
colonizing fleet and from Havre de Grace two, one of the four 
destined for Tadoussac, a fur-trading post in Canada, one, also 
in the interest of the fur trade, for Canso, on the northeastern 
shore of the Nova Scotian peninsula, and to cruise through the 
narrow seas that lie between the islands of Cape Breton and 
Prince Edward Island and the Nova Scotian peninsula, two, in 
immediate charge of De Monts himself, to come to some other 
part of the peninsula. 

In the pages of Parkman's "Pioneers of France in the New 
World" will be found in detail the story, more interesting than 
any romance, of the month's voyage of the French nobleman 
and his colony across the ocean, of their exploration of the 
coasts and bays of the southern portion of Nova Scotia, of their 
discovery of the Basin of Annapolis, enclosed with "sunny 
hills, wrapped in woodland verdure, and alive with waterfalls," 
of their removal from here before long to Passamaquoddy Bay, 
and of their settlement for one sad winter on the little rock- 
fenced island known as St. Croix. 


The first spot in Nova Scotia at which De Monts ' vessels came 
to anchor was La Heve, in what is now Lunenburg County, there 
they probably disembarked but they soon sailed on to Port 
Royal. Near the head of the beautiful Annapolis Basin they 
decided to remain, and before long they threw up there some 
primitive houses. A few weeks later, however, they determined 
on further exploration, and a comparatively short sail found 
them in Passamaquoddy Bay. In this water was the little wooded 
island of St. Croix, and here they unwisely made up their 
minds to stay. Going on shore they at once began again to build 
houses, and soon they had erected "a spacious house" for De 
Monts and one nearly opposite for Champlain and Sieur D'Or- 
ville. In close proxomity to these more pretentious dwellings rose 
also smaller houses for the colonists at large, barracks for a com- 
pany of Swiss soldiers who had come with the expedition, neces- 
sary workshops of various kinds, and withal a magazine and a 
rustic church. In a few weeks winter began and with it came 
terrible hardships and fatal disease. When spring at last open- 
ed all that was left of the colony, a pitiful remnant, with De 
Monts and Champlain returned to Port Royal, and here for 
two years again they dwelt. In 1707, came the failure of the 
French Trading Company, which had nourished the enterprise, 
and with this the rescinding of De Monts' monopoly, and the 
return of the whole body of colonists to France. 

Three years later, in 1610, Pontrincourt, who during the first 
brief stay of De Monts and his company at Port Royal, had been 
so delighted with the place that he had begged a grant there 
for himself, 5 having managed to secure enough influence in 
France to bring out a new colony, returned to Port Royal and 
started the settlement afresh. This time the colony was per- 
manent. Again the cleared fields near the head of the Basin 
began to yield grain crops, and the gardens that three years 
before had been diligently cultivated, to produce vegetables and 
fruit. But the place saw many vicissitudes. In the whirligig 

5. The contemporary French historian Charlevoix says of Port Royal : "The 
climate there is temperate, the winter less rough than in many other places on the 
coast, the game abundant, the country charming, vast meadows environed by large 
forests, and everywhere fertile lands." It was Poutrincourt who named the place 
Port Roval. 


of seventeenth century European diplomacy the ownership of 
Acadia repeatedly changed, and it was not until a century from 
the time of Pontrincourt 's coming had passed that this new 
world province with its capital came finally under British rule. 6 
In 1621 England had nominal possession of the country and 
James the First granted it to Sir William Alexander, a Clack- 
mannanshire baronet, whom he afterwards created Earl of Stir- 
ling. 7 From Alexander the country passed to Sir David Kirk, 
one of the early merchant adventurers of Canada. By the treaty 
of St. Germains, however, Acadia was restored to France, and 
Isaac de Razilly was appointed its lieutenant-governor. At De 
Razilly's death, D'Aulnay 'Charnisay was made governor, and 
then began the long historic strife between him and Charles de 
la Tour, in the climax of which figures so nobly as a defender 
of her husband's fort in what is now New Brunswick the brave 
Madame de la Tour. 

After the death of Charnisay, Major Robert Sedgwick, an 
officer of Cromwell's army, the founder of the well known New 
England Sedgwick family, was ordered by the Protector, who 
believed that Acadia belonged to England by right of discovery, 
to seize Port Royal and again take possession of Nova Scotia 
for England. The capture being effected, Acadia was distribut- 
ed by grant among Sir 'Charles St. Stephen, Charles de la Tour, 
Thomas Temple, and William Crowne. In 1667 by the treaty of 
Breda the province was again ceded to France, but in 1690 Eng- 
land once more acquired it. Seven years later, however, by the 
Peace of Ryswick it was restored to its first owners. 

During these many changes of ownership the French popula- 
tion of Nova Scotia slowly grew. The settlers who came with 
Poutrincourt were added to in 1632 by Razilly's " three hundred 
hommes d' elite," others came with Charnisay between 1639 and 
1649, still others with Charles de la Tour in 1651, and a few 

6. The first attack on Port Royal by an English force was in the latter part 
of 1613. At that time Captain Samuel Argall, afterwards deputy-governor of Vir- 
ginia, came from Virginia under orders from Sir Thomas Dale, governor of that 
colony, with a ship mounting fourteen guns, to reduce the French settlements of 
Mt. Desert, St. Croix, and Port Royal. His attack on Port Royal resulted in the 
destruction of the fort, and probably the capture of the little force which defended 
it, and the taking of the men as prisoners tp France. The settlement, however, 
went on. See for Argall's history the biographical encyclopoedias. 

7. It is in Alexander's grant that the name "Nova Scotia" first appears. 


independent groups at later times. Besides the humbler folk, 
who constituted the bulk of the population, many of these being 
peasants from Saintonge and Poiteau, were a few aristocratic 
families like the D'Entremonts and Belleisles, who as well as the 
La Tours held extensive baronies or fiefs not far from An- 
napolis from the French king, and whose representatives when 
the province was finally ceded to Britain went back permanently 
to France. 8 From Annapolis inward to the rich Minas Basin 
country this peasant population extended, growing by natural 
increase and by slight immigration, until by the time of the final 
cession of the country to England that part of it that lived in 
and near Port Royal alone numbered something like seven hun- 
dred souls. 

In all pioneer colonization enterprises there is untold romance 
if we could know the secret springs of action and inner experi- 
ences of the people who bring these enterprises to successful 
issue. The outward facts of the colonization of new countries 
are often unrelieved, however, by anything poetic or exhilarat- 
ing to the fancy. But this is not true of the colonizing of Port 
Royal, before the failure of the French Trading Company 
and the rescinding of De Monts' monopoly, the sprightly 
Frenchmen who conducted the affairs of the settlement brought 
grace and good fellowship into the colony 's simple life. Neither 
Parkman nor any other historian of Acadia, English or French, 
has failed to describe for us with glowing imagination the in- 
terchange of polished courtesies and the successful attempts at 
simple elegance which characterized the forest life of these 
French pioneers. The second winter the colonists spent at Port 
Eoyal Champlain founded there the jovial Ordre de Bon Temps, 
numbering fifteen, which comprised the whole group of nobles 

8. About 1650 Charles de la Tour brought with him from France a gentleman 
of Normandy, who claimed relationship with the Bourbons, and whom Louis Four- 
teenth created Sieur d' Entremont. He had been one of La Tour's early friends 
and when the adventurers reached Port Royal La Tour made him his major and 
gave him the seignory of Poubomcoup or Pubnico, in Yarmouth, and the title of 
Baron. D'entremont's eldest son, Jacques, married Anne, daughter of La Tour 
and previously wife of Charnisay, and the daughter of Jacques and Anne, Marie 
D'Entremont, in 1705 became the wife, much against his superior officer's wishes, of 
Sieur Duvivier, a young officer of the fort. At the time of the expulsion of the 
Acadians Jacques D'Entremont and his family were taken to Boston, but afterward 
some of the sons returned to Nova Scotia. From these are descended the D'Entre- 
monts now in Nova Scotia. 


and gentlemen adventurers who were associated in the settle- 
ment of the place. The principal entertainment of this brother- 
hood was a weekly bon vivant dinner, conducted with much of 
the ceremony the group were accustomed to in the chateaus of 
France. As steward for the day of the dinner each man of the 
fifteen took his turn, and when the hour for dining arrived 
with the jewelled collar of the order adorning his neck and with 
a napkin on his shoulder and the staff of his office and an im- 
portant dish in his hand would lead the group in procession into 
the room where the meal was served. When the meal was done 
this functionary would formally resign his office, pledging his 
next successor gracefully in a cup of wine. 9 As food the Order 
had moose and caribou steaks, grouse, wild ducks, sturgeon, and 
salmon, for the woods were plentiful in game and the river and 
the Basin abounded with fish. A constant guest at these dinners 
was the Micmac chief Membertou, whose speedy conversion to 
Christianity we may, not uncharitably, suppose was influenced 
in some degree by the hospitality the Order extended to him. 
First fruit of the zeal of Roman Catholic missionaries in the 
American wilds was this wrinkled centenarian Chief Member- 
tou, who with a group of his people was baptized into Chris- 
tianity at Annapolis on the 24th of June in the year 1610. 10 

9. A good and joyous company of gentlemen," says Ferland, "was united about 
Poutrincpurt, among whom were to be remarked his son the young Biencourt, 
Champlain, Lescarbot, Louis Hebert, and probably Claude de la Tour as well as 
his young son, Charles Amadour de la Tour." 

10. The permanent founding of Port Royal by Poutrincourt excited much in- 
terest among women of the French nobility zealous for the church, and some of 
these, like the Marquise de Guercheville, wife of the first esquire of the King, the 
Marchioness de Vermeuil, Madame de Sourdis, and Marie de Medicis herself, gave 
personal encouragement and pecuniary aid to the religious work of converting the 
Acadian natives. The first priest to come to Port Royal was Josue Fleche. This 
Jesuit father reached there with Poutrincourt in 1610, and it was he who baptized 
the chief, Membertou, and a group of his people, somewhere near the shore of the 
Basin, June 24, 1610. The year after two more Jesuits, Pere Pierre Biard, a native 
of Grenoble and Pere Evemond or Raimond Masse were sent out chiefly under the 
auspices and through the aid of Madame de Guercheville. These men, who by their 
devout and humble conduct gained the esteem of the Protestant sailors of the ship 
which brought them out, on landing at once set themselves to the task of learning 
the Micmac language. In a short time they were joined by two others, Pere Guilbert 
du Thet and Pere Quentin, the former of whom died during Argall's attack on 
Port Royal in 1613. After Argall's destruction of the settlement it is probable the 
other three priests returned to France. In 1619 the Jesuits' places in Acadia were 
taken by three Recollet priests, sent by one or more merchant companies who had 
obtained the right to carry on the fishery and buy furs in this part of the new 
world. These priests, who belonged to the province of Aquitaine, laboured with more 


Another incident of historic importance in connexion 
with the residence of these vivacious Frenchmen at Port Royal 
at this early time should here be recalled. In this primitive set- 
tlement Marc Lescarbot wrote some at least of the poems that 
he published at Paris in a volume entitled Les Muses de la Nou- 
velle-France, in 160D. One of these poems was a masque that 
bore the title Theatre de Neptune, which was not only written 
at Port Royal but was played there under the author's manage- 
ment shortly after it was written. The occasion of the writing 
and playing of it Lescarbot himself describes for us in his His- 
toire de la Nouvelle-F ranee. In the autumn of 1606, Poutrin- 
court, the head of the little company at Port Royal went off on 
a cruise along the New England coast. The season grew late 
and the voyager had not returned. At last, however, his ship 
was sighted in the Basin, and on the 14th of November he drop- 
ped anchor at the shore. " Just as we were looking for his re- 
turn (with great longing, for had ill befallen him we should have 
been in danger of confusion)," says Lescarbot, ''I bethought 
myself of setting forth some piece of merriment, which we did. 
And as it was written hurriedly in French rhymes I have put it 
in Les Muses de la Nouvelle-F ranee," under the title of Theatre 
de Neptune, to which the reader is referred." The masque was 
" representee sur les flots du Port Royal le quatorzieme de No- 
vembre mille six cens six, au retour du Sieur de Poutrincourt 
du pais des Armouchiquois." Thus we have given at Port Royal 
in 1606 the first play ever performed by Europeans on the whole 
North American continent. The characters in the masque were 

or less success in Acadia until 1627, when they were driven from the province by 
the English. In 1633, however, on the invitation of de Razilly, who had been sent 
out to take possession of Port Royal on behalf of the company of New France, 
they resumed their mission, and before many years they converted all the Micmacs 
permanently to their faith. In 1/53, the French had six churches in the Peninsula 
of Nova Scotia, one at Annapolis Royal, with Monsieur des Enclaves as priest, one 
at Cobequid. two at Pisiquid, one at Minas, and one at Riviere aux Canard. 

Chief Membertou is a notable figure in the earliest days of Port Royal's his- 
tory. He was very old when the explorers first found him, his memory going back 
to the time of Carrier's visit in 1534. In his day he had been a famous autmoin or 
medicine man, and had been believed by his people to have magical powers. Like 
others of his tribe he was a great story-teller and he used to sit cross-legged on the 
ground telling his new friends marvellous tales of the prowess of his people or of 
his own exploits in past times. The bowl of the pipe he smoked as he sat telling 
his stories was made either of a lobster's claw or of red or green stone, and the 
tube was decorated with porcupine quills. 


Neptune, six Tritons, four Indians, and a jovial attendant. To 
celebrate the leader's return the fort also was decorated with 
laurel. 11 

A hundred and thirty-eight years later, when Port Royal as 
Annapolis Royal was the capital of the English owned province 
of Nova Scotia, another play was acted here, ' ' for the entertain- 
ment of the officers and ladies" of the place. Of the subject and 
treatment and of the performance of the play we know nothing, 
but in the prologue, " compos 'd and spoke on that occasion" 
occurred the following lines : 

" Whilst to relieve a generous Queen's distress, 
Whom proud, ambitious Potentates oppress, 
Our King pursues the most effectual Ways, 
Soothes some to Peace, and then the Storm allays ; 
And against others, who 're more loath to yield, 
He leads his Britons to the German Field: 
Where to his Cost th' insulting Foe has found 
What 'tis with Britons to dispute the Ground : 
We still enjoying Peace in this cold Clime, 
With innocent Diversions pass our Time." 12 

In 1689, Sir William Phips, then in England, was commission- 
ed to lead on his return to Massachusetts a fresh expedition 
against Port Royal. Accordingly on the 9th of May, 1690, a 
squadron consisting of a brigate of forty guns, two sloops, one 
of sixteen guns, the other of eight, and four ketches, left Boston, 
the land force these ships carried numbering some seven hun- 
dred men. The governor of Acadia, Monsieur de Menneval, had 

11. This striking event is described by the late Mr. Frederick Lewis Gay in the 
Nation of February 11, 1909. The first American play in what is now English- 
speaking America was written and acted, says Mr. Gay, at Annapolis in 1606, "two 
years before Quebec was founded, and while Shakespeare was yet alive." The com- 
position of the masque and the occasion of acting it are described in Book 4, chap- 
ter 16 of Lescarbot's Histoire de la Nouvcllc-France. The poem is the third piece 
in Les Muses de la Nouvelle-Francc. It consists of two hundred and forty-two 
rhymed lines. Lescarbot was very versatile. From making poetry he would turn 
to raising vegetables and digging the moat round the fort, from furnishing enter- 
tainment for the soldiers on week days to leading their prayers on Sundays. He 
seems to have acted as commissary for the community, directing the men's hunting 
and fishing, and regulating the supplies of food when it was obtained, and of drink. 

12. A notice of this play occurs in the American Magasine and Historical 
Chronicle (monthly) for April, 1744. "A. B." asks the editor of the magazine 
kindly to insert the following: "We hear from Annapolis Royal that a play was 
acted the last winter for the entertainment of the Officers and Ladies at that 
Place," then giving as part of the prologue of the play the lines printed above. 


at his capital a force of only eighty-six soldiers, and almost im- 
mediately the fort surrendered. At once Phips assembled such 
of the inhabintants of Port Royal and the country about as he 
oould get together and made them take an oath of fidelity to 
William and Mary, who were then on the English throne. De 
Menneval the governor, thirty-nine French soldiers, and two 
priests he carried with him to Boston. The next year, however, 
the French recaptured the place and again took formal posses- 
sion of all Acadia in the name of their king. 

The final conquest of Acadia by England was effected in 1710. 
In the early summer of 1707, a fresh attack was made on Port 
Royal by New England troops, but this the governor, Subercase, 
successfully repulsed. The engagement between the besiegers 
and the garrison force was a brisk one, and when it was over, 
eighty or ninety New England soldiers lay dead on the ground 
outside the fort. That the garrison was able so successfully to 
withstand the attack was due to the arrival twelve hours before 
the New England vessels anchored in the Basin of sixty Cana- 
dians, who helped their fellow countrymen in the fort 's defence. 
In this engagement the Baron St. Castin, who was present, gave 
his fellow countrymen valuable aid. A little later in the summer, 
Governor Dudley at Boston sent fresh troops against Port 
Royal, but these in turn were likewise forced to withdraw. In 
1708, however, Samuel Vetch went from Massachusetts to Eng- 
land to solicit aid for the conquest of both Canada and Acadia, 
and his efforts to interest the home government met with suc- 
cess. In the spring of 1709, having been made a colonel, he sail- 
ed for America with her Majesty's commands to the several New 
England governors to furnish men for the undertaking. In this 
year the ambitious, impetuous Colonel Francis Nicholson, who 
first and last was governor of more colonies than any other per- 
son known to history, desiring as strongly as Vetch to see the 
power of France overthrown in America, and no doubt eager for 
military distinction, also went to England with passionate desire 
to promote this enterprise. In May, 1710, he returned to Boston 
armed with the Queen's commission and at once began the work 
of raising troops. By September a fleet was ready, and on the 
18th of that month there sailed from Nantasket, with Nicholson 


as general and Vetch as adjutant-general, a group of English 
warships, a bomb ship, the Massachusetts province galley, some 
transports, hospital and store ships, and other vessels, about 
thirty-six sail in all, besides a number of open sloops for carry- 
ing lumber and necessary utensils for operating the cannon. Of 
land forces on the transports went five regiments of foot com- 
manded severally by colonels Robert Beading, Sir Charles Hob- 
by, William Tailer, William Whiting, and Shadrach Walton, the 
grenadiers of Walton's regiment being commanded by Captain 
Paul Mascarene, who after the capture was effected remained 
at Annapolis and finally became there lieutenant governor of 
the province and lieutenant governor of the fort and town. On 
the 24th of September the fleet reached the entrance to An- 
napolis Basin, and on the 25th landed near the fort. Immediate- 
ly the French under Monsieur Subercase, who commanded in the 
fort, fired on the invaders, who quickly answered with guns and 
shells. By night and day the fight actively continued, until at 
length on the 29th the garrison asked for a truce. After two 
days of diplomatic correspondence between the commanders 
terms of capitulation were adopted and on the 2nd of October 
were formally signed. Three days later Vetch received the 
keys of the fort, and on the 16th, Subercase with his small force 
of a hundred and fifty men, "all in a miserable condition, in rags 
and tatters, ' ' passed out of the gates. With drums beating and 
flags flying the troops of her Britannic Majesty then briskly 
marched in. 13 

The capture thus effected, Major Livingston and Baron St. 
Castin were at once sent to the governor of Canada, the Marquis 
de Vandreuil, to inform him of the fact, and on the 28th of Oc- 

13. It is said that 480 persons, including the garrison, soon after this sailed to 
Rochelle, in France. "Thus for the sixth time," says the Calnek-Sayary history of 
Annapolis, "Port Royal, a hundred and five years after its foundation, became by 
conquest a possession of the English crown, but not as ever before to pass from 
its rule either by treaty or conquest." 

The most detailed account of the capture in 1710 is to be found in the "Year 
Book of the Society of Colonial Wars in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 
Publication No. 3, Boston, 1897," pp. 81-126. The article describing it is entitled: 
"The Expeditions against Port Royal in 1710 and Quebec in 1711," and covers pp. 
81-143. Whatever muster rolls of this expedition are preserved in theJMass. Ar- 
chives are here reproduced. See also "Indian Wars of New England," by Her-- 
bert Milton Sylvester, Vol. 3, pp. 127-131 ; and "Narrative and Critical History of 


tober, having garrisoned the fort with two hundred marines and 
two hundred and fifty New England militiamen, Nicholson re- 
turned to Boston leaving Vetch in command. With the general 
went also the men-of-war and the transports which he had 
brought for the attack. Elated with his victory Nicholson next 
went to England to beg the crown to take measures for the con- 
quest of Canada. On the llth of April, 1713, a treaty of peace, 
to which France, England, Holland, Portugal, Russia, and Savoy 
were parties, was signed at Utrecht, and on the 22nd of May 
was formally signed at Paris. By the twelfth article of this 
treaty France renounced forever all claim to Nova Scotia or 
Acadia, while it was agreed that Cape Breton and the islands in 
the gulf of St. Lawrence should still remain French posses- 
sions. Soon after, the king, Louis Fourteenth, made a formal 
act of cession of Nova Scotia to England, conformable to the 

The first English governor of Nova Scotia, Colonel Vetch, re- 
ceived his commission as "Adjutant General of all her Majesty's 
of Great Britain's forces, General and Commander-in-Chief of 
all her troops in these parts, and governor of the Fort of An- 
napolis Royal and country of L'Accady and Nova Scotia," Oc- 
tober 22, 1710. Two years later, however, October 20, 1712, 
General Nicholson, man of many governorships, received a 
similar commission, but on the 20th of January, 1715, Vetch 
was again commissioned governor. After this we have at An- 
napolis Royal during the period that the town remained the cap- 
ital of Nova Scotia a rather bewildering number of governors 
and lieutenant-governors, some of these having control of the 
province at large, some of the fort and town, the authority of the 
two sets occasionally clashing, until at last all power in Nova 
Scotia, civil and military was centered in one governor-in-chief, 
and one lieutenant-governor, who, in the absence of the chief 
from the province for many years until Halifax was found- 
ed, held virtually supreme general and local control. To give 
lists of these governors and lieutenant-governors, and to de- 
scribe briefly the men, must occupy a few pages here before we 
pass on to other facts. 




I. COLONEL SAMUEL VETCH. He was commissioned October 
22, 1710. 

II. GENERAL FRANCIS NICHOLSON. His commission bears date 
October 20, 1712. 

III. COLONEL SAMUEL VETCH. He was coir missioned again 
January 20, 1715. 

IV. COLONEL RICHARD PHILIPPS. Date of commission August 
17, 1717. He seems to have received a second commission March 
12, 1725, and a third June 20, 1727. 

SIONS, 1710-1749. 


ed February 8, 1725. 

II. MAJOR JEAN PAUL MASCARENE. Commissioned May 27, 


I. SIR CHARLES HOBBY. He received instructions to act, from 
Colonel Vetch, July 5, 1711. See the Annual Report of the 
American Historical Association, 1911, vol. I. 14 

appointed in 1713, for in that year he appears in the "Govern- 
or's Letter-Book." See Nova Scotia Archives, vol. 2, p. 1. 
Caulfield's last letter in the Letter-Book bears date December 
24, 1716. 

III. CAPTAIN JOHN DOUCETT. Commissioned May 15, 1717. 
He arrived at Annapolis Royal October 28, 1717. He died No- 
vember 19, 1726. See Annual Report of the American Historical 
Association, vol. 1, p. 172. 

Royal Commission September 21, 1726. 

14. This publication is compiled by Charles M. Andrews of Yale University. 
See also Hutchinson's "History of Massachusetts," Vol. 2, p. 140; and Foote s An- 
nals of King's Chapel, Boston," Vol. I, p. 175- 


V. MAJOR ALEXANDER COSBY. He was appointed by Royal 
Commission March 4, 1727. See Annual Report of the American 
Historical Association, 1911, vol. 1. He took oath October 20, 
1727, and held office probably until his death in 1742, when 
Major Mascarene succeeded. See Nova Scotia Archives, vol. 
3, pp. 165, 166. Major Cosby 's wife was Anne Winniett. Cosby 
died at Annapolis Royal December 26 or 27, 1742. 

VI. MAJOR JEAN PAUL MASCARENE. Major Mascarene suc- 
ceeded to the lieutenant-governorship of the town and fort on 
the death of Cosby in 1742, but he apparently did not receive a 
formal commission for the office until 1744. He was still lieu- 
tenant-governor of the town and fort, as he was of the province 
at large, when Cornwallis came in 1749. 

Precisely who these various officials were it will be interesting 
for us to know. The three Governors-in-Chief of the province, 
as we have seen, were Vetch, Nicholson, and Philipps, the two 
Lieutenant-Governors of the province were Armstrong and 
Mascarene. The five Lieutenant-Governors of the town and 
Fort of Annapolis Royal were Hobby, Caulfeild, Doucett, Cosby, 
and Mascarene. That two sets of lieutenant-governors should 
exist in Nova Scotia at the same time was not originally conteir - 
plated by the government. This we learn from a letter written 
by Governor Philipps to the home government probably in 1741. 
Elsewhere, the reason for Colonel Armstrong's appointment 
as first lieutenant-governor of the province is explained in the 
following way. When Armstrong in 1725 became lieutenant- 
colonel of the 40th regiment he found himself subject to the con- 
trol of an officer of lower rank in his own regiment, for Captain 
John Doucett of this regiir ent was then lieutenant-governor of 
the town and fort. This state of things seemed to him anomalous 
and was unsatisfactory and he consequently applied to be made 
lieutenant-governor of the province. His request was granted 
but neither he nor his successor Lieutenant-Colonel Mascarene 
received any salary for this office. After Armstrong's death, 
Colonel Philipps, in the letter of his to which we have referred, 
expressed his hope that the office would be discontinued, but Mr. 
Mascarene 's appeal for the place succeeded, and he held the lieu- 
tenant-governorship until 1749. 


Colonel Samuel Vetch, the first governor-in-chief of the prov- 
ince, was a Scotsman, "the son of a godly minister and a glori- 
fier of God in the Grass Market" of Edinburgh. In 1638 he was 
one of the seven councillors who constituted the local government 
of the colony of Caledonia, a Scotch settlement established tem- 
porarily at Darien, a little south of the Isthn us of Panama. In 
1699 he came to New York, where, or at Albany, on the 20th of 
December, 1700, he married Margaret Livingston, daughter of 
Robert Livingston, Esq., of Albany. Being adjutant-general 
under Nicholson of the expedition against Port Royal in 1710, 
after the capture of the fort he formally received the keys, and 
on the 22nd of October, 1710, received the commission of "Ad- 
jutant-general of all her Majasty's of Great Britain's forces, 
General and Commander-in-Chief of all her troops in these 
parts, and governor of the fort of Annapolis Royal and country 
of L'Accady and Nova Scotia." This important position he 
held until the 20th of October, 1712, when General Francis 
Nicholson received a similar commission and became his suc- 
cessor. 15 

Of Nicholson's relation to the government at Annapolis Roy- 
al, as of his remarkable career in general, the facts are too well 
known to make it necessary for us to dwell on them here at length. 
Nicholson was successively lieutenant-governor of New England 
in 1688, New York in 1689, Virginia in 1690, and Maryland from 
1692 to 1698. In the latter year he was appointed governor-in- 
chief of Virginia, but in 1710 he was appointed to command the 
expedition against Port Royal. His commission as General and 
Commander-in-Chief of the forces of Nova Scotia and New- 
foundland, and Governor of Nova Scotia and the town and 
garrison of Annapolis Royal is dated at Windsor Castle, as we 
have said, the 20th of October, 1712. In less than three years 
he was supplanted in his governorship of Nova Scotia and of 
Annapolis Royal by Vetch, who received a second commission 
as governor of "the country and town" January 20, 1715. Dur- 
ing Nicholson's term of office it is said that this second governor 

15. For Samuel Vetch, see the "Dictionary of National Biography," where his 
father also receives notice. See, also, "Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical 
Society," Vol. 4, from p. n and from p. 64. 


of the province and the fort made but one short visit to Nova 
Scotia, his lieutenant from at least 1713, being Major Thomas 
Caulfeild, a cadet, it is probable, of the English house of Charle- 
mont. 16 

On the 17th of August, 1717, Colonel Richard Philipps was 
comirissioned governor of Nova Scotia and of Placentia in New- 
foundland, and captain-general of the forces in both colonies. 
Philipps was born somewhere in England in 1661, became lieu- 
tenant in Lord Morpeth's regiment of foot February 23, 1678, 
and served under William III. in the war against his father- 
in-law James. In October, 1719, he reached Boston on his way 
to Annapolis Royal, but he did not hurry to his post, giving as 
his reason that navigation of the Bay of Fundy was ''imprac- 
ticable." On the 6th of April, 1720, however, he left for Nova 
Scotia, and at Annapolis on the 25th of the same month he 
organized the council. In 1721, some time after the 17th of May, 
he left the province again, and we do not find him there until 
November 20, 1729. On the last date he landed in the river from 
Canso, and before the council, the garrison, and the inhabitants 
caused a new con mission he had received to be "publicly opened 
and read." In August, 1731, he left his government again and 
returned to England, and although he never visited Nova Scotia 
after that he remained nominally governor until Cornwallis suc- 
ceeded him in 1749. Philipps belonged to a family in South 
Wales, founded there, it is said, by a certain Sir John Philipps, 
Baronet. His wife was a sister of Colonel Alexander Cosby, but 
whether he had children or not we do not know. He died in 
England, apparently a general, in 1751. In 1726 the name of an 
Ensign Erasmus James Philipps appears in the Nova Scotia 
council minutes, in 1730 this gentleman was admitted to the 
council board itself. When the published minutes of the council 
end, in August, 1736, he is still a member of the board. What 
relation this Philipps was to the governor we do not know, but he 
is said to have been a relative. 17 

16. In a note at the bottom of page I, Vol. 2, of "Nova Scotia Archives," Dr. 
Mac Mechan, editor of vols. 2 and 3 of the Archives says that Lt. Governor Caul- 
feild must have been a son of the 2nd Viscount Charlemont or one of the Vis- 
count's brothers. 

17. For Col. Richard Philipps, see the "Dictionary of National Biography," 
and also "Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society," vols. 2, pp. 22-24, and 
5, pp. 69-76. Also, "Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series." 


Lieutenant-Colonel Lawrence Armstrong was commissioned 
an ensign in 1699, then a captain of the 40th in 1717. December 
1, 1720, he was made lieutenant-colonel of the 40th and took 
chief command of the troops at Annapolis. At this time, as 
we have previously shown, Captain Doucett was lieutenant-gov- 
ernor of the fort and town, in the absence of Governor Philipps, 
and the position he held gave him command over the lieutenant- 
colonel of the regiment. Dissatisfaction at such a state of things 
naturally at once arose in the mind of Armstrong, as Doucett 's 
superior officer in the 40th, and accordingly the lieutenant-col- 
onel went to England and asked to be made lieutenant-governor 
of the province, an office that after Armstrong's death Philipps 
said it had not originally been the government's intention to 
create. The commission Armstrong asked was granted, and on 
the 8th of February, 1725, he was made lieutenant-governor of 
Nova Scotia, an appointment he held for the rest of his life. 18 
When he came back as lieutenant-governor after the province, 
says Colonel Mascarene, writing to Governor Shirley in 1748, 
" trouble arose between him and the lieutenant-governor of the 
fort, the officers siding some one way and some another." 19 

On the 23rd of December, 1731, Armstrong petitioned the 
Privy Council for payment for his services during the absence of 
Governor Philipps, from May 29, 1725, the date no doubt when 
he actually assuir ed the lieutenant-governorship, until June 2,0, 
1729, which we suppose was the date when Philipps again ar- 
rived in the province (probably at Canso) to take upon him- 
self once more in person the control of public affairs. Arm- 
strong's petition to the Privy Council, however, was dismissed 
by that body as not coming under its jurisdiction. 20 Colonel 
Lawrence was evidently a nervous, sensitive man and none too 
robust, and the cares of his double position so weighed upon him 

18. This is probably the date of Armstrong's first commission as lieutenant- 
governor. He was at Canso, we believe, from before the date of his appointment, 
until September 17, 1726, for on the latter date he arrived from Canso. On the 
2ist of September he laid before the Council his commission as "Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor of his Majesty's Province of Nova Scotia," and took the prescribed oaths. 
Nova Scotia Archives, Vol. 2, p. 171, and Vol. 3, pp. 124, 125. 

19. See Mascarene's letter to Shirley in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ist series. 
Vol. 6, pp. 120-126. See also "Nova Scotia Archives," Vol. 2, p. 171. 

20. "Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series," Vol. 3, p. 308 (section 226). 

3 82 

that at last his mind became impaired, and in a fit of melancholy 
he stabbed himself with his sword on the night of the 5th of 
December, 1739. Mr. Murdoch's estimate of him is undoubt- 
edly correct, he was, says this historian, a man of "broad 
and liberal views, calm, mild, and considerate." He died, we 
believe, unmarried. 

A name that stands out more prominently and for a longer 
time perhaps than any other in the history of Annapolis Royal 
during the period we are reviewing is that of Jean Paul Mas- 
carene. This gentleman was of a Huguenot family of Castras, 
in the province of Languedoc, his father being a lawyer and a 
prominent man in the Protestant community there. Educated at 
Geneva, and naturalized in England in 1706, in 1708 Paul became 
a 2nd lieutenant in Lord Montague 's regiment, but the next year 
was detached froir.. his regiment for service in the proposed ex- 
pedition -for the conquest of Canada. Embarking in the frigate 
Dragon, which left Spithead March 11, 1709, Nicholson and 
Vetch, and also Governor Belcher of Massachusetts, being fel- 
low passengers with him, he sailed for Boston, where after a 
long and disagreeable voyage he landed on the 29th of April. 
In 1710, when the force was organizing for the reduction of 
Annapolis, he was given a captaincy in Colonel Shadrach Wal- 
ton's regiment, and after the capture of Annapolis he remained 
in service there, soon receiving the commission of major. When 
the Fortieth regiment was organized, in 1717, he was commis- 
sioned its senior captain, and in 1720 when Governor Philipps 
arrived, was chosen one of the first members of the council the 
governor formed. In 1739 he became major of the Fortieth, in 
1740, after Armstrong's death, he was made lieutenant-gov- 
ernor of the province of Nova Scotia, and in 1742 (though for- 
mally commissioned such, it would seem, not until 1744), he suc- 
ceeded Major Cosby as lieutenant-governor of the fort and the 
town. These several important positions he still held when Gov- 
ernor Cornwallis came from England to found the new capital, 
Halifax, in 1749. Of his assumption in 1742, at Colonel Cosby 's 
decease, of the office of lieutenant-governor of the fort and town, 
in addition to the lieutenant-governoship of the province, he 
writes to Governor Shirley in 1748: "At Colonel Cosby 's de- 


cease, and in the absence of Governor Philipps, the whole au- 
thority and power, both civil and military, became vested in 
me, and was further corroborated when Her Majesty was 
graciously pleased to appoint me lieutenant-colonel of the regi- 
ment and lieutenant-governor of the garrison." 21 

When Governor Cornwallis arrived at Chebucto in 1749 he 
at once sent for Mascarene and the members of the council at 
Annapolis, whose commissions by his own appointment as gov- 
ernor-in-chief had now been withdrawn, and as a matter of 
course the first person on the list of new councillors he created 
on board the Beaufort, in the harbour, was Colonel Mascarene. 
The next year, however, the old lieutenant-governor sold his 
army commission for two thousand eight hundred pounds to 
Charles Lawrence and returned to Boston, having up to that 
time been absent from his family for nearly twelve years. Short- 
ly after he left the province he was at Fort St. George, near the 
Penobscot, as a commissioner from Nova Scotia to negotiate 
a treaty with the Indians. From this time, however, with prob- 
ably only one short interval, he remained at his Boston home, 
enjoying the society of his daughters and son and his friends 
at large. Among these, we are told, were Sir Harry Frankland, 
Sir William Pepperrell, the elder, and President Holyoke of 
Harvard College, whose daughter his son John had married. 
"His last public service, so far as I have been able to discover," 
says his biographer and descendant, Mr. James Mascarene Hub- 
bard, "was to attend in 1754 a conference with the Indians at 
Falmouth." In January, 1758, he was gazetted major-general 
in the army. Two years later, January 22, 1760, he died, his 
remains being deposited in the Granary Burying Ground. He 
was in his seventy-fifth year. 

Mascarene 's long, valuable service to the province of Nova 
Scotia has often been described, but if we want to know it in 
fullest detail we must follow it in the archives of Nova Scotia, 
printed and imprinted, and in the voluminous correspondence of 
Major Mascarene himself. His life was one of the most active 
and able in the annals of tne province, a good deal of his time, 

21. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ist series, Vol. 6, pp. 121, 122. 

especially in winter, he spent in Boston, but during the nearly 
forty years that Annapolis Royal was the capital of Nova Scotia, 
he discharged the duties of his several offices there, civil and mil- 
itary, with the greatest faithfulness and usually with statesmen- 
like and accomplished military skill. In dealing with the French 
and Indians, in regulating and controlling, either at Annapolis 
or at Canso, the internal affairs of the garrison and the town, 
in carrying to a successful issue many other difficult matters of 
local governmental administration, he showed not only firm in- 
tegrity and kindly purpose, but tactful business judgment and 
wisdom in dealing with men. Much of the enjoyment of his leis- 
ure hours he obtained from reading, but he lived also in close 
friendly intercourse with his fellow officers and the other leading 
men of Annapolis Royal. He married in Boston a widow, Mrs. 
Elizabeth Perry, and this lady bore him four children, three 
daughters and a son. Of his daughters one died unmarried, but 
the others were married, like his son, into prominent Boston 
families. His house stood in School Street, a little east of the 
site of the present city hall. 22 

Sir Charles Hobby, first lieutenant-governor of the town and 
fort of Annapolis Royal, a son of William Hobby of Boston, 
a merchant, and his wife Ann, was a gentleman of rather luxuri- 
ous and worldly tendencies, who attained a good deal of prom- 
inence in military affairs in Nlew England and was very conspic- 
uous in Boston's social life. When Governor Joseph Dudley 
was given official welcome to his government in 1702, this mag- 
nate rode, says Judge Sewall, in Major Hobby's coach, drawn by 

22. Sketches of Masacerene's life and conspicuous notices of him in American 
books and periodicals are many. Probably the fullest sketch is that of Mr. James 
Mascarene Hubbard of Boston, a descendant, read first before the Nova Scotia 
Historical Society, and afterwards printed as an appendix to the "History of the 
Fortieth (2nd Somersetshire) Regiment, now ist Battalion the Prince of Wales's 
Volunteers (South Lancashire Regiment) from its Formation in 1717 to 1893," by 
Captain R. H. Raymond Smythies, 1894, pp. 620. Encyclopoedias of American 
Biogranhy ; the "Memorial History of Boston" (Vol. 2, p. 555) ; the "New Eng' 
land Historical and Genealogical Register," Vol. 9 ; the "Correspondence of William 
Shirley," Vol. i ; the Boston Weekly Journal for January 15, 1728, and many other 
sources (besides the Nova Scotia Archives) will be found to yield information 
concerning this eminent man. 

Mr. Mascarene was long on the vestry of King's Chapel. Boston, and about 
1749 he gave fifty pounds sterling for rebuilding the church. His son, John, a 
graduate of Harvard, was comptroller of H. M. Customs in Boston; he died in 
1778. His daughters married, one into the Hutchinson, one into the Perkins family. 


six horses, "richly harnessed." But before long Hobby was set 
up by the Bostonians as a rival to Dudley, and was prevailed up- 
on to go to England to try to obtain the governship for himself. 
"Besides the opposition he [Dudley] met with in his adminis- 
tration," says Governor Hutchinson, "endeavours were using 
soon after his arrival to supplant him and his enemies prevailed 
upon Sir -Charles Hobby (who had been knighted as some said 
for fortitude and resolution at the time of the earthquake in 
Jamaica, others for the further consideration of 800 sterling) 
to go to England and solicit the government. He was recom- 
mended to Sir H. Ashurst, who at first gave encouragement of 
success. Hobby was a gay man, a free liver, and of very differ- 
ent behaviour from what one would have expected should have 
recommended him to the clergy of New England ; and yet, such is 
the force of party prejudice that it prevails over religion itself, 
and some of the most pious ministers strongly urged in their 
letters that he might be appointed their governor instead of 
Dudley ; for which Ashurst himself, after his acquaintance with 
Hobby reproves and censures them." 23 In 1710, Hobby was given 
command of one, and Col. William Tailer of the other, of the two 
Massachusetts regiments sent to the successful capture of Port 
Royal. After the capture he was made "deputy governor" of 
Annapolis Royal, but as he went almost immediately with 
Nicholson to the conquest of Canada, he must have remained a 
very short time at his post. He married, but it is said left no 
children. He died in 1715, but although he had lived in much 
style in his "mansion" in Marlborough (now Washington) 
Street, his estate was insolvent. His inventory, however, showed 
among other properties no less than six slaves. His widow was 
buried in Boston, November 17, 1716. Both Sir Charles Hobby, 
and his father, William, were officially connected with King's 
Chapel, his father having been a very early supporter of that 

Major Thomas Caulfeild (often spelled, probably wrongly, 
Caulfield) may have received his appointment as lieutenant- 

23. Hutchinson's "History of Massachusetts," Vol. 2, pp. .140, 141- (See also 
the "Annals of King's Chapel" (both vols.), and "History of the Ancient and 
orable Society," Vol. I. 


governor of the town and fort of Annapolis Royal in 1713, for he 
was acting as lieutenant-governor, we believe, late in that year. 
His last letter in the ''Governor's Letter-Book" bears date De- 
cember 24, 1716, and he probably soon after this left Nova Scotia. 
February 2, 1744, he was ' * an officer belonging to the American 
Regiment serving at Rattan," 24 after which period we have not 
tried to follow his career. 

Captain John Doucett of the 40th regiment was commissioned 
lieutenant-governor of the town and garrison on the 15th of 
May, 1717. Of his origin and early education we know nothing, 
we do not know whether he was related to other Doucetts at 
Annapolis Royal or not. He arrived at Annapolis the 28th of 
October, 1717, 25 as we learn from the Governor's Letter-Book, 
and November 5th wrote the Secretary of War in England a 
description of the fort. When Governor Philipps formed his 
council in 1720 it was in Doucett 's house in the fort, and in the 
house the council almost unvaryingly met until Doucett 's death, 
which took place on the 19th of November, 1726. Of the family 
of this lieutenant-governor of Annapolis Royal, if he had one, 
we have no knowledge at all. 

Major Alexander Cosby, appointed by Royal Commission 
"Lieutenant-Governor of the Town and the Fort," March 4, 
1727, was a brother of Brigadier-General William Cosby, colonel 
of the 18th Rhode Island regiment and also governor of New 
York. In 1717 he was commissioned major of the 40th at An- 
napolis, and March 22, 1739, lieutenant-colonel of the 40th. As 
lieutenant-governor of the town and fort he took oath October 
20, 1727. 26 On the 24th of June, 1731, Major Mascarene moved 
in the council that he objected to taking his place at the board 
under the Hon. Lieutenant-Governor Cosby, whom Governor 
Philipps had recently "thought fit" to appoint president of the 
council, giving as his reason that he was an elder councillor. 
His Excellency laconically answered that he believed himself em- 
powered to appoint whatever member he thought fit to sit as 

24. "Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series," Vol. 3, p. 763. 

25. "Nova Scotia Archives," Vol. 2, p. I. 

26. "Nova Scotia Archives," Vol. 3, pp. 165, 166. "Annual Report of the 
American Historical Association," (1911), Vol. I. 


president. Major Mascarene having no recourse, then desired 
that his protest and the governor's answer to it should be record- 
ed in the minutes, and took the place assigned him at the board. 
Later in the careers of Cosby and Mascarene, there seems to 
have been continued bad feeling between the men. ' ' In 1744, ' ' 
says Judge Savary, "Mascarene was made Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor of the fort and town, thus uniting in his own person and 
functions of two offices or commands, the holding of which by dif- 
ferent individuals had so often led to difficulties and disputes 
injurious to the peace and harmony of the people and the garri- 
son, as well as of the public interests. The Lieutenant-Governor 
of the Province was supreme in the administration of purely civ- 
il affairs, and the Lieutenant-Governor of the fort controlled and 
directed the military duties. This system had been the means of 
making enemies of men who otherwise would have been friends, 
and the heart-burnings and jealousies which had separated Arm- 
strong and Cosby and Mascarene were directly traceable to this 
dual system of administration." Colonel Cosby married at 
Annapolis, Anne, born in 1712, daughter of William Winniett, 
and had among his children a son Philipps Cosby (named for 
his uncle by marriage Governor Richard Philipps), who, born 
at Annapolis, probably in 1727, became an admiral in the navy. 27 
Colonel Cosby died of small-pox at his house in Annapolis De- 
cember 27, 1742, and Lieutenant-Colonel Paul Mascarene suc- 
ceeded to the position he had held, in addition to that of lieu- 
tenant-governor of the province, which he had assumed shortly 
after the death of Armstrong, in March, 1740. A sister of Col- 
onel Cosby 's was the wife of Governor Philipps. 28 

Until the spring of 1720 the governors of Nova Scotia ad- 
ministered the affairs of the province without the _aid of a coun- 
cil, but in July, 1719, Governor Philipps, probably then in Eng- 

27. A sketch of Admiral Cosby will be found in the "Dictionary of Na- 
tional Biography." 

28. For the commissions of these governors and lieutenant governors, see 
"Nova Scotia Archives," Vols. 2. and 3 ; various encyclopoedias ; sketch of Major 
Mascarene in History of the 40th Regiment; and "Annual Report of the American 
Historical Association, 1911," (2 Vols. Vol. I, pp. 395-528, 501-507). The last work 
is compiled by Charles M. Andrews of Yale University, who gives a list with 
dates of commission of Nova Scotia governors to and including Governor Parr, 
Andrews' list of governors of the fort and town of Annapolis Royal, is not how- 
ever, correct. 


land, received royal instructions to appoint such "fitting and 
discreet persons" as he should either find at Annapolis Royal 
or should take with him for the purpose, not exceeding the num- 
ber of twelve, to be a council to act with the chief executive or 
the lieutenants who should serve in his absence in administering 
the provincial government. Early in April, 1720, Philipps, who 
had come to Boston the October before, arrived at Annapolis, 
and there on the 25th of the month he carried out the instruc- 
tions he had received. 29 On this date, in the house of Captain 
John Doucett, governor of the fort, he appointed nine men, 
besides Doucett, to serve as the first council of Nova Scotia, these 
being Lawrence Armstrong of the 40th regiment ; Captain Paul 
Mascarene of the 40; the Rev. John Harrison, chaplain of the 
garrison; Captain Cyprian Southack, a notable sea captain of 
Boston, a man, however, of English birth ; Arthur Savage, pre- 
viously a Boston merchant and then captain of a ship, whom 
Philipps made secretary of the council ; Hibbert Newton, a Bos- 
tonian, who had been appointed collector at Annapolis; William 
Skene, a Scotsman, who was appointed naval officer in 1725, and 
surgeon of the garrison May 12, 1746 ; William Shirriff , another 
Scotsman, who appears at Annapolis as early as 1715, and who 
in his will, made in 1754, calls himself "Secretary and Commis- 
sary of the Musters at His Majesty's Garrison of Annapolis 
Royal;" and Peter Boudre, apparently a sea-captain, probably 
one of the native Acadians of the province. On the 28th of 
April a second meeting was held at Captain Doucett 's, at which 

2g. In a letter to Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, written April 6, 1748, 
Mr. Mascarene gives a detailed account of the forming of the Council. "Mr. 
Philipps," Mascarene says, "came over in 1719, Captain General over the province, 
with instructions to form a Council of the principal of the British inhabitants, and 
till an Assembly could be formed to regulate himself by the instructions of the 
Governor of Virginia. Governor Philipps for want of inhabitants formed the 
Council with the Lieutenant Governor of the garrison, Mr. Doucett, who at the same 
time was a captain in his regiment and named first in the list of councillors ; his 
major, Lawrence Armstrong; the first captain, Paul Mascarene; Captain Southack, 
commanding the province schooner ; the collector, Hibbert Newton ; the chaplain, 
and other staff officers of the garrison ; and Mr. Adams was the only inhabitant 
admitted. There was another, Mr. Winniett, who was not then named, but in 
process of time was called to the Board; but afterwards dismissed on some dis- 
gust. The whole number was twelve, but as it was made up of transient persons it 
was soon reduced, and to keep up the number of seven, the commander in chief 
took in officers of the garrison or regiment, subaltern officers being often judged 
more capable than their captains." 


all these councillors were present, and one other besides. This 
added member was Mr. John Adams, a Boston merchant, who 
had taken part in the capture of Annapolis Royal and had set- 
tled there probably immediately after, in pursuance of trade. 
Of the eleven councillors, who thus appear as constituting the 
first Nova Scotia council, Southack, Savage, Newton, and Adams, 
it will be seen, were New England men. 30 

On Wednesday, April 19, 1721, it was resolved by the governor 
and council to hold a general court four times a year for the ad- 
ministration of justice, the council to sit in this judicial capacity 
on the first Tuesdays of February, May, August, and November, 
and until the establishment of a settled judiciary at Halifax this 
was the only civil court of justice Nova Scotia had. In a letter 
to the Lords of Trade in England in 1740 Major Mascarene says : 
" There being only two or three English families (here) besides 
the garrison prevents the formation of a civil government like 
that in the other colonies, and so the councillors have to be taken 
chiefly from the military officers of the garrison or regiment." 
"The Council meets upon call in a civil or judiciary capacity. 
What relates to the judicial part is referred to quarterly ses- 
sions, appointed three or four years ago, in which all matters of 
meum and tuum amongst the French inhabitants, who come from 
all the settlements of the province, are stated and decided. In 
other affairs, the Council meets when anything of moment re- 
quires it, and has a messenger under the name of constable to 
summon any person required to appear. ' ' 31 

How the council sometimes treated offences is illustrated in 
an account that comes to us of its proceedings on the 6th of 
August, 1734. At that time the cause of a certain Mary Davis 
against Jeanne Picot, the wife of Louis Thibauld, was consider- 
ed. Jeanne had accused Mary of murdering two children, and the 

30. The number of councillors was never as large as twelve, five, however, 
constituted a quorum. At different times the following were added : August 16, 
1720, Gillam Phillips, a brother-in-law of Arthur Savage, another Bostonian , May 
J 3> 1727, Christopher Aldridge, Capt. Joseph Bennett, Capt. John Blower, and Thom- 
as Cosby ; at other dates, Henry Cope, Otho Hamilton, William Winniett, Erasmus 
James Philipps (a relative of the governor), John Handfield, Edward Amhurst, 
John Slater, and William Howe. These were probably all while the council lasted. 

31. This letter in manuscript is in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Library. It was 
printed in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ist Series, Vol. 6, pp. 120-126. 


court finding the charge "a vile, malicious, groundless, and scan- 
dalous report, ' ' ordered that Jeanne should ' ' be ducked on Sat- 
urday next, the tenth instant, at high water. ' ' Mary was merci- 
ful, however, and prayed the court to relieve Jeanne of the 
ducking and instead oblige her to ask the plaintiff's pardon on 
Sunday at the mass house door, and her prayer was granted by 
the court. On the 12th of August of the same year, Matthew Hur- 
ry, convicted of stealing a five pound note from Sergeant James 
Thompson, was sentenced by the council to fifty lashes on the 
bare back with a cat o ' nine tails, and to return the money. In 
the autumn of 1726, Governor Armstrong's servant man, Nich- 
olas, who had committed an assault on his master while at Canso, 
was sentenced to sit for half an hour each day during three days 
on a gallows, with a rope round his neck and a paper on his 
breast with the words " Audacious Villain" in large capitals 
printed thereon, and afterwards "to be whipped at the cart's 
tail from the prison up to the uppermost house of the cape, and 
from thence back again to the prison house, ' ' receiving each hun- 
dred paces five stripes upon his bare back with a cat o' nine tails, 
and then "to be turned over for a soldier." 32 

Concerning the acts of this council until well on towards the 
time of its dissolution by Governor Cornwallis, twenty-nine 
years after it was organized, we have full and accurate informa- 
tion in the records of its proceedings, which were published by 
order of the Nova Scotia Government in 1908. 33 From these 
minutes of council we gain indeed very intimate knowledge of 
not only the public affairs of the province at large, but of the 
social and individual concerns of the people of early Annapolis 
Eoyal. In a small, remote community, isolated completely except 
by slow water communication from all other settled parts of the 
world, its nearest metropolis, Boston, which could be reached 
only by uncomfortable voyages in cramped schooners or sloops, 
the people were necessarily thrown closely together, and as a 

32. "Nova Scotia Archives," Vol. 3, p. 127. 

33. The third volume of "Nova Scotia Archives," carefully edited and in- 
dexed by Professor Archibald M. MacMechan, Ph.D., gives these minutes of coun- 
cil from April, 1720, to August, 1736. The second volume of "Archives," however, 
also edited (in 1900) by Dr. MacMechan gives us much light on the council's acts 
until 1741. 


consequence, rivalries and jealousies and fierce clashings of 
petty interests, as well as occasional scandals caused by con- 
spicuous violations of social morality, give strong human colour- 
ing to the mixed story of the community's life. 

The interests of the Annapolis Royal people, and the compli- 
cations of the life of their small community, were many and var- 
ied. Fishing, farming, lumbering, and the collecting of furs, 
had long been carried on successfully in the vicinity by the 
French, and in all these occupations, we may believe, the British 
settlers likewise to some extent engaged. Of military and civil 
officials in this garrison town, we must feel there was a great 
superabundance, but several of the leading men like Adams and 
Winniett undoubtedly traded vigorously with the French, who 
were always in Nova Scotia an industrious and in their primi- 
tive way enterprising people. Of the three localities in the 
province where the French population was greatest, the dis- 
tricts of Annapolis Royal, Minas, and Chignecto, Lieutenant 
Governor Caulfeild in 1715 writes the English Board' of Trade, 
Annapolis, "the metropolis," had rich, sound soil, produced 
ten thousand bushels of grain, chiefly wheat, and some 
rye, oats and barley. The district had also plenty of cattle, 
sheep and hogs ; "masting" could be had, though with difficulty, 
pitch had been frequently made, and since the capture in 1710 
forty thousand weight of furs had been shipped each year from 
the place. 34 In all these commodities the Boston sea-captains 
and traders who figure prominently in Annapolis no doubt 
found it profitable to deal with the French, and while most man- 
ufactured goods except coarse clothing were brought to the 
place from Boston, we may conceive the Boston food supplies to 
have come in no small measure from the remote Nova Scotia 
town. I have it "from very good hands," writes Caulfeild, in 
the report from which we have just quoted, that New Englanders 
themselves take from the Nova Scotia fisheries at large each sea- 
son over a hundred thousand "kentalls," but besides this, he 
intimates, great numbers of fish are sold to the merchants trad- 
ing with Annapolis as their base. 

34. "Nova Scotia Archives," Vol. 2, p. 24. 


Except in the island of Cape Breton, there were during these 
whole forty years but two British settlements within the confines 
of what are now the sister provinces of Nova Scotia and New 
Brunswick. These were the settlements of Annapolis Royal 
and Canso. Of the earliest trading and fishing ventures of Niew 
England men along the Nova Scotia shores only scattered facts 
are possible to be obtained, but Canso we know to have become 
at an early period, certainly after British rule in the province 
began, the most important base for New England fisheries that 
Nova Scotia had. Besides New Englanders and Frenchmen 
who fished with this point as their base, West of England people 
also came every spring for purposes of fishing, "with many 
ships," 35 and we are told that very large numbers of New Eng- 
land fishing vessels were seen every summer anchored in the 
strait of Canso at the point where the town lay. The fortify- 
ing of Canso began under the influence of Governor Philipps in 
the year 1720, although troops had been sent to the place to pro- 
tect it a little earlier than this, but these fortifications seem 
never to have progressed very far, for in 1734 William Shirreff, 
secretary of the council, reported that Canso lay " naked and 
defenceless" against the French, "without so much as barracks 
to lodge the four companies of Colonel Philipps 's regiment sta- 
tioned there for its defence, or store houses, except hasty slight 
erections put up from time to time by the commanders, assisted 
by the fishermen. ' ' If the place were taken by the French, Mr. 
Shirreff says, "the loss would affect not only Nova Scotia but 
New England, New York, and other plantations; for British 
subjects resort thither from all parts. As it is the only place in 
the province that can be said to have been frequented all along 
by British subjects, its loss would very much affect the traders, 
and strengthen the French and enable them to do more damage 
along the coast with their privateers." In 1723 Major Alexan- 
der Cosby was in command of the garrison at Canso, and as 
early as 1732 Captain Christopher Aldridge was ' ' civil and mili- 
tary commandant there. ' ' At some period after 1734, however, 

35. "Nova Scotia Archives," Vol. 2, p. 56. This statement is made of the 
year 1719. The great majority of New Englanders went home every fall and came 
again in the 'Spring. 


though the exact date we do not know, Major Paul Mascarene 
for a time held the same position at Canso. 36 

Intercourse, therefore, between Annapolis Royal and Causo 
was constant during these forty years; but Boston was the com- 
mercial and social metropolis of the Annapolis people. 37 In Bos- 
ton a great part of the population had been born, to Boston mar- 
kets the traders regularly shipped the products they bought 
from the French, and from Boston came all the manufactured 
goods except the coarsest clothing that the families of those who 
had brought their families to the place used in their homes. Even 
the officers of the garrison, we may believe, at intervals varied 
the monotony of their dull life in this remote place by excur- 
sions to Boston for social intercourse with people who lived in a 
larger world. Consequently there was probably not a week in 
the year, unless in the depth of winter, that vessels were not 
clearing from or entering the harbour of the town. 

In all the period of nearly four decades that Annapolis Royal 
was the capital of Nova Scotia, no year was so fraught with fear 
to the inhabitants as the year 1744. In June of that year, Lieu- 
tenant-Go vernor Mascarene received notice that a declaration of 
war had been made by France against England, 38 and the garri- 
son which was too weak to resist any considerable force, and the 
people of the town, who knew that the fort was in a ruinous 
condition, were alike apprehensive. A little earlier than the 
beginning of hostilities between the nations, indeed, a sudden 
panic had seized the people of the lower town, where the families 
of several officers and soldiers as well as many civilians lived. 
The cause of this was a rumor that one Morpin, a famous com- 

36. When he died in 1743, Mr. Peter Faneuil, the rich Boston merchant, owned 
a store at Canso. In the inventory of his property this store is said to be valued at 
about four hundred pounds. 

37. In 1739, however, Murdoch says, there was communication between An- 
napolis Royal and Canso "scarcely once a year." This, following of course some 
reliable document, he attributes to the fact that there was no vessel allowed for the 
government." Murdoch's History of Nova Scotia, Vol. i, pp. 528, 529 March 14, 
1741, Lieut-Governor Mascarene writes to the Duke of Newcastle: "We have no 
news from Europe later than July last, nor from our neighbouring governmei 
New England since last October, so that we are entirely ignorant of any transac- 
tions in relation to war or peace." But this statement must mean only that he am 
the council at Annapolis have had no official communication from Boston for many 
months, not that they have not had any news. 

38. The date of this declaration of war was March 15, 1744- 


mander of a privateer in the previous war, had gone up the 
Annapolis river and had gathered a force of French and Indians 
numbering five hundred men. Although this report could not be 
traced to any author, says Judge Savary, and its falsehood be- 
came evident very soon, yet the effect it produced on the minds 
of the inhabitants could not be dispelled. In a few days the 
Massachusetts galley arrived, with the chief engineer, and on 
her return to Boston she took with her for safety as many of the 
women and children as she could accommodate. Besides this, 
more than seventy women and children, as well as the people's 
effects that could be removed, remained sheltered for a time in 
the fort. 

On the first of July, however, a force of about three hundred 
Indians, led, it is believed, by the French priest Le Loutre, did 
come to attack the garrison. But the bravery of Mascarene, who 
sent word to the besiegers that he was determined to defend the 
fort to the last drop of his blood, prevented an overwhelming 
attack, and on the fifth of July the Massachusetts galley again 
arrived, bringing ''seventy auxiliaries and a captain and en- 
sign," and the Indians withdrew and marched eastward to 
Minas. Still stronger reinforcements soon came from Boston, 
and until peace was declared in 1748, the peace of Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle, although apprehension in the town never entirely ceased, 
the fort was not again menaced by Indians or French. In the 
meantime, however, more of the women and children were taken 
to Boston. 

The appearance of the houses at Annapolis Royal in this 
first half of the eighteenth century, and the details of their ap- 
pointments, and the exact modes of life of the people and the 
character of their social intercourse we can as a rule only con- 
jecture. From private letters of Paul Mascarene to his daughters 
in Boston, however, we do gain some glimpses of the Annapolis 
Royal habits of life. ' ' I have begun to keep house, ' ' Mascarene 
writes in 1740, ''contrary to the intention of Governor Cosby and 
other friends, but I thought it of absolute necessity to keep my- 
self the more independent and the more at liberty to keep at 
home when I found myself inclined to it. My family consists of 
an old soldier of my company who behaves very well, another 



who dresses my dinner, and a boy about eight years of age whom 
I design to have bound to me." The same year he writes his 
agent in Boston that on the King's accession day he had had 
Lieutenant-Governor Cosby and the members of the council to 
dine with him, and all the rest of the officers in the afternoon to 
celebrate the day in the usual manner by drinking loyal healths. ' ' 
"My appartment, " he in another letter writes his daughter Mar- 
garet, 39 "contains four Rooms, all contiguous to one another, the 
first something larger than our fore Room [in Boston], the floor 
none of the best, is covered with the painted cloth. The White 
walls are hung in part with four large Pictures of Mr. Smibert 
a walnutt chest of Drawers, a mahogany table, and six pretty 
good chairs fill in some measure the remainder. Over the mantle 
piece are a dozen of arms kept clean and in good order, with oth- 
er warlike accoutrements. In this Room I dine, sometimes alone 
but often with one or more of my friends. A door opens from 
this into my bed room, where my field bed, four chairs, the little 
round table, a desk to write upon, and my cloths chest are all 
the furniture that adorns it. The two closetts on the side of the 
chimney serve, the one to keep my papers, the other to hang 
my cloths. In the great room one of the closetts dispos'd on 
the side of the chimney is made to keep my drinkables for daily 
use, iny case of bottles, and such like. The other is for a kind of 
pantry and att the same time for a passage to another room 
wherein I keep my meal, flour, fresh and salt provisions. This 
communicates by a door to my kitchen and is the way by which 
I go every morning to order my dinner and give out what pro- 
vision is necessary for it. The other communication from the 
kitchen to the great room is by the parade as farr as from our 
back kitchen to our back entry door. I have a bell to call my ser- 
vant both from my dining and bed room. My Domesticks are a 
good old honest soldyer w T ho makes my bed, keeps my cloths 
and my apartment clean and attends me very diligently and very 
faithfully, another who was my cook when your [sister] Betty 
was here attends me in the same office, they have a boy to assist 
them both. All three discharge their tasks in an easy and quiet 

39. The exact date of this letter is probably December ist, the year is 1740. 


manner and give little or no trouble. The morning, and espe- 
cially in winter time I generally pass att home in usefull and 
diverting employments. I sometimes dine abroad. The after- 
noons I visit some of the familys in our fort or town, and the 
evenings Capn. Handfield, Lt. Amhurst, and three or four more 
of our officers meet att one another's houses over a game att 
ombre for half pence and part att nine, when after an hour en- 
joy 'd quietly in my own room I go to bed. These rounds I have 
gone for these months." 

Others of Colonel Mascarene's letters, to his family and his 
agent Douglas, in Boston, give us little side lights on the soci- 
ety of Annapolis Royal. July 20, 1740, for instance, he writes 
Douglas that Mr. Winniett is to carry two of Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor Cosby 's daughters to board at his own home in Bos- 
ton, Cosby having insisted on a promise Mascarene had made 
him that they might do so, which "I own," he says, "I should 
not have been sorry to have found an opening to withdraw 
from at this time, as I do not know how long matters may 
remain quiet between us." These young ladies were probably 
being taken to Massachusetts, as no doubt other Annapolis 
children from time to time were, for the benefit of the Boston 
schools. In December, of the same year Mascarene writes his 
daughter Betty that Annapolis has been visited by an epidemic 
of colds for two months past, the ladies of the community 
especially falling victims to the trouble. He himself, however, 
he says is in excellent health. In an earlier letter he writes one 
of his daughters: "Mrs. Cosby has also expressed a great 
satisfaction in what you have done for her. The stays fits 
each of the children very well." "As for Mrs. Handfield," he 
writes suggestively, "the captain has rendered her incapable 
of wearing hers for these twelve months to come. ' ' 

The church where the Annapolis people worshipped for much 
of the period under review was "a large and commodious" 
building inside the fort, erected by the last French Governor, 
Monsieur Subercase, a building eighty feet long and thirty-three 
feet wide, half of which was intended by Subercase to be used as 
a chapel, the remainder to furnish lodgings for certain officials 
of the fort. When the fort was finally invested by English 


troops, services according to the Church of England were at 
once begun in this French chapel by the Rev. John Harrison, 
"chaplain to Commodore Martin, and left chaplain to the garri- 
son by commission from the general." The first service in the 
chapel after the capture was held on Tuesday, the tenth of Octo- 
ber, 1710, to commemorate the great event, the day having been 
set apart for special thanksgiving. On this occasion prayers 
were said by Mr. Harrison, but the sermon was preached by the 
Eev. Samuel Hesker, "chaplain to the Hon. Col. Reading's 
Marines. " 40 The building now occupied for Protestant services, 
Mr. Harrison himself describes as a handsome chapel, which 
under pressure of necessity had been turned into barracks dur- 
ing the siege. 

The exact length of Mr. Harrison's chaplaincy we do not 
know, but this clergyman seems to have been succeeded in active 
service in the fort and town by the Rev. Robert Cuthbert as 
early at least as 1722. Why he retired we do not know, for he 
seems still to have been residing at Annapolis in November, 
1732. In this year, probably, Rev. Richard Watts became chap- 
lain, but after 1737 until Halifax was founded, Watts evidently, 
though nominally chaplain, remained away from his duty, and in 
1742 Mr. John Adams, as we shall see, wrote the Lords of 
Trade that in the absence of the chaplain "officers and soldiers" 
were profaning "the holy sacraments of baptism and ministerial 
function by presuming to baptize their own children. " " There 
has been no chaplain here, he says for these four years." 

As an illustration of the scandals which are sure occasionally 
to arise in small communities in the course of years, we hear of 
one unfortunate occurrence in this little garrison town in 1724. 
The earliest notice we have found of the Rev. Robert Cuthbert 
is in the records of King's Chapel, Boston, where we find him 
preaching November 4, 1722. In that year he was already chap- 
lain at Annapolis, but just when he had been settled there we 

40. This was the beginning of regular services according to the ritual of the 
Church of England in the whole of what is now the Dominion of Canada. See the 
"Journal of Col. Francis Nicholson"; the writer's "Church of England in Nova 
Scotia and the Tory Clergy of the Revolution"; Judge Savary's valuable pamphlet 
entitled "French and Anglican Churches at Annapolis Royal" (Annapolis Royal, 
1910) ; the Calnek-Savary "History of Annapolis" ; and Rev. Canon C. W. Ver- 
non's "Bicentenary Sketches and Early Days of the Church in Nova Scotia" 
(Halifax, 1910). 


do not know. Less than two years later he was accused by a 
certain Alexander Douglass, of Annapolis, of too great inti- 
macy with Douglass's wife, and the charge was taken up by the 
council. On the 22nd of September, 1724, the Board unani- 
mously agreed that "Whereas it appears that the Rev. Mr. Rob- 
ert Outhbert hath obstinately persisted in keeping company with 
Margaret Douglass contrary to all reproofs and admonitions 
from Alexander Douglass her husband and contrary to his own 
promises and the good advice of his Honour the Lieutenant 
Governor, that he the said Mr. Robert Cuthbert shall be kept in 
the Garrison without port liberty, and that his scandalous affair 
and the satisfaction demanded by the injured husband be trans- 
mitted in order to be determined at home ; and that the Honour- 
able Lieutenant Governor may write for another minister in his 

Up to 1728, however, Cuthbert was still ministering in the 
town, but in that year he was suspended from the exercise of his 
ministerial functions and no doubt left. In May, 1725, Mar- 
garet Douglas, whose husband, probably a sea-captain, had gone 
away, petitioned the board that her husband's brother Samuel 
might be compelled to pay her the allowance her husband had 
ordered him to pay for that she and her child were destitute. 
When Samuel Douglas came before the board he declared that he 
had no property of his brother's in his hands, but that, instead, 
his brother owed him nearly five pounds. 

An important event in the history of Annapolis early in the 
period under review was the organizing there of the Fortieth 
regiment of foot under Governor Philipps, on the 25th of Au- 
gust, 1717. At this time there were four independent companies 
of foot in the garrison, left from the force that came from 
Boston in 1710 for the capture, and there existed also four other 
companies at Placentia, in Newfoundland. 41 Under royal in- 
structions, Philipps, who was commissioned colonel of the regi- 
ment, though he had not yet come to Nova Scotia, now welded 
these eight companies into a regiment of the line, and henceforth 

41. The garrison that was left at Annapolis immediately after the capture is 
said to have consisted of "two hundred marines and two hundred and fifty New 
England volunteers." 



until 1749, the troops that garrisoned both Annapolis Royal and 
Canso, as well as Placentia, belonging to this regiment. The 
first officers commissioned in the regiment were all except Cap- 
tain Paul Mascarene British born men, and Mascarene, al- 
though born in France and educated in Switzerland, had before 
coming to New England been naturalized in England and had 
received there a commission in the British army. Later the 
regiment naturally drew within its ranks a number of the sons 
of military or civil officials resident at Annapolis, where some 
of these young officers took wives from among the Annapolis 
girls. In 1739 nine out of the ten companies that the Fortieth 
then comprised were stationed in Nova Scotia, the tenth being at 
Placentia. Of the nine companies in Nova Scotia, comprising 
in all about a hundred and fifty-five private soldiers, besides the 
officers, five were stationed at Annapolis Royal, four at Canso. 42 
For much of the long period of its history as a British fort, 
the fort of Annapolis was in a dilapidated condition and the gar- 
rison, neglected by the absent colonel of the 40th and governor 
in chief of the province, w y as in a pitiful state. The next year 
after the capture, Vetch sent Lawrence Armstrong to England 
to try to induce the Lords of Trade to give him aid in repairing 
and strengthening the place, which had been left in sad condition 
by the French. The fortifications he describes as "in form a 
regular square, with four bastions made up of earth and sod- 
work; the earth a loose gravel or sand, subject to damage by 
every thaw, and to great breaches which happened by the fall of 
the walls into the ditch till a method was found to revest the 
works with timber from the bottom of the ditch to the friezes, 

42. We learn about the regiment in 1739 from a letter of Governor Philipps 
to the Duke of Newcastle in this year. For a detailed history of the 40th, see "His- 
tory of the Fortieth (2nd Somersetshire Regiment), now ist Battalion the Prince of 
Wales's Volunteers (South Lancashire Regiment), from its foundation in 1717 to 
1893. By Captain R. H. Raymond Smythies." 600 pages, printed at Devonport, Eng- 
land, in 1894. The officers at its formation were : Colonel, Richard Philipps ; Major, 
Alexander Cosby; Captains, John Caulfield, Lawrence Armstrong, Paul Mascarene, 
Christopher Aldridge, John Williams; Lieutenants, Tames Campbell, John Jephson, 
Edward Bradstreet; Ensigns, James Erskine, John Keeting. In 1739 the French 
garrison at Louisburg consisted of six companies of regular troops, of 60 men 
each, and a company of Swiss of 120 men. There was another company of French 
soldiers at St. Peter's, four leagues from Canso, and still another in the Island of 
St. John (P. E. I.). Canso, where there was a small British force, was without 
proper barracks or storehouses for the troops. 


eighteen feet, and above that with four feet of sod, the greatest 
part of which being done while General Nicholson was last 
here. ' ' The houses and barracks where the officers and soldiers 
lodged, with the storehouses and magazines, he describes as "in 
a ruinous condition, and not like to stand three years without 
thorough repair." Arriving in England, Armstrong told the 
Board that the garrison was dependent on New England for 
supplies and that the Boston merchants who furnished these de- 
manded exorbitant prices. He therefore advised the settlement 
at and about the town of Annapolis of a sufficient number of 
British people to produce the things the garrison and the town 
most needed, and suggested that Annapolis be made a free port. 
The natural resources of the province of which Annapolis was 
the capital he urged as being very great. 

In a letter to the Duke of Newcastle, September 5, 1739, Gov- 
ernor Philipps describes the fort as built of earth, with four 
bastions, faced with picquets to keep it together, and surrounded 
with a small, shallow dry ditch, about six feet deep. ' ' The chan- 
nel in Annapolis Basin, he says, is of sufficient depth to allow 
men-of-war of from twenty to fifty guns to come within a cable's 
length of the fort. In 1743, Mascarene writes the Duke of New- 
castle that the fort "is apt to tumble down in heavy rains or in 
thaws after frosty weather, as it is formed of earth of a sandy 
and pliable nature. To prevent this a revestment of timber had 
been made use of, which soon decaying remedies the evil but for 
a short time, so that for these many years past there has been 
only a continual patching. ' ' 

In 1721, Mascarene describes the appearance of Annapolis 
Eoyal as follows: "Two leagues above Goat Island [in the 
Basin of Annapolis] is the fort, seated on a sandy, rising ground 
on the south side of the river, on a point formed by the British 
River and another small one called the Jenny River. The .lower 
town lies along the first, and is commanded by the fort. The 
upper town stretches in scattering houses a mile and a half 
southeast from the fort on the rising ground between the two 
rivers. From this rising ground to the banks of each river, and 
on the other side of the less one, lie large flats or meadows, etc. 
On both sides of the British River are a great many fine farms, 


inhabited by about two hundred families." In 1743, he writes: 
The town ''consists of two streets, the one extending along the 
river side and the other along the neck of land, the extremities 
whereof are of a quarter of a mile distant from the fort." 

Concerning the history of many of the families of Annapolis 
Royal during the forty years under consideration we are not 
very well informed. In the following brief sketches, however, 
some important facts concerning the heads and other members 
of a few of them, and especially concerning the families' inter- 
relationships, will be found. If records of their ministerial 
acts were ever kept by the garrison chaplains we do not know 
where they are, consequently of the dates of many baptisms and 
marriages performed during the period we are and probably 
always shall be entirely ignorant. 

JOHN ADAMS, born in 1673, who in 1710 went from Boston in 
Sir Charles Hobby's regiment to the capture of Annapolis Roy- 
al, is one of the most conspicuous figures in the history of An- 
napolis during a large part of this period of forty years. 43 Adams 
was the eldest of three brothers who were probably sons of a 
John Adams, of Boston, who in 1690 and later had a wife Avis, 

43. John Adams of Boston, cordwainer, whose wife in 1690 was Avis, re- 
ceives a deed from Nathaniel Williams, executor of the will of John Morse of 
Boston, Dec. 20, 1688. John and Avis sell the property thus deeded Jan. 19, 1690, to 
Abraham Blish. According to the Old South Church register a John and Avis 
Adams have children baptized as follows: William, Feb. 12, 1692-3; John, Nov. 5, 
1693-4; Ebenezer, Dec. 23, 1693-4. Less than three years after he graduated from 
college, Rev. Hugh Adams is said to have written his "dearly beloved brother John 
Adams, shop-keeper, Boston," from Charleston, S. C., announcing the death, on the 
23rd of Feb., 1699-1700, we suppose at Charleston, of "our godly mother Avis 
Adams." In some other writing, possibly a diary, perhaps a letter, the date of which 
we do not know, Rev. Hugh Adams mentions with solicitude his "eldest brother 
John's" having gone to Annapolis Royal with a company in Sir Charles Hobby's 
regiment. If John Adams was the eldest of these three Adams brothers he must 
have been born as early as 1672-1674, and we can hardly believe that the mother of 
these men was still bearing children as late as 1692-93. Avis Adams may therefore 
have been not the own mother, but the stepmother of John, Matthew, and Hugh 
although Hugh calls her their mother. For important mentions of this Adams 
family, which was quite distinct from the Adams family of Braintree, see the New 
England Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol. 10, pp. 89-91, and Vol. 32, pp. 
J 3 2 J 33- In the latter notice, however, the list of John Adams's children is not 
correctlv given. 

Of Rev. John Adams, son of John Adams, the Councillor, excellent notices will 
be found in Duyckink's "Cyclopoedia of American Literature," and the "National 
Encyclopoedia of American Biography." This young clergyman, the first poet reared 
in Nova Scotia, is said to have been besides a poet, an eloquent preacher, a master of 
nine languages, and a generally brilliant man. He died unmarried at Cambridge, 
Mass., Jan. 22, 1740, at the early age of thirty-six. 


but of whose origin and history we at present know absolutely 
nothing. The younger brothers of John were Matthew, a mer- 
chant of Boston and a lover and collector of books, and Rev. 
Hugh, a Congregational minister, born in 1676, who was long 
pastor of the church at Oyster River, now Durham, New Hamp- 
shire, his college education having been obtained at Harvard, 
where he graduated in 1697. 

From some letter or diary of his brother Hugh we learn that 
John Adams went in a company in Sir Charles Hobby's regi- 
ment to the capture of Port Royal in 1710, and in Annapolis 
Adams must have established himself as a trader with Boston 
very soon after the capture was effected. In the town, as 
a person of importance, Governor Philipps found him in 1720, 
and when Philipps organized the council, he soon appointed him 
one of this board. On the 28th of April, 1720, Adams took his 
seat on the council, and henceforth until 1740 there was no more 
active member of the Nova Scotia government than he. In 
1725 he was appointed Deputy Collector of the port, and when 
Col. Lawrence Armstrong, lieutenant-governor of the province, 
committed suicide, December 5, 1739, Mr. Adams as senior coun- 
cillor in residence assumed charge of the government. The actual 
senior member of the council, however, was Mr. Paul Mascarene, 
who had been appointed councillor three days earlier than 
Adams, and the following March, when Mascarene returned from 
Boston, where he had been spending the winter, he relieved Mr. 
Adams of the charge. In a short time, it is said, blindness com- 
pelled Adams to relinquish his duties at Annapolis and he then 
returned to Boston, where we hear little more of him. In the 
records of council we find intimations that he was not very well 
off, and in 1732, though he could not then have been much over 
fifty-nine, we find that he was infirm and was considered old. In 
1742, in Boston, it is said he gave his wife Hannah power of 
attorney over his affairs. 

Who or when John Adams married in Boston we are not able 
to say, nor do we know whether he had one wife or two. Con- 
cerning the full number of his children we are likewise ignorant, 
but the following children, baptized in the Old South parish, 
Boston, we know to have been his. By the register of this 


church we find that John and his wife Hannah Adams had 
children: Hannah, baptized September 17, 1699; Anne, Decem- 
ber 21, 1701 ; and John, March 26, 1704. Of these children Han- 
nah became at Annapolis the wife of Hibbert Newton, Anne, we 
have reason to believe became the wife of Dr. John Skene, and 
John, who graduated at Harvard in 1721, became a Congrega- 
tional clergyman (and a poet of some note) and was settled at 
Newport, Rhode Island and in Philadelphia. A third daughter 
of John Adams, whose name, however, we do not know, undoubt- 
edly became at Annapolis the wife of Major Otho Hamilton, 
for the wife of Major Hamilton, we learn from this gentleman's 
will, was a sister of Mrs. Anne Skene. 

On the 12th of March, 1742, John Adams writes from Bos- 
ton to the English Lords of Trade : "I would have returned to 
Annapolis before now, but there was no chaplain in the garrison 
to administer God's word and sacraments to the people; but the 
officers and soldiers in the garrison have profaned the holy sac- 
raments of baptism and ministerial function by presuming to 
baptize their own children. Why His Majesty's chaplain does 
not come to his duty I know not, but I am persuaded it is a dis- 
service and dishonor to our religion and nation; and as I have 
heard, some have got their children baptized by the Popish 
priests, for there has been no chaplain here for these four 
years." 44 

MAJOR CHRISTOPHER ABRIDGE was undoubtedly of British 
birth, his various commissions in the army being as follows: 
Lieutenant, April 6, 1706, Captain, August 24, 1711, and Captain 
in the 40th, August 25, 1717. Some time before 1735, he was 
made ' ' civil and military commandant at Canso, ' ' in which com- 
mand says the history of Annapolis, he was superseded by Ma- 
jor Mascarene. May 13, 1727, Captain Aldridge, together with 
Captain Joseph Bennett, Captain John Blower, and Thomas 
Cosby, Esq., "the commissary of provisions and fort major," 
was admitted to the council, but precisely how long he remained 
in Nova Scotia we do not at present know. February 11, 1745, 
then " Major Aldridge," he made his will in Boston, where he 

44. Murdoch's "History of Nova Scotia," Vol. 2, p. 17, and Eaton's "The 
Church of England in Nova Scotia," pp. 21, 22. 


was residing, and April 1, 1746, the will was proved. The chief 
persons mentioned in the will are his son, Christopher, his 
daughter Mary Bradstreet, his daughter Elizabeth Jepson, and 
his daughter Martha Newgent. 

LIEUTENANT EDWARD AMHURST'S name appears first in the 
council minutes in July, 1733. Amhurst (or Amherst) we sup- 
pose was an Englishman, but of his origin we know nothing. He 
was commissioned ensign of the 40th regiment either March 
12 or May 13, 1722, lieutenant April 3, 1733, and captain-lieuten- 
ant July 25, 1748. For several years, until at least 1739, he was 
deputy surveyor at Annapolis, and in 1740 he and John Hand- 
field were executors of Lieutenant-Governor Lawrence Arm- 
strong's will. In 1749 he was in England, and when the Corn- 
wallis fleet sailed for Chebucto he came with it. Later, Dr. 
Aldus says, he became a major and commanded the troops at 
Placentia, in Newfoundland. He had a family, for a great- 
grandson of his was the Hon. Sir William Fenwick Williams, 
Bart., lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia in the year 1867. 

An important person at Annapolis Royal during the period 
under review was MAJOR (afterward Lieutenant-Colonel) OTHO 
HAMILTON of the Fortieth Regiment, and from 1731 unitl prob- 
ably 1744, a member of the council. Major Hamilton was prob- 
ably one of the young recruits who came out from England with 
or soon after Nicholson and Vetch, for the reduction of Port 
Royal, his ensign's commission bearing date June 16, 1710. In 
1714 he was ensign in Captain J. Williams 's independent com- 
pany at Annapolis Royal, and when this company was incorpor- 
ated into the Fortieth he of course became an officer of that now 
famous regiment. On the 9th of August, 1718, he was made 
lieutenant of the 40th, July 8, 1734, captain-lieutenant, Septem- 
ber 3, 1739 f , captain, and January 30, 1746, major. In 1744, 
Henry Cope, Lieutenant-Governor of the town and garrison of 
Placentia, in Newfoundland, died, and by a proclamation dated 
at St. James's December 25th of that year Captain Hamilton 
was appointed in his place. In 1761 Hamilton resigned from 
the 40th, but he must have been made almost immediately a lieu- 
tenant-colonel in the army. On the 26th of February, 1770, still 
as Lieutenant-Governor of Placentia, he died at Waterford, Ire- 


land, where he seems to have established a home. Colonel Ham- 
ilton married at Annapolis Royal a sister of Anne, wife of Dr. 
William Skene, who it seems certain was a daughter of Mr. John 
Adams. The first name of Mrs. Hamilton we do not know, and 
we are also uncertain when and where she died. The children 
she bore her husband were three, John Hamilton, who was for 
some time an officer of the 40th, but who resigned from the army 
in 1766 and went to live at Waterford ; Otho, Jr., who entered 
the 40th as ensign in 1744, and in 1770 became lieutenant-colonel 
of the 59th, and who died in England in 1811; and a daughter 
Grizel, who became the wife of Colonel Richard Dawson of the 
Engineers, an officer who in 1780 was governor of the Isle of 
Man. Otho Hamilton, Sr., of Annapolis Royal, was the youngest 
son of Colonel Thomas Hamilton of Edinburgh, of the Olivestob 
Hamiltons, and his wife Grizel (Hamilton), and was born in 
Edinburgh about 1690. He died, at Waterford, Ireland, we 
suppose, some time in the year 1770. 45 

Hamilton, Shirreff, and Skene, a Scotsman, but precisely how 
early he came to Annapolis Royal we do not know. He was 
commissioned ensign in the 40th regiment February 26, 1720, 
lieutenant April 12, 1731, captain March 22, 1740, major October 
15, 1754, and lieutenant-colonel March 18, 1758. He died at 
Waterford. Ireland, a brevet colonel it is said, in 1788. In 1755, 
when the Acadians were expelled he was in command of the fort 
at Annapolis, and obeying orders he assisted in removing these 
unhappy people from the town and the country about. In 1759 
he was still in service, probably at the same place. 

Colonel Handfield's wife was Elizabeth Winniett, a sister of 
Mrs. Alexander Cosby and Mrs. Edward How. At what time 

45. For a pretty full account of Lieutenant Colonel Otho Hamilton and his 
family see a monograph by this writer published at Halifax, Nova Scotia, in 1899. 
The title of this is "Lt.-Col. Otho Hamilton of Olivestob, His Sons, Capt. John and 
Lt.-Col. Otho Hamilton, 2nd, and his Grandson Sir Ralph Hamilton, Kt. Judge Cur- 
wen of Salem when he was in England at the time of the American Revolution 
speaks (see "Journal and Letters," p. 247) of meeting at Liverpool, Mrs. Grizel 
Dawson, a native of Nova Scotia, whose husband was then governor of the Isle of 
Man. In Vol. 9, "Nova Scotia Record Commission," under date of August 15, 
1726, we find an interesting letter from Otho Hamilton to Major Mascarene at 
Boston, sent as the writer says by Mrs. Hamilton, his wife. The letter treats of 
the garrison stores, of Mascarene's man "Will," etc., etc. Judge Curwen's meeting 
with Mrs. Dawson was on June 12, 1780. 


he married we do not know, but in 1731 he petitioned the coun- 
cil for a formal grant of a garden plot behind the house that he 
had built at a considerable charge, for the convenience of his 
family. Of, we believe, his sons, William Handfield was com- 
missioned ensign of the 40th, December 1, 1745, lieutenant Sep- 
tember 1, 1749, and adjutant July 4, 1758 ; John Handfield, Jr., 
1st lieutenant of the 40th, July 1, 1755 ; George Handfield, en- 
sign of the 40th September 13, 1760, and lieutenant April 8, 1762. 
His daughter Mary was married at Annapolis August 15, 1752, 
to Lieutenant John Hamilton (elder son of Col. Otho Hamilton), 
who is said to have been then a young widower. In the absence 
of a chaplain to the garrison Captain Handfield himself per- 
formed the marriage. 46 

The first Protestant chaplain settled at Annapolis Royal was 
the REV. JOHN HARRISON, we presume a native of England. In 
the journal of General Nicholson we find the following entry: 
"Tuesday the 10th [October, 1710], was solemnized a day of 
Thanksgiving for the success of Her Majesty's Arms in reduc- 
ing Port Royal, etc., being so appointed by the General. After 
Divine Service which was performed in the Chapel by the Rev- 
erend Mr. John Harrison, Chaplain to Commodore Martin (and 
now left Chaplain to the Garrison by commission from the Gen- 
eral, a sermon was preached by the Reverend Mr. Samuel Hes- 
ker, Chaplain to the Hon. Col. Reading's Marines." Later Gen- 
eral Nicholson records that he was pleased to " commissionate, " 
before he left Boston for Port Royal, among other officers, 
" John Harrison, Clerk, Chaplain to the Garrison of Annapolis 
Royal." In 1720, as we have seen, Governor Philipps chose Mr. 
Harrison one of the first members of the new council he ap- 
pointed. 47 

CAPTAIN EDWARD How, possibly one of the Hows of Sudbury, 
Massachusetts, appears either at Annapolis Royal or at Canso 

46. Of British officers serving in America after the middle of the :8th century 
there was a John Handfield who was Lieut, of the 43d March 7, 1762, and Lieut.- 
Capt. of the 6sth Oct. 18, 1762; a Thomas Handfield who was ensign of the 47th 
May 23, 1759; and an Edward Handfield, ensign of the 22d Dec. 2, 1759, and Lieut, 
of the 22nd April 2, 1762. A William Handfield, also, was Captain of the 94th 
May 5, 1762. 

47. See the writer's "The Church of England in Nova Scotia and the Tory 
Clergy of the Revolution," pp. 16-18. 


as early as 1714. He was a sea-captain and trader, and for a 
long time his headquarters was at Canso, where he served as a 
justice of the peace. It would seem that he had an important 
part in supplying the garrisons at Annapolis Royal and Canso 
with goods from Boston. Somewhere about 1720 he married 
at Annapolis Mary Magdalen Winniett, daughter of William 
Winniett the merchant and ship-owner there, and in 1736 be- 
came a member of the council. In this body his importance was 
so great that when Cornwallis came in 1749 this governor made 
him the second member of the council he created on board the 
Beaufort in Halifax harbour. At the battle of Grand Pre in 
1747, in which Colonel Arthur Noble and his brother Major James 
Noble lost their lives by the French, How was present as com- 
missary to the small body of troops at Minas and was wounded. 
Less than three years later, in October, 1750, at the instigation of 
the priest Le Loutre he was "treacherously and barbarously" 
murdered near Beaubassin, leaving a widow and a large family 
of children, the youngest of whom was but a few months old. In 
1759 Mrs. How, who was very poor, petitioned the lords of 
trade in England for a grant of eleven hundred and eighty 
pounds, eighteen shillings, and sixpence, which she claimed was 
due her husband from the government of Nova Scotia at his 
death. Her claim was considered by the council at Halifax and 
she was awarded the sum of nine hundred and forty-eight 
pounds, and sixpence, which sum the council charged to the con- 
tingent account of the settlement. On the 23d of November, 
1763, Mrs. How petitioned for the balance of her claim, but she 
never received any more. Of Captain How himself, Murdoch 
says : ' * The esteem he won while living, the general usefulness 
of his conduct as an early founder of our colony, and the "cruel 
circumstances of his death, commend his memory to us who 
enjoy a happy, peaceful, and prosperous home [in the colony]." 
Of Captain How's sons, William, who was probably the eldest, 
settled in Cumberland county, Nova Scotia, Edward probably 
died at Annapolis Royal, one son became an officer in the Royal 
Fusiliers, Joseph entered the navy, and Alexander, who became 
a member of the Nova Scotia assembly, married Margaret Green, 
a granddaughter of Hon. Benjamin Green. Of his daughters, 


Deborah was married to Captain Samuel Cottnam of the 40th 
regiment, and one, whose name we do not know became, we 
believe, the first wife of Col. Winckworth Tonge. 

The first collector of the port of Annapolis was HIBBERT NEW- 
TON, who was made by Philipps one of the first members of the 
council he formed. Mr. Newton was the only son of Judge 
Thomas Newton, of Boston, a highly important member of the 
early Massachusetts bar, and one of the founders and prom- 
inent supporters of King's Chapel. How long Hibbert Newton 
remained a member of the Nova Scotia council we do not know, 
but his collectorship of the port, and we believe of Canso as well, 
lasted, in the former case until his death in 1751, and in the latter 
probably until the settlement of Canso was destroyed by Du 
Vivier in 1744. In July, 1725, Mr. Newton went to Canso ap- 
parently to reside for some time and Mr. John Adams was made 
deputy collector at Annapolis, but how long he remained at 
Canso we do not know. After this period do not again find 
him sitting on the council board. 

Mr. Newton married at Annapolis Hannah Adams, a daugh- 
ter of John Adams, she being baptized in the Old South parish, 
Boston, September 17, 1699. At the founding of Halifax the 
chief collectorship of the province was transferred to that place 
and Mr. Newton probably but not certainly removed there. At 
his death his son Henry was made collector in his place, and the 
son also filled this office until his death. Conspicuous tablets 
to members of the Newton family will be found on the walls of 
King's Chapel, Boston, and St. Paul's Church, Halifax. Hib- 
bert Newton had several sons, 48 one of whom, Hibbert, was com- 
missioned ensign in the 40th Regiment, May 12, 1746, another, 
Phillips, ensign in the 40th, April 29, 1750. 

ARTHUR SAVAGE, who before 1710, was a merchant doing busi- 
ness on Long Wharf and dealing in West Indian products, must 
have so ingratiated himself with Governor Philipps during the 
latter 's stay in Boston from October, 1919, to April, 1720, that 
Philipps decided to take him to Annapolis and make him secre- 

48. For an important sketch of Hibbert Newton and of this Newton family 
generally, see the writer's sketch of Hibbert Newton in the "N. E. Hist, and Gen. 
Register," Vol. 68 (Jan., 1914), pp. 101-103. Henry Newton died in 1802. 


tary of the council he was to form on his arrival there. In May, 
1714, he was captain of the Massachusetts Province galley "sail- 
ing to foreign ports, ' ' and it is quite possible that in this vessel 
he took Philipps to his new post. At any rate, he must have 
accompanied the governor, for immediately after Philipps came 
to Annapolis he was appointed by him both naval officer and 
secretary of the province. On the 6th of May he was admitted 
to the council, but in 1725 he was again living at Boston. Wheth- 
er the fact that Savage's wife's maiden name was Phillipps (not 
Philipps), and that Governor Philipps may have been intimate 
with members of the Phillips family in Boston, had anything to 
do with the governor 's interest in Savage we do not know. Sav- 
age married June 1, 1710, Faith Phillips, of Boston, his cousin 
once removed, whose brother Gillam Phillips was admitted to 
the council in August, 1720, but seems never afterwards to have 
taken his place at the council board. Arthur Savage died at his 
house in Brattle Square, Boston, after a tedious illness, April 
20, 1735. 49 

WILLIAM SHIEREFF, probably born in Scotland, appears first in 
the "Governor's Letter-Book" in 1715, and last in the 
"Commission Book" in 1739. Shirreff was introduced 
into the council in 1720, and of this body was still one of 
the most active and influential members as late at least as 1740. 
For a good deal of this time he acted as secretary of the board. 
His son probably, named also William, was commissioned lieu- 
tenant of the 47th regiment June 25, 1755, adjutant of this regi- 
ment September 25, 1759, and captain-lieutenant February 15, 
1761. Of his family, other than this son, we know nothing ex- 
cept from his will, which was proved in Boston May 24, 1768 
(made January 12, 1754). By this instrument we see that his 
wife's name was Elizabeth, and that he had children, one of 
whom, possibly, was >Charles Shirreff, who was, with John Ham- 
ilton and Alexander Hay of Annapolis Royal, a witness of the 
will. The testament begins, "I William Shirreff Sec y and 
Oomm y of the Musters at His Majesty's Garrison of Annapolis 
Eoyal in the Province of Nova Scotia, North America," etc., 

49. See the Savage Family Genealogy, compiled by Lawrence Park, Esq., in 
the "New England Historical and Genealogical Register," Vol. 67. For Arthur Sav- 
age, pp. 213-215. 


etc. His death, at the age of eighty-three, is announced in the 
Boston Evening Post. In this notice he is called "formerly an 
officer in the Nova Scotia Government, ' ' and is said to have died 
in Boston May 5, 1768. 

DR. WILLIAM SKENE we believe to have been born in Scotland 
and to have come to Annapolis Royal probably at the same time 
as Major Otho Hamilton. He was appointed to the council April 
25, 1720, was made naval officer July 22, 1725, and is mentioned 
as sitting in council as late at least as August 17, 1736. On the 
15th of September, 1758, administration on his estate, he having 
owned property in Massachusetts and having lately died intes- 
tate, was granted to the Rev. Nathaniel Walter, of Roxbury. In 
this order of the Massachusetts Probate Court Dr. Skene is 
called "late a surgeon in his Majesty's Garrison at Annapolis 
Royal, ' ' and such we know him to have been. His appointment 
to this post bears date May 12, 1746, and he perhaps discharged 
its duties until 1757, for February 7th, of that year Dr. William 
Catherwood was appointed surgeon to the garrison in his place. 

The wife of Dr. Skene was with little doubt Anne Adams, a 
daughter of Mr. John Adams, of the Annapolis Council. After 
her husband's death Mrs. Skene seems to have resided at the 
house of the Rev. Nathaniel Walter in Roxbury, 50 the reason for 
this, as for Mr. Walter's having administered on her husband's 
estate, we can only conjecture. On the 16th of June, 1758, war- 
rant was given the selectmen of Roxbury to inquire into Mrs. 
Skene 's mental condition, and this body after seeing the "gen- 
tlewoman" at the house of Mr. Walter reported that they had 
found her of sound mind. Their report to this effect, in which 
they speak of her as not really belonging to Roxbury but only re- 
siding there, bears date July 7, 1758. On the 23d of May, 1772, 
administration on Mrs. Skene 's small estate was granted in Mas- 
sachusetts to John Newton, of Halifax (no doubt her nephew), 

50. A temporary New England resident in Nova Scotia, probably at Annapo- 
lis Royal, at a very early time, was the Rev. Nehemiah Walter, founder in the second 
generation from England of the well-known Walter family of Boston and Rox- 
bury and father of Rev. Nathaniel Walter. Nehemiah Walter, who was born in 
Ireland December, 1663, graduated at Harvard in 1684, and shortly after went to 
Nova Scotia to study French. In a few months he returned to Boston having at- 
tained so much proficiency in the language as to be able to preach in it in the absence 
of their minister to a congregation of French refugees in Boston. See "N. E. Hist, 
and Gen. Register," Vol. 8, p. 209. 


Joshua Green and Joseph Barrell, of Boston, becoming bound 
with him for the proper discharge of the trust. In the will of 
Lieutenant Colonel Otho Hamilton, made at Waterford, Ireland, 
August 23, 1768, the testator leaves ten pounds sterling annu- 
ally to his wife's sister, Mrs. Anne Skene, a pension she was 
receiving not being, Col. Hamilton says, enough for her sup- 
port. 51 

One of the first members of the council appointed by General 
Philipps in 1720 was CAPTAIN CYPRIAN SOUTHACK, who though 
born in England spent most of his life on the American continent. 
Captain Southack was a son of Lieutenant Cyprian Southack, 
E. N., and his wife Elizabeth Oakley and was born in London, 
March 25, 1662. On the 16th of July, 1689, he was granted by 
the admiralty letters of marque against the French, and on the 
29th of April, 1690, in command of the Porcupine of sixteen 
guns, with a hundred and seventeen men he sailed from Boston 
with Sir William Phips on his expedition against Port Royal. 
After the capture of the place Phips sent him along the coast to 
complete the work of conquest and he is said to have been the 
first Englishman who ever sailed through the strait of Canso. In 
August he returned to Boston, and in 1692 we find him in com- 
mand of the brigantine William and Mary, which was commis- 
sioned as a guard ship in the Massachusetts service "to sweep 
the French from the seas. ' ' A little later we find him with Cap- 
tain Short of H. M. ship Nonsuch, and from 1696 to 1713 he was 
captain of the Massachusetts Province galley. In 1710 he was 
with Nicholson at the final capture of Port Royal, and in 1714 
was sent by Governor Dudley and Nicholson as commissioner to 
Quebec for the exchange of prisoners of war. Two years later 
we find him controlling a fishing station at Port Roseway, Nova 
Scotia, and in 1720 we see him appointed a member of the coun- 
cil at Annapolis. From July 1, 1721, to August 17, 1723, he 
commanded H. M. Schooner William Augustus, which was built 
in Boston to serve as the "Government Sloop" of Nova Scotia. 
In 1723 he returned to Boston and settled finally in the mansion 

51. In 1741, the five members of the council at Annapolis appointed to meet 
with similar bodies from the New England governments to settle the boundaries 
between Massachusetts and Rhode Island were Messrs. Henry Cope, Otho Hamil- 
ton, Erasmus J. Philipps, Shirreff, and Skene. 


house he had built in Southack Street, now Howard Street, fac- 
ing the present Scollay square. On the 27th of March, 1745, he 
died, his remains being deposited in tomb No. 46 in the Granary 
Burying Ground, the slate stone laid on the top of which was 
elaborately carved with his arms. 

In 1718 Southack was sent as a commissioner to the governor 
of Cape Breton to treat concerning the settlement of the long 
disputed boundaries of Acadia or Nova Scotia, in 1720 he pub- 
lished a chart he had made of the New England coast, and in 

1734 he published a second edition of this chart. Between 1702 
and 1739 he frequently served as vestryman of King's Chapel, 
and in 1711-12 he was a warden of this church. Some time before 

1735 he gave a clock to Christ Church, this being cleaned, re- 
paired and set up in the tower by Gawen Brown in 1749'-50. He 
married in Boston, February 19, 1690, Elizabeth Foy, daughter 
of Captain John and Dorothy Foy, who bore him eleven children. 
Mrs. Southack died in Boston April 5, 1741. 

WILLIAM WINNIETT, whom Governor Philipps calls "the most 
considerable merchant and one of the first British inhabitants" 
of Annapolis, and whom he describes as ' ' eminent in his zeal ' ' 
for the royal cause, was an officer in the force which took An- 
napolis in 1710. In 1710 or 1711, Mr. Winniett, who was a 
Huguenot Frenchman, married at Annapolis Magdelaine Mais- 
sonat, one of the native Acadians, and at once settled in the 
town as a merchant. 52 In the records of the council we find many 
mentions of him, which show his importance in the community, 
and reveal his activity in the general community life. One of his 
daughters, as we have seen, became the wife of Major Alexander 
Cosby, lieutenant governor of the town, one the wife of Lieuten- 
ant Colonel John Handfield of the 40th regiment, who was for 
a good while highly active in the fort, and one the wife of Cap- 
tain Edward How. Mr. Winniett was admitted to the council 
on the 21st of November, 1729, but his connexion with that body 
was not a smooth one, for in 1734, the lieutenant-governor of the 
province, Hon. Lawrence Armstrong, "informed the board that 
he had summoned William Winniett, Esq., as usual to attend the 

52. The Rev. John Harrison performed this marriage, but on precisely what 
date we do not know. 


council and that as he had frequently refused to attend by send- 
ing frivolous excuses, as appears by the minutes of council, and 
had on several occasions behaved himself disrespectfully, that 
therefore, and other reasons, which he would lay before his 
Majesty, he did suspend him the said William Winniett, Esq., 
from being a member of this board till his Majesty's pleasure 
be thereon further known." Long before he became a mem- 
ber of the council, indeed, Mr. Winniett had so displeased this 
body that he had been arrested by its orders and had been con- 
fined for some days in his own house. On receiving from him, 
however, shortly after a letter of submission, the council ''out of 
their tenderness," forgave him, and he was released. Winniett 
had evidently a strong personality and we have only to glance 
at the record of his activities which the printed Archives of Nova 
Scotia contain to see how important the part was that he played 
in the life of the community where he lived. Bad feeling be- 
tween him and Mr. Armstrong began as early as 1715, for in 
November of that year Major Caulfeild, the second lieutenant 
governor of the fort and town, incloses a letter and memorial of 
Winniett 's to the lords of trade in England, with one of his own, 
in which he says that Winniett has been of very great service to 
the garrison at Annapolis and that his behaviour did not in the 
least deserve such treatment from Captain Armstrong as it had 
received. Mr. Winniett died at Annapolis early in 1742. 53 

The most distinguished native of Annapolis Royal living in 
the nineteenth century was the HON. SIR W T ILLTAM FEN WICK WIL- 
LIAMS, BART., known from his distinguished services in the Cri- 
mean war as the "hero of Kars. ' ' Sir Fenwick was born at An- 
napolis in December, 1799, or 1800. His grandfather, Thomas 
Williams, was commissary and ordnance storekeeper at Annap- 
olis and his grandmother, Ann, only daughter of Captain Ed- 
ward Amhurst of the 40th regiment. For a short time in 1867 

53. The population of Annapolis Royal and vicinity in 1714, according to the 
census of that year was 895, but in 1731 the town and its environs and the garrison 
numbered 6,000. Of these inhabitants a great many must have been New England- 
ers. Such probably were people bearing the names Bennett, Bissell, Blower, Daniel, 
Donnelly, Douglas, Hart, Harwood, Henderson, Henshaw, James, Jennings, Part- 
ridge, and many others. A large number of the 6,000 settlers in and near the town, 
however, were undoubtedly French. 


Sir Fenwick was governor of his native province, as he had pre- 
viously for a much longer time been of Canada. 

With the town of Annapolis Royal before the final capture of 
the place by England will always stand connected the memory 
of a picturesque incident in the history of the granting of titles, 
the creation of the order of "Baronet of Nova Scotia." After 
his accession to the English throne, in 1603, James the First per- 
sistently sought to replenish the royal treasury by exacting pay- 
ment for titles. Almost immediately after coming to the throne 
he issued a summons at Hampton Court charging all who owned 
land to the value of forty pounds a year to come to the court to 
receive knighthood, "or to compound with the commissioners." 
About the same time he proposed to confer knighthood upon all 
who would give three hundred pounds, to be expended by Sir 
Bevis Bulmer in the search for gold mines. A more important 
scheme he fostered was the creation in 1611 of Baronetcies of 
Ulster, to further the colonization of Ireland and to yield money 
for his exchequer. Among English land-owners he created two- 
hundred of these baronetcies, each baronet being obliged to pay 
into the treasury a sum equal to eleven hundred pounds. James 
died in 1625, but his son Charles in conjunction with his father's 
favorite William Alexander, the same year established a similar 
order for Scotsmen, giving to each of the Scottish baronets he 
made a certain tract of land in Nova Scotia and calling the title 
after the province where these nominal grants were given. In 
1628 Alexander, who before James's death or very soon after, 
had risen so high in the royal favour as to be created Earl of 
Stirling, sent his son, the young Sir William, with a company of 
about seventy Scotch colonists to Port Royal, but during the fol- 
lowing year no less than thirty of these died. In 1631, however, 
Acadia was again ceded to France, and the Scottish settlement 
disappeared. In name, though never in use, the Scottish baro- 
nets created under Stirling's influence in the reigns of James the 
First and Charles the First, continued to keep the lands in 
Nova Scotia that had been granted them, and the title ' ' Baronet 
of Nova Scotia" is borne by a large number of Scottish noble- 
men today. 

On the founding of Halifax by Cornwallis in 1749 the prestige 


which for well on to half a century Annapolis Royal had enjoyed 
as the capital of Nova Scotia forever ceased. The departure of 
Lieutenant Governor Mascarene with a quorum of his council 
for the new capital soon after Cornwallis's arrival, brings to an 
end the distinction the place had so long enjoyed as the seat of 
the government of a wide new-world domain. In 1755 Major 
John Handfield was in command of the garrison and assisted in 
deporting the Acadians who were settled in and near Annapolis 
Royal, but without doubt after the founding of Halifax the force 
kept there was very small. In 1846 Captain Thomas Inglis, a 
son of the third Anglican bishop of Nova Scotia, the Right Rev- 
erend Dr. John Inglis, commanded the troops in the fort, the 
regiment to which he belonged being the Second Battalion of the 
Rifle Brigade, the major part of the regiment being then sta- 
tioned at Halifax. The last officer who commanded there, some- 
where about 1855 was Lord Kilmarnock, afterwards Earl of Er- 
roll, who belonged to the same regiment as Captain Inglis. Af- 
ter 1855, it is probable there were no troops left at Annapolis. 
This, then, briefly, is the story of the first capital of the prov- 
ince of Nova Scotia, whose distinction as capital ended when 
Halifax was founded in 1749. Treading the old town's quiet 
streets today we see or hear little to remind us of much that has 
gone on there in the past. But the visitor, at least, must have 
little imagination if he fail utterly to catch glimpses of the many 
warlike scenes that have been enacted there, to hear echoes of the 
bugle blasts that so long sounded from the fort and the martial 
music that was played, to see the French flag and the English 
flag in succession floating above the protecting earthworks, and 
to watch stern warships plowing the placid waters of the Basin, 
and busy schooners from Boston anchoring beside the wharves. 
If the tides that daily sweep through the Basin had voices what 
strange tales they could tell. If the old fort could speak, or the 
red river-banks, or the slight mountain ridges, north or south, 
what stories they might pour into our ears of human passion and 
human strife they have witnessed. For it is three long centuries 
now since Champlain and his companions first sailed up the shel- 
tered Basin and stepped foot on the grassy shore. 


Dyde's Taverns 




LENDER the General name of "Dyde's" a number of 
early hostelrys nourished in New York. Robert Dyde 
was an Englishman who had removed to the city from 
Long Island, inider an introduction by "a dis- 
tinguished person in this city," as one who had lived in affluence 
in London, but by a succession of misfortunes had suffered near- 
ly the entire loss of his property. He had taken at a very heavy 
rental the hotel belonging to A. "Marshall, who the directory lists 
as living at 28 Park Row. Thigiiostelry adjoined on the north 
the Park Theatre which occupied lots No. 21, 23 and 25 of that 
street. The sequence of numbers scorns confusing yet the facts 
are as above stated. This' he named the London Hotel (Com- 
mercial Advertiser, Jan. .,29, 1806), anckit was announced on his 
behalf that he depended for the future\ support of his family 
upon his success in this new line of life. "He proposed to keep it 
" in a true Old English style, the principal^ of which are cleanli- 
ness, civility, comfort and good cheer." 

Here occurred factional reencounter of note. 
The Long Room at Martling's Tavern, at ^7 Nassau street, 
corner Spruce/ had been the wigwam of the Ta mman y Society 
' ice 1798, and, immediately after the election of\Fefferson, when 

nat Society had become Republican in politics, 1 a\division arose 

i. Washington's first administration was non-partisan in character, but, with 
the institution of the financial policies of Hamilton in 1791, partV lines assumed 
definition and the two great parties, Federalist and Republican, sprang into life. 
The Federalist, under the leadership of Hamilton, advocated a control of the gov- 
ernment based upon aristocracy and wealth ; while the Republican, undej the leader- 
ship of Jefferson, upheld the principle of a government based on equal rights and 
true popular rule. The Anti-Federalist (Republican) leanings of the Society were 
inevitable as they espoused the principle to which it was dedicated. (Saint Tammany, 
etc., by Kilroe, 1913, p. 193). 

( 4 l6) 


-.- ^ 
man cruib .itered the Bl Sea and bombard* i two Russian 

ports at th> stigation of the Uerman admiral, bui, di ibtless with 
the knowledge of Enver Bey, the Turkish Minister of War." 96 

Turkey was ruled by the army, which for years ha? seen things 
through German military spectacles. It was controlle by the Ger 
man Marshall Liman von Sanders, and Enver Bey, who was ed' 
cated in Germany and was known to fca a pronounced German syia 
pathizer. He was a powerful member of the Committee of Unioi 
and Progress, the chief organization of the Young Turk movemenl 
which also included the Ministers of Marine, Interior and Finance 
In point of numbers these four were the minority party of the gov- 
ernment, but the majority, including the Sultan and Grand Vizier, 
was powerless to assert itself, due to the minority having control of 
the army. 97 These ministers, as a result of German bribes, were re- 
sponsible for Turkey's entrance into the war. 98 

If Germany hoped to provoke England and Russia into an atlaok 
so as to be able to appeal to Mohammedans, the opposite result was 
obtained, for British Musselmen realized that the rupture had no' 
been brought about by England. Perhaps Germany induced T 
key to enter the war for diplomatic as well as strategical reas 
hoping that the question of Constantinople would lead to dissent, 
among her enemies. The surprising efficiency of the Turkish arm t 
has been an immediate help to the Teutons in that it has diverted 
British soldiers from the western front for the campaigns at the 
Dardanelles and in Mesopotamia, as well as holding a Russian army 
in the Caucasus Mountains. 

In spite of her regeneration, Turkey will probably have com- 
mitted suicide by her entrance into the great war. If the Teutonic 
powers are vanquished, Turkey will be swept back into Asia if tb^ 
are victorious, Turkey will become the vassal and tool of Gei 
The end of the war will see the gates to the Black Sea pass in, 
hands of a strong power, 99 and the end of the Ottoman Empin 
Europe, which statesmen have expected for generations, will be ai, 

96. The Times History of the War, Part 28, III, p. 44 to 49. 

98. J. Ellis 'Barker,' "Germany and Turkey " Fortnightly Review, CII, p. IDIO. 

99. Lord Crc^ T, "The Suiride of the Turk," Spectator, CXV, p. 541. 


Chapters in the History of Halifax, Nova Scotia 





"History should invest with the reality of flesh and blood, beings whom we are too 
much inclined to consider as personified qualities in an allegory ; call up our ancestors 
before us with all their peculiarities of language, manners, and garb ; show us their houses, 
seat us at their tables, rummage their old-fashioned wardrobes, explain to us the uses 
of their ponderous furniture.'^ 


"Macaulay held that history, no less than fiction, should be a lively and vivid picture 
of the actual, warm, human life of the past. He aimed to give to the narrative of real 
occurrences, to the portrayal of genuine personages, the same life that fiction bestows on 
the events and characters of fancy." 

N the third chapter of our history we have spoken of the 
two most historical buildings in Halifax apart from St. 
Paul's Church, the Province Building and Government 
House. The frames of three or four, perhaps more, of 
the earliest buildings of the newly founded town were ordered and 
brought from Massachusetts, one of the chief of these being the 
frame of a governor's house. For the first few months after his 
arrival at Chebucto, Colonel Cornwallis, the governor, kept to his 
quarters on the ship in which he had sailed from England, but at 
last, in the early part of October, 1749, the frame having come from 
Boston, his house was made habitable and the governor set up his 
simple establishment on shore. This primitive house of the King's 
representative in the first British province in what is now Canada, 
in which civil government was established, was a small, low, one- 
story house, probably like St. Paul's Church constructed of oak 
and pine. 

For eight or nine years only this house was suffered to stand, 
then in 1758 Colonel Charles Lawrence, the second governor after 


Hero of Kars; Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, 1867-1873 


Cornwallis, had the building taken down and a new and much room- 
ier one built. When Lord William Campbell became governor, in 
1766, he urged that this house needed a ball-room, and the govern- 
ment added it. Later, at different times, further enlargements or 
improvements were made in the official dwelling, and the house was 
used or at least stood until 1800, when the corner stone of the pres- 
ent Government House was laid. 

By 1797 this second governor's residence, which like its rude 
predecessor had been built of wood, and green wood at that, was in 
such a state of decay that Sir John Wentworth, who had lived in it 
since his appointment as governor five years before, complained to 
the Colonial Secretary in England that it was utterly unfit for 
occupancy, and that his health was suffering so greatly from its 
bad condition that he had been obliged to remove his household to 
the lodge he owned on Bedford Basin, six miles out of town. In the 
course of this year, 1797, an act was passed by the legislature au- 
thorizing the erection of a building in which to house properly the 
legislature in both its branches and the courts of law, and to serve 
as well- for the crown offices, for since 1790 these had all been ac- 
commodated in a business building which had been erected and was 
owned by the Hon. Thomas Cochran, a member of the council, and 
his brothers James and William, 1 enterprising North of Ireland 
men who had come to Halifax in the first company of emigrants 
brought from Ireland, in 1761, by the enterprising Alexander Mc- 
Nutt. This "Cochran Building" stood on Hollis Street, almost 
immediately opposite the present Province Building, and so on the 
site of the Post Office. Before the act could be brought into effect, 
however, Sir John managed to have it repealed, and another act 
passed carrying out his policy of having a governor's house erected 
before a Province Building should be undertaken. For the legisla- 
ture and the courts, therefore, a new lease for ten years was taken 
of the Cochran building in 1799, and the erection of a Province 

I. The Court House having been destroyed by fire, early in May, 1790, the Legisla- 
ture passed an act empowering a body of commissioners to treat with Messrs. Thomas, 
James, and William Cochran for the rental of their building on Hollis Street, opposite 
the present Province Building for the use of the Legislature, the Courts of Law, and 
the Crown Offices. This building was so occupied, at a rental, we believe, of two hun- 
dred dollars a year, from 1790 until 1820, when the new Province Building was com- 
pleted. See Akins's Chronicles of Halifax, pp. 99, 100. 



Building remained in abeyance for a little over a decade more. 2 
The site of the first and second Government Houses was the lot 
between Hollis and Granville streets on which the Province Build- 
ing stands, when it was determined to erect a new governor's house 
there was prolonged discussion as to where this building should be 
located. A board of commissioners had been appointed to carry the 
project of a new government house out, and at least three sites were 
presented for the consideration of these men. In an interesting ac- 
count of the discussion concerning the proper site and of the final 
decision to build on the well known spot on Pleasant Street where 
the now venerable third Government House stands, the Hon. Sir 
Adams Archibald, one of the most estimable and able of later gover- 
nors of the province, tells us that Sir John Wentworth urged the 
site that was chosen and was exceedingly well pleased when a ma- 
jority of the commissioners came to his view. 3 

The corner stone of the new building was laid on the eleventh of 
September, 1800, and a few days afterwards the Royal Gazette 
newspaper described the event. "On Thursday last," says the 

2. Dr. Akins (Halifax, pp. 213, 214) says of the first Government House : "It was 
a small, low building of one story, surrounded by hogsheads of gravel and sand, on 
which small pieces of ordnance were mounted for its defence. It stood in the centre of 
the square now occupied by the Province Building. About the year 1757 or 1758 this little 
cottage was removed to give place to a more spacious and convenient residence. It was 
sold and drawn down to the corner of George Street and Bedford Row, opposite the 
south-west angle of the City Court House, and again, about 1775, removed to the beach 
and placed at the corner leading to the steam-boat landing, where it remained until 1832, 
when the present building, lately occupied by Thomas Laidlaw, was erected on the site." 
"The new Government House," he continues, "was built during the time of Governor 
Lawrence. Lord William Campbell built a ball room at one end, and several other im- 
provements were made to the building by subsequent governors. It was surrounded by 
a terrace neatly sodded and ornamented. The building was of wood, two stories high. 
The office of Capt. Bulkeley, the Secretary, stood at the north-east angle of the square 
inside the rails. Prince Edward resided in this house with Governor Wentworth in 
1798. This old house was pulled down about the commencement of the present cen- 
tury [the igth] and the materials sold to Mr. John Trider, Sr., who used them in the 
construction of the building on the road leading to the tower at the head of Inglis Street, 
formerly owned by Colonel Bazalgette, and afterwards the residence of the late Mr. 
George Whidden." The price paid by Mr. Trider for the materials of the old house, 
Sir Adams Archibald says, was a little over two hundred and sixty-two pounds. 

3. Sir Adams Archibald's account of the building of the present Government House 
will be found in the third volume of Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, 
pp. 197-208. Sir Adams published also in the same Collections (Vol. 4, pp. 247-258) an 
account of the Province Building. In both cases this writer has given much information 
concerning the legislation referring to the erection of the buildings. The Province 
Building, says Dr. Akins, "was fully completed and finished, ready for the sittings 
of the Courts and Legislature, in 1820, at the cost of $52,000." See Akins's account of 
Halifax in the 8th volume of the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society. 



Gazette, "this long projected and necessary building was begun 
under the auspices of His Excellency, Sir John Wentworth, Bart. 
On this pleasing occasion a procession was formed at the present 
Mansion House [the old Government House], which preceded by a 
band of musicians playing 'God Save the King,' 'Rule Britannia,' 
and other appropriate airs, went to the site prepared for the erec- 
tion of the edifice, where the corner stone was laid with the custom- 
ary forms and solemnities, and a parchment containing the fol- 
lowing inscription was placed in a cavity cut for that purpose in the 
centre of the stone: "Deo Favente." 

"The corner stone of the Government House, erected at the ex- 
pense of His Majesty's loyal and faithful subjects of Nova Scotia, 
pursuant to a grant of the Legislature of the Province, under the 
direction of Michael Wallace, William Cochran, Andrew Belcher, 
John Beckwith, and Foster Hutchinson, Esquires, for the residence 
of His Majesty's Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person ex- 
ercising the chief civil authority, was laid September llth. Anno 
Domini, 1800, in the 40th year of the reign of His Most Sacred 
Majesty, George the III." 

On this document then follows a list of the great personages who 
took part in the ceremony, "Sir John Wentworth, Bart, Lieuten- 
ant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief ; Vice-Admiral Sir William 
Parker, Bart., Commander-in-Chief of all His Majesty's fleet in 
North America; Lieutenant-General Henry Bowyer, Commander 
of His Majesty's forces in Nova Scotia and its dependencies; Col. 
the Rt. Hon. John Lord Elphinstone, Commanding His Majesty's 
26th Regiment of Foot; Col. George Augustus Pollen, Member of 
the British Parliament, Commanding His Majesty's Fencible Regi- 
ment of Loyal Surrey Rangers; the Hon. Sampson Salter Blow- 
ers, Chief -Justice of Nova Scotia; the Honourables Alexander Bry- 
mer, Thomas Cochran, Charles Morris, John Halliburton, Henry 
Duncan, Benning Wentworth, and James Brenton, members of the 
Nova Scotia Council; Mr. Richard John Uniacke, Speaker of the 
House of Assembly, and the Members of the Assembly then in town; 
six Captains in the Royal Navy, Officers of the Nova Scotia Militia, 
the Commissary General, Deputy Judge Advocate General, Solicitor 
General, Deputy Commissary General, Military Secretary, the Rev. 



Eobert Stanser, Kector of St. Paul's Church, and other clergymen; 
the magistrates, and many of the principal inhabitants of the town. 
Closing this imposing list came the names of Isaac Hildreth, archi- 
tect, and John Henderson, chief mason of the building. 

Immediately after the corner stone was laid the Eector of St. 
Paul's offered a prayer he had evidently written for the occasion, 
and then the procession, in which the rules of precedence accepted 
in the province were duly observed, moved solemnly back to the old 
Government House, where "a cold collation" was prepared for 
the august assembly. "From this period," says Sir Adams Archi- 
bald, "the building went steadily on. It was made habitable in or 
about the year 1805, when Sir John moved into it. But it was still 
unfinished as late as 1807. ' ' Of the character of the building, which, 
outwardly at least, is an exact reproduction of the famous Lans- 
downe House, London, Sir Adams says: "No better Government 
House exists in the Dominion, either as to solidity of structure or 
convenience of arrangement. The architect, Mr. Isaac Hildreth, 
seems to have been fully entitled to the certificate given him by the 
Committee of Assembly in January, 1807, when his services in con- 
nection with the building were no longer required. They say in 
their report that they have * a full conviction of the ability and pro- 
fessional skill of Mr. Hildreth and satisfactory proof of his zeal, 
integrity, and diligence in the conduct of the work he has been en- 
gaged in. ' They recommend a grant of money to be given him as a 
testimonial of the public opinion of his merit and services. On the 
same day the House ratified the Committee's Report by a Eesolu- 
tion giving the grant recommended, the same to be considered 'as 
a testimonial of the favourable opinion entertained by the Legisla- 
ture of his ability, integrity, diligence, and zeal. ' The whole cost 
of the third Government House was about eighteen thousand dol- 

The architect of Government House, Isaac Hildreth, was almost 
certainly a Massachusetts man, of the Hildreths of Chelmsford, but 
apart from his connection with this building we have no knowledge 
of him. Nor do we know certainly how Lansdowne House, London, 
came to be chosen as the model for Government House. The famous 
London mansion of Berkeley Square was built about the middle of 



the 18th century by Robert Adam, and was begun for the first Earl 
of Bute, at that time Prime Minister. Before it was finished, how- 
ever, it became the property of John Petty, first Earl of Shelburne, 
from whom in time it passed to the second Earl, who in 1784 was 
created Viscount Calne and Calston, Earl of Wycombe, and Marquis 
of Lansdowne in the peerage of Great Britain. The Marquis of 
Lansdowne had a stormy political career, which began in 1760 and 
ended about 1783. Although the most unpopular statesman of his 
time, for he seems to have treated all political parties with un- 
measured contempt, he exercised a strong influence in parliament, 
and it was probably his persistent refusal until he was forced to 
do so in 1782 to give his voice for the independence of the American 
Colonies that gave him such prestige with the Tories in New York 
that in 1783 they gave their projected town on the southern shore 
of Nova Scotia the name ' ' Shelburne. ' ' This first Marquis of Lans- 
downe died in 1805. 

From the first occupation of this third Government House, in 
1805, to the date of Confederation in 1867, says Sir Adams Archi- 
bald, * ' thirteen governors have occupied the house, and of all these 
men there is scarce one who does not in one way or another tower 
more or less above the average of the class to which he belongs. 
Some of them have been statesmen of mark, others successful 
soldiers, many have performed important duties in other parts of 
the empire. Four in succession left the governorship of Nova Scotia 
to become governors general of Canada. As a body they may be 
classed as able and eminent men." The thirteen of whom Sir Adams 
speaks as having come between 1800 and 1867 were : Sir John Went- 
worth, Sir George Prevost, Sir John Coape Sherbrooke, the Earl 
of Dalhousie, Sir James Kempt, Sir Peregrine Maitland, Sir Colin 
Campbell, Lord Falkland, Sir John Harvey, Sir Gaspard Le Mar- 
chant, the Earl of Mulgrave, Sir Richard MacDonnell, and Sir Wil- 
liam Fenwick Williams. 

Including Colonel Cornwallis, to the present day Nova Scotia has 
had thirty-two governors (or "lieutenant-governors," as since 1786 
these chief officials have correctly been styled). Before 1786 the rep- 
resentative of royal authority in the province was "governor-in- 
chief," but in that year a governor-in-chief of all the British Prov- 



inces remaining to the crown in America was appointed, with a resi- 
dence at Quebec, and under this "Governor-General of Canada," as 
he was commonly called, the governors of the general province be- 
came nominally "lieutenant-governors." Before 1786, however, the 
governors in chief of the single provinces frequently had their lieu- 
tenants, and of such we have in Nova Scotia after the founding of 
Halifax a list comprising nine. 4 

The list of civil governors of Nova Scotia, of which as we have 
said there have been to the present (the year 1918) thirty-two, 
comprises many men who have done the British Empire conspicu- 
ous service in various parts of the world and have earned for them- 
selves high reputation. In the following pages we shall give some 
account of these men and speak of the influence some of them had 
on Nova Scotia at large, and particularly on the city of Halifax, 
where they made their temporary homes. 

Chief of Nova Scotia on the 9th of May, 1749, was the sixth son of 
Charles, Baron Cornwallis, and his wife Lady Charlotte Butler, 
whose father was Richard Earl of Arran. 5 Colonel Cornwallis was 
born February 22, 1713, and early placed in the army. He served as 
major of the 20th regiment in Flanders in 1744 and 1745, and in the 
latter year was appointed lieutenant-colonel of his regiment. On 
the death of his brother Stephen he was chosen member of parlia- 
ment for Eye, and during the session following was made a Groom 
of H. M. Bedchamber. On the 9th of May, 1749, he became colonel 
of the 24th regiment, and was gazetted 1 1 Governor of Placentia, in 
Newfoundland, and Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief in and 
over his Majesty's province of Nova Scotia or Acadia." He sailed 
from England May 14, 1749, and took the oath as governor, at Hali- 
fax, July 14, 1749. His salary as governor was a thousand pounds 
(the customary salary of the early civil governors of Nova Scotia). 

4. These lieutenant-governors, as we shall see later, were : Charles Lawrence, Rob- 
ert Monckton, Jonathan Belcher, Montague Wilmot, Michael Francklin, Mariot Arbuth- 
not, Richard Hughes, Sir Andrew Snape Hamond, Edmund Fanning. 

5. Colonel Cornwallis was an uncle of Charles Cornwallis, ist marquis and 2d earl, 
who from 1776 until the close of the War of the Revolution was in command of British 
troops in America, and who afterward served as governor-general of India. Col. Ed- 
ward Cornwallis was twin brother of Frederick Cornwallis, Archbishop of Canterbury. 



On the 12th of July, 1749, almost immediately after the arrival of 
Cornwallis at Chebucto, Paul Mascarene, then lieutenant-colonel of 
the 40th regiment, arrived at Chebucto from Annapolis Royal with 
five members of his council (a quorum). On the 14th of July, Corn- 
wallis formally dismissed Mascarene and his councillors from the 
offices they had held and appointed a new council. The members of 
this new council were : Paul Mascarene, Edward How, John Gor- 
ham, Benjamin Green, John Salusbury, and Hugh Davidson, the last 
of whom became the first secretary of the province under civil rule. 
Of the councillors, Edward How, John Gorham, and Benjamin 
Green were Boston men. 

"In the settlement of the emigrants [he had brought with him 
for the founding of Halifax]," says a biographer of the first civil 
governor of Nova Scotia, 7 "Cornwallis displayed great energy and 
tact. He had from the start much to contend with. The settlers 
were soldiers who had fought all over Europe and were accustomed 
to rough camp and barrack life, and sailors ready for a sea fight 
but like their brethren in arms utterly unfit for any other line of 
life. There were also disappointed men of all grades of society, 
forced by circumstances to face the privations and hardships of a 
new life, in which few of them were destined to have success. There 
were good men among them . . . but judging by the record left 
by Cornwallis, three-fourths of them were as hard a lot as could 
have been collected and sent away from the old land to starve, drink, 
and freeze in the cold, inhospitable climate of Nova Scotia. During 
the founding of the colony, Cornwallis exhibited many sterling 
qualities necessary to a leader of men. His executive ability, pa- 
tience, and kindness to all under him, deserved commendation and 
warranted recognition, but the reverse was the case. No allowance 
was made by the authorities for the unforeseen expenses of a new 
settlement. Although given unlimited powers of administration, 
he was treated with distrust in the matter of expenditures. The 

6. See "Governor Cornwallis and the First Council," by Dr. Thomas B. Akms, m 
the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, Vol. 2; and "Hon. Edward Corn- 
wallis," by James S. Macdonald in the .same Collections, vol. 12. 

7. This summary of Cornwallis's work in founding Halifax is taken from Mr. 
James S. Macdonald's sketch of the first civil governor of Nova Scotia in the i2th vol- 
ume of the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society (pp. 9, 10). Income few 
instances in the quotation we have been obliged to change slightly the writer s English. 



board of trade, frightened at facing parliament with an ever in- 
creasing deficit, curtailed his powers, and at several critical times 
his bills of exchange were returned dishonored, and his credit was 
ruined in the neighboring colonies of Massachusetts and New York. 
But though discouraged, he stuck manfully to his post until three 
years had passed and the introductory work of founding the colony 
had been accomplished." 

COLONEL PEREGRINE THOMAS HOPSON was commissioned captain 
general and commander-in-chief of Nova Scotia, and also vice- 
admiral, March 31, 1752. He took the oath as governor on Mon- 
day, August 3, 1752, but on the 1st of November, 1753, he sailed for 
England in the Torrington, war-ship, and the command of the prov- 
ince devolved on the lieutenant-governor, Major Charles Lawrence. 
Col. Hopson was commander-in-chief at Louisburg when that place 
was restored to the French by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. In 
July, 1749, he came with the forces from Louisburg to Halifax, and 
at the latter place was sworn in senior councillor, his superior rank 
in the army entitling him to take precedence of Lieutenant-Colonel 
Paul Mascarene, who had been the first named of the new council. 
He left Halifax for England on the first of November, 1753, and 
we suppose very soon after resigned. After he left Nova Scotia he 
was in active military service until his death, which took place Janu- 
ary 27, 1759. 

COLONEL CHARLES LAWRENCE was appointed governor probably on 
August 12, 1754. The history of this governor will be found very 
carefully given by Mr. James S. Macdonald in the 12th volume of 
the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society and in the 
" Dictionary of National Biography." He was commissioned lieuten- 
ant-governor, probably July 17, 1750, and so acted until his appoint- 
ment as governor. His administration as governor covered the im- 
portant period of the fall of Fort Beausejour and the removal of the 
Acadians in 1755, and the settlement of New England planters 
throughout the province, which important movement he did much 
to stimulate and carry through, in 1760 and 1761. We find a com- 
mission as " lieutenant-governor" given him August 12, 1754, and 
find him taking oath as "lieutenant-governor" October 14, 1754, 



but these dates we suppose are the proper dates of his entrance on 
the full governorship of the province. 

Lawrence was born at Portsmouth, England, December 14, 1709, 
and began his military career in England as an ensign in Col. Ed- 
ward Montague's (afterwards the llth Devon) Regiment of Foot 
in 1727. His captaincy in 1742, and his majority in 1747, were ob- 
tained, however, in the 54th (Warbiirton's) Regiment, with which 
he served under Hopson at Louisburg, until the troops were re- 
moved from that fortress to Halifax in 1749. In 1750 and '51 he 
was engaged at Beaubassin and Chignecto, and in 1752 he went 
with the German settlers, in command of a small force, to Lunen- 
burg, to assist in founding that town. In 1753, when Hopson went 
to England, he was given the administration of the government, and 
the next year, as we have seen, he was appointed lieutenant-gov- 
ernor. In 1756, on the resignation of Hopson he was commissioned 
governor-in-chief. In 1757 he commanded the reserve in Lord Lou- 
don's expedition, and December 3rd of that year he was promoted 
to brigadier-general. In 1758 he commanded a brigade at the sec- 
ond siege of Louisburg. 

The character of none of the governors or lieutenant-governors 
of Nova Scotia has been the subject of so much discussion as that 
of Governor Lawrence. This is due chiefly to the part he played in 
the tragedy of the expulsion of the Acadians in 1755, his connec- 
tion with this event earning him from many writers on the ex- 
pulsion the reputation of a bad-tempered, pitiless man. The Nova 
Scotia historian, Beamish Murdoch, however, only says of him: "He 
was a man inflexible in his purposes, and held control in no feeble 
hands. Earnest and resolute, he pursued the object of establishing 
and confirming British authority here with marked success." To 
this tribute Mr. James S. Macdonald adds, that among all the 
governors of Nova Scotia in the 18th century, from the first, Colonel 
Cornwallis, to the last, Sir John Wentworth, the one who stands 
" proudly preeminent" "in intellect, courage, and executive abil- 
ity," is Charles Lawrence. As an administrator of government, 
says this biographer, he combined all the strong qualities of the 
others "without a shadow of their weaknesses." 8 

8. Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, Vol. 12, p. 58. 



As we have shown, Lawrence began to build a new Government 
House in 1758. On the eleventh of October, 1760, he gave a great 
ball, probably to celebrate the completion of the house, at which 
there were over three hundred guests. His Excellency was in high 
spirits and danced frequently. " During the evening," says Mr. 
Macdonald, "he drank while heated, a tumbler of iced water." From 
this "he was seized with cramps in the chest, which developed into 
inflammation of the lungs and terminated fatally at nine o'clock on 
Sunday morning, October nineteenth." On the twenty-fifth his 
funeral took place, "fully four thousand of the army and navy, with 
four hundred officers, and many citizens" in attendance. From 
Government House the procession moved in solemn order to St. 
Paul's Church. First came the troops in garrison, the military 
officers, two six-pound field pieces, the physicians of Halifax, the 
clergy of the town, and then the body in a coffin covered with black 
velvet and draped with a pall to which were affixed escutcheons of 
his Excellency's arms, the pall-bearers being the whole body of his 
Majesty's Council. After the body came the mourners, the provost 
marshal, the House of Assembly, the magistrates, the civil officers, 
Free-Masons, and many leading citizens. The pall-bearers, clergy, 
physicians, and all civil and military officers wore black linen or 
cambric hat bands. 

As the corpse neared the church the children from the orphan 
house sang an anthem. Within, the pulpit, reading-desk, and gov- 
ernor's pew were draped with black, bearing escutcheons. The 
burial service was conducted by Dr. Breynton, who preached a 
touching sermon, at the conclusion of which, with the committal ser- 
vice of the Prayer Book the body was lowered into a vault at the 
right side of the Communion Table. From the time the procession 
began until the burial was completed minute guns were fired from 
one of the batteries, the firing ending with three volleys from the 
troops under arms. 9 The next Tuesday morning, when the Su- 

g. What position the officers and men of the navy occupied in the procession we 
have not discovered. Governor Lawrence's body was the first interred beneath St. 
Paul's Church. A monument to him with an elaborate inscription, costing eighty pounds 
was soon ordered by the legislature from London to be placed in the church. It came 
out and was affixed to the south-east corner of the church (the first monument placed 
in the church), but in a violent storm which occurred in 1768, the south-east end of 
the church was badly damaged, and the monument or tablet had to be taken down. 



preme Court assembled, the court-room was draped in black ; and u. 
an early issue of the Royal Gazette the grief of the community was 
still further expressed in a fulsome eulogium which read as follows : 
"Governor Lawrence was possessed of every natural endowment 
and acquired accomplishment necessary to adorn the most exalted 
station, and every amiable quality that could promote the sweets 
of friendship arid social intercourse of human life. As Governor 
he exerted his uncommon abilities with unwearied application, and 
the most disinterested zeal in projecting and executing every useful 
design that might render this Province and its rising settlements 
flourishing and happy. He encouraged the industrious, rewarded 
the deserving, excited the indolent, protected the oppressed, and re- 
lieved the needy. His affability and masterly address endeared him 
to all ranks of people, and a peculiar greatness of soul made him 
superior to vanity, envy, avarice, or revenge. In him we have lost 
the guide and guardian of our interests; the reflection on the good 
he has done, the anticipation of great things still expected from such 
merits, are circumstances which, while they redound to his honour, 
aggravate the sense of our irreparable misfortune." 

HENRY ELLIS, ESQ., born in England in 1721, who had previously, 
from 1756 to 1760, been governor of Georgia, was commissioned 
governor of Nova Scotia in April or May, 1761. When he received 
his commission he was in England and arrangements were made by 
the Nova Scotia council to receive him fittingly when he should ap- 
pear. For some reason, however, he never came to his post, and 
in his absence, first Chief Justice Belcher, who was commissioned 
lieutenant-governor April 14, 1761, and then Hon. Colonel Mon- 
tague Wilmot, who took the oath of office September 26, 1762, ad- 
ministered the government. Ellis continued to hold office, however, 
until some time in 1763. He died on the shore of the Bay of Naples, 
January 21, 1806. 10 


From a shed near by, where it was placed until the church could be repaired, it disap- 
peared and its fate has never been discovered to this day. See "Governor Lawrence, 
by James S. Macdonald, in Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, Vol. 12; 
and the Dictionary of National Biography. 

10. See the National Cyclopoedia of American Biography, Vol. i, p. 49* 



governor March 11, 1763, although he probably did not take oath 
until October 8, 1763. As lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia he 
had been commissioned January 13, 1762. In the latter office he was 
succeeded in 1766 by the Hon. Michael Francklin. By a proclama- 
tion dated at St. James, October 7, 1763, the islands of St. John and 
Cape Breton, "with the lesser islands adjacent thereto," were an- 
nexed to the government of Nova Scotia. 

One matter, at least, of interest to the reader of history, which 
received much of Governor Wilmot 's attention during his governor- 
ship, was the question of what to do with the Acadian French that 
still remained in the Province. In 1764 there were in Nova Scotia, 
in the counties of Halifax, Hants (then King's), Annapolis, and 
Cumberland, four hundred and five families of these people, com- 
prising seventeen hundred and sixty-two persons. On the 22d of 
October of this year a project was reported in the council to settle 
part of these French in fourteen different places throughout the 
Province. Writing concerning the matter to the Earl of Halifax, 
Governor Wilmot says : * ' These people have been too long misled 
and devoted to the French King and their religion to be soon wean- 
ed from such attachments ; and whenever those objects are hung out 
to them their infatuation runs very high. Some prisoners taken in 
the course of the war and residing here have much fomented this 
spirit." The Acadians living in and near Halifax have, he says, 
"peremptorily refused to take the oath of allegiance." The in- 
tention of the Acadians, he continues, was eventually to settle in 
"the country of the Illinois." The province will be much relieved by 
their departure, he thinks, for they have always been hostile to Brit- 
ish rule. 

Governor Wilmot died in office May 23, 1766, and the Hon. Ben- 
jamin Green, as president of the council, temporarily administered 
the government. The governor's remains also were permanently 
placed in a vault under St. Paul's Church. 

sioned governor of Nova Scotia on the llth of August, 1766. Lord 
William, who was the youngest son of the fourth Duke of Argyle, 
was born probably about 1730, and was early put into the navy, 



where in 1762 he attained the rank of captain. Two years later he 
entered parliament. He married, in 1763, Sarah Izard, daughter 
of Ralph Izard, Esq., of Charleston, South Carolina. On the 8th 
of August, 1766, he was commissioned vice-admiral, and on the llth, 
as we have said, governor of Nova Scotia. Governor Campbell suf- 
fered from ill health and on the 17th of October, 1771, sailed for 
Boston, probably on his way to South Carolina. 11 On the 10th of 
July, 1772, he returned, much improved in health as he announced to 
the council, but in February, 1773, he wrote the Secretary of State 
in England that he wanted another leave of absence from his post, 
this time for six months, presumably again to recuperate from ill 
health. He had, he urged in his request, served the then reigning 
king and his grandfather for twenty-four years. He declares his 
love for the people of Nova Scotia, and believes he has been of some 
service to them. He praises the Nova Scotians' constant obedience 
to his Majesty's commands. In the London Magazine for June, 
1773, his appointment is gazetted as captain-general and governor- 
in-chief of the province of South Carolina, in place of Lord Charles 
Greville Montagu. 12 In the same periodical occurs a notice of the 
appointment of Francis Legge, Esq., to the governorship of Nova 

In his documentary history of Nova Scotia, briefly narrating 
events in the province in the year 1769, Mr. Beamish Murdoch says : 
"In January, Governor Campbell had daily visits from the Indians, 
demanding provisions. He attributed their urgent tone to the ab- 
sence of troops, but as this was an unusually severe winter the 
weather may have caused their importunity. Major Gorham, who 
was deputy to Sir William Johnson, the agent for Indian affairs, 
was absent, and the governor asks Lord Hillsborough for funds to 
make presents to the Indians, and assist them, in order to keep them 
quiet." Lord William Campbell died September 5, 1778, from a 
wound received in a naval engagement. 13 

11. Lady Campbell sailed from England for Charleston, South Carolina, on the 
23d of January, 1769, but whether she soon came from Charleston to Halifax or not we 
do not know. 

12. Lord Charles Greville Montagu died in Nova Scotia and was buried under St 
Paul's Church, Halifax, in 1784. 

13. See the National Cyclopaedia of American Biography. 



MAJOR FRANCIS LEGGE, who was a relative of the Earl of Dart- 
mouth, was commissioned captain-general and governor-in-chief 
of Nova Scotia, July 22, 1773, and vice-admiral, July 26, 1773. He 
was sworn into office as governor October 8, 1773. He has the dis- 
tinction of having been by far the most unpopular governor Nova 
Scotia has ever had. He left the province May 12, 1776, but con- 
tinued to hold office until 1782, during which period the government 
was administered successively by Lieutenant-Governors Mariot 
Arbuthnot, Mr. Richard Hughes, and Sir Andrew Snape Hamond. 

From October 8, 1773, until May 12, 1776, Major Legge, who as 
a Nova Scotia writer has said, probably with entire truthfulness, 
''had been for many years a thorn in the side of his noble kinsman 
the Earl of Dartmouth and leading members of the ministry of 
the day," who "had quarrelled and fought with friends and foes 
in England, and as a last resort was shipped off to Nova Scotia to 
take charge of this new colony, to get rid of his hated presence at 
home," was in residence at Halifax. Whatever social events took 
place at Government House during these three years we may be 
sure were not gay ones, for Legge was uniformly ill-tempered and 
jealous, and in his capacity as governor did all he could to cast dis- 
credit on men in public life in the province. His official career as 
governor was stormy in the extreme. He hated Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor Francklin, who was highly popular and who in public as in 
private was an excellent man, he insinuated that Richard Bulkeley, 
the Provincial Secretary, an official of unblemished character and 
the highest reputation, was dishonest, he accused Hon. Jonathan 
Binney and Hon. John Newton, members of the council, "of re- 
taining moneys which had been voted them for fees for public duties 
and services," actually imprisoning Mr. Binney for three months, 
and in his letters to England he (with much more reason) persist- 
ently charged disloyalty to the Crown on a large part of the people 
generally in the province. So unbearable was his rule that the 
legislature as a body had finally to appeal to the English govern- 
ment for redress, and the consequence was that Legge was promptly 

On the 12th of May, as we have said, he sailed for England. As 
he left the beach, near the present Market Wharf, in the launch 



which was to take him to the war-ship, in which he was to sail, hun- 
dreds of the citizens of Halifax, were watching there to see him go. 
"As the boat left the beach, storms of hisses and yells burst from 
the assemblage. This so infuriated Legge that he stood up in the 
boat and cursed them most heartily, and the last seen of him he was 
standing on the deck of the frigate shaking his fists at the amused 
and delighted Haligonians. " 14 

LIEUTENANT- COLONEL JOHN PARE, who was the last governor in 
chief of Nova Scotia, was commissioned captain-general and com- 
mander-in-chief July 29, 1782, and vice-admiral July 30, 1782. He 
took the oath of office October 9, 1782. In October, 1786, Lord 
Dorchester was appointed Governor-General of all the British prov- 
inces in America, and on the 5th of April, 1787, the King's commis- 
sion was read in the Nova Scotia council appointing Parr lieuten- 
ant-governor of the province. No period in the history of Nova 
Scotia is perhaps so important as that which was covered by the ad- 
ministration of Governor Parr. Parr was sworn in governor in 
October, 1782, and peace with the new American republic was pro- 
claimed on the 30th of November, 1782, and beginning with De- 
cember of the latter year the Loyalists of New York and other prov- 
inces now states of the union came by thousands to Nova Scotia. 
To give these people grants of land, and while they were making 
themselves new homes in the province to relieve their immediate 
necessities, was a laborious task and one needing the greatest sym- 
pathy and tact. To his arduous duties at this critical time Parr 
gave himself with unremitting faithfulness. Throughout the whole 
of the year 1783, every day found the governor and his council busy 
arranging for the welfare of the unhappy exiles. Parr's deep solici- 
tude for the Loyalists, says Mr. Macdonald, should never be forgot- 
ten by any who have the blood of these people in their veins. He 
was not a brilliant man, says his biographer, but he was the very 
man for the time he lived in and the duties he had to perform, "a 
plain, upright soldier, who prided himself on his attention to duty, 
and who endeavoured to discharge the obligations of a distinguished 

14. This graphic account of Legge's departure is quoted from Mr. James S. Mac- 
donald's memoir of Lieut.-Governor Michael Francklin in the i6th vol. of the Collections 
of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, pp. 32, 33. 



position with integrity and honour." During his administration 
several important settlements were made in the province, notably 
Shelburne and Parrsborough. 

In the summer of 1786 and twice in 1787, Prince William Henry, 
the * ' sailor prince " as he was commonly called, who afterward came 
to the throne as King William the Fourth, visited Halifax and was 
the recipient of magnificent hospitality and fulsome praise. His 
first arrival in the town is described by the biographer of Governor 
Parr as follows : ' l The Prince landed from the frigate Pegasus at 
the King's Wharf, which was crowded with the numerous officials. 
Governor Parr was there, with General Campbell and Admiral 
Byron and the usual number of loyal and devoted admirers, and these 
gentlemen conducted him up the wharf to Government House, then 
situated on the spot where the Province Building is at present." 

A week later than the Prince's arrival, the new governor general 
of the British provinces, who previously had been known as Sir 
Guy Carleton, but lately had been raised to the peerage as Lord 
Dorchester, with his suite arrived at Halifax from Quebec, and he 
too was received with delight. Addresses were presented to him, 
dinners, receptions, and balls were given for him, and a "gay and 
tireless round of frivolities" was indulged in by the loyal Hali- 
gonians while his lordship remained. 

It was during Governor Parr's administration, in the year 1787, 
that Nova Scotia was created by the King by letters patent an 
Anglican Colonial See, the Rev. Dr. Charles Inglis, previously Rec- 
tor of Trinity Church, New York, being consecrated as its first 
diocesan. Shortly after his arrival in his diocese the Bishop was so 
impressed with the general immorality of Halifax that in taking his 
seat in council he urged that steps be taken by the government "to 
erect barriers against the impetuous torrent of vice and irreligion" 
which threatened to overwhelm the morals of the community, if not 
the whole province. 

Governor Parr was born in Dublin, Ireland, December 20, 1725. 
He died at Halifax of apoplexy, on Friday, November 25, 1791, and 
was buried under St. Paul's Church. 15 

15. For Governor Parr and the Loyalists, see a highly interesting paper by Mr. 
James S. Macdonald in the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, Vol 14. 
For Hon. Richard Bulkeley see a paper by the same writer in the Collections, Vol. 12. 



however, receive his title until 1795) was commissioned governor of 
Nova Scotia, January 13, 1792.. He arrived first in Halifax from 
England, after the Revolution, on the 20th of September, 1783, in 
the capacity in which he had long acted while governor of New 
Hampshire, as surveyor general of the King's woods. In the same 
ship, with him came also Mr. Edmund Fanning, who immediately 
afterward entered on the duties of lieutenant-governor to Governor 
Parr. The exact date of the arrival of these officials we have learn- 
ed from a private letter from the Rev. Dr. Mather Byles, Jr., a fel- 
low Loyalist refugee of Mr. Wentworth, who had come to Halifax 
in 1776. Commissioned governor, Mr. Wentworth arrived again 
from England in H. M. frigate Hussar, commanded by Captain 
Rupert George, after a five weeks' voyage from Falmouth, England, 
on the 12th of May, 1792. On the 14th, at one o'clock in the after- 
noon he took the oath of office. Sir John resigned the governorship 
early in 1808, and from June 1, 1808, until his death on April 8, 1820, 
he enjoyed an annual pension from the government of five hundred 
pounds. For about half the period of his governorship, Sir John 
lived at the second built Government House, but some time in 1797, 
it would seem, he felt the house to be unfit to live in and removed 
his household temporarily to his lodge on Bedford Basin, probably 
staying there for a time with the Duke of Kent. 16 Later the official 
residence in town must have been somewhat repaired, for the gov- 
ernor continued for some time longer to entertain there. In this 
house also, on the 16th of August, 1797, occurred the death of Lady 
Wentworth 's first cousin, Charles Thomas, a young lieutenant in 
the Duke of Kent's regiment, who was accidentally shot by a broth- 
er officer in a road-house a few miles from the town. 

On the 18th of November, 1799, Sir John wrote Robert Liston, 
Esq., the British ambassador to the United States that the Duke of 
Orleans and his two brothers, the Duke de Montpensier and Count 
Beaujolais, had arrived at Halifax, in H. M. Ship Porcupine, from 

16. Dr. Akins says that Prince Edward resided at Government House with Sir 
John Wentworth in 1798, but since Sir John considered the house not fit to live in in 
1797, and since the Prince had earlier become fully installed at the lodge, this seems very 
unlikely. That the two did live together about this time at the lodge seems almost a 
certainty. In 1798, however, Lady Wentworth was in England. 




New Providence, where they had been waiting in vain for some time 
to get passage to England. No chance for such passage having 
presented itself they had come to Nova Scotia, where they hoped to 
find a ship. Being unsuccessful here also they had gone on to New 
York in the Lord Duncan, a merchant ship, hoping to be able to sail 
from there. "They do not ostensibly," says Sir John, "assume their 
rank; visited H. R. H. the Duke of Kent and myself and Admiral 
Vandeput. The visits were returned, and they have dined with H. 
R. H. at Government House on the public dinner days. The surplus 
of cash brought with them they invested in bills of exchange from 
the paymaster general of the army, upon the treasury, to be remit- 
ted to London. I learn they brought about 10,000 dollars. It seems 
to be their intention to proceed to Spain, to meet their mother, as 
soon as possible. In all their deportment here they have been en- 
tirely discreet. This is the general statement, except that they were 
also at a public ball at the Government House, and yesterday dined 
with me. Friday they are to dine with the Duke of Kent. As these 
prisoners [sic] are of such high connection I thought it would not be 
unacceptable to you to be informed of their progress through this 
place. ' ' 

"P. S. 8 o'clock, P. M. Since the preceding, H. R. H. the Duke 
of Kent has given the Duke of Orleans a letter of instruction to the 
Duke of Portland, of which it may be acceptable to you to be as 
above confidentially informed. ' ' 

The Duke of Orleans, Mr. Murdoch, who prints this letter in his 
"History of Nova Scotia," explains "was the prince who afterwards 
governed in France as King Louis Philippe. It is said that he 
lodged while in Halifax with a Mrs. Meagher, a Frenchwoman, [sic] 
and attended service in the small chapel (R. C.) in Pleasant Street, 
and sat in the pew of L. Doyle, Esq." 

In September, 1804, Halifax had a visitor in the person of Tom 
Moore, the Irish poet. Moore had lately been in Bermuda, where he 
had for a short time, it is said, occupied the post of registrar of the 
court of vice-admiralty. This position he found did not pay him 
a sufficient salary and he left it, but before returning to England he 
determined to see something more of the world. Accordingly he 
made a tour of the United States and Canada, and from Quebec 



came to Halifax, the voyage occupying thirteen days. He sailed 
from Halifax for England in the frigate Boston, commanded by 
Captain Douglas. 

"On the evening of Saturday, April 8," [1820] says Mr. Mur- 
doch, "Sir John Wentworth died at Halifax, at his apartments in 
Hollis Street. He was in his 84th year. His latter days were spent 
in solitude and retirement. On the day before his departure the 
city was excited with the joyful ceremonial attendant on the ele- 
vation of the Prince of Wales to the sovereignty of this great em- 
pire in his own right, mingled with the respect due a monarch who 
had for near sixty years presided with moral dignity and conscienti- 
ous earnestness over the government and interests of our nation. 
To an eminent loyalist like Wentworth, who through chequered 
scenes of prosperity and adversity had been the trusted and hon- 
ored servant of the crown from an early period of this long reign, if 
he were then conscious of what was passing around him, the re- 
flections he would make on the dropping of the curtain on royalty, 
on the unlocked for loss of Prince Edward, so long his intimate 
friend, and on the exit of his venerated master from all sublunary 
suffering, must have been exceedingly affecting. Sir John proved 
the sincerity of his professions of strong attachment to Nova Scotia 
by voluntarily spending his last days here. His baronetcy devolved 
upon his son, Sir Charles Mary Wentworth, who resided in Eng- 
land, but on the latter 's death without issue the title became ex- 
tinct. 17 

Governor Wentworth as the chief executive of the Nova Scotia gov- 
ernment. His commission bears date January 15, 1808. On the 7th 
of April he reached Halifax, and on the 13th was sworn into office. 
He continued governor until 1811, when he was commissioned Gov- 
ernor-in-Chief of all the British provinces in America. He left 
Halifax for Quebec on the 25th of August, 1811, Alexander Croke, 

17. See Dictionary of National Biography ; "Early Life of Sir John Wentworth 
and "A Chapter in the Life of Sir John Wentworth" (both yet in manuscript in the 
archives of the Nova Scotia Historical Society) by Hon. Sir Adams Archibald, 
K. C. M. G.; The Wentworth Genealogy; and Chapter IV of this history. 



LL.D., judge of vice-admiralty, being appointed to administer the 
government for a short time. 

An event of much importance in the time of Sir George Prevost 
was the laying of the corner stone of the Province Building in 1811, 
On Monday, the twelfth of August of that year, which happened to 
be the birthday of George the Fourth, then regent of the empire of 
Britain, at three o'clock in the afternoon the Lieutenant-Governor, 
attended by Rear-Admiral Sawyer, Major-General Balfour, Com- 
missioner Inglefield, and the different officers of the Staff, with sev- 
eral Captains of the Navy, and others, was received at the eastern 
gate of the inclosure by the Grenadiers and Light Infantry compan- 
ies of the 2d battalion of militia, under command of Captain Lid- 
dell, and the Rifle company of the 8th battalion, commanded by 
Captain Albro, with arms presented, the band playing "God Save 
the King. ' ' Here the Governor and his party were met by the com- 
missioners for superintending the erection of the building, who con- 
ducted them to a marquee, where they were received by Quarter- 
master General Pyke, Grand Master of the Free and Accepted Or- 
der of Masons, and other officers and members of the Grand Lodge, 
and given refreshments. Then the Rev. Benjamin Gerrish Gray, 
Grand Chaplain of the Lodge, offered a prayer, and the Lieutenant- 
Governor performed the great ceremony of the day. The architect 
of the building was Mr. Richard Scott. * ' The ceremony was honour- 
ed," says the Royal Gazette newspaper, describing the function, 
"by the presence of a considerable number of ladies, who were pro- 
vided with seats erected for their accommodation. The windows 
of the different houses round the square were also occupied by the 
fair daughters of Acadia the whole forming a coup d'oeil of taste, 
beauty, and accomplishment that would do honour to any part of His 
Majesty's Dominions; and notwithstanding there was a larger con- 
course of people assembled than we have almost ever before wit- 
nessed in this town, and the different sheds, etc., were crowded with 
spectators, we are happy to announce that not any accident took 
place, nor any one sustained the least injury." 

A notable day, indeed, was this, in the governorship of Sir George 
Prevost. In honour of the birthday of the heir to the throne and 
regent of the Kingdom, from early morning flags floated from the 



ships in the harbour and the ports and chief buildings in and about 
the town. At noon the troops were reviewed by his Excellency on 
the Common, and three salutes of seven guns each, "intercalated 
by a like series of feux de joie, echoed to the sky. " " Then came the 
usual speech approving of the excellent performance by the troops 
and militia, after this a royal salute from the ships of war; then 
Sir George went back to Government House to receive and shake 
hands with all Halifax at a levee held in honour of the day." It 
was "a heavy day" for the representative of his Majesty, says Sir 
Adams Archibald, "the address, the dinner, the answer to the ad- 
dress and the speech to the toast, the roar of artillery in the morn- 
ing, feux de joie, the salutes from the ships, the Volunteer Artil- 
lery's salute to say nothing of the refreshments, which seem to 
have been rather profuse must have sent him to bed tired enough 
to make him almost forget that he was emerging from the chrysalis 
of Nova Scotia to take wings for a higher sphere ' ' as governor gen- 
eral of all the British provinces. 

Sir George Prevost was born May 19, 1767, and died in London 
January 5, 1816. His popularity in Nova Scotia was very great. 18 

lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia, August 19, 1811, and sworn in 
October 16, 1811. On the 29th of January, 1816, he like his prede- 
cessor was commissioned governor in chief of all the British prov- 
inces, but it seems to have been several months before he took his 
departure for Quebec. On the 28th of June, 1816, Major-General 
George Stracey Smyth was sworn in administrator of the Nova 
Scotia government until a new executive head could be appointed. 
Sir John Coape Sherbrooke died in England February 14, 1830. 18 * 

was commissioned for the government of Nova Scotia, July 20, 1816. 
He reached Halifax in H. M. ship Forth, from England, on the 24th 
of October, 1816, and the same day took the oath of office. In 1819, 

1 8. See Dictionary of National Biography; and "Sir George Prevost" (an unpub- 
lished paper in the archives of the Nova Scotia Historical Society), by James S. Mac- 

i8j^. See Dictionary of National Biography. 



he too was commissioned governor in chief of the Canadas and the 
other provinces, in succession to the Duke of Richmond, and prob- 
ably in October of that year he went from Halifax to Quebec. The 
Earl was born in 1770, and succeeded his father in the peerage of 
Scotland in 1787. He was created Baron Dalhousie in the peerage 
of the United Kingdom, August 11, 1815. Lord Dalhousie was gov- 
ernor in chief of Canada from 1819 to 1828, and commander in chief 
in the East Indies from 1829 to 1832. He died March 21, 1838. 

The Earl of Dalhousie 's governorship of Nova Scotia lasted but 
three years, but these years were full of intelligent activity on the 
part of this accomplished, energetic, high-minded man. Of Lord 
Dalhousie the Honourable Joseph Howe, himself a later governor, 
has written : ' ' The Earl was a square-built, good-looking man, with 
hair rather gray when I last saw him. He took great interest in 
agriculture and was the patron of 'Agricola,' whose letters appear- 
ed in the Recorder when I was in the printing office. His Lordship's 
example set all the Councillors and officials and fashionables mad 
about farming and political economy. They went to ploughing- 
matches, got up fairs, made composts, and bought cattle and pigs. 
Every fellow who wanted an office, or wished to get an invitation to 
Government House, read Sir John Sinclair, talked of Adarn Smith, 
bought a south-down, or hired an acre of land and planted mangel 

"The secret about 'AgricolaV letters had been well kept and the 
mystery became very mysterious. At last the authorship was an- 
nounced, and it was then discovered that a stout Scotchman, who 
kept a small grocer's shop in Water street and whom nobody knew 
or had met in 'good society' was the great unknown. Ovations were 
got up under the patronage of the Earl, and the Judges and leading 
merchants and lawyers came forward and fraternized with the stout 
Scotchman, who being a man of good education and fine powers of 
mind was soon discovered to speak with as much ease and fluency 
as he wrote. All this was marvellous in the eyes of that generation. 
But no two governors think alike or patronize the same things, when 
Sir James Kempt came he had a passion for road-making and pretty 
women, and the agricultural mania died away. Agricola was voted 
a bore a fat Scotchman and his family decidedly vulgar, and the 



heifers about Government House attracted more attention than the 
Durham cows. The agricultural societies tumbled to pieces, and 
although spasmodic efforts were made from time to time by some 
members of Mr. Young's family, agriculture did not become fash- 
ionable in my day till Sir Gaspard Le Marchant in 1854 began to 
talk to everybody about Shanghai chickens and Alderney cows. 
Then a good deal of money was spent. The old breeds of cows, 
which wanted nothing but care and judicious crossing to make them 
as good as any in the world, were reduced in size that the cream 
might be made richer, which it never was, and the chickens were 
made twice the size, with the additional recommendation that they 
were twice as tough. Sir Gaspard brought his crochets direct from 
Court, for Prince Albert was a great breeder, and the Queen and 
everybody else went mad about poultry for a summer or two." 19 

Not only agriculture but higher education in the province deeply 
interested the Earl of Dalhousie. When he came as governor, Nova 
Scotia had but one college, which was all the province then needed, 
or indeed ought ever since to have had, the college known as King's, 
situated at Windsor in the county of Hants. Unfortunately, how- 
ever, this college, established and always conducted under Anglican 
Church control, had at the start burdened itself with bigoted 
denominational statutes which made it impossible for young men 
of other churches than the Anglican to receive an education within 
its doors. Lord Dalhousie was soon properly roused to indignation 
at this state of things and determined to do something to remedy it. 
Through his efforts and influence Dalhousie College was founded, 
a college "for the instruction of youth in the higher classics and in 

19. This sketch, by Hon. Joseph Howe, is printed in the ijth volume of Collec- 
tions of the Nova Scotia Historical Society (pp. 197, 198). The general title of the 
article from which it is taken is entitled "Notes on Several Governors and their In- 
fluence." Mr. John Young's "Letters of Agricola," printed first in the Acadian Recorder 
between July 25 and December 26, 1818, were designed to stimulate and did stimulate in- 
telligent activity in agriculture throughout the province. They appeared anonymously 
and their anonymity much increased the public interest in them. In consequence of sug- 
gestions they contained, agricultural societies were quickly organized in various places, 
ploughing matches were held, and there was a general awakening of interest in improved 
methods of farming. By March, 1819, Mr. Young had avowed the authorship of the 
letters and had become secretary of a Provincial Agricultural Society, in support of 
which the legislature gave a subsidy of fifteen hundred pounds. Mr. John Young, as is 
well known, was father of Hon. Sir William Young, Kt, the eighth chief justice of Nova 
Scotia. See a paper in the archives of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, by John br- 
vin, entitled "John Young (Agricola) the Junius of Nova Scotia. 



all philosophical studies," whose doors should be open to all who 
professed the Christian religion, especially those who were narrow- 
ly " excluded from Windsor." With great formality the Earl laid 
the corner stone of the building of this non-sectarian college on 
Monday, the 22d of May, 1820, the Countess giving a ball and supper 
to a large company on the same evening. Nine days later his lord- 
ship received a farewell address from the people of Halifax and took 
his departure also for the chief governorship of the provinces at 
large. 20 

Nothing, writes the Hon. Joseph Howe, could be more "correct 
and refining" than the tone given to Halifax society by Lady Dal- 
housie. Without being handsome, and dressing with marked plain- 
ness, she charmed people with the elegant simplicity of her man- 
ners and with her gracious desire to please. 

by the regent, afterwards George the Fourth, to the lieutenant- 
governorship of Nova Scotia, October 20, 1819. He reached Halifax, 
with his suite, however, not until June 1, 1820, his inauguration tak- 
ing place the next day after his arrival. From July 10, 1828, to 
November 24, 1830, he also served in the higher position of gov- 
ernor general of the British provinces, his successor in Nova Scotia 
being Sir Peregrine Maitland. Of Halifax social life during Kempt 's 
administration of the Nova Scotia government, from 1820 to 1828, 
and the governor's part in it, Mr. Peter Lynch has given us some 
graphic pictures. "Winter, notwithstanding its severity," says 
Mr. Lynch, "was a merry time. And although the winds were laden 
with frost they did not prevent the sun shining brilliantly by day 
and the stars sparkling brilliantly by night. A heavy fall of snow 
was soon beaten down by the innumerable sleighs which traversed 
it, and a number of good hostels at a convenient driving distance 
from the town afforded the certainty of a good dinner. If at times 
the days were dark and dreary they could always be made bright 
and cheerful by the merry music of the sleigh bells, and I have no 
hesitation in saying that while then the population was not more 

20. See Dictionary of National Biography ; and a paper, still unpublished in the 
archives of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, by Professor Archibald MacMechan, 
entitled "Lord Dalhousie." 








<i! i-" 


V%ii:^W 1 :|S 








than half as numerous as it is at present, yet there were twice the 
number of horses and vehicles. 

"The Tandem Club, one of the institutions of Halifax, was a 
splendid sight. It numbered in its ranks the elite of the community, 
the Governor and all the officials, the General, his staff, and a large 
proportion of the officers in the garrison, and many of our wealthy 
citizens, who all made a grand display during their field days. 
. . . At the head of the Club rode the captain of the day, always 
with a six-in-hand. After him came the Governor, with a fine team 
of four horses, and aspres lui le deluge, four-in-hands and tandems 
without number, all forming a continuous line of splendid horses, 
handsome sleighs, and gaily dressed people, from South Street to 
the Provincial Building, all entranced by the many notes of the mel- 
low horn and the continued shouting of the crowds which lined the 
street on either side. 

"Immediately opposite the east side of the Provincial Building 
was a very large house then occupied by Miller (a famous host), 
who kept the best hotel in the town. There the party all brought 
up in several ranks, although wedged in as close as possible filling 
the whole space between Prince and Sackville streets. At once the 
hotel doors were thrown open and the servants of the house, to- 
gether with those of the several messes, and others, streamed forth 
in their gay liveries, bearing trays laden with cakes, confections, 
and steaming hot negus, then the favorite beverage. After these 
refreshments were partaken of, the whole party in order swept 
along the streets on their way to Fultz 's Twelve Mile House, where 
about three o'clock, then the fashionable dinner hour, the party sat 
down to as good a dinner as could be had anywhere, in the Province 
or perhaps out of it." 

The Sundays in Halifax in Sir James Kempt 's time, Mr. Lynch 
says, "could scarcely be called holy days," for except in two small 
churches, one a Methodist, the other a Baptist, few people were 
found worshipping after the service of the forenoon. "The bells 
rang out their invitations, and the doors of the churches stood open 
in the afternoons, but few entered their precincts. It was the al- 
most universal custom for gentlemen to visit from house to house 
after the morning service. Wine and cake were set out on the 



tables as now on New Year's Day (though not with the same pro- 
fusion), and the time was spent until the hour for dinner in dis- 
cussing the gossip of the day, and possibly sometimes in the ex- 
change of bits of scandal. 

"After dinner, when the weather permitted it, the community 
streamed out to the Common, to see a review of the troops. There 
the great and the little were found in their holiday attire, the 
wealthy in their carriages, the poorer on foot. At the west side of 
the Common, somewhere near where the old race-course ran, the 
Royal Standard flaunted its gay folds, and here gathered the fash- 
ionable and rich of the town, for at this point the Governor, who 
was then a general, and his staff, were to take their places when they 
should come. At about half past four his Excellency and suite, 
their gay plumes waving in the air, and their bright uniforms flash- 
ing, made their appearance and galloping down to the stand took 
their position. The several bands played the National Anthem, 
and the business of the review proceeded. A march round at slow 
step with a salute, and another at quick step without it, and the 
review was over and the Common in a brief space of time restored 
to the quiet which had pervaded it some two hours before. 

"But the business or rather the pleasure of the day was not yet 
over. In Hollis street, in one of the stone houses to the south of 
Government House, lived a colonel of one of the regiments in gar- 
rison, I think Colonel Creigh, and opposite him another military 
man, I think a Cochran, and thither, at about dusk, came one of the 
regimental bands. From that time until perhaps ten o'clock the 
band played dance and other secular music, to an admiring audi- 
ence, comprising some of the better element of the town, but con- 
sisting chiefly of the great unwashed, who made the Sabbath night 
hideous with their coarse jests and noisy conduct. It was a sad 
termination to the sacred day which the Great Lawgiver had com- 
manded us to remember to keep holy." 

In the course of Sir James Kempt 's administration, the governor 
of Nova Scotia whom Sir James had immediately followed, the Earl 
of Dalhousie, now governor-general of Canada and the other prov- 
inces, came to Halifax on a visit. He reached Halifax from Quebec 
in the government brig Chebucto, Captain Cunard, on Thursday, 



the 3rd of July, 1823, after a voyage lasting eleven days. That 
night, late, he landed at the town with his aides, Captain W. Hay 
and Lieutenant Maule, accompanied also by Lieut-Col. Durnford, R. 
E., and Captain Parker, A. D., quartermaster-general. On Saturday 
he held a levee at Government House, at one o'clock, and the next 
Tuesday he received an address from the magistrates and other 
inhabitants, which was presented by Sheriff Jared Ingersoll Chip- 

Shortly after this he went with Sir James Kempt to visit Wind- 
sor, Horton, and Cornwallis. On Wednesday the 23rd he was en- 
tertained at a "public banquet" at Mason's Hall, in the town, the 
Hon. Richard John Uniacke presiding, and the Governor and his 
suite, Rear Admiral Fahie, the captains of the navy, field officers 
of the army, the staff of the garrison, the members of council, the 
magistrates, and many others being guests. At least forty toasts 
were given at the banquet by the chair, the band of the 81st, Sir 
James Kempt 's regiment, playing appropriate airs after each. 
The Earl left at half past twelve, "but," says Mr. Murdoch sig- 
nificantly, "the president and company continued till a later or more 
exactly speaking an earlier hour." 

The next evening the Earl was given a public ball at the Province 
Building, the council chamber being used for dancing, and the as- 
sembly room for the supper. "All the taste and fashion of the town 
were displayed on this occasion, and no expense was spared in 
rendering it a treat well worthy the acceptance of a peer of the 
realm." "It was asserted," says Mr. Murdoch, "that of all the 
fetes ever got up in Halifax this ball to the Earl was the most bril- 
liant, in the beauty of decoration, the sumptuousness of entertain- 
ment, and the taste that reigned over all. The council room was 
illuminated with a profusion of lamps and chandeliers. Sofas were 
placed all round the sides of the apartment, the elegant proportions 
and loftiness of the chamber being in reality its greatest ornament. 
A military band was stationed in an elevated orchestra, placed over 
the central doors. The Earl opened the ball with Admiral Fahie 's 
lady, a young bride, who had just come on with her husband in 
H. M. S. Salisbury from Bermuda. At midnight the supper began, 
Mr. Wallace presiding and giving toasts, and the dances were re- 



newed afterwards. ' ' On the 28th of July the Earl left town, on his 
way once more to Quebec. 

Sir James Kempt was born at Edinburgh, in 1764, became cap- 
tain of the 113th Foot and as such served in Ireland and in Holland, 
and was commissioned a lieutenant-colonel in 1799. He was at 
one time in service in the Spanish Peninsula. In 1813 he was col- 
onel-commandant of the 60th Foot, and at Waterloo was severely 
wounded. He was made a Knight Grand Cross of the Bath, and was 
also invested with several foreign orders. The 27th of May, 1825, 
he was commissioned lieutenant-general, and in 1841 was promoted 
general. At one time he was master general of the ordnance. He 
died in London, December 20, 1854. 21 

Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia some time in 1828. He was 
born in Hampshire, England, in 1777, and died in London, May 
30, 1854. He entered the army in 1792, served in Flanders and in 
Spain, and was at Waterloo, in command of the First British Bri- 
gade. On June 22, 1815, for his services at Waterloo he was made 
a K. C. B. His wife, Lady Sarah, was a daughter of the Duke of 
Richmond, her mother being the Duchess of Richmond who gave 
the famous ball at Brussels on the eve of the battle of Waterloo. 
In 1818 the Duke of Richmond was governor-general of all the 
British provinces in America, and in that year Sir Peregrine Mait- 
land was made lieutenant-governor of Quebec. The exact date of 
his commission as governor of Nova Scotia we do not know, but he 
served in this capacity from 1828 until probably some time in 1833. 
While he was in Halifax, on Sunday, April 8, 1832, Lady Sarah gave 
birth to a daughter. 

From December, 1843, until September, 1846, Sir Peregrine was 
governor and commander-in-chief at the Cape of Good Hope. In 
1846 he was promoted general, and in 1852 was made a Knight 
Grand Cross of the Bath. 22 

Writing of the change in the tone of social life in Halifax when 
Sir James Kempt left and Sir Peregrine Maitland came, Mr. Peter 

21. See Dictionary of National Biography. 

22. See Dictionary of National Biography. 



Lynch writes: ''The advent to the province of the new governor 
and his wife, Sir Peregrine and Lady Sarah Maitland, the latter 
a Lennox and daughter of the then Duke of Richmond, I am happy 
to say put an end to these unseemly orgies [secular entertainments 
on Sunday, etc.]. These two excellent people, from their consistent 
walk together, with their high rank, at once produced a change in 
the tone of society, and the perfume of their sweet lives permeated 
all classes of the people. They professed much, and rigidly prac- 
tised it. Their garments smelt of myrrh, aloes, and cassia, and while 
those immediately about them were constrained by their holy lives 
to follow their example, their influence went through all ranks of 
the town. As Caligula 'found Eome of brick and left it of marble,' 
so these good people, who found here much of riot, dissipation, and 
disorder, after their period of abode amongst us left the community 
in a very much improved condition. The good seed they sowed 
yielded much healthy fruit, and I have no doubt its influence has 
lasted to the present day." 

MAJOR-GENERAL SIR COLIN CAMPBELL, K. C. B., who has often been 
confused with Sir Colin Campbell, Lord Clyde (born at Glasgow, 
Scotland, October 16, 1792), was commissioned lieutenant-governor 
of Nova Scotia some time in 1833, and left the province probably 
in 1840. He was the fifth son of John Campbell of Melfort, and his 
wife Colina, daughter of John Campbell of Auchalader, and was 
born in 1776. He had a brother, Admiral Sir Patrick Campbell. 
In 1792, at the age of sixteen, he became a midshipman on board 
an East Indiaman, but in February, 1795, he entered the army as 
lieutenant in the 3rd battalion of the Breadalbane Fencibles, then 
commanded by his uncle. He served with great ability in India, 
and later under the Duke of Wellington on the continent. With 
the great duke he had a warm friendship and to this famous gen- 
eral owed much of his distinction. He became lieutenant-colonel of 
the 65th regiment in 1818, and major-general in 1825. From 1839 
to 1847 he was governor of Ceylon. He died in England, June 13, 
1847, and was buried in the church of St. James, Piccadilly. 23 

"On Tuesday, the first of July, 1834," says Occasional in the 

23. See Dictionary of National Biography. 



Acadian Recorder, "Major-General Sir Colin Campbell, K. C. B., 
arrived in Halifax as Lieutenant-Governor of the Province. For 
eighteen months Thomas Jeffery, President of the Council, had 
been Administrator of the Government during the absence of Gov- 
ernor Maitland in England. Previous to the arrival of Governor 
Campbell, the President sent a message to the House of Assembly, 
which had just met, with an extract of a dispatch from the Secretary 
of State for the Colonies, expressing His Majesty's readiness to 
place the casual and territorial revenue at the disposal of the Prov- 
incial Legislature, on their agreeing to make a permanent pro- 
vision for the public servants, whose salaries had been hitherto paid 
from the funds, which it was proposed to surrender. A series of 
resolutions, embodying a scale of salaries, were introducted by the 
Solicitor General, which excited general indignation as being utterly 
disproportionate to the extent and financial circumstances of the 

"And now was the first shot fired in the direction of decided re- 
sponsible government. Mr. Alex. Stewart, who afterwards was to be 
the champion of the autocratic council, made a vigorous attack on its 
constitution, moving three resolutions, having for their object to 
open the doors of the council." 24 

was commissioned for Nova Scotia some time in 1840, and remained 
governor until 1846. Lord Falkland was returned heir to his father, 
the ninth Viscount Falkland (in the peerage of Scotland) March 2, 
1809. He married, first, Lady Amelia Fitz-Clarence, sister of the 
Earl of Munster, one of the natural children of King William the 
Fourth, and this lady was with him in Halifax. His second wife 
was Elizabeth Catherine, dowager duchess of St. Alban's. He was 
created an English peer May 15, 1832. From 1848 to 1853, Viscount 
Falkland was governor of Bombay. 

In the second year of Lord Falkland's governorship, the year 
1841, his royal highness, the Prince de Joinville, son of King Louis 
Philippe of France, made Halifax a short visit, and on Tuesday, 
September 14th, was honoured by General Sir Jeremiah Dickson and 

24. Acadian Recorder for January 29, 1916. 



the officers of the staff and garrison with a brilliant ball in the 
Province Building. "Having obtained permission from the proper 
authorities for the use of the legislative halls," says Occasional in 
the Acadian Recorder, 25 "a party of engineers and workmen were 
turned in, and, in an incomparably short space of time, the ob- 
structive fixtures were removed, the whole interior was purified, 
staircases and passages were lined with banners, and bayonets were 
formed into candelabra and other ornaments. 

"About half -past nine the company began to assemble, and were 
received by the General. Besides His Royal Highness, and suite, 
and the officers of the French warships Belle Poule and Casaud, 
His Excellency, the Lieutenant-Governor and Lady Falkland, Mr. 
Stuart, charge d' affaires to Colombia, and lady; Commodore Doug- 
las, Captain Leith, and the officers of the Winchester and Sering- 
apatam, with the chief officers of the Provincial government, the 
Mayor, etc., were among the guests. Dancing was kept up with 
much spirit in the Council Chamber until after midnight, when the 
doors of the Assembly were thrown open, and the whole company, 
to the number of four hundred, sat down to a substantial and elegant 
supper, prepared by Coblentz. 

"From a cross table, or dais, slightly raised, at the head of the 
room, other tables extended the whole length, covered with every 
delicacy. The gallery was occupied by the band, and non-commis- 
sioned officers and their families. The company having done jus- 
tice to the good fare, the health of Her Majesty, of King Louis 
Philippe, and of His Royal Highness, the guest of the night, were 
given; after which the Prince gave 'Lady Falkland and Ladies of 
Halifax. ' Dancing was then resumed and kept up till a late hour 
the Prince retiring about two o'clock." 

SIR JOHN HARVEY, K. C. B., was commissioned lieutenant-governor 
in 1846. He was born in 1778, and entered the army in the 80th regi- 
ment. He was in service in Holland, in France, at the Cape of Good 
Hope, in Ceylon, and in Egypt. In 1812 he was appointed deputy 
adjutant-general to the army in Canada, with the rank of lieuten- 
ant-colonel. He was aide-de-camp to the Duke of Wellington in his 

25. Acadian Recorder for April 15, 1916. 



Waterloo campaign; from 1837 to 1841 was lieutenant-governor of 
New Brunswick; from 1841 to 1846 governor and commander-in- 
chief of Newfoundland; and some time in 1846 was commissioned 
lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia. He was made K. C. B. in 
1838. He died in office at Halifax, and was buried there March 22, 
1852. A mural tablet to his memory rests on one of the walls of St. 
Paul's Church. 

missioned lieutenant-governor probably in June, 1852. He was 
born in 1803 and married in 1839. His father was John Gaspard 
Le Marchant, Esq., a major-general in the army, and the first lieu- 
tenant-governor of the Royal Military College. Sir John was a 
knight of the first and third classes of St. Ferdinand and knight- 
commander of St. Carlos of Spain. From February, 1847, to June, 
1852, he was lieutenant-governor of Newfoundland. He held the 
office of lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia until December, 1857. 
From 1859 to 1864 he was governor of Malta. He died in London 
February 6, 1874. 26 

sioned lieutenant-governor in January, 1858. Earl Mulgrave was 
born, July 23, 1819, entered the Scots Fusilier Guards in 1838, and 
in 1851 was appointed comptroller and in 1853 treasurer of the 
Queen's household. He succeeded his father as marquis July 28, 
1863, when he resigned the governorship of Nova Scotia and re- 
turned to England. He was appointed governor of Queensland in 
1871, of New Zealand in 1874, and of Victoria in 1878. 27 

LL.D., distinguished as a jurist, and also as an explorer, was com- 
missioned for the Nova Scotia government probably on the 28th of 
May, 1864, but remained governor of the province only until Octo- 
ber of the following year. Sir Richard was the eldest son of Rev. 

26. See Dictionary of National Biography. 

27. See Dictionary of National Biography. 



Eichard Macdonnell, D. D., Provost of Trinity College, Dublin, and 
was born in Dublin in 1814. Graduating at Trinity, he was called to 
the Irish bar in 1838 and to the English bar in 1840. In 1843 he was 
appointed chief justice of the Gambia, and in 1847 governor of the 
British settlements on the Gambia. After this, for a long time he 
was engaged in exploring the interior of Africa. In 1852 he was gov- 
ernor of St. Vincent and captain-general, and in 1855 governor-in- 
chief of South Australia, where also he made valuable explorations. 
From October 19, 1865, until 1872, he was governor of Hong Kong. 
Sir Eichard was made K. C. M. G. in 1871. 28 

missioned lieutenant-governor October 20, 1865, was the first native 
born governor the province had. He was born at Annapolis Eoyal, 
Nova Scotia, December 4, 1800, and should probably be regarded 
as the most illustrious of Nova Scotia's sons. At an early age, 
through the interest of the Duke of Kent, he was placed in the Eoyal 
Academy at Woolwich. Entering the army he attained the rank 
of captain in 1840, and at the Crimea earned for himself undying 
fame in British annals as ''the hero of Kars." One of the gallant 
defenders of that town during its four months siege by Mouravieff, 
General Williams on the 29th of September, 1855, gave the besiegers 
battle, and after a fierce conflict of eight hours duration defeated 
a force much larger than his own on the heights above Kars. The 
town, however, fell, and General Williams was taken a prisoner, 
first to Moscow, then to St. Petersburg. Almost immediately af- 
terward he was created a baronet. In 1858 he was commander-in- 
chief of the forces in British North America. He administered the 
government of the British provinces in America from October 12, 
1860, until January 22, 1861. He administered the Nova Scotia 
government until October, 1867. He died, unmarried, in London, 
July 26, 1883, and was buried at Brompton cemetery four days 
later. 29 


28. See Dictionary of National Biography. 

29. See Dictionary of National Biography; and "Ancestry of the late Sir Fen- 
wick Williams of Kars," a pamphlet by Hon. Judge A. W. Savary, D. C. L., of Annap- 
olis Royal, Nova Scotia. 



commissioned lieutenant-governor October 18, 1867. He was the 
eldest son of Sir Charles William Doyle, C. B., G. C. H., and his 
wife Sophia, daughter of Sir John Coghill, and was born in 1805. 
He was educated at Sandhurst, and entered the army as an ensign 
in the 87th, his great-uncle Sir John Doyle's regiment. He saw 
service in the Orient, the West Indies, Canada, and Ireland. Dur- 
ing the American Civil War he commanded the troops in British 
North America, and in the famous Chesapeake affair showed great 
tact. In May, 1868, he was appointed colonel of the 70th regiment, 
and in 1869 was made a K. C. M. G. He continued lieutenant-gov- 
ernor of Nova Scotia until 1873, Sir Edward Kenny, however, as 
president of the council, administering the government in his ab- 
sence from May 13, 1870, until the end of his term of office. After 
other service to the Empire he died in London, March 19, 1883. 

The confederation of the British provinces into the Dominion of 
Canada was effected while General Doyle was governor of Nova 
Scotia, this event occurring in 1867. 30 

THE HONOURABLE JOSEPH HOWE was the first lieutenant-governor 
appointed for Nova Scotia after Confederation. He received his 
commission May 1, 1873. Hon. Joseph Howe, one of the most emi- 
nent statesmen of the provinces of the Dominion of Canada, was 
born at Halifax, December 13, 1804. His father was Mr. John Howe 
of Boston, who was born in that town in 1753, and was editor with 
Mrs. Margaret Draper of the News-Letter, the only newspaper that 
continued to be published in Boston during the siege in 1775 and 
1776. Coming to Halifax as a Loyalist refugee, John Howe 
soon became there King's printer. He died in 1835. Hon. Joseph 
Howe 's life has been ably written and his letters and speeches have 
been published. He has perhaps received more honour from his 
countrymn since his death than any other Nova Scotian. He was a 
liberal in politics and a consistent champion of the rights of the peo- 
ple. He took the oath as lieutenant-governor May 10, 1873, but his 
death occurred on the 22d day after. He died at Halifax, June 1, 

The next appointee to the lieutenant-governorship was Mr. 

30. See Dictionary of National Biography. 



Howe's long time opponent in politics, the Honourable James Wil- 
liam Jonhstone, judge in equity, member of the legislative council, 
attorney-general, solicitor-general, and representative to the legis- 
lature, in politics a distinguished conservative. Judge Johnstone 
when he was appointed lieutenant-governor was in the south of 
France. He accepted the appointment, but died in England on his 
way home. He was born in the island of Jamaica, but came to 
Nova Scotia in early manhood and founded an important family in 
Halifax. 31 

commissioned lieutenant-governor July 4, 1873. Sir Adams also was 
a native Nova Scotian, he was a son of Mr. Samuel Archibald of 
Truro, Colchester county, and grandson of Mr. James Archibald, 
also of Colchester county, a justice there of the court of common 
pleas. Sir Adams was called to the bar of Nova Scotia as a barrister 
in 1839, was a member of the executive council, first as solicitor-gen- 
eral, from August 14, 1856, to February 14, 1857, then as attorney- 
general, from February 10, 1860, to June 11, 1863. He was a dele- 
gate to England to arrange the terms of settlement with the British 
Government and the general mining association in respect to Nova 
Scotia mines, and also to obtain the views of the government rel- 
ative to the projected union of the provinces. He was sworn to the 
privy council of Canada, July 1, 1867, but this position he resigned 
in 1868. From May 20, 1870, to May, 1873, he was lieutenant-gov- 
ernor of Manitoba and the Northwestern Territories, from June 
24, 1873, to July 4, 1873, he was judge in equity in Nova Scotia, and 
at the latter date, as we have said, he was appointed lieutenant- 
governor of Nova Scotia. In 1873 he was also one of the directors 
of the Canadian Pacific railway under Sir Hugh Allan. He ceased 
to be lieutenant-governor in 1883, but was knighted in 1885. He 
died at Truro, December 14, 1892. 

The lieutenant-governors since Sir Adams Archibald have been : 

31. For Hon. Joseph Howe, see the Dictionary of National Biography; and an 
able biography of him by Hon. Judge J. W. Longley of the Supreme bench of Nova 
Scotia. See "Howe's Letters and Speeches," edited by Hon. William Annand. For 
Hon. Judge Johnstone, see "Three Premiers," by Rev. Edward Manning Saunders, D. 
D., and a sketch by Hon. Judge A. W. Savary, D. C. L., of Annapolis Royal, in the 
Calnek-Savary History of Annapolis. 



Matthew Henry Eichey, Esq., Barrister, Q. C., 1883-1888; Hon. 
Archibald Woodbury McLelan, 1888-1890 ; Hon. Sir Malachy Bowes 
Daly, K. C. M. G., 1890-1900; Hon. Alfred Gilpin Jones, 1900-1906; 
Hon. Duncan Cameron Fraser, 1906-1910; Hon. James Drummond 
McGregor, 1910-1915; Hon. David McKeen, 1915-1916; Hon. Mac- 
Callum Grant, 1916 . All these except Sir Malachy Daly have been 
native Nova Scotians and men previously active in the political life 
of the province. 

The Lieutenant-Governors of Nova Scotia from 1749 to 1786, 
while the governors were ' l Governors-in-Chief , ' ' were as follows : 

COLONEL CHARLES LAWRENCE, appointed July 17, 1750, (commis- 
sioned Governor in 1756). 

EGBERT MONCKTON, ESQ., afterwards General Monckton, com- 
missioned probably December 31, 1755. His commission seems to 
have been repeated August 17, 1757, and October 27, 1760. On the 
20th of March, 1761, he was commissioned governor of New York, in 
place of Sir Charles Hardy, who had resigned. Of Monckton 's 
military rank when he was lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia we 
are not sure. 

missioned April 14, 1761, but was relieved of the duties of the office 
in September, 1762. He took the formal oath of the office November 
21, 1761. 32 

January 13, 1762. Chief Justice and Lieutenant-Governor Jonathan 
Belcher apprised the council of Colonel Wilmot's appointment, Au- 
gust 26, 1762. Colonel Wilmot took the oath of office September 
26, 1762. On the llth of March, 1763, he was commissioned gov- 

THE HONOURABLE MICHAEL FRANCKLIN was commissioned lieuten- 
ant-governor March 28, 1766, and filled the office until some time in 
1776. He died November 8, 1782. 33 

32. "Jonathan Belcher, First Chief Justice of Nova Scotia," a sketch by Hon. 
Sir Charles Townshend, D. C. L., in the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical So- 
ciety, Vol. 18. 

33. See "Lieutenant Governor Francklin," by James S. Macdonald, in the Col- 
lections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, Vol. 16. 



ADMIRAL MARIOT ARBUTHNOT was commissioned February 16, 
1776, and took the oath of office April 22, 1776. He continued in 
office until January, 1778, when he was advanced to flag rank and 
left Nova Scotia. He was probably a captain when he took office 
as lieutenant-governor. 34 

RICHARD HUGHES, ESQ., R. N., afterward Sir Richard Hughes, 
Baronet, was commissioned March 12, 1778, and took the oath of 
office August 17, 1778. On the 26th of September, 1780, he was pro- 
moted rear admiral of the blue. In April, 1780, he succeeded his 
father, Sir Richard Hughes, Sr., in the baronetcy. 35 

missioned lieutenant-governor December 15, 1780, although as ap- 
pears he did not take the oath of office until July 31, 1781. He held 
the office until December, 1783, on the 10th of which month he was 
created a baronet. About this time he left Halifax for England. 36 

EDMUND FANNING, ESQ., was commissioned lieutenant-governor 
some time in 1783. He was born in Long Island, New York, in 1737, 
and graduated at Yale College in 1757. He practised law at Hills- 
borough, North Carolina, received the degrees of M. A. from Har- 
vard in 1764 and King's (Columbia) in 1772, D. C. L. from Oxford 
in 1774, and LL.D. from both Yale and Dartmouth in 1803. In 
1777 he raised a corps of four hundred and sixty Loyalists, which 
bore the name of the Associate Refugees or King's American Regi- 
ment, and of this he became general. Probably in the summer or 
early autumn of 1783 he went to Nova Scotia, and September 23, 
1783, the King's Commission appointing him lieutenant-governor 
of the province was read in council. He at once took the oath of 
office and was likewise admitted to the council. In October, 1786, 
he was appointed lieutenant-governor of Prince Edward Island 
under the governor general of all the provinces. This last office he 
held for nineteen years. He died in London February 28, 1818. 37 

34. See Dictionary of National Biography. 

35. See Dictionary of National Biography. 

36. See Dictionary of National Biography. 
37 See Dictionary of National Biography. 


Chapters in the History of Halifax, Nova Scotia 


NO. X 


" 'And I abide by my Mother's House,' 
Said our Lady of the Snows." 


T the outbreak of the Revolution Nova Scotia stood in no 
essentially different relation to Great Britain and her 
rule of her American colonies from that borne by the 
thirteen colonies that afterward became the first States 
of the Union. She was simply the most easterly of the British 
American colonies on the Atlantic seaboard, of which Pennsylvania 
extended farthest west and Georgia farthest south, her English set- 
tlement having been later than that of the others, but her constitu- 
tion and government not differing in any essential particular from 
theirs, and her intercourse with them all, especially the New Eng- 
land colonies, being very friendly and close. 1 The population of this 
extreme eastern province, moreover, which numbered between fif- 
teen and twenty thousand, had been drawn in great part from New 
England, between 1749 and 1762, and never since the people emi- 
grated, except perhaps in the depth of the winters, had commercial 
and social intercourse between them and the inhabitants of the towns 
from which they had come for a single month been intermitted. At 
the beginning of the revolutionary struggle, therefore, it was not by 
any means a foregone conclusion that Nova Scotia would not range 

i. See on this point, "Nova Scotia during the Revolution," an article in the Amer- 
ican Historical Review, X, pp. 52-71, by Emily P. Weaver. "Writers dealing with the 
period," says Miss Weaver, "frequently assume that Nova Scotia was from the first in 
a class altogether distinct from that of the revolting colonies and therefore dp not think 
her exceptional course worthy of remark. One of such writers is Green in his His- 
tory of the English People." 



herself on the side of the revolting colonies, and in process of time 
come to share whatever fortune the general protest of these colonies 
against the abuses of the government in England might bring them. 

The extent of territory embraced by Nova Scotia, which at that 
time, as always until then, had embraced the present province of 
New Brunswick, and which also included the recently attached island 
of Cape Breton,- was a little greater than that of the province of 
New York, and was well up in the scale of square mileage to the 
province of Georgia, and her well known fertility and the great 
wealth of her forests and fisheries, in spite of her comparatively 
scanty population, made her an object of no little consideration in 
the eyes of the revolutionary leaders. The importance, moreover, 
of the capital of the province as a strategic military and naval base 
on the extreme eastern part of the continent was by no means over- 
looked. To draw this maritime province into the Revolution, there- 
fore, was an issue that the revolutionists strongly desired to effect. 

In July, 1775, Benjamin Franklin prepared a sketch of a plan for 
permanent union of the American colonies, which while allowing to 
each the continuance of the virtual independence it enjoyed, pro- 
posed for each adequate representation in an annual Congress, 
which should deal with all measures of resistance to injustice and 
oppression from any source. Besides the thirteen colonies that sub- 
sequently became the first States of the Union, Canada, Nova Scotia, 
and Florida were included in his plan, while Ireland, the West In- 
dies and Bermuda also were to be invited to join. The plan, another 
of whose details was the creation of a certain number of "lords" 
for each colony, Nova Scotia to have one, was submitted to the Con- 
tinental Congress, but was not acted upon. 3 

The first action of Congress relative to Nova Scotia, after the Rev- 
olution began, was a formal resolve of that body on the 10th of No- 
vember, 1775, to send two persons secretly to the province to learn 
the disposition of the people towards the American cause, to inquire 
into the condition of the fortifications, wherever there were any, and 

2. Cape Breton was annexed to Nova Scotia by royal proclamation on the 7th of 
October, 1763. In 1784 it was separated from Nova Scotia, and Sydney was made the 
capital. In 1820, it was again united to Nova Scotia, as it now is. 

3. See Albert Henry Smyth's "Life and Writings of Benjamin Franklin, Vol. 10, 
p. 291. 



of the dockyards at Halifax and probably Fort Cumberland, and to 
discover the quantity of artillery and warlike stores the province 
had, with also the number of war-ships and other ships lying in the 
harbours, as also, of course, the numerical strength of the land and 
sea forces. This resolve was evidently at once communicated to 
General Washington, at Cambridge, for nine days later Washing- 
ton wrote the president of the Congress that as soon as two "capa- 
ble persons" could be found he would dispatch them to Nova Scotia 
' ' on the service resolved on in Congress. ' ' On the 28th of the same 
month he again wrote the president: " There are two persons en- 
gaged to go to Nova Scotia on the business recommended in your 
last. By the best information we have from thence, the stores, etc., 
have been withdrawn some time. Should this not be the case it is 
next to an impossibility to attempt anything there in the present un- 
settled and precarious state of the army. ' ' On the 30th of January, 
1776, he wrote again from Cambridge, that even if the persons sent 
for information to Nova Scotia should report favourably on troops 
being sent there, he had no troops that he could send. It would be 
quite inadvisable, he thought, to raise troops "in the eastern parts 
of this government. ' ' 

On the 16th of February, 1776, it was resolved in Congress that 
this body ' ' submit the expediency and practicability of an expedition 
to Nova Scotia to General Washington, and would by no means ac- 
cept the plan proposed by Thompson and Obrian so far as relates to 
Tory property nor the destruction of the town of Halifax. ' ' On the 
27th of March, 1776, General Washington wrote Congress that Colo- 
nel Eddy had brought him a petition from Nova Scotia which stated 
that the people of that province were afraid they would have to take 
up arms unless they were protected. The Nova Scotians think, 
Washington says, that it would be better if five or six hundred 
troops could be sent them, the presence of whom would quiet the 
people 's fears, and would also prevent the Indians taking sides with 
the government. He is uncertain what had better be done, "for if 
the army is going to Halifax, as reported by them ICol. Eddy and 
whoever were his colleagues in presenting the appeal] before they 
left, such a force, or much more, would not avail." On the 8th of 



July, 1776, Congress resolved "that General Washington have per- 
mission to call forth and engage in the service of Nova Scotia so 
many Indians of the St. John's, Nova Scotia, and Penobscot tribes 
as he shall judge necessary, and that he be desired to write to the 
General Court of the Massachusetts Bay requesting their aid in this 
business and informing them that Congress will reimburse such ex- 
penses as may be necessarily incurred in consequence of the fore- 
going resolutions. ' ' 

On the 30th of December, 1776, and the 7th of January, 1777, 
further resolutions were passed by Congress showing that the reduc- 
tion of Nova Scotia was still under consideration, and on the 8th of 
January, 1777, a resolution was passed that the Council of the State 
of Massachusetts be desired "to attend to the situation of the ene- 
my" in Nova Scotia, and if this body thought that an attack on Fort 
Cumberland could advantageously be made in that winter or the fol- 
lowing spring, "whereby the dockyard and other works, together 
with such stores as could not easily be removed," should be de- 
stroyed, its members were empowered to raise a body of not more 
than three thousand men, under such officers as they should appoint, 
to carry on the said expedition and to provide military stores and 
convey them to such of the eastern parts of the state as they should 
think best. On the 29th of April, 1777, at a board of war, it was re- 
solved that if fifteen complete battalions should be furnished by New 
Hampshire and Massachusetts, three of these might be employed in 
Nova Scotia in such ways as should be thought most conducive to 
the general advantage, either for offensive operations or to give pro- 
tection to the friends of the United States in this province. 

What seems to have been the last important resolve of Congress 
in reference to an invasion of Nova Scotia was made on the 21st of 
May, 1778, and in negation of such a design. On that date Congress 
accepted the report of a committee to whom the matter of such in- 
vasion had been referred, to the effect "that the wresting of Nova 
Scotia from the British power and uniting the same to these states 
is for many weighty reasons a very desirable object, but that the 
propriety of making this attempt at the present crisis seems doubt- 
ful; and upon the whole it appears wise to wait a while, until the 
event of a war taking place between France and Great Britain, and 



the consequences that may have upon the British force on this 
continent, shall render an attempt upon Nova Scotia more likely to 
succeed." If, however, any urgent occasion for immediate action 
should arise, the council of Massachusetts was empowered to furnish 
the people of Nova Scotia who were loyal to the United States with 
a force not to exceed two regiments, to assist in reducing the prov- 

The exact number of English speaking people in Nova Scotia, in- 
cluding the present New Brunswick and the island of Cape Breton, 
in 1775, we are not able to give, but it was probably, as we have 
stated, somewhat under twenty thousand, and of these inhabitants 
not far from three-quarters, it is estimated, were people who or 
whose parents had been born in Massachusetts, Connecticut, or 
Ehode Island, and who naturally shared the spirit of liberty which 
so generally animated the people who still remained in the New Eng- 
land colonies from which they had come. In a recently published 
monograph on that extraordinary man Alexander McNutt, who, 
with vision and energy but apparently without sufficient business in- 
tegrity or judgment for carrying such an enterprise successfully 
through, tried between 1759 and 1765 to colonize Nova Scotia with 
North of Ireland people, we have shown that McNutt repeatedly 
appealed to Congress to take active measures to capture the prov- 
ince for the Revolution. 4 When the Revolution broke out he was 
living in retirement on an island in Shelburne harbour on the south- 
ern shore of Nova Scotia, having long before ceased his efforts for 
colonization, and his antagonism towards the Nova Scotia authori- 
ties, and doubtless towards British rule at large, impelled him to use 
his utmost energies in trying to induce Congress to take forcible 

4. Our monograph on Alexander McNutt (Americana magazine, December, 1913) 
shows that in January and March, 1779, respectively, McNutt appealed to the Congress 
to assist the Nova Scotians to revolt. His appeals were referred to a committee, which 
reported in April, 1779. The report proposed that in order to deliver Nova Scotia from 
"British despotism" a road should be opened from Penobscot to the St. John river, and 
that to prosecute the work a body of men not exceeding fifteen hundred should be en- 
gaged, and the sum of fifteen thousand dollars should be advanced. What debate there 
may have been on this report we do not know, but the recommendations of the commit- 
tee were not acted on. On the 2gth of February, 1779, Benjamin Franklin writes Comte 
de Vergennes : "While the English continue to possess the ports of Halifax, Rhode Isl- 
and, and New York, they can refit their ships of war in those seas, defend more easily 
their fisheries, and interrupt more effectually by their cruisers the commerce between 
France and America." Life and Writings of Benjamin Franklin, Vol. 7, p. 235. 

1 88 


measures to wrest Nova Scotia from the authority of the Crown. In 
his appeals, moreover, McNutt claimed to be acting not by any 
means without authorization from the people of Nova Scotia itself, 
but rather as the appointed agent of a large body of intelligent Nova 
Scotians who were thoroughly disaffected towards the British Gov- 
ernment. That McNutt, as he moved about Nova Scotia, with the 
island in Shelburne harbour as his base, using his influence to em- 
bitter the people among whom he went against English rule, found 
in several parts of the province very widespread sympathy with the 
Revolution is now a perfectly well recognized fact. "A very large 
proportion of the immigrants from the Atlantic States," writes a 
well known Nova Scotian, "were open and avowed sympathizers 
with the war against the mother country. From Cumberland to On- 
slow, and from Falmouth to Yarmouth they formed an overwhelm- 
ing majority." 5 

When the Assembly met at Halifax in June, 1770, the Governor, 
Lord William Campbell, reported to the Home Authorities that he 
did not discover in Nova Scotia "any of that licentious principle 
with which the neighbouring colonies are so highly infected. ' ' Camp- 
bell 's immediate predecessor, Governor Wilmot, who died in 1766, 
had made virtually the same report; some time in his administra- 
tion he had written that * ' the sentiments of a decent and dutiful ac- 
quiescence ' ' prevailed among the people under his jurisdiction. Yet 
as early as July 24, 1762, the inhabitants of Liverpool had strongly 
protested against any interference by the governor with what they 
claimed as their rights, saying that they were born in a country of 
liberty, and were not to be autocratically ruled. By this spirit it is 
evident the people of the province generally were controlled, and in 
the earlier stages of the Revolution it manifested itself in almost 
every place where New England or North of Ireland people in con- 
siderable numbers had settled. 

Probably the earliest active expression of such spirit was in the 
remote colony on Moose Island, in Passamaquoddy Bay, where 
the town of Eastport (Maine) now stands. This island, the final 
ownership of which as of other territory about Passamaquoddy Bay 

5. This statement is made by Mr. W. C. Milner, agent for the Dominion Archives 
in Nova Scotia, in his "Records of Chignecto," p. 46. 



and the river St. Croix, which flows into it, was not settled until long- 
after the Revolution, was at that time popularly regarded as within 
the jurisdiction of Nova Scotia, and the settlers there, some ten fam- 
ilies at least, were probably all from New England, though two or 
three of them were clearly of North of Ireland stock. 6 In the Jour- 
nals of the Continental Congress we find under date of November 2, 
1775, that "the inhabitants of Passamaquoddy, in Nova Scotia, hav- 
ing chosen a Committee of Safety, and having by their petition ap- 
plied to the Congress to be admitted into the Association of the 
North Americans for the promotion of their rights and liberties," it 
was resolved that a committee of five should be appointed to take the 
matter into consideration and report what steps it would be best 
to take in consideration of the appeal. 

On the 14th of May, 1776, a large proportion of the heads of fam- 
ilies settled at Maugerville, on the St. John river, all we believe 
from Massachusetts, assembled in the meeting-house there and 
voted the strongest resolutions of sympathy with New England, ap- 
pointing a committee to go to the Massachusetts General Court and 
beg for its protection and help. "It is our minds and desire," say 
the men, "to submit ourselves to the government of Massachusetts 
Bay, and we are ready with our lives and fortunes to share with- 
them the event of the present struggle for liberty, however God in 
his providence may order it." 7 To the Massachusetts legislature, 
accordingly, the committee went, and on the General Court records 
of the Bay State we find the terms of their petition clearly stated. 
The committee express deep sorrow at the general calamity brought 
on America by a ruinous and destructive civil war, and complain bit- 
terly of the impositions they and the people they represent have 

6. "The New England period in Passamaquoddy history began about 1763. From 
1760 there had been a general movement from the older provinces to Nova Scotia, and 
many thousands from New England settled in the peninsula, while a few hundreds 
came to what is now New Brunswick. In 1763 various settlers began to locate about Pas- 
samaquoddy." New Brunswick Historical Society's Collections, Vol. i, p. 211. Men named 
Bowen, Boynton, Clark, Cochran, Crow, Ricker, Shackford, and Tuttle, are said to have 
received grants of land on Moose Island, which was probably the first considerable set- 
tlement in the Passamaquoddy region, between 1772 and 1774, and it seems likely that in 
summer at least many others resorted to the island for fishing. See Lorenzo Sabine's, 
"Moose Island, ".in W. H. Kilby's "Eastport and Passamaquoddy," p. 141, and appendix 
A. of this book, pp. 490, 491. 

7. Archdeacon Raymond's "St. John River," etc., p. 434. 



suffered from oppressive acts of his Majesty's Government. The 
governor of Nova Scotia, they say, "having thought proper effect- 
ually to prevent their being supplied with arms and ammunition by 
ordering a large penalty on any of those articles being shipped into 
the province, at the same time requiring them to assemble in military 
array and by force of arms repel all invaders, martial law pro- 
claimed throughout the province and civil authority made subordi- 
nate, exorbitant taxes required of them to support the war against 
the United Colonies, under these circumstances they find it imprac- 
ticable for them to continue as neutors and to subsist without com- 
merce, and they therefore now openly declare that they could never 
see any shadow of justice in that extensive claim of the British Par- 
liament of the right of enacting laws binding the colonies in all cases 
whatever, that as tyranny ought to be resisted in its first appearance 
they are convinced that the united provinces are just in their pro- 
ceedings in this regard. ' ' 

To both houses of the Massachusetts legislature this appeal was 
presented and in the minutes of the General Court we find recorded, 
that the St. John river people, "after mature consideration have 
thought fit to submit themselves to this Government and desire its 
protection and promise to adopt such measures as this Government 
shall propose for their future conduct and are ready with their lives 
and fortunes to share with this colony the event of the present strug- 
gle for liberty; they therefore humbly ask protection as a defence- 
less people, and that the Honourable Court will grant such relief 
and assistance as is proper, hoping that the Honourable Court will 
not tamely see them butchered or plundered for showing themselves 
friendly to the cause of America. ' ' 8 

Beginning in the autumn of 1776, various men of Massachusetts 
birth who had settled in Yarmouth and Harrington, in the peninsula 

8. This petition, as we have said, was presented to both houses, and it was ordered 
that the commissary-general should give the agents of the St. John river people (Asa 
Perley and Asa Kimball) one barrel of gunpowder, three hundred and fifty flints, and 
two hundred and fifty weight of lead from the colony stores, and that the agents should 
have liberty to purchase in Massachusetts forty stand of small arms for the use of 
their constituents. The committees of correspondence and safety, also in any of the 
seaports of Massachusetts, were directed to grant permits to them to transport the 
same or any other goods from port to port within the colony. Records of the General 
Court of Massachusetts, vol. 35, pp. 65, 66, 85. 



of Nova Scotia, appealed to the Massachusetts General Court for 
permission to return with their families and effects to their native 
province, to escape the hardships they were suffering from the inter- 
ruption of friendly relations between Nova Scotia and the Bay State. 
"We look on ourselves," some of these petitioners say, as being "as 
unhappily situated as any people in the world; being settlers from 
the Massachusetts Bay, for whose welfare we earnestly pray, having 
fathers, brothers, and children living there." Throughout the strug- 
gle then going on, they continue, they have remained loyal to the 
cause of liberty, and have done everything in their power to assist 
men still living in Massachusetts who have happened to visit them 
to get back in safety to their New England homes. Of the distress 
to which they have been brought by the interruption of trade be- 
tween Nova Scotia and Massachusetts, and the consequent lack of 
markets for their fish, they give a melancholy account, and they pray 
that provisions shall be sent them for the ensuing winter and until 
such time as they can remove from Nova Scotia to their former 
homes, "unless these tremendous times are stinted, which God grant 
maybe soon." 9 

In Cumberland County, near the Chignecto Isthmus, and in what 
is now Colchester County, the inhabitants of two townships of which, 
Truro and Londonderry wholly, and the third, Onslow, in part, were 
people of North of Ireland stock, sympathy with New England and 
antagonism to the actions of the Nova Scotia Government were very 
strong. An oath of allegiance which the Government attempted to 
enforce on all adult males in Truro and Onslow in 1777 was stoutly 
refused by all except five to whom it was offered. In King's County, 
also, whose inhabitants had almost all come from the towns of east- 

9. "In the [Massachusetts] House of Representatives, Nov. 15, 1776, whereas it 
appears to this Court that the within petitioners, inhabitants of Barrington in Nova 
Scotia, have proved themselves firm friends to the United States of America, and on 
that account are determined as soon as may be to transport themselves and their fam- 
ilies from that province to this state in order to get out of the reach of British tyranny: 
And it being represented that the inhabitants of Barrington, from a determined refusal 
of trade with the enemies of America have exposed themselves to great hardships 
through want of such provisions as are necessary to support them until they can be re- 
moved ; therefore Resolved that the prayer of the within petition be so far granted as 
that the within named Heman Kenney, be and he thereby is permitted to pur- 
chase and export from any town or place in this state to said Barrington, solely for the 
purpose of enabling the said inhabitants thereof to transport themselves from thence to 
this state, 250 bushels of corn, 30 barrels of pork, 2 hogsheads of molasses, 2 do. of rum, 
200 Ibs. of coffee." "In Council Nov. 16, 1776, Read and Concurred." 



ern Connecticut, according to tradition a liberty pole was cut and was 
about to be erected when a company of Orange Rangers from Hali- 
fax appeared on the scene and prevented the rebellious demonstra- 
tion. 10 

In Cumberland the disaffection was almost as universal and bit- 
ter as in Maugerville, the "rebels" there numbering, it is said, about 
two hundred men, many of them heads of families and persons of 
the largest means and the highest consequence. In this county, near 
the isthmus which connects New Brunswick with Nova Scotia, was 
situated the most important fort in the Nova Scotian peninsula next 
to the much older one at Annapolis Royal, the little fortification 
known when it was in French hands as Beausejour, but after it was 
finally captured by New England troops in 1755 as Fort Cumber- 
land. In August, 1775, it was reported at Halifax that the "New 
England rebels" had cleared a road from St. John river to Shepody 
to enable a force to march on this fort. In October, 1776, another 
report was made to the authorities that a force was being gathered 
on the frontier having the same purpose in view, and the truth of 
this report was soon to be established. One of the Cumberland set- 
tlers from Massachusetts, a native of the town of Norton, was a cer- 
tain Jonathan Eddy, who had taken up his residence in Cumberland 
either in 1760 or a little later. With profound sympathy with the 
Revolution this man in August, 1776, had gone to the Massachusetts 
General Court with a petition, in which he was joined by William 
Howe and Zebulon Rowe, other Massachusetts men, neighbors of 
his in Cumberland, setting forth that "the enemy" were repairing 
the forts in Nova Scotia to the great disturbance of the inhabitants 
of Cumberland, their object clearly being "to keep the people in 
subjection to their tyrannical measures." 11 The greater part of the 

10. We have mentioned this tradition in our "History of King's County, Nova Sco- 
tia," pp. 431, 432, but what authority it has we do not know. 

11. See a "Memoir of Colonel Jonathan Eddy of Eddington, Maine," etc., by Joseph 
W. Porter, Augusta, Maine, 1877. Jonathan Eddy was a son of Eleazer Eddy and his 
wife Elizabeth (Cobb) of Norton, Mass., and was born in 1726. In 1755 he was an offi- 
cer in Col. Winslow's regiment in Nova Scotia, in 1758 he raised a company for the re- 
duction of Canada, in 1759 he raised a company for Colonel Joseph Frye's regiment, m 
which he served as captain from April 2, 1759, to December 31, 1759. He left active ser- 
vice in 1760, when he probably went at once to Cumberland, Nova Scotia. There he 
served as deputy provost marshal and in other offices. March 27, 1776, it is said, he 
came to General Washington's headquarters at Cambridge with his petition from Nov 



Nova Scotians, Eddy declares, were much concerned at the acts of 
their authorities, many being so troubled that they had already left 
their farms to be confiscated and had returned to the province of 
their birth. The only way that proper relief could come to the peo- 
ple on whose behalf he was petitioning, he says, would be by the 
General Court's granting them a small force with ammunition and 
provisions so that they could "destroy the enemy's forts." The re- 
sponse of the Massachusetts legislature to Eddy's appeal was a 
resolution that the commissary general be directed to deliver to him 
and his fellow petitioners two hundred pounds of gunpowder, five 
hundred weight of musket balls, three hundred gun flints, and twenty 
barrels of pork. 12 At the same time the court ordered that James 
Bowdoin, Walter Spooner, and Henry Gardner, Esq., with such 
others as the legislature should join with them, should be a commit- 
tee "to make inquiry into the intention and dispositions of the in- 
habitants of Nova Scotia respecting the cause now in dispute be- 
tween the United States and Great Britain, to consider the probabil- 
ity of effecting a revolution in that province, and of the way [of] 
and means for effecting the same. ' m 

The "Eddy rebellion" in Cumberland is one of the most highly 
dramatic and best remembered events in the history of Nova Scotia. 
In his volume "The River St. John," Archdeacon Raymond de- 
scribes the beginning of it as follows. "In July, 1776, Eddy set out 
from Boston and proceeded to Machias [Maine]. He left that 
place about the middle of August in a schooner with twenty-eight 
men as a nucleus of his proposed army. At Passamaquoddy a few 
people joined him. He did not meet with much encouragement at 
St. John, although Hazen, Simonds, and White refrained from any 
hostile demonstration. 14 Proceeding up the river to Maugerville, Ed- 

12. On September 4, 1776, it was resolved that whereas the General Court by a re- 
solve on September 2d, had directed the commissary general to deliver to Jonathan 
Eddy, William Howe, and Zebulon Rowe ammunition and provisions, these men having 
represented that they wanted bread rather than pork, the commissary should be directed 
to deliver to them only ten barrels of pork and as much bread as would amount to the 
value of ten barrels of pork. Records of the General Court, Vol. 35, p. 200. 

13. General Court Records, Vol. 35, pp. 194. 

14. Messrs. Hazen, Simonds, and White were New England men and conspicuous 
traders at what is now St. John, New Brunswick. At the outbreak of the Revolution, 
says Dr. Raymond, their situation was very embarrassing, they would very likely most 
gladly "have assumed a neutral attitude in the approaching contest," but they held small 



dy says, he found the people ' almost universally hearty in our cause ; 
they joined us with one captain, one lieutenant, and twenty-five men, 
as also sixteen Indians.' ... On his arrival at Cumberland, 
Eddy was joined by many of the settlers, but his whole force did not 
exceed two hundred men, badly equipped and without artillery. ' n5 

Colonel Eddy's attack on the fort and the failure of his enterprise 
is described in a letter of the leader himself to the General Court. 
His force consisted of a hundred and eighty men, but a hundred of 
these he had felt it necessary to send to other points. With the 
eighty that remained he proceeded to the fort, to which he began at 
once to lay siege. The force within, commanded by Lieutenant-Col- 
onel Joseph Gorham, consisted of a hundred men, and these for sev- 
eral days kept the besieging party at bay. On the 27th of Novem- 
ber an armed ship arrived from Halifax with nearly four hundred 
soldiers from the garrison there, and some of these entered the fort. 
On the 30th, two hundred soldiers rushed out of the fort to the tem- 
porary barracks where Eddy's men were quartered and ordered 
the besiegers away. Without making any further resistance, it 
would seem, which indeed would have been useless, Eddy and his 
men retreated to the St. John river and the fort remained secure in 
British hands." 16 

In a letter of Colonel John Allan of Cumberland, a British born 
man, who had been a member of the Nova Scotia legislature, but 
who was one of the strongest sympathizers in this part of Nova 
Scotia with the Eddy invasion, 17 written to the Massachusetts Gen- 
official positions under the Nova Scotia Government and they had sworn allegiance to 
the King, they therefore remained nominally loyal. Dr. Raymond's "St. John River," 
p. 427. 

15. This statement does not seem harmonious with the records of the Massachu- 
setts General Court, which give the date of Eddy's appeal to that body for munitions of 
war and provisions as the month of August. The extract from Dr. Raymond's book 
given here will be found on pp. 437, 438 of the volume. 

1.6. A young Cumberland man, Richard John Uniacke, who afterward rose to exalted 
position in Halifax, was concerned in the revolt. He was sent prisoner to Halifax. Soon 
after his release he went to England to complete his law studies. In 1782, he became so- 
licitor general of Nova Scotia, in 1783 member of the assembly for Sackville, and later 
speaker of the house, attorney-general, and member of the council. He died October 10, 

17. Colonel John Allan between 1769 and 1776 was Justice of the Peace, clerk of 
sessions, and of the Supreme Court, and representative to the assembly, and held other 
local offices. From the beginning of 1776 he was suspected of treasonable practices. 
For his career and for an interesting genealogical account of the Allan family see Fred- 
erick Kidder's "Eastern Maine and Nova Scotia ir, the Revolution." One of John Allan's 



eral Court on the 19th of February, 1777, Colonel Allan declares 
that most of the English and all the French capable of bearing arms 
in the northern part of Nova Scotia joined the Eddy force. In the 
rush of the garrison upon the invading troops, he tells us, only one 
invader, and he a white man, was killed; the rest fled pre- 
cipitately, the garrison troops following them for the dis- 
tance of six miles. On the way, the pursuing party burned twelve 
houses and twelve barns, "in which was contained one-quarter of 
the bread of the country. " To the residents of Cumberland who had 
assisted the invasion, Colonel Gorham soon issued a proclamation 
of pardon if they would lay down their arms, but the majority of 
them, it would seem, before long with their families fled across the 
border of Massachusetts into what is now the State of Maine, at a 
town called Eddington in 1785 being rewarded for their sympathy 
with the Revolution by grants of land ranging in size from fifteen 
hundred to a hundred and fifty acres. 

The task of government in Nova Scotia in these suspicious and 
troubled times was attended by the greatest agitation among both 
public officials and the people who surrounded them. Indeed at Hal- 
ifax, especially, where the supreme authority was exercised, there 
was among government officials and the people of all occupations 
and ranks such deep-seated apprehension and continual fear that 
Mr. Murdoch forcibly says the Haligonians lived "under a reign of 
terror." On the 8th of October, 1773, Major Francis Legge had 
taken the oath of office as governor-in-chief , and his stay in the prov- 
ince lasted until May 12, 1776. In the first momentous years of the 
Revolution, therefore, he was at the head of all governmental activ- 
ities, and if any local-governmental influence was needed to fan the 
flame of disaffection against the Crown, if such existed, among the 
people at large, into a raging fire, his suspicious and utterly unsym- 
pathetic temper was calculated to furnish that influence. In alarm- 
ing dispatches to England he charged rank disloyalty not only on 
the people generally throughout the province but on the members of 

sisters was Jean Allan, born in April, 1759, who was married 7 February 1775, to the Hon. 
Thomas Cochran of Halifax, and reared there a family of great local importance. See a 
monograph by this author on the Cochran and Inglis families. 



both houses of the provincial legislature as well. 18 On the first of 
January, 1776, he wrote the Earl of Dartmouth that the great ad- 
vances the rebels were making in Canada, and the determination of 
these people to capture Nova Scotia for the Revolution gave him 
great apprehension. He had had a law passed, he says, to enroll a 
fifth of the militia for active service and had tried to put the men in 
arms, but that the people of at least two important counties, An- 
napolis and Kings, as he understood, had refused to be enrolled. In 
the town of Halifax he had proclaimed martial law, and he had nom- 
inated a council of war to conduct the military defence of the prov- 
ince in general with secrecy and dispatch. On the llth of January 
he enclosed to the Earl memorials from the inhabitants of Truro, 
Onslow, and Cumberland against the law to arm the militia, and said 
that a similar spirit of obstinate revolt existed in all the remoter 
districts. 19 

In November, 1776, after Legge had left the province and the gov- 
ernment had passed into the hands of a lieutenant-governor and the 
Council, occurred the Eddy invasion, and the news of this and the 
rumor that still more powerful measures w T ere contemplated to cap- 
ture Nova Scotia threw all the authorities at Halifax into a panic of 
fear. Immediately a nightly patrol of the town was established, 
and a regular inquiry instituted into the characters and employ- 
ments of all persons entering the town. Strangers coming from the 
country or elsewhere were ordered to report at the Provincial Sec- 

18. Lieutenant-Governor, the Hon. Michael Francklin, between whom and Legge 
there was very bad feeling, on the 2d of January, 1776, wrote the Earl of Dartmouth: 
"It is with the utmost reluctance I am now obliged to inform your lordship there is great 
reason to believe and it is confidently asserted that the Governor has made representa- 
tions of the officers of government, and that few or none of the inhabitants of this prov- 
ince in general, not even the officers of this government but are disaffected, and are in- 
clinable to give countenance and assistance to the rebels now in arms against the Crown. 
If it be true that Governor Legge has made such representations, I do avow and assert 
that such representations are totally untrue and without foundation, which can be made 
to appear by a thousand instances." Murdoch's "History of Nova Scotia," Vol. 2, pp. 564, 


19. The petitions from Cumberland, Truro and Onslow all urge that if the hus- 
bands and fathers were obliged to enroll in the militia and leave their homes, their fam- 
ilies would have no means of support, the Truro petition adds in addition that the settle- 
ments would be utterly defenceless against attack if the men were thus drawn off. 
"Those of us," the Cumberland people say, "who belong to New England being invited 
into this province by Governor Lawrence's proclamation, it must be the greatest piece 
of cruelty and imposition for them to be subjected to march into different parts of 
America, and that done by order of his Majesty." 



retary's office, and all persons under the least suspicion were obliged 
to give security for good behaviour. In May, 1777, as we have seen, 
an effort was made to exact from all the men of Truro, Onslow, and 
perhaps Londonderry, a majority of whom were North of Ireland 
Presbyterians, an oath of allegiance to Britain, but this oath all the 
men of these townships with the exception of five, as we have also 
seen, positively refused to take. In punishment of their disloyalty 
the Council with amusing inappropriateness resolved to prosecute 
these rigid Protestants as Popish recusants. 

Precisely how much ground Governor Legge had for accusing the 
members of the Council of sympathy with the Revolution it is not 
easy now to say. Three, at least, of them, Binney, Gorham, and Mor- 
ris, were natives of Massachusetts, and Newton was of Massachu- 
setts stock, and there is no sufficient reason why they may not all 
have shared to some extent the spirit which animated their friends 
and relatives in Boston who took the popular side. 20 Of the Nova 
Scotia House of Assembly, out of a total of thirty-three members 
representing the province at large, no less than twenty-four were 
New England men, while other important public officials like the 
chief surveyor, the solicitor-general, the provincial treasurer, the 
judge of admiralty for appeals, and the register and marshal of the 
court of admiralty were of New England birth. Concerning the Bos- 
ton born head of the judiciary, the Honourable Chief Justice Jona- 
than Belcher, who however died on the 30th of March, 1776, the tra- 
dition is emphatic that he was distinctly in sympathy with the Revo- 
lution. That Governor Legge was not far wrong in accusing the 
New Englanders, including the New Hampshire Scotch-Irish, in the 
province at large, of perfect readiness to separate themselves from 
British rule, we have given, as we believe, irrefutable proof. 

20. The number of British born men in the Council up to this time had always 
t>een greater than of American born. In 1777 the council seems to have had but ten 
members, instead of twelve, the full number, the men of as we suppose British birth be- 
ing, Richard Bulkeley, James Burrow, John Butler, John Creighton, Michael Franck- 
lin, and Arthur Goold. Of these, undoubtedly the most influential was Michael Franck- 
lin, who indeed had married into a conservative Boston family, but who retained 
throughout his life a strong sympathy with England, from which country he had come. 
That the Nova Scotia Council contained a majority of men born in Britain is to be ac- 
counted for by the fact that in 1777 civil government in the province had existed only 
twenty-eight years, and that since no men in public life were natives of Nova Scotia, 
the successive English governors had preferred to surround themselves with men born 
in Britain rather than men born in the New England colonies. 



Of the influential Halifax merchants of New England birth, 
whose trade had been in large measure with Boston, there were some 
at least who without any doubt sympathized preponderatingly with 
the colonies from which they had come. Among the reputable mer- 
chants who had been in the town almost since Cornwallis landed were 
Joseph Fairbanks and John Fillis. In the early summer of 1775, Fair- 
banks gathered a cargo of hay for the British troops at Boston and 
had it ready for shipment. Suddenly it took fire, and some one sent 
a statement to Boston that Fillis in conjunction with another New 
England trader named Smith had had a hand in burning it. On the 
16th of June, Fillis and Smith complained to the House of Assembly 
that they were greatly distressed by this unjust report and "were 
unable to detect the vile traducers of their characters," they there- 
fore begged the legislature to exonerate them. In testimony against 
them was the declaration of Mr. Richard Cunningham, who had re- 
cently returned from Boston, that he had been told there that Gen- 
eral Gage had a list of persons in Halifax disaffected to the Crown, 
and that the first names on that list were those of Fillis and Smith, 
the former of whom, at least, Gage had been told had had a part in 
burning the hay. Whether there was any truth in the accusation or 
not we cannot tell, but the House of Assembly cleared the merchants 
of the charge, declaring that the gentlemen in question were dutiful 
and loyal subjects of King George the Third, and had behaved with 
decency and good order. The reports against their loyalty, the As- 
sembly voted, were "base, infamous, and false" charges. 

Another of the most notable Boston born merchants in Halifax, 
and probably the earliest of these who had settled in the town, was 
Malachy Salter. On the 10th of October, 1777, an order was passed 
in council for Salter 's arrest on a charge of treasonable correspond- 
ence with the rebels, and prosecution against him was ordered. 
Somewhat later he was allowed to give a thousand pounds security 
for his good behaviour and was remanded for trial at the next term 
of the Supreme Court. How long he had been under suspicion we 
cannot tell, put this action of the council explains the fact that a 
month before~"the order was given, Salter, then in Boston, had peti- 
tioned the Massachusetts General Court for liberty to transfer him- 



self and his family and their effects from Halifax to the province of 
his birth. "Your petitioner," he says to the Massachusetts Legisla- 
ture, "was formerly an inhabitant of the town of Boston, but has for 
many years past resided at Halifax in Nova Scotia, where he has a 
considerable interest in real and personal estate, but having suffered 
severely, both in person and property, on account of his political 
principles, and for the favor and assistance he afforded to the Amer- 
ican seamen and others in captivity there, his residence in that prov- 
ince must render him very unhappy ; Your petitioner therefore hum- 
bly prays that he may have liberty to depart for Halifax and return 
as soon as he conveniently can with his family and effects, to settle 
in this State, without molestation of any armed vessel, or any other 
person by land or water, belonging to the United States of America, 
and that your Honors will be pleased to grant him a certificate for 
his protection, and your petitioner as in duty bound shall ever pray, 
etc. ' ' This petition was presented to the General Court on the 15th 
of September, 1777, and two days later was granted by both houses. 21 
At his trial by the Nova Scotia Supreme Court, however, Mr. Salter 
was honourably acquitted. 

That the Nova Scotians at large, even in remote rural settlements, 
kept themselves fairly well informed concerning the progress of 
events in New England throughout the whole of the war we have 
every reason to believe. The first Nova Scotia newspaper, the Nova 
Scotia Chronicle and Weekly Advertiser, published at Halifax, be- 
gan its career in January, 1769, and in whatever it said about poli- 
tics it showed sympathy for the most part with the assertion of 
colonial rights. In its modest columns "the question of war and of 
separation of the colonies from Great Britain was freely discussed 
six years before the first shot was fired at Lexington, and the people 
were informed that great numbers of Englishmen looked on America 
as in rebellion. ' ' Besides this means of gaining knowledge of polit- 
ical movements in New England, the Nova Scotians were in frequent 
receipt, through the coming into their harbours from Boston of trad- 
ing and fishing vessels, of newspapers printed in the Massachusetts 

21. See the Massachusetts Archives, Vol. 183, p. 136, General Court Records, Vol. 
38, p. 29. Also Edmund Duval Poole's "Yarmouth and Harrington in the Revolutionary 
War," p. 32. 



capital, and of news by word of mouth from the captains and crews 
of these vessels and occasional passengers which the vessels brought. 
When the stamp act was passed in 1770, the Liverpool people showed 
public marks of discontent with it, and we cannot doubt that the peo- 
ple of other counties of which we have spoken were just as strong in 
denouncing it as they. 

The weightiest influence on Nova Scotia in favor of the Revolution 
was of course, to a people struggling for a prosperous existence, not 
so much political sentiment as the pressure of economic necessity. 
On the 17th of May, 1775, it was resolved by Congress "that all ex- 
portations to Quebec, Nova Scotia, the Island of St. Johns [Prince 
Edward Island], Newfoundland, Georgia, except the parish of St. 
Johns, 22 and East and West Florida should immediately cease, and 
that no provisions of any kind, or other necessaries, be furnished to 
the British fisheries on the American coasts until it be otherwise de- 
termined by the Congress." 23 In the spirit of this resolution of Con- 
gress, on the 5th of July, 1775, Governor Legge issued a proclama- 
tion forbidding all persons in Nova Scotia to correspond with or in 
any way assist the rebels in New England, and directed the justices 
of the peace throughout the province to publish the order and cause 
it to be read several times in all places of public worship. A second 
proclamation, also, under a recent act of the Assembly, was issued 
by him, forbidding arms, gunpowder, ammunition, or saltpetre be- 
ing exported or carried coastwise except by license from himself. 

In the Massachusetts General Court, likewise, on the 9th of April, 
1776, the following prohibitive statute was passed: "Whereas it is 
apprehended that some of the inhabitants of this colony may be in- 
duced from a regard to their own interest to employ their vessels the 
ensuing season in the business of fishing, and in order to avoid the 
inconveniences they may be exposed to by an act of parliament pro- 
hibiting all manner of trade and commerce with the united colonies 

22. "Well governed and generously treated by Parliament, Georgia had little cause 
to aspire after independence, but St. John's Parish sent a delegate to the Second Conti- 
nental Congress in March, 1775, and its example was followed by other parishes. In 
1778, the British captured Savannah, and in 1779 Augusta and Sunbury. Savannah was 
held by the British until 1782. The first State Constitution was framed, however, in 
February, 1777, and on January 2, 1788, the Federal Constitution was ratified." New 
International Encyclopoedia, Vol. 9, p. 633. 

23. See "Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, 1774-1775," p. 313. 

2O I 


and declaring forfeited all such vessels and cargoes, etc., as shall be 
taken belonging to the same, may make over the property of their 
vessels to some inhabitant of Nova Scotia; to the intent therefore 
that no inhabitant of this colony may unwarily go into such a method 
of conduct, it is resolved that if any inhabitant of this colony shall 
upon any pretence whatever transfer his property in any vessel to an 
inhabitant of the province of Nova Scotia he will therefore violate a 
resolve of the congress prohibiting all intercourse with the inhabit- 
ants of that province, and of course may expect to be obliged to sub- 
mit to the pains and penalties due to such an offence. ' ' 24 

Besides the strict prohibition of trade with the other colonies un- 
less she would come frankly into the Revolution, by which her people 
were reduced to great distress, Nova Scotia suffered greatly from 
the depredations of Massachusetts privateers. As early as 1775, 
armed vessels were fitted out at various places in Massachusetts to 
prey on Nova Scotia vessels, and even on private property on land in 
places that were accessible from the sea. 25 The crews that manned 
these vessels in some cases well deserved the name that has been 
given them of "brutal marauders," for their conduct was so out- 
rageous that even friends of the Revolution in the province were 
forced to remonstrate to Congress against their piracies. During 
the autumn of 1776, says Archdeacon Raymond, "the Bay of Fundy 
was so infested with pirates and picaroons that the war vessels 
Vulture, Hope, and Albany were ordered around from Halifax. But 
they were not entirely successful in furnishing protection, for the 
privateers managed sometimes to steal past the large ships in the 
night and in fogs, and continued to pillage the defenceless inhabit- 
ants." 26 

' * Throughout the whole period of the war, ' ' says Mr. Edmund Du- 
val Poole, "the Massachusetts General Court was in almost constant 
receipt of petitions from individual inhabitants of Yarmouth, Bar- 

24. Records of the Massachusetts General Court, Vol. 34, pp. 740, 741. See also p. 

25. In 1775, people in the interior parts of the province made earnest appeals to 
the Government at Halifax for ammunition for their guns, to prevent the depredations 
of pirates. 

26. "The River St. John, its Physical Features, Legends, and History, from 1604 to 
1784" (Archdeacon Raymond, LL.D., F. R. S. C), p. 437. 



rington and other places in the Province, praying leave to return 
with their families and effects. These petitions were usually 
granted, and a pass issued to each applicant, directing the com- 
manders of all ships of war and privateers belonging to the State not 
to interfere with or molest the holder on his passage between Nova 
Scotia and Massachusetts. But comparatively few availed them- 
selves of the privilege after having obtained the desired permission 
to return. It is very evident that the written passports were them- 
selves the desideratum, and were used as a means of protection 
against the reprisals of American privateers while engaged in fish- 
ing or coasting in their small shallops or schooners. In a great 
many instances our fishermen were able to save their vessels from 
capture and confiscation by this shrewd Yankee trick, although it 
did not always succeed." 

On the part of the Nova Scotians, also, not a little retaliatory 
privateering was done, New England vessels being captured and 
brought into Halifax and their crews and the passengers on them 
imprisoned there. For the confinement of these prisoners of war, 
says a recent writer, 27 the prison ships and jail were utterly inade- 
quate. Moreover, the restraints laid upon the prisoners were ex- 
tremely lax, a few were allowed to give their parole and then get 
to their homes as best they could, but large numbers of them were 
constantly escaping, and the Government does not seem to have 
made much effort to recapture them. A great many of them made 

27. This writer is the author of the very valuable articles appearing in the Halifax 
Acadian Recorder once a week, under the pseudonym "An Occasional." We have re- 
produced in a few sentences above, without quoting exactly, his remarks on the subject 
in hand. In his discussion of the subject "An Occasional" further says : "Although all 
manner of intercourse between the Colony and the Province was forbidden by both 
Governments, there was one way by which these conditions could equalize themselves, 
and the authorities necessarily shut their eyes to a great deal. From time to time as 
provisions grew scarce, it became customary for one or more of our fishermen to load 
his shallop with fish or salt (another article in great demand in the Colonies, and with 
which our people were well supplied, by reason of their trade with the West Indies), 
and to put on board as many of the ex-prisoners as were at hand or could be accom- 
modated, and boldly set sail for some Massachusetts port. Often they were held up by 
American privateers while on their way, but usually the presence of the Americans on 
board, together with the permits described above, served as a means of protection and 
they were allowed to proceed. Upon their arrival their vessels were sometimes seized 
as the property of subjects of the King of Great Britain." But the next thing in order 
would be a petition from the owners or captains of the vessels before the cargoes could 
be disposed of, "praying for liberty to sell the fish or salt, to purchase provisions with 
the proceeds, and to depart with the same. These petitions were almost invariably 



their way, sometimes through the woods, sometimes along the shore, 
to Barrington and Yarmouth, where they were sure to find friends. 

When peace between Britain and the United States was finally 
sealed, the restrictions of trade and general intercourse between 
Nova Scotia and the other colonies were of course removed, and un- 
der changed conditions, but with somewhat of the old freedom, the 
earlier relations between the closely allied peoples were resumed. 

Why Nova Scotia did not give the Revolution the strong support 
the other Atlantic seaboard colonies of Britain in America gave it 
and become a fourteenth State in the American Union, instead of 
remaining a possession of the British Crown, is a question that it is 
hardly necessary now to answer, for the answer is implicit in the 
long array of facts we have in this chapter adduced. From first to 
last there was no reluctance on the part of a great majority of the 
people to throw in their lot frankly with their friends in the New 
England colonies who had revolted against British oppression, and 
many were anxious to do so, but they were a rural people, lacking 
the necessary equipment of war, and too few in numbers and too 
scattered to make organized resistance to the authority exercised at 
Halifax, without powerful aid from the New England colonies, at all 
able to succeed. That such help from the Continental Congress or 
the Massachusetts General Court did not come we have seen, and the 
Nova Scotia government being firmly in the hands of men loyal 
to Britain, a governor-in-chief and lieutenant governor sworn to de- 
fend British authority and a council in which Englishmen rather 
than colonials were in the majority, nominal allegiance to Britain 
on the part of the whole population was preserved. Thus Nova 
Scotia in the end was left divorced in large measure from the colon- 
ies to which she was bound by the closest geographical, social, and 
commercial ties. In such unfortunate isolation she remained until 
she became a province of the Dominion of Canada in the federation 
of the provinces in 1867. 



Rowland, who was also a passenger on the "Mayflower." Eliza- 
beth (Tilley) Howland died December 21, 1687, aged eighty years. 
(See Howland II). 

NOTE. References in foregoing will be found in former or future numbers of 


Chapters in the History of Halifax, Nova Scotia 


No. XI 

"To go or not to go, that is the question ; 
Whether 'tis best to trust the inclement sky 
That scowls indignant, or the dreary Bay 
Of Fundy and Cape Sable's rocks and shoals, 
And seek our new domain in Scotia's wilds, 
Barren and bare, or stay among the rebels, 
And by our stay rouse up their keenest rage." 

The Tory's Soliloquy (printed in the New Jersey Journal). 

HE great migration of Loyalists to Nova Scotia as a 
result of the Revolution, of which the flight of the Bos- 
ton Tories thither with Howe's fleet is the picturesque 
prelude, occurred, as is well known, in the years 1782 
and 1783, especially the latter year. That by far the larger num- 
ber of these later refugees from the other Colonies landed either 
at Port Eoseway, Digby, or the mouth of the St. John river is of 
course true, but that Halifax more or less permanently received a 
share of them is equally true. In an interesting sketch of Governor 
Parr, in the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, the 
late Mr. James Macdonald says: 1 "Parr was sworn in Governor 
in October, 1782, and peace with the new Republic was arranged 
on the 30th of November, 1782. In December following, many ships 
with a large number of Loyalists and troops that had fought on the 
British side arrived from New York, and the Governor's work 
began. Every week brought its quota to swell the already over- 

i. "Memoir of Governor John Parr," by James S. Macdonald, in the Collections 
of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, vol. 14, pp. 41-78. In quoting at length from 
Mr. Macdonald we always have to revise his rhetoric. In this quotation we give his 
exact statements, but some changes in the English have been absolutely necessary and 
have been made. 



populated town. The feeding of such a multitude was a most diffi- 
cult task, and the flour mills at Sackville were kept at work night 
and day to provide bread. Parr worked steadily and methodically, 
as he had done all his life, and being a seasoned veteran was able, 
it is said, to work at times twenty out of the twenty-four hours of 
the day at the task of arranging for the subsistence of such a host. 
The greatest problem was to have them housed before the severity 
of winter came. The troops came by shiploads, and the vivid expe- 
rience of Halifax at the declaration of war was repeated. Every 
shed, outhouse, and store was crowded with people. Thousands 
were under canvas on the Citadel and at Point Pleasant, every- 
where indeed where tents could be pitched. vSt. Paul's and St. 
Matthew's churches were crowded, and hundreds were sheltered 
there for months. Cabooses and cook-houses were brought ashore 
from the ships, and the people were fed near them on Granville and 
Hollis streets. People suffered all the miseries of unsanitary con- 
ditions in an overcrowded town, and there were many deaths among 
the strangers. For months the greater number of these ten thou- 
sand refugees were fed on the streets, among the people being 
many who had been reared in luxury. ' ' 

Whether it is true that as many as ten thousand Loyalists, includ- 
ing troops that had fought on the British side, were for a longer 
or shorter period located in Halifax or not, we do not know, but the 
Tory migration at this time to the province generally had so 
direct and lasting an influence on the capital town that it becomes 
necessary to devote a chapter exclusively to it here. 

In the colony of New York, which unlike Massachusetts was a 
Eoyal or Crown Colony, a large proportion of the people, particu- 
larly of Westchester County, Queen's County (Long Island), 2 and 
Staten Island, were sympathetic with the British cause, and when 
the issue of the war became clearly unfavorable for the British, and 
finally when peace was declared, these champions of loyalty to the 

2. Of Queen's County, Long Island, Judge Jones in his "History of New \ork 
during the Revolution" says: "Nearly a third of the whole inhabitants have since the 
late peace and the recognition of American independence, preferred the rahospitabl 
wilds of Nova Scotia rather than live in a country governed by the iron and opj 
sive hand of rebellion, though settled, planted, and improved by their ancest 
a century and a half ago." 



mother country saw that nothing was left them but to emigrate. 
From the summer of 1776, when the battle of Long Island put New 
York in the hands of General Howe, for seven years this town was 
the headquarters of British rule in America. Under the protection 
of the forces garrisoned there, therefore, many of the most influ- 
ential citizens of New York, as of other colonies besides New York, 
put themselves, and this was especially true when the act of at- 
tainder, passed by the New York legislature on the 22d of October, 
1779, proscribed nearly sixty prominent citizens, "for the crime of 
adhering to the enemies of the State," declared their estates, real 
and personal, confiscated, and proclaimed that each and every of 
them who should at any time thereafter be found in any part of the 
State should be and were adjudged and declared guilty of felony, 
and should suffer death as in cases of felony, without benefit of 

Thrust from all places of public influence, robbed of their prop- 
erty, insulted by mobs, declared felons by the newly constituted 
authorities, and as we have seen, even threatened with death, they 
soon looked toward Nova Scotia, where six or seven years before 
their Boston fellow sufferers had gone, as a suitable place of refuge. 
In February, 1782, the new English ministry recalled Sir Henry 
Clinton from his command of the American forces, and in his place 
appointed Sir Guy Carleton, who arrived in New York and took 
command the following April. In November of the same year, 
provisional articles of peace were signed at Paris and then the 
necessity for the removal of the Loyalists became urgent. Sir Guy 
accordingly began a correspondence with the governor of Nova Sco- 
tia with reference to their settlement in this province, and the Loy- 
alists themselves appointed agents to whom they entrusted the most 
important matters connected with their proposed emigration. These 
agents were Lieutenant-Colonel Benjamin Thompson of Massachu- 
setts, better known as Count Kumf ord ; Lieutenant-Colonel Edward 
Winslow, Jr., of Massachusetts, Muster-Master-General of the Loy- 
alist forces employed under the Crown; Major Joshua Upham, of 
Brookfield, Massachusetts, a graduate of Harvard of the class of 
1763; the Rev. John Sayre, who at the beginning of the war was 
Eector of Trinity Church, Fairfield, Connecticut; Amos Botsford, 




of Newtown, Connecticut, a graduate of Yale, of 1763; and James 
Peters, of New York. It seems singular that of these seven New 
York agents, six should have been New England men, and only one 
a native New Yorker. 

The first emigration of New York people to Nova Scotia took 
place soon after the signing of the provisional articles at Paris. 
About two months before this, the Lieutenant-Governor of Nova 
Scotia, Sir Andrew Snape Hamond, received a letter from Sir 
Guy Carleton, in which the latter announced that more than six hun- 
dred persons wished to embark for Nova Scotia before winter, and 
a much larger number the next spring, but that he could not find 
shipping just then for more than three hundred. He recommends 
for these intending emigrants that a grant of five or six hundred 
acres shall be given each family, and three hundred acres apiece 
to single men, and that two thousand acres for a glebe and a thou- 
sand acres for a school shall be set apart in each township, no fees 
or quit-rents, whatever, to be exacted for these lands. He also 
recommends that the ''Refugees" be given materials and the assist- 
ance of workmen for their necessary building. About this time Sir 
Guy was waited on by the Rev. Dr. Seabury, then of Westchester, 
and Col. Benjamin Thompson, of the King's American Dragoons, on 
behalf of the Loyalists desiring to go to Nova Scotia. The result 
of the conference was a promise from the Commander-in-Chief that 
they should be provided with proper vessels to carry them and 
their horses and cattle as near as possible to the place in which 
they intended to settle ; that besides food for the voyage, one year's 
provisions or the equivalent in money should be allowed them ; that 
warm clothing in proportion to the wants of each family, and medi- 
cines, should be furnished them; that pairs of mill stones, iron 
work for grist mills and saw mills, nails, spikes, hoes, axes, spades, 
shovels, plough-irons, and such other farming utensils as should 
appear necessary, and also window glass, should be given them; 
that tracts of land, free from disputed titles and conveniently situ- 
ated, large enough to afford from three to six hundred acres to each 
family, to be surveyed and divided at public cost, should be guar- 
anteed; that in every township, "over and above" two thousand 
acres should be allowed for the support of a clergyman and one 



thousand acres for the support of a school, and that these lands 
should be inalienable forever. Finally, that a sufficient number of 
good muskets and cannon, with a proper quantity of ammunition, 
should be allowed, to enable the people to defend themselves against 
any hostile invasion. 

On the nineteenth of October, five hundred Loyalists from New 
York arrived at Annapolis Royal, Nova Scotia, 3 bringing with 
them at least one member of the committee appointed in New York to 
look after their affairs, a man who founded one of the leading New 
Brunswick families, Mr. Amos Botsford. The London Political 
Magazine in 1783 says : ''When the Loyal Refugees from the north- 
ern Provinces were informed of the resolution of the House of Com- 
mons against offensive war with the rebels, they instantly saw there 
were no hopes left them of regaining their ancient settlements or of 
settling down again in their native country. Most of them, there- 
fore, who had been forward in taking up arms and in fighting the 
battles of the mother country, finding themselves deserted, began to 
look out for a place of refuge, and Nova Scotia being the nearest 
place to their old plantations, they determined on settling in that 
province. Accordingly, to the number of five hundred, they em- 
barked for Annapolis Royal: they had arms and ammunition, and 
one year's provisions, and were put under the care and convoy of 
H. M. S. Amphitrite, of twenty-four guns, Captain Robert Briggs. 
This officer behaved to them with great attention, humanity, and 
generosity, and saw them safely landed and settled in the barracks 
at Annapolis, which the Loyalists soon repaired. There were 
plenty of wild fowl in the country, and at that time (which was last 
fall) a goose sold for two shillings and a turkey for two and six- 
pence. The Captain was at two hundred pounds expense out of his 
own pocket, in order to render the passage and arrival of the unfor- 
tunate Loyalists in some degree comfortable to them." 

Before Captain Briggs sailed from Annapolis the grateful Loy- 
alists waited on him with the following address : 

"To Robert Briggs, Esqr., Commander of H. M. S. Amphitrite: 
The loyal refugees who have emigrated from New York to settle in 

3. Murdoch's History of Nova Scotia, vol. 3, says three hundred. 



Nova Scotia beg your acceptance of their warmest thanks for the 
kind and unremitted attention you have paid to their preservation 
and safe conduct at all times during their passage. Driven from 
pur respective dwellings for our loyalty to our King, after endur- 
ing innumerable hardships and seeking a settlement in a land 
unknown to us, our distresses were sensibly relieved during an 
uncomfortable passage by your humanity, ever attentive to our 

; 'Be pleased to accept of our most grateful acknowledgments so 
justly due to you and the officers under your command, and be 
assured we shall remember your kindness with the most 'grateful 

''We are, with the warmest wishes for your health and happiness 
and a prosperous voyage, 

"With the greatest respect, Your most obedient humble servants, 
"In behalf of the refugees. 

"Annapolis Royal, the 20th of October, 1782." 

On the fourteenth of January, 1783, Amos Botsford and his fel- 
low explorers wrote from Annapolis to their friends in New York, 
describing the country. After giving the most favorable account 
of the region from Annapolis to St. Mary's Bay, they say: "We 
proceeded to St. John's river, where we arrived the latter end of 
November, it being too late to pass in boats, and the water not 
being sufficiently frozen to bear. In this situation we left the river, 
and (for a straight course) steered by a compass through the woods, 
encamping out several nights in the course, and went as far as the 
Oromocto, about seventy miles up the river, where there is a block- 

4. Of the persons whose names are signed to this address, Amos Botsford was 
from Newtown, Conn. (See Sabine's Loyalists) ; Frederick Hauser, of whose origin 
we know nothing, was a surveyor, and with Amos Botsford and Samuel Cummings 
explored St. Mary's Bay and the lower part of the St. John river (see the Winslow 
Papers, edited by Archdeacon Raymond, pp. 77, 211) ; Samuel Cummings was from NCMT 
Hampshire, and with his wife and two children (at Annapolis Royal) was proscribed 
in 1782 (see Sabine's Loyalists, vol. 2, p. 502) ; Elijah Williams, a son of Major Elijah 
Williams of Deerfield, Mass., before coming to Nova Scotia had been practising law at 
Keene, N. H. (See "The Genealogy and History of the Family of Williams _. . . 
Descendants of Robert Williams of Roxbury," published at Greenfield, Mass., in 1847) 
He returned later to Mass, and died at Deerfield in 1793. 



house, a British post. The St. John's is a fine river, equal in mag- 
nitude to the Connecticut or Hudson. At the mouth of the river 
is a fine harbour, accessible at all seasons of the year never frozen 
or obstructed by the ice, which breaks in passing over the falls; 
here stands Fort Howe, two leagues north of Annapolis Gut." 
"The interval lies on the river, and is a most fertile soil, annually 
manured by the overflowings of the river, and produces crops of all 
kinds with little labour, and vegetables in the greatest perfection. 
The up-lands produce wheat both of the summer and winter kinds, 
as well as Indian corn. Some of our people chuse Conway [now 
Digby], others give the preference to St. John. Our people who 
came with us are settled here for the winter ; some at the fort, some 
in the town, and others extend up the Annapolis river near twenty 
miles, having made terms with the inhabitants; some are doing 
well, others are living on their provisions; their behaviour is as 
orderly and regular as we could expect. * ' 

These five hundred New York Loyalists were speedily followed 
by five hundred and one refugees from the Carolinas, who fled from 
Charleston when that city was evacuated. In a dispatch to the 
Right Hon. Thomas Johnston, the minister in England, Governor 
Parr of Nova Scotia says : "I have the honor to inform you that 
with the arrival here of the heavy ordnance from Charleston in 
South Carolina, came five hundred and one refugees, men, women, 
and children, in consequence of directions from Sir Guy Carletori to 
Lieutenant-General Leslie, who has sent them to the care of Major- 
General Patterson, commander of the troops in this province, with 
whom I have concurred as far as in my power to afford them a 
reception. ' ' 

In January, 1783, the governor notified the English minister of 
future arrivals, but it was in the spring of that year that the great 
emigration of New York Tories to Nova Scotia began. In April, 
two separate fleets left for the Acadian Province by the Sea. The 
first, which sailed from New York, April 26th, comprised sixteen 
square rigged ships and several schooners and sloops protected by 
two ships of war, and carried four hundred and seventy-one fam- 
ilies, under command of Colonel Beverly Robinson, its destination 



being Port Razoir, or Boseway, afterwards Shelburne, near the 
south-western end of Nova Scotia. 

On the fourth of May these people reached Port Roseway and 
were met by three surveyors from Halifax, with whose aid they at 
once began to lay out a city which they had projected before leav- 
ing New York. 5 Their plan made provision for five main parallel 
streets, sixty feet wide, to be intersected by others at right angles, 
each square to contain sixteen lots, sixty feet in width and one hun- 
dred and twenty feet in depth. At each end of the town a large 
space was left for a common, and when the refugees came, these 
reservations the engineers with the assistance of the fatigue par- 
ties rapidly cleared, so that tents could be erected for the tem- 
porary shelter of the people. July eleventh, the town was divided 
into north and south, the streets were named, and the lots were 
numbered, every settler being given fifty acres on each side the 
harbour, and a town and water lot besides. 

The other fleet, which sailed from New York on the twenty-sev- 
enth of April, 1783, comprised twenty vessels, on board of which 
were three thousand people, men, women, and children. The names 
of the vessels were : the Camel, Captain Tinker ; the Union, Captain 
Wilson; the Aurora, Captain Jackson; the Hope, Captain Peacock; 
the Otter, Captain Burns ; the Spencer; the Emmett, Captain Reed; 
the Thames; the Spring, Captain Cadish; the Bridgewater; the 
Favorite, Captain Ellis; the Ann, Captain Clark; the Commerce, 
Captain Strong; the William; the Lord Townshend, Captain Hogg; 
the Sovereign, Captain Stuart; the Sally, Captain Bell; the Cyrus; 
the Britain; and the King George. The destination of this fleet 
was the River St. John, at the mouth of which, a little distance 
apart, stood the two old forts, La Tour, then called Fort Freder- 
ick, and the less historical Fort Howe. On the eighteenth of May 
the vessels came to anchor in the harbour of St. John, the Loyalists 
for the most part landing at Lower Cove, near the old Sydney 
Market House. 6 

5. The Church of England in Nova Scotia, Dr. A. W. H. Eaton, pp. 135, 6. 

6. May 12, 1783, Sir Guy Carleton writes General Washington: "An embarkation 
was in much forwardness previous to the official information of peace. . . . 

fleet sailed about the 27th of April for different parts of Nova Scotia, and including the 



The people of the first fleet are said to have come to their 
determination to settle at Shelburne, through advice given them by 
Captain Gideon White, a native of Plymouth, Massachusetts, in 
which place he was born March 28, 1752. This young man, who 
was a great grandson of Peregrine White, of Plymouth, and father 
of the late venerable Rev. Thomas Howland White, D. D., of Shel- 
burne, at the outbreak of the war made his escape from Plymouth 
to avoid being either drafted into the American army or thrown 
into prison, and starting for Nova Scotia on a trading voyage vis- 
ited various places along the south shore of the province. At Bar- 
rington he was captured by an American armed vessel, commanded 
by a Captain Sampson, and then was carried back to Plymouth and 
thrown into prison, where he found his father. Within a day or 
two he was taken out and hanged by the waist to the village ''liberty 
pole," but Captain Sampson, hearing of the outrage, landed with a 
party of his men and rescued the prisoner from his uncomfortable, 
if not dangerous, position. In the list of persons who went to Hal- 
ifax with General Howe's fleet, Gideon White's name is found, and 
it is probable that he returned with the fleet to New York and there 
gave information regarding the Nova Scotia sea-board to the Loy- 
alist leaders, who acting on his advice finally determined to found a 
city at Port Bazoir. 

That St. John should have been chosen by the Tories as the 
site of another town is not strange, for the broad, navigable St. 
John river, lined with fertile marshes, had long attracted traders 
from New England, and on both sides of it, awaiting settlement, lay 
an immense tract of country as fertile as the peninsula of Nova 
Scotia itself, and even greater in extent. 

On the 6th of June Governor Parr informs the Secretary of State 
that since January 15th upwards of seven thousand refugees have 
arrived in the province, and these, he says, are to be followed by 
three thousand of the provincial forces, and by others besides. 

troops carried seven thousand persons with all their effects ; also some artillery, and pub- 
lic stores." 

May 22d, Adjutant General Oliver De Lancey orders, that "the Refugees and all the 
Masters of Vessels will be attentive that no Person is permitted to embark as a Refugee 
who has not resided Twelve Months within the British Lines, without a special Pass- 
port from the Commandant. It is also recommended to the Refugees to take Care no 
Person of bad Character is suffered to embark with them." 


July 6th, he writes that a considerable number of Loyalists had peti- 
tioned for land in the island of Cape Breton, and the governor, 
who had had instructions to grant no land in that island, asks his 
Majesty's pleasure in the matter. In a letter to Lord North, of 
the 30th of September, Governor Parr states that from November, 
1782, to the end of July, 1783, upwards of thirteen thousand had 
arrived at Annapolis, Halifax, Port Eoseway, St. John River, and 
Cumberland, and that since July, many more had landed at these 
places and at Passamaquoddy, so that the total number in the 
province then was probably not less than eighteen thousand. He 
had visited Port Eoseway as soon as he could after the arrival 
of the settlers there, and had found upwards of five thousand per- 
sons, to which number many more, he expected, would soon be 
added. 7 

In September many vessels left New York for Nova Scotia, car- 
rying in all some eight thousand refugees. One of these was the 
ship Martha, which had on board a corps of the Maryland Loyalists, 
and a detachment of De Lancey's 2d Eegiment, in all a hundred 
and seventy-four persons. This vessel was wrecked on a ledge of. 
rocks between Cape Sable and the Tuskets, and ninety-nine per- 
ished, seventy-five being saved by fishing boats and carried to St. 
John, where they had intended settling. Between the end of Sep- 
tember and the twenty-first of October, two thousand Loyalists 
arrived, and at some time in the latter month what is known as the 
"Fall Fleet" reached St. John, bringing twelve hundred more. Oth- 
ers coming in single vessels, before and at the final evacuation of 
New York, which occurred November 25, 1783, it is estimated that 
not less than five thousand spent the winter of 1783-84 on the site 
of the city of St. John. August thirteenth of the latter year, Gover- 
nor Parr writes Lord North that grants for four thousand, eight 
hundred and eighty-two families had passed the great seal of the 

7. In a letter from an officer belonging to H. M. Ship Due de Chartrcs, dated Nova 
Scotia, October 12, 1783, the writer says : "The great emigration of Loyalists from New 
York to this province is almost incredible, they have made many new settlements in the 
Bay of Fundy. . . . Numbers of families are also gone to Halifax, but the majority 
are fixed at Port Roseway, where they have erected a large city, which contains nine 
thousand inhabitants, exclusive of Black Town, containing about twelve hundred free 
Blacks, who have served during the war." Quoted in the "Manual of the Corporation 
of the City of New York" for 1870. 



province, and that others were preparing for a hundred and fifty 
more. The number of persons already located, he thinks, amounts 
to nearly thirty thousand. 

The whole number of Loyalists who left the revolting colonies, 
first and last, cannot have been less than a hundred thousand souls, 
Judge Jones thinks that Sir Guy Carleton must have assisted that 
many to leave New York alone. Mr. De Lancey says : * ' They came 
to New York to embark for almost all parts of the world, England, 
Scotland, Ireland, Canada, Newfoundland, Cape Breton, Nova Sco- 
tia, New Brunswick, the Bermudas, the Bahamas, Florida, Jamaica, 
and the lesser West Indies." The Loyalists of the Southern col- 
onies chiefly shipped for Florida, the Bermudas, the Bahamas, and 
the West Indies. Of the Tory emigrants to Upper Canada, which 
was then, like Nova Scotia (and New Brunswick), almost wholly 
unsettled, Kyerson, in his " Loyalists of America," 8 says: "Five 
vessels were procured and furnished to convey this first colony of 
banished refugee Loyalists to Upper Canada; they sailed around 
the Coast of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, and up the St. Law- 
rence to Sorel, where they arrived in October, 1783, and where they 
built themselves huts or shanties, and wintered. In May, 1784, they 
prosecuted their voyage in boats, and reached their destination, 
Cataraqui, afterwards Kingston, in July." Other bands of Loyal- 
ists made their way to Canada by land, the most common route 
being by Albany. 

Many of the Loyalists who had come to Nova Scotia were so 
destitute that in May, 1783, an order for a muster was issued by 
Governor Parr, so that their needs might be fully known. This 
muster occupied a little over two months, from May twentieth to 
July twenty-seventh, and the report finally made by Lieutenant- 
Colonel Robert Morse, who had the direction of it, 9 covers the fol- 
lowing nearly thirty settlements: Annapolis Royal and vicinity, 
Antigonish, Bear River, Chedabucto, Chester Road, Cornwallis and 
Horton, Country Harbour, Cumberland and vicinity, Dartmouth, 

8. Vol. 2, p. 188. 

9. "A General Description of the Province of Nova Scotia and a Report of the 
Present State of the Defences, with Observations leading to the further growth and 
Security of this Colony, done by Lieutenant-Colonel Morse, Chief Engineer in America, 
upon a Tour of the Province in the Autumn of the Year 1783 and the Summer of 1784." 


1 3 

3. w 










Digby, Gulliver's Hole (St. Mary's Bay); Halifax and vicinity; 
about Halifax Harbour; between Halifax and Shelburne, along the 
coast; Jedore, Musquodoboit, Newport and Kenticook; Nine Mile 
Eiver, Partridge Island, Passamaquoddy ; Pictou and Meri- 
gomish; River St. John; Sheet Harbour, Shelburne, Ship 
Harbour, Island of St. John (Prince Edward Island), Windsor, 
Windsor Road, and Sackville. According to this muster the War 
of the Revolution had brought into Nova Scotia 28,347 persons, of 
whom 12,383 were men, 5,486 women, 4,671 children above the age of 
ten, 4,575 children under the age of ten, and 1,232 servants, chiefly, 
no doubt, negroes who had been and virtually still continued to be 
slaves. Of these people, 9,260 are reported as at River St. John, 
7,923 at Shelburne, 1,830 at Annapolis Royal and vicinity, 1,787 at 
Passamaquoddy, 1,295 at Digby, 1,053 at Chedabucto, 856 at Cum- 
berland and thereabouts, 651 between Halifax and Shelburne, 480 at 
Dartmouth, and 380 in the Island of St. John ; the rest being scat- 
tered, in numbers ranging from 16 to 324, through the other places 
mentioned above. The name Chedabucto in Lieutenant-Colonel 
Morse's report is the original name of what is now Guysborough. 
The Indians gave the name Chedabucto to at least that part of 
Guysborough County which lies about the harbour or bay. 10 

10. The record of grants in the Crown Land Office in Halifax shows that soon 
after the Revolution, principally in 1784 and 1785, grants were made to persons at 
Advocate Harbour, Antigonish, Aylesfprd, Beaver Harbour, Chester, Clements, Country 
Harbour, Dartmouth, Digby, Green River, Guysborough, Jordan River, Maccan, Meri- 
gomish, Musquodoboit, New Manchester, Parrsborough, Port Hebert, Port Medway, 
Port Mouton, Port Roseway, Remsheg and Tatamagouche, River Philip, Roseway 
Harbour, Salmon Brook, Sable River, Shelburne, Ship Harbour, Sissibou, St. Mary's 
Bay, Tracadie, and Wilmot. These grants were probably not all to Loyalists but 
undoubtedly most of them were. Some grants probably were never taken up. 

Of Colonel Morse's report, Dr. Raymond writes : "The report of Lt.-Col. Morse 
is in the possession of J. W. Lawrence (of St. John), and I have studied it. We 
must bear in mind that Col. Morse's muster was made in the summer of 1784, and is 
liable to be under the mark, for two reasons. First, a considerable number of the 
Loyalists had already removed, owing to their unfavorable impressions of the country, 
some to Upper Canada (see Ryerson's Loyalists), some to England these chiefly of 
the more affluent classes, while some had returned to the United States. A second 
class, I have no doubt, failed to be enumerated by Col. Morse owing to the scattered 
settlements, established at isolated points, and to the hurried way in which the enumera- 
tion was completed. Loyalist settlements were made on the St. John river in the sum- 
mer of 1783, at some eight or more points, that at Woodstock being a hundred and 
forty-four miles from the sea. Other settlements were made at Passamaquoddy 
by refugees from Penobscot and elsewhere, at various points at the head of the Bay 
of Fundy, along the New Brunswick shore, and at a large number of points in Nova 
Scotia and Cape Breton. The facilities for communication were so poor at this time, 



Gathered into a publication entitled "Manual of the Corporation 
of the City of New York" for 1870, we find many notices from 
sources contemporary with the migrations of the removal of Royal- 
ists from New York to Nova Scotia, Canada, Jamaica, the Bahamas, 
etc., but chiefly to Nova Scotia, in 1783. Under date of April 22 of 
that year, a Philadelphia newspaper (but what newspaper we do 
not know) says: "Accounts from New York mention that the last 
embarkation of refugees, consisting of near 5,000 souls, sailed from 
thence on Thursday last for Nova Scotia." A New York newspa- 
per of April 23d says : ' l The number of inhabitants going to Nova 
Scotia in the present fleet consists of upwards of nine thousand 
souls, exceeding by more than one thousand the largest town in 
Connecticut, including the out parishes." A Philadelphia news- 
paper of April 29, 1783, informs its readers that "a late New York 
paper says that the number of souls embarked in the last fleet for 
Nova Scotia amounts to 9,000." "Yesterday," says a New York 
newspaper of May 17th, "arrived a vessel from Halifax, by which 
we learn that the fleet with about six thousand Eefugees, which 
lately left this city, were safely landed at Port Roseway, after a 

that the enumeration could scarcely have been carried out with exactness, and I there- 
fore think the number returned by Col. Morse was much too small." "In addition to the 
Loyalist exiles from New York to Nova Scotia during the first ten months of 1783, there 
were arrivals at Halifax and Annapolis from Boston and other New England ports, 
amounting to probably at least 2,000, of whom 1,100 came at the time of the evacuation 
of Boston." 

Dr. Raymond's judgment regarding the probable understatement of the number of 
Loyalists in Nova Scotia in Colonel Morse's Report is no doubt correct. The general 
style of Colonel Morse's report on Nova Scotia shows that he was not a very accurate 
observer, and in some degree weakens the value of his statistics. Nevertheless, they 
must be duly weighed by any one desiring properly to estimate the number of Loyalists 
who came to Nova Scotia at the close of the war. It seems likely, judging from other 
data, that the number at Halifax, Shelburne, and on the St. John River, is understated, 
for Colonel Morse himself admits that "a very small proportion of the people are yet on 
their lands." A few thousands, therefore, might be added to include those overlooked 
in the muster, those who had come early to Nova Scotia and had gone thence to Eng- 
land, Upper Canada, Newfoundland, or back to the United States, and the few Loy- 
alists that might not put in a claim for "the Royal bounty of provisions." Having made 
a liberal allowance for all these, however, it is hard to believe, if Colonel Morse's 
muster be in any degree accurate, that the number of Loyalists was much more than 
thirty thousand in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. It is possible, however, that to 
this number two or three thousand more may be added and the limits of accurate state- 
ment not be transgressed. 

Mr. Edward F. De Lancey, editor of Judge Thomas Jones's History of New York 
during the Revolutionary War, says he is satisfied from a personal examination of the 
manuscript records in the Secretary's office at Halifax that the number of Tories, men, 
women, and children, who emigrated from New York to Nova Scotia, amounted to at 
least thirty-five thousand. 



six days passage." A Chatham, New Jersey, newspaper of May 
21st, says: "The British and their adherents, so habituated to 
perfidy, find it difficult to forego it; for in the last Nova Scotia 
fleet they sent off upwards of 700 negroes belonging to the good 
people of these states." 

A New York newspaper of June 7th is quoted as saying: "Yes- 
terday arrived the Camel, Captain William Tinker, in eight days 
from the river St. John, in the Bay of Fundy, who left the new 
settlers there in good health and spirits. Captain Tinker sailed in 
company with eight other transports for this port." A Philadel- 
phia newspaper of June 10th," says: "We hear that another em- 
barkation of his Britannic Majesty's most faithful and loyal sub- 
jects, the refugees, will shortly leave New York, destined for Nova 
Scotia. They are said to consist of about 6,000." 

A New York newspaper of June llth records: "The Schooner 
Two Friends, Captain Fisher, arrived here on Sunday last in 
seven days from Port Eoseway. A number of transports and small 
vessels were preparing to sail for this port under convoy of his 
Majesty's Ship Albacora, when Captain Fisher left that port. 

. . The Benevolent and Charitable of all Denominations are 
hereby informed that a very considerable number of People, having 
left their former Habitations, are now embarked for the Province of 
Nova Scotia. The greater part of whom, having tender Wives and 
little Infants, and having lost All, are left in circumstances ex- 
tremely indigent; they are therefore recommended in the most 
earnest manner to the Public, as proper objects of charity. Note. 
As their Necessities are very urgent it is much to be wished that 
those who choose to Contribute will do it without delay." This 
appeal is signed by Messrs. Rogers and Murray, and William 
Laight, Queen Street; by David Seabury, Peter Bogart, and Eev. 
John Sayre, Smith Street ; and by Rev. James Sayre, at Brooklyn." 

A Chatham, New Jersey, newspaper, under date of June llth, 
records: "From the many accounts from Westchester and the 
neighboring towns in the State of New York, near the British posts, 
the inhabitants of said towns are in the most unhappy Situation of 
any people under the sun. Those called the King's or loyal Refu- 
gees continue in their old practice of beating, burning, hanging, 



and cutting men and women in order to extort their money and 
other effects ; which is of late continued and put in practice with the 
most unheard of cruelties and barbarity that ever was known ; but 
especially since the refugees have left Morrisania are now getting 
all they can to carry off with them to Nova Scarcity, where they say 
is nine months winter and three months cold weather in the year. 
They come from New York and Long Island in the night and sculk 
about Westchester in the day, and when night comes on again they 
exercise the above-recited cruelties; so that the inhabitants dare 
not lodge in their houses." Some of the chief offenders are then 
mentioned, the names given being, Henry Quaill, Abraham Bonker, 
Archibald Purdy, Jonathan Lovebury, and Stephen Baxter. 11 

How large a proportion of the Loyalist emigrants to Nova Scotia 
consisted of officers and men of the various regiments that had 
been in service in the other colonies on the British side, so far as 
we know has never been exactly estimated. In March, 1783, the 
commanding officers of fourteen of the thirty-one provincial regi- 
ments named by Sabine 12 in his "American Loyalists" petitioned 
for grants of land in the still loyal British colonies for their officers 
and men, asking also for pensions and half pay. 13 A New York 
newspaper of August 16, 1783, is quoted 14 as saying: "We are 
informed that the following British Regiments are intended for 
Nova Scotia, viz. : Seventeenth, Eoyal Welsh or Twenty-Third, 
Thirty-Third, Thirty-Seventh, Eoyal Highlanders or Forty-Second, 
Fifty-Seventh, and that all the other British Battalions are to 
depart for Europe." In September of this year the ship Martha, 
which was wrecked between Cape Sable and Tusket, started for St. 
John with a corps of the Maryland Loyalists, and a detachment of 
De Lancey's Second Battalion. General Oliver De Lancey's Bri- 
gade comprised three battalions, each five hundred strong, the first 
and second of which consisted in part of New York men, with prob- 
ably a strong contingent from the Tory towns of Connecticut, such 

11. An occasional newspaper notice also appears in the publication from which 
these extracts are copied of the foundering of some vessel carrying refugees to Nova 
Scotia and the drowning of all on board. Why this publication does not give the names 
of the newspapers from which it quotes we do not know. 

12. Sabine's American Loyalists, vol. I, p. 73. 

13. Murdoch's History of Nova Scotia, vol. 3, p. 15. 

14. In the "Manual of the Corporation of the City of New York" for 1870. 



as Stamford, Greenwich, Norwalk, and Fairfield. 15 The third bat- 
talion was drawn entirely from Queen's County, Long Island. The 
anger of the patriots was naturally fierce against De Lancey 's whole 
brigade, which, in a petition against the men being allowed to 
return to their homes in Stamford or Greenwich, was designated as 
that "most infamous banditti known as De Lancey 's corps." At 
the close of the war this brigade was disbanded in Nova Scotia. 
The third battalion, commanded by Captain Ludlow, arrived at St. 
John in October, 1783, and it is probable that the second battalion 
also spent the next winter at St. John, for Captain Jacob Smith, 
Sergeant Thomas Fowler, Corporal Richard Rogers, and others of 
this battalion drew adjoining city lots on the south side of Britain 
Street, near Wentworth Street, 16 in the New Brunswick town. The 
following year, October 15, 1784, a grant was passed, under the 
great seal of the province of Nova Scotia, of lands to a hundred and 
twenty men of this battalion, on the Upper St. John. 17 As a rule 
each private received a hundred acres, each non-commis- 
sioned officer two hundred acres, and each commissioned of- 
ficer five hundred and fifty acres. The whole grant comprised 
twenty-four thousand one hundred and fifty acres, with the usual 
allowance of ten per cent, for roads. The first settlement at Wood- 
stock, New Brunswick, was made by members of De Lancey 's corps, 
either in the summer of 1783, or more probably in the following 


Regarding the settlement of disbanded troops at Guysborough, 
in the eastern part of Nova Scotia, the late Mrs. James E. Hart, a 
careful historian of Guysborough county has written : 'The Duke 
of Cumberland's Regiment (Lord Charles Montagu's), was the 
first to arrive at Chedabucto. These troops reached there in the 
transport Content, May 16, 1784. They were disbanded in Jamaica, 
October 24, 1783, and Lord Charles made arrangements for then 
settlement in Nova Scotia, and himself came with them to Halifax 

15 De Lancey's second battalion was commanded by Col. George Brewerton, Stephen 
De Lancey, eldest son of the General, being lieutenant-colonel. 

16. Early Days of Woodstock (pamphlet) by Archdeacon Raym, 

names of these grantees are recorded in the Crown Land Office at Fred- 



in the transports Industry and Argo, arriving there December 13th. 
The regiment comprised three hundred men, under Captain Ralph 
Cunningham, but as no provision had been made for their reception 
the whole force had to spend the winter in huts in Halifax, erected on 
the site of the present Province Building. Owing to the severity of 
the climate and their poor shelter many of them died, Lord Charles 
Montagu himself, to the great grief of the troops, succumbing like 
his men. 18 

"In the autumn of 1783, about eight hundred people, soldiers and 
their families belonging to the British Legion, came to Port Mouton, 
in the western part of the Province. The next spring a fire des- 
troyed all their houses, furniture, clothing, and most of their live 
stock. Word of this was sent to Halifax, and with all possible dis- 
patch a war-ship was sent to their relief. Not satisfied to rebuild 
at Port Mouton, they had scouting parties reconnoitre the Province, 
with the result that they decided to go to Chedabucto. On the 21st 
of June, 1784, part of them, under Colonel Mollison, arrived there, 
sailing probably from Halifax. They are called in the muster-roll 
the * Associated Departments of the Army and Navy.' 

"On the 13th of July, 1784, the Loyalists from St. Augustine, 
Florida, were mustered at Halifax on board the transport Argo, 
bound for Chedabucto. They numbered fifty-nine men, twenty 
women, thirty-three children, and nine servants. They settled in 
Guysborough county, near the entrance of the Strait of Oanso. On 
the 17th of July, 1784, the 3rd and 4th Battalions of the 60th, or 
Eoyal American Regiment, were mustered at Halifax, on their way 
to Chedabucto. They numbered seventy-six men, thirty-four 
women, nineteen children, and four servants. They located on the 
south side of Chedabucto Bay. They had enlisted in New York, 
New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, many of them having German an- 
cestries, some being of Dutch descent. 

"In December, 1783, the transport Nymph arrived at Country 

18. Lord Charles Greville Montagu, second son of Robert, third Duke of Man- 
chester, was born in 1741. He died at or near Halifax, February 3, 1784. Murdoch in 
his "History of Nova Scotia" (vol. 3, p. 24), giving notes of the year 1783, says that 
late in the year Lord Charles Montagu arrived at Halifax, "with 200 of his disbanded 
corps from Jamaica, via Havana, whither they had been driven by storm." Lord 
Charles Greville Montagu is buried under St. Paul's Church, in which there is a mon- 
ument to his memory. 



Harbour, Guysborough county, with officers and privates, some of 
them with families. They belonged to the South Carolina Royalists, 
Royal North Carolina Regiment, and King's Carolina Rangers. 
Their port of sailing is not known. ' '' 

That in the cases of some of the disbanded troops who settled 
in Nova Scotia there was unfortunate delay in the granting of lands, 
is shown, for instance, by the fact that Colonel Edward Winslow, 
Jr., Muster-Master-General of the Loyalist forces employed under 
the Crown, and a member of the first council of New Brunswick, 
wrote to his friend Ward Chipman: "I saw all these provincials, 
whom we have so frequently mustered, landing in this inhospitable 
climate in the month of October, without shelter and without know- 
ing where to find a place to reside. The chagrin of the officers was 
not to me as truly affecting as the distress of the men. Those rep- 
utable sergeants of Ludlow's, Fanning 's, Robinson's, etc. (once 
hospitable yeomen of the country), addressed me in language that 
almost murdered me as I heard it: 'Sir, we have served all the 
war ; we were promised land, we expected you had obtained it for 
us. We like the country ; only let us have a spot of our own and 
give us such kind of regulations as will protect us. ' : 

Regarding the Hessian troops who came to Nova Scotia, a large 
number of them settling here permanently, as for example in the 
locality known as the "Waldeck Line," near Clementsvale, in An- 
napolis county, an accurate Halifax local historiographer, Mr. T. 
Vardy Hill, in a letter to the writer of this history, says: "On the 
15th of April, 1782, the Secretary of State, Lord George Germaine, 
sent orders to the chief officer in command of the Hessian forces 
at New York to proceed to Halifax with these troops, to place them 
there under General Campbell, commanding officer in Nova Scotia. 19 
On the 13th of August, 1782, one thousand, nine hundred and four- 
teen Germans arrived at Halifax. The headquarters office record 
of corps, etc., which served in the Nova Scotia command after 1783, 
gives the following regiments as leaving New York for that prov- 
ince in May, 1783: De Seitz's Regiment, the Hessian Recruits, 

io Mr Hill here refers to the Canadian Archives for 1894, P- 390. Major Gen- 
eral J 9 ohn Campbell arrived at Halifax from New York as commander of the forces, 
December o, 1783. Murdoch's "History of Nova Scotia, vol. 3, P- 24. 


Hesse-Hanoverian Grenadiers, Hesse-Hanoverian Yagers, Anhalt 
Zerbsters, Waldeckers, Hesse-Hanoverian Eegiment (1st Bat- 
talion), and Brunswickers." 20 3aron De Seitz, as is well remem- 
bered, died at Halifax soon after coming there with his regiment 
and was buried in a vault under St. Paul's Church. In the church 
still hangs his hatchment, which has the unusual feature of an 
inscription. This inscription is as follows : "In Memory of Franz 
Carl Erdman Baron de Seitz, Colonel and chief of a Eegiment of 
Hessian foot and Knight of the order pour la vertue militaire, 
departed this life decbr 1782, in the 65th year of his age. ' ' 

The arrival of the Loyalists at St. John and at Shelburne and 
other points on the rocky Nova Scotia sea-coast, cannot be pictured 
without sadness. The age in which these exiles lived was far less 
luxurious than that in which we live, yet in the older colonies 
from which they came many of them had been the possessors of con- 
siderable wealth, a few having had what was then great wealth, and 
most of them, at least having owned or been the inmates of com- 
fortable homes in prosperous communities. To have been com- 
pelled to leave these settled homes for hastily constructed tents and 
log houses in the wild forests of an almost unexplored province; 
and, men, women, and little children, to be made to suffer all the 
privations and hardships of pioneer life, was enough, one would sup- 
pose, to have discouraged even the bravest hearts. For such peo- 
ple as the Barclays, Bayards, De Lanceys, Ludlows, Eobinsons, and 
Wilkinses of New York; and the Blisses, Chipmans, Lydes, Put- 
nams, Snellings, and Winslows of Massachusetts, to be obliged to 
leave luxurious surroundings for the incredible hardships of life 
in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick in those days, must have been 
much the same as it would be now for the Cuttings, Iselins, Morgans, 
or Ehinelanders of New York ; or the Higginsons, Lawrences, Low- 
ells, or Thayers of Boston, to banish themselves suddenly to some 
lonely part of Arizona, leaving most of their property behind. 

To the actual physical discomforts which these people suffered 
on sea and land we must add the sorrow many felt at the severing of 
family ties, the breaking of friendships that were dear as life itself, 

20. Mr. Hill here refers to Canadian Archives for 1894, p. 490. 



and the sad separation from scenes that had become endeared to 
them by a thousand tender associations. Bishop John Inglis writes 
in 1844, after his first episcopal visit to Shelburne, that he had 
found there, still living, some of the New York emigrants, who told 
him "that on their first arrival, lines of women could be seen sitting 
on the rocks of the shore, weeping at their altered condition;" and 
Sabine says, "I have stood at the graves of some of these wives and 
daughters, and have listened to the accounts of the living in shame 
and anger." At St. John the first dwellings were all log huts, a little 
church being the earliest frame building erected. Walter Bates, 
describing the settlement of Kingston, on the St. John river, by 
himself and his fellow passengers of the "good ship Union," says: 
"The next morning with all our effects, women and children, we 
set sail above the falls, and arrived at Belleisle Bay before sunset. 
Nothing but wilderness before our eyes; the women and children 
did not refrain from tears ! John Marvin, John Lyon and myself 
went on shore and pitched a tent in the bushes and slept in it all 
night. Next morning every man came on shore and cleared away 
and landed all our baggage, and the women and children, and the 
sloop left us alone in the wilderness. We had been informed that 
the Indians were uneasy at our coming, and that a considerable 
body had collected at the head of Belleisle. Yet our hope and trust 
remained firm that God would not forsake us. We set to work 
with such resolution that before night we had as many tents set as 
made the women and children comfortable." Soon "every man 
was jointly employed clearing places for building, cutting logs, 
carrying them together by strength of hands, and laying up log 
houses, by which means seventeen log houses were laid up and cov- 
ered with bark, so that by the month of November, every man in the 
district found himself and family covered under his own roof, and 
a happier people never lived upon this globe, enjoying in unity 
the blessings which God had provided for us in the country into 
whose coves and wild woods we were driven through persecution. ' ' 
The annual reports of the Church of England missionaries, to 
the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, give us much insight 
into the troubles experienced by the Tory exiles at the beginning 
of their new life in these provinces. Not a little of their suffering, 



as in the case of the disbanded troops, came from unavoidable 
delays in the allotment of lands for their use. It is quite possible 
that the Nova Scotia government may not have been thoroughly 
systematic in its methods of arranging for the settlement of these 
unhappy people, but it will be remembered that for two or three 
years the refugees kept pouring into the province in bewildering 
numbers, and that certain formalities were necessary in granting 
the smallest amount of government land for their use. No one who 
examines the records of the time can help seeing that, as Sir Guy 
Carleton in New York was determined to leave nothing undone 
that he could do to assist the Loyalists in leaving their old homes, 
so Governor Parr in Nova Scotia, was most anxious to help them 
find comfortable new homes in the country to which they had come. 
But it is clear that Parr and his Council were sometimes at their 
wits ' end to know how to provide for this unexpected influx of new 

The progress of the leading Loyalist settlements in Nova Scotia 
and New Brunswick can perhaps be ascertained better from the 
Reports of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel than in 
any other way. The missionaries, who like their congregations 
had been obliged to leave the revolting colonies, knew intimately 
the condition of the wilderness communities in which their lot was 
now cast ; and the exigencies of their missions and the rules of the 
Society required that detailed reports of the people's condition 
should be sent to England every year. ' ' Of the terrible sufferings 
and hardships the Loyalists underwent, who came to Nova Scotia 
and New Brunswick," says Mr. Edward F. De Lancey, "the history 
of these provinces makes sad mention. Suffice it to say here, that 
they have never been paralleled since the persecution of the 
Huguenots and their flight from France at the Eevocation of the 
Edict of Nantes, in 1685." 

Among the Loyalists who left the various colonies now states 
of the American Union, for Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, were 
some seventy men who were promoted to so high official rank, or 
became otherwise so prominent in their new spheres, as to have left 
their names indelibly stamped on the history of the Maritime Prov- 
inces. Thomas Barclay, who after the peace became H. M. first 



Consul-General at New York, was one of these men; Daniel and 
Jonathan Bliss, Sampson Salter Blowers, Ward Chipman, Charles 
Inglis, Jonathan Odell, John Wentworth, and Isaac Wilkins were 
others. A great many of the Loyalists who founded families in 
Nova Scotia or New Brunswick came from Westchester, New York. 
Of this stock are the families of Bates, Bonnett, Bugbee, Disbrow, 
Gidney, Merritt, Mott, Palmer, Purdy, Sneden, Wetmore, and Wil- 
kins. Other New York names were Anderson, Andrews, Auch- 
muty, Barclay, Barry, Barton, Baxter, Bayard, Beardsley, Bedle, 
Bell, Betts, Billopp, Bremner, Burton, Campbell, Carman, Coyle, 
De Lancey, De Mille, De Peyster, De Veber, Dick, Ditmars, Dunn, 
Fowler, Hatfield, Hewlett, Horsfield, Inglis, Livingston, Ludlow, 
McKay, Miles, Moore, Murray, Peters, Pine, Pryor, Rapalje, Rem- 
sen, Robinson, Sands, Seaman, Thorne, Van Cortlandt, Ward, Wat- 
son, Weeks, Wetmore, Wiggins, Willett, and Wilmot. From Mas- 
sachusetts came representatives of the families of Ayres, Barnard, 
Beaman, Bliss, Blowers, Brattle, Brinley, Brymer, Burton, Camp- 
bell, Chipman, Courtney, Cunningham, Cutler, Danforth, Davis, 
De Blois, Dunbar, Forrester, Garnett, Garrison, Gore, Gray, Green, 
Greenwood, Hallowell, Hatch, Hathaway, Hazen, Hill, Howe, Hub- 
bard, Hutchinson, Jones, Kent, Leonard, Leslie, Loring, Lyde, 
Mansfield, Minot, Murray, Oliver, Paine, Parker, Perkins, Poole, 
Putnam, Robie, Ruggles, Sewall, Snelling, Stearns, Upham, White, 
Winslow, and Willard. From Connecticut came Bates, Botsford, 
Hanford, and Jarvis. From Rhode Island, Chaloner, Coles, Halli- 
burton, and Hazard. From Maine, Gardiner; from New Hamp- 
shire Blanchard and Wentworth; from New Jersey, Blauvelt, 
Burwell, Cooke, Crowell, Hartshorne, Lawrence, Milledge, Odell, 
Van Buskirk, and Van Norden. From Pennsylvania, Butler, Bis- 
sett, Boggs, Lenox, Marchington, Stansbury, and Vernon. From 
Virginia, Benedict, Bustin, Coulbourne, Donaldson, Lear, Saun- 
ders, and Wallace; from North Carolina, Fanning; from Mary- 
land, Hensley. Viscount Bury says truly of the settlement of the 
Loyalists in the several provinces of what is now the Dominion of 
Canada: "It may safely be said that no portion of the British 
possessions ever received so noble an acquisition." 

The advent of so many thousands of new people to Nova Scotia 



and the unusual interest taken in their welfare by the Home Gov- 
ernment and the provincial authorities, naturally created some 
jealousy in the minds of the older inhabitants. The Tories were 
not in a conciliatory frame of mind, and having lately come out of 
a far more advanced civilization than that of the forest girt Nova 
Scotian shores, they would, not unnaturally, also make more or less 
assertion of superiority to the older settlers at their quiet fisheries 
and on their farms along the rough Atlantic seashore and beside the 
dyke-lands of the Basin of Minas and Cobequid Bay. The inev- 
itable friction that actually did arise between the two bodies of peo- 
ple could not be lessened, either, by the fact that many of the Loy- 
alists were men so long accustomed to assert themselves strongly 
in political and social affairs that in their new sphere they could not 
help soon making their influence felt in marked ways. Such per- 
sons as General Timothy Euggles, Major Thomas Barclay, Col. 
James and Col. Stephen De Lancey, Mr. Isaac Wilkins, and Samp- 
son Salter Blowers, could not remain inactive, or take second rank 
in any place where their fortunes might be cast. Accordingly, we 
find these men, and others of their fellow Loyalists, shortly occu- 
pying prominent places in the Council, the House of Assembly, the 
Judiciary, and the social life of Nova Scotia ; while in what is now 
New Brunswick a distinct agitation very soon began to show itself 
for the formation of a new province. 

The history of Shelburne, the Loyalist settlement at Port Razoir, 
begun with such high hopes and resulting in a few years in such 
dismal failure, has a melancholy interest. Its New York founders 
from the start determined to make it an important naval and mili- 
tary station, and at one time hoped that it would supplant Halifax 
as the capital of the Province. In a short time after its founda- 
tion, its population rose to between ten and twelve thousand, but 
the site chosen for it was so unfavorable, there being no good farm- 
ing country about it, that before many years had passed the major- 
ity of its inhabitants had moved away, either to New Brunswick, 
to other parts of Nova Scotia, or, as in many cases, to their old 
homes in the United States, leaving it a sad and disappointed place. 
Such of those who returned to the United States locked their doors, 
not even removing their furniture, and quietly went away, leaving 



their houses to be taken unchallenged possession of by negroes or 
other poor settlers in future times. 

"I have lately been at Shelburne," writes Bishop John Inglis 
in 1844, m his letter already referred to, "where nearly ten thou- 
sand Loyalists, chiefly from New York, and comprising many of 
my father's parishioners, attracted by the beauty and security of 
a most noble harbor, were tempted to plant themselves, regardless 
of the important want of any country in the neighborhood fit for 
cultivation. Their means were soon exhausted in building a spa- 
cious town, at great expense, and vainly contending against indom- 
itable rocks ; but in a few years the place was reduced to a few 
hundred families. Many of these returned to their native country, 
and a large portion of them were reduced to poverty. 
Some few of the first emigrants are still living." How many ac- 
tually remained in the peninsula of Nova Scotia, and how many 
went back to the United States, it is impossible to say. There are 
still many families of Loyalist descent in this province, but a large 
number of the most important Loyalist names have now almost or 
quite disappeared. 

In 1783, as soon as the people of Shelburne were well settled, 
Governor Parr came down from Halifax and paid them a visit. On 
Sunday, July twentieth, he arrived in H. M. Sloop La Sophie. When 
he disembarked, salutes were fired from the ship, and as he landed, 
cannon were also fired by the artillery at the port, the officers of 
the corps on duty receiving him with due formality. On Tuesday 
morning he again landed, amidst loud cannonading, and marched 
up King Street, through long lines of the inhabitants assembled to 
do him honor, to the place appointed for his reception by the jus- 
tices of the peace and other principal inhabitants of the place. 
After an address had been presented to him, he named the new town 
Shelburne, and "drank the King's health, prosperity to the town 
and district of Shelburne, and to the Loyalists, each toast being 
accompanied with a general discharge of cannon. ' ' In the evening 
a grand dinner was given on board the Sophie, and the next day 
another at the house of Justice Robertson, in the town. A public 
ball and supper, "conducted with the greatest festivity and de- 



corum," followed later; after which his Excellency, well pleased, 
returned to Halifax. 

The next year, in May, Sir Charles Douglas, Bart., Commander 
of the British Navy, on this station, visited the town and was fit- 
tingly received; the same month Sir John Wentworth, then Mr. 
Wentworth, Surveyor General of the King's Woods in North Amer- 
ica, made Shelburne a brief visit. Four years later, the town 
received Prince William Henry, afterwards King William IV, then 
a young naval officer, who came in the warship Andromeda and 
staid four days. 'During his stay a ball was given for his Royal 
Highness, which the Prince himself opened with Mrs. Bruce, wife 
of the Collector of the port. In 1786, says Murdoch, "the new city 
was a gay and lively place. Every holiday or anniversary of any 
description, was loyally kept and mirthfully enjoyed. On St. An- 
drew's day, December eleventh, of that year, the St. Andrew's So- 
ciety gave an elegant ball at the Merchants' coffee house. The ball 
room was crowded on the occasion, and the hours of the night passed 
away in the most pleasing manner. ' ' 

The settlement at the mouth of the St. John River was much 
more successful. When the first Loyalists reached that picturesque 
bay the shores were densely wooded, only a little spot about Fort 
Howe showing that white men had ever been there before. The 
refugees lived first in log huts, brush camps, or canvas tents, but 
slowly, on the cleared slopes small frame houses arose, a little 
Anglican Church, also, being built for worship, as well. In the be- 
ginning, the town was laid out in lots and given in two grants, one to 
eleven hundred and eighty-four grantees, another to ninety-three. 
Other Loyalist settlements also soon arose, at Fredericton, which 
in 1788, was made the capital of the new province, at Gagetown, 
Kingston, Maugerville, St. Andrews, Sussex, and Woodstock. 

The displeasure of many of the Loyalists, civilians as well as 
soldiers, regarding what they felt to be the tardy action of govern- 
ment in the apportionment of their lands, or with the allotments 
themselves, has frequently been discussed. Both in Nova Scotia 
and New Brunswick, this displeasure emphatically showed itself. 
At Shelburne, in consequence of discontent with the allotments 
already made, the Governor and Council, August 5, 1784, appointed 



the following persons as their agents there in the assignment of 
lands: Isaac Wilkins, James McEwen, Abraham Van Buskirk, 
Joseph Brewer, David Thompson, Joshua Watson, Benjamin Da- 
vis, Charles McNeal, Ebenezer Parker, Alexander Leckie, Joshua 
Pell, Nicholas Ogden, Eobert Gray, justices of the peace ; Valentine 
Nutter, Peter Lynch, William Charles White, John Lownds, Alex- 
ander Robinson, Patrick Wall, Michael Langan, Isaac Wilkins and 
any four of the others, to constitute a quorum. In November, 1784, 
the governor authorized Amos Botsford, the Rev. Edward Brude- 
nell, Colonel Barton, and Messrs. Hill and Stump, to lay out and 
assign unlocated lands in Digby to such persons there as were 
unprovided with land. At St. John there was so great dissatis- 
faction that in 1783 four hundred persons signed an agreement to 
remove to Passamaquoddy. Tuttle, in his history of Canada, says : 
"The Loyalists who settled at the St. John River did not agree very 
well with the original settlers. They grew angry with the Gov- 
ernor because their grants of land had not been surveyed, and he in 
turn charged them with refusing to assist in the surveys by acting 
as chainmen unless they were well paid for it. ' ' 

Soon the Loyalists demanded additional representation in the 
Nova Scotia Assembly, but this Governor Parr opposed, on the 
ground that his instructions forbade his increasing or diminishing 
the number of representatives in the Assembly. Failing in their 
efforts to secure increased representation, the people next began 
to agitate for a new province north of the isthmus, a policy against 
which Governor Parr naturally strongly contended. In the early 
part of 1784 as many as three hundred and forty-one persons at 
Parr Town (St. John) passed resolutions of various sorts regard- 
ing the separation, and so influential were the Loyalists with the 
English ministry that their request was granted and in August 
news came out to the Halifax authorities, in the packet from Fal- 
mouth, that a new province, in compliment to the reigning family 
of England to be called New Brunswick, was to be at once set off. 
The line between New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, it was declared, 
was to be at the narrowest part of the isthmus, from Bay Verte to 
Cumberland Basin, which division would place Fort Cumberland, 
and indeed much of what was then Cumberland County, within 



the limits of the new province. The governor of New Brunswick 
was to be Colonel Thomas Carleton, a brother of Sir Guy, who had 
himself commanded a regiment during the war and was highly 
esteemed by the exiled Loyalists. 

In October, Colonel Carleton and his family arrived at Halifax 
from London, in the St. Lawrence, Captain Wyatt, after a passage 
of eight weeks; and on Sunday, November twenty-first, at three 
o 'clock in the afternoon, they reached St. John, where they received 
a most enthusiastic welcome. As the Ranger, the sloop in which 
they had crossed the bay from Digby, entered the harbor, one salute 
of seventeen guns was fired from the battery at Lower Cove, and 
another from Fort Howe. The house of Mr. George Leonard, at 
the corner of Union and Dock streets, had been fitted up for their 
reception, and thither, amidst great applause, the distinguished 
party was at once conducted. As his Excellency entered the door 
the crowd gave three rousing cheers, with ' ' Long live our King and 
Governor!" Then the enthusiastic people dispersed, to dream of 
the august ceremony that should be held on the morrow, when the 
Chief should take the oaths of his office and the new Council be 

The first Legislative Council of New Brunswick consisted of 
George Duncan Ludlow, James Putnam, Abijah Willard, Gabriel G. 
Ludlow, Isaac Allan, William Hazen, and Dr. Jonathan Odell, all 
of whom had been men of considerable note in the colonies from 
which they had come. Five days after the first meeting of the new 
Council, its number was increased by the appointment of Guilfred 
Studholm, and on the fourth of December, by that of Edward Wins- 
low. In July, 1766, two more members were added, Messrs. Joshua 
Upham and Daniel Bliss. A judiciary was also appointed, consist- 
ing of George Duncan Ludlow, Chief Justice; and James Putnam, 
Isaac Allan, and Joshua Upham, Assistant Judges. The Supreme 
Court met for the first time on Tuesday, February first, 1785, in 
the little frame church, which thus served both for worship and the 
administration of justice. The first parliament of the province 
assembled at St. John on the third of January, 1786, in a house 
known as the "Mallard" house, on the north side of King Street, 
the members being : Stanton Hazard, and John McGeorge, for the 



City of St. John; and William Pagan, Ward Chipman, Jonathan 
Bliss, and Christopher Billopp, for the county. The Speakership 
of the House of Assembly was given to Amos Botsford, the presi- 
dency of the Council to the Chief Justice, Mr. Ludlow, the office 
of Attorney-General to Dr. Jonathan Odell, and that of Provincial 
Secretary to Jonathan Bliss. 

Of these high officials, most of whom were for many years after 
their first appointment intimately connected with the destinies of 
the province they had helped create, George Duncan Ludlow had 
been a judge of the Supreme Court of New York; James Putnam had 
long ranked as one of the ablest lawyers in America ; Abijah Wil- 
lard, of Massachusetts, had been a mandamus councillor and had 
served in the army from the taking of Louisburg until 1763, later 
being commissary to the troops at New York ; Gabriel G. Ludlow, of 
New York had commanded a battalion of Maryland volunteers ; Isaac 
Allan had been colonel of a New Jersey corps of volunteers and had 
lost an estate in Pennsylvania because of his attachment to the royal 
cause; William Hazen, formerly of Newburyport, Massachusetts, 
had come to Passamaquoddy and St. John as a trader in 1764; the 
Rev. Dr. Jonathan Odell, of New Jersey, had practised medicine, 
and had been a successful Church of England clergyman, in the lat- 
ter capacity acting as chaplain to the royal troops; and Guilfred 
Studholm, probably also a New England man, had been in the prov- 
ince for some years in military service, as commander at Fort Howe. 

Connected with the city of St. John, in the present province of 
New Brunswick, in the days of its founding by New York Loyalists, 
is the name of one man whose record in the Revolution no one has 
ever attempted to justify. This was the notorious Benedict Ar- 
nold. In 1787, Arnold made his residence in St. John, and there 
entered into mercantile life, trading chiefly with the West Indies. 
"Mr. Sparks suggests," writes Mr. Isaac N. Arnold, "that the Eng- 
lish Government granted him facilities in the way of contracts for 
supplying the troops there with provisions. At any rate he car- 
ried on an extensive business, building ships, and sending cargoes 
to the West Indies, his two sons, Richard and Henry, aiding him in 
his operations. . . . Arnold is said to have exhibited here some 
of his characteristic faults, living in a style of ostentation and dis- 



play, and being so haughty and reserved in his intercourse that he 
became personally obnoxious. While the family were residing at 
St. John, George Arnold, their sixth child was born." In 1788, 
General Arnold and his family returned to London, where they had 
first settled five years before. In 1790 they were again at St. 
John, but in 1791 they removed permanently to England. 

In his survey of the Loyalists at large, Dr. George E. Ellis of 
Boston, in the "Narrative and Critical History of America," says : 21 
"Among those most frank and fearless in the avowal of loyalty and 
who suffered the severest penalties, were men of the noblest char- 
acter and of the highest position. So, also, bearing the same odious 
title, were men of the most despicable nature, self-seeking, and 
unprincipled, ready for any act of evil. And between these two 
were men of every grade of respectability and every shade of mean- 
ness. ' ' The New York Loyalists have often been spoken of as if they 
comprehended all the "aristocracy" of that town. Such a state- 
ment if made of Boston would be more nearly, though not entirely, 
true. In New York some of the most active supporters of the Rev- 
olution, like John Jay and Governor Morris, bore names as aris- 
tocratic and held places as socially high as any in the province ; and 
though the De Lanceys, De Peysters, Philippses, and Johnsons, and 
the greater part of the people in society who acknowledged the lead- 
ership of these families, were enthusiastic supporters of the crown, 
the Schuylers and Livingstons, at least, were known as equally 
loyal to the cause of the Whigs. 

So far as religion ruled in the colonies, the Episcopalians were 
very largely Tory in sympathy, and the same was true of a minority 
of the adherents of the Dutch Reformed body wherever it existed. 
The Presbyterians, however, of the middle colonies and the Con- 
gregationalists of New England almost without exception gave 
their support strongly to the patriot cause. In both the middle col- 
onies and New England the government officials of all sorts natur- 
ally ranged themselves on the royal side, while in such sea- 
ports as Salem and Plymouth, and in the trading villages of New 
York, including those of Long Island and Staten Island, the mer- 

21. "Narrative and Critical History of America," vol. 8, p. 185. 



chants who did business directly with the mother country 
and whose interests would necessarily suffer by any disturbance of 
the old relations, were opposed to the Eevolution. Besides these 
two classes of people, whose material interests made it almost neces- 
sary for them to be loyal to Britain, not a single fair-minded histor- 
ian in these days fails to recognize that there were among the Loy- 
olists countless men and women of the highest principles, who loved 
constitutional order, hated anarchy, and believed that obedience to 
law was the first duty of honest citizens. The people of this class, 
however, were not by any means all so bigotedly conservative, and 
so stupidly insensible to their rights as colonists, as to be willing to 
endure any hardships that overbearing ministries in England might 
impose upon them, but believing that to preserve a united empire 
was more important than to secure the immediate redress of tem- 
porary wrongs, they were willing to bide their time until the mother 
country could be made to see her duty towards her American 
colonies and should be willing to abolish their wrongs. 


De Soto's Route in Arkansas 


T has never been satisfactorily determined just where De 
Soto crossed the Mississippi river, which he discovered 
on June 18, 1541, or how far westward he went after- 
ward. His wanderings through the present States of 
Florida, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi have been traced with a 
fair degree of accuracy, but the few writers who have touched upon 
his route through Arkansas each give a different account of it. 
Some chroniclers state that he went as far west as the Rocky Moun- 
tains, unmindful of the fact that it took him two years to travel from 
Tampa Bay to the point where he crossed the Mississippi, and that 
his travels west of that river occupied only a year. Some writers 
have placed the point of crossing at Chickasaw Bluff, and the route 
through the Ozarks of Arkansas and Missouri. Later writers are 
of the opinion that the point of crossing must have been a short 
distance north of the 34th parallel, and this is far more likely, as 
may be determined by the description of his wanderings immedi- 
ately after reaching the western bank and by comparing that des- 
cription with the present aspect of the same region. 

The route outlined on the accompanying sketch has been worked 
out from a careful study of the only recorded accounts which are 
regarded as accurate. First in importance is the report of the Fac- 
tor or Chief Commissary of the expedition, Don Luys Hernandez de 
Biedma, which was written from notes jotted down during the 
journey. This is very brief, giving only a few essential details, 
names of tribes, towns, rivers, resources and some directions. Sec- 
ond, the journal of Eodrigo Ranjel, De Soto's private secretary, 
which bears evidence that it was an actual journal made during 
their travels, and gives more fully than Biedma 's work the direc- 
tions taken and descriptions of the various regions traversed. Third, 
the account given by an anonymous writer known only as ' ' The Gen- 


Chapters in the History of Halifax, Nova Scotia 


No. XII 

IFE in Halifax among military officers, and the relations 
between these and the civilian population, during the 
long period that Halifax remained a popular military 
station garrisoned by Imperial troops, we should no 
doubt find picturesquely illustrated in thousands of unprinted let- 
ters and diaries existing in the British Empire, if we could get at 
these. Printed descriptions of Halifax military-social life are not 
too frequently found, but some such descriptions, as we have before 
intimated, certain interesting printed volumes yield. 

One such account occurs in the diary of General William Dyott, a 
genial officer who died in Staffordshire, England, in May, 1847, at 
the advanced age of almost eighty-six. 1 General Dyott, who was 
born in Staffordshire, on the 17th of April, 1761, stood socially very 
high in the army, and his diary extending over sixty-four of the 
most interesting years in English history, from 1781 to 1845, has 
much of the piquant charm of the diary of the immortal Pepys. In 
April, 1787, at the age of twenty-six, a lieutenant in the Fourth, he 
was ordered with his regiment from Ireland to Halifax, and in No- 
va Scotia he remained continuously until December, 1792. On the 
22nd of July, 1787, he arrived in Halifax harbour, and his descrip- 
tion of the scenery along the shores and of the town as he ap- 
proached it is interesting to read. He says : 

"We were agreeably awoke at six o'clock in the morning of the 
22nd, and informed that we were in the Bay of Halifax, and should 

i. "Dyott's Diary, 1781-1845. A selection from the Journal of William Dyott, some- 
time General in the British Army and Aide-de-Camp to His Majesty, King George III." 
London. Archibald Constable and Company, Limited. 1007. 



be at anchor by ten o'clock. We all got up happy in the idea of 
being released from seven weeks' confinement. The entrance into 

the harbour of Halifax has nothing very pleasing. It lies nearly 
east and west. The west side is a rock partly covered with wood, 
and has at the extremity a lighthouse, there being a very danger- 
ous reef of rocks running some distance into the sea. The east side 
is pretty enough. There is a large island called Cornwallis Island, 
which has some cultivation and a good deal of wood. Near the 
town, and about the centre of the harbour, there is a small island 
called G eorge 's Island, where the signals are made for the shipping, 
and on which there are works. It is very well situated for guarding 
the harbour. We came to anchor close to the town about twelve 
o'clock. I never was more rejoiced. The Colonel immediately went 
on shore to wait upon the Governor. In the afternoon I dressed 
and went on shore, after being seven weeks in filth and rags. A 
clean coat appeared quite awkward and strange. 

"The town of Halifax is prettily enough situated on a hillside, at 
the top of which there is a citadel and block-house. The houses are 
all built of wood, and in general painted white or yellow, which has a 
very pleasing effect, particularly in summer. The streets extend 
from north to south along the side of the hill, and are intersected 
by cross streets, extending from the shore up the hill towards the 
block-house. The Governor, Parr, and the commissioner of the dock- 
yard, have both very good nouses. There are three barracks, which 
would contain from 600 to 1,000 men. There are also two churches, 
both very neat buildings of wood, and one or two meeting-houses. 
There is a square in town called the Grand Parade, where the troops 
in garrison parade every evening during the summer, and where 
all the belles and beaux of the place promenade, and the bands re- 
main to play as long as they walk." 

Leaving the ship, young Dyott went, he says, to the Parade. 

"The first person I saw was Mr. Cartwright, late lieutenant in 
the Staffordshire Militia. He was an ensign in the 60th, acting ad- 
jutant. We disembarked the next day, the 23rd, about two o'clock, 
and dined with the 60th regiment. They were going to Quebec. 
We were not able to get into our barrack-rooms, as the 60th did not 
embark till Thursday. However, we got an empty room in the bar- 
racks, and four of us laid our beds on the floor, "and enjoyed most 
heartily our repose, hard as it was. 

"July 27. We began our mess. From the high price of pro- 
visions, beef being eightpence and mutton sixpence per pound, we 






were obliged to pay high for messing. Two dollars a week and our 
rations equal to threee shillings and sixpence more. Port wine 
from fifteen to twenty pence per bottle ; sherry nearly the same. 

"August 11. I went on a fishing party with Captain Devernet, 
of the artillery. It is one of the principal summer amusements of 
this place, and a very pleasant one indeed. There were ten of us; 
we had a large boat, allowed the artillery by government, and also 
a smaller one for the eatables. . . . We sat down about four 
o'clock, and of all the dishes I ever tasted, I never met so exquisitely 
good a thing as the chowder. We attempted to make it on board 
ship, but nothing like this. It is a soup, and better in my opinion 
than turtle. The recipe I don't exactly know, but the principal 
ingredients are cod, haddock, pork, onions, sea-biscuit, butter, and a 
large quantity of cayenne pepper. In short, the tout ensemble was 
the best thing I ever ate. We had some excellent Madeira, of 
which we drank a bottle each, and some very good lime punch with 

"August 20. A duel was fought between Captain Dalrymple of 
the 42d, and Lieutenant Roberts of the 57th, owing to the former 
having two years prior to the duel said in a company that Mr. Rob- 
erts was not fit for the Grenadiers ; at the same time hinting that he 
had sold some of his brother's books. Lieutenant Roberts at the 
time this discourse took place was in Europe, and not meeting with 
Captain Dalrymple till now, he being quartered at Cape Breton, had 
not an opportunity of demanding satisfaction. They fired only one 
pistol each, as Captain Dalrymple was wounded in the arm, but not 

"Friday, October 2ti. I dined at the Commissioner's. That same 
day the fleet from 'Quebec, under the command of Commodore Saw- 
yer, arrived here, consisting of the Leander, 50 guns, Captain Sir 
James Barclay, Bart., with the broad pennant; the Pegasus, 28 
guns, Captain his Royal Highness Prince William Henry ; the Re- 
source, 28 guns, Captain Minchin; and the Wenzel sloop, Captain 
Wood. On their passage from Quebec, the Leander struck on a rock 
in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and was very near being lost. It was 
a most dismal situation, as all the Commodore's family were with 
him on board. They were obliged to quit the ship, and went on 
board his Royal Highness 's ship. When the Leander came in, she 
was obliged to be towed up the harbour to the Dockyard and hove 
down. Her bottom was found to be in a most shattered condition. 
His Royal Highness was rather expected in the evening at the Com- 
missioner's, but he did not quit his ship. On his coming to anchor, 



the Brigadier-General waited upon him ; he positively declined any 
compliments as a prince. 

"Sunday his Royal Highness dined at the Commodore's; Mon- 
day at the Commissioner's; Tuesday he reviewed the regiment at 
11 o'clock. It was the first time I had seen him, and little expected 
to have received such marks of his condescension as I afterward did. 
Our review was nothing more than the common form; his Royal 
Highness expressed much satisfaction at the appearance of the men. 
After the review was over, the officers were all presented to him on 
the Parade. His Royal Highness is very much like his Majesty, but 
better looking. He is about 5 foot 7 or 8 inches high, good com- 
plexion and fair hair. He did the regiment the honour to dine with 
them; I sang several songs, with which he was much entertained. 
He dislikes drinking very much, but that day he drank near two bot- 
tles of Madeira. When we broke up from the mess he went to my 
room and got my cloak to go to his barge, as it rained a good deal. 
I accompanied him to the boat and wished him a good night. 

"Wednesday Morning. I met him walking in the street by him- 
self. I was with Major Vesey, of the 6th regiment. His Royal 
Highness made us walk with him ; he took hold of my arm, and we 
visited all the young ladies in town. During our walk he told Vesey 
and me he had taken the liberty of sending us a card to dine with 
him on Sunday (a great liberty !). Vesey and I walked with him till 
he went on board. He dined en famille with the Commodore. I 
dined with Vesey at O'Brien's. 

"In the evening a ball at the Governor's. We went about seven; 
his Royal Highness came about half after, and almost immediately 
began country dances with Miss Parr, the Governor's daughter. We 
changed partners every dance ; he danced with all the pretty women 
in the room, and was just as affable as any other man. He did me 
the honour to talk a great deal to me before supper during the 
dance. We went to supper about twelve, a most elegant thing, near 
sixty people sat down. We had scarce began supper when he called 
out: 'Dyott, fill your glass' (before he asked any person in the 
room to drink) ; when I told his Royal Highness my glass was full, 
he said, 'Dyott, your good health, and your family.' About half 
an hour after, he called out: 'Dyott, fill a bumper' then, 'Dyott, 
here's a bumper toast.' After supper he gave five or six bumper 
toasts, and always called to me to see them filled at my table. We 
had a most jolly evening, and he retired about two o'clock. The la- 
dies all stood up when he came into the room, and remained so till 
he sat down. 

"Thursday Morning. I met him on the Parade. He, Major 



Vesey, and myself, walked about the town all morning. He would 
go into any house where he saw a pretty girl, and was perfectly 
acquainted with every house of a certain description in the town. 
He dined with the Commodore and Captain of the Fleet at O'Brien's 

" Saturday. I met him at Parade, and attended him all the morn- 
ing. He dined with the captain of the Resource. Vesey dined with 
me, and we had a good deal of company at the mess, and got very 

"Sunday Morning. I met him after church at Mrs. Wentworth's, 
Governor Wentworth's lady. He [Mr. Wentworth] was gone up 
the country on business, as he is surveyor-general of the woods of 
this province. Mrs. W. is, 1 believe, a lady fonder of our sex than 
her own, and his Royal Highness used to be there frequently. I at- 
tended him from thence to his barge ; as we went along he told me 
he would send his cutter for me to any place I chose, to come to din- 
ner. I told his Royal Highness I was to go on board with Captain 
Minchin in his barge. We went a little after three, all in boots, at 
his particular wish (he dined everywhere in boots himself). 

"He received us on the quarter-deck with all possible attention, 
and showed us into the cabin himself. His cabin is rather small and 
neatly furnished. The company at dinner was: The Governor; 
the General; two of the captains of the fleet; Major Vesey; Cap- 
tain Gladstanes, 57th regiment ; Captain Dalryrnple, 42nd ; Hodg- 
son, of ours, and myself. A most elegant dinner; I did not think it 
possible to have had anything like it on board ship. Two courses, 
removes, and a most elegant dessert. Wines of all sorts, such Ma- 
deira I never tasted. It had been twenty-eight years in bottle ; was 
sent as a present to his Royal Highness from the East Indies by 
Sir Archibald Campbell. We had two servants out of livery, and 
four in the King's livery. His Royal Highness sat at the head of 
the table, and one of the chaplains of the navy at the foot. No of- 
ficer of his ship, as it is a rule he has laid down never to dine in com- 
pany with any subaltern officer in the navy. We dined at half-past 
three, and drank pretty freely till eight, when we had coffee, and 
after, noyau, etc. He found out I had never been on board so large 
a ship, and before I came away he told me to come and breakfast 
with him the next morning at eight o'clock, and he would show me all 
over the ship. 

"I went ashore that evening with Captain Minchin, who has a 
house in town. Gladstanes, Dalrymple, Hodgson, and I supped 
with him. Before I went there I met his Royal Highness and Sir 
James Barclay, captain of the Leander, walking about the streets. 



He made me walk with him till near ten o'clock, and some pretty 
scenes we had. 

"The next day, Monday, the 5th of November, he had fixed to land 
as a prince of the blood, to receive the address from the Governor 
and Council, to dine with them, and to go to a ball given by the 
town. I went to breakfast with him at eight, found the cutter wait- 
ing for me at the dockyard and a royal midshipman attending. His 
Royal Highness was on the quarter-deck when I went on board. We 
immediately went below to breakfast, which consisted of tea, coffee, 
and all sorts of cold meat, cold game, etc., etc. His Highness break- 
fasted almost entirely on cold turkey. His purser made breakfast, 
and his first lieutenant and two of the midshipmen (who take it in 
turn) breakfasted. They did not stay two minutes after." 

When breakfast was over for the Prince and his guest, his Royal 
Highness showed Dyott over the ship, and then the young lieuten- 
ant went on shore "to get the regiment ready" to receive the prince : 

"At two o'clock the garrison marched down and lined the streets 
from the wharf to the Government House. A captain's guard with 
colours was formed on the right to receive him, and a detachment of 
artillery with three field-pieces fired a royal salute on his landing. 
His Royal Highness left the Commodore's ship about a quarter af- 
ter two in his own barge (which was steered by an officer). His 
barge's crew most elegantly dressed, and the handsomest caps I 
ever saw black velvet, and all except the coxwain's with a silver 
ornament in front, and the King's arms most elegantly cast. The 
coxwain's was of gold, and his Royal Highness told me it cost fifty 
guineas. As he was steered by an officer, what is termed the 
strokesman wore the coxwain's cap. The Commodore's ship lay 
about half a mile from the wharf where he landed, and as he 
passed the ships, followed by the Commodore and captains of the 
fleet in their barges, his Royal Highness and the Commodore each 
having the standard of England hoisted in their barge, he was sa- 
luted by each of them separately, having their yards maimed, etc. 
When he came within a hundred yards of the wharf, his barge drop- 
ped astern, and the Commodore's and captain's pushed on and 
landed to receive him immediately on his stepping out of his barge 
(the Governor, Council, House of Assembly, etc., and all the great 
people being there to receive him). He was saluted by the field- 
pieces on the wharf, and proceeded through a line of troops to the 
Government House, the soldiers with presented arms, the officers 
and colours saluting him as he passed, and all the bands playing 
'God save the King.' 



"When he entered the Government House he was saluted by the 
twenty-four pounders on the Citadel Hill. On his being arrived in 
the levee room, the different branches of the legislature being there 
assembled and all the officers allowed to be present, the Governor 
presented the address, to which his Royal Highness read his answer, 
and read it with more energy and emphasis than anything I ever 
heard. At the same time he had the most majestic and manly ap- 
pearance I ever beheld. 

"Immediately he had finished, the officers went out to change the 
position of the troops from the wharf to the tavern where he was 
to dine. He passed up the line and was saluted as before. The 
troops then marched to their barracks, and in the evening fired a 
feu de, jole on the Citadel Hill. At eight o'clock his Royal High- 
ness went to the ball, where, I do suppose, there must have been near 
three hundred people. The business much better conducted than I 
imagined it would. The supper was quite a crowd, and some such 
figures I never saw. His Royal Highness danced a good deal. He 
began with Miss Parr, the Governor's daughter. He did me the 
honour to converse with me frequently, and walked arm-in-arm 
about the room for half an hour. He retired about one o 'clock and 
appeared much pleased with the entertainment. 

"Tuesday. He came on shore about twelve, and was made a 
member of the Loyal and Friendly Society of the Blue and Orange, 
and dined with the Society at our mess-room. All our officers were 
members, and invited the Governor, the Commodore, the Commis- 
sioner, and Major Vesey of the 6th regiment to meet the Prince. We 
gave him a very good dinner, and he was in very good spirits. He is 
not fond of drinking himself, but has no objection to seeing other 
people. I was vice-president, and sung, etc. He got up about nine, 
and as he left the room he called, ' Dyott, ' on which I followed, and 
had the honour of walking with him alone to his barge, as he wished 
the General and the rest a good night. . . . 

"Wednesday.- 1 met him in the street and walked about all morn- 
ing. That day I had the honour to meet his Royal Highness at din- 
ner at Governor Wentworth's, or rather Mrs. Wentworth's, the 
Governor being away from home. Mrs. Wentworth is a most 
charming woman, but, unhappily for her husband, rather more par- 
tial to our sex than her own. But he, poor man, cannot see her 
foibles, and they live very happy. 1 believe there was a mutual 
passion which subsisted between his Royal Highness and her. 2 She 
is an American, but lived a good deal in England and with people 

2. Prince William Henry was almost twenty years Lady Wentworth's junior, he 
was born August 21, 1765, the date of her birth was September 30, 1745. 



of the first fashion. As I was pretty intimate in the house, she 
desired me to dine there. The company was, his Royal Highness, 
Major Vesey, Captain Gladstanes, Hodgson of ours, a Mr. and Mrs. 
Brindley, the latter a sister of Mrs. Wentworth's, and myself. I 
never laughed so much in my life ; he was in vast spirits and pleas- 
anter than anything I ever saw. We had a most elegant dinner 
and coffee, and then went to dress, as he always dines in boots, and 
the Commissioner gave a ball in honour of his Royal Highness. He 
dressed at Mrs. Wentworth's and went in her carriage, but not with 
her, as the ladies of Halifax are a little scrupulous of their virtue, 
and think it a danger if they were to visit Mrs. Wentworth. For my 
part I think her the best-bred woman in the province. I was obliged 
to go early, as the Commissioner requested I would manage the 
dancing, etc. ; that is, that I would act as a master of the ceremonies, 
I went about eight. The Commissioner's house and the dockyard 
was most beautifully illuminated and made a fine appearance. His 
Royal Highness arrived about nine. Everybody stands up when he 
enters, and remains so till he desires the mistress of the house to 
sit down. Soon after he came we began dancing. I forgot to men- 
tion that at Mrs. Wentworth's he told me I was to dine with him 
on Friday. He is very fond of dancing ; we changed partners every 
dance. He always began, and generally called to me to tell him a 
dance. The last dance before supper at the Governor's and at the 
Commissioner's, his Royal Highness, Major Vesey, myself, and six 
very pretty women danced 'Country Bumpkin' for near an hour. 
We went to supper about one. . . . 

''Thursday Morning. I met him in town, and walked in the dock- 
yard with him all morning. He dined that day with the 57th regi- 
ment. I had the honour of an invitation to meet him. We had an 
amazing company; all the great people, but not very pleas- 
ant. His Royal Highness retired about eight; and' as we 
went out he called me to accompany him. We strolled about 
the town, went to some of the houses of a certain description, and 
to be sure had some pretty scenes. He did me the honour to say 
it was very seldom he took so much notice of a subaltern. He said 
it was not from any dislike he had to them, but that he was in a situ- 
ation where everybody had an eye on him, and it would be expected 
he should form acquaintance with people high in rank. I attended 
him to his barge ; he went aboard about ten. 

''Friday Morning. I met him at Mrs. Wentworth's. We stayed 
there more than an hour. Then walked the town till two o'clock, as 
he dined at three. . . . The cutter was waiting at the dockyard 
a little before three. The company : Colonel Brownlow of the 57th, 



who had arrived from England the day before; Major Vesey, 
Hodgson, Captain Hood of the navy, and myself. His Royal High- 
ness received us on the quarter-deck, and we went to dinner imme- 
diately. Not quite so great a dinner as before, but vastly elegant. 
He was in great spirits and we all got a little inebriated. We went 
ashore about seven to dress for a ball at the Commodore's. He 
dressed at Mrs. Wentworth's. When, we first came on shore, he 
was very much out indeed, shouted and talked to every person he 
met. I was rather late at the Commodore's. The company not 
quite so numerous as at the Governor's; the house not being large. 
We had a very pleasant ball; 'Country Bumpkin,' the same set, and 
a devilish good supper. We danced after supper and till four 
o'clock. He dances vastly well, and is very fond of it. I never saw 
people so completely tired as they all were. I saw his Royal High- 
ness to his barge and ran home as fast as I could. 

"Saturday Morning. W"e had a meeting of the Blue and Orange, 
as his Royal Highness gave a dinner to the Society that day at our 
mess-room, and was chosen Superior of the Order. He, Major Ve- 
sey, and myself, walked about all morning visiting the ladies, etc. 
He desired to dine at half -past three. He took the chair himself and 
ordered me to be his vice. We had a very good dinner, and he sent 
wine of his own; the very best claret I ever tasted. We had the 
Grenadiers drawn up in front of the mess-room windows to fire a 
volley in honour of the toasts. As soon as dinner was over he began. 
He did not drink himself; he always drinks Madeira. He took 
very good care to see everybody fill, and he gave twenty-three bump- 
ers without a halt. In the course of my experience I never saw such 
fair drinking. When he had finished his list of bumpers, I begged 
leave as vice to give the Superior, and recommended it to the So- 
ciety to stand upon our chairs with three times three, taking their 
time from the vice. I think it was the most laughable sight I ever 
beheld, to see the Governor, our General, and the Commodore, all 
so drunk they could scarce stand on the floor, hoisted up on their 
chairs with each a bumper in his hand; and the three times three 
cheer was what they were afraid to attempt for fear of falling. I 
then proposed his Royal Highness and a good wind whenever he 
sailed (as he intended sailing on Monday), with the same ceremony. 
He stood at the head of the table during both these toasts, and I 
never saw a man laugh so in my life. When we had drunk the last, 
the old Governor desired to know if we had any more, as he said if 
he once got down, he should never get up again. His Royal High- 
ness saw we were all pretty well done, and he walked off. There 
were just twenty dined and we drank sixty-three bottles of wine. 



4 'When he went out he called me and told me he would go to my 
room and have some tea. The General, Colonel Brownlow, and my- 
self were at tea. The General and Colonel as drunk as two drum- 
mers. I was tolerably well myself, and knew what I was about, 
perfectly. He laughed at them very much. After tea we left 
them in my room alid went on a cruise, as he calls it, till eleven, 
when he went on board. I don't recollect ever to have spent so 
pleasant a day. His Royal Highness, whenever any person did not 
fill a bumper, always called out, ' 1 see some of God Almighty 's day- 
light in that glass, Sir ; vanish it. ' 

"Monday Morning. At seven o'clock his Royal Highness sailed. 
I got up to take a last view of his ship as she went out, and as a 
tribute of respect to his Royal Highness, from whom I had received 
such flattering marks of condescension. I think I never spent a 
time so joyously in my life ; and very sorry when he left us. ' ' :i 

"New Years Day, January 1, 1788. I dined at Mr. Brindley's, 
brother-in-law to Mrs. Wentworth. The same party as on Christ- 
mas Day at Governor Wentworth 's. I cannot say I was in very 
good spirits. Was asked to dine the next day at Mr. Townsend's 
and at the Commissioner's, but as it was the day on which I lost 
my dear father, I refused them both and did not leave the barracks 
all day." 

In contrast to all this dining and wining and exuberant general 
gayety, with a little scandal casually thrown in, is the account the 
young lieutenant gives of the death and funeral of a daughter of the 
Admiral then on the Station: 

3. Prince William Henry, Duke of Clarence, third son of George 3rd, and Queen 
Charlotte Sophia, was born in Buckingham Palace, August 21, 1765. He was therefore a 
little over twenty-two when he first reached Halifax. On this visit, which lasted from 
October 26 to November 13, 1787, he was captain of the Pegasus. His second visit last- 
ed from August 17, 1788, until late in November, 1788. This time he came in the An- 
dromeda. The whole fleet was under command of Commodore Herbert Sawyer, who be- 
came an admiral in 1795. 

The Duke of Clarence succeeded to the throne as William IV on the death of his 
brother, George IV, on the 26th of June, 1830. Many times during his reign General 
Dyott was at court and the King was always gracious to him, usually asking him what 
the difference in their ages was, and how long they had been acquainted. But Dyott was 
disappointed that the King did nothing to advance him, and his references to his old 
companion at Halifax are sometimes tinged slightly with acrimony. On the accession of 
William he writes: "Having in younger days seen much of King William the Fourth 
and partaken of several weeks familiar intercourse as far as Prince and subject was al- 
lowable, I have little hesitation in arguing that William's will not be a reign in which 
any great benefits are likely to accrue to the nation from kingly exertion. He has 
neither consistency, firmness, nor discretion. I hope I may be mistaken. . . . His 
present Majesty three and forty years ago has more than once said to me 'I shall be 
glad if I can ever be of any service to you.' Prince's promises are not permanent 
proofs." Dyott's Diary, vol. 2, p. 82. 



"On the 30th of January [1788], poor Miss S. Sawyer, daughter 
to the Admiral, died, universally regretted by all ranks as a most 
amiable, good, deserving young woman. She had had a swelling 
in her arm for some months. The faculty agreed it should be 
opened, which was done accordingly. It continued in that state, not 
healing or mending, for near two months. That at length brought 
on a fever, of which she languished for twenty-one days. I was 
much hurt, knowing her to be so good a creature. She was only 
eighteen years of age, and a very handsome, fine woman. I was de- 
sired to attend her funeral as a bearer. I cannot say I ever felt 
more in my life than on the occasion, when I reflected that about 
three months before I was dancing with her, and that now I was at- 
tending her to her grave. It really made me as melancholy as any- 
thing I ever experienced. The funeral was a handsome one, as 
follows : 

"At the head of the procession were the Bishop and Rector; then 
the body with eight bearers. That is, on the right side, Lieutenant 
Nicholson, 57th regiment; Captain Gladstones, ditto; Lieutenant 
Lawford, B. N. ; Captain Sir James Barclay, ditto ; on the left side 
Lieutenant Dyott, 4th; Captain Hodgson, ditto; Lieutenant 
d 'Acres, R. N. ; Captain Hood, ditto. The under bearers were the 
Admiral's barge crew in white trousers, white shirts, with a piece 
of love ribbon tied round the left arm, black velvet caps and white 
ribbons tied round them. The coffin covered with white cloth hand- 
somely ornamented. On a silver plate, 'Sophia Sawyer. Born 
10th March '70. Died 31st Jan. '88.' 

"After the body, Mr. d 'Acres, secretary to the Admiral as chief 
mourner; next the nurse and Miss Sawyer's maid in deep mourn- 
ing and white hoods. The bearers had on full uniform ; white hat- 
bands and scarves, black sword-knots, cockades, and crape round the 
left arm. After the two women followed Colonel Brownlow, 57th, 
and Captain Minchin, R. N., General Ogilvie, and the Commissioner, 
and the Governor by himself. All with white hat-bands and scarves. 
There were also three or four of the family, and some officers be- 
longing to the Admiral's ship, with hat-bands and scarves. After 
them followed almost all the officers belonging to the fleet ; many of 
the garrison ; all the people in town that were acquainted with the 
Admiral ; and to close up the whole, a long string of empty carriages. 
"As we entered the church [St. Paul's], which is a full rnile 
from the Admiralty, the organ began a most solemn dirge, which 
continued near a quarter of an hour. The service was then per- 
formed, and I think in my life I never saw so much grief as through- 
out the whole congregation. I must own I have never shed so many 



tears since I left school. I believe sorrow was never more universal 
than on the occasion. Tt was a very cold day, and walking so slow 
in silk stockings and thin shoes, I was almost perished. 

"The following Sunday, all the people who had been invited to 
the funeral attended Church, as the Bishop was to preach an occa- 
sional sermon. His text was most admirably adapted from the 
Thessalonians, and his discourse the most affecting I ever heard. 
He frequently pointed to her grave and admonished the younger 
part of his hearers, and more particularly those who had attended 
the interment, to prepare to meet death, not knowing how soon they 
might be cut off. On the whole it was a most admirable sermon, 
and called up the passions more forcibly than anything I ever 

Unfortunately for the morals of both the military and civilian 
population of Halifax, in August, 1788, the future King of Eng- 
land unexpectedly returned, for another and longer visit. Lieuten- 
ant Dyott's diary therefore for over three months describes din- 
ners, with excessive wine-drinking, balls, suppers, visits at Mrs. 
Wentworth's, and public reviews of the troops and other spectacu- 
lar events that give glowing colour to his chronicle, but that do not 
"bespeak for the town the highest degree of seriousness or morality. 
On a certain Friday his Royal Highness dined at the Chief Justice's, 
and how it was the lieutenant "does not know," but the sailor prince 
set to immediately after dinner, "and I never saw," says Dyott, 
"a man get so completely drunk. He desired the General to order 
the whole garrison up to Citadel Hill, to fire a feu de joie, but his 
Highness was not able to attend to it, as he was obliged to go to bed 
at Pemberton's, where he slept for three hours, and then went to 
his ship." "I believe I shall never spend three months in that way 
again, for such a time of dissipation, etc., etc., I cannot suppose 
possible to happen," reflects the diarist on the Prince's departure, 
yet, "I must own," he says, "I thought it time as agreeably em- 
ployed as I ever experienced, and to be sure the company of a Prince 
added not a little to the joyous hours." 

In the biography of another young officer of the garrison at a 
period some sixty years later than that of Dyott's diary, the biog- 



raphy of Captain Hedley Vicars, 4 we are glad to be introduced to a 
far different phase of Halifax garrison life from that portrayed by 
General Dyott. In the summer of 1851, Hedley Vicars, then a lieu- 
tenant, and in his twenty-fifth year, came from Jamaica to Hali- 
fax with his regiment, the 97th foot. For a very short time he was 
sent probably to Quebec, but soon his regiment was transferred to 
the Halifax garrison. In Halifax Vicars remained until May, 1853, 
and in that time he developed a spiritual faith and consecration to 
true religion that give him a high place in the ranks of fervent dis- 
ciples of Christ the ages along. Naturally conscientious, and with 
strong religious tendencies, soon after he reached Halifax, it would 
seem, he had a profound conversion. ' ' It was in the month of No- 
vember, 1851," says his biographer, "that while awaiting the return 
of a brother officer to his room, he idly turned over the leaves of 
a Bible which lay on the table. The words caught his eye, 'The 
blood of Jesus Christ his Son cleanseth us from all sin.' Closing 
the book, he said, 'If this be true for me, henceforth I will live, by 
the grace of God, as a man should live who has been washed in the 
blood of Jesus Christ. ' This new spirit of consecration he retained 
uninterruptedly to the end of his brief career, which sadly termi- 
nated in the camp before Sebastopol, in the war of the Crimea, on 
the night of the 22d of March, 1855." 

During six or seven months after his resolve, he had to encounter, 
says his biographer, no slight opposition from fellow officers, in the 
mess. A few, however, w r ere also "walking with God," and they 
and he had many times of delightful Christian intercourse. The 
chaplain of the garrison at that time (and until his death in 1860) 
was the Rev. Dr. John Thomas Twining, one of the most devoted 
Christian ministers Halifax has ever known, and in him Hedley Vic- 
ars and his religious fellow officers found a warm sympathizer and 
friend. 5 "Under so deep an obligation did Vicars consider himself 

4. Hedley Shafto Johnstone Vicars was born in the Mauritius, on the 7th of De- 
cember, 1826, his father being an officer there in the Royal Engineers. His first com- 
mission he obtained in 1843, his captaincy he reached after he left Halifax, in 1854. He 
died of wounds at the Crimea on the 226 of March, 1855. His biography, one of the 
most touching religious biographies known to evangelical religious literature, was writ- 
ten by Catherine M. Marsh, and published by Robert Carter and Brothers of New 
York in 1859 (2d edition 1861), pp. 300. See also the "Dicctionary of National Biog- 

5. A brief sketch of the Rev. John Thomas Twining, D. D., will be found in Eaton's 
"History of King's County, Nova Scotia," ,p. 851. 



to I>r. Twining, that he frequently referred to him as his spiritual 
father; and to his spiritual preaching and teaching, and blessed 
example of 'walking with God,' may doubtless be traced, under the 
mighty working of the Holy Spirit, those clear and happy views of 
religion, and that consistency and holiness of life, which succeeded 
his conversion." Dr. Twining held Bible classes for the officers 
and men of the regiments, and at these Vicars was always present. 
On his part, the young soldier taught in the garrison Sunday School, 
visited the sick, and took every opportunity to read the Scriptures 
and pray with the men of his regiment singly. Of three of these, 
wrote one of his fellow officers, Lieutenant-Colonel Ingraham, ''he 
could soon say confidently that they had followed him in turning to 
God. At the same time he was also the means of awakening some of 
his brother officers to make the earnest inquiry, 'What must I do 
to be saved?' . . . The name of Jesus was ever on his lips and 
in his heart. Much grace was given him to confess Jesus boldly be- 
fore others ; and when he was adjutant, his example and his rebukes 
to the men for swearing carried great weight, and showed his zeal 
for the honour of God." In a touching letter to Captain Vicars' 
sister, Lady Eayleigh, written on the 21st of May, 1855, two months 
after .Vicars ' death, Dr. Twining says of his friend : 

' ' His was a lovely character ; it was impossible to know him and 
not love him ; every creature about my house did love him. He had 
to suffer a fiery persecution from some of the officers of his regi- 
ment. The Lord saw that it was best, and made it a means of 
strengthening and confirming him in the faith. You know, my dear 
madam, that a certain degree of religion is considered by the world 
to be decorous and proper, but there is nothing so much dreaded as 
being ' righteous over much. ' It is quite impossible for a Christian 
to comply with the maxims and customs of a world which 'lieth in 
wickedness ; ' but my beloved friend was strengthened to bear a con- 
sistent testimony to the truth, to take up his cross and follow Jesus. 
He took part in all efforts amongst us in the Redeemer's cause to 
win souls to Him. For example, the Naval and Military Bible So- 
ciety, City Missions on the plan of those at home, and a Society for 
giving the Scriptures in their own language to the Mic-mac Indians 
the aborigines of this country. Of these Societies he was a mem- 
ber, and his memory is now warmly cherished by those with whom 



he was a fellow labourer in these causes. But he rests from 
labours, his emancipated spirit is with its Clod." 6 


6. Captain Hedley Vicars' devoted life in Halifax is one of the most beautiful tra- 
ditions Halifax keeps. Early in 1918 died in Halifax, at an advanced age, probably the 
last person who remembered and had been influenced by Captain Vicars. This was Mr. 
Stuart Tremaine. The fact of Mr. Tremaine's friendship with Captain Vicars was al- 
luded to by Ven. Archdeacon Armitage at the time of Tremaine's funeral. 


Moses Qreeley Parker, M. D. 

ARKER is an ancient English family name derived from 
the occupation of the progenitors who first used it as a 
surname, as park keeper, and the forms Parcus and De 
Parco are found in the Domesday Book, the eleventh 
century. It is unlikely that the numerous English families have the 
same original ancestor. Geoffrey Parker, for instance, was in Eng- 
land before the year 925, probably a Saxon, while Johannes Le 
Parker, a Norman, came with William the Conqueror, and was 
a keeper of the royal parks. 

Arms. Gules, on a chevron between three keys erect argent, as 
many fleurs-de-lis of the field. 

Crest. An elephant's head couped argent, collared gules, charged 
with three fleurs-de-lis or. 

Motto. Secundis dubiisque rectus (Upright both in prosperity 
and in perils). 

There were no less than twenty-five immigrants named Parker in 
the State of Massachusetts alone, before 1650. It is not likely that 
they were all closely related, but there is reason to believe that the 
Parkers of Reading, Woburn, Chelmsford, and Groton, were broth- 
ers or very near relatives. Abraham Parker lived in Woburn, and 
in Chelmsford, Massachusetts. 

Deacon Thomas Parker, who was born in England, embarked for 
America on March llth, 1635, in the ship "Susan and Ellen," which 
was fitted out by Sir Richard Saltonstall, with whose family a tra- 
dition connects the Parkers by marriage. He settled in Dynn Vil- 
lage, later called Reading, where he lived in the eastern part, on the 
old Parker homestead where Deacon Parker, the immigrant ances- 
tor, died, and where Deacon Parker, the last of his family to occupy 
it, passed away in 1822. He was an active and prominent citizen, a 
man of ability and property. He was appointed a commissioner to 
try small causes in 1636, and admitted a freeman in 1637. The 



Chapters in the History of Halifax, Nova Scotia 



"It is most meet we arm as 'gainst the foe : 
For peace itself should not so dull a kingdom 
But that defences, musters, preparations, 
Should be maintain'd, assembled, and collected 
As were a war in expectation." 

HENRY V., ACT II, Sc. 4. 

"Horribly stuffed with epithets of war." 
OTHELLO, Act i, Sc. i. 

Let's on to Halifax ! There we shall dine to-day 
With fine young warriors, fresh from foreign fields, 
Glimpse from the Hill that guards the glittering Bay 
Symbolled in forts the power that Britain wields, 
And for Old England's rule give thanks and pray. 

ITH the King of France still ruler of the province of 
Quebec, and with Louisburg again a French fortress, 
the question of defence necessarily demanded prompt 
consideration from the founders of the new town of 
Halifax and organizers there of stable civil government for the 
Acadian province. More immediate foes, also, of the peace of the 
new community existed in the French inhabitants scattered, in some 
places thickly, throughout the peninsula, and in the Micmac In- 
dians, who for the most part commonly showed themselves in close 
sympathy with the French rather than with the English. The 
defences of Halifax, which in their later condition of strength and 
security have given the Nova Scotia capital a position of marked 
distinction among fortified towns in the British Empire, were 
therefore begun in a feeble way almost as soon as Cornwallis landed 
his settlers. On the plan of "Chebucto," made by Admiral Du- 
rell shortly before the settlers came, the two sides of the entrance 
to Bedford Basin, far up the harbour, very near, indeed, the fatal 



spot where the recent calamitous explosion occurred, were marked as 
places suitable for chief fortifications, but this suggestion, for obvi- 
ous reasons, Cornwallis ignored. Instead, he more wisely fixed upon 
Sandwich Point, now Point Pleasant, much lower down the harbour, 
and upon the high lands opposite, on the Dartmouth side of the har- 
bour, now York Redoubt, and also on the little island first called 
Cornwallis Island, but later named George's Island, as the proper 
places for establishing defences. On this island he immediately 
placed a guard, landed his stores, and prepared to build a magazine 
to hold powder. Very soon after, he had block houses erected here, 
on which he mounted seven thirty-two pounder guns, then carry- 
ing a palisade completely around the works. 

One of the first things he urged on the settlers after they had 
taken possession of the lots assigned them and had begun to build 
their houses, was that they should throw up a rude barricade of logs 
and brush around the town, and although at first he found them 
unwilling to spend their time on such a work, by the promise of a 
mild wage he succeeded in making them do it. From 1750, for at 
least four or five years, the encircling defences thus built consisted 
of palisades or pickets placed upright, with several block-houses of 
logs reared at convenient distances apart. The exact course of the 
barricade was from the spot on which St. Mary's Roman Catholic 
Cathedral now stands, "to the beach south of Fairbanks 's wharf, 
and on the north, along the line of Jacob Street to the harbour." 1 
Gradually a line of block-houses came to be erected, which extended 
from the head of the North-West Arm to Bedford Basin, the pur- 
pose of these being to guard the town from the Indians who lived 
in various places in the interior. A single block-house also was 
erected at Dartmouth, where a gun of greater or less calibre was 
mounted for defending the eastern side of the harbour. In "Re- 
marks relative to return of the forces in Nova Scotia, ' ' printed in a 
volume of "Selections from the Public Documents of Nova Scotia," 
under date of March 30, 1755, we read : * ' New Battery has lately 
been begun likewise not finished. It stands on a rising ground 
about two miles east, across the Harbour from Halifax. This to 
prevent shipping entering the Harbour under the Eastern shore 

J Dr. Akin's Chronicles of Halifax ("History of Halifax City"), p. 209. "These 
palisades," says Dr. Akins, "were in existence in 1753, but were removed at a very early 
period." They were not standing, he says, in 1825. 



without reach of George's Island." The battery here described 
was the well-known ''Fort Clarence," and we learn that its erection 
had begun, as the extract we have given implies, some time in 1754. 
In the diary of Dr. John Thomas, a surgeon in Col. John Winslow's 
expedition for the removal of the Acadians in 1755, the statement is 
made that about two hundred and thirty of the New England troops 
under Winslow were quartered at this fort in December of that 

In 1755, Governor Lawrence had four batteries built along the 
beach the first, the " Middle" or "Governor's" Battery, being 
where the King's Wharf is, and directly opposite the first built Gov- 
ernment House; the second, the "Five" or "Nine" Gun Battery, 
being where the "Ordnance Yard" was afterward established; the 
third being a little north of Fairbanks 's Wharf; the fourth, the 
"South" or "Grand" Battery (which is still in existence), being at 
the "Lumber Yard." These four batteries were built of stone 
and gravel, supported by cross-logs covered with earth and planted 
with grass, and had battlements in front and at the two ends, ele- 
vated about twenty or twenty-five feet above the water. According 
to the plan of Halifax made by Col. Desbarres in 1779 or 1780, and 
published in his nautical charts in 1781, 2 there was when 
he made his plan a nine-gun battery near where the Ord- 
nance Wharf now is, and a five-gun battery a little to the 
north of that, "but on an angle with the other." These forti- 
-fications were for the most part removed about the year 1783, and 
the grounds appropriated to their present purposes. The Ord- 
nance Yard, then a swamp around the battery, and the King's 
Wharf, were both filled up and levelled by means of stone and rub- 
bish removed from the five-acre lots of the peninsula, which were 
beginning to be cleared about this time. 

From various sources, soon after the founding of Halifax began, 
Cornwallis received warning that the Indians in other places in the 
province and in the Island of St. John, under the direction of the 

'Joseph Frederick Wallet Desbarres (1722-1824), military engineer, also captain in 
the 6oth Regiment, made a successful expedition against the North American Indians in 
1757, and surveyed the coast of Nova Scotia in 1763-1773. He was lieutenant-governor 
of Cape Breton, 1784-1805, was gazetted colonel in 1798, and served as governor of Prince 
Edward Island i8o5-'i3. He published charts of the Atlantic and North American coasts. 
See Prowse's "History of Newfoundland," p. 423. See also General William Dyott's 
Diary, p. 58. 




intriguing priest Le Loutre, were laying plans to attack the settle- 
ment at some time during the next winter. Before winter began, 
indeed no later than the last day of Sepetmber, 1749, the savages 
made their first attack. This, however, was not on the town itself r 
but on the scanty settlement which is now Dartmouth, on the east 
side of the harbour. In this raid the Micmacs killed four persons 
and carried off one. In the spring of 1750 they repeated their 
attack on the same settlement, setting fire to several dwellings and 
killing and scalping a much larger number than in the first raid. On 
Halifax itself there was never, so far as is recorded, any attack 
made either by Indians or by the French inhabitants ; there were, 
however, occasional murders by Indians in the outskirts of the 
town, towards Bedford Basin, of individual men who had found 
it necessary to forage in that direction for firewood. 

In the summer of 1755, Governor Lawrence sent the authorities 
in England a plan of the four batteries he had just completed, to 
which we have already referred. They were each twelve feet in 
height above high water mark, two hundred and forty feet in length, 
and sixty-five feet in breadth. The parapet raised on each was 
seven feet high, and the materials were logs and timber framed 
and filled up with stones, gravel, and soft earth. The next month 
after their completion, twenty guns were mounted on these three 
batteries. Later, but just when we do not know, the number of bat- 
teries was increased. 

In the autumn of 1757, strong appeals were made by the inhab- 
itants to the governor and council to put the town in a better state 
of defence. The majority of the persons so appealing were Mas- 
sachusetts born men, who humbly begged the authorities to let them 
know promptly whether their appeal could be granted or not. If 
it could not, they desired to take the first opportunity to remove 
with their families and effects to some neighbouring colony where 
they might be better protected. Probably on the ground of insuf- 
ficient revenue, the authorities seem to have disregarded the appeal, 
and it was not until July, 1762, that any energetic measures were 
taken materially to improve the defences of the town. In the early 
summer of 1762, news came that the French had invaded the Brit- 
ish settlements in Newfoundland, and fear was newly felt that Hal- 
ifax also might be attacked, the authorities therefore called a coun- 
cil of war to consult on better means of defence in case this should 



happen. The council met on the 10th of July and continued its 
sittings until August 17th, the result of its deliberations being a 
recommendation to the governor and council to put in repair and 
furnish with guns the batteries "on George's Island, Fort George, 
Point Pleasant, and East Battery, ' ' and to erect such works around 
the town and at the Dockyard as might be considered necessary to 
give the town full protection. As a result of this recommendation, 
some of the old works were put in repair and new ones constructed, 
but the immediate cause of alarm soon subsiding, ' ' further expense 
was deemed unnecessary," and the matter dropped. 

In 1763, the palisaded defences of Halifax were in a state of 
decay, and the Home Government sent a Swiss engineer, who had 
been General Wolfe 's quartermaster-general at Quebec, to Halifax, 
to prepare plans for permanent defences for the place. To the 
Ordnance department at Halifax the engineer submitted several 
plans, the first of which proposed making the place a walled town, 
with lines of masonry running up from the water front to the cita- 
del, with batteries at intervals on each side. The Dockyard being 
so far north of the proposed line of defence that it could not thus 
be protected, this plan, however, was given up, but another that 
was proposed was adopted, though it was not put in operation until 
thirty years later. This plan included the building of a strong