-
=
-
-
.-
PROCEEDINGS & TRANSACTIONS
OF THE
Held an the 5th, 6*//>m/ 7tb at November 1919
Vol. I
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute Poona
1920-
Copies of this volume can be had at the
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona
Price: In India Rs. 5; Foreign 0-10-0
PJ
3 i
ft 5
I
' rv OF \
in- \ry;ihhiisli:ui Pr.Ms. I'nniui by Anant Vinayak
ml (Miiiii- ln-ii .it Hie Bhandarkar Oriental
ircli I n Mt 1 1 II It- |'..IHI:I, l.y I' I I. * iulif, M.A., I h. D.,
Joint Secretary, First Oriental Conference.
CONTENTS.
Mr. V. P. Vaidya's Speech 1-5
His Excellency's Speech 5-10
Congratulatory Telegrams 11-12
Presidential Address 13-27
2 Sfcond xitt i
Election of Sectional Chairmen 29-30
Report of the Bombay branch of the R. A. 8. 30-34
,, Anthropological Society 35-38
i, i. Jarlhoshti Din ni Khol Karnari
Mandali
.- ,, K. R. Cama Oriental Institute
M it Bhandarkar Oriental Research
Institute 46-50
Karnatak Itihasa Mandala 50-53
,. Andhra Parisodhaka Maha-
mandali 53-55
3 Third sitting
Reading of papers in different sections
4 Fourth sitting
Reading of papers in different sections
Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabhusaua's address 61-6?
5 Fifth Hitting
6 Sixth sitting
7 List of Delegates
Patron and Vice-patrous 75
Representatives of Universities 75-76
., of learned Institutions 76-78
of Governments and Native States 78-80
Delegates Elected by the Working Committee 80-85
8 List of articles lent to the Exhibition
9 Donation*
10 Statement of Accounts
11 Contents of the Summaries of Papers
12 Sunimarir* of P
Vedic section i-xix
Avesta xxi-xxviu
Pali and Buddhism xxix-xxxvii
Philology and Prakrits \ix-xlix
( 'l.i.-^sn-.ii hit.-r.it.ure li-lxiii
Persian and Ar.il>t<- Kv Ixix
Ixxi 1\\
Ixxx
cxi-cxxj.
> lit
rln t
Philosophy
Archaeology
Ancient History
K:liiiol..^y ,11 :<! Folklore
General
PA-,' .
[1-11]
1-29
29-5:.
56-60
60-71
72-74
86- 3
J4
9j
U6-100
i-clxxxi
5
O
c
>
r^
=
I
If
PREFACE.
The idea of holding, under the auspices of the Bhandar-
kar Oriental Research Institute, a Conference of Orientalists
in India, Burma and Ceylon, an idea which had been in
the minds of the promoters of the Institute since its very
foundation-, took material shape in the following resolu-
tion of the Executive Board of the Institute, passed on th
12th of December 1918.
' That it is desirable to hold a Conference of Orientalists
in India, if possible, in Poona. in the month of May (1919)
a^d that with that view, correspondence be opened with
e : inent scholars in India, requesting them to communicate
to the Secretary their opinions on the subject in about a
month's time."
The Secretary, accordingly, about the middle of January
1919, addressed the following letter to about twenty-five
prominent Orientalists in India :
"DEAR SIB,
The Executive Board of the Bhandarkar Oriental Re-
search Institute thinks it desirable to hold an All-India
Conference of Orientalists at f'oona, if possible in the month
of May 1919. This would be the first Conference of its kind
in India, and it will be repeated periodically at different
centres.
The necessity and utility of such a Conference need not
be emphasis*-'!. You arp probably aware that, in the Con-
ference of Orientalists summoned at Simla by the Hon. Sir
Harcourt Butler in July 1911, Dr. Vogel had laid before the
scholars assembled, a plan for holding an Oriental Congress
in India ( I idc. the Report of the Conference of Orientalists.
including Museum* and Archaeology, held at Simla in 1911.
page 66 ft ) The present plan is a modest n, in that it in
[2]
to be a Conference, at first, of all Orientalists in India, and
limited in its sphere, as the memo* of notes below will show.
You are cordially invited to indicate your opinion at out
the scheme and the time proposed for the holding of the first
Conference in Poona, and to offer any other remarks or
suggestions you deem necessary. The co-operation of
scholars like you is earnestly solicited. If the idea meets
with general approval, further necessary steps in the matter
( e. g. appointing a committee etc. ) will be taken by the
Institute in consultation with you all.
I shall feel obliged if you kindly communicate your
views in details, so as to reach me before the end of February
1919.
Yours sincerely,
P. D. GUNE,
Secretary."
All the scholars thus consulted, unanimously hailed the
idea of such a Conference and generally approved of the
scheme. But the time proposed was found inconvenient to
many, and the Executive Board, while changing it to Octo-
ber in deference to their wishes, appointed the following
Working Committee ( with power to add ) on the 3rd of
March 1919.
Prof. V. K. Rajwade, Mr. K. G. Joshi, Dr. V. S. Ghate ,
Dr. S. K. Belvalkar, Prof. R. D. Ranade, Dr. N G. Sardesai,
Prof. R. D. Karmarkar, Mr. N. B. Utgikar, and Dr. P. D.
Gune, ( i. e. the nine members of the Executive Board, and
Dr. V. S. Sukthankar, Prof. A. B, Dhruva, Prof. D. R. Bhan-
darkar, Prof. M. Hiriyanna, Dr Ganganath Jha, Mahama-
hopadhyaya Harprasad Shastri, Mr. D. V. Potdar and one Re-
presentative of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society were elected members. Dr. S. K. Belvalkar was ap-
pointed Secretary and Prof. R. D. Karmarkar, Assistant
Secretary. But on the former's declining to do the work of u
Secretary, the Board on the 6th March 1919 appointed Dr
* A memorandum of points to he considered in this connection, such
us the aims and objects, ways and means, subjects to bn discussed etc-., was
also attached . fa ..st, the B.imc ,is I|H> one included in the lir.tf
Bulletin, it is gjveu further below.
P. D. Gune, Prof it. I). K.-ii -insirkar and Mr .\ . B. Utgikar
Joint Secretaries.
The Secretaries, with the approval of the Committee, sent,
on the 22nd of March 1919, the following letter to about five
hundred scholars and Pandits all over India. This may be
said to be the .///*' Bulletin of the Working Committee of the
('.inference. As (his was the first formal letter of the Con-
ference, it is given here in extens>.
"SIR,
We are glad to- inform you that the prominent Orien-
talists whom the Institute had approached some tirne
ago, with the object of ascertaining'their views regarding the
desirability of holding an All-India Oriental Conference,
have signified their approval of the idea. The Institute
has therefore decided to hold a conference in Poona of the
Orientalists in India, Burma and Ceylon, by the end of
October or by the beginning of November next This time
has been fixed in deference to the consensus of opinion of
scholars written to. The Institute has now appointed
a working committee of the persons noted overleaf to
carry on all work regarding the First Oriental Conference.
2. The memorandum of the'subjects to be dealt with at
the Conference, and of the ways and means proposed, is
attached herewith, and we hope it meets with your approval.
We have now to request you to lend us your hearty and
active co-operation and advice, by personally attending the
Conference and taking part in its deliberations, and by try-
ing to enlist the sympathy of other lovers of Oriental learn-
ing known to you as likely to render literary or financial
help. You will ^therefore kindly communicate to us the
names of all such persons, whom we shall be very glad to
approach. Awaiting the favour of an early reply,
Yours truly
P. D. GUNE.
D K. \iai.\RK AH.
N. 13. UTGIKAK.
Svcreta
[41
[\AH ,'/"' list of ^f^'.ml>e^s of the. Working Commit t^ bis teen
already given (if p. ['*? ], it M wof repeated here. ]
Memo of Notes on the All-India Conference of Orientalists
of 1019.
1. Necessity :
Conferences in other branches of learning such as
Mathematics, Science, History, Economics, Engineer-
ing &c., are now held in India from time to time. A
similar Conference for Oriental Subjects is a long-felt
want. If this Conference meets with success, it might
be held periodically"at different centres of learning in
India.
2. Aims and objects :
(1) To bring together Orientalists of all provinces
of India, in orderto take stock of the various activi-
ties of Oriental scholars in India.
(2) To facilitate co-operation in Oriental Studies
and Research.
(3) To afford opportunities to scholars to put forth
their views on their respective- subjects and to venti-
late the difficulties experienced in the way of their
special branches of study.
(4) To promote social and intellectual intercourse
among Oriental scholars.
(5) To keep pace with the march of scholarship in
Europe and America.
3. Subjects to be included in the programme of the Con-
ference :
(1) Sanskrit Language and Literature, (2) Avesta in
its relation to Sanskrit, (3) Pali, (4) Jain and other
Prakrits, (5) Philology of Indian Languages, ancient and
modern, (6) Modern Languages and Literature in their
oldest phase, (7) Archaeology, Epigraphy, Numismatics,
and Ancient Art, (8) 'History (Ancient), Geography, and
Chronology, (9) Technical Sciences (e. g. Ancient Medi-
cine, Music &c.), (10) Ethnology and Folk-lore, (ll)iPer-
sian and AraMr, (12) General: (n) Present position of
[5]
the academical study of Sanskrit and allied languages
(e.g. in Uni\ mskrit Colleges, Pathashalas,
&c. ),(/>) Old Shastrio Learning, (c) A Uniform Transli-
teration System.
Membership and attendance :
(1) All scholars and learned persons interested in
the advancement of Oriental Studies, would be eligible
to become members of the Conference.
(2) All Governments, Native States and Learned
Institutions would be requested to send members and
representatives to the Conference, and to allow
scholars in thoir employment to take part in its
deliberations.
(3) Boarding and'lodging arrangements will be made,
if required, for members at an extra charge."
(I) It is expected that the work of the Conference
will last for three or four days, the proceedings opening
with an inaugural address.
Deliberations etc. :
Scholars in India, Burma and Ceylon, will be request-
ed to atted or send papers. In order that the discussion
may take a fruitful turn, it may be necessary to have
summaries of the papers sent well in advance for being
printed and supplied to members. All papers and im-
portant points of discussion to be ready in manu-
script.
The proceedings may soon be published after the
Conference is over, containing, as circumstances may
permit, abstracts of papers and discussion, or even whole
papers.
The balance remaining after defraying all expenses
in connection witli the Conference may form the nucleus
fund for such Conferences, to be administered by a
ivpre.^ontative committee of scholars.
Ways and means :
I : is expected that the expenditure on account of the
would be Rs. 8000-(eight thousand).
[Cj
It is therefore proposed :
(1) To approach all Governments, Native States and
learned Institutions (Oriental) for their approval of the
scheme and for rendering direct monetary help.
(2) To invite public support.
(3) To charge a small delegate's fee (some five
rupees) from those who would join the Conference as
members."
The response evoked by this letter was without exag-
geration splendid, as some hundred and twenty-five scholars
all over India promised hearty co-operation and com-
municated the names of the papers that they would send,
and, if possible, read personally. Meanwhile, letters were
sent to the various Governments, Native States and learned
Institutions all over India, seeking co-operation by (i) giving
monetary help, (ii) sending rare manuscripts, coins, paint-
ings, etc. for the exhibition to be held in connection with
the Conference, and (iii) sending representatives to attend
the Conference. The reponso from this direction also was
beyond expectation.
The Working Committee held 9 meetings in all, and con-
sidered points like (i) fees to be charged to delegates these
were fixed at Rs. 5 -, (ii) accommodation and conveyances
for delegates both were to be supplied free of charge ,
(iii) election of the President of the Conference, (iv) select-
ing the site for the pandal and decorations, (v) settling the
dates of the Conference to be the 30th, 31st of October and
the 1st of November 1919, (vi) requesting His Excellency
Sir George Lloyd, G. C. I. E., D. S. O., Governor of Bombay,
to open the Conference and to agree to become its Patron,
(vii) fixing the programme of the three days of the Conference
;in<l announcing it in the form of a bulletin, (viii) appointing
sub-committees to look to the different items, like the ac-
commodation of scholars, pandal and seating arrangements
exhibition, the literary part, etc., (ix) appointing a Reception
Committee with Mr. V. P. Vaidya, B. A., Bar-at-Law, J. I'.,
of Bombay as chairman, etc.
The dates had to be subsequently changed to the Sth,
6th ami 7th of November, in order to -nil Mis Excellency
; iad to -..ine <|..\vn t<> Poona specially for the purpose
The 8i;-nn'J /.'/////// gave (i) the names of the papers
promised by scholars for the different sections, (ii) the names
of the representatives of the Universities, learned Societies
including Museums, Governments and Native States, and
(iii) the pecuniary help promised by the different Govern-
ments and Native States.
The Third HuUetin, issued on the 2nd of October 1919,
contained all information useful to delegates during travel
and on arrival at Poona, such as (i) the times of arrival in
Poona of the principal trains coming from important centres,
(ii) clothing etc. required according to the climatic condi-
tions of Poona, (iii) lodging and boarding arrangements for
guests etc.
The Fourth and the most important Bulletin, which was
issued on the 3rd of November and was personally handed
over to the delegates, contained the final and correct list of
papers with the names of their writers, supplementary list
of representatives sent by learned societies and the detailed
programme of the three days of the Conference as under :
' ,/ai/fi of the Conferen
(a) First sitting: 11 a. in. to 1 p. m. on Wednesday the 5th.
(1) The speech of Mr. V. 1'. Vaidya, Bur-at-Law, Chairman of the
Reception Committee, welcoming Their Excellencies and the
guests.
(2) Opening speech of H. K. Sir George Lloyd. Governor of Bombay.
(3) Election of Sir H.CJ. Bhandai k,ir .is President of the First Oriental
Conference.
1'roposed by : Principal A ('. \V.. ,lner,
Seconded by : Prof. fc>. Kuppuswanu Sliustri,
Supported by: S. Khuda Lukhsh, L-q.
(4) Presidential Address.
(5) Election of Vice-Presidents.
(6) Appointment of a Committee to discuss suggestions st nt by
scholars.
('>) Second sitting : 2-30 i MU- day.
(1) Election <>f I'h.tiniuMi for sectional meetings.
Reports ! aiul lies.
(3) MahUb!:..
work.
[8]
(4t Reading of the following papers of general interest selected b-
the Committee.
Saras-ul-Ularaa Sayyad Muhammad A short Note on the Arabic Langu-
Amin, Jubbulpore. age.
Maung Sohwe Zan Aung, Esq., Ran- The Buddhist Philosophy of Change.
goon.
Dr. Gauranganath Banerjee, Cal- Indian as known to the ancient
cutta. Woild.
Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, Calcutta. The Origin of Indian Alphabet.
P. R Desai Esq., Bombay. Okhaharaua in the Shahnameh
Prof. M. Hiriyanna, Mysore. Indian Aesthetics.
S. K. Hodiw.ii i, Ev[., Bombay. V.iruna. the prototype ot A'auni-
maztla.
Dr. Ganganath Jha, Benares. Theism, of Gautama, the found' ui
Nyaya.
(c) Third sitting : 8-30 to 10-30 a. m. Thursday the Gtli Nuvemlu ,
The Conference will split itself up into the following sections :--
Sections. Chairmen.
Veda and Avesta. Dr. R. Zimmermann an:! Dr. J. J
Modi.
Classical Literature and Modern Prof. S. Kuppuswairi' Sh istri.
Vernaculars.
Ethnology and Folklore, Persian and Dr. Modi and S Kluuia iiuklisit
Arabic. Esq.
Technical Science. G. R. Kuye,
Archaeology. Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar.
(/) Fourth sitting : 2-30 to 5-30 p. m. the same day.
Sections. < 'luiirnu n.
Philosophy. Dr. Ganguuatli .HIM.
Buddhism. Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabhu
Anneu: Histcjry. Prof. Krishnasw.nni Aiyang;n\
Philology and Prakrits. Prof. V. K. Rajwade.
(p) Fifth sitting : 8-30 to 10-30 a. ra., Friday, the 7th November.
i ieneral Session. The following papers selected by tht- Commit U-L will
be read :
Principal A. C. Woolner, Lahore. The philolo^i .il Argnini';
. upper Limit to the Age of the
Rgveda.
-mja. Nak ~>ou.
' Majumdar, Calcutta. Ibe ean
{9}
Hi. h.nia '-utt:i. The earliest prehistoric Hel
between India and the West.
J. Modi, Bombay. King Akbar and the Persian trans-
lation* from Sanskrit.
':adhakumii(l Mookerji, Mysore. Educational Organisation in the
Upanisads.
.1.1' i h, Esq.. Bombay. Ary.ina Vaejo, or the Cradle ot
Indo-Aryan Civilisation.
I 'rot , Poona. Asurasya Mftyfi in the Kgveda.
Ur. Siuis C'hiiiidni Vidyabhusana, NSgSrjuna. the earliest writer of
the Renaissance Period.
linlull;ih. Calcutta. Magadh! Prakrit and Bengali.
M-. ii. I'. Taylor, Aliraedal)ud. Note on some Valabhi Coins.
(/) Sixth sitting : 2-30 to 5 p. m. the same day.
ih v'unsiderau..,! <>t tin- Report of the Committee appointed at the
nrst sitting.
oral resolutions regarding the constitution of the Conference,
etc.
To. idling of Second Languages at the Universities, Transliteration
tern etc.
L Mime Bulletin also showed where scholars were to
L> lodged. Four different centres had to be chosen for this
purpose:- (i) the Vaidikashram, the Avate and the Leie
quarters and the guest house of the Servants of India Society
all .viiU. o to 10 minutes' walk from the pandal erected
in t'n>nt of the Institute ; (ii) the National Hotel just opposite
the Railway Station, where Parsee delegates were accom-
mo.iaiiMl; (ii) N<> I >. Klphinstone Head, (Camp), which
with all :irrungeinenth and comfort^ u a > kindly
placed ai the disposal of our Mahomedan delegates by the
llon'hli- Klian Hahadur Ibrahim Haroon Jaffa r, vho mag-
iiiuiimously treated our delegates as his personal guests;
(iv) an<l tho Sangam Bungalow, where Mr. P. E. Percival,
then District Judge of Poona, very kindly treated
diir Kur. .pra-i drk.'-jiites as his personal -.uc
Thixc nu'l' uid scvon or eight Hrst class ghan
were in attendance for five days, carrying delegates from
i) to th.'ir iv ulniccs and from the latter to the
v, r, ,
erveti AS vnluiiloets aud wen-
I 10 I
always at the DOCK MI>I call of the delegates, studying theii
comforts.
The whole staff of the Institute very naturally looked to
one kind of business or another in connection with tne Con-
ference and did us excellent service in a spirit of noble
selflessness. They did nothing more nor less than their duty
as they think, but none the less, our most cordial thanks are
due to them and to the young volunteers. Amongst the
latter, we cannot but make special mention of Mr. Tam-
hankar, B. A., our Head Volunteer, and Mr. L. V. Vaidya,
the son of the chairman of the Reception Committee, who
managed the volunteers so ably and by personal example
cheered them on to do any piece of work that fell upon
them.
In the literary work that had to be done immediately
before the Conference, for instance, the printing of the sum-
maries of papers, we have to rocord our deep obligations to
Prof. C. V. Rajwade, M. A., of Baroda and Prof. P. L. Vaidya,
B. A., of Sangli, who, now by turns aiid now together,
attended the Aryabhushan Press to see through the print-
ing. Had it not been for their timely and willing
help, we doubt if we could have placed the summaries
in printed form ( although in the last-proof stage ) in
the hands of our delegates in time. Our thanks are also due
to the manager of the Aryabhushan Press, who did the
printing work of the tinininarivx at high pressure and to the
Manager of the Orphanage Preds, who did the printing of
the fourth Bulletin with a map of Poona, in time to be use-
ful to the delegates, and the addresses of the Chairman ol
the Reception Committee and the President so beauti-
fully.
While the Secretaries, always in consultation with the
Working Committee, looked to the literary part, to the com-
fort of scholars, the seating and other arrangements and the
actual conduct of business during the three busy days, l)r
Belvalkar, helped by representatives from different
museums and libraries, was in charge of the Exhibition,
wher .nuscripts, illuminated scroll* MI* coins and
paintings, were beautifully arranged .m tables and in show-
fll I
oases ma ially l"i tlu- purpose. A list of i
important exhibits with the names i [nstitati vern-
ments and States that kindly lent them, will bo found at the
end of the
As to the success or otherwise of the Conference, the
literary world will be able to judge when tin /'/
and the volume of papers will be in their hands. We, on <>m
part, feel it our duty to acknowledge that, whatever was
achieved, vas mainly due to the loyal co-operation of the
Working Committee, the cheerful accommodating spir
the scholars, and particularly to the willing help always
rendered by Professors D. D. Kapadia and N. D. Minooher
Homji of the Deccan College and by Barrister V. P. Vaidya
and Dr. Zimmermann of Bombay. These gentlemen, not
only gave advice whenever consulted, but also ungrudgingly
did every service that was required of them in the interest of
the First Oriental Conference. In common with them and
.ither membeiv. .f tin- Working Committee, we share the rare
;-..nit".iri i>r luiving served unsi-llishly a great and noMi- cause.
P. D. GUNE,
R. D. KARMARKAR,
N. B. UTGIKAR,
Honorary Secretaries,
First Oriental Conference,
POONA.
Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, President of the First Oriental Conference, Poona.
THE
FIRST ORIENTAL CONFERENCE, POONA
PROCEEDINGS
I. KIKS'J BITTING, V\ KNNKSUA^. IHK :.l II of NuVKMBER.
ll A. M. to 1 P. M.
1. The First Oriental Conference met in a spacious
pandal erected specially for the purpose in front of the
Bhandarkar Institute, at 11 A. M. on Wednesday the 5th of
November 1919. Many distinguished persons such as the
Chief of Aundh, the Chief of Sangli, the Chief of Miraj, the
Yuvarajas of Aundh and Bhor, the Hon. Sir George Carmai-
ohael and Lady Carmaichael, the Hon. Sir Ibrahim Rahim-
toola, the Hon. Mr. Curtis, the Hon. Mr. R. P. Paranjpye, the
Hon. Mr. Covernton and Mrs. Covernton, Mr. G. A. Thomas
and Mrs. Thomas, Dr. D. Mackichan, the Hon. Khan Baha-
dur Ibrahim Haroon Jafifar, acd the Hon. Mr. Upasani
among others, all the delegates (vide Appendix A.) and some
five hundred visitors were in attendance. His Excellency
Sir Creorge Lloyd, G. C. I. E., D. S. O., Governor of Bombay,
and Patron of the Conference, arrived at 11 A M. precisely
and was received at the entrance by the Chief of Aundh, the
Chairman of the Reception Committee and the Secretaries.
The proceedings began with the following address of
welcome by Mr. V. P. Vaidya, B.A., Bar-at-Law, J. P., Chair-
man i (lit- Reception Committee.
" Vot'K EXCEL! BNCY, LA ISH,
Hn behalf of our Rtnvption CommitUf. I t'eel great plea-
sure to welcome you all to this i nferenco oi ti.i-
2 First Oriental Conference.
Orientalists in India, which is an event of exceptional in-
terest and importance in the annals of learning in this
country.
The idea of bringing savants of different countries to-
gether, where they can make acquaintances and discuss
questions of Oriental studies, was started in Europe and in
the year 1873 the First International Congress of the Orien-
talists met at Paris, that great city of learning, arts and pro-
gress. The next year the Congress met in London, a place
again distinguished for its interests of Commerce, Educa-
tional activities and Inauguration of Western civilization in
India, where the English nation has undertaken the duties
of governing the people of different languages, of varied re-
ligions and of a vast indigenous literature, which, even after
the work of centuries, remains only partially explored. In
this the 2nd Congress, India was represented by no less a
scholar than the late Mr. Shankar Pandurang Pandit, whose
labour in the research of the Indian literature, recognized on
all hands, was as remarkable as his services to the country,
both as a distinguished officer of the. Government and as an
administrator of an Indian State. Several Congresses have
met thereafter in the prominent capitals of Europe and I- see
here amongst us some of the learned men of India, who were
invited there and who made impression on their brethren,
which has elicited opinions of respect and admiration. To
name some of them, they were Dr. Ramkrishna, Dr. J. J.
Modi, the late Dr. H. H. Dhruva, and other younger men
most of whom are present here.
The question of bringing the International Congress of
Orientalists to India, was suggested several times, but was
dropped on account of the difficulties of long distance and
the time that the European scholars may not be able to spare,
even in their vacations. In the meantime, India was prepar-
ing young men to take up the work so eminently done by
their aged professors and friends. Some of these young men
proceeded to the Universities in England and the Continent
and studied tb*> methods for which European scholarship is
distinguished ; while others imbibed the spirit from the in-
spiring example of Gurus like Sir Ramkrishna. As a result
we set- tu-day amongst us Indian scholars whose distinction
Proceedings. 3
for learning, research and judgment can do honour even to
the eminent savants under wlx>m Ouy t".k thpir lessons in
the Iijdian and European Universities.
In response to the general desire of people interested in
the Oriental learning, the Bhaiidarkar Institute proposed to
have a conference in India, where the work so ably com-
menced in Kurope and carried on for nearly a quarter of a
century, would be continued with facilities and first-hand
information, which could be easily made available in this
country. As a prominent seat of learning in Western India,
as the residence of Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar, whose re-
putation, not only in India but in the whole world, as an
Orientalist of unprecedented eminence, remains unchalleng-
ed, Poona suggested itself as the best place for the first ga-
thering of this importance. Gentlemen taking interest in
the question were consulted, Government and learned bodies
were approached and they all with one voice agreed to sup-
port. Your Excellency's Government was the first to come
forward with a handsome donation of Rs. 1500 - and the
further allowance of travelling facilities and other conces-
sions to the scholars of this province who proposed to attend
the Conference. The Imperial Government of India has
been pleased to send us Rs. 1000,-. The Bengal and the
United Provinces Governments have sanctioned grants of Rs.
1500,- and Rs. 2000 - respectively; the Government of Burma
has sanction- .00 - and allowed similar facilities to
scholars. His MM Kxalted Highness the Nizam of Hydera-
bad, His Highness the Gaekwar of Baroda and H. H. the
Maharaja of Mysore have contributed Rs. 1000- each and
have further favoured u I -ending scholars from their
States with exhibits of Manuscripts, Inscriptions, and Coins
for our Exhibition. H. II. the Maharaja Holkar of Indore
and H. H. the Maharaja of Bhavnagar, H. H. the
Maharaja of Dhrangadhra, and tho Administrator of Juna-
gadh State have each contributed Rs. 500,-. Thakorsaheb
DaulaUinghji of Limbdi, who i- H good student "f Sanskrit
literaturp, has sent Us. .!">(> . A number >i scholars and
gentlemen interested in learnirg have become Vice-pat r< MIS
of the Conference by sul->crilung Ks. 100,- each.
4 First Oriental Conference.
Our expenses were estimated at Rs. 8,000 to 10,000, but
the mass of literature sent to us by way of papers by scholars,
has far exceeded our expectations, and I should consider it
fortunate if our expenses do not exceed Rs. 15,000.
The Universities of Calcutta, Bombay, Punjab, Allaha-
bad and Mysore and the Council of Post-Graduate Teaching
at Calcutta have sent us 20 delegates. Fourteen learned
Associations and Institutions have deputed about 50 dele-
gates. The Museums of Calcutta, Patna, Bombay, Madras,
Rajkot, Bhavnagar, Bhopal, Jodhpur, the Archaeological
Departments of Mysore, Baroda, Madras, Punjab and Bombay,
and the Cama Institute have sent us exhibits of antiquarian
interest. The Governments of Baroda, Gwalior, Mysore,
Bhavnagar and Jhalwar have deputed special representa-
tives. Delegates have come from all parts of India, includ-
ing such distant places as Kashmere and Ceylon.
The papers sent by scholars, which number about 120,
deal with almost all the different branches of Oriental learn-
ing such as History, Inscription-reading, Philosophy, Philo-
logy Vedic and Prakritic, Numismatics, and several other
subjects which are classified by us under twelve heads. The
number is so large for a session that we propose to work by
sectional meetings.
One feature of our Conft rence will be to discuss a scheme
prepared under the patronage of Shrimant Balasaheb Pant
Pratinidhi of Aundh, a veritable scholar . himself. The
scheme relates to the preparation of a critical edition of the
M<ihfibli6r<it(i, the great epic of India. The question of the
Mdhab/iiirnfii is being discussed in Europe for the last fifty
years. The preparation of an authentic edition of the M<.ili<i-
li/t<irala is beset with difficulties which would dishearten any
scholar, unless he is supported by a band of workers who are
ready to devote, perhaps, their whole life to the work. Shri-
mant Balasaheb Pant Pratinidhi promises us help which
would amount to nearly a lac of rupees, which is about a
third of the estimated cost. Scholars as to whose reliability
we have no doubt, have come forward to help us and a small
number of them have promised to exclusively engage them-
Proceedings. 5
selves for the work of bringing to light a correct and criti-
cally prepared edition of fa'Mahdbh8rata, which is the
desideratum of each and every scholar of Indian learning-
I should not forget to mention the Institution under
whoso auspices we meet here. The Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute, named after the old venerable scholar
whose devotion and single-minded exertions for the propa-
gation of Sanskrit learning have created an atmosphere in
Poona, the parallel of which is extremely difficult to find,
was organised by the young scholars as a memorial to their
saintly Guru, who to them is an ancient Rsi incarnate, a
man of pure convictions and courage, an example of purity
of life, purity of thought and purity of actions. Sir Dorabji
Tata and the late Sir Ratan Tata were the first to endow the
institution with a magnificent grant of Rs. 21,000,'- from
which we have erected the Tata Hall for the Bhandarkar
Institute. Shet Hirji Khetsey, a rich Jain merchant, has
made an equally magnificent grant of Rs. 25,000;- for adding
a wing to that hall, to house the books and manuscripts which
we have and which we may hereafter acquire. There are
scholars and gentlemen interested in the work, who have given
contributions and they are nominated patrons, vice-patrons
and benefactors. The Government of Bombay have trans-
ferred to the Institute their extremely valuable collection of
Sanskrit and other manuscripts. Sir Elamkrishna himself has
made us a gift of his whole library, nearly 3,000 volumes of
rare merit. This Institute takes the leading part in all the
responsibilities of holding this conference. On behalf of this
Institution also, I welcome you and say that we greatly ap-
preciate the kindness.and consideration of Your Excellency
in coming here to grace the occasion and in agreeing to open
the Conference. I will now request Your Excellency to
formally open the Conference. "
3. His Excellency, in rising lo open the Conference,
madr fho following sppprh :
" MR. VAIDYA, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,
It is with the greatest regret that I have to announce to
y<>u that. .Sir Jtamkrii-lmu Bhandarkar is too unwell to attend
6 First Oriental Conference.
this Conference. In view of all that he has done to bring
about this Conference here at Poona, as well as in view of
the affectionate regard and esteem with which his name is
known throughout India, I am sure that we all at this
Conference shall express our regrets at his inability to be
here, and our desire that he shall soon be healthy and strong
again, and able to pursue the work, in research to which he
has given so much time and attention.
It is a very great pleasure to me to come to the opening
of this Conference, and I thank you very heartily for the
cordial welcome which you have offered to me. I in turn,
as the head of this Presidency, would like not only to extend
my warmest welcome to all those distinguished scholars
who have done us the honour to come to this Conference
from all parts of India, but to express the satisfaction which
this Presidency feels at being selected as the scene of your
first deliberations. I trust that you will profit by your stay
among us and will go away with pleasant recollections of
this, the first Conference of Orientalists in India.
The history of its inception is an interesting one. In-
ternational Congresses of Orientalists have, as is well-
known, been regularly held in the various capitals of Europe
for many years past. At the Congress that was held at
Copenhagen, Professor Macdonell of Oxford put forward a
proposal that one of these Congresses should be held in
India, but the suggestion had to be discarded for several
obvious reasons. After this, Professor Macdonell attempted
to arrange for a meeting of the Indian section of the Congress
at Calcutta. This proposal, too, fell through for want of
support in India. In ib02 the Conference that was called
the Prcnu'rr (..'<>n</r<'xs itilcrmition.nl </r.s etude* d* Extreme Orient
was held at Hanoi in Tokin under the auspices of the Ecole
Franc'iia,' <r Extreme Orient. This Congress dealt with three
out of the usual eleven sections dealt with by the European
Conferences, namely, India, China and Japan, and Further
Jndia. T!IP number <>i' members from India who attended
this Congress was very small ; but the proceedings of the
Congress attained, as I understand, a ve:y high standard of
fcdn'l UK! on the whole it was a great success. In
Proceedings. 7
1911, Sir Ilarcourt Butler called a meeting of distinguished
Orientalists in India at Simla, whore very interesting dis-
cussions took place, and where definite proposals were put
forward by Professor Vogel for the establishment of an
Oriental Research Institute and also for the inception of a
Congress of Orientalists in India. As the result of these
discussions and of the strong desire of those fortunate stu
dents who had come in touch with Sir Ramkrishna Bhan-
darkar to do honour to their revered Guru, the Bhandarkar
Oriental Research Institute of Poona was founded with the
help of the generous support of certain public-minded citi-
zens of Bombay, nt least one of whom may be amongst us
to-day I refer to Sir Dorab Tata. Last year the Bhandar-
kar Oriental Research Institute conceived the idea of hold-
ing an All-India Conference on the model suggested by Dr.
Vogel, and they accordingly consulted various leading
scholars and institutions in India, all of whom enthusiasti-
cally acclaimed the idea. The Institute thereupon
up the matter energetically, and this Conference at which
we are privileged to attend, is the result of their labours. I
am sure that you will all agree with me that Sir Ramkrishna
Bhandarkar and his helpers of the Oriental Research Insti-
tute are deserving of our warmest congratulations, both for
the courage and enthusiasm with which they have organized
the Conference and for their good fortune in having such
generous supporters. I am more usually in the position of
listening to requests for money ; but to day it is my task to
tender thanks to all who have supported and given help to the
present Conference, and confidently to appeal to them to
give their generous support to the new developments which
will, I am convinced, be the result of your discussions this
week.
The purposes which have been in view in holding such a
Conference, are very succinctly laid down in the memorandum
issued by the Secretaries to the Conference, and I will not
repeat them here. Such Conferences are of value not on.
the scholars throughout the world, but also to the general
public. Those present have the advantage of meeting each
:uul >f discussing topics of mutual interest >.-!,<>lars
I will n-ad with interest the many papers which hav?
8 First Oriental Conference.
been contributed, and the reports of the work of the Conference
which will be issued later. Lastly, the general public will
have the interest in these subjects awakened or stimulated,
and fresh enthusiasts in the cause of Orientalism in India
will be attracted.
Sir Rarakrishna Bhandarkar, in the address which
he should have read to you, but which will now be read
by another gentleman, would give you two very excellent
pieces of advice. He will tell you to avoid undue artificia-
lity and to preserve a sane and judicial outlook when dis-
cussing controversial matters. This is an advice which it is
very easy to give on the platform, but extremely difficult to
follow when we are involved in the heat of our favourite
controversy. It is not rare in the House of Commons to see
two honourable members criticising each other's views in
the most unmeasured terms, and, after the debate, displaying
every symptom of personal amity and mutual respect. And
so it is in the controversies in which you all, I am sure,
indulge. Sir Ramkrishna will tell you that in the field of
critical interpretation of historical records, Europe has given
the lead, and that up to the present, the great' bulk of critical
appreciation of the various forms of ancient Indian record
is the result of the work of European Orientalists. Sir
Ramkrishna says that it is a natural tendency for an Indian,
when discussing the past of India, to lay stress on Indian
influences ; and for a European to stress the outside influ-
ences which are known- to have so largely affected the early
growth of institutions in India. This is probably quite true,
and there is no great harm in it. A European scholar has
the advantage of taking an outside, detached point of view
while an Indian undoubtedly profits from his superior apti-
tude for dealing with Sanskrit and the mother tongues of
India. Up till now the work done by European Orientalists
has held the ground, but many Indians are now following the
inspiring example set by Sir Kamkrishna Bhandarkar and
will *oon rival their European Confreres in the Indian branch
of Oriental study. The holding of such Conferences as this
in India will, I hope, serve to focus th.> atinntion of Euro-
pean scholar? on the very valualil.' \vi.rl: ih.n is being done
in I mli i I i a, in the next Conference which will be
held in India, European scholars who are interested in
Indian problems will be invited to attend; and also that
more Indians will find time and opportunity to visit Europe
and discuss these questions with their brother critics.
Nothing but good can come of such meetings. The preju-
dices of each side will be softened by debate and the history
of the past will be seen in its true perspective.
There are two other matters to which I would draw your
attention. I hope to be able to find time to see the very
interesting collection of antiquities of all kinds which have
brought together by the kinuness of many Government-.
States and Societies. Such a collection is unique and
should prove of very great interest to us all. Secondly, I
would call your attention to the tremendous task which the
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute has taken upon
itself with the encouragement and support of the Chief of
Aundh, whose munificent and princely donation I would
warmly acknowledge to-day; I refer to the critical edition
of the M<ih<i>>lt~tratu which the Institute has undertaken.
This is a monumental task, and, if undertaken at all, must be
carried through with the greatest care and completeness.
Not only money is needed, but also the support and en-
couragement of all Scholars who are really interested in the
work. I trust that as a result of this gathering, this project
will be put on a sound footing.
Well, ladies and gentlemen, I do not propose to speak
upon any technical subject this morning; for, to judge by the
very wide range of subjects on your programme, you will, in
the time at your disposal, have the greatest difficulty in
hearing the views of all those many distinguished scholars
who are here to-day. I have always taken great interest in
matters antiquarian and Oriental, both before I arrived in
I IK! in during my somewhat extensive travels in the East, and
also since my arrival in Bombay. I have found in the
Bombay Presidency much to interest me in the many
ancient monuments which exist at Poona, Bijapur, Ahmeda-
bad, Sholapur, and even in Sind ; nnd I have done and al
will do my best to help students by paying special attention
F. O. C. I. ?
10 First Oriental Conference*
to the preservation of such ancient monuments and other
places of interest.
I cannot conclude without congratulating the Secretaries
to this Conference on the very able way in which they have
carried out the organisation of the meeting. [ shall follow
your doings with the greatest interest, and I tr.ust that you
will all enjoy your visit to Poona and will profit by the
discussions and by the friendships which you will make
while at Poona.
I have in final conclusion to express the very great repr--
ets of Lady Lloyd, who, up to the last minute, had hoped to
come here to-day; but who, owing to a slight riding accident,
is not quite well enough to attend; otherwise it would have
given her the greatest pleasure to come and meet, in common
with myself, the distinguished ladies and gentlemen who
have come to this Conference.
Mr. Chairman, I have much pleasure in declaring this
Conference open."
4. On the conclusion of His Excellency's speech, Prin-
cipal A. C. Woolner of the Oriental College, Lahore, rose to
propose that Sir R. G. Bhandarkar should be the President
of the First Oriental Conference. Principal Woolner said :
" YOUR EXCELLENCY, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,
I have to perform the pleasant duty of proposing that
Sir R. G. Bhandarkar should be the President, of this First
Conference of Orientalists in India. I see no person better
fitted for the task than Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar, whose
indefatiguable energy and patience in the cause of Oriental
Research for over half a century, are so well known. From
his early youth, he took part in discussing on various orien-
tal subjects with such scholars as Drs. Weber, Buhler and
Peterson. It was against the latter, that he so successfully
mainlined his theory about the date of Patanjali which has
become one of the important landmarks in ancient Indian
Chronology. H Is patient search for MSS and the carefully
drawn up report-, , 1'ull of new matter, information and
research, are too well known to be mentioned here. His
Pro> 1 1
sphere of research lias been a wide uric, including Archaeo-
logy, Epigraph}-, . ;lory, Vedic studies, Phil
of the Indian Vernaculars and IIi-t>ry <(' religious sect*,
Kven as late a.s 1913, when
was in failing health and advanced age which cost him his
sight, he has given us his magnum opu.- utnsm
<tn<l minor /////,
Professor S. Kuppuswami Shastri of the Presidency
< ' dloge, Madras, in seconding the proposal said :
" VOUH EXCELLENCY, L^i .EMEN,
1 belong to the generation of scholars who can be called
Sir Ixamkri-hna's literary grand-children. It would there-
fore be presumption for me to discant upon our grand-
father's qualities. I heartily second the proposal."
Upon Prof. S. Khuda Bukhsh of the Calcutta Univer-
sity, and Dr. T. K. Laddu of the Queen's College, Benares,
supporting the proposal, it was carried with acclamations.
In view of the fact that Sir Ramkrishna was pre-
vented from attending the Conference by illness, the Con-
ference proceeded to elect two Vice-Presidents for the
conduct of business. Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar of the Calcutta
University proposed, and Prof. Hiriyanna of the Maharaja's
40, Mysore, seconded, that Principal A. ( '. Woolner,
and Dr. Sa'is ('hand tbhusana be elected Vice-Presi-
'riental ( lie proposal was
carried imaniiu
6. After thh Mr. V. P. Vai-Iya, will. His Kxccllcn>
permission, road "in id letter- l>":n di--
tiaguished i>oi - -n.^ who . regret at not
able to attend the Conference, but heartily wished it a
success.
Lord Willmgdon of Madra-, Kirst President of tl.e
1 'hairman of
thr i
a sure and I trust the .ice will be a great
BU0098& I have a natural interest in
12 First Oriental Conference.
opened it, and the gentleman after whom it is named will
always remain to me a great personal friend and one to
whom India owes much indeed in all matters of education
and literary advance."
The Chief of Ichalkaranji, Vice-President of the Insti-
tute, wired saying :
'' Kegret ill-health prevents me from doing my duty to-
wards the Bhandarkar Research Institute on this memorable
occasion. Please convey my apologies to His Excellency
and Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar."
H. H. the Yuvaraja of Mysore wrote wishing the
ference a success.
Sir Asutosh Mookerjee, President of the Council of Post-
Graduate Teaching, Calcutta, sent a telegram to the follow
ing effect :
:
" Please convey wannest congratulations to Conference
and respectful greetings to its venerable President."
The Hon. Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, Pro-Vice-
riiancellor of the Benares University, telegraphed, regret-
ting inability to attend and wishing the Conference ever
success.
Sir John Marshall, Director General of Archaeology,
while regretting inability to attend the Conference, wished
it every success.
The Vice-Chancellor of the Mysore University, in his
letter, also regretted inability to attend but wished the Con-
ference complete success.
Sir P. Arunachalam, Member of the Council, Columbo,
Ceylon, regretted inability to attend the Conference, where
he* had looked forward to meeting many scholars.
Mi. A. llyd;tri, Secretary to the ( Jovorninont of His
Most Exhalted Highness the .Nizam in the Educational and
Judicial Departments, regretted inability to attend the Con-
Oronce, tin. ugh ho had x<> mudi wished and liked to
aumd jt.
Proceedings. 13
Sir Deva Prasad Sarvadhikari of Calcutta, wished the
Conference every success and prayed that it might Icp.d to
useful and tangible result.
The Vice-Chancellor of tho Patna University also re-
gretted inability to attend.
The Hon. Sir D. E. Wacha, the Hon. Rao Bahadur Sathe,
among others, wished the Conference every success.
His Excellency then called upon Prof. V. K. Rajwade,
Chairman of the Executive Board of the Bhandarkar Insti-
tute, to read out Sir Ramkrishna's Presidential Adfl
Pmf. Rajwade rose and read as follows :
EXCELLENCY, LMHUS XNDOKNTI
I sincerely thank you for having elected me President
rf thi.x Conference. My only qualification for this post is
that 1 .am the oldest of you all, and if time allows, I
intend to give you an illustration of my age by mentioning
the several controversies which I have carried on since I
began life as a scholar. I take it that our b.idy here is com-
posed of two classes of learned men, those educated as
Pandits of the old school and those who have been studying
the literature of the country and the inscriptions and the
antiquities which are found scattered in the different pro-
vinces, by the application of the critical and comparative
method. As to the former class, there are at peresent two
ras mostly studied, namely Vyakarana and Nyaya. In
Iho former, Bhattoji J>>k it iV SiddXMakaumudl and Minn>r<nnH
and portions of Nagojlbhatta's Saflriiiln$<-i-hunt and his /'.//-
:nhisel;hai\i and the Navahniki and the Angadhi
from Patafijuli's Mnln'ilthiixya are taught. My only sugges-
tion with reference to this is, that the M'ihal>hit*iin is such an
important and informing work that it should be the aim of
'aiyakarana school to read the whole of it with its pupils.
f had an occasion in connection with a controversy to give
tlip c.irroct Dense <if tin- pri.vs.-i^e of Iho Mnlnif>li>i^i/ii in P. V.
>, '.'. KIVPII in the footii"U>. My <lihVulf\ fTM ;:'
1^ ^ i%vqf^ i f^: ^p^r fairer fft i ft
:
14 First Oriental Conference.
oially because Nagojibhatta in his Uddyota on the passage in-
terprets Mauryas as manufacturers of idols. I consulted
learned grammar pandits, but they were not able to give me
the correct sense off-hand, because this portion of tho Maha-
hliaxi/a does not come within the range of their studies. I
then wrote a Sanskrit commentary on the passage, and
they saw the propriety of taking Mauryas as a race of prin-
ces. My interpretation, that the Mauryas are spoken of in
the passage as having used golden images for their purpose
when they were in need of gold, was accepted by'Prof. Kiel-
horn who was opposed to me in that portion of the contro-
versy, as he wrote to me in a private letter and did not con-
test my view again in the Indian Antiquary for 1887, in which
the controversy was carried on.
The other school, that of the Nyaya, deals with what is
called the Navya ( or modern ) Nyaya, based upon the Tutva-
cintamani composed by Gangesopadhyaya of Bengal, the
many abstruse commentaries beginnining with the Duihili
of Raghunathabhatta Siromani, and ending with the Jagadisi
of Jagadlsa Bhattacarya and the Gadadharl of Gadadhara
Bhattacarya, are taught and studied in this school.
The whole learning has become extremely artificial and
the student of this school acquires a certain intellectual
acumen, which, however, is not of much use in ordinary
matters. It is very unfortunate that this modern Nyaya
hould have driven out of the field the system of Logic and
Didactics or Nyaya founded by Gautama and elucidated by
Vatsyayana in his Nij'rnjalihuxyn, for about the time when this
Bhnxya was written, the Buddhist Mahayana school had ac-
quired prominence and the two systems curried on controver-
A-liich are interesting to students of the progrc
thought. Vacaspati gives some valuable information about
this point and I have given elsewhere a translation of his
remark in the following words : " The revered Aksapada
having rompusi'd tho Sastra calculated to lead to eternal
MI <>f it ha-. iven l>y l';ik qla-
swamin, what is it that remains and requires that a
should be composed? Though the autlu>:
tlie .. of the . still
Pi-' 15
modern scholars like Din: >ers having enveloped
it in the darkness of fallacious nr^umf-nts (hat erposi-
ti"ii i- M <>t sullicient for determii.im: the truth llonce
the author of the Uddyota 'he darkness by his work
the !'</ ii/n.'n I. o., light (torch.)". On this Udi/i/nfu there is
a commentary by Vacaspati himself, entitled Vnrtilcn-
and on this again Udayana wrote the T'
These works represent the Brahmanic side of
the argumentation with the Mahayanists and a study of
them would be both interesting and instr active. But t
idy has disappeared before the cumbrous suUleliV'* f the
modern Nyaya. Still, however, I hear that some of these
'cs are read in the Mithilfi country.
There arc other schools also which might be styled ( i )
the literary, ( ii ) the medical and ( iii ) the astronomical
or astrological schools. In connection with the fir
Kavyas, dramatic plays and works on Poetics such
as the Kn i^itiii/an iniln, the Knrijii^rnknsa and the . >/a
dhara are generally taught and studied. The course
of this srhool might be improved by including some of
the works alluded to in the last two treatises. As to
the other two schools I have nothing to say. I am not
aware, whether in any of the indigenous establishments,
there exists a Mimamsa school; but I think that there ought
to be such a school in connection with Dharmasastra in
which the most important treatises on religious and civil
law should be taught and the rules of interpretation given
by the Mimumsakas applied for the decision of legal points.
1 consi ler i! .-. ! able that in connection with this Dharma-
UK! M imumsa school the oldest treatises, the fthiisyn
in and the Vnrfikns of Kumarilahhatta should
- tudied.
to thr other cla^s of our body i.
of critical scholars, the firsl thii - we have to bear in mind
-tudy of the Indian literature, inscriptions and
rriiiral M r. I % ^ : ^'d
IK! pro^r ,.an
n, is primaril. iy.
aim, therefore, should be to closely observe the manner
16 Fir si Orietitdl Conference.
in which the study is carried on by European scholars and
adopt such of their methods as recommend themselves to our
awakened intellect To an intelligent man this ought to be
enough to qualify him for the pursuit of critical scholarship,
and the Government of India seemed, at the Conference held
at Simla in 1911, to favour the idea of opening Research Ins-
titutes at the Capital City and presidency-towns; but sub-
sequent events led to the idea being set aside, and instead, the
Government provisionally adopted the plan of sending quali-
fied Indians to Europe and America to be trained under
famous Western scholars. We have now among us several
gentlemen, who have returned after serving out their period
of apprenticeship. There are others among us, who have
qualified themselves for the purpose by the method alluded
to above by me.
Between the Western and Indian scholars a spirit of co-
operation should prevail and not a spirit of depreciation of
each other. We have but one common object, the discovery
of the truth. Both, however, have prepossessions and even
prejudices, and the same evidence may lead to their arriving
at different conclusions. Often, however, when controversies
are carried on, the truth comes out prominently, and there is
a general acquiescence when it does so. To express the same
idea in other words, the angle of vision, if I may use an ex-
pression that has become hackneyed, may be and is different.
The Indian's tendency may be towards rejecting foreign
influence on the development of his country's civilization
and to claim high antiquity for some of the occurrences in
its history." On the other hand the European scholar's ten-
dency is to trace Greek, Roman or Christian influence at
work in the evolution of new points, and to modernize the
Indian historical and literary events. It is on this account'
that there has been no consensus of opinion as to the appro-
* The rot able instances of the former are afforded by the
efforts made by some of us to prove that the twelve signs of the Zodiac are
not adopted by the Hindus from the Greeks, though names of the signs are
the translations of the Greek names, and even these last are given in a
vrse of Varahamihira. Garga, as quoted by the latter states, "The Yava-
nas are the Mlecchas among whom this Sa'stra ( a-tronomy and astrology)
is well known ; they even are worshipped like Rsis."
17
xiroale period when the m>t ancient portion of the hymns
of the /i 'i r," /n was composed. Some refuse to assign it a
higher antiquity than 15 centuries before Christ, while others
carry it far to the beginning of Kaliyuga, i. e to about 3101
K ('. A scholar may have conceived a prejudice against
the Indian race and may look down upon the Vedic i
Thus our critical method is unfortunately too often
vitiated by extraneous influences. But this probably is due
to human weakness. A critical .scholar should consider his
function to be just like that of a judge in a law-court; but
even there human weakness operates, and renders a number
of appeals necessary, so that one judge differs from another,
and so does one critical scholar from another.
Now as to the subjects to which our critical studies are
directed, the principal one is that of the interpretation of the
Vedas. This has been the monopoly of the European schol-
ars and we Indians have not taken any considerable part in
it. But it is indispensably necessary that we should enter
the field. A European scholar may give up the function of a
judge which I have attributed to him, and assume that of a
prosecuting counsel. A certain individual, looking to what
are called the Dana-stutis or praises of gifts, has given it as
his general opinion that the old Rsis or seers had no higher
aim than the materialistic one the acquisition of wealth.
Thus he bases a universal judgment on what he finds in
about 15 or 16 hymns out of 1017. In the same Vasistba
Maiulala in which he finds such a praise of gifts ( hymn 18),
there are the outpourings of a contrite heart afflicted with
a deep sense of sinfulness, and humbly begging to be forgiven.
uch points as this last, do not attract the attention of
the posecuting counsel. Then again the same scholar asserts
The hymns of the /.V/ovA/ are for the most part com-
posed with the technical object of some ritual and this object
stands quite near to the later ritual." This is perfectly
wrong. The AVv</a collection has been treated from the
of the Aitnreijd Brahmana down to the present day, as a
storehouse of sacred texts to be uttered and used whenever
uiy new ceremony has to be sanctified. Tin; ''rih-
maria again and again states " that contribute?
-s ol i!u . in- 1 itu ul lich is p tessed of an
F.L. C. 1. 3
18 First Oriental Conference.
appropriate form, i. e., when the act performed is alluded to
by the Rgveda" This rule has been followed by all writers
on later ceremonies. The resemblance between the verse
and the act may be simply verbal as in the prescription of
xukran fe, etc.' ( Rgveda VI, 58, 1. ) in ^hich there is a men-
tion of the bright form ( sukra ) of Pusan, i. e., his form dur-
ing the continuance of the day, to the invocation of Sukra
or the planet Venus in the ceremony called the ' Grahama-
kha.' And this adaptation of different Rgveda verses for the
performance of the Soma services also, such as a Sastra re-
peated by the Hota, i. e. a priest, and for the choice of the
Anuvakya and Yajya verses, is apparent from the services
and the verses themselves, so that there is no question that
the hymns of the Rgveda form the storehouse for the prepara-
tion of the services required for rites that came on in later
times. ( See my Report for 18831884 pages 32 ff. ). Thus
it will be seen that the Rgveda hymns were mostly composed
for purposes other than those connected with the sacrificial
ritual and there are a great many hymns which are to be
recited in the morning on the first day of the Soma sacrifice
( prataranuvaka ), which are addressed to Agni, Usas, and
the Asvins. The commentator on the Asv. Sr. Sutra ( IV, 15,
11 ) states that Usas has nothing to do with Soma sacrifice ;
still as the goddess is connected with the proceeding Agni
and the following Asvins, hymns to her are intended in this
list. Thus the theory that the hymns to the Vedic deities were
inspired by the poetic inspiration of beauty holds its ground
firmly, notwithstanding the assertions of the above mentioned
prosecuting counsel of a scholar. The three deities, Agni,
Usjs and Asvins are represented as manifesting themselves
in the morning. The old Aryans were accustomed to rise
very early and enjoy the beauty of the Dawn and its thick-
ening away into brighter light. It will be seen from all this
that the cult followed the composition of hymns and did not
precede it in a far outweighing measure.
Then again an attempt has been made to throw dis-
credit on the ritual prescribed in the Grhyasutras, and
the Srautasutras, by tracing them to the practices of
savages like the Red Indians of America; and even the
Upanayana and the marriage ceremonies of the domestic
Proceeding a. 19
rites and the Dlksa ceremony are treated similarly. But
the main points involved in these ceremonies are neglected.
The priest in the case of Upanayana, is the father of
the boy himself and not a developed form of the " medicine-
man" of the barbarians. The boy is dedicated to the service
of the God Savitar in the words " God Savitar, this is thy
Brahmacarin; preserve him, may he not die"; and tie
object of the ceremony is not to scare away the evil spirits
if whom the Acarya (ft father is afraid. The putting on of
the hide of an antelope in the Diksa and other ceremonies,
the fasting which precedes them, and such other pract
came down to the Hindus from their residence in the forest,
win-re the antelope was a familiar figure, and from tbe
necessity of preserving the body in an unencumbered con-
dition before the performance of any rite. This is done even
at the present day when the Brahmins have to perform holy
functions such as meditation, celebration of the birth of
such a god as Krsna, the performance of the Sraddha cere-
mony, etc., and these practices are certainly by no means to
be traced to the weird performances of the medicine-man
of the savages. The question of magic rites is an indepen-
dent one and should not be confounded with the cults pres-
cribed in the Sutras. As shown by an inscription, regarding
a treaty between the king of the Hittites and the king of
Mitani, found in Asia Minor, the Aryans who ultimately
migrated to India were the neighbours, of [the Assyrians or
Axnryas and must have learnt from their connection with
these and the Babylonians the art of magic, and the subse-
quent composition of the Atharva-veda must have been great-
ly influenced by this circumstance. Therefore, whatever
weird and magical practices are to be found in Hinduism
of the day, are not unlikely to be traced to this source.
Notwithstanding such aberrations of scholars as we have
noticed, European scholarship deserves our highest respect,
and the erring individuals are corrected by other scholars
and on the whole no great harm is done. Still, we Indian
scholars ought to devote ourselves strenuously to Vedic
study. Yaska tells us that a science should not be taught
rnmunicated to a fault-finding or prejudiced man and
the mood to be observed in studying a subject is, according
20 First Oriented Conference.
to the nJKirinftK.il/ila, that of Sraddha, i. -e., a disposition to
receive whatever strikes as reasonable or an attitude of
open-mindedness. We are likely to be more actuated by this
spirit in the study of our Vedas than any foreign nation.
Still those of us who have not become critical scholars by
closely observing the method of European scholars, or serv-
ing out a period of apprenticeship to them, exhibit, a number
of faults and weaknesses which entirely vitiate their reason-
ing. A young man, the editor of a good many Sanskrit
works, asks me with a derisive smile what the necessity was
of naming a MS., showing the country it came from, and the
age in which it was written, when the mere fact of its
presenting a varied reading is enough for all purpose?. He
did not know that when a judge noted down the age of a
witness appearing before him, the name of the caste or the
community or country to which he belonged, he got informa-
tion from him which had a value in the estimate of the
evidence. Similarly anotLer young man, not fully acquaint-
ed with the critical method, said that Namadeva and Jnana-
deva were contemporaries but that the difference between
their languages was due to the mistakes of successive scribes.
He thus believed that the scribes could reconstitute the
grammar and lexicon of a language, forgetting to ask him-
self why the marvels effected by the scribes in the case of
Namadeva should not have been effected by them in the
case of Jnanadeva himself, whose language they had not
altered. I do not give these as solitary instances but as due
to the working of a spirit which has rendered Jnaneswara,
the author of Jnaneswari, which does not contain the name
of God Vithoba at all and whose Marathi is very archaic,
to be the same individual as the author of the Hdripuflm,
whose ahhaiigas teem with allusions to Vithoba and Rakhu-
mai and whose language considerably approaches modern
Marathi. The Marathi literature which has come down to
us is full of such strange theories. It is a very disagreeable
matter to dwell at this length en the faults of our Indian
scholars, but it is an allegiance which I owe to truth.
The study of Vedantism among European scholars is
dominated by the views of Prof. Deussen, who is a follower
of Sankaracarya's system of world-illusion and the spiritual
21
monism, but it is wonderful that nobody should b.ive pene-
trated below the surface of the question and seen that it is
not one system that the Upanisads teach, but several, incon-
sistent with each other and each supported by an Upanifcad
teit (see the Introductory chapter of my I'nixtinrisw mi'l
v</// isi etc.). I have already alluded, in connection with the
modern system of Nyaya which forms the stock-learning of
the existing Nyaya school, to the growth of a controversy
between the Brahmins and the Mahayana Buddhist?, the
Brahmanic side of which is represented by Vatsyayana,
Bharadvaja, etc., and the Buddhistic side by Pinnaga and
others. This controversy might well form the subject of
close study among modern critical scholars and perhaps
even a clue to Sahkaracarya's theory of world-illusion might
be found in the Nihilism of the Buddhist Mahayana school.
Another very important branch of our study is that of
inscriptions, which are scattered over the whole country and
are engraved on stones or on copper-plates. These last are
mostly deeds of gifts of villages or of the revenues of villages
to Brahmins or for the support of temples and other religious
establishments. These deeds contain the pedigrees of the
donating monarch, with notices of important points in the
careers of his ancestors and in that of the reigning monarch
himself. These notices have a historical value which must be
judged of by our usual canons of criticism. We are thus ena-
bled to reconstitute sketches of dynasties and of the principal
points in the history of the provinces concerned The ins-
criptions on stones contain records of specific events which
enable us to find a clue to the progress of the occurrences
described therein. We should be groping in the dark if there
were no chronological light thro vn on the events recorded in
our reconstituted sketches. Such chronology we have for
post-Christian occurrences. We have an era which original-
ly dated from the coronation of a Saka king and was called
also the Era of Saka kings. By a mistake in identification,
euch as those we have noticed in our vernacular literature,
the name of the Saka king was supplanted and that of the
Salivahana or Satavahana Dynasty which followed those
kings was substituted in its place. In the usual practice, the
two names are put together and the era is called "Salivahana
22 First Oriental Conference-
Saka" which can denote the names borne by two dynasties.
There is another era to which the name of Vikramaditya is
attached. There is a third bearing the name of the Gupta
princes, which has been in use for some centuries. Its initial
date, as compared with the Saka era, was given by the Arabic
\vriter Alberuni as 242 Saka, but unfortunately that writer
stated it to be the era of the extinction of the Gupta dynasty
It was however found to have been used by the Gupta princes'
themselves and hence scholars and antiquarians not only
disbelieved t hi* fact, but threw discredit on Alberuni's state-
ment of the initial date of Gupta era. Long and pungent
controversies followed on this matter, new initial dates for
the Gupta era being proposed. I also took part in the con-
troversy and my conclusion, recorded at the end of a note
in the Appendix A to the second edition of my Early History
of the Deccan, is as follows : " Thus, then, the evidence in
favour of Alberuni's initial date for the Gupta era appears
to me to be simply overwhelming." Subsequently in an
article in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XLII pp. 199 etc., I had
to consider the relation between the dates found in Manda-
sor inscriptions. These dates are given as the years that
had elapsed after the constitution of the Malavas as a Gana
or a political unit. This Malavagana came afterwards to be
identified with the name of Vikramaditya, just as the Saka
era came to be associated with the name of Salivahana or
Satavahana. The only Vikramaditya that became famous,
after the institution of the era of the political unity of the
Malavas, was Candragupta III of the imperial Gupta dynasty,
who came to the throne about A. D. 400, conquered Ujjain,
made it one of his capital cities, drove out the Sakas and was
consequently called Sakari. These two eras then, that of
the Saka and that of Vikrama have become our guides in
determining the chronology of the post-Christian occur-
rences.
Another source of information is that which is afforded
by comparison of the statements by foreign writers with
those found in the indigenous records. Thus Megasthenes
is mentioned by Greek writers as an ambassador sent by
Selukos to the court of Sandracotta. Sandrasotta is the
same as Candagutta, the popular pronunciation of the Sansk,
Proceedings. 23
rit Candragupta. Hence we gather the contemporaneity of
Candragupta, the Maurya, with Selukos.
Similarly, in the inscriptions of Asoka "Antiyoko nama
Yona Raja" is'mentioned as a friend of Asoka, as also four
others associated with Antiocus. Thus the age of Candra-
gupta is about 325-315 B. C. and of Asoka's coronation i
about 269 B. C. Similarly we gather chronological infor-
mation through the comparison of Chinese literature witli
the Indian. The Karikas of Isvarakrsna on Sankhya philo-
sophy and its commentary, for instance, was translated into
Chinese between the years 557 A. D. and 569 A. D. Pulakesin
came to the throne in 610 A. D. and was the only southern
monarch, to conquer whom the efforts of Siladitya or Harsa-
vardhana proved fruitless ; he remained an independent
sovereign. These facts are gathered from the writings of
Kiuen Tsang and our copper-plate inscriptions, which tally
with each other.
In this field of the study of inscriptions, the most con-
fusing points are those connected with the dynasty of
Kaniska. It is a great desideratum that all inscriptions and
other scraps of information connected with the family,
should be brought together and attempts should be made to
fix their dates. No such comprehensive attempt has, I
believe, been yet made, and it is now left to those of us who
have paid special attention to this branch of our study, to
make it. The Epiyrnplnd In<lica has been doing good service
by the discovery and publication of new inscriptions and
the whole department of Archaeology is devoted to making
excavations and bringing to light new sources of informa-
tion. Such a source is that of a Greek of the name Heliodora,
having been discovered by means of an inscription at Bes-
nagar, as a Bhagavata and a worshipper of Vasudeva, the
rise of this sect being shown as early as the 2nd Century
before the Christian era ( See my Vaisnacism etc. pp. 3-4)-
The field of research in this connection is extensive ; to cul-
tivate it and to bring out fruitful results, it is necessary that
more of us should devote themselves to the subject.
During the period that I have been working in this line,
1 have had to take part in several controversies. One of
24 First Oriented Conference.
these I have already mentioned, and that is about the Gupta
era. I now close the address by briefly setting forth the points
involved in one that is still agitating us, and that is about
the genuineness of the Aithasastra attributed to Kautilya,
which has been recently discovered. Prof. Jacohi believes
that it is the production of Canakya or Visnugupta, who
overthrew the Nandas and raised Candragupta, the Maurya,
to the throne. Prof. Hillebrandt, on the other hand, attri-
butes the authorship to a member of the school of Kautilya
and not to the great Canakya himself. The point I wish to
make out is that it was not written so early as in the times
of Caudragupta, the Maurya, but later. The earliest notice
of Kautilya's work is that contained in the Kamasutra of
Vatsyayana, in which occur a number of passages which are
the same as in Kautilya. It is then mentioned by Kaman-
daka in the third century, by Dandinin the sixth century and
by Bana in the seventh century A. D. But its existence is
noticed by no writer earlier than Vatsyayana's Kamasutra.
Pataiijal 1 ', the author of Mahabhasya, throws side-glances on
the things existing in or.about his time. He mentions the
Candragupta-Sabha, the greed of the Mauryas for gold and
their selling golden idols, and the beating and the sounding
of the Mrdanga, Sankha and Panava in the temples of Kubfera,
Rama and Kesava, the existence of a sect of Sivabhagavatas
holding an iron lance in their hands. In the extent of the
literature written in the Sanskrit language, he enumerates
a number of Vedic words with the Ahgas, Vakovakya (which
is defined by Sahkaracarya and Rahga Ramanuja as Tarka-
sastra ), Itihasa, Purana and Vaidyaka, but there is no room
anywhere here for Kautilya or for his work the Arthasastra.
Now as to the arguments that may be taken as pointing to
an earlier date for the Arthasastra, the following may be
mentioned :
( i ) Anviksiki as defined by Kautilya consists of Sari-
khya, Yoga, and Lokayata- This is the popular philosophy
of the time of the Svetasvataropanisad and the Bhagaradgita,
while the Anviksiki of Vatsyayana's Nyayabhaxya is the
system of Gotama himself. They should rather show a later
date for Nyaya Philosophy than an earlier one fur the
Art I, 'i
Proceedings. 25
(ii) Then again Kautilya speaks of his writing a
Bhasya on his own Sutra and of <//<' . the statement
of the view> ..t others and lastly of the Siddhantin. Now in
the chapter on Tantrayuktis, he mentions this last circum-
stance as the y ukti or the device for the exposition of the
system, so that it should not be necessarily understood that
the views of the Siddhantin or the last writer are given by
himself. Similarly in the F/<//r'</.s-/</'/v/, when the views of
other authors are first given, and that of Badarayana at the
end, it ought by no means to be understood that Badarayana
himself was the writer. Hence the occurrence of the name
of Kautilya should not be taken as indicating his authorship
of the whole statement.
Now as to the date of the ' itself, it depends
on that of Vatsyayana's /\'(7w</x/7/n/. Vatsyayana lived after
Kuntala Satakarni Satavahana, whom he mentions as having
killed his queen Malayavati in an amorous sport, by a pair
of scissors. Kuntala must have flourished in the middle
of the first century B. C. and consequently Vatsyayana lived
about a hundred years after > that he may be placed
in the first century of the Christian era. Since these
calculations are rough, we may assign him to the first or the
second century A. D. This is the earliest date to which
we can refer Kautilya. The la^ i of the chapter on
Tantrayukt i
qsf SIT** ^ ip ^ JF^.ljfiTrlT ^ I
apfttitefarang fa srrsrffc? $?T*II
the sense of which is '' Tlii was composed by him
Who, unable to bear itj exiri<-:-itt"l r ^nia
of ;iuthorit\ and the country under the sway of Nandar
The second word Sastra, which o n the last line, refers
to Ihr book, aeiually writ i en, while irring in the
linealh. lie eoiu-eption ami develo] . the
a. Tin Mid the development
Vrere attributed to Vi$nugupta by tradiiion, as \v.-ll as the
removal of the insignia of authority ami overthrow of the
of the Nandas. The Ar fore wa
tril)ut.-d fco a, because tru lly he wa-
F. u. c. 1. i
26 First Oriental Conference.
The study of the Avesta or the sacred literature of the
Par&is has been associated with the study of our Sanskrit
literature. There is a close resemblance between the langu-
ages of this literature and of the Vedic Sanskrit, so much so
that, with but the slightest changes, certain passages from
the one can be turned into the other. But a critical study
of the Parsi Scriptures began with a French scholar named
Anquetil Duperron, who came to this Presidency in the 18th
century, discovered that literature, and was struck with its
importance, Critical studies were undertaken in Europe
and several scholars such as Martin Haug, etc., devoted
their lives to it. In India critical scholarship of the
European type was introduced by the late Mr. K. R. Kama, in
whose memory there exists an Institute erected by his friend
Mr. Sukhadwala. Avestic studies were subsequently con-
ducted by a number of Parsi scholars, prominent among
whom is Dr. Jivanji JamshetjiModi. It is very desirable that
intelligent Parsis in greater numbers should enter into the
field and conduct researches into their ancient religion
and customs.
The Arabic and Persian literature also should prove ;<
fruitful field of study. Early Arabic and Persian writers,
like Alberuni, have much to say about the contemporary
history, religions, customs and manners of India. Their
study is, therefore, bound to prove of great use. Again our
mode ni vernaculars, especially the Aryan ones, have bor-
rowed much from these sources and many points connected
with their etymology cannot bo satisfactorily solved, unless
we seek help from the Persian and Arabic languages. I am
glad to note that the attention of young scholars is drawn
in this direction also. In this connection I have to n<>fe
with satisfaction the useful work that the Hyderabad Re-
search Society is carrying on under the patronage of His
Most Exalted Highness the Nizam's Government. I do hope
that scholars will take greater interest in these subjects, as
also in the Chinese and other literatures, without which
Oriental studies are bound to remain incomplete and 6ne
sided.
Now, gentlemen, T elo0e I MUJ very glad to observe that
ciitical scholarship has, notwithstanding the defects alluded
27
to by me, been flourishing among us. Good books and
lectures have recently been published, especially in con-
nection with the Calcutta University. Our own University
has not extended that support to original research that we
might expect from it. Still, I close the active years of my
life with an assured bolii-f that sound critical scholarship
has grown up among us, and that it will maintain its own
against aspersions and attacks. 1 am very glad to observe
that a large number of papers will be read at the session we
begin to-day, a good many of which must be important, so
that in every way we have reasons to congratulate ourselves ;
and this our Conference, will, I trust, be a landmark in the
progress of our studies."
8. His Excellency then called upon Dr. Ganganath Jha
of the Sanskrit College, Benares, to move that a Committee
consisting of the following persons be appointed to consider
the suggestions received from various scholars and to frame
a constitution for the Conference and to report at the last
sitting of the Conference.
Members of the Committee : 1. Principal A. C. Woolner, 2. Dr.
Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana, 3. Mr. V. P. Vaidya, 4 Prof. S. Kuppu-
swami Shastri, 5. Dr. T. K. Laddu, 6. Mr. J. 8. Kudalkar, 7. Prof. M.
Hiriyanna, 8. Prof. Khuda Bukhsh. 9. Dr. S. K. Belvalkar, and 10, 11, 12
the three Secretaries of the Conference viz. Dr. P. D. Gune, Mr. N. B.
Utgikai- and Prof. R. D. Karmarkar.
Dr. Jha, while proposing the motion committed to his
care, said that the Secretaries had received letters from vari-
ous scholars on a variety of subjects like the preservation
of Sanskrit MSS., a Central All-India Research Inscitute, un-
dertaking different works that could not be carried out by in-
dividual effort, constitution of the Conference, encouragement
of indigenous Oriental learning etc. It was impossible to
discuss them in a large assembly like the Conference and
arrive at any definite conclusion. Such a work could only
be clone by a small representative committee. It was there-
fore that he had proposed the Committee.
The proposal was duly seconded by Prof. A. B. Dhruva
of Ahmedabad and was accepted by the Conference.
9. His Excellency, thereafter, announced that a gentle-
man, \\lio wished to remain an"nym<uis, had .>i}'ered a pri/e
28 First Oriental Conference.
of Rs, 2000 fur the best historical review of Indian commerce
from the earliest times to the present day.
The conditions of the prize and other details were left
to be decided later in consultation with the donor.
10. Dr. H. H. Mann, Chairman of the Council of the
Bhandarkar Institute, then announced, with the permission
of His Excellency, that the Institute would be At Home to
the delegates of the Conference on Friday the 7th instant
at 5 P. M.
11. Shrimant Balasaheb Pant Pratinidhi, Chief of
Aundh, then rose to propose a vote of thanks to His Excel-
lency, and said :
" YOUR EXCELLENCY,
We are all thankful to you for having specially come
down to Poonafor this occasion. We knew of the keen interest
you took in Oriental learning and Oriental affairs in general,
and we trusted that you would grace the occasion by your
presence, as you have done, even at the cost of some per-
sonal inconvenierice/'
The Chief concluded by making a humorous allusion
to His Excellency's love of Technical and Commercial edu-
cation, saying how oriental research also helped in it.
Shrimant Babasaheb Pant Sachiv, Yuvaraj of Bhor, in
seconding the proposal said :
"LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,
I want to prominently point out the genuine interest
and keen enthusiasm shown by His Excellency in ancient
Oriental literature and other educational activities. My re-
marks would be still clearer when we remember, gentlemen,
that in spite of the multifarious activities of greater impor-
tance engaging the attention of His Excellency and in spite
of his being in Kashmir very lately, he could find time to
specially come down here to open this grand and unique
Conference the first of its kind in the educational history
of India. I hope you will carry the proposal with accla-
>ns."
Hi U'lioy i iit'ii, in words that befitted the occa-
sion, thanked the Chief of Aundh and the members of the
Hamster V. P. Vaidya. B. A. J. P., Chairman
ut the Reception Committee.
I
His Excellency Sir George Lloyd leaving the
Kxhibition Hall.
n
Working Committee in return, and was glad that the open-
ing session of the First Oriental Conference had been so
eminently successful.
After the distribuion of li\ ,<1 Pan Supari by
1 r. M., His Excellency, accompanied by the Chiefs of
Aundh, Sangli, Miraj and the Chairman of the Reception
Committee, proceeded to the Tata Hail of the Institute, where
an exhibition of old and rare manuscripts, illuminated
scrolls of the Miiliti'shUnita and the (/run, old and valuable
coins, paintings and other things of antiquarian interest,
was beautifully arranged in show-cases made specially for
the purpose. Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar and Dr. S. K. Belval-
kar helped the Chairman of the Reception Committee in
showing His Excellency and the guests round the Exhibition
and explaining certain exhibits. His Excellency and the
other distinguished visitors expressed their great pleasure
at what they saw.
II. SECOND SITTING ON THE SAME DAY.
2-3O P. M. to 5-3O P. M.
12. The Conference resumed its sitting in the afternoon.
The attendance, including delegates, was about five hundred.
Principal A. C. Woolner, one of the Vice-Presidents took the
chair.
Dr. T. K. Laddu then proposed and Barrister V. P. Vaidya
seconded that, as it had been decided to read some twenty
papers only in the general sitting, and as the remaining
bulk of papers ( about 100 ) had to be read in different sec-
tional meetings, the following gentlemen be elected chair-
men for the subjects indicated against their nar
Dr. R. Zimmermann of the St. Xavier's College, Bombay :
Veda.
Dr. J. J. Modi of Bombay : Avesta.
Prof. S. Kuppuswami Shastri of the Presidency College,
Madras : Classical Literature and modern Verna-
culars,
Prof. S. Khmlu Bukhsh of the > iiy of Calc
Persian and Arabir
36 First Oriental Conference.
G. R. Kaye, Esq. of Simla : Technical Sciences.
Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar of the University of Calcutta :
Archaeology.
Dr. J. J. Modi of Bombay : Ethnology and Folklore.
Dr. Ganganath Jha of the Sanskrit College, Benares :
Philosophy.
Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana of the University o
Calcutta : Pali and Buddhism.
Prof. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar of the University of
Madras : Ancient History.
Prof. V. K. Rajwade of Poona : Philology and Pra-
krits.
Mahamahopadhyaya Laxmanshastri Dravid, of the Sans-
krit College, Calcutta : Papers in Sanskrit written
by learned Pandits.
The proposition was carried unanimously.
13. The Vice-President then requested the representa-
tives of the different learned societies to read their reports and
called upon Dr. J. J. Modi to read the Report of the Bombay
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, which he did in extracts.
(1). The full text of the report is as follows :
' The Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was
founded in November 1804. So, it completes this month
115 years of its existence. Sir James Mackintosh, who
was the Record of Bombay, was the founder of the Society.
He called a meeting of some well-known European citi-
zens of Bombay at his residence at Parel on 26th November
1804. The Hon'ble Jonathan Duncan, the then Governor
of Bombay, was one of those who were present. He knew
Persian well. As a Parsee I specially mention his name,
because his name has been somewhat associated with that
of a Parsee Dasturof the time. The father of Dastur Moola
Feroze had brought from Persia the Desatir to which atten-
tion <>f Persian scholars was drawn by Sir William Jones,
'' the Columbus of the new Old World of Sanskrit and
Persian Literature." Mr. Duncan, who had come into con-
tact with Moola Feroze in the matter of his Persian studies
*' considered himself as supremely fortunate in having at
Procee<lin<i . 31
length made the longed for discovery " of the Desatir in the
hand <>f his friend, the Dastur. He requested the Dastur
" to show it to no person whatever, and having undertaken a
translation of it, continued to prosecute his -work, at inter-
vals, for several years, intending on his return to England
to present it to His Majesty as the most valuable tribute
which he could bring from the East." But alas ! before he
could do that, he died in 1811 and lies buried in St. Thomas'
Cathedral Bombay.
The gentlemen present at the above meeting formed
themselves into a Society under the name of " The Library
Society of Bombay." Sir James Mackintosh was appointed
its iirst 1'resident, Mr. William Krskine, a known Orienta-
list of the time, was appointed its first Secretary and Mr.
( afterwards Sir ) Charles Forbes, whose name latterly be-
came very popular among the people of the city as their
friend, was appointed its first Treasurer. Among the members
of the Committee we find one named as "Don Pedro de Al-
cantara, Bishop of Antiphile and apostolical Vicar in the
dominions of the Great Mogul," which reminds us of the re-
lations which existed between the Catholic Fathers and the
Moghul Court from the times of King Akbar.
It was resolved at the meeting that monthly meetings
of the Society may be held at 4 O'clock on the last Monday
of each month. The present Government House at Malabar
Mill was then, as said by Anquetil Du I'erron in his book of
the Zend Avesta, a rendezvous, where the elite of Bombay
met for their tea after dinner, which then took the place of
our present tim'n or lunch. The monthly meetings of the
Society remind us of those early days, when, looking to the
population, the times, circumstances, and the state of educa-
tion, there was more of literary activity in Bombay than at
present, when the lar^e number of Gymkhana- and Clubs
draw away people, and the papers, which are few and tar
between, are read before scanty audiences.
Calcutta was the first to found a literary society of thi>
kind. Sir William Jones, who, as a young Oxonian, was
adopted hy Anqueti!
Du I'm i .a < wai d- Hydo and '->thei- in his b'-iok on the Zend
32 First Oriental Conference.
Avesta, had attacked both the French scholar and the Zend
Avesta. Sir James Mackintosh in his first discourse on the
foundation day, referred to the foundation of the Bengal
Asiatic Society at the able hands of Sir William Jones and
discussed at some length the object of the Society, viz. in-
vestigations into literary and scientific matters pertaining
to the East generally, and to India in particular.
It was in 1827 that it was proposed that the Society may
he united with the Royal Asiatic Society as its branch.
The proposal was accepted, and since that year, the Society
gave up its former name and assumed that of the " Bombay
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society." Sir John Malcolm,
the then Governor of Bombay, and the then President of the
Society, spoke at some length at the meeting called for the
purpose of the union, on the subject of Asiatic learning.
Though the Bombay Society was thus united, in the matter
of its administration and funds, it was and is independent.
In the early years of the Society, its membership was
confined only to Europeans and its doors were firmly closed,
though often knocked at, against the. natives of this country.
The reason for this exclusion was that they were not suffi-
ciently advanced in education to take part in such literary
societies. But when the Hon'ble Mountstuart Elphinstone,
during his governorship of Bombay, helped- the cause of
education and when education thus began to spread, the
cause of exclusion began to disappear. Elphinstone was
also President of the Society. In a letter dated 5th Decem-
ber 1827, written to Elphinstone by Sir John Malcolm, an-
other Persian scholar, who succeeded him both in the
gubernatorial Chair of Bombay and in the Presidential
Chair of the Society, the writer expressed indirectly some
|H>JM ; "happy association between them (the educated
natives of the country) and their Kuropean fellow-subjects,
which will essentially aid and facilitate the future labours
and researches of the Literary Society of Bombay.
It was a Parsi, the late Mr. Manookjee Cursetjee,
v-er in various paths of advancement in the City of
Bombay, wl- tt the doors of the Society t bo
admitted, and, though defeated, knocked again and again and
33
was at last admitted. When lie was first proposed and sup-
ported in 1833 by Mr. R. C. Money, Secretary to the Bombay
Government, and Colonel Vans Kenandy, the then President
of the Society, his nomination was opposed by the Rev. Dr.
Wilson "on the ground that'it would give a preference over
their countrymen of the highest literary attainments to
those whose only literature was the acquaintance with the
Knglish language".* Mr. ManockjeeCursetjee was, in the elec-
tion by ballot, rejected by 14 black balls. Then Mr. Manock-
jee got himself first admitted into the parent Society the
Royal Asiatic Society, and then sought admission here in
the Branch Society. As the parent Society had admitted him,
he had to be admitted here also and so the doors were open-
ed to him on 29th January 1840. The doors of Free-Maso-
nary, which also were closed here against the natives of the
country, were similarly knocked at by Mr. Manockji Cur-
seji and they also were opened at last to him. In 1864, the
Hon'ble Mr. Frere, the then President of the Society, thus
referred to the subject of this election in his presidential
address :
'* Those of you, who have been as long connected with
the 'Society as I have been, will recollect the great opposi-
tion which was made in the year 1833 to the admission of a
native as a member of the Society. It is a good rule of our
Society, that no record is ever kept of those who have been
proposed as members and black-balled, but it is now a matter
of history, that notwithstanding the exertions made by some
If the most popular and influential of our members, they
signally failed in getting this native admitted into the Socie-
u member, and it was not until Manockjee Cursetjee
had been elected a member of the Royal Asiatic Society,
and his friends claimed as a right for him to be admitted a
member of this Branch Society, that the door was
opened.i All honour he to him for his characteristic
verance and indomitable courage on this as on all
occasions. After he was admitted, the Hon'ble Juggonath
Sunkersett, Sir .lamsetjee Jeejeebhoy, and others soon follo\\ -
ed ; n;id good reason we have not only to be proud of
Historical sketch of the Society by M r . < i K. Jivarokar.
I In January 1840.
. C I. 5
34 First Oriental Conference.
native members, but to be grateful to them for the splendid
additions they have made to our Library and Museum. To
whom are we so much indebted for presents of books and
a large and costly collection of coins as to Cowasji Jehangir
Readymoney, Esq., and the Hon'ble Juggonnath Sunkersett '?
and have not Bal Gangadhar Shastree, Dr. Bhau Daji and
Dhunjeebhai Framjee been large and useful contributors to
our journal ? Gifts and contributions, such as these, may
well make the Society proud and grateful to our native
members."
Later on, the Hon'ble Mr. Frere, when an address was
presented to him, said : "The Society now really is Asiatic,
which it hardly was before, but which I trust it will ever
continue to be."
In 1873, the Bombay Geographical Society, which was
founded in 1831 as a branch of the Royal Geographical So-
ciety, was amalgamated with this Society and it ceased to
exist.
The Transactions of the Society during its early years
were published in three Volumes in 1819. These three
Volumes were republished in 1877 under the editorship of the
late Hon'ble Rao Saheb Vishvanath Narayan Mandlik. After
its amalgamation with the Royal Asiatic Society in England,
all the papers read before it were sent to England to be pub-
lished in the Journal of the parent Society. In 1841, it was
again resolved, that the Society may publish its transactions
here in a Journal to be issued quarterly But the Journal
now is not issued quarterly. It is published irregularly as
papers come in. By this time the Society has published in
all 24 Volumes.
It is very gratifying to note that while at one time in
the early years even after the admission of Indian members,
the Journal had few papers few and far between, from
the pen of Indian members, now they contain mostly
papers from their pens."
(2) Dr. J. J. Modi, then as Secretary read extracts from
the lie, <>i-t of (he Anthrci^i,ln<iiml ,sVr /'/// which he represent-
ed. The full^report runs as follows :
< vedings.
The Anthropological Society of Bombay was founded
at ;i meeting held in the rooms of the Natural History
Society of Bombay, on 7th April 1886, under the Pre-
sidentship of the late Mr. Edward Tyrrel Leith, LL. M M who
was i's founder. Of the 73 members, announced at the meet-
ing as "Original Members of the Society" none are now living
as its members.
We hold regularly (except in May and December) our
monthly meetings on the last Wednesdays of every month,
when papers are read and discussed. These papers are then
published in our Journal, of which we have in all published
X volumes of 8 numbers each and 4 numbers of Vol. XI.
The Silver Jubilee Memorial Number of the Journal of
the Society, published in 1911, contains an exhaustive
index of the subjects treated in the papers read before the
Society upto that time.
The society has an official Englishman as president, but
the writers are nearly all Indians, well-educated men
who ought to be able to get at the correct facts, which
they certainly can present in good style. The Silver Jubilee
Number contains special contributions. The history
of the society shows good work done for twenty-five
years. Ihe index of the papers read during the period and
of the anthropological scraps ranges over the whole field of
anthropology, though from a perusal of the titles the merits
of the papers cannot be gauged. The specimens in this
number are varied and excellent, whether they deal with
legal matters, ethnography, ancient engineering, supersti-
tions, Hindu rites and marriage, or Totem theories. In such
societies all classes of the community can meet freely, and
interchange ideas to their mutual advantage.
As stated by the founder at the first meeting, the Society
was " not intended to be merely a local Society but one that
should embrace the whole of the Indian Empire." He fur-
ther gnid that there was probably no country in the world
which offered >> interesting a fipM Cor tnthropogioal re-
search.
The following were suggested by him as the principal
subjects worth inquiring into by the Society.
36 First Oriental Conference.
I. Sy^teniatization of the knowledge at present existing
with regard to the races of India.
II. Comparative Religion ; India beiLg the home of
Vedism and Buddhism in the past, and of Hinduism, Jai-
nism, Mazdaism and Islamism in the present, offered most
valuable materials for inquiry by the student of Comparative
Religion.
III. Comparative Law.
IV. The institutions connected with the genesis and de-
velopment of man.
V. Anatomical relations.
As to the first subject, some of the papers of the Society
have been written on the various tribes or classes ot India.
I had the pleasure of contributing seven papers on this
subject.
As to the second main division suggested by the founder,
we find, that he named the following subjects as worthy of
inquiry among many others :
1. The daily, annual and other ceremonies of the Brah-
min Caste; 2. The Religion of the pre-Aryan races of India,
at the bottom of whose list stood "the black-skinned jungle
tribes of the hills, who were hardly higher in culture than the
aborigines of Australia, The mother-worship practised in
every Hindu village, represented the primitive religion of
India. Closely allied to it, was the secret Sakta Sect. Both
systems were deserving of the closest investigation"; 3.
Sorcery, witchcraft and necromancy among the lower castes
of India; 4. Religious ecstacy or frenzy, under the influ-
ence of which a person was possessed by a deity, demon or
departed spirit; 5. The constitution and practices of the re-
ligious orders, such as Gosavis and Bairagis; 6. The sacred
shrines, idols and places of pilgrimage; 7. The primitive
custom of human sacrifice.
As to the third main heading or division, viz., I'ompa-
rative Law, the following were suggested as worth inquir-
ing :
1. Mother-law or the system of descent through the
female line; _2. Caste rules; 3. Oaths; 4. Ordeals.
Proceedings. 3?
As t ) the fourth iii.nii head, viz., the institutions con-
nected with the genesis and development <>f mini, the I'resi
dent specially referred to the following .
1 The pit/ - ol the Wania-inarga in Sakti-worship; 2. The
dedication of dancing girls to the service of the temple.
Coming to the last head, viz., Anatomical relations, we
iind the following suggested for further inquiry :
1. Collection of statistics regarding the capacity of the
human skull and other measurements of the human frame
among the various castes and races W the Indian Empire ;
2. The physiological and psychological characteristics of
the races.
The President-founder had in his inaugural addre--
wished that the motto of the Society should be "Surtout de
Zele " The Society has kept up the same zele upto now,
though not to the same extent as that which prevailed in the
first few years of its existence. I repeat here what I said in
my Presidential address as the President of the Society for
I'.M 1. "As far as the work of our liberal societies, such as the
Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, the Anthro-
pological Society and others is concerned, there is a fall in
the literary activity of Bombay."
What is the cause ? Is it that the educated classes are
sn much over-worked as not to be able to attend one or tvo
monthly meetings of these Societies V Perhaps that is so, to
;i small extent. But that does not seem to be the only
cause. Perhaps it is the number of Gymkhanas and Clubs
that have arisen of recent years among us, that is the cause
of this fall in the literary activity of the leatned Societies.
. we may say to the seekers of pleasure, that our
Society also offers a kind of pleasure. It is intellectual
pleasure.'
The (i rat office-bearers of our Society were the follow-
ing :
President, Mr. Tyrrel Leith; Vice-Presidents, the Hon'-
ble Mr. Justice Scott and the Hon'ble Rao Saheb Yiehva-
rmth Narayan Mundlik; Honorary Secretaries, Dr. 1>. Mac-
1'Miald, Mr. ^i \ Athalye and Prd edru<ca; Curator
38 First Oriental Conference.
of the Museum, Mr. H. M. Phipson; Librarian, Mr. (now Sir)
Basil Scott.
The post of President was held from time to time by dis-
tiiiguished geutlemen, the Presidential addresses of many
of whom as given in the Society's Journal, will give one an
idea of the great scope of work before one interested in the
anthropological subjects.
(3) Dr. J. J. Modi further read the Report of the Jara-
thoshti Din ni Khol Karanari Mandali thus :
" The late Mr. Khurshedji Rustomji Caraa in whose-
honour the K. R. Cama oriental Institute has been lately
founded in Bombay, was the founder of the Society. He had
gone to England in 1855 for purposes of commerce. On his
way back to Bombay in 1859, he had stayed for some time
at Paris and Erlangen and studied Avesta and other cognate
languages under Professors Mohl, Oppert and Spiegel He
also studied there French and German. Two years after his
return to Bombay, in 1861, he opened a private class
at his residence in the Fort to teach young Parsee priests
the Avesta and Pahlavi languages according to the
Western Scientific method. After thus creating and culti-
vating a taste for the study of Iranian languages according
to the systematic Western method, he saw the necessity of
founding a Society, where scholars and students both of the
old traditional school and the new scientific school, may
meet, and discuss and make researches into, various sub-
jects of Zoroastrian religion. So, in March 1864 : lie sent
round a circular among the local Parsee Dasturs or the
Head Priests, who knew Iranian languages, inviting them to
meet on 30th March at the MoolaFeroze Library, which is
now located in the above-mentioned K. R. Cama Oriental
Institute, to consider the question of founding such a
Society. In that meeting, a Society was founded under
the name "Jarthoshti Din ni Khol Karnari Mandali", i. e. the
Society for making researches in Zoroastrian religion. It
was resolved, that monthly meetings may be held on the
29t!i day of every Parsee month. It is not known why of all
the days in the month, this particular day was chosen, but
perhaps it was because the day bore the name of Marespan<
Pi'f>< 39
( Mathra Spenta) i. e. the Holy Word, the Holy Mathra ( JJHJ)
and so a very proper day for making inquiries in the matter
of religious scriptures.
The annual subscription was filed at Rs. 12. Now it is
Rs. 3. The Dasturs or the Head Priests Dasturs Peshotan
Byramji, Erachjee Sorabji and Jamaspji Minoncherji were
the Presidents of the Society for different periods till 1898.
Then Mr. K. R. Cama who was very properly called " a
laique Dastur" by the late Prof. Darmesteter, was the
President till the end of his life in 1909. He was succeeded
by Shams ul-Ulama Dastur Darabji for one year. Mr. M. P.
Khareghat, I. C. S., ( Retd. ), now holds the Chair. Mr. Caraa,
the founder, was the fourth President and he came to the
Chair about 34 years after its foundation. This may look
rather strange. But the fact was that from the very begin-
ing he wished to associate the clergy, and especially the
Dasturs, the leaders of the clergy in the work of the Society
and so he always gave them precedence. Even when the
President-Dasturs were absent, he did not take the chair,
but proposed his pupil-priests to it, thus showing that
from the very beginning he intended the Society to be a
field of literary activity for the clergy.
The Society has at times asked for competitive Prize
Essays. The first of the kind was in the very first year
after its foundation. The late Dr. Martin Haug, Professor
of Sanskrit at the Deccan College, who was also versed in
Iranian languages, had, at the request of Mr. Cama, deliver-
ed a public lecture on " Zoroastrian Religions " on 8th Octo-
ber 18(>4, in a bungalow on the Gowalia Tank Road at
'inbay. The admission to the lecture was by tickets of
i\s. 5 each. The sum realized, about Rs. 1,100 was intended
to be given as a purse to Or. Haug. But the learned lecturer
desired that it may be utilized as prize-money for some work
on an Iranian subject. So Mr. Cama offered the sum to
thU Society for asking prize essays.
The Society added Rs. 100 - from its own fund and a-ked
for two Competitive prize essays, one of Rs. :.'<)() lor the
text, translation and glossary of the i'ahlavi Dand-nanu'li
.\il:ill>:i.l M nv-|.aini and aiiotlur of Ks l.Ol'O f ur the
40 First Orients/ Conferpnce.
text, translation and glossary of the Pahlavi Dadistan-i-
Dini. Both the prizes were won by the late Ervad Shariarji
Dadabhai Bharucha, for some time a pupil of Sir Ramkri-
shna G. Bhandarkar and a quiet unassuming scholar of the
first rank among the Parsees, who, besides the Iranian lan-
guages, knew Sanskrit as well, and who later on, was, at the
request of the Trustees of the Parsee Punchayat, the Editor
of the Collected Sankrit Writings of the Parsees. The
second prize was won by him with a c >llaborator, the late
Ervad Tehemurasp Dinshaw Anklesaria, another learned
scholar, who also knew Sanskrit. Another Prize Essay
asked by the Society was that of the Gujarati Translation of
the "Vendidad. The prize money Us. 600 - subsequently in-
creased to Rs. 1,0^0 - was kindly given by Mr. Cama himself
and the late Ervad Kavasji Edulji Kanga was the winner.
The Gujarati Translations of all the parts of the Avesta by
this learned scholar are deservingly held upto now to be
standard translations by the Parsee Community. The trans-
lation into Gujarati with proper comments of Sir Oliver
Lodge's Substance of Faith was the next prize Essay asked
sy the Society at the instance of Mr. Cama. I had the
pleasure of suggesting the subject to Mr. Cama. He agreed
with me that in the midst of all differences of views among
the various sections of all the different religions, Sir Oliver
Lodge's book supplied a sure scientific basis of Truth and
Belief in the Supreme Power.
The Society has published upto now the several Reports
of its Proceeding intermittantly.
Papers have been read before the Society by some dis-
tinguished non-Parsees. Among these, there was a paper
by Professor Rajaram Ramkrishna Bhagvat of St. Xavier's
College. The paper was on the subject of "The Meher
Yasht" and it was read and discussed at a number of
meetings.
The Society had no location of its own upto now. It met
at different places. But now it is located in the K. R. Cama
Oriental Institute. I had the pleasure and honour of starting
and rolliTiing among the Parsees a Memorial fund in honour
.-f Mr (.' iota "M lii.s death I entrusted tlu> amount, which in
Proceedings. 41
all amounted to about Rs. 12.000/- to the Institute, on condi-
tion that the Moola Feroze Library and the Society, in both
of which Mr. Cama took a great interest, may be given a
home in its premises.
The meetings of the Society have been occasionally
attended by European savants coming to this country.
Professors Darmesteter and Jackson were among these."
At this stage Prof. V. K. Rajwade, representing the
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute proposed that as the
time at the disposal of the Conference was short, the reports
should be presented to the conference by the representatives
of the various Institutions and should be taken as read.
The suggestion was unanimously accepted. The following
Reports were presented to the Conference and taken as read.
These are here given in full.
(4) Remrt of I h>' l\. R. Canui Oriental Institute: by Mr.
R I' Masani.
" It gives me great pleasure and pride to present to the
Conference a brief account of the origin and activities of the
K. R. Cama Oriental Institute. It would have come more fit-
tingly and much more effectively from the gifted pen of so
eminent a scholar and educationist as the Rev. Dr. D. D.
Mackichan, M.A , D. D.,LL.D., President of the Executive Com-
mittee of the Institute, but as he considers that it should come
from me as one of the active promoters of the Institute, I
cheerfully respond to the call, although I feel I can assert
no claims to oriental scholarship myself.
On the 20th August 1909, a simple, earnest, saintly
scholar breathed his last in Bombay. Remarkable as was
his personality, long, phenomenally long, arduous, many-
sided and high-minded as were his activities and services in
the spheres of social elevation and civic progress, the late
Mr. Khurshedji Rustomji Cama will be best remembered
amongst the present and future generations of Bombay as
one of the most enlightened followers of the Zoroastrian
faith, as an ardent student and cultured exponent of the
doctrines and root principles of t IK- time-hallowi-il >< riptures
I" the I'arsis. ami a tho fat her and founder of a new and
P.O.C, i. <>
42 First Oriental Conference.
critical method of study of the teachings of the great pro.
phet of Persia. For the recent awakening of interest in
Avesta learning amongst the members of their community,
the Parsis are indebted to Western scholars. But the la-
bours of these scholars in the early part of the last century
would have borne no fruit, had there not been one among the
Parei community to enter into the spirit of those scholars
and to appreciate the lines on which the Zoroastrian scrip-
ture should be studied and construed. To the late Mr. Cama
belongs the credit of introducing among his co-religionists,
at a time of religious decadence, the study of comparative
religion and comparative philology. Though not a millionaire,
he opened classes for teaching Avesta and Pahlavi langu-
ages to the Parsi priests, paid scholarships for attending the
classes and took a delight in dedicating his leisure hours to
the instruction and enlightenment of the priests. Thus was
he the Guru of Gurus of the ancient faith.
It was, therefore, natural that there was a consensus of
opinion, when the eminent scholar and philanthropist passed
away, that the most fitting monument to his memory should
be an Oriental Institute for the promotion of Oriental studies,
and research. The proposal emanated from Dr. Mackichan.
It was approved of by the committee appointed on the 8th
December 1909 at a large influential meeting of the citizens
of Bombay, to collect subscriptions for a suitable memorial
to commemorate the eminent services of Mr. Cama and to
promote the many activities to which he had devoted himself
with exemplary zeal and self-sacrifice.
Subscriptions were received to the extent of Rs. 1,10,000.
This included a munificent donation of Rs. 1,00,000 from a
Hindu friend and admirer of Mr. Cama, the late Mr. Damo-
dar Gordhandas Sukhadwalla. Unique as was Mr. Cama
in his catholic sympathies, broad-minded tolerance and de-
votion to the cause of intellectual enlightenment and social
emancipation, no less remarkable was Mr. Sukhadwala for
the catholicity of his views and his anonymous donations
for the furtherance of projects for the social and intellectual
advancement of the people.
A separate fund amounting to Rs. 12,100 raised exclu-
sively by the Parsis f.ir perpetuating the memory of Mr.
Proceedt 43
i, w:is als'> made over to and amalgamated with the In-
stitute fund. A Trust Deed was then drawn up defining
tho i.hiects i.| tli.' Institute and flu; considerations under
which th.' Institute w.is to ho maintained and was approved
looting <>f Mil.scribcrs hold on the 31st October 1916.
At i he mine meeting the undermentioned gentlemen were
iii;i(Jo Trustees of the Institute :
Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan, M. A., D. D. LL. D.
Dr. Sir Stanley Reid, LL. D.
Shams-ul-Ulama Dr. Jivanji Jatnshedji Modi, B. A.,
Ph. D., C. I. E.
Mr. Sorabji Edulji Warden.
Mr. Mahomedbhoy Currimbhoy.
Mr. Kazi Kabiruddin, Bar-at-Law.
Mr. Rustom K. R. Cama B. A., LL. B.
Mr. Krishnalal Mohanlal Jhaveri, M. A., LL. B.
Mr. Rustom Pestonji Masani, M. A.
The inauguration ceremony of the Institute was per-
formed on the 18th December 1916 by His Excellency Lord
Willingdon amidst a large and influential gathering of the
citizens of Bombay.
The object of the Institute is to promote and advance
Oriental studies, to offer facilities to the existing societies
and institutions engaged in such work and to found scholar-
ships for encouraging and advancing Oriental studies. A
Fellowship has been already endowed for the preparation of
scholarly treatises on subjects connected with Iranian civi-
li/.ation and literature for collecting and editing >\ an'iscripts
in Iranian and Arabic languages, for translating such
manuscripts or for travelling and collecting materials such
as copies of old documents, colophons of old manuscripts etc.
for the history of the Parsis in India. It is proposed to endow
other fellowships for research in Sanskrit works or Muham-
nadan or Post-Islamic Persian or Arabic literature Thus
the work of the Institute will not be confined to the promo-
tion of Iranian studies only, but will also embrace the ad-
vancement of studies and research in Sanskrit, Persian and
Arabic lore and the Institute, it is hoped, will be a centre of
uiany Mdd ,-n Uvities in Oriental -. li^ht^hip, wrthy t the
44 first Oriental Conference.
distinguished scholar, whose valued services to the cause of
oriental learning it commemorates and worthy also of the
second City in the Empire in which it is located.
The Executors of the late Mr. Cama's will were good
enough to present his private library to the Institute. It is
intended to be the nucleus of a comprehensive collection of
works bearing on Oriental literature. With it is also locat-
ed in the Institute the famous MoollaFeroze Library, which
is now happily removed from the obscurity of a corner in
the Dadyseth Fire Temple at Thakurdwar. The MoollaFeroze
Madressa now holds its classes in the same premises and
facilities have been given to the Zarthoshti Dinni Khol Kar-
nari Mandali and the Parsi Writers Association to hold their
meetings in the Institute.
It is pleasing to record the encouragement and support
given to the Institute by the Government of Bombay. From
the very commencement of the project Lord Sydenham, the
then Governor of Bombay, took a keen personal interest in
the work of the Committee. While the scheme was matured,
Lord Willingdon's Government were pleased to sanction a
grant of Rs. 30,000 to the Institute. This amount has been
set aside by the Committee as a special endowment for the
foundation of a Fellowship or Fellowships and the interest
thereof will be devoted in the first instance, to the work o
compilation of a full and descriptive catalogue of all manu f
scripts and books in the Institute. Mr. Bomanji Nasarwan-
ji Dhabhar, M. A., has been appointed a Fellow for the work
of preparing the catalogue on the lines of those prepared for
the Bodleian Library at Oxford, the British Museum and the
Moolla Feroze Library. It is expected-that it will be com-
pleted before the end of this year. Other small funds have
been endowed, largely due to the generosity of the heirs and
relations of the late Mr. Cama, for prizes to be awarded to
students for essays on subjects relating to Avesta and Pah-
lavi literature. One of these is the " Surrosh K. R. Cama
Memorial Prize," for which any person, who writes in Eng-
lish the best essay on the life or teachings of Zoroaster or
some such cognate subject, will be eligible.
Institute is still in its infancy It has taken a long
time to settle the preliminaries and to overcome the initial
eedings. 45
difficulties. Now in the time for undertaking research work.
tofore, Bombay could not boast of a worthy centre for
Oriental research. Now we have got one. Similarly, I'oona
City has been fortunate enough to get an Institue endowed
in liHimur of another distinguished Orientalist. Let us make
these worthy centres in all respects so complete and so fully
equipped that scholars from the East and scholars from the
\\Vvt, who are in search of materials for their researches,
may find therein what they want. Let us also encourage
young men to avail themselves fully of the priceless trea-
sures within their reach.
The graduates of our universities represent the pick of
Indian literary culture. It is their sacred trust and privi-
lege to guard and to enrich the treasures of Oriental litera-
ture. A taste for such pursuits cultivated, during their
college days, would be an asset to them and to the com-
muiiity. How to create and stimulate it, is a problem to
which our research institutes will have to devote special
attention. Years ago the Dakshina Fellowships were in-
stituted for the express purpose of encouraging the ablest
young men of the Presidency, to apply and concentrate their
energies for the best years of life on the development of
vernacular literature. "What we want", observed the then
Director of Public Instruction, Mr. Howard, "is a race of
native authors who, being full of sound learning and
European science, would, out of the fulness of their minds,
write books of authority fashioned in native moulds of
thought". Accordingly, under the scheme as orginally
sanctioned, each Fellow was to deliver every year a course
of lectures in the college and publish a treatise in the ver-
nacular. He was, so to say, told that he had no right to
enjoy the feast of knowledge in silence and without company
but that it was his duty to invite his uneducated or less edu-
cated brethren to tha banquet. Within a short time, how-
ever, the Fellowships dwindled into mere college-tutorship
i" the detriment of the Fellows as well as the pupils. About
I-"' years ago, I brought this matter to the notice of the then
I irt'ctnr of Public Instruction, Mr. (iiles, and pointed out to
him how imi'-li u-rtul work could have been done for the
cultivation of vernacular literature* had n.-t th-- n
45 First Oriental Conference,.
object of the Fellowships been lost sight of. He, however,
found it impossible to deprive the col ege professors of the
assistance that they used to receive from the Dakshina
Fellows in their work and suggested that I should move the
University in the matter. The University has since taken
some measures for the recognition of the vernaculars, but
that is no justification for the appropriation of the Dakshiua
Fellowships for a purpose, for which they were never intend-
ed. I would, therefore, appeal to the Cama and Bhandarkar
Institutes to make a joint appeal to the Educational Depart-
ment for earmarking at least a few Fellowships for the
original object. T have no doubt the present Director of
Public Instruction, the Hon'ble Mr. J. G. Covernton, C. I. E.,
will lend a very sympathetic ear to the representations of
such influential organizations. The two Institutes may also
press upon the attention of the University the desirability
of offering incentives to young graduates for oriental studies
and research."
(5) Report af the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute :
"I HISTORY. The idea of an Oriental Institute, offering
facilities to research workers and at the same time comme-
morating the work and name of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, origi-
nated towards the middle of 1915. The scheme was received
enthusiastically, and with public support, Government sym-
pathy, and chiefly the noble aid rendered by Sir Ratan and
Sir DorabTata, the scheme soon materialized, and the Institute
was formally inaugurated by H. E. Lord Willingdon, the then
Governor of Bombay, on the 6th of July 1917. One part of the
main buildings of the Institute the J. N. Tata Research Hall-
was opened by Shrimant Balasaheb Pant Pratinidhi, Chief of
Aundh, on 6th July J918. The Institute began its literary
work in October 1918. The Government of Bombay tran-
ferred to the Institute the Manuscripts Library formerly at
the Deccan College, together with a maintenance grant of
Rs, 3000, and also handed over to the Institute, provisionally
for five years, the management of the Bombay Sanskrit and
Prakrit Series, together with a grant of Rs. 12,000 for that
purpose.
II OBJECTS. (a ) To place within the easy reach of ad-
vanced research students a first class and up-tu-date Ori-
/ / 47
ital Library and to afford them all other ready-made helps
the way of select topical bibliographies, digests of maga.
ine articles, card-indexes and similar critical material.
(A) To train qualified students in the scientific
methods of research along Western lines by opening post-
graduate classes, founding lecturerships and in time, prepar-
ing students for higher degrees in Oriental research.
( c. ) To place the indigenous learning of Shastris on a
hr >ader and sounder basis.
(<!} To publish, with the co-operation of distinguished
scholars, critical editions of texts, original and independent
works, bearing upon Indian Antiquities and Literature, as
also a Journal, Proceedings, Catalogues, Reports and Occa-
sional Studies.
(c) To act as a bureau for literary advice and infor-
mation on points connected with Oriental studies.
(/) And generally to do everything for the advance-
ment of Oriental learning and studies.
Ill WORK. (a) The Mss. Department, in addition to
loading out Mss. under the usual conditions, has on hand the
completion of the card-catalogue of all the Mss. of the Gov-
ernment Library, as a preliminary to a subject and author
catalogue of the stme. In the near future would ba published
a catalogue of about 2,500 Mss. added to the Library during
the last twenty years. It has also undertaken a descriptive
catalogue of all the Jain Mss. in the library which has a
larger number of these Mss. than any other Library. This
catalogue is being compiled under the immediate direc-
tion of the distinguished and learned Jain Muni Jinavi-
jayji of Poona.
(A) The Publication Department, besides conducting
the work of the Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Series, has
undertaken a new Series whL'h includes texts, and independ-
ent and original works. For this, co operation of scholars
from everywhe-e is solicited. It is al-o hoped to publish, in
the very near future, an authoritative edition of the wor
Sir K. (!. Bhandarkar, prepared under his supervision. In
'nttion of tlic hand- -in help promised by the Jain
48 First Oriental Conference
Community, the Institute is devoting special attention to
the publication of Jain Literature.
( c ) The Research Department invites distinguished
Oriental scholars to read papers at the Institute. These paperss
are published in the Journal of the Institute. A class in Ger-
man, for the benefit of advanced scholars desirous of learning
this language, was regularly held by Dr. K. K. Joshi of the
Fergusson College at the Institute A similar arrangement
has been made for a French class. At the request of a number
of scholars, it is proposed to open classes in Pali, Prakrit,
Archaeology and the old Sastras, under proper guidance. In
order to initiate the Shastris into the critical method of study,
lectures will be delivered for their benefit from time to time
in Marathi, summarising the results of the latest research.
Provision is being made for teaching the M. A. courses of
the University of Bombay in Sanskrit and allied subjects at
the Institute.
((/) The Library Department will soon publish a cata-
logue of the magnificent Library of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar,
of which he has made a free gift to the Institute, and a part
of which is already transferred to the Institute. The work
of preparing digests of Magazine articles and bibliographies
is proceeding apace. The Institute seeks co-operation from
publishers and authors for being kept in touch with
current Oriental Literature.
(e) The Mahabharata Publication Department owes
its existence to the liberality of Shrimant Balasaheb Pant
Pratinidhi, B. A , Chief of Aundh. He has undertaken to pay
annually Rs. 6000 for preparing a critical and authoritative
text of the great Indian Epic with illustrations. Public
support is still required to meet the other half of the ex-
penses. A prospectus preliminary to this edition was pub-
lished on the 1st of April 1919, and the work of collating and
comparing Mss- and preparing the press copy begun on that
day. The preparation of Ihe press-copy is calculated to re-
quire about eight years. The Prospectus (pp. 44) gives a sum-
mary of all important writings bearing on epic studies, indi-
in full tlu> nature and tin- method of the new edition no
i" I ' has a sample illu- I nt i..n, drawn in thr
=
49
colours by Shrimant Balasaheb Pant Fratinidhi and his ar-
tists. Co-operation and suggestions are invited from scho-
lars in the investigation of Mss. and the preparation of the
text. A responsible editiorial committee has been appointed
to supervise the collation work from time to time. The staff at
present consists of the Secretary and Editor, one Graduate
and three Shastris. The work *is going on necessarily at a
slow pace. To quicken it, more men will have to be engaged,
which means more money will be required. The different Gov-
i rnments and states are being approached for this purpose.
(/) The Journal of the Institute was started in July
1919 under a responsible committee. It is expected that the
Journal will, in the first instance, be issued twice a year ; in
July and in December. The first number also contains the
reports of the Executive Board and the Council, state-
ment of accounts, list of publications presented to or bought
by the Institute, list of members and other useful infor-
mation. The articles in the first number are of varied interest
and will speak for themselves.
( g ) The information Bureau supplies gratis informa-
tion on any literary or historical point to all enquirers.
IV MANAGEMENT. H. E. Lord Willingdon, now the
Governor of Madras, is the President, and the Chief of
Ichalkaranji, Sir Dorab Tata and His Holiness the Shankara-
charya of Karvir Math are the Vice-Presidents of the Ins-
titute.
The General Body of the Institute consists of all contri-
butors to the Institute under the rules. The contributors
have a right of electing members to the Council and being
themselves so elected. The General Body meets once a year
to adopt the annual report of the work of the Institute.
The Regulating Council consists of 30 members, 25
elected triennially by the General Body and 5 nominated by
the Government of Bomay. The present Council has members
on it from different parts of India. The council meets ordi-
narily twice a year, passes budgets, controls finances, exer-
cises general supervision and elects an Executive Board.
The Executive Board, which oai rk of the
hi^iitut-
F. -
50 First Oriental Conference.
from among the five Government nominees on the Regulat-
ing Council. For facility of work, the Board has appointed
committees to carry on the different activities of the Institu-
te as indicated above.
The present Executive Board consists of:
1 Prof V. K. Rajwade, Ghairman; 2 Dr. S. K. Belvalkar;
3 Prof. N. D. Minocher Homji; 4 K. G. Joshi Esq.; 5 Prof. R.
D. Ranade; 6 Prof R. D Karmarkar; 7 N. B. Utgikar, Esq.
Curator ; 8 Dr. N. G. Sardesai, Treasurer; 9 Dr. P. D. Gune,
Secretary.
V PRESENT NEEDS. Though the Institute is well started
on its career, much remains to be done for establishing it
financially on a sound basis. All the money it has received
upto now, has come ear-marked for specific purposes. The
most urgent need is of the addition of the two projected wings
to the J. N. Tata Research Hall. In fact no extension of
the Libraries and the Reading Room can be contemplated
unless the Institute has more room at its command. Shet
Khetsey Khiasey of Bombay has promised to pay Rs. 25000
towards the cost of one hall and the Institute has recently
approached Government for a contribution of Rs. 45000 for
another Hall. The difference of 20000 in the cost of the first
hall will have to be made up by subscriptions. New and
permanent sources of income are required for building up a
permanent fund. The Library will have to be maintained at
a high level, and an Oriental Reading Room containing
journals etc., is a prime necessity.
VI MEMBERSHIP. There are four ways of joining the
Institute ; as a patron paying Rs. 1000, as a vice-patron pay-
ing Rs. 500, as a benefactor paying Rs. 250, as a lifemember
paying Rs. 100 and as an annual member paying Rs. 10
annually. Members are entitled to a free copy of the Journal
of the Institute and to all the privileges of the libraries. They
are also entitled to a participation in the management as in-
dicated above."
(6) Report of the Karnatak Itihasa Mandala :
(1) Introductory
'' The Kanarese country is studded with monuments of
arc I- > il intprebt, such I \\\-
Proceedings. 51
copper plates etc. The Kanareso literature abounds in in-
cidents relating to various dynasties, suoh as the Calukyas,
tin !; 'rakutas, the Kaiacooryas, the Yadava Princes of
Dorasamudra and Devagiri and the Bijayanagar Rayas.
Mysore, the southern part of the Kanarese country,
has sucessfully collected and printed the available inscrip-
tions and other material ; while the other part of the country
is yet unexplored, and consequently the history of the great
mediaeval dynasties remains closed to the world. Hence the
necessity of an indigenous association like the Karnatak
Itihasa Mandala.
(2) T/t>- "!>j<'<'ts.
The society is formed mainly with the object of col-
lecting historical facts out of the vast material lying
scattered in the country and to place the same before the
world in general and the Kanarese people in particular.
The society was founded in Dharwar on 29-9-1914 with 7
members to start with. Its present strength is 112.
(3) Constitution.
The society is managed by 5 members of the Manag-
ing Committee headed by a President. The members them-
selves have got a power of filling up the vacancies created in
their rank. No system of annual election is in vogue.
The membership is open to any one who desires to study the
history and work in the line.
( 4 ) Difficulties and assets.
1. The society has got all the disadvantages of being
placed in a locality far removed from the Presidency towns.
2. It feels greatly the want of a good library consisting
of hooks of reference upto date, principally on history,
'!>!_'> and architecture.
It is not so much in touch with the archaeological
departments.
4. It has to work amidst the ignorance and the
consequent apathy of the general public.
5. Want of funds is the greatest impediment that ham-
the work of the society on all sides-
52 First Oriental Conference.
6. The society has got no building of its own; its few
book-shelves are kept in the Karnatak Vidya Vardhaka
Sahgha, and its Hall is occasionally used for its meetings.
7. The present library of the society, called "The Pra-
yag Library", consists of several good books worth nearly
Rs. 500. Besides the books, the society possesses tadavalis,
copper images, some coins, some deciphered copies of cop-
per-plates, a number of imprints of stone-slabs, manuscripts
and a number of documents and title-deeds.
8. The societys library is supplied, free of cost, with
the reports of the Archaeological Departments of the Gov-
ernments of Mysore, Bombay, Madras and the United Pro-
vinces.
9. The Mysore Archaeological Department has been
helping the society to decipher the society's inscriptions and
manuscripts whenever necessary.
10. The society has got some advantages also. It is
placed in the midst of the materials that supply historical
information. It is an indigenous one. Besides, it has the
advantage of its members knowing Kanarese, in which
language alone almost the whole of the available informa-
tion is shrouded.
(5) Work accomplished
Various articles are published by the society through
Kanarese, Marathi, Bengali and English magazines an
papers such as the Vagbhuxaim (Kan), Sabdacandril
(Kan), Karuataka Sahityapatrika. (Kan), Cilramaya Jay
(Mar), BhTtmti (Ben), Hindusthan Review (Eng) and Kar
(Kn^r). A pamphlet about Karnatak history is written i
English. A special history in Kanarese is printed (its first
Edition of 1917 is exhausted ; the 2nd will be out soon). The
society has also supplied information to the Bharata Itihasa
' Sarhsodhaka Mandala, Poona, about the Kittur Desai's
fimily and local traditions about the Desaini of Bellodi,
who repulsed Shivaji's attack on her principality. An article
has been published about Shahaji's tomb in the Shimoga
district. To create an awakening among the Kanarese peo-
ple, a Kirtana about Sri Vidyaranya (the famous founder of
/V" ''/' J.j
the Bijayanagar Empire) and his life has been published and
it was performed in various places.
In May 1918, a small exhibition of historical curiosities
was held by the society in the Dharwar Training Colbge for
men, along with the 4th Karnatak Sahityu Sammelana. Ma-
ttic lantern slides about the places of historical interest in
Karnatak were shown by the society in the same Samme-
lana.
Places of Karnatak history such as Hampi, Halebidu,
Belur, Shravana Belugal, Harihara, Badami, Patadakal,
Aihole, Lakkundi, Anni^eri, Laxmeshwar, Itagi, Chowdada-
napur, Verul, Daulatabad, Shrirangapatam, Mysore and
Bijapur were visited by members singly or in groups.
Lectures about the epochs in Karnatak history were
given in Poona Colleges and in Belgaum, Dharwar, Hubli,
and Kirtans of Sri Vidyaranya were performed in Dharwar,
Hubli, Gadag, Davangeri, Belgaum and Hungund."
(7) Report of the Andhra Parisoclhaka, Mahamat.ulali of
rittuipurain, Godavari district :
"This institution was started in 1917 by Mr. Ch. Dharma
Rao (Bar-at-law) and Mr. Kavyanidhi Ch. Satcha Rao, Ze-
mindars of Yernagudem.
The objects of the Mahamandali are (1) collecting Mss.,
inscriptions and coins, (2) Facilitating the work of Research
particularly in Telugu, (3) Popularising history and en-
couraging historical productions etc.
The institution has a neat little building of its own in
which the Library is now situated. In spite of a copious
collection of Mss., both by the Government of Madras and
the Telugu Academy, our Mahamaiulali could make a very
satisfactory collection in these two years
Tho Library was opened by the Hon. Rajah of Pitha-
puram, C. B. E. & F. M. V., when several Telugu scholars
of great eminence were present, notably, the late Rao
Bahadur K. Viresalingam Pantulu and Mr. J. Ramiah
Pantulu, a great epigraphist.
54 First Oriental Conference-
We could hitherto collect about 2500 Mss. in Sanskrit,
Telugu, Canarese and Tamil languages, of which several
were hitherto unheard of. We very recently began collection
of coins and inscriptions, some of which are exhibited now
here, with a photograph of our Library and its buildings.
Some inscriptions were deciphered and texts were pub-
lished in our vernacular Magazines. As we are new to deci-
phering of coins, we would like to place them before scholars
for examination. We propose sending one of our Pandits to
the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, for training in
the near future.
The following old books were published by us (1) Jah-
i/'tri Mahatmyam (2) KinuuiUni Kalyunai/t (3) Nitihara M~uktu-
rali, (4j Puspabaruwilasa (5) Narayna Sataka, (6) Candraduta
(7) Vijaija-nandan-a Vilasa, (8) Valmlki-caritra. Vulnriki-
carilra was written by Raghunatha Bhupala, a Mahratta
king of Tanjore. These books were unknown upto now even
to the Andhras and they throw additional light on the history
of Telugu Literature, particulars of which need not be men-
tioned here.
A printing press was recently started to facilitate the
work of the Mahamandali. The hitherto unpublished works,
Sataka Kavi Carilra and History of Telugu Literature will
soon be given to the public.
Detailed reports of the work and descriptive catalogues
of Mss. and inscriptions, will be issued shortly after a good
collection is made and we mean to publish the Sanskrit
part of our catalogue in English for the use of Orientalists.
In this connection mention has to be made of a Telugu Ms.
which was recently procured. It was dedicated to a grand-
son of Chatrapati Shivaji's brother, the Rajah of Tanjore;
and in the Krityadi of which, a full genealogy and achieve-
ments of Shivaji and his successors are given, which may be
of interest to historians of Maharashtra. One Chidambara-
kavi, a Maharatta by birth, about 300 years ago, wrote a
b -ok in Telugu called Angadarayabhavftm in the preface
of which ho says that, though his m ther-tongue was Mara-
l!li - tempted to write in Tehiu on account of its
cedings. 55
and melodious sound. Thus we find several Mah-
i princes as patrons of Telugu lettr
14. Tne Conference then proceeded to the reading of
papers and the Vice- 1 it called ujon Shrimant Bala-
saheh I'an! 1'ratinidhi, Chief of Aundh, to read his paper on
/ the Mahnhlmrntd The full text of the paper
will appear in the second volume of the Proceedings of the
F/V.sY Oriental (7o///>'/v//rr, Poona. The President suggested
that, as it was not possible to discuss the question during
,-ssion, if any body had anything to say on that point,
he should communicate with the Mahabharata Editorial
Committee of the Bhandarkar Institute.
As Shams-ul-Ulama Saiyid Muhammad Amin of Jubbul-
ai)d Maung Schwe Zan Aung Esq. of Rangoon were not
present ti read their papers on A short note on the Ar<i/>i<-
L< i ii'j/i (i<j(> and The />//rA////.s'/V Philosophy of Change res-
pectively, the Vice-President called upon Prof. D. R.
Bhandarkar to read his paper on The Origin of the Indian
Ali>hul)<>t, which he did in extracts. He was followed by
Prof. M. lliriyanna of Mysore, who r*ad out important
points from his paper on Indian. ^.Esthetics. Then came Dr.
Gauranganatb Banerjee of the Calcutta University, with
his Iiul-'i is LiK'Hii '<> the Ancient World which he read
almost in extenso. Mr. S. K. Hodiwala of Bombay followed
with his ]'(iruii!, f/n' I'rufofi/pu of Ahnranm:da of which
he road the summary. After him Dr. Ganganath Jha read
his paper on '/'//././/< <>; (inn '</////, .'//< Founder of Nj/aya. Lastly
s Krishnasw.-imy Aiyangar cf the Madras University
,i liriol speech and indicated the salient features of his
i- -MI IW.sm/r/.s/// /// So/i'liern ludiu /., inuntija.
(Kving to the want of time, there could not be any dis-
ion on tlia.-io papers, all of which are being printed in the
nd volume oi' tlu> Proceeding*. The session closed at
') I'. M.
A .-ivcd from the Maharaj.t's Sanskrit College of
I imp fiincti'Mi t i-riin r. :
56 First Oriental Confereiice.
III. THIRD SITTING, THURSDAY, THE 6TH NOVEMBER 1919.
8-3O A. M. to 11 A. M.
15. The whole of this day was reserved for reading
papers. The sectional meetings in different subjects commenc-
ed at 8-30 a. m. Several tents were erected near the pandal,
with seating accommodation for members, and the pandal it-
self was divided into four sections by means of screens. The
following sections could therefore conduct their meetings
simultaneously.
(1) The Vedic Section : Chairman, Dr. R. Zinimermann.
The attendance was about sixty, as delegates attended one
section or another, of the many that were going on at the
same time, according to their choice. The following papers
were read and discussion followed at the close of each.
The Nigharitu is not the work of the author of the
Nirukta: Prof. R. D. Karmarkar of Poona.
A Study of the Idea of Rudra : Mr. S. D. Satvalekar of
Aundh.
Gotra and Pravara : Rao B. C. V. Vaidya of Kalyan.
Reference to the Mahabharata in the Asvalayana Grhyasutra:
Mr. N. B. Utgikar of Poona.
The Nirukta and Nighantu; their mutual Relations : Prof.
Siddheshvara Varma Shastri of Shrinagar.
Arya and Dasyu, a Chapter in social History : Mr. S. V. v
Visvanath of Trichinopoly.
Dr. Zinimermann summed up the discussion and compli-
mented scholars on the high level of scholarship and the
critical acumen displayed in the papers generally. The sit-
ting closed at about 10 A. M.
(2) The Avesta Section met after the Vedic section had
finished. Dr. J. J. Modi was in the chair. The following j
papers were read and discussion followed.
Ar+kksha, the Archer and his Arrow: Mr. B. T. Ankle-
saria of Bombay.
Aitareya : Dr. I. J. Taraporewala of Calcutta.
Avestau Arrlmni/rlx <in<l Sanskrit /V/7/i 1 * : Mr. A.
Vesavevala i
57
and cuf/u /.orfxixt riaii Miar ition info Inn
Mr. K. N. Sitaram of Madras.
Modern Science in Ancient Iran : Mr. M. B. Pithawala of
Poona.
The chairman summed up the discussion and was ge-
nerally satisfied with the output. The meeting closed at
about 11-15 a. m.
(3) The Classical Literature and Modern Vernaculars
Section : Chairman, Prof. S. Kuppuswami Shastri. The fol-
lowing papers were read and discussion followed.
Xakunta/a, an Allegory . j r> jj. S. Adhikari of Gandevi.
The Relation of Sudraka'n Mrcchakatika to the Curudatta
of Miami : Dr S. K. Belvalkar of Poona.
Psychological Study of Ka/idtlsa's U/>ainaa : Mr. P. K.
Gode of Poona.
Knlidaxa <i.nd Music : Sardar G. N. Mujumdar of Poona.
Kdntilya mid Kaltdaxa : Mr. H. A. Shah of Bombay.
The History of (luijnxin Alaiikilni : Prof. V. V. Sovani
of Meerut.
Funeral Place of Knliclailn Dr. Satis Chandra Vidya-
bhusana of Calcutta.
The Tc.rt of Sdkuntala : Prof. B. K. Thakore of Poona.
After summing up the discussion, the chairman proceed-
ed to the Modern Vernaculars Section, where the following
papers were read.
The Draridiun Tense-sujjixes : Mr. R. Swaminath Aiyar
of Vemur.
Old Teluyu Literature : Mr. K. Sitararaaiya of Vemur.
Te/ut/ii Language and Literature: Mr. G. Somanna of
Madras.
(4). Ethnology and Folk-lore Section : Chairman, Dr.
J. J. Modi. The following papers wore read and discussion
took place on some of them. The audience numbered about
fifty.
The Rationale of tin- llimlu Sraddha : Mr. A. Govind-
caryaswamin of Mygore.
K. 0- 0. 1. 8
58 First Oriental Conference.
A Note on the Dissolution of Castes a,nd the Formation of
new ones : Dr. S. V. Ketkar of Nagpur.
A brief History of the Survey of the Ethnography of Bom-
bay : Dr. J. J. Modi of Bombay.
A Plea for the P re-historic Survey of India : Mr. Haya-
vadanarao of Madras.
( 5 ). The Persian and Arabic Section was presided over
by Prof. S. Khuda Bukhsh of Calcutta. About forty members
were present. The following papers were read.
Persian and Arabic Words in Ma^athi: Prof. M. T.
Patwardhan of Poona.
The un-known Ya in Persian : Prof. A. K. Shaikh of
Bombay.
Arabic Star-names in Persian Literature: Mr. Saiyid M.
Ahmed of Hyderabad.
Ukh&harana in Shahnamah or the Persian Version of the
Story of Ukha : P. B. Desai of Bombay. (The paper was read
by Mr. M. T. Patwardhan in the absence of the writer).
A Short Note on the Arabic Language: A. Saiyid M.
Amin. (The paper was read by Saiyid Mukhtar Ahmed).
(6). The Technical Sciences Section had for its Chair-
man Mr. G. R. Kaye of Simla. The following papers in
different Technical Sciences were read with interesting dis-
cussion. The audience was about forty.
Authorship of Rasarnavasudhakara : Dr. P. R. Bhandar
kar of Indore.
A Note on the Early History of Music : Mr. Clements o
Belgaum. (The paper was read by Rao Bahadur K. B. Deval
of Sangli.)
Classification of Melodies : Prof. V. G. Paranjpe of Poona.
A short Note on the Use of Metres by Sanskrit Poets : Mr.
A. S. Bhandarkar of Poona.
A Note on the Ancient System of Medicine : Mr. M. Amin
of Hyderabad.
Rasavidya or Alchemy in ancient India : Mr. R. V. Pat-
wardhan of Poona.
I',,,, , , ,1
Hi n<iu Astronomy : Prof. G. S. Apte of Gwalior.
On flu 1 uw of the Astronomical Phenomena in fixiny the
Chronological /Vr/o<7.s in Indian Hislory : Mr. V. B. Ketkar
of Poona.
.!// Kyc-ta/itp of Brahmnsiddharita : Divan B. L. P.
Swamikannu Pillai, of Nellore.
"n Hie Origin of (lie Wcc.k : Mr. R. Shamashastri of
Mysore.
Ton-n-Planniny in Ancient India: Mr. Bhababibhuti
Vidyabhushana.
(7). The Archaeological Section met under the chair-
manship of Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar. About one hundred
delegates attended ; the following papers were read with
some discussion.
Sfintskrit Manuscripts; their Search and Preservation :
Mr. R Anantakrishnashastri of Baroda.
introduction to the Study of Ancient Indian Architecture :
Mr. M. A. Ananthalwar.
Tin 1 early Kalacuris and the Alptiabets of their Copper-
plute-yrants : Mr. Y. R. Gupte of Poona.
[ndo- Aryan Style of Architecture: Y. R. Gupte of Poona.
The Carer us find the Brahmi Inscriptions of Southern
India : Mr. H. Krishnashastri of Madras.
Jain Manuscripts Bhandar of Patan: Mr. J. S. Kudalkar
of Baroda.
A Note on the Tilakwada Copper-plate Inscription of the
Tim>> <>f Kilty Bhoja Paramar of Malwa : Mr. J. 3. Eudalkar
of Baroda.
(8). The Sanskrit-papers Section: Chairman, Maha-
mahopadhyaya Laxmanshastri Dravid of Calcutta. Eighty
Pandits and scholars attended. The following papers were
read.
Tin- City Dniraka: Mahamahopadhyaya Hathibhai
Shastri of Jamnagar.
'/'//. r,i>/<i(in<l JY/A-//'/ /?//(7>//a.s nf f/n- K>iii>'ini^'i'l: Pandit
Shriilh ir Shastri Pathak of Poo
60 A//-.S/ One nl '(if Uo
The Time of Haribhadrasur i : Muni Jinavijayaji of Poona.
The Medical Properties of Indian Herbs : Purushottam-
shastri Nanal of Poona.
The Importance of Sanskrit and its Study : Pandit Rama-
shastri of Madras.
The Meaning of Sruti: Mr. Maganlal Shastri of Bombay.
The Visistadvaita Principles : Padit N. Tirumalacharya
of Bangalore.
A wrong Interpretation of the Mimanisa Sutra VI, 1, 24 :
Pandit G. V. Phadke of Ahmednagar.
The Visesadvaita Philosophy : Pandit Virupaksha Wo-
deyar of Jndore.
IV. FOURTH SITTING, THE SAME DAY.
2-3O P. M. to S-3O P. M.
16. Reading of papers in sections was again taken up.
(9). The Philosophy Section was presided over by Dr.
Ganganath Jha. About eighty delegates attended and the
following papers were read with discussion now and then.
Fallacies in Indian Logic : Principal G. C. Bhate of
Sangli.
S'ime Aspects of the Doctrine of Pratibha in Indian Philoso-
phy : Pandit Gopinath Kaviraj of Benares.
The Relation of the Bhagavadgita with Badaraijaiia Sutras :
Prof. R. D. Karmarkar of Poona.
The Springs of Action in Hindu Ethics : Mr. Sushilkumar
Maitra of Calcutta.
Xnhkara andBuddha : Mr. Pandurang Sharma of Poona.
Antiquity of the Bhagavadgita : Mr. S. V. Venkateshwar
of Madras.
Logic in the Philosophical Systems of Sahkara and Aris-
totle : Dr. Zimmermann of Bombay.
xiru <m<l I'hallic Worship : Mr. G. K. Chandorkar of
Dhulia.
(10) The Buddhism Section: Chairman, Dr. Satis Chan-
dra Vidyabhusana of Calcutta. About seventy delegates
Proceedings. 61
attended. The chairman opened the proceedings by a short
speech on Tin' AV/Y/v// f ,f limhlhism read for him by Mr. P. L.
Vaidya of Sangli :
' GENTLEMEN,
Kindly allow me to thank you most heartily for the
honour you have done me by electing me one of your
Vice-Presidents and Chairman of the Section on Buddhism.
The present Conference must be unique, held as it is under
the Presidency of one who is the greatest living Orientalist
in India I mean Sir Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar, the
guiding spirit of an Institute, which, under the conduct of a
band of scholars, trained up under his influence, is moving
forward in the advancement of Oriental studies. For the
first time in the history of modern India, scholars of the old
and new schools, both Indian and European, have met to-
gether to discourse on profound topics connected with the
Oriental Culture.
Providence has granted to our country the good fortune
of being linked up with a state that has exemplified, through-
out its history, a beautiful reconciliation of the forces of
conservation and progress Treasuring up the experiences
of the past, Great Britain has adapted itself to the measures
of reform that the onward course of time showed to be ne-
cessary. India has need of the guiding hand of Britain at
this juncture. The ancient learning of India does not, in
this age, furnish a complete outfit of life. The exclusive
spread of modern learning of the West, on the other hand,
would efface the distinctive features of the Indian intellect
and character. The Indian Government sees with a clear
eye the need of a synthesis, and concerns itself as much with
conservation of the ancient educational Institutions, as with
the introduction of the useful sciences that this age prizes.
In the sphere of Oriental Scholarship, the ancient trea-
sures of the land can be correctly appraised, if only they are
presented in a form that can be appreciated all over the
world, in accordance with the liberal and scientific methods
which are followed in the West. This process would receive
a stimulus from the holding <f Conferences like the Con-
of Orientalists in Europe ; and it redounds greatly
6$ hirst Oriental
to the gl >ry of the Bombay Presidency, that it has taken the
lead in organising an assembly of this type for the first time
on Indian soil. So many scholars have graced this assembly
with their presence, and the subjects for discourse are so
various in their nature, as to prove abundantly that the
spirit of research has been awakened and our country is
active in all its departments. This spirit of research, this
eagerness to investigate afresh into the past acquisition of
Indian intellect, is a gift of the West to tke East. In ancient
times the different branches of learning numbered fourteen,
or according to some, eighteen. But the West has opened
our eyes to richer fields of intellectual operation and multi-
plied the subjects of man's study to an enormous extent.
It has further stimulated the study of the older subjects from
new standpoints and according to new methods. As an in-
stance of this, I proceed to give a short sketch of the Revival
of Buddhist Studies in this country during the last century.
Interest in Buddhism roused in Europe.
A hundred years ago, noce in Europe knew of Pali and
Buddhism. Things were not better in India, where the peo-
ple had lost all recollection of Buddha and his glorious doc-
trines. It is said that in the year 1687 A. D., Louis XIV of
France sent an envoy named Loloubre to the king of Siam,
who made a present of a bundle of Pali manu>cripts to king
Louis. Nothing, however, is known as to the kind of recep-
tion that was accorded to such a present at Paris. The Por-
tuguese and the Dutch who ruled in Ceylon in the 17th and
18th centuries, in their zeal for establishing one religion on
the earth and a universal brotherhood through the bond of
Christianity, did not care to take notice of Pali or Buddhistic
religion Under them no native of Ceylon is said to have been
eligible for a high appointment, unless he had embraced
Christianity and assumed a Portuguese or Dutch surname.
The country was administered according to the Roman-
Dutch law. Luckily, Ceylon came into the possession of the
British in 1811. With such a Portuguese and Dutch tradi-
tion behind him, it was no small courage on the part of Sir
Alexander Johnston, the Chief Justice aud first British
member of the Executive Council of Ceylon, to move His
/'/-. ,:}
Majesty's Government at home to sanction the compilation,
for the natives of the island, of a code of laws suitable to
their peculiar religion, manners, usages and feelings. His
Majesty granted the appeal. Sir Alexander also recommend-
ed to the Court of Directors at home the publication, with
the text and a translation, of the Mahawritaa, a Pali histo-
rical work giving a genuine account of the introduction and
progress of Buddhism a religion which, to quote the words
of Sir Alexander, "whatever may be the nature and tendency
of its doctrines, deserves the consideration of the philosopher
and the statesman for the unlimited influence which it at
present exercises over so many millions of the inhabitants
t Asia." This work was prepared by Mr. Upham with the
help of a Wesleyan Missionary, named the Rev. Mr. Fox, and
printed in England. It was hailed with joy by the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, in as much as it confirmed the identifica-
tion of the Indian king Chaadragupta with Sandrocottus of
Greek writers and Devanampiya Piyadasi of Indian inscrip-
tions with Asoka of the Pali Chronicle. In the meanwhile
the Rev. Benjamin Clough published at Colombo in 1824, a
Pali Grammar to unlock the treasure-house of Pali litera-
ture hitherto sealed to the civilized world. Messrs. Burnouf
and Lassen published their essays on Pali at Paris in 1826
and 1827 respectively. George Tumour, another distinuish-
ed member of the Ceylon Civil Service, undertook to bring
out a revised edition of Upham's Mahunu'nsd, adding the
chapters which had been left out. This edition saw the light
in 1836. F. Spiegel, a German scholar, published in 1841
the Pali work of Kammavaca at Bonn, and in 1845 he pub-
lished Anecdota I'dlica at Leipzig. In 1844 was published
Burnouf s Introduction to the History of Indian Pud</liism, a
masterly work which challenged the attention of the whole
Western world to Buddhism. In the same year Bishop Bri-
gandet published from Burmese sources a comprehensive
life of Buddha called the Legends of Oantnmn. In 1848
Rev. Hardy brought out a list of books in the Pali
language, as also JEWc/v/ Monnchisni, Manunl of Buddhism,
and other valuable works from Singhalese sources. In 1855
Dr. Fausboll of Denmark published the Pali text of Dham-
lti with a Latin translation and in 1861 the same echo-
64 First Oriental Conference.
lar brought out some of the Jataka stories in Pali. Kacca-
yana's Pali Grammar was published in the Bibliotheoa Indi-
ca Series of Calcutta under the editorship of Dr. F. Mason
in 1857. In 1866 Dr. Alwis published at Colombo, certain
papers which aroused interest in the philosophy of Bud-
dhism. In 1869 Patimokkha, the manual of laws regulating
the conduct of Buddhist monks and nuns, was printed at St.
Petersburgh under the editorship of J. Minayeff. In 1870
R. C. Childers published the Khuddakapatha and in 1878 the
Mahaparinibbanasutta with their translations. In 1875 the
same scholar brought out a Dictionary of the Pali Language
which marked an important epoch in the study of Pali. In
1871 Emile Senart published Kaccayana's Pali Grammar
with notes in French. In 1874 Mutu Coomarswamy pub-
lished the Pali text with translation of Dathavamaa. In 1876
P. Grimblot published at Paris seven Pali suttas of Dighani-
kaij<i, while in 1877 a portion of the Samyuttanikaya was pub-
lished by Dr. H. S. Feer- In 1879 the Dipavaf'nsa, with an
English translation, was published by Dr. Oldenberg and sub-
sequently the Vinaya texts were also brought out by him.
In 1880 R. Pischel edited and translated the Majjhimanika.ya
and V. Trenckner edited the Milinda Panha. With the
foundation of the Pali Text Society at London in 188i by
Professor T. W. Rhys Davids, commenced the systematic
publication of Pali texts and commentaries, which has help-
ed the spread of Buddhistic ideas all over the world.
The world again has gained much valuable information
regarding Buddhism from the Chinese sources. Heinrich
Julius Klaproth of Berlin published in 1802 his Asiatsche
Magazin in which he gave some account of Buddhism as
derived from the records of China. In 1811 M. Abel Remusat
published at Paris an essay on the Chinese language, in
which he gave some indication of the kind of information
available from that language about Buddhism. His French
translation of Fa Hian's Chinese account of India was pub-
lished at Paris in 1836. In 1857 appeared Julien's French
translation of the Chinese accounts of India given by Hiuen
Tsang. But no scholar has given more information to the
world regarding Chinese Buddhism than Rev. Beal, whose
English translations of the records left by Chinese pilgrims
/ HQH. 5
to I IK! ia began to appear in 1869. Subsequently there flou-
rished other Sinologists such as Edkins and Eitel, whose
works have thrown considerable light on Chinese Bud-
dhism.
The third source from which the world has obtained in-
formation regarding Buddhism is the Tibetan. The forbid-
den land of the Lamas has been the reservoir of numerous
works on Buddhism which were translated into Tibetan a
thousand years ago, but the Sanskrit and Pali originals of
which have been lost to India. In 1774 A. D. the Tashi
Lama of Tibet sent a high Tibetan official, three senior
lamas, and nine novice monks to conduct religious services
at Benares and Buddha Gaya. This embassy carried with
it a letter of introduction to Chait Singh, who was then Raja
of Benares. In the same year a certain Englishman, named
George Bogle, was sent by Warren Hastings, the first British
Governor-General of India, to Tashilhunpo in Tibet. In the
year 1783 A. D. another Englishman named Samuel Turner
was sect to Tibet also by Warren Hastings. In 1811 Thomas
Manning, also an Englishman, made his way from India
to Lhasa where he saw the 5th Dalai Lama. Though there
was thus some political relation established between Tibet
and India in the latter part of the 18th century, Buddhism
and Tibetan literature exercised no influence in India at the
time. The first contribution to the knowledge of the Tibetan
language came from one Mr. Georgi, another of Alpluibetum
TUwtdniun. The work which supplied the real wants of Euro-
pean scholars was a Tibetan Dictionary with explanation in
Italian published at Serampore, Bengal, in 1826. The Compiler
was a Roman Catholic missionary who out of modesty chose
to remain incognito. His work passed into the hands of
another missionary gentleman of Bengal, Mr. Schroter, who
substituted English for the Italian, and brought out the
edition with a grant from the East India Company. The
most comprehensive account, however, of Tibetan Buddhism
was given by a Hungarian scholar named Alexander Csoma
de Koros, who, anxious to find out the origin of his race in
ntral Asia, set out, when a mere boy, from Hungary and
after undergoing untold privations succeeded in reaching
Tibet where he studied the Tibetan language in a m"na-
F. o. I. 9
6G First Oriental Conference.
stery, living the life of an austere recluse. He brought out
his Dictionary and Grammar in English, out of gratitude for
the British patronage he received, in 1827 and 1834 respec-
tively. The analysis of the Kangyur and Tangyur by him
constituted the most valuable portion of the early num-
bers of the Asiatic Researches. Then followed Was-
siljew, a Russian scholar, who during his ten years' re-
sidence at Pekin from 1840 to 1850, devoted himself to the
study of the Chinese and Tibetan languages and gave
unmistakable proof to the world that the " Russians,
too, could do something for the learning." Wassil-
jew translated for the first time into the Russian language
Lama Taranath's Chos-byung or the Tibetan History of In-
dian Buddhism, which was retranslated into German by
Schiefner. M. Foucaux's Ryya-cher-roi-pa in Tibetan, was
published at Paris in 1847. Koppen's Religion of Buddhism
appeared at Berlin in 1857. Dr. Schlagintweit's Buddhism
from Tibetan Sources was published at Leipzic in 1862. Next
was Father Desgodins whose works, including a Tibetan- Latin
Dictionary, were published at Verdun in 1872. Rev. H. A.
Jaschke, a Moravian missionary, whose contributions to
Tibetan literature had appeared as early as 1865, completed
his well-known Tibetan-English Dictionary in 1881. Lt.
Col. Waddell's Lamaism appeared in 1895.
Much valuable information regarding Mahayana Bud-
dhism as taught in the Universities of Nalanda, Amaravat!
Odantapuri and Vikramsila has been obtained from the vast
mass of Buddhist-Sanskrit works that lie buried in the re-
mote regions of Nepal. About 1820 A. D. Brian Houghton
Hodgson, British resident in Nepal, sent a large and valu-
able collection of Buddhist-Sanskrit manuscripts as a present
to the Asiatic Society of Bengal and he also contributed
some valuable articles on the Buddhism of Nepal and
Tibet to the journals of that Society. But it is a matter
of regret that the manuscripts in question have not been
utilised as they deserve to be, the majority of them remain-
ing yet unpublished. A few Buddhist-Sanskrit works
included in the Hodgson collection or obtained through other
agencies, have been published in Europe, such as the
MahTivastn by Emile Senart in 1882. Several Buddhist
/Vo e< 'lings. 67
Sanskrit works discovered in Japan were published in the
Anecdota Oxoniensis Series by Prof. Max Miiller. The
Bibliotheoa Buddhica Series for the publication of Bud-
dhist-Sanskrit works was started at St. Petersburgh in
The knowledge of Buddhism derived from Pali, Chinese,
Tibetan and Sanskrit books has been greatly supplemented
by what has been elicited from Epigraphic and Numismatic
sources. Facilities were afforded for the publication of
papers on Buddhism by the foundation in 1784 of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal under the auspices of the British
Government. The most important service of the Asiatic
Society to the cause of Buddhism was the decipherment, in
1834, by James Prinsep, of the Asoka inscriptions which had
escaped the notice of keen observers like the Chinese
pilgrims Fa Huen and Hiuen Tsang. These inscriptions
became for some time "the wonder and despair of the learned."
When deciphered, they supplied a connecting link between
the history of India and that of other countries, containing
such historical names as Antiochus Gnatus, Alexander of
Epirus, Ptolemy Philadelphus, and Magus of Gyrene. Later
on numerous other inscriptions on rocks, plates and coins
were discovered and deciphered, which led to the foundation
by the Government of India of the Archaeological Survey
Department in 1861 with General Cunningham as its Director.
This Department, now working under the distinguished
guidance of its present head, Sir John Marshall, by unearth-
ing and collecting numerous important Buddhistic relics
and remains, has helped in no small measure, the spread of
Buddhistic knowledge.
Buddhism revived in India
I have tried to indicate from various sources the activi-
ties of European scholars from 1800 to 1880 A. D., when
Pandit Satyavrata Samashrami of Calcutta, a Vedic scholar
of wide reputation, brought out an edition of Karamlnvy
an old Buddhist-Sanskrit work of the Mahayana school.
This work supplies an explanation of the formula Om mani
patlmi'linnt, styled Sti(lul;xluiri Mnh<ni<lyn or the great
science in six syllables and best known in connection with
the prayer-wheel of the Lamas of High Asia. The great
68 First Oriental Conference.
antiquarian Dr. Rajendra Lai Mitra, whose researches in the
field of Sanskrit Literature and Epigraphy had won for him
a European reputation, brought out in 1869 an edition of the
Lalitavistara, at which he had, it is reported, been working
since 1853. Subsequently Mahamahopadhyaya Harprasad
Shastri, C. I. E., Babu Pratap Chandra Ghose and others
published certain Buddhist-Sanskrit works of the Northern
school. But the person who did the most signal service to
the cause of Buddhism, was the late Rai Sarat Chandra Das
Bahadur, C. I. E., who founded the Buddhist Text Society in
1893 and published the Tibetan-Sanskrit-English Dictionary
as well as a number of important Buddhist-Sanskrit and Pali
works. I am in a position to bear personal testimony to the
late Rai Bahadur's love of Buddhism and zeal in reviving it,
inasmuch as I had the honour of collaborating with him
for a series of years in many of his activities. The Maha-
bodhi Society was founded by the Anagarika H. Dharma-
pala of Ceylon at Calcutta in the year 1892 and in the same
year the Buddha Dharmankura Vihara was established by
the Bengal Buddhist Association. His Holiness the Tashi
Lama of Tibet, during his tour in India in 1905-1906, founded
in Calcutta a society called the Buddhist Shrine Restoration
Society with Col. O'Connor, C. I. E., as its Director and my-
self as its Secretary. This review will not be complete
without a reference to the services, in the cause of the revi-
val of Buddhistic culture, of Justice Sir Asutosh Mookerjee,
who, as the guiding spirit of the Calcutta University, took
it up and made it popular among its alumni.
Character of the Revival
The researches on Buddhism made from different sides
have opened before us a long forgotten stratum in the forma-
tion of Indian life, and have thrown a new light on the
glorious past of our country. The history of India written
in this light, will present the country in a new perspective.
The canonical Buddhistic scriptures in Pali, which preser-
ve the teachings of Buddha in their pristine purity, set forth
the simple ideas and beliefs of the Indian people during the
five centuries preceding the birth of Christ. From the non-
canonical Pali literature, we get a glimpse of the internal
Proceedings, 69
condition of India as known to the Ceylonese, Burmese and
Siamese people at later times. The Buddhistic books in
Chinese give us a faithful description of Indian life, social
organisation and places of interest during the ascendency of
the Mahayana Buddhism from the beginning of the Chris-
tian era to about 800 A. D. As to the value of the informa-
tion derived from the Chinese sources, it is enough to say
that even in these days it is the light that guides the steps of
archaeologists in their fields of research. The Tibetans have
preserved for us, in translation, the Mahayana Buddhistic
literature of India properly classified from their point of
view, which supplies a mass of most valuable historical and
geographical information about India up to the 17th century
A. D. The Buddhistic books in Sanskrit give, besides other
things, an account of the conflict between Brahmanism and
Buddhism and of the precarious condition of the latter in its
place of shelter in Nepal after its banishment from India.
The information gained from these sources has roused
us as if by a trumpet-call to read the history of our country
anew amd to re-write it from a new stand-point the stand-
point of Buddhism. The country, seen through such a his-
tory, will shine out in a new glory and splendour. It will
bring a new message to the world to inspire many struggling
souls with a new hope, to stir new activities, to strengthen
the drooping heart and to open before all a new world of
thought.
The life-long labours of a noble band of scholars, pur-
sued oftentimes under difficult and even impossible condi-
tions, have thus at length awakened the Indian mind to the
fact that 2500 years ago, there lived and preached an Indian
prophet named Buddha, who, by the sublimity of his teach-
ings, conquered the heart of Asia and won for India the
glorious title of 'the Holy Land.' This awakening means a
great deal more. It has brought back to India the highest
ideal which is to be realised through a life of peace, amity
and good will, not only between man and man, but also be-
tween man and other living beings. It has brought back that
Philosophy which solves for humanity the most intricate
problems of existence, by the rational interpretation of th
70 First Oriental Conference.
harmony of all conditions in the Absolute. It has brought
back Buddha, the embodiment of supreme bliss, to proclaim
once more from the holy land of India, with a voice mighty
like "the sounds of many waters," in the midst of the clash-
ing of passions and desires and the storm and stress of
modern life, the birth of a New Age the age of regenerate
and passionless life of peace and humanity."
After the address was over, the following papers were
read and discussion followed.
Vuiaya Literature of the Buddhists : Prof. N. K. Bhag-
wat of Bombay.
The Burning of Mithila : Prof. C. V. Rajwade of Baroda.
Sogata Nayasattham or the Buddhist Philosophy : Thera
Widurpola Piyatissa of Ceyloa.
( The last paper was delivered in Pali ).
(11) The Ancient History Section met under the chair-
manship of Prof. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar. About one
hundred scholars attended. The following papers were read
with some discussion on each.
The basic Blunder in the Reconstruction of Indian Chro-
nology by Orientalists: Mr. M. K. Acharya of Madras.
Karnatak and its Place in the Indian History : Mr. V. B.
Alur of Dharwar.
The Kings of Aryavarta defeated by Samudra- Gupta :
Mr. K. N. Dixit of Patna.
Notes on the ancient History and Geography of Konkan
Prof. P. V. Kane of Bombay.
The ancient Germans, their Manners, Customs etc. : Dr.
J. J. Mody of Bombay.
Karnatak Country and its Language : Mr. R. Narsimha-
char of Mysore.
Jangaladeia and its Capital Ahicchatrapura : Mr. Har-
bilas Sarda of Ajmer.
The Gupta Era : Mr. H. A. Shah of Bombay.
A Peep into Mediaeval Deccan : Mr. S. V. Venkataruma-
nayyar of Tellichery.
Proceeding*. 71
Tlw Vajji-L'tmntrijiind the Mnllafs of Paw: Mr. Har-
nandan Panday of Patna.
(12) The Philology and Prakrits Section was presided
over by Prof. V. K. Rajwade. About forty delegates attended.
The following papers were read with some discussion.
The- Phonogensis of the wide E and in Gujarat! : Mr,
N. B. Divatia of Bandra (Bombay).
Apabhrainsa Literature and its Importance to Philology :
Di. P. D. Gune of Poona.
Common dements in the Gujarat I and Gypsy Languages :
Rao Bahadur Ramanbhai Mahipatram of Ahmedabad.
Dialects of the Burmese : Mr. L. F. Taylor of Burma.
FIFTH SITTING, FRIDAY, THE 7TH NOVEMBER 1919.
8-3O A. M. to 1O-3O A. M.
17. This sitting was again a general one, where all the
delegates and some visitors gathered in the pandal at
8-30 A. M. to listen to further papers reserved for a general
sittting. Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana, the second Vice-
President was in the chair, as Principal A. C. Woolner had
to read his own paper. The following papers were read
almost in extenso.
The Philological Argument for the upper Limit to the Age
of the Rgveda : Principal A. C. Woolner of Lahore.
The Nakxtrats and Precession : Mr. G. R. Kaye of Simla.
The early History of the Gurjaras : Dr. R. C. Majumdar
of Calcutta.
King Akbar and the Persian Translations from Sanskrit :
Dr. J. J. Mody of Bombay.
Notes on the early scn-lxn-ne Commerce of Wexte. n India :
Principal H. G. Rawlinson of Dharwar.
The Devanagari Recension of the Mahabharata : Mr. N. B.
Utgikar of Poona.
Five more papers were not read as the writers were
pot present ; and the papers of Prof. V. K. Rajwade and
72 First Oriental Conference.
Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana were left to be read ii
the afternoon session.
An informal meeting for discussing the problems of the text and the
illustrations of the Mahabharata was held at 1 p. m. The following schol
ars attended: Principal A. C. Woolner, Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabhusanz
Prof. D. B. Bhandarkar, Eai Bahadur Dayaram Sahni, MahamahopadhySj
Lakshmun Shastri Dravid, Pandit Vasudevashastri Abhyankar, Prof
S. Kuppuswami Shastri, Prof. S. Krishnaswarai Aiyangar, Dr. R. Zimmei
mann. Mr. V. P. Vaidya, Dr. T. K. Laddu, Mr. C.' V. Vaidya, Prof.
Hiriyanna, Prof. K. B. Phatak, Mr. G. R. Kaye, Principal Harley, Dr.
K. Belvalkar, Prof. R. D. Karraarkar, Mr. N. B. Utgikar, Dr. P. D. Gum
Some other delegates also attended.
Discussion took place on the point raised by Mr. C. V. Vaidya, whether
the MahabhSrata Editorial Committee could tamper ( as he called it ) with
the text of the Epic. Instead of selecting the best reading and finding
out interpolations, the best course, he thought, would be, to take the
oldest Ms. of the epic and print it as text and show all deviations there*
from in the foot-notes. But the question was iound to be rather late in
the day, as the present position in regard to the fixing of the text was
taken after careful consideration and previous consultation with scholars
who ought to know. European scholars, both here and abroad, had also
signified their approval of the method adopted. Secondly, it was thought
that the text was already so often tampered with in order to enlarge it,
that a fresh tampering ( if it could be so called ) on approved methods, and
with a view to approximate the original text as far as possible, need not
be felt amiss. No definite resolution, however, was felt necessary.
The question of the drapery was also discussed and scholars, especially
Rai Bahadur Dayarara Sahni of the Archaeological Department, offered
valuable suggestions, which Shriiaant Balasaheb Pant Pratinidhi undertook
to observe as far as possible.
SIXTH SITTING, THE SAME DAY,
2-30 P. M. to 4-3O P. M.
18. The conference resumed its sitting in the afternoon
when Principal A C. Woolner took the chair. Prof. V. K.
Rajwade was then called upon to read his paper. He spoke
on the important points in his paper on Asurasya Maya.
After he had done, Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana followed
with his paper on Nric/arjuna, the mm>,s-/ Writer of the. R<>-
>tnce Period.
After the reading of the papers was over, by 3-30 P. M.,
the Conference took up the consideration of the recom-
mendations of the Committee appointed at the First Sitting
Proceedings. 73
to consider the suggestions of scholars regarding the con-
stitution of the Conference etc. The Committee sat after
5-30 i'. M. on Thursday and after full deliberation made the
following report.
"(1) That the invitation from Sir Asutosh Mookerjee, on
behalf of the Council of Post-graduate Teaching of the
Calcutta University; to hold the next session of the Con-
ference at Calcutta, be accepted.
(2) That the next session of the Conference be held not
earlier than 1921.
(3) That the Secretaries of the Conference should con-
tinue as Secretaries for the printing and publishing of the
Proceedings and the papers of the Conference.
(4) That the Secretaries will select the papers to be
published, after consultation with the Vice-Presidents and
Sectional Chairmen.
(5) That in view of the Bhandarkar Institute having
undertaken to organise the Conference, the Conference
resolves that the surplus of the funds, if any, after meeting
all the expenses of the Conference, be made over with all
books, fixtures etc. to the Institute."
The adoption of the Report was moved from the chair
and carried unanimously. The following recommendation
of the Committee was also put from the chair and unani-
mously passed.
"(6) That while acknowledging the work being done
by the several Governments, and Native States in the collec-
tion and preservation of ancient manuscripts, the Conference
considers it desirable that arrangements be made by them
for more thorough and rapid collection thereof to prevent
permanent loss to the country of the valuable manuscripts."
The business of the adoption of the Report of the Com-
mittee being thus finished, the following resolution was
proposed by Prof. D. D. Kapadia and seconded by Dr. 1. .1
Taraporewala.
"That the Conference expresses its sense of gatitude to
the different Governments, States and Gentlemen who have
K o, a i. in
74 First Oriental Conference.
helped the First Oriental Conference by money contribu-
tions, by lending rare articles for the exhibition and in other
way." It was carried unanimously.
Prof. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar proposed and Prof. S.
;vuppuswami Shastri seconded, a hearty vote of thanks to
the Vice-Presidents for having ably conducted the session of
the First Conference of its kind in India.
A vote of thanks to the Working Committee of the Con-
ference and the Volunteers was proposed by Dr. Ganganath
Jha and seconded by Mr. K. N. Dixit and was carried.
Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana then thanked the mem-
bers of the Conference for having paid him the very high
honour of electing him one of the Vice-Presidents, an event
which he considered as the crowning piece of his life.
Principal A. C. Woolner, while announcing that the
proceedings were over, said that until the moment of his
arrival in Poqna, he had scarcely expected that he would be
called upon to perform such an honourable, but at the same
time an onerous function. But he was thankful to all, that,
with their help and co-operation, he had been able to carry the
proceedings of the Conference the first of its kind in India,
to a successful conclusion.
Dr. P. D. Gune then expressed the joy of his colleagues
and the Working Committee, that the task they had under-
taken with enthusiasm, had come to such a happy end. He
also sincerely thanked, on behalf of his colleagues and him-
self, all those, without whose co-operation the Conference
would not have been what it was in the opinion of all,
'an unqualified success/
The delegates then proceeded to the grounds of the In-
stitute, where they were photographed in the distinguished
company of Their Excellencies, who had specially come for
that function, and the Chiefs of Sangli, Aundh and Miraj.
After this was over, they were treated to a garden party by
the members of the Institute. Distinguished scholars from
different parts of the country were introduced to Their Ex-
cellencies, who had a kind word to say to every one of
them.
B
a
~
c
;
-3
:
APPENDIX A.
List of the beli'f/uft'ti of the First Oriental Conference.
These fall into the Patron, Vice-Patrons, and Ordinary
Delegates. The names of the latter are given in the following
order: (1) representatives of the Universities, (2) repre-
sentatives of learned Oriental Institutions, including Muse-
ums, (3) representatives of Governments and States and (4)
those who were elected delegates by the Working Committee
of the Conference.
Patron.
His Excellency Sir George Ambrose Lloyd, G. C. I. E.
D. S. O., Governor of Bombay.
Vice-Patrons*
Shrimant Appasaheb Patwardhan, Chief of Sangli.
Shrimant- Balasaheb Pant Pratinidhi, Chief of Aundh.
Shrimant Bhausaheb Patwardhan, Chief of Jamkhandi.
5 Shrimant Babasaheb Pant Sachiv, Yuvaraj of Bhor.
Sir Dorab Tata.
The Hon'ble Mr. Keshavrao, Hyderabad.
Mr. V. P. Vaidya, B. A., Bar-at-law, J. P., Bombay.
Mr. Hiralal Amratlal Shah, B. A., Bombay.
(1) Representatives of the Uniicr. Cities.
10 Dr. Ganganath Jha, M. A., D. Litt. Allahabad University.
Prof. M. H. Nasiri, M. A.
Mr. P. V. Kane, M. A., LL. M. Bombay University.
Dr. R. Zimmerman, Ph. D,
Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, M. A. Calcutta University.
l> S. Khuda Bukhsh, M. A., B. C. L.
Dr \{. C. Miijumdar, M. A., Ph. D.
-irds the ' of tli*
76 First Oriental Conference.
Dr. I. J.S. Taraporewalla.B.A., Ph.D. Calcutta University.
Dr. Gaurangnath Banerji, M.A-, Council of Post-Gra-
B. L., Ph. D. duate Teaching in
Mr. Susilkumar Maitra, M. A. Arts, Calcutta.
20 Radhakamal Mukerji, M. A.
The Hon'ble Dr. A. Suhrawardi, M. A., Ph. D.
Principal Raghubir Dayal, M.A., M.O.L. Punjab Uniyer-
A. C. Woolner, M. A. sity.
(2) Representatives of learned Institutions.
Dr. P. N. Daruvalla, Ph. D. Anthropological So-
25 Rao Bahadur P. B. Joshi, F. R. G. S. ciety, Bombay.
Mr. R. P. Masani, M. A.
S. S. Mehta, B. A.
Dr. J. J. Modi, B. A., Ph. D.
Mr. K. A. Padhye, B. A., LL. B.
30 J. A. Saldanha, B. A., LL. B.
Dr. R. Zimmermann, Ph. D. ,,
Mr. R. D. Banerji, M. A. Asiatic Society, of
Dr. Harprasad Shastri, C. I. E., Ph. D. Bengal.
The Hon'ble Dr. A. Suhrawardy, M. A. Ph. D.
Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana, M. A. Ph. D.
Sardar K. C. Mehendale, B. A. BharatltihasaSam-
35 Mr. D. V. Potdar, B. A. sodhaka Mandal,
Rao Bahadur C. V. Vaidya, M. A., LL. B. Poona.
Maharajah Kumar Maninath Birbhum Research
Niranjan Chakrabutti Society, Hetatn-
Mr. Harikrishna Mukerji pur.
P. V. Kane, M. A., LL. M. Bombay Branch
Dr. J. J. Modi, B. A., Ph. D. of the Royal
Mr. G. K. Nariman Asiatic Society,
V. P. Vaidya, B. A., Bar-at-Law, J. P. Bombay.
Dr. R. Zimmermann, Ph. D.
to Mr. B. T. Anklesaria. M. A. Cama Oriental Insti-
Dr. D. Mackichan, M.A., D.D., LL., D. tute, Bombay.
Appendices.
77
Mr. R. P. Masani, M. A.
Dr. J. J. Modi, B. A., Ph. D.
Mr. G. K. Nariman
Sir Poonambalam Arunacha-
lam Kt.
Dr. P. E. Pierin
Mr. N. B Divatia, B. A.
45 Prof. A. B. Dhruva, M. A., LL. B.
Rao Badadur Ramanbhai Mahi-
patram Nilkanth, B. A., LL. B.
Prof. B. K. Thakore, B. A.
Mr. S. K. Hodiwalla, B. A.
Dr. J. J. Modi, B. A., Ph. D.
Mr. G. K. Nariman
Mr. V. B. Alur, B. A., LL. B.
50 R. K. Asundi, B. So., B. A.
B. N. Datar, M . A.
,, N. R. Deshpande, B. A.
R. S. Nargundkar, B. A., LL. B.
Rajasabhavibhushan Karpur
Shrinivasrao, B. Sc., L. C. E.
55 Pandit Virupaksha Wodeyar
C'ama Oriental Ins-
titute, Bombay.
M
Ceylon Branch of the
Royal Asiatic So-
ciety.
Gujarat Vernacular
Society, Ahmed-
abad.
Jarthoshti Din ni
Khol Karnari Man-
dali.
Karnatak I t i h a s a
Mandal, Dharwar.
Mr. K. A. Ghas walla, Bar-at-Law.
Prof. R. P. Patwardhan, M. A.
Mr. M. B. Pithawalla, B. A. B. Sc.
Prof. B. K. Thakore, B. A.
Mr. C. R. Kruhnamacharlu
60 K. A. Viraraghavachariar
Pandit G. V. Phadke
it Mangalrtunji Sharma
Karnatak S a h i t y a.
Parishad, Bangalore
Lingayat Education
Association, Dhar-
war.
Literary and Philoso-
phical Club, Poona.
Nellorc Progressiy*
Union, Nellore.
Sanatau Dharma Sa-
bha, Ahmednagar.
Sanskrit Sabha, Eta-
wah.
78
First Oriental Conference.
Dr. Gauranganath Banerji,
M. A., B. L., Ph. D.
Sanskrit Sahifcya Pa-
rishad, Calcutta.
Mr. G. K. Chandorkar, B. A., LL. B. Satkaryottejaka Sa-
bha, Dhulia.
65
Mr. D. G. Padhye, M. A.
G. B. Vaidya, B. A.
(3) Representatives of Museums.
The Curator
Mr. J. S. Kudalkar, M. A., LL. B.
Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, M. A.
The Curator
70
Mr. G. V. Acharya, B. A.
D. B. Diskalkar, M. A.
Students' Literary am
Scientific Society,
Bombay.
Barton Museum,
Bhavnagar.
Central Library, Bj
roda.
Indian Museum, Cal-
cutta.
King Edward Mu-
seum, Bhopal.
Watson Museum, Raj-
kot.
(4) Representatives of Governments and Native States.
Prof B. R. Arte, M. A. Government of H, H.
C. V. Rajwade, M. A., B. So. the Gaekwad, Barodj
Mahamahopadhyaya Lakshman Government of Ben-
Shastri Dravid gal.
Principal A. H. Harley, M. A.
75 Dr. Musharraf-ul Haq, Ph. D.
Shams-ul Ulama Mir Muhammad
Mahamahopadhyaya Pramothonath
Tarkabhushan
Mahamahopadhyaya Dr. Satis Chandra
Vidyabhusana, M. A. Ph. D.
Shams-ul Ulama Mufti Muhammad
Abdulla Tonki
,, ,, Abu NaBr Muhammad
Waheed, M. A.
Apt 7*f
Prof, if B. Uliide, M. A. LL. B. Government of the
Mr. K. A. Enti, B. A. LL. B. Bhavnagar 8taU.
J. S. Gambhir, B. A.
J. J. Kania, 13. A.
Prof. C. Duroiselle Government of
85 Mr. Taw Sein Ko, C. I. E. Burma.
Prof. G. S. Apte, M. A., B. Sc. Government of H.
Prof. A. Khan Saqib, M. A. H. the Maharaja
Scindia of Gwalior.
Mr. Abdul Haq, B. A. Government of H. E.
Prof. Jamil-ur-Ruhman, ty. A. H. the Nizam of
90 Meer Mahbub Ali Sahib Hyderabad.
Hakeem Muhammad Afzal Sahib
Maulavi Say y id Ghulam Hussain
Munshi Fasil Maulavi Fazil ,,
. Sayyid Muhammad Mazhar
Maulavi Fazil
Sayyid Mohammad Murtuza
Maulavi Fazil
95 Sayyid Mukhtar Ahmed Sahib
Mr. G. Yazdani, M. A.
Pandit Girdharlal Sharma Government of the
Ratilalji, B. A. Jhalwar State.
Pandit Bisweshwarnath Reu Government of Jodh-
pur State.
100 Mr. R. Shrinivas Raghav Aiyangar, M. A. Government
C. P. Venkataram Aiyar, M. A., L. T. of Madras.
S. V. Venkatesvar Aiyar, M. A., L. T.
,, R. Krishnamachartar
Rao Saheb H. Krishna Shaatri, M. A. ,
105 Prof. S. Kuppuswami Shastri, M. A.
Muhammad Naimur Rahman Sahib
Bahadur, v
Diwan Bahadur L. P. Swami Kannu
I'illai, M. A., LL. B., Bar-at-Law, I. S O.
Mr. S, Subba Ran, M A
80 First Oriental Conference.
Prof. M. Hiriyanna, M. A. L. T. Government oi H.
110 Mr. R. Shamashastri, B. A. H. the Maharaja
Principal C. Venkataramanaiya of Mysore.
Mr. R. Naiasimhachar, M. A. Director of
Archaeology.
Munshi Ziaul Hasan Alavi, M. A. Government of the
United Provinces.
(5) Delegates elected by the Working Committee.
Prof. K. V. Abhyankar, M. A., Ahmedabad.
115 Mr. S. V. Abhyankar of Poona.
Pandit Vasudevashastri Abhyankar, Poona.
Mr. M. K. Acharya, B. A., Madras.
N. S. Adhikari, M. A., Gandevi.
C. D. Advani, B. A., LL. fi., Hyderabad, Sind.
120 Prof. S. KrishnaswaniAiyangar, M. A., Madras-
R. Swaminath Aiyar, B. A., Madras.
Mr. V. Natesh Aiyar, M. A., Lahore.
,, J. L. Allen, Sindh.
M. A. Ananthalwar, Madras.
125 Principal R. G. Apte, B. A., Poona.
R. N. Apte, M. A., Kolhapur.
V. G. Apte, B. A., Poona.
Pandit V. V. Apte, Ratnagiri.
Mr. R. B. Athavale, B. A., Ahmedabad.
130 Shve Zan Aung, B. A., Kyanktan.
S. Bakarali, B. A., Poona.
Prof. Abdul Bari, Dharwar.
Mr. Muhammad Beg Sahib, Hyderabad, Deccan.
Dr. S. K. Belvalkar, M. A., PH. D. Poona.
135 Mr. H. J. Bhabha, B. A., Bombay.
Prof. R. G. Bhadkamkar, M. A., Bombay.
Prof. N. K. Bhagwat, M. A., Bombay.
Dr. V. V. Bhagwat, L. M. & S., Poona.
Mr. A. S. Bhandarkar, M. A., Poona.
140 Dr. P. R. Bhandarkar, L. M. & S. Indore-
Principal G. C. Bhate, M. A., Sangli.
Mr. H. R. Bhatheja, B. A. (Oxn.), M. A. (Bom.), Patna
R. K. Bhide, B. A., Nasik.
Pandit Bhimacharya, Bombay.
\
145 Mr. M. R. Bodas, M. A., u.. it., Bombay.
Mahima Niranjana Chakrabarty, Calcutta.
Sardar Y. M. Chandrae huda, Poona.
Mr. C. A. Chavan, Poona.
E Clements, I. C. 8., Dharwar.
150 Hon'ble Mr. J. G. Covernton, M. A., Poona.
Prof. N. G. Damle, M. A , Poona.
F. C. Davar, M. A., LL. B., Bombay.
Mr. D. D. Dave, B. A., Gandevi.
H. K. Deb, M. A., Calcutta.
IV. Prof. T. K. Deolalkar. M. A., Dharwar.
Mr. S. M. Desai, Navsiri.
Prof. D. B. Devadhar, M. A. Poona.
Rao Bahadur K. B. Deval, Sangli.
Mr. K. N. Diiit, M. A , Lucknow.
160 K. S. Dixit, B. A., P.M.na.
I'rjf. K. N. Dravid, M. A., Sangli.
Mr. N. H. Shastri Dravid, Indore.
Dr. G. Dubreuil, I), i.itr. (Paris), Pondicherry.
Mr. M. Firozuddin Khan, Gulburga.
!''> Prof. A. B. Gajendragadkar, M. A.. l.)h:mvar.
Pandit S. D. Gajendragadkar, Bombay
Mr. T. D. Gajra, B. A., Shikarpur.
M. B Garde, B. A., Gwalior.
Prof. D. R. Gharpure, M. A., B. Sc,, Poona.
170 Mr. M. Ghose, M. A., Patna.
,, A. G. Ginvardhana.
Hon'ble Divan Bahadur K. R. Godbole, M. C. E., Poona.
Mr. P. R. Godbole, B. A., Poona.
Mr. P. K. Gode, M. A., Poona.
175 G. K. Gokhale, M. A., Dharwar.
L. R. Gokhale, Poona
Dr. V. C. Gokhale, 1.. M \ s., Poona.
Dr. P. D. Gune, M. A., I'h. D., Poona.
Mr. B. G. Gunjikar, Dharwar.
180 Y. R. Gupte, Poona.
Maliamaliopadliyaya 1 1 . tl. i!.:.:i i H arisliank :ir Shastri
JamnagMr,
Mr. ('. Hayavadana l\a>. i, A , l>:.ngalore.
Sardar Alvi<uli.-l) 1 li-l-l ik ar.
' C. I 11
82 /'/>>>/ Oriental
Sardar Balasaheb Heblikar, Poona.
185 Rai Bahadur Hiralal, Wardha.
Prof. V. K. Joag, M. A., Poona.
Mr. C. V. Joshi. M. A., Ratnagiri.
K B. Joshi, Belgaum.
K. G- Joshi, B. A., Poona.
190 R. B. Joshi, Poona.
Mr. Vishvanath Shastri Joshi, Nasik.
Mr. W. J. Joshi, M. A., Ratnagiri.
G. P. Josyer, Bar-at-Law, Bangalore.
,, G. N. Kale, Jalgaon.
195 S. G. Kale, M. A., Phaltan.
Prof. G. G. Kanetkar, M. A., Jubbulpore.
Mr. H. J. Kania, B. A., Bombay.
Mr. P. D. Kanitkar, B. A., Bhor.
Prof. D. D. Kapadia, M. A., B. Se.^Poona.
200 Mr. Motilal K. Kapadia, B. A., LL. B., Bombay.
Prof. R. D. Karmarkar, M. A., Poona.
Mr. M. V. Kathawate, B. A. LL. B., Wai.
Krishnashastri Kavade, B. A., Poona.
Mr. G. R. Kaye, Simla.
205 Dr. S. V. Ketkar, Ph. D., Nagpur.
Mr. V. B. Ketkar, Poona.
M. N. Khan, Poona.
Rao Bahadur G. N. Khare, B. A., Poona.
Dr R. V. Khedkar, L. M. & S., Poona.
210 Mr. R. T. Kirtane, B. A., LL. B., Poona.
N. V. Kolhatkar, B. A., Bombay.
C. R. Krishnacharya, Madras.
P- D. Kulkarni, (Pandurangasharma), Poona.
Pandit Lakshmipathi Shastri, Pithapuram.
21b Prof. Narendranath Law, Calcutta.
Mr. A. M. Lokhande, Poona.
G. B. Makoday, Indore.
Dr. Harold H. Mann, D. Sc , Poona.
Mr. (T. S. Mavlankar, Baramati.
220 ,, Balwantrai M. Mehta, Bhavnagur.
I'rof. N. D. Minocher Homji, B. A., Poona.
Mr. V. V. Mlrashi, M. A., LL. B., Nagpur.
.. P. P. Mitragotri, Dharwar,
A/>/><n>/tce8. 83
Mr. B. L. Modak, L. C. E., Poona.
225 A. G. Mundle, Yeotmal.
Prof. R. K. Mukerjee, M. A., Mysore.
Sardar Abasaheb Muzumdar, Poona.
Mr. Jamshedji Dadabhai Nadirshah, Bombay.
Purushottam Shastri Nanal, Poona.
230 Mr. H. Narainrao, Bombay.
., M. A. Narayanshastri, Bangalore.
P. V. Narsingrao, Bangalore.
Mr. Gaurishankar Ojha, B. A., Ajmer.
M. P. Oka, Poona.
23.") Pandit Bhimacharya S. Ottamgadkar, Bombay.
Dr. G. S. Palsule, Poona.
Mr. Harnandan Panday, B. A., Patna.
Prof. V. G. Paranjpe, M. A., LL. B., Poona.
Hon'ble Mr. R. P. Paranjpye, M. A., B. Sc., Poona.
240 Rao Bahadur D. B. Parasnis, Satara.
kMr. R. C. Parikh, B. A., Bombay.
Prof. K. B. Pathak, B. A., Hubli.
Pandit Shridharshastri Pathak, Poona.
Prof. M. T. Patwardhan, M. A., Poona.
5 Mr. R. V. Patwardhan, B. A., LL. B., Poona.
Laxmanrai Prasad, Calcutta.
P. E. Percival, I. C. S., Poona.
Sardar Babasaheb Purandare, Poona.
Mr. G. K. Puranik, M. A., Belgaum.
250 Pandit Rangacharya Raddi, Poona.
Sardar Y. T. Rajmachikar, Poona.
Prof. V. K. Rajwade, M. A., Poona.
Pandit V. Ramchandracharya, Nellore.
Mr. Ramgopal, Bar-at-Law, Bangalore.
,, (i V Ranade, Poona.
I'- of. R. D. Ranade, M. A., Poona.
Mr. S. V. Ranade, Poona.
,, T. V. Ranade, Poona.
V. V. Ranade, Poona.
260 Y. V. Ranade, Poona. t
,, P. R. Rangraj Shastri.
Principal H. G. Rawlinson, M. A., Dbarwar
., Sardaranjan Ray. M. A., Calcutta.
84 farxt Oriental Conference
Rai Bahadur Dayaram Sahni, M. A., Patna.
265 Mr. G. E. Saklatwalla, Bombay.
Harbilas Sarda, B. A., LL. B., Ajmer.
V. S. Saravte, B. A., LL. B. Indore.
Dr. N. G. Sardesai, L. M. & S., Poona.
Pandit Appashastri Sathaye,
270 Mr. V. V. Sathaye, B. A,, Poona.
S. N. Sathe, Poona.
Secretary, Sk. Pustakonnati Sabha, Etawah.
Mr. S. S. Setlur, B. A., LL. B., Bombay.
M. Shahidullah, M. A., Calcutta.
275 Prof. A. K. Shaikh, M. A., Bombay.
Mr. A. K. Sharma, Patiala.
Prof. M. G. Shastri, M. A., Poona.
Mr. R. A. Shastry, Baroda.
Pandit Hari Krishna Telang, M. A., Jubbulpore
280 Pandit Vasudevashastri Shedanikar, Poon:i.
Dr. P. V. Shikhare, L. M. & S., Poona.
Mahatma Shridatta Lakshraj.
Prof. C. S. Shrinivasachar, M. A., Madras.
Mr. V. S. Shrinivasan, Madras.
285 Pandit S. V. Shriramshastri, Bezwada.
Prof. K. N. Sitaram, M. A., Kullidaikurichy.
K. Sitaramaiya, B. A., Vemur.
V. V. Sowani, M. A., Meerut.
Mr. G. Somanna, Nellore.
290 S. Subbarao, M. A., Madras.
Pandit Vangwei Subbarao, Pithapuram.
Dr. V. A. Sukthankar, Ph. D., Indore.
Mr. T. Suryanarayanrao, Kovur.
Mr. V. B. Takalkar, M. A., Poona.
21)5 Mr. L. F. Taylor of Burma.
K. G. Terigundi, M. A., Dharwar.
Pandit N. Tirumalachariar, Bangalore.
Mr. K. Tirumalarao, B. A., L. T., Aurangabad.
,, S. A. Tivari, Hyderabad.
300 air. J. R. Tullu, B. A., Indore.
l)r. ,1 M. Unwala, B. A., Ph. D., Bombay.
Mr. W. G. Urdhvareshe, B. A., Indore.
N. B. Utgikar, M. A., Poona.
Appendices.
BS
Mi Durgaprasad V. Vaidya, Bombay
mi r L. Vaidya, H. A., Sangli
Mr. K. S. Vakil, H. A.. Poona.
Mr. Gaurishankar G. Varma, Bar-at-Law, Ajincr
Prof. S. Varma Shastri, M. A., Shrinagar.
K. Vonkatachal Shastri, Bijapore.
310 ,, A. K. Vesawewala. H. A., Bombay.
Pandit B. Vidyabhushan, Calcutta.
Sardar Balasaheb Vinchurkar, Poona.
Prof. S. V. Visvanath, M. A., L. T., Trichinopoly.
Mr. B. Vyasrao, B. A.., Lt., Aurangabad.
315 Mr. V. V. Waikar, Surat.
Prof. A. G. Widgery, M. A., Baroda.
Rov. Widurupola Piyatissa, Dhanuskoti.
Mr Apparaju Wodeyar, Dharwar.
,. S. K. Wodeyar, Dharwar.
APPENDIX B.
An alphabetical list of the Institutions, Governments, and persons,
who lent exhibits for the Exhibition in connection with the First Oriental
Conference, Poona. The more important exhibits only are mentioned.
(1) The Andhra Parisod/iaka MahamandaLa, Pithapuram,
sent coins, copperplates and some photos. The following
were the most interesting of them.
(a) A copperplate grant of the Reddy dynasty. Date
1400 A. D.
(b) Fifteen old coins found while digging, and seven
new coins, of the South Indian dynasties of kings.
(2) The Archaeological Museum, Madras, sent (a) sets
of copperplate-grants, (b) five caskets from Bhattiprolu relics
and (c) fifteen sets of coins.
(a) Copperplate-grants of (1) the Calukyan, (2) Ganga,
(3) Cola, (4) Pallava, (5) Pandya, and (6) Vijaya-
nagar dynasties.
(ti) Two relics from the first Bhattiprolu casket and
one each from the second and the third.
(c) Punch-marked coins, Buddhist coins, and coins
from several South Indian Dynasties like the
Kadamba, the Gahga, the Cola, the Pandya etc.
There were also numerous gold coins from Kodur.
(3) The Bhaniarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona,
lent (a) birch-bark, (b) palm-leaf, and (c) paper manuscripts
and (d) an old astronomical instrument. The more import-
ant only of these are mentioned below.
(a) A birch-bark manuscript of (1) the Rgveda in
Sarada characters, an old script of Kashmir. This
Mss. was used by Max-Muller for his edition of
the Rtfveda, and bears ample traces of that scho-
lar's work in the form of marginal notes and
marks. Another birch-bark Ms., of (2) the Xakun-
ApjHtml <?
9, also in Sarada goript, was procured for Go-
vernment by Dr. G. Buhler along with the above
one. This is evidently a valuable recension of
the Sakiint'iln. The birch-hark in both the cases
appears to have been specially treated and being
very thin, is written only on one side. Two such
leaves are now pasted together back to back, in
order that the crumbling process, which has al-
ready set in, might not develop rapidly.
(l>) Among the palm-leaf Mss. the oldest and there-
fore the most important were (1) Ff4eftat)o4|faAaa-
hliaxya and (2) the Vtsexrimsi/'tkucnr/it, both be-
longing to the sacred literature of the Jainas.
(c) Of the paper Mss., (1) the A f/nt /-/// Hmn^i t/<nt<i
N about five hundred years old; and (2) the
niinyni -(ltd/tut -(ii/n is profusely illuminated in the
early Mogul style of painting.
hi) The astronomical instrument was procured for
Government by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, and is now
being worked up by Mr. G. R. Eaye of Simla.
(4) The K. R. Cama Oriental Institute, Bombay, sent
five exhibits in all, some of them very valuable.
(1) Ijaxne />a Maini, a Sanskrit translation of
Yasna, (2) Kanoau-e-Masoudi, (3) Jog Bashust, a
Persian translation of the Yoga I 'nsixt-hd, (4) five
chapters of the MtihnltliUrata and the (5) Ocean
of
(5) The Central Library, Baroda, sent thirty Mss., on
palm-leaf and paper, in Sanskrit, Marathi and Gujarati, and
two copperplates.
(<i) (1) The Mahnblmmtti illuminated, (2) &hu<ianitii
illuminated, (3) Vnl nril;i-Rrunaijana in Grantha
characters, (4) /-thut/uriii/nitrttritp.'irijiin/riHii/dtikri,
(.">) .^i//ni/(iri/ii/iiHiiri, illuminated, (6) ./amA/o
/, (7; S,i</ay<i- 1 , / and (9)
dMiiiiht, two Apabhraihsa works.
Two copper-pi ;r
88 First Oriental Conference.
(6) Kumar Devendraprasada Jain of Arab sent paoto-
graphic collections of the Jain temples, paintings and
manuscripts.
The photos were of temples and caves at Khanda-
giri, Udayagiri, with the Hathigumpha rock and
inscription of Kharavela, Mathura pannel, sta-
tues of Jaina Tirthankaras etc.
(7) The Director of Archaeological Research, Mysore,
sent some plates and a Campu.
(a) The Saragur plates of the Ganga dynasty, Kuda-
gere plates of the Kadamba dynasty, Kadaba pla-
tes of the Rastrakuta kings etc.
(1)) A palm-leaf manuscript of Indiralhyinlaya Campu.
(8) Mr. J. G. Gazdar, a well-known Art-collector of
Bombay, sent three cloth-paintings.
(1) XIII century painting on cloth, depicting
scenes from the Ramuyana, (2) XIV century
painting, depicting Saraswatl on a peacock and (3)
XV century painting, depicting the sports of
Krsna and the Gopis.
(9) The Government Mss. Library, Madras, sent one
hundred and twenty- four Sanskrit works on different subjects.
A few typical ones are given below.
(1) Rgredavyakliya of Udglthacarya, (2) Rgbhasya of
Skandasvamin, (3) Rgbhasya of Venkatamadhava who
is quoted by Vidaranya and Devaraja, (4) Vadhulaka/-
pasutra-VyakhyZf (5) ApastambasiilvasTitral>huxya, (6)
Mdh&bhaqyavySkkya of Bhartrhari (the photographic
copy of the only Ms. of the work in a German
Library), (7) Amoghavrtti, a comm entry on Sakata-
yana Sutras, (8) Art]iasa*tr(irijaL-luja of Bhattaswamin
and(9)of Madhavavarman,(10) Brha*patisiitra supposed
to be older than the Arthasusfra, (11) S&nkhyasaptati'
tikn of Sankaracarya, rare and hitherto unknown,
(12) rii'ttnj(ilinj<><i<ixtitr<it>liu* tjunnra IKI of Sankaracarya,
rare and hitherto unknown, (Hi) Kannilaxh .'/;/<. V///-
of Harakinkara, who quotes Anandagii i -v^ i is
Appendi 89
quoted by Vidyftranya, (14) A 7 ?/'/ ' //./ of Apa-
radityamaharaja, one uf the best commentaries on
Bhasarvajiia's Nyayasura, (15) Nltifatttftoirbh&va of
Cidananda, a Mimaihsaka who differs both from
Knraarila and Prabhakara, (16) Nyayuknlisa of Vadi-
hamsambudacarya, uncle and preceptor of Desika-
carya, (17) Spandaniryaya of Ksemaraja, a pupil of
Abhinavagupta, (18) Trairikrama, a drama with no
characters except the Nat! and the Sutradhara
(19) Bhimaparukrama of Satanandasunu, an old drama,
quoted in the Sarftgadharapaduhati, (20) Padmapra-
bhrtaka of Sudraka and (21) UbhaySbhitOHkUt two rare
Bhanas, (22) DMiftavitaaaihvSda of Isvaradatta, men-
tioned by Bhoja, (23) Dasarupakavyakhya of Bhattanr-
simha, (24) Aumapatam an old treatise on music,
(25) Manasura and (26) Arnsumadbhed'i, two works on
agriculture, (27) Mr^anitantra, a work on alchemy,
(28) Candrubharariahoru of Yavanacarya, quoted by
great writers on Astrology ; and some Telugu and
Malayalam works etc.
(10) The Government Oriental Lihrary, Mysore, sent
copies in Kannada characters of seven old Mss. of which the
following were most important.
(1) Brliadyajurvidhana of Katyayana, (2) Vaikhu-
nasa Kal pasutra, (3) Rgarthadlpika (first Astaka)
by Madhavaoarya, son of Venkataraya, (4)
Ayurvedasutra with Yogananda's commentary.
(11) The Gurukulasarma, Bezwada, sent coins from
Nepal, Ratlam, Nizam's State, Travancore etc., of the mo-
dern period.
(12) Dr. Musharraf -ul-Haq of Dacca brought some rare
articles, scrolls and pictures.
(1) An authentic miniature portrait of Abuzzafar
Muhammad Bahadur Shah II, (2) The Quran, a marvel-
lous and artistic manuscript of the holy Quran,
written on a scroll of paper, 10' - 5" x 1 ' - 18", in a
most microscopic Nastali character. The whole
weight is less than a tola. It is stated that Em-
F. O. C. 1. 1
t
90 First Oriental Conference,
peror Shah Alain used to keep it in his head-gear.
But there is nothing written on the manuscript itself.
(3) Kulliyyat~i-Sadi, a beautiful and illuminated copy
of the complete works of Sadi. It was onc3 preserved
in the Imperial Library of Aurangzeb and was probably
presented to him in the 31st year of his reign. (4) Hal-
namah, a Masnavi by Arefi. It is an allegory in which
the ball and the bat are personified as types of mystic
love. It was transcribed in A. H. 1000 by Khandan,
who was the court calligrapher of the Emperor Akbar.
(5) Timurnamah-i-Hatefi, a Masnavi on the warlike ex-
ploits of Titnur. A very neatly written copy. Date
A. H. 972. Bears two seals of Muhammad Quli Qutub
Shaha and Jamshid Qutub Shah, Kings of Golkonda.
(6) Shahnamah, the famous epic poem by Firdausi,
most profusely illuminated and illustrated. Parts II
and III are written in the most excellent Nastaliq,
probably in the tenth century A. H. (8) Jamih-ul-Hak+
ayat, a famous collection of historical tales and an-
ecdotes by Muhammad Aufi. The oldest and the best
copy extant. Profusely illuminated and illustrated
with scenes from Natural History in its earlier part,
and containing a few good pictures. Dated A. H. 843.
(9) Tuzuq-i-Timuri of Alfaquihi ; this is a continua-
tion of the history of Tamarlane and his ancestors.
An extremely rare work. Transcribed for the Em-
peror Shah Alam in A. H. 1191. (10) Fvrsnama, an
illustrared treatise on farriery, translated from Sans-
krit by Abdullakhan Bahadur Firoz Jung. This copy
was transcribed at Kabul, A. H. 1082, twenty-eight
years after the death of Firoz Jung. (11) Dirani-i-Sail
an autograph copy of the poet, written in the most
marvellous and excellent running hand. (12) Bostani-
i-Sadi, the well-known poem, of which this is a most
magnificent copy written in the hand of Shah
Mahmmud Nashapuri. Dated A. H. 958. Contains a
few sketches of pictures. (13) Diwan-i- Hawaii Dih
one of the most complete and clearly written copies
of the poems of Hasan. Dated, A. H. 951. (14) 7'./.s-
mrat-i-Ragmala, an album illuminated by seventeen
Appendices. 91
beautif-il groups of figures of Gouache painting in a
variety ot bright colours, attitudes and surroundings.
Representing conventional symbols of tl e well-known
personifications of Indian pitches. Early 12th cen-
tury A. H.
(13) 'I he Indian Muxcum, (Archaelogical Section,) Cal-
cutta, sent the foil wing.
(<i) Bhita seals: (1) Kalesvarah prlyatara, (2) Bbuta-
kasa, (3) Sahijitiyenigmasa, (4) Na (rh) di (below
Sastika), (5) Sri Vindhyabedhana Maharajasya,
Mahesvara Mahasenatirsta Rajjyasya Vrsadhva-
jasya, Gautamiputrasya, ^6) Om Sri Ranasi(rh)hah,
(7) Sealing with device only, Symbol meaning
Kaspapura or Multan, (8) Seal with perforated
handle at top-Inscription-Raga, Symbol-Trisula,
(9) Seal-die with perforated top, Inscription Jitarh-
monoratha, Symbol-Star.
(/>) Basrah seals: (1) Amratakesvara, (2) Maharaja-
dhiraja Sri Chandragupta, Patni Maharaja Sri
Govindagupta, Mata MahadevI Sri Dhruvasvaminl,
(3) Sri VishnupadasvamI, (4) Sri Ghatothkacha-
guptasya, (5) & (6) Yuvarajapadiya Kumaramatya-
dhikarana.
(14) The Kaniatak Stihasu Maiuiala, Dharwar, sent cop-
per-plates, Mss. etc. of which the following were important-
(1) Copperplate of the Kadamba age, (2) Copper-
plate of the Vijayanagar age, (3) CummnlarUya-
pitrhun, (4-5) Two beautifnl carving specimens on
Tadavali, (6) Harivamsapuraiia, a Jain work by
Mangarasa.
(15) tfirimanf Balasaheb Pant Pratinidhi sent some ex-
hibits, of which the following were intersting both from the
artistic and the calligraphic points of view.
(i) A manuscript of the Saptasati, beautifully writ-
ten in golden ink and profusely illuminated, be-
lieved at least to be a couple of centuries old. (2)
\ ui.-ir. t of the- VM //. with Arabic and
. -ian tox a -iiinihanoo'islv no bel"w the
92 First Oriental Conference.
other, nearly four hundred years old, bought at
Bijapur at a cost of Rs. 400/-.
(16) The Patna museum lent (a) prehistoric antiquities,
and (b) historic antiquities.
(a) Prehistoric antiquities; a scraper, a borer, arrow-
and spearheads, a knife, a flake, axes, a bone-ham-
mer, battle-axe with double head, bracelets, a bro-
nze-bell etc ;
(b) Silver punch-marked coins of the Maurya period,
Ksatrapa and temple-seals, Gupta seals etc.
(17) The Provincial Museum, Lucknow, sent several arti-
cles like (a) castes of ancient statues and architectural deco-
rations, coins, seals and edicts, (b) estampages of certain in-
scriptions and (c) photographs.
(a) Among the casts of coins were those of (1) Vima
Kadphises, (2) Kaniska, (3) Huviska, (4) Samu-
dragupta, (5) Vasudeva, (6) Kumarapala etc., (7)
golden coins of Kumaragupta, Pauragupta, Akbar,
Jahangir etc.
(b) Among the estampages were those of the Mukhari
Inscription, and the Kudarkot Inscription etc.
(c) The photos were of Jain, Buddhist and Hindu scu-
lptures.
(18) The Sardar Museum, Jodhpur, sent (a) gold, silver
and copper coins, (b) old paintings and (c) reprints
of Inscriptions.
(a) Gold coins of Vasudeva, Huviska, Samudragupta,
Kumaragupta; silver coins of Azas, Menander,
Kumaragupta, Jahangir etc; copper coins of Dio-
inedes, Mahipala, Somaladevi etc.
(/>) Paintings about the history of the Ksatrapa, Gupta,
Paramara, Kalacuri, Pala, Sen and other dynasti-
(c) Reprints of Inscriptions ( Udayaditya, Pratapa-
bimha etc.
Appendices. 9S
(19) Mr. V. P. Vaidya, B. A., Bar-at Law, J. P , lent MSB.
and gold, silver and punch-marked coins.
(a) MSB. Virasimhavalokana, Atreyasaijihita and an
illuminated copy of the Bhagavadglta.
(b) Old coins, f 1) Gold raohur (Mataji) 1, (2) Silver coins
of the last century, 13, (3) Punchmarked coins.
(20) The Watson Museum of Antiquities, Rajkot, sent (a)
four copperplates, (b) Mss. and (c) seventy- six coins.
(a) Copperplates of Dharasena I, Gupta Samvat 207;
of Dharamvaraha of the Chavda dynasty, Saka
639.
(b) A Ms. of Mav^lalika Kaoya, an epic on the last
Yadava King of Junagad, Ra Mandalika, who
was defeated by Sultan Mahmud in 1472.
(c) Gold coins of Antoninus, Augustus; silver coins of
the Sassanian Gadheya, Rudrasena son of Rudra-
daman, Nahapana, Castana, Rudradaman, San-
ghadaman etc.
APPENDIX C.
Donations from Governments, States and Private Indi-
viduals.
Indian and Provincial Government*.
( 1 ) Government of Bengal
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
Native States.
(7)
(8)
(9)
(10)
(11)
(12)
(13)
Bombay
Burma
India
Madras
United Provinces
1500
1500
500
1000
1000
2000
H. H. the Gaekwad of
Baroda ... ... 1000
Bhavnagar State ... SCO
Dhrangdnra State ... 500
H. H. the Holkar of Indore 500
Junagadh State ... 500
H. E. H. the Nizam of Hy-
derabad ... ... 1000
H. H. the Maharaja of
Mysore ... ... 1000
The Chief of Aundh ... 100
The Chief of Jamkhandi 100
The Thakore Saheb of
Limbdi ... ... 250
(17) The Chief of Sangli ... 150
( 18 ) ,, The Yuvaraja of Bhor ... 100
Private Individuals.
( 19 ) The Hon'ble Mr. J. G. Covernton M. A.,
C. I. E ... ... ... 50
(20) The Hon'ble Mr. Keshavrao of
Hyderabad ... ... ... 100
( 21 ) Mr. H. A. Shah B. A. ... ... 100
(22) SirD. J.Tata 100
( 23 ) Principal J. R. Tullu B. A. ... 50
I ) Mr V. P. Vaidya, B. A., BAR-AT-
LAW J. P. 100
91
O
o> o o
O i t
CO -H
i- O O
OS
OO
CO
1 I
00
*- ^
CO O
rt O
W
9
of Expend
Pa
~ \s '2
o *P *-
O d BQ M
e
6
:
5
n
_c
o
S ?c
" r- Ci
53 ".2
H! **? 9
E ~ * &:s - 5 e .5 =
1-1 "~ L. '^^1 m m o :7 <n
^ O
3 C
.tS 8
2*3
PQ
a
M
EE]
To
b
t a
tio
h
; ^i ^, - rj w
I 2*5 * 33.2
! C w o ^j -< ^j
HWO-02 JS
<C f~ 00 Oi O I-H
00
CO
<0
00
o
o
00
O> Oi
Oi *
1-105
00 ^H
u
00
PH
o
H
c c
o *
Sao
o
1jj w
^^ t - J
x^g
o cy .
I
O
a>
s
'ao
>
a
-jPQi
CQ a> C
^.tJ.ti
0)
Q
o 5
CONTENTS OF THE SUMMARIES OF PAPERS.
PACKS.
I VEDIC ... ... ... i-xix
Age of the Brahraanas. By B. V. Kameswar Aiyar i-viii
Study of the Vedas. By Gauridatta Sattree . ' viii
Nighantu is not the Work of the Author of the
Nirukta. By R. D. Karraarkar ... ix
Education in the Brahmayas and Upanisads. By
Radhakumud Mookerji ... ... ix
Asurasya MayS in the Rgveda. By V. K. Rajwade ... ix
The Mention of the MBh. in the Asvalayana Grhya
Sutra. By N. B. Utgikar ... ... xiv
Gotra and Pravara. By C. V.Vaidy a ... xv
'I he Nirukta and the Nighantu : their mutual Rela-
tion. By Siddheshwara Varma ... xvi
Arya and Dasyu A Chapter in Social History. By
S. V. Viswanatha ... ... ... xvi
The Philological Argument for an Upper Limit to
the Age of the Rgveda. By A. C. Woolner ... xvii
f[ - A VEST A ... ... ... xxi-xxviii
.'Janskritised Passages from the Gathas. By Shams-
ul- riama Dastur Kaikobad A. Nosherwan ... xxi
Airyana Vaejo, the Cradle of the Aryans; the Maza-
inya Daeva, the Devas of Mazandran or Brah-
manical Devas. By 3 . D. Nadirshah ... xxi
Modern Science in Ancient Iran. By M. B. Pitha-
walla ... ... ... xxii
The Avestan Archangels and Sanskrit Deities, a
Comparison. By A. K. Vesavevala ... xxv
III. PALI AND BUDDHISM ... ... xxix-xxxvii
Buddhist Philosophy of Change. By Maung Shwe
Zan Aung ... ... ... xxix
The Vinaya Literature of the Buddhists. By N. K.
Bhagwat ... ... ... xxix
The Burning of Mithila. By C. V. Rajwade ... xxx
Buddhist Philosophy (in Pali). By Pandit Widuru-
polu Piyatissa ... ... ... xxxi
Contents of Summaries. 97
Nagarjuna the earl est Writer of the Renaissance
Period. By Satis Chandra Vidyal husana ... xxxiv
IV. PHILOLOGY AND PRAKRITS ... ... xxxix-lxir
The Phonogenesis of the wide E and O in Gujarati.
By N. B. Divatia ... ... ... xxxix
Apabhramsa Literature and its Importance to Philo-
logy. By P. D. Gune ... ... xlr
The Dialects of the Burmese. By L. F. Taylor ... xlvii
The Importance of Philology for modern Languages.
By J. M. Unwala... ... ... xlviii
V. CLASSICAL LITERATURE ... ... li-lxiv
Sakuntala an Allegory. By N. B. Adhikari ... li
The Relation of Sudraka's Mrcchakatika to the Caru-
datta of Bhasa. By S. K. Belvalkar ... li
Kalidasa and the Gupta Kings. By H. B. Bhide ... lii
Psychological Study of KSlidasa's Upamas. By P. K.
Gode ... . ... lii
Indian Aesthetics. By M. Hiriyanna ... Iv
Kalidasa and Music. By Sardar G. N. Mujumdar ... Iviii
Kalidasa and Candragupta II. By S. Ray ... Iviii
Kautilya and Kalidasa. By H. A. Shah ... lix
The Text of the s'akuntala. By B. K. Thakore ... Ix
VI.-PERS1AN AND ARABIC ... ... ixv-lxix
Okhaharana in the SLahnaraeh. By P. B. Desai ... Ixv
King Akbar and the Persian Translations from
Sanskrit. By J. J. Modi ... ... Ixv
The unknown Ya in Persian. By Abdul Kadar Shaikh
Sarfraz ... ... ... Ixix
VII. DRAVIDIAN ... ... ... Ixxi-lxxxiv
Dravidian Tense-suffixes By R. Swaminath Aiyar Ixxi
Old Telugu Literature. By K. Sitaramayya ... Ixxviii
Telugu Language and Literature. By Q, Sonianna ... Ixxx
The Pronunciation of the hard r in Dravidian
Languages. Ry C. P. Venkatarama Aiyar ... Ixxxi
VIII. PHILOSOPHY
Vaisnavism in South India before Ramanuja. By
3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar ... ... Ixxxv
Fallacies in Indian Logic. By G. C. Bhate ... Ixxxvii
A Note on Siva and Phallic Worship. /';; CJ. K.
Chandorkar ... ... ... Ixxxviii
F. O.C.I. 1?J
58
First Oriental Conference.
Trividham AnumSnam, or a Study in NyayS Sutra
I i 5. By A. B. Dhruva ... ..
Ixxxviii
1C
The Yogisvara Yajnavalkya, his Life and Philosophy,
Chronology and Contemporaries. By P. B. Joshi
The Eolation of the BhagavadgltS and the BSda-
rSyana Sutras. By R. D. Karmarkar ...
The Springs of Action in Hindu Ethics. By Susil
Kumar Maitra ... ... ...
Sankara on Buddha. By Panduranga Sharma ...
The Pada and Vakya Bhasyas of Kenopanisad. By
Sridharshastri Pathak ... ...
xcv
xcvii
xcviii
: i
The Antiquity of the Bhagavadglta. By S. V. Ven-
kateshwar. ... >... ...
Logic of SankarScarya and Aristotle. By R. Zim-
mermann ... ... ...
IX. ARCHAEOLOGY ... ... oiii-ix
Ancient Indian Architecture. By M. A. Anan-
thalwar ... ... ... ciii
Sanskrit Mss., their Search and Preservation. By
Ananta Krishna Shastri ... ... civ
The Rock-cut Temples in Southern India. By J.
Dubreuil ... ... ... cv
The early Kalacuris and the Alphabet of their Cop-
perplate-grants. By Y. R. Gupte... ... cv
The Cave and Brahmi Inscriptions of Southern India.
By H. Krishnashastri ... ... cvi
The Jain Manuscript-Bhandar at Patan A final word
on their Search. By J. S. Kudalkar ... cvii
Note on some Valabhi Coins. By Geo. P. Taylor ... cix
X. -ANCIENT HISTORY ... ... ... exi-cxKviii
The basic Blunder in the Reconstruction of Indian
Chronology by Orientalists, or the Greek Syn-
chronisms reviewed. By M. K. Aoharya ... oxi
A Peep into Mediaeval Dekkan. By A. V. Venkata-
ramayyar ... ... ... cxv
The Karnatak and its Place in Indian History. By
V. B. Alur ... ... ... oxvi
India as known to the Ancient World. By Gauranga-
nath Banerji ... ... ... cxvii
Content* of .^umnutnes.
The Date of Cakradbara th- MSnabhSva. ByG. K.
Cbandorkar .. ...
Date of tbe Coronation uf MabSpadma. By Harit
Erisbna Deb ... ... ... ozz
Identification of Kings of tbe ArySrarta defeated by
Samudragupta. By K. N. Dikibit ... ciiir
Tbe Date of HarihhadrasfJri. By Muni .Jinavijayaj: ixir
Havana's Lahk.l discovered. By Sirdar M. V. Kibe... cixvi
Tbe early History of the Gurjaras. By R. C. Majum-
dar ... ... ... exxvii
The Ancient Germans, their Manners etc. By J. J.
Modi ... ... ... exxvni
A Chapter from our early Economic Geography. By
Radhakumal Mookerji ... ... oxxriii
Some Aspects of tbe Problem of the Gupta Era. By
K. B. Pathak ... ... ... exxxiv
Notes on the early Sea-borne Commerce of Western
India. By H. G. Rawlinson ... .. exxxiv
Jahgaladesa and its Capital Abicohatrapura. By Har
Bilas Sarda ... ... XIXT
Gupta Era. By H. A. Shah ... ... XXKTM
XI. ETHNOLOGY AND FOLKLORE ... . v exxxi-iu
Modern Conscience towards Racial Problems. By P.
N. Daroowalla ... ... ... cxxxtx
Note on the Dissolution of Castes and Formation of
new ones. By 8. V. Ketkar ... ... cai
Marriage Customs in Western and Eastern Nations.
By S. 8. Mehta ... ... ... cxUi
A brief History of tbe Survey of the Ethnography of
Bombay. By J. J. Modi . ... ... exlix
Totemism, Exogamy and Endogamy among the Aryan
.n:l Dravidian Hindus. By J. A. Saldanha ... cli
:.(JHNICAL SCIENCES
The constructive Geometry of Altars in the Vedas.
By R. N. Apte
Naksatras and Precession. By G. R. Kaye
Phenomena in fixing th chronolo-
gical Periods in Indian History. By V. B. Ketkar cliv
Rasa ViilyS or Alchemy in Ancient India. By R. V.
A short Note on tbe Use of Metres by Sanskrit Poets.
By A. 8. Bhandarkar
Early Hiwtory of Music. Hy E. Clemen* a
100 First Oriental Conference.
Principles of Melodic Classification in ancient Indian
Music. By V. G. Paranjpe ... ... clviii
XIII. GENERAL. ... ... clxi-olxxib
Sanskrit and its Claims upon our Attention. By
G. S. Apte ... ... ... clxi
Old Gujarati Poets. By D. D. Dave ... ... olxii
Note on the Ancient History and Geography of the
Konkan. By P. V. Kane ... ... clxii
^1%^^^ 'FMlft I ^wiHI-^ltflTIH, ... ... clxvi
State Interference in Ancient Indian Industries. By
Narendra Nath Law ... ... clivi
Old Shastric Learning. By M. A. Narayan Shastri... clxvii
Academical Study of Sanskrit. By P. V. Narsingrao. clxvii
Bora? views on the Problem of Sea-voyage. By C.
Venkataramanaiyar ... ... clxxi
Funeral Place of Poet KalidSsa a Querry. By Satis
Chandra Vidyabhusana ... ... clxxii
The Indo-ary an Style of Architecture. By Y.R. Gupte clxxiii
ViSesadvaita. By Virupaksha Wodeyar ... clxxviil
Origin of the Indian Alphabet. By D. R. Bhandarkar clxxix
Bb.artrb.ari in Ibn Muquaffa. By G. K. Nariman ... clxxxi
I. Vedic.
Age of the Brahmanas. Part I. Fly B. V. KAMESVARA
AIYAR.
In the second stratum of Vedio literature (the Yajus and
he Athfirtxt Samhitas and the several Brahmanas ) we meet
with lists of the naksatras of the Zodiac (27 or sometimes
28 ) That these nak atras marked the diurnal passage of
the moon in the course of its heavenly circuit or revolution
is plainly indicated by expressions like ' Aghasu ' ( Rv.
X 85, 13 ) 'Krttikasu ' ( Taitt Br. I 1), which mean the days
on which the moon is in conjunction with these asterisms.
Though this naksatra Zodiac is primarily connected with
the moon's path, it was also known to make the annual
course of the Sun.
Now a Zodiac like this should have a starting point.
The Brahmanas state that the Krttikas are the first of these
Zodiac asterisms, the first place being assigned to them in the
several lists. Why were the Krttikas chosen as the start-
ing point of this asterismal Zodiac?
It was thought by Weber and some other western Sansk-
ritists that the same reason, which led lo the recognition of
Asvinl as the first asterism in post-Greek Indian astronomy,
might have led to the recognition of the Krttikas as the
first in the period of the Brahmanas. It is well-known that
Asvini came to have the first place among the asterisms in
the post-Greek system because it ( or more accurately, the
segment denoted by it ) marked the commencement of the
vnrnal equinox, when a solar calendar was adopted under
Alexandrian influence ( about the 4th or the 5th century
A. D. ). Similarly it was thought that the Brahmanas as-
signed the first place to the Krttikas because at that time
che Krttikcas were observed to mark the vernal equinox.
There are serious difficulties in accepting the reason
ie priority of the Krttikas. The Brahmanas do not
anywhere show a knowledge of the equinoxes or of a year
commencing with the vernal equinox. Again it is the moon
ii First Oriental Conference.
that is generally connected with the naksatras. The
analogy of Asvinyadi cannot therefore apply.
Why then did the Brahmanas give the first place to the
Krttikas ? Dr. Fleet suggested ( and Prof. A. B. Keith
welcomed the suggestion ) that the priority of Krttikas was
due solely to ritualistic considerations. Dr. Whitney held
that the Brahmavadins should have borrowed the scheme
with the Krttikas at its head from the Babylonians.
I have tried to show that the naksatra scheme of
Zodiac could not have been borrowed from Babylon for the
simple reason that there is nothing in common between
the Indian lunar Zodiac and the Babylonian solar Zo-
diac. You cannot borrow from a country what you cannot
find there. It is for those who postulate a borrowal to show
that the elements of the Indian Zodiac and the Brahmanic
calendar are also found in the cuneiform literature of
Babylon belonging to about 2300 B- C. This has not been
so far attempted to be proved.
The reason why the first place is given to the Krttikas in
the Vedic texts is to be found in the Vedic texts themselves.
The Zodiac line does not run from east to west direct but lies
partly to the north of the east point and partly to the south
of it. One half of the asterisms of the Zodiac lies in the
northern hemisphere of the heavens and the other half in the
southern hemisphere. Now in the Brahmanas as well as
post-Vedic literature, the Deva-loka is located in the northern
part of the heavens and the Yama-loka is located in the
south. Therefore it is natural to find in the Brahmanas that
the asterisms in the northern portion of the Zodiac are treat-
ed as Deva-naksatras and those in the southern portion
were known as Yama-naksatras. The asterisms in the
northern half will revolve in the northern hemisphere to the
south of the Deva-loka and those in the southern half will
revolve to the north of the Yama-loka. This is exactly
what is stated in Taittirlya Brahmana I 5,2. This is how
the passage should be naturally understood and how it has
been understood both by Sayana and Bhatta Bhaskara.
Now the Krttikas are stated to be the first of the Deva-
naksatras. This should and could be only with reference
Vedic. Hi
to the order of the Moon's passage in the heavens. The
passage would thus indirectly mean that the Krttikas
marked the last. Another Brahmana passage Sat. Br. II 1,3
says the same thing directly that Krttikas do not swerve
from the last point while the other naksatras of the Zodiac
lie either to the north or the south of this point. It has
been attempted to show that these two passages have been
correctly interpreted in this manner both according to tradi-
tion and according to the obvious rules of interpretation.
A third passage, though in a presumably supplementary
portion of an Upanisad, Mait. Up. VI 14, also states that
the Sun turns south from the Maghas, which would cor-
respond to the Krttikas at the east point. Thus three Vedic
passages ara found to state directly or indirectly that the
Krttikas were observed to be at the east-point at the time
of the Brahmanas. The Brahmanas had to determine, for
ritualistic purposes, the cardinal and the intermediate
points of direction. It may be that the determination may
not have been mathematically accurate. At any rate the
Brahmanas talk of the Sun turning north or south and the
day on which the Sun so turned could be determined within
an error of say four days. An error of 4 or 5 degrees in the
determination of the cardinal points would not materially
affect the accuracy of long periods like those we are dealing
with.
It is true that the Brahmanas do not appear to have
been acquainted with, or recognised as important, the
equinoxes. Nor is there any reference to a year commencing
with the vernal equinox. Hut this can not prevent them
from dividing their Zodiac into a northern and a southern
half and locating the starting point of the asterisms at the
east point YOU can not say that simply because there is no
reference to the equinoxes in the Brahmanas, the theologians
of this period could not have observed or noted that a certain
asterism in their Zodiac was at the last point and others
were to the north or the south of this.
Leaving a margin of 3 or 4 centuries for errors of observ-
ation, it may be safely concluded that the Brahmanic
passages that locate the Krttikas at the last indicate
ir First Oriental Conference.
approximately that they were composed about 2,000 B. C.
an antiquity which scholars like Buhler(and even Whitney)
considered necessary for the development of the different
strata of Vedic literature.
Part II. Section I. The month and the year in the
Brahmanas.
(1) The month in general use at the time of the Brah-
manas was lunar and was named after the naksatra in or
near which the moon became full. This was reckoned as
30 days, as the amavasya (or purnima) occurred on the 30th
day after the previous amavasya (or purnima).
(2) The month began from the day after the amavasya
and ended with the next amavasya. The term 'amavasya*
denoted not 'the moment of new moon' or a tithi or that part
of the amavasya tithi which was considered fit for the re-
ligious rites, (all this was to come later) but the civil day on
which the moon was entirely invisible. The term 'new
moon' is a misnomer as applied to amavasya ; the term in
the English language denotes only the day after the amavas-
ya the day when the moon becomes first visible after its
total disappearance on the amavasya. The misuse is perhaps
partly responsible for the undilutedly novel theory of
'amadi.'
The evidence for the amanta and against the purnimanta
is:
(a) Rv. X 85,18, which states that the moon after
completing the month is born again.
(b) Taitt. Br. Ill 10, 1, where ritualistic names are
given to the days i. e. of the month in their calen-
daric order.
(c) The frequent use of the expressions "purvapaksa"
and ''apara paksa" in all the vedic Sakhas.
(<l) Kaus. Br. XIX 3 which states that an amavasya
closes the last day of the year and that the sun
turns north on the next day; and Kaus. Br. 13
which states that an amavasya is in the middle
of a rtu.
(e) Sat. Br. XI 1, 1 &c. which says that the amavasya.
is the gate opening out into the new year and that
Vedic. v
the amavasya of Vaisakha coincides with RohinI
(of course in the prUijikurtha) which can only be
if the amavasya of the month came after the
purnima.
(/) Taitt. Br. I 8,10,35 which states the amavasya ends
a month whereas the paurnamasl ends only a half-
month.
(3) Sayana and Madhava are of opinion that the purni-
imanta month is also contemplated in some Vedic texts. Two
Vedic texts are adduced in evidence in the Kalamadhava.
One of them that the term 'Krsna-paksa' (itself a term of
the post- Vedic period) is used before the term 'Suklapaksa*
i unidentifiable passage of the Atharvanikas may be
issed as not worthy of any serious consideration. The
other Vedic text does state that some Brahmavadins com-
iplete the 'month* with the paurnamasi. But analogy and
the context require that the word 'month* (masa) should be
there understood as denoting a Satra-month (known later as
Havana month), the co nmencement and the end of which
iwere determined not by the calendar month in use but by
the opening Diksa day for the Satra.
(4) There were 12 lunar months in the year which was
lalso lunar. Once in every two years or three years, as
occasion demanded, an additional or thirteenth month was
added to the year, to adjust lunar years to the movement of
the seasons (which are regulated by the position of the sun).
No elaborate calculations were needed for purposes of such
adjustment. If the Brahmavadins went on inserting an
additional month only when the difference between the lunar
and the solar time needed such insertion, the adjustment
would become approximately right and would become almost
; ft in an exeligmos of 160 years.
(5) In popular language, the year was spoken of as
consisting of 360 days from the Rgvedic period; but as there
is no natural phenomenon (like the amavasya or the sun's
turning north or south) to mark the commencement or the
uch a year, this year could never have been en-
:>ractical use. In the Samvatsara-Satra (an
insmuti a is old as some of the oldest parts of the Rgveda)
vi First Oriental Conference.
it was possible to employ this year of 360 days, as the com-
mencement of the Satra depended on various considerations.
This year was therefore known later as Savana year and the
word 'masa' was in connection with this, used for a group of
5 six-day periods 'without any reference to the beginning or
the end of the calendar month then in vogue. For purposes
of this thesis, the point worth remembering is that in the
time of the Brahmanas the calendar month was exclusively
amanta, the purnima which gave the name to the month
occurring on the fifteenth day of the month and the amavas-
ya occurring on the last or the thirtieth day of the month
and closing it.
Part II, Section II. Ayanas and Rtus.
The only passage in the Brahmanas for determining the
position of the winter solstice, as then obtained, is Kaus.
Br. XIX 3 where it is said to coincide with Magha amavasya.
Dr. Thibaut, either on the authority of Vinayaka and Anar-
tlya or by some ratiocinatory process which is beyond my
comprehension, understands Magha amavasya to mean thatj
which fell 15 days before the full moon in Maghas. This
would correspond to the position of the winter solstice in
the Vedahga Jyotisa. Thus both would tally and support)
each other. The epoch of the Vedahga, from other (more or*
less accurate) date furnished in the work, would approxi- I
mately point to 1000-1200 B. C. The age of the Brahmanas |
also may be set down to 1000-1200 B. C.
But the Vedahga Jyotisa says that the season of
Sisira began with the winter solstice. This is not true to
the seasonal changes of India. The view of the Brahmanas
is more correct, for the Brahmanas state that the Phal-
guna full moon is the mukha or the first day of the year.!
This should be taken to mean that the Phalguna full moon
was the first day of Spring. If so understood it would mean
that spring commenced 45 days after the winter solstice ;
this would fit in with the course of seasons as they obtainf
in Northern India.
This is Dr. Thibtut's thfeory. I have tried to show that
this theory is in conflict with several texts from the Brah-
manas. In the first place, the months in the Brahmanas are
Vedic. Til
exclusively amftnta ; or at any rate the evidence for a con-
current purnimanta is so slight and of doubtful validity
that in the absence of sufficiently convincing reasons to the
contrary, which neither the scholiasts Viniyaka and
Anartlya, nor Dr. Thibaut has given, Magha amavasya in the
Br. XIX 3 must be understood in the amanta sense ;
if this is done, the year would commence on Phalguna Sukla-
Fratipad from the winter solstice. The Brahmanas also
show that the first season of the year wasVasanta and there-
fore Spring would, conventionally, begin with Phalguna
Sukla! What then is the meaning of the statement in the
Brthrnanas that Phalguna full moon (i- e. Phalguna 15) was
the first day of the year ? The very passage (Sat. Br. VI 2, 2)
that states that the Phalguna full moon is the first day of
the year, explains in the same context that Phalguna purni-
ma is so called because it is the first of the three important
days (paroans) of the first month of the year and that the
other two parvans, the eighth day after the full moon and
the fifteenth day after the full moon are also the first days
of the year in the sense that they are the first parvans of
their kind in the year. Moreover another Brahmana pas-
sage Sat. Br. II 1, 3 distinctly states that Vasanta, Grisma
and Varsa are the three seasons of Uttarayana and Sarad,
Hemanta and Sisira are the three seasons of Daksinayana. It
it be objected that this arrangement of the seasons is in-
correct and would not accord with the course of the seasons
in India. I have tried to show that this arrangement might
be correct enough as a convention, that a convention which
tries to express the seasons in terms of the lunar reckoning
can be only approximately correct with a margin of a fort-
night, that Sarad in the Brahmanas, (unlike the notion that
h.i- crept into use after the Vedanga epoch ) denoted the
ad and wetter half in the four-monthly period of rains,
Varsa denoting the first half which might have included the
heavy showers that often preceded the regular south-west
monsoon by a fortnight, that having regard to the fact that
Indian meteorology is still empirical in spite of recorded
statistics, the Vedic texts which showed that Vasanta began
from the winter solstice and Sarad from the summer solstice
need not be absurdly untenable as a convention
viii First Oriental Conference.
Dr. Thibaut has considered only two points, one abouR
Magha amavasya and the other about Phalguna full moon
and his theory on this interpretation of these two terms and
supported it by meteorological considerations. I have tried
to show that there are Brahmanic texts which are in conflict
with his interpretation of either term and that the correct
procedure would be to understand from the Brahmaijas what
their seasonal conventions were and see how far they might
be reconciled with the seasonal changes in India instead of
trying to deduce, without any reference to these texts, what
the Brahmanic conventions should have been from the com-
plex and uncertain data afforded by current meteorclogy.
If the position I have tried to establish be conceded, the
conclusion would be that the sun turned northwards on
Phalguna Sukla-pratipad, that it is earlier by one lunar //
than the Magha Sukla-pratipad which coincides with the
winter solstice according to the Vedahga Jyotisa, that
therefore the Branmanas point to the coincidence of the
summer solstice in the naksatra Maghas, which correspond
to the vernal equinox in the Krttikas, that this would tally
with the date derived from the statements about the positions
of the Krttikas in the Zodiac of the Brahrnana period, and j
that the evidence of both these sets of astronomical data
would give for the Brahmanas a date which may be approxi-
mately fixed between 2000-2300 B. C.
Study of the Vedas. By GAURIDATTA SASTREE.
Vedic. ix
The Nighantu is not the Work of the Author of the Ni-
rukta. By R. D. KARMARKAR.
In addition to the points noticed by Durga and Roth in
this connection, the essay brings forward further evidence to
prove that the author of the Nighantu is different from
that of the Nirukta. The following words from the Nighantu
and Yaska's explanation thereon are referred to. Talit, Aksa-
nah, Apanah, Viyatah, Akhandala, Vavaksitha, Vivaksase,
Vicarsanih, Visvacarsanih, Mehana, Sipre, Tutumakrse,
Svatram, Dyumna, Turnasa, Krtti, Samba, SrustI, Andha,
Varaha, Svasarani, Sarya, Sina, Vayunam.
Evidence is also brought forward to show that the Nig-
hantu is not the work of a single author.
Education in the Brahmanas and Upanisads. By
RADHAKUMUD MOOKERJI.
The paper deals with the types of the educational ins-
titutions indicated in the Upanisads, so as to show the precise
character of the educational system and machinery evolved
in ancient India for the spread of her learning and culture
through the different and distant parts of the country in those
remote, pre-mechanical ages. A brief reference has been
incidentally made to the question: How far was Sanskrit a
spoken language during the period or a median of instruction
and debate in learned societies ?
Asurasya Maya in Rgveda. By V. K. RAJWADE.
The word aaura occurs about 105 times in the Rgveda- In
about 90 instances it is used in a good sense, while the ins-
tances in which it is used in the sense of 'enemies' of Devas are
only l/7th of the whole- It means 'powerful, strong', and is ap-
plied to individual gods and gods in general and is only
generic in character. In some cases, however, it is significant
and purposeful as in those of Mitra, Varuna and Indra- When
used about Indra, it shows physical strength, while in the case
of Mitra and especially Varuna, it shows moral, punitive
I
x First Oriental Conference.
strength. This has led some to believe that Varuna really is
the great Asura, the prototype of Ahura Mazdah. I think,
however, that such a conclusion is not warranted, as
along with other gods he is asura or asuraputra. In en-
forcing the moral law, he enforces the Maya, i. e. the miracu-
lous power, the thaumaturgy of asura. The Devas are
called divasputrasah, mahasputrasah, asurasya vlrah. In
a list of Assyrian Gods published by Vincent Scheil, is
mentioned Assar Mazaash which, the writer of the article
on Ormazd in the Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics
thinks, is nothing but Ahura Mazdah of the Zoroastrians
(Vol. 9 p. 568). I think the name is a mispronunciation
of asura mahas. The words do not occur as a compound
in the Rgveda which shows that they were compounded by
the copyists- If the poets in the Rgveda had borrowed the
name from Chaldea, as the Indian Aryans are said to have
borrowed astronomy from that country, they would have re-
tained the compound name. Whoever was the borrower, it
is clear that the Chaldeans, the Indian Aryans and Zoroas-
trians were once neighbours. Perhaps they had a common
religion and common gods, among whom Asura was the great-
est. There happened a cleavage, however, between the
Indian Aryans and the Zoroastrians at some unkno.wn
period of the world's history, of which the causes are un-
known. Perhaps it was religious differences. Perhaps the
Indian Aryans came to regard Indra as supreme deity while
their neighbours clung tenaciously to Asura. Anyhow
they began to revile each other's gods. The Zoroastrians
degraded Indra into a minor, insignificant deity or as I
think, transformed him into Angra Mainyu, the protagonist
of Ahura Mazdah. The Devas, the followers of Indra, had to
share the odium that came to be attached to the name of In-
dra. There commenced a campaign of mutual vilification and
misrepresentation. Indra, who was turned into Satan, became
an inveterate foe of Ahura and is called asuraghna in the
Rgveda. The Zoroastrians exalted certain names such as
asura, mamju, n.-ti, fiat ha and degraded others. The Indian
Aryans too adopted the same method. Kavi, which is used
in an evil sense in the Avesta, was prefixed to the name of
Devas and conveyed a good sense. The two races adopted
Vdic. ri
contrary customs with regard to burial, shaving and
marriage.
But before the cleavage, all the gods were the sons of
asura and were called asura patronymically. The name con-
veyed a good sense. Asurya meant strength, and asuratva was
used in the sense of Maya, thaumaturgy- All natural pheno-
mena were miracles and the work of asura. Kings were com-
plimented by prefixing asura to their names, or by use of the
epithet instead of the names. This same supreme deity was
perhaps called by various names such as dyau, mafias and
amrta, and the gods were divasputrasah, mahasputrasah, and
amrtasya putruh. Dyau is Greek Zeus, mahas is Zoro-
astrian Mazdah, asura-mahas Chaldean Assar Mazaash.
Whichever party or parties were the borrowers, they lived
near one another, Greeks, Indian Aryans. Zoroastrians and
Chaldeans were once neighbours. What was the region they
occupied ? Dr. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar says it was the nor-
thern portion of the plain between the Euphrates and the
Tigris or Mesopotamia. If the Indian Aryans were borrow-
ers, they must have had Greeks on one side, Chaldeans on
another and Zoroastrians on the third, and when the cleavage
came, they must have left the Zoroastrians in the rear and
pushed on to the land of the five rivers.
Dr. Bhandarkar thinks that just as the dasyus were the
aborigines of India, the asuras were aborigines of some other
country, and as aboriginal races both were regarded with an
evil eye by the Indian Aryans. It is my humble opinion
that the asuras were the cousins of the Indian Aryans. In
the Sat. Br. ( 13, 8, 2, 1 ) we have devascasurascobhaye praja-
jHitya asmin lokespardhanta, te deva asuran sapatnan bhratr-
ri/unasmallokadanudanta. The dasyus were inhabitants
or people of daiyhu (Av. = province or country). This daiyhu
was perhaps the country of the Zoroastrians. Misrepre-
sentation or vilification followed in the wake of their enmity.
Originally of one stock, they quarrelled and parted irreconcil-
ably. Worshippers of asura or Ahur, the Zoroastrians were
nicknamed Asuras. Their speech is set down as barbarian,
for the Avesta seems to be Sanskrit mispronounced. Asura is
Ahur, ahi is Azi. maniju is Mainyu, the genetive termination
xii First Oriental Conference.
sya is hya, Indra is Indhra or Angra, deva is Daeva, namah
is nemo, asva and visve are aspa and vispetj. The gramma-
tical forms are almost the same, only they are mispro-
nounced either deliberately to make the cleavage permanent
or because the speakers were uncivilized barbarians.
I have only one word about mleccha which is not a San-
skrit word. I have long thought it to be Molech or
Melech, which originally meant 'King' and was the name of
the supreme god of the Ammonites, hereditary foes of the
Israelites. The speech of the Ammonites or worshippers of
Molech or Melech sounded barbarous to the ears of the In-
dian Aryans. Any departure therefore from standardized
Sanskrit was set down as mleccha. The Zoroastrians mispro-
nounced vowels; they pronounced r as ere; they said vererthra
for vrtra, perethivi, for prthvl ; kratu they call khrathu, citra
and putra as cithra and puthra. The Indian Aryans were
bound to call such speech Mleccha. Unintelligible or mispro-
nounced speech is naturally barbarian to unaccustomed ears.
India was certainly not the home of the Rgvedic people.
Words like asura, pani (Phoenician), dasyu point to a domi-
cile other than India.
Maya.
1 Maya has the sense of asuratva. It means the creative
power.
2 It means also 'thaumaturgy' or the power of working
miracles. There is not much difference between
1 and 2.
3 In many instances it means 'wiles, tricks, tactics'
which are employed both by Indra and his oppo-
nents.
4 In a few cases it means 'sorcery, witchcraft, magic.'
5 In two instances only it means 'illusion, appearance.'
6 In asurasya maya, the asura is the supreme god of the
Indian Aryans. He is the Assar Mazaash of the
Chaldeans or Assyrians and Ahura Mazdah of the
Zoroastrians. He cannot be identified with Va-
runa, notwithstanding the moral resemblance be-
tween Ahura Mazdah and Varuna. This asura em-
Vedic. ziii
ploys maya in creating the Universe and its several
parts. All wonders of the world are due to that.
7 In Avesta the corresponding word is maya, but the
instances of its use are very few and very doubtful.
A Study in the Idea of Rudra. By S. D. SATAWALEKAB.
The oriental scholars state that "Rudra is the lightning
and he is the god of storms." This is one of the many
aspects of Rudra.
Vedic seers identify Rudra with Indra, Agni and Kala.
This identification is not meaningless; it is due to their
valour, lustre and destructive power respectively.
Etymological meanings of Rudra are five (1) speaker,
(2) trouble-remover, (3) trouble-giver, (4) oppressor, and (5)
weeper. Every derivation separates one word from the
rest. It is a mistake to suppose that one word has got
so many derivations.
There are at least five groups in the names of Rudra.
(1) The speaker group includes a praiser, president, a minister,
a congress and such other Rudras. (2) The trouble remover
group includes, a doctor, a warrior, an array and its leader,
a merchant or an artisan and such other Rudras. (3) the trouble
giver group includes a murderer, a thief, a rogue, a cheat
and such other criminal Rudras. (4) The fourth group com-
prises such Rudras as make others weep, as oppressors and
punishers. (5) In the fifth group all kinds of weepers are
included.
So all these groups cover the whole of the creation.
Every name of Rudra is governed by the word -namuh in
the Rudra hymn. This namah means (1) salutation, (2) food,
(3) a weapon, (4) a gift, (5) a sacrifice. These meanings are
to be read with the above Rudra group.
There is " one and without a second" Rudra and there are
innumerable Rudras. In those innumerable Rudras all the
above five groups are included.
xiv First Oriental Conference.
Besides these there are Rudras in animal kingdom also.
Disease-producing germs are also called Rudras.
The Mention of the Mahabharata in the Asvalayana
Grhya Sutra. By N. B. UTGIKAE.
The note is an attempt to examine some of the objections
raised against the genuineness of the mention of the Mbh.
in the AGS.
After detailing ( 1-5) the treatment of the passage in
the writings of Orientalists and its importance and the ob-
jections raised, the note proceeds to point out ( 6-11) that
the omission in some MSS. only of the word Mbh. is nothing
else than what is known in textual criticism as " Homoao-
graphy ". 12 points . out that the non-mention of the
Bharata and the Mahabharata earlier in the AGS itself
cannot be made a point against AGS, since the earlier pas-
sage enumerates works (and not authors, Rsis or Acaryas),
this enumeration being based on an older list such as e. g.
is preserved in the Satapatha Brahmana.
13-15 consider the objections raised by a comparison
of the similar list in the Sankhayana Grhya Sutra. The ob-
' jections are met by the argument that (1) Oldenberg is dis-
posed to regard the particular sections of the San. Gr.
Sutra as later additions ; and (2) it is also pointed out that
the enumeration of two works only, viz. Sutra, Bhasya in
the midst of Rsis preceding and following in the Sankh.GS
text raises a strong presumption against the genuineness of
their occurrence in that Sutra.
In 16 - 17 an attempt is made, on the basis of the
tradition preserved by Sadgurusisya that Saunaka was the
Guru of Asvalayana, to substantiate the main contention
that Asvalayana very probably knew the tradition of both a
Bharata and a Mahabharata.
On the basis of the same authority and the statements
contained in the Mahabharata itself, it is made probable in
18-20 that the Bharata became the Mahabharata about
the time of Saunaka.
Vedic. XT
In 21 is shown how Saunaka and Asvalayana
stand on the borderland between the Vedic and the Sutra
period (both being the authors of parts of the Aitareyaran-
yaka and of Sutra works), and how perhaps a new order of
things was initiated by the Great War (supposing it were a
historical event).
Finally it is hinted how indications are left which
endow the reigns of the early four or five Paurava kings
with peculiar significance from the literary and social point
of view.
Gotra and Pravara. By C. V. VAIDYA.
1 Gotra according to all Sutrakaras is the name of
some descendant of one of the 7 Rsis viz. the Saptarsis
(1) Jamadagni, (2) Bharadvaja, (3) Vasistha, (4) Visvamitra,
(5) Kasyapa, (6) Gautama, (7) Atri and (8) Agastya.
The Mahabharata however preserves a sloka which states
that originally the Gotras were four only, viz. Bhrgu, Angi-
rasa, Kasyapa and Vasistha.
This seems to show that originally four stocks of Aryan
families came to India and subsequently three more families
viz. Visvamitra, Atri and Agastya came into India, of course
in Vedic times, for these Rsis are also composers of Vedic
Hymns.
2 What is Pravara ? That is known, it is feared, to
very few, even orthodox and learned Brahmins. The Srauta
Sutras show that the Pravara consists of those Rsis in
one's ancestry who are composers of hymns in the Rgveda.
3 These Pravaras are 49 in number, though the Gotras
may be numbered by thousands. The Pravaras are the same
all over India and among all Brahmins and Ksatriyas.
And they contain the names of many Rajarsis i. e. holy-
Kings (Ksatriyas) who have composed Vedic Hymns. It
thus appears that the original Rsis are the progenitors of
all Indo-Aryans, Brahmins, Ksatriyas and Vaisyas alike.
First Oriental Conference.
The Nirukta and the Nighantu: their mutual relation.
By SlDDHESHWARA VARMA. ,
1 What is the Nirukta ?
1 As a book, it is a commentary on the Nighanti
2 Derivation of the word Nirukta and the worl
where it first occurs.
2 What is the Nighantu ?
1 Contents of the Vedic Nighantu.
2 The number and the nature of the words given ii
the Nighantu.
3 Characteristic features of the term Nighantu.
4 Distinctive features of the Vedic Nighantu as coi
trasted with other lexicons.
5 The term Samamnaya (the first word of the Nirukte
(1) Its literal, primary and secondary significance
(2) Its bearing on Yaska's authorship.
(3) Used with reference to the Nighantu, and signi
fying ' a traditional collection of Vedic words'. It
shows that Yaska was merely the editor and not the
author of the Nighantu.
(4) A passage from the Mahabharata on the author-
ship of the Nighantu.
6 Conclusion :
The Nighantu is a Vedic lexicon, on which the Ni
rukta is a commentary.
Arya and Dasyu A Chapter in Social History, By
S. V. VlSWANATHA.
The Paper deals with the relations of the early abori-
ginal population of India with the immigrants-tbe Aryans.
The subject has been dealt with in its social, religious, com-
mercial and political aspects.
Arya and Dasyu are contrasted, one from the other as
possessing distinct and special characteristics.
The Dasyus were the non-Aryan people of India distinct
from the Aryans. The view that they were superhuman is
controverted.
Vedic. xvii
The relations in war of the two peoples. As a result
there is the expansion of Aryavarta at the expense of non-
Aryan territory and the gradual reduction of the aboriginal
population to the condition of serfs. The different senses in
which the term Dasyu was used : people or tribe ; enemy and
slave or serf.
The relations in peace divided under social and religi-
ous In agriculture and in commerce. The policy of give and
take fusion of the two. Social The apparent conversion of
the Dasyu to the Aryan fold and intermarriage between the
two peoples indicated
In the fields of agriculture and commerce the two appear
to have mingled likewise. The Indian agricultural system
was as much non-Aryan as Aryan and the sea voyages and
relations with foreign lands were undertaken more by the
former than by the latter.
It is suggested that there was the gradual fusion of the
two races and the early processes in the making of India are
traced in general.
The Philological Argument for an Upper Limit to the
Date of the Rgveda. By A. C. WOOLNER.
This paper does not pretend to fix the date of the Rg-
veda. Need of resisting bias towards an earlier date simply
because it is more remote, or towards a later date, simply
because it is nearer dated events.
Statement of the Argument : Comparison of Avestan
with Vedic language proves that Aryans could not have
entered Panjab long before 1300 B.C., and therefore no Vedic
hymn is much older than 1300 B.C. Moreover, granted that
the Brahmanas begin about 800 B.C. four centuries suffice
for the Mantra period, therefore anything older than
1300 B.C., is highly improbable.
The latter part of the argument only gives the lower
limit for the beginning of the Rgveda. The upper limit is
in question.
3
xviii First Oriental Conference.
Difficulties : Comparison argument initiated to prove
"extreme age" of Gathas ; adapted to disprove "extreme
antiquity" of Mantras ; possibility that the resemblance has
been exaggerated. Absence of definite starting points on
either side. Why not compare inscriptions of Darius with
those of Asoka ?
Granted that all languages change, do they change at
a uniform rate, or can one strike an average for six or* seven
centuries ?
Parallels suggested : Greek from Homer to Plato.
"Homer" is an indefinite date ; the dialect-factor is
obvious ; the conditions very different ; the changes in
literary Greek down to the newspaper of to-day less rapid.
Europeanising of America and Aryanising of Indii
Difference of conditions suggests this comparison is ir-
relevant, especially as the latter process is less complete
than the former.
Other Parallels : The records of Egypt, language of
Sargon and Nebuchadnezzar, Chinese literature.
Objection : Stability of script or written language, not
of pronunciation or folk-language, but possibility of oral
tradition and poetic dialect for both Mantras and Gathas.
Parallel of Romance languages : Convenient because
more dated documents and history known from other,
sources.
A n Experiment : From a comparison of the Spanish and
Italian versions of the Psalms to determine when the
Romans colonised Spain.
Difficulties : (a) Relative value to be assigned to
changes (i) phonetic (ii) grammatical structure
due to (a) phonetic change ; (6) new methods
(iii) vocabulary.
A tentative compromise: (b) Given a ratio of resemb-
lance in this form, how can it be applied to
chronology? Which affected Spanish most, the
original contact with Iberians, the invasion ot
Vedic.
Visigoths, or contact with Arabic-speaking
Moore ?
If for the first five centuries of the Roman occupation
the language of the colonists remained essentially Latin,
then a calculation based on the assumption of a definite
cleavage starting from the first invasion of Spain will be
several centuries wrong.
(One reason for this slow differentiation was continued
contact with Rome).
Application of this Experiment to Avesta and Veda :
In absence of information as to actual cleavage of
Aryans, there is the possibility of contact and of parallel
development for several centuries, which philology cannot
disprove.
Conclusions: 1 Any attempt to fix chronological limits
on the basis of comparing languages should be based on
a more exact numerical comparison than has been
attempted hitherto. This opens up a new line of research.
2 It is necessary to realise that while history known
from other sources can be traced in the history of language,
it is much more precarious to reconstruct history on a basis
of comparative philology. In particular it seems that
2,000 B.C. remains quite as possible as 1,200 B.C. for the
earliest mantra in the Rgveda.
If 2,000 why not 3,000 or even 4,000 B.C ?
No direct philological proof, but if exact comparison
shows this means assuming a degree of stability twice as
great as that recorded anywhere else in the world, philo-
logists may reasonably demand strong confirmation from
archaeology, and if it means a degree of stability in folk-
speech (say) ten times as great as anything found elsewhere,
the philologist will not be able to regard such a date as even
faintly probable.
Doubtful however, whether anyone would now propose
so remote a date as 4,000 B.C. for the actual text of any
hymn, or for the Aryan Settlements in the Panjab. The
date of the Vedic deitieu and of many elements of Vedic
culture and belief is a different matter; some strands in
the web are admitted to be Indo-Iranian, and even Indo-
European.
II. Avesta.
Sanskritised Passages from the Gathas. By DA8TUR
KAIKOBAD A. NOSHERWAN.
The resemblance between the language of the Gathas
and that of the Rgveda is very great. It is possible with the
application of certain phonetic laws, to throw a Gatha into
a genuine lie-form and vice versa. Such an attempt for the
Pehlavi was done some centuries ago by Mobed Nairyo-
sangha; the same ought to be done on an exhaustive scale for
the Gathas of the Avesta. Some Gathas from Ahunavaiti
are translated into Sanskrit in this paper.
Results of the comparison. Great phonetic and etymo-
logical similarity between the languages. This points to a
period when the Vedio and Avestan Aryans began to secede
from each other. Perhaps the parting was due to a revolt
against the domination of the Vedio language and religion ;
a parallel in Buddhism. The Avesta religion is a stand
against the multiple Nature-worship of the Rgveda.
The revolt was complete long before the conquest of
Medea by Cyrus.
Airyana Vaejo, the cradle of the Aryans and Mazainya
Daeva, the Devas of Mazandru or Brahmanical
Devas. By J. D. NADIR8HAH.
From records in the Zend-Avesta and the Pahlavi
Bundehshu, I have traced the site of Airyana Vaejo, the
birth-place of the primitive Aryans, to the south-eastern
foot of the Caucasus. It was gradually extended southwards
during the regime of the Yama Dynasty. Having determined
this, it was not very difficult to show that Mazandrau was
the ancient home of the Vedic Brahmins. In ascertaining
this 1 am much assisted by the original significations of the
terms M<uainya Daeva and Mazandrtvt, as also by the account
of Indra Daeva in V. XIX, and by his different attributive
nan. -
rxii First Oriental Conference.
Modern Science in Ancient Iran. By M. B. PlTHA-
WALLA.
Experience shows that 'ideas' always endure even if the
words and deeds that enclose them disappear. For the
Parsees of India to remember Iran is to remember their lost
youth, and that youth must have permeated the structural
frames of the nations that once surrounded the Persian
Empire and ultimately absorbed that Empire. Looking to
.the richness of the Greek and Arabic literatures, it might be
said that parts of the MSS. of which there were, according to
Tarbari, 12,000 hides, must have been translated or para-
phrased into the languages of the country's enemies
For this rather too ambitious a subject our sources of in-
formation are : (1) Fragments of Avesta and Pahlavi books
and (2) Records and reminiscences of the Aryan, Greek,
Arab, Roman, Egyptian and Indian peoples.
Of the 21 Nasks in the great library of Persepolis, some
were entirely devoted to science and very little or nothing is
left for us to-day. In vain would we search for treatises
like Visnupurana. Arthasastra, etc. In an age of great
scientific achievements, vague and unsystematic references
to modern science in old books like the Avesta, are likely to
be considered trivial, and yet the Zend-Avesta reveals with
the eye of science, ideas, principles and practices of the
Ancient Iranians resembling those of the present day. There
is not the least doubt that they believed in the law of Unity
of life, to which Dr. Sir J. C. Bose has contributed much in
the new world. The little, that is at our disposal to-day,
shows how it is possible for Religion to go hand in hand
with Science. The world-famous religion of Iran was based
on some scientific truths and facts which are corroborated
by modern scientists. In Europe, unlike in Iran, Religion
remained averse to Science. Science promised too much
there, achieved but too little. Realism led ultimately to
anarchism. People do not understand how far science
could help her handmaid, in man's investigation of the laws
and secrets of nature and of human life. It is a mistake
to suppose that classic Persia neglected the affairs of the
nature and of the living, changing world. Indeed, practical
A vesta. xziii
Persia raised its house of philosophy and spirituality on the
firm rock of nature and her laws. And to-day ''the freshest
Graduate from the Elphinstone College has no cause to
blush for the 'ignorance 1 of Zarathusht 1"
We shall know herein the twofold objects of science
which the old Persians kept in view, viz. (1) To make human
life healthy and (2) to satisfy human longing for the super-
natural.
1 Fire-energy and the theory of light and heat: All forms
of energy, including electricity, ultimately turn into heat
energy. Heat is life and life is heat. 'Fire-worship' is the
worship of the spirit of the Universe. Atash, like electricity,
gives long, healthy and quick life.
With Atash there is the worship of Khorshed (Sun) and
of Meher, Mithra (Ether.) Both of them are always together
and jointly praised. The light of the Sun is conducted
through the Ether (Mithra) of space. Matter is therefore
related to ether and ether to spirit.
2 Law of polarity: This law is most manifest in the
whole universe. The earth itself is a huge magnet.
The two life's First Principles, though opposed to each
other, are essential for physical, mental and spritual evolu-
tion. Spenta Mainyu is the higher potential of electricity of
life, while Angra Mainyu is the lower one.
3 Chemistry : There is no regular Sastra in the
Avesta, but the Iranians could prepare and use metals, drugs,
charms, scents etc. Chemistry in Iran had much to do with
medicine. Steel weapons were used, and coins were struck.
4 Mrtlicin?. and Surgery: Thritha was the first Iranian
physician , who was gifted with ten thousand medicinal
plants. There were three kinds of cures, herbs ( drugs ),
knife (surgery) and charms (magic.) Fevers, colds, plagues,
itches, etc., were cured by Faridun and others. The college
of surgeons allowed 3 trials only, first on a 'Daeva-worship-
per' and then on a 'Mazda-worshipper'. Failures made them
unfit for ever. Midwifery was highly developed according
to the Vendidad.
xxiv first Oriental Conference.
5 Chemistry of Gaomez: There is no antiseptic in the
preserved Bull's urine. But it remains preserved for years
on account of an extra percentage of Alkali. There are no
injurious bacteria. Its use to-day is highly criticised.
6 Hygiene : The Ancient Persians are known for their
more or less perfect Code of Hygiene. Air, light, heat were
appreciated. Burial of the dead was strictly prohibited from
a purely hygienic and sanitary motive. A system of Qua-
rantine for infection and contamination was enforced. Things
pervious to water were never used for ceremonials. River
and well-waters were never to be polluted. The Parsees
still possess a hygienic code and practise it up-to-date. The
Parsees unlike other peoples have had to abstain from 'smok-
ing'.
7 The Hygiene of the Dokhma: The Tower of Silence
is constructed on a perfect system of sanitation and quite
harmless, if it is not the best in some people's opinion.
8 Geology and Astronomy: References to the glacial
epoch, the roundness and rotation of the earth, gravitation,
formation of rain have been noted in the Avesta. Astrology
the Persians might have borrowed from Chaldea. The Ira-
nians marked the Solar year and once possessed a most cor-
rect calendar, including the Leap Year scheme.
9 Agriculture: To sow corn was to sow righteousness.
Agriculture was Iran's speciality and irrigation was prac-
tised. Corns, medical plants, fruits were grown.
10 Vegetable and Animal Kingdoms: The Haoma and
Beresem plants are prominent and there is in the Bundahish
a book of Botany in its most elementary stage. Domestic
animals were taken great care of and praised. Butter etc.,
were made.
11 Arts and Crafts : In architecture the Iranians ex-
celled and influenced surrounding countries. There are
splendid remains in Persia to-day, showing their skill in
sculpture, decoration, painting etc. Also there were the arts
of music, pottery, jewellery and other useful and artistic
pursuits.
Avetta. xxv
12 Miscellaneous: The Iranians were also famous for
their stone-carving, cave-making, coin-making, navy, forte,
postal system, political economy etc. Also, Zarathustra is
supposed to have known electricity and some ceremonies
were based on occult principles.
Thus an endeavour is made to touch, mainly through the
Avesta in this paper, the smouldering embers of the Fire
that blazed with magnificent radiance in Iran and illumi-
nated the many landt over which it held sway for centuries.
The twilight of all European sciences, that seems to dazzle
some of the moon-stricken people there, is but the light
originally received from the Sun of the Aryan East which
shone powerfully over Chaldea, Babylonia, Medea, Egypt,
India, Greece and Rome. Europe is but a satellite de-
pending for her illuminations on that same Sun, that has
now gone below our horizon, and like "the pale queen of
night" she struggles to hide her own misgivings and bewitch
her own as well as our people. But by dint of the great law
of Righteous Order (Av. Asa. Sk. ^) we are sure the same
Luminary shall rise again, and again the dormant East
shall rouse herself from her dreamy attitude, eclipsing the
dimly-lighted West which lately laboured to burn herself.
The Avestan Archangels and Sanskrit Deities : a Com-
parison. By A. K. VESAVEVALA.
It has been proved by history and the Avestan and
Sanskrit studies that in times immemorial the forefathers of
all the Aryans, Hindus and Europeans had a common home
in Aryana Vaejo and later on they inhabited a greater part of
the eastern, western and southern regions. It is not known
where this Aryana Vaejo was, but it is supposed recently
to be somewhere in the Arctic regions. The causes of their
separation were mainly of a social, political and religious
nature. The Aryans after they had left their home led a
pastoral life and sometimes cultivated some patches of land.
The religion of these tribes consisted at first in worshipping
all the good elements of nature separately, while that of the
old Aryans as opposed to the Iranians was branded by the
xxvi
First Oriental Conference.
latter as a source of mischief as some of the Daevas
presided over natural objects possessing evil qualities. The
Ahurian religion of agriculture was instituted which sepa-
rated them from their Aryan brethren. Its founder was the
one great personage SpitamaZarathustra who taught the wor-
ship, not of many gods, but of one true god Mazda. He applied
the term Ahura Mazda to God and hated the Daeva-worship-
pers by naming his religion as Va-Daeva i. e. opposed to
the Daevas. Thus these two tribes separated, but both of
them kept the names of their ancient angels and heroes
permanent, in order to show their respect and reverence for
them and so we find similar names both in the Avesta and
the Vedas as the Avestan Mithra, Sanskrit Mitra.
The Daevas is the name given in all the Vedas and in
the whole Sanskrit Literature to the divine beings or Gods
who are the objects of worship on the part of the Hindus
even to the present day. In the Avesta from its earliest to
the latest texts and in Persian, Daeva is the general term
for an evil spirit which is hostile to all that comes from the
Almighty and that is good for mankind.
The difference between the Avestic Yazata and the
Vedic Daeva is that whereas the Avestan Yazatas show only
good attributes and are represented as shining and immortal,
the Vedic Daevas are depicted as injuring mankind to a
very large extent. The Hindus worship the Daevas with
the main object that they may escape scot-free from their
destructive influence, as for example they worship Yamathe
demon of death with a view to be free from his pains. Again
the Vedic Daevas are not represented as shining and im-
mortal. They assume a human form and involve themselves
in these worldly attractions and pleasures. Again human
sacrifices were offered to the Vedic gods whereas in Avesta
no such sacrifices seem to have been offered to the angels.
Now let us come to the main point.
The first and most worthy of adoration is Ahura, the
wisest, the greatest and the best. He is Omniscient, Omni-
potent, the Supreme Sovereign, All-in-all, and All-beneficent.
In the Vedas we find Asura used in a good and elevated
sense as in the Avesta. In the plural it is used for all the
A vest a. rxvii
gods. When Zoroaster taught the worship of one god and
despised the worship of many gods, he applied the word Ahura
for one deity ; later on the believers in Vedas used the word
Asura in a bad sense and applied it to the bitterest enemies
of the Devas with whom these Asuras are depicted as
always fighting. The second archangel after Ahura is Vohu
Mano. The literal meaning of the word Vohu Mano is 'the
good mind/ The opposite of him according to Avesta is
Akam Mano. We do not find any equivalent of Vohu Mano
in the Vedic literature.
Then comes Asa Vahistar meaning the best righteous-
ness. He is the Archangel presiding over fire, the reason be-
ing that fire is the symbol of purity. The opposite of him is
Indra. Indra the chief god of the Brahmins, the thunderer,
the god of light and the god of war, one for whom the K- is
drank and squeezed the Soma beverage, is expressly mentioned
in the list of demons ill the Avesta. In the Vedas he is con-
sidered as the great god on the same level as the Avestan
Ahura. In the Vedas many hymns are recited in his praise.
He fights with the Asuras, with Vrtra and Ahi and also
with Dasyus and Gandharva.
The fourth archangel is Khsathra Vairya which means
the desirable strength or sovereignty. This parsonified
abstraction, rightly observes Prof. Jackson, represents an
embodiment of Ahura Mazda's might, majesty, dominion and
power, or that blessed reign whose establishment on earth
will mean the annihilation of evil. Saurva ( Vedic Sarva )
occurs as the opponent of Khsathra Vairya. The Vedic
Sarva is called the Siva of the Hindus. His work is to
produce mismanagement, oppression and drunkenness in
men.
After him oomes Spenta Armaiti, which means literally
'the beautiful righteous thinking/ By this is not only
meant wisdom but something even more than that, viz. humility
and quiet resignation to the divine will. Naonhaithya,
Vedic Nasatya, is the name of an evil spirit in the Avesta.
He is the demon of dissatisfaction and illusion. Haurva^at
and Amaretat, the two last Archangels, form an inseparable
pair. They appear almost constantly united. Their names
xrviii First Oriental Conference.
signify invulnerability or totality and immortality. The ad-
versaries of Haurvatat and Amaretat are Tanru and Zairicha,
the demons of sickness and decrepitude or feebleness. In
the Vedas we find the evil powers all fighting against the
angels produced by Brahma and just as Zairicha is con-
sidered to be the opponent of Amaretat, so Zaras in the
Vedas is supposed to be the evil power against vegetation
and plants.
III. Pali and Buddhism.
Buddhist Philosophy of Change. By MAUNO SHWE
ZAN AUNG.
1 Introductory remarks
2 (a) Flux as original from the Buddhist point of view
as from the Bergsonian
(b) A discussion of the technical term anicca
3 Hallucination and Change
4 Continuity versus succession
5 Perception and conception of change
6 Buddha's attitude towards conceptual change
7 General method of contemplation of change
8 Intellectual verification of conceptual change
9 Inter-relation between conceptual change and pain
10 Philosophical equanimity, a sine qua non of in-
tuition.
11 (a) Period of adaption for intuition
(b) Thought-transition from intellect to intuition
12 Adoption into the family of intuitionists
13 Intuition of true flux
14 Triple marks of one reality
15 Nibbana, true flux
16 Concluding remarks.
The Vinaya Literature of the Buddhists. By N. K.
BHAGWAT.
1 Pali literature is vast, though the canonical litera-
ture is handy. The three Pitakas. The Vinaya Pitaka forms
the subject of the paper. The " Buddhists," in this paper,
connote " The Hlnayanists. " The paper is an humble
attempt to have an idea of the Vinaya literature and does
not pretend tD be exhaustive.
in t\r$t Oriental Conference.
2 What isVinaya? Evolution in the idea of Vinaya
from mere Sllani, to a " body of rules and regulations for
the guidance of the Sangha." Traced through different
stages by showing how the terms ' Vinaya, ' 'Patimokkha'
had first ethical significance and how gradually legal aspect
came to be seen.
3 History of the Vinaya literature as given by Bud-
dhaghosa in his Bahiranidanavannana. Upto this time
not received sufficient attention at the hands of western
scholars. A very good attempt to trace the history of Vinaya
from the Parinibbana of the Buddha to its (Vinaya) estab-
lishment in the island of Ceylon. Making allowance for
superhuman element in the narrative, the book has a great
historical value. The tradition of the southern Buddhists
is clearly seen.
4 Web-like growth of the books of the Vinaya Pitaka
first simple verses, having ethical purity as its burthen.
Then simple rules like the Sikkhapadani-the complicated
Patimokkha-the expanded version of the Patimokkha in the
Sutta Vibhanga. The Khandhakas, superiority in narra-
tion and style. The Parivara Patha a kind of manual to
assist memory and to bind the different works of the Vinaya.
Subsidiary Literature in the form of commentaries and Tlkas.
English Translation and criticism on the Vinaya, complete
the survey of the Vinaya Literature of the Buddhists.
5 The object of the paper is over. But the importance of
the Vinaya to a research scholar is very great. It throws
light upon the Buddha, the Dhamma, the Sangha, the poli-
tical, moral, intellectual, agricultural, medicinal state of
Northern India and thus helps us in solving the problem of
filling up a gap in the history of India from 400 B. C. to 200
A. D.
The Burning of Mithila. By C. V. RAJWADE.
1 The burning of Mithila is merely figurative.
2 There were common stories current among the people
about King Janaka's renunciation and the temptation to
which he was subjected.
Pali and Budditm, xxxi
3 There were originally two different versions of these
stories which later on got mixed.
4 There is no evidence of any actual borrowing. All
may be said to have drawn on the common fund of folklore.
5 The bracelet and heaven and hell incidents were in
all probability quite distinct.
6 The Buddhist and Jain versions seem to have tried
to bring together all isolated factors in the stories current
about king Janaka.
7 The Jains seem to have substituted the name of
Nimi for that of Janaka.
8 The Mbh. versions are too abrupt and isolated and
may very well have been later additions.
Buddhist Philosophy ( in Pali. ) By WlDUBUPOLA
PIYATI88A.
The author of this Naya or Buddhist Philosophy is the
Arahant Mahakaccayana Thera, one of the eighty chief dis-
ciples of Lord Buddha. This philosophy was produced by him
for the sake of interpreting the Buddha's teaching, which is
divided into nine Ahgas or divisions according to the subject
matter.
The nine Ahgas are :
1 Sutta (Discourses) 2 Geyya (Mixed prose and verse)
S Veyyakarana ( Discourses without verses ) 4 Gatha
(Verses) 5 Udana (Joyous utterances) 6 Iti-Vuttaka (Sayings
of Buddha at which Ananda Thera was absent) 7 Jatakas
(Birth stories) 8 Abbhutadhamma (Extraordinary things)
and 9 Vedalla (Pleasurable discourses).
Lord Buddha has taught nothing outside the scope of
these nine. Those who are desirous of interpreting any of
the Buddha's teachings should at first study the Buddhist
Philosophy. This very Mahakaccayana Thera is the author
of two works Petakopadesa and Netti-prakarana. The latter
being approved by Lord Buddha was recited at the
First Sangha Convocation. Later, the great common-
xxxii First Oriental Conference.
tator Bhadanta Dhammapala Mahathera of the Badara-
tittha Vihara wrote a commentary on it which is still held
in high repute by the learned Mahatheras of Ceylon, Burma
andSiam, who are well versed in Dhamma.
Yet for all in Ceylon it is not much popular as it is nol
taught to the pupils by their teachers. There being an intei
pretation of the Buddha's teaching in this work, and without
a knowledge of which the students are liable to be illogical
in giving their interpretations, it is highly beneficial if the
teachejrs in Ceylon do undertake the task of teaching this
work or this philosophy to their pupils.
In consequence of these and many other advantages
avail of this opportunity to prepare a paper on the Naya 01
Buddhist Philosophy in briefly confining my attention mainb
to the Netti and its commentary.
The author has divided this work into two sections.
(a) Sangaha Vara (abridged section)and (6) Vibhaga Vara
(classified section).
Sangaha Vara.
The following is briefly described in it : The teaching
which ought to be interpreted according to the Naya or Bud-
dhist Philosophy is considered by the name " Sutta ", which
then divides itself into twelve kinds according to the letter
(Byanjana) and meaning (Attha).
The sixteen Haras, the five Nayas, and the eighteen
Mulapadas, are alone considered as the Netti or Buddhist
Philosophy.
Byanjana (Letter) is explained by the sixteen Haras,
Attha (Meaning) by three Nayas (Nandiyawatta &c.) and the
Sutta by the above and the rest.
Vibhaga Vara.
This is sub-divided into three other sections, Uddesa,
Niddesa, and Pati-Nidessa.
' /. Uddesa Vara
The following names are mentioned in it. The sixteen
Haras:
Pali and Buddhism. zzziii
1 Desana, 2 Vioaya, 3 Yutti, 4 Padatthana, 5 Lak
lapa, 6 Catubbyuha, 7 Awatta, 8 Vibhatti, 9 Pariwattana
LO Vevacana, 11 Pahhatti, 120tarana, 13 Sodhana, UAdhit-
lana, 15 Parikkhara, IfrSamaropana.
The five Nayas :
1 Nadiyawatta, 2 Tipukkhala, 3 Slhawikkilita, 4 Disft-
looana, 5 Ahkusa.
The eighteen Mulapadas :
Nine of which are in the Akusala (Immoral) section.
1 Tanha ( Craving ), 2 Avijja ( Ignorance ), 3 Lobha
(Greed), 4 Dosa (Hatred), 5 Moha (Delusion), 6 Subha-Saiina
(Agreeable perception), 7 Sukha-Sanna ( Pleasurable percep-
tion), 8 Nioca-Sanfia (Perception of permanence), 9 Atta-
Sanna (Self-perception).
The remaining nine are in the Kusala (Moral) section.
1 Samatha, ( Concentration ), 2 Vipassana ( Insight ),
3 Alobha (Disinterestedness), 4 Adosa ( Amity ), 5 Amoha
(Freedom from delusion), 6 Asubha-Sanna (Disagreeable per-
ception), 7 Dukkha-Sanna ( Painful Percepton ), 8 Anicca-
Sanna (Perception of impermanence), 9 Anatta-Sanna (Self-
less Perception).
//. Niddesa Vara
A fair description of the following appears in this section.
The above-mentioned Haras and Nayas are fairly described
in five ways Padatthana, Lakkhana, Kama, Etaparamata and
Hetu.
Also the six Byafijanas, Akkhara, Pada, Byanjana, Ni-
rutti, Niddesa, and Akara-
And the sir Atthas, Samkasana, PakasanS, VivaranJ,
Vibhajana, Uttani-Kamma, and Pannatti.
///. Pati-Niddesa Vara
This is sub-divided into four, (a) Haravibhahga VSra,
('/) llara-Sampata Vara, (c) Naya-Samutthana Vara, and (d)
ma-Patthana Vara.
('/) Haravibhahga Vara is that which describes how
many scriptural texts are contained in one single
Kara,
xxxiv First Oriental Conference.
(6) HSra-Sampata Vara is that which describes how all
the sixteen Haras are contained in one scriptural
text.
(r) Naya-Samutthana Vara is that which describes
in detail how the three Attha Nayas, viz, Nan-
diyawatta, Tipukkhala and Slha-Vikkilita and in
brief the two Kamma Nayas Disalocana and Ari-
kusa appear.
(d) Sasana-Pattbana Vara is that which, after hav-
ing shown the eighteen Mulapadas in sixteen
kinds of Suttas like the Samkilesabhagiya, Vasan-
abhagiya and so forth, and in twenty eight ways
like the Lokiya ( mundane ), Lokuttara ( supra-
mundane) and so forth, describes the two divisions
comparing also both of them.
The brief contents of this paper are arranged according
to the method followed in the Netti and its commentary.
Nagarjuna the earliest Writer of the Renaissance Period
By SATIS CHANDRA VIDYABHUSANA.
The rule of the Kusanas, which extended from 1 B. C.
to about 350 A. D., was, to a great extent, synchronous with
that of the Andhras who seem to have held sway up to the
4th century A. D. Kaniska, more often v called Kanika, was,
as it appears from the Tibetan and Chinese books, a general
name for the kings of the Kusana dynasty, just as
Satavahana was, in the opinion of Sir Ramkrishna Gopal
Bhandarkar, a common name for the kings of the Andhra
dynasty. The fourth Buddhist Council for the codification
of the Tripitakas in Sanskrit was held in Jalandhar under
the patronage of a certain Kaniska of the later Kusanas,
and it was perhaps to the son of this Kaniska that Asva-
ghosa addressed a letter under the title of Maharaja-Kanika-
Lekha, a faithful translation of which is contained in the
Tibetan Encyclopaedia called Bstain-hgyur. The son, who
is described as a descendant of the Sun, is advised to imitate
Deva, signifying a god as well as Aryadeva. In fact the son
Pali and Buddhism. xxxv
was a junior contemporary of Aryadeva and his fore-
fathers must have lived long in India before he could be
described as a scion of the solar race.
Nagarjuna, who was a senior contemporary of Asva-
ghosa, wrote a letter called Nagarjuna- suhrllekha to a
certain Satavahana of the Andhra dynasty. In the Tibetan
version of this letter contained in the Bntnin-fii/!/ur the king
is precisely named as Udayibhadra. This name does not
occur in the list of kings of the Andhra dynasty available
up to date, and it is possible that he was not a monarch but
a vassal king who possessed considerable political influence
at the end of the third* and * z the beginning j'of the fourth
century A. D.
Now Tan-cao, a Chinese disciple of Kumara-jlva ( 400
A- D. ^states that Aryadeva lived a little over 800 years
after the Nirvana of Buddha. On the assumption that
Buddha attained Nirvana in 480 B. C., Aryadeva and his
contemporary Asvaghosa must have lived about 320 A. D.
Consequently Nagarjuna may be placed at about 300 A. D.,
and Eaniska under whose patronage the fourth Buddhist
Council was held lived perhaps about the same time. This
view tallies well with the statement in the Rajatarangini that
12 reigns intervened between Kaniska and Mihirkaula ( 515
A. D. ). In fact, according to Lama Taranath, Nagarjuna
was a contemporary of a king named Nemicandra, who
ruled in Aparantaka. On his death Phanicandra and two
other very insignificant kings ruled in Magadha until
Candragupta, who " did not take refuge in Buddha," found-
ed the Gupta Empire in 319 A. D.
The Council of Kaniska inaugurated the renaissance of
Sanskrit learning among the Buddhists by about 300 A. D.
The later 4 Andhra chieftains too encouraged Sanskrit culture
to a considerable extent. The Gupta kings Aby extending
their patronage began to give an impetus to the renaissance
movement among the Brahmins and to a certain extent also
among the Buddhists by about 319 A. D. The teachings of
Mahavira as contained in the Jaiua Agamas were codified
in writing by Devardhi J Gani Ksama-sramana at Balabhi
xxxvi First Oriental Conference.
in 153 A. D. The band of scholars, who were the pioneers
of the renaissance included Nagarjuna (300 A. D. ), Aryadeva
(320 A. D.) and Asvaghosa (320 A. D.). The second band
included Prasastapada, Vatsyayana (400 A. D.) and Sabara-
svami, while Dinnaga (500 A. D.), Kalidasa (530 A. D.) and
Varahamihira (505-585 A D.) constituted the third band.
The Puranas and other important works were the produc-
tions of this period.
The first and foremost writer of the renaissance period
was, as already observed, Nagarjuna round whose name has
gathered together a host of traditional stories referring to
his gifts as a physician, a chemist and alchemist and a
philosopher. Nagarjuna was born in Vidarbha (Berar)
during the reign of King Satavahana of the Andhra dynasty
and passed many of his days in meditation in a cave dwell-
ing on Triparvata that bordered on the river Krsna. That
Nagarjuna lived in Vidarbha is evident from an inscription
on an image of Buddha by the side of the Amaravatl stupa
in characters of the early 7th century A. D. The latest date
that can be assigned to Nagarjuna is 401 A. D. when his
biography was translated into Chinese by Kumarajlva. That
Nagarjuna lived about 300 A. D. harmonises well with the
fact that his disciple Aryadeva lived a little after 320 A. D.
Nagarjuna was the author of a treatise on Logic called
Pramana Vihetana which is a review of the definitions of the
sixteen categories as given in the Nyayasutra. A special
feature of this work is that in it Nagarjuna for the first time
reduced the syllogism of five members into one of three.
The Indian logicians, inspite of their stout opposition to
Nagarjuna's syllogism, found it in course of time most ex-
pedient to adopt the same. Upaya-kausalya-hrdaya-sastra
is the name of another work on logic in which Nagarjuna
gives a clear exposition of the art of debate. In the Vigraha-
vijauartani-karika, Nagarjuna criticises the Nyaya theory of
Pramana, and it is perhaps this criticism which is reproduc-
ed in the Nyayabhasya of Vatsyayana in connection with
his examination of Pramana. But that which distinguishes
Nagarjuna pre-eminently in the world of letters is the
Madhyamika philosophy founded by him in consonance with
Pali and Puddhlsm. xxrrii
the principles of the great Mahftyanasutra called PrajnS-
pSramita. The doctrine of the Madhyamika philosophy has
been a subject of constant attack by the Indian philosophers
of all schools. An attempt has even been made to misinter-
pret it wilfully and even to discard it as a system of Nihilism,
but it has emerged unscathed. Impartial judges have declar-
ed it even as the basis of Sahkara's Mayavada.
I have given only an imperfect idea of Nagarjuna as a
philosopher. He may be looked at from so many distinct
standpoints that we shall not be far wrong if we call him
the Aristotle of India.
IV. Philology and Prakrits.
The Phonogenesis of the wide E and O in Gujaratl.
By N. B. DIVATIA.
1 Nature and Scope of this sound.
<Ft?ft ( = a jar), ^fet ( = the wood-apple tree) ; ifta ( - round).
( = molasses); *fo, & ; %^, 4*; these represent the narrow
and wide sounds. (I mark the wide sound with an inverted
Afatra sign.)
The wide sound resemblds the sound in English "hat"
and ''awl" and the narrow one resembles that in English
"hale" and "hole".
The wide sound is peculiar to Gujaratl, and MaravadI,
Hindi represents by"* and 1 the sound which is slightly
different from the wide sound.
2 History of the notice taken of this wide sound.
Stray attempts at recognition of this sound were made
by Gujaratl writers before 1888 A. D.
In A. D. 1888 and 1905, I brought this prominently to
notice in a pamphlet (1888 A. D.) on 'Spelling Reform' and in
a paper (1905 A. D.) on "Spelling" read before the 1st Guja-
ratl Sahitya Parisad.
(1) My article ( Indian Antiquary, January and May
1915 A. D.)
(2) Dr. Tessitori's article on "Bardic Survey", Appen.
dix I, J. A. S M Beng. A. S. XII, 1916 A. D.
(3) My second article, Ind. Ant. 1917 A. D. and 191&
A. D. on "The wide sound of E and 0".
(4) Dr. Tessitori's article in reply to above ( No. (3) )
Ind. Ant. September 1918 A. D.
contain the whole discussion of this subject.
The present paper is in the form of a rejoinder.
3 The main issue : What is the origin of the tcide sound f
According to Dr. Tessitori, the wide sound is generated
direct by 3T^-3T3 (original or derived by samprasdrana) (and
the narrow one direct by 3
xl First Oriental Conference.
According to me, the wide sound is generated by
(through 3?^-3T[) original or derived by prati-samprasara?ia
[and the narrow one by 3Tf-3T3, original as well as derived.].
Thus :
I.
qfe
represent Dr. Tessitori's Steps ; while
II.
5f2
represent my steps.
4 q^re and similar forms; Dr. Tessitori 's account of the
Dr. Tessitori denies prati-samprasarana. I confront hii
with forms like zpft, ^q^Tift, T^R, mf&3, q-M43 &c., actually
found in O. W. Raj. works. Dr. Tessitori explains this ^ as
a mere writing peculiarity, the scribe's writing n for ^ ; it
not a real phonetic change, according to him.
To prove this Dr. Tessitori goes back to Prakrit worl
even and shows that in Jacobi's Erzahlungen in Maharasti
(Pp. 60, 61, 63, 72).
and 33R, are found for
and ^fr.
My reply : The Mss. on which Jacobi based his edition
were written in V. S. 1611 and 1660 respectively. Thus this zf
in Prakrit work can easily be accounted for by the fact that
the forms with 3f were in actual use in O. W. R. and the
scribes of this period naturally slipped into the Prakrit work
this spelling quite foreign to Prakrit, as it came long after
Apabhrarhsa ceased.
5 Dr. Tessitori's varying views a,s regards this 3J.
(a) Dr. Tessitori has actually regarded this as a real
change, and cited ^>rc etc. as instances thereof from O. W. R
works. (His "Notes", 4-(5)).
Philology and Prakrits. xli
(6) He, then, later on regards
(1) ^K &o. as instances of writing peculiarity ;
(2) ^R, qzRnft as Prakrit tatsamas ;
(3) That the 3R may be a corruption of the Sanskrit
%
("Bardic Survey" App. 1, p. 76.)
(c) Lastly, he regards
(1) The ^ as a writing peculiarity for $;
(2) 34<rfl as a tatsama in part modelled on ^R-
(Ind. Ant. September 1918.)
(3) Also Beames, Vol. I., P. 238, 60.
Thus, he is shifting his ground from time to time. Be-
sides, the three sub-heads under (b) above show a conflict of
views.
6 Change of 3 to 3. Is it ^ 3jfa ?
Dr. Tessitori objects that once O. W. R. has turned the
T to 3, it cannot send the 3 back to 3. (O. W. R. changes the
3 to 3 invariably e. g. ^^t-^TJ^t ; vj^53-*T3c53 and so forth ).
My answer was that reversion is a well-known princi-
ple, and I cited instances of Sanskrit $r, Pr. wr, O. W. R.
and offspring languages ;f again; Sanskrit. $f, Ap. oj, again
^ (G). This being the case, there is nothing strange in 3 re-
verting to 3 if necessary. Dr. Tessitori repeats old objec-
tions, and in the instances cited by me ( ^W-^I
^Hfr^) sees, not reversion, but an interpolation of ^
citing Mar. U^3, ^cT in support of the argument.
My answer : This g is not the result of ^ gft inter-
polated, but the turning of 8f to 3, just as Mar. turns ar to 5
in f%J?re &c. Any how ^ ajfa argument will not explain the
case of cfi^Jj back from 353%
7 Movement of linguistic change backward and forward.
I explained the presence of forms like 4-H63 and 21^33
side by side, by the theory that laguages do not move on re-
gular lines of uniform march, some forms will linger, some
progress, go backwards and forwards, till a final settled
tate is reached. Dr. Tessitori considers this a novel theory
ro airing proof.
6
First Oriental Conference.
My answer : (1) The change of ^ to a and back to 55
and again to 65 ; ^ to IT and back to 3 ; <=R^-3>ft and R are seen
in such backward and forward movement in Mss. of different
periods, so also 3^-3T^, 3f~t&.
(2) Dr. Tessitori's own views support me.
( Vide his "Notes", Reprint, P. 5, 11. 16-20).
8 The significance of the symbol "*, 1" in Mss. of a period
about the 16th Century A. D.
Dr. Tessitori has a double argument ;
(a) He regards these 3T-3U as steps from 3^-3^3 to-
wards the wide sound ;
(b) He contends that such%-3TT are found in GujaratI
Mss. of this period.
My answer :
(a) The 3T-3?r in Mar. Mss. are but a feeble attempt to
symbolize the wide sound ;
(b) I have made a patient scrutiny of many old Guja-
rat! Mss. of the period, and found that nowhere
do these Mss. use *M" for the evolutes of ar^-
and that, where in very rare instances, these sym-
bols (-, "*r) are found, they are there either because
the scribe was a Maravadi or one under Maravad!
influence.
9 Confusion in Dr. Tessitori 's view of the pronunciation
of these 1f-3TT.
What was the actual pronunciation of these ir-a^, tad-
bhava sr-sfr as Dr. Tessitori calls them ? He really gives
varying answers to this question : Thus
(a) The 3T-3TT were pronounced as diphthongs.
(Ind. Ant. September 1918, P. 227.)
(b) Tadbhava ^-^ were not pronounced exactly the
same way as tateama 3T-3TT but they were probably
pronounced in a way similar to the lr-3?r of Hindi.
(Ibid- P. 228 and n. 10.)
(c) The Hindi V-arr sounds are identical with the
wide ^r-3fi of Mar. and GujaratI, except that they
represent a slightly earlier stage, the very same
stage of the Mar. and GujaratI diphthongs as they
Philology and Prakrits. x H i i
must have been pronounced previous to their
transition into the wide vowels, <K-<tff.
(Ibid, pp. 231-232).
My answer :
How did ar-an all of a sudden jump into the wide sound,
if they were pronounced as pure diphthongs ? Evidently
Dr. Tessitori has a lurking suspicion that the If-aft in ques-
tion were not sounded as pure diphthongs, but, fighting shy
of the wide sound (af-aff), lingered somewhere before the fully
developed wide sound. He again regards 3T-<J?r as represent-
ing this fully developed wide sound. This confusion as to
the real nature of the ar-arr symbols lands Dr. Tessitori into
apparent inconsistencies.
My view is that the Mar. 3r-3TT are poor symbols for the
truly wide sound. I prefer, then, to represent this wide
sound by the inverted mafra sign (as in ^r-aff), especially
as ^r-aft, as $33. *tfa*TC, keep the components a?-? and ar-3
slightly apart from each other, whereas ^r-orf as ^fafrft *ifa*=K,
hold the component <^, 3*3 interfused.
10 The ear-test. Is it to be rejected ?
I have all along contended that the wide sound can only
be produced by the arf-^T^ and the narrow one by 3^-are, and
for this I appealed to the test supplied by the ear. Dr. Tessi-
tori regards this test as misleading. I hold that in matters
of this kind oral tradition and demonstration are essential
Dead formulae and symbols are useless without such demon-
stration. Live sound must be presented to the ear.
11 Samprasarana, what part it plays in the present
question.
In cases like <=RW13>T 3^Hf*T32Mf^TT2t and *RrR<fi-vFR?*3
q^Ri, Dr. Tessitori objects to the 3-^ changes ( sampra-
) on the ground that samprasarana is not possible
( in O. W. R. ) where the ^ or q is intial. Furthermore, he
holds that if the ^ and zf are stressed, there is no sumpra-
aurai.ia but if unstressed they take samprasarana.
My view is opposite. If ^ zf, or rather the 3f thereof,
is accented there is saniprasarana, and if unaccented, Aampra-
is prevented by the accent being shifted to the pre-
xliv First Oriental Conference.
ceding a? ( of 3R-3T3 ) thus turning the 3? of 3r-^ into a cKH
and consequently dropping it, leaving 3^-^ as the cause of
the wide sound.
The genesis of samprasarana in words coming into the
vernaculars is this, as I perceive. Samprasarana is due to a
softening of effort in pronouncing the semi-vowels, it is a
liquefaction of these sounds. This is possible when the ^-^
are intervocalic; for the two adjacent vowels provide a voca-
lic atmosphere and influence. This, as a first step, reduces
the strong 3^3 to weak q-*r, and then finally to 5-3. As Dr.
Hoernle in his Introduction to the Prakrita-Laksana
P. XXVII. 4 happily calls them, the strong 27-^ are really
semi-consonants and the weak q-3 are semi-vowels. Thus
under the intervocalic condition the semi-consonant passes
into a semi-vowel and then a vocalic stage.
Thus the conditions for samprasarana are :
(a) Intervocalic position of ^-^;
and (b) stress on the 3T of q-~3-
lft ( Skr. ) *T ( G. )
*K ( Skr. ) qj ( G. )
ft (Skr) ^(H.)
arffc ( Skr. ) *Nl ( G. )
may at first sight appear to violate this condition as regards
intervocalic position of ^-^. But in these cases a minute
*^??i% steps in first and yields tf^qft, ^ ^;, ^ f^, ^ qfrR as
intermediate steps, thus furnishing an intervocalic position
for the \ and f.
12 Accent and its influence.
Dr. Tessitori is puzzled at nay use of accent. He asks if it
is the old Sanskrit accent. It cannot be in the case of PrS-
krits and vernaculars. Even the old Sanskrit accent was
partly pitch and partly stress, no one is as yet decided as to
its true nature, and scholars like Beames and Sir R. G.
Bhandarkar have used the term "accent" in the sense of
"stress" in dealing with the phonology of modern vernacu-
lars. There was therefore no occasion to ask what I meant
by the term accent, or to contend that my accent did not fall
on the same syllable on which the Sanskrit accent falls,
Philology and Prakrits X!T
IS Foreign influence assisting the wide sound.
I have put forward a merely tentative theory that the
wide -sound, appearing during the Mogul period of Akbar't
rule and intellectual upheavel when Persian and Arabic
flourished in India, may have been matured under this indi-
rect foreign influence, as ^yi-^l, ^j^-^lit answer inherently
to the type presented by ^<H, ^5 (Arabic-Persian). Dr. Tes-
sitori laughs away this theory, and says that we may as well
attribute the GujaratI and Marvadi wide sound to English
influence, because English has this sound in words like
'hat" and "hot".
My answer:
I have simply stated that the sound was matured under
the indirect influence of Arabic- Persian. The Arabic-Persian
sound is not the wide 3T-3TT but 3T^--3r^ All that I suggest is
that ^yi-^fr represent a type that matured into ^"r^i^t un-
der conditions similar to the foreign words typified by ^<H
3T^5 ( which in Gujarat! are ^R-%R5 ). The joke about En-
glish influence involves a reversal of cause and effect, for
the wide sound began four centuries ago while the English
contact is only a century old.
Apabhramsa Literature and its Importance to Philology.
By P. D. GUNE.
1 The importance of the Apabhramsa language and
literature is very great, as that is the stage immediately pre-
ceding the modern Aryan vernaculars of India.
2 Apabhramsa Literature known to the world of scho-
lars was, until recently, limited to (a) the Vikramorvasl f
IVth act, (b) the Prakrta-pihgalasutra, (c) Hemacandra's
Grammar, IV 329 to 446, (d) the Kumarapalacarita, verses
14 to 82 only of Canto VIII, (e) stray quotations in a few Jain
legends and Alahkara works.
3 There has been a considerable addition to our know-
ledge of Apabhransa literature during recent years:
(a) Printed works :
I The Bhavisayattakaha of Dhanavala, edited by the
late Mr. C. D. Dalai, in the Gaekwad's Oriental
First Oriental Conference.
Series, but not yet published. The whole is in
Apabhramsa.
II The Kumarapala-pratibodha of Somaprabha, edit-
ed by Muni Jinavijayajl in the same series, but
not yet published, contains much Apabhramsa, es-
pecially in the 5th Prastava.
III The Upadesatarangim of Ratnamandiraganin,
edited ;y Mr. H. B. Shah, Benares, 1911, contains
some stray verses and passages in Apabhramsa.
IV The Supasanahacariyam of Laksmanaganin I
and II, edited by Pandit Haragovinda Das Seth,
Benares 1918, contains besides stray verses, pas-
sages of considerable length at pp. 50, 190, 212,
286, etc.
(b) Manuscripts in different libraries :
I The Saiijamamanjarl of Mahesarasuri, in 35 doha-
verses, complete, No. 1359 of 1886-92 of the Deccan
College Mss. at the Bhandarkar Institute.
II The commentary on the above by a pupil of
Hemahamsasuri. This contains, besides stray
quotations, a long story in Apabhramsa, corres-
ponding to our Kahanl.
III The Tisatthimahapurisagunalankara of Puppha-
danta, No. 370 of 1879-80 of the Deccan College
Mss. at the Bhandarkar Institute, is an incom-
plete bat voluminous work in Apabhramsa, folios
304. It throws additional light on Apabhrmsa
grammar, idiom and metre.
IV There is a lot of Apabhramsa Mss. at the Patan
Bhandar mentioned by the late Mr. Dalai in his
paper read before the Gujarat Sahitya Parisad
(pp. 11 to 19). Of about fifty Mss. that Mr. Dalai
has mentioned, only some three or four are of some
considerable size.
(a) The Aradhana of Nayanandin, a Digambara
Jain, folios 18.
(b) The Paramatmaprakasa of Yoglndradeva, also
a Dieambara, folios 19.
(c) The Vairasamicariya of Varadatta, in two san-
dhis, with twelve and nine stanzas in each
respectively.
Philology and Prakrits. xlvit
(d) The Paumasiricariya of Dh&hala in four
sandhis. Most of the others are of the nature
of rasaka, and oontain either praises or lives
of Jaina saints.
4 The importance of this literature :
I As parent of some of the modern vernaculars, es-
pecially of the Gujaratl and the Rajasth&nl. Some
points of close similarity like u of the neuter
nom. sing., a of the nom. plural, the pronoun,
the diminutive in da etc.
II As containing a lot of desl words, which throw a
flood of light on the vocabulary of the modern
Aryan vernaculars.
III As showing the richness and flexibility of Apabh-
ramsa Grammar such as is not gathered from a
perusal of mere Hemaoandra.
The Dialects of Burmese. By L. F. TAYLOR.
Three different families of languages are to be found in
Burma, viff : the Tibeto-Burman, the Tai-Chinese and the
Mon-Khmer. The present investigation is confined to a com-
parison of nine dialects belonging to the Burma group of
the Tibeto-Burman languages. The dialects are (i) Burmese,
which is the lingua franca of the Provincn, (ii) Arakanese,
which resembles in pronunciation to the Burmese of a thousand
years ago, (iii) Tavoyan, which is supposed to be an off-shoot
from Arakanese, (iv) Intha, which is supposed to be an off-
shoot from Tavoyan, (v) Danu, which is less archaic than
Arakanese, (vi) Yaw, which is the dialect most resembling
modern Burmese, (vii) and (viii) Two dialects of Hpon,
which retain some very archaic features, though the language
is on the verge of extinction, and (ix) Tanugyo, another
dialect which retains archaic features, though it has under-
gone phonetic decay.
Comparison shows that in syntax, grammar, idiom and
vocabulary, these dialects are practically identical. It fol-
lows, then, that the essential part of our investigation will be
a study of tho phonetic changes that words undergo as they
pa.-s I'mm ouo <lialect t" nuother.
xlviii First Oriental Conference.
For this purpose tables have been constructed which
show (i) the elementary sounds which are found in each dia-
lect and in the group as a whole, also the various combinations
which occur and (ii) the phonetic changes that occur, first in
the initial, and secondly in the middle and final parts of
words.
Finally the suggestion is thrown out that Burmese,
though now a monosyllabic language, was once disyllabic
or polysyllabic, and in the structure it was perhaps similar
to Indonesian. It is submitted that we now possess evidence
which, though it is quile insufficient to amount to proof, is
sufficient to make this hypothesis worthy of consideration.
The Importance of Philology for modern languages.
By J. M. UNWALA.
1 The descent of the Modern Indian languages of the
Aryan Stock and their sister-languages in Asia and Europe
from their common parent, the so-called Indo-Germanic or
Indo-European language, shown by a geneological tree.
2 The Home of the Indo-Germanslay in the Carpathian
mountain-ranges.
3 The rise of different dialects from one common lan-
guage and the development and fossilisation of these dia-
lects in the course of generations into separate languages
(1) due to natural barriers, like mountains and rivers
between two regions or countries ;
(2) due to mannerisms of a person, used by him while
speaking his mother-language ;
(3) due to analogy in word-formation, etc.
4 The importance of philology :
(1) it proves that the so-called exceptions in the gram-
mar of any language whatsoever are analogical
formations or no exceptions at all ;
(2) it shows the common relation between languages of
the same stock, howsoever different in external
features they may be ;
(3) it simplifies grammar by bringing the so-called ex-
ceptions under hard and fast rules ;
Philology and Prakrits. xlix
(4) it throws indirectly much important light on the
question of the history of civilisation and culture
of the people, whose language it deals with ;
(5) it helps us also to discover the fossil remains of
some dead languages preserved in a language,
which we are subjecting to a comparative study.
5 Philology is studied more in Germany than anywhere
else in Europe, except lately in France, since the time of
Francis Bopp (1719-1867), the father of Philology.
6 What has been said above on the importance of Phi-
lology in general is also applicable to the modern Indian
languages.
7 The necessity of a comparative grammar of the mo-
dern Indian languages worked out on the principles of Phi-
lology. A preliminary work or works are, however, required
viz. grammars of Gujarati, Marathi, Bengali, and other modern
Indian languanges of the Aryan stock written on the basis
of Philology, wherein chief stress is laid on the comparison
of one of these languages with Sanskrit or Prakrit dialects.
Intermediate works already done by German savants, Jacobi
Pischel and Kuhn, viz. Comparative Grammar of the Parkrit
dialects and Pali.
8 Such a comparative grammar is also necessary for
the languages of the Dravidian stock. But here we havo to
reconstruct, by comparing these languages with one another,
the once spoken ancient Dravidian language, which has died
out without leaving behind it any written record whatsoever.
V. Classical Literature.
Sakuntala -An Allegory. By N. S. ADHIKARI.
Allegorical instinct is inherent in man. Allegories are
of three types: (1) Prosaic or Rational or Conscious; (2)
Emotional or Poetic or Sub-or un-conscious ; and (3) Mixed.
Kalidasa introduced a change in the character of Dusyanta of
the Mahabharata, under the operation of a subconscious cause
and produced a consistent allegory. Objections to this alle-
gorical interpretation, viz. (i) that any book can be inter-
preted allegorically ; and (ii) that Dusyanta represents
Love, are perfectly untenable, and the splendid ancestry of
allegories which Kalidasa had behind him must have had
their own effect upon him, who improved on them, and who
was not creating any new ways in literature when he wrote
the subconscious allegory.
The Relation of Sudraka's Mrcchakatika to the Caru-
datta of Bhasa. By S. K. BELVALKAR.
After proving from internal evidence that the author of
the Carudatta intended to write more than the extant four
Acts of the play, the essay considers and refutes the prima
facie view that the Carudatta is an abridgment for purposes
of stage representation of the lengthier Mrcchakatika. The
argument involves a critical comparison of a large number
of parallel passages from the two plays mainly from the
point of view of dramaturgy, an evolution of the two plays
from the aesthetic point of view being purposely ignored as
not being capable of yielding certain results acceptable to
all. Next, assuming that the Carudatta is the earlier play
elaborated by Sudraka, an attempt is made to discover the
dramatic motives underlying the additions, which have been
ascertained to be (i) an exhibition of the author's knowledge
and familiarity with highly technical and out of the way
Sastras ; (ii) an introduction of low-life realism; 4iii) the
addition of the political bye-plot ; and (iv) an appeal to the
gallery by means of broad and rollicking humour. And as
Hi First Oriental Conference.
these motives are natural motives consistently presented
throughout the play, the priority of Bhasa to Sudraka is de-
clared to be the most natural and the only possible conclu-
sion to hold. That this conclusion is not without some
bearing upon the date of Bhasa is only hinted at towards the
end of the paper.
Kalidasa and the Gupta Kings. By H. B. BHIDE.
The following are the points sought to be established in
the paper.
1 Originally the Raghuvamsa comprised only the first
fifteen Sargas.
2 The Solar kings described therein represent the
Gupta Kings as indicated below :
Dilipa represents Candragupta.
Raghu Samudragupta.
Aja Candragupta.
Dasaratha Kumaragupta.
Rama Skandagupta.
3 In the Vikramorvaslya, in the first Act at least,
Pururavas stands for or is meant to suggest Skandagupta.
4 Lastly, therefore, Kalidasa was a contemporary,
perhaps elderly contemporary, of Skandagupta.
5 The points of resemblance between the exploits of
Raghu and Samudragupta and of Rama and Skandagupta are
more striking than in the case of the remaining kings.
Psychological Study of Kalidasa's Upamas. By P. K.
GODE.
I The purpose of the Essay: To take a critical survey
of Kalidasa's "Upamas" so as to unfold in detail the work-
ings of his faculty for noting comparisons: literary issues of
the problem not altogether ignored: Kalidasa's keen aesthetic
sense, his penetrating intellect, his wide range of observa-
tion etc., determined tentatively.
Classical Literature. liii
II ' Upama * in the broadest sense of the term : The
technical divisions of 'Upama' as given in the Indian works
on Rhetoric, not followed as they are psychologically too
water-tight to admit all the comparisons. Maxims included
under "Upamas".
III Enquiry, based on the Sakuntala only : The analyti-
cal and inductive method requires the limitation of the field
of study. The Sakuntala being a drama is truer to life
than Kalidasa's other Kavyas. It gives a variety of com-
parisons. Other Kavyas give variety but exaggerate the
picture of human life they give.
IV Some psychological side-light : Locke's statement
'Brutes compare but imperfectly', endorsed by almost all the
psychologists. The presence of the faculty for noting com-
parisons in a greater or less degree implies greater or less
intellectual activity.
V Some illustrations from literature : From Sir R.
Tagore, Carlyle, Prof. Walter Raleigh etc. Metaphorical
employment of words gives a brilliant and fascinating
aspect to literature.
VI Metaphorical vitality of words : Metaphorical em-
ployment of words, which is the operation of the faculty
for noting comparisons, is the very soul of language some
illustrations.
VII An estimate of the comparisons in the Sakuntala and
an attempted interpretation of the same : Total number of
comparisons is about 180. In acts where there is no "criti-
cism of life" there is a rarity of comparisons since the
narrative element preponderates in them. An objective
attitude of mind is capable of producing comparisons.
Comparisons are the outcome mainly of the poet's head.
VIII Comparisons a psychological test and the limit*
thereof: In a lyrical piece of composition there would be i
paucity of comparisons but the converse of the statement is
not true. A drama written by a mastermind will abound in
comparisons.
IX Classification of Comparisons according to thei r
sources : 'The sources of similitudes are co-extensive with
the world of knowledge*. By taking a survey of them we get
liv First Oriental Conference.
at the poet's knowledge of men and things ; in fact we
determine his range of observation. Kalidasa had a seeing
eye and an inquiring mind.
X Sources of Comparisons : (1) Heavens the various
aspects of the sun and the moon constellations eclipses
etc. (2) Earth. Phenomena of the sky : lightning, wind,
clouds, rain etc Ocean, rivers etc. Mountains, wells etc.
Mineral world : gems. (3) Life The Plant Life : Creepers :
Sami, Madhavi, Atimuktalata, Navamalika, Vanajyotsna.
flowers: Kunda, lotus, lotus leaves, pollen of lotuses, day-
lotuses and night-lotuses. Trees : Foliage of trees, branches
of trees etc. Particular Trees : Sahakara, Kesara, Candana,
Sugarcane, Reeds etc. Agriculture. Animal Life Affections
of the animal body, diseases etc. Particular beasts : Deer,
male and female, wild elephant, tiger, serpent, etc. Birds
etc. locusts ; cuckoo, cakravaka, male and female ; bee
male and female ; flies. (4) Domestic Life Eatables : dates
tamarind, honey etc. Fire, lamp ; water, parasol, miror,
ornament, flag etc. Wealth, deposit of money etc, Family
relations conjugal love, parental affection, fraternal affec-
tion. (5) Social Life Hospitality, polite behavour, friend-
ship, villainy a city thronged with people etc. Military
life, hunting and other sports etc. (6) Religious Life prac-
tical and theoretical side of religion, doctrines of Karma and
Moksa. (7) Mythology and other literature Siva ; Laksmi ;
Trisanku ; Yayati and Sarmistha : celestial nymphs ; Sesa ;
Kalakuta ; Manes of ancestors ; Amrta ; Indra, Jayanta and
Paulom! ; Nrsimha etc. (8) bine Arts Painting and Music.
(9) Mental States Deranged condition of mind; Mental illu-
sions etc. (10) Abstract World Personified abstractions
as standards of comparisons other abstract comparisons.
(11) Conventions, poetic and otherwise a few illusrations.
XI Some General Conclusions :
1 Kalidasa's intellect was truly comprehensive.
2 His knowledge of Nature, quite first-hand.
3 His skill in word-painting.
4 He drew no line of demarcation between Nature and
Man.
5 Imaginative Comparisions, Utpreksas.
Classical Literature. \\
6 Intellectual and Emotional Comparisons.
7 Conventional ideas turned to good account.
8 An objection.
9 Aptness of Kalidasa's Comparisons.
other qualities of comparisons such as novelty, variety etc.
10 No "long- tailed" Comparisons in Kalidasa. His
Comparisons are direct and there is a freedom of spirit about
them.
Indian Aesthetics. By M. HlRIYANNA.
The field of ancient Indian Aesthetics remains unexplor-
ed and vague notions are current regarding the Indian con-
ception of Beauty in Nature and in Art. The numerous
works in Sanskrit on Poetics furnish sufficient material for
deducing the Indian aesthetic theory and show that its evo-
lution closely followed that of general philosophic specula-
tion.
2 The Indian conception of the Beautiful was influenc-
ed mainly by :
(i) The Atman doctrine of Upanisads which incul-
cates that the world of sense equally with the
world of thought is but an imperfect expression of
the ultimate Reality; but is yetadequate, if rightly
approached, to reveal the underlying unity.
(ii) The Jiuanmukti ideal which, by recommending,
not the repression of interests but an expansion
of them, gave prominence to the culture of the
emotions in the achievement of true freedom.
3 The writers on Poetics from whom the material for
the paper is drawn may be divided into two schools :
(i) The pracina school which confined its attention
practically to an analysis not of what constitutes
the essence of poetry but only of its outer form. -
(ii) The navlnu school which concentrated its atten-
tion on the vyanyyarthu or 'implicit sense', which
Ivi First Oriental Conference.
as distinguished from the vacyartha or 'explicit
sense' constitutes the essence of all first-rate
poetry. In revealing the poetic ultimate, word
and explicit sense serve the same purpose as the
passing things of experience do in revealing the
underlying reality of the universe. This is the
theory of poetry corresponding to the doctrine of
atman.
4 Of the three varieties of the implicit sense vastu,
alankara and rasa, the last was specially emphasised for the
sake of the emotional culture required by the Jlvanmukti
ideal. This emphasis finds expression in the statement that
rasa is the atman of poetry. The term rasa has got an ob-
jective as well as a subjective reference and means not only
aesthetic delight but also sentiments like 'love' whose treat-
ment by the artist affords such delight.
5 The theory of rasa having become the recognized
basis of Indian aesthetics, each system of philosophy inter-
preted it in the light of its own fundamental principles. The
Vedanta ahd Sankhya interpretations, which are the most
important, are as follows :
(i) Vedanta: The term ananda furnishes the clue to
the Vedantic theory of rasa. Joy or bliss is the
intrinsic nature of the self, that being the signifi-
cance of describing the atman as ananda. If its
intrinsic character is not always manifest, it is
because desire veils it. When this veil is stripped
off, no matter how, the real nature of atman asserts
itself and we feel the happiness that is all our own.
The immediate aim of art being pure delight
(Saayah-para-i,irurti) the artist has to induce an
attitude of detachment and he does it by means of
the ideal creations of his art. The particular forms
he creates are determined by the other aim of
art, viz., the refinement of our emotional nature.
Being products of fancy these forms cannot awaken
desire ; and when attention is once concentrated
upon them, the ordinary state of tension caused
by selfish desires is relaxed and joy ensues as a
matter of course.
Classical Literature. Ivti
(ii) SSj'ikhya : According to Sankhya. on the other
hand, Purusa has as little to do with pleasure as
with pain. Pleasure and pain arise from the in-
teraction between the two spheres of prakrtic deve-
lopment buddhi and the objective world and
Purusa stands by only as an onlooker. The Com-
mon view that he is affected by either is due to a
mistaken identification of buddhi with Purusa.
This mistake can not be avoided until the two
are dissociated i. e. until jlvanmukti is reached.
So far as empirical life is concerned, individual
purpose or selfish desire is ineradicable ; and the
ordinary man must take pain with pleasure. But,
though he cannot dissociate himself from buddhi,
he can by resorting to art find a temporary release
from the natural world, the second of the two
factors contributing to the misery of common
existence. The artist's function is thus to lead us
away from the real world into another not consti-
tuted of the three rim/as. The details of the new
surroundings he creates for us are determined by
the other aim of art, viz., the refinement of our
emotional nature. This view of Sankhya art is
found represented in Sanskrit Poetics as that of
Bhatta-Nayaka.
6. Thus according to optimistic VedSnta, pain is due to
misapprehension and pure delight may be derived as much
from Nature as from Art. According to pessimistic San-
khya, pleasure untainted by Sorrow does not exist in the real
world and has therefore to be sought outside it. Aesthetic
delight according to idealistic Vedanta is due to a forgetting
of our narrow Selves ; while according to realistic Sankhya
it is due to an escape from common world. Art, according to
the one, reveals the truth of Nature ; according to the other,
it fashions something better than Nature.
7. Thus according to optimistic Vedanta, everything in
Nature is beautiful and ugliness is due to misapprehension.
According to pessimistic Sankhya ugliness is as real as
beauty and both are found in Nature. Aesthetic delight
jviii First Oriental Conference.
according to idealistic Vedanta is due to transcending the
narrow self ; while according to the realistic Sankhya,^it is
due to escaping from the natural world. Art according to
the one reveals the truth of Nature ; according to the other,
it fashions something better than Nature.
Kalidasa and Music. By Sardar G. N. MUJUMDAR,
The chief object of the essay is to show how far Kalidasa
had the practical and theoretical knowledge of music in
its three aspects />>: vocal and instrumental music and
dancing.
Kalidasa's possession of a good musical ear and a know-
ledge of the so-called ragas of the Indian music can be
evidenced from two works. The necessary stages in the
practice of music have been referred to by him. He notes
the songs or airs composed and to be chanted. We also learn
from his works that the performance of vocal music must
have the accompaniment of a drum and a stringed or wind
instrument. He appears to be well-versed in instrumental
music and discloses a wide knowledge of the principles of
nrtga and riatya. Kalidasa gives sporadic indications of his
study of the theory of music.
The chief points to be noted here are, (1) that the three-
fold connotation of the term samglta does not occur in Bha-
rata's Natyasastra, while in Kalidasa's works it is very com-
mon ; and (2) that the ragas had already been formed and
were, therefore, in vogue in the time of Kalidasa, which
Bharata does not make mention of.
Meanings of technical words and a list of original vastus
occurring in his works have been appended.
Kalidasa and Candragupta II. By S. RAY.
Current Theory. References to Candragupta ILReference
to Hun settlement in Bactria. Hence Kalidasa was the
court poet of Candragupta II in the 5th century A. D.
Classical Literature. \ ix
Refutation. References to Candragupta II not proved
Similar references abound in the Vedas, the RdmQyana, the
Mahabharata etc. Admission of reference leads to undesira-
ble conclusions. No reference to Bactria. Bahllka is north
Punjab, not Baotria. Vahksu is Sindhu not Ozus. Huns
till to the north of India in Kalidasa's time. Current
theory contradicted by the Malavikagnimitra. Kalid&sa the
court poet of Agnimitra.
Kautilya and Kalidasa. By H. A. SHAH.
The article ie too demonstrative to admit a summary
without one's missing the trend of arguments leading to cer-
tain conclusions. Roughly, it may be said that attention is
drawn to important parallelism of thoughts (and of language
also) met within the works of Kautilya and Kalidasa.
Subjects selected and treated are (1) Hunting, (2) Dis-
eased and new kings, (3) High Priest, (4) Use of technical
terms.
To take them up in a reverse order and summarize the
results :
Technical terms show crystallisation of thinking and so
far, the instance given points out how in the works of Kau-
tilya and Kalidasa, the same way of expression and getting
at the things are met with.
The position of the High Priest, the estimation in which
he is held and his functions (as seen in the Arthasastra and
Raghuvamsa) are all according to Kautilya. All the refer-
ences are supplied for one's guidance.
About diseased kings: Notions of Kalidasa run in line
with those of Kautilya who has expressed them against the
opinion of a politician named Bharadvaja.
As regards new kings: The arguments of Kautilya are
discussed in connection with the fate of a new king describ.
ed in the Malavikagnimitra.
With regard to Hunting : All the references with quota-
tions are given so that there may be no possibility of mis-
Iz First Oriental Conference.
understanding the point. Passages from works of other
authors are cited for a contrast and to make it easy, to get
at a clear idea on the subject as understood and deve-
loped by Kalidasa. Contribution of Kautilya lies in the
revision he makes and innovations he introduces or in his
recognition of them in the law book. Of that very nature
is the contribution of Kalidasa. That fact is pointed out at
length in the parallels given. Hypothesis is then put for-
ward that both Kautilya and Kalidasa belong to one age.
Some of the ideas on the subject (i. e. hunting) found in
the Arthasastra proceed from Kautilya and from nobody else.
As the language and development of arguments of Kalidasa
".re found to be as fresh as those of Kautilya, it is suggested
that very likely they are one and the same individual.
By the by, the source for the date of Pusyamitra
passingly discussed.
The Text of the Sakuntala. By B. K. THAKOBE.
1 Our manuscript authorities for this play are all
comparatively modern. They fall into four or at least thre
families. They yield three or at least two versions, th<
differences between which are numerous and important.
But the Sakuntala is a play that belongs to world-literature.
As the world progresses in culture the number of non-
Sanskritists studying it as the best product of ancient Indian
drama, is rapidly on the increase, and in Kalidasa we have
a dramatist of perfect art and transcendent genius. Cul-
tured humanity cannot tolerate three divergent Sakuntalas
or even two. Nor is it necessary. This essay attempts to
show that in many cases it discusses, we can select out of
the divergencies presented by our authorities that reading
and that arrangement of speeches which in the light of
dramatic criticism is demonstrably the best.
2 Act V from the beginning up to the entry of
Sakuntala and her party. The Devanagan version is here
the best.
3 Act III from ubhe : nivvuda mha to the end.
Classical Literature. Ixi
Here also the Devanagarl version the best. The
dramatic construction of Act III considered.
4 (1) Act VI the minister's memorandum.
The versions in which the King reads out the memoran-
dum verbatim inferior ; the others in which he only gives
a summary of it are the best.
(2,3) Act I from ido ido xahio to aarva rajSnam
drstva kincidiva sambhrantah.
Here again the Devanagarl version the best.
(4) Act V The verse na tiryag and the prose sen-
tence introducing it should be omitted. The
speech bhadre prathitam should be assigned to
the Purohita.
(5) A draft translation is offered of the Pravesaka
preceding Act VII, which is to be found only in
the Kasmlri version. A play on the stage a rich
and veried feast of all the fine arts. But the ac-
ceptance of this Pravesaka into the body of the
text is shown to be impossible.
5 (1) Act I, the king's approach to the hermitage.
Both verses should be kept ; the charioteer's remark
should be placed between them.
The geography of hermitage and the marginal upavuna
between it and the primeval forest.
(2) Beginning of Act IV.
All four verses should be kept, and in fhe Bengali order.
Tune-analysis of the first four Acts.
(3) Beginning of Act III.
All the eight verses from Jane to abhyunnata should be
kept ; at the most vrthaiva the 5th might be omitted,
although there is no clear reason even for that The
dramatic construction of Act III further considered.
(4) Act VI After asmatparam the speeches of the
apsaras, ceti and the King (this last including
the verse amula follow in the Bengali and Kas-
Ixii First Oriental Conference.
ralrl versions, and it is at the end of this last
verse that the King swoons. These speeches
should be kept.
(5) Sakuntala's afmagata speech (Act III immedia-
tely after the king's inquiry about Sakuntala's
health and Priyamvada's reply) should be kept.
6 (1) Act I When the maidens draw their own con-
clusion from the signet-ring, the king's speech
should be:
SHCWHW 3Wiar i Uii : qf^trs zp^ i
and not the longer to be found in the Devanagarl
version.
(2) Act II In the lirst verse the end of the first half
should be :
(3) Act IX Anasuya's first speech should be:
(4) Act IV Anasuya's second speech.
The Kasmlri version with only the word pahasa change
to pavdsa the best. Thus it would be read:
I W ?lff^l*J"ft
Textual criticism an indispensable part or limb but only
a part or limb of literary criticism in the widest, deepest,
hightest and truest sense.
(5) Act V In the muchdescussed verse f%
l&f f <*3 ufcT R*j<5idi D$ ' is the best reading.
(6) Act VI In the Prevesaka the following words to
be found in the Bengali and Kasmlrl versions
should be kept.
(7) Act VI In karya saikafa read camara for harina as
the Bengali and Kasralrl versions.
(8) Act VI After the king's proclamation read
Claarical Literature.
as in the Bengali and Kftsmlri
versions.
Note 10 Act II ^Tf^t read sftftg ^T: or
(9) Aot VI. For the concluding speech of the a/>-
saras the Kasmlri version is the best.
(10) Aot VII. At the entry into the hermitage of
Marici read as beginning of Matali's speech,
Many other instances could be given in which free use
of our materials and a consideration of the drama as a whole
and in each of its parts as work of art conceived and ela-
borated by genius, could enable us to pick out from amongst
the variants or in a very few exceptional cases even piece
together a reading, dramatically the best ; a reading about
which, Kalidasa being Kalidasa, we can draw the further
inference that it is Kalidasa's original reading about any of
the other variants. And thus out of the Bengali, Devanagarl
and Kasmiri Sakuntala's which textual criticism gives us
and beyond which mere textual criticism can never hope to
advance, we can perhaps reconstruct the play as Kalidasa
wrote it.
VI. Persian and Arabic.
Okhaharana in the Shahnameh. By P. B. DESAI.
The Mahabharata and the Shahnameh are the two most
well-known epics of India and Persia. Peoples of both coun-
tries had cl'sc intercourse fro-n ancient times. They were
the last of the Aryan races to separate from the Centra!
Asian Home. The Aryans had many myths and legends,
the mos innocently lovely was the sun and dawn myth.
Many stories have baen composed in many lands in imi-
tation of th it myth, one of the.n bein<* the love-story of Okha
and Aniruddha in the 19th Parva of the Mahabharata. There
is a story of Bizhan and Manizheh in the Shahnameh which
seems to be a copy of that Mahabharata story in Persian
verse.
The points of comparison are enumerated and discussed
in the paper. It is the opinion of some mythologists that
most of the Aryan myths and stories have common origin and
have independent growth. The writer of the paper tries to
prove that the story of Bizhan and Manizheh was a glaring
instance of "conscious borrowing" or was directly imported
into Persia from India.
There are more than one stories in the Shahnameh
which seem to be borrowed fro.n the Mahabharata, Rama-
yana etc.
ng Akbnr and the Persian Translations from Sanskrit.
R>i J. J. Modi.
The object of the paper is to present a brief account of
the attempts of King Akbar to get some important
boo^ ,U'd into Persian. Our sources of information
are t: bari of Abul Fazl and the Muntakhab-ut-Ta-
warikh of Badaoni. It seems, that oarnt by
Persian^ ii >.v and then, lung before Akbar's time. We k:
avi book whicl- urcc ol
Ixvi First Oriental Conference.
Calila and Damna, was a rendering of an Indian book in the
time of Chosroes I ( Noshirwan the Just ), who had close re-
lations with India. The time of Calif Haroun Al Rashid is
spoken of as the " golden age " in Mahomedan history, and
that of his famous son Al Mamoun as the "Augustan age"
of Arabic literature. Al Mamoun held, like Akbar, some re-
ligious conferences at his court. The Pahlavi Gajask-i-Aba-
lish is a result of one of such conferences where Indian scho-
larsh also must be present. The Indian medical works of
Caraka and Susruta had been rendered into Arabic. It is
said, that two Hindu doctors held the position of court phy-
sicians at the court of Harun Al Rashid. Elliot gives us an
interesting chapter on the knowledge of Sanskrit by Maho-
medans before Akbar's time. According to Ferishta, Feroze
Taghlak had got translated into Persian some Sanskrit works
out of about 1300 he found in a Hindu temple at Nagarkote
in the Kangra Valley, which he conquered and which u
known as that of the Jwala-mukhl (volcanic) on account oi
a constantly burning subterranean flame. The celebrated
Persian poet Amir Khushro had supplied some materials foi
thought to Persians of literary taste, like those at the court
of Akbar, in his Nuh Sepehr(Nine Spheres), wherein, in his
third sphere, he spoke of Indian languages and especially of
Sanskrit.
Akbar, as a boy, was truant and his father had to rebuke
him mildly for his illiteracy. But, as a King, he grew up to
be one of the best kings of India, and his court was, as it
were, " une veritable academie ". He had founded a large
royal library, books from which were regularly read to him
by different readers ( khanandah). He got books translated
from Greek(yunani), Arabic and Sanskrit. Among the Sans-
krit books, so translated, we find the following: Kishan Joshi;
the Gangadhar; the Mohesh Mahanand; the Mahabharata
under the name of Razm-namah i. e. the Book of Wars ; the
Ramayana, said to be "a book of ancient Hindustan, which
contains the life of Ramacandra, but is full of interesting
points of philosophy": At'harban (the Atharva Veda); the
Lllawati, said to be " one of the most excellent works writ-
ten by Indian mathematicians on arithmetic ".; Haribans,
(Harivamsa) a book containing the life of Krisna; Nal va
Persian and Arabic. \\\\\
Daman (Nala DamayantI ); Singhasan Battisi; and Jog Bai-
ahta (Yoga V&sishta). The translations of some of these were
entrusted jointjy to more than one scholar, among whom we
see the names of well-known scholars of the times, likeA bul
Fazl, Faizi, Badaoni, and Nakib Khan.
I produce before the conference, for inspection, three
MSB of these translations. Two of these are of the Maha-
bharata, and one, of the Jog-Basisht, which is mentioned
neither by Abul Fazl nor by Badaoni but by a Hindu writer
of Persian, Hari Charan Das, in his Chahar Oulzar Shujai, as
mentioned by Elliot.
Abul Fazul speaks of the Mahabharata as one of the an-
cient books of Hindustan containing nearly 100000 verses. He
says, that though there are in it many extravagant tales,
yet "it affords many instructive moral observations and is
an ample record of felicitous experience." The recital of its
concluding portion known as Harivarhsa, was a cure to ste-
rility. Abul Fazul, who was, as it were, the Sir William
Hunter of Akbar's Court, has given in his Ain-i-Akbnri, the
Gazetteer of Akbar's time, a long account of the contents of
the Mahabharata. According to Badaoni, some attributed
to it an antiquity of 4000 years, and some, of 80000 years. The
idea of getting the book translated came to Akbar as if with
a Hash of thought, when he was hearing the reading of some
Persian books, which, he said, were, after all, results of poetic
imagination. He took the Hindu books to be such as were
written by "holy and staid sages 1 ' and "were all clear and
convincing proofs and which were the very pivot on which all
their religion and faith and holiness turned They are by
no means trite but quite fresh and they will produce all kinds
of fruits of felicity, both temporal and spiritual." With
thoughts like these, he at once ordered a translation. Three
court-scholars were at first entrusted with the work and a
number of learned Brahmins were asked to interpret and help.
For the first fe>w nights. Akbar himself took an active part in
the work, ile heard the interpretations of the Brahmins, and
explained what they Raid to one of the translator* Nakib
Khan In all, the nameH f six scholars are a**ocite(l
the Mahibhirata T> Badaoni. one of th translator*, who
liviii First Oriental Conference.
was one of the most bigoted Mahomedans. the translation of
a non Moslem religious book was a work of sin, and Akbar, at
onetime suspecting that he at times let his bigotry creep into
the translation, went to the extent of calling him haramkhor
(one earning his livelihood unlawfully). Akbar seemed to be-
lieve in the transmigration of souls, and so, it was the trans-
lation of a passage referring to the theory of Karma that led
to this rebuke. The translation when completed was illus-
trated with paintings, the art of which flourished at Akbar's
Court.
Now an important question is : Are the Persian trans-
lations of Sanskrit books literal faithful translations or more
or less, paraphrases, or very free renderings or summing-
ups. It seems, that however learned the scholars of Akbar's
court were, they were not very proficient in Sanskrit. It
likely, that all the translators knew some Sanskrit, but tha>
was not enough. They had with them a number of learnet
Brahmins to assist them as interpreters. Notwithstanding
their assistance, their Persian translations are not, what we
now understand to be, faithful translations from the original.
Unfortunately, I cannot compare directly the Sanskrit of the
Mahabharata with the Persian, but, with the help of Mr. P.
C. Ray's translation, I have compared as typical examples,
the first sections of the first two parvas, and find, that they
are very free renderings with omissions here and there, but
not translations. To eriable my readers to judge for them-
selves, I give at the end of the paper, the original Sanskrit,
Mr. Ray's translation, the Persian text and my own transla-
tion of the first section of the second parva, the Sabha-
parva. For the Persian text and my translation, I have
followed an old Persian manuscript of the Mullan Firuz
Library in the K. R. Cama Institute. It is written in the
Shikasta style. It was latterly, well nigh at the end of
my study for this paper, that I got a better-written copy
from the B. B. R. A. Society. I give at the end the
Persian text from that Ms also, to enable one to judge of th
translation.
Persian and Arabic.
The unknown Yft in Persian, By SHAIKH ABDUL
KADAR SARFRAZ.
The Paper is divided into two parts.
Part I : (1) Prevailing misunderstanding amongst
Persian scholars as regards the pronunciation of those words
in which the majhulat letters occur ;
(2) The two ways in which these words are generally
pronounced : (a) the Persian and (6) the Indian ;
(3) The Persian pronunciation is invariably regarded
as the only correct one and the Indian is generally
condemned as wrong and un-Persian;
(4) The writer's opinion :
(a) that the socalled Indian pronunciation is not at
all Indian;
(t>) that it is purely and properly Persian :
(r) that under certain circumstances it is scientifically
more correct ;
(d) that the modern Persian pronunciation, appears, in
a sense, as degenerate as it is foreign to Persian ;
(5) To prove this, four arguments have been advanced :
(a) arguments based on signification of terms ;
(/>) argument based on historical and philological
evidence;
(c) argument based on testimony of standard Persian
poets;
Part II: (6) The nature of "Ya-e-raajhur.
(7) Its principal varieties ;
(8) A list of useful words containing the "Yi-ft-majhul."
VII. Dravidian.
Dravidiain Tense-suffixes. ByR SWAMINATHA AIYAB.
/ Introductory.
1 The views put forward in this paper and the sugges-
ted inferences therefrom are at variance with the present
theory in regard to the Dravidian Languages. The paper
should not be regarded as propounding any considered theory
but only as furnishing materials for a fresh consideration of
the subject.
2 Caldwell's theory was that the Dravidians were not
an autochthonous Indian people but were immigrants speak-
ing a Turanian language, who entered by the north-west
passes; he was of opinion that the Dravidian languages had
a few Indo-European giammatical affinities acquired by
contiguity in the remote pre-historic past, but that their
grammatical structure was essentially different and that
they should be affiliated to the Turanian family.
3 The Authors "of the Linguistic Survey of India are
of opinion that the Dravidian is an isolated family of langu-
> ages, that all attempts to connect them with other lingui-
stic families outside India are regarded as failures, as also
attempts to establish a closer relationship with the Indo-
European family. They mention several particulars in
which the Dravidian languages are supposed to have influen-
ced Aryan inflection.
// Alleged influence of the Dravidian Languages on
Aryan Inflection. '
1 The replacement in Classical Sanskrit of verbal ten-
ses by participles generally, and the increasing use of con-
junctive participles in subordinate sentences. The reply to
this is that the participles which the Aryan languages are
said to have imitated are formed after the Aryan model and
with Aryan materials, as will appear in the course of this>
paper.
2 It is stated in the Linguistic Survey that the periphra-
stic future in Sanskrit is based on the Dravidian model It
Izxii
First Oriental Conference.
is overlooked here that there was a periphrastic future in
the Avesta. Indo-Germanic philologists carry back the
origin of such formations to the pre-ethnic period.
3 It is stated that the active past participle krtavant
is based on the Tamil model seydavan. Here also the Aves-
tic parallel is overlooked ; the form krtavant has its roots
in the Indo-Iranian period. If the various forms which the
masculine nominative singular of the demonstrative pro-
noun assumes in the Dravidian languages be examined, it
turns out that such Dravidian language imitates the Aryan
present participle with which it is most familiar. Tamil
avan imitates the Vedic bharan ; the Badaga and the oh
Kanarese avim imitates the Magadhi bharam ; the Telugu
vandu and Madras Gondi ondu imitates Vararuci's bin
ranto very common in Pali; the Kui Eanju imitates the
Avestic form baras. Further, it also appears that the Dra-
vidian declension in n for names of rational beings and th(
declension in t for the names of irrational things corresporu
to the masculine bharan and the neuter bharat ; while man?
Dravidian case postpositions are merely loans from Pn
krit.
4 In the last two instances, Dravidian forms which
must have come into existence within the last 2500 years
are stated to have served as models to forms which are at
least 5000 years old. In order to ascertain the relative anti-
quity of forms we should know v. hat forms were in use in
the earliest stage of the development of Dravidian langua-
ges, what changes have taken place in them since then, and
bow these changes have been brought about. It is also ne-
cessary to know what were the Aryan vernaculars spoken in
India, prior to and about the beginning of the Christian Era.
HI Old Anj-tn Vcnmt-ut'irs.
1 The antiquity of the Vedic dialects. Thibaut's esti-
mate of 1200 B. C., Jacobi-Tilak's estimate of 4000 B. C.,
MacDonell's estimate of 800 B. C. Grid-son's estimate of 2000
B. C. adopted as a working hypothesK
2 Indo-Iranian period taken as 2500 to 3000 B. C.
3 Prakritic dialects. The earliest specimens of Pra
Dravidian. Ixxiii
kritic language in the Asoka inscriptions of 250 B. C. Four
points noted :
(1) The extensive use of causal formations with the
interposed p.
(2) The corrupt pronunciation of the Sanskrit con-
junct consonant tv as tp.
(3) The use of the so-called adverbial present parti-
oiple.
(4) The absolute indifference to the final vowel in many
oases in the inscriptions.
4 Pallava Prakrit inscriptions of the early Christian
Centuries in the Telugu countries. The use of the Prakritic
future in ejja, and of the conjunctive participles in tvria
and funum.
5 Vararuci's Prakrtaprakasa, 1st Century B. C. Lite-
rature in the Maharastrl Prakrit, Kaocayana's Pali gram-
mar. Buddhist canonical works.
6 Caruia's PrakritalakMinam-The tradition in regard
to the redaction of the canonical works of the Jains inArdha-
magadhl at council of Vallabhi in the 5th Century A. D.
IV Dravidian Languages.
1 Tamil has a literature older than the oldest Tamil in*
scriptions which begin only from the 7th Century A. D. This
literature is referred by some to the 3rd or 2nd Century A. D.
Marked difference between the old and the modern Tamil.
2 Mdlayalam. Old inscriprions found in Malabar are
wholly in Tamil. Inscriptions in Malayalam and Malaya-
lam literature are quite recent.
3 Kanare.se inscriptions begin in the 6th Century. The
earliest literature extant cannot be referred to a period ear-
lier than the ( . th Century.
4 The earliest 7W//</u work extant is referred to the llth
century, but the inscriptions begin earlier, one of them being
referred to the 7th or 8th century.
V Tense Suffixes in Dravidian.
A. Tamil.
1 Wrbal bases. Definition of it base*.
10
Ixxiv First Oriental Conference.
2 Accent. Classification of verbs accented on the final
vowel. Classification of other verbs.
3 Present tense suffixes kiru and kinru, corruptions in
colloquial language and vulgar speech.
4 Past tense suffixes t, d and n.
5 Future tense suffixes pp, v and b.
6 Participles, the Infinitive and miscellaneous.
B. Old Tamil.
1 Tolkappiyam.
2 Past tense formed as in modern Tamil.
3 The K Aorist.
4 The T Aorist.
5 The P conjugation which furnishes the modern future
tense.
6 The use of the 2nd person singular Imperative as
the basis of new verbal formations.
7 The absence of kiru and the rare use of kinru.
8 Participles, the Infinitive and the Subjunctive.
C. Malay alam
1 The use of participles as finite verbs without per-
sonal endings.
2 The present tense suffix kunnu-
3 The past and the future formed as in Tamil.
D. Kanarese.
\ Extension of u bases in modern Kanarese.
2 The present tense suffixes uta and utta. Criticism
of Kittel's view that the final e of the present tense connotes
emphasis.
3 The archaic present tense in dap or tap, and the
change of meaning which it is supposed to have undergone
in its present corrupted form without either of-the conso-
nants d or p of the suffix.
4 The past tense suffix d changed in some cases to t.
"> The future tense in v.
G Old special formations in knni and-.'/M/w.
/>/./.
7 The participles and tin- Infinitive.
E. Tehi
1 Extension of u bases by the addition of the suffix chu,
to all other bases u.
2 Two present tense suffixes. (1) chun or tun (2) ta.
3 Four past tense suffixes. 1 yu t 2 ittu, 3 ina t 4 en from
yan, this last used only in the 3rd person singular and
neuter plural without personal endings.
4 Two future suffixes e and edd, having alternative
forms in the 3rd person singular and neuter plural.
5 One Aorist tense in du (old hi), the forms in the 3rd
person being derived from the base without any tense suffix.
(') Participles, the Infinitive and miscellaneous.
F. General Remarks-
1 Great changes in the conjugation of verbs .since the
pro-Dravidian period.
2 Loss of the X" aorist in Telugu and Kanarese leaving
only a few verbal bases in yu.
3 Loss of the t aorist in all the languages except Telugu.
4 Loss of the p tense in Telugu, leaving only infini-
tives in pan and some active verbs ending in pit.
5 Loss of the tya past tense in Tamil.
6 Extension of Telugu verbal stems by the formative
suffix chu, and Kanarese causal stems b;
7 Formation of new present tenses with kirn, and
kii.iru in Tamil, with tii and (urn or chun in Telugu, and with
uta or iitta in Kanarese.
8 Formation of new future tenses in Telugu with e and
da.
'.' All the new forms enumerated above appear to be
based on the model >f grammatical forms in Prakrit and
Sanskrit, and filmed with materials taken from those lan-
guages. The same remark applie^ to - -me of the old forms in
the pro-Dravidian stage.
I"/. D(>riidti(,)i f fli,' />nirif//ttn suffixes.
A. ('fr'niii Mi. -<;! In n?(ntx /O/-//LV
1 Telusru chit and Kanarese BU. I'aldwell's identiticn-
Uon of these fonnstiTe suffixes with Tamil /./,</ rejected au
Ixxvi First Oriental Conference.
being based on the equation of wrong elements. Suggested
identification of these suffixes with the Atmanepada suffixes
of the 2nd person singular imperative in Pali and Maharastrl
respectively, viz. ssu and su.
2 Suggested identification of the Dravidian causal suf-
fixes i, vi, pi with the Indo-Iranian suffixes, i t pi. The view
of Caldwell that the Dravidian causals may be derived from
the Dravidian verbal nouns with the addition of the verb
"to give."
3 Identification of the Telugu benedictive suffix tat
with tarn, the suffix of the Atmanepada singular 2nd person
imperative in Pali.
4 Identification of the Telugu benedictive suffix edui
with the Tamil-Malayalam suffix in phrases like avan vala-
num or valenum which is taken to be a corruption of the
anomalous vendum, 'it is required' but appears to be derived
really from the Vedic suffixes in the gerundives of the form
susrusenyam.
5 Identification of Tamil benedictive suffixes, i,iya,iyat
with the forms which the Vedic suffix ty takes in the verbs
bhunjita, bhunjlyatam, bhunjlran.
6 Identification of the Telugu future suffix e with the
ending of the Parasmaipada Potentials in Prakrit which
appear to have been of the same form bhave in all persons and
numbers for which forms are available.
7 Suggested identification of the Telugu future suffix
eda with the cjja and ejja which are stated by Vararuci
( vii 20, 34) to have been used as finals in the definite future;
ja t being pronounced dentally in Telugu, may become da;
instances of such change.
8 If these identifications are correct, the remarkable
fact comes out that the immigrants from the north were in
the habit of adding Aryan suffixes to Dravidian verbs
B. Past tense suffixes.
1 The suffixes tva and ya in classical Sanskrit. The
forms tvi t tva, tvaya, tya, ya in the Vedic dialects ; and thwa,
twa, ta and ya in the Avesta. The changed forms in Prakrit
are:
(a) dua in SaursenI for two verbs gam, AT.
Dravidi Ixxvli
(ft) tunatn and tiina in the Pallava inscriptions.
ir) ttu, tta, ttum,ppi in Arsa Prakrit
('/.) ya appears with a long vowel in two-thirds of the
number of forms in the Vedas. It becomes ia in
1'rakrit and * in the Apabhramsa.
2 The conjunctive participle of bases ending in u in all
Dravidian languages are formed by suffixing i to the base
which then loses the final u. This corresponds to the ending
of conjunctive participles in Apabhrarhsa and most of the
neo-Aryan vernaculars.
3 The form kotfya in Telugu to which personal endings
are affixed is on the same model as the majority of vedio
forms in i/<i.
4 The old Tamil forms ///a are bases on the Prakritio
model in in.
5 The Tamil-Telugu suffix ina corresponds to the Ardha-
magadhi suffix yanam which has become i-ne in Gujarat i,
and inu, in etc., in several Bhill and other dialects spoken in
Gujaratl and the adjoining parts.
The view of Sir Herbert Risley who considers the ne of
the Gujarat! suffix to be a remnant of tane and of L. P. Tessi-
tori who considers it to be a corrupted remnant of knne
examined and rejected.
6 Telugu suffix ittu identified with the Arsa Prakrit
suffix tfu which will become ittu after consonantal bases.
Tamil suffixes ttu and tu also fall under this head.
7 Kanarese du and Tamil nclu which is perhaps merely
(in nasalised to preserve the medial pronunciation may he
compared to Saurasdnl dun which like to may drop the final a
and become (In.
C. Present tense suffixes.
1 Tamil kirn identified with the Sanskrit root kr " to
do" which is used largely in the neo-Aryan vernaculars as
an auxiliary verb to form conjunctive participles.
Caldwell's and Sten Konow's explanations of this suffix
examined.
2 Tamil kinrn and Malayalam kunnu. Identified
w th Prakrit verb kuna arising from krtiu, the Sanskrit verb
i First Oriental Conference.
kr with the oonjugational suffix. Telugu pleonastic konu
referred to the same origin.
Neo-Aryan analogies. Explanations of Hoernle and
Tessitori.
3 Telugu ta. Probably tarn the genitive plural ter-
mination of the present participle in Prakrit.
4 Telugu chun, tun. Usual explanation referring these
to the Malayalam kun questioned.
5 Kanarese uta, utta. Suggested identification with
huttam and hutto, two of the forms of the present participle
of bhu "to be" in the Maharastrl Prakrit.
D. Future tense suffixes.
1 Dravidian p, (>, v and its correspondence in meaning
and in use with the neo-Aryan b derived from the gerun-
dive suffix tavya. Suggested derivation of the Dravidian
p, b, v, from the Vedic-Avestic gerundive suffix tva. Possible
affiliation of Kanarese dap with tavya.
2 Suggested derivation of the suffixes indicating quality
or condition from the Sanskrit tvam.
E. Aorist suffixes.
1 Dravidian ku. Perhaps derived from the Sanskrit
kr which assumes the form ku in colloquial Tamil in the
verbs irukku, kulakku. Hindi analogies.
2 Dravidian t. Possible analogies in the Vedic and
Avestic dialects.
Conclusion.
If the above identifications or even a portion of them be
accepted, it necessarily follows that the so-called Dravidian
languages have undergone vast structural changes since they
came to be spoken by immigrants from the north. This paper
refers only to tense-suffixes; but a consideration of the per-
sonal endings and of the vocabulary brings out the same tale.
Old Telugu Literature. By K. SlTARAMAIYA.
The Andhras are an old race having references about
them in many ancient works like the Aitwyn
Ixzix
nml tho Mntniiili<ii'i',i. They became powerful and reigned
over vast territories. They can be traced back to 1000 B. C.
The language of this race was originally a spoken dialect
and the alphabet was invented later. From indications in
some Sanskrit works, the Telugu script appears to be older
than the Sanskrit one, though some authorities maintain
that it was modelled after that of Sanskrit. PaisacI, a
vernacular Prakrit which is now extinct and which once
possessed a glorious literature, is considered to be the mother
of the Dravidian sisters. Telugu, though a Dravidian language,
has so much transformed itself that almost all Telugu gram-
marians speak, of Sanskrit as its />/v//r.-//. Telugu has three
names in vogue-r*>.Telugu,Tenugu and AndhrabhSsa. PaisacI
literature should have served as one of the sources of Telugu
literature. But the influence of Sanskrit literature is para-
mount, and in the domain of prosody Kanarese influence
may be identified. Religion, being the first inspiring topic
of any poetry, should have been such even in Telugu litera-
ture, and almost the whole range of later Telugu literature
has religion for its background. Though prose is of a later
origin in any literature, oldest Telugu works are in mixed
prose and poetry but this prose has all the qualities of poetry
except rhyme. 1500 A. D. may be considered as the lower
limit of old Telugu literature, and Nannayabhattu may be
taken as the pivot, because he stands at the threshold of
history. Nannayabhattu is praised as the traditional first
Telugu poet, but there is ample evidence to prove the con-
trary Some literature before him has been recently found
out,which consists of an inscription ascribed toYuddhamallu
who lived in the ninth century A. D. and a metrical com-
position Kum&rasaMibkBoa by Nannecoda, a Calukya king
who lived in the tenth century A. D. Both of them are full
of linguistic data to prove their pre-eristence. Their perusal
at once proves to the reader, that they belong to a period
when there was greater relationship between Telugu and
ravidian sisters, than at present. Gradually Sanskrit
uro began to wield its influence. The whole period
Ictwoen the earliest Telugu poetry to 1500 A. D. may be
roughly r:illMl the ,1 e of translation. /*//<;/'/'/. lihagnvata,
l\(ti/i,i//.,n/i ;iri<l many ^anskrit Puranns were translated.
First Oriental Conference.
Later, translation gave its place to adaptation, and Kavyas
took the place of Puranas. From a combination of the
Puranic and Kavya styles a fresh literary type called the
" Prabandha " was evolved, and it was perfected by the
beginning of the sixteenth century. This Prabandha style
held the field nearly for three centuries till the end of the
last century. The literature of these three centuries is
purely imitative, and lacks in originality. A reaction has
set in and poets have begun to take license, sometimes
violating even the laws of metre. Drama, Novel, Essays,
and almost all types of literary composition are being at-
tempted with some degree of success, and the present is the
period of renaissance to Telugu literature.
Telugu language and literature. By G. SOMANNA.
1 Extent of Telugu language: Area and population-
2 Antiquity of the Andhra race: References ii
Aitareya Brahamna, the Ramayana and Mahabharata an<
writings of Megasthenes.
3 Derivation of names Andhra aiul Telugu.
4 Contribution by Andhras to Sanskrit culture: Bhavt
bhuti, Madhava, Vidyaranya, Jagannatha Pandita, Vidya
natha, Mallinathasuri, Caitanya and Vallabhacarya.
5 Affinities of Telugu with other languages: Scythian,
Dravidian, and Sanskritic.
6 Sanskritic element in Telugu: Substantives, Pro-
nouns, Compounds, Verbs and Adverbs.
7 Classification of Telugu words: Tatsama, Tadbhava
Desya and Anyadesya.
8 Earliest literature: First Telugu work and first Telugu
grammar; the influence of these on subsequent literature.
9 Grammatical controversy : Classical Telugu and
modern Telugu ; relative merits and demerits.
.10. Subsequent literature: Prabandha, Drama, Novel,
Journal, and Periodical.
finividian. lull
The Pronunciation of the hard / in Dravidian langu-
ages. BU C. P. VENKATARAMA AIYAR.
The aim of this paper is to determine the exact place of
articulation of the consonant known as the hard r in Dravi-
dian languages, and ascertain also the manner in which it
is articulated.
This has al ways been a moot point in Dravidian philology.
Philologists hold conflicting views on this point. Some think
that the hard r is only a rougher variety of the lingual r
while others hold that it is a characteristic Dravidian con-
sonant which is pronounced tr. Nor is the evidence furnish-
ed by grammars in the several Dravidian languages quite
conclusive. The author of a grammar in Kanarese thinks
that r and r have the same place of articulation. The
author of a grammar in Malayalam classifies them under
cerebral consonants. In Telugu the hard / still exists in
many words of Dravidian stock, which are current even to
this day in the same form and meaning in other Dravidian
languages also.
The evidence from orthography is very interesting study,
as it helps us to establish the fact that / and r are different.
The hard r which occurs in Old Telugu and in Old Kanarese
has been replaced in very many cases by the lingual r,
though at one time the hard r did exist in these languages
in old orthography, as well as in the pronunciation to a
certain extent. But there is a tendency to ignore the hard
r or often to confuse it with the lingual r due chiefly to a
lack of proper appreciation of the sound values of these
consonants. This perhaps accounts for the curious appella-
tion by which some people would denote the hard/-. They
speak of it as the big r, as opposed to the lingual r which is
named the little r. There is no point jn such an unscienti-
fic nomenclature.
The hard / docs not exist in Sanskrit. It exists only
in the Dravidian languages and hence the investigation in
ri-spoct of the pronunciation of this consonant is confined
to the sifting' of the available materials in the Dravidian
languages bearing upon this point
11
Ixxxii First Oriental Conference.
The materials that exist for this purpose are extensive
enough and go back to very early times in the history of the
Dravidian languages.
(1) There is first of all the testimony of ancient
grammarians whose direct statements about the
sounds in the language are valuable for the in-
vestigation in phonology. Especially, Tamil gram,
mar, historically studied, throws considerable light
upon the problem. The rules in the Tamil gram-
mars, as well as the interpretation of such rules
by different commentators, go to show that r is a
peculiar Dravidian consonant which exists in the
languages from very early times.
(2) The indirect evidence of spelling is also as relia-
ble as the statement of phoneticians. Orthogra-
phy brings out, especially in inscriptions, certaii
special phonetic features.
(3) An important criterion is metre. In the Dravi-
dian languages, words containing hard r do not
rhyme with words containing the lingual r. Bui
in consonantal assonance the hard / generally
rhymes with breathed stops.
(4) In common with the plosives, the hard r whei
doubled sounds as a breathed consonant. The
real pronunciation of stop consonants is hearc
only in such words where they are doubled.
When they occur medially and singly, they are
spirants and partake of the nature of voiced con-
sonants.
(5) The hard r is never used as an absolute final,
whereas the lingual r is absolute final.
(6) In words where the hard r occurs as the final
sound, an enunciatory vowel comes in as an off-
glide to silence. In this aspect the hard r be-
haves as a stop consonant.
(7) The stop consonants p, t, c, etc., shorten the vo-
wel quantity of the final enunciatory vowels in
dissyllablic words. In vowel sandhi this vowel,
Dravidian. lixxiii
which is not very audible, is elided- Such vowels
are elided in sandhi when they occur after hard r
as well. No such final enunciatory vowel is re
quired to pronounce final lingual r.
(8) The place of articulation of the hard ; is given in
a separate rule of grammar, distinct from those
in which the various other consonants are des-
cribed. This would suggest that the hard r has a
distinct and well-defined place of articulation.
(9) r being a rolled sound, a double r in words is
impossible, whereas double r is very common.
(10) Both r and r are not absolute initials. This is
the only point in which they apparently agree.
Bat the celebral stop also is not absolute initial
in Dravidian languages. Hence this proves no-
thing.
(11) The several pairs of words of one syllable having
the same form apparently, but differing in mean-
ing according as they contain the hard r or the
lingual r, in the Dravidian languages, establish
the distinction between them.
(12) In the combination of consonants, the hard r
combines only with the guttural and labial stops,
but not with the dental or the celebral stops pro-
bably because the place of articulation of the hard
/ is very near the area where these are produced.
(i:i) The hard / has a corresponding nasal which is
distinct from the dental nasal and functions cha-
racteristically as an absolute final.
(14) The past participle of m< ,ble vt:
themes ending in r is formed by reduplication of
the / In all the Dravidian languages. In thib
matter r behaves as a stop.
(15) In Orthography in Tamil, when a word ending
in lingual r comes in contact with a word begin-
ning witb a stop consonant like k. c, p. the stop
.n<i if. doubled, the inoominc st.p being in the
Ixxxiv First Oriental Conference.
nature of an off-glide from one manner of activity
to another. No such glide sound is audible when
r is followed by k, c, or p.
(16) In borrowings from Sanskrit into Tamil, the
dental mute before the other explosives in such
words is replaced by the hard r in Tamil.
The cumulative effect of the foregoing investigation
would lead to the irresistible conclusion (hat the hard r is
an alveolar plosive\ and that the hard r and its correspond-
ing nasal with which the enumeration of the Tamil conso-
nantal system ends, are characteristic Dravidian consonants,
which are still preserved in Tamil.
VIII. -Philosophy.
Vaisnavism in South India before Ratnanuja. /?// S.
KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR.
The history of Vaisnavism before Ramanuja in the
Tamil country reaches back to very early times. Sir R, G.
Bhandarkar, in his book on Vnixnarixm Xaivism etc., con-
tributed to the Encyclopaedia of Indo-Aryan Research,
has taken the following positions in respect of this history.
The Vaisnava religion was propagated by a series of teachers,
the earlier among whom are generally known as saints
(Alvars), and the later of them teachers ( Acaryas ). The
latter class goes back five generations from Ramanuja for its
beginning, and the former class begins before that time and
counts 12 names among them. In regard to these latter, Sir
Ramkrishna takes up the following positions :
1 That Alvar Kulasekhara must have lived some time
about the middle of the 12th century;
2 That, in consequence, the order in which these are
usually named is unreliable; and
3 That the earliest of these Alv&rs must have flourish-
ed about the time of the revival of Brahmaniem and
Hinduism in the north, and therefore about the 5th
or 6th century A. D., admitting the possibility, how-
ever, that Vaisnavism might have penetrated to the
south as early as the first century A. D.
An examination in some detail of these positions sepa-
rately goes to prove that Alvar Kulasekhara must have lived
long anterior to the 12th century A. D. There is an ins-
cription of A. D. 1088 making provision for the recital of one
of his works. The commendatory verse to his work
PeruraalTiromoli is made by Manakkal Nambi four genera-
tions before Ramanuja On other general historical ground*
Kulasekhara may have to be ascribed to the (Uh or 7th cen-
tury A D.
Tn rflearH to the second of his positions, there has been a
traditional order rac<>gnified from the day* of Riminuj^
Ixxxv First Oriental Conference.
order seems to have been regularised and put into its present
form by Vedanta Desika in his work Prabandhasaram,
which seems to have been adopted by the greater hagiolo-
gists who were followers of Desika. But the question has
really to be settled not on the details of history preserved by
the hagiologists, but by a study of their own works, which
in many cases, provide internal evidence for ascribing thei
to particular periods. Examining these carefully, we cai
ascribe, for very good reasons, the last of the traditional Ti-
rumangai Alvar to somewhere about the middle of the 8tl
century, Periyalvar to the beginning of the 7th century an<
the early Alvars, Poygai Alvar and his two companions, t(
the age of the Sangam in the early centuries of the Chris-
tian era. Neglecting the two Alvars whose works form
comparatively negligible portion of the Prabandham, th<
others lend themselves to this classification which goes a
long way in supporting the order, such as is recognised by
the Vaisnavas, whatever errors of detail may be discovered
in the accounts preserved by the hagiologists. In regard to
Nammalvar a careful examination of all the evidence ad-
duced goes to prove that he must be given a place imme-
diately after the first Alvars, a position ascribed to him in
the traditional order.
Apart from the history of these Alvars merely, there are
numbers of references in secular literature to Vaisnavism,
specially in the work of the Sangam collection called
Paripatfal. There is a clear evidence in this of a know-
ledge of the Puranas etc., and of the Pancaratra Agama;
there is even direct reference to the Saiva Agamas. On a
broad review of the information that is available in early
Tamil literature, it comes out that Vaisnavism in the Tamil
country certainly goes back to the commencement of the
Christian era as Sir Ramkrishna surmised ; and the form
in which that Vaisnavism comes to our notice in this early
literature would presume an anterior history for this Vais-
navism, which might take us back to the beginnings of its
history much anterior to the commencement of the Chris-
tian era. This investigation raisos various other issues such,
as the date of the Ramayaya, the date of the Mnhahhurnta,
Philosophy. lixivii
the age of Manu, each one of which will have to be investi-
gated separately. These investigations might lead to con-
siderable revision of the views at present holding the field
on many of these particular questions.
Fallacies in Indian Logic. By G. C. BHATE.
1 The definition and classification of fallacies from
the logical and psychological point of view.
2 The object of the paper is to bring out the true nature
of fallacies of Indian logic and show the falsity of the view
which compares them with the formal fallacies of Aristotelian
logic.
3 The similarity and peculiarity of Indian analysis of
reasoning. Its admission of a xinyle type of Barbara, hence
no moods and figures.
4 Contrast between the Aristotelian and Indian presen-
tation of the probative force of an argument; the Aristote-
lian was mathematical, while the Indian was discursive and
dialectical. Hence the importance of distribution of terms
in Aristotelian syllogism and its absence in Indian syllogism.
5 Meaning and significance of technical terms in In-
dian conception of reasoning. The force of the argument
depends upon the right or wrong reason.
6 The theory of fallacy based on this conception.
7 Description and exemplification of the five funda-
mental fallacies of Indian logic-
8 Their similarities and dissimilarities.
9 The correct conception of the error in argument fif>m
the modern point of view.
10 All the Indian fallacies turn out to be cases of
material fallacy, where either the major or the minor pre-
miss is wrong.
11 Hence the simplicity of detection of fallacies in
Indian Logic.
12 Recognition of formal fallacies under different names.
13 i leaoi iption of Chala, Jati and Nigraha.
First Oriental Conference.
14 Stern ambiguity of language found in Chala-
15 Petitio principii found in Annyonyasraya, in Pra-
karanasama and in one sense of Asadharana.
16 Irrelevancy found in some of the Nigrahastbanas.
17 Conclusion.
A Note on Siva and Phallic worship. By G. K. CHAN-
DOBKAB.
Argument: In naming certain aboriginal people, the
Jtgveda has mentioned only the totems which they had :
Such as Aja, Bheda, Srga, Paravata, and others.
Sivah, Bhalanas, Pakthus have also been mentioned in
the same.
* Siva ' in Sanskrit means ' Sisna'-phallus. Hence Sivah
were the people who had phallus as their totem :
We have in two places 'Sisnadevah' mentioned in the
Rgveda, as the enemies of the Aryas. 'Sivah' and Sisna-
devah, therefore must be the same meaning people with a
totem of phallus.
Hence we have conclusive evidence to prove the co-
existence of phallic- worship among the aboriginal tribes
with the Vedic Ilsis a conclusion not countenanced by
Dr. Muir.
Trividham Anumanam ' or A Study in Nyaya Sutra
I. i. 5, By A. B. DHBUVA.
L Nyaya-Sutra I, i, 5 as interpreted in :--
(1) Vatsyayana's Nyayahhuxya
(2) Uddyotakara's Nyayavartil:<i
(3) Vacaspatimisra's Ni/ayatatparyatikU
(4) Isvarakrsna's Sunkhijakuriku
(5) Gaudapada's S. K. Bhasya
(6) Mathara- Vrtti
.(7) Purvamimaihs&bhasya of Sabarasvamin
(8) Anuyoqadruni.
2 General uncertainty among commentators :
While there is practically complete unanimity n i . . .
the names of the three types of Anuiinna. there aro serious
differences in respect intended to
convey. Thus :
(1) <jsfa^may mean inference from a cause, or simply
inference from former experience," >r even recogni-
tion from a formerly observed mark;
(2) $lwt. may mean an inference from effect or infe-
rence from a part, or inference of one member of a
pair of correlates from the other, or a totally diffe-
rent type of inference, viz. inference by exclusion;
(3) qwMdka may mean inference based on mere like-
ness or uniformity of experience, without causa-
tion at its back, or it may mean inference of super-
sensible truths through abstract generalities.
Gotama himself has borrowed, the terminology of the
Sutra (1, i, 5) from "Naiyayikas" who were the ancient Ml-
mamsakas. Proof of (his, and of the antiquity of Indian
Logic generally. Importance of the Jain tradition about
the composition of the Agamas, and its bearing upon the
question at issue. Results summarized :
(1) The first glimmer of the light of Indian Logic be-
longs to the Pre-Buddhistic agt- of the Tarsads'
(2) The early beginnings of a systematic art of Log it-
belongs to the latter part of the same age.
(3) The art tends to become a science in the period !'
early Buddhism and its contemporary Brah; na-
nism.
'4V It has established itself as a science before 300
B.C.
The results of Brahmanical thought in this Hopnrt-
ment, as linked with Theism and Realism, get
med up in the Nyaya Sutras of Gotatun,
similar work of Jain and Buddhist logicians
carried on in harmony with their own religious
ami philosophical dogmas is represented in the
(Mi-responding fragments of the Jain and HIM
literatures.
to First Oriental Conference.
(6) Gotama's Sutras not necessarily all their contents,
some ot which are earlier belong to the latter
half of the Pre-Christian Sutra period. The work
may be dated somewhere about 200 B. C., in the
age of the Ahnikas or Daily Lessons, like the
Navahnikas of Patanjali's Vyakarana Maha-
bhasya.
3. Comparison of the commentaries inter se. The light
it throws upon the chronological relations of (1) Vatsyayana
(2) Mathara and (3) Anuyogu. A passage of Anuyoga. Prio-
rity of Mathara to Anuyoga. The dates of Sastitantra, the
Sankhyakarika, the Matharawrtti (all the three referred to in
Anuyoga.) Takakusu Belvalkar Keith controversy. They*
view discussed. Vatsyayana earlier than Mathara ; Mathara-
vrtti may with a great deal of probability be referred to the
first century A. D., Vatsyayana a century or two earlier.
This will account for the vast development of the Science of
Logic which took place in the interval between Vats>yayana
and Mathara. The date of Vatsyayana not a settled fact.
Madhyamika Philosophy before Nagarjuna and Lankavatara
Sutra.
'1 Qfsfl'ji^nrT: t ( 3f )
(an) $
xc
*. 'gi-
ft^: S
The Yoglsvara Yajnavalkya, his Life and Philosophy,
Chronology and Contemporaries. By P. B. JO8HL
It is generally believed that Sankaracarya was the
founder of the School of Vedanta Philosophy. This is true
to some extent, but it is not literally true and in my opinion
Yajnavalkya was, ii not the chief, at least one of the
original founders of the School of Brahma-vidya. And the
great Acarya has at the beginning of his commentary on
Brhadaranyakopanisad indirectly admitted this fact.
Yajnavalkya was a scholar of marvellous genius and
high attainments and as a matter of fact he was acknow-
ledged to be the greatest original thinker and philosopher
of his time ; and that is the reason why in the Upanisads,
in the Puranas and in the Smrtis, by sages like Parasara
and others, he was styled Yogisvara or the Lord of Philoso-
phers. It is therefore sad to find that the life and writings
of this sage of gigantic intellect should not have received
a wider publicity than they have received at the present
moment. As the information about Yajnavalkya lies scat-
tered in various Sanskrit works such as the Maliahhrini'ii,
(1*, tiatapatha Krahmaiia, Bfiuf/nrn-n, I'fxim, Aditya,
and other Puranas and Smrtis, an attempt has
been made in this paper, on the authority of these sources,
to give a connected narrative of the life and writings of this
great philosopher and law-giver of India.
In the city of Mithila, there lived a pious Brahmin
named Devarata who was, owing to his generosity, nick-
named Vaja Seni or food-giver. As he had no son, he per-
formed many sacrifices and as the result of his piety, he
was blessed with a son whom he named Yajnavalkya.
After being invested with the sacred thread, Yajnavalkya
studied the Rgveda under Baskala, the Suma and Atharcu
xcii hirst Oriental Conferent'e.
Vedas under Jaimini and Aruni (Uddalaka) and the Yajur-
Vcda under his uncle Vaisampayana.
While he was stiid"in^ under Vaisampayana, some dis-
agreement occurred between Yajnavalkya and his uncle
and as the result of this dispute, he left his uncle and went
to the Himalayas where he practi-ed penance. And as the
result of his penance and special prayers, the God of Light
.was pleased with him and he became inspired. And by the
favour of the God of Light Yajnavalkya was able to com-
pose the white Yajur- Veda, Satapatha Brahmana and other
works on Hindu law and philosophy. All the mantras in
the Yajur- Veda of Yajnavalkya are most systematically
arranged and they are not mixed here and there with the
Brahmanas as is the case with the old Yajur-Veda. And for
this reason as well as for the superiority of its philosophy,
the Yajur-Veda of Yajnavalkya came to be styled as Sukla
or bright, as the Taittirlyas were called Krsna or black.
Yajnavalkya divided the white Yajur-Veda into fifteen
branches such as Kanva, Madhyandina, Jabala, etc., and all
of these came to be called Vajasaneyins,
Yajnavalkya had two wives named Maitreyl and Katya-
yanl and the latter bore him three sons, named Candra-
kaiita, Mabamegha and Vijaya. Maitreyl was highly edu-
cated and before his departure to forest, at her special re-
quest, Yajnavalkya expounded to her the doctrine of
Brahma-vidya ; and his philosophy is seen at its best in his
dialogues with Maitreyl and Gargi and also with Janaka
and Sakalya.
King Janaka had organised a sacrifice to which learned
Brahmins were invited and he had offered a gift of a thou-
sand cows to anyone who was the most expert in the know-
ledge of Brahma-vidya. As no one accepted the challenge
Yajnavalkya got up and asked his pupils to take away the
cows. His claim to be the Brahmana ( expert in the know-
Brahma ) was disputed by the other sages unless
and until he gave satisfactory replies to their queries. And
Y-tjimvalkva was able to accomplish this.In reply to Gargi's
tion about cidakasa and its abode, Yajnavalkya answer-
ed ' Cidak<v c '' pervades above and below this Universe. It is
imperishable. It is neither large nor .small, neither long nor
short. It is different from the organs and living creatures. It
does not affect and is not affected. It is self-refulgent and
free from darkness. Jt is omnipresent, free from all desires. It
is knowledge incarnate it is Pura-Brahrrnin. By its will the
Sun and the Moon shine in the sky, and the rivers flow.
Those who do not know this Brahman and perform sacrifices
and other rituals, perform them invain ; because without the
knowledge of this Brahman all these become perishable. And
after death these persons are born and reborn. But, those
who know that Brahman and identify themselves with it, get
everlasting salvation."
Yajnavalkya firmly believed in the existence of one
Supreme God whom he called Brahman or Para-Brahman, and
. his explanation given to Sakalya, as to how the one Supreme
<i"d was turned or symbolized into three and the three into
thirty three deities and the thirty three into thirty three
crores, is highly interesting. He was the greatest social
and religious reformer of his time. He believed in the im-
mortality of the soul and taught that mental adoration was
the best form of worship and, that the worship of idols was
meant for persons of inferior intellect (fRTPRir ^T 'T
Chronology un</ Contemporaries.
It is now generally admitted by scholars that Patanjali
who wrote the MakSbhSsya on Panini's grammar, lived in
the second century B- C., and it is therefore believed that
the date of Panini cannot be later than 400-300 B. C. On
Sakatayana's and Yaska's theory of the verbal origin of
nouns, the whole system of Panini is founded and we find in
Yaska's work that he refers to twenty predecessors among
whom bakatayana and Sakalya are the most important.
And we have already shown that Sakalya was a contempo-
rary of Yajnavalkya. In his Sutras Panini also refers to
kura in the following words, '' Paruxkanijmibhrtinl en
Sat'/ijndyum" and we find that Yaska respectfully refers to
Puruskara at the end of his Xirttktu. From the above it is
clear that Paraskara lived long before Panini and Yaska.
Fnun a careful study of the xrauta Sit t ran of Katyayana and
the Grhyu bVras.of Paraskara, we come to the conclusion
xoiv Firtt Oriental Conference.
that both were friends and contemporaries. There is a tra
dition current among the orthodox Brahmins that the
Grbya Sutras and the Srauta Sutras were prepared by Para-
skara under the guidance of Katyayana. The commentator
on the Pratisakhya of the white Yajur-Veda, at the begin-
ning of his work pays respectful compliments to Katyayan
and describes him as the most distinguished disciple o
Yajnavalkya. This clearly shows that Katyayana was a
disciple of Yajnavalkya and therefore the period of the
latter must have been earlier than that of the former. This
Katyayana who was the author of the Srauta Sutras, should
not be confounded with the later Katyayana who wrote the
Vartikas on Panini's Sutras.
In the Mahabharata Sabhaparvan, Chap. 33, there is an
account of the Rajasuya sacrifice performed by king Yu-
dhisthira. From that account we find that at this sacri-
fice, the sage Vyasa acted as Brahma, Susama held the office
of Udgata, Paila was appointed as Hota and to Yajnavalkyi
was assigned the important duty of Adhvaryu. We there-
fore find from the above account, that Yajnavalkya was
contemporary of Vyasa, Yudhisthira and Paila.
Again, from Harivamsa, Chap. 142, we find that Brah-
madatta, a disciple of Yajnavalkya, was the family priest,
friend and fellow-student of Vasudeva, the father of Sri Kr-
sna, and at the Asvamedha sacrifice, performed by Vasu-
deva, there were present, Vyasa, Vaisampayana, Yajnaval-
kya, Sumantu, Jaimini, Brahmadatta, Jabala and Devala.
Thus we come to the conclusion that the period of Yajna-
valkya was earlier than that of the Mahabharata.
Among the fifteen chief disciples of Yajnavalkya, after
whom the fifteen recensions of the white Yajur-Veda were
called, was one named Kanva. Whether this Kanva was
identical with the sage Kanva of Kalidasa's Sakuntala or
not, cannot be definitely ascertained. But it is worthy of
note that in the Satapatha Brahmaiia of Yajnavalkya, we
find the first allusion to Dusyanta, Bharata and Sakuntala
the heroes and heroine of Kalidasa's Sakun'ala ; and there
is not the least doubt that the plot of Kalidasa's drama,
Vikramorvaslya, was written on the basis of the story of
Philosophy.
UrvasI and Pururavas, first narrated at full length in tb
mUapafka Brahmaiia of Yajnavalkya a work which, an
Prof. Macdoneli rightly observes, is next lo the Rgwda %
the most important production in the whole range of Vedio
Literature.
The relation of the Bhagavadqita and the Badarayaiia*
a/7/rv/.x. By R. D. KARMARKAR
The essay is mainly concerned with a criticism of
the verse f^ft3i|vn fft... ( Bhag. XIII. 4 ). It is shown that
the expression Brahmasutra in the verse cannot be taken to
mean loose passages from the Upanisads or a prose treatise
like the sutta of the Bauddhas but must mean a work in the
Sutra style. It further controverts Mr Tilak's view that
Brahmasutra means Badarayanasutras and that one and the
same author was responsible for both the Oifu and the Bada-
rayanasTitms. Mr- Tilak's view is refuted on the following
grounds : (l)The G'tta based upon the Sank hy a and the Yoga
philosophy, while the Bad<irayanasutra* try to refute them.
(2) The Gifa makes no clear allusion to Buddhism, while the
Badarayanasutras take great pains to refute the Buddhistic
doctrine in detail. (3) The Gita introduces a new termino-
logy Ksetra and Ksetrajnain the thirteenth chapter only,
where a reference to the Brahmasutras in made, jut the
Badarnyniiaxutra* do not contain the wordn Ksetra and Ksetra-
jna at all. The expression Brahmasutra cannot thus possibly
refer to the Badarayanasutras. It probably has reference to
earlier the Vedanta Sutras composed by ancient sages like
Badari, Audulomi mentioned in the Badarayanaautrnx
The Springs of Action in Hiudu Ethics. Ry SU8IL
KUMAR MAITRA.
Hindu Ethics is social ethics And psychological ethics
and culminate^ in the Philosophy of the Absolute a.* the
highest stage of the spirit.
The Social Ethics of the Hindus is embodied in a sche-
me (;f Varnasramadharmas or duties of station in life.
while th*>ir I ''-> o.ologiral Kthic> includes a <"ompr*h*UBiv
First Oriental Conference.
analysis of volition and of the springs of action as woll as
practical schemes of Cittasuddhi or subjective purification
based thereon. Lastly, their Philosophy of the Absolute is
expounded in the various schemes of Moksa or Trascenden-
tal Freedom whether regarded as a state of self-autonomy,
or as of extinction of self-hood in the Absolute, or as of de-
votion, worship and love.
The subject of the present paper "The Springs of Action
in Hindu Ethics" is part of the psychological ethics of the
Hindus and is treated in Vaisesika, Nyaya, Sahkhya and
Vedanta systems.
The Vaisesikas trace will to two sources or roots
namely Desire (Iccha), and Aversion ( Dvesa ). Desire is
classified into egoistic and altruistic. The springs which
are compounds of desire are : Sexual Craving, Appetite foi
food and drink, Passion, Resolve, Dispassion, Compassioi
&c. Similarly the various forms of aversion are : Angei
Revengefulness, &c.
The Naiyayikas go further and derive even desire an<
aversion from something more ultimate viz. : Error,
consonance with this inteliectualism, Jayanta distinguish!
two forms of the springs of action, (I) those that are of ai
intellectual nature and are therefore forms of Krror or Mohi
such as perplexity, vanity, inadvertance &c., and (2) thos
that are forms of attraction and aversion and are therefor*
mediately connected with Moha through attraction an<
aversion.
The Sahkhya view is expounded in the .system of Patai
jali which derives the impulses from three roots namely :
(1) Error, Moha (2) Greed, Lobha and (3) Anger, Krodha.
The passions namely cruelty, mendacity, etc. may p.ir.h
ariM> from Miiyino <>f tlu-so limp -M.urc.pv Thr.v in.-iy
determine the subject in various ways, in some cases lead-
ing to indulgence through ovurt acts, in some to ac
persuasion or use of force on others, in some ;ig;n'n I" move
subjective approval when such acts are perpetrated by others.
They are again of various degrees of intensity ranging from
the violent and impetuous down to the mild and the feeble.
Some passions again are to be uprooted altogether and in all
Phi' xcvil
condit iMi-. of the spirit, while others may be permitted under
special conditions and circumstances.
Hence the characterise Hindu Psychological
'lies are : (1) The doctrine of psychological composition
in regard to emotions and passions ; (2) the recognition of
the spontaneous, the unreflective and the instinctive in the
account of the impulses and passions as having ethical
significance; (3) the intellectualistic and the transcendental
stand-point in the ethical valuation of the springs of action ;
(4) the attempt to bridge the gulf between the transcendental
and the phenomenal by the recognition of Sattvika impulses,
auspicious tendencies and dispositions; (5) the doctrine of
self-autonomy and absolute freedom as the ideal of the
iscendental life, the ultimate end or goal in the ethical
ordering of the impulses as distinguished from the doctrine
ot freedom- in-cooperation which is the highest ideal accord-
ing to Christians and Buddhist-.
In the Vedanta view, the springs are classified into aus-
picious and inauspicious dispositions and tendencies of the
raind as determined by habitual past indulgence. The baser
tendencies are unreflective and spontaneous, while the purer
impulses imply knowledge of the truth. It is pointed out
t these desires and longings may exist either in the foim
of appropriated impulses implying subjective choice or again
as passing wishes and mere fancies without any conscious
preference above the threshold. The latter, however, indi-
cate a deepar subliminal personality and therefore must not
be ignored by the moral philosopher.
kara on Buddha. Kij PANDURANGA SHARMA.
nkara rejected the Buddha teachings on four grounds.
iiMial way of accepting the truth is based on three prin-
ciples. Buddha's not accepting the Vedas as an authority
>wn and refuted by Kumarila. It is rejected by all
authorities taking their stand on scriptures. The test of
ipplied in his scholium. Buddha laid his main
thical matters. Sankara remained silent on this
point. Kthical views nut iiK-mis-i^tent with his authority
L3
xcviii First Oriental Conference.
need not be criticised. Buddha was not conversant with the
true spirit of deep Brahmanical learning and hence Buddha's
hatred towards the vedic religion. Its causes. He was a
man of pessimistic views. He only thought over the way to
come out of the pain and this was the moral side of Buddh-
ism. Metaphysics was developed afterwards by his disciples.
Sutras of Vyasa on Buddha in Bramha-sutra are inserted
later on. This portion of Bramha-sTitra is the fruit of Vyasa's
afterthought and was embodied in the body of the work in
its revised edition. At the time of Jaimini Buddhists were
non-entities. Explanation of the two interpretations of the
two Sutras of Jaimini prove this clearly. Gautama thought
it necessary to record the views of Buddha in his system.
At the time of Vyasa necessity was felt to consider
Buddhism at one place in all its sides. Revolutionary
change in the literature on this subject. There is a great
necessity of considering Buddhism and the social condi-
tion of the Bauddhas for the right grasp of Sankara. San-
kara adopted the material already assimilated by Gautama,
Vatsyayana, Kumarila etc. Effects of his predecessors
on Sankara. Vatsyayana's objections on Buddhism with
their answers are literally adopted by Sankara in Sarira.
The work of Nyaya school on the subject is very useful.
Kumarila was the best judge. It is evident from many
grounds that Sankara had grasped the true spirit of Bud-
dhism and represented it faithfully in his work. He was pro-
ficient in the original Pali works on Buddhism side by side
with the Sanskrit works on it. Reason for the abeence of
metaphysical discussions in the Tripitakas is popular
Buddhism. The terms used by Sankara in connection with
the Bauddhas in his scholium are simply expressive of the
bare facts only. Bauddha's Avidya is altogether different
from Maya of Sankara.
The Pada and Vakya Bhasyas of Kenopanixad '. By
SHRIDHARSHASTRI PATHAK.
PMotophy. xcix
I
i
\
G. V. PHADKK.
n ^ n
wwn
T: II ^ II
n
I
fof JWI'ft tr^rl^ II ^ II
First Oriental Conference.
II <P, II
The Antiquity of the Bhagavadgltd. By S. V. VENKATE-
8HWAR.
A review of the date of the Q-ita as compared with the
Kautiliya and the Buddhist and Jain texts, and as classified
into Political, Sociological, Cosmological, Philosophical,
Religious and Literary, assigning the Glta to the pre-
Mauryan period.
Logic of SankarSoSrya and Aristotle. By R- ZlMMER-
MANN.
1 Definition Of Logic with both philosophers, Aristotle
and Sahkaracarya. Logic is the science of correct thinking
It is a distinct discipline of philosophy in Aristotle, in San-
karacarya Logic is embodied and supposed in the whole
system. The reason for the difference lies in the different
lines along which philosophical development went in ancient
India and Greece. In Aristotle, Logic has universal, in
Sankara limited force.
2 The system of Logic in the two philosophies. Aris-
totle's logical writings, his division of Beings, the relation
Philosophy. ci
between body and mind, the sources of concept and thought
are described. In Aristotle Logic is formal Logic, epintemo-
logy, methodology ; in Sahkara it is mainly epi.stemolofzy
and methodology. The views on knowledge and its sources
are with Sahkara and Aristotle the same only to a certain
extent. The main difference lies in the universality of the
principle of contradiction in Aristotle which isnot without
exception in Sankaracarya.
:J The relation of Logic toother philosophical doctrines.
Aristotle's system is essentially Realism; hence Logic, though
only a propaedeutic discipline, is scientific and governing all
the other philosophical doctrines. The Sankaramata is subs-
tantially a teaching of Moksa. This Moksa is brought about
by knowledge, a logical principle ; but where knowledge and
Logic in the ordinary sense clash with his own final doc-
trines, Sankaraoarya discards the " lower " by an appeal to
the " higher " k
IX. Archaeology.
Ancient Indian Architecture. By M.A. ANANTHALWAK.
1 The ancient Science of Architecture.
2 The 'Sastras* and 'Kalas' of India.
3 The Sanskrit Works on Architecture.
4 The great antiquity of the Silpa Sastras.
5 Need for a critical study of the Sastras.
6 Difficulties of the task.
7 Th artisan classes.
8 The danger of a superficial study of the Sastras.
9 Vastness of the subject.
10 General purpose of the discourse.
11 Testimony of eminent Western scholars on the
greatness of India and of her Architecture.
(a) Professor Carpenter (b) Max Miiller (c) Toda (d)
Banister Fletcher (e) Fergusson (f) Harrington.
12 Service of eminent Indian scholars in the direction
of Positive Sciences.
13 Lack of knowledge of and sympathetic insight into
the Indian ideals in the Western authors, their wrong and
misleading starting points, their consequent misinterpreta-
tion of her Architecture.
14 Discussion of the question of the 'descending bathos*
in the design of Hindu temples, wrongly condemned by some
Western writers.
15 Architecture expressive of national life and character.
16 Ancient cult and religion of the country and the
history of its evolution from the genesis to be studied for a
proper appreciation of her Architecture.
17 Natural conditions of the country shape the artistic
impulse
IN Need for tracing the evolution of Indian Architecture
from its earliest origins and stages.
civ First Oriental Conference.
19 Modern researches, revealing to us the great anti-
quity of the ancient civilizations.
20 The region of 'Jarubu-dwipa' and 'Bharata'khanda'.
21 The trans-Indian origin of the Aryan race.
22 The Sumerians, the earliest ancestors of the Aryan
race.
23 Their divergence into two cults, the 'Classic' or the
'Sumeru' and the 'Reformed' or the 'Semitic'. The countries
of the two cults.
24 Similarity of cult obtaining in Babylonia, Persia and
India.
25 The immigration of the Aryans into South-India
the Dravido-Aryans their classic cult and Architecture.
26 The Aryan immigration into North India, the
Semitic influence, the later Buddhistic cult and Architecture.
27 Architecture, the outward index of the cult of the
land. India's architectural glory, the several styles
obtaining in India.
28 The features of the Buddhist style, th early Chris-
tian and the later Gothic styles.
29 Plea for the revivification of ancient Indian science*
and for the uplift of national ideals.
Sanskrit MSS., their Search and Preservation. Ri
ANANTHA KRISHNA SHASTRI.
Gives a short summary of the history of MSS.
Strongly recommends collection of MSS. at a Central
place.
Degeneration of the objects of life from intellectual to
material gain resulting in carelessness about MSS. preser-
vation and the consequent loss.
Regeneration by creating an interest in MSS. collection
by having a general MSS. survey of the whole of India.
Preparation of cumulative lists of MSS. from time to
time necessary.
Suggests steps for the preservation of MSS. with the cus-
todians themselves.
Archaeology. rv
Strongly recommends formation of "The All-India
Association for the Search of old MSS." with branch* s
throughout India.
Mentions differences of scripts in the north and the
gouth, also similar differences in the subjects treated.
Advocates editing and printing MSS. under the supervi-
sion of recognised scholars.
Advocates even Government intervention for preserva-
tion of MSS. on the ground of their being more or less na-
tional property rather than individual one.
Mentions the qualifications necessary for the worker in
the cause of MSS. search.
The Rock-cut Temples in Southern India. By J.
DUBREUIL.
In this paper it is pointed out that cave-temples, are
numerous in the Tamil country being found in 64 villages.
The rock-cut temples constitute an isolated group well
characterised by their sculptures and inscriptions.
Many of them are found in the Pandya country (Madura,
Ramnad and Tinnevelly districts); but the mode of cutting
the rocks has been introduced in the Tamil land by a King
of the Pallava dynasty named Mahendravarman I.
The early Kalacuris and the Alphabet of their Copper-
plate grants. By Y. R. GUPTE.
The names Kalacuri, Kalaccuri, Kalatsuri, Katac-
curi and Kalacuri are identical. Dr. Fleet's remark that
Buddharaja, son of Sahkaragana was probably an early
kintf of the Kalacuri dynasty. Sahkheola grant of Sahtilla.
What it proves. Abhona grant of Sankaragana edited by
I 'rot'. K. I',. Pathak. Its date. Places mentioned in it. The
Aiholo inscription. What it indicates. The Nerur grant
"f M i: ^'alesa. It implies that Buddharaja was strong in
1 1
cvi First Oriental Conference.
cavalry and had considerable troops of elephants. The
Vadner grant of Buddharaja discovered by the author and
edited by him. Places mentioned in it. The date of the
record. The Sarasvani grant edited by Dr. Kielhorn. Its date
and places noted in it. The dominions ruled over by the early
Kalacuris. Their capital. Clue as to where they reign-
ed. Krsnaraja, the first known member of the dynasty.
Sankaragana's power. The extent of his territory. His
feudatory. Buddharaja was an emperor. His addrerses,
his commands to all kings and tributary princes. Mangalesa
did not crush his power. The fabric of the copperplates of the
early Kalacuris. Their era. It was employed by other
kings viz., Traiktitakas and Ucchakalpas. The coinage
of the early Kalacuris. Devalana coins. Their attribu-
tion by Drs. Bhau Daji and Fleet. Prof. Rapson's views.
Author's reasoning and views. What Rai Bahadur V. Ven-
kayya, late Government Epigraphist for India thought of the
author's assignment. Was the coinage stopped by Sanka-
ragana and Buddharaja? The early Kalacuris borrowed
Gupta epithets. It is not improbable that before attaining
sovereignty they were subordinate to the Guptas. The
Kalacuri alphabet also has the Gupta characteristics. Form
of their copperplates. Their alphabet is of the western
variety of the southern one. The most important southern
characteristics. The accompanying plate of the alphabets
has bean prepared by using the cuttings from the plates that
appeared in the Epigraphia Indica with the permission of
the Director General of Archaeology in India and the Govern-
ment Epigraphist for India. Peculiarities of single letters
in the grants. Slight differences observable in the alpha-
bet of the three grants, one of Sarikaragana and two of Bud-
dharaja. Buddharaja's records have more of the southern
characteristics than that of Sankaragana's. Local ele-
ment. If we want a term for the sake of convenience, we
may call the alphabet dealt with as the Kalacuri alphabet.
.
The Cave and Brahmi Inscriptions of Southern India.
% H. KR1SHNA8HA8TRI.
1 The paper attempts to bring to the notice of scholi
A
tLeearlicst writings found so far in the cavernsof the Madura
and Tinnevelly districts of the Mudra- {'residency. They are
about twenty in number and arc engraved in Brahmi cha-
racters of the early Asokan type. Orthographical affinities
appear to connect them with Ceylon cave characters and the
Bhattiprolu (Guntur District) casket script
2 These epigraphical monuments of a pre-Christian
have not been interpreted. Their language is such as
itfgest a mixture of Prakrit and Dravidian elements-
The renderings are purely tentative and suggetions made may
not command final acceptance from scholars. The modest
attempt of this paper is only the initial step in the long and
interesting course of profitable research that these ancient
records are bound to evoke in the world of scholars.
The Jain Manuscript Bhandars atPatan A final Word
on their Search. By J. S. KUDALKAR.
Anhilwada Patan, ever since its foundation in A. D.745-
4(1, has been the true centre of Jainism in Gujarat and under
royal patronage, the Jain preceptors went on writing Jain
literature till the 16th century. All this literary treasure
miraculously escaped destruction at the hands of the Maho-
medan conquerors of Gujarat and has come down to us as
" a great store of documents of venerable antiquity " of
which any European University Library could be proud
Besides the three superficial inspections made of these MSS.
Bh.mdars by the Bombay Government, H. H. the Maharaja
< iaekwad, in whose territories these Manuscript libraries
are located, had these libraries thoroughly inspected on two
occasions. This paper is an account of these searches of
Inspection.
It is said that KingKumarapala had established twenty-
one large Bhandars of Manuscripts, and Vastupala, minister
of KiiiK \ irudhavala, established three more large Bhandars
at great costs. But unfortunately none of these is in exis-
tence to-day, having been probably scattered through reli-
gious persecutions.
cviii First Oriental Conference.
Col. Tod, of Rajasthan fame, was the first to bring to
notice the great manuscript-collection at Patan in 1832,
when there existed 40 boxes and a catalogue. In about 1850
A. K. Forbes, the author of the Rasamala, got from this
collection, which then numbered about 500 works, a copy of
Hemacarya's Dvyasraya. In 1873 and 1875 Dr. Biihler,
sent by the Bombay Government, attempted to see the Patan
Bhandars and got partial access to five collections, which in
all contained about 3000 manuscripts. Encouraged by Dr.
Biihler's report, the Bombay Government sent in 1883 Dr.
(now Sir) R. G. Bhandarkar. The latter, during a week's
stay, saw 4 out of 11 Bhandars cursorily, compared their lists
with their contents and inspected carefully only a few'
These searches induced the BaroJa Government to send in
1892 Mr. M. N. Dwivedi to make a detailed search with the
double object of preparing a cotalogue of the important MSS.
and of publishing translations into vernaculars of a few
most important among them. Mr. Dwivedi examined about
ten thousand MSS ; prepared a list of 2619 important ones
and recommended 374 for translation. Mr. Dwivedi was
followed in 1893 by Dr. Peterson, with the main object of
seeing the famous Hemacarya's Bhandar, but, like his pre-
decessors, he too failed. He, however, discovered new boxes
containing many MSS. not seen by Dr. Bhandarkar and got
extracts made of about 200.
The Jain community by this time realised the import- i
ance of these searches and prepared a list of all important
Jain Bhandars in India, including those at Patan, and a
Jain millionaire promised to give a building of Rs< 41,000 for
keeping the Patan Bhandars together.
After the Sanskrit Branch of the Baroda Central Library
was organised in 1912, a search of important MSS. all over
India was undertaken by the Library and this led the Baroda
Government to institute a second and a final detailed search
of the Patan MSS. collections. The late Mr. C. D. Dalai
M. A., the then Sanskrit Librarian, who was a Jain by birth
and a Jain scholar, was deputed for this work. Mr. Dalai
stayed in Patan for 3 months, worked 14 hours a day and
examined carefully all the 13 Bhandars, which;exist there at
present and which contain more than 12,000 paper MSS. and
658 palm-leaf manuscripts. Mr. Dalai prepared a detailed
cn'nlixjiK' rniaonn4 of all the 658 palm leaf MSS. and of an
equal number of very important paper MSS. These will be
published in the " Gaekwad's Oriental Series" started by
the Baroda Central Library in 1916.
This final search has brought to light some new rare
works, of which no other copies exist elsewhere, or which
were known to exist upto now only through their Chinese or
Tibetan translations, and has also revealed a rich literature
in Prakrit, Apabhramsa, and Gujarat! languages, which
would throw a new light on the philology and history of
these languages. There are at least more than 300 manus-
cripts in these collections, which, by their importance and
antiquity, would be the, object of jealousy among scholars of
high repute either for possessing or editing the same.
Note on some Valabhi Coins. By G. P. TAYLOR.
The coin-legend, supplied to scholars during the sessions,
to be printed later (has now for the first time been deciphered
on some Valabhi copper) coins, that were struck pro-
bably in the 8th century of the Christian era. The inscrip-
tion is written in Brahml characters, but of a debased type.
Can any member of the Oriental Conference read it, or shed
any light upon it ?
X. Ancient History.
The basic Blunder in the Reconstruction of Indian Chro-
nology by Orientalists : or The Greek Synchronisms
revised. By M. K. ACHARYA.
1 Introductory: The great and good work done by
western orientalists and their Indian followers since the
time of Sir William Jones the difficulties of earlier orien-
talists. European public opinion against assigning any great
antiquity to India beyond that of Oreece. Hopeless exaggera-
tion, to the European mind, of Indian traditions. The Pura-
nas thus totally ignored by earlier orientalists. Lack of
indigenous historic materials assumed by them and explain-
ed away by reference to the supposed philosophic indiffer-
ence of the Hindus to mundane affairs. The attempts made
" to reduce to proper limits " the Puranic accounts. The
work however marred by serious limitations of the investi-
gators, by complexity of subject matter, and by defective
methods of investigation arising from racial prejudices and
prepossessions, superficial knowledge, undue disregard of
tradition recorded in "native literature," reckless distortion
of original texts, and overweaning selfconfidence. The
most typical instance furnished by the false synchronism
of Alexander the Great and Candragupta Maurya which
has been called the "Sheet Anchor of Indian Chronology."
2 Origin and application of the hypothesis: Sir William
Jones vaguely started the theory in 1793. Colonel Wilford
and Prof. Lussen put it on firmer basis. Prof. Max Miiller's
staunch support, plausibility of the theory. The familiarity
of the Europeans with Greek and Roman accounts of India.
Sandrocottos of the Greeks undeniably contemporaneous
with Alexander the Great and Seleukos Nikator. Identi-
fication of Sandrocottos with Candragupta. Candragupta
assumed to be the Maurya, who was the only Candragrupta
known to the earlier orientalists. The theory welcomed as
furnishing one certain starting point in investigating a
huge field of uncertainties. The hypothesis by shr repeti-
cxii First Oriental Conference.
tion now passed off as a proved fact"no longer open to doubt".
Reconstruction of Indian chronology by counting backwards
and forwards and by applying averages and approximations,
all starting from the " fixed point " of 322 B. C., to, e. g. the
Saisunaga and Nandapre-Mauryan dynasties, and the Suhga,
Kanva, Andhra and Gupta post-Mauryan dynasties,
3 Point in favour of the hypothesis : Sandrocottos
undeniably contemporaneous with Alexander and Seleukos
Nikator, as Megasthenes was the latter's ambassador at the
court of Sandrocottos described as ruler of the Prasii or
kingdom east of the Indus, with capital at Palibothra iden-
tical with Pataliputra. His predecessor he overthrew was
Xandramus or Andramus or Aggraman, reported to be of low
origin and unpopular with his people. These details would
apply to Candragupta Maurya who overthrew the Nandas,
the first of whom Mahapadma Nanda was of low origin, be-
ing the son of a Sudra woman. This first or major Greek
synchronism supported by the second or minor Greek synch-
ronism, afterwards discovered, of Asoka, grandson of Can-
dragupta Maurya and Antiochus Teos, grandson of Seleukos
Nikator as recorded in the edicts of king Priyadarsin, who
in -Buddhist record is identical with Asoka Maurya. The
theory as assumed by Vincent Smith gives the most
satisfactory basis for fixing the date of Buddha also (as lying
between 570 and 480 B. C. ).
. 4 Arguments against the hypothesis : Reexamination
of the details supplied by the Greeks. Xandramus or Andra-
mus cannot be identical with Nanda, if Nanda were the
reigning king of the Prasii at the time of Alexander's inva-
sion. Xandramus only a Greek corruption of Candramus
or King Candra. Sandrocottos or Sandrocyptus who visited
Alexander during the reign of Xandramus and who later
overthrew Xandramus must be some one other than Candra
or Candragupta. The impossibility of making all the
details given of Xandramus and Sandrocottos refer to one
and the same person. The Greek Sandrocottos a great em-
peror who owed his elevation entirely to his own prodigious
powers. The Candragupta Maurya both of the Hindus and
the Buddhists a mere puppet in the hands of the wily
Cauakya, who elevated Candragupta to the throne solely
///*',;</. ox Hi
.unge himself on the N Tiie ooncentme of autho-
rity of the Puranas, of A <iara and Muthar&k-
ytsa, and of the ln ; ;ind Mahuvainsa on the point.
The dates a^tened to Buddha by orientalists quite conven-
tional. The comparatively meagre value of the second
Greek synchronism, as grandsons of two contemporaries must
necessarily be contemporaries also. The assumption involv-
ed that Priyadarsin of the Edicts is identical with Asoka-
vardhana. This identification entirely based on Buddhi-t
records, which however are rejected by all later orientalists
as being historically untrustworthy.
4 The new or suggested hypothesis : The contemporary
references of the Greeks would fit in more aptly if applied
to Candragupta and Samudragupta of the early Gupta
dynasty. Candragupta and his father Ghatotkaca both
Andhrabhrtyas, being only officers in the army of the Andhra
kings. Unpopularity of Candragupta who overthrew the
Andhras. His prodigious powers. The dates of the reigns of
Candragupta and Samudragupta according to the Puranas,
mitdiiiiwed, are B. C. 328 to 321 and 321 to 270 Alexander's
invasion 324-Megasthenes ambassador 302. Samudragupta a
great conqueror, called by Vincent Smith " the Indian
Napoleon," hore also the title of Asokaditya or Mahasoka.
His conquests recorded by Harisena and inscribed on
Priyadarsin's pillar at Allahabad. Who was Priya-
darsin the great Buddhist Emperor? Three kings called
Asoka : Dharmasoka of Kashmir, Asokavardhana Maurya
and Asokaditya Gupta all three in all probability Bud-
dhists. Samudragupta Asokaditya's relations with the kings
of Ceylon and Assyria. Vasubandhu the Great Buddhist
teacher and writer patronised by Candragupta and Samu-
dragupta. Internal evidence from the Puranas most of which
make the scantiest references to the Gupta emperors but put
the Andhrnbhitya-, Abhiras and Hunas all together. The
ire of any reference to the edicts of Asoka Maurya by
Chinese pilgrims esp Hiuen Tsang. The confusion in the
Ceylonese Buddhist records between the three Asokas and
the transference of the f ull three to (.no, A<oka
Maurya ; Candragupta :unl Samudragupta however not
known to earlier orientalist-
i:
criv Fir. "tf Oriental Conference.
5 Comparative merits of the two hypotheses : The
earlier theory placing Candragupta Maurya in 320 B. C-
originated by orientalists whose knowledge was very imper-
fect and superficial, and maintained by later orientalists
only by pulling down and upsetting all Hindu and Buddhist
records and traditions. The earlier orientalists lived in times
when European conception of the ancient history of no
nation other than the Jews extended beyond B. C. 500 or 600,
Since then the discovery of the ancient histories of Egypt.
Babylon, Persia, and China have carried the world's ascer-
tainable history far back of B. C. 2000 to 3000. The over-
whelming evidence in favour of holding India to be no less
older than Egypt and China. Indian chronology as recon-
structed by Western orientalists on the basis of the synchro-
nism of Alexander the Great and Candragupta Mauryj
entirely conventional and opposed to all Hindu andBuddhis
records. The interpretation of archeological remains adduc
ed in support, is no less conventional, and is vitiated by
very imperfect understanding of Indian Eras used in ins
criptions, whether monumentallor numismatic. The subje(
dealt with in great detail by the late T. B. Narayana Sasti
B. A., LL. B., of Madras in his " Mistaken Greek Synchi
nism " originally issued as an appendix to his "Age of San
kara ". The suggested hypothesis of synchronising Alej
ander with Candra, the Gupta, would furnish a far moi
satisfactory basis for calculation. The dates of Buddha,
Mahavira, of the Mahabharata War etc., on the new hype
thesis, will be in consonance both with old Hindu an<
Buddhist records and with later researches correctly intei
preted.
6 Conclusion: Reconstruction of our past history 01
the new hypothesis will of course create big gaps especially
after the Gupta period which cannot be filled up without
colossal labour. Our archaeological records will have to be
revised and reinterpreted. The difficulties of the task before
the Indian orientalists. The opposition likely to come from
the "prestige" of We A tern orientalists. The need to over-
come these difficulties in the interests of Truth. Correct
principles of investigation and criticism. The ofliee of tne
Historian.
Ancient //*/or;/; OXV
A I'eop into Mediaeval Dokkan. Hy A. V. VENKA-
TARAMAYYAR
.\<liiiiiii:<!i>i'ii, ... IK, inn , >> /it/ion*, urcliitti-turul <nnl sucial
HIT <>f tin- /</// C< /////,///* / thi-rlt'i'cnth nn</ twelfth <vw/w-
/' /Ac ( 'hrixx/iiin er<i.
The chief sources of information
(A) .\ilniniislrtitirc
The Maharaja. The Mahapradhanas. The YuvarSja. Mill
tary administration. The standing army and feudal levy.
Official divisions of the army. Weapons of war- martial
law. High chivalry of the times. Lofty standard of inter-
national morality. The civil administration. Territorial
divisional officials etc. The central Government, chief depart-
ments. Sources of revenue, land, customs etc. Customs
and revenue officials. Surplus budget. Local administra-
tion. The village, twelve village land. Village pancayat,
stability of the self-governing village constitution.
(B) Economic
><>il, climate, products, imports, exports etc. Sea-borne
trade. Intervention of money as a medium of exchange.
Coins, weights and measures. Household furniture. Mecha-
nical and technical knowledge. Merchant and craft guilds.
Town corporations. Relations between the guilds and cor-
porations. Opulence of the trading class. Kate of interest
and its significance
(C) Religious
Worship of the Puranic Gods. Siva but not Visnu the
Kuladevata of the Calukyas. The hold of Jainism and Bud-
dhism. Local deities. Combined religious worship. Per-
fect religious toleration. Preponderant religious worship.
Formularies of religion. Religious grants and endowments.
(D) Architectural
Crilukya architecture. Carving sculpture. Range of style.
(E) Social
General character of the people. Women, their ornaments,
dress etc. Sports and amusements of kings, queens. Upper
women. Tenderness to animals. Belief in astrology.
m and hook. Swinging festivals. Kducational
advaiir.
oivi Mr*/ Oriental Conference.
The Karnatak and its Place in Indian History. Bti
v. B. ALUR.
1 Introduction. A student of Indian History will be
struck with wonder to see that so few pages are allotted to
the history of Southern India and especially that of Karna-
tak in the recognised histories of India. I want to show
that the history of Karnatak also is important; and so
deserves more space.
2 Definition of the word "The Karnatak History." The
history of the strip of land that is peopled by Kanarese peo-
ple is not called "Karnatak history" as it ought to be : the
word used in the histories is "Mabarastra." But it is not
right to use that word ; for the dynasties of Calukyas, RS-
strakutas dc, who ruled over Kanarese country should be
properly calied Karnatak kings ; because their capitals are
in Kanaresp country, their inscriptions are in the Kanarese
country etc. Dr. Bhandarkar, when he wrote the history of
the Deccan, was perhaps misled by the word Maharastra in
the Aihole inscription. It is time we should correct it.
3 Mr. Vincent Smith says in his history that the
materials for this history are few, and that the dynasties of
this country are mainly of local interest. I want to show
that these statements are not accurate.
4 But before proceeding further I must give a very
brief sketch of the history of the dynasties who ruled in the
Karnatak. Leaving Kadambas, and Gahgas who ruled about
the beginning of the Christian era, we come to Calukyas.
They ruled in Badami for abo^t 250 years and their kingdom
extended almost over the whole of the Southern Peninsula.
The Rastrakutas ruled in Malkhed for about 250 years.
Then again Calukyas succeeded and ruled vigorously for
about 200 years. Then after a short interval the whole
country was split up into two. The northern portion was
ruled by Yadavas of Devagiri and the southern by Yadavas
of Halebidu Then oame Vijayanagar kings who fell in
1565. These are the important periods of Karnatak his-
tory.
5 The objection as to want of material is not true. For,
though the traditions and accounts of foreign travellers
Ancient
are not many, the materials are not wholly wanting
But as to the evidence of archaeology, monumental,
epigraphic and numismatic, there is copious material
already discovered. But there is a vast store yet undis-
covered. Moreover, not only is this material vast but also
varied. We have beautiful temples of all sorts worth study-
ing, and other monuments which throw light on mythology,
architecture, religion, history and iconography. In no part
of the world are the inscriptions so very numerous ; and
coins also are frequently found. The exploration of certain
villages will reward the enterprise of an explorer. As to
evidence of contemporary literature, Karnatak is very rich.
There are many Sanskrit works and the whole of Kanarese
litoratvirn will yield history if properly studied.
' I IIP objection as to its importance also is not true-
The dynasties that ruled over the Karnatak ruled over vast
territories and were very advanced. Moreover, in Karnatak
we find all the peculiar traits of Hindu civilisation such as
caste system, village community etc., in their extreme form,
and so one can study them there more systematically. Kar-
natak in ancient days produced great religious preachers,
statesmen, scholar* , etc., who occupy a very prominent po-
sition in Hindu civilisation. The names of Sankara, R-
manuja, Madhva, Vidyaranya, Bhaskaracarya, etc., and
the names of Kanarese authors such as Adi-Pampa, Ponna,
Ranna, etc , will do honour to any country. All these per-
sons belong to Karnatak. Kings like Pulakesin, N'rpatun,
ga and Vikramaditya, are such as any nation may be proud
of. I he history of such a land deserves a prominent place
in the history of India.
7 Conclusion: Hence the warning, given by Mr. Vin-
cent Smith, that the attention of historians should now HP
turned to the South, should be attended to.
India as known to the Ancient World. By QAURANQA-
NATH BANERJI.
The original habitat of the human r,<oe was in the East
A rt-, and sciences were cultivated here from \rv ancient
oxviii /'>.;.<?/ Oriental Conference.
times Intercourse between ditTerent countries was carried
on by means of caravan*, particularly by the inhabitants
of the coasts of the Arabian Sea. But the land route was
beset with many difficulties. So sea-borne trade gradually
sprang up. Navigation however made its first efforts in the
Mediterranean Sea and Persian Gulf as these Seas lay open
the continents of Asia, Europe and Africa. But gradually
the Arabian Sea was included in the sphere of Commerce,
and subsequently communication by sea with India was
established. The question of navigation on the Persian
Gulf however is still entirely shrouded in mist. The most
ancient inscriptions do not mention anything of such
matters. Incidentally we may gather however that the
great prosperity of Elam was due to the wealth acquired by
trade relations with countries on her eastern frontier. Elam
was really the connecting link between the civilized coun-
tries of Nearer and E is tern Asia.
Now the principal sources of our knowledge regarding
the early Indian trade are derived from the Indian Scriptures
on the one hand and from contemporary foreign literature
on the other. In the Vodic times, navigation was diligentl;
pursued, though trade only existed in barter. The first trad
between India and the West was that carried on the Ery-
threan sea, the Arunodadhi of the Pauranic lore. From th<
history of the Chinese coinage, it is quite certain that ai
active sea-borne commerce between China and Western
Asia sprang about 700 B.C. There is ample evidence thai
there existed maritime intercourse between India and Baby-
lon in the 7th century B. C. e. g the Baveru Jataka. Bui
the trade was chiefly in the hands of the Dravidiam
although the Aryans also had a share in it. The secret
the greatness of Babylon lay in her monopoly of th<
treasures of the East.
The trade of the ancient Egyptians on the contrai
consists in buying goods from their nearest neighbours 01
<>ne side and selling them to those on the other sitfe of thei
and though trading wealth of Egypt ha<) mainly arisen froi
carrying the inerchandi.se <>f Judiaand Arabia, the Egyptians
eem to have gained no knowledge of the countries troi
Anctfnt Uixfnry. cxii
which these goodn come. India only seems to have been
known to the early Greeks as a country that by sea was to
be reached by way of the Euphrates and the Persian Gulf.
It was in the reign of Energetcs 200 B.C. that an Indian
toiled straight from India to Egypt and following his
example, Endoxus of Cyzicus made a voyage of discovery to
India. But the art of navigation was so far unknown that
but little use was made of this voyage and the trade with
India under the Ptolemies was still carried on camels' backs.
It was only through the Romans that Egypt obtained
the great maritime traffic to the Kust. Alexandria under the
Romans became the great entrepot of the tradingworld it
was a spot where Europe met Asia and each wondered at
the strangeness of the other. It is in the tirr.e of Clau-
dius (A. D. 41) that the route through Egypt to India became
really known to the Europeans. The historian Pliny
(79 A. D.) has left us a contemporary account in his "Natural
History". There is also the "Pfriplua of the Ery'hr<'<m Sea,"
giving us a valuable geographical knowledge of the several
sea-passes and towns near the coast etc. But that the
Romans did not go to India, is a fact of vast historical
importance. The Western World was cut off from all
contact for 1000 years with the world of the East.
The Date of Cakradhara the Manabhava. BIJ G. K.
CHANDORKAR.
Argument: The time of Cakradhara the Manbhava is pro-
posed to be ascertained from the Life of Cakradhara himself
in two parts, f/ila S<t intuit and l.ild Cnritm a work
written by a Manabhava in symbols and from I^hnltan
.V/.///T; '///// also another work of a Manabhava.
I The story of Cakradhara's ( alias ( ra'i ) birth
lith in the Pltnltan Mnlinhniin, state- that the father
&f Gakradhr.ra had made a vow tothi rig^deva
the I'lirandhar hill'. This Sani.'ulhi 'near tlu- Puran-
hill' is (he Sainrulhi i tin-
disciple ul Sii L>II\ auttswara.
First Oriental Conference.
Chahga Vateswara went into Samadhi in the Saka year
1219.
2 Muktabai the only sister of Sri Dnyaneswara has
been thrice mentioned in the Caritra as a person of the
past.
Muktabai went into Samadhi in the Saka year 1220 as
accepted by MarathI Scholars.
3 The same C'tn-i f ni mentions Namdev the favourite
of Sri Vitthala.
Namdev is described by Cakradhara himself as a high-
wayman given to cattle-stealing along with Vitthala a Brah-
man. Both were once pursued and killed. Vitthala became
a God, or was rather turned into God by his sons composing
Abhahgas on him, wherein he and his wife Rakhumai were
mentioned by the sons.
Namdev went into Samadhi nearly 50 years after Sri
Dnyaneswara, that is in Saka year 1268.
4 Marathl scholars are aware that some Abhahgas of
Sri Dnyaneswara appear under an assumed name of 'Bapa
Rakhuma Devi Varu Vitthalu'. These are the Abhahgas re-
ferred to above.
Hence Cakradhara Manabhava must have lived long after
Saka 1248.
Since the earliest reference to Manabhavas is to be met
with in the works of Sri Eknath (1521 Saka). Chakradhar
must have lived between 1268 and 1521. I allot him ro the
latter half of the 15th century.
Date of the Coronation of Mahapadma. By HARIT
SHNADEB.
The \Jti>*u<i VuytL and Bniftmaiuhi Puranas, towards
the close of their dynastic account of the Kali Age, assert
that the account has been carried down to the 836th year
' after Mahapadma '. As the preceding verse counts back
from the coronation of Mahapadma, the expression ' after
I /, ,-XXl
Mahapadma ' should l>u understood to mean ' after M
padma's coronation ' which is obviously taken here as the
pivot of reckoning.
To determine a precise date for this event is the object
of this paper. The approximate date has long been known.
It must fall about the 4th or 5th century B. C., since the
Greek notices conclusively prove that the Maurya dynasty,
which supplanted Mahapadma's dynasty after the latter had
ruled for 40 or 100 years, had already been established before
:5uu I '..('., and Asoka Maurya speaks, in an inscription, of
Magas who ruled in Gyrene c. 300 B. C. c. 250 B. C. The
836th year after Mahapadma, the last definite date given in
the Puranas, thus falls about the 5th century A. D.
It is not likely that Indian historians of such a late
period failed to recognise the necessity for the use of an era
in order to make their dynastic account chronologically
intelligible. Several eras were in existence at that period,
but most of them were regnal reckonings of particular
monarchs, and the adoption of any one of these reckonings
may have been thought to betray a political bias not worthy
of an impartial historian. But there was one era not open
to this objection, namely the Laukika or Saptarsi era.
This era has been used by Kalhana in his RUjuturninjini in
preference to the Saka era in recording the dates of Kashmir
kings. It would appear that this custom was already quite
archaic in Kalhana's time, and may well have existed at the
time the earliest Puranas received their present form. The
Laukika era was eminently suitable for employment in
Puranic chronology ; for it is 'laukika,' i.e. 'popular, 'and the
Puranas are popular histories. Another name for this era
is 'Sastra sarhvat'; and what Sastras, if not the Puranas, could
imperatively require the use of an era? The Puranic account
actually gives an exposition of the Saptarsi reckoning just
after mentioning the period between Mahapadma's coronation
and the last definite date to which the dynastic account has
been brought down It is difficult to avoid concluding that
the Saptarsi or Laukika reckoning has been availed of
here ; in other words, the 836th year after Mahapadma's
16
cxxii First Oriental Conference.
coronation is nothing but the last year of a Saptarsi
century.
This century must correspond to the years 324-424
A. D. ; for no other century preserves the Graeco Indian
synchronisms alluded to above. Mahapadma's coionation
thus falls about the year 413 B. C. (413 B. C.-424 A. D. = 836
years).
The same conclusion follows from other and independent
considerations. The dynastic account is claimed to have
confined itself to the enumeration of kings of the Kali Age.
The 836th year after Mahapadma must, therefore, have been
considered to mark the end of the Kali Age.
Now, the Puranas also assert that the beginning of the
Treta Age is to be identified with the starting-point of
history. True, they assume several manvantaras, each
manvantara consisting of several caturyugas, and each
caturyuga consisting of four yugas calculated according to
the dimja reckoning which conceives of a single year as
containing 360 human or ordinary years. But the manvan-
taras before the Vaivasvata period have no relation to
history proper, as proved by the occurrence, in Matsya, of the
word bhuvi in connexion only with the sons of Vaivasvata
Manu, as also by the explicit statement in Vayu that
corn-cultivation, preservation of cattle etc., first became
possible in the Vaivasvata period. Further, the divija mode
of reckoning is conventional, as attested by the use of such
expressions as Sanjnita, ahurmanisinah, and by the existence
of an account of the yuga periods without reference to the
divya reckoning in ch. 32 of Vayu. The first 27 caturyugas
of the Vaivasvata period are likewise conventional, since
the Puranas ascribe a cyclic character to the historical
events they enumerate. The Tretayuga, therefore, which
is taken in the Puranas to mark the beginning of orthodox
history, is the Tretayuga of the 28th caturyuga of the
Vaivasvata manvantara; and the divya calculation need not
be considered in judging the historical period. The period
between the starting-point of history and the end of the
Kali Age is thus one of (3600 + 2400 + 1200 or) 7200 years.
Ancient History. crxiii
In the days of Megasthenes, the Hindus reckoned the
starting-point of their history to have been 6451 years and
three months before Alexander, that is, about 6777 B. C-
As this reckoning was based upon the reign-periods of kings,
and was associated with legends concerning Spatembas
(Svayambhuva) and Boudyas (Buddha), the standpoint must
have been that of the Puranas. The date 6777 B. C. should
consequently be identified with the beginning of the Treta-
yuga of the Puranas, with the result that the end of the
Kaliyuga falls in 424 A. D. (6777 B. C.-424 A. D. 7200 years),
and the coronation of Mahapadma is assigned to 413 B. C.,
being 836 years prior to the end of Kali.
According to this view of the chronology, the yuga-
periods ore:
Treta 6777 B. C.-3177B. C.
Dvapara 3177 B. C.-777 B. C.
Kali 777 B. C.-424 A. D.
We can put this chronology to some rough tests.
The Puranas say that the Vedas were divided into four
parts in the Dvaparayuga, i. e. between 3177 B.C. and 777 B.C.
This result is in sufficient agreement with the considered
views of Western scholars on the age of the Vedas. Again,
the Puranas ascribe to the Dvaparayuga the division of
Puranic literature into 18 parts. This view tallies with the
inferoivo, based upon the Puranic use of the present tense
in connexion with three contemporary kings, who were
removed fro n Yudhisthira by about four genera; ions, that the
age of compilation of the original Puranas lies in the 1 h
or Hth century B. 0. But it seems to conflict with the
view, also noted in the Puranas, that the Kali Age began
with the death of Krsna. The fact is that both views
are combined in the Puranas as at present constitated ; for
while proposing to give a dynastic account of the Kaliyuga
only, which consists of no more than 1200 years, the Puranas
actually treat of a period extending over more than
18 centuries. This composite standpoint, resulting in an
overlapping of about 700 years as between the Dvapara and
Kali periods, is a.lmitted in so many words: uu<j<ipaf
in <lr<ni (Irniltn r<ikhtm nu
cxxiv First Oriental Confeience.
Mahapadma's coronation-date, as determined here, brings
him into chronological connexion with Darius II of Persia
(424 B. C.-404 B. C.) who was, like Mahapadma, an illegiti-
mate scion of the older ruling house, and had usurped the
throne by killing the legitimate heir. V ahapadma may have
been encouraged by the Persian example to seize the throne
not lawfully belonging to him. The conquests of Darius
I had brought the Achaemenian Empire into close contact
with India proper, and may have necessitated the formation
of a unified Middle Indian Empire under Udayana, the
Empire which Mahapadma was later to constitute into a
kingdom under his sole sway by uprooting the subordinate
kings. He was the first Sudra monarch after the Bharata
War, and his coronation-date is a very important land-mark
in the political history of India.
Identification of the Kings of Aryavarta defeated by
Samudragupta. By K. N. DIKSHIT.
Important points treated in the paper :
1 Balavarman, the last of the nine princes of Arya-
varta defeated by Samudragupta (vide his Allahabad Pillar
Inscription) is most probably identical with Balavarman,
the ancestor of Bhaskaravarman of Assam.
2 Rudradeva the first of the 9 kings mentioned in the
same inscription is probably to be identified with Rudrasena
I of the Vakataka dynasty, who was a contemporary of
Samudragupta.
3 These identifications point to an order in which the
names of the nine kings were mentioned, beginning from the
South, then to the West, then to the North and finally to the
Eastern frontier of the original Gupta kingdom. The
kings mentioned may thus be tentatively localized in parti-
cular regions.
The Date of Haribhadrasuri. By MUNI JlNAVTJAYAJL
More than one Jain writer bears the name Haribhadrasuri,
but HIP subject 'if this pappr is the oarliest ami thr> most
Ancient History. c-xxv
famous of them: the author of Avasyakasiitravrtti, Yogubindu,
artasamuccaya, &nd scores of other works small and
large. Haribhadra supplies scanty details about himself in
tlio colophon to th< ikuxufrai-rtti, but his date is still
disputed. The question was opened up by Peterson, who
was followed by Klatt, Leumann, Ballini, Mironow, and
Jacobi. The last mentioned scholar doubts the validity of
an anonymous Prakrt gatha, which has been the basis for all
other chronological statements about Haribhadra and which
records the death of tbe great acarya as having taken place
in 529 A. D., on the strength of (i) a statement in the Upami-
tibhavaprapaficakatha which was finished in A. D. 906 and
the author of which, Siddharsi, calls Haribhadra his pre-
ceptor ; and (ii) certain identities of expression between
Haribhadra and Dharmakirti. Now as to (ii) Jacobi could
have made a much stronger case in as much as Haribhadra
actually mentions not only Dharmakirti but even Bhartrhari
the author of the VUkyap^rHi/a (cir. 650 A. D.) and Kumarila
(first half of the 8th century) as also a number of other Jain
and Buddhistic writers. But we cannot accept the argument
(i) because, if we follow the words of Siddharsi carefully it
becomes evident that Siddharsi does not wish us to regard
Ilaribhadra as his immediate teacher (ch. Ariagatam parijua-
>. Thus although the anonymous Prakrt gatha has to
be rejected as a chronological evidence, we cannot take
Haribhadra at once from the 6th to the 10th century, but
have to place him rather in the 8th century after Christ.
One evidence of a compelling kind for this is the mention of
Haribhadra by Udyotanasuri who wrote his Kuvalayamala
in Saka 699 or 777 A. D. Further collateral evidence enables
us to place Haribhadra between 705 and 775 A. D. He lived
therefore in that same century which produced great writers
like Kumarila, Prabhakara, Sahkara and Sureswara; Bhava*
bhuthuul V-.kpnti: ^ nt;irak-ita and Kamalaslla; Akalanka,
anda, and PrabhacanH-
four Appendixes at the end of the paper discuss the
question of the relation between Haribhadra and Santaraksita;
uisliin^ between a Vrddha-Dharmot-
tnra (whom I laribbadra qumos) ;md a latpr writor of thp samp
cxxvi First Oriental Conference.
name; the necessity of -a similar distinction between two
writers of the name Mallavadin ; and the indirect bearing of
the date of Haribhadra upon the date of Sarikaracarya whom
Haribhadra does not quote and who therefore cannot be
placed a hundred years earlier than the date accepted for
him by Professor K. B Pathak and others. If Sankara had
lived 1(^0 years before Haribhadra, the absence of all reference
to him or to his works by Haribhadra remains unexplained.
Havana's Lanka discovered. By Sirdar M. V. KIBE.
The identity of the Ayodhya and Citrakuta mentioned
in Valmiki's Ramatjana with the modern sites or places
bearing those names is not disputed. There is, however, no
certainty as regards the places visited by Rama and his
party during his exile after his visit to Citrakuta. it appears'
that he spent nearly ten years in the Dandaka forest and then
resided at a particular spot in it for about two years when
his wife, Slta, was abducted by Ravana. In search of her,
Rama reached Kiskindha. This place could be fixed with
certainty on three grounds. The first is that from here Su-
griva, while sending expeditions in four directions, enume-
rated the countries in each direction. This centre appears
to be on the Northern slope of the extreme East of the Vin.
dlr a range. Then the distance between Citrakuta, and Kis-
kindhca is indicated in yoj<in<i*. hi mileage it comes to about
92 miles. This again leads to the same spot. Th<> third
ground is that the search party which went to the South
immediately entered the Vindhyas after leaving Kiskindha.
These three grounds lead to the location of Kiskindha in
the present Rewa State. Local tradition also points to the
same place.
The next place then to be searched is Ravana's Lanka.
The nrnnaijana is quite clear that the search party which
entered the Vindhya went to the South and as soon as it left
its valley rame across the Sea. on the other shore of which
Lanka was visible, perched on the peak of a mountain. There
is no sea which washes the Southern side of the Vindhyas. It
is not unlikely that the poet might have magnified an ex*
pense of water into a sea. If this explanation is accepted, a
Ancient fliahjry. cxxvii
mysterious peak which is visible from the neighbourhood of
the Amarkantak, the source of the Narbudda, and which is
surrounded by marshy land may be identified with Lanka.
Local tradition connects the country with Havana and
this part of the Vindhyas which is called the Kaimur range
contains traces of the habitation of pro-historic men.
The. early History of the Gurjaras. BIJ R. C. MAJUMDAR.
The object of the present paper is to discuss the history
of a Gurjara-Pratlhara ruling family, earlier than and differ-
ent from the well-known Imperial Pratlharas. The family
was founded by a Brahmana called Haricandra in the
middle of the sixth century A- D. and ruled over territories
round about Mandor in Rajputana. This is the earliest
Gurjara power in India known to History, and the province
over which they ruled was known in later times as Gurjara-
tra. Among others, the following important points regard-
ing the history of this family have been sought to be esta-
blished in the present paper.
(1) They were the Gurjaras against whom the kings of
Thaneswar, notably Prabhakaravardhana, carried
on constant warfare.
(2) They represent the Gurjara power which came
into conflict with the Calukyas of Badami,
notably Pulakesin II.
(3) The Samanta Dadda who founded a feudatory ruling
family at Broach was the brother of a king of this
dynasty and the Broach Gurjaras were thus sub-
ordinate to this family.
(4) The Gurjara kingdom referred to by the Chi:
traveller Yuan-chwang is the province ruled over
by this family and the king whose court was
visited by the pilgrim was the fifth king of this
family called Tata.
(5) The power and prestige of this family underwent
a considerable decline in consequence of an in-
vasion by the Arabs in c. 725 A. D.
rxxviii First Oriental Conference.
(6) The ultimate downfall of the dynasty was caused
by the rise of a rival Pratlhara family which drove
away the Mleccha invaders and established the
supremacy over the Gurjara confederacy.
(7) Henceforth the family continued as a subordinate
power under the imperial Pratlharas till at least
the beginning of the tenth century A. D. but its
end is involved in obscurity.
The Ancient Germtins. A few points in their Con-
stitution, Religion, Society, etc, common to them
and to the Early Indo-Iranians. By JlVANJl
JAMSHEDJI MODI.
The last great war, in which many nations of the Indo-
Germanic group took part, drew the attention of the whole
civilized world to the Germans. According to Gibbon, the
ancient Germans have "a stronger and more domestic claim"
upon the attention of the Britons. We may add, that they
have also some claim upon the attention of the Modern
Indo-Iranians the Hindus and the Parsis. As to the claims
of the Britons, Gibbon says that "the most civilized nations
of modern Europe issued from the woods of Germany, and
in the rude institutions of those barbarians, we may still
distinguish the original principles of our present laws and
manners". Dr. J. Aikin, a translator of Tacitus, the Histo-
rian of the ancient Germans, says : ; ' The government
policy and manners of the most civilized parts of the globe
were to originate from the woods and deserts of Germany".
Mr. Baring Gould, in his book on Germany, says: "Influences!
have gone forth from her which have deeply affected every
one of her neighbours The reader of the story of
Germany is thus brought face to face with problems of the
deepest moment, with which men of deadly earnestness were]
struggling through the ages, putting forth all the power of
their intellect and the force of their vigorous bodies, intei
sified by the deep-seated religious convictions which the:
nourished in their hearts. The story of such a people as the
Germans could not fail to possess intense interest for any-
/</ Hixtory. OXlix
That story does possess some interest for us, Indu-
Iranians, also, but that interest is based on a ground different
from that on which the Britons base their interest. The in-
terest of the Britons, lies mostly on the ground that the
Germans were looked at as blood-relations, as cousins, and
that they ( the Britons ), to a great extent, built upon the ex-
perience of these cousins and looked to them for guidance.
The reason of the claims of the ancient German upon our at-
tention is that the ancient Germans were the contemporaries
of the ancient Indo-Iranians. So our interest lies more in
the line of comparing some of our old religious beliefs, man-
ners and customs with those of the ancient Germans looking
at them as our great grand uncles of the past and not in
the line of tracing the origin or rise of these from them as is
the case with the modern Britons and other European
nations, who look at them as their remote ancestors or great
grandfathers. Both Ethnography and Philology present
this view of the case.
Our authorities for information about the ancient Ger-
mans are Caius Julius and Caius Cornelius Tacitus. Tacitus
has been held to be wrong, when he said, that the ancient
Germans were " indigenous and free from intermixture with
foreigners, either as settlers or casual visitors", (a) The burial
mounds found in some parts of Germany, (b) the ancient
names of some of its rivers and mountains and (c) the divi-
sion of the people like that of Aryas and Non-Aryas, like
that of Iranians and Non-Iranians, into the free and non-free
( the serfs, the original natives of the place ) among whom
intermarriages were prohibited by a law, the relic of which
prevented, up to now, a German prince from marrying out
of the princely family all these point to an early occupa-
tion of the land by some people other than the ancient Ger-
mans, and to the conclusion that the ancient Germans came
t'ruin somewhere el<e and occupied the country as con-
quer
They are believed to have a Scythian origin and to h.i
come from :i country occupied by the Scythians Several
17
cxxx First Oriental Conference.
facts lead us to that conclusion, (a) Their god Tuist wi
the god Teut or Teutates, the Celto-Scythian king or her.
(b) The story of Manus, the son of this Tuisto, whose thn
sons gave their names to three great bribes of the anciet
Germans reminds us of the Iranian story of the Avesta
Thraetana ( Faridun ) and of his three sons, who gave thar
names to three Iranian countries. The name Manus remin
us of the Iranian Manush ( Manushcheher, Minocher ) i
descendant of Thraetaona.
Then, the Scythians, from whom the ancient Germas
took their origin, were, as pointed out by Prof. Gutsc
" Aryan and nearly akin to the settled Iranians". T
account of Herodotus about the Scythians support
conclusion. They had among them the story of the
sons of Targitans and of their trial, which reminds us f
the story of the trials of his three sons by the Thraetaoa j
of the Tuesta.
We find that almost a similar story of three brothers s
connected with the God Tuist of the ancient German
God Trita Aptya of the Hindus, and the hero Thraetaoa
Athwya of the Iranians. Again the story of the mares of te
Scythian Hercules, disappearing when the hero was asleep, t
the instance of a woman who wanted to marry him, r
bles that of the Iranian Hercules, Rustam, and his wjlf
Tehmina.
We trace similarity between the institutions of the a-
cient Germans and the ancient Indo-Iranians in the folio -
ing matters.
1 Constitution, 2 Religion, 3 Womanhood, (a) S.
position (b) Prohibition against Widow-man
(c) Sutteeship (d) Prohibition of Intermarri
4 Computation of time, 5 Miscellaneous ma
such as (a) Calculation of Wealth (b) Deliberatin
during and after feasts.
1 The Civil Economy of the ancient Germans conW
ponded, to a certain extent, to that of the Iranians JH
Indians. The German divisions of houses, vici, districts &*-:.
tribes, corresponded to the Iranian division of houses, (JM
mfina), vica (f^i), Zantu (^5) and danghu or dakhyu ()
Ancient History . ciixi
.e Town-ships of the Germans corresponded to the village-
mmunities of India- Their way of conducting communal
ss resembled the Indian way. Sir H. Maine has corn-
red these two. Their mode of electing the chiefs or the
-nchayat was well nigh similar. The common civil Eco-
>f the ancient Germans, Indians and Iranians shows
, that local Self-Government was, as it were, 'as old as the
Us'. As Prof. Rehatsek has said, "it was the feature of the
rsian system of administration to allow the nation under
ule a good deal of self-Government and internal in-
pendence. Even the civil governors of Judaea were
- Jews". There prevailed a reasonable democratic
or rule. Kautilya's Arthasastra shows that there
availed such a spirit in ancient India. It extended even
the Tamil country. The Germans, the Iranians and
dians had both kinds of government in their extended ter-
lonarchies as well as republics. The Buddhist
tafcas and the Iranian Vendidad refer to both. The "/ o.t
prevailed in the election of kings and chiefs.
2 As to the Religion of the ancient Germans, Caesar
78 : "They reckon those alone in the number of gods
lich are the objects of their perception and by whose attri-
rhey are visibly benefited, as the Sun, the Moon, and
i The rest they have not heard of". Herein we see
old Indo-Iranian worship, "a worship of the wonderful
aid phenomena of Nature," as said by Dr- Whitney.
e statement of Tacitus about the ancient Germans, that
ley conceive as unworthy the grandeur of celestial brings
:mc their deities within walls, or to represent them
der a human similitude," seems to be, as it were another
>f what Herodotus says of the early Iranians, that
is not their practice to erect stones or temples or altars,
t they charge those with folly, who do so". Arrian ra-
1 Megasthenes, as saying a similar thing of the an-
i nd ians of the pre-Buddhistic times. \\ hat Prof. Gut-
ys of the Scythian worship, that "in true Iranian
;i the gods were adored without images or temples",
Is true of the Germans also. The German gocl Wotan, the
1 air, who has given his name to a week-day, tho Wed-
thp samp a* thp Vata. thp Iranian Ya/ata nf air
exzzii First Oriental Conference.
or wind. A kind of divination was associated with Religion
among these three people. Their divination from twigs re-
minds us of the divination among the Iranians through their
harsam, referred to in the old testament, which, though now
made of metallic rods, was formerly made of twigs, and
which seems to have been used for divination. All the three
ancient nations had divination from birds, horses and fights
of individual champions.
3 (a) The ancient Germans had like their Indo-Iranian
brethren a very great esteem for women, who held a high
position among them. They married like them at a mature
age, and had like them, monogamy as the rule and polygamy
as exceptions. Tacitus presents to us as bright a picture
of the position of woman, as that presented by the Avesta for
the Iranian women, and by the ancient Hindu books for
Indian women. It was the husband who brought the gifts or
dowry and not the wife. In ancient Iran and India also, the
gifts were from the husband. A desire for a large progeny
was common among the three nations. The mothers "suckled
their own children" and did not "deliver them into the hands
of servants and nurses".
(b) They had among them in some states prohibition of
Widow-marriages and Suttee-ship, which at one time or an-
other in the history of the ancient Hindus, existed among
them. It is a question how old is the prohibition in India.
It seems, that (a) either there were different views about
widow-marriages at different periods of Indian history, or
(6;that the views differed in different parts of the country.
It'seems, that the prohibition existed when the ancestors of
the ancient Germans and the ancient Hindus their common
Aryan forefathers lived together somewhere. We learn
from Kautilya's Arthasastra, that widow-marriage was per-
mitted in Candragupta's time. -Again, we learn from Firdousi,
that in later times also, in the times of Chosroes{I (Nowsher-
wan A'dil, 6th Century A. D.), it was permitted.
(c) As to Suttee-ship among the ancient Germans, Bar-
ing Gould attribute^ it rather to want of self-respect, but
following Tacitus, we must say, that, as at one time in India,
it was resorted to by women out of higher feeling ti the
sacred tie of marriage.
Ancient History. oxxxih
('/) The ancient Germans had, according to Tacitus,
no inter-marriages with non-Germans. They had also no
inter-marriages with what we may call the aborigines of the
country, whom they called, 'non-free, calling themselves who
had come from a foreign land, free'. According to Megas-
thenes and Arrian, there was some prohibition against inter-
marriage's between the castes.
4 In their computation of time, the ancient Germans,
like their brethren the Indo-Iranians " computed time not by
the number of days but of nights".
5 They counted their wealth by their cattle.
They were late risers, ate on separate tables or plates-
and indulged in drinking. Like their Iranian brothers, of
whose custom Herodotus speaks at some length, they held
deliberations on serious matters in the midst of feasts and
after drinking, and confirmed those deliberations in sober
hours, the next day.
A Chapter from our early Economic Geography. By
RADHAKAMAL MOOKERJI.
There can be no greater tost of India's economic progress
in the past than the age-long distribution and utilisation of
forest, agricultural and mineral products from the Himalayas
to the Cape and from Sindh to Assam. It is also significant
that the distribution is in some cases fairly the same as it
had been 25 centuries ago, being determined by the physio-
graphical characteristics of the different forest, pastoral,
agricultural or mineral regions and zones in India. The
pearls of Ceylon, the corals of the Sea of Barbara, the fores
products of the sub-tropical slopes of the Himalayas and of|
Assam, the shawls and rugs in the wool areas of the dry N.
W. and especially Kashmir and Nepal, the cotton in the old
cotton areas of Bengal and Paundra, the Ganges valleysorthe
('opuuandal Coast lands, the IIT<P- "t'the dry hills of the N-
W. in Sindh and in Afghanistan, tho Hrpbnts in tho Terai
and Assam t .It dug from the Sindh region.- these
are as woll kn-wn to-day as they had hoen in the age* ^f th*
czzziv First Oriental Conference.
Arthasastra, the Mahabharata or the Periplus. The names
of towns and regions are sometimes easy and sometimes
difficult to identify. The careful and accurate topographi-
cal descriptions of the Periplus give an identical picture of
the economic life of the Tamil country and Malabar and its
economic products as modern district gazetteers. The
economic regions remain the same and consequently their
commercial products.
A classification of these as shown in the paper would
show India's resources and her geographical unity and eco-
nomic destiny through all the long centuries in the past.
Some Aspects of the Problem of the Gupta Era. By
K. B. PATHAK.
Alberuni makes four statements :
1 The expired years of the Indian eras were used.
2 Gupta was another name of the Valabhl era.
3 The difference between corresponding Valabhi and
Saka is expressed by the cube of 6 and the square of 4 (241).
4 The initial day of the Valabhi year is Caitra S. 1.
These statements are proved by three different and in-
dependent methods based on the results of astronomical
calculations. In this way Alberuni is completely vindi-
cated against the attacks of his critics of the nineteenth
century.
Notes on the early Sea-borne Commerce of Western India.
By H. G. RAWLINSON.
1 Trade between India and the west travelled by three
routes viz :
('/) Oxus route, to Black Sea and Aegean.
(?>) Persian Gulf route to Mesopotamia and Levant.
(c) Red Sea route to Egypt and Syria.
2 Four Epochs of Indian trade :
Ancient History. oxxxv
fa) Egypto-Semitic period. Antiquity of Egyptian
Mesopotamian culture. Solomon and the Phoenician fleet
from Akaba. Rise of Assyria, and of Babylon. Mesopota-
mian influence on early Indian culture. Ports of Western
India : roads, references in the Jatahis. Ancient trade in-
direct through clearing-houses.
(b) Persian Period. Conquest of the Pan jab by
Darius.
(c) Hellenic Period. Alexander conquers Punjab.
Leaves his kingdoms in the East to the Seleukids and the
Ptolemies. The Mauryas, and sea-trade regulations.
(d) The Roman Period. Rise of the Andhras and their
control of the Konkan ports. Discovery of the Monsoon, A.
D. 45. Its effect, centre of gravity changes to Malabar :
the trade in spices, pepper and jewels. Roman coins in 8.
India. The Periplus and Pliny and their accounts of Indo-
Roraan trade. Sack of Rome 410 A. C.
3. Causes of the decline of Indian trade :
(ni K.r'i'rnnl. Collapse of Rome, rise of Mahomme-
danism.
(b) Internal ; Buddhism succeeded by Brahmanism.
Buddhism = Trading class of Puritanism.
4 Indian Imports and Exports and their prices :
(a) Imports copper, tin, silver, a few drugs.
(6) Exports jewels, pepper, drugs etc.
Great excess of Exports over Imports. Balance made
up in *i>< ( -ic. Disastrous effect of this on Economic position
of the Roman Empire. General conclusions.
Jahgaladesa and its Capital, Ahicchatrapura. Ry HAR
BILAS SARDA.
Jahgaladesa was one of the several provinces of Bharata
Varsa in ancient times.
Its physical characterestics as described in Sanskrit
books show that it must have been situated somewhere in
cxxxvi First Oriental Conference.
what is now known as Rajputana. Nand Lai Dey's opinion
that Jahgala and Kurudesa were one and the same country
and were known as Srlkanthadesa cannot be accepted. Sri-
kanthadesa was the kingdom of Thanesvara, and Kuru and
Jahgala were two separate countries. The term Kuru-Jah-
gala shows that Kuru and Jahgala lay adjacent to each other
and formed a political or economic unit as Kuru-Pancala.
A part of Bikaner territory is still called Jahgala and the
Bikaner Chiefs are called ' Jangaldhar Patshah ' by bards.
The early Cauhans ruled over the country round Nago
(now in Marwar) and their kingdom was called Jangaladesa
or Sapadalaksa. As their power increased and their domi-
nions extended, the whole of their kingdom came to be called
Jangaladesa or Sapadalaksa. Thus when Sambhar and later
on, Ajmer became their capitals, Jangaladesa included the
greater part of the present Bikaner, Jaipur and Jodhpur
states, the whole of Ajmer-Marwara and Kishengarh, and
the Eastern part of Mewar. Cauhan Kingdom is called
Sapadalaksa in the Visalpur and other inscriptions, and
Sanskrit works are quoted to show that the Cauhan
Kingdom was sometimes called Jangaladesa and sometimes
Sapadalaksa. Jangaladesa is the ancient and Sapadalaksa
the modern name of the territories ruled over by the Cau-
hans.
The Capital of Jangaladesa is not recorded anywhere.
In the collection of manuscripts and transcripts of inscri-
ptions, left by Yati Gyanchandra, Guru of Colonel James
Todd, there is a paper containing names of 26 countries with
their capitals and the capital of Jangaladesa is stated therein
to be Ahicchatra. This Ahicchatra must have been situated
within the Jangaladesa or Sapadalaksa country. Both the
Bijolian Rock inscription of A. D. 1170 and the celebrated
Epic, Prthinraja Vijaya, name the capital-of the Sapadalaksa
country Ahicchatrapura.
It appears from the account given in the Prthciraja
Vijaya, of the origin of the salt lake of Sambhar, that the
Capital of Samanaraja, the successor of the founder of the
Cauhan dynasty, Vasudeva, was situated about a day's
hard ride from Sambhar. This fact, along with the fact that
Ancient History cxxxvii
the pargannah of Nagur ( Nagapura ) has always been and
is still nailed Svalak, the Hindi form of Sapadalaksa, and
that Nagor is a synonym of Ahicchatrapura, ( both meaning
" the town of the serpent)" shows that Ahicchatra is the an-
cient name of Nagor or Nagapura, and that the present town
of Nagor was the Capital of Jahgaladesa or Sapadalaksa.
Gupta Era. By H. A. SHAH.
The starting point of the Gupta Era is determined with
the help of Jinasena. He gives it in terms of Vira years.
Valuing the Vira years into Saka years and thence, in turn,
those Saka years into A. D. years, the Gupta Era is found to
begin in about 200 A. D. A corresponding Buddhist year
is also obtained by inferences.
The problems connected with Gupta history are then
examined and applied to the chronology which begins from
200 A. D.
Sources of information are as follows: (1) The records
of Chinese travellers. (2) Ceylonese History. (3) Hjstory of
the Western Ksatrapas. (4) Gupta inscriptions.
Ceylonese History is expressed in Buddhist years.
Dates of Chinese travellers are known in A. D. years. Dates
of W. Ksatrapas are known in Saka years. Gupta inscrip-
tions record in Gupta years.
They all agree, severally and conjointly, with one
mother. It is thus shown that the harmony of results is an
mprecedented one in the Ancient Indian Chronology. Fur-
ther treatment of the subject and allied questions are reserv-
for another occasion.
Inferences and conclusions made on various grounds are
jummarised as follows :
(1) The Imperial Guptas are only those kings whose
names stand in the geneologies of Bhitari record
and Bhitari seal. All the rest belong to a different
k <>r HI-P <>tV-sh<
Tho (It: i hepin.v in ah>i: D.
L8
First Oriental Conference.
(3) The Vallabha Era (or Gupta- Vallabha Era) begins
in about 319 A. D.
(4) Malava Era is very likely the Vikrama Era.
(5) Dates of the Nirvana of Mahavlra and Buddha are
about 527 B. C. and 534 B. C. respectively.
(6) Traditional dates are generally correct.
(7) Statements from Chinese annals must be consi-
dered seriously.
(8) The accepted date of Fa-hien (399-414 A. D.) is in-
correct.
(9) Ceylonese history is generally correct in its chro-
nology.
(10) The Western Ksatrapas suffered defeat at the
hands of the Guptas. * We cannot say that they
were overthrown by them.
(11) Ideas about Buddhism and Hinduism must be re-
vised. (So too, about the literature.)
XI. Ethnology and Folklore.
Modern Conscience towards Racial Problems. By P.
N. DAROOWALLA.
The modern conscience towards various races has been
awakened and it is in the fitness of things that the causes of
this awakening should be examined to create a bond of union
between different races. Thecauses are mainly the spread
of democratic ideas among the people of the East. Japan has
shown what the East can do by imitating the West with due
modification. Language is a bond of union. The great influ-
ence of English tongue and English literature on eastern
countries and on national aspirations should be noted. The
influence of the press in spreading news from the different
parts of the globe has contributed to intimate knowledge of
different races. The West has turned seriously to study eas-
tern languages and the rich contribution to religion, philoso-
phy, art, has been freely acknowledged by Western scholars.
The study of the oldest code of laws of Hamurabi has
thrown a flood of light on the ancient civilisation of
Babylon and Assyria. The influence on scientific and
religious law has been traced to the code of Hamurabi.
The teaching of Zorastrianism as it is contained in the
Gathas, has been taken up in the universities of England
Germany, France and America. Among the several
spells the most effectual is the 'adaptibility of this ancient
Religion.
The Muhabhurata and the Ramayuna are the great epics of
the Hindus and their contribution to philosophy, legend and
religion is immense. They ara the living forces among the
Hindus and rich narration is hardly surpassed. There are
conceptions of law and justice contained in ancient religions.
Among the ancient nations, law and medicine were not
separate professions. Law is invariably interwoven with
religion. English Classics have shown the readers of the
West the national character of the Asiatics. Weitern
scholars have found intellectual wealth in {these works.
cxl First Oriental Conference.
The Shahnamehof Firdausi has revealed to the western mind
the great and noble heroes that flourished in Persia. The
contact of the East with the West has counteracted the ten-
dency towards materialism, while the contact of the West
with the East has awakened the national consciousness, to
leave off speculation and to turn to commercial and industrial
regeneration of Asia. India has come into contact with
England and her influence is the greatest. The reformation
in England has given rise to reformation in India and old
superstitions and caste prejudices are dying out in the wake
of education.
Note on the Dissolution of Castes and Formation of new
ones. By S. V. KETKAR.
1 The usual suppositions that every member of the
Hindu community is bound firmly to a certain caste and
that castes are air-tight compartments and that if castes are
not quasi-eternal entities, they are at least corporations
dating from a period too far removed from the historian's
gaze, are all unhistorical.
2 The very contrary statement could be made with
an overwhelming evidence, that during the last 3000 years
there has been no period in the social history, when the
process of dissolution of the old groups and of the formation
of new ones was not going on.
3 The existence of a number of castes could be
explained by one process, viz. when classes, tribes and
nations lose their expansive character, they are formed into
castes.
4 The sentiments, either expansive or restrictive, arise
or decline in classes, tribes and nations; admission of
foreigners or otherwise depends on the sentiment of that
period.
5 History of the formation of castes means history of
the formation of nations, classes and o\her loose social
groups.
Ethnology and Folklore. oill
6 The line of demarkation between castes on the one
band and classes, tribes and nations on the other, is not so
sharp as it is supposed. As expansion or restriction depends
on the varying sentiment of the group, description of the
group demands greater exactitude. Among the various social
groups which we may find named at two different periods of
history, whether that group was a tribe or a caste or a class
should be determined by actual observation of the facts of the
times. Without positive evidence no conclusion should be
drawn that the same group observed the same restrictions at
both periods.
7 Expansion seems to have taken place not by the
corporate effort, even when caste or tribe had a government,
but it became possible by active and powerful persons arising
in the caste ; they moulded the shape of the caste afterwards.
8 Generally more dominant and powerful castes show
tendency towards expansion* Weak castes are generally
restrictive.
9 We shall find that non-admission of a foreigner of
the group into the group or non-admission of the progeny
of mixed marriages into the group are not rules which are
strictly followed by any caste whose history is known so far.
In this expression a large number of the prominent castes
in Maharastra such as Chitpavan, Desastha and Karada
Brahmins, Marathas, Malis, Sonars and Mahars, the Oauda
brahmans domiciled in Deccan are included, so also are
included castes like Rajputs and Kayasthas of Northern
India and Bengal and Vellalas, Telagus of Madras Presi-
dency and the Karnas and Khandaits of Orissa and Bhil-.
Gonds, Katkaris, Kaikadis etc.
10 It should be stated that this process has been taking
place for centuries, that is, long before the modern creed of
social reform was born.
11 When a new class or a nation builds itself it
slowly incorporates (1) families and classes, (2) sub-castes of
other castes. When such a process take- place, a new
principle of social formation arises with it
cxlii First Oriental Conference.
12 When new principles of social formation arise, old
castes crumble and new groups arise.
13 In a number of cases in the new group old ethnic
distinctions are retained, the sub-castes and families of
various origin become sub-castes of the new group. Greater
contact and stronger affinity developing subsequently,
greater unity is created and the new caste acquires
solidarity.
Marriage Customs in Western and Eastern Nations.
By S. S. MEHTA.
Marriage is an event of gravity and essential religious
elevation in the life of the Hindu. Great importance is at-
tached to it among all nations, who look upon Matrimony as
a form of contract. The wife leaves her father's protection
and seeks shelter under the roof of her husband where pure
and happy love reigns. In a society so primitive as that of the
Vedic times, there was no religious obligation that every
girl should be married. It is also gathered that the bride
was almost of equal age of puberty with the bride-groom
during the times of the Vedas ; the Smrtikaras made them
younger in age, and enjoined the time of celebrating nup-
tials earlier ; and put a mandate over all girls for compul-
sory marriage. The bride had a voice in selecting her husband
for life during the Vedic ages ; whereas latterly, the parents
managed all about the marriage. Polygamy was allowed
among Hindus as also among many other nations; but it
was confined to kings and wealthy lords, as a general rule.
In the Sutra days, six forms of marriage prevailed ; and
two others came later to be added to these :
(1) Brahma The father pours out a libation of water
and gives his daughter to a suitor-student.
(2) Daiva The father decks his daughter with orna-
ments and gives her to an officiating priest, when
sacrifice is being performed.
(3) Arsa The father gives his daughter for a cow or
a bull.
(4) Gandharva The lover takes and weds a loving
damsel.
Ethnology and Folklore. cxliii
(5) Ksatra ( Raksasa)-The bridegroom forcibly takes
a damsel, destroying her relatives by strength of
arms.
(6) Manusa (Asura) The suitor purchases a damsel
from her father.
(7) Prajapatya The father gives away his daughter to
the Suitor, saying ' Fulfil ye the law conjointly '.
(8) Paisaca A man embraces a woman deprived of
consciousness it was a form of rape.
Marriage marks, no doubt, an entrance to a new stage
of life the life of a householder the chief part of religious
ceremony in a praiseworthy form of marriage among the
Hindu consists of the bride-groom sending messengers to
the house of the girl's father, reciting Rv. X 85, 23 ; and
if the proposal pleases both the parties, the promise
of marriage is ratified, and both parties touch a full vessel
into which flowers, fried grain, barley and gold have been
put, and then they recite a formula. The bride-groom then
performs a sacrifice. On the appointed day, the bride's re-
lations wash her with water fragrant with the choicest fruits
and scents, make her put on a newly dyed garment, and
cause her to sit down by a fire, while the family Ac&rya
performs a sacrifice. The bridegroom, who has also bathed
and gone through auspicious ceremonies, is escorted by
happy young women who are not widows, to the girls house,
(Sankhyayana).
The Institutes of Manu enumerate all the forms noted
above; but Manu's sense of decorum rebels aginst some of
them ; and he observes : "The Paisaca ( seduction ) and the
Asura (sale) must never be used" ; so also : "No father who
knows the law must take even the smallest gratuity for his
daughter; for a man who, through avarice, takes a gratuity,
is a seller of his offspring." We are, again, reminded that
even a Sudra should not take a nuptial fee ; and that such a
I transaction has never been heard of. Widow remarriage pre-
vailed in Manu's time, although it was not approved of by
the orthodox. Inter-marriage was freely allowed provided
that ,i in. -in of a lower caste ditl nt murry a woman of
higher rastn Marriage between relations was strictly
Oriental Conference
prohibited in Manu's ti "A damsel who is neither a
sapit),da on the mother's side, nor belongs to the same family
on the father's side, is recommended to twice born men for
wedlock and conjugal union." (Ill 5) The ancient custom
of raising issue on a brother's widow seems to have fallen
into disuse in Manu's time.
In the Puranic age, marriage was arranged by the parents
of the bride or the bride-groom ; but no gifts were settled ;
but the husband made a gift in advance which 'was the wife's
property (Stridhana) ever after. In the modern age, castes
have become more rigid, and Brahmans never marry any
woman except one of their own caste.
The ceremonies :
(1) Vagdana Betrothal.
(2) Slmanta-pujana The worshipping of the boundary
of the town or village and receiving with due
hospitality the bride-groom and his party.
(3) The arrival of the bridegroom at the house of the
bride.
(4) Madhuparka The mixture of treacle and water
offered for drink ; and the adoration of the bride-
groom and party.
(5) Vistarasana The offering of the Darbha-seat to
the bride-groom.
(6) Mangalastaka While veiling and curtaining the
bride, benedictory verses are recited to prepare
them to see the faces of each other.
(7) Paraspara-niriksana Seeing the faces of each
other.
(8) Kanyadana Actual gift of the bride to the bride-
groom.
(9) Suvarnabhiseka Giving a bath with a gold piece
in the water.
(10) Sutravestana Tying of the auspicious thread of
marriage.
H 1) Kahkana-bandhana Putting on of the bracelet.
(12) Aksataropana-Putting in of auspicious rice mixed
with milk, uhee &c. on each other's heads.
/-// h-l I ' rx\|
(13) Tilaka-puspamaladharana Anointing each other
by the marrying couple, with an auspicious nup-
tial mark on the forehead and garlanding each
other.
(14) Mahgala Sutra Bestowing an auspicious decora-
tion on the bride.
(15) Vastragranthi-bandhana Tying up of the garment
knot of both.
(16) Vivaha-homa The connubial fire and sacrifice.
(17) Panigrahana Joining the hands in marriage.
(18) Saptapadi The seven steps on small heaps of rice.
(19) Dhruva-darsana The sighting of the Pole Star,
Arundhati and the seven-sages-constellation.
(20) Grhapravesaniya-Loma The sacrifice to the holy,
fire before entering the bride-groom's house.
(21) Airinldana In a bamboo basket, grains &c., are
filled and given away in alms.
Most of these ceremonies are common to Brahmins of
different provinces and presidencies in India; but the Prar-
thana Samaj, the Arya Samaj and such other institutions
that are mostly the result of modern civilization, generally
dispense with many details and also with many main rites,
out of those that are noted above. The Parsi has much in
common with these ceremonies. According to Dr. J. J. Modi
the ceremony of marriage can be divided into three main
groups :
(a) Mutual presents ; (b) Witnesses ; (c) Ceremonies.
Mutual Presents.
(1) Money payment ; (2) rings ; (3) dress ; (4) articles of
food.
1 Among the Romans and ancient Christians, this pay-
ment of money was known as Earnest-money ; and among
ancient Jews, it was essential for a betrothal. It may be
symbolic of purchase-money.
2 Rings are given as gift ; and may be a remnant of
bride-purchase, when marriage must have been equivalent
to bride-catching. In the Christian marriage service the
rintf is put on the book. The P-.^es of ancient Venice threw
1!)
crlvi First Orientnt Conference.
on tne Ascension day every year a ring in the Adriatic-
which ceremony has been immortalized by Byron. Accord-
ing to Gibbon, a ring in the 5th century A. D. was regarded
as a pledge of affection.
3 Dress is regarded as auspicious. The dress among
the Hindus, the Parsis and the Mahomedans is peculiar to
each but the common characteristic is that it is rich and
pompous. The Roman bride used to wear a white gown.
4 Food Milk, curds, honey, sugar, cocoanuts &c., form
the principal articles for mutual exchange. So far the Parsis
have common features with the Hindus ; but the Parsis would
add fish to all these as a special feature of their marriage-
rite.
Witnesses.
(1) Relations and friends on both sides;
(2) Fire ;
(3) The departed souls;
(4) Musical bands ;
(5) Marriage feast.
These are common to the Hindu and the Parsi. Among
the ancient Romans, holding of fire and water as necessaries
of life, before the bride, prevailed at the time of marriage.
In some parts of Australia, the brides carry fire to the houses
of their respective bride-grooms. Among the Assyrians, the
father of the bride-groom invoked the double of Nebo and
Merodach aid prayed to them to grant long years of happi-
ness to the young couple. Moreover, among the ancient
Greeks, the marriage feasts were believed to signify that they
served as an evidence of marriage.
Rites find Ceremonies.
(I) Planting the Mandapa branch; (2) Marking the fore-
heads of the couple ; (3) Marking the doorposts of the house;
(4) Orientation or turning to the East ; (5) Throwing of rice
over the couple ; (6) The clapping of hands; (7) Presenting
water before the couple ; (8) Garlanding ; (9) Breaking arti-
cles of food; (10) Sacred baths; (11) Curtaining and Veiling;
(12) Hand fastening ; (13) Skirt-fastening; (14) Circling and
tying the knot; (15) Feet-washing; (16) Eating together.
Efhnology and Folklore. oxlvii
Most of these ceremonies are a common feature of the
Hindu and the Parsi.
1. Planting a branch and erecting a mandap is common
to the Hindu and the Parsi. " The same idea is to be traced
in the form of survival, in the custom of giving a branch of
laurel to a bride which is found, according to Mannhardt of
Carnac in Brittany, in the introduction of a decorated pine
bough into the house of the bride, met with in Little Russia;
as well as in the ceremony of carrying the May arlorned
with lights before the bride and bride-groom in Hanoverian
Weddings."
2. According to Col. Dalton, marking the foreheads
prevails among many aboriginal tribes of Bengal ; and Mr
Sidney Hartland describes the same and considers it, along
with some others, as a relic of ancient blood covenant ob-
served on Marriage. The Svastika of the Hindus can be
traced in a modified form to the Tau among the Egyptians
and the Cross of the Christians.
3. Among the ancient Romans, the bride applied oil to
the door-posts, oil being regarded as a symbol of prosperity.
4. On the custom of orientation, Mrs. Murray Aynsley
says :
" In European common life also, when passing the wine
or dealing a pack of cards, we commonly hear it said that
this should be done the way of the sun, and the same persons
deem it most unlucky, if through inadvertence, the bottle
be sent round the other way."
5. Grain is symbolical of plenty. In Poland the father
of the bride-groom, after the nuptial benediction, welcomes
the married couple into his house, by throwing over their
heads grains of barley corn (Howett). Among the Hebrews,
grains of barley were thrown in front of the couple, meaning
to denote their wishes for a numerous progeny. In Notting-
hamshire and Sussex, the sprinkling of rue over the couple
i prevalent custom, and in ancient s,viin, not only the
parents of the couplo. but even tho passers-by sprinkled corn.
In Kngland, they throw rice after a newly married couple.
uxlviii First Oriental (^inference.
6. This ceremony is peculiar to the Hindu and the
Parsi ; and Rev. Padfield assigns a peculiar significance
to it.
7. Among the ancient Rom ins, both the bride and bride-
groom touched fire and water, because all things were sup-
posed to be produced from these two elements ( W. Tegg's
"The Knot tied").
8. In ancient Greece, the priest put a crown on the
head of the bride-groom ; in Athens, a friend of the bride put
on a crown; in Egypt, the bride put on a crown ; in Norway,
the bride put on a crownlike jewel ; in old Anglo-Saxon Chur-
ches, the priests blessed the pair and put garlands round
them. " Bride-groom and bride were crowned as victors,
assuming their purity over the temptations of the flesh."
" The bride-groom's wreath was for the most part of myrtle,
the bride's of Verhena."
9. In Scotland they used to break a cake over the head
of the bride at the threshold of her husband's house, when
after marriage she entered it for the first time. Among the
Hebrews, a similar custom prevails. Among the Greeks,
according to Dr. Potter, when the bride-groom entered
the house with his bride, it was customray to pour on their
heads, figs, and diverse other sorts of fruits, as an omen of
future plenty.
10. Among the ancient Greeks, among the ceremonies
bearing religious character which preceded the wedding, an
important part was played by the bath. Among the ancient
Hebrews, sacred baths preceded solemn religious rites.
11. 'The veil put on by the Christian bride is a remnant
of the old custom, signifying that she conceals her face from
her husband." The early Christians derived it from the
Romans. Among the Hebrews, the bride put on a veil which
is to be removed after marriage.
12. Among the Christians, "after the Council of Trent,
it was customary in many places for the priest to entwine
the ends of his stale round the joined hands of the bride and
the bride-groom at the words 'those whom God has joined
together' in token of the indissoluble union thereby effected"
Ethnology and Folklore cxlxi
(M. E. Howett). In Finland tho father of the bride-gromo
fastened the hands. Among the Greeks this ceremony was
considered as ratifying the agreement of marriage. Among
the Assyrians, the father of the bride-groom fastened the
hands of the couple with a woollen thread.
13. The bride and bride-groom, among the Hebrews, were
made to walk under a canopy of cloth, signifying unity of
protection. Among the Santals, the clothes of the married
couple were tied together as a symbol of union.
14. " A circle signifies endless union. " In France, a
canopy is held over the couple during the ceremony; and in
a certain part of Spain, the custom is prevalent.
15. In Scotland, the unmarried friends of the bride
washed her feet on the eve of marriage ; the custom, in a simi-
lar way with a modified form, prevailed among the ancient
Romans and Hebrews, as well as ancient Greeks.
16. Among the ancient Romans, "(Jonfarreatio" was a
ceremony for the bride and the bride-groom to taste together
the holy cakes also called "panis farreres"; among ancient
Greeks, they ate a quince. This custom similarly prevailed
among the Hebrews, the Mclanesians, the Papuous, the
Yezuadees and many other races as well as nations.
A brief History of the Survey of the Ethnography of
Bombay. By J. J. MODI.
On account of its geographical situation and i -
commerce and on account of its rise to the position of a
great city from its original state of being a fishing village,
Bombay is spoken of as 'The Alexandria of India'. It is the
brief historical survey of the Ethnography of such a city,
made beautiful by the hand of Nature and then by the hand
of Man, that forms the subject of this paper.
Bombay owed its birth to the last throbbings of the
Volcanic pangs of the Western coast of India in a very
early pre-historic age. The objects found during the exca-
vqtion of our Prince's Dock and some stone implements
discovered on the shore of the beautiful Back Bay, show
that the level of Bombay lias undergone a change in pr.
cl First Oriental Conference.
historic times, since the time of a general subsidence, which,
on account of its having gone to the Bombay coast its
present outline is spoken of as the 'Bombay Break-off'.
Going to the very dawn of history history presented
not by inscriptions, coins, monuments or books, but by some
coastal finds we find some evidence of Bombay being in-
habited by some people in the Neolithic age. In a paper
entitled 'Some rude stone implements from Back Bay, Middle
Colaba, Bombay', read by -Mr. Swynnerton, before the
Anthropological Society of Bombay, some flints found on
the shore of the Back Bay, were exhibited as stone imple-
ments used by the prehistoric people who inhabited our
island of seven islets. These Back Bay 'coast-finds' are
compared with the 'coast-finds' of Denmark which are
associated with the well-known Danish Kjokhin middlings
or kitchen middlings or as they are called, the refuge-heaps
found along the coast of Denmark. Again close to the flint
flakes at the Back Bay was found a fossil tooth "the first
fossil belonging to a mammal found at Bombay". These
Back Bay pre-historic people were in very low stage of
culture, people like the 'cave-men of Europe' though not
necessarily of the same age.
Coming to the historic age, we may divide the period
into Hindu period, Mahomedan period, and coming down
to our times, the European period, the period of the advents
of the Portugese, the French, the British &c. The Hindu
period had the following dynasties : 1 The Mauryans, 2
the Satakarnis or the Salavahanas, the Andhrabhrtyas of
the Puranas, 3 the Rastrakutas, 4 the Maurya chiefs
of the Konkan, an offshoot of the early Mauryans, 5 the
Calukyas ( 7th century A.D. ), 6 the Silars or Silaharas,
7 the Devgir kings.
In the discovery at Sopara, about 30 miles from Bombay
on the B. B. C. I. Ry., of a fragment of Asoka's edict, we
have the evidence of the Mauryan rule, during which time
the Kolis were the first settlers of Bombay. They were the
Dravadian aborigines of the country. The presence of the
Satakarnis who overpowered the Sakas, the Pahlavas an
off-shoot of the Parthians of Persia, the Yavanas &c. is
<iml Folk 1 '** c jj
evidenced by a numismatic find. A further band of Kolift
came here during this period. It is of the India of this time
that Ptolemy speaks. It is at about this time that the early
settlers of Bombay, the Kolis, came into contact with the
traders from the West, among whom there may be even some
Sassanian Persians. In the discovery of the 'Dramma'
(Pers. dirhem) at Cavel, Mr. Edwardes finds "the first direct
evidence of Bombay's connection with civilization" a con-
nection which became stronger in the times of the Hawya
chiefs of the Konkan. With the next dynasty of rulers,
the Silaharas, there came to Bombay and to the adjoining
country the Agris, the Kayashths, the Arabs, the Parsees
and Israels. With the advent of the Devgiri kings, and
among them especially of Ramdeo, Bombay began to assimi-
late to a greater extent the Hindu Civilization of North
Konkan. Then there came to Bombay, people of a number
of castes. The Prabhu, the Palshikar Brahmins, the Bhan-
daris, the Panohakalsis, the Thakurs and Bhow, all followed
after one another.
Coming to the Mahomedan period, we find the advent to
Bombay and to the adjoining country of the Arabs. The
Konkan Mahomedans are somewhat connected with this
advent. Latterly there came other Mahomedans from
northern India.
Totemism, Exogamy and Endogamy among the Aryan
and Dravidian Hindus. By J. A. SALDANHA.
The caste-system is more rampant among lower classes
of Dravidians than other peoples in India. And their society
discloses a totemistic exogamous organisation which closely
resembles that prevailing among aboriginal tribes in Aus-
tralia and North America. These systems can hardly be
traced among the undent Aryans in Europe, Central Asia or
India. Exogamy as such can first be traced only in the
Sutra period of the Vedas, among the Aryan Hindus. It
seems therefore on a careful study of comparative ethnology
clii
First Oriental Conference.
and history, that the Aryan Hindus are indebted for their
exogamous system, prohibition of marriages of sister's child-
ren and some other phenomena in their social life, to the
practices prevailing among the Dravidians with whom they
coalesced. The author discusses the theory in the light of
recent ethnological lore.
XII.- -Technical Sciences.
Mathematics.
The Constructive Geometry of Altars in the Vedas. By
R. N. APTE.
1 Constructive Geometry of Altars as treated in the
Sulvasutras is given and discussed by Dr. Thibaut and
Dr. Biirk. They have also shown how the construction of
Altars in the Vedas presupposes an amount of geometrical
knowledge. It is the object of this paper to give some
new points in this connection.
2 The method of determining the East-West line as
given by Varahamihira stated. It is shown from passages
in the Vedas that the central East- West line of the Sacrificial
compound is a very important line.
3 The Cayana or high-Altar, of bricks considered and
passages from the Taitt. Sam. and Taitt. Brahmana cited to
show the Naksatra bricks and the way of consecrating and
laying them on the Cayana.
4 This shows that the East-West line was determined
by the rising and setting points of the asterism Krttika and
verified by the Sun's position on the equinox day; and from
this the age of Taitt. Saw. determined to be about 3000 B. C.
5 The next line of reference in importance is a North-
fcouth line. The way in which this was determined in the
Vedas pointed out.
6 The Aksnya (afW) the hypotenuse of a right
angled-triangle given in the Vedas explained and the way in
which \'TJ, \/:T, v/T, ............ found by the Vedas by geometri-
cal construction pointed out by considering the Ekavims&gni
of Asvamedha. and the Anokavidhapurusa Cayana.
7 The Sulvasfitras were only meant as guides for prac-
tical oonstriu'ti'Mi aii'l i'- 'he theorem of the hypotenuse, or
20
cliv First Oriental Conference.
the theorem of Pythagoras as it ia called, ns already well-
know u.
8 The Mahavedi the measurements of it given in the
Vedas geometrically discussed, which leads to the conclusion
that the theorem was known in the times of the Vedas.
Naksatras and Precession. By G. R. KAYE.
Mr. G. R. Kaye very briefly refers to the generally ac-
cepted view, that the naksatras are certain constellations
that mark the ecliptic. He distinguishes the ritualistic,
stellar and scalar aspects of the naksatras and hints that
these may indicate a mixed origin. He refers to certain
passages in early texts that indicate, that the constellations
revolve with reference to the naksatras, points out that
this implies a knowledge of precession, and suggests that
the naksatras conceived as an ecliptic scale whose initial
point is the vernal equinox, would fit these passages, and
would perhaps clear up many other controversial points.
Astronomical Phenomena in Jixing llu- Chronological
periods in Indian History. By V. B. KKTKA K.
1 The Aryans lived in an age when there was no public
era.
2 The existence of the celestial eras.
3 Aryan observations available for the determination
of the ancient dates.
4 The date of the Solstices in the Vedanga Jyotisa.
5 The age of the KrttikaV rising due east.
6 The date of the occultation of the star Pusya by
Jupiter.
7 The date of the first appearance of Canopus on the
rid"-p of the Yindhya Mountain.
The drinking off of the sea by Agastya explained.
9 The dale ol tho Uattk ol Kuruk.-etra.
Civ
10 The Gavumayana, which resembles in sound the
tian word Epagomene used in the same sense-
Medicine.
Rasavidya or Alchemy in Ancient India. By R. V.
PATVARDHAN.
It is difficult to say definitely in what country Alchemy
arose. But neither Egypt, nor Greece could be its birth-
place. The works of Geber, the Arabian Alchemist, are the
oldest genuine works extant, and treatises attributed to the
Egyptian Hermes are undoubtedly spurious. Greek philoso-
phy was anthropomorphic and never indulged in occultism.
Mysticism in Greek philosophy is due to the influence of
oriental transcendentalism of which neo-platoism or
pseudo-platonism was the result. The 3rd and 4th centuries
of the Christian Era are notorious for forgeries in the sphere
of occultism. Alchemy or Chemia was not derived from
Chemi ; neither was chemi ever a name of Egypt. Chemia
was derived from clnjiniex a word coined in the 3rd century
A. C., and the word chemia in the sense of Alchemy was first
used by Snidas a lexicographer of -the 10th century.
The tradition that Emperors Severus and Diocletian
caused the Kgyptian works on Alchemy to be burnt, finds no
support from trustworthy authors. There is no reference to
Alchemy in the works of Herodotus, Diodorus, Plutarch and
Pliny. The medicinal properties of mercury, which plays
;in important part in alchemy, were unknown to the Greeks.
Consequently the Greeks must have been unacquainted with
Alchemy before the 3rd or the 4th century A. (.'.
On the other hand we find that in the Satakas of
Mm rt i hurt who flourished about the 1st century A. ('. there
are clear allusions to alchemy. Tn the alchemical works
compiled by the Greeks there are references to Oriental and
1'ersiiiii authorities, and Ammianus Marcellinus a great
Roman historian of the 4th century tells us that the ntaut
or Persian priests derived thi'ir from the Brah-
min ..I' India l''rom this it appears prohahle that India
and nut K;v\ pt \v;is the hirth-plaee uf Akhen .
clvi Firxt Oriental Conference.
Metrics,
A short Note on the Use of Metres by Sanskrit Poets,
By A. S. BHANDARKAR.
Need of artistic appreciation and pure literary criticism
as such in Sanskrit literature Metric fault Yatibhahga
occurs when a pause due to a metre falls in the middle
of a word in the absence of sandhi. There is a science and
art underlying the use of metres, in general, by Sanskrit
poets especially Kalidasa.
Well suited for narration due to their shortness-
Anustubh, Upajati, Vamsastha most prominent; Vasantatilaka,
Malinl following. Appropriate use of Man da kr ant a in
Meghadhuta, of Anustubh and Viyogini in Kumar asai/t-
bhava II, Raghuvamsa X and Kumara. IV, Raghu. VIII
respectively. A change in metre relieves monotony and is
often introduced at the end of a canto to give the subject
matter a kind of finish.
A Sanskrit drama with its essentially lyrical nature and
comparatively slow development of action offers good
opportunities for a variety of meters in consonance with the
prevailing sentiment or atmosphere. Sragdhara mainly a
metre of heroic and kindred sentiments and seldom used in
dramas of love and pathos ; therefore, its abundance in
Mudraraksasa and Venisamliara end all but total absence
in Kalidasa's works. Also, scarcity of Sikharinl, abundance
of Arya and liberal use of Vamsastha and Upajati in these
works as compared with those of other poets.
Sragdhara. Used chiefly in dramas of heroic and
kindred sentiments and in invocations. Suited for descrip-
tive purposes on account of its -length.
Sardulavikridita : Mainly a metre of softer sentiments
and nature's normal moods. Among longer vrttas most
favourite with Kalidasa after Vasantatilaku. Its length suits
it for descriptive purposes like Sragdhara.
: Sparingly used by Kalidasa. Fit
conveying pathos because of its syllable arrangement.
Maud'' The most symmetric of metres. Its four
opening long syllable justify its name and fit for depicting
nature in her calmer aspects.
Jinniil : A somewhat symmetric metre having a sad,
sweet melody when sung in tune. Unlike other poets
Kalidasa uses it only on choice occasions. Some Hariiii*
in Utfararamacarifn III are also beautiful.
Prthrl: Sparingly used by Sanskrit poets. Examples of
it in Uttara. and Van. are charming because of alteration
and mainly concern the heroic sentiment. Equally sym-
metric with Hariitt.
MTilini : After VnwinttitUakfi, most used among metres
Of medium length. Its opening short syllables render it fit
for conveying hurry, excitement &c. Frequently used as a
change metre by Kalidasa in his narrative poems.
V<iKrinf<itilal;a : Most used among metres of medium
length. Kalidasa is specially fond of it and often uses it as
a change metre in his non-dramatic poems.
Vainsastha, Indravajra, Upajati : Comparatively scarce
in the works of dramatists other than Kalidasa, probably be-
cause the latter was used to them in his narrative poems.
Salinl : Rarely used. Wide difference between the
number of its short and long syllables. Those occuring in
Uttara. contain subject matter noble or dignified in tone.
Arya : Most favourite with Kalidasa but least so with
other poets. Its preponderance in Malavikngnimitra points
to Kalidasa as being the author of the work.
Amixtutilt : A metre of old and sacred tradition. There-
fore, frequently used in invocations, propitiation of gods
and in connection with revered characters generally contain-
ing high moral, ethical or similar ideas. Fit vehicle for
alahkaras like Upama, Drstanta etc. because of its shortness.
Music.
Early History of Music. By E. CLEMENTS.
K;uly history of music involved in confusion. The
musical training and surroundings of the European mat. it
olviii First Oriental Conference.
almost impossible for him to understand oriental music.
His prejudices illustrated.
It is fallacious to take the theories of ancient writers on
music at their face value. They knew nothing of science.
The idea that Greek music was based mainly upon the scale
of Pythagoras is also erroneous.
The nucleus from which the chief systems of oriental
music sprang was a musical civilisation in Central Asia
which favoured the scale (odhavd). In Assyria and Egypt
the harp was.the chief instrument. In ancient Greece the
lyre became many stringed like the harp. In India the harp
was probably in vogue in Aryan times. It was succeeded
by the vlna
In Greece 'the art of the sarangi-player' was brought to
a high degree of excellence. Many-stringed instruments
led to an intricate notation and a system of keys. The
tradition of all this had its effect on the evolution of modern
European music, which is distinguished by (1) relying for
unity of mode upon successions of chords, not so much
upon a chief note (sat'nvadi or awsa svara) t (2) a system of
keys, by means of which one can repeat phrases of melody
at different pitches and so introduce variety (modulation),
(3) the leading note, the tonic or fundamental note of every
mode having a note a semitone below it which leads up to it.
The last property leads to a paucity of modes. To counter-
balance this, modulation is resorted to more and more. The
second property made temperament of some sort inevitable.
Equal temperament was finally adopted about 1850.
In India, the Aryan system appears to have been super-
imposed upon an indigenous or Oravidian system. Indian
music resembles ancient Greek music to a remarkable
extent, in its modes and their derivative the ra</<ix. The
music of Europe and that of India belong to the same family.
It may be inferred that each has something hi f^riin 1'n>m tho
other.
Principles of melodic Classification in Amuoni
Mil- ic. /.'// V. (i. 1* \u \ vii'K.
The pre-requisites of the -iu<ly of iho aia-icm . im
i.lrom Bharal.i, would bo th inter-
prclai ion of technical lei m hi- Murchana, ,laii ami
Ny.-i xi and .-i li it TCI, i iation of the absolute and iho r-
pitch in point of ,i-t lict ic valuation.
In the relative pitch Sa is alway.- the key-nolr, in the
olute any note may be the Icoy-notc. old Indian mu
employed tlic absolute pitch; the relative pitch is u^cd now,
while hot h were in use in the mediaeval period.
The Gramas Were sots of fixed notes, not varied ordi-
: ,ieh with a key-relationship established among them-
: med the Murohan&s or musical >c tle>
Mu roh a nils were understood by mediaeval write r> i
den 'ic |)itch, hut from indications such as the identity of
M ire ia in tho \\\<> dramas, these bein^ susceptibli- of
variation <S:c. they clearly denoted scales in Bharata's book.
Of the 14 Murchanas only 9 were actually u^ed. The
nuinhrr of Murchanas and Tanas was a matter of theory
only.
Tin; .Iritis were the genera undc-r which the musical
ni"dc v were groin)ed together, those being Ihr modal olcmrin >
of which the Is.-. is the final note constituting ihc k
note inal! '.whore it occurs as an ending
not.- not amount intf to the k
Tables of tho twenty-two Srutis and tin . of the
iles and ,1-itis and the intervals used, with their value- in
relative pitch, have been given in the body of tho essay in
their proper places.
The ancient system consisted in sorting out melodies
under modes, which were recognized as varieties of the Jati-.
ani'-ngsi tho variable modal elements being the Aihsa,
the Apanyasa, and occasionally the Nyasa, amongst the in-
variable ones being the Sancari Varnas and the proporti
which in the Svaras were blended to form the melody and
the Nyasa. The Jatis themselves, when divested of the ten
mod:il 'luced to the skeletons { the scales
reduced to the two Gramas. The modal
ttfl indie
i in i oiei iiuuior-it i"H and
clx First Oriental Conference.
classification. The system, however, did not retain its
vitality long. The Jatis soon made room for the Ragas, the
chromatic intervals and the relative pitch and the old classi-
fication became useless. The insufficiency of the number
of Gramas being at the root of the disappearance of the
old system, it is a question whether the old system of classi-
fication, which has at least a scientific basis and has a
.parallel in the Greek system of scales and letrachords, could
not be revived with advantage, care being taken to arrive at
a sufficiency of Gramas that would meet all the requirements
of modern music.
XIII Getaeral.
Sanskrit and its Claims upon our Attention. By OOVIND
SADASHIV APTE.
1 We meet here to consider in what best way the study
of Sanskrit may be encouraged.
2 Any wrong notions about Sanskrit can be corrected
by attending conferences like the present.
3 A magazine like the Bhandarkar Research Institute
Magazine will greatly facilitate ftie work of research and
will supply a long-felt need of Sanskrit scholars and re-
searchers.
4 Dr. Schroder's proposal to mpke Sanskrit the Lingua
Franca of India is not feasible; but it rests witfc us to allow
Sanskrit to remain a dead language or to make it a revived,
if not a permanently living, language.
5 The grammar of Sanskrit may be written in a simple
language and the language itself may be made more elastic
and richer than at present by writing works in Sanskrit on
Modern Sciences.
6 The Gwalior Darbar Government is contemplating
a scheme for organizing a library of Sanskrit MSS. in the
Gwalior State.
7 The following are the results of my study of the
Hindu Astronomy, in which I am interested.
(1) From the verse 99th Ch. IV, 18 of Jilanesrari and
from some references in Siirydxidilhanta, Sidci 1
siroiiHini and Orahalaghara I infer that the Hindus
were acquainted with the Copernican System of
planets, two centuries before Copernicus lived.
i
(2) The verse 19th of the Vedanga Jyotixa is considered
unintelligible; but I think that the interpretation
which I propose in this paper, gives a mean in
verso and the infctnn.it i<m we thu> ->l>tain i-
some usctul knowledge, of ' my.
21
clxii First Oriental Conference.
(3) Lastly, I show the validity of the Vedfinga Jyo-
t/*a by interpreting the 12th and 14th verses of
the Yajurveda Jyotisa and the 5th verse of the
Ryceda Jyoh'xa, in the way I have indicated in this
paper. These verses also are some of the 12, which
are not yet properly understood.
Old Gujarat! Poets: A Critical Exposition. By D. D. DAVE.
Old Gujarat! poets are five in number, Narsinh and
Miranbai being the chief. All of them flourished between the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. All of them were not born
poets, but were substantially influenced by the Literary, Po-
litical and Religious state of Gujarat. Some of the indivi-
dual characteristics of all the five poets in succession. Then
are given some general triaits distinguishing the whole groupi
such. as the predominance of Bhakti sentiment, inattention
to nature for its own sake, pictures of domestic life and so
on. Then the conclusion that the old group of poets had
certain characteristics in common, as- distinguished from
other groups, that they had inherited the language in a form
which they developed and enriched by their writings and
thus cleared the way for the change in the Vernacular as it
is spoken to-day.
Note on the Ancient History and Geography of the
Konkan. By P. V. KANE.
From ancient times, the Western coast of India has been
in close communication with the countries in the West.
Scholars hold that many of the articles, with which Solomon
(1016-976 B. C.) adorned his court, came from India and that
Ophir often mentioned in the Old Testament as the city of
gold and precious stones is to be located in India, the pro-
bability being that it was Sopara. It can be established with
tolerable certainty that from about 600 B. C. Western India
carried on a vast trade with Babylon and other Western count-
ries. The Baveru Jataka refers to Babylon and several other
Jatakas speak of Supparaka (Sopara) and Bharukacchf
clxiii
ich). Megasthenes refers to the Pandyas and to Tapro.
bane (Ceylon). Strabo, I'liny, the /'<r//>///.s /// >/ AY////
ml Ptolemy testify to the large trade between India and
the West. The large finds of Roman coins, particularly in
southern India, confirm what Strabo and the other writers
say.
The Konkan is a poor country, but its ports, viz. Sopara,
Chaul, Kalyan, Thana rose to be flourishing marts because
they served as the emporia for the commodities of the
countries beyond the Ghats.
In very ancient times the Konkan country was known
under the name Aparanta. The Arthasastra of Kautilya
(300 B. CJ refers to the heavy rainfall in Aparanta. A frag-
ment of Asoka's eighth edict was found at Sopara and the wurd
Aparunta occurring in his fifth edict probably refers to the
Konkan country. An inscription at Nasik and that of Rud-
radaman speak of Kuhuraparanta. The Mahavamsa speaks
of missions sent by Moggaliputta Tissa to Vanavasi and
Aparantaka and other countries. These references to
Aparanta and Kalidasa's mention of it in the Raghuratiisa
establish that Aparanta was the strip of country between
the sea and the Sahya north of Banavasi and south of Sur;it.
The Aparanta king referred to by Kalidasa may have been a
Traikutaka, that dynasty being so named after the mountain
Trikuta mentioned in the Raylntraritsa. The same country
was later on designated Konkan. The northern part of
Aparanta from Thana was included in the kingdom of Lata,
Navsari being its Capital. Ptolemy speaks of Larike. The
Mdhnhliarnta (Anusasanaparva) and the Mandasor Inscrip-
tion of A. D. 473 refer to Lata.
The earliest reference to Konkan perhaps occurs in
Strabo (1st quarter of first century A. D.) who speaks of a
country called Koniakoi. Bhismaparvan includes Konkan
in the list of countries. The Brhatxa/'nhita of Varahamihira
(first half of 6th century) speaks of the people of Konkan.
The Aihole inscription of 634 A. D. tells us thtu Kirtivarman
I (550-567 A. D.) overthrew the Maurya rulers of the Konkan.
Hiuen Tsang gives us a description of Kong-kin-na-pulo.
His references to the climate, the soil and the complexion
clxiv First Orl&fil Conference.
of the people and the fact tfftt other Chinese accounts tell
us that Kong-kin-na-pulo was one day's journey from the
sea make it almost certain that the Chinese traveller speaks
of the kingdom of the Kadambas of Banavasi which then
included the Belgaum and Dharwar districts. It is thus
established that from at least 500 A. D., the term Konkan
came to be generally used, though how much earlier, it is
difficult to say.
The extent and boundaries of Konkan towards the north
and south cannot be ascertained with precision. But as a
grant of the Rastrakuta Krsnaraja speaks of a village on
theTa.pi as included in theKonkan.it seems that Konkan ex-
tended to the Tap! towards the North. Navsari, the capital
of Lata, once a province of Konkan, must have been includ-
ed in it. The Konkan Silahara records speak of a city called
Hanjamana, which is to be identified with modern Sanjan.
As regards the southern limits of Konkan, great difference
of opinion prevails. Some Indian writers make Gokarna,
25 miles south of Karwar, the boundary between Kerala and
Konkan. The Sahyadrikhanda says that Konkan extends
from Cape Comorin to Nasik. Madhavacarya's grant of 1391
A. D. speaks of Goa as the capital of Konkan. Jayakesin
one of the Kadambas of Goa, is said to be the king of Kon-
kan. From all these facts it follows that Konkan included
towards the south Goa and parts of Karwar and that at
times it was supposed to have included Banavasi and the
territories of the Konkan kings beyond the Ghauts.
From ancient times Konkan has been subdivided into
seven parts- What the names of these seven divisions were
it is difficult to say. There were two well-known divisions:
north Konkan which was a 1400 province and south Konkan
which was a 900 province. Dr. Fleet arranged the divisions
as Payve or Haive 5ft), then Konkan 900, then Iridige;
then Konkan 1400 and then Lata. Besides there were many
smaller subdivisions of Konkan such as Palasldesa (Belgaum)
and Kalagiri Kampana, Revatldwlpa, Attavire Kampana
(Adivare in Ratnagiri), Kapardikadwlpa (from Rajapur to
Sopara),Kapura (Sopara to Sanjan),-Kandalamuliya(Chaulto
Sopara), Satsasti (modern SffTsette), Navasarika, Soparaka
and Kheta (Khed in Ratnagiw),
General. C!XT
The origin uf the name Konkan in doubtful. In the
grants and ancient works various forms of the name occur
such as Konkana, Konkanana. The Mahomedan writers
present even a greater variety. In many grants and
inscriptions found in the Konkan, the names of donees and
great officers of State are distinctly southern. It cannot be
argued that this indicates that the country was inhabited by
Kanarese people, or that the Kanarese language was spoken
in Konkan. The proper explanation is that as the overlords
of Konkan from 600 A.D. were the Calukyas and the
Rastrakutas whose central government was in the heart
of the Kanarese country and as the vSilahara rulers of the
Konkan also came from Tagara, modern Ter in the Nizam's
dominions, the ministers and donees were naturally Brah-
mins from Karnatak. Some derive the word Konkan
from a Kanarese word meaning "uneven ground". But ths
derivation cannot be accepted. The earliest dynasty from
the Kanarese country to conquer Konkan was that of the
Calukyas who did so only after 550 A. D. ; while the term was
well established long before it. North Konkan was Konkaua
governed successively by the Asokan Mauryas, the Andhra-
bhrtyas, the Ksatrapas, Abhlras and later Mauryas from
300 B.C. to 600 A.D. If the word Konkana is non-sanskritic
in origin, it may be conjectured that it was evolved during
the times of the Ksatrapas and is connected with the
Persian word "Koh" meaning mountain. Some connect the
word Konkana with the Naga Kunkuna occcurring in the
Udyogaparvan of tho Mahuhliarata. This is far-fetched. It
is more likely that the name of the Naga is due to the name
Konkana or Kunkuna given to the country. Scholars take
Kukuraparanta occurring in Rudradaman's inscription as
two countries, but the fact, that no sandhi is madeelsewhere
in the same passage except in Akaravati, shows that Kukura-
paranta is one country. One feels tempted to identify
Kukura with Kunkuna. But there are objections against
this. Ancient works like the MahfibhUrata seem to have
kept the words Kukura and Konkana distinct. Besides the
Kukuras are connected with the Yadava tribes of Dw:>
the M'dhnh/iiiruf'i. The question of the origin of the term
Konkan is therefore still an open one.
olxvi first Oriental Conference.
. fry KTUSHNAMACHARYA.
2
3
State-interference in Ancient Indian Industries. By
NARENDRA NATH LAW.
The Arthasastra, the Afahabharata, and other ancient
texts, furnish us with very interesting and instructive
evidences in regard to the economic functions of govern-
ment. Not merely were coins minted and weights and
measures supplied exclusively by the government, but the
manufacture of salt, and t 
