A Sanskrit grammar, including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana

Presented to the

LIBRARY of the

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO

by

\A/,

SANSKRIT GRAMMAR

Sriclubing botfj ti)t Classical language, anb
tfje olber Jitalectt, of #eba anb $5raf)tnana

BY

WILLIAM DWIGHT WHITNEY

Late Professor of Sanskrit in Yale University, Knight of the Prussian Order
Pour le Merite, Corresponding Member of the Academic des Inscrip-
tions et Belles- Lettres of the Institute of France, etc., Editor-
in-Chief of The Century Dictionary, an Encyclopedic
Lexicon of the English Language

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

LONDON: GEOFFREY CUMBERLEGE

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

1950

SEVENTH ISSUE (1950) OF THE SECOND EDITION (1889)

PREFACE

TO THE FIRST EDITION.

It was in June, 1875, as I chanced to be for a day or
two in Leipzig, that I was unexpectedly invited to prepare
the Sanskrit grammar for the Indo-European series projected
by Messrs. Breitkopf and Hartel. After some consideration,
and consultation with friends, I accepted the task, and have
since devoted to it what time could be spared from regular
duties, after the satisfaction of engagements earlier formed.
If the delay seems a long one, it was nevertheless unavoid-
able ; and I would gladly, in the interest of the work itself,
have made it still longer. In every such case, it is necess-
ary to make a compromise between measurably satisfying a
present pressing need, and doing the subject fuller justice
at the cost of more time ; and it seemed as if the call for
a Sanskrit grammar on a somewhat different plan from those
already in use — excellent as some of these in many respects
are — was urgent enough to recommend a speedy com-
pletion of the work begun.

The objects had especially in view in the preparation
of this grammar have been the following:

1 . To make a presentation of the facts of the language
primarily as they show themselves in use in the literature,
and only secondarily as they are laid down by the native
grammarians. The earliest European grammars were by the
necessity of the case chiefly founded on their native prede-

vi PREFACE.

cessors ; and a traditional method was thus established which
has been perhaps somewhat too closely adhered to, at the
expense of clearness and of proportion, as well as of scien-
tific truth. Accordingly, my attention has not been directed
toward a profounder study of the grammatical science of the
Hindu schools: their teachings I have been contented to take
as already reported to Western learners in the existing
Western grammars.

2. To include also in the presentation the forms and
constructions of the older language, as exhibited in the Veda
and the Brahmana. Grassmann's excellent Index- Vocabulary
to the Rig- Veda, and my own manuscript one to the Atharva-
Veda (which I hope soon to be able to make public*), gave
me in full detail the great mass of Vedic material; and this,
with some assistance from pupils and friends, I have sought
to complete, as far as the circumstances permitted, from the
other Vedic texts and from the various works of the Brah-
mana period, both printed and manuscript.

3. To treat the language throughout as an accented one,
omitting nothing of what is known respecting the nature of
the Sanskrit accent, its changes in combination and inflection,
and the tone of individual words — being, in all this, ne-
cessarily dependent especially upon the material presented
by the older accentuated texts.

4. To cast all statements, classifications, and so on.
into a form consistent with the teachings of linguistic science.
In doing this, it has been necessary to discard a few of the
long-used and familiar divisions and terms of Sanskrit gram-
mar — for example, the classification and nomenclature of
^special tenses*' and "general tenses" (which is so indefen-
sible that one can only wonder at its having maintained itself
so long), the order and terminology of the conjugation-classes .
the separation in treatment of the facts of internal and ex-

* It was published, as vol. XII. of the Journal of the American
Oriental Society, in 1881.

PREFACE. vil

ternal euphonic combination, and the like. But care has been
taken to facilitate the transition from the old to the new;
and the changes, it is believed, will commend themselves to
unqualified acceptance. It has been sought also to help an
appreciation of the character of the language by putting its
facts as far as possible into a statistical form. In this respect
the native grammar is especially deficient and misleading.
Regard has been constantly had to the practical needs
of the learner of the language, and it has been attempted,
by due arrangement and by the use of different sizes of
type, to make the work as usable by one whose object
it is to acquire a knowledge of the classical Sanskrit alone
as those are in which the earlier forms are not included.
The custom of transliterating all Sanskrit words into Euro-
pean characters, which has become usual in European San-
skrit grammars, is, as a matter of course, retained through-
out; and, because of the difficulty of setting even a small
Sanskrit type with anything but a large European, it is
practiced alone in the smaller sizes.

While the treatment of the facts of the language has
thus been made a historical one, within the limits of the
language itself, I have not ventured to make it comparative,
by bringing in the analogous forms and processes of other
related languages. To do this, in addition to all that was
attempted beside, would have extended the work, both in
content and in time of preparation, far beyond the limits
assigned to it. And, having decided to leave out this ele-
ment, I have done so consistently throughout. Explanations
of the origin of forms have also been avoided, for the same
reason and for others, which hardly call for statement.

A grammar is necessarily in great part founded on its
predecessors, and it would be in vain to attempt an acknowl-
edgment in detail of all the aid received from other schol-
ars. I have had at hand always especially the very schol-
arly and reliable brief summary of Kielhorn, the full and

viii PREFACE.

excellent work of Monier Williams, the smaller grammar of
Bopp (a wonder of learning and method for the time when
it was prepared), and the volumes of Benfey and Mtiller.
As regards the material of the language, no other aid, of
course, has been at all comparable with the great Peters-
burg lexicon of Bo'htlingk and Roth, the existence of which
gives by itself a new character to all investigations of the
Sanskrit language. What I have not found there or in the
special collections made by myself or by others for me, I
have called below "not quotable" — a provisional designa-
tion, necessarily liable to correction in detail by the results
of further researches. For what concerns the verb, its forms
and their classification and uses, I have had, as every one
must have, by far the most aid from Delbrtick, in his Alt-
indisches Verbum and his various syntactical contribu-
tions. Former pupils of my own, Professors Avery and
Edgren, have also helped me, in connection with this
subject and with others, in a way and measure that calls for
public acknowledgment. In respect to the important matter
of the declension in the earliest language, I have made great
use of the elaborate paper in the Journ. Am. Or. Soc. (print-
ing contemporaneously with this work, and used by me
almost, but not quite, to the end of the subject) by my
former pupil Prof. Lanman ; my treatment of it is founded
on his. My manifold obligations to my own teacher, Prof.
Weber of Berlin, also require to be mentioned : among other
things, I owe to him the use of his copies of certain un-
published texts of the Brahmana period, not otherwise access-
ible to me; and he was kind enough to look through with
me my work in its inchoate condition, favoring me with
valuable suggestions. For this last favor I have likewise to
thank Prof. Delbrtick — who, moreover, has taken the trouble
to glance over for a like purpose the greater part of the
proof-sheets of the grammar, as they came from the press.
To Dr. L. von Schrb'der is due whatever use I have been

PREFACE.

ix

able to make (unfortunately a very imperfect one) of the im-
portant Maitrayam-Sanhita.*

Of the deficiencies of my work I am, I think, not less
fully aware than any critic of it, even the severest, is likely
to be. Should it be found to answer its intended purpose
well enough to come to another edition, my endeavor will
be to improve and complete it; and I shall be grateful for
any corrections or suggestions which may aid me in mak-
ing it a more efficient help to the study of the Sanskrit
language and literature.

GOTHA, July 1879.

W. D. W.

PREFACE

TO THE SECOND EDITION.

In preparing a new edition of this grammar, I have
made use of the new material gathered by myself during
the intervening years,** and also of that gathered by others,
so far as it was accessible to me and fitted into my plan ; ***
and I have had the benefit of kind suggestions from various
quarters — for all of which I desire to return a grateful
acknowledgment. By such help, I have been able not only
to correct and repair certain errors and omissions of the
first edition, but also to speak with more definiteness upon

* Since published in full by him, 1881—6.
** A part of this new material was published by myself in 1885,
as a Supplement to the grammar, under the title "Roots, Verb-Forms,
and Primary Derivatives of the Sanskrit Language".

*** Especially deserving of mention is Holtzmann's collection of
material from the Mahabharata, also published (1884) in the form of
a Supplement to this work; also Btthtlingk's similar collection from
the larger half of the Ramayana.

x PREFACE.

very many points relating to the material and usages of
the language.

In order not to impair the applicability of the referen-
ces already made to the work by various authors, its para-
graphing has been retained unchanged throughout; for in-
creased convenience of further reference, the subdivisions
of paragraphs have been more thoroughly marked, by letters
(now and then changing a former lettering) ; and the par-
agraph-numbers have been set at the outer instead of the
inner edge of the upper margin.

My remoteness from the place of publication has for-
bidden me the reading of more than one proof; but the
kindness of Professor Lanman in adding his revision (ac-
companied by other timely suggestions) to mine, and the
care of the printers, will be found, I trust, to have aided
in securing a text disfigured by few errors of the press.

Circumstances beyond my control have delayed for a
year or two the completion of this revision, and have made
it in some parts less complete than I should have desired.

NEW-HAVEN, Sept. 1888.

W. D. W.

INTRODUCTION.

BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE INDIAN LITERATURE.

It seems desirable to give here such a sketch of the
history of Indian literature as shall show the relation to
one another of the different periods and forms of the lan-
guage treated in the following grammar, and the position
of the works there quoted.

The name "Sanskrit" (samskpta, 1087 d, adorned, elab-
orated, perfected), which is popularly applied to the whole
ancient and sacred language of India, belongs more properly
only to that dialect which, regulated and established by the
labors of the native grammarians, has led for the last two
thousand years or more an artificial life, like that of the
Latin during most of the same period in Europe, as the
written and spoken means of communication of the learned
and priestly caste; and which even at the present day fills
that office. It is thus distinguished, on the one hand, from
the later and derived dialects — as the Prakrit, forms of
language which have datable monuments from as early as
the third century before Christ, and which are represented
by inscriptions and coins, by the speech of the uneducated
characters in the Sanskrit dramas (see below), and by a
limited literature ; the Pali, a Prakritic dialect which became
the sacred language of Buddhism in Farther India, and is

xii INTRODUCTION.

still in service there as such ; and yet later and more altered
tongues forming the transition to the languages of modern
India. And, on the other hand, it is distinguished, but
very much less sharply and widely, from the older dialects
or forms of speech presented in the canonical literature,
the Veda and Brahmana.

This fact, of the fixation by learned treatment of an
authorized mode of expression, which should thenceforth be
used according to rule in the intercourse of the educated,
is the cardinal one in Indian linguistic history; and as the
native grammatical literature has determined the form of
the language, so it has also to a large extent determined
the grammatical treatment of the language by European
scholars.

Much in the history of the learned movement is still
obscure, and opinions are at variance even as to points of
prime consequence. Only the concluding works in the devel-
opment of the grammatical science have been preserved to
us; and though they are evidently the perfected fruits of a
long series of learned labors, the records of the latter are
lost beyond recovery. The time and the place of the cre-
ation of Sanskrit are unknown; and as to its occasion, we
have only our inferences and conjectures to rely upon. It
seems, however, altogether likely that the grammatical sense
of the ancient Hindus was awakened in great measure by
their study of the traditional sacred texts, and by their com-
parison of its different language with that of contemporary
use. It is certain that the grammatical study of those texts
(9akhas, lit'ly branches), phonetic and other, was zealously
and effectively followed in the Brahmanic schools; this is
attested by our possession of a number of phonetico-gram-
matical treatises, prati9akhyas (prati 9akham belonging to
each several text), each having for subject one principal
Vedic text, and noting all its peculiarities of form; these,
both by the depth and exactness of their own researches
and by the number of authorities which they quote, speak
plainly of a lively scientific activity continued during a long
time. What part, on the other hand, the notice of differ-

INTRODUCTION.

xiii

ences between the correct speech of the learned and the
altered dialects of the vulgar may have borne in the same
movement is not easy to determine ; but it is not customary
that a language has its proper usages fixed by rule until
the danger is distinctly felt of its undergoing corruption.

The labors of the general school of Sanskrit grammar
reached a climax in the grammarian Panini, whose text-book,
containing the facts of the language cast into the highly
artful and difficult form of about four thousand algebraic-
formula -like rules (in the statement and arrangement of
which brevity alone is had in view, at the cost of distinct-
ness and unambiguousness) , became for all after time the
authoritative, almost sacred, norm of correct speech. Re-
specting his period, nothing really definite and trustworthy
is known; but he is with much probability held to have
lived some time (two to four centuries) before the Christian
era. He has had commentators in abundance, and has under-
gone at their hands some measure of amendment and com-
pletion; but he has not been overthrown or superseded.
The chief and most authoritative commentary on his work
is that called the Mahabhashya great comment, by Pa-
tanjali.

A language, even if not a vernacular one. which is in
tolerably wide and constant use for writing and speaking,
is, of course, kept in life principally by direct tradition, by
communication from teacher to scholar and the study and
imitation of existing texts, and not by the learning of gram-
matical rules; yet the existence of grammatical authority,
and especially of a single one, deemed infallible and of pre-
scriptive value, could not fail to exert a strong regulative
influence, leading to the avoidance more and more of what
was. even if lingering in use, inconsistent with his teachings,
and also, in the constant reproduction of texts, to the grad-
ual effacement of whatever they might contain that was
unapproved. Thus the whole more modern literature of
India has been Paninized, so to speak, pressed into the
mould prepared by him and his school. What are the
limits of the artificiality of this process is not yet known.

xiv INTRODUCTION.

The attention of special students of the Hindu grammar
(and the subject is so intricate and difficult that the number
is exceedingly small of those who have mastered it suffi-
ciently to have a competent opinion on such general matters)
has been hitherto mainly directed toward determining what
the Sanskrit according to Panini really is, toward explaining
the language from the grammar. And, naturally enough,
in India, or wherever else the leading object is to learn to
speak and write the language correctly — that is, as author-
ized by the grammarians — that is the proper course to
pursue. This, however, is not the way really to understand
the language. The time must soon come, or it has come
already, when the endeavor shall be instead to explain the
grammar from the language: to test in all details, so far
as shall be found possible, the reason of Panini's rules
(which contain not a little that seems problematical, or even
sometimes perverse); to determine what and how much
genuine usage he had everywhere as foundation, and what
traces may be left in the literature of usages possessing an
inherently authorized character, though unratified by him.
By the term "classical" or "later" language, then, as
constantly used below in the grammar, is meant the lan-
guage of those literary monuments which are written in con-
formity with the rules of the native grammar: virtually, the
whole proper Sanskrit literature. For although parts of this
are doubtless earlier than Panini, it is impossible to tell
just what parts, or how far they have escaped in their style
the leveling influence of the grammar. The whole, too,
may be called so far an artificial literature as it is written
in a phonetic form (see grammar, 101 a) which never can
have been a truly vernacular and living one. Nearly all of
it is metrical: not poetic works only, but narratives, histories
(so far as anything deserving that name can be said to exist),
and scientific treatises of every variety, are done into verse;
a prose and a prose literature hardly has an existence (the
principal exceptions, aside from the voluminous commen-
taries, are a few stories, as the Da9akum5racarita and the
VSsavadatta). Of linguistic history there is next to nothing

INTRODUCTION.

xv

in it all; but only a history of style, and this for the most
part showing a gradual depravation, an increase of artificiality
and an intensification of certain more undesirable features
of the language — such as the use of passive constructions
and of participles instead of verbs, and the substitution of
compounds for sentences.

This being the condition of the later literature, it is of
so much the higher consequence that there is an earlier
literature, to which the suspicion of artificiality does not
attach, or attaches at least only in a minimal degree, which
has a truly vernacular character, and abounds in prose as
well as verse.

The results of the very earliest literary productiveness
of the Indian people are the hymns with which, when they
had only crossed the threshold of the country, and when
their geographical horizon was still limited to the river-
basin of the Indus with its tributaries, they praised their
gods, the deified powers of nature, and accompanied the
rites of their comparatively simple worship. At what period
these were- made and sung cannot be determined with any
approach to accuracy: it may have been as early as 2000
B. C. They were long handed down by oral tradition, pre-
served by the care, and increased by the additions and
imitations, of succeeding generations; the mass was ever
growing, and, with the change of habits and beliefs and
religious practices, was becoming variously applied — sung
in chosen extracts, mixed with other material into liturgies,
adapted with more or less of distortion to help the needs
of a ceremonial which was coming to be of immense elab-
oration and intricacy. And, at some time in the course
of this history, there was made for preservation a great col-
lection of the hymn-material, mainly its oldest and most
genuine part, to the extent of over a thousand hymns and ten
thousand verses, arranged according to traditional authorship
and to subject and length and metre of hymn: this collection
is the Big -Veda Veda of verses fro) or of hymns. Other
collections were made also out of the same general mass
of traditional material: doubtless later, although the inter-

xvi INTRODUCTION.

relations of this period are as yet too unclear to allow of
our speaking with entire confidence as to anything concern-
ing them. Thus, the Sanaa- Veda Veda of chants (saman),
containing only about a sixth as much, its verses nearly all
found in the Rig- Veda also, but appearing here with nume-
rous differences of reading : these were passages put together
for chanting at the soma-sacrifices. Again, collections called
by the comprehensive name of Yajur-Veda Veda of sac-
rificial formulas (yajus) : these contained not verses alone,
but also numerous prose utterances, mingled with the former,
in the order in which they were practically employed in
the ceremonies; they were strictly liturgical collections. Of
these, there are in existence several texts, which have their
mutual differences : the Vajasaneyi-Samhita (in two slightly
discordant versions, Madhyandina and Kanva), sometimes
also called the White Yajur-Veda; and the various and
considerably differing texts of the Black Yajur-Veda, namely
the Taittiriya-Samhita, the Maitrayani-Samhita, the Kapis-
thala-Samhita, and the Kanaka (the two last not yet pub-
lished). Finally, another historical collection, like the Rig-
Veda, but made up mainly of later and less accepted
material, and called (among other less current names) the
Atharva-Veda Veda of the Atharvans (a legendary priestly
family) ; it is somewhat more than half as bulky as the Rig-
Veda, and contains a certain amount of material correspond-
ing to that of the latter, and also a number of brief prose
passages. To this last collection is very generally refused
in the orthodox literature the name of Veda ; but for us it
is the most interesting of all, after the Rig- Veda, because
it contains the largest amount of hymn-material (or mantra,
as it is called, in distinction from the prose brShmana),
and in a language which, though distinctly less antique
than that of the other, is nevertheless truly Vedic. Two
versions of it are extant, one of them in only a single
known manuscript.

A not insignificant body of like material, and of various
period (although doubtless in the main belonging to the
latest time of Vedic productiveness, and in part perhaps

INTRODUCTION. xvii

the imitative work of a yet more modern time), is scattered
through the texts to be later described, the Brahmanas and
the Sutras. To assemble and sift and compare it is now
one of the pressing needs of Vedic study.

The fundamental divisions of the Vedic literature here
mentioned have all had their various schools of sectaries,
each of these with a text of its own, showing some differ-
ences from those of the other schools: but those mentioned
above are all that are now known to be in existence; and
the chance of the discovery of others grows every year
smaller.

The labor of the schools in the conservation of their
sacred texts was extraordinary, and has been crowned with
such success that the text of each school, whatever may
be its differences from those of other schools, is virtually
without various readings, preserved with all its peculiarities
of dialect, and its smallest and most exceptional traits of
phonetic form, pure and unobscured. It is not the place
here to describe the means by which, in addition to the
religious care of the sectaries, this accuracy was secured:
forms of text, lists of peculiarities and treatises upon them,
and so on. When this kind of care began in the case of
each text, and what of original character may have been
effaced before it, or lost in spite of it, cannot be told. But
it is certain that the Vedic records furnish, on the whole,
a wonderfully accurate and trustworthy picture of a form of
ancient Indian language (as well as ancient Indian beliefs
and institutions) which was a natural and undistorted one,
and vhich goes back a good way behind the classical San-
skrit. Its differences from the latter the following treatise
endeavors to show in detail.

Along with the verses and sacrificial formulas and
phrases in the text of the Black Yajur-Veda are given
long prose sections, in which the ceremonies are described,
their meaning and the reason of the details and the accom-
panying utterances are discussed and explained, illustrative
legends are reported or fabricated, and various speculations,
etymological and other, are indulged in. Such matter comes

xviii INTRODUCTION.

to be called br&hmana (apparently relating to the brahman
or worship). In the White Yajur-Veda, it is separated into
a work by itself, beside the eamhits or text of verses and
formulas, and is called the gatapatha-Br&hmana Brahmana
of a hundred ways. Other similar collections are found, be-
longing to various other schools of Vedic study, and they
bear the common name of BrShmana, with the name of the
school, or some other distinctive title, prefixed. Thus, the
Aitareya and Kausltaki-Brahmanas, belonging to the schools
of the Big-Veda, the Paneavin9a and 8a<Lvin9a-BrShmanas
and other minor works, to the Sama-Veda; the Gopatha-
Brahmana, to the Atharva-Veda ; and a Jaiminiy a- or Tala-
vakara-Brahmana, to the Sama-Veda, has recently (Burnell)
been discovered in India; the Taittiriya-Brahmana is a col-
lection of mingled mantra and brShmana, like the samhitS
of the same name, but supplementary and later. These
works are likewise regarded as canonical by the schools ,
and are learned by their sectaries with the same extreme care
which is devoted to the samhit&s, and their condition of
textual preservation is of a kindred excellence. To a cer-
tain extent, there is among them the possession of common
material: a fact the bearings of which are not yet fully
understood.

Notwithstanding the inanity of no small part of their
contents, the Brahmanas are of a high order of interest in
their bearings on the history of Indian institutions; and
philologically they are not less important, since they re-
present a form of language in most respects intermediate
between the classical and that of the Vedas, and offer spe-
cimens on a large scale of a prose style, and of one which
is in the main a natural and freely developed one — the
oldest and most primitive Indo-European prose.

Beside the Brahmanas are sometimes found later ap-
pendices, of a similar character, called Aranyakas (forest-
sections): as the Aitareya- Aranyaka, Tftittirlya-Aranyaka,
Brhad-Aranyaka, and so on. And from some of these, or
even from the Brahmanas, are extracted the earliest Upa-
nis>ds (sittings, lectures on sacred subjects) — which,

INTRODUCTION. xix

however, are continued and added to down to a compara-
tively modern time. The Upanishads are one of the lines
by which the Brahmana literature passes over into the later
theological literature.

Another line of transition is shown in the Sutras (lines,
rules). The works thus named are analogous with the
Brahmanas in that they belong to the schools of Vedic
study and are named from them, and that they deal with
the religious ceremonies: treating them, however, in the
way of prescription, not of dogmatic explanation. They,
too, contain some mantra or hymn-material, not found to
occur elsewhere. In part (9rauta or kalpa-sutras), they take
up the great sacrificial ceremonies, with which the Brah-
manas have to do; in part (gyhya-sfitras), they teach the
minor duties of a pious householder; in some cases (sa-
mayacarika-sutras) they lay down the general obligations of
one whose life is in accordance with prescribed duty. And
out of the last two, or especially the last, come by natural
development the law-books (dharma^astras) , which make
a conspicuous figure in the later literature: the oldest and
most noted of them being that called by the name of
Manu (an outgrowth, it is believed by many, of the Manava
Vedic school) ; to which are added that of Yajnavalkya, and
many others.

Respecting the chronology of this development, or the
date of any class of writings, still more of any individual
work, the less that is said the better. All dates given in
Indian literary history are pins set up to be bowled down
again. Every important work has undergone so many more
or less transforming changes before reaching the form in
which it comes to us, that the question of original con-
struction is complicated with that of final redaction. It is
so with the law-book of Manu, just mentioned, which has
well-founded claims to being regarded as one of the very
oldest works of the proper Sanskrit literature, if not the
oldest (it has been variously assigned, to periods from six
centuries before Christ to four after Christ). It is so, again,
in a still more striking degree, with the great legendary

b*

xx INTRODUCTION.

epic of the MahabhSrata. The ground-work of this is
doubtless of very early date; but it has served as a text
into which materials of various character and period have
been inwoven, until it has become a heterogeneous mass,
a kind of cyclopedia for the warrior-caste, hard to separate
into its constituent parts. The story of Nala, and the phil-
osophical poem Bhagavad-GIta, are two of the most noted
of its episodes. The Ramayana, the other most famous epic,
is a work of another kind: though also worked over and
more or less altered in its transmission to our time, .it is
the production, in the main, of a single author (Valmiki);
and it is generally believed to be in part allegorical, re-
presenting the introduction of Aryan culture and dominion
into Southern India. By its side stand a number of minor
epics, of various authorship and period, as the Raghuvan$a
(ascribed to the dramatist Kalidasa), the MSghakavya, the
BhaftikSvya (the last, written chiefly with the grammatical
intent of illustrating by use as many as possible of the
numerous formations which^ through taught by the gram-
marians, find no place in the literature).

The Pur anas, a large class of works mostly of immense
extent, are best mentioned in connection with the epics.
They are pseudo-historical and prophetic in character, of
modern date, and of inferior value. Real history finds no
place in Sanskrit literature, nor is there any conscious
historical element in any of the works composing it.

Lyric poetry is represented by many works, some of
which, as the Meghaduta and Gitagovinda, are of no mean
order of merit.

The drama is a still more noteworthy and important
branch. The first indications of dramatical inclination and
capacity on the part of the Hindus are seen in certain
hymns of the Veda, where a mythological or legendary
situation is conceived dramatically, and set forth in the
form of a dialogue — well-known examples are the dialogue
of Sarama and the Panis, that of Yama and his sister Yami,
that of Vasishtha and the rivers, that of Agni and the other
gods — but there are no extant intermediaries between these

INTRODUCTION. xxi

and the standard drama. The beginnings of the latter date
from a period when in actual life the higher and educated
characters used Sanskrit, and the lower and uneducated used
the popular dialects derived from it, the Prakrits ; and their
dialogue reflects this condition of things. Then, however,
learning (not to call it pedantry) intervened, and sterotyped
the new element; a Prakrit grammar grew up beside the
Sanskrit grammar, according to the rules of which Prakrit
could be made indefinitely on a substrate of Sanskrit; and
none of the existing dramas need to date from the time of
vernacular use of Prakrit, while most or all of them are
undoubtedly much later. Among the dramatic authors,
Kalidasa is incomparably the chief, and his Cakuntala as
distinctly his masterpiece. His date has been a matter of
much inquiry and controversy; it is doubtless some cen-
turies later than our era. The only other work deserving
to be mentioned along with Kalidasa's is the MrcchakatI of
f udraka, also of questionable period, but believed to be
the oldest of the extant dramas.

A partly dramatic character belongs also to the fable,
in which animals are represented as acting and speaking.
The most noted works in this department are the Panca-
tantra, which through Persian and Semitic versions has made
its way all over the world, and contributes a considerable
quota to the fable-literature of every European language,
and, partly founded on it, the comparatively recent and
popular Hitopade9a (salutary instruction}.

Two of the leading departments of Sanskrit scientific
literature, the legal and the grammatical, have been already
sufficiently noticed ; of those remaining, the most important
by far is the philosophical. The beginnings of philosophic-
al speculation are seen already in some of the later hymns
of the Veda, more abundantly in the Brahmanas and Aran-
yakas, and then especially in the Upanishads. The evo-
lution and historic relation of the systems of philosophy,
and the age of their text-books, are matters on which much
obscurity still rests. There are six systems of primary rank,
and reckoned as orthodox, although really standing in no

xxii INTRODUCTION.

accordance with approved religious doctrines. All of them
seek the same end, the emancipation of the soul from the
necessity of continuing its existence in a succession of
bodies, and its unification with the All-soul; but they
differ in regard to the means by which they seek to attain
this end.

The astronomical science of the Hindus is a reflection
of that of Greece, and its literature is of recent date; but
as mathematicians, in arithmetic and geometry, they have
shown more independence. Their medical science, although
its beginnings go back even to the Veda, in the use of
medicinal plants with accompanying incantations, is of little
account, and its proper literature by no means ancient.

CONTENTS.

Chap.

PREFACE

INTRODUCTION

I. ALPHABET

Page.
Y

xi

1—9
10—34

II. SYSTEM OF SOUNDS; PRONUNCIATION . .
Vowels, 10 ; Consonants, 13 ; Quantity, 27 ; Accent, 28.

HI. RULES OF EUPHONIC COMBINATION .... 34 — 87
Introductory, 34; Principles, 37; Rules of Vowel Com-
bination, 42; Permitted Finals, 49 ; Deaspiration, 53;
Surd and Sonant Assimilation, 54 ; Combinations of
Final 8 and r, 56 ; Conversion of a to 8, 61 ; Con-
version of n to n, 64 ; Conversion of Dental Mutes to
Linguals and Palatals, 66 ; Combinations of Final n,
69 ; Combinations of Final m, 71 ; the Palatal Mutes
and Sibilant, and h, 72; the Lingual Sibilant, 77;
Extension and Abbreviation, 78 ; Strengthening and
Weakening Processes, 81 ; Guna and Vr/ddhi, 81 ;
Vowel-lengthening, 84 ; Vowel-lightening, 85 ; Nasal
Increment, 86; Reduplication, 87.

IV. DECLENSION 88—110

Gender, Number, Case, 88 ; Uses of the Cases, 89 ;
Endings of declension, 103 ; Variation of Stem, 107 ;
Accent in Declension, 108.

V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES Ill — 176

Classification etc. , 111 ; Declension I., Stems in a, 112 ;
Declension II., Stems in i and u, 116 ; Declension
III., Stems in Long Vowels (a, i, u): A. Root-words
etc., 124; Stems in Diphthongs, 130; B. Derivative
Stemi etc., 131; Declension IV., Stems in f or ar,
137; Declension V., Stems in Consonants, 141;
A. Root-stems etc., 143; B. Derivative Stems in as,
is, us, 153; C. Derivative Stems in an, 156; D.
in in, 161 j E. in ant or at, 163 ; P. Perfect Par-
ticiples in vans, 169 ; Q. Comparatives in yans or
yas, 172; Comparison, 173.

xxiv CONTENTS.

Chap. Page.

VI. NUMEBALS . 177—185

Cardinals, 177; Ordinals etc., 183.

VII. PBONOUNS 185 — 199

Personal, 185; Demonstrative, 188; Interrogative,
194; Relative, 195; other Pronouns: Emphatic, In-
definite, 196; Nouns used pronominally, 197;
Pronominal Derivatives, Possessives etc., 197; Ad-
jectives declined pronominally, 199.

Vm. CONJUGATION 200 — 226

Voice, Tense, Mode, Number, Person, 200; Verbal
Adjectives and Nouns, 203; Secondary Conjugations,
203; Personal Endings, 204; Subjunctive Mode, 209;
Optative, 211; Imperative, 213; Uses of the Modes,
215 ; Participles, 220 ; Augment, 220 ; Reduplication,
222.; Accent of the Verb, 223.

IX. THE PRESENT-SYSTEM 227 — 278

General, 227 ; Conjugations and Conjugation Classes,
228; Root-Class (second or ad-class), 231; Re-
duplicating Class (third or hu-class), 242 ; Nasal
Class (seventh or rudh-class), 250 ; nu and u-Classes
(fifth and eighth, or su- and tan-classes), 254 ; na-
Class (ninth or kri-class), 260; a-Class (first or
bhu-class), 264; Accented a-Class (sixth or tud-
class), 269; ya-Class (fourth or div-class), 271;
Accented ya-Class or Passive Conjugation, 275;
So-called tenth or cur-class, 277; Uses of the Pres-
ent and Imperfect, 278.

X. THE PEBFECT-SYSTEM 279—296

Perfect Tense, 279 ; Perfect Participle, 291 ; Modes
of the Perfect, 292 ; Pluperfect, 295 ; Uses of the
Perfect, 295.

XI. THE AOBIST-SYSTEMS . 297 — 330

Classification, 297 ; I. Simple Aorist : 1. Root-Aorist,
299 ; Passive Aorist 3d sing., 304 ; 2. the a- Aorist,
305 ; II. 3. Reduplicated Aorist, 308 ; III. Sibilant
Aorist, 313; 4. the s- Aorist, 314; 5. the if -Aorist,
320; 6. the sif-Aorist, 323; 7. the sa- Aorist, 325;
Precative, 326 ; Uses of the Aorist, 328.

XII. THE FUTUBE-SYSTEMS 330—339

I. The s-Future, 331 ; Preterit of the s-Future, Con-
ditional, 334; II. The Periphrastic Future, 335;
Uses of the Futures and Conditional, 337.

CONTENTS.

xxv

Chap. Page.

XIII. VERBAL ADJECTIYES AND NOUNS: PARTICI-
PLES, INFINITIVES, GERUNDS 340 — 360

Passive Participle in ta or n&, 340 ; Past Active
Participle in tavant, 344; Future Passive Parti-
ciples, Gerundives, 346; Infinitives, 347; Uses of

the Infinitives, 351 ; Gerunds, 355; Adverbial Gerund
in am, 359.

XIV. DERIVATIVE OR SECONDARY CONJUGATION 360 — 391

I. Passive, 361 ; II. Intensive, 362 ; Present- System,
365; Perfect, Aorist, Future, etc., 370; III. Desider-
ative, 372; Present-System, 374; Perfect, Aorist,
Future, etc., 376; IV. Causative, 378; Present-System,
380; Perfect, Aorist, Future, etc., 383; V. Denom-
inative, 386.

XV. PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION 391 — 403
The Periphrastic Perfect, 392 ; Participial Periphras-
tic Phrases, 394; Composition with Prepositional

Prefixes, 395; Other Verbal Compounds, 400.

XVI. INDECLINABLES 403 — 417

Adverbs, 403; Prepositions, 414; Conjunctions, 416;
Interjections, 417.

XVII. DERIVATION OF DECLINABLE STEMS .... 418 — 480
A. Primary Derivatives, 420; B. Secondary Deriva-
tives, 454.

XVIII. FORMATION OF COMPOUND STEMS 480 — 515

Classification, 480; I. Copulative Compounds, 485;

II. Determinative Compounds, 489; A. Dependent
Compounds, 489; B. Descriptive Compounds, 494;

III. Secondary Adjective Compounds, 501; A. Pos-
sessive Compounds, 501 ; B. Compound with Governed
Final Member, 511; Adjective Compounds as Nouns
and as Adverbs, 512 ; Anomalous Compounds 514 ;
Stem-finals altered in Composition, 614; Loose
Construction with Compounds, 515.

APPENDIX ^ 516 — 520

A. Examples of Various Sanskrit Type, 516 ; B. Ex-
ample of Accentuated Text, 518; Synopsis of the
conjugation of roots bhu and ki% 520.

SANSKRIT INDEX 521 — 539

GENERAL INDEX . 540 — 551

ABBREVIATIONS.

AA. Aitareya-Aranyaka.
A8. Aitareya-Brahmana.
AQS. A9valayana-Qrauta-Sutra.
AGS. A^valayana-Grhya-Sutra.
Apast. Apastamba-Sutra.
APr. Atharva-Pratyakhya.
AV. Atharva-Veda.

B. or Br. Brahmanas.

BAU. Brhad-Aranyaka-Upanisad.
BhG. Bhagavad-Gita.
BhP. Bhagavata-Purana.
BR. BShtlingk and Roth (Peters-
burg Lexicon).

C. Classical Sanskrit.
g. gakuntala.

gatrumjaya-Mahatmyam.
. gatapatha-Brahmana.

gankhayana-grauta-Sutra.
. gankhayana-Grhya-Sutra.
ChU. Chandogya-Upanisad.
gvU. gveta9vatara-Upanisad.
DKC. Da9a-Kumara-Carita.
E. Epos (MBh. and R.).
GB. Gopatha-Brahinana.
GGS. Gobhiliya-Grhya-Sfitra.
H. Hitopade9a.
Har. Harivan9a.
JB. Jaiminiya (or Talavakara; Brah-

mana.
JUB. Jaiminiya -Upanisad-Brah-

mana.

K. Kathaka.

Kap. Kapisthala-Samhita.
KB. Kausitaki- (or gankhayana-)

Brahmana.
KBU. Kausitaki-Brahmana-Upani-

sad.

KgS. Katyayana-grauta-Satra.
KS. Kau9ika-Sutra.
KSS. Katha-Sarit-Sagara.
KthU. Katha-Upanisad.

KU. Kena-Upanisud.

LgS. Latyayana-grauta-Sutra.

M. Mann.

MaiU. Maitri-Upanisad.

MBh. Mahabharata.

MdU. Mundaka-Upanisad.

Megh. Meghaduta.

MS. Maitrayani-Samhita.

Nais. Naigadhlya.

Nir. Nirukta.

Pane. Pancatantra.

PB. Pancavirica- (orTandya-) Brah-
mana.

PGS. Paraskara-Grhya-Sutra.

PU. Pra^na Upanisad.

R. Ramayana.

Ragh. Raghuvaiica.

RPr. Rigveda-Prati9akhya.

RT. Raja-Tarangini.

RV. Rig-Veda.

S. Sutras.

SB. Sadvifj9a-Brahmana.

Spr. Indische Spruche (Bohtlingk).

SV. Sama-Veda.

TA. Taittirlya-Aranyaka.

TB. Taittirlya-Brahmana.

TPr. Taittiriya-Prati9akhya.

Tribh. Tribhasyaratna (comm. to
TPr.).

TS. Taittirlya-Samhita.

U. Upanisads.

V. Vedas (RV., AV., SV.).

Vas. Vasistha.

VBS. Varaha-Brhat-Samhita.

Vet. Vetalapancavin9atl.

Vikr. Vikramorva9i.

VPr. Vajasaneyi-Prati9akhya.

VS Vajasaneyi-Samhita.

VS. Kan. do. Kanva-text.

Y. Yajnavalkya.

CHAPTER I.

ALPHABET.

1. THE natives of India write their ancient and sacred
language in a variety of alphabets — generally, in each
part of the country, in the same alphabet which they use
for their own vernacular. The mode of writing, however,
which is employed throughout the heart of Aryan India, or
in Hindustan proper, is alone adopted by European scholars .
it is called the devanagari.

a. This name is of doubtful origin and value. A more comprehensive
name is nagarl (perhaps, of the city); and deva-nagari is nagari of
the gods, or of the Brahmans.

2. Much that relates to the history of the Indian alphabets is still
obscure. The earliest written monuments of known date in the country are
the inscriptions containing the edicts of Acoka or Piyadasi, of about the
middle of the third century B. C. They are in two different systems of
characters, of which one shows distinct signs of derivation from a Semitic
source, while the other is also probably, though much less evidently, of the
same origin. From the latter, the Lath, or Southern Ac.oka character (of
Giraar), come the later Indian alphabets, both those of the northern Aryan
languages and those of the southern Dravidian languages. The n&gari.
devanagari, Bengali, Guzerati, and others, are varieties of its northern
derivatives; and with them are related some of the alphabets of peoples
outside of India — as in Tibet and Farther India — who have adopted Hindu
culture or religion.

a. There is reason to believe that writing was first employed in India
for practical purposes — for correspondence and business and the like —
and only by degrees came to be applied also to literary use. The literature,
to a great extent, and the more fully in proportion to its claimed sanctity
and authority, ignores all written record, and assumes to be kept in exist-
ence by oral tradition alone.

W hi tuey, Grammar. 2. ed. t

3—] I. ALPHABET. 2

3. Of the devanagarl itself there are minor varieties, depending on
differences of locality or of period, as also of individual hand (see examples
in Weber's catalogue of the Berlin Sanskrit MSS., in Rajendralala Mitra'a
notices of MSS. in Indian libraries, in the published fac- similes of in-
scriptions, and so on); and these are in some measure reflected in the type
prepared for printing, both in India and in Europe. But a student who
makes himself familiar -with one style of printed characters will hare little
difficulty with the others, and will soon learn, by practice, to read the manu-
scripts. A few specimens of types other than those used in this work are
given in Appendix A.

a. On account of the difficulty of combining them with the smaller size*
of OUT Roman and Italic type, the devanagarl characters are used below only
in connection with the first or largest size. And, in accordance with the
laudable usage of recent grammars, they are, wherever given, also trans-
literated, in Clarendon letters ; while the latter alone are used in the other
sizes.

4. The student may be advised to try to familiarize himself
from the start with the devanagan mode of writing. At the same
time, it is not indispensable that he should do so until, haying
learned the principal paradigms, he comes to begin reading and ana-
lysing and parsing ; and many will find the latter the more practical,
and in the end equally or more effective, way.

5. The characters of the devanagarl alphabet, and the
European letters which will he used in transliterating them,
are as follows:

short long

i M & 2 %n ct

Vowels: simple

palatal 3 $ i « ^ *

labial & 3 u « ^3T u

lingual T fj p s f| f

dental » «5?f 1 [w «rf I]

{palatal u B" e « J7 ai
& J>*

labial » 3fT o " 4ft to

Visarga >* : h

Anusvara i« JL, Ji n or in (see 73c). /

Buid surd asp. sonant son. asp. naaal

guttural " 3R k » 13 kh » JT 8 »> SI gh *> 3" ^
palatal » tf c «^ch«sTj »3>jh»3fft

Mutes

lingual » £ \ » "5 $n » I d so £ dh « HT
dental « rT t « % th 3* % d » U dh » ^
labial « ^ p 3S ^ ph 39 «T b 40 H bh «

3 THEORY OF THIS MODE OF WRITING. [— 9

I palatal
lingual
dental
labial
I palatal

Sibilants J lingual
( dental
Aspiration

a. To these may be added a lingual 1 3£, which in some of the
Vedic texts takes the place of J 4 when occurring between two
vowels (54).

6. A few other sounds, recognized by the theories of the Hindu
grammarians, but either having no separate characters to represent
them or only very rarely and exceptionally written, will be noticed
below (71 b, c, 230). Such are the guttural and labial breathings, the
nasal semivowels, and others.

7. The order of arrangement given above is that in
which the sounds are catalogued and described by the native
grammarians; and it has been adopted by European scholars
as the alphabetic order, for indexes, dictionaries, etc. : to the
Hindus, the idea of an alphabetic arrangement for such
practical uses is wanting.

a. In some works (as the Petersburg lexicon), a visarga which is re-
garded as equivalent to and exchangeable -with a sibilant (172) is, though
written as visarga, given the alphabetic place of the sibilant.

8. The theory of the devanagari, as of the other In-
dian modes of writing, is syllabic and consonantal. That
is to say, it regards as the written unit, not the simple
sound, but the syllable (aksara) ; and further, as the sub-
stantial part of the syllable, the consonant or the consonants
which precede the vowel — this latter being merely implied,
or, if written, being written by a subordinate sign attached
to the consonant.

9. Hence follow these two principles:

A. The forms of the vowel -characters given in the
alphabetical scheme above are used only when the vowel

1*

9—] I. ALPHABET. 4

forms a syllable by itself, or is not combined with a pre-
ceding consonant : that is, when it is either initial or pre-
ceded by another vowel. In combination with a consonant,
other modes of representation are used.

B. If more consonants than one precede the vowel,
forming with it a single syllable, their characters must be
combined into a single compound character.

a. Native Hindu usage, in manuscripts and inscriptions, treats
the whole material of a sentence alike, not separating its words from
one another, any more than the syllables of the same word : a final
consonant is combined into one written syllable with the initial vowel
or consonant or consonants of the following word. It never occurred
to the Hindus to space their words in any way, even where the mode
of writing admitted such treatment; nor to begin a paragraph on a
new line; nor to write one line of verse under another: everything,
without exception, is written solid by them, filling the whole page.

b. Thus, the sentence and verse-line aham rudrebhir vasubhiQ
caraxny aham adityair uta vi$vadev&ih (Rig-Veda X. 125. 1 : see
Appendix B) / wander with the Vasw, the Rudras, I with the Adityas
and the All- Gods is thus syllabized: a ham ru dre bhi rva su bhi $ca
ra mya ha ma di tyai ru ta vi $va de vaih, each syllable ending
with a vowel (or a vowel modified by the nasal -sign afcusvara, or
having the sign of a final breathing, visarga, added : these being the
only elements that can follow a vowel in the same syllable) ; and it
is (together with the next line) written in the manuscripts after this
fashion :

Each syllable is written separately, and by many scribes the
successive syllables are parted a little from one another: thus,

and so on.

c. In Western practice, however, it is almost universally custom-
ary to divide paragraphs, to make the lines of verse follow one an-
other, and also to separate the words so far as this can be done
without changing the mode of writing them. See Appendix B, where
the verse here given is so treated.

d. Further, in works prepared for beginners in the language, it
is not uncommon to make a more complete separation of words by a

5 WRITING OF VOWELS. [—10

free use of the virama-sign (11) under final consonants: thus, for
example,

3cT

or even by indicating also the combinations of initial and final vowels
(126, 127): for example,

^ lifl ^^ifti^T'HT II

e. In transliterating, Western methods of separation of words are
of course to be followed ; to do otherwise would be simple pedantry.

10. Under A, it is to be noticed that the modes of
indicating a vowel combined with a preceding consonant
are as follows :

a. The short 5T a has no written sign at all; the con-
sonant-sign itself implies a following 5J a, unless some other
vowel-sign is attached to it (or else the viraina: 11). Thus,
the consonant-signs as given above in the alphabetic scheme
are really the signs of the syllables ka, kha, etc. etc. (to ha).

b. The long 1X1 a is written by a perpendicular stroke
after the consonant : thus, 3TT ka; UT dha, ^T ha.

c. Short ^ i and long T I are written by a similar
stroke, which for short i is placed before the consonant and for
long I is placed after it, and in either case is connected with
the consonant by a hook above the upper line :. thus, fsfi ki,
3ft ki; ft bhi, >ft bhi; ft ni, ?ft nl.

The hook above, turning to the left or to the right, is historically the
essential part of the character, having been originally the whole of it ; the
hooks were only later prolonged, so as to reach all the way down beside
the consonant. In the MSS., they almost never have the horizontal stroke
drawn across them above, though this is added in the printed characters :
thus, originally % ki, efi ki; in the MSS., f%, 5$; in print, fti, cfft.

d. The u-sounds, short and long, are written by hooks
attached to the lower end of the consonant -sign: thus, ^
ku, ^ ktt; J <lu, ^ fltt. On account of the necessities of
combination, du and dH are somewhat disguised: thus, -jy
g£; and the forms with ^ r and ^ h are still more irreg-
ular : thus, ru, it ru; ^Thu, f£ hti..

10—] I. ALPHABET. 6

e. The y- vowels, short and long, are written by a sub-
joined hook, single or double, opening toward the right :
thus, 37 kr, °R k?; £ dy, \ d?. In the h-sign, the hooks
are usually attached to the middle: thus, ^T hp, Sj£ h?»

As to the combination of y with preceding r, see below, 14d.

f. The J- vowel is written with a reduced form of its
full initial character: thus, ^ k} ; the corresponding long
has no real occurrence (23a), but would be written with a
similar reduced sign.

g. The diphthongs are written by strokes, single or
double, above the upper line, combined, for sff ° and ^
au, with the 5 -sign after the consonant: thus, 5fJ ke, %
kai ; cffi ko, cfit kau.

h. In some devanagari manuscripts (as in the Bengali alphabet), the
single stroke above, or one of the double ones, is replaced by a sign like the
& -sign before the consonant: thus, 13) ke, Ri kai; [cfT! ko, Ffil kau.

11. A consonant -sign, however, is capable of being
made to signify the consonant-sound alone, without an added
vowel, by having written beneath it a stroke called the
virama (rest, stop) : thus, 3R k, "^ d, ^ h.

a. Since, as was pointed out above, the Hindus write the words of a
sentence continuously like one word (9a,b), the virama is in general called
for only when a final consonant occurs before a pause. But it is also oc-
casionally resorted to by scribes, or in print, in order to avoid an awkward
or difficult combination of consonant-signs: thus,

ftfflft: li<Jbhih, f^TCH lifau, ^^c| ank|va;

and it is used to make a separation of words in texts prepared for begin-
ners (9d).

12. Under B, it is to be noticed that the consonant
combinations are for the most part not at all difficult to
make or to recognise for one who is familiar with the
simple signs. The characteristic part of a consonant -sign
that is to be added to another is taken (to the exclusion of
the horizontal or of the perpendicular framing -line, or of
both), and they are put together according to convenience,

7 COMBINATIONS OF CONSONANTS. [—14

either side by side, or one above the other ; in a few com-
binations either arrangement is allowed. The consonant that
is to be pronounced first is set before the other in the one
order, and above it in the other order.

a. Examples of the side-by-side arrangement are: J7[
gga, 5sf jja, nj pya, ^ nma, ?5T ttha, >3J bhya, F^ ska,
EUT sna, f^ tka.

b. Examples of the above-and-below arrangement are:
^f kka, Wf kva, ^T cca, ^ fija, ^ dda, H pta, ?T tna,
3T tva.

13. In some cases, however, there is more or less ab-
breviation or disguise of the independent form of a con-
sonant-sign in combination. Thus,

a. Of 5R k in W kta, j^T kla; and in ^FHT kna etc.;

b. Of rT t in rf tta;

c. Of ^ d in ?: dga, £ dna, etc. ;

d. Of *f m and ET y, when following other consonants:
thus, 5*T kya, ^FT kma, ^T nma, 21 nya, ^T dma, ~Q dya, ^T
lima, ^T hya, ^T chya, ^1 <lhya.

e. Of 5f 9, which generally becomes ST when followed
by a consonant : thus, U 9ca, W 9na, H 9va, STT 9ya. The
same change is usual when a vowel-sign is added below:
thus, g 9u, ST 9r.

f. Other combinations, of not quite obvious value, are
*T nna, 5T Ua, IT ddha, ^ dbha, ^ s^a, ^ stha; and the
compounds of ^ h : as gf hna, "^ nna.

g. In a case or two, no trace of the constituent letters
is recognizable : thus, ^f ksa, ^f jna.

14. The semivowel \ r, in making combinations with
other consonants, is treated in a wholly peculiar manner,
analogous with that in which the vowels are treated.

a. If pronounced before another consonant or combina-
tion of consonants, it is written above the latter, with a

14—] I. ALPHABET. 8

hook opening to the right (much like the sign of the vowel
?, as written under a consonant: lOe) : thus,~^rka, sf rsa,
if rtva, rtf rmya, fp rtsna.

b. Then, if a consonant -group thus containing r as
first member is followed by a vowel that has its sign, or a
part of its sign, or its sign of nasality (anusvara: 70, 71),
written above the line, the r-sign is placed furthest to the
right: thus, s£ rke, £ rkan, & rki, ^frkl, ^ rko, sfif
rkln, sfef rkon.

c. If r is pronounced after another consonant, whether
before a vowel or before yet another consonant, it is written
with a straight stroke below, slanting to the left : thus,
ST pra, U dhra, H gra, R era, 5 ddhra, ^T ntra, CET grya,
R srva, &X ntrya; and, with modifications of a preceding
consonant- sign like those noted above (18), "5T tra, % dra,
T% 9ra, s£ hra.

d. When ^ r is to be combined with a following ft y,
it is the vowel which is written in full, with its initial
character, and the consonant in subordination to it : thus,
f? ry.

15. Further combinations, of three, or four, or even
five consonant-signs, are made according to the same rules.
Examples are:

of three consonants, U ttva, ST ddhya, ^T dvya, 51
drya, S.TJ dhrya, c^ psva, %& 9cya, ^J 9thya, ^1 hvya;

of four consonants, ^J ktrya, ^T nk$ya, ^
tsmya;
of five consonants, f£?f rtsnya.

a. The manuscripts, and the type-fonts as well, differ from one another
more in their management of consonant combinations than in any other res-
pect, often having peculiarities which one needs a little practice to under-
stand. It is quite useless to give in a grammar the whole series of possible
combinations (some of them excessively rare) which are provided for in any
given type -font, or even in all. There is nothing which due familiarity

VARIOUS SIGNS.

[-18

with the simple signs and with the above rules of combination will not
enable the student readily to analyse and explain.

16. a. A sign called the avagraha (separator) — namely
vT — is occasionally used in the manuscripts, sometimes in
the manner of a hyphen, sometimes as a mark of hiatus,
sometimes to mark the elision of initial 5J a after final ^ e
or 5Jj o (135). In printed texts, especially European, it is
ordinarily applied to the use last mentioned, and to that
alone : thus, ^ vigeR^te 'bruvan, JJT J^lfT so 'bravit, for te
abruvan, so abravlt.

b. If the elided initial- vowel is nasal, and has the anu-
svara-sign (70, 71) written above, this is usually and more
properly transferred to the eliding vowel ; but sometimes it
is written instead over the avagraha-sign : thus, for so '^u-
mSn, from so ai^um&n, either ?ft ^3^*1^ or ^ JSJJTFT

o. The sign ° is used in place of something that is
omitted, and to be understood from the connection : thus,
eJi^UHUHH^0^ °^ vlrasenasutas -tarn -tena.

d. Signs of punctuation are I and n.

At the end of a verse, a paragraph, or the like, the latter of
them is ordinarily written twice, with the figure of enumeration be-
tween : thus, || t*0 ||.

17. The numeral figures are

t I, ^ 2, $ 3, £ 4, H 5, ^ 6, b 7, TT 8, $ 9, 0 0.
In combination, to express larger numbers, they are
used in precisely the same way as European digits: thus,
^H 25, ^0 630, bCOO 7000, ^g 1894.

18. The Hindu grammarians call the different sounds, and the
characters representing them, by a kara (maker} added to the sound
of the letter, if a vowel, or to the letter followed by a, if a conson-
ant. Thus, the. sound or character a is called akara; k is kakara;
and so on. But the kara is also omitted, and a, ka, etc. are used
alone. The r, however, is not called rakara, but only ra, or repha
marl : the sole example of a specific name for an alphabetic element
of its class. The anusvara and visarga are also known by these
names alone.

19—-] II. SYSTEM OP SOUNDS. 10

CHAPTER II.

SYSTEM OF SOUNDS ; PRONUNCIATION.

I. Vowels.

19. THE a, i, and u- vow els. The Sanskrit has these
three earliest and most universal vowels of Indo-European
language, in both short and long form — ^ a and 5TT 5,
$ i and T I, 3 u and v5T u. They are to be pronounced in
the "Continental" or "Italian" manner — as in far or farther,
pin and pique, pull and rule.

20. The a is the openest vowel, an utterance from the ex-
panded throat, stands in no relation of kindred with any of the
classes of consonantal sounds, and has no corresponding semivowel.
Of the close vowels i and u, on the other hand, i is palatal, and
shades through its semivowel y into the palatal and guttural consonant-
classes ; u is similarly related, through its semivowel v, to the labial
class, as involving in its utterance a narrowing and rounding of
the lips.

a. The Paninean scheme (commentary to Panini's grammar i. 1. 9) classes
a as guttural, but apparently only in order to give that series as well as the
rest a vowel ; no one of the Pratic.akhyas puts a into one class with k etc.
All these authorities concur in calling the i- and u-vowels respectively palatal
and labial.

21. The short a is not pronounced in India with the full openness
of ft, as its corresponding short, but usually as the "neutral vowel"
(English so-called "short w", of but, son, blood, etc.). This peculiarity
appears very early, being acknowledged by Panini and by two of the
Pratic.akhyas (APr. i. 36; VPr. i. 72), which call the utterance
samvrta, covered up, dimmed. It is wont to be ignored by Western
scholars, except those who have studied in India.

22. The a-vowels are the prevailing vowel-sounds of the lan-
guage, being about twice as frequent as all the others (including
diphthongs) taken together. The i-vowels, again, are about twice as
numerous as the u-vowels. And, in each pair, the short vowel is
more than twice (.21/2 to 3 times) as common as the long.

a. For more precise estimates of frequency, of these and of the other

1 1 VOWELS. [—27

alphabetic elements, and for the way in which they were obtained, see
below, 75.

23. The y- and J-vowels. To the three simple vow-
els already mentioned the Sanskrit adds two others, the
f-vowel and the l-vowel, plainly generated by the abbre-
viation of syllables containing respectively a ^" r or £f 1
along with another vowel: the ft ? coming almost always
(see 237, 241-3) from 5^ ar or ^[ ra, the ^ I from q^f al.

a. Some of the Hindu grammarians add to the alphabet also a long 1;
but this is only for the sake of an artificial symmetry, since the sound does
not occur in a single genuine word in the language.

24. The vowel fj y is simply a smooth or untrilled
r-sound, assuming a vocalic office in syllable-making —
as, by a like abbreviation, it has done also in certain Sla-
vonic languages. The vowel £f \ is an /-sound similarly
uttered — like the English /-vowel in such words as able,
angle, addle.

a. The modern Hindus pronounce these vowels as ri, rl, li (or
even Iri), having long lost the habit and the facility of giving a
vowel value to the pure r- and /-sounds. Their example is widely
followed by European scholars; and hence also the (distorting and
altogether objectionable) transliterations yi, yi, li. There is no real
difficulty in the way of acquiring and practising the true utterance.

b. Some of the grammarians (see APr. i. 37, note) attempt to define more
nearly the way in which, in these vowels, a real r- or /-element is combined
with something else.

25. Like their corresponding semivowels, r and 1, these vowels
belong respectively in the general lingual and dental classes; the
euphonic influence of f and f (189) shows this clearly. They are
so ranked in the Paninean scheme; but the Pratic.akhyas in general
strangely class them with the jihvSmulIya sounds, our "gutturals"
(39).

26. The short y is found in every variety of word and of po-
sition, and is not rare, being just about as frequent as long u. Long
y is very much more unusual, occurring only in certain plural cases
of noun-stems in $• (371b,d, 375). The } is met with only in some
of the forms and derivatives of a single not very common verbal
root (kip).

27. The diphthongs. Of the four diphthongs, two,
the ^ e and ^T o, are in great part original Indo-European

27-

II. SYSTEM OP SOUNDS.

12

sounds. In the Sanskrit, they wear the aspect of being
products of the increment or strengthening of ^ i and 3 u
respectively; and they are called the corresponding guna-
vowels to the latter (see below, 235 ff.). The other two, ^ 5i
and 3§t Su, are held to be of peculiar Sanskrit growth ; they
are also in general results of another and higher increment
of ^ i and 3 u, to which they are called the corresponding
vyddhi- vowels (below, 235 ff.). But all are likewise some-
times generated by euphonic combination (127); and m o,
especially, is common as result of the alteration of a final
m^AB (175).

28. The ^ e and 5ft o are, both in India and in Eu-
rope, usually pronounced as they are transliterated — that
is, as long e- (English "long a", or e in they) and o-sounds,
without diphthongal character.

a. Such they apparently already were to the authors of the
Pratigakhyas, which, while ranking them as diphthongs (sandhyaksara),
give rules respecting their pronunciation in a manner implying them
to be virtually unitary sounds. But their euphonic treatment (131-4)
clearly shows them to have been still at the period when the euphonic
laws established themselves , as they of course were at their origin,
real diphthongs, ai (a -f- •) and au (a + u). From them, on the
same evidence, the heavier or v?ddhi diphthongs were distinguished
by the length of their a-element, as ai (a -+• t) and au (a •+• u}.

b. The recognizable distinctness of the two elements in the vyddhi-
diphthongs is noticed by the Pratic. akhyas (see APr. i. 40, note) ; but the rela-
tion of those elements is either defined as equal, or the a is made of less quan-
tity than the i and u.

29. The lighter or guna- diphthongs are much more frequent
(6 or 7 times) than the heavier or -vrrddhi-diphthongs, and the e and
ai than the o and au (a half more). Both pairs are somewhat more
than half as common as the simple i- and u-vowels.

30. The general name given by the Hindu grammarians to the vowels
is svara tone; the simple vowels are called samanak^ara homogeneous
syllable, and the diphthongs are called sandhyaksara combination- syllable.
The position of the organs in their utterance is defined to be one of openness,
or of non-closure.

a. As to quantity and accent, see below, 76 ff., 80 ff.

13 MUTES. [Se-

ll. Consonants.

31. The Hindu name for 'consonant' is vyanjana manifester.
The consonants are divided by the grammarians into sparqa contact
or mute, antahstha, intermediate or semivowel, and usraan spirant.
They will here be taken up and described in this order.

32. Mutes. The mutes, sparQa, are so called as involving a
complete closure or contact sparqa , and not an approximation only,
of the mouth-organs by which they are produced. They are divided
into five classes or series (varga), according to the organs and parts
of organs by which the contact is made ; and each series is composed
of five members, differing according to the accompaniments of the
contact.

33. The five mute-series are called respectively guttural,
palatal, lingual (or cerebral), dental, and labial; and they
are arranged in the order as just mentioned, beginning with
the contact made furthest back in the mouth, coming for-
ward from point to point, and ending with the frontmost
contact.

34. In each series there are two surd members, two
sonant, and one nasal (which is also sonant): for example,
in the labial series, q p and q\ ph, ^ b and H bh, and q m.

•s. "x *s "X *s

a. The members are by the Hindu grammarians called respectively first,
second, third, fourth, and last or fifth.

b. The surd consonants are known as aghof a toneless, and the sonants
as ghosavant having tone; and the descriptions of the grammarians are in
accordance with these terms. All alike recognise a difference of tone, and not
in any manner a difference of force, whether of contact or of expulsion, as
separating the two great classes in question. That the difference depends on
vivara opening, or samvara closure (of the glottis), is also recognised
by them.

35. The first and third members of each series are the
ordinary corresponding surd and sonant mutes of European
languages: thus, ^k and TT^g, r^t and <[ d, t^p and 5M>.

36. Nor is the character of the nasal any more doubtful.
What J^m is to ^p and 3Jt>, or ^n to rM and 5* d, that
is also each other nasal to its own series of mutes : a sonant
expulsion into and through the nose, while the mouth-
organs are in the mute-contact.

30—] II. SYSTEM OP SOUNDS. 14

a. The Hindu grammarians give distinctly this definition. The nasal
(anunfisika passing through the nose") sounds are declared to be formed by
mouth and nose together ; or their nasality (ammaeikya) to be given them
by unclosure of the nose.

37. The second and fourth of each series are aspirates:
thus, beside the surd mute 5fi k we have the corresponding
surd aspirate 13 kh, and beside the sonant 3T g, the corres-
ponding sonant aspirate SJ^gh. Of these, the precise char-
acter is more obscure and difficult to determine.

a. That the aspirates, all of them, are real mutes or contact sounds, and
not fricatives (like European th and ph and ch, etc.), is beyond question.

b. It is also not doubtful in what way the surd th, for example, differs
from the unaspirated t : such aspirates are found in many Asiatic languages,
and even in some European ; they involve the slipping-out of an audible bit
of flatus or aspiration between the breach of mute-closure and the following
sound, whatever it may be. They are accurately enough represented by the
th etc., with which, in imitation of the Latin treatment of the similar ancient
Greek aspirates, we are accustomed to write them.

c. The sonant aspirates are generally understood and described as made
in a similar way, with a perceptible ft-sound after the breach of sonant mute-
closure. But there are great theoretical difficulties in the way of accepting
this explanation; and some of the best phonetic observers deny that the modern
Hindu pronunciation is of such a character, and define the element following
the mute as a "glottal buzz", rather, or as an emphasized utterance of the
beginning of the succeeding sound. The question is one of great difficulty,
and upon it the opinions of the highest authorities are much at variance.
Sonant aspirates are still in use in India, in the pronunciation of the vernacular
as well as of the learned languages.

d. By the Praticakhyas, the aspirates of both classes are called seaman :
which might mean either accompanied by a rush of breath (taking usman
in its more etymological sense), or accompanied by a spirant (below, 59).
And some native authorities define the surd aspirates as made by the combi-
nation of each surd non-aspirate with its own corresponding surd spirant ; and
the sonant aspirates, of each sonant non-aspirate with the sonant spirant, the
h-sound (below, 66). But this would make the two classes of aspirates of
quite diverse character, and would also make th the same as ts, th as ts, ch
as c<$ — which is in any measure plausible only of the last. Panini has no
name for aspirates ; the scheme given in his comment (to i. 1. 9) attributes
to them mahaprana great expiration, and to the non-aspirates alpaprana
small expiration.

e. It is usual among European scholars to pronounce
both classes of aspirates as the corresponding non-aspirates

15 GUTTURAL AND PALATAL MUTES. [42—

with a following h: for example, 8Mb nearly as in English
boathook, GR ph as in haphazard, q^ dh as in madhouse,
Hjbh as in abhor, and so on.^ This is (as we have seen above)
strictly accurate only as regards the surd aspirates.

38. The sonant aspirates are (in the opinion of most), or at least
represent, original Indo-European sounds, while the sard aspirates
are a special Indian development. The former are more than twice
as common as the latter. The unaspirated (non-nasal) mutes are very
much more frequent (5 times) than the aspirates (for the special fre-
quency of bh and original gh, see 50 and 66) ; and among them the
surds are more numerous (2Y2 times) than the sonants. The nasals
(chiefly n and m) are nearly as frequent as the surd non-aspirates.

We take up now the several mute- series.

30. Guttural series: cfi k, Isf kh, JT g, ^ gh, 3" n.
These are the ordinary European k and ^-sounds, with their
corresponding aspirates and nasal (the last, like English ng
in singing).

a. The gutturals are defined by the Pratigakhyas as made by contact of
the base of the tongue with the base of the jaw, and they are called, from the
former organ, jihvamuliya tongue-root sounds. The Paninean scheme
describes them simply as made in the throat (kantha). From the euphonic
influence of a k on a following 8 (below, 180), we may perhaps infer that in
their utterance the tongue was well drawn back in the mouth.

40. The k is by far the commonest of the guttural series, occur-
ring considerably more often than all the other four taken together.
The nasal, except as standing before one of the others of the same
series, is found only as final (after the loss of a following k: 386,
407) in a very small number of words, and as product of the assi-
milation of final k to a following nasal (161).

41. The Sanskrit guttural series represents only a minority
of Indo-European gutturals; these last have suffered more and more
general corruption than any other class of consonants. By processes
of alteration which began in the Indo-European period, the palatal
mutes, the palatal sibilant 9, and the aspiration h, have come from
gutturals. See these various sounds below.

42. Palatal series: t^c, ^ ch, STJ, <KJh, 3TJ&.

The whole palatal series is derivative, being generated by the
corruption of original gutturals. The c comes from an original k —
as does also, by another degree of alteration, the palatal sibilant 9
(see below, 64). The j, in like manner, comes from a g; but the

42—] II. SYSTEM or SOUNDS. 16

Sanskrit j includes in itself two degrees of alteration, one correspond-
ing to the alteration of k to c, the other to that of k to 9 (see below,
219). The c is somewhat more common than the j (about as four
to three). The aspirate ch is very much less frequent (a tenth of c),
and comes from the original group sk. The sonant aspirate jh is
excessively rare (occurring but once in RV., not once in AV., and
hardly half-a-dozen times in the whole older language) ; where found,
it is either onomatopoetic or of anomalous or not Indo-European origin.
The nasal, fti never occurs except immediately before — or, in a
small number of words, also after (201) — one of the others of the
same series.

43. Hence, in the euphonic processes of the language, the
treatment of the palatals is in many respects peculiar. In some
situations, the original unaltered guttural shows itself — or, as
it appears from the point of view of the Sanskrit, the palatal reverts
to its original guttural. No palatal ever occurs as a final. The j is
differently treated, according as it represents the one or the other
degree of alteration. And o and j (except artificially, in the alge-
braic rules of the grammarians) do not interchange, as corresponding
surd and sonant.

44. The palatal mutes are by European scholars, as by
the modern Hindus also, pronounced with the compound
sounds of English ch and j (in church and judge).

a. Their description by the old Hindu grammarians, however, gives them
a not less absolutely simple character than belongs to the other mutes. They
are called talavya palatal, and declared to be formed against the palate by
the middle of the tongue. They seem to have been, then, brought forward in
the mouth from the guttural point, and made against the hard palate at a
point not far from the lingual one (below, 45), but with the upper flat surface
of the tongue instead of its point. Such sounds, in all languages, pass easily
into the (English) ch- and /-sounds. The value of the ch as making the prece-
ding vowel "long by position" (227), and its frequent origination from t + c.
(203), lead to the suspicion tthat it, at least, may have had this character from
the beginning : compare 37 d, above.

45. Lingual series: £t, ^fh, J <L, ^$h, tjj^n. The
lingual mutes are by all the native authorities defined as
uttered with the tip of the tongue turned up and drawn
back into the dome of the palate (somewhat as the usual
English smooth r is pronounced). They are called by the
grammarians murdhanya, literally head-sounds, capitals,
cephalics; which term is in many European grammars

17 LINGUAL AND DENTAL MUTES. [ — 47

rendered by 'cerebrals1. In practice, among European Sans-
kritists, no attempt is made to distinguish them from the
dentals : £ t is pronounced like <T t, 3 $ like <£ d, and so
with the rest.

46. The linguals are another non-original series of sounds,
coming mainly from the phonetic alteration of the next series, the
dentals, but also in part occurring in words that have no traceable
Indo-European connection, and are perhaps derived from the abori-
ginal languages of India. The tendency to lingual ization is a posi-
tive one in the history of the language: dentals easily pass into
linguals under the influence of contiguous or neighboring lingual
sounds, but not the contrary ; and all the sounds of the class become
markedly more frequent in the later literature. The conditions of
their ordinary occurrence are briefly these: 1. 9 comes from a, much
more rarely from 9, j, k§, in euphonic circumstances stated below
(180, 218 ff.); 2. a dental mute following 9 is assimilated to it,
becoming lingual (t, {h, 9: 197] ; 3. n is often changed to 9 after a
lingual vowel or semivowel or sibilant in the same word (189 ff.);
4. $h, which is of very rare occurrence,, comes from assimilation of
a dental after 9 (198 a) or h (222); 5. { and <J come occasionally
by substitution for some other sound which is not allowed to stand
as final (142, 145—7). When originated in these ways, the lin-
gual letters may be regarded as normal ; in any other cases of their
occurrence, they are either products of abnormal corruption, or signs
of the non-Indo-European character of the words in which they
appear.

a. In a certain number of passages numerically examined (below, 76),
the abnormal occurrences of lingual mutes were less than half of the whole
number (74 out of 159), and most of them (43) were of n: all were found more
frequent iu the later passages. In the Rig- Veda, only 15 words have an abnor-
mal t; only 6, such a{h; only 1, such a <Jh; about 20 (including 9 roots,
nearly all of which hare derivatives) show an abnormal $, besides 9 that have
9<J ; and 30 (including 1 root) show a 9.

b. Taken all together, the linguals are by far the rarest class
of mutes (about 1 V* per cent, of the alphabet) — hardly half as fre-
quent even as the palatals.

47. Dental series: cT t, Sfth, <£ d, q^dh, ^n. These
are called by the Hindus also dantya dental, and are
described as formed at the teeth (or at the roots of the
teeth), by the tip of the tongue. They are practically the
equivalents of our European t, d} n.

a. But the modern Hindus are said to pronounce their dentals with the
Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 2

47—] II. SYSTEM OF SOUNDS. 18

tip of the tongue thrust well forward against the upper teeth, so that these
sounds get a slight tinge of the quality belonging to the English and Modern
Greek M-sounds. The absence of that quality in the European (especially
the English) dentals is doubtless the reason why to the ear of a Hindu the
latter appear more analogous with his linguals, and he is apt to use the lingual*
in writing European words.

48. The dentals are one of the Indo-European original mute-
classes. In their occurrence in Sanskrit they are just about as fre-
quent as all the other four classes taken together.

40. Labial series: q^p, C^ ph, SJ^b, ^bh, ^m.
These sounds are called osfchya labial by the Hindu gram-
marians also. They are, of course, the equivalents of our
p, b, m.

50. The numerical relations of the labials are a little peculiar.
Owing to the absence (or almost entire absence) of b in Indo-Euro-
pean, the Sanskrit b also is greatly exceeded iu frequency by bh,
which is the most common of all the sonant aspirates, as ph is the
least common of the surd. The nasal m (notwithstanding its frequent
euphonic mutations when final: 212 ff.) occurs just about as often as
all the other four members of the series together.

a. From an early period in the history of the language, but increasingly
later, b and v exchange with one another, or fail to be distinguished in the
manuscripts. Thus, the double root-forms br/h and vr/h, bSdh and vadh, and
so on. In the Bengal manuscripts, v is widely* written instead of more original b.

51. Semivowels: JT^y, ^" r, SM, q^v.

a. The name given to this class of sounds by the Hindu grammarians is
antahstha standing between — either from their character as utterances
intermediate between vowel and consonant, or (more probably) from the cir-
cumstance of their being placed between the mutes and spirants in the arrange-
ment of the consonants.

b. The semivowels are clearly akin with the several mute series
in their physical character, and they are classified along with those
series — though not without some discordances of view — by the
Hindu grammarians. They are said to be produced with the organs
slightly in contact (isatsprs^a), or in imperfect contact (duhsprs^a;.

52. The ^ r is clearly shown by its influence in the
euphonic processes of the language to be a lingual sound,
or one made with the tip of the tongue turned up into
the dome of the palate. It thus resembles the English
smooth r, and, like this, seems to have been untrilled.

SEMIVOWELS.

[—55

a. The Paniiiean scheme reckons r as a lingual. None of the Praticakh-
yas, however, does so ,• nor aie they entirely consistent with one another in its
description. For the most part, they define it as made at "the roots of the
teeth". This would give it a position like that of the vibrated r ; but no au-
thority hints at a vibration as belonging to it.

b. In point of frequency, r stands very high on the list of con-
sonants; it is nearly equal with v, n, m, and y, and only exceeded
by t.

53. The sT 1 is a sound of dental position, and is so
defined and classed by all the native authorities.

a. The peculiar character of an /-sound, as involving expulsion at the
side of the tongue along with contact at its tip, is not noticed by any Hindu
phonetist.

b. The semivowels r and 1 are very widely interchangeable in Sanskrit,
both in roots and in suffixes, and even in prefixes : there are few roots contain-
ing a 1 which do not show also forms with r; words written with the one
letter are found in other texts, or in other parts of the same text, written with
the other. In the later periods of the language they are more separated, and the
1 becomes decidedly more frequent, though always much rarer than the r (only
as 1 to 7 or 8 or 10).

54. Some of the Vedic texts have another /-sound, written with
a slightly different character (it is given at the end of the alphabet,
5), which is substituted for a lingual 4 (as also tne same followed
by h for a <Jh) when occurring between two vowels. It is, then,
doubtless a lingual /, one made by breach (at the side of the tongue)
of the lingual instead of the dental mute-closure.

a. Examples are: ^ lie, for ^J I<Je, but ^ i£ya; Hloo^M
milhuse, for iflfotj midhuse, but jfttoT*? midhvan. It is especially
in the Rig-Veda and its auxiliary literature that this substitution is usual.

55. The IT y in Sanskrit, as in other languages gene-
rally, stands in the closest relationship with the vowel ^ i
(short or long); the two exchange with one another in
cases innumerable.

a. And in the Veda (as the metre shows) an i is very often to be read
where, in conformity with the rules of the later Sanskrit euphony, a y is writ-
ten. Thus, the final i- vowel of a word remains i before an initial vowel ; that
of a stem maintains itself unchanged before an ending; and an ending of deri-
vation — as ya, tya — has i instead of y. Such cases will be noticed in
more detail later. The constancy of the phenomenon in certain words and
classes of words shows that this was no merely optional interchange. Very
probably, the Sanskrit y had everywhere more of an i-character than belongs
to the corresponding European sound.

2*

60—] II. SYSTEM OP SOUNDS. 20

56. The y is by its physical character a palatal utterance; and
it is classed as a palatal semivowel by the Hindu phonetists. It is
one of the most common of Sanskrit sounds.

57. The 5f v is pronounced as English or French v
(German w) by the modern Hindus — except when pre-
ceded by a consonant in the same syllable, in which case
it has rather the sound of English w; and European scho-
lars follow the same practice (with or without the same
exception) .

a. By its whole treatment in the euphony of the language,
however, the v stands related to an w-vowel precisely as y to an
»-vowel. It is, then, a v only according to the original Roman value
of that letter — that is to say, a to-sound in the English sense;
though (as was stated above for the y) it may well have been less
markedly separated from u than English w, or more like French ou in
out etc. But, as the original w has in most European languages been
changed to v (English), so also in India, and that from a very early
time: the Paninean scheme and two of the Praticakhyas (VPr. and
TPr.) distinctly define the sound as made between the upper teeth
and the lower lip — which, of course, identifies it with the ordinary
modern v- sound. As a matter of practice, the usual pronunciation
need not be seriously objected to; yet the student should not fail
to note that the rules of Sanskrit euphony and the name of "semi-
vowel" have no application except to a tc-sound in the English sense :
a r-sound (German w} is no semivowel, but a spirant, standing on
the same articulate stage with the English ^-sounds and the /.

58. The v is classed as a labial semivowel by the Hindu phonet-
ical authorities. It has a somewhat greater frequency than the y.

a. In the Veda, under the same circumstances as the y (above, 55 a).
v is to be read as a vowel, u.

b. As to the interchange of v and b, see above, 50 a.

59. Spirants. Under the name usman (literally heat,
steam, flatus], which is usually and well represented by
spirant, some of the Hindu authorities include all the
remaining sounds of the alphabet; others apply the term
only to the three sibilants and the aspiration — to which
it will here also be restricted.

a. The term is not found in the Paninean scheme ; by different trea-
tises the guttural and labial breathings, these and the visarga, or all these
and anusvara, are also (in addition to the sibilants and h) called u? man

21 SIBILANTS. [—62

(see APr. i. 31 note). The organs of utterance are described as being in
the position of the mute-series to which each spirant belongs respectively,
but unclosed, or unclosed in the middle.

60. The H^s. Of the three sibilants, or surd spirants,
this is the one of plainest and least questioned character :
it is the ordinary European s — a hiss expelled between
the tongue and the roof of the mouth directly "behind the
upper front teeth.

a. It is, then, dental, as it is classed by all the Hindu author-
ities. Notwithstanding the great losses which it suffers in Sanskrit
euphony, by conversion to the other sibilants, to r, to visarga, etc.,
it is still very high among the consonants in the order of frequency,
or considerably more common than both the other two sibilants
together.

61. The ^ 9. As to the character of this sibilant, also,
there is no ground for real question : it is the one produced
in the lingual position, or with the tip of the tongue re-
verted into the dome of the palate. It is, then, a kind of
$A-sound; and by European Sanskritists it is pronounced
as an ordinary sh (French cA, German sch)j no attempt
being made (any more than in the case of the other lingual
sounds: 45) to give it its proper lingual quality.

a. Its lingual character is shown by its whole euphonic influence,
and it is described and classed as lingual by all the Hindu author-
ities (the APr. adds, i. 23, that the tongue in its utterance is trough-
shaped). In its audible quality, it is a sA-sound rather than a s-sound;
and, in the considerable variety of sibilant-utterance, even in the
same community, it may coincide with the sh of some among
ourselves. Yet the general and normal sh is palatal (see below, 63 ;
and therefore the sign 9, marked in accordance with the other lin-
gual letters, is the only unexceptionable transliteration for the Hindu
character.

b. In modern pronunciation in India, s is much confounded with kh;
and the manuscripts are apt to exchange the characters. Some later gram-
matical treatises, too, take note of the relationship.

62. This sibilant (as was noticed above, 46, and will be more
particularly explained below, 180 ff.) is no original sound, but a
product of the lingualization of s under certain euphonic conditions.
The exceptions are extremely few (9 out of 145 noted occurrences:
75 , and of a purely sporadic character. The Rig- Veda has (apart

62-] II. SYSTEM OF SOUNDS. 22

from y sab, 182b only twelve words which show a 9 under other
conditions.

a. The final a of a root has in some cases attained a more indepen-
dent value, and does not revert to 8 when the euphonic conditions are
removed, but chows anomalous forms (225 — 6).

63. The $^9. This sibilant is by all the native author-
ities classed and described as palatal, nor is there any-
thing in its history or its euphonic treatment to cast doubt
on its character as such. It is, then, made with the flat
of the tongue against the forward part of the palatal arch

— that is to say, it is the usual and normal sA-sound. By
European scholars it is variously pronounced — more often,
perhaps, as s than as sh.

a. The two sA-sounds, 9 and 9, are made in the same part of the
mouth (the s probably rather further back), but with a different part of
the tongue ; and they are doubtless not more unlike than, for example, the
two ^-sounds, written $ and t; and it would be not less proper to pro-
nounce them both as one sh than to pronounce the linguals and dentals
alike. To neglect the difference of a and 9 is much less to be approved.
The very near relationship of g and 9 is attested by their euphonic treat-
ment, which is to a considerable extent the same, and by their not infre-
quent confusion by the writers of manuscripts.

64. As was mentioned above (41), the 9, like c, comes from
the corruption of an original fc-sonnd, by loss of mute -contact as
well as forward shift of the point of production. In virtue of this
derivation, it sometimes (though less often than c) "reverts" to
k — that is, the original k appears instead of it (43) ; while, on the
other hand, as a sA-sound, it is to a certain extent convertible to s.
In point of frequency, it slightly exceeds the latter.

65. The remaining spirant, ^ h, is ordinarily pronounced
like the usual European surd aspiration h.

a. This is not, however, its real character. It is defined by all the native
authorities as not a surd element, but a sonant (or else an utterance inter-
mediate between the two); and its whole value in the euphony of the lan-
guage is that of a sonant: but what is its precise value is very hard to
say. The Paninean scheme ranks it as guttural, as it does also a: this
means nothing. The Praticakhyas bring it into no relation with the guttu-
ral class; one of them quotes the opinion of some authorities that "it has
the same position with the beginning of the following vowel" (TPr. ii. 47)

— which so far identifies it with our h. There is nothing in its euphonic
influence to mark it as retaining any trace of gutturally articulated character.

23 VlSARGA.

By some of the native phonetists it is identified with the aspiration of the
sonant aspirates — with the element by which, for example, gh differs
from g. This view is supported by the derivation of h from the aspirates
(next paragraph), by that of 1+h from $h (54), and by the treatment of
initial h after a final mute (163).

66. The h, as already noticed, is not an original sound, but
comes in nearly all cases from an older gh (for the few instances of
its derivation from dh and bh, see below, 223g). It is a vastly more
frequent sound than the unchanged gh (namely, as 7 to 1): more fre-
quent, indeed, than any of the guttural mutes except k. It appears,
like j (219), to include in itself two stages of corruption of gh: one
•corresponding with that of k to c, the other with that of k to 9 ;
see below, 223, for the roots belonging to the two classes respect-
ively. Like the other sounds of guttural derivation, it sometimes
exhibits "reversion" (43) to its original.

67. The : h, or visarga (visarjamya, as it is uniformly
called by the Prati9akhyas and by Panini, probably as be-
longing to the end of a syllable), appears to be merely a surd
breathing, a final A-sound (in the European sense of h),
uttered in the articulating position of the preceding vowel.

a. One Praticakhya (TPr. ii. 48) gives just this last description of it.
It is by various authorities classed with h, or with h and a: all of them
are alike sounds in whose utterance the mouth-organs have no definite
shaping action.

68. The visarga is not original, but always only a substitute
for final a or r, neither of which is allowed to maintain itself unchan-
ged (170 ff.). It is a comparatively recent member of the alphabetic
system ; the other euphonic changes of final a and r have not passed
through visarga as an intermediate stage. And the Hindu authorities
are considerably discordant with one another as to how far h is a
necessary substitute, and how far a permitted one, alternative with
a sibilant, before a following initial surd.

69. Before a surd guttural or labial, respectively, some of the
native authorities permit, while others require, conversion of final a
or r into the so-called jihvamuhya and upadhmanlya spirants. It
may be fairly questioned, perhaps, whether these two sounds are not
pure grammatical abstractions, devised (like the long J-vowel: 23a)
in order to round out the alphabet to greater symmetry. At any
rate, both manuscripts and printed texts in general make no account
of them. Whatever individual character they may have must be,
it would seem, in the direction of the (German) ch- and /-sounds.
When written at all, they are wont to be transliterated by * and <f.

70—] II. SYSTEM OP SOUNDS. 24

70. The - anusvSra, n or m, is a nasal sound lacking
that closure of the organs which is required to make a
nasal mute or contact-sound (36); in its utterance there is
nasal resonance along with some degree of openness of the
mouth.

71. There is discordance of opinion among both the Hindu pbonetists
and their modern European successors respecting the real character of this
element; hence a little detail is necessary here with regard to its occur-
rence and their views of it.

a. Certain nasals in Sanskrit are of servile character, always to be
assimilated to a following consonant, of whatever character that may be.
Such are final m in sentence-combination (213), the penultimate nasal of
a root, and a nasal of increment (255) in general. If one of these nasals
stands before a contact-letter or mute, it becomes a nasal mute correspon-
ding to the latter — that is, a nasal utterance in the same position of the
mouth-organs which gives the succeeding mute. If, on the other hand, the
following consonant does not involve a contact (being a semivowel or spi-
rant), the nasal element is also without contact: it is a nasal utterance
with unclosed mouth-organs. The question is, now, whether this nasal
utterance becomes merely a nasal infection of the preceding vowel, turning
it into a nasal vowel (as in French on, en, un, etc., by reason of a similar
loss of a nasal mute); or whether it is an element of more individual
character, having place between the vowel and the consonant; or, once
more, whether it is sometimes the one thing and sometimes the other.
The opinions of the Prati^akhyas and Panini are briefly as follows:

b. The Atharva-Praticakhya holds that the result is everywhere a
nasalized vowel, except when n or m is assimilated to a following 1; in
that case, the n or m becomes a nasal 1: that is, the nasal utterance is
made in the 1-position, and has a perceptible 1-charaoter.

C. The other Prati^akhyas teach a similar conversion Into a nasal
counterpart to the semivowel, or a nasal semivowel, before y and 1 and v
(not before r also). In most of the other cases where the Atharva-Prati-
cakhya acknowledges a nasal vowel — namely, before r and the spirants
— the others teach the intervention after the vowel of a distinct nasal
element, called the anusvara after-tone.

d. Of the nature of this nasal afterpiece to the vowel no intelligibly
clear account is given. It is said (RPr.) to be either vowel or consonant;
it is declared (RPr., VPr.) to be made with the nose alone, or (TPr.) to
be nasal like the nasal mutes; it is held by some (RPr.) to be the sonant
tone of the nasal mutes; in its formation, as in that of vowel and spirant,
there is (RPr.) no contact. As to its quantity, see further on.

e. There are, however, certain cases and classes of cases where these
other authorities also acknowledge a nasal vowel. So, especially, wherever

25 ANUSVARA. [—73

a final n is treated (208—8) as if it were ns (its historically older form);
and also in a small number of specified words. They also mention the
doctrine of nasal Towel instead of anusvara as held by some (and TPr.
is uncertain and inconsistent in its choice between the one and the other).

f. In Panini, finally, the prevailing doctrine is that of anusvara
everywhere; and it is even allowed in many cases where the PraticAkh-
yas prescribe only a nasal mute. But a nasal semivowel is also allowed
instead before a semivowel, and a nasal vowel is allowed in the cases (men-
tioned above) where some of the Pratic,akhyas require it by exception.

g. It is evidently a fair question whether this discordance and uncer-
tainty of the Hindu phonetists is owing to a real difference of utterance
in different classes of cases and in different localities, or whether to a
different scholastic analysis of what is really everywhere the same utterance.
If anusvara is a nasal element following the vowel, it cannot well be any
thing but either a prolongation of the same vowel-sound with nasality added,
or a nasalized bit of neutral-vowel sound (in the latter case, however, the
altering influence of an i or u-vowel on a following 8 ought to be preven-
ted, which is not the case: see 183).

72. The assimilated nasal element, whether viewed as nasalized
vowel, nasal semivowel, or independent anusvara, has the value of
something added, in making a heavy syllable, or length by position (79).

a. The Pratic.akhyas (VPr., RPr.) give determinations of the quantity
of the anusvara combining with a short and with a long vowel respect-
ively to make a long syllable.

73. a. Two different signs, - and ., are found in the manu-
scripts, indicating the nasal sound here treated of. Usually they are
written above the syllable, and there they seem most naturally to
imply a nasal affection of the vowel of the syllable, a nasal (anunasika)
vowel. Hence some texts (Sanaa- and Yajur-Vedas), when they mean
a real anusvara, bring one of the signs down into the ordinary con-
sonant-place; but the usage is not general. As between the two
signs, some manuscripts employ, or tend to employ, the r where a
nasalized (anunasika) vowel is to be recognized, and elsewhere the
i; and this distinction is consistently observed in many European
printed texts; and the former is called the anunasika sign: but the
two are doubtless originally and properly equivalent.

b. It is a very common custom of the manuscripts to write the
anusvara-sign for any nasal following the vowel of a syllable, either
before another consonant or as final (not before a vowel), without
any reference to whether it is to be pronounced as nasal mute, nasal
semivowel, or anusvara. Some printed texts follow this slovenly and
undesirable habit; but most write a nasal mute whenever it is to be
pronounced — excepting where it is an assimilated m (213).

73-1

II. SYSTEM OF SOUNDS.

26

c. It is convenient also in transliteration to distinguish the as-
similated m by a special sign, m, from the anusvara of more inde-
pendent origin, A; and this method will be followed in the present
work.

74. This is the whole system of sounds recognised by the written
character; for certain other transitional sounds, more or less widely
recognised in the theories of the Hindu phonetists, see below, 230.

75. The whole spoken alphahet, then, may be arranged
in the following manner, in order to show, so far as is pos-
sible in a single scheme, the relations and important classi-
fications of its various members:

Son. J

a, a

19-78 8-19

•

0

*#

v>

f Vowels

1. 1 r, f

1 u»

u

4-SJ 1.19 .74 '01

••1 S-61

•JS

y

r

1

V

Semivowels

4*25

6.05

•69

4-99

n

n n

n

m

Nasals

•»

•35 1 >03

4-81

4-Si

ft

Anusvara

.63

h

Aspiration

l.or

h

Visarga

1 31

9 f

8

Sibilants

I 57 1.45

s.jh

gh

jh 4h

dh

bh asp. }

• 15

•Ot 03

•83

1-27

g

J $

d

b unasp.

kh

•94 .11

oh ^h

9-85

th

Uutes
ph asp.

• 13

•17 .06

•58

•03

k

C $

t

p unasp.

1-99

l.ft .26

6.65

2.46

_

Gutt.

Pal. Ling.

Dent.

Lab.

Surd

Son.

Surd

a. The figures set under the characters give the average per-
centage of frequency of each sound, found by counting the number
of times which it occurred in an aggregate of 10,000 sounds of con-
tinuous text, in ten different passages, of 1,000 sounds each, selected
from different epochs of the literature : namely, two from the Rig- Veda,
one from the Atharva-Veda, two from different Brahmanas, and one
each from Manu, Bhagavad - Gita, Qakuntala, Hitopadec.a, and Vasa-
vadatta (J.A.O.S., vol. X., p. cl).

27 QUANTITY. [—79

III. Quantity of sounds and syllables.

76. The Hindu grammarians take the pains to define
the quantity of a consonant (without distinction among
consonants of different classes) as half that of a short vowel.

77. They also define the quantity of a long (dlrgha)
vowel or diphthong as twice that of a short (hrasva) vowel —
making no distinction in this respect between the guna-
and the vyddhi-diphthongs.

78. Besides these two vowel-quantities, the Hindus
acknowledge a third, called pluta (literally swimming),
or protracted, and having three moras or three times the
quantity of a short vowel. A protracted vowel is marked
by a following figure 3: thus, 5TT$ &3.

a. The protracted vowels are practically of rare occurrence (in
RV., three cases; in AV., fifteen; in the Brahmana literature, deci-
dedly more frequent). They are used in cases of questioning, espe-
cially of a balancing between two alternatives, and also of calling
to a distance or urgently. The protraction is of the last syllable in
a word, or in a whole phrase ; and the protracted syllable has usually
the acute tone, in addition to any other accent the word may have;
sometimes it takes also anusvara, or is made nasal.

b. Examples are: adhah avid aslad upari avid as!3t (BY.)
was it, forsooth, below? was it, forsooth, above? idam bhuyas idcbm
fti (AV.) saying, is this more, or is that? agnasi patmvsbh Bomam
piba (TS.) 0 Agni! thou with thy spouse! drink the soma.

C. A diphthong is protracted by prolongation of its first or a-element :
thus, e to a ii, o to fisu.

d. The sign of protraction is also sometimes written as the result of
accentual combination, when so-called kaxnpa occurs: see below, 90 c, d.

79. For metrical purposes, syllables (not vowels) are
distinguished by the grammarians as heavy (guru) or light
(laghu). A syllable is heavy if its vowel is long, or short
and followed by more than one consonant ("long by po-
sition"). Anusvara and visarga count as full consonants in

79-]

II. SYSTEM OF SOUNDS.

28

making a heavy syllable. The last syllable of a pSda (pri-
mary division of a verse) is reckoned as either heavy or
light.

a. The distinction in terms between the difference of long and short
in vowel-sonnd and that of heavy and light in syllable-construction is valu-
able, and should be observed.

IV. Accent.

80. The phenomena of accent are, by the Hindu gram-
marians of all ages alike, described and treated as depend-
ing on a variation of tone or pitch; of any difference of
stress involved, they make no account.

81. The primary tones (svara) or accent-pitches are
two: a higher (udatta raised), or acute; and a lower
(anudatta nqt raised), or grave. A third (called svarita:
a term of doubtful meaning) is always of secondary origin,
being (when not enclitic : see below, 85) the result of actual
combination of an acute vowel and a following grave vowel
into one syllable. It is also uniformly defined as compound
in pitch, a union of higher and lower tone within the
limits of a single syllable. It is thus identical in physical
character with the Greek and Latin circumflex, and fully
entitled to be called by the same name.

82. Strictly, therefore, there is but one distinction of tone in
the Sanskrit accentual system, as described by the native grammarians
and marked in the written texts : the accented syllable is raised in tone
above the unaccented; while then further, in certain cases of the
fusion of an accented and an unaccented element into one syllable,
that syllable retains the compounded tone of both elements.

83. The svarita or circumflex is only rarely found on a pure
long vowel or diphthong, but almost always on a syllable in which
a vowel, short or long, is preceded by a y or v representing an ori-
ginally acute i- or u-vowel.

a. In transliteration, in this work, the udatta or acute will be
marked with the ordinary sign of acute, and the svarita or circum-
flex (as being a downward slide of the voice forward) with what is
usually called the grave accent: thus, d, acute, yaorva, circumflex.

29 ACCENT. [—85

84. The Pratic.akhyas distinguish and name separately the circum-
flexed tones arising by different processes of combination : thus, the circum-
flex is called

a. Ksaipra (quick), when an acute i or u-vowel (short or long)
is converted into y or v before a dissimilar vowel of grave tone: thus,
vyapta from vi-apta, apsvantar from apsu antar.

b. Jatya (native) or nitya (oton), when the same combination
lies further back, in the make-up of a stem or form, and so is constant,
or belongs to the word in all circumstances of its occurrence: thus, kva
(from kua), svar (suar), nyak (niak), budhnya (budhnia), kanya
(kanfa), nadyas (nadi-as), tanvg, (tanu-a).

C. The words of both the above classes are in the Veda, in the great ma-
jority of cases, to be read with restoration of the acute vowel as a separate
syllable: thus, apsu antar, suar, nadias, etc. In some texts, part of
them are written correspondingly: thus, suvar, tanuva, budhniya.

d. Praqlista, when the acute and grave vowels are of such charac-
ter that they are fused into a long vowel or diphthong (128 c): thus
divl Va (RV. AV. etc.), from divi iva; sudgata (TS.), from su-ud-
gata; nai Va 'cmyat (QB.), from na eva a^nlyat.

e. Abhinihita, when an initial grave a is absorbed by a final acute
e or 6 (135 a): thus, te *bruvan, from te abruvan; so 'bravlt, from
so abravit.

85. But further, the Hindu grammarians agree in de-
claring the (naturally grave) syllable following an acute,
whether in the same or in another word, to be svarita or
circumflex — unless, indeed, it be itself followed by an
acute or circumflex ; in which case it retains its grave tone.
This is called by European scholars the enclitic or depend-
ent circumflex.

a. Thus, in tena and te ca, the syllable na and word ca are
regarded and marked as circumflex; but in tena te and te ca svar
they are grave.

b. This seems to mean that the voice, which is borne up at the
higher pitch to the end of the acute syllable, does not ordinarily drop to
grave pitch by an instantaneous movement, but descends by a more or less
perceptible slide in the course of the following syllable. No Hindu author-
ity suggests the theory of a middle or intermediate tone for the enclitic,
any more than for the independent circumflex. For the most part, the two
are identified "with one another, in treatment and designation. The encli-
tic circumflex is likewise divided into a number of sub-varieties, with
different names : they are of too little consequence to be worth reporting.

86—] II- SYSTEM OP SOUNDS. 30

86. The essential difference of the two kinds of circumflex is
shown clearly enough by these facts: 1. the independent circumflex
takes the place of the acute as the proper accent of a word, while
the enclitic is the mere shadow following an acute, and following it
in another word precisely as in the same word; 2. the independent
circumflex maintains its character in all situations, while the enclitic
before a following circumflex or acute loses its circumflex character,
and becomes gr.ave ; moreover, 3. in many of the systems of marking
accent (below, 88), the two are quite differently indicated.

87. The accentuation is marked in manuscripts only of the
older literature: namely, in the primary Vedic texts, or Baxhhitas,
in two of the Brahmanas (Taittinya and Qatapatha), in the Taittiriya-
Aranyaka, in certain passages of the Aitareya-Aranyaka, and in the
Suparaadhyaya. There are a number of methods of writing accent,
more or less different from one another; the one found in manu-
scripts of the Rig- Veda, which is most widely known, and of which
most of the others are only slight modifications, is as follows.

a. The acute syllable is left unmarked; the circumflex, whether
independent or enclitic, has a short perpendicular stroke above ; and
the grave next preceding an acute or (independent) circumflex has a
short horizontal stroke below. Thus,

SffiTR^agnfm; sJ<£liri juhoti; fp^T tanva; ifr kva.

b. But the introductory grave stroke below cannot be given if an
acute syllable is initial ; hence an unmarked syllable at the beginning
of a word is to be understood as acute ; and hence also, if several
grave syllables precede an acute at the beginning of a sentence, they
must all alike have the grave sign. Thus,

•p^; indrah; ft te; °hf^M' karisyasi; HNsJIHI tuvijata.

c. All the grave syllables, however, which follow a marked cir-
cumflex are left unmarked, until the occurrence of another accented
syllable causes the one which precedes it to take the preparatory
stroke below. Thus,

i^ sudrc, ikasaihdrk ;

but H<^il=rwfcJJ iqiH^sudftlkasamdfg gavam.

d. If an independent circumflex be followed by an acute (or by
another independent circumflex), a figure 1 is set after the former
circumflexed vowel if it be short, or a figure 3 if it be long, and
the signs of accent are applied as in the following examples:

; apsv aintah (from apsii antah);
; ray6;J vanih 'from rayd avanih*.

31 ACCENT. i— 89

The rationale of this mode of designation is not -well understood ; the
Prattyakhyas give no account of it. In the scholastic utterance of the syl-
lable so designated is made a peculiar quaver or roulade of the voice,
called kampa or vikampana.

e. The accent-marks are written with red ink in the manuscripts,
being added after the text is written, and perhaps often by another hand.

88 a. Nearly accordant with this, the Rig-Veda method of designa-
ting accent, are the methods employed in the manuscripts of the Atharva-
Veda, of the Vajasaneyi-Samhita, and of the Taittiriya-Samhita, Brahmana.
and Aranyaka. Their differences from it are of trifling importance, consis-
ting mainly in peculiar ways of marking the circumflex that precedes an
acute (87 d). In some manuscripts of the Atharva-Veda, the accent-
marks are dots instead of strokes, and that for the circumflex is made with-
in the syllable instead of above it.

b. In most manuscripts of the Maitrayani-Samhita, the acute syl-
lable itself, besides its surroundings, is marked — namely, by a perpendi-
cular stroke above the syllable (like that of the ordinary circumflex in the
RV. method). The independent circumflex has a hook beneath the syl-
lable, and the circumflex before an acute (87 d) is denoted simply by a
figure 3, standing before instead of after the circumflexed syllable.

C. The ^atapatha- Brahmana uses only a single accent-sign, the
horizontal stroke beneath the syllable (like the mark for grave in RV.).
This is put under an acute, or, if two or more acutes immediately follow
one another, only under the last of them. To mark an independent circum-
flex, it is put under the preceding syllable. The method is an imperfect
one, allowing many ambiguities.

d. The Sama-Veda method is the most intricate of all. It has a dozen
different signs, consisting of figures, or of figures and letters combined, all placed
above the syllables, and varying according both to the accentual character
of the syllable and to its surroundings. Its origin is obscure; if any-
thing more is indicated by it than by the other simpler systems, the fact
has not been demonstrated.

89. In this work, as everything given in the devanagari char-
acters is also given in transliteration, it will in general be unneces-
sary to mark the accent except in the transliterated form; where,
however, the case is otherwise, there will be adopted the method
of marking only the really accented syllables, the acute and the inde-
pendent circumflex : the latter by the usual svarita-sign, the former by
a small u (for udatta) above the syllable : thus,

indra, §H a«ne, ^ svar,

a. These being given, everything else which the Hindu theory recog-
nizes as dependent on and accompanying them can readily be understood
as implied.

90—] II. SYSTEM OP SOUNDS. 32

90. The theory of the Sanskrit accent, as here given (a consistent
and intelligible body of phenomena), has been overlaid by the Hindu theo-
rists, especially of the Praticakhyas, with a number of added features, of
a much more questionable character. Thus :

a. The unmarked grave syllables following a circumflex (either at the
end of a sentence, or till the near approach of another acute) are declared
to have the same high tone with the (also unmarked) acute. They are
called pracaya or pracita (accumulated: because liable to occur in an
indefinite series of successive syllables).

b. The circumflex, whether independent or enclitic, is declared to
begin on a higher pitch than acute, and to descend to acute pitch in ordi-
nary cases: the concluding instant of it being brought down to grave pitch,
however, in the case of an independent circumflex which is immediately-
followed by another ascent of the voice to higher pitch, in acute or inde-
pendent circumflex (a kampa syllable : 87 d).

C. Paniui gives the ambiguous name of eka<jruti (monotone] to the
pracita syllables, and says nothing of the uplifting of the circumflex to
a higher plane; he teaches, however, a depression below the grave pitch
for the marked grave syllable before acute or circumflex, calling it sauna-
tara (otherwise anudattatara).

91. The system of accentuation as marked in the Vedic texts appears
to have assumed in the traditional recitation of the Brahmanic schools
a peculiar and artificial form, in which the designated syllables, grave and
circumflex (equally the enclitic and the independent circumflex), have ac-
quired a conspicuous value, while the undesignated, the acute, has sunk
into insignificance.

92. The Sanskrit accent taught in the native grammars and
represented by the accentuated texts is essentially a system of word-
accent only. No general attempt is made (any more than in the
Greek system) to define or mark a sentence-accent, the effect of the
emphasis and modulation of the sentence in modifying the indepen-
dent accent of individual words. The only approach to it is seen
in the treatment of vocatives and personal verb-forms.

a. A vocative is usually without accent except at the beginning
of a sentence : for further details, see 314.

b. A personal verb-form is usually accentless in an independent
clause, except when standing at the beginning of the clause: for
further details, see 591 ff.

93. Certain other words also are, usually or always, without
accent.

a. The particles ca, vS, u, sma, iva, cid, svid, ha, and the Vedic
kam (or kam), gha, bhala. samaha, im, aim, are always without
accent ; also yatha in RV. (sometimes also elsewhere) in the sense of iva,
at the end of a pada or verse-division.

33 ACCENT. [— ®e

b. The same is true of certain pronouns and pronominal stems: ma,
me, nau, nas, tva, te, vam, vae (491 b), ena (600), tva (503b),
sama (513c).

c. The cases of the pronominal stem a are sometimes accented and
sometimes accentless (502).

d. An accentless word is not allowed to stand at the beginning
of a sentence; also not of a pada or primary division of a verse; a
pada is, in all matters relating to accentuation, treated like an inde-
pendent sentence.

94. Some words have more than a single accented syllable.
Such are:

a. Certain dual copulative compounds in the Veda (see 1255), as
mitravaruna, dyavapytbivf. Also, a few other Vedic compounds
(see 1267d), as brhaspati, tanunapat.

b. In a few cases, the further compounds and derivatives of such
compounds, as dyavapythivivant, brhaspatipranutta.

c. Infinitive datives in tavai (see 972 a), as etavai, apabhar-
tavai.

d. A word naturally barytone, but having its final syllable protracted
(see 78a).

e. The particle vava (in the Brahman as).

95. On the place of the accented syllable in a Sans-
krit word there is no restriction whatever depending upon
either the number or the quantity of the preceding or
following syllables. The accent rests t where the rules of
inflection or derivation or composition place it, without
regard to any thing else.

a. Thus, indre, agnau, indrena, agnina, agnlnam, bahucyuta,
anapaeyuta, parjanyajinvita, abhimatisaha, anabbimlatavarna,
abhi9asticatana, hiranyavagimattama, catuqcatvarinQadaksara.

96. Since the accent is marked only in the older litera-
ture, and the statements of the grammarians, with the
deduced rules of accentuation, are far from being sufficient
to settle all cases, the place of the stress of voice for a
considerable part of the vocabulary is undetermined. Hence
it is a general habit with European scholars to pronounce
Sanskrit words according to the rules of the Latin accent.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 3

97—] HI- EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 34

97. In this work, the accent of each word and form will in
general be marked, so far as there is authority determining its place
and character. Where specific words and forms are quoted, they
will only be so far accentuated as they are found with accent in
accentuated texts.

CHAPTER IE.

RULES OP EUPHONIC COMBINATION.

Introductory.

98. The words in Sanskrit, as in the other languages related
with it, are in great part analysable into roots, suffixes of derivation,
and endings of inflection, these last being added mostly to stems
containing suffixes, but also sometimes directly to roots.

a. There are, of course, a certain number of uninflected voids —
indeclinables, particles ; and also not a few that are incapable of analysis.

99. The Sanskrit, indeed, possesses an exceptionally analysable
character; its formative processes are more regular and transparent
than those of any other Indo-European tongue. Hence the prevailing
method of the Hindu native science of grammar, which sets up a cer-
tain body of roots, and* prescribes the processes by which these may
be made stems and words, giving the various added elements, and
laying down the rules by which their combination is effected. And
the same general method is, for like reason, followed also by European
grammarians.

100. The euphonic laws, accordingly, which govern the com-
bination of suffix or of ending with root or stem, possess a high
practical importance, and require to be laid down in preparation for
the topics of declension and conjugation.

101. Moreover, the formation of compounds, by joining two
or more simple stems, is extremely frequent in Sanskrit; and this
kind of combination has its own peculiar euphonic rules. And once
more, in the form of the language as handed down to us by its lite-
rature, the words composing a sentence or paragraph are adapted to
and combined with one another by nearly the same rules which govern
the making of compounds ; so that it is impossible to take apart and
understand a Sanskrit sentence without knowing those rules. Hence

35 INTRODUCTORY. [—103

an increased degree of practical importance belonging to the subject
of euphonic combination.

a. This euphonic interdependence of the words of a sentence is un-
known to any other language in anything like the same degree; and it
cannot hut he suspected of being at least in part artificial, implying an
erection into necessary and invariable rules of what in the living language
were only optional practices. This is strongly indicated, indeed, by the
evidence of the older dialect of the Vedas and of the derived Prakritic
dialects, in both of which some of the rules (especially that as to the hia-
tus: see 113) are often violated.

102. The roots which are authenticated by their occurrence in
the literary monuments of the language, earlier and later, number
between eight and nine hundred. About half of these belong fully
to the language throughout its whole history; some (about a hund-
red and fifty) are limited to the earlier or pre-classical period;
some, again (over a hundred and twenty), make their first appear-
ance in the later language.

a* There are in this number roots of very diverse character. Those
occurring only later are, at least in great part, presumably of secondary
origin; and a certain number are even doubtless artificial, used once or
twice because found in the root-lists of the Hindu grammarians (103).
But also of the rest, some are plainly secondary, while others are ques-
tionable ; and not a few are variations or differentiated forms of one another.
Thus, there are roots showing respectively r and 1, as rabh and labh,
mruc and mluc, kfar and ksal; roots with and without a strengthen-
ing nasal, as vand and vad, mand and mad; roots in & and in a nasal,
as kha and khan, ga and gam, ja and jan; roots made 'by an added
a, as tra from tr, mna from man, psa from bhas, ya from i; roots
the product of reduplication, as jakf from ghas, dudh from dim; roots
with a final sibilant of formative origin, as bhaks and bhiks from bhaj,
naks from na<j, gru^ from ^ru, has from ha; root-forms held apart by
a well-established discordance of inflection and meaning, which yet are
probably different sides of one root, as kr§ drag and k^jf plough, vid know
and vid find, vy enclose and vy choose^ and so on. In many such cases
it is doubtful whether we ought to acknowledge two roots or only one;
and no absolute rule of distinction can he laid down and maintained.

103. The list of roots given hy the Hindu grammarians contains
about two thousand roots, without including all those which students of
the language are compelled to recognize. Considerably more than half of
this number, then, are unauthenticated by use; and although some of
these may yet come to light, or may have existed without finding their
way into any of the preserved literary documents, it is certain that most
are fictitious: made in part for the explanation of words falsely described
as their derivatives, but in the main for unknown and perhaps undiscover-
able reasons.

3*

103—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 36

a. The roots miauthenticated by traceable use will be made no account
of in this grammar — or, if noticed, will be specified as of that character.

104. The forms of the roots as here used will be found to
differ in certain respects from those given by the native grammarians
and adopted by some European works. Thus:

a. Those roots of which the initial n and s are regularly converted
to n and $ after certain prefixes are by the Hindu grammarians given as
beginning with 11 and §; no western authority follows this example.

b. The Hindus classify as simple roots a number of derived stems :
reduplicated ones, as didhi, jagy, daridra; present-stems, as urnu;
and denominative stems, as avadhir, kumar, sabhag, mantr, santv,
arth, and the like. These are in European works generally reduced to
their true value.

C. A number of roots ending in an a which is irregularly treated
in the present-system are written in the Hindu lists with diphthongs —
e or Si or o; here they will be regarded as a-roots (see 251). The o of
such root-forms, especially, is purely arbitrary; no forms or derivatives
made from the roots justify it.

d. The roots showing interchangeably y and ir and ir or ur and
ur (242) are written by the Hindus with r or with f, or with both. The
f here also is only formal, intended to mark the roots as liable to certain
modifications, since it nowhere shows itself in any form or derivative. Such
roots will in this work be written with f.

e. The roots, on the other hand, showing a variation between r and
ar (rarely ra) as weak and strong forms will be here written with r, as by
the native grammarians, although many European authorities prefer the
other or strong form. So long as we write the unstrengthened vowel in
vid and 9!, in mud and bhu, and their like, consistency seems to re-
quire that we write it in srj and kr also — in all cases alike, without
reference to what may have been the more original Indo-European form.

105. In many cases of roots showing more than one form, the selec-
tion of a representative form is a matter of comparative indifference. To
deal with such cases according to their historical character is the part
rather of an Indo-European comparative grammar than of a Sanskrit gram-
mar. We must be content to accept as roots what elements seem to have
on the whole that value in the existing condition of the language.

106. Stems as well as roots have their variations of form (311;.
The Hindu grammarians usually give the weaker form as the normal
one, and derive the other from it by a strengthening change; some
European authorities do the same, while others prefer the contrary
method ; the choice is of unessential consequence, and may be deter-
mined in any case by motives of convenience.

107. We shall accordingly consider first of all, in the present
chapter, the euphonic principles and laws which govern the combi-

37 INTRODUCTORY. [—109

nation of the elements of words and of words as elements of the
sentence; then will be taken up the subject of inflection, under the
two heads of declension and conjugation; and an account of the
classes of uninflected words will follow.

a. The formation of conjugational stems (tense and mode-stems ;
also participles and infinitive) will be taught, as is usual, in connec-
tion with the processes of conjugational inflection; that of uninflected
words, in connection with the various classes of those words. But
the general subject of derivation, or the formation of declinable stems,
will be taken up by itself later (chap. XVII.}; and it will be followed
by an account of the formation of compound stems (chap. XVIII.).

108. It is by no means to be expected of beginners
in the language that they will attempt to master the rules
of euphonic combination in a body, before going on to learn
the paradigms of inflection. On the contrary, the leading
paradigms of declension may best be learned outright,
without attention, or with only a minimum of attention,
to euphonic rule In taking up conjugation, however, it
is practically, as well as theoretically, better to learn the
forms as combinations of stem and ending, with atten-
tion to such laws of combination as apply in the particular
cases concerned. The rules of external combination, gov-
erning the make-up of the sentence out of words, should
be grappled with only when the student is prepared to begin
the reading or the formation of sentences.

Principles of Euphonic Combination.

109. The rules of combination (sarhdhi putting together)
are in some respects different, according as they apply —

a. to the internal make-up of a word, by the addition
of derivative and inflectional endings to roots and stems;

b. to the more external putting together of stems to
make compound stems, and the yet looser and more acci-
dental collocation of words in the sentence.

c. Hence they are usually divided into rules of internal
combination, and rules of external combination.

110—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 38

110. In both classes of cases, however, the general principles
of combination are the same — and likewise, to a great extent, the
specific rules. The differences depend in part on the occurrence or
non-occurrence of certain combinations in the one class or the other ;
in part, on the difference of treatment of the same sound as final of
a root or of an ending, the former being more persistent than the
latter; in part, on the occurrence in external combination of certain
changes which are apparently phonetic but really historical; and, most
frequent and conspicuous of all, on the fact that (157) vowels and
semivowels and nasals exercise a sonantizing influence in external
combination, but not in internal. Hence, to avoid unnecessary repe-
tition as well as the separation of what really belongs together, the
rules for both kinds of combination are given below in connection
with one another.

111. a. Moreover, before case-endings beginning with bh and
a (namely, bhyam, bhis, bhyas, su), the treatment of the finals of
stems is in general the same as in the combinations of words (pada
with one another — whence those endings are sometimes called
pada-endings, and the cases they form are known as pada-cases.

b. The importance of this distinction is somewhat exaggerated by the
ordinary statement of it In fact, dh is the only sonant mute initial of an
ending occurring in conjugation, as bh in declension ; and the difference of
their treatment is in part owing to the one coming into collision usually
with the final of a root and the other of an ending, and in part to the fact
that dh, as a dental, is more assimilable to palatals and linguals than bh.
A more marked and problematic distinction is made between su and the
verbal endings si, sva, etc., especially after palatal sounds and B.

c. Further, before certain of the suffixes of derivation the final
of a stem is sometimes treated in the same manner as that of a
word in composition.

d. This is especially the case before secondary suffixes having a
markedly distinct office, like the possessive mant and vant, the abstract-
making tva, the suffix of material maya, and so on; and it is much
more frequent in the later language than in the earlier. The examples arc
sporadic in character, and no rule can be given to cover them: for details,
see the various suffixes, in chap. XVII. In the RV. (as may be mention-
ed here) the only examples are vidyunmant (beside garutmant, kakud-
mant, etc.), pfsadvant (beside datvant, marutvant, etc.), dhrsadvin
(beside namasvin etc.), gagma (beside ajma, idhma, etc.), mrnmaya
(beside manasmaya etc.), and ahamyu, kimyu, gamyu, and anhoyu,
duvoyu, aBkrdhoyu (beside namasyu, vacasyu, etc.) ; and the AV.
adds only sahovan (RV. sahavan).

112. The leading rules of internal combination (as already stated:
108) are those which are of most immediate importance to a beginner in
the language, since his first task is to master the principal paradigms of

39 GENERAL PRINCIPLES. [—117

inflection; the rules of external combination may better be left untouched
until he comes to dealing with words in sentences, or to translating. Then,
however, they are indispensable, since the proper form of the words that
compose the sentence is not to be determined without them.

a. The general principles of combination underlying the euphonic
rules, and determining their classification, may be stated as follows:

118. Hiatus. In general, hiatus is forbidden; every
syllable except the initial one of a sentence, or of a word
or phrase not forming part of a sentence, must begin with
a consonant (or with more than one).

a. For details, and for exceptions, see 125 ff.

b. In the earlier language, however, hiatus in every position was
abundantly admitted. This appears plainly from the mantras, or metrical
parts of the Veda, where in innumerable instances y and v are to be read
as i and u, and, less often, a long vowel is to be resolved into two vowels,
in order to make good the metre : e. g., varyanam has to be read as va-
ri-a-na-am, svaqvyam as su-a<j-vi-am, and BO on. In the Brahmanas,
also, we find tvac, svar, dyaus described as dissyllables, vyana and
satyam as trisyllables, rajanya as of four syllables, and the like. See
further 129e.

114. De aspiration. An aspirate mute is liable to
lose its aspiration, being allowed to stand unchanged only
before a vowel or semivowel or nasal.

115. Assimilation. The great body of euphonic
changes in Sanskrit, as elsewhere, falls under the general
head of assimilation — which takes place both between
sounds which are so nearly alike that the difference between
them is too insignificant to be worth preserving, and between
those which are so diverse as to be practically incompat-
ible.

116. In part, assimilation involves the conversion of
one sound to another of the same series, without change of
articulating position ; in part, it involves a change of position,
or transfer to another series.

117. Of changes within the series, the most frequent and im-
portant occur in the adaptation of surd and sonant sounds to one

117—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 40

another ; but the nasals and 1 have also in certain cases their special
assimilative influence. Thus;

a. In the two classes of non-nasal mates and spirants, surd and sonant
are wholly incompatible ; no surd of either class can either precede or follow
a sonant of either.

b. A mute, sard or sonant, is assimilated by being changed to its
correspondent of the other kind ; of the spirants, the sard s is the only one
having a sonant correspondent, namely r, to which it is convertible in ex-
ternal combination (164 ff.).

c. The nasals are more freely combinable : a nasal may either precede
or follow a mate of either kind, or the sonant spirant h; it may also follow
a sard spirant (sibilant) ; no nasal, however, ever precedes a sibilant in the
interior of a word (it is changed instead to anusvaraj ; and in external com-
bination their concurrence is usually avoided by insertion of a sard mate.

d. A semivowel has still less sonantizing influence ; and a vowel least
of all: both are freely .preceded and followed by sounds of every other
class, in the interior of a word.

e. Before a sibilant, however, is found, of the semivowels, only r and
very rarely 1. Moreover, in external combination, r is often changed to its
sard correspondent 8.

Bat

f. In composition and sentence-collocation, initial vowels and semi-
vowels and nasals also require the preceding final to be sonant And

g. Before .a nasal and 1, the assimilative process is sometimes carried
farther, by the conversion of a final mate to a nasal or 1 respectively.

118. Of conversions involving a change of articulate position,
the most important are those of dental sounds to lingual, and, less
often, to palatal. Thus:

a. The dental a and n are very frequently converted to s and n by
the assimilating influence of contiguous or neighboring lingual sounds : the s,
even by sounds — namely, i- and u-vowels and k — which have them-
selves no lingual character.

b. A non-nasal dental mute is (with a few exceptions in external
combination) made lingual when it comes into collision with a lingual sound.

c. The dental mutes and sibilant are made palatal by a contiguous
palatal.

But also:

d. A m (not radical) is assimilated to a following consonant, of what-
ever kind.

e. For certain anomalous cases, see 151.

119. The euphonic combinations of the palatal mutes, the pala-
tal sibilant, and the aspiration, as being sounds derived by phonetic
alteration from more original gutturals (42 ff.), are made peculiar

41 GENERAL PRINCIPLES. [ — 124

and complicated by two circumstances: their reversion to a guttural
form (or the appearance of the unaltered guttural instead of them:
43) ; and the different treatment of j and h according as they repre-
sent one or another degree of alteration — the one tending, like c,
more to the guttural reversion, the other showing, like 9, a more
sibilant and lingual character.

120. The lingual sibilant s, also of derivative character (from
dental s), shows as radical final peculiar and problematic phenomena
of combination.

121. Extension and abbreviation of conso-
nant-groups. The native grammarians allow or require
certain extensions, by duplication or insertion, of groups of
consonants. And, on the other hand, abbreviation of cer-
tain other groups is allowed, and found often practised in
the manuscripts.

122. Permitted Finals. The permitted occurrence
of consonants at the end of a word is quite narrowly re-
stricted. In general, only one consonant is allowed after
the last vowel; and that must be neither the aspiration,
nor a sibilant, nor a semivowel (save rarely £T 1), nor an
aspirate mute, nor a sonant mute if not nasal, nor a palatal.

123. Increment and Decrement. Besides these
more or less regular changes accompanying the combination
of the parts that make up words, there is another class of
a different character, not consisting in the mutual adap-
tations of the parts, but in strengthening or weakening
changes of the parts themselves.

124. It is impossible to carry through a perfectly systematic
arrangement of the detailed rules of euphonic combination, because
the different varieties of euphonic change more or less overlap and
intersect one another. The order observed below will be as follows :

1. Rules ot vowel combination, for the avoidance of hiatus.

2. Rules as to. permitted finals (since these underlie the further
treatment of final consonants in external combination) .

3. Rules for loss of aspiration of an aspirate mute.

4. Rules of surd and sonant assimilation, including those for
final s and r.

124—) III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 42

5. Rules for the conversion of dental sounds to lingual and
palatal.

6. Rules for the changes of final nasals, including those in
which a former final following the nasal re-appears in combination.

7. Rnles regarding the special changes of the derivative sounds
— the palatal mutes and sibilant, the aspiration, and the lingual sibi-
lant.

8. Eules as to extension and abbreviation of consonant groups.

9. Rules for strengthening and weakening processes.
Everywhere, rules for more sporadic and less classifiable cases

will be given in the most practically convenient connection ; and the
Index will render what help is needed toward finding them.

Rules of Vowel Combination.

125. The concurrence of two vowels, or of vowel and
diphthong, without intervening consonant, is forbidden by
the euphony of the later or classical language. It is avoided,
according to the circumstances of the case, either by fusion
of the two concurrent sounds into one, by the reduction of
one of them to a semivowel, or by development of a semi-
vowel between them.

a. For the not infrequent cases of composition and sentence-combi-
nation in which the recent loss of a a or y or v between vowels leaves
a permanent hiatus, see below, 132 ff., 175 — 7; for certain final vowels
which are maintained unchanged in sentence-combination before an initial
vowel, see 138.

b. A very few words in their admitted written form show interior
hiatus ; such are titaii sieve (perhaps for titasu, BR.), praiiga wagon-
pole (for prayuga); and, in RV., suutf.

c. The texts of the older dialect are written according to the euphonic
rules of the later language, although in them (see 113b) the hiatus is
really of frequent occurrence. Hence they are not to be read as written,
but with constantly recurring reversal of the processes of vowel- combination
which they have been made artificially to undergo. See further 129e.

d. Also in the later language, hiatus between the two padas or
primary divisions of a metrical line is tolerably frequent, and it is not
unknown in sporadic cases even in the interior of a pada.

e. The rules of vowel combination, as regards both the result-
ing sound and its accent, are nearly the same in internal and in
external samdhi.

43 VOWEL COMBINATION. [—127

126. Two similar simple vowels, short or long, coalesce
and form the corresponding long vowel : thus, two a-vowels
(either or both of them short or long) form =^T a ; two i-vow-

r

els, jj I ; two u- vowels, T37 u ; and, theoretically, two y- vow-
els form ^ r. but it is questionable whether the case ever
practically occurs. ^Examples are:

: sa ca 'prajah (ca -{- aprajafc) ;
ati Va (ati + iva) ;
suktam (su-uktam);

raja "sit (raja + asit);
: adhi9varah (adhi-i9varah) ;
juhupabhyt (juhu — upabhyt).

a. As the above examples indicate, it will be the practice everywhere
in this work, in transliteration (not in the devanagari text), to separate
independent words; and if an initial vowel of a following word has coalesced
with a final of the preceding, this will be indicated by an apostrophe — -
single if the initial vowel be the shorter, double if it be the longer, of the
two different initials which in every case of combination yield the same result.

127. An a-vowel combines with a following i-vowel to
^ e; with an u- vowel, to 5T o; with ?J y, to 3^ ar; with
£T 1 (theoretically), to ^^f al; with ^ e or ^ ai, to ^ ai; with
ETC o or a|t au, to §Tf au. Examples are:
rajendra (raja-indra);

1 hitopade9a£ (hita-upade9ah ;

: maharsih (maha-rsih);
sai Va (sa-j-eva);

rajai9varyam (raja-ai9varyam);
: divaukasa^ (diva-okasah) ;
jvarausadham (jvara-aufadham).

a. In the Vedic texts, the vowel y is ordinarily written unchanged
after the a-vowel, which, if long, is shortened: thus, maharsih instead of
maharsih. The two vowels, however, are usually pronounced as one syllable.

b. When successive words like indra a ihi are to be combined, the
first combination, to indra, is made first, and the result is indre " 'hi (not
indrai" 'hi, from indra e 'hi).

128—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 44

128. As regards the accent of these vowel combinations, it is
to be noticed that, 1. as a matter of course, the union of acute with
acute yields acute, and that of grave with grave yields grave; that
of circumflex with circumflex cannot occur; 2. a circumflex with
following acute yields acute, the final grave element of the former
being raised to acute pitch; a grave with following acute does the
same, as no upward slide of the voice on a syllable is acknowledged
in the language; but, 3. when the former of the fused elements is
acute and the latter grave, we might expect the resulting syllable
to be in general circumflex, to represent both the original tones.
Panini in fact allows this accent in every such case; and in a single
accentuated Brahmana text (QB.J, the circumflex is regularly written.
But the language shows, on the whole, an indisposition to allow the
circumflex to rest on either long vowel or diphthong as its sole basis,
and the acute element is suffered to raise the other to its own level
of pitch, making the whole syllable acute. The only exception to
this, in most of the texts, is the combination of £ and i, which be-
comes i: thus, divi 'va, from divi iva; in the Taittiriya texts alone
such a case follows the general rule, while u and u, instead, make
u: thus, sudgata from sii-udgata.

129. The i-vowels, the u-vowels, and ft y, before a
dissimilar vowel or a diphthong, are regularly converted
each into its own corresponding semivowel, 3J y or ef^v or
^ r. Examples are:

ity Sha (iti+Sha);
madhv iva (madhu + iva);

duhitrarthe (duhitr-arthe);
stry asya (strl-j-asya);
cjtr vadhvai (vadhu-ai).

a. But in internal combination the i and u-vowels are not
seldom changed instead to iy and uv — and this especially in mono-
syllables, or after two consonants, where otherwise a group of con-
sonants difficult of pronunciation would be the result. The cases
will be noticed below, in explaining inflected forms.

b. A radical i-vowel is converted into y even before i in per-
fect tense-inflection : so ninyima (nini-j-ima).

c. In a few sporadic cases, i and u become iy and uv even in word-
composition: e. g., triyavi (tri -f- avi), viyanga (vi + afiga), suvita
(su -h ita): compare 1204b,c.

d. Not very seldom, the same word (especially as found in different
texts of the older language) has more than one form, showing various treat-

45 VOWEL COMBINATION. [—131

inent of an i or u-vowel : e. g. svar or suvar, tanve or taniive, budh-
nya or budhmya, ratryai or ratriyai. For the most part, doubtless,
these are only two ways of -writing the same pronunciation, su-ar, budhni-
a, and so on; and the discordance has no other importance, historical or
phonetic. There is more or less of this difference of treatment of an i- or
u-element after a consonant in all periods of the language.

e. In the older language, there is a marked difference, in respect
to the frequency of vowel-combination for avoiding hiatus as compared with
that of non-combination and consequent hiatus, between the class of cases
where two vowel-sounds, similar or dissimilar, would coalesce into one (126,
127) and that where an i- or u-vowel would be converted into a semi-
vowel. Thus, in word-composition, the ratio of the cases of coalesced vowels
to those of hiatus are in RV. as five to one, in AY. as nineteen to one,
while the cases of semivowel-conversion are in RV. only one in twelve, in
AV. only one in five; in sentence-combination, the cases of coalescence
are in both RV. and AV. about as seven to one, while those of semivowel-
conversion are in RV. only one in fifty, in AV. one in five.

f. For certain cases of the loss or assimilation of i and u before y
and v respectively, see 233a.

130. As regards the accent — here, as in the preceding case
(128), the only combination requiring notice is that of an acute i-
or u-vowel with a following grave: the result is circumflex; and
such cases of circumflex are many times more frequent than any and
all others. Examples are:

yu§ti (vi-u9ti); EP-WlH abhyarcati;
nadyau (nacU-au);
vista (su-ifta); cF^nianvas (tanu-as).

a. Of a similar combination of acute f with following grave, only a
single case has been noted in accented texts: namely, vijnatr etat (i. e.
vijnatf etat: £B. xiv. 6. 8 ") ; the accentuation is in accordance with the
rules for i and u. ,

131. Of a diphthong, the final i- or u-element is chang-
ed to its corresponding semivowel, *J y or ^v, before any
vowel or diphthong: thus, IJ e (really ai: 28 a) becomes 3^ay,
and £Jt o (that is, au: 28 a) becomes SR av; ^ ai becomes
mU ay, and §t au becomes 5^ av.

a. No change of accent, of course, occurs here ; each original
syllable retains its syllabic identity, and hence also its own tone.

b. Examples can be given only for internal combination, since in
external combination there are further changes : see the next paragraph. Thus,

*R naya (ne-a); ^TR naya (nai-a);

v& bhava (bho-a); HT3 bhava (bhau-a).

132—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 46

132. In external combination, we have the important
additional rule that the semivowel resulting from the con-
version of the final element of a diphthong is in general
dropped; and the resulting hiatus is left without further
change.

133. That is to say, a final ^ e (the most frequent
case) becomes simply Ef a before an initial vowel (except
5f a: see 135, below), and both then remain unchanged;
and a final ^ ai, in like manner, becomes (everywhere)
3TT a. Thus,

: ta agatafc (te + agatafc);
nagara iha (nagare -f- iha) ;

tasma adadat : tasmai -j- adadat) ;
3WT striya uktam (striyai -f- uktarn).

a. The later grammarians allow the y in such combinations to be either
retained or dropped; bnt the uniform practice of the manuscripts, of every
age, in accordance with the strict requirement of the Vedic grammars (Prati-
c,akhyas), is to omit the semivowel and leave the hiatus.

b. The persistence of the hiatus caused by this omission is a plain
indication of the comparatively recent loss of the intervening consonantal
sound.

c. Instances, however, of the avoidance of hiatus by combination of
the remaining final vowel with the following initial according to the usual
rules are met with in every period of the language, from the RV. down;
but they are rare and of sporadic character. Compare the similar treatment
of the hiatus after a lost final s, 176—7.

d. For the peculiar treatment of this combination in certain cases by
the MS., see below, 176d.

134. a. The diphthong o (except as phonetic alteration of
final as: see 175 a) is an unusual final, appearing only in the stem
go (361 c), in the voc. sing, of u-stems (341), in words of which
the final a is combined with the particle u, as atho, and in a few
interjections. In the last two classes it is uncombmable (below,
138 c,f); the vocatives sometimes retain the v and sometimes lose
it (the practices of different texts are too different to be briefly
stated) ; go (in composition only) does not ordinarily lose its final ele-
ment, but remains gav or go. A final as becomes a, with following
hiatus, before any vowel save a (for which, see the next paragraph).

47 VOWEL COMBINATION. [—135

b. The ^v of Sfl^av from Sft au is usually retained:
thus,

tav eva (t5u-f-eva);

ubhav indragni (ubhau -f indragnl) .

c. In the older language, however, it is in some texts dropped be-
fore an u-vowel: thus, ta ubhaiijL in other texts it is treated like ai, or
loses its u-element before every initial vowel: thus, ta eva, ubha in-
dragnl.

135. After final ^ e or 5TT o, an initial £f a disappears.

a. The resulting accent is as if the a were not dropped, but
rather absorbed into the preceding diphthong, having its tone duly
represented in the combination. If, namely, the e or o is grave or
circumflex and the a acute, the former becomes acute ; if the e or
o is acute and the a grave, the former becomes circumflex, as usu-
ally in the fusion of an acute and a grave element. If both are
acute or both grave, no change, of course, is seen in the result.
Examples are:

'bruvan (te abruvan) ;
so *bravit (safc abravit ) ;
fn; hinsitavyo *gnih (hinsitavyah agnih);
indro 'bravlt (yad indrah. abravit);
yad raj any 6 *bravit (yad rajanyah

abravit).

b. As to the use of the avagraha sign in tlie case of such an elision,
see above, 16. In transliteration, the reversed apostrophe, or rough breath-
ing, will be used in this work to represent it.

c. This elision or absorption of initial a after final e or o, which
in the later language is the invariable rule, is ir. the Veda only an occa-
sional occurrence. Thus, in the RV., out of nearly 4500 instances of such
an initial a, it is, as the metre shows, to be really omitted only about seventy
times; in the AV., less than 300 times out of about 1600. In neither
work is there any accordance in respect to the combination in question
between the written and spoken form of the text: in RV., the a is (as
written) elided in more than three quarters of the cases; in AV., in about
two thirds ; and in both texts it is written in a number of instances where
the metre requires its omission.

d. In a few cases, an initial a is thus elided, especially that of
atman.

e. To the rules of vowel combination, as above stated, there
are certain exceptions. Some of the more isolated of these will be

135—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 48

noticed where they come up in the processes of inflection etc.; a
few require mention here.

136. In internal combination:

a. The augment a makes with the initial vowel of a root the
combinations ai, Su, fir (vr ddhi-vowels : 235), instead of e, o, ar
(guna-vowels), as required by 127: thus, aita (a-f-ita), aubhnat
(a+ubhnat), ftrdhnot (a+rdhnot).

b. The final o of a stem (1203a) becomes av before the suffix ya
(originally ia: 1210a).

c. The final vowel of 'a stem is often dropped when a secondary suf-
fix is added (1203a).

d. For the weakening and loss of radical Towels, and for certain inser-
tions, see below, 249 ff., 257—8.

137. In external combination:

a. The final a or a of a preposition, with initial r of a root,
makes ar instead of ar: Thus, archati (S-f-rchati), avarchati (ava-f-
rchati), upanjati ($B.: upa+r?ati; but AV. uparsanti).

b. Instances are occasionally met with of a final a or ft being lost
entirely before initial e or o: thus, in verb-forms, av' efyamas AB.,
up* esatu etc. AV.; in derivatives, as upetavya, upetr; in compounds,
as da9oni, yathetam, and (permissibly) compounds with ostha (not
rare), otu (not quotable), odana, as adharostha or adharaustha, tilo-
dana or tilaudana; and even in sentence-combination, as iv.' etayas,
a9vin* eva, yath* oci§e (all RV.), tv' eman and tv' odman B. ; and
always with the exclamation om or omkara.

c. The form uh from }/vah sometimes makes the heavier or vrddhi
(235) diphthongal combination with a preceding a- vowel : thus, praudhi,
aksauhinl (from pra + udhi, etc.).

138. Certain final vowels, moreover, are uncombinable
(pragrhya), or maintain themselves unchanged before any
following vowel. Thus,

a. The vowels I, u, and e as dual endings, both of declen-
sional and of conjugational forms. Thus, bandhu asate imau; girl
arohatam.

b. The pronoun aim (nom. pi. : 501); and the Vedic pronom-
inal forms asme, yusme, tve (492 a).

c. A final o made by combination of a final a-vowel with the par-
ticle u (1122b): thus, atho, mo, no.

d. A final I of a Vedic locative case from an i-stem (336f).

e. A protracted final vowel (78).

f. The final, or only, vowel of an interjection, as aho, he, a, i, u.

g. The older language shows occasional exceptions to these rules :
thus, a dual I combined with a following i, as nrpati Va; an a elided
after o, as atho 'si; a locative I turned into a semivowel, as vedy asyaxn.

49 PERMITTED FINALS. [—141

Permitted Finals.

189. The sounds allowed to occur as finals in Sanskrit
words standing by themselves (not in euphonic combination
with something following) are closely limited, and those
which would etymologically come to occupy such a position
are often variously altered, in general accordance with their
treatment in other circumstances, or are sometimes omitted
altogether.

a. { The variety of consonants that would ever come at the end of
either an inflected form or a derivative stem in the language is very small :
namely, in forms, only t (or d), n, m, s;in derivative stems, only t, d,
n, r, a (and, in a few rare words, j). But almost all consonants occur as
finals of roots; and every root is liable to be found, alone or as last mem-
ber of a compound, in the character of a declined stem.

140. All the vowel sounds, both simple and diphthongal,
may be sounded at the end of a word.

a. But neither r nor 1 ever actually occurs; and r is rare (only as
neuter sing, of a stem in j* or ar, or as final of such a stem in compo-
sition).

Thus, indra, Qivaya, akari, nadl, datu, camu, janayitr, agne,
(jivayai, vayo, agnau.

141. Of the non-nasal mutes, only the first in each
series, the non-aspirate surd, is allowed ; the others — surd
aspirate, and both sonants — whenever they would etymo-
logically occur, are converted into this.

Thus, agnimat for agnixnath, suhrt for suhrd, virut for virudh,
tris^up for tristubh.

a. In a few roots, when their final (sonant aspirate) thus
loses its aspiration, the original sonant aspiration of the
initial reappears: compare <g h, below, 147.

Thus, dagh becomes dhak, budh becomes bhut, and so on.
The roots exhibiting this change are stated below, 155.

b. There was some question among the Hindu grammarians as to
whether the final mute is to be estimated as of surd or of sonant quality;
but the great weight of authority, and the invariable practice of the manu-
scripts, favor the surd.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 4

142—} III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 50

142. The palatals, however, form here (as often else-
where) an exception to the rules for the other mutes. No
palatal is allowed as final. The ^c reverts (43) to its ori-
ginal Sfj k: thus, ^T°R vSk, ^IH^ anhomiik. The «§" ch
(only quotable in the root H$ prach) becomes £ $: thus.
5TRT pra$. The sj^ j either reverts to its original guttural or
becomes £ t, in accordance with its treatment in other com-
binations (219): thus, ppRf bhi^ak, fsTfTE virat. The tK jh
does not occur, but is by the native grammarians declared
convertible to £ $.

143. Of the nasals, the JT^ m and *T n are extremely
common, especially the former (*T m and H s are of all final
consonants the most frequent) ; the Hf n is allowed, but is
quite rare; "g n is found (remaining after the loss of a fol-
lowing £fi k) in a very small number of words (386 b,c,
407 a) ; 31 n never occurs.

a. But the final m of a root is changed to n (compare 212 a,
below): thus, akran from kram, agan, ajagan, aganigan from gam,
anan from nam, ayan from yam, praQan from 9am ; no other cases
are quotable.

144. Of the semivowels, the FT 1 alone is an admitted
final, and it is very rare. The ^ r is (like its nearest surd
correspondent, ^ s: 145) changed as final to visarga. Of
2T^ y and Sf v there is no occurrence.

145. Of the sibilants, none may stand unaltered at the
end of a word. The q^ s (which of all final consonants
would otherwise be the commonest) is, like ^ r, changed to
a breathing, the visarga. The £T 9 either reverts (43) to its
original ^ k, or, in some roots, is changed to ^ \ (in accor-
dance with its changes in inflection and derivation: see
below, 218): thus, fefi dik, but jifj vit. The *T s is like-

^ "^ -s -S '

wise changed to ^ $: thus, ^R?^ pravrJ.

a. The change of a to t is of rare occurrence : see below, 226 d.

51 PERMITTED FINALS. [—150

b. Final radical 8 is said by the grammarians to be changed to t;
but no sure example of the conversion is quotable: see 168; and com-
pare 555 a.

146. The compound ^[ k§ is prescribed to be treated
as simple Ef 9 (not becoming Sfi k by 150, below). But
the case is a rare one, and its actual treatment in the older
language irregular.

a. In the only RV. cases where the ks has a quasi-radical character
— namely anak from anaks, and amyak from j/myaks — the con-
Tersion is to k. Also, of forms of the s-aorist (see 890), we have adhak,
asrak, araik, etc. (for adhaka-t etc.) ; but also apra^, aya$, ava$, aara$
(for apraks-t etc.). And RV. has twice ayaa from >/yaj, and AV. twice
sras from |/ayj (wrongly referred by BR. to ^'arana), both 2d sing., where
the personal ending has perhaps crowded out the root-final and tense-sign.

b. The numeral sas six is perhaps better to be regarded as saks,
with its ks treated as s, according to the accepted rule.

147. The aspiration ^ h is not allowed to maintain
itself, but (like sT j and 51 9) either reverts to its original
guttural form, appearing as 31 k, or is changed to t t —
both in accordance with its treatment in inflection : see be-
low, 222. And, also as in inflection, the original sonant
aspiration of a few roots (given at 155b) reappears when their
final thus becomes deaspirated. Where the ^ h is from
original ^ dh. [223 e), it becomes ^ t.

148. The visarga and anusvara are nowhere etymolog-
ical finals ; the former is only the substitute for an original
final H^ s or ^ r ; the latter occurs as final only so far as
it is a substitute for ^ m (213 h).

149. Apart from the vowels, then, the usual finals,
nearly in the order of their frequency, are J fc, ^ m, ^ n,
cT t, SR k, ^ p, £ t; those of only sporadic occurrence are
^ n, £T 1, HI n; and, by substitution, ; m.

150. In general, only one consonant, of whatever kind,
is allowed to stand at the end of a word; if two or more
would etymologically occur there, the last is dropped, and
again the last, and so on, till only one remains.

4*

150—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 52

a. Thus, tudants becomes tudant, and this tudan; udanc-s
becomes udaflk (142), and this udan; and achantst (a-aor., 3d sing.,
of /chand [890 b]) is in like manner reduced to achan.

b. But a non-nasal mute, if radical and not suffixal, is retained
after r : thus, tbk from urj,(vark from j/vyj, avart from j/v?t, amSr$
from i/mrj, suhart from suhard. The case is not a common one.

c. For relics of former double finals, preserved by the later language
under the disguise of apparent euphonic combinations, see below, 207 ff.

151. Anomalous conversions of a final mute to one of another class
are occasionally met with. Examples are:

a* Of final t to k: thus, 1. in a few words that have assumed a
special value as particles, as jyok, tftjak (beside tajat), fdhak (beside
rdhat), prthak, drak; and of kindred character is khadagdant (TA.);

2. in here and there a verbal form, as savisak (AV. and VS. Kan.),
dambhiaak (Apast), aviayak (Parask.), fihalak (VS. MS. ; = aharat);

3. in root-finals or the t added to root-stems (383 e), as -dhr-k for -dhrt
(Sutras and later) at the end of compounds, susruk (TB.), prksu (SV.) ;
and 4. we may further note here the anomalous enkava (AB. ; for intsva,
yidh) and avaksam (AB.), and the feminines in knT from masculines
in ta (1176 d).

b. Of final d or t to a lingual: thus, pad in Vedic padbhfs,
pacjgfbhi, pa<Jbl9a; upanaflbhyam ft!B.); vy avS$ (MS. iii. 4. 9;
yVaa shine), and perhaps apa 'ra$ (MS. ; or yraj ?).

c. Of k or j to t, in an isolated example or two, as samyat, asrt,
vi9vaaft (TS. K.), and prayatau (VS. TS.; AV. -kau).

d. In Taittiriya texts, of the final of anustiibh and tristubh to a
guttural: as, anustuk ca, tristugbhis, anustugbhyas.

e. Of a labial to a dental: in kakud for and beside kakubh; in
samsfdbhis (TS.) from va?P; and in adbhfa, adbhyas, from ap or
ftp (393). Excepting the first, these look like cases of dissimilation; yet
examples of the combination bbh are not very rare in the older language:
thus, kakubbhyam, tristubbhis, kakubbhanda, anustub bhi.

f. The forms pratidhusas, -aa (Taittiriya texts) from pratiduh
are isolated anomalies.

152. For all the processes of external combination —
that is to say, in composition and sentence-collocation —
a stem-final or word-final is in general to be regarded as
having, not its etymological form, but that given it by the
rules as to permitted finals. From this, however, are to be
excepted the s and r: the various transformations of these
sounds have nothing to do with the visarga to which as

53 DE ASPIRATION. [—155

finals before a pause they have — doubtless at a com-
paratively recent period of phonetic history — come to be
reduced. Words will everywhere in this work be written
with final s or r instead of £ ; and the rules of combination
will be stated as for the two more original sounds, and not
for the visarga.

Deaspiration.

153. An aspirate mute is changed to a non-aspirate
before another non-nasal mute or before a sibilant ; it stands
unaltered only before a vowel or semivowel or nasal.

a. Such a case can only arise in internal combination, since the
processes of external combination presuppose the reduction of the aspirate
to a non-aspirate surd (152).

b. Practically, also, the rules as to changes of aspirates concern
almost only the sonant aspirates, since the surd, being of later development
and rarer occurrence, are hardly ever found in situations that call for their
application.

154. Hence, if such a mute is to be doubled, it is
doubled by prefixing its own corresponding non-aspirate.

a. But in the manuscripts, both Vedic and later, an aspirate mute
is not seldom found written double — especially, if it be one of rare occur-
rence: for example (RV.), akhkhali, jajhjhati.

155. In a few roots, when a final sonant aspirate (51
gh, £J dh, H bh; also ^ h, as representing an original % gh)
thus loses its aspiration, the initial sonant consonant (IT g
or $£ d or ^b) becomes aspirate.

a. That is to say, the original initial aspirate of such roots is restor-
ed, when its presence does not interfere with the euphonic law, of com-
paratively recent origin, which (in Sanskrit as in Greek) forbids a root to
both begin and end with an aspirate.

b. The roots which show this peculiar change are:
in gh — dagh ;

in h (for original gh) — dah, dih, duh, druh, dyrih, guh; and
also grah (in the later desiderative jighr>k$a);

in dh — bandh, badh, budh;

in bh — dabh (but only in the later desiderative dhipsa, for which
the older language has dipaa).

155—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 54

C. The same change appears when the law as to finals causes the
loss of the aspiration at the end of the root: see above, 141.

d. But from dah, dub, druh, and guh are found in the Veda
also forms without the restored initial aspirate: thus, daksat; aduksat ;
duduksa etc.; juguksa; mitradruk.

e. The same analogy is followed by dadh, the abbreviated substi-
tute of the present-stem dadha, from j/dha (667), in some of the forms of
conjugation: thus, dhatthas from dadh+thas, adhatta from adadh-f-
ta, adhaddhvam from adadh + cthvam, etc.

f. No case is met with of the throwing back of an aspiration upon
combination with the 2d sing. impv. act. ending dhi: thus, dugdhi,
daddhi (RV.), but dhugdhvam, dhaddhvam.

Surd and Sonant Assimilation.

156. Under this head, there is especially one very mark-
ed and important difference between the internal combi-
nations of a root or stem with suffixes and endings, and
the external combinations of stem with stem in composition
and of word with word in sentence-making: namely —

157. a. In internal combination, the initial vowel or
semivowel or nasal of an ending of inflection or derivation
exercises no altering influence upon a final consonant of the
root or stem to which it is added.

b. To this rule there are some exceptions: thus, some of the deri-
vatives noted at 1 1 1 d ; final d of a root before the participial suffix na
(957 d); and the forms noted below, 161 b.

c. In external combination, on the other hand, an
initial sonant of whatever class, even a vowel or semivowel
or nasal, requires the conversion of a final surd to sonant.

d. It has been pointed out above (152) that in the rules of external
combination only admitted finals, along with a and r, need be taken
account of, all others being regarded as reduced to these before combining
with initials.

158. Final vowels, nasals, and £T 1 are nowhere liable
to change in the processes of surd and sonant assimilation.

a. The r, however, has a corresponding surd in B, to which it is
sometimes changed in external combination, under circumstances that
favor a surd utterance (178).

55 ASSIMILATION. [—161

159. With the exceptions above stated, the collision
of surd and sonant sounds is avoided in combinations —
and, regularly and usually, by assimilating the final to the
following initial, or by regressive assimilation.

Thus, in internal combination: atsi, atti, atthas, atta (>/ad
4- si etc.) ; 9agdhi, 9agdhvam (j/qak + dhi etc.) ; — in external
combination, abhud ayam, jyog jiva, sad aQitayah, tristub api,
dig-gaja, sad-aha, arcad-dhuma, brhad-bhanu, ab-ja.

160. If, however, a final sonant aspirate of a root is
followed by ?T t or 51 th of an ending, the assimilation is in
the other direction, or progressive : the combination is made
sonant, and the aspiration of the final (lost according to 153,
above) is transferred to the initial of the ending.

Thus, gh with t or th becomes gdh ; dh with the same becomes
ddh, as buddhi (j/budh -f ta), runddhas (j/rundh -j- thas or tas);
bh with the same becomes bdh, as labdha (j/labh -f- ta), labdhva
(>/labh + tva).

a. Moreover, h, as representing original gh, is treated in the
same manner: thus, dugdha, dogdhum from duh — and compare
rudha and lidha from ruh and lib, etc., 222 b.

b. In this combination, as the sonant aspiration is not lost hut
transferred, the restoration of the initial aspiration (155) does not take place.

c. In dadh from |/dha (155e), the more normal method is
followed ; the dh is made surd, and the initial aspirated : thus, dhatthaa,
dhattas. And RV. has dhaktam instead of dagdham from ]/dagh;
and TA. has inttam instead of inddham from j/idh.

161. Before a nasal in external combination, a final
mute may be simply made sonant, or it may be still fur-
ther assimilated, being changed to the nasal of its own class.

Thus, either tad namas or tan namas, vag me or van me,
bid xnahan or ban mahan, tristub nunam or tris^um nunam.

a. In practice, the conversion into a nasal is almost invariably made
in the manuscripts, as, indeed, it is by the Pratic.akhyas required and not
permitted merely. Even by the general grammarians it is required in the
compound sannavati, and before matra, and the suffix maya (1225):
thus, vanmaya, mrnmaya.

b. Even in internal combination, the same assimilation is made in
some of the derivatives noted at 111 d, and In the na-participles (057 d).
And a few sporadic instances are met with even in verb-inflection: thus,

101—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 56

stinnoti, stinnuyat (MS. ; for stighn-), mrnnita (L£S. ; for mydn-),
janmayana (KS. ; for jagm-); these, however (like the double aspirates,
154 a), are doubtless to be rejected as false readings.

162. Before 1, a final t is not merely made sonant, but fully
assimilated, becoming 1: thus, tal labhate, ulluptam.

168. Before ^ h (the case occurs only in external com-
bination), a final mute is made sonant; and then the <g h
may either remain unchanged or be converted into the
sonant aspirate corresponding with the former: thus, either
cji^ tad hi or ftfe tad dhi.

a. In practice, the latter method is almost invariably followed; and
the grammarians of the Pratifakhya period are nearly unanimous in requir-
ing It. The phonetic difference between the two is very slight.

Examples are : vag ghutah, saddhota feat -f- hota), taddhita
(tat + hita), anustub bin.

Combinations of final ^8 and ^ r.

164. The euphonic changes of ?T s and ^~ r are best
considered together, because of the practical relation of
the two sounds, in composition and sentence-collocation,
as corresponding surd and sonant : in a host of cases ^ s
becomes ^ r in situations requiring or favoring the occur-
rence of a sonant ; and, much less often, ^~ r becomes H^ s
where a surd is required.

a. In internal combination, the two are far less exchangeable
with one another : and this class of cases may best be taken up first.

165. Final r radical or quasi-radical (that is, not belonging to
an ending of derivation) remains unchanged before both surd and sonant
sounds, and even before su in declension: thus, piparai, caturtha,
catursu, pursu.

166. Final radical 8 remains before a surd in general, and usu-
ally before s, as in c,assi, qassva, asse, 09188.11 (the last is also
written a^ihsu: 172): but it is lost in asi (j/as + si: 636). Before
a sonant (that is, bh) in declension, it is treated as in external com-
bination : thus, a<jirbhis. Before a sonant (that is, dh) in conjugation,
it appears to be dropped, at least after long a: thus, <?adhi, c^adlii,
cakfidhi (the only quotable cases); in edhf (Vas-f-dhi: 636) the
root syllable is irregularly altered; but in 2d perss. pi., made with
dhvam, as adhvam, <jadhvam, aradhvam (881 a), vadhvam (|/va«

57 FINAL a AND r. [—169

clothe), it is, on account of the equivalence and interchangeably of
dhv and ddhv (232), impossible to say whether the a is omitted or
converted into d.

a. Final radical a is very rare; RV. (twice, both 2d pers. sing.)
treats aghaa from y/ghas in the same manner as any ordinary word end-
ing in as.

b. For certain cases of irregular loss of the a of a root or tense-
stem, see 233 b — e.

167. In a very few cases, final radical a before a is changed to
t (perhaps by dissimilation) : they are, from j/vaa dwell (also sporad-
ically from vaa shine, QB., and vaa clothe, Har.), the future vatayami
and aorist avataam; from ]/ghas, the desiderative stem jfghataa.

a. For t as apparent ending of the 3d sing, in s-verbs, see 555 a.

168. According to the grammarians, the final a of certain other
roots, used as noun-stems, becomes t at the end of the word, and before
bh and su: thus, dhvat, dhvadbhia, aradbhyaa, aratau. But genuine
examples of such change are not quotable.

a. Sporadic cases of a like conversion are found in the Veda : namely,
madbhis and madbhyas from mas; usadbhis from uaaa; svatavad-
bhyaa from avatavaa; svavadbhis etc. (not quotable) from avavaa.
But the actuality of the conversion here is open to grave doubt; it rather
seems the substitution of a t-stem for a s-stem. The same is true of the
change of vans to vat in the declension of perfect participles (458).
The stem ana^Lvah (404), from anaa-vah, is anomalous and isolated.

b. In the compounds ducchuna (dua-guna) and parucchepa
(parua-qepa), the final a of the first member is treated as if a t (203).

169. As the final consonant of derivative stems and of inflected
forms, both of declension and of conjugation, a is extremely frequent;
and its changes form a subject of first-rate importance in Sanskrit
euphony. The r, on the other hand, is quite rare.

a. The r is found as original final in certain case-forms of stems in
y or ar (369 ff.) ; in root-stems in ir and ur from roots in f (383 b) ;
in a small number of other stems, as svar, ahar and udhar (beside
ahan and adhan: 430), dvar or dur, and the Vedic vadhar, usar-,
vaaar-, vanar-, grutar-, sapar-, sabar-, athar- (cf. 176c); in a
few particles, as antar, pratar, punar; and in the numeral catur
(482 g).

b. The euphonic treatment of a and r yielding precisely the same
result after all vowels except a and a, there are certain forms with regard
to which it is uncertain whether they end in 8 or r, and opinions differ
respecting them. Such are ur (or ua) of the gen.-abl. sing, of r-stems
(371 c), and ua (or ur) of tbe 3d plur. of verbs (550 c).

170—] III- EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 58

170. a. The H s, as already noticed (145), becomes
visarga before a pause.

b. It is retained unchanged only when followed by
?T t or 51^ th, the surd mutes of its own class.

c. Before the palatal and lingual surd mutes — ^ o
and ^" ch, T. t and ^ fh — it is assimilated, becoming the
sibilant of either class respectively, namely S^ 9 or ^ 9.

d. Before the guttural and labial surd mutes — efi k
and IJ^kh, ^ P and Cfi ph — it is also theoretically assimil-
ated, becoming respectively the jihvSmuliya and upadhma-
nlya spirants (69); but in practice these breathings are
unknown, and the conversion is to visarga.

Examples are : to b. tatas te, caksus te ; to c. tata$ ca, ta-
sy&9 chaya; padas talati; to d. nalah kamam, purusah khanati;
ya9ah prapa, vrksah phalavan.

171. The first three of these rules are almost universal; to the
last one there are numerous exceptions, the sibilant being retained (or,
by 180, converted into B), especially in compounds; but also, in the
Veda, even in sentence combination.

a. In the Veda, the retention of the sibilant in compounds is the
general rule, the exceptions to which are detailed in the Vedic grammars.

b. In the later language, the retention is mainly determined by the
intimacy or the antiquity and frequency of the combination. Thus, the
final sibilant of a preposition or a word filling the office of a preposition
before a verbal root is wont to be preserved; and that of a stem before a
derivative of j/kr, before pati, before kalpa and kama, and so on.
Examples are namaskara, vacaspati, ayuskama, payaskalpa.

C. The Vedic retention of the sibilant in sentence-collocation is detail-
ed in full in the Pratic.akhyas. The chief classes of cases are: 1. the
final of a preposition or its like before a verbal form; 2. of a genitive
before a governing noun : as divas putrah, Idas pade ; 3.' of an abla-
tive before pari: as himavatas pari; 4. of other less classifiable cases:
as dyau§ pita, trf? putva, yas patih, paridhfs patsti, etc.

172. Before an initial sibilant — 5^9, ^9, H^s — H^s
is either assimilated, becoming the same sibilant, or it is
changed into visarga.

a. The native grammarians are in some measure at variance (see
APr. ii. 40, note) as to which of these changes should be made, and in

59 COMBINATIONS OF FINAL s. [—175

part they allow either at pleasure. The usage of the manuscripts is also
discordant; the conversion to visarga is the prevalent practice, though
the sibilant is also not infrequently found written, especially in South-
Indian manuscripts. European editors generally write visarga; but the
later dictionaries and glossaries generally make the alphabetic place of a
word the same as if the sibilant were read instead.

Examples are: manuh svayam or maims svayam; indrah
9\irah or in drag $urah; tah sat or tas sat.

173. There are one or two exceptions to these rules:

a. If the initial sibilant has a surd mute after it, the final 8 may be
dropped altogether — and by some authorities is required to be so drop-
ped. Thus, vayava stha or vayavah. stha; catustanam or catuh-
stanam. With regard to this point the usage of the different manuscripts
and editions is greatly at variance.

b. Before ts, the s is allowed to become visarga, instead of being
retained.

174. Before a sonant, either vowel or consonant (ex-
cept ^~ r: see 179), ^s is changed to the sonant ^" r —
unless, indeed, it be preceded by ^ a or £TT a.

Examples are : devapatir iva, $rir iva ; manur gacchati, tanur
apsu; svasrr ajanayat; tayor adrstakamah ; sarvair gunaih; agner
manve.

a. For a few cases like duda9a, dunacja, see below, 199d.

b. The exclamation bhos (456) loses its s before vowels and sonant
consonants: thus, bho naisadha (and the 8 is sometimes found omitted
also before surds).

c. The endings TO as and ^TTF as (both of which are ex-
tremely common) follow rules of their own, namely:

175. a. Final TO as, before any sonant consonant and
before short 51 a, is changed to 5TT o — and the 5f a after
it is lost.

b. The resulting accentuation, and the fact that the loss of a is
only occasional in the older language of the Veda, have been pointed out
above, 135 a, c.

Examples are: nalo nama, brahmanyo vedavit; manobhava;
hantavyo 'ami; anyonya (anyas + anya), yaqorthaxn (yaqas-f
artham).

c. Final TO^as before any other vowel than % a loses
its H s, becoming simple ^ a; and the hiatus thus occa-
sioned remains.

175—] in. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 60

d. That is to say, the o from as is treated as an original e is treat-
ed in the same situation: see 132 — 3.

Examples are : brhada<jva uvaca, aditya iva, namaiikti, vasya-

176. Exceptions to the rules as to final as are:

a. The nominative masculine pronouns sas and esas and (Vedic)
syas (405 a, 499 a, b) lose their s before any consonant: thus, sa
dadarca he saw, esa purusah this man; but so 'bravit he said, purusa
esah.

b. Instances are met with, both in the earlier and in the later lan-
guage, of effacement of the hiatus after alteration of as, by combination
of the remaining final a with the following initial vowel: thus, tato
'vaca (tatas + uvaca), payosm (payas^-j- usm), adhasana (adhas-f-
asana): compare 133c, 177b. In the Veda, such a combination is
sometimes shown by the metre to be required, though the written text
has the hiatus. But sa in RY. is in the great majority of cases combined
with the following vowel : e. g., se 'd for sa id, sa 'smai for sa asmai,
saii 'sadhih for sa osadhlh; and similar examples are found also in
the other Vedic texts.

c. Other sporadic irregularities iu the treatment of final as occur.
Thus, it is changed to ar instead of o once in RV. in avas, once in
SV. in avas (RV. avo), once in MS. in dambhifas; in bhuvas (second
of the trio of sacred utterances bhus, bhuvas, svar), except in its ear-
liest occurrences; in a series of words in a Brahmana passage (TS. K.),
viz. jinvar, ugrar, bhimar, tvesar, grutar, bhutar, and (K.only)
putar; in janar and mahar ; and some of the ar-s terns noted at 160 a
are perhaps of kindred character. On the other hand, as is several times
changed to o in RV. before a surd consonant; and sas twice, and yas
once, retains its final sibilant in a like position.

d. In MS., the final a left before hiatus by alteration of either as
(o) or e (133) is made long if itself unaccented and if the following ini-
tial vowel is accented : thus, sura eti (from suras + eti), nirupyata
mdraya (from -yate+ind-), and also karya eka- (from karyas, because
virtually karias); but aditya fndrah (from adityas-j-fndrah), eta {tare
(from ete+ftare).

177. Final ^TTT^as before any sonant, whether vowel or
consonant, .loses its ^ s, becoming simple 5TT a ; and a
hiatus thus occasioned remains.

a. The maintenance of the hiatus in these cases, as in that of o and
e and ai (above. 133 — 4), seems to indicate a recent loss of the inter-
mediate sound. Opinions are divided as to what this should have been.
Some of the native grammarians assimilate the case of as to that of ai,

61

COMBINATIONS OP FINAL r.

[—180

assuming the conversion to ay in both alike — but probably only as a
matter of formal convenience in rule-making.

b. Here, too (as in the similar cases of e and ai and o: 133c,
176b), there are examples to be found, both earlier and later, of efface-
raent of the hiatus.

178. Final ^ r, in general, shows the same form which
*T s would show under the same conditions.

a. Thus, it becomes visarga when final, and a sibilant or visarga
before an initial surd mute or sibilant (170): thus, rudati punah,
dvas tat, sva9 ca, catuQcatvarinqat ; and (1 lie, d) pratastana, an-
tastya, catustaya, dhustva; pratah karoti, antahpata.

b. But original final r preceded by a or a maintains itself un-
changed before a sonant: thus, punar eti, pratarjit, akar jyotih,
ahar damna, vardhi.

c. The r is preserved unchanged even before a surd in a number of
Vedic compounds: thus, aharpati; svarcanas, svarcaksas, svarpati,
svar sa, svar sati ; dhur sad, dhursah ; purpati, varkary a, a9irpada,
punartta; and in some of these the r is optionally retained in the later
language. The RV. also has avar tamah once in sentence-combination.

d. On the other hand, final ar of the verb-form avar is changed to
o before a sonant in several cases in RV. And r is lost, like B, in one
or two cases in the same text: thus, aksa induh, aha eva.

179. A double r is nowhere admitted : if such would occur, either
by retention of an original r or by conversion of s to r, one r is
omitted, and the preceding vowel, if short, is made long by compen-
sation.

Thus, puna ramate, nrpati rajati, matii rihan, jyotiratha,
durohana.

a. In some Vedic texts, however, there are instances of ar changed to
o before initial r: thus, svo rohava.

Conversion of H^s to 3T 9.

180. The dental sibilant H^s is changed to the lingual
ET 9, if immediately preceded by any vowel save 5f a and
5Tf 5, or by 5R k or ^ r — unless the H^s be final, or fol-
lowed by ^~ r.

a. The assimilating influence of the preceding lingual vowels and
semivowel is obvious enough; that of k and the other vowels appears to
be due to a somewhat retracted position of the tongue in the mouth during

180—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 62

their utterance, causing its tip to reach the roof of the mouth more easily
at a point further back than the dental one.

b. The general Hindu grammar prescribes the same change after a 1
also; but the Pratic,akhyas give no such rule, and phonetic considerations,
the 1 being a dental sound, are absolutely against it. Actual cases of the
combination do not occur in the older language, nor have any been point-
ed out in the later.

c. The vowels that cause the alteration of s to B may be called
for brevity's sake "alterant" vowels.

181. Hence, in the interior of a Sanskrit word, the dental s is
not usually found after any vowel save a and a, but, instead of it,
the lingual s. But —

a. A following r prevents the conversion: thus, uara, tisras,
tamisra. And it is but seldom made in the forms and derivatives of
a root containing an r-element (whether r or y), whatever the position
of that element : thus, sisarti, sisrtam, sarlsypa, tistire, parisrut.
To this rule there are a few exceptions, as vis0r, vistara, niatrta,
vispardhas, gavisthira, etc. In ajusran the final s of a root is pre-
served even immediately before r.

b. This dissimilating influence of a following r, as compared with
the invariable assimilating influence of a preceding r, is peculiar and prob-
lematical.

c. The recurrence of s in successive syllables is sometimes avoided
by leaving the former s unchanged: thus, sisaksi, but siaakti; yasisis-
thas, but yasislmahi. Similarly, in certain desiderative formations: see
below, 184e.

d. Other cases are sporadic: RV. has the forms sisice and sisicus
(but sisicatus), and the stems rblsa, kiata, bisa, busa, brsaya ; a
single root pis, with its derivative pesuka, is found once in £B.; MS.
has mrsmrsa; musala begins to be found in AV.; and such cases
grow more numerous; for pums and the roots nine and hins, see below,
183 a.

182. On the other hand (as was pointed out above, 62), the
occurrence of a in Sanskrit words is nearly limited to cases falling
under this rule : others are rather sporadic anomalies — except where
s is the product of 9 or ks before a dental, as in drastum, caste,
tvastar: see 218, 221. Thus, we find —

a. Four roots, kas, las, bhas, bhas, of which the last is common
and is found as early as the Brahmanas.

b. Further, in RV., asa, kavasa, casala, casa, jalasa, pasya,
baskaya, vasat (for vaksat?), kastha; and, by anomalous alteration
of original s, -sah (turasah etc.), asadha, upastut, and probably
apastha and asthlvant. Such cases grow more common later.

c. The numeral sas, as already noted (146 b), is more probably saks.

63 CONVERSION OF s TO a. [—185

183. The nasalization of the alterant vowel — or, in other words,
its being followed by anuavara — does not prevent its altering effect
upon the sibilant: thus, havmsi, parunsi. And the alteration takes
place in the initial s of an ending after the final s of a stem, whether
the latter be regarded as also changed to a or as converted into vi-
sarga: thus, haviaau or havihau, paruaau or paruhau.

a. But the s of pums (394) remains nnchanged, apparently on
account of the retained sense of its value as pums; also that of yliins,
because of its value as bins (hinasti etc.); j/nina (RV. only) is more
questionable.

184. The principal cases of alteration of s in internal combi-
nation are these:

a. In endings, inflectional or derivative, beginning with a — thus,
au; si, se, ava; a of sibilant-aorist, future, and desiderative ; suffixes
ana, ami, aya, etc. — after a final alterant vowel or consonant of root
or stem, or a union-vowel : thus, juhosi, 9686, anaiaam, bhavisyami,
QUQruse, desna, jisnu, viksu, akarsam.

b. The final a of a stem before an ending or suffix : thus, haviaa.
ha visas, etc., fromhavia; Qaksusmant, ^ociska, manusa, manuaya,
jyotiatva.

C. Roots having a final sibilant (except 9) after an alterant vowel
are — with the exception of fictitious ones and pia, nins, bins — regard-
ed as ending in s, not a; and concerning the treatment of this a, in com-
bination, see below, 225 — 6.

d. The initial a of a root after a reduplication: thus, aiayade,
auavapa, aiaaaati, coakuyate, aaniavanat.

e. Excepted is in general an initial radical a in a desiderative stem,
when the desiderative-sign becomes s: thus, aiairaati from j/ay, aiaank-
aati from ysanj. And there are other scattering cases, as tresus (perf.
from ytraa), etc.

185. But the same change occurs also, on a considerable scale,
in external combination, especially in composition. Thus :

a. Both in verbal forms and in derivatives, the final i or u of a
preposition or other like prefix ordinarily lingualizes the initial a of
the root to which it is prefixed; since such combinations are both of
great frequency and of peculiar intimacy, analogous with those of root
or stem and affix: thus, abhisac, pratiatha, nisikta, visita; anu-
svadham, auaeka; the cases are numberless.

b. The principal exceptions are in accordance with the principles
already laid down : namely, when the root contains an r-elemeut. and when
a recurrence of the sibilant would take place. But there are also others,
of a more irregular character ; and the complete account of the treatment
of initial radical a after a prefix would be a matter of great detail, and
not worth giving here.

186—3 El. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 64

C. Not infrequently, the initial 8, usually altered after a certain
prefix, retains the altered sibilant even after an interposed a of augment
or reduplication: thus, aty as^hat, abhy astham, pary asasvajat, vy
asahanta, ny asadama, nir asthapayan, abhy asincan, vy astabh-
nftt; vi tagthe, vi tasfhire.

d. Much more anomalous is the occasional alteration of initial radi-
cal 8 after an a-element of a prefix. Such cases are ava stambh (against
ni stambh and prati stambh) and (according to the grammarians) ava
svan.

186. In other compounds, the final alterant vowel of the first
member not infrequently (especially in the Veda) lingualizes the ini-
tial 8 of the second: for example, yudhi$thira, pitysvasr, gostha,
agnis^oma, anus^ubh, trisamdbi, divisad, paramesthm, abbisena,
pitps&d, purus.tuta.

a. A very few cases occur of the same alteration after an a-element :
thus, sas^ubh, avaatambha, savyas^ha, apas^ha, upastut; also
ysah, when its final, by 147, becomes \: thus, satrasa$ (but satra-
saham).

187. The final 8 of the first member of a compound often be-
comes s after an alterant vowel : thus, the s of a prepositional prefix,
as nisBidhvan, dustara (for dusstara), aviskrta; and, regularly, a
s retained instead of being converted to visarga before a labial or
guttural mute (17 la), as havispa, jyotiskrt; tapuspa.

188. Once more, in the Veda, the same alteration, both of an initial
and of a final 8, is not infrequent even between the words composing a
sentence. The cases are detailed in the Pratifikhya belonging to each text,
and are of very various character. Thus:

a. The initial s, especially of particles: as u su, bi sma, kam u
svit; — also of pronouns: as hi 8, ah; — of verb-forms, especially from
I/as: as hi stha, divi stha; — and in other scattering cases: as u stuhi,
nu s'fhirani, tri sadhastha, adhi snoh, nakih sah, yajuh skannam,
agnih stave.

b. A final 8, oftenest before pronouns (especially toneless ones): as
agnis tva, nis te, lyiis te, ^ucis tvam, sadbis tava; — but also in
other cases, and wherever a final s is preserved, instead of being turned
into visarga, before a guttural or labial (171): as trie putva, ay us
krnotu, vastos patih, dyaus pita, vibhis patat.

Conversion of R^n to m^-

189. The dental nasal ^n, when immediately followed
by a vowel or by ^ n or IT m or Tf y or ^ v, is turned in-
to the lingual Hl^n if preceded in the same word by the

65 CONVERSION OP n TO n. [—191

lingual sibilant or semivowel or vowels — that is to say,
by N 9, IJ" r, or f? y or Q f — : and this, not only if the
altering letter stands immediately before the nasal, but at
whatever distance from the latter it may be found: unless,
indeed, there intervene (a consonant moving the front of
the tongue : namely) a palatal (except IT y), a lingual, or a
dental.

a. We may thus figure to ourselves the rationale of the process :
in the marked proclivity of the language toward lingual utterance, especially
of the nasal, the tip of the tongue, when once reverted into the loose lin-
gual position by the utterance of a non-contact lingual element, tends to
hang there and make its next nasal contact in that position; and does so,
unless the proclivity is satisfied by the utterance of a lingual mute, or the
organ is thrown out of adjustment by the utterance of an element which
causes it to assume a different posture. This is not the case with the guttur-
als or labials, which do not move the front part of the tongue (and, as the
influence of k on following s shows, the guttural position favors the succes-
sion of a lingual): and the y is too weakly palatal to interfere with the
alteration (as its next relative, the i- vowel, itself lingualizes a B).

b. This is a rule of constant application; and (as was pointed
out above, 46) the great majority of occurrences of n in the language
are the result of it.

190. The rule has force especially —

a. When suffixes, of inflection or derivation, are added to roots or
stems containing one of the altering sounds: thus, rudrena, rudranam,
varine, varini, vartni, datrni, harani, dvef ani, krinami, 9rnoti,
ksubhana, ghrna, karna, vrkna, rugna, dravina, isani, purana,
reknas, caksana, cikirsamana, krpamana.

b. When the final n of a root or stem comes to be followed, in inflec-
tion or derivation, by such sounds as allow it to feel the effect of a prece-
ding altering cause: thus, from )/ran, rananti, ranyati, rarana,
aranisus; from brahman, brahmana, brahmani, brahmana, brah-
manya, brahmanvant.

c. The form pinak (RV.: 2d and 3d sing, impf.), from j/pif, is
wholly anomalous.

191. This rule (like that for the change of s to 9) applies strictly
and especially when the nasal and the cause of its alteration both lie
within the limits of the same integral word ; but (also like the other)
it is extended, within certain limits, to compound words — and even,
in the Veda, to contiguous words in the sentence.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. &

192—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 66

102. Especially, a preposition or similar prefix to a root, if it
contain r or end in euphonic r for s (174), very often lingualizes the
n of a root or of its derived stems and forms. Thus :

a. The initial n of a root is usually and regularly so altered, in all
forms and derivatives, after para, pari, pra, nir (for nis), antar, dur
(for dus): thus, para naya, par! nlyate, pra nudasva; paranutti,
parinama, pranava, nirnfj, durna^a. Roots suffering this change are
written with initial n in the native root-lists. The only exceptions of im-
portance are nrt, nabh, nand, and na$ when its 9 becomes s (as in

b. The final n of a root is lingnalized in some of the forms of an
and nan: thus, pra 'niti, prana, pra hanyate, prahanana.

c. The class-signs nu and na are altered after the roots hi and mi :
thus, pari hinomi, pra minanti (hut the latter not in the Veda).

d. The 1st sing. impv. ending ani is sometimes altered: thus, pra
bhavSni.

e. Derivatives by suffixes containing n sometimes have n by influence
of a preposition : thus, prayana.

f. The n of the preposition ni is sometimes altered, like the initial
of a root, after another preposition: thus, pranipata, pranidhi.

193. In compound words, an altering cause in one member sometimes
lingualizes a n of the next following member — either its initial or final
n, or n in its inflectional or derivative ending. The exercise of the altering
influence can be seen to depend in part upon the closeness or frequency
of the compound, or its integration by being made the base of a derivative.
Examples are: gramani, trinaman, urunasa; vrtrahanam etc. (but
vrtraghna etc.: 195 a), nrmanas, drughana; pravahana, nrpana,
puryana, pitryana; svargena, durgani, usrayamne, tryanganam.

194. Finally, in the Veda, a n (usually initial) is occasionally lingual-
ized even by an altering sound in another word. The toneless pronouns
nas and ena- are oftenest thus affected: thus, pari nas, pra! 'nan, indra
enam; but also the particle na like: thus, var na; and a few other
cases, as var naxna, punar nayamasi, agner avena. More anomalous,
and perhaps to be rejected as false readings, are such as trin iman and
aksan ava and suharn nah (MS.), and vyr§an va (Apast.).

195. a. The immediate combination of a n with a preceding guttural
or labial seems in some cases to hinder the conversion to n : thus, vrtraghna
etc., ksubhnati, trpnoti (but in Veda trpnu), kaepnii, susumna.

b. The RY. has the exceptions ustranam and rastranam.

Conversion of dental mutes to linguals and palatals.

196. When a dental mute comes in contact with a
lingual or palatal mute or sibilant, the dental is usually
assimilated, becoming lingual or palatal respectively.

DENTAL MUTES TO LINGUALS AND PALATALS. [—109

The cases are the following:

197. A dental surd mute or nasal, or the dental sibilant, when
immediately preceded by a Q, is everywhere converted into the cor-
responding lingual.

a. Under this rule, the combinations st, s$h, and an are very com-
mon; SB is rarely so written, the visarga being put instead of the former
sibilant (172): thus, jyotihsu instead of jy6tisBU.

b. Much less often, dh is changed to <Jh after final s of a root or
tense-stem, with loss of the s or its conversion to d: see 226 c.

c. Those cases in which final 8 becomes $ before su (e. g. dvitsu:
226 b) do not, of course, fall under this rule.

1 98. In the other (comparatively infrequent) cases where a dental
is preceded by a lingual in internal combination, the dental (except of
BU loc. pi.) becomes lingual. Thus:

a. A n following immediately a n made such by the rule given at
189, above — or, as it may be expressed, a double as well as a
single n — is subject to the lingualization : thus, the participles arnna,
kBunna, kavinna, chynna, tynna; and, after prefixes (185 a), nisanna,
parivinna, visanna, visyanna. But TS. has adhiskanna, and BY.
yajuh skannam.

b. Only a very few other instances occur: i$e and ai^a from ylfj;
saddha (also saddha and sodha), and sannam (sas+nam: anomalous
gen. pi. of fas : 483). A small number of words follow the same rule in
external combination: see below, 199.

c. But ta<Jhi (Vedic: yta^+dbi) shows loss of the final lingual
after assimilation of the dental, and compensatory lengthening.

d. Some of the cases of abnormal occurrence of <J are explained in a
similar way, as results of a lingualized and afterward omitted sibilant before
d: thus nida from nisda, Vpid from pisd, ^mrd from mrsd. For
words exhibiting a like change in composition, see below, 199c.

199. In external combination —

a. A final t is directed to be assimilated to an initial lingual mute:
thus, tat-tika, tad dayate, tat-thalini, tad dhaukate: but the case
never occurs in the older language, and very rarely in the later. For final
n before a lingual, see 205 b.

b. An initial dental after a final lingual usually remains un-
changed; and BU of the loc. pi. follows the same rule: thus, Ba^triA-
$at, anad divah, ekarat tvam; satsii, ra^su.

c. Exceptions are: a few compounds with §as six showing double n
(198b): namely, sannavati, sannabhi (and one or two others not
quotable); and IB. has san niramimita.

d. In a few compounds, moreover, there appears a lingualized dental,
with compensatory lengthening, after a lost lingual sibilant or its represen-

5*

199—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 68

tative : namely, in certain Vedic compounds with dus : dudabha, dudac, ,
dudhl, dunacja, dunaqa (compare the anomalous purodaQ and -da?a:
puras+ydac,); and, in the language of every period, certain compounds
of sae, with change of its vowel to an alterant quality (as in vodhum
and BOdhuin : 224 b) : goda^a, sodha (also saddha and saddha), sodant.
e. Between final $ and initial 8, the insertion of a t is permitted —
or, according to some authorities, required: thus, sat sahasrah or satt
sahaarah.

200. The cases of assimilation of a dental to a contiguous
palatal occur almost only in external combination, and before an
initial palatal. There is but one case of internal combination, na-
mely:

201. A ^ n coining to follow a palatal mute in inter-
nal combination is itself made palatal.

Thus, yacna (the only instance after c), yajna, jajne, ajnata,
rajna, rajm.

202. a. A final rT^t before an initial palatal mute is as-
similated to it, becoming ^o before rM* or ^T ch, and sT j
before sfj (<K jh does not occur).

Thus, uc carati, etac chattram, vidyuj jayate; yatayajjana,
vidyujjihva, brhacehandas, saccarita.

b. A final R^n is assimilated before s[J, becoming o^fi.

c. All the grammarians, of every period, require this assimilation of
n to j; but it is more often neglected, or only occasionally made, in the
manuscripts.

d. For n before a surd palatal, see below, 208.

203. Before the palatal sibilant ST 9t both FT t and ^ n
are assimilated, becoming respectively %T c and 3Hi; and
then the following 5T^9 may be, and in practice almost
always is, converted to ^ ch.

Thus, vedavic churah (-vit 9U-), tac chrutva, hrcchaya (hrt
+ ^aya) ; brhan chef ah or Qesah, svapan chete or 9ete.

a. Some authorities regard the conversion of 9 to ch after t or n as
everywhere obligatory, others as only optional; some except, peremptorily
or optionally, a 9 followed by a mute. And some require the same con-
version after every mute save m, reading also vipat chutudri, anat
chuci, anufftup charadl, Quk chuci. The manuscripts generally write
ch, instead of cch, as result of the combination of t and 9.

b. In the MS., t und 9 are anomalously combined into ft 9: e. g.
tan <jatam, etavaric,a8.

COMBINATIONS OP FINAL n.

[—207

Combinations of final ^ n.

•V.

204. Final radical n is assimilated in internal combination to a
following sibilant, becoming anusvara.

Thus, vansi, vansva, vansat, mansyate, jighansati.

a. According to the grammarians, it is treated before bh and sr in
declension as in external combination. Bat the cases are, at best, excess-
ively rare, and RV. has rinsu and vansu (the only Vedio examples).

b. Final n of a derivative suffix is regularly and usually dropped
before a consonant in inflection and composition — in composition, even
before a vowel ; and a radical n occasionally follows the same rule : see
421 a, 439, 1203 c, 637.

c. For assimilation of n to a preceding palatal, see 201.
The remaining cases are those of external combination.

205. a. The assimilation of n in external combination to a follow-
ing sonant palatal and the palatal sibilant 9 have been already treated
(202 b, 203).

b. The n is also declared to be assimilated (becoming n) be-
fore a sonant lingual (£, <Jh, n), but the case rarely if ever Qccurs.

206. A n is also assimilated to a following initial 1, becoming
(like m: 213d) a nasal 1.

a. The manuscripts to a great extent disregard this rule, leaving the
n unchanged ; but also they in part attempt to follow it — and that, either
by writing the assimilated n (as the assimilated m, 213f, and just as
reasonably) with the anusvara-sign, or else by doubling the 1 and put-
ting a sign of nasality above; the latter, however, is inexact, and a better
way would be to separate the two 1's, writing the first with virama and
a nasal sign above. Thus (from trin lokan):

manuscripts

£miM^; better
The second of these methods is the one oftenest followed in printed texts.

207. Before the lingual and dental sibilants, a. and a, final n
remains unchanged; but a t may also be inserted between the nasal
and the sibilant: thus, tan sat or tant sat; mahan san or ma-
hant san.

a. According to most of the grammarians of the Pratic.akhyas (not
RPr.), the insertion of the t in such cases is a necessary one. In the
manuscripts it is very frequently made, but not uniformly. It is probably
a purely phonetic phenomenon, a transition-sound to ease the double change
of sonant to surd and nasal to non-nasal utterance — although the not
infrequent cases in which final n stands for original nt (as bharan, abha-
ran, agniman) may have aided to establish it as a rule. Its analogy
with the conversion of n 9 into nch (203) is palpable.

208—] III EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 70

208. Before the surd palatal, lingual, and dental mutes, there is
inserted after final n a sibilant of each of those classes respectively,
before which the n becomes anusvara : thus, devaruj ca, bhavanc. chi-
dyate, kumarans trin, abharans tatah, dadhan? (425 c) carum.

a. This rule, which in the classical language has established itself in
the form here given, as a phonetic rale of unvarying application, really
involves a historic survival. The large majority of cases of final n in the
language (not far from three quarters) are for original ns; and the reten-
tion of the sibilant iu such cases, when once its historical ground had been
forgotten, was extended by analogy to all others.

b. Practically, the rule applies only to n before c and t, since cases
involving the other initials occur either not at all, or only with extreme
rarity (the Veda does not present an example of any of them). In the
Veda, the insertion is not always made, and the different texts have with
regard to it different usages, which are fully explained in their Pratic.akh-
yas; in general, it is less frequent in the older texts. When the 9 does not
appear between n and c, the n is of course assimilated, becoming n (203).

209. The same retention of original final s after a nasal, and
consequent treatment of (apparent) final an, In, tin, rn as if they were
ans, Ins, uns, rns (long nasalized vowel with final B), shows itself
also in other Vedic forms of combination, which, for the sake of unity,
may be briefly stated here together:

a. Final an becomes an (nasalized a) before a following vowel : that
is to say, ins, with nasal vowel, is treated like as, with pure vowel
(177): thus, devan e 'ha, upabaddhan iha, mahan asi. This is an
extremely common case, especially in RV. Once or twice, the 8 appears
as h before p: thus, svatavanh payuh.

b. In like manner, s is treated after nasal I, u, r as it would he
after those vowels when pure, becoming r before a sonant sound (174),
and (much more rarely) h before a surd (170): thus, ra^minr iva,
sununr yuvanyunr lit, nrnr abbi; nfnh patram (and nrns p-, MS.).

c. RV. has once -in before y. MS. usually has an instead of an.

210. The nasals n, n, n, occurring as finals after a short vowel,
are doubled before any initial vowel : thus, pratyann ud es i, udyann
adityah, asann-isu.

a. This is also to be regarded as a historical survival, the second
nasal being an assimilation of an original consonant following the first. It
is always written in the manuscripts, although the Vedic metre seems to
show that the duplication was sometimes omitted. The RV. has the com-
pound vrsana^va.

211. The nasals n and n before a sibilant are allowed to in-
sert respectively k and t — as n (207) inserts t: thus, pratyank
somah.

71 COMBINATIONS OF FINAL m. [—213

Combinations of final R^m.

212. Final radical JJ m, in internal combination, is as-
similated to a following mute or spirant — in the latter case,
becoming anusvara; in the former, becoming the nasal of
the same class with the mute.

a. Before m or v (as when final: 143 a), it is changed to n: thus,
from I/gam come aganma, aganmahi, ganvahi, jaganvans (which
appear to be the only quotable cases). According to the grammarians, the
same change is made in the inflection of root-stems before bh and su:
thus, pra^anbhis, pra9ansu (from pragam : pra+j/<?am). No derived
noun-stem ends in m.

b. The £B. and K£S. have kamvant and qamvant, and ChU. has
kamvara.

213. Final I? m in external combination is a servile

-v

sound, being assimilated to any following consonant. Thus :

a. It remains unchanged only before a vowel or a labial mute.

b. But also, by an anomalous exception, before r of the root raj in
samraj and its derivatives samrajni and samrajya.

c. Before a mute of any other class than labial, it becomes the
nasal of that class.

d. Before the semivowels y, 1, v it becomes, according to the
Hindu gramarians, a nasal semivowel, the nasal counterpart of each
respectively (see 71).

e. Before r, a sibilant, or h, it becomes anusvara (see 71).

f. The manuscripts and the editions in general make no attempt to
distinguish the nasal tones produced by the assimilation of in before a follow-
ing semivowel from that before a spirant.

g. But if h be immediately followed by another consonant (which
can only be a nasal or semivowel), the m Is allowed to be assimilated to
that following consonant. This is because the h has no position of the
mouth-organs peculiar to itself, but is uttered in the position of the next
sound. The Pratieakhyas do not take any notice of the case.

h. Cases are met with in the Veda where a final m appears to be
dropped before a vowel, the final and initial vowels being then combined
into one. The pada-text then generally gives a wrong interpretation.
Thus, samvanano 'bhayamkaram (RV. viii. 1. 2 ; pada-text -nana
ubh-; SV. -nanam).

i. It has been pointed out above (73) that the assimilated m is
generally represented in texts by the anusvara-sign, and that in this
work it is transliterated by m (instead of a nasal mute or A).

214—] HI. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 72

The palatal mutes and sibilant, and ^ h.

214. These sounds show in some situations a reversion (43)
to the original gutturals from which they are derived. The treat-
ment of j and h, also, is different, according as they represent the
one or the other of two different degrees of alteration from their
originals.

215. The palatals and h are the least stable of alphabetic sounds,
undergoing, in virtue of their derivative character, alteration in many
cases where other similar sounds are retained.

216. Thus, in derivation, even before vowels, semivowels; and
nasals, reversion to guttural form is by no means rare. The cases are
the following:

a. Before a of suffix a, final c becomes k in anka, c.vanka, arka,
paka, vaka, Quka, parka, marka, vrka, pratika etc., reka, seka,
moka, roka, 9 oka, toka, mroka, vraska; — final j becomes g in
tyaga, bhaga, bhaga, yaga, anga, bhanga, sanga, svanga, rnga,
tunga, yunga, varga, marga, mrga, varga, sarga, nega, vega, bhoga,
yuga, yoga, loga, roga; — final h becomes gh in agha, magha,
argha, dirgha (and draghiyas, draghistha ), degha, megha, ogha,
dogha, drogha, mogha; and in dughana and meghamana. Jn neka
(j/nij) we hare farther an anomalous substitution of a surd for the final
sonant of the root

b. In another series of derivatives with a, the altered sound appears :
examples are aja, yaja, (juca, coca, vraja, veviji, yuja, urja, doha.

c. Before the suffixes as and ana, the guttural only rarely appears:
namely, in ankas, okas, rokas, 9 okas, bhargas, and in rogana; also
in abhogaya.

d. Before an i»vowel, the altered sound appears (except in abhogi,
ogiyans, tigita, moki, sphigl): thus, ftji, tuji, ruci, 9&C1, vivici,
rocisnu.

e. Before u, the, guttural reappears, as a rule (the cases are few):
thus, anku, vanku, reku, bhifeu, marguka, raghu (and raghlyaris).

f. Before n, the examples of reversion are few, except of j (becoming
g) before the participial ending na (957 o): thus, reknas, vagnu (with
the final also made sonant); and participles bhagna, rugna, etc.; and
apparently prgna from ]/prc.

g. Before m (of ma, man, mant, min), the guttural generally
appears: thus, rukma, tigma, yugma, fgma (with sonant change); tak-
man, vakman, sakman, yugman; rukmant; rgmin and vagmin
(with sonant change): — but ajxnan, ojman, bhujman.

h. Before y, the altered sound is used : thus, pacya, yajya, yajyu,
ynjya, bhujyu. Such cases as bhogya, yogya, negya, okya are doubt-
less secondary derivatives from bhoga etc.

73 COMBINATIONS OF FINAL PALATALS. [—218

i. Before r, the cases are few, and the usage apparently divided,
thus, takra, sakra, vakra, 9ukra, vigra, ugra, tiigra, mrgra, van-
kri; but vajra and pajra(?).

j. Before v (of the suffixes va, van, vin, etc., and participial vans)
the guttural is regularly preserved: thus, rkva, pakva, vakva; vakvaii,
fkvan, rikvan, 9ukvan, mrgvan, tugvan, yugvan; fkvant, prk-
vant ; vagvin, vagvana, vagvanu (with further sonant change ; vivak-
vans, ririkvans, vivikvans, rurukvans, 9U9ukvans; QUQukvana,
9U9ukvani: also before the union-vowel i in okivans (RV., once). An
exception is yajvan.

k. The reversion of h in derivation is comparatively rare. The final
j which is analogous with 9 (219) shows much less proclivity to reversion
than that which corresponds with c.

1. A like reversion shows itself also to some extent in conjugational
stem-formation and inflection. Thus, the initial radical becomes guttural
after the reduplication in the present or perfect or desiderative or intensive
stems, or in derivatives, of the roots ci, cit, ji, hi, nan, and in jaguri (>/jy);
and nan becomes ghn on the elision of a (402, 637). The RV. has
vivakmi from }/vac and vavakre from }/vanc; and SV. has sasrgmahe
(RV.-syj-). And before ran etc. of 3d pi. mid. we have g for radical j
in asrgran, asrgram, asasrgram (all in RV.).

217. Final ?f c of a root or stem, if followed in in-
ternal combination by any other sound than a vowel or
semivowel or nasal, reverts (43) to its original guttural value,
and shows everywhere the same form which a Sfi k would
show in the same situation.

Thus, vakti, uvaktha, vakai, vaksyami, vagdhi ; vagbhis, vak-
BU; ukta, uktha, vaktar.

a. And, as final c becomes k (above 142), the same rule applies
also to c in external combination: thus, vak ca, vag api, van me.

Examples of c remaining unchanged in inflection are: ucyate,
riricre, vaci, mumucmahe.

218. Final 5T 9 reverts to its original Sfi k, in internal
combination, only before the H s of a verbal stem or ending
(whence, by 180, ^k§) ; before cT t and ^ th, it everywhere
becomes ^ (whence, by 197, ^ §t? and "& ?th); before q^da,
H^bh, and H su of the loc. pi., as when final (145), it re-
gularly becomes the lingual mute (£^t or 3^4)«

Thus, aviksata, veksyami; vasti, vista, didestu; dididdhi,
vidbhfs.

218—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 74

a. But a few roots exhibit the reversion of final 9 to k before
bh and su, and also when final (145): they are di$, df9, spr/9, and
optionally na?; and vi$ has in V. always viksii, loc. pi., but vf$,
vi^bhis, etc. Examples are diksam<jita, drgbhis, hrdispyk, nak
(or nat).

Examples of 9 remaining unchanged before vowels etc. are : vi9f,
vivisyas, avi9ran, a<?nomi, va9mi, U9m&si.

b. A 9 remains irregularly unchanged before p in the compound vi<jpati.

219. Final sf j is in one set of words treated like 3 c,
and in another set like 3T 9.

Thus, from yuj: ayukthas, ayukta, ynnkte, yukti, yoktra,
yokeyami, yuksu; yungdhf, ayugdhvam, yugbhis.

Again, from mrj etc. : amrksat, sraksyami ; marsti, mrsta,
systi, rastra; mrddhi, mrddhvam, radbhfs, ratsii, rat.

a. To the former or yuj-class belong (as shown by their quotable
forms) about twenty roots and radical stems: namely, bhaj, saj, tyaj (not
V.), raj color, svaj, majj, nij, tij, vij, i and 2 bhuj, yuj, ruj, vrj,
anj, bhanj, 9inj ; urj, sraj, bhisaj, asrj ; — also, stems formed with
the suffixes aj and ij (383. IV), as trsnaj, vanfj; and rtvij, though
containing the root yaj.

b. To the latter or mrj-class belong only about one third as many:
namely, yaj, bhrajj, vraj, raj, bhraj, mrj, srj.

c. A considerable number of j-roots are not placed in circumstances
to exhibit the distinction; but such roots are in part assignable to one or
the other class on the evidence of the related languages. The distinction
appears, namely, only when the j occurs as final, or is followed, either in
inflection or in derivation, by a dental mute (t, th, dh), or, in noun-
inflection, by bh or BU. In derivation (above, 216) we find a g some-
times from the mrj -class: thus, marga, sarga, etc.; and (2161) before
Vedic mid. endings, sasrgmahe, asrgran, etc. (beside saarjrire) —
while from the yuj-class occur only yuyujre, aynjran, bubhujrire,
with j. And MS. has vi9vasfk from (^srj).

220. Final ch falls under the rules of combination almost only
in the root prach, in which it is treated as if it were 9 (pra9 be-
ing, indeed, its more original form) : thus, praksyami, prsta, and also
the derivative praqna. As final and in noun-inflection (before bh and
su), it is changed to the lingual mute: thus, pra<Jvivaka.

a. Murta is called the participle of murch, and a gerund murtva
is given to the same root. They (with murti) must doubtless come from
a simpler form of the root.

b. Of jh there is no occurrence : the grammarians require it to
be treated like c.

75 COMBINATIONS OP FINAL kf, h. [—223

221. The compound ks is not infrequent as final of a root (gener-
ally of demonstrably secondary origin), or of a tense-stem (s-aorist:
see below, 878 ff.) ; and, in the not very frequent cases of its in-
ternal combination, it is treated as if a single sound, following the
rules for 9 : thus 9&kse (caks -f- se), caksva ; caste, aeasta, asr as-
tam, asra^a, tvaafcar. As to its treatment when final, see 146.

a. Thus, we are taught by the grammarians to make such forms as
goraj, goradbhia, gora^fu (from goraka); and we actually have sat,
sadbhis, sa$8u from aaka or sas (146b). For jagdha etc. from
see 233 f.

b. In the single anomalous root vra9<5, the compound 90 is said to
follow the rules for simple 9. From it are quotable the future vraksyati,
the gerunds vra$va (AV.) and vyktvl (RV.), and the participle (957 c)
vrkna. Its c reverts to k in the derivative vraska.

222. The roots in final <J h, like those in sT j, fall into
two classes, exhibiting a similar diversity of treatment, ap-
pearing in the same kinds of combination.

a. In the one class, as duh, we have a reversion of h (as of c)
to a guttural form, and its treatment as if it were still its original gh:
thus, adhukaam, dhoksyami; dugdham, dugdha; adhok, dhuk,
dh.ugbh.is, dhuksu.

b. In the other class, as ruh and sab, we have a guttural re-
version (as of 9) only before s in verb-formation and derivation: thus,
arukaat, roksyami, saksiya, saksani. As final, in external combi-
nation, and in noun-inflection before bh and su, the h (like 9) be-
comes a lingual mute: thus, turasat, prtanasad ayodhyah, tura-
aadbhia, turasa$au. But before a dental mute (t, th, dh) in verb-
inflection and in derivation, its euphonic effect is peculiarly compli-
cated: it turns the dental into a lingual (as would 9); but it also
makes it sonant and aspirate (as would dh: see 160); and further,
it disappears itself, and the preceding vowel, if short, is lengthened:
thus, from ruh with ta comes ru<Jha, from leh with ti comes ledhi,
from guh with tar comes gudhar, from meh with turn comes me-
dhum, from lib. with tas or thas comes licjh&s, from lih with dhvam
comes lidhvam, etc.

c. This is as if we had to assume as transition sound a sonant aspi-
rate lingual sibilant ah, with the euphonic effects of a lingual and of a
sonant aspirate (160), itself disappearing under the law of the existing
language which admits no sonant sibilant.

223. The roots of the two classes, as shown by their forms
found in use, are:

a. of the first or duh-class: dah, dih, duh, druh, muh, snih
(and the final of usnih is similarly treated) ;

223—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 76

b. of the second or ruh-class : vah, sah, mih, rih or lih, guh,
ruh, drnh, trfch, brh, ba&h, sprh(P).

c. But muh forms also (not in RV.) the participle mudha and agent-
noun mudhar, as well as mugdha and mugdhar; and druh and snih
are allowed by the grammarians to do likewise: such forms as drudha
and snidha, however, have not been met with in use.

d. From roots of the ruh-class we find also in the Veda the forms
gartaruk, nom. sing., and pranadhfk and dadhrk; and hence puruBprk
(the only occurrence) does not certainly prove j/sprh to be of the dub-
class.

e. A number of other h-roots are not proved by their occurring forms
to belong to either class; they, too, are with more or less confidence assign-
ed to the one or the other by comparison with the related languages.

f. In derivation, before certain suffixes (216), we have gh instead
of h from verbs of either class.

g. The root nah comes from original dh instead of gh, and its rever-
sion is accordingly to a dental mute : thus, natsyami, naddha, upanad-
bhis, upanadyuga, anupanatka. So also the root grah comes from
(early Vedie) grabh, and shows labials in many forms and derivatives
(though it is assimilated to other h-roots in the desiderative stem jighrksa).
In like manner, h is used for dh in some of the forms and derivatives of
ydha put; and further analogous facts are the stem kakuha beside
kakubha, the double imperative ending dhi and hi, and the dative
mahyam beside tubhyam (491).

224. Irregularities of combination are :

a. The vowel r is not lengthened after the loss of the h-element:
thus, drdha, trdha, brdha (the only cases; and in the Veda their first
syllable has metrical value as heavy or long).

b. The roots vah and sah change their vowel to o instead of leng-
thening it: thus, vodhaxn, vodhaxn, vo<Jhar, sodhum. But from sah
in the older language forms with a are more frequent : thus, sadha, asadha
(also later), 'sadhar. The root trnh changes the vowel of its class-sign
na into e instead of lengthening it: thus, trnedhi, trnedhu, atrnet
(the grammarians teach also trnehmi and trneksi: but no such forms
are quotable, and, if ever actually in use, thay must have been made by
false analogy with the others).

c. These anomalous vowel-changes seem to stand in connection with
the fact that the cases showing them are the only ones where other than
ah alterant vowel (180) comes before the lingualized sibilant representative
of the h. Compare sodaqa etc.

d. Apparently by dissimilation, the final of vah in the anomalous
compound anadvah is changed to d instead of <J: see 404.

77 COMBINATIONS OP FINAL 9. [—226

The lingual sibilant ^s.

Since the lingual sibilant, in its usual and normal occurren-
ces, is (182) the product of lingualization of a after certain alterant
sounds, we might expect final radical s, when (in rare cases) it comes
to stand where a s cannot maintain itself, to revert to its original,
and be treated as a s would be treated under the same circumstances.
That, however, is true only in a very few instances.

a. Namely, in the prefix dus (evidently identical with |/dus); in
sajus (adverbially used case-form from >/jus) ; in (KV.) vives and avives,
from Xvis; in aiyes (RV.), from |/is; and in a^fs, from 913 as second-
ary form of j/Qas. All these, except the first two, are more or less open
to question.

226. In general, final lingual ^9, in internal combina-
tion, is treated in the same manner as palatal $T 9. Thus :

a. Before t and th it remains unchanged, and the latter are as-
similated: e. g. dvistas, dvis^has, dveB$um.

This is a common and perfectly natural combination.

b. Before dh, bh, and su, as also in external combination (145),
it becomes a lingual mute; and dh is made lingual after it: e. g.
piri<J<Jhi, vicjcjhi, vivi<J4hi, dvi^cjhvam, dvicjbhis, dvi$su; bhin-
navitka.

c. So also the dh of dhvam as ending of 2d pi. mid. becomes dh
after final s of a tense-stem, whether the s be regarded as lost or as con-
verted to 4 before it (the manuscripts write simply <Jhv, not <J<Jhv; but
this is ambiguous : see 232). Thus, after s of s-aorist stems (881 a), asto-
dhvam, avrdhvam, cyodhvam (the only quotable cases), from astos-j-
dhvam etc.; but aradhvam from aras-f-dhvam. Further, after the s
of is-aorist stems (901a), aindhidhvam, artidhvam, ajanidhvam,
vepidhvam (the only quotable cases), from ajanis+dhvam etc. Yet
again, in the precative (924), as bhavisidhvam, if, as is probable
(unfortunately, no example of this person is quotable from any part of the
literature), the precative-sign s (s) is to be regarded as present in the
form. According, however, to the Hindu grammarians, the use of <Jh or of
dh in the is-aorist and precative depends on whether the i of if or of
i§I is or is not "preceded by a semivowel or h" — which both in itself
appears senseless and is opposed to the evidence of all the quotable forms.
Moreover, the same authorities prescribe the change of dh to dh, under
the same restriction as to circumstances, in the perf. mid. ending dhve
also : in this case, too, without any conceivable reason ; and no example
of dhve in the 2d pi. perf. has been pointed out in the literature.

d. The conversion of f to t (or <J) *s flnal al*d before bh and su
is parallel with the like conversion of 9, and of j and h in the xnrj and

\\

226—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 78

ruh classes of roots, and perhaps with the occasional change of 8 to t
(167 — 8). It is a very infrequent case, occurring (save as it may be
assumed in the case of sa§) only once in RV. and once in AV. (-dvi$
and -pru$), although those texts have more than 40 roots with final 9 ;
in the Brahmanas, moreover, have been noticed further only -pru$ and vi$
(£B.), and -q\.i\ (K.). From piAs, RV. has the anomalous form pinak
(2d and 3d sing., for pinas-s and pinas-t).

e. Before s in internal combination (except BU of loc. pi.) it be-
comes k: thus, dveksi, dveksyami, adviksam.

f . This change is of anomalous phonetic character, and difficult of
explanation. It is also practically of very rare occurrence. The only RV.
examples (apart from pinak, above) are viveksi, from y\ri$, and the
desid. stem ririksa from |/ris; AV. has only dviksat and dviksata,
and the desid. stem (jicliksa from ]/9lis. Other examples are quotable
from Vj/kys and pif and vif (QB etc.), and c,is (CB.); and they are by
the Hindu grammarians prescribed to be formed from about half-a-dozen
other roots.

Extension and Abbreviation.

227. As a general rule, ch is not allowed by the grammarians to
stand in that form after a vowel, but is to be doubled, becoming cch
(which the manuscripts sometimes write chch).

a. The various authorities disagree with one another in detail as to
this duplication. According to Panini, ch is doubled within a word after
either a long or a short vowel; and, as initial, necessarily after a short
and after the particles a and ma, and optionally everywhere after a long.
In RV., initial ch is doubled after a long vowel of a only, and certain
special cases after a short vowel are excepted. For the required usage in
the other Vedic texts, see their several Praticakhyas. The Kathaka writes
for original ch (not ch from combination of t or n with 9: 203) after
a vowel everywhere qch. The manuscripts in general write simple ch.

b. Opinions are still at variance as to how far this duplication has
an etymological ground, and how far it is only an acknowledgment of the
fact that ch makes a heavy syllable even after a short vowel (makes
"position": 79). As the duplication is accepted and followed by most
European scholars, it will be also adopted in this work in words and sen-
tences (not in roots and stems).

228. After r, any consonant (save a spirant before a vowel) is
by the grammarians either allowed or required to be doubled (an aspi-
rate, by prefixing the corresponding non-aspirate: 154).

Thus:

%3\ arka, or 3sife arkka; cfinj karya, or 3TOJ karyya;

artha, or 5fr2T arttha; dlrgha, or lTf dlrggha.

79 EXTENSION AND ABBREVIATION. [—231

a. Some of the authorities include, along with r, also h or 1 or v,
or more than one of them, in this rule.

b. A doubled consonant after r is very common in manuscripts and
inscriptions, as also in native text-editions and in the earlier editions pre-
pared by European scholars — in later ones, the duplication is universally
omitted.

c. On the other hand, the manuscripts often write a single consonant
after r where a double one is etymologically required : thus, kartikeya,
vartika, for karttikeya, varttika.

229. The first consonant of a group — whether interior, or initial
after a vowel of a preceding word — is by the grammarians either allowed
or required to be doubled.

a. This duplication is allowed by Panini and required by the Prati-
c.akhyas — in both, with mention of authorities who deny it altogether.
Foi certain exceptions, see the Praticakhyas; the meaning of the whole
matter is too obscure to justify the giving of details here.

230. Other cases of extension of consonant-groups, required by
some of the grammatical authorities, are the following :

a. Between a non-nasal and a nasal mute, the insertion of so-called
yamas (twins), or nasal counterparts, is taught by the Prati$akhyas (and
assumed in Panini' s commentary): see APr. i.99, note.

b. Between h and a following nasal mute the Praticakhyas teach the
insertion of a nasal sound called nasikya: see APr. i.100, note.

c. Between r and a following consonant the Praticakhyas teach the
insertion of a svarabhakti or vowel- fragment : see APr. i. 101 — 2, note.

d. Some authorities assume this insertion only before a spirant; the
others regard it as twice as long before a spirant as before any other con-
sonant — namely, a half or a quarter mora before the former, a quarter
or an eighth before the latter. One (VPr.) admits it after 1 as well as r.
It is variously described as a fragment of the vowel a or of r- (or 1).

e. The RPr. puts a svarabhakti also between a sonant consonant
and a following mute or spirant; and APr. introduces an element called
sphotana (distinguisher) between a guttural and a preceding mute of
another class.

f. For one or two other cases of yet more doubtful value, see the
Praticakhyas.

231. After a nasal, the former of two non-nasal mutes niay
be dropped, whether homogeneous only with the nasal, or with both :
thus, yundbi for yungdhi, yundhvam for vnngdhvam, antam for
anktam, panti for pankti, chintam for chinttam, bhintha for
bhinttha, indhe for inddhe.

a. This abbreviation, allowed by Panini, is required by APr. (the
other Pratic.akhyas take no notice of it). It is the more usual practice of
the manuscripts, though the full group is also often written.

232—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 80

232. In general, a double mute (including an aspirate which is
doubled by the prefixion of a non-aspirate) in combination with any
other consonant is by the manuscripts written as simple.

a. That is to say, the ordinary usage of the manuscripts makes no
difference between those groups in which a phonetic duplication is allowed
by the rules given above (228, 229) and those in which the duplication
is etymological. As every tv after a vowel may also be properly written
ttv, so dattva and tattva may be, and almost invariably are, written as
datva and tatva. As kartana is also properly karttana, so karttika
(from kytti) is written as kartika. So in inflection, we have always,
for example, majna etc., not majjna, from majjan. Even in compo-
sition and sentence-collocation the same abbreviations are made : thus,
hrdyota for hrddyota; chinaty asya for chinatty asya. Hence it
is impossible to determine by the evidence of written usage whether we
should regard adhvam or addhvam (from y&B), advi^hvam or advicj-
dhvam (from j/dvis), as the true form of a second person plural.

233. a. Instances are sometimes met with of apparent loss (perhaps
after conversion to a semivowel) of i or u before y or v respectively.
Thus, in the Brahnianas, tu and nu with following val etc. often make
tvaf, nvaf (also tvava, anvai) ; and other examples from the older lan-
guage are anvart- (anu+]/vart); paryan, paryanti, paryayat, parya-
na (pari+yan, etc.); abhyarti (abhi-t-iyarti) ; antaryat (antar+
iyat); carvac, carvaka, carvadana (caru-j-vac, etc.); kyant for
kiyant; dvyoga (dvi+yoga) ; anva, anvasana (anu+va, etc.); prob-
ably vyunoti for vi yunoti (BV.)' urva^i (uru-va^l), 9i9varl for
9! 9U-vari (RV.) ; vyama (vi-f-yama) ; and the late svarna for suvarna.
More anomalous abbreviations are the common trca (tri+rca); and
dvyca (dvi+yca: S.) and trem (tri^-em: Apast.).

Further, certain cases of the loss of a sibilant require notice. Thus :

b. According to the Hindu grammarians, the s of s-aorist stems is
lost after a short vowel in the 2d and 3d sing, middle : thus, adithas
and adita (1st sing, adisi), alqrthas and akrta (1st sing, akysi). It
is, however, probable that such cases are to be explained in a different
manner: see 834 a.

c. The B between two mutes is lost in all combinations of the
roots stha and stambh with the prefix ud: thus, lit thus, ut-
thita, ut thapaya, uttabdha, etc.

d. The same omission is now and then made in other similar cases:
thus cit kambhanena (for skambh-: RV.) ; tasmat tute (for stute)
and puroruk tuta (for stuta: K.); the compounds rktha (rk+stha:
PB.) and utphulinga; the derivative utphala (>/sphal). On the other
hand, we have vidyut stanayanti (RV.), utsthala, kakutstha, etc.

e. So also the tense-sign of the s-aorist is lost after a final conso-
nant of a root before the initial consonant of an ending: thus, achantta

81 ABBREVIATION OF CONSONANT-GROUPS. [—235

(and for this, by 231, achanta) for achantsta, gapta for ^apsta, tap-
tarn for tapstam, abhakta for abhaksta, amauktam for amaukstam.
These are the ouly quotable cases: compare 883.

f. A final s of loot or tense-stem is in a few instances lost after a
sonant aspirate, and the combination of mutes is then made as if no sibilant
had ever intervened. Thus, from the root ghas, with omission of the
vowel and then of the final sibilant, we have the form gdha (for ghs-ta:
3d sing, mid.), the participle gdha (in agdhad), and the derivative gdhi
(for ghs-ti ; in sa-gdhi) ; end further, from the reduplicated form of the
same root, or j/jaks, we have jagdha, jagdhum, jagdhva, jagdhi
(from jaghs-ta etc.); also, in like manner, from baps, reduplication of
bhas, the form babdham (for babhs-tam). According to the Hindu
grammarians, the same utter loss of the aorist-sign s takes place after a
final sonant aspirate of a root before an ending beginning with t or th:
thus, from ]/rudh, s-aorist stem arauts act. and aruts mid., come the
active dual and plural persons arauddham and arauddham and arau-
ddha, and the middle singular persons aruddhas and aruddha. None of
the active forms, however, have been found quotable from the literature,
ancient or modern ; and the middle forms admit also of a different expla-
nation : see 834, 883.

Strengthening and Weakening Processes.

234. Under this head, we take up first the changes that affect
vowels, and then those that affect consonants — adding, for con-
venience's sake, in each case, a brief notice of the vowel and con-
sonant elements that have come to bear the apparent office of con-
nectives.

Guna and Vrddhi.

235. The so-called guna and vpddhi-changes are the
most regular and frequent of vowel-changes, being of con-
stant occurrence both in inflection and in derivation.

a. A guna-vowel (guna secondary quality] differs from
the corresponding simple vowel by a prefixed a-elementr
which is combined with the other according to the usual
rules; a vpddhi-vowel (vyddhi growth, increment), by the
further prefixion of a to the guna-vowel. Thus, of ^ i or
^ I the corresponding guna is (a-f-i=) ^ e; the correspond-
ing vrddhi is (a -|- e =) ^ Si. But in all gunating processes
5f a remains unchanged — or, as it is sometimes expressed,

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 6

235—] in. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 82

5f a is its own guna; CfT a, of course, remains unchanged
for both guna and vrddhi.

236. The series of corresponding degrees is then as
follows :

simple vowel a a ii u u ? !
guna a a e o ar al

vrddhi a ai au ar

a. There is nowhere any occurrence of r in a situation to undergo
either guna or vrddhi-change ; nor does 1 (26) ever suffer change to
vrddhi. Theoretically, r would have the same changes as y; and the
vrddhi of 1 would be al.

b. In secondary derivatives requiring vrddhi of the first syllable
(1204), the o of go (361 c) is strengthened to g&u: thus, g&umata,
gatuj^hika.

237. The historical relations of the members of each vowel-series are
still matters of some difference of opinion. From the special point of view
of the Sanskrit, the simple vowels wear the aspect of being in general the
original or fundamental ones, and the others of being products of their
increment or strengthening, in two several degrees — so that the rules of
formation direct a, i, u, r, 1 to be raised to guna or vrddhi respectively,
under specified conditions. But y hat long been so clearly seen to come
by abbreviation or weakening from an earlier ar (or Mp that many Euro-
pean grammarians have preferred to treat the guna-forms as the original
and the other as the derivative. Thus, for example : instead of assuming
certain roots to be bhr and vrdh, and making from them bharati and
vardhati, and bhrta and vrddha, by the same rules which from bhu
and nl and from budh and cit form bhavati and nayati, bodhati and
cetati, bhuta and nlta, buddha and citta — they assume bhar and
vardh to be the roots, and give the rules of formation for them in reverse.
In this work, as already stated (104 e), the r-form is preferred.

238. The guna-increment is an Indo-European phenomenon,
and is in many cases seen to occur in connection with an accent on
the increased syllable. It is found —

a. In root-syllables: either in inflection, as dvesti from ydvis,
dohmi from j/duh; or in derivation, as dvesa dohas, dveijtum,
dogdhum.

b. In formative elements: either conjugational class-signs, as
tanoxni from tanu; or suffixes of derivation, in inflection or in further
derivation, as mataye from matf, bhanavas from bhanu, pitaram
from pity (or pitar), hantavya from hantu.

239. The v^ddhi-increment is specifically Indian, and its occur-
rence is less frequent and regular. It is found —

83 GUNA AND VRDDHI. [—242

a. In root and suffix-syllables, instead of guna: thus, stauti
from xstu, sakhayam from sakhi, anaisam from >/nit akarsam
and karayati and karya from }/kr (or kar), dataram from datf (or
datar).

b. Especially often, in initial syllables in secondary derivation :
thus, manasa from manas, vaidyuta from vidyut, bhauma from
bhumi, parthiva from prthivi (1204).

But —

240. The guna-increment does not usually take place in a heavy
syllable ending with a consonant : that is to say, the rules prescribing
guna in processes of derivation and inflection do not apply to a short
vowel which is "long by position", nor to a long vowel unless it be
final: thus, cetati from >/cit, but nindati from ]/nind; nayati from
>/ni, but jivati from >/jiv.

a. The vrddhi-increment is not liable to this restriction.

b. Exceptions to the rule are occasionally met with : thus, eha, ehas
from yih; hedayami, hedas, etc., from ]/hi<jl; cosa etc. from ycuq;
ohate etc. from }/uh consider,- and especially, from roots in Iv: dideva
devisyati, devana, etc., from ydlv; tiatheva from i/B^hiv; Brevayami,
srevuka, from j/srlv — on account of which it is, doubtless, that these
roots are written with iv (div etc.) by the Hindu grammarians, although
they nowhere show a short i, in either verb-forms or derivatives.

c. A few cases occur of prolongation instead of increment: thus,
dusayati from j/dus, guhati from yguh.

The changes of y (more original ar or ra) are so various as to
call for further description.

241. The increments of ? are sometimes ra and ra, instead of
ar and ar: namely, especially, where by such reversal a difficult com-
bination of consonants is avoided: thus, from i/dr<j, draksyami
and adraksam; but also prthu and prath, prch and prach, krpa

and akrapista.

242. In a number of roots (about a dozen quotable ones) ending
in r (for more original ar), the r exchanges both with ar, and more
irregularly, |n a part of the forms, with ir — or also with ur (espe-
cially after a labial, in pr, mr, vr, sporadically in others) : which i*
and ur, again, are liable to prolongation into ir and tar. Thus, for
example, from ty (or tar), we have tarati, titarti, tatara, atarisain,
by regular processes; but also tirati, tiryati, tirtva, -tlrya, tlrna,
and even (V.) turyama, tuturyat, tarturana. The treatment of such
roots has to be described in speaking of each formation.

a. For the purpose of artificially indicating this peculiarity of treatment,
such roots are by the Hindu grammarians written with long f, or with both
y and r: no y actually appears anywhere among their forms.

(i*

242—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 84

b. The (quotable) f-roots are 2kp $trew, Igp sing, 2gf swallow,
ijif wear out, tr, 19? crush.

c. The (quotable) y and f-roots are r*» Idr pierce, Ipr fill, Imr die,
2 vj* cftooae, sty, hv?.

d. Forms analogous with these are sometimes made also from other
roots : thus, cirna, cirtva, carcurya, from j/car; spurdhan and spur-
dhase from j/spydh.

243. In a few cases y comes from the contraction of other syllables
than ar and ra: thus, in trta and trtlya, from ri; in Qrnu, from ru; in
bhrku$i, from ru.

Vowel-lengthening.

244. Vowel-lengthening concerns especially i and u, since the
lengthening of a is in part (except where in evident analogy with
that of i and u) indistinguishable from its increment, and r is made
long only in certain plural cases of stems in y (or ar: 309 ff.). Length-
ening is a much more irregular and sporadic change than incre-
ment, and ita cases will in general be left to be pointed out in con-
nection with the processes of inflection and derivation: a few only
will be mentioned here.

245. a. Final radical i and u are especially liable to prolongatioa
before y: as in passive and gerund and so on.

b. Final radical ir and ur (from variable r-roots : 242) are liable to
prolongation before all consonants except those of personal endings : namely,
before y and tva and na: and in declension before bh and 8 (392).
Radical is has the same prolongation in declension (392).

246. Compensatory lengthening, or Absorption by a vowel of the time
of a lost following consonant, is by no means common. Certain instances
of it have been pointed out above (179, 198 c,d, 199d, 222 b). Perhaps
such cases as pita for pitars (37 la) and dhani for dhanins (439)
are to be classed here.

247. The final vowel of a former member of a compound is often
made long, especially in the Veda. Prolongations of final a, and before
V, are most frequent; but cases are found of every variety. Examples are:
devavi, vayunavfd, pravrs, rtavasu, mdravant, sadanasad, 9ata-
magha, vicjvanara, ekada^a; apiju, parinah, virudh, tuvimagha,
tvisimant, qaktivant ; vasuju, anurudh, sumaya, puruvasu.

248. la the Veda, the final vowel of a word — generally a, much
less often i and u — is in a large number of cases prolonged. Usually
the prolongation takes place where it is favored by the metre, but some-
times even where the metre opposes the change (for details, see the various
Prati<?akhyas).

Words of which the finals are thus treated are:

85 VOWEL-LENGTHENING. [—250

a. Particles: namely, atha, adha, eva, uta, gha, ha, iha, iva,
ca, sma, na, anga, kila, atra, yatra, tatra, kiitra, anyatra, ubhay-
atra, adya, accha, apa, pra; at!, ni, yadl, nahi, abhi, vl; u, tu,
mi, sii, maksu.

b. Case-forms : especially instr. sing. , as ena, tena, yena, svena,
and others; rarely gen. sing., as asya, harinasya. Cases besides these
are few: so sima, v?sabha, hariyojana (voc.); tanvi (loo.); and uru
and (not rarely) puru.

c. Verb-forms ending in a, in great number and variety : thus (nearly
in the order of their comparative frequency), 2d sing. impv. act., as piba,
sya, gamaya, dharaya; — 2d pi. act. in ta and tha, as stha, atta,
bibhrta, jayata, Qrnuta, anadata, nayatha, jivayatha (and one or
two in tana: avii=$ana, hantana); — 1st pi. act. in ma, as vidma,
risama, rdhyama, ruhema, vanuyama, cakrma, marmrjma; —
2d sing. impv. mid. in sva, as yuksva, Idisva, dadhisva, vahasva;

- 1st and 3d sing. perf. act., as veda, vive9a, jagrabha; '2d sing. perf.
act., vettha; — 2d pi. perf. act., anaja, cakra. Of verb-forms ending
in i, only the 2d sing. impv. act. : thus, kydhi, kynuhl, ksidhl, 9mdhi,
<jynudhi, (jrnuhl, didihi, jahi.

d. To these may be added the gerund in ya (993 a), as abhi-
gtirya, acya.

Vowel-lightening .

249. The alteration of short a to an i or u-vowel in the for-
mative processes of the language, except in r or ar roots (as explained
above), is a sporadic phenomenon only.

250. But the lightening of a long a especially to an i-vowel
(as also its loss), is a frequent process; no other vowel is so un-
stable.

a. Of the class-sign na (of the kri-class of verbs: 717 ff.), the
a is in weak forms changed to I, and before vowel-endings dropped alto-
gether. The final a of certain roots is treated in the same manner: thus,
ma, ha, etc. (662 — 6). And from some roots, a- and I- or i-forms
so interchange that it is difficult to classify them or to determine the true
character of the root.

b. Radical a is weakened to the semblance of the union-vowel i in
certain verbal forms: as perfect dadima from }/da etc. (794k); aorist
adhithas from >/dha etc. (834 a) ; present jahimas from j/ha etc. (665).

c. Radical a is shortened to the semblance of stem-a in a number of
reduplicated forms, as tis^ha, piba, dada, etc. : see 671 — 4; also in a
few aorists, as ahvam, akhyam, etc.: see 847.

d. Radical a sometimes becomes e, especially before y: as stheya-
sam, deya.

251—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 86

251. Certain a-roots, because of their peculiar exchanges with I and
i-forms, especially in forming the present stem, are given by the Hindu
grammarians as roots ending in e or Si or o. Thus, from 2dha suck (dhe)
come the present dhayati and participle and gernnd dhita, dhitva; the
other forms are made from dha, as dadhus, adhat, dhasyati, dhatave,
dhapayati. From 2ga sing (gal) come the present gayati, the parti-
ciple and gerund gita and gltva, and passive glyate, and the other forms
from ga. From 3 da cut (do) come the present dyati and participle dita
or dina, and the other forms from da. The irregularities of these roots
will be treated below, under the various formations (see especially 761 d ff.).

252. By a process of abbreviation essentially akin with that of ar or
ra to r, the va (usually initial) of a number of roots becomes u, and the
ya of a much smaller number becomes i, in certain verbal forms and deriv-
atives. Thus, from vao come uvaca, ucyasam, uktva, ukta, ukti,
uktha, etc. ; from yaj come iyaja, ijyasam, istva, ista, isti, etc. See
below, under the various formations.

a. To this change is given by European grammarians the name of
samprasarana, by adaptation of a term used in the native grammar.

253. A short a, of root or ending, is not infrequently lost between
consonants in a weakened syllable : thus, in verb-forms, ghnanti, apaptam,
jagrnus, jajnus, ajnata; in noun-forms, rajne, rajni.

254. Union -vowel s. All the simple vowels come to assume in
certain cases the aspect of union-vowels, or insertions between root or stem
and ending of inflection or of derivation.

a. That character belongs oftenest to i, which is very widely used :
1. before the 8 of aorist and future and desiderative stems, as in ajivisam,
jivisyami, jijivisami; 2. in tense-inflection, especially perfect, as jiji-
vima; occasionally also present, as aniti, roditi; 3. in derivation, as
jivita, khanituxn, janitf, rocifnu, etc. etc.

b. Long I is used sometimes instead of short: thus, agrahisam,
grahi§yami; braviti, vavaditi; tarltr, savitf ; it is also often intro-
duced before s and t of the 2d and 3d sing, of verbs: thus, asis, asit.

c. For details respecting these, and the more irregular and sporadic
occurrences of u- and a-vowels in the same character, see below.

Nasal Increment.

255. Both in roots and in endings, a distinction of stronger and
weaker forms is very often made by the presence or absence of a
nasal element, a nasal mute or anusvSra, before a following con-
sonant. In general, the stronger form is donbtless the more original ;
but, in the present condition of the language, the nasal has come in
great measure to seem, and to some extent also to be used, as an ac-
tually strengthening element, introduced under certain conditions in
formative and inflective processes.

87

NASAL INCREMENT.

[-260

a. Examples are, of roots: ac and anc, grath and granth, vid
and vind, da$ and danc,, eras and Brans, drh and drnh: of endings,
bharantam and bharata, manasi and manansi.

256. A final n, whether of stem or of root, is less stable than any
other consonant, where a weaker form is called for: thus, from rajan we
have raja and rajabhis, and in composition raja; from dhanin, dhani
and dhanibhis and dhani; from ]/han we have hatha and hata, etc.
A final radical m is sometimes treated in the same way : thus, from ]/ga,m,
gahi, gatam, gata, gati.

257. Inserted n. On the other hand, the nasal n has come to be
used with great — and, in the later history of the language, with increas-
ing — frequency as a union-consonant, inserted between vowels : thus,
from agnf, agnfna and agninam; from madhu, xnadhunas, nrmdhnrn,
madhuni; from <;iva, 9ivena, givani, c,ivanam.

258. Inserted y. a. After final a of a root, a y is often found as
apparently a mere union-consonant before another vowel : thus, in inflection,
adhayi etc. (844), gayayati etc. (1042), qivayas etc. (363 c), gayati
etc. (76 le); further, in derivation, -gfiya, -yayam, dayaka etc.;
-sthayika; payana, -gayana; dhayas, -hayas; sthayin etc. (many
cases), -hitayin, -tatayin; sthayuka.

b. Other more sporadic cases of inserted y — such as that in the
pronoun- forms ay am, iyam, vayam, yuyam, svayam ; and in optative
inflection before an ending beginning with a vowel (565) — will be point-
ed out below in their connection.

Reduplication.

259. Reduplication of a root (originating doubtless in its com-
plete repetition) has come to be a method of radical increment or
strengthening in various formative processes : namely,

a. in present-stem formation (642 ff.): as dadami, bibharmi;

b. in perfect-stem formation, almost universally (782 ff.): as
tatana, dadb.au, cakara, rireca, lulopa;

c. in aorist-stem formation (856 ff.) : as adidharam, acucyavam ;

d. in intensive and desiderative - stem formation, throughout
(1000 ff., 1026 ff.): as janghanti, johaviti, marmrjyate; pfpasati,
jighansati;

e. in the formation of derivative nonn-stems (1143e): as papri,
carcara, sasabi, cikitu, malimluca.

f. Rules for the treatment of the reduplication in these several cases
will be given in the proper connection below.

260. As, by reason of the strengthening and weakening changes
indicated above, the same root or stem not seldom exhibits, in the
processes of inflection and derivation, varieties of stronger and weaker
form, the distinction and description of these varieties forms an im-
portant part of the subjects hereafter to be treated.

261— ] IV. DECLENSION. 88

CHAPTER IV.

DECLENSION.

261. The general subject of declension includes nouns, adjectives,
and pronouns, all of which are inflected in essentially the same manner.
But while the correspondence of nouns and adjectives is so close that
they cannot well be separated in treatment (chap. V.), the pronouns,
which exhibit many peculiarities, will be best dealt with in a separate
chapter (VII.) ; and the words designating number, or numerals, also
form a class peculiar enough to require to be presented by them-
selves (chap. VI.).

262. Declensional forms show primarily case and num-
ber; but they also indicate gender — since, though the
distinctions of gender are made partly in the stem itself,
they also appear, to no inconsiderable extent, in the chang-
es of inflection.

263. Gender. The genders are three, namely mascu-
line, feminine, and neuter, as in the other older Indo-Euro-
pean languages; and they follow in general the same laws
of distribution as, for example, in Greek and Latin.

a. The only words which show no sign of gender-distinction are the per-
sonal pronouns of the first and second person (491), and the nnmerals
above four (483).

264. Number. The numbers are three — singular,
dual, and plural.

a. A few words are used only in the plural: as daras wife, apas
water; the numeral dva two, is dual only; and, as in other languages,
many words are, by the nature of their use, found to occur only in the
singular.

265. As to the uses of the numbers, it needs only to be remarked
that the dual is (with only very rare and sporadic exceptions) used
strictly in all cases where two objects are logically indicated, whether
directly or by combination of two individuals: thus, Qive te dya-
vappthivi ubhe stam may heaven and earth both be propitious to thee!
daivaih ca manusam ca hotarau vrtva having chosen both the divine
and the human sacrificers; pathor devayanasya pitryanasya ca of
th& two paths leading respectively to the gofo and to the Fathers.

89 CASES. [—288

a. The dual is used alone (without dva two) properly when the
duality of the objects indicated is well understood : thus, acjvmau the two
Afvins ; fndrasya harl Indira's two bays ; but tasya dvav aqvau stah
he has two horses. But now and then the dual stands alone pregnantly:
thus, vedam vedau vedan va one Veda or two or more than two ; eka-
sas^e c,ate two hundred and sixty -one.

266. Case. The cases are (including the vocative) eight:
nominative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, gen-
itive, locative, and vocative.

a. The order in which they are here mentioned is that established for
them by the Hindu grammarians, and accepted from these by Western schol-
ars. The Hindu names of the cases are founded on this order: the nomi-
native is called prathama first, the accusative dvitiya second, the gen-
itive sasthi sixth (so. vibhakti division, i. e. case), etc. The object
sought in the arrangement is simply to set next to one another those cases
which are to a greater or less extent, in one or another number, identical
in form; and, putting the nominative first, as leading case, there is no
other order by which that object could be attained. The vocative is not
considered and named by the native grammarians as a case like the rest;
in this work, it will be given in the singular (where alone it is ever dis-
tinguished from the nominative otherwise than by accent) at the end of the
series of cases.

A compendious statement of the uses of the cases is given in
the following paragraphs:

267. Uses of the jfominative. The nominative is the case
of the subject of the sentence, and of any word qualifying the sub-
ject, whether attributively, in apposition, or as predicate.

268. One or two peculiar constructions call for notice:

a. A predicate nominative, instead of an objective predicate in the
accusative, is used with middle verb-forms that signify regarding or calling
one's self: thus, somam manyate papivan (RV.) he thinks he has been
drinking soma; sa xnanyeta puranavit (AV.) he may regard himself as
wise in ancient things; durgad va aharta VocathSh (MS.) thou hast
claimed to be a savior out of trouble; fndro brahman 6 bruvanah (TS.)
Indra pretending to be a Brahman; katthase satyavadi (R.) thou boast-
est thyself truthful. Similarly with the phrase rupam ky: thus, kysno
rupam krtva (TS.) taking on a black form (i. e. making shape for him-
self as one that is black).

b. A word made by iti (1102) logically predicate to an object is
ordinarily nominative: thus, svargo loka iti yaih vadanti (AV.) what
they call the heavenly world; tam agnistoma ity acaksate (AB.) it
they style agnisjoina; vidarbharajatanayam damayantl 'ti viddhi
mam (MBh.) know me for the Vidarbha-king's daughter, Damayantl by

IV. DECLENSION. 90

name. Both constructions are combined in ajnaih hi balam ity ahuh
pite *ty eva tu mantradain (M.) for to an ignorant man they give the
name of 'child', but that of 'father' to one who imparts the sacred texts.

c. A nominative, instead of a second vocative, is sometimes added to
a vocative by ca and; thus, fndrag ca somam pibatam brhaspate
(RV.) together with Indra, do ye two drink the soma, 0 Brhaspati! viqve
devft yajamana<j ca sidata (TS.) 0 ye AU-Qads, and the sacrificer, take
seats !

269. Uses of the Accusative* The accusative is especially
the case of the direct object of a transitive verb, and of any word
qualifying that object, as attribute or appositive or objective predi-
cate. The construction of the verb is shared, of course, by its par-
ticiples and infinitives ; but also, in Sanskrit, by a number of other
derivatives, having a more or less participial or infinitival character,
and even sometimes by nouns and adjectives. A few prepositions
are accompanied by the accusative. As less direct object, or goal
of motion or action, the accusative is construed especially with verbs
of approach and address. It is found used more adverbially as ad-
junct of place or time or manner; and a host of adverbs are accus-
ative cases in form. Two accusatives are often found as objects of
the same verb.

270. The use of the accusative as direct object of a transitive verb
and of its infinitives and participles hardly needs illustration; an example
or two are: agnfm ide I praise Agni; namo bharantah bringing homage;
bhuyo datum arhasi thou shouidsi give more. Of predicate words quali-
fying the object, an example is tarn ugram krnomi tain brahmanam
(RY.) him I make formidable, him a priest.

271. Of verbal derivatives having so far a participial character that
they share the construction of the verb, the variety is considerable : thus —

a. Derivatives in u from desiderative stems (1038) have wholly the
character of present participles: thus, damayantim abhipsavah (MBh,)
desiring to win Damayanti ; didfkBur janakatmajam (K.) desiring to see
Janaka's daughter. Rarely, also, the verbal noun in & from such a root : thus,
svargam abhikanksaya (R.) with desire of paradise.

b. So-called primary derivatives in in have the same character: thus,
mam kamini (AY.) loving me; enam abhibhasim (MBh.) addressing
him. Even the obviously secondary garbbin has in QB. the same con-
struction -. thus, sarvani bhutani garbhy abhavat he became pregnant
with all beings.

c. Derivatives in aka, in the later language : as, bhavantam abhl-
v&dakah (MBh.) intending to salute you; mithilam avarodhakah (R.)
besieging Mithila.

d. Nouns in tar, very frequently in the older language, and as peri-
phrastic future forms (942 ff.) in the later: thus, hanta yo vrtram

91 USES OP THE ACCUSATIVE. [—273

sanito 'ta vajam data maghani (RV.) who slayeth the dragon, winneth
booty, bestow eth largesses; tan hi 'dam sarvam hartarau (JB.) for they
seize on this universe; tyaktarah saxhyuge pranan (MBh.) risking life
in battle.

e. The root itself, in the older language, used with the value of a
piesent participle at the end of a compound : thus, yam yajnam paribhur
asi (RV.) what offering thou surroundest (protect estj ; ahim apah pari-
sth am (RV.) the dragon confining the waters. Also a superlative of a root-
stem (468, 471): thus, tvam vasu devayate vaniB^hah (RV.) thou
art chief winner of wealth for the pious; ta somam somapatama (RV.)
they two are the greatest drinkers of soma.

f. The derivative in i from the (especially the reduplicated) root, in
the older language : thus, babhrir vajram papih s6maxh dadir gah
(RV.) bearing the thunderbolt, drinking the soma, bestowing feme,- yajnam
atanih (RV.) extending the sacrifice.

g. Derivatives in uka, very frequently in the Brahmana language:
thus, vatsan9 ca ghatuko vfkah (AV.) and the wolf destroys his calves;
veduko vaso bhavati (TS.) he wins a garment; kamuka enam striyo
bhavanti (MS.) the women fall in love with him.

h. Other cases are more sporadic: thus, derivatives in a, as indro
drdha cid arujah (RV.) Indra breaks up even what is fast; nai *va
'rhah paitrkam riktham (M.) by no means entitled to his father's estate;

— in atnu, as vidu cid arujatnubhih (RV.) with the breakers of what-
ever is strong; — in atha, as yajathaya devan (RV.) ta make offering
to the gods; — in ana, as tam nivarane (MBh.) m restraining him;
svamansam iva bhojane (R.) as if in eating one's own flesh; — in
ani, as samatsu turvanih pytanytin (RV.) overcoming foes in combats ,•

— in ti, as na tam dhurtih (RV.) there is no injuring him; — in van,
as apatjcaddaghva 'nnam bhavati (MS.) he does not come short of food;

— in snu, as sthira cin namayisnavah (RV.) bowing even firm
things.

272. Examples of an accusative with an ordinary noun or adjective
are only occasional: such words as anuvrata faithful to, pratirupa
corresponding to, abhidhrsnu daring to cope with, pratyanc opposite to,
may be regarded as taking an accusative in virtue of the preposition they
contain; also anuka, as anuka deva varunam (MS.) the gods are inferior
to Varuna. RV. has tam antarvatih pregnant with him; and AV. has
mam kamena through loving me.

273. The direct construction of cases with prepositions is compara-
tively restricted in Sanskrit (1123 ff.). With the accusative are oftenest
found prati, opposite to, in reference to, etc. ; also anu after, in the course
of; antar or antara between; rarely ati across; abhi against, to; and
others (1129). Case-forms which have assumed a prepositional value are
also often used with the accusative : as antarena, uttarena, daksinena,
avarena, urdhvam, fte.

274—] IV. DECLENSION. 92

274. The accusative is very often found_also as obj^tj^jrarbsjjrMch
in the related languages are not transitive.

a. It stands especially as the goal of motion, with verbs of going,
bringing, sending, and the like: thus, vidarbhan agaman (MBh.) they
went to Vidarbha; divam yayuh (MBh.) they went to heaven; vanagul-
man dhavantah (MBh.) running to woods and bushes: apo divam ud
vahanti (AV.) they carry up waters to the sky; devan yaje (AV.) / make
offering to the gods.

b. With verbs meaning go, this is an extremely common construction ;
and the use of such a verb with an abstract noun makes peculiar phrases
of becoming: thus, samatam eti he goes to equality (i. e. becomes equal);
sa gacched badhyatam mama (MBh.) he shall become liable to be slain
by me; sa pancatvam agatah (H.) he was resolved into the five elements
(underwent dissolution, died).

c. Verbs of speaking follow the same rule : thus, tarn abravlt he
said to him; prakro$ad uccair naiaadham (MBh.) she cried out loudly
to the Nishadhan; yas tvo Vaca (AV.) who spoke to thee.

d. The assumption of an accusative object is exceptionally easy in
Sanskrit, and such an object is often taken by a verb or phrase which is'
strictly of intransitive character: thus, sahasa pra *sy anyan (RV.) in
might thou excellest (lit. art ahead) others ; deva vai brahma sam avad-
anta (MS.) the gods were discussing (lit. were talking together) brahman;
antar val ma yajnad yanti (MS.) surely they are cutting me off (lit.
are going between} from the offering; tarn sam babhuva (£B.) he had
intercourse with her.

275. Examples of the cognate accusative, or accusative of implied
object, are not infrequent : thus, tapas tapyamahe (AV.) we do penance;
te hai 'tarn edhatum edham cakrire (£B.) they prospered with that
prosperity; usitva sukhavasam (R.) abiding happily.

276. The accusative is often used in more adverbial constructions.
Thus:

a. Occasionally, to denote measure of space: thus, yojana^atam
gantum (MBh.) to go a hundred ledgues ; sa^ ucchrito yojanani (MBh.)
six leagues high.

b. Much more oftert, to denote measure or duration of time: thus,
sa samvatsaram urdhvo 'tis^hat (AV.) he stood a year upright; tisro
ratrlr diksitah syat (TS.) let him be consecrated three nights; gatva
trln ahoratran (MBh.) having traveled three complete days.

c. Sometimes, to denote the point of space, or, oftener, of time :
thus, yam asya di9am dasyuh. syat (QB-) whatever region his enemy
may be in; tenai 'tarn ratrim saha " jagama (<^B.) he arrived that
night with him; imam rajanim vyustam (MBh.) this current night.

d. Very often, to denote manner or accompanying circumstance.
Thus, the neuter accusative of innumerable adjectives, simple or compound

93 USES OF THE ACCUSATIVE. [—279

(1111), is used adverbially, while certain kinds of compounds are thus
used to such an extent that the Hindu grammarians have made of them a
special adverbial class (1313).

e. Special cases are occasionally met with : thus, brahmacaryam
uvasa (£B.) he kept a term of studentship ; phalam pacyante (MS.) they
ripen their fruit; gam divyadhvam (MS., S.) gamble for a cow.

277. The accusative is, of course, freely used with other cases to
limit the same verb, as the sense requires. And whenever it is usable
with a verb in two different constructions, the verb may take two accusa-
tives, one in each construction: and such combinations are quite frequent
in Sanskrit. Thus, with verbs of appealing, asking, having recourse: as,
apo yacami bhesajam (RV.) 1 ask the waters for medicine ; tvam aham
satyam icchami (R.) / desire truth fromthee; tvam vayam 9aranam
gatah (MBh.) we have resorted to thee for succor; — with verbs of bring-
ing, sending, following, imparting, saying : as, gurutvam naram nayanti
(H.) they bring a man to respectability; sita ca *nvetu mam vanam
(R.) and let Situ accompany me to the forest; supesasam ma Va syjanty
astam (RV.) they let me go home well adorned ; tarn idam abravit (MBh.)
this he said to her; — and in other less common cases: as, vrksam pa-
kvam phalam dhunuhi (RV.) shake ripe fruit from the tree ; tarn visam
eva 'dhok (AV.) poison he milked from her; jitva rajyam nalam (MBh.)
having won the kingdom from Nala; amusnitam panim gah (RV.) ye
robbed the Pani of the kine; drastum icchavah putram pa9cimadar-
^anam (R.) we wish to see our son for the last time.

a. A causative form of a transitive verb regularly admits two accu-
sative objects : thus, devan t^atah payaya havih (RV.) make the eager
gods drink the oblation; osadhir eva phalam grahayati (MS.) he makes
the plants bear fruit'; vanijo dapayet karan (M.) he should cause the
merchants to pay taxes. But such a causative sometimes takes an instru-
mental instead of a second accusative : see 282 b.

278. Uses of the Instrumental. The instrumental is orig-
inally the with-case : it denotes adjacency, accompaniment, association

- passing over into the expression of means and instrument by the
same transfer of meaning which appears in the English prepositions
with and by.

a. Nearly all the uses of the case are readily deducible from this
fundamental meaning, and show nothing anomalous or difficult.

279. The instrumental is often used to signify accompaniment : thus,
agnfr devebhir a gamat (RV.) may Agni come hither along with the
gods; marudbhi rudram huvema (RV.) we would call Budra with the
Maruts; dvaparena sahayena kva yasyasi (MBh.) whither wilt thou go,
with Dvdpara for companion ? kathayan naisadhena (MBh.) talking with
the Nishadhan. But the relation of simple accompaniment is more often
helped to plainer expression by prepositions (saha etc.: 284).

280—] IV. DECLENSION. 94

280. The instrumental of means or instrument or agent is yet more
frequent: thus, bhadram karnebhih Qr-nuyama (RV.) may we hear
with our ears what is propitious; gastrena nidhanam (MBh.) death by
the sword; kecit padbhyam hata gajaih (MBh.) some were slain by the
elephants with their feet ; prthak panibhy am darbhatarunakair nava-
nltena 'ngusthopakanisthikabhyam aksini ajya (AGS.) anointing
their eyes with fresh butter, by help of the bunches of darbha-^rcras, with
the thumb and ring-finger, using the two hands successively. And this pass-
es easily over into the expression of occasion or reason (for which the abla-
tive is more frequent) : thus, krpaya through pity ; tena satyena in vir-
tue of that truth.

281. Of special applications, the following may be noticed:

a. Accordance, equality, likeness, and the like : thus, samarn jyotih
suryena (AY.) a brightness equal with the sun; yesam aham na
padarajasa tulyah (MBh.) to the dust of whose feet I am not equal.

b. Price (by which obtained) : thus, dagabhih krlnati dhenubhih
(RV.) he buys with ten kine; gavam (jatasahasrena diyatam gabalft
mama (R.) let Cabala be given me for a hundred thousand cows; sa te
'ksahfdayam data raja, Njvahrdayena vai (MBh.) the king will give
thee the secret science of dice in return for that of horses.

c. Medium, and hence also space or distance or road, traversed : thus;
udna na navam anayanta (.RV.) they brought [him] as it were a ship
by water • e 'ha yatam patbibbir devayanaih (R V.) come hither by god-
traveled paths; jagmur vihayaaft (MBh.) they went off through the air.

d. Time passed through, or by the lapse of which anything is brought
about: thus, vidarbhan yatum icchamy ekahna (MBh.) / wish to go
to Vidarbha in the course of one day; te%ca kalena mahata yauvanam
pratipedire (R.) and they in a long time attained adolescence; tatra
kalena jay ante manava dirghajivinah (M.) there in time are born men
long-lived. This use of the instrumental borders upon that of the locative
and ablative.

e. The part of the body on (or by) which anything is borne is usually
expressed by the instrumental: as, kukkurah skandheno Tiyate (H.)
a dog is carried on the shoulder; and this construction is extended to such
cases as tulaya krtam (H.) put on (i. e. so as to be carried fry) a balance.

f. Not infrequent are such phrases as bahuna kim pralapena (R.)
what is the use of (i. e. is gained &y) much talking ? ko nu me jlvitenS
'rthah (MBh.) what object is life to me? nlrujas tu kim ausadhaih
(H.) but what has a well man to do with medicines?

g. An instrumental of accompaniment is occasionally used almost or
quite with the value of an instrumental absolute: thus, na tvaya 'tra
maya Vasthitena ka 'pi cinta karya (Pane.) with me at hand, thou
need'st feel no anxiety whatever on this point.

95 USES OF THE INSTRUMENTAL. [

282. a. The construction of a passive verb (or participle) with an
instrumental of the agent is common from the earliest period, and becomes
decidedly more so later, the passive participle with instrumental taking to
no small extent the place of an active verb with its subject. Thus, yamena
dattah (RV.) given by Yama; ftibhir idyah (RV.) to be prated by sages;
vyadhena jalam vistirnam (H.) by the hunter a net [was] spread; tac
chrutva jaradgaveno 'ktam (H.) Jaradgava, hearing thit, said; maya
gantavyam (H.) / shaU go. A predicate to the instrumental subject of
such a construction is, of course, also in the instrumental: thus, adhunfi
tava 'nucarena maya sarvatha bhavitavyam (H.) henceforth I shall
always be thy companion; avahitair bhavitavyam bhavadbhih (Vikr.)
you must be attentive.

b. A causative verb sometimes takes an instrumental instead of an
accusative as second object: thus, tarn 9vabhih khadayed raja (M.)
the king should have her devoured by dogs; ta varunenft 'grfthayat (MS.)
he caused Varuna to seite them.

283. Many Instrumental constructions are such as call in translation
for other prepositions than with or by; yet the true instrumental relation
is usually to be traced, especially if the etymological sense of the words
be carefully considered.

a. More anomalously, however, the instrumental is used interchange-
ably with the ablative with words signifying separation: thus, vatsafr
viyutah (RV.) separated from their calves; ma *ham Stmana vi radh-
isi (AY.) Ut me not be severed from the breath of life; sa taya vyayuj-
yata (MBh.) he was parted from her; pSpman&i *vft£ 'nam vi punanti
(MS.) they cleanse him from evil (compare English parted with). The
same meaning may he given to the case even when accompanied by saha
with: thus, bhartra saha viyogah (MBh.) separation from her husband.

284. The prepositions taking the instrumental (1127) are those sig-
nifying with and the like : thus, salia, with the adverbial words containing
sa as an element, as aakam, sardham, saratham; — and, in general,
a word compounded with sa, sam, saha takes an instrumental as its regu-
lar and natural complement. But also the preposition vina without
takes sometimes the instrumental (cf. 283 a).

285. Uses of the Dative. The dative is the case of the
indirect object — of that toward or in the direction of or in order
to or for which anything is or is done (either intransitively or to a
direct object).

a. In more physical connections, the uses of the dative approach those
of the accusative (the more proper to-case), and the two are sometimes
interchangeable ; but the general value of the dative as the toward- or for-
case is almost everywhere distinctly to be traced.

286. Thus, the dative is used with —

a. Words signifying give, share out, assign, and the like: thus, yo na
dadati sakhye (RV.) who gives not to a friend ; yaccha 'smai (jarma
(RV.) bestow upon him protection.

286—] IV. DECLENSION. 96

b. Words signifying show, announce, declare, and the like: thus,
dhanur darqaya ramaya (R.) show the bow to Rama; avir ebhyo
abhavat suryah (KV.) the sun was manifested to them; rtuparnam bhi-
maya pratyavedayan (MBh.) they announced Rituparna to Bhima; te-
bhyah prat ij nay a (MBh.) having promised to them.

c. Words signifying give attention, have a regard or feeling, aspire,
and the like : thus, niveqaya mano dadhuh (MBh.) they set their minds
upon encamping; mate Va putrebhyo mrda (AV.) be gracious as a
mother to her sons; kirn asmabhyam hrnlse (RV.) why art thou angry
at us? kamaya spyhayaty atma (Spr.) the soul longs for love.

d. Words signifying please, suit, conduce, and the like : thus, yad-
yad rocate viprebhyah (M.) whatever is pleasing to Brahmans ; tad a-
nantyaya kalpate (KU.) that makes for immortality.

e. Words signifying inclination, obeisance, and the like: thus, mahyam
namantam pradi^a9 catasrah (RV.) let the four quarters bow themselves
to me; devebhyo namaskrtya (MBh.) having paid homage to the gods.

f. Words signifying hurling or casting : as yena dudage asyasi (AV.)
with which thou hurlest at the impious.

g. In some of these constructions the genitive and locative are also
used: see below.

287. In its more distinctive sense, as signifying for, for the benefit
of, with reference to, and the like, the dative is used freely, and in a
great variety of constructions. And this use passes over into that of the
dative of end or purpose, which is extremely common. Thus, {sum krn-
vana asanaya (AV.) making an arrow for hurling; grhnami te sau-
bhagatvaya hastam (RV.) I take thy hand in order to happiness; r astray a
mahyam badhyatam sapatnebhyah parabhuve (AV.) be it bound
on in order to royalty for me, in order to destruction for my enemies.

a. Such a dative is much used predicatively (and oftenest with the
copula omitted), in the sense of makes for, tends toward; also is intended
for, and so must; or is liable to, and so can. Thus, upadego murkhanam
prakopaya na 9antaye (H.) good counsel [tends] to the exasperation,
not the conciliation, of fools ; sa ca tasyah samtosaya na 'bhavat (H.)
and he was not to her satisfaction; sugopa asi na dabhaya (RV.) thou
art a good herdsman, not one for cheating (i. e. not to be cheated).

b. These uses of the dative are in the older language especially illus-
trated by the dative infinitives, for which see 982.

288. The dative is not used with prepositions (1124).

289. Uses of the Ablative. The ablative is the /rom-case,
in the various senses of that preposition; it is used to express re-
moval, separation, distinction, issue, and the like.

290. The ablative is used where expulsion, removal, distinction, re-
lease, defense, and other kindred relations are expressed: thus, t6 sedhanti
patho vfkam (AV.) they drive away the wolf from the path; ma pra

97 USES OF THE ABLATIVE. [—292

gaxna pathah (RV.) may ice not go away from the path; eti va esa
yajnamukhat (MS.) he verily goes away from the face of the sacrifice;
are asmad astu hetih (AV.) far from us be your missile; patam no
vfkat (RV.) save us from the wolf; astabhnad dyam avasrasah (RV.)
he kept (lit. made firm) the sky from falling.

291. The ablative is used where procedure or issue from something
as from a source or starting-point is signified : thus, gukra krsnad aja-
nista (RV.) the bright one has been born from the black one ; lobhat kro-
dhah prabhavati (MBh.) passion arises from greed; vatat te pranam
avidam (AV.) / have won thy life-breath from the wind; ye pracya di<jo
abhidasanty asman (AV.) who attack us from the eastern quarter; tac
chrutva sakhiganat (MBh.) having heard that from the troop of friends;
vayur antariksad abhasata (MBh.) the wind spoke from the sky.

a. Hence also, procedure as from a cause or occasion is signified by
the ablative : this is especially frequent in the later language, and in tech-
nical phraseology is a standing construction; it borders on instrumental
constructions. Thus, vajrasya Qusnad dadara (RV.) from (by reason
of) the fury of the thunderbolt he burst asunder; yasya dandabhayat
sarve dharmaxn anurudhyanti (MBh.) from fear of whose rod all are
constant to duty ; .akarami^ritatvad ekarasya (Tribh.) because e con-
tains an element of a.

b. Very rarely, an ablative has the sense of after : thus, agacchann
ahoratrat tirtham (MBh.) they went to the shrine after a whole day;
takarat sakare takarena (APr.) after t, before s, is inserted t.

292. One or two special applications of the ablative construction are
to be noticed:

a. The ablative with words implying fear (terrified recoil from) : thus,
tasya jatayah sarvam abibhet (AV.) everything was afraid of her at
her birth; yasmad rejanta krstayah (RV.) at whom mortals tremble;
yusmad bhiya (RV.) through fear of you; yasman no 'dvijate lokah
(BhG.) of whom the world is not afraid.

b. The ablative of comparison (distinction from) : thus, pra ririce
diva Indrah prthivyah (RV.) Indra is greater than the heaven and the
earth. With a comparative, or other word used in a kindred way, the abla-
tive is the regular and almost constant construction : thus, svadoh svadi-
yah (RV.) sweeter than the sweet; kim tasmad duhkhataram (MBh.)
what is more painful than that? ko mitrad anyah (H.) who else than a
friend; ga avrnitha mat (AB.) thou hast chosen the kine rather than me;
ajnebhyo granthinah ^restha granthibhyo dharino varah (M.)
possessors of texts are better than ignorant men; rememberers are better than
possessors; tad anyatra tvan nl dadhmasi (AV.) we set this down
elsewhere (away) from thee; purva vi^vasmad bhuvanat (RV.) earlier
than all beings.

c. Occasionally, a probably possessive genitive is used with the com-
parative ; or an instrumental (as in~ a comparison of equality) : thus,

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 7

292— ] IV. DECLENSION. 98

na 'sti dhanyataro mama (R.) there is no one more fortunate than I
(i. e. my superior in fortune) ; putram mama pranair garlyasam (MBh.)
a son dearer than my life.

d. Occasionally, an ablative is used instead of a partitive genitive:
thus, mithunad ekam jaghana (R.) he slew one out of the pair; tebhya
ekam (KSS.) one of them.

293. The ablative is used with a variety of prepositions and words
sharing a prepositional character (1128); but all these have rather an adver-
bial value, as strengthening or defining the /rom-relation, than any proper
governing force. We may notice here:

a. In the Teda, adhi and pari are much used as directing and strength-
ening adjuncts with the ablative: as, jat6 himavatas par! (AY.) born
from the Himalaya (forth); eamudrkd adhi jajftige (AV.) toot* art born
from the ocean; carantam pari tasthusah (BY.) moving forth from that
which stands fast.

b. Also pur a (and puras), in the sense of forward /rom, and hence
before: as, purajarasah (RV.) before old age: and hence also, with words
of protection and the like, from: as qaqamanah pura nidah (RV.) se-
curing from ill-will.

o. Also a, in the sense of hither from, all the way from : as, a mulad
anu QUfyatu (AY.) let it dry completely up from the root; tasmad a
nadyo nama stha (AY.) since that time ye are called rivers. Bat usu-
ally, and especially in the later language, the measurement of interval
implied in a is reversed in direction, and the construction means all the
way to, until: as, yati giribhya a samudrat (BY.) going from the
mountains to the ocean; a 'sya yajnasyo 'dfcah (YS.) until the end of
this sacrifice; & §oda<;at (M.) till the sixteenth year; ft pradanat (£.)
until her marriage.

294. Uses of the [GenUTve] a. The proper value of the
genitive is adjectival ; it belongs to and qualifies a noun, designating
something relating to the latter in a manner which the nature of the
case, or the connection, defines more nearly. Other genitive con-
structions, with adjective or verb or preposition, appear to arise out
of this, by a more or less distinctly traceable connection.

b. The use of the genitive has become much extended, espe-
cially in the later language, by attribution of a noun-character to the
adjective, and by pregnant verbal construction, so that it often bears
the aspect of being a substitute for other cases — as dative, instru-
mental, ablative, locative.

295. The genitive in its normal adjective construction with a noun
01 pronoun is classifiable into the usual varieties : as, genitive of possession
or appurtenance, including the complement of implied relation — this is,
as elsewhere, the commonest of all; the so-called partitive genitive; the
subjective and objective genitives; and so on. Genitives of apposition or

99 USES OF THE GENITIVE. [—297

equivalence (city of Rome), and of characteristic (man of honor), do not
occur, and hardly that of material (house of wood). Examples are : indra-
Bya vajrah Indra's thunderbolt ; pits putranam father of sons ; putrah
pituh son of the father ; pituh kamah putrasya, the father's love of the
son; ke nah which of us; 9 at am dasmam a hundred female slaves.

a. The expression of possession etc. on the part of pronouns la made
almost entirely by the genitive case, and not by a derived possessive ad-
jective (516).

b. Exceptional cases like nagarasya margah the road to the city
(of. le chemin de Paris), yasya Tiarh duta ipsitah (MBh.) as messenger
to whom I am wanted, are occasionally met with.

296. The genitive is dependent on an adjective :

a. A so-called partitive genitive -with a superlative, or another word
of similar substantival value: thus, Qrestham Vfranam best of heroes;
vlrudham viryavatl (AV.) of plants the mighty (mightiest) one.

b. Very often, by a transfer of the possessive genitive from noun to
adjective, the adjective being treated as if it had noun-value: thus, tasya
samah or anurupah or sadrqah resembling him (i. e. his like); tasya
priya dear to him (his dear one); tasya Viditam unknown to him (his
unknown thing'); havyaQ carsamnam (RV.) to be sacrificed to by mortals
(their object of sacrifice") ; ipsito naranarinam (MBh.) desired of men and
women (their object of desire); yasya kasya prasutah (H.) of whom-
soever born (his son); hantavyo 'smi na te (MBh.) / am not to be slain
of thee ; kim arthinam vancayitavyam asti (II.) why should there be
a deceiving of suppliants?

c. In part, by a construction similar to that of verbs which take a
genitive object: thus, abhijna rajadharmanam (R.) understanding the
duties of a king.

297. The genitive as object of a verb is:

a. A possessive genitive of the recipient, by pregnant construction,
with verbs signifying give, impart, communicate, and the like : thus, varan
pradaya 'sya (MBh.) having bestowed gifts upon him (made them his by
bestowal); rajno niveditam (H.) it was made known to the king (made
his by knowledge); yad anyasya pratijnaya punar anyasya dlyate
(M.) that after being promised to one she is given to another. This construc-
tion, by which the genitive becomes substitute for a dative or locative,
abounds in the later language, and is extended sometimes to problematic
and difficult cases.

b. A (in most cases, probably) partitive genitive, as a less complete
or less absolute object than an accusative : thus, with verbs meaning partake
(eat, drink, etc.), as piba sutasya (AV.) drink (of) thesoma; madhvah
payaya (RV.) cause to drink the sweet draught; — with verbs meaning
mpart (of the thing imparted) etc., as dadata no amftasya (RV.) bestow
upon us immortality; — with verbs meaning enjoy, be satisfied or filled

7*

297—] IV. DECLENSION. 100

with: as, matsy andhasah (RV.) do thou enjoy the juice; ajyasya
purayanti (S.) they fill with butter; — with verbs meaning preceive,
note, care for, regard with feeling of Carious kinds : as, vasisthasya stu-
vata indro a9rot (RV.) Indra listened to Vasishtha who was praising him;
yatha mama smarat (AV.) that he may think of me; tasya cukopa
(MBh.) he was angry at him.

c. A genitive of more doubtful character, with verbs meaning rule
or have authority: as, tvam Igise vasunam (RV.) thou art lord of good
things ; yatha *ham esaih virajani (AV.) that I may rule over them ;
katham mrtyuh prabhavati veda^astravidam (M.) how has death
power over those who know the Vedas and treatises?

d. A genitive, instead of an ablative, is sometimes found used with a
verb of receiving of any kind (hearing included), and with one of fearing:
thus, yo rajnah pratigrhnati lubdhasya (M.) whoever accepts a gift
from a greedy king; 9rnu me (MBh.) learn from me; bibhlmas tava
(MBh.) we are afraid of thee.

298. A genitive in its usual possessive sense is often found as predi-
cate, and not seldom with the copula omitted: thus, yatha *so mama
kevalah (AV.) that thou mayest be wholly mine; sarvah sampattayas
tasya samtustam yasya manasam (H.) all good fortunes are his who
has a contented mind; — as objective predicate, bhartuh putram vija-
nanti (M.) they recognise a son as the husband's.

299. a. The prepositional constructions of the genitive (1130) are
for the most part with such prepositions as are really noun-cases and have
the government of such: thus, agre, arthe, krte, and the like; also with
other prepositional words which, in the general looseness of use of the
genitive, have become assimilated to these. A few more real prepositions
take the genitive: either usually, like upari above, or occasionally, like
adhas, antar, ati.

b. A genitive is occasionally used in the older language with an
adverb, either of place or of time: thus, yatra kva ca kuruksetrasya
(£B.) in whatever part of Kuntkshetra; yatra tu bhumer jayeta (MS.)
on what spot of earth he may be born; idanim ahnah (RV.) at this time
of the day; yasya ratryah pratah (MS.) on the mcrn of what night;
dvih samvatsarasya (K.) twice a year. Such expressions as the last
occur also later.

300. a. The genitive is very little used adverbially; a few genitives
of time occur in the older language: as, aktos by night, vastos by day;
and there are found later such cases as kasya cit kalasya (£.) after a
certain time; tatah kalasya mahatah prayayau (11.) then after a long
time he went forth.

b. A genitive, originally of possession, passing over into one of gene-
ral concernment, comes in the later language (the construction is unknown
earlier) to be used absolutely, with an agreeing participle, or quite rarely

101 USES OF THE LOCATIVE. [—302

an adjective. From such cases as the following — pa<jyato bakamurkha-
sya nakulair bhaksitah sutah (H.) of the foolish heron, while he
looked on, the young were eaten by the ichneumons, or gato *rdharatrah
kathah kathayato mama (KSS.) half my night was passed in telling
stories, or kartavyasya karmanah ksipram akriyamanasya kalah
pibati tadrasam (H.) of a work needing to be done but left undone time
quickly drinks up its essence — come into currency, by increasing indepen-
dence of the genitive, such other cases as: divam jagama munmam
pagyatam tada (R.) *he went then to heaven, the ascetics looking on;
evam lalapatas tasya devadutas tada Hbhyetya vakyam aha (MBh.)
as he thus lamented, a divine messenger coming addressed him; iti vadina
eva 'sya dhenur avavrte vanat (Ragh.) while he thus spoke, the cow
came from the forest. The genitive always indicates a living actor, and the
participle is usually one of seeing or hearing or uttering, especially the
former. The construction is said by the Hindu grammarians to convey an
implication of disregard or despite; and such is often to be recognized in
it, though not prevailingly.

301. Uses of the Locative, a. The locative is properly the
w-case, the case expressing situation or location; but its sphere of
use has been somewhat extended, so as to touch and overlap the
boundaries of other cases, for which it seems to be a substitute.

b. Unimportant variations of the sense of in are those of amid
or among, on, and at. Of course, also, situation in time as well as
place is indicated by the case ; and it is applied to yet less physical
relations, to sphere of action and feeling and knowledge, to state of
things, to accompanying circumstance; and out of this last grows
the frequent use of the locative as the case absolute.

c. Moreover, by a pregnant construction, the locative is used
to denote the place of rest or cessation of action or motion (into or
on to instead of in or on ; German in with accusative instead of dative :
compare English there for thither).

302. a. The locative of situation in space hardly needs illustration.
An example or two are : ye deva divi stha (AV.) which of you gods
are in heaven; na devesu na yakse§u tadyk (MBh.) no* amonp gods
or Yakshas is such a orfe ; parvatasya pps^he (RV.) on the ridge of the
mountain; vidathe santu devah (RV.) may the gods be at the assembly;
da<jame pade (MBh.) at the tenth step.

b. The locative of time indicates the point of time at which any-
thing takes place: thus, asya us.aso vyuafSu (RV.) at the shining forth
of this dawn; etasminn eva kale (MBh.) at just that time; dvadac.e
varse (MBh.) in the twelfth year. That the accusative is occasionally used
in this sense, instead of the locative, was pointed out above (276 c).

c. The person with whom, instead of the place at which, one is or
remains is put in the locative : thus, tfsthanty asmin pac>vah (MS.)
animate abide with him; gurau vaaan (M.) living at a teacher's; and,
pregnantly, tavat tvayi bhavisyami (MBh.) so long will I cleave to thee.

303—] IV. DECLENSION. 102

303. The locative of sphere or condition or circumstance is of very
frequent use: thus, made &Mm fndro jaghana (RV.) in fury Indra slew
the dragon; mitrasya sumatau syama (RV.) may we be in the favor of
Mitra; te vacane ratam (MBh.) delighted in thy words.

a. This construction is, on the one hand, generalized into an expres-
sion for in the matter or ease of, or with reference to. respecting, and takes
in the later language a very wide range, touching upon genitive and dative
constructions : thus, e 'mam bhaja grame sujveau gosu (AY.) be gen-
nerous to him in retainers, in horses, in cattle; tarn it sakhitva imahe
(RV.) him we beg for friendship; upayo 'yam maya drsta anayane
tava (MBh.) this means was devised by me for (with reference to) bringing
thee hither; satitve karanam striyah (H.) the cause of (in the case of)
a woman's chastity; na Qakto 'bhavan nivarane (MBh.) he was not
capable of preventing.

b. On the other hand, the expression by the locative of a condition
of things in which anything takes place, or of a conditioning or accompa-
nying circumstance, passes over into a well-marked absolute construction,
which is known even in the earliest stage of the language, but becomes
more frequent later. Transitional examples are: have tva sura udite
have madhyamdine divah (RV.) I call to thee at the arisen sun (when
the sun has risen), I call at midtime of the day; aparadhe krte 'pi ca
na me kopah (MBh.) and even in case of an offense committed, there is
no anger on my part.

C. The normal condition of the absolute construction is with a parti-
ciple accompanying the noun: thus, stlrne barhfs,i samidhane agnau
(RV.) when the barhis is strewn and the fire kindled ; kale qubhe prapte
(MBh.) a propitious time having arrived; avasannayam ratrav astacala-
cudavalambini candramasi (H.) the night having drawn to a close, and
the moon resting on the summit of the western mountain.

d. But the noun may be wanting, or may be replaced by an adverb-
ial substitute (as evam, tatha, iti) : thus, varsati when it rains ; [surye]
astamite after sunset; adityasya dr^yamane (8.) while there is seen
[some part] of t/te sun; ity ardhokte (£.) with these words half uttered;
asmabhih samanujnate (MBh.) it being fully assented to by us; evam
ukte kalina (MBh.) it being thus spoken by Kali; tatha 'nus.thite (H.)
it being thus accomplished. So likewise the participle may be wanting (a
copula sati or the like having to be supplied): thus, dure bhaye the cause
of fear being remote; while, on the other hand, the participle sati etc. is
sometimes redundantly added to the other participle: thus, tatha kyte
sati it being thus done.

e. The locative is frequently used adverbially or prepositionally (1116):
thus, -arthe or -kyte in the matter of, for the sake of; agre in front of;
yte without; samipe near.

304. The pregnant construction by which the locative comes to ex-
press the goal or object of motion or action or feeling exercised is not

to;

USES OF THE LOCATIVE.

r— 307

uncommon from the earliest time. It is by no means to be sharply distin-
guished from the ordinary construction; the two pass into one another,
with a doubtful territory between. It occurs:

a. Especially with verbs, as of arriving, sending, placing, communi-
cating, bestowing, and many others, in situations where an accusative or
a dative (or a genitive, 297 a) might be looked for, and exchangeable with
them : thus, sa f d dev6s.u gacchati (RV.) that, truly, goes to (to be among')
the gods,' ImaTh no yajnam amftesu dhehi (RV.) set this offering of
ours among the immortals,- ya asincanti rasam ogadhlgu (AY.) who
pour in the juice into the plants (or, the juice that is in the plants); ma
prayacche "<jvare lUnftTimn (H.) do not offer wealth to a lord; papata
medinyam (MBh.) he fell to (so as to be upon) the earth; skandhe krtva
(H.) putting on toe shoulder; saxhgrutya purvam asmasu (MBh.) having
before promised us.

b. Often also with nouns and adjectives in similar constructions (the
instances not always easy to separate from those of the locative meaning
with reference to: above, 303 a): thus, daya sarvabhutesu compassion
toward all creatures; anuragam naisadhe (MBh.) affection for the Ni-
shadhan; raja samyag vrttah sada tvayi (MBh.) the king has always
behaved properly toward thee.

305. The prepositions construed with the locative (11 26) stand to it
only in the relation of adverbial elements strengthening and directing its
meaning.

306. Declensional forms are made by the addition of
endings to the stem, or base of inflection.

a. The stem itself, however, in many words and classes
of words, is liable to variation, especially as assuming a
stronger form in some cases and a weaker in others. w>VVf ^

b. And between stem and ending are sometimes inserted
connecting elements (or what, in the recorded condition of
the language, have the aspect of being such).

c. Respecting all these points, the details of treatment, as exhibited
by each class of words or by single words, will be given in the following
chapters. Here, however, it is desirable also to present a brief general view
of them.

307. Endings: Singular, a. In the nominative, the usual
masc. and fern, ending is s — which, however, is wanting in deriv-
ative a and i-stems; it is also euphonically lost (150) by consonant-
stems. Neuters in general have no ending, but show in this case
the bare stem ; a-stems alone add m (as in the accus. masc.). Among
the pronouns, am is a frequent masc. and fern. nom. ending (and is
found even in du. and pi.); and neuters show a form in d.

307—] IV. DECLENSION. 104

b. In the accusative, m or am is the inasc. and fena. ending
— am being added after a consonant and r, and after I and u in the
radical division, and m elsewhere after vowels. The neuter accusative
is like the nominative.

c. The instrumental ending for all genders alike is a. With
final i- and u-vowels, the a is variously combined, and in the older
language it is sometimes lost by contraction with them. Stems in a
make the case end in ena (sometimes ena in V.), and those in a
make it end in aya; but instances occur, in the early language, of
immediate addition of a to both a and a.

d. The dative ending is in general e; and with it likewise the
modes of combination of i and u final are various (and disappearance
by contraction not unknown in the oldest language). The a-stems
are quite irregular in this case, making it end in aya — excepted is
the pronominal element -sma, which combines (apparently) with e to
-sinai. In the personal pronouns is found bhyam (or hyam).

e. A fuller ending ai (like gen.-abl. as and loc. am: see below)
belongs to feminine stems only. It is taken (with interposed y) by
the great class of those in derivative a ; also by those in derivative i,
and (as reckoned in the later language) in derivative u. And later
it is allowed to be taken by feminine stems in radical I and u, and
even by those in i and u: these last have it in the earliest language
in only exceptional instances. For the substitution of Si for abl.-
gen. as, see below, h.

f. The ablative has a special ending, d (or tj, only in a-stems,
masc. and neut., the a being lengthened before it (except in the per-
sonal pronouns of 1st and 2d person, which have the same ending
at in the pi., and even, in the old language, in the dual). Every-
where else, the ablative is identical with the genitive.

g. The genitive of a-stems (and of one pronominal u-stem,
amu) adds sya. Elsewhere, the usual abl.-gen. ending is as; but its
irregularities of treatment in combination with a stem-final are con-
siderable. With i and u, it is either directly added (only in the old
language), added with interposed n, or fused to es and os respect-
ively. With r (or ar) it yields ur (or us: 169b).

h. The fuller as is taken by feminine stems precisely as ai is
taken in the dative: see above. But in the language of the Brah-
manas and Sutras, the dative-ending ai is regularly and commonly used
instead of as, both of ablative and of genitive. See 365 d.

i. The locative ending is i in consonant- and r- and a-stems
(fusing with a to e in the latter;. The i- and u-stems (unless the
final vowel is saved by an interposed n) make the case end in au;
but the Veda has some relics or traces of the older forms (ay-i [?]
and av-i) out of which this appears to have sprung. Vedic locatives

105 CASE-ENDINGS. [—309

from i-stems end also in a and 1. The pronominal element -sma
makes the locative -smin. Stems in an in the older language often
lose the i, and use the bare stem as locative.

j. The ending am is the locative correspondent to dat. Si and
abl.-gen. as, and is taken under the same circumstances: see above.

k. The vocative (unless by accent: 314) is distinguished
from the nominative only in the singular, and not quite always there.
In a- s terns, it is the unaltered stem, and so also in most consonant-
stems; but neuters in an and in may drop the n; and the oldest
language has sometimes a vocative in a from stems in nt and ns.
Stems in r change this to ar. In masc. and fern, i- and u-stems, the
case ends respectively in e and o; in neuters, in the same or in i
and u. Stems in a change a to e ; derivative I and u are shortened ;
radical stems in long vowels use the nominative form.

308. Dual. a. The dual has — except so far as the vocative
is sometimes distinguished from nominative and accusative by a dif-
ference of accent: 314 — only three case-forms: onefornom., accus.,
and voc. ; one for instr., dat., and abl. ; and one for gen. and loc.

b. But the pronouns of 1st and 2d person in the older language
distinguish five dual cases: see 492b.

c. The masc. and fein. ending for nom.-accus.-voc. is in the
later language usually au; but instead of this the Veda has pre-
vailingly a. Stems in a make the case end in e. Stems in i and u,
masc. and fern., lengthen those vowels; and derivative i in the Veda
remains regularly unchanged, though later it adds au. The neuter
ending is only I; with final a this combines to e.

d. The universal ending for the instr. -dat. -abl. is bhyam,
before which final a is made long. In the Veda, it is often to be
read as two syllables, bhiam.

e. The universal ending of gen. -loc. is os; before this, a and
a alike become e fal).

309. Plural, a. In the nominative, the general masculine
and feminine ending is as. The old language, however, often makes
the case in asas instead of as from a-stems, and in a few examples
also from a-stems. From derivative i-stems, Is instead of yas is the
regular and usual Vedic form. Pronominal a-stems make the masc.
nom. in e.

b. The neuter ending (which is accusative also) is in general i;
and before this the final of a stem is apt to be strengthened, by
prolongation of a vowel, or by insertion of a nasal, or by both. But
in the Veda the hence resulting forms in ani, mi, uni are frequently
abbreviated by loss of the ni, and sometimes by further shortening
of the preceding vowel.

309—] IV. DECLENSION. 106

c. The accusative ending is also as in consonant-stems and
in the radical division of I- and u-stems (and in the old language
even elsewhere). Stems in short vowels lengthen those vowels and
add in the masculine n (for ns, of which abundant traces remain),
and in the feminine s. In the neuter, this case is like the nominative.

d. In the instrumental, the case-ending is everywhere bhis
except in a-stems, where in the later language the case always ends
in ais, but in the earlier either in Sis or the more regular ebhis
(abhis in the two personal pronouns; and the pronominal stem a
[501] makes ebhis only).

e. The dative and ablative have in the plural the same
form, with the ending bhyas (in Veda often bhias), before which
only a is altered, becoming e. But the two personal pronouns dis-
tinguish the two cases, having for the ablative the singular ending (as
above pointed out), and for the dative the peculiar bhyam (almost
never in Veda bhiam), which they extend also into the singular.

f. Of the genitive, the universal ending is am; which (except
optionally after radical I and u, and in a few scattering Vedic in-
stances) takes after final vowels an inserted consonant, s in the pro-
nominal declension, n elsewhere; before n, a short vowel is length-
ened; before s, a becomes e. In the Veda, it is frequently to be
pronounced in two syllables, as a-am.

g< The locative ending is su, without any exceptions, and the
only change before it is that of a to e.

h. The vocative, as in the dual, differs from the nominative
only by its accent.

310. The normal scheme of endings, as recognized by
the native grammarians (and conveniently to be assumed as
the basis of special descriptions), is this:

Singular
m. f. n.

N. 8 —

\/ A. am —

I. a

D. e

Ab. as

G. as

L. i

a. It is taken in bulk by the consonantal stems and by the rad-
ical division of i- and u-stems ; by other vowel-stems, with more or
less considerable variations and modifications. The endings which
have almost or quite unbroken range, through stems of all classes,
are bhyam and OB of. the dual, and bhis, bhyas, am, and su of the
plural.

Dual.

Plural.

m. f. n.

IB. f. 11.

au I

as i

au I

as i

bhyam

bhis

bhyam

bhyas

bhyam

bhyas

08

am

08

su

107 STRONG AND WEAK STEM. [—312

311. Variation of Stem. a. By far the most im-
portant matter under this head is the distinction made in
large classes of words (chiefly those ending in consonants)
between strong and weak stem-forms — a distinction
standing in evident connection with the phenomena of accent. -
In the nom. and accus. sing, and du. and the nom. pi.
(the five cases whose endings are never accented: 316 a), M N N
the stem often has a stronger or fuller form than in the
rest: thus, for example (424), ^IsTH^rajan-am, {JslMI rajan
au, JTsTHH^rajan-as, against JTUT rajn-a and
bhis; or (450 b) H<C mH^nahftnt-am and (447)
am against H^rti mahat-S and £R[fTT adat-5. These five,
therefore, are called the cases with strong stem, or, briefly,
the strong cases; and the rest are called the cases with
weak stem, or the weak cases. And the weak cases,
again, are in some classes of words to be distinguished into
cases of weakest stem, or weakest cases, and cases of
middle stem, or middle cases: the former having endings
beginning with a vowel (instr., dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing.;

^C^-* "X^pi

gen.-loc. du. ; gen. pi.); the latter, with a consonant (inst-
dat.-abl. du.; instr., dat.-abl., and loc. pi.).

b. The class of strong cases, as above defined, belongs
only to masculine and feminine stems. In neuter inflection,
the only strong cases are the nom.-acc. pi.; while, in those
, stems that make a distinction of weakest and middle form,
the nom.-acc. du. belongs to the weakest class, and the nom.-
acc. sing, to the middle : thus, for example, compare (408)
pratyaric-i, nom.-acc. pi. neut., and MciNU praty-

anc-as, nom. pi. masc. ; yrftal pratic-i, nom.-acc. du. neut.,
and MrfhllU pratio-os, gen.-loc. du.; ^ru^ti pratyak, nom.-
acc. sing, neut., and MrUfjTO pratyag-bhia, instr. pi.

312. Other variations concern chiefly the final vowel of a stem, and
may be mainly left to be pointed out in detail below. Of consequence

312—] IV. DECLENSION. 108

enough to mention here is only the guna-strengthening of a final i or u,
which in the later language is always made before as of nom. pi. and e
of dat. sing, in masc. and fern. ; in the Veda, it does not always take place ;
nor IB it forbidden in dat. sing. neut. also; and it is seen sometimes in
loc. sing. Final y has guna-strengthening in loc. sing.

313. Insertions between Stem and Ending. After vowel-stems,
an added n often makes its appearance before an ending. This appendage
is of least questionable origin in nom.-acc. pi. neut., where the interchange
in the old language of the forms of a- and i-stems with those of an- and
in-stems is pretty complete; and the u-stems follow their analogy. Else-
where, it is most widely and firmly established in the gen. pi., where in
the great mass of cases, and from the earliest period, the ending is virtu-
ally nam after a vowel. In the i- and u-stems of the later language, the
instr. sing, of masc. and neut. is separated by its presence from the fern.,
and it is in the other weakest cases made a usual distinction of neuter forms
from masculine; bat the aspect of the matter in the Veda is very different:
there the appearance of the n is everywhere sporadic; the neuter shows no
special inclination to take it, and it is not excluded even from the femi-
nine. In the ending ena from a-stems (later invariable, earlier predomi-
nating) its presence appears to have worked the most considerable trans-
formation of original shape.

a. The place of n before gen. pi. am is taken by a in pronominal
a- and a-stems.

b. The y after a before the endings ai, as, and am is most proba-
bly an insertion, such as is made elsewhere (258).

Accent in Declension.

314. a. As a rule without exception, the vocative, if accented
at all, is accented on the first syllable.

b. And in the Veda (the case is a rare one), whenever a syllable written
as one is to be pronounced as two by restoration of a semivowel to vowel
form, the first element only has the vocative accent, and the syllable as
written is circumflex (83 — 4): thus, dyaus (i. e. diaus) when dissyllabic,
but dyaus when monosyllabic; jyake when for jiake.

c. But the vocative is accented only when it stands at the be-
ginning of a sentence — or, in verse, at the beginning also of a met-
rical division or pada; elsewhere it is accentless or enclitic: thus,
agne y&m yajnam paribhur asi (RV.) O Agnil whatever offering
thou protectest; but upa tvS 'gna e 'masi (RV.) unto thee, Agni, we
come,

d. A word, or more than one word, qualifying a vocative — usually
an adjective or appositive noun, but sometimes a dependent noun in the
genitive (very rarely in any other case) — constitutes, so far as accent is

109

ACCENT.

[—316

concerned, a unity with the vocative: thus (all the examples from RV.),
at the beginning of a pada, with first syllable of the combination accented,
indra bhratah 0 brother Jndra! raj an sozna 0 king Soma! yavistha
duta most youthful messenger! hotar yavif^ha sukrato most youthful
skilled offerer! urjo napat sahasvan mighty son of strength! — ir the
interior of a pada, without accent, somasa indra girvanah the somas,
0 song-loving Indra! tav a9vina bhadrahasta supani ye, O Acvins
of propitious and beautiful hands! a rajana maha rtasya gopa hither,
ye two kingly guardians of great order!

e. On the other hand, two or more independent or coordinate voca-
tives at the beginning of a pada are regularly and usually both accented:
thus, pftar matah 0 father! 0 mother! agna indra varuna mitra
devah Agni! Jndra! Varuna! Mitra! gods! cjatamute (jatakrato thou of
a hundred aids! of a hundred arts! vasistha Qukra didivah pavaka
best, bright, shining, cleansing one! urjo napad bhadraqoce son of strength,
propitiously bright one ! But the texts offer occasional irregular exceptions
both to this and to the preceding rule.

f. For brevity, the vocative dual and plural will be given in the par-
adigms below along with the nominative, without taking the trouble to
specify in each instance that, if the latter be accented elsewhere than on
the first syllable, the accent of the vocative is different.

315. As regards the other cases, rules for change of accent in
declension have to do only with monosyllables and with stems of
more than one syllable which are accented on the final ; for, if a stem
be accented on the penult, or any other syllable further back — as
in sarpant, vari, bhagavant, sumanas, sahasravaja — the accent
remains upon that syllable through the whole inflection (except in the
vocative, as explained in the preceding paragraph).

a. The only exceptions are a few numeral stems : see 483.

316. Stems accented on the final (including monosyllables) are
subject to variation of accent in declension chiefly in virtue of the
fact that some of the endings have, while others have not, or have
in less degree, a tendency themselves to taka the accent. Thus:

a. The endings of the nominative and accusative singular and dual
and of the nominative plural (that is to say, of the strong cases: 311) have
no tendency to take the accent away from the stem, and are therefore only
accented when a final vowel of the stem and the vowel of the ending are
blended together into a single vowel or diphthong. Thus, from datta come
dattaii (= datta-hau) and dattas (= datta+as); but from nadi come
nadyau (= nadi+au) and nadyas (= nadi -f- as).

b. All the other endings sometimes take the accent; but those beginning
with a vowel (i. e. of the weakest cases: 311) do so more readily than
those beginning with a consonant (i. e. of the middle cases: 311). Thus,
from naus come nava and naubhis; from mahant, however, come
mahata but mahadbhis.

317—] IV- DECLENSION. 110

The general rules of accent, then, may be thus stated :
317. In the declension of monosyllabic stems, the accent falls
upon the ending in all the weak cases (without distinction of middle
and weakest): thus, nava, naubhyam, navam, nausu; vaci, vagbhis,
vacam, vaksu.

a. But some monosyllabic stems retain the accent throughout: thus,
gobhis, gavam, gosu. For such cases, see below, 350, 361 c, d, 372,
300, 427. And in the ace. pi. the stem is even oftener accented than
the ending, some words also admitting either accentuation.

318. Of polysyllabic stems ending in consonants, only a few shift
the accent to the ending, and that in the weakest (not the middle]
cases. Such are:

a. Present participles in ant or at : thus, from tudant, tudata and
tudatos and tudatam; but tudadbhyam and tudatsu.

b. A few adjectives having the form of such participles, as mahata,
brhatas.

c. Stems of which the accented final loses its syllabic character by syn-
copation of the vowel: thus, majjna, murdhne, damnas (from majjan
etc.: 423).

d. Other sporadic cases will be noticed under the different declensions.

e. Case-forms used adverbially sometimes show a changed accent:
see lllOff.

319. Of polysyllabic stems ending in accented short vowels,
the final of the stem retains the accent if it retains its syllabic
identity: thus, dattena and dattaya from datta; agnina and agnaye
from agni; and also dattebhyas, agnibhis, and so on. Otherwise,
the accent is on the ending: and that, whether the final and the end-
ing are combined into one, as in dattafs, dhenau, agnin, ^henus,
and so on; or whether the final is changed into a semivowel before
the ending: thus, dhenva, pitra, jamyos, bahvos, etc.

a. But am of the gen. pi. from stems in { and u and p may, and
in the older language always does, take the accent, though separated by n
from the stem: thus, agnlnam, dhenunam, pitrnam. In RV., even
derivative i-stems show usually the same shift: thus, bahvlnam. Of
stems in a, only numeral* (483 a) follow this rule: thus, saptanam,
dacjanam.

320. Root-words in I and u as final members of compounds retain the
accent throughout, not shifting it to any of the endings. And in the older
language there are polysyllabic words in long final vowels which follow in
this respect as in others the analogy of the root- declension (below, 355 ft'.).
Apart from these, the treatment of stems in derivative long vowels is, as
regards accent, the same as of those in short vowels — save that the tone
is not thrown forward upon the ending in gen. plural.

Ill

CLASSIFICATION.

[-323

CHAPTER V.

NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

321. a. THE accordance in inflection of substantive
and adjective stems is so complete that the two cannot be
separated in treatment from one another.

b. They may be classified, for convenience of descrip-
tion, as follows:

I. Stems in 3 a;
II. Stems in ^ i and 3 u;

III. Stems in ETT a, ^ I, and 3T ft: namely, A. radical-
stems (and a few others inflected like them); B. derivative
stems;

IV. Stems in ff y (or ^ ar) ; 3fo9
V. Stems in consonants. ^^ 9^

c. There is nothing absolute in this classification and arrangement;
it is merely believed to be open to as few objections as any other. No
general agreement has been reached among scholars as to the number and
order of Sanskrit declensions. The stems in a are here treated first because
of the great predominance of the class.

322. The division-line between substantive and adjective, always
an uncertain one in early Indo-European language, is even more
wavering in Sanskrit than elsewhere. There are, however, in all the
declensions as divided above — unless we except the stems in r or
ar — words which are distinctly adjectives ; and, in general, they
are inflected precisely like noun-stems of the same final : only, among
consonant-stems, there are certain sub-classes of adjective stems with
peculiarities of inflection to which there is among nouns nothing cor-
responding. But there are also two considerable classes of adjective-
compounds, requiring special notice: namely —

323. Compound adjectives having as final member a bare verbal
root, with the value of a present participle (383 a ff.) : thus, su-dyg well-
looking; pra-biidh foreknowing ; a-druh not hating; veda-vid Veda-
knowing; vrtra-han, Vritra-slaying ; upastha-sad sitting in the lap.
Every root is liable to be used in this way, and such compounds are
not infrequent in all ages of the language : see chapter on Compounds,
below (1269].

323—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 112

a. This class is essentially only a special class of compound adjec-
tives, since in the earliest Veda the simple as well as the compounded
root was sometimes used adjectively. But the compounded root was from the
beginning much more often so used, and the later the more exclusively,
so that practically the class is a separate and important one.

324. Compound adjectives having a noun as final member, but
obtaining an adjective sense secondarily, by having the idea of
possession added, and being inflected as adjectives in the three gen-
ders (1293ff.). Thus, prajakama desire of progeny, whence the ad-
jective prajakama, meaning desirous (i. e. having desire) of progeny ;
sabharya (sa-j-bharyS) having one's wife along; and so on.

a. In a few cases, also, the final noun is syntactically object of the
preceding member (1309-10): thus, atimatra immoderate (ati matram
beyond measure); yavayaddvesas driving away enemies.

325. Hence, under each declension, we have to notice how a
root or a noun-stem of that declension is inflected when final member
of an adjective compound.

a. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked here that a root-
word ending a compound has the accent, but (320) loses the pecu-
liarity of monosyllabic accentuation, and does not throw the tone
forward upon the ending (except anc in certain old forms: 410).

Declension I.

Stems (masculine and neuter) in % a.

326. a. This declension contains the majority of all
the declined stems of the language.

b: Its endings deviate more widely than any others
from the normal.

327. Endings: SingulaTT a. The nom. masc. has the normal
ending s.

b. The ace. (masc. and neut) adds m (not am); and this form has
the office also of nom. neuter.

c. The instr. changes a to ena uniformly in the later language; and
even in the oldest Vedic this is the predominant ending (in KV., eight
ninths of all cases). Its final is in Vedic verse frequently made long (ena).
But the normal ending a — thus, yajna, suhava, rnahitva (for yajnena
etc.) — is also not rare in the Veda.

d. The dat. has aya (as if by adding aya to a), alike in all ages
of the language.

e. The abl. has t ^or doubtless d: it is impossible from, the evi-
dence of the Sanskrit to tell which is the original form of the ending),

113 DECLENSION I., E-STEMS. [

before which a is made long : this ending is found in no other noun-de-
clension, and elsewhere only in the personal pronouns (of all numbers).

f. The gen. has sya added to the final a; and this ending is also
limited to a-stems (with the single exception of the pronoun amusya:
501). Its final a is in only three cases made long in the Veda; and its
y is Tocalized (asia) almost as rarely.

g. The loc. ends in e (as if by combining the normal ending i with
the final of the stem), without exception.

h. The voc. is the bare stem.

328. Dual-* a. The dual endings in general are the normal ones.
V^"™ ™**

b. The nom., ace,, and voc. masc. end in the later language always in

&u. In the Veda, however, the usual ending is simple ft (in RV., in
seven eighths of the occurrences). The same cases in the nent. end in e,
which appears to be the result of fusion of the stem-final with the normal
ending i.

c. The instr., dat., and abl. have bhyam (in only one or two Vedic
instances resolved into bhiam), with the stem-final lengthened to a before it.

d. The gen. and loc. have a y inserted after the stem-final before os
(or as if the a had been changed to e). In one or two (doubtful) Vedic
instances (as also in the pronominal forms enos and yos), os is substi-
tuted for the final a.

329. Plural, a. The nom. masc. has in the later language the
normal ending as combined with the final a to as. But in the Veda the
ending asas instead is frequent (one third of the occurrences in RV., but
only one twenty-fifth in the peculiar parts of AV.).

b. The ace. masc. ends in an (for earlier (^n§£/of which abundant
traces are left in the Veda, and, under the disguise of apparent euphonic
combination, even in the later language : see above, 208 ff.).

c. The nom. and ace. neut. have in the later language always the
ending ani (like the an-s terns : see 421 ; or else with n, as in the gen.
pl.T before normal i). But in the Veda this ending alternates with simple
a (which in RV. is to ani as three to two, in point of frequency; in AV.,
as three to four).

d. The instr. ends later always in ais; but in the Veda is found
abundantly the more normal form ebhis (in RV., nearly as frequent as ais;
in AV., only one fifth as frequent).

e. The dat. and abl. have bhyas as ending, with e instead of the
final a before it (as in the Vedic instr. ebhis, the loc. pi., the gen. loc.
du. [?], and the instr. sing.). The resolution into ebhias is not infrequent
in the Veda.

f. The gen. ends in anam, the final a being lengthened and having
n inserted before the normal ending. The a of the ending is not seldom
(in less than half the instances) to be read as two syllables, aam : opinions
are divided as to whether the resolution is historical or metrical only. A

Whitney , Grammar. 2. «d. 8

829-]

V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

114

o — wv

(4 ^ / e.

kamaa

kamam

kamena

kamat

kamasya

3if*t

kame

devam

devena

~^cM*4

devaya

^ncj^

devat
devasya
deve
deva

kamau

.

kamabhyaxn

. L.

kamayos
Plural :

devau

^n^TFT^
devabhyam

^JlH^

devayos

N.V.

kamas

very small number (half-a-dozen) of examples of simple am as ending
instead of anam occur in BY.

g. The loc. ends in esu — that is to say, with the normal ending,
before which the stem-final is changed to e (with consequent change of
s to a: 180).

h. Of accent, in this declension, nothing requires to be said; the
syllable accented in the stem retains its own accent throughout.

330. Examples of declension. As examples of the
inflection of a- stems may be taken 3TPT kima m. love;
deva m. god; MIHI 5sya n. mouth.
Singular :(\/tf

N.

A.

!>•

Ab.

G.

V.

kama
Dual:

N.A.V.

LD.Ab.

asyam

*5UH4H^

aayam

•N

asyena

yi*-UMJ
asyaya

aayat
asyasya
asye
asya

asyabhyam

^It-tltHH^

asyayos

devas

aayani

115

DECLENSION L, E-STEMS.

[—332

kaman

devan

asyani

kamais

devafs

asyais

kamebhyas devebhyas asyebhyas

oftlHMlH <^e(H|i| 44IH1MIH

kamanam devanam asyanam

A.

I.

D. Ab.

G.

kamesu devesu aayesu

Examples of the peculiar Vedic forms are:

a. Sing.: instr. ravathena, yajna (such genitive forms as axjvasia
are purely sporadic).

b. Du. : nom. etc. masc. deva; gen.-loc. pastyos (stem pastya).

c. PL: nom.-voc. masc. devasas; neut. yuga; instr. devebhis; gen.
caratham, devanaam.

331. Among nouns, there are no irregularities in this declension.
For irregular numeral bases in a (or an), see 483-4. For the irreg-
ularities of pronominal stems in a, which are more or less fully
shared also by a few adjectives of pronominal kindred, see the
chapter on Pronouns (496 ff.).

Adjectives.

332. Original adjectives in a are an exceedingly large class,
the great majority of all adjectives. There is, however, no such
thing as a feminine stem in a; for the feminine, the a is changed to
a — or often, though far less often, to I; and its declension is then
like that of eena or devi (364). An example of the complete de-
clension of an adjective a- stem in the three genders will be given
below (368).

a. Whether a maso.-neot. stem in a shall form its feminine in ft or in
I is a question to be determined in great part only by actual usage, and
not by grammatical rule. Certain important classes of words, however, can
be pointed out which take the less common ending I for the feminine: thus,
1. the (very numerous) secondary derivatives in a with vrddhi of the first
syllable (1204): e. g. fimitra -til, manusa -si, pavamfina -ni, paur-
namasa -si; 2. primary derivatives in ana with, accent on the radical syl-
lable (1150): e. g. codana -ni, samgrahana -ni, subhagamkarana -ni;
3. primary derivatives in a, with strengthening of the radical syllable, hav-
ing a quasi-participial meaning: e. g. divakara -ri, avakrama -mi,

8*

332—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 116

rathavaha -hi (but there are many exceptions); 4. secondary derivatives
in maya (1225) and tana (1246 e): e. g. ayasmaya -yi; adyatana
-ni; 5. most ordinal numerals (487 h): e. g. pancama -ml, navadac,a
-9!, tringattama -mi. Not a few words make the feminine in either a
or I: e. g. kevala or -II, ugra or -rl, papa or -pi, rama or -mi; but
ordinarily only one of these is accepted as regular.

333. There are no verbal roots ending in a. But a is some-
times substituted for the final a of a root (and, rarely, for final an),
and it is then inflected like an ordinary adjective in a (see below, 354).

334. a. A noun ending in a, when occurring as final member
of an adjective compound, is inflected like an original adjective in a,
making its feminine likewise in a or I (367).

b. For the most part, an adjective compound having a noun in a as
final member makes its feminine in a. But there are numerous exceptions,
certain nouns taking, usually or always, I instead. Some of the commonest
of these are as follows : aksa eye (e. g. lohitaksi, dvyaksi, gavaksl),
parna leaf (e. g. tilaparni, sap tap arm; but ekaparna), mukha face
(e. g. krsnamukhi, durmukhi; but trimukha etc.), anga limb, body
(e. g. anavadyangi, sarvangi; but caturanga etc.), keQa hair (e. g.
sukec,i, muktake?! or -93, etc.), karna, ear (e. g. mahakarni; but
gokarna etc.), udara belly (e. g. lambodan), mula root (e. g. pan-
camuli; but oftener 9atamula etc.). The very great majority of such
nouns (as the examples indicate) signify parts of the body.

c. On the other hand, a feminine noun ending in derivative a
shortens its final to a to form a masculine and neuter base: see 367 c.

d. In frequent cases, nouns of consonant ending are, as finals of com-
pounds, transferred to the a-declension by an added suffix a (1209 a) or
ka (1222).

Declension II.

Stems (of all genders) in ^ i and 3 u.

335. The stems in ^ i and 3 u are inflected in so close
accordance with one another that they cannot be divided
into two separate declensions. They are of all the three
genders, and tolerably numerous — those in ^ i more
numerous than those in 3 u, especially in the feminine
(there are more neuters in 3 u than in ^ i).

a. The endings of this declension also differ frequently and
widely from the normal, and the irregularities in the older language
are numerous.

117

DECLENSION II., i- AND U-STEMS.

[—336

336. Endings: Singular, a. The nom. masc. and fern, adds to the
stem the normal ending 8. The nom. and ace. neut. is the bare stem,
without ending. In the Veda, the final u of a few neuters is lengthened
(248 b): thus, uru, puru.

b. The ace. masc. and fern, adds m to the stem. Vedic forms in lam
and uam, and, with n, inam and unam, are excessively rare, and doubtful.

c. The instr. fern, in the later language takes the normal ending ft
simply, while the masc. and neut. insert n before it, making ina and una.
But in the Veda, forms in ya and va (or ia and ua) are not infrequent
in masc. and neut. also; while ina is found, very rarely, as a fern, ending.
Moreover, fern, ya is often (in two thirds of the occurrences) contracted to
1; and this is even sometimes shortened to i. An adverbial instr. in uya
from half-a-dozen stems in u occurs.

d. The dat. masc. and fern, gunates the final of the stem before the
ending e, making aye and ave. These are the prevailing endings in the
Veda likewise; but the more normal ye and ve (or ue) also occur; and
the fern, has in this case, as in the instr., sometimes the form I for ie.
In the later language, the neuter is required in this, as in all the other
weakest cases, to insert n before the normal ending: but in the Veda
such forms are only sporadic; and the neut. dat. has also the forms aye*
ve, ave, like the other genders.

e. The abl. and gen. masc. and fern, have regularly, both earlier and
.later, the ending s with gunated vowel before it: thus, 68, OB; and in
the Veda, the neut. forms the cases in the same way; although Unas, re-
quired later, is also not infrequent (mas does not occur). But the normal
forms yas (or ias) and vas (or uas) are also frequent in both masc. and
neuter. As masc. ending, unas occurs twice in RV. The anomalous
didyot (soTS.; in the corresponding passages, vidyotVS., didyaut K.,
didivas MS.) is of doubtful character.

f. The loc. masc. and fern, has for regular ending in the later lan-
guage Su, replacing both finals, i and u. And this is in the Veda also the
most frequent ending ; but, beside it, the i-stems form (about half as often
in RV.) their loc. in a: thus, agna; and this is found once even in the
neuter. The RV. has a number of examples of masc. and neut. locatives
in avi (the normal ending and the u gunated before it) from u-stems;
and certain doubtful traces of a corresponding ayi from i-stems. Half-a-
dozen locatives in i (regarded by the Vedic grammarians as pragrhya or
uncombinable : 138d) are made from i-stems. The later language makes
the neuter locatives in ini and uni; but the former never occurs in the
oldest texts, and the latter only very rarely.

g. The later grammar allows the dat., abl.-gen., and loc. fern, to be
formed at will with the fuller fern, terminations of long-vowel stems, namely
ai, as (for which, in Brahmana etc., Si is substituted: 307 h), am. Such
forms are quite rare in the oldest language even from i-stems (less than
40 occurrences altogether in RV. ; three times as many in AV.); and from
u-stems they are almost unknown (five in RV. and AV.).

336—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

h. The voc. gunates the final of the stem, in masc. and fern., alike
in the earlier and in the later language. In the neut., it is later allowed
to be either of the same form or the unaltered stem; and this was probably
the usage in the older time also; not instances enough are quotable to de-
termine the question (AV. has u once, and VS. o once).

337. Dual. a. The later and earlier language agree in making the
nom.- ace. -voc. masc. and fern, by lengthening the final of the stem. The
same cases in the neuter (according to the rule given above) end later in
in! and uni; but these endings are nearly unknown in the Veda (as, indeed,
the cases are of only rare occurrence): AV. has inl twice (RV. perhaps
once); VS. has uni once; RV. has ui from one u-stem, and I, once short-
ened to i, from one or two i-stems.

b. The unvarying ending of instr.-dat.-abl., in all genders, is bhyam
added to the unchanged stem.

c. The gen.-loc. of all ages adds os to the stem in masc. and fern.;
in neut., the later language interposes, as elsewhere in the weakest cases,
a n; probably in the earlier Vedic the form would be like that of the other
genders; but the only occurrence noted is one unos in AV.

338. Plural, a. The nom.-voc. masc. and fern, adds the normal end-
ing as to the gunated stem-final, making ayas and avas. The exceptions
in the Veda are very few: one word (ari) has ias in both genders, and a
few feminines have Is (like i-stems); a very few u-stems have uas. The
neut. nom.-acc. ends later in ini and uni (like 5ni from a: 329 c); but the
Veda has I and i (about equally frequent) much oftener than ini; and ti
and (more usually) u, more than half as often as uni.

b. The accus. masc. ends in In and un, for older Ins and tins, of
which plain traces remain in the Veda in nearly half the instances of occur-
rence, and even not infrequently in the later language, in the guise of pho-
netic combination (208 ff.). The accus. fern, ends in Is and us. But both
maac. and fern, forms in ias and uas are found sparingly in the Veda.

c. The inst. of all genders adds bhis to the stem.

d. The dat.-abl. of all genders adds bhyas (in V., almost never
bhias) to the stem.

e. The gen. of all genders is made alike in Inam and unam (of
which the ft is not seldom, in the Veda, to be resolved into aam). Stems
with accented final in the later language may, and in the earlier always
do, throw forward the accent upon the ending.

f. The loc. of all genders adds su (as su: 180) to the stem-final.

g. The accent is in accordance with the general rules already
laid down, and there are no irregularities calling for special notice.

880. Examples of declension. As models of i-stems
may be taken qft agni m. fire; Jlfo gati f. gait;
vSri n. water.

N.

A.

i.

D.

Ab. G.

I *-*> €
L.

V.

Dual:
N. A. V.

LD.Ab.
G.L.

agnau
agne

agni

agnyos

JPlural :

N.V.

A.

I.

D. Ab.

G.

agnayas

•x
agnin

EfftPTH^

agnibhis

t4fi4*-UH
agnibhyas

tJifillH^
agninam

o
agnisu

119 DECLENSION II., i- AND U-STEMS.

Singular :

^liJH JiiriH

agnfs gatis

^ii4H^ JlfHH^

agnim gatim

agnina gatya

agnaye

TOH^

agnes

gataye, gatyai

JTHTT^ JlrCRH^

gates, gatyas

JTm, JirtiiH

gatau, gatyam

•^

gite

agnibhy&m gatibhyam

gatyos

g&tayas

gatis

g&tibhis

gatibhyas

gatinam

g&tisu

[—339

YN

vaxi

vari

varinfi

varine

varinas

varini

srrf^, sn^

vari, vare

varini

^ri^Ti

varibhyam

NlffuTlH^
varinos

varini

snfrt&i

varini
varibhis

•v

varibhyas

•s

varinam

varisu

340—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 120

340. In order to mark more plainly the absence in Vedic language
of some of the forms which are common later, all the forms of Vedic occur-
rence are added below, and in the order of their frequency.

a. Singular. Nona, agnfs etc., as above.

b. Ace.: masc. agmm, yayiam, urmmam(?) ; fern, and nent. as
above.

0. Instr.: mas<\ agnina, rayya and urmia; fern, acitti, utia,
matya, suvpktf, dhasma; neut. wanting.

d. Dat. : masc. agnaye; fern, tujaye, uti, turyai; neut. 9ucaye.

e. Gen.-abl. : masc. agnes, avyas, arias ; fern, adites, hetyas and
bhumias; neut. bhiires.

f. Loc. : masc. agnau, agna, ajayi(Y); fern, agatau, udita, dha-
nasatayi(?), vedi, bhumyam; neut. aprata, saptara9mau.

g. Voc.: as above (neut. wanting).

h. Dual. Nom.-acc.-voc.: masc. hari; fern, yuvati; neut. QUCI,
mahi, hari^IC?).

1. Instr.-dat.-abl.: as above.

j. Gen.-loc.: masc. harios; fern, yuvatyos and jaxnioa; neut. wanting.
k. Plural. Norn.: masc. agnayas; fern, mat&yas, bhumls; neut.
9uci, bhuri, bhurlni.

1. Accus.: masc. agnin; fern, ksitis, 9ucayas(?).

m. Instr., dat.-abl., and loc., as above.

n. Gen.: masc. fern, kavinam, rsinaam etc. (neut wanting).

341. As models of u-stems may be taken IflTSr 9atru
m. enemy; ?R dhenii f. cow; ?Tg madhu n. honey.

Singular : \\\ , \f\ .

N.

9atrus dhenua madhu

^r^R WT W

O "s. O -v. O

(jatrum dhenum madhu

^i^un U^T ^T^FIT

o o

9atruna dhenva madhuna

5T5R 5^,*^ 3T^R

o

9&trave dhenave, dhenvai madhune

. G.

qatros dhenos, dhenvas madhunas

9&trau dhenau, dhenvam madhuni

srwr 9% R^I, w

o
catro dheno madhu, madho

121

DECLENSION II., i- AND U-STEMS.

[—342

Dual:

N. A. V.

I. D. Ab.

G.L.

9atru

dhenu

9atrubhyam dhenubhyam

9atrvos

dhenvos

madhunl

^T^T^?TT^T

madhubhyam

madhunoa

Plural :

N.V.

A.

D. Ab.

G.

L.

9atravas

5T5R

<jatrun

"s

dhenavas

<rs

madhuni

dhentls

madhuni

cjatrubhis

dhenubhis

madhubhis

9atrubhyas dhenubhyas

madhubhyas

9&trunam

dhenunam

9atrusu

"35

madhusu

dhenusu

342. The forms of Vedic occurrence are given here for the u-stems
in the same manner as for the i-stems above.

a. Singular. Nom.: masc. and fern, as above; neut. urii, uru.

b. Accus. : masc. ketum, abhiruam, sucetunam(?); fern, dhenum.

c. Instr.: masc. ketuna, pa^va and kratua; fern, adhenua and
panva, &9uya; neut. madhuna, madhva.

d. Dat: masc. ketave, 9i9ve; fern. 9&rave, fsvai; neut. pa9ve(?),
urave, madhune.

e. Abl.-gen.: masc. manyos, pitvas, carunas; fern, sindhos,
isvaa; neut madhvas and madhuas, madhoa, madhunaa.

f. Loc.: masc. purftu, sunavi; fern, sfndhau, rdjjvam; neut
sanau, sanavi, aano, sanuni.

g. Voc.: as above.

h. Dual. Nom.-acc.-voc.: masc. and fern, as above; neut. urvi,
januni.

i. Instr.-dat.-abl.: as above.

j. Gen.-loc. : as above (but vos or uos).

k. Plural. Nom.: masc. rbhavas, madhuas and madhvas; fern,
dhenavad, 9atakratvas; neut. puruni, puru, puru.

342—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 122

1. Accus.: masc. j-tun, paxjvas; fern, {BUS, madhvas.
m. Instr., dat-abl., and loc., as above; also gen. (but with the reso-
lution iinaam in part).

343. Irregular declension. There are no irregular u-stems,
and only a very few i-stems.

a. Sakhi m. friend has for the five strong cases a peculiarly
strengthened base (vriddhied), namely sakhay, which in the nom.
sing, is reduced to sakhft (without ending), and in the other cases
takes the normal endings. The instr. and dat. sing, have the normal
endings simply, without inserted n or guna; the abl.-gen. sing, adds
us; and the loc. sing, adds au: the rest is like agni. Thus:

Sing, sakha, aakhSyam, aakhyft, aakhye, sakhyus, sakhyftu,
sakhe; Do. sakhayau, sakhibhyam, sakhyos; PI. sakhayas, sakhln,
etc. etc.

b. The Veda has usually sakhay a du., and often resolves the y to
i, in sakhia, sakhius, etc. The compounds are usually declined like
the simple word, unless (131 5 b) sakha be substituted.

c. There is a corresponding fern., sakhi (declined like devi: 364);
but the forms of sakhi are also sometimes found used with feminine value.

s — ^ ^*\

<VP&t£/tn. is declined regularly in composition, and when it has

the mewing lord, master; when un compounded and when meaning
husband, it is inflected like sakhi in the instr., dat., abl.-gen., and
loc. sing., forming patya, patye, patyus, patyfiu. There are occasional
instances of confusion of the two classes of forms.

e. For pati as final member of a possessive compound is regularly
and usually substituted patni in the fern.: thus, jlvapatni having a living
husband; dftsapatni having a barbarian for master.

f. Jani f. wife has the gen. sing, janyns in the Veda.

g. Ari eager, greedy, hostile has in the Veda ary&s in pi. nom. and
accus., masc. and fern. Its accus. sing, is arirn or aryam.

h. V{ bird has in RY. the nom. ves (beside vis). In the plural
it accents vibhis, vibhyas, but vmam.

i. The stems ak?i eye, asthi bone, dadhi curds, and sakthi thigh,
are defective, their forms exchanging with and complementing forms from
stems in an (akfan etc.): see the stems in an, below (431).

j. The stem path! road is used to make up part of the inflection of
pan than: see below, 433.

k. Krostu m. jackal lacks the strong cases, for which the correspond-
ing forms of kros^f are substituted.

Adjectives.

344. Original adjective stems in i are few ; those in u are much
more numerous (many derivative verb-stems forming a participial ad-

123

DECLENSION II., i- AND U-STEMS.

[—348

jective in u). Their inflection is like that of nouns, and has been
included in the rules given above. In those weak cases, however —
namely, the dat, abl.-gen., and loc. sing., and the gen.-loc. dual —
in which neuter nouns differ from masculines in the later language
by an inserted n (we have seen above that this difference does not
exist in the Veda), the neuter adjective is allowed to take either
form. The stem is the same for masculine and neuter, and generally
(and allowably always) for feminine also.

a. There are a few Instances of a feminine noun In i standing (some-
times with changed accent) beside a masculine in i: thus, krfmi m., krimi
f.; sakhi (343 a) m., sakhi f . ; dundubhf m., dundubhi f. ; dhuni
m., dhuni f.; qakuni m., cjakuni 01 -ni f. In the later language, espe-
cially, there is a very frequent interchange of i and i as finals of the same
stem. No adjective in i makes a regular feminine in I.

b. With stems in u the case is quite different. While the feminine
may, and in part does, end in u, like the masculine and neuter, a spe-
cial feminine-stem is often made by lengthening the u to u, or also by
adding 1; and for some stems a feminine is formed in two of these three
ways, or even in all the three: thus, karu, -dipsu, Qundhyu, carisnu,
vacasyu; -anvl, urvi, gurvi, purvl (with prolongation of u before r:
compare 245 b), bahvl, prabhvi, raghvi, sadhvi, svadvi; — prthii
and prthvi, vibhti and vibhvl, mrdu and mrdvi, laghu and laghvi,
vasu and vasvi ; babhru and babhru, bibhatsu and blbhatsii, bhiru
and bhiru; — tanu and tanu and tanvi, phalgu and phalgu and
phalgvi, madhu and madhu and madhvi. There are also some femi-
nine noun-stems in u standing (usually with changed accent) beside mas-
culines in u: thus, agru m., agrii f. ; kadru m., kadru f . ; guggulu
m., guggulu f.; jatu m., jatu f.; prdaku m., prdaku f.

345. Roots ending in i or u (or 7: 376 b) regularly add a t when
used as root- words or as root-finals of compounds ; and hence there
are no adjectives of the root-class in this declension.

a. Yet, in the Veda, a few words ending in a short radical u are
declined as if this were sufflxal: thus, asmrtadhru, sustii; and the AY.
has pptanajf (once). Roots in u sometimes also shorten u to u: thus,
prabhu, vibhu, etc. (354); go (36 le) becomes gu in composition; and
re perhaps becomes ri (36 le); while roots in & sometimes apparently
weaken a to i (in -dhi from ydha etc.: 1155).

346. Compound adjectives having nouns of this declension as
final member are inflected in general like original adjectives of the
same endings.

a. But in such compounds a final i or u is sometimes lengthened to
form a feminine stem: thus, suqronl, svayoni or -ni, -gatrayasti
or -{i; vamoru or -ru, durhami or -nu, varatanu, matrbandhu; and
RV. has aQiQvI from 9(911.

347—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 124

Declension III.

Stems in long vowels: 5TT 5, ^ 1, ^3T ft.

347. The stems ending in long vowels fall into two
well-marked classes or divisions : A. monosyllabic stems —
mostly bare roots — and their compounds, with a compar-
atively small number of others inflected like them; B. de-
rivative feminine stems in ETT a and T I, with a small num-
ber in 3T ft which in the later language have come to be
inflected like them. The latter division is by far the larger
and more important, since most feminine adjectives, and
considerable classes of feminine nouns, ending in £TF 5 or
7 1, belong to it.

A. Boot-words, and those inflected like them.

348. The inflection of these stems is by the normal
endings throughout, or in the manner of consonant-stems
(with SPT^am, not JTjn, in the accus. sing.); peculiarities
like those of the other vowel-declensions are wanting. The
simple words are, as nouns, with few exceptions feminine;
as adjectives (rarely), and in adjective compounds, they are
alike in masculine and feminine forms. They may, for con-
venience of description, be divided into the following sub-
classes :

1. Root-words, or monosyllables having the aspect of such.
Those in a are so rare that it is hardly possible to make up a whole
scheme of forms in actual use ; those in I and u are more numerous,
but still very few.

2. Compounds having such words, or other roots with long final
vowels, as last member.

3. Polysyllabic words, of various origin and character, including
in the Veda many which later are transferred to other declensions.

4. As an appendix to this class we may most conveniently
describe the half-dozen stems, mostly of regular inflection, ending in
diphthongs.

125

DECLENSION III., a-, i-, AND U-STEMS.

[—351

349. Monosyllabic stems. Before the endings beginning
with vowels, final 1 is changed to iy and u to uv; while final a is
dropped altogether, except in the strong cases, and in the ace. pi.,
which is like the nominative (according to the grammarians, a is
lost here also: no instances of the occurrence of such a form appear
to be quotable). Stems in I and u are in the later language allowed
to take optionally the fuller endings ai, as, am in the singular (dat.,
abl.-gen., loc.); but no such forms are ever met with in the Veda
(except bhiyai [?], KV., once). Before am of gen. pi., n may or may
not be inserted; in the Veda it is regularly inserted, with a single
exception (dhiyam, once). The vocative i» like the nominative in
the singular as well as the other numbers; but instances of its oc-
currence in uncompounded stems are not found in the Veda, and must
be extremely rare everywhere. The earlier Vedic dual ending is a
instead of au.

350. To the I- and u-stems the rules for monosyllabic accent
apply : the accent is thrown forward upon the endings in all the weak
cases except the accus. pi., which is like the noin. But the a-stems
appear (the instances are extremely few) to keep the accent upon
the stem throughout.

351. Examples of declension. As models of mon-
osyllabic inflection we may take sTT J5 f. progeny; vft dhi

f. thought; and 'Jjbhtl f. earth.

a. The first of these is rather arbitrarily extended from the four cases
which actually occur; of the loc. sing, and gen. -loc. du., no "Vedic examples
from a-stems are found.
Singular :

N. sHH^ tffar^ H^

Jill dhis bhtis

A.

I).

Ab. G.

V.

jam

sTT
ja
I

je

*Fi

jas

ft
ji

dhfyam

firm

dhiya

bhuvam

bhuva

dhiye, dhiyai bhuve,bhuvai

O -\ O -S,

dhiyas, dhiyas bhuvas,bhuvas

jas

dhiyf, dhiyam bhuvi, bhuvam

bhus

361—]

V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

126

Dual:

N.A.V. sIT

jfiu
I.D.Ab.

jabhyam
O.L.

J6i

Plural :

dhfyau

tftarR^

dhibhyam

iwr^

dhiyos

o
bhuvfiu

bhubhyam

^.

bhuvds

jas

jibhia

D. Ab.

jabhyas
siHIH

"S ^s.

janam, jam

sTO
jasu

dhiyas

faro^

dhiyas

^ftft^
dhlbhfs

dhibhyas

dhiyam,

rftg

dhisu

bhuvas

bhuvas

bhubhis

bhubhyas

bhuvam,bhunam

bhusu

352. Monosyllabic stems in composition. When the
nouns above described occur as final member of a compound, or when
any root in a or I or u is found in a like position, the inflection of
an a-stem is as above. But I and u-stems follow a divided usage:
the final vowel before a vowel-ending is either converted into a short
vowel and semivowel (iy or uv, as above) or into a semivowel simply
(y or v). The accent is nowhere thrown forward upon the endings;
and therefore, when i and u become y and v, the resulting syllable
is circumflex (83—4). Thus:

Masc. and fern. Singular :

N. V.

A.

I.

D.

Ab. G.

L.

-dliis

-dhfyam -dhyain
-dhiya -dhya

-dhfye -dhye

-dhiyas
-dhiyi

-dhyas
-dhyi

-bhtiB

-bhuvam -bhvam
-bhuva -bhva

-bhuve -bhve

-bhuvas -bhvas
-bhuvi -bhvi

127

DECLENSION III., a-, !-, AND U-STEMS.

[—354

Dual:

N. A. V. -dhiyau -dhyau
I. D. Ab. -dhibhyam

G. L. -dhiyos -dhyoa

Plural :
N. A. V. -dhiyaa -dhyaa

I.

D.Ab.

G.

L.

-dhtbhia
-dbibhyas
f-dhfyftm

-dhy&m

-bhuvau -bhvftu
-bbftbhyam

-bhuvos -bhvos

-bhuvas -bhvas
-bhubhia
-bhubhyas

f-bhuvam

1-bhtinam "bhvim
-bhusu

-dhlflu.

a. As to the admissibility of the fuller endings ai, as, and am in the
singular (feminine), grammatical authorities are somewhat at variance; but
they are never found in the Veda, and have been omitted from the above
scheme as probably unreal.

b. If two consonants precede the final i or u, the dissyllabic forms,
with iy and uv, are regularly written; after one consonant, the usage is
varying. The grammarians prescribe iy and uv when the monosyllabic stem
has more the character of a noun, and y and v when it is more purely a
verbal root with participial value. No such distinction, however, is to be seen
in the Veda — wheie, moreover, the difference of the two forms is only
graphic, since the ya- and va-forms and the rest are always to be read as
dissyllabic: ia or la and uft or ua, and so on.

c. As to neuter stems for such adjectives, see 367.

353. A few further Vedic irregularities or peculiarities may be briefly
noticed.

a. Of the ft-stems, the forms in as, ftm, ft (du.) are sometimes to
be read as dissyllables, aas, asm, aa. The dative of the stem used as
infinitive is ai (as if S + e): thus, prakhyai, pratiinai, paradaf.

b. Irregular transfer of the accent to the ending in compounds is seen
in a case or two: thus, avadyabhiya (RV.), adhia (AV.).

354. But compounds of the class above described are not in-
frequently transferred to other modes of inflection: the ft shortened
to a for a masculine (and neuter) stem, or declined like a stem of
the derivative a-class (below, 364) as feminine; the I and u short-
ened to i and u, and inflected as of the second declension.

a. Thus, compound stems in -ga, -ja, -da, -stha, -bhu, and others, are
found even in the Veda, and become frequent later (being made from all, or
nearly all. the roots in ft); and sporadic cases from yet others occur : for example,
9rtapan, vayodhafs and ratnadhebbis, dhanasais (all RV.); and,
from I and u compounds, ves^ris (TS.), ahrayas (RV.), ganaQribhis
(RV.), karmanfa (gB.) and ytanfbhyaa (RV.) and aenantohyaa (VS.)
and gramanibhia (TB.), aupunft (AV.), sitibhrave (TS.).

b. Still more numerous are the feminines in ft which have lost

356—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 128

their root-declension : examples are praja (of which the further compounds
in part have root-forms), svadha, 9raddha, pratima, and others.

c. Then, in the later language, a few feminines in I are made from
the stems in a shortened from a : thus, gopi, gos^hl, pannagi, pankajl,
bhujagi, bhujamgi, surapi.

355. Polysyllabic Stems. Stems of this division (A) of more
than one syllable are very rare indeed in the later language, and
by no means common in the earlier. The Rig- Veda, however, pre-
sents a not inconsiderable body of them; and as the class nearly
dies out later, by the disuse of its stems or their transfer to other
modes of declension, it may be best described on a Vedic basis.

a. Of stems in a, masculines, half-a-dozen occur in the Veda: pantha,
mantha, and rbhuksa are otherwise viewed by the later grammar: see
below, 433—4; rujana (nom. pr.) has the anomalous nom. sing, uqana
(and loc. as well as dat. ugane); maha great is found only in accus.
sing, and abundantly in composition; ata frame has only at&BU not deri-
vable from ata.

b. Of stems in 1, over seventy are found in the Veda, nearly all
feminines, and all accented on the final. Half of the feminines are formed
from masculines with change of accent: thus, kalyani (m. kalyana),
purusi (m. purusa); others show no change of accent: thus, yarn! (m.
yama) ; others still have no corresponding masculines : thus, nadi, laksmi,
surmi. The masculines are about ten in number: for example, rathi,
pravi, atari, ahi, apathi.

c. Of stems in u, the number is smaller: these, too, are nearly all
feminines, and all accented on the final. The majority of them are the
feminine adjectives in u to masculines in u* or u (above, 344 b): thus,
caranyu, carisnu, jighatsu, madhu. A few are nouns in u, with
change of accent: thus, agru (agru), prdaku (p£daku), gvaqrtl (cva-
9iira); or without change, as nrtu. And a few have no corresponding
masculines: thus, 'tanu, vadhii, eamu. The masculines are only two or
three: namely, pra^ti, krkadaqu, makBu(?); and their forms are of the
utmost rarity.

356. The mode of declension of these words may be illustrated
by the following examples : rathi m. charioteer; nadi f. stream; tanu
f. body.

a. No one of the selected examples occurs in all the forms ; forms
for which no example at all is quotable are put in brackets. No loo. sing,
from any I-stem occurs, to determine what the form would be. The stem
nadi is selected as example partly in order to emphasize the difference
between the earlier language and the later in regard to the words of this
division: nadi is later the model of derivative inflection.

129

DECLENSION III., RADICAL a-, 1-, AND U-STEMS. [ — 358

Singular :

N.

rathis

nadis

tanus

A.

rathiam

nadiam

tanuam

I.

rathia

nadia

tanua

D.

rathie

nadfe

tanue

Ab.G.

rathias

nadfas

tanuas

L.

tanui

V.

rathi (?)

nadi

tanu

Dual:

N. A. V.

rathia

nadia

tanua

I. D. Ab.

[rathibhyam]

nadibhyam

[tanubhyam]

G.L.

[rathfos]

nadios

tanuos

Plural:

N.A.

rathfas

nadias

tanuas

I.

[rathibhis]

nadibbis

tanubhis

D.Ab.

[rathibhyas]

nadlbhyas

tanubhyas

G.

rathlnam

nadin&m

tanunam

L.

[rathlfu]

nadisu

tanusu

b. The cases — nadiam, tanuam, etc. — are written above ac-
cording to their true phonetic form, almost invariably belonging to them in
the Veda; in the written text, of course, the stem-final is made a semi-
vowel, and the resulting syllable is oircumflexed : thus, nadyam, tan-
vain, etc. ; only, as usual, after two consonants the resolved forms iy and
uv are written instead; and also where the combination yv would other-
wise result: thus, cakriya, [agruvfti,] and mitrayuvas. The RV. really
reads staryam etc. twice, and tanvas etc. four times ; and such con-
tractions are more often made in the AV. The ending & of the nom.-acc.-
voc. du. is the equivalent of the later au. The nom. sing, in a from
I-stems is found in the older language about sixty times, from over thirty
stems.

357. Irregularities of form, properly so called, are very few in this
division: camu as loc. sing, (instead of camvi) occurs a few times; and
there is another doubtful case or two of the same kind; the final ti is re-
garded as pragyhya or uncombinable (138); tanui is lengthened to tanvi
in a passage or two; -yuvas is once or twice abbreviated to -ytSfl.

358. The process of transfer to the other form of I- and u- declension
(below, 362 ft*.), which has nearly extinguished this category of words in
the later language, has its beginnings in the Veda; but in RV. they are
excessively scanty: namely, dutiani, loc. sing., once, and ijvaqruam, do.,
once, and dravitnua, instr. sing., with two or three other doubtful cases.
In the Atharvan, we find the ace. sing, kuhiim, taniim, vadhum; the
instr. sing, palalia and one or two others; the dat. sing, vadhvaf,
cjruai, agruvai ; the abl.-gen. sing, punarbhuvas, prdakuas,

and the loc. sing, tanu&m (with anomalous accent). Accusatives plural
in is and us are nowhere met with.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 9

359—1 V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 130

359. Adjective compounds from these words are very few ; those which
occur are declined like the simple stems : thus, hfranyavaqis and sahas-
rastarls, ataptatanus and sarvatanus, all nom. sing, masculine.

Stems ending in diphthongs.

360. There are certain monosyllabic stems ending in diphthongs,
which are too few and too diverse in inflection to make a declension
of, and which may be most appropriately disposed of here, in con-
nection with the steins in I and u, with which they hare most affinity.
They are:

a. stems in au: nau and glau;

b. stems in ai: rai;

c. stems in o : go and dyo (or dyu, dfv).

361. a. The stem nau f. ship is entirely regular, taking the
normal endings throughout, and following the rules for monosyllabic
accentuation (317) — except that the accus. pi. is said (it does not
appear to occur in accented texts) to be like the nom. Thus: naus,
navam, nava, nave, navas, navi ; navau, naubhy am, navos ; navas,
navas, naubhfs, naubhyas, navam, nausu. The stem glau m. ball
is apparently inflected in the same way ; but few of its forms have
been met with in use.

b. The stem rai f. (or m.) wealth, might be better described as
ra with a union-consonant y (258) interposed before vowel endings,
and is regularly inflected as such, with normal endings and mono-
syllabic accent. Thus: ras, rayam, raya, raye, rayas, rftyi; rayau,
rabhy am, ray 6s ; rayas, rayas, rabhis, rabhyas, rayam, rasu. But
in the Veda the accus. pi. is either rayas or rayas; for accus. sing,
and pi. are also used the briefer forms ram (RV. once : rayam does
not occur in V.) and ras (SV., once) ; and the gen.-sing. is sometimes
anomalously accented rayas.

c. The stem go m. or f. bull or cow is much more irregular.
In the strong cases, except accus. sing., it is strengthened to gau,
forming (like nau) gaus, gavau, gavas. In accus. sing, and pi. it
has (like rai; the brief forms gam and gas. The abl.-gen. sing, is
gos (as if from gu). The rest is regularly made from go, with the
normal endings, but with accent always remaining irregularly upon
the stem : thus, gava, gave, gavi, gavos, gavam ; gobhyam, gobhis,
gobhyas, gosu. In the Veda, another form of the gen. pi. is gonam;
the iioni. etc. du. is (as in all other such cases) also gava; and gam,
gos, and gas are not infrequently to be pronounced as dissyllables.
As ace. pi. is found a few times gavas.

d. The stem dyo f. (but in V. usually in.) sky, day is yet more
anomalous, having beside it a simpler stem dyu, which becomes div
before a vowel-ending. The native grammarians treat the two as

131

DECLENSION III., DIPHTHONGAL STEMS.

[—362

independent words, but it is more convenient to put them together.
The stem dyo is inflected precisely like go, as above described. The
complete declension is as follows (with forms not actually met with
in use bracketed):

Dual.

Singular.
N. dyaiis

A. divam dyam
I. diva [dyava]
D. dive dyave
Ab. divas dyos
G. divas dyos
L. div£ dyavi

[dfvau] dyavau

[dyubhyam dyobhyam]

[divos

dyavos]

Plural,
divas dyavas

divas, dyiin [dyasj
dyubhis [dyobhis]

j [dyubhyas dyobhyas]
dyavam]

[dyosu]

[divam
dyus.li

e. The dat. sing, dyave is not found in the early language. Both
divas and divas occur as accus. pi. in V. As nom. etc. du., dyava is,
as usual, the regular Vedic form: once occurs dyavi (du.), as if a neuter
form ; and dyaus is found once used as ablative. The cases dyaus, dyam,
and dyun (once) are read in V. sometimes as dissyllables; and the first
as accented vocative then becomes dyaus (i. e. dfaus: see 314).

f. Adjective compounds having a diphthongal stem as final member
are not numerous, and tend to shorten the diphthong to a vowel. Thus,
from nau we have bhinnanu; from go, several words like agu, saptagu,
sugu, bor hugu (f. -gu Jfi.); and, correspondingly, rai seems to be redu-
ced to ri in brhadraye and rdhadrayas (liV.). In derivation, go main-
tains its full form in gotra, agota, -gava (f. -gavi), etc. ; as first member
of a compound, it is variously treated : thus, gava<jir, gavis^i (but
gaa,9ir, gais^i K.), etc. ; goaQva or go'qva, gorjika, goopa9a, etc.
In certain compounds, also, dyu or dyo takes an anomalous form : thus,
dySurda (K.), dySurloka (^B.), dyausamQita (AV.). In revant
(unless this is for rayivant) rai becomes re. RV. has adhrigavas from
adhrigu (of questionable import) ; and AY. has ghrtastavas, apparently
accus. pi. of ghrtastu or -sto.

B. Derivative stems in a, I, u.

362. To this division belong all the a and 1-stems
which have not been specified above as belonging to the
other or root-word division ; and also, in the later language,
most of the 1 and ti-stems of the other division, by transfer
to a more predominant mode of inflection. Thus:

1. a. The great mass of derivative feminine a-stems, substantive
and adjective.

b. The inflection of these stems has maintained itself with little
change through the whole history of the language, being almost precisely
the same in the Vedas as later.

362—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 132

2. c. The great mass of derivative feminine I-stems.

d. This class is without exception in the later language. In the earlier,
it suffers the exception pointed out above (355 b) : that feminities made
with change of accent follow this mode of declension only when the accent
is not on the I: thus, tavii-fi, parusni, palikni, rohini.

e. The i-stems of this division in general are regarded as made by
contraction of an earlier ending in yft. Their inflection has become in the
later language somewhat mixed with that of the other division, and so far
different from the Vedic inflection: see below, 363 g.

f. Very few derivative stems in I are recognized by the grammarians
as declined like the root-division; the Vedic words of that class are, if
retained in use, transferred to this mode of inflection.

g. A very small number of masculine I-stems (half-a-dozen) are in
the Veda declined as of the derivative division: they are a few rare proper
names, matall etc. ; and ras^rl and airi (only one case each).

3. h. The u-stems are few in number, and are transfers from the
other division, assimilated in inflection to the great class of derivative
I-stems (except that they retain the ending s of the nom. sing.).

363. Endings. The points of distinction between this and the
other division are as follows:

a. In nom. sing, the usual s-ending is wanting : except in the u-stems
and a very few I-stems — namely, laksmi, tarl, tantrl, tandrl — which
have preserved the ending of the other division.

b. The accus. sing, and pi. add simply m and 8 respectively.

c. The dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing, take always the fuller endings
ai, as, Sm; and these are separated from the final of the a-stems by an
interposed y. In Brahmana etc., Si is generally substituted for as (307 h).

d. Before the endings & of instr. sing, and os of gen.-loc. du., the
final of a-stems is treated as if changed to e; but in the Veda, the instr.
ending a very often (in nearly half the occurrences) blends with the final
to a. The ya of i-stems is in a few Vedic examples contracted to I, and
even to i. A loc. sing, in I occurs a few times.

e. In all the weakest cases above mentioned, the accent of an I- or
u-stem having acute final is thrown forward upon the ending. In the
remaining case of the same class, the gen. pi., a n is always interposed
between stem and ending, and the accent remains upon the former (in RV.,
however, it is usually thrown forward upon the ending, as in i and u-stems),

f. In voc. sing., final & becomes e; final I and u are shortened.

g. In nom.-acc.-voc. du. and nom. pi. appears in I (and u)-stems a
marked difference between the earlier and later language, the latter borrow-
ing the forms of the other division. The du. ending au is unknown in
RV., and very rare in AV. ; the Vedic ending is I (a corresponding dual
of u-stems does not occur). The regular later pi. ending as has only a

133 DECLENSION III., DERIVATIVE a-, I-, AND U-STEMS. [—304

doubtful example or two in RV., and a very small number in AV. ; the
case there (and it is one of very frequent occurrence) adds s simply ; and
though yas-fonns occur in the Brahmanas, along with is-forras, both are
used rather indifferently as nom. and accns. (as, indeed, they sometimes
interchange also in the epics). Of a-stems, the du. nom. etc. ends in e,
both earlier and later; in pi., of course, 8- forms are indistinguishable from
as-forms. The RV. has a few examples of asas for as.

h. The remaining cases call for no remark.

364. Examples of declension. As models of the
inflection of derivative stems ending in long vowels, we
may take ^RT sena f. army; 3RJT kanyS f. girl; *^t devi
f. goddess; 3% vadhu f. woman.

N.

A.

D.

Ab. G.

V.

N.A.V.

i. D.

Singular :

sena kanya

•S I

senam

WRR

senaya kanyaya

efruiH^

kanyam

senayai kanyayai

devi

devim
devyjft
devy^lf

senayas kanyllyas

TlHIUIH^ ^^MIMIH^

senayam kanyayam

sene kanye

Dual:

^ ^F&

sene kanye

devi

vadhus

vadhum

vadhva

vadhvai
^£5(1^

vadhvas

vadhvam
vadhu

devyau

vadhvau

senabhyam kanyabhyaxn devibhyam vadhubhyam

senayoa kanyayos

devyos

vadhvos

364—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 134

Plural:

N'V N

senas kanyas devyas vadhvas

A. "iHlU ^FTTHr^ t^^ ^c^

senas kanyas devis vadhus

I. SfarPfH oh^tllPTR^ "^tPlRT^ ^J^L

senabhis kanyabhis devibhis vadhubhis

D.Ab.

senabhyas kanyabhyas devlbhyas vadhtibhyas

G. UHMIH^ ch^UHIH "^cjltiH^ S^??^L

senanam kanyanam devinam vadhunam

senasu kanyasu devisu vadhusu

a. In the Veda vadhu is a stem belonging to the other division
(like tanti, above, 356).

365. Examples of Yedic forms are:

a. a-stems : instr. sing, manisa (this simpler form is especially com-
mon from stems in ta and ift) ; nom. pi. vagasas (about twenty examples) ;
accus. pi. aramgamasas (a case or two). Half the bhyas-cases are to
be read as bhias; the am of gen. pi. is a few times to be resolved into
aam; and the a and am of nom. and accus. sing, are, very rarely, to be
treated in the same manner.

b. i-stems : instr. sing, garni, garni; loc. gauri; nom. etc. du. devi;
nom. pi. devis; gen. pi. bahvmam. The final of the stem is to be read
as a vowel, (not y) frequently, but not in the majority of instances: thus,
devia, devias, deviam, rodasios.

c. The sporadic instances of transfer between this division and the
preceding have been already sufficiently noticed.

d. Of the regular substitution made in the Brahmana language (307 g,
336 g, 363 c) of the dat. sing, ending ai for the gen.-abl. ending as, in
all classes of words admitting the latter ending, a few examples may be
given here : abhibhutyai rupam (AB.) a sign of overpowering ; trif tubhag
ca jagatyai ca (AB.) of the metres tristubh and jagati; vaco daivyai
ca manusyai ca (A A.) of speech, both divine and human ; striyai payah
(AB.) woman's milk; dhenvai va et&d retah (TB.) that, forsooth, is the
seed of the cow; jlrnfiyai tvacah (KB.) of dead skin; jyayasi yajyayai
(AB.) superior to the yajya; asyai divo 'smad antariksat (^S.) from
this heaven, from this atmosphere. The same substitution is made once in
the AV. : thus, svapantv asyai jnatayah let her relatives sleep.

135 DECLENSION III., DERIVATIVE a-, I-, AND u -STEMS. [—368

366. The noun stri f. woman (probably contracted from sutrl gene-
ratrix^ follows a mixed declension : thus, stri, striyam or strim, striya,
striyai, striy as, striyam, stri ; striyau, stribhy am, striyos ; striyas,
striyas or stris, stribhis, stribhyas, strinam, strisu (but the accus-
atives strim and stris are not found in the older language, and the TOC.
stri is not quotable). The accentuation is that of a root- word; the forms
(conspicuously the nom. sing.) are those of the other or derivative division.

Adjectives.

367. a. The occurrence of original adjectives in long final
vowels, and of compounds having as final member a stem of the first
division, has been sufficiently treated above, so far as masculine and
feminine forms are concerned. To form a neuter stem in composition,
the rule of the later language is that the final long vowel be short-
ened; and the stem so made is to be inflected like an adjective in
i or u (339, 341, 344).

b. Such neuter forms are very rare, and in the older language almost
unknown. Of neuters from i-s terns have been noted in the Veda only
haricriyam, ace. sing, (a masc. form), and suadhias, gen. sing, (same
as masc. and fern.); from u-stems, only a few examples, and from stem-
forms which might be masc. and fern, also: thus, vibhu, subhu, etc. (nom.-
acc. sing.: compare 354); supiia and mayobhuva, instr. sing.; and
mayobhu, ace. pi. (compare puru : 342k); from a-stems occur only half-
a-dozen examples of a nom. sing, in as, like the masc. and fern. form.

c. Compounds having nouns of the second division as final
member are common only from derivatives in a; and these shorten
the final to a in both masculine and neuter: thus, from a not and
prajft progeny come the masc. and neut. stem apraja, fern, apraja
childless. Such compounds with nouns in I and u are said to be in-
flected in masc. and fern, like the simple words (only with in and un
in ace. pi. masc.); but the examples given by the grammarians are
fictitious.

d. Stems with shortened final are occasionally met with: thus, eka-
patni, attalakf mi ; and such adverbs (neut sing, accus.) as upabhaimi,
abhyujjayini. The stem stri is directed to be shortened to stri for all
genders.

368. It is convenient to give a complete paradigm,
for all genders, of an adjective-stem in 5f a. We take for
the purpose qfFJ papa evil, of which the feminine is usu-
ally made in Eft a in the later language, but in ^ I in the
older.

368-]

V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

136

Singular :
m.

N.

A.

I.

D.

Ab.

G.

L.

V.

papas papam

^TFT1^
papam

*x

mc|*j

papena

papaya

papat

papasya

pape

papa

Dual:

N. A. V. tfltn qfq

papaii pape

I. D. Ab. HtMlHjiH

papabhyam
G.L.

papayos

Plural:

N.
A.
I.
D. Ab.

papas papani

papan papani

^Ffrr^

papais
papebhyas

papa

HIHIH^
papam

papaya

papayai

HNItllH
papayas

HIHIUIH
papayas

papayam
pape

^s

(ii(j

pape

papabhyam

MIMtTl^
papayos

HIHIH
papas

papas
papabhis

•s

papabhyas

papi

papim

M|f-UI
papya

papyai
•s

papyas

MIUII^

papyas

papyam

^nft

papi

papyau

papibhyam

Ml^tllH
S

papyos

papyas

•v.

papis

papibhis
papibhyas

137 DECLENSION IV., ^-STEMS. . [—371

G- HHWIH^ HRMI*^ MW HIH

pSpanam papanam papinfim

L« HIM^ HI^HH MIMiy

o o o

papesu papasu papisu

Declension IV.

Stems in % y (or 5q- ar).

369. This declension is a comparatively limited one,
being almost entirely composed of derivative nouns formed
with the suffix <=T ty (or rTT tar), which makes masculine

nomina agentis (used also participially). and a few nouns of
relationship.

a. But it includes also a few nouns of relationship not made
with that suffix : namely devf m., svday and nanSndr- f. ; and, besides
these, nf m., stf (in V.) m., usf (in V.) f., savyaafhf m., and the
feminine numerals tisr and catasr (for which, see 482 e,g). The
feminines in ty are only matf, duhitf, and yaty.

b. The inflection of these stems is quite closely analogous with
that of stems in i and u (second declension); its peculiarity, as
compared with them, consists mainly in the treatment of the stem
itself, which has a double form, fuller in the strong cases, briefer in
the weak ones.

370. Forms of the Stem. In the weak cases (excepting the!
loc. sing.) the stem-final is r, which in the weakest cases, or before
a vowel-ending, is changed regularly to r (129). But as regards the
strong cases, the stems of this declension fall into two classes: in
one of them — which is very much the larger, containing all the
nomina agentis, and also the nouns of relationship napty and svasr,
and the irregular words stf and savyaffthr — the y is vriddhied, or
becomes ar; in the other, containing most of the nouns of relationship,
with nf and usf, the r is gunated. or changed to ar. In both classes,
the loc. sing, has ar as stem-final.

371. Endings. These are in general the normal, but with the
following exceptions:

a. The nom. sing. (masc. and fern.) ends always in & (for original
ars or firs). The voc. sing, ends in ar.

b. The accus. sing, adds am to the (strengthened) stem; the accus.
pi. has (like i and u-stems) n as masc. ending and 8 as fern, ending, with
the y lengthened before them.

oo

~^e~V)

371—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 138

c. The abl.-gen. sing, changes p to ur (or us: 169b).

d. The gen. pi. (as in i and u-stems) inserts n before am, and
lengthens the stem-final before it. But the y of ny may also remain short.

e. The above are the rules of the later language. The older presents
certain deviations from them. Thus:

f. The ending in nom.-acc.-voc. du. is (as universally in the Veda)
regularly ft instead of au (only ten au-forms in BV.).

g. The i of loc. sing, is lengthened to I in a few words: thus, kartaxi.
h. In the gen.' pi., the BY. has once svasram, without inserted n;

and naram instead of npnaxn is frequent

i. Other irregularities of nf are the sing. dat. nare, gen. naras, and
loc. nari. The Veda writes always nrnam in gen. pi., but its y is in a
majority of cases metrically long.

j. The stem usf f. dawn has the voc. sing, usar, the gen. sing,
usras; and the accus. pi. also usras, and loc. sing, usram (which is
metrically trisyllabic : usram), as if in analogy with 1 and u-stems. Once
occurs usri in loc. sing., but it is to be read as if the regular trisyllabic
form, ufari (for the exchange of 8 and 9, see 181 a).

k. From stf come only taras (apparently) and Btfbhis.

1. In the gen. -loc. du., the r is almost always to be read as a sepa-
rate syllable, ?, before the ending OB: thus, pitfOB, etc. On the contrary,
nanandari is once to be read nanandri.

m. For neuter forms, see below, 375.

372. Accent. The accentuation follows closely the rules for
i- and u-stems : if on the final of the stem, it continues, as acute, on
the corresponding syllable throughout, except in the gen. pi., where
it may be (and in the Veda always is) thrown forward upon the
ending ; where, in the weakest cases, % becomes r, the ending has the
accent. The two monosyllabic stems, nf and atf, do not show the
monosyllabic accent: thus (besides the forms already given above},
nfbhis, nrsu.

373.. Examples of declension. As models of this
mode of inflection, we may take from the first class (with
?H^[ ar *n the strong forms) the stems ^TrT dfttr m. giver
and F3RT svasr/ f. sister; from the second class (with 5Tjf
ar in the strong forms), the stem ftfT pitr m. father.

Singular :^ ^'

N. 3JrTT ^RT TOT

data svasa pita

A. <IHI(H^ HHI^ Rffi^H^

dataram svasaram pitaram

139

DECLENSION IV.,

i-373

3T3TT

datra

Ab. G.

L.

V.

Dual:
N. A. V.

I. D. Ab.
G. L.

datre
datur

<IH!(

datari
datar

datarau

datfbhyam

datros

Floral

N.V.

A.

I.

D. Ab.

G.

L.

dataras

^Irj^
datrn

datfbhis

^iri^tiH^

datrbhyas

^TnmiH^

datfnam

svasra

svasre

Bvasur

tcwf}

svasari

svasar

svasaras

svaars

F^rfHH^

svasrbhis

pitrS

pitre

pitiir

[Mrif(
pitari

fart 4

pitar

svasarau pitarau

Bvasybhyam pit^bhyam

^TRTTT^ fcr^T^

svasroB pitroa

pitaras
pit|n^

pitrbhis

svasrbhyas pitrbhyas

Bvasrnam pitrnam

datfsu svasrsu pitrsu

a. The feminine stem qiH matf , mother, is inflected pre-
cisely like fe pitf , excepting that its accusative plural is

373—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 140

b. The peculiar Yedic forms have been sufficiently instanced above;
the only ones of other than sporadic occurrence being the nom. etc. du.
datara, svasara, pitara, and the gen. pi. of nr, naram.

C. The nom. pi. forms pitaras and mataras etc. are found used
also as accus. in the epics.

374. The stem krogtf m. jackal (lit'iy howler] substitutes in the
middle cases the corresponding forms of kros^u.

375. Neuter forms. The grammarians prescribe a complete
neuter declension also for bases in tr, precisely accordant with that
of vari or madhu (above, 339, 341). Thus, for example:

Sing. Du. Plur.

N.A. dhatr dhatrm dhatfni

I. dhfitfna dhatfbhyam dhatfbhis

G. dhatfnas dhatfnos dhatynam

V. dhatr, dhatar dhatfni dhatyni.

a. The weakest cases, however (as of i- and u-stems used ad-
jectively: 344), are allowed also to be formed like the corresponding
masculine cases: thus, dhatra etc.

b. No such neuter forms chance to occur in the Veda, but they begin
to appear in the Brahmanas, under influence of the common tendency
(compare Germ. Better, Retterin; Fr. menteur, menteuse) to give this
nomen agentis a more adjective character, making it correspond in gender
•with the noun which it (appositively) qualifies. Thus, we have in
TB. bharty and janayitf, qualifying antarikgam; and bhartyni and
janayitrni, qualifying naksatrani; as, in M., grahitrni, qualifying
indriyani.

c. When a feminine noun is to be qualified in like manner, the usual
feminine derivative in I is employed : thus, in TB., bhartryas and bhar-
tryau, janayitryas and janayitryau, qualifying apas and ahoratre;
and such instances are not uncommon.

d. The RY. shows the same tendency very curiously once in the accus.
pi. matrn, instead of mStfs, in apposition with masculine nouns (RY.
x. 35.2).

e. Other neuter forms in RY. are sthatur gen. sing., dhmatarl
loc. sing. ; and for the nom. sing., instead of -ty, a few more or less doubt-
ful cases, sthatar, sthatur, dhartari.

Adjectives.

376. a. There are no original adjectives of this declension : for
the quasi-adjectival character of the nouns composing it, see above
(375b). The feminine stem is ma'de by the suffix i: thus, datri,
dhatri.

b. Roots ending in r (like those in i and u: 345) add a t to
make a declinable stem, when occurring as final member of a com-

141

DECLENSION V., CONSONANT- STEMS.

[—379

pound: thus, karmakft (j/lqr), vajrabh^t (|/bhy), balihyt (yhf). From
some r-roots, also, are made stems in ir and ur: see below, 383 a, b.

c. Nouns in r as finals of adjective compounds are inflected
in the same manner as when simple, in the masculine and feminine;
in the neuter, they would doubtless have the peculiar neuter endings
in nom.-acc.-voc. of all numbers.

d. But TS. has once tvatpitaras, nom. pi., having thte for father.

Declension V.
Stems ending in Consonants.

377. All stems ending in consonants may properly be
classed together, as forming a single comprehensive declen-
sion; since, though some of them exhibit peculiarities of
inflection, these have to do almost exclusively with the stem
itself, and not with the declensional endings.

378. In this declension, masculines and feminines of
the same final are inflected alike; and jieuters are peculiar
(as usually in the other declensions) only in the nom.-acc.-
voc. of all numbers.

a. The majority of consonantal stems, however, are not
inflected in the feminine, but form a special feminine deriv-
ative stem in | I (never in %tt 5), by adding that ending to
the weak form of the masculine.

b. Exceptions are in general the stems of divisions A and B
- namely, the radical stems etc., and those in as and is and us.

For special cases, see below.

379. Variations, as between stronger and weaker forms,
are very general among consonantal stems: either of two
degrees (strong and weak), or of three (strong, middle, and
weakest): see above kj*ll^}

a. The peculiar neuter forms, according to the usual
rule (31 Ib), are made in the plural from the strong stem, in
singular and dual from the weak — or, when the gradation
is threefold, in singular from the middle stem, in dual
from the weakest.

379—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 142

b. As in the case of stems ending in short vowels asyani,
variiji, madhuni, datpii, etc.), a nasal sometimes appears in the
special neuter plural cases which is found nowhere else in inflection.
Thus, from the stems in as, is, us, the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. in -ansi,
-in?i, -unsi are. very common at every period. According to the
grammarians, the radical stems etc. (division A) are treated in the
same way ; but examples of such neuters are of extreme rarity in the
language ; no Vedic text offers one, and in the Brahmanas and Sutras
have been noted only -hunti (AB. vii. 2. 3), -vpiti (PB. xvi. 2. 7 et al),
-bhafiji (KB. xxvii. 7), -bhfnti (QB. viii. 1. 3*), and -yufiji (L£S. ii. 1.8);
while in the later language is found here and there a case, like
-9nmti (Ragh.), -puftsi (Qic..) ; it may be questioned whether they are
not later analogical formations.

380. The endings are throughout those given above
(310) as the "normal".

a. By the general law as to finals (150), the s of the nom. sing.
masc. and fern, is always lost; and irregularities of treatment of the
final of the stem in this case are not infrequent.

b. The gen. and abl. sing, are never distinguished in form from
one another — nor are, by ending, the nom. and accus. pi. : but these
sometimes differ in stem-form, or in accent, or in both.

381. Change in the place of the accent is limited to monosyl-
labic stems and the participles in ant (accented on the final). For
details, see below, under divisions A and E.

a. But a few of the compounds of the root afic or ac show an irregular
shift of accent in the oldest language : see below, 410.

382. a. For convenience and clearness of presentation.
it will be well to separate from the general mass of conson-
antal stems certain special classes which show kindred pe-
culiarities of inflection, and may be best described together.
Thus:

B. Derivative stems in as, is, us;

C. Derivative stems in an (an, man, van);

D. Derivative stems in in (in, min, vin);

E. Derivative stems in ant (ant, mant, vant) ;
P. Perfect active participles in vans;

G. Comparatives in ySns or yas.

b. There remain, then, to constitute division A, espe-
cially radical stems, or those identical in form with roots,

143 DECLENSION V., CONSONANTAL ROOT-STEMS. [—383

together with a comparatively small number of others which
are inflected like these.

They will be taken up in the order thus indicated.

A. Boot-stems, and those inflected like them.

383. The stems of this division may be classified as
follows :

I. a. Root-stems, having in them no demonstrable element added
to a root : thus, f c verse, gfr song, pad foot, dlq direction, mah (V.)
great.

b. Such stems, however, are not always precisely identical in form
with the root: thus, vie from yvac, sraj from X8?J» m^? from Vnms,
vrfc, from /vraqc (?), us. from j/vas shine; — from roots in final y
come stems in ir and ur: thus, gir, S-gfr, atfr; jur, tur, dhur, pur,
miir, atur, sphiir; and psur from j/psar.

c. With these may be ranked the stems with reduplicated root, as
cikit, yaviyiidh, vanivan, sasyad.

d. Words of this division in uncompounded use are tolerably frequent
in the older language: thus, in BY. are found more than a hundred of
them; in AV., about sixty; but in the classical Sanskrit the power of
using any root at will in this way is lost, and the examples are compara-
tively few. In all periods, however, the adjective use as final of a com-
pound is very common (see below, 401).

e. As to the infinitive use of various cases of the root-noun, see 971.

II. f. Stems made by the addition of t to a final short vowel
of a root.

g. No proper root-stem ends in a short vowel, although there are
(354) examples of transfer of such to short- vowel-declensions ; but i or
u or y adds a t to make a declinable form: thus, -jit, -c.rut, -kft.
Roots in y, however, as has just been seen (b), also make stems in ir or ur.

h. As regards the frequency and use of these words, the same is true
as was stated above respecting root-stems. The Veda offers examples of
nearly thirty such formations, a few of them (mit, rlt, stut, hrut, vft,
and dyut if this is taken from dyu) in independent use. Of roots in y ,
t is added by ky, drrp, dhvy, bhy, vy, sy, spy, by, and hvy. The roots
ga (or gam) and nan also make -gat and -hat by addition of the t to
an abbreviated form in a (thus, adhvagat, dyugat, dvigat, navagat,
and samhat).

III. i. Monosyllabic (also a few apparently reduplicated) stems
not certainly connectible with any verbal root in the language, but
having the aspect of root-stems, as containing no traceable suffix:

383— ] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 144

thus, tvac skin, path road, hfd Aear/, ap and var wafer, dvSr door,
as mouth, kakubh and kakiid summit.

j. Thirty or forty such words are found in the older language, and
some of them continue in later use, while others have been transferred to
other modes of declension or have become extinct.

k. Stems more or less clearly derivative, but made with suffixes
of rare or even isolated occurrence. Thus :

1. derivatives (V.) from prepositions with the suffix vat: arvavat,
avat, udvat, nivat, parSvat, pravat, samvat; — 2. derivatives (V.)
n tfit (perhaps abbreviated from tati), in a few isolated forms: thus,
uparat&t, devatat, vrkatat, satyatat, sarvatat; — 3. other deriva-
tives in t preceded by various vowels : thus, dac,at, vehat, vahat, sravat,
sa^cat, vaghat; napat; tadit, divit, yosit, rohit, sarit, harit;
marut; yakrt, s&krt; and the numerals for 30, 40, 50, tri^at etc.
(475); — 4. stems in ad: thus, drsad, dhrsad, bhasad, vanad,
9arad, samad; — 5. stems in j preceded by various vowels: thus, tysnaj,
dhysaj, sanaj, bhigaj; u^ij, vanfj, bhurij, nii?ij(?); asyj; — 6. a
few stems ending in a sibilant apparently formative : thus, jnas, -das,
bhas, mas, bhis ; — 7. a remnant of unclassiflable cases, such as vis^ap,
vipaQ, kaprth, qurudh, isidh, prkaudh, raghat (?), saragh, visruh,
usnih, kavas.

384. Gender. The root-stems are regularly feminine as nomen
actionis, and masculine as nomen agentis (which is probably only a
substantive use of their adjective value: below, 400). But the femi-
nine noun, without changing its gender, is often also used concretely :
e. g., druh f. (}/druh be inimical} means harming, enmity, and also
harmer, hater, enemy — thus bordering on the masculine value. And
some of the feminines have a completely concrete meaning. Through
the whole division, the masculines are much less numerous than the
feminines, and the neuters rarest of all.

a. The independent neuter stems are hf d (also -hard), dam, var,
svar, mas flesh, as mouth, bhas, dos (with which may be mentioned
the indeclinables c/am and yos); also the apparent derivatives yakrt,
9akrt, kaprth, asrj.

385. Strong and weak stem-forms. The distinc-
tion of these two classes of forms is usually made either
by the presence or absence of a nasal, or by a difference
in the quantity of the stem-vowel, as long or short ; less
often, by other methods.

386. A nasal appears in the strong cases of the following words :
1. Compounds having as final member the root ac or anc: see below,

407 ff. ; and RV. has once uruvyancam from root vyac; — 2. The

145 DECLENSION V., CONSONANTAL STEMS. [—389

stem yuj, sometimes, in the older language: thus, nom. sing, yun (for
yunk), accus. yiinjam, du. yunja (but also yiijam and yiija); —
3. The stem -df9, as final of a compound 'in the older language; but only
in the nom. sing, masc., and not always: thus, anyadrn, Idrn, kldrn,
tadrn, etadrn, sadfn and pratisadfn: but also idrk, tadfk, svardfk,
etc. ; — 4. For path and pums, which substitute more extended stems,
and for dant, see below, 394 — 6.

387. The vower a is lengthened in strong cases as follows :

1. Of the roots vac, sac, sap, nabh, <jas, in a few instances (V.),
at the end of compounds ; — 2. Of the roots vah and Bah, but irregularly :
see below, 403 — 5; — 3. Of ap trater (see 393); also in its compound
rityap; — 4. Of pad foot: in the compounds of this word, in the later
language, the same lengthening is made in the middle cases also; and in
RV. and AV. the nom. sing. neut. is both -pat and -pat, while RV. has
once -pade, and -padbhis and -patsu occur in the Brahmanas ; — 5. Of
nas nose (? nasa nom. du. fern., RV., once); — 6. Sporadic cases (V.)
are: yaj(?), voc. sing.; pathas and -rap as, accus. pi.; vamvanas,
nom. pi. The strengthened forms bhaj and raj are constant, through all
classes of cases.

388. Other modes of differentiation, by elision of a or contrac-
tion of the syllable containing it, appear in a few stems :

1. In -han: see below, 402; — 2. In ksam (V.), along with pro-
longation of a : thus, ksama du., ksarnas pi. ; ksama instr. sing., ksami
loc. sing., ksmas abL sing.; — 3. In dvar, contracted (V.) to dur in
weak cases (but with some confusion of the two classes); — 4. In svar,
which becomes, in RV., BUT in weak cases; later it is indeclinable.

389. The endings are as stated above (380).

a. Respecting their combination with the final of the stem, as
well as the treatment of the latter when it occurs at the end of the
word, the rules of euphonic combination (chap. III.) are to be con-
sulted; they require much more constant and various application
here than anywhere else in declension.

b. Attention may be called to a few exceptional cases of combination
(V.): madbbis and madbhyas from mas month; the wholly anomalous
padbhis (RV. and VS.: AV. has always padbhis) from pad; and sarat
and saradbhyas corresponding to a nom. pi. saraghas (instead of sarah-
as: 222). Dan is apparently for dam, by 143 a.

c. According to the grammarians, neuter stems, unless they end in a
nasal or a semivowel, take in nom.-acc.-voo. pi. a strengthening nasal before
the final consonant. But no such cases from neuter noun-stems appear
ever to have been met with in use; and as regards adjective stems ending
in a root, see above, 379 b.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 10

390-]

V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

146

390. Monosyllabic stems have the regular accent of such, throw-
ing the tone forward upon the endings in the weak cases.

a. But the accusative plural has its normal accentuation as a
weak case, upon the ending, in only a minority (hardly more than a
third) of the stems : namely in datas, pathas, padas, nidas, apas,

usas, jnasas, pumsas, masas, mahas; and sometimes in vacas,
srucas, hrutas, sridhas, ksapas, vipas, duras, isas, dvisas, druhas
(beside vacas etc.).

b. Exceptional instances, in which a weak case has the tone on the
stem, occur as follows: sada, nadbhyas, tana (also tana) and tane,
badhe (infin.), rane and ransu, vansu, svani, vipas, ksami, sura
and suras (but sure), anhas, and vanas and bfhas (in vanaspati,
bfhaspati ). On the other hand, a strong case is accented on the ending
in mahas, nom. pi., and kasam (AY.: perhaps a false reading). And
presa, iustr. sing., is accented as if pres were a simple stem, instead of
pra-is. Vimrdhah is of doubtful character. For the sometimes anomal-
ous accentuation of stems in ac or anc, see 410.

391. Examples of inflection. As an example of
normal monosyllabic inflection, we may take the stem
^fpcf vSc f. voice (from i/3R vac, with constant prolongation) ;
of inflection with strong and weak stem, q<r pad m. foot;
of polysyllabic inflection, rnjvFT mariit m. wind or wind-god;
of a monosyllabic root-stem in composition, f^Nd trivft
three-fold, in the neuter. Thus:

Singular :

N. V.

I.

D.

Ab. G.

vak

TO^
pat^

marut

trivft

vacam

padam

marutam

maru

vace

pad|§

maru

f

f

f

trivft

r?NHI
trivia

tri

ivf^e

vacas

vaci

padas

padi

marutas

trivftas

maruti

trivfti

147

DECLENSION V., CONSONANTAL STEMS.

-391

Dual:

N. A. V.

I. D. Ab.

G. L.

N.V.

vaeau padau marutau trivfti

G||JH4IH H£4IH H h&4 IH H'NsyiH

vagbhyam padbhyam marudbhyam trivydbhyam

vacos pados marutos trivrtos
Plural:

I.

D.Ab.
G.
L.

vacas padas

vacas, vacas padas

•s * "\.

vagbhfs padbhia

marutas

H^rlH^
marutas

maru.dbb.is

trivfnti

trivynti

1^1 ^H^
trivfdbhis

vagbhyas
vacam

padbhyas marudbhyas trivf dbhyas

padam marutam trivrtam

H^xrH f^cjrH

marutsu trivftsu

vaksii patsu

By way of illustration of the leading methods of treatment of
a stem-final, at the end of the word and in combination with case-
endings, characteristic case-forms of a few more stems are here
added. Thus :

a. Stems in j: yuj-class (2 19 a, 142), bhisaj physician: bhisak,
bhisajaxn, bhisagbhis, bhisaksu; — mrj-class (219b, 142), samraj
universal ruler: samrat, samraj am, samradbhis, samratsu.

b. Stems in dh: -vfdh increasing: -vft, -vfdham, -vrdbhis,
vftsu; -budh (155) waking: -bhut, -budham, -bhudbhis, -bhiitsu.

c. Stems in bh: -stubh praising: -stup, -stiibham, -stubbhis,
-stupsu.

d. Stems in 9: dig (2 18 a, 145) direction: dfk, dlgam, digbbis,
diksii; — vfg (218, 145) the people: vffc vigam, vi^bhfs, vi^su (V.
viksii: 218a).

e. Stems in s (226 b, 145): dvf? enemy: dv£t, dvisam,
bhfs, dvi^su.

f. Stems in h: duh-class (232— 3 a, 155b, 147), -duh milki

10*

391—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 148

yielding: -dhuk, -duham, -dhiigbhis, -dhuksu ; — ruh-class (223 b,
147), -lib licking: -li$, -litam, -lidbhis, -litsu.

g. Stems in m (143 a, 212 a: only pra$an, nom. sing., quotable):
-<jam quieting: -qan, Qamam, -Qanbhis, -9ansu.

392. The root-stems in ir and ur (383 b) lengthen their vowel
when the final r is followed by another consonant (245 b), and also
in the nom. sing, (where the case-ending s is lost).

a. Thus, from gfr f. song come gir (gih), gfram, gira, etc.;
gfrau, girbhyam, giros; giras, girbbis, girbhyas, giram, glrsu
(165); and, in like manner, from pur f. stronghold come pur (pub.),
puram, pura, etc. ; purau, purbhy am, puros ; piiras, purbbis, pur-
bhyas, puram, pursu.

b. There are no roots in is (except the excessively rare pis) or in
us; but from the root 908 with its S, weakened to i (250) comes the
noun aqia f. blessing, which is inflected like gfr: thus, £9X8 (ac,ih),
^isam, ^isa, etc.; ac,{sau, a^irbhyam, a9isos; a9isas, a9irbhis,
a9lrbhyas, a9isam, a9ihsu. And sajus together is apparently a stereo-
typed nominative of like formation from the root jus. The form astaprut
(TS.), from the root-stem prus, is isolated and anomalous.

c. These stems in ir, ur, is show a like prolongation of vowel also
in composition and derivation: thus, girvana, purbbid, dhurgata,
dhustva, ft^irda, asirvant, etc. (but also gfrvan, girvanas).

d. The native grammar sets up a class of quasi-radical stems like
jigamis desiring to go. made from the desiderative conjugation-stem (1027),
and prescribes for it a declension like that of a^fs: thus, jigamis, jiga-
misa, jigamirbhis, jigamlhsu, etc. Such a class appears to be a mere
figment of the grammarians, since no example of it has been found quotable
from the literature, either earlier or later, and since there is, in fact, no
more a desiderative stem jigamis than a causative stem gamay.

393. The stem ap f. water is inflected only in the plural, and
with dissimilation of its final before bh to d (151 e;: thus, apas,
apas, adbbis, adbhyas, apam, apsu.

a. But RV. has the sing, instr. apa and gen. apas. In the earlier
language (especially AY.), and even in the epics, the nom. and accus. pi.
forms are occasionally confused in use, apas being employed as accus.,
and apas as nominative.

b. Besides the stem ap, case-forms of this word are sometimes used
in composition and derivation: thus, for example, abja, apodevata,
apomaya, apsumant.

394. The stem pums m. man is very irregular, substituting
pumans in the strong cases, and losing its s (necessarily) before
initial bh of a case-ending, and likewise (by analogy with this, or
by an abbreviation akin with that noticed at 231) in the loc. plural.
The vocative is (in accordance with that of the somewhat similarly

149 DECLENSION V., CONSONANTAL STEMS. [—398

inflected perfect participles: see 462 a) puman in the later language,
but pumas in the earlier. Thus : puman, pumanaam, pumsa,
pumse, pumsas, pumsi, puman; pumansau, pumbhyam, pumsos;
pumanaaa, pumeas, pumbhis, pumbhyaa, pumsam, pumau.

a. The accentuation of the weak forms, it will be noticed, is that of
a tine monosyllabic stem. The forms with bh-endings nowhere occur in the
older language, nor do they appear to have been cited from the later.
Instances of the confusion of strong and weak forms are occasionally met
with. As to the retention of a unlingualized in the weakest cases (whence
necessarily follows that in the loc. pi.), see 183 a.

b. This stem appears under a considerable variety of forms in com-
position and derivation: thus, as puma in pum^cali, pumstva, pums-
vant, -pumaka, etc.; as pum in pumvataa, pumrupa, pumvat,
pumartha, etc.; as pumaa in pumaavant; — at the end of a compound,
either with its full inflection, as in atrlpuma etc.; or as pumaa, in
atripumaa, mahapumsa; or as puma in stripuma (T8. TA.).

395. The stem path m. road is defective in declension, forming
only the weakest cases, while the strong are made from pantha or
panthan, and the middle from pathf : see under en-stems, below, 433.

396. The stem dant m. tooth is perhaps of participial origin,
and has, like a participle, the forms dant and dat, strong and weak :
thus (V.), din, dantam, data, etc. ; datas ace. pi. etc. But in the
middle cases it has the monosyllabic and not the participial accent:
thus, dadbhis, dadbhyaa. In nom. pi. occurs also -datas instead
of -dantas. By the grammarians, the strong cases of this word are
required to be made from danta.

397. A number of other words of this division are defective,
making part of their inflection from stems of a different form.

a. Thus, hrd n. heart, mans or mas n. meat, mas m. month, nas
f. nose, nig f. night (not found in the older language), pft f. army, are
said by the grammarians to lack the nom. of all numbers and the accus.
sing, and du. (the neuters, of course, the ace. pi. also), making them
respectively from hfdaya, mansa, masa, nasika, ni<ja, pytana. But
the usage in the older language is not entirely in accordance with this
requirement : thus, we find mas flesh accus. sing. ; mas month nom. sing. ;
and nasa nostrils du. From pft occurs only the loc. pi. prtsii and (RV.,
once) the same case with double ending, pytsusu.

398. On the other hand, certain stems of this division, allowed
by the grammarians a full inflection, are used to fill up the deficien-
cies of those of another form.

a. Thus, asrj n. blood, qakr-t n. ordure, yakj-t n. Liver, dos n.
(also m.) fore-arm, have beside them defective stems in an: see below,
432. Of none of them, however, is anything but the nom.-anc. sing, found
in the older language, and other cases later are but very scantily represented.

398—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 150

b. Of as n. mouth, and ud water, only a case or two are found, in
the older language, beside asan and asya, and udan and udaka (432).

399. Some of the alternative stems mentioned above are instances of
transition from the consonant to a vowel declension: thus, danta, masa.
A number of other similar cases occur, sporadically in the older language,
more commonly in the later. Such are pada, -mada, -daqa, bhraja,
viffapa, dvfira and dura, pura, dhura, -dy$a, naaft, nida, k${pS,
kaapa, a<ja, and perhaps a few others.

a. A few irregular stems will find a more proper place under the head
of Adjectives.

Adjectives.

400. Original adjectives having the root-form are comparatively
rare even in the oldest language.

a. About a dozen are quotable from the RV., for the most part only
in a few scattering cases. But xnah great is common in RV., though
it dies out rapidly later. It makes a derivative feminine stem, mahi,
which continues in use, as meaning earth etc.

401. But compound adjectives, having a root as final member,
with the value of a present participle, are abundant in every period
of the language.

a. Possessive adjective compounds, also, of the same form, are
not very rare: examples are yat&sruc with offered bowl; sUryatvac
sun-skinned; catuspad four-footed; suhard kind-hearted, friendly;
rityap (i. e. riti-ap) having streaming waters; sahasradvar furnished
with a thousand doors.

b. The inflection of such compounds is like that of the simple root-
stems, masculine and feminine being throughout the same, and the neuter
varying only in the nom.-acc.-voc. of all numbers. But special neuter
forms are of rare occurrence, and masc.-fem. are sometimes used instead.

C. Only rarely is a derivative feminine stem in I formed: in the
older language, only from the compounds with ac or anc (407 if.), those
with han (402), those with pad, as ekapadi, dvipadi, and with dant,
as vftadatl,' and mahi, amuci (AV.), upasadl (? gB.).

Irregularities of inflection appear in the following :

402. The root han slay, as final of a compound, is inflected
somewhat like a derivative noun in an (below, 42O ff.), becoming ha
in the nom. sing., and losing its n in the middle cases and its a in
the weakest cases (but only optionally in the loc. sing.). Further, when
the vowel is lost, h in contact with following n reverts to its orig-
inal gh. Thus:

151 DECLENSION V., CONSONANTAL STEMS. [—404

Singular. Dual. Plural.

N. vrtraha 1

A. vrtrahanam Jvrtrahanau

I. vrtraghna | vrtrahabhis

D ntraghn6 JTtrahibhySm j^^^^

Q Jvftraghnas L^.^,^. vrtraghnam

L. vrtraghni, -hani j vrtrahasu

V. vftrahan vftrahanau vftrahanas.

a. As to the change of n to n, see 193, 195.

b. A feminine is made by adding I to, as usual, the stem-form shown
in the weakest cases: thus, vrtraghni.

c. An accua. pi. -hanas (like the nom.) also occurs. Vrtrahabhis
(RV., once) is the only middle case-form quotable from the older language.
Transitions to the a-declension begin already in the Veda: thus, to -ha
(RV. AV.), -ghna (RV.), -hana.

403. The root vah carry at the end of a compound is said by
the grammarians to be lengthened to vah in both the strong and
middle cases, and contracted in the weakest cases to uh, which with
a preceding a- vowel becomes au (137o): thus, from havyavah sacri-
fice-bear ing (epithet of Agni), havyavat, havyavahaxn, havyauha,
etc.; havyavahau, havyavadbhyam, havyauhos; havyavahas,
havyfiuhas, havyavadbhis, etc. And (jvetavah (not quotable) is
said to be further irregular in making the nom. sing, in vSs and the
vocative in vas or vas.

a. In the earlier language, only strong forms of compounds with vah
have been found to occur: namely, -va$, -vaham, -vahftu or -vaha, and
-vah as. But fern mines in I, from the weakest stem — as turyauhi,
dityauhl, pasthauM — are met with in the Brahmanas. TS. has the
irregular nom. sing, pas^havat.

404. Of very irregular formation and inflection is one common
compound of vah, namely anadvah (anas -f- vah burden-bearing or
cart-drawing, i. e. ox]. Its stem-form in the strong cases is anadvah,
in the weakest anaduh, and in the middle anadud (perhaps by dis-
similation from anadud). Moreover, its nom. and voc. sing, are made
in van and van (as if from a vant-stem). Thus:

Singular. Dual. Plural.

N. anadvan
A. anadvaham
I. anaduha

D. anaduhe
Ab. | ^

T' ,*,. Janaduhos

L. anaduhi \

V. anadvan anadvahau anadvahas

ana^udbhis

404—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 152

a. Anadiidbhyas (AY., once) is the only middle case-form quotable
from the older language. But compounds showing the middle stem — as
anaducchata, anadudarha — are met with in Brahmanas etc.

b. The corresponding feminine stem (of very infrequent occurrence)
is either anaduhi (QB.) or anadvahi (K. MS.).

405. The root sah overcome has in the Veda a double irregularity:
its a is changeable to B even after an a-vowel — as also in its single oc-
currence as an independent adjective (RV., tvam fatf) — while it some-
times remains unchanged after an i or u- vowel ; and its a is either prolong-
ed or remains unchanged, in both strong and weak cases. The quotable
forms are : -sat, -saham or -saham or -saham, -saha, -sahe or -sahe,
-eahas or -sahas or -sahas; -saha (du.); -Dallas or -sahas.

406. The compound avayaj (}/yaj make offering) a certain priest or
(BB.) a certain sacrifice is said to form the nom. and voc. sing, avayas,
and to make its middle cases from avayas.

a. Its only quotable form is avayas, f. (BY. and AY., each once).
If the stem is a derivative from ava-j-)/yaj conciliate, avayas is very
probably from ava+j/ya, which has the same meaning. But sadhamas
(RV., once) and purodas (RY. twice) show a similar apparent substitution
in nom. sing, of the case-ending s after long a for a final root-consonant
(d and c, respectively). Compare also the alleged ^vetavas (above, 403).

407. Compounds with anc or ac. The root ac or anc
makes, in combination with prepositions and other words, a consid-
erable class of familiarly used adjectives, of quite irregular formation
and inflection, in some of which it almost loses its character of root,
and becomes an ending of derivation.

a. A part of these adjectives have only two stem-forms: a strong
in anc (yielding an, from anks, in nom. sing, masc.), and a weak in
ao; others distinguish from the middle in ac a weakest stem in c,
before which the a is contracted with a preceding i or u into i or u.

b. The feminine is made by adding I to the stem-form used in
the weakest cases, and is accented like them.

408. As examples of inflection we may take pranc forward,
east, pratyanc opposite, west, vigvanc going apart.

Singular :

N. V. pran prak pratyan pratyak visvan vis, vak

A. prancam prak pratyancam pratyak vis vane am vis vak

I. praca pratica vlfuca

I>- prace pratlce visuce

Ab. G. pracas praticas visucas

L- praci pratici vifuci

Dual:

N. A. V. prancau praci pratyancau pratici visvancau visuci
I. D. Ab. pragbhyam pratyagbhyam vif vagbhyam

G. L. pracos praticos vifiicos

153

DECLENSION V., CONSONANTAL STEMS.

[— 412

Plural:

N. V. prancas pranci pratyancas pratyanci vfsvancas vfsvanci
A. pracas pranci praticas pratyanci vfsucas vfsvanci

I. pragbhis pratyagbhis vfsvagbhis

D. Ab. pragbhyas pratyagbhyas vlsvagbhyas

G. pracam praticam visucam

L. praksu pratyaksu visvaksu

a. The feminine stems are praci, pratici, vf^uci, respectively.

b. No example of the middle forms excepting the nom. etc. sing,
neut (and this generally used as adverb) is found either in RV. or AV.
In the same texts is lacking the nom. etc. pi. neut. in nci; but of this a
number of examples occur in the Brahmanas : thus, pranci, pratyanci,
arvanci, samyanci, sadhryanci, anvanci.

409. a. Like pranc are inflected apanc, avanc, paranc,
arvanc, adharanc, and others of rare occurrence.

b. Like pratyanc are inflected nyanc (i. e. nfanc), samyanc
(sam + anc, with irregularly inserted i), and udanc (weakest stem
udic: ud-fafic, with i inserted in weakest cases only), with a few
other rare stems.

c. Like visvanc is inflected anvanc, also three or four others of
which only isolated forms occur.

d. Still more irregular is tiryanc, of which the weakest stem
is tiraQc (tiras + ac: the other stems are made from tir+anc or ac,
with the inserted i).

410. The accentuation of these words is irregular, as regards both
the stems themselves and their inflected forms. Sometimes the one element
has the tone and sometimes the other, without any apparent reason for the
difference. If the compound is accented on the final syllable, the accent
is shifted in BY. to the ending in the weakest cases provided their stem
shows the contraction to I or u: thus, praca, arvaca, adharacas, but
pratica, anucas, aamlcl. But AV. and later texts usually keep the
accent upon the stem : thus, pratici, samici, anuci (RY. has praticim
once). The shift of accent to the endings, and even In polysyllabic stems,
is against all usual analogy.

B. Derivative stems in as. is, us.

411. The stems of this division are prevailingly neuter ;
but there are also a few masculines, and one or two
feminines.

412. The stems in CTH as are quite numerous, and
mostly made with the suffix £Ras (a small number also

x/

412—]

NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

154

with rfH tas and RH^nas, and some are obscure) ; the others
are few, and almost all made with the suffixes T is and

us.

413. Their inflection is almost entirely regular. But
masculine and feminine stems in ET£f as lengthen the vowel
of the ending in nom. sing. ; and the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. neut.
make the same prolongation (of 5f a or ^ i or 3 u) before
the inserted nasal (anusvara).

414. Examples of declension. As examples we
may take JH^manas n. mind; Sff^T^dngiras m. Angiras ;

ha vis n. oblation.

Singular: V\,

A\.

Dianas

cWVNoQ-<p A.

•Tt L
— Q, D.

manas

manase

. G.

manasas

-1

manasi

V.

manas
Dual:

angiras havis

^t^'^HH^ ^f%H^

angirasjam havis

angirasa havisa

angirase havise

yf4'|H^ €^(^^1^

angirasas havisas

^f^*(lH <^loff^

angirasi havisi

^HHH^ «^&H^

angiras havis

N. A. V.
I. D. Ab.
G. L.

manaai

angirasau

havisi

manobhyam angirobhySm havirbhyftm
manasoB aftgirasos havisos

155 DECLENSION V., STEMS IN as, is, us. [ — 416

Plural:

N. A. V. H*1lfa ^r^HH^ ^cjllfa

manansi angiraaaa bavins!

I. fpnTHH^ srf^tPrc^ ^fefifo^

manobhia angirobhia bavirbhia

D. Ab.

manobhyas angirobbyaa havirbhyas
G.

xnanasam angiraaam haviaam

manab.su angirab.au havihau

In like manner, ^R^caksus n. eye forms r\^\ cak-
susa, %MHI IH caksurbhyam, rT^FT caksunsi, and so on.

415. Vedic etc. Irregularities, a. In the older language, the
endings -aaam (ace. sing.) and -asas (generally nom. -ace. pi.; once or
twice gen.-abl. sing.) of stems in as are not infrequently contracted to -am,
_as — e. g. agam, vedham; auradhaa, anagas — and out of such
forms grow, both earlier and later, substitute-stems in a, as ftga, jara,
medba. So from other forms grow stems in a and in asa, which exchange
more or less with those in as through the whole history of the language.

b. More scattering irregularities may be mentioned, as follows : 1. The
usual masc. and fern. du. ending in a instead of fiu; — 2. 'us. as f. dawn
often prolongs its a in the other strong cases, as in the nom. sing.: thus,
Ufasaxn, uaaaa, uaaaaa (and once in a weak case, usasas); and in its
instr. pi. occurs once (RV.) usadbhis instead of usobhis; — 3. from
togas is once (RV.) found a similar dual, togasa; — 4. from svavas
and svatavas occur in RV. a nom. sing. masc. in van, as if from a stem
in vant ; and in the Brahmanas is found the dat.-abl. pi. of like formation
svatavadbhyas.

c. The stems in is and us also show transitions to stems in i and
u, and in isa and uaa. From janus is once (RV.) made the nom. sing,
janus, after the manner of an as-stern (cf. also janurvaaaa £B.).

416. The grammarians regard uganas m. as regular stem-form of the
proper name noticed above (355 a), but give it the irregular nom. ugana
and the voc. uganas or ugana or uganan. Forms from the as-stern,
even nom., are sometimes met with in the later literature.

a. As to forms from as-stems to ahan or ahar and udhan or udhar,
see below, 430.

417—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 156

Adjectives.

417. a. A few neuter nouns in as with accent on the radical
syllable have corresponding adjectives or appellatives in as, with
accent on the ending, thus, for example, apas work, apas active;
taras quickness, taras quick; yac,as glory, yaqas glorious. A few
other similar adjectives — as tavas mighty, vedhas pious — are
without corresponding nouns.

b. Original adjectives in is do not occur (as to alleged desider-
ative adjectives in is, see 392 d). But in us are found as many ad-
jectives as nouns (about ten of each class) ; and in several instances
adjective and noun stand side by side, without difference of accent
such as appears in the stems in as: e. g. tapus heat and hot; vapus
wonder and wonderful.

418. Adjective compounds having nouns of this division as final
member are very common : thus, sumanas favorably minded ; dirgh-
ayus long-lived; Qukra^ocia having brilliant brightness. The stem-
form is the same for all genders, and each gender is inflected in the
usual manner, the stems in as making their nom. sing. masc. and
fern, in as (like angiras, above). Thus, from sumanas, the nom.
and accus. are as follows:

Singular. Dual. Plural,

m. f. n. m. f. n. m. f. n.

N. sumanas -nas 1

> sumanasau -nasi sumanasas -nansi
A. sumanasam -nas J

and the other cases (save the vocative) are alike in all genders.

a. In Veda and Brahmana, the neui. nom. sing, is in a considerable
number of instances made in as, like the other genders.

b. From dirghayus, in like manner:

A. dlrl^^m -yus} ^^^u^a -yus.1 dirghayusas -yunsi

I. dirghayusa dirghayurbhyam dirghayurbhis

etc. etc. etc.

419. The stem anehas unrivalled (defined as meaning time in the
later language) forms the nom. sing. masc. and fern, aneha.

C. Derivative stems in an.

420. The stems of this division are those made by the
three suffixes 5R an, £R man, and 3FT van, together with a
few of more questionable etymology which are inflected
like them. They are almost exclusively masculine and
neuter.

421. The stem has a triple ibnn. In the strong cases

157 DECLENSION V., STEMS IN an. [—424

of the masculine, the vowel of the ending is prolonged to
£IT a; in the weakest cases it is in general struck out al-
together; in the middle cases, or before a case-ending be-
ginning with a consonant, the final ^n is dropped. The
^ n is also lost in the nom. sing, of both genders (leaving
9T a as final in the masculine, 5f a in the neuter).

a. The peculiar cases of the neuter follow the usual
analogy (311 b): the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. have the lengthening
to 5TT 5, as strong cases ; the nom.-acc.-voc. du., as weakest
cases, have the loss of % a — but this only optionally, not
necessarily.

b. In the loc. sing., also, the a may be either rejected or re-
tained (compare the corresponding usage with y-stems: 373). And
after the m or v of man or van, when these are preceded by an-
other consonant, the a is always retained, to avoid a too great ac-
cumulation of consonants.

422. The vocative sing, is in masculines the pure stem ;
in neuters, either this or like the nominative. The rest of
the inflection requires no description.

423. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked that when, in
the weakest cases, an acute a of the suffix is lost, the tone is thrown
forward upon the ending.

424. Examples of declension. As such may be
taken ^TsH raj an m. king; *urH*i atman m. soul, self;

HIHH nSman n. name. Thus :

•^

Singular: W\ , V\

N. JTsTT *HcHI ^TT3?

raja atma nama >- Q

rajanam atmanam nama - ^ Wv

rajna atmana namna _ ~&

t>. ^i% 3TFR :rrcr

rajne atmane namne - Q

424-]

V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

158

Ab. G.

L.

V.

N. A. V.

I. D. Ab.

G. L.

N.

A.

D. Ab.

G.

rajnas

^ri%, ftfR

rajni, rajani

rajan
Dual:

rajanau

rajabhyam

rajnos
Plural :

rajanas

rajnas

rajabhis

rajabhyas

rajnam

atmanas

atmani

^UrHl
atman

atmanau

•v
atmabhyam

atmanos

atmanas

atmanas

atmabhis

atmabhyas

atmanm

namnas

;nra, ^

namni, namani

naman, nama

namni, namani
namabnyam

»s

namnos

HlHlPl
namani

namani

namabhis

namabhyas

namnam

o
namasu

*4lrHH
rajasu atmasu

a. The weakest cases of murdnan m. head, would be accented
murdhna, murdhne, murdhnos, murdhnas (ace. pi.), murdhnam,
etc.; and so in all similar cases (loc. sing., murdhni or murdhani .

425. Vedic Irregularities, a. Here, as elsewhere, the ending of
the nom.-acc.-voc. du. masc. is usually S, instead of au.

b. The briefer form (with ejected a) of the loc. sing., and of the
neut. nom.-acc.-Yoc. du., is quite unusual in the older language. RV.
writes once $atadavni, but it is to be read 9atadavani; and similar
cases occur in AV. (but also several times -mni). In the Brahmanas, too,
such forms as dhamani and samani are very much more common than
such as ahni and lomm.

159 DECLENSION V., STEMS IN an. [—428

C. But throughout both Veda and Brahmana, an abbreviated form of
the loc. sing., with the ending i omitted, or identical with the stem, is of
considerably more frequent occurrence than the regular form : thus, mur-
dhan, karman, adhvan, beside murdharii etc. The n has all the
usual combinations of a final n: e. g. murdhann asya, murdhant sa,
murdnans tva.

d. In the nom.-acc. pi. neut., also, an abbreviated form is common,
ending in a or (twice as often) a, instead of ani: thus, brahma and
brahma, beside brahmani: compare the similar series of endings from
a-stems, 329 c.

e. From a few stems in man is made an abbreviated hist, sing.,
with loss of m as well as of a: thus, mahina, prathina, varina, dana,
prena, bhuna, for mahimna etc. And draghma and ra9ma (RV.,
each once) are perhaps for draghmana, rac.inana.

f. Other of the weakest cases than the loc. sing, are sometimes found
with the a of the suffix retained : thus, for example, bhumana, damane,
yamanas, uksanas (accus. pi.), etc. In the infinitive datives (970 d)
— tramane, vidmane, davane, etc. — the a always remains. About
as numerous are the instances in which the a, omitted in the written form
of the text, is, as the metre shows, to be restored in reading.

g. The voc. sing, in vas, which is the usual Vedic form from stems
in vant (below, 454 b), is found also from a few in van, perhaps by a
transfer to the vant-declension : thus, rtavas, evayavas, khidvas(?),
prataritvas, mataric, vas, vibhavas.

h. For words of which the a is not made long in the strong cases,
see the next paragraph.

426. A few stems do not make the regular lengthening of a in
the strong cases (except the nom. sing.). Thus:

a. The names of divinities, pusan, aryaman: thus, pusa, pusa-
nam, pusna, etc.

b. In the Veda, uksan bull (but also uksanam); yosan maiden;
vf § an virile, bull (but vf sanam and vfsanas are also met with) ; tman,
abbreviation of atman; and two or three other scattering forms: anarva-
nam, jemana. And in a number of additional instances, the Vedic metre
seems to demand a where a is written.

427. The stems qvan m. dog and yuvan young have in the
weakest cases the contracted form gun and yun (with retention of
the accent); in the strong and middle cases they are regular. Thus,
c.va, Qvanam, <juna, 9une, etc., ^vabhy&m, Qvabhis, etc.; yiiva,
yuvanam, yunft, yuvabhis, etc.

a. In dual, KV. has once yuna for yuvanS.

428. The stem maghavan generous (later, almost exclusively
a name of Indra) is contracted in the weakest cases to maghon:
thus, maghava, maghavanam, maghona, maghone, etc.

428— V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 160

a. The RV. has once the weak form maghonas in nom. pi.

b. Parallel with this is found the stem maghavant (division E);
and from the latter alone in the older language are made the middle cases :
thus, maghavadbhis, maghavatsu, etc. (not maghavabhis etc.).

429 a. Stems in a, ma, va, parallel with those in an, man, van,
and doubtless in many cases derived from them through transitional forms,
are frequent in both the earlier and the later language, particularly as final
members of compounds.

b. A number of an-stems are more or less defective, making a
part of their forms from other sterns^ Thus :

430. a. The stem ahan n. day is in the later language used
only in the strong and weakest cases, the middle (with the nom.
sing., which usually follows their analogy) coming from ahar or anas :
namely, ahar nom.-acc. sing., ahobhyam, ahobhls, etc. (PB. has
aharbhis); but ahna etc., ahni or ahani (or ahan), ahnl or ahani,
ahani (and, in V., aha).

b. In the oldest language, the middle cases ahabhis, ahabhyas,
ahasu also occur.

C. In composition, only ahar or ahas is used as preceding member;
as final member, ahar, ahas, ahan, or the derivatives aha, ahna.

d. The stem udhan n. udder exchanges in like manner, in the old
language, with udhar and udhas, but has become later an as-stern only
(except in the fern, udhni of adjective compounds) : thus, udhar or udhas,
udhnas, udhan or udhani, udhabhis, udhahsu. As derivatives from
it are made both udhanya and udhasya.

431. The neuter stems aksan eye, asthan bone, dadhan curds,
sakthan thigh, form in the later language only the weakest cases,
aksna, asthne, dadhnas, sakthnf or sakthani, and so on; the rest
of the inflection is made from stems in i, aksi etc.: see above,
3431.

a. In the older language, other cases from the an-stems occur: thus,
aksani, aksabhis, and aksasu; asthani, asthabhis, and asthabhyas;
sakthani.

432. The neuter stems asan blood, yakan liver, <jakan ordure,
asan mouth, udan water, dosan fore-arm, yusan broth, are required
to make their nom.-acc.-voc. in all numbers from the parallel stems
asrj, yakrt, qakpt, asya, udaka (in older language udaka), dos,
yuaa, which are fully inflected.

a. Earlier occurs also the dual dosani.

433. The stem panthan m. road is reckoned in the later lan-
guage as making the complete set of strong cases, with the irregularity
that the nom.-voc. sing, adds a B. The corresponding middle cases
are made from pathi, and the weakest from path. Thus:

161 DECLENSION V., DERIVATIVE STEMS IN an. [ — 438

from panthan — panthas, panthanam ; panthanau; pan-
thanas;

from pathi — pathibhyam; pathibhis, pathfbhyas, pathfsu;

from path — patha, pathe, pathas, pathi; path6s; pathas
or pathas (accus.), patham.

a. Iii the oldest language (RV.)' however, the strong stem is only
pantha: thus, panthas, nom. sing.; pantham, ace. sing.; panthas,
iiom. pi. ; and even in AY., panthanam and panthanas are rare com-
pared with the others. From pathi occur also the nom. pi. pathayas
and gen. pi. pathinam. RV. has once pathas, ace. pi., with long a.

434. The stems manthan m. stirring -stick, and rbhuksan m., an
epithet of Indra, are given by the grammarians the same inflection with
panthan; but only a few cases have been found in use. In V. occur from
the former the ace. sing, mantham, and gen. pi. mathinam (like the
corresponding cases from panthan) ; from the latter, the nom. sing, r bhu-
ksas and voc. pi. rbhuksas, like the corresponding Vedic forms of panthan;
but also the ace. sing, rbhuksanam and nom. pi. rbhuksanas, which
are after quite another model.

Adjectives.

435. Original adjective stems in an are almost exclusively those
made with the suffix van, as yajvan sacrificing, sutvan pressing the
soma, jitvan conquering. The stem is masc. and neut. only (but
sporadic cases of its use as fern, occur in RV.); the corresponding
fern, stem is made in vari: thus, yajvari, jitvan.

436. Adjective compounds having a noun in an as final mem-
ber are inflected after the model of noun-stems; and the masculine
forms are sometimes used also as feminine; but usually a special
feminine is made by adding I to the weakest form of the masculine
stem: thus, somarajm, kilalodhni, ekamurdhni, durnamm.

437. But (as was pointed out above : 429 a) nouns in an occurring
as final members of compounds often substitute a stem in a for that in
an: thus, -raja, -janma, -adhva, -aha; their feminine is in a. Occa-
sional exchanges of stems in van and in vant also occur: thus, vivasvan
and vivasvant.

a. The remaining divisions of the consonantal declension are
made up of adjective stems only.

D. Derivative stems (adjective) in in.

438. The stems of this division are those formed with
the suffixes ^in, pR^min, and fip^vin. They are mas-

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 11

438—]

V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

162

-^

culine and neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made
by adding ^ I.

a. The stems in in are very numerous, since almost any noun
in a in the language may form a possessive derivative adjective with
this suffix : thus, bala strength, balin m. n. balini f. possessing strength,
strong. Stems in vin (1232), however, are very few, and those in
min (1231) still fewer.

439. Their inflection is quite regular, except that they
lose their final ^n in the middle cases (before an initial
consonant of the ending), and also in the nom. sing., where
the masculine lengthens the ^ i by way of compensation.
The voc. sing, is in the masculine the bare stem; in the
neuter, either this or like the nominative.

a. In all these respects, it will be noticed, the in-declension
agrees with the an-declension ; but it differs from the latter in never
losing the vowel of the ending.

440. Example of inflection. As such may be
taken srf^R balin strong. Thus:

Singular. Dual. Plural,

m. n. m. n. m. n.

ball

ball

balmau balini balinas balini

balina

balinam balf
I.

D.

Ab.

G.

baline

balinas

balibhis

balibhyam

balibhyas

balini

balinos

balinam
eJMM

balisu

balin balin, ball balmau balini balinas balini

163 DECLENSION V., DERIVATIVE STEMS IN in. [ — 444

a. The derived feminine stem in inl is inflected, of course, like
any other feminine in derivative I (364).

441. a. There are no irregularities in the inflection of in-stems,
in either the earlier language or the later — except the usual Vedic
dual ending in a instead of au.

b. Steins in in exchange with stems in i throughout the whole his-
tory of the language, those of the one class heing developed out of those
of the other often through transitional forms. In a much smaller number
of cases, stems in in are expanded to stems in ina: e. g. qakina (RV.),
(jusmina (B.), barhina, bhajina.

E. Derivative stems (adjective) in ant (or at).

442. These stems fall into two sub- divisions : 1. those
made by the suffix EJtT^ant (or ^rT^at), being, with a very
few exceptions, active participles, present and future;
2. those made by the possessive suffixes JTtT mant and
cftT vant (or *ffi mat and pfflf vat). They are masculine and
neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made by ad-
ding ^ I.

1. Participles in ant or at.

443. The stem has in general a double form, a stronger
and a weaker, ending respectively in 5f?T ant and 5FT at.
The former is taken in the strong cases of the masculine,
with, as usual, the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. neuter; the latter is
taken by all the remaining cases.

a. But, in accordance with the rule for the formation of the feminine
stem (below, 449), the future participles, and the present participles of
verbs of the tud-class or accented a-class (752), and of verbs of the ad-
class or root-class ending in a, are by the grammarians allowed to make
the nom.-acc.-voc. du. neut. from either the stronger or the weaker stem;
and the present participles from all other present-stems ending in a are
required to make the same from the strong stem.

444. Those verbs, however, which in the 3d pi. pres.
active lose ^n of the usual ending % nti (550 b), lose it
also in the present participle, and have no distinction of
strong and weak stem.

11*

V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

164

a. Such are the verbs forming their present-stem by reduplication
without added a: namely, those of the reduplicating or hu-class (655) and
the intensives (1012): thus, from |/hu, present-stem juhu, participle-
stem juhvat; intensive-stem johu, intensive participle-stem johvat.
Further, the participles of roots apparently containing a contracted redupli-
cation: namely, caksat, dac,at, dasat, Qasat, sa<jcat; the aorist parti-
ciple dhaksat, and vaghat(?). Vavydhant (RV., once), which has the n
notwithstanding its reduplication, comes, like the desiderative participles
(1032), from a stem in a: compare vavydhanta, vavrdhasva.

b. Even these verbs are allowed by the grammarians to make the
nom.-acc.-voc. pi. neut. in anti.

445. The inflection of these stems is quite regular.
The nom. sing. masc. comes to end in 5R an by the regu-
lar (150) loss of the two final consonants from the etymo-
logical form SJr^ants. The vocative of each gender is like
the nominative.

446. Steins accented on the final syllable throw the accent
forward upon the case-ending in the weakest cases (not in the middle
also).

a. In the dual neut. (as in the feminine stem) from such participles,
the accent is anti if the n is retained, atl if it is lost.

447. Examples of .declension. As such may serve

being,
ficing. Thus :

Q£) (SsjS**:} <

bh&vanOO bh&vat

eating,

juhvat sacri-

adan

adat . juhvat juhvat

bhavantam bhavat adantam adat

bhavata

D.

Ab. G.

bhavate

bhavatas

bhavati

adata

adate

juhvatam juhvat

juhvata

juhvate

adataa

juhvatas

adati

juhvati

165 DECLENSION V., DERIVATIVE STEMS IN ant. [ — 448

V.

bhavan bhavat

adan adat

jiihvat

N.A.V.
LD.Ab
G. L.

N. V.

bhavantau bhavanti adantau adati juhvatfiu juhvati

bhavadbhyam adadbhyam juhvadbhyam

H«*rtiH^ ^rilH^ g^fTTH^

bhavatos adatos juhvatos

Plural:

bhavantas bhavanti adantas adanti juhvatas juhvati

bhavatas bhavanti adatas adanti juhvatas juhvati

I.

D. Ab.

G.

bhavadbhis

adadbhis

juhvadbhis

bhavadbhyas adadbhyas

bhavatam

adatam

juhvadbhyas

*pn^

juhvat am

bhavatsu

adatsu

juhvatsu

a. The future participle bhavisyant may form in nom. etc. dual
neuter either bhavisyanti or bhavisyati; tudant, either tudanti or
tudati; yant (j/ya), either yanti or yati. And jiihvat, in nom. etc.
plural neuter, may make also juhvanti (beside juhvati, as given in
the paradigm above).

b. But these strong forms (as well as bhavanti, du., and its like
from present-stems in unaccented a) are quite contrary to general analogy,
and of somewhat doubtful character. No example of them is quotable,
either from the older or from the later language. The cases concerned,
indeed, would be everywhere of rare occurrence.

448. The Vedic deviations from the model as above given are few.
The dual ending au is only one sixth as common as ft. Anomalous accent
is seen in a case or two: acodate, rathirayatSm, and vaghadbhis (if
this is a participle). The only instance in V. of nom. etc. pi. neut. is
santi, with lengthened a (compare the forms in anti, below, 451 a, 454 c);
one or two examples in anti are quotable from B.

449—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 166

449. The feminine participle-stem, as already stated,
is made by adding 5 I to either the strong or the weak
stem-form of the masc.-neut. The rules as to which of the
two forms shall he taken are the same with those given
ahove respecting the nom. etc. dual neuter; namely:

a. Participles from tense-stems ending in unaccented a add 1
to the strong stem-form, or make their feminine in antl.

b. Such are the bhu or unaccented a-class and the div or ya-class of
present-stems (chap. IX.), and the desideratives and causatives (chap. XIV.):
thus, from ybhu (stem bhava), bhavanti; from j/div (stem divya),
divyanti; from bubhusa and bhavaya (desid. and caus. of ybhu),
bubhusanti and bhavayanti.

c. Exceptions to this rule axe now and then met with, even from the
earliest period. Tims, RV. has jarati, and AY. the desid erative sisasatl;
in B. occur vadati, <jocati, trpyati, and in S. further tisthati, and the.
causative namayati; while in the epics and later such cases (including
desideratives and causatives) are more numerous (about fifty are quotable),
though still only sporadic.

d. Participles from tense-atoms in accented a may add the femin-
ine-sign either to the strong or to the weak stem-form, or may make
their feminines in ant! or in ati (with accent as here noted).

e. Such are the present-stems of the tud or accented a-class (751 ff.),
the s-futures (932 ff.), and the denominatives (1053 ff.): thus, from j/tud
(stem tuda), tudanti or tudati; from bhavifya (fut. of )/bhu), bha-
visyanti or bhavisyatl; from devaya (denom. of deva), devayanti
or devayati.

f. The forms in anti from this class are the prevailing ones. No
future fern, participle in ati is quotable from the older language. From
pres. -stems in a are found there rnjati and sincati (RV.), tudati and
pinvatl (AY.). From denominatives, devayati (RV.), durasyati and
Qatruyatl (AY.). In BhP. occurs dhaksyati.

g. Yerbs of the ad or root-class (61 1 ff.) ending in & are given
by the grammarians the same option as regards the feminine of the present
participle: thus, from ]/ya, yanti or yati. The older language affords no
example of the former, so far as noted.

h. From other tense-stems than those already specified — that
is to say, from the remaining classes of present-stems and from the
intensives — the feminine is formed in ati (or, if the stem be other-
wise accented than on the final, in ati) only.

i. Thus, adati from }/ad; juhvati from ylm; yufijati from }/yuj;
sunvati from ^BU; kurvati from >/ky; krlnati from j/krl; dedi9ati
from dedi? (intens. of

167 DECLENSION V., DERIVATIVE STEMS IN ant. [—462

j. Feminine stems of this class are occasionally (bat the case is much
less frequent than its opposite : above, c) found with the nasal : thus,
yanti (AV., once), undanti (£B. ; but probably from the secondary a-stem),
grhnanti (S.), and, in the epics and later, such forms as bruvanti,
rudantl, cinvanti, kurvantl, jananti, mu^nanti.

450. A few words are participial in form and inflection, though
not in meaning. Thus:

a. brhant (often written vrhant) great; it is inflected like a
participle (with bphati and byhanti in du. and pi. neut.).

b. mahant great; inflected like a participle, but with the irreg-
ularity that the a of the ending is lengthened in the strong forms:
thus, mahan, mahantam; mahantau (neut. mahati) ; mahantas,
mahanti: instr. mahata etc.

c. prsant speckled , and (in Veda only) riicant shining.

d. jagat movable, lively (in the later language, as neuter noun, world"),
a reduplicated formation from j/gam go; its nom. etc. neut. pi. is allowed
by the grammarians to be only jaganti.

e. rhant small (only once, in RV., rhate).

f. All these form their feminine in atl only: thus, bj-hati,
mahati, pfsati and ru9ati (contrary to the rule for participles),
jagati.

g. For dant tooih, -which is perhaps of participial origin, see above,
396.

451. The pronominal adjectives fyant and kfyant are inflected
like adjectives in mant and vant, having (452) iyan and kfyan as
nom. masc. sing., fyati and kfyati as nom. etc. du. neut. and as
feminine stems, and iyanti and kiyantl as nom. etc. plur. neut.

a. But the neut. pi. {yanti and the loc. sing.(?) kfyati are found
in RV.

2. Possessives in mant and vant.

452. The adjectives formed by these two suffixes are
inflected precisely alike, and very nearly like the participles

in ^r^ant. From the latter they differ only by lengthening v^^>
the 5f a in the nom. sing. masc.

a. The voc. sing, is in an, like that of the participle (in the
later language, namely: for that of the oldest, see below, 454 b).
.The neut. nom. etc. are in the dual only atl (or atl), and in the plu-
ral anti (or anti .

b. The feminine is always made from the weak stem : thus,
mati, vatl (or mati, vatl). One or two cases of nl instead of I
are met with : thus, antarvatni (B. and later), pativatni (C.).

452-]

V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

168

c. The accent, however, is never thrown forward (as in the
participle) upon the case-ending or the feminine ending.

453. To illustrate the inflection of such stems, it will
be sufficient to give a part of the forms of qspTrT pa9umant
possessing cattle, and HJ|°W bhagavant fortunate, blessed.
Thus:

Singular :

m. n.

N.

A.

pa^uman pac,umat

MSMHrH^ *&F&[^

pacuxnantaxn pacumat

bhagavan bhagavat

HJNrlH^ *TOr^

bhagavantam bhagavat

pa^umata
etc.

bhagavata

etc.

pac,uxnan
Dual:

pacumat bhagavan

bhagavat

V.

N. A. V.

pn.mTmA.Titfl.ri pacuxnati bhagavantau bhagavati

etc. etc.

Plural:
N. V. MSHHT1H

O *Ni

*3< 3 paqumantas pacumanti bhagavantas bhagavanti

I.

paQumatas pacumanti bhagavatas bhagavanti

pacumadbhls

etc.

bhagavadbhis

etc.

454. Ye die Irregularities, a. In dual masc. nom. etc., a (for
Su) is the greatly prevailing ending.

b. In voc. sing, masc., the ending in the oldest language (RV.) is
almost always in as instead of an (as in the perfect participle: below,
462 a): thus, adrivas, harivas, bhanumas, havismas. Such vocatives
in RV. occur more than a hundred times, while not a single unquestionable
instance of one in an is to be found. In the other Vedic texts, vocatives
in as are extremely rare (but bhagavas and its contraction bhagos are
met with, even in the later language); and in their reproduction of RV

169 DECLENSION V., DERIVATIVE STEMS IN ant. f— 458

passages the as is usually changed to an. It was pointed oat above (425 g)
that the BY. makes the voc. in as also apparently from a few an-stems.

C. In RV., the nom. etc. pi. neat., in the only two instances that
occur, ends in anti instead of anti: thus, ghrtavanti, pagumanti.
No such forms have been noted elsewhere in the older language: the SV.
reads anti in its version of the corresponding passages, and a few exam-
ples of the same ending are quotable from the Brahmanas : thus, tavanti,
etavanti, yavanti, ghrtavanti, pravanti, rtumanti, yugmanti. Com-
pare 448, 451.

d. In a few (eight or ten) more or less doubtful cases, a confusion
of strong and weak forms of stem is made ; they are too purely sporadic to
require reporting. The same is true of a case or two where a masculine
form appears to be used with a feminine noun.

455. The stem arvant running, steed, has the nom. sing, arva,
from arvan; and in the older language also the voc. arvan and accus.
arvanam.

456. Besides the participle bhavant, there is another stem bha-
vant, frequently used in respectful address as substitute for the
pronoun of the second person (but construed, of course, with a verb
in the third person), which is formed with the suffix vant, and so
declined, having in the nom. sing, bhavan; and the contracted form
bhos of its old-style vocative bhavas is a common exclamation of
address: you, sir! Its origin has been variously explained; but it is
doubtless a contraction of bhagavant.

457. The pronominal adjectives tavant, etavant, yavant, and the
Vedic ivant, mavant, tvavant, etc., are inflected like ordinary derivatives
from nouns.

F. Perfect Participles in vans.

458. The active participles of the perfect tense-system
are quite peculiar as regards the modifications of their stem.

In the strong cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. neut, \ ^j^
the form of their suffix is cffH^vans, which becomes, by regu- ^ ^ { ^
lar process (150), vSn in the nom. sing., and which i

-L -C vV\ *•

shortened to 3R van in the voc. sing. In the weakest
cases, the suffix is contracted into 3&T us. In the middle
cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc. neut. sing., it is changed
to

a. A union-vowel i, if present in the strong and middle cases,
disappears in the weakest, before us.

469—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 170

469. The forms as thus described are masculine and
neuter only ; the corresponding feminine is made by adding
^ I to the weakest form of stem, ending thus in 3^ lisl.

460. The accent is always upon the suffix, whatever be its form.

461. Examples of inflection. To show the in-
flection of these participles, we may take the stems fcf^lu
vidvSns knowing (which has irregular loss of the usual re-
duplication and of the perfect meaning) from yfa<£ vid,

and HftUHfM tasthivSns having stood from i/TOT stha.

*•*

Singular:
m. n. m. n.

vidv&n vidvat tasthivan tasthivdt

vidvansam vidvat tasthivansam tasthivat

i. fejqr fTFgsrr

vidufft tasthiisa

s9

viduse tasthufe

vidusas tasthufas

L. forfft1 Hf^iN

vidusi taathusi

vidvan vidvat tasthivan tasthivat

Baal :

N. A. V.

vidvaAsau vidusi tasthivansau tasthusi

I. D. Ab.

vidvadbhyam tasthivadbhyam

riwrtn^

tasthufos

171

DECLENSION V., PARTICIPLES IN vans.

[—462

Plural :

N. V.

A.

I.

D. Ab.

G.

vidvansas vidvansi

fe^MU^ festfir
viduaaa vidvaAsi

f^tefk^

vidvadbhis

£te*uH^

vidvadbhyas

(NiMiH^

viduflam

foSr§
vidvateu

tasthivansas tasthivansi

tasthusas tasthivansi

tasthivadbhis

tasthivadbhyas

H^NIH^
tasthiisam

tasthivatsu

a. The feminine stems of these two participles are
vidiisi and H^) tasthiisl.

b. Other examples of the different steins are :
from ykr — cakrvaAs, cakrvat, cakriis, cakriisi;
from yni — ninlvaAe, ninivat, ninyus, ninyusi;
from /bhu — babhiivtAs, babhuvat, babhuvuf, babhuvu^i;
from 1 tan — tenivans, teniv&t, tenii?, tenufl.

462. a. In the oldest language (RV.), the vocative sing. masc. (like
that of vant and mant- steins : above, 454 b) has the ending vas instead
of van: thus, oikitvas (changed to -van in a parallel passage of AV.),
titirvas, didivas, midhvas.

b. Forma from the middle stem, in vat, are extremely rare earlier:
only three (tatanvat and vavftvat, neut. sing., and jagr^radbhis, instr.
pi.), are found in RV., and not one in AV. And in the Veda the weakest
stem (not, as later, the middle one) is made the basis of comparison and
derivation: thus, vidus^ara, ad&^Uftara, midhus^ama, midhuBmant.

c. An example or two of the use of the weak stem-form for cases
regularly made from the strong are found in RV. : they are cakrusam,
ace. sing., and abibhyusas, nom. pi.; emusam, by its accent (unless an
error), is rather from a derivative stem emu&a; and QB. has prosiisam.
Similar instances, especially from vidvans, are now and then met with
later (see BR., under vidvans).

d. The AV. has once bhaktivansas, as if a participial form from a
noun; but K. and TB. give in the corresponding passage bhaktivanaa;
cakhvanaam (RV., once) is of doubtful character; okivansa (RV., once)
shows a reversion to guttural form of the final of yuc, elsewhere unknown.

463—]

V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

172

G. Comparatives in yans or yas.

463. The comparative adjectives of primary formation
(below, 467) have a double form of stem for masculine and
neuter : a stronger, ending in HlH^ySns (usually

in the strong cases, and a weaker, in OT yas (or
in the weak cases (there being no distinction of middle and
weakest). The voc. sing. masc. ends in ZR^yan (but for
the older language see below, 465 a).

a. The feminine is made by adding ^ I to the weak
masc.-neut. stem.

464. As models of inflection, it will be sufficient to
give a part of the forms of 3TTO^9r6yas better, and of
J((lUU gariyas heavier. Thus:

Singular :

N. 3TUH

9reyan Qreyas gariyftn gariyas

A 3iti inn^ iiuH^ JlftafFR^ J|(lUH

Qreyansam Qreyas ganyansam gariyas

I. 44UHI J|(lUHI

gariyasa
etc.

9reyasa
etc.

V.

N. A, V.

N. V.

9reyan
Dual

^reyas

ganyan

gariyas

9reyansau

etc.

Plural:

etc.

ganyansau
etc.

garlyasl
etc.

Qreyaneas

JHNHH

"V

9reyasas

^reyansi

garlyanaas gariyansi

9reyanai

garlyasas gariyansi

Qreyobhia

gariyobhis

etc.

etc.

173

COMPARISON OP ADJECTIVES.

[—467

a. The feminine stems of these adjectives are
9reyasi and J|(IUHl garlyasl.

485. a. The Vedic yoc. masc. (as in the two preceding divisions:
454 b, 462 a) is in yas instead of yan: thus, ojiyas, jy&yas (RV.: no
examples elsewhere have been .noted).

b. No example of a middle case occurs in RV. or AV.

c. In the later language are found a very few apparent examples of
strong cases made from the weaker stem-form : thus, kanlyasam and
yavlyasam ace. masc., kamyasau du., yaviyasas nom. pi.

Comparison.

466. Derivative adjective stems having a comparative
and superlative meaning — or often also (and more origin-
ally) a merely intensive value — are made either directly
from roots (by primary derivation), or from other derivative
or compound stems (by secondary derivation).

a. The subject of comparison belongs more properly to the chapter of
derivation ; but It stands in such near relation to inflection that it is, in
accordance with the usual custom in grammars, conveniently and suitably
enough treated oriefly here.

467. The suffixes of primary derivation are ^TO iyas
(or ^jfiT lySns) for the comparative and ^ isjha for the
superlative. The root before them is accented, and usually
strengthened by gunating, if capable of it — or, in some
cases, by nasalization or prolongation. They are much more
frequently and freely used in the oldest language than
later; in the classical Sanskrit, only a limited number of
such comparatives and superlatives are accepted in use ; and
these attach themselves in meaning for the most part to
other adjectives from the same root, which seem to be
their corresponding positives; but in part also they are
artificially connected with other words, unrelated with them
in derivation.

a. Thus, from j/kfip hurl come ksepiyas and ksepistha, which
belong in meaning to kaipra quick; from i/vj* encompass come vari-
yaa and varistha, which belong to uru broad; while, for example,

467—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 174

kaniyas and kanisfcha are attached by the grammarians to yuvan
young, or alpa small; and varslyas and varsistha to vrddha old.

468. From Veda and Brahmana together, considerably more than
a hundred instances of this primary formation in iyas and istha (in
many cases only one of the pair actually occurring) are to be quoted.

a. About half of these (in RV., the decided majority) belong, in
meaning as in form, to the bare root in its adjective value, as used espe-
cially at the end of compounds, but sometimes also independently : thus,
from |/tap burn comes tapistha excessively burning; from y'yaj offer come
yajiyas and yajistha better and best (or very welt) sacrificing ; from j/yudh
fight comes yodhiyas fighting better; — in a few instances, the simple
root is also found used as corresponding positive: thus, ju hasty, rapid
with javlyas and javisjha.

b. In a little class of instances (eight), the root has a preposition
prefixed, which then takes the accent: thus, agamistha especially coming
hither; vfcayis^ha best clearing away; — in a couple of cases (a<jrami-
Stha, aparavapistha, astheyas), the negative particle is prefixed; —
in a single word ((jambhaviBtha), an element of another kind.

c. The words of this formation sometimes take an accusative object
(see 271 e).

d. But even in the oldest language appears not infrequently the
same attachment in meaning to a derivative adjective which (as point-
ed out above) is usual in the later speech.

e. Besides the examples that occur also later, others are met with
like varisflia choicest (vara choice), barhif^ha greatest (brhant great),
osistha quickest (osam quickly^), and so ou. Probably by analogy with
these, like formations are in a few cases madi from the apparently radical
syllables of words which have no otherwise traceable root in the language :
thus, kradhiyas and kradhisjha (K.) from krdhu, sthavlyas and
sthavisflia from sthura, 9691708 (RV.) from Qacjvant, aniyas (AV.)
and anis^ha (TS.) from anu; and so on. And yet again, in a few excep-
tional cases, the suffixes iyas and is^ha are applied to stems which are
themselves palpably derivative : thus, a^istfia from Sc,u (RV. : only case),
tiksniyas (AV.) from tlksna, brahmlyaa and braiunisflia (TS. etc.)
from brahman, dharmistha (TA.) from dharxnan, dra^histha (TA.:
instead of darhisflia) from dp<pia, raghiyas (TS.) from raghu. These
are beginnings, not followed up later, of the extension of the formation
to unlimited use.

f. In naviyas or navyas and naviatha, from nava new, and in
sanyas from sana old (all RV.), we have also formations unconnected
with verbal roots.

469. The stems in if$ha are inflected like ordinary adjectives
in a, and make their feminines in a; those in iyas have a peculiar
declension, which has been described above (463 ff.).

175 COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES. [—471

470. Of peculiarities and irregularities of formation, the follow-
ing may be noticed:

a. The suffix iyas has in a few instances the briefer form yas, gener-
ally as alternative with the other: thus, taviyas and tavyas, naviyas
and navyas, vasiyas and vasyas, panlyae and panyas; and so from
rabh and sah; B any as occurs alone. From bhu come bhiiyas and
bbnyis^ha, beside which RY. has also bhaviyas.

b. Of roots in a, the final blends with the initial of the suffix to e :
thus, stheyas, dhes^ha, ye^ha; but such forms are in the Veda gener-
ally to be resolved, as dhdistha, yais^ha. The root jyft forms jyeg^ha,
but jyayas (like bhuyaa).

c. The two roots in i, pri and 91-1, form preyas and pref $ha and
9reyas and 9res^ha,

d. From the root of yju come, without strengthening, f jiyaa and
fjis^ha; but in the oldei language also, more regularly, rajiyas and
rajitfha.

471. The suffixes of secondary derivation are cTf tara
and rFT tama. They are of almost unrestricted application,
being added to adjectives of every form, simple and com-
pound, ending in vowels or in consonants — and this from
the earliest period of the language until the latest. The
accent of the primitive remains (with rare exceptions) un-
changed ; and that form of stem is generally taken which
appears before an initial consonant of a case-ending (weak
or middle form).

a. Examples (of older as well as later occurrence) are: from
vowel-stems, priyatara, vahnitama, rathitara and rathitama (RV.),
carutara, potftama, samraktatara ; — from consonant-stems, 9am-
tama, 9a9vattama, xnr^ayattama, tavastara and tavastama, tuvi§-
tama, vapustara, tapasvitara, ya9asvitama, bhagavattara, hira-
nyava9imattama; — from compounds, ratnadhatama, abhibhutara,
sukfttara, purbhittama, bhuyis^habhaktama, bhuridavattara,
9ucivratataina, strikamatama.

b. But in the Veda the final n of a stem is regularly retained: thus,
madintara and madfntama, v^fantama; and a few stems even add a
nasal: thus, Burabhintara, rayintama, xnadhuntazna. In a case or
two, the strong stem of a present participle is taken: thus, vradhanttama,
sahanttama; and, of a perfect participle, the weakest stem: thus, vidiie-
tara, midhustama. A feminine final I is shortened: thus, devitaxnfi
(RV.), tejasvinitama (K.).

471—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 176

c. In the older language, the words of this formation are not much
more frequent than those of the other: thus, in RV. the stems in tara
and tama are to those in lyas and is$ha as three to two; in AY., only
as six to five: but later the former win a great preponderance.

472. These comparatives and superlatives are inflected like
ordinary adjectives in a, forming their feminine in &.

473. a. That (especially in the Veda) some stems which are
nouns rather than adjectives form derivatives of comparison is natural
enough, considering the uncertain nature of the division-line between
substantive and adjective value. Thus, we have viratara, viratama,
vahnitama, matrtama, nrtama, maruttama, and so on.

b. The suffixes tara and tama also make forms of comparison
from some of the pronominal roots, as ka, ya, i (see below, 520) ;
and from certain of the prepositions, as ud; and the adverbially used
accusative (older, neuter, -taram; later, feminine, -taram) of a com-
parative in tara from a preposition is employed to make a corres-
ponding comparative to the preposition itself (below, 1119); while
-taram and -tamam make degrees of comparison from a few ad-
verbs: thus, nataram, natamam, kathamtaram, kutastaram,
addhatamam, nlcaistaram, etc.

c. By a wholly barbarous combination, finding no warrant in the
earlier and more genuine usages of the language, the suffixes of comparison
in their adverbial feminine form, -taram and -tamam, are later allowed
to be added to personal forms of verbs : thus, sidatetaram (R. : the only
case noted in the epics) is mere despondent, vyathayatitaram disturbs
more, alabhatataram obtained in a higher degree, hasisyatitaram will
laugh more. No examples of this use of -tamam are quotable.

d. The suffixes of secondary comparison are not infrequently added
to those of primary, forming double comparatives and superlatives: thus,
gariyastara, Qresthatara and sresthatama, papiyastara, papistha-
tara and -tama, bhuyastaram, etc.

e. The use of tama as ordinal suffix is noted below (487) ; with
this value, it is accented on the final, and makes its feminine in I:
thus, (jatatama m. n., (jatatami f., hundredth.

474. From a few words, mostly prepositions-degrees of com-
parison are made by the briefer suffixes ra and t^nay thus, adhara
and adhama, apara and apama, avara and avama, upara and
upama, antara, antama, parama, madhyama, carama, antima,
adima, pa^cima. And ma is also usecfto make Ordinal 8 (below, 487).

'9-0

177 NUMERALS. [—475

C H A P T E R VI.

NUMERALS.

475. The simple cardinal numerals for the first ten
numbers (which are the foundation of the whole class),
with their derivatives, the tens, and with some of the higher
members of the decimal series, are as follows:

1 Tf3\ 10 ^ 100 5IfT
eka da?a 9ata

2 "% 20 (c(\iiri 1000 H^M
dva vin9ati sahasra

3 f* 30 MUlrl^ 10,000 _
tri trin9at ayiita

4 rirj^ 4o t|p|iiji\tid 100,000 ^T5|
catur catvariiL9at laksa

5 ^T^ 50 H^Jiuin 1,000,000 SRJfT
panca panca9at prayuta

6 Iffl eo ^f^ 10,000,000

7 HH 70 HprfrT io8

sapta saptati arbuda

8 5H? 80 V( y.|l [fi 10s

asta agiti maharbuda

9 ^ 90 He(JH 10W ^ef

nava navatf kharva

f^ r

10 ?S[ 100 5H io11

9ata nikharva

a. The accent sapta and asta is that belonging to these words in all
accentuated texts; according to the grammarians, they are sapta and asta
in the later language. See below, 483.

b. The series of decimal numbers may be carried still further;
but there are great differences among the different authorities with

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 12

476—]

VI. NUMERALS.

178

regard to their names ; and there is more or less of discordance even
from ayuta on.

c. Thus, in the TS. and MS. we find ayuta, niyuta, prayuta,
arbuda, nyarbuda, samudra, madhya, ant a, par&rdha; K. reverses
the order of niyuta and prayuta, and inserts badva after nyarbuda
(reading nyarbudha): these are probably the oldest recorded series.

d. In modern time, the only numbers in practical use above thousand
are laksa (lac or lakh") and ko(i (crore); and an Indian sum is wont to
be pointed thus: 123,45,67,890, to signify 123 crores, 45 lakh?, 67 thou-
sand, eight hundred and ninety.

e. As to the alleged stem-forms pancan etc., see below, 484. As
to the form saks instead of sas, see above, 146b. The stem dva appears
in composition and derivation also as dva and dvi; catur in composition
is accented catur. The older form of asta is asta: see below, 483.
Forms in -9at and -$ati for the tens are occasionally interchanged: e. g.
vin?at (MBh. B.), trin?ati (AB.), panca^ati (BT.).

f. The other numbers are expressed by the various composition
and syntactical combination of those given above. Thus :

476. The odd numbers between the even tens are made by
prefixing the (accented) unit to the ten to which its value is to be
added: but with various irregularities. Thus:

a. eka in 11 becomes eka, but is elsewhere unchanged;

b. dva becomes everywhere dva; but in 42—72 and in 92 it is
interchangeable with dvi, and in 82 dvi alone is used;

c. for tri is substituted its nom. pi. masc. trayas ; but tri itself is
also allowed in 43 — 73 and in 93, and in 83 tri alone is used;

d. sas becomes 90 in 16, and makes the initial d of da$a lingual
(199d); elsewhere its final undergoes the regular conversion (226 b, 198b)
to $ or $ or n; and in 96 the n of navati is assimilated to it (199c);

e. afta becomes asta (483) in 18—38, and has either form in the
succeeding combinations.

f. Thus:

11 ekada9a

12 dvadaqa

13 trayodaca

14 caturda9a

15 pancada9a

16 s6(Ja9a

17 saptada9a

18 astada9a

19 navadaqa

31 ekatrirujat

32 dvatrinQat

33 trayastrin9at

34 catustrin^at

35 pancatrin9at

36 sa^trin9at

37 saptatrin^at

38 astatrifi9at

39 navatrin$at

61 ekasasti

81

82

trdyahsa^ti

83 tryac,Iti

84 catur a9 it i

85 panca^Iti

86 sada9iti

87 sapta9iti

69 navasasti 89 nava^iti

64 catuhsasti

65 pancasasti

66 Bataasti

67 saptasasti

179

ODD NUMBERS.

[—478

g. The numbers 21 — 29 are made like those for 31 — 39; the numbers
41—49, 51—59, 71—79, and 91—99 are ,|iade like those for 61 — 69.

h. The forms made with dva and trayas are more usual than those
with dvi and tri, which are hardly to be quoted from the older literature
(V. and Br.). The forms made with a^fi (instead of a§$a) are alone found
in the older literature (483), and are usual in the later.

477. The above are the normal expressions for the odd num-
bers. But equivalent substitutes for them are also variously made.
Thus:

a. By use of the adjectives una deficient and adhika redundant, in
composition with lesser numbers which are to be subtracted or added, and
either independently qualifying or (more usually) in composition with larger
numbers which are to be increased or diminished by the others: thus,
tryunasastih. sixty deficient by three (i. e. 57) ; as^adhikanavatih ninety
increased by eight (i. e. 9<9) ,• ekadhikam qatam a hundred increased by
one (i. e. 101~); panconam <jatam 100 less 5 (i. e. 95). For the nines,
especially, such substitutes as ekonavirujatih 20 less 1, or 19, are not
uncommon; and later the eka 1 is left off, and unavintjati etc. have
the same value.

b. A case-form of a smaller number, generally eka one is connect-
ed by na not with a larger number from which it is to be deducted : thus,
ekaya na trin9&t (£B. PB. KB.) not thirty by one (29); dvaTAyam
na '9itfm (£B.) not eighty by two (7«); panoabhir na catvari ^atani
(£B.) not four hundred by five (395); ekasman na panc&Q&t (in ordinal)
49 (TS.); ekasyai (abl. fern. : 307 h) na panca^at 49 (TS.) ; most often,
ekan (i. e. ekat, irregular abl. for ekasmat) na vin9at{h 19; ekan na
9 a tarn 99. This last form is admitted also in the later language; the
others are found in the Brahmanas.

c. Instances of multiplication by a prefixed number are occasionally
met with: thus, trisapta thrice seven; trinava thrice nine; tridacja
thrice ten.

d. Of course, the numbers to be added together may be expressed by
independent words, with connecting and: thus, nava ca navatiq ca, or
nava navati<j ca ninety and nine; dvau ca vi^aticj ca tiro and
twenty. But the connective is also (at least, in the older language) not
seldom omitted: thus, navatfr nava 99; trinc.ataih trin 33; aqitir
astaii 88.

478. The same methods are also variously used for forming
the odd numbers above 100. Thus:

a. The added number is prefixed to the other, and takes the accent:
for example, ekaQatam 101 ; as^asatam 108; tringacchatam 130; as$a-
vin9ati9atam 128; catuhsahasram (RV. : unless the accent is wrong)
1004; a9iti8ahasram 1080.

12*

478—] VI. NUMERALS. 180

b. Or, the number to be added is compounded with adhika redundant,
and the compound is either mate to qualify the other number or is further
compounded with it: thus, pancadhikam 9atam or pancadhika^atam
105. Of course, una deficient (as also other words equivalent to una or
adhika) may be used in the same way: thus, panconam <jatam 95,
sastih pancavarjita 55; 9atam abhyadhikam Bastitah 160.

c. Syntactical combinations are made at convenience: for example,
da<?a c,atam ca 1W; 9atam ekam ca 101.

470. Another usual method (beginning in the Brahmanas) of
forming the odd numbers above 100 is to qualify the larger number
by an adjective derived from the smaller, and identical with the
briefer ordinal (below, 487): thus, dvadac.am qatam, 112 (lit'ly a
hundred of a 12-sort, or characterised by 12) ; catuQcatvarii^am Qatam
144; Batsastam 9atam 166.

480. To multiply one number by another, among the higher
or the lower denominations, the simplest and least ambiguous method
is to make of the multiplied number a dual or plural, qualified by
the other as any ordinary noun would be ; and this method is a com-
mon one in all ages of the language. For example : panca panca-
9&tas Jive fifties (250}; nava navatayas nine nineties (810}; acjtibhis
tisrbhis with three eighties (240} ; panca gatani Jive hundreds ; trini
sahasrani three thousands; ^astim sahasrani 60,000; dac,a ca sahas-
rany as^au ca c.atani 10,800: and, combined with addition, trini
c, atani trayastrin^atam ca 333 ; sahasre dve panconam 9 atam eva
ca 2095.

a. In an exceptional case or two, the ordinal form appears to take
the place of the cardinal as multiplicand in a like combination : thus, sat-
trin9an9 ca caturah (RV.) 36x4 (lit. four of the thirty-six fcind)/
trinr ekada9an (RV.) or traya ekada9asah (ggs. viii. 21. 1) 27x3.

b. By a peculiar and wholly illogical construction, such a combination
as trini sasti^atani, which ought to signify 480 (3x100 + 60), is repeat-
edly used in the Brahmanas to mean 360 (3x100 + 60); so also dve
eatustrinqe 9ate 234 (not 266); dvasastani trini 9atani 362; and
other like cases. And even R. has trayah 9ata9atardhah 350.

481. But the two factors, multiplier and multiplied, are also,
and in later usage more generally, combined into a compound (accent-
ed on the final); and this is then treated as an adjective, quali-
fying the numbered nouu; or else its neuter or feminine (in I) singu-
lar is used substantively : thus, da9a9atas 1000; sat^ataih pada-
tibbih (MBh.) with 600 foot-soldiers; trayaatri^at tri9atah sa$-
sahasrah (AV.) 6333; dvi9atam or dvi9atl 200; astada9a9atl 1800.

a. In the usual absence of accentuation, there arises sometimes a
question as to how a compound number shall be understood : whether asta-
9atam, for example, is astj^atam 108 or as^atam 800, and the like.

181 INFLECTION. [

482. Inflection. The inflection of the cardinal nu-
merals is in many respects irregular. Gender is distinguish-
ed only by the first four.

a. Eka one is declined after the manner of a pronominal adjec-
tive (like sarva, below, 524) ; its plural is used in the sense of some,
certain ones. Its dual does not occur.

b. Occasional forms of the ordinary declension are met with: thus,
eke (loc. sing.), ekat (477 b).

c. In the late literature, eka is used in the sense of a certain,
or even sometimes almost of a, as an indefinite article. Thus, eko
vyaghrah (H.) a certain tiger; ekasmin dine on a certain day; haste
dandam ekam adaya (H.) taking a stick in his hand.

d. Dva two is dual only, and is entirely regular : thus, N. A. V.
dvau (dva, Veda) m., dve f. n. ; I. D. Ab. dvabhyam; G. L. dvayos.

e. Tri three is in masc. and neut. nearly regular, like an ordi-
nary stem in i; but the genitive is as if from traya (only in the
later language: the regular trinam occurs once in KV.). For the
feminine it has the peculiar stem tisr, which is inflected in general
like an r-stem; but the nom. and accus. are alike, and show no
strengthening of the r; and the y is not prolonged in the gen. (except-
ing in the Veda). Thus:

m. n. f.

N. trayaa trini tiaras

A. trin trini tisras

I. tribhis tisybhis

D. Ab. tribhyaa tisrbhyaa

G. trayanam tisrnam

L. trisu tisrsu

f. The Veda has the abbreviated neut. nom. and accns. tri. The
accentuation tisrbhls, tisrbhyas, tisfnam, and tisrsu is said to be
also allowed in the later language. The stem tisr occurs in composition
in tisrdhanva (B.) a bow with three arrows.

g. Catur four has catvar (the more original form) in the strong
cases; in the fern, it substitutes the stem catasr, apparently akin
with tisf , and inflected like it (but with anomalous change of accent,
like that in. the higher numbers : see below, 483). Thus :

m. n. f.

N. catvaras catvari catasras

A. caturas catvari catasras

I. caturbhis catasfbhis

D. Ab. caturbhyas catasrbhyas

G. caturnam catasrnam

L. catursu catasrsu.

482—] VI. NUMERALS. 182

h. The use of n before am of the gen. masc. and neut. after a final
consonant of the stem is (as in ijas: below, 483) a striking irregularity.
The more regular gen. fern, catasfnam also sometimes occurs. In the
later language, the accentuation of the final syllable instead of the penult
is said to be allowed in inst., dat.-abl., and loc.

483. The numbers from 5 to 19 have DO distinction of gender,
nor any generic character. They are inflected, somewhat irregularly,
as plurals, save in the nom.-acc., where they have no proper plural
form, but show the bare stem instead. Of s&s. (as of catur), nam
is the gen. ending, with mutual assimilation (198b) of stem-final and
initial of the termination. As^a (as accented in the older language)
has an alternative fuller form, as.ta, which is almost exclusively used
in the older literature (V. and B.f, both in inflection and in compo-
sition (but some compounds with as^a are found as early as the AV.) ;
its nom.-acc. is asta (usual later: found in BY. once, and in AV.),
or a?ta (RV.), or a#au (most usual in RV. ; also in AV., B., and
later).

a. The accent is in many respects peculiar. In all the accented texts,
the stress of voice lies on the penult before the endings bills, bhyas, and
an, from the stems in a, whatever be the accent of the stem : thus, pan-
cabhis from panca, navabhyas from nava, daqasu from dac,a, nava-
dac.abhis from navada9a, ekadacjabhyas from ekadac,a, dvadac.asu
from dvadaQa (according to the grammarians, either the penult or the
final is accented in these forms in the later language). In the gen. pi.,
the accent is on the ending (as in that of i-, u-, and ^-sterns) : thus, pan-
cadatjanam, saptada<janam. The cases of sas, and those made from
the stem-form asta, have the accent throughout upon the ending.

b. Examples of the inflection of these words are as follows :
N.A. panca sat astaii as^a

I. pancabhis sadbhis affabhis astabhis

D. Ab. pancabhyas sadbhyas astabhyas astabhyas

6. pancanam sannani astanam

L. pancasu satsii astasu astasu.

c. Sapta (in the later language sapta, as asta for as^a) and nava
and daxja, with the compounds of da^a (11 — /9), are declined like panca,
and with the same shift of accent (or with alternative shift to the endings,
as pointed out above).

484. The Hindu grammarians give to the stems for 5 and 7 — 19 a
final n: thus, pancan, saptan, astan, navan, da$an, and ekadac,an
etc. This, however, has nothing to do with the demonstrably original final
nasal of 7, 9, and 10 (compare aeptem, novem, decem; seven, nin«,
ten); it is only owing to the fact that, starting from such a stem-form,
their inflection is made to assume a more regular aspect, the nom.-acc.
having the form of a neut. sing, in an, and the instr., dat.-abl., and loc.
that of a neut. or masc. pi. in an: compare nama, namabhis, nama-

183 INFLECTION. [—487

bhyas, namasu — the gen. alone being, rather, like that of an a-stem :
compare da<janam with indranam and namnftm or atmanam. No trace
whatever of a final n is found anywhere in the language, in inflection or
derivation or composition, from any of these words (though (4'B. has twice
da^aihda^n, for the usual cta^adagfn).

485. a. The tens, vi&^ati and triiujat etc., with their com-
pounds, are declined regularly, as feminine stems of the same endings,
and in all numbers.

b. (?ata and sahasra are declined regularly, as neuter (or, rarely,
in the later language, as masculine) stems of the same final, in all
numbers.

c. The like is true of the higher numbers — which have, in-
deed, no proper numeral character, but are ordinary nouns.

486. Construction. As regards their construction with the
nouns enumerated by them —

a. The words for i to 19 are in the main used adjectively,
agreeing in case, and, if they distinguish gender, in gender also, with
the nouns: thus, da$abhir viraih with ten heroes; yd deva divy
ekada<ja Btha (AY.) what eleven gods of you are in heaven; paiieasu
janes. u among the five tribes; cataafbhir girbbih with four songs.
Rarely occur such combinations as d&$a kalacjanam (RV.) ten pitchers,
rtunam sat (R.) six seasons.

b. The numerals above 19 are construed usually as nouns, either
Uking the numbered noun as a dependent genitive. ««• fffrUjfliifff ifl

the singular in apposition with it: thus, c.atarfi daaih or ^ataih
dasinam a hundred slaves or a hundred of slaves ; vi&gatya haribhih
with twenty lays; saftyam saratfu in 60 autumns; satena p^aih
with a hundred fetters; <jatam sahasram ayutaxh nyarbudarh ja-
ghana ^akro dasyunam (AV.) the mighty [Indra] slew a hundred, a
thousand, a myriad, a hundred million, of demons. Occasionally they
are put in the plural, as if used more adjectively: thus, panca<jad-
bhir bfi^fiih with fifty arrows.

c. In the older language, the numerals for 5 and upward are
sometimes used in the noin.-acc. form (or as if indeclinably) with
other cases also: thus, p&nca kra^isu among the five races; sapta
rslnam of seven bards; sahaaram ffibhih with a thousand bards;
9atam purbbih with a hundred strongholds. Sporadic instances of a
like kind are also met with later.

487. Ordinals. Of the classes of derivative words
coming from the original OT cardinal numerals, the ordin-
als are by far the most important ; and the mode of their
formation may best be explained here.

487—] VI. NUMERALS. 184

Some of the first ordinals are irregularly made: thus,

a. eka l forms no ordinal ; instead is used prathama (i. e. pra-
tama foremost) ; fidya (from adi beginning] appears first in the Sutras,
and adima much later;

b. from dva 2, and tr£ 3, come dvitiya and trtiya (secondarily,
through dvita and abbreviated trita);

c. catur 4, sas 6, and sapta 7, take the ending tha: thus,
caturtha, sastha, saptatha; but for fourth are used also turiya and
turya, and saptatha belongs to the older language only; pancatha,
for fifth, is excessively rare;

d. the numerals for 5 and 7 usually, and for 8, 9, 10, add ma,
forming pancama, saptama, astama, navama, dac.axna;

e. for nth to 19th, the forms are ekada<ja, dvada^a, and so
on (the same with the cardinals, except change of accent) ; but eka-
da9ama etc. occasionally occur also;

f. for the tens and intervening odd numbers from 20 onward,
the ordinal has a double form — one made by adding the full (super-
lative) ending tama to the cardinal: thus, vir^atitama, trirujat-
tama, a^ititama, etc.; the other, shorter, in a, with abbreviation of
the cardinal: thus, viiuja 20th; trir^a 30th; catvarinc,a 40th; pan-
caQa 5oth; sasta eoth; saptata loth; a9lta 80th; navata 9oth;
and so likewise ekavif^a 2 1st, catustrin9a 34th; astacatvarii^a
48th; dvapanca9& 52^» ekasfasta 61st; and ekannavin^a and una-
viri^a and ekonavin^a 19th; — and so on. Of these two forms,
the latter and briefer is by far the [more common, the other being not
quotable from the Veda, and extremely rarely from the Brahmanas.
From soth on, the briefer form is allowed by the grammarians only
to the odd numbers, made up of tens and units; but it is sometimes
met with, even in the later language, from the simple ten.

g. Of the higher numbers, <?ata and sahasra form 9atatama
and sahasratama ; but their compounds have also the simpler form:
thus, eka?ata or ekagatatama wist.

h. Of the ordinals, prathama (and adya), dvitiya, trtiya, and
turiya (with turya) form their feminine in S; all the rest make it
in I.

488. The ordinals, as in other languages, have other than ordinal
offices to fill; and in Sanskrit especially they are general adjectives to the
cardinals, with a considerable variety of meanings, as fractional, as signi-
fying composed of so many parts or so-many-fold, or containing so many,
or (as was seen above, 479) having so many added.

a. In a fractional sense, the grammarians direct that their accent be
shifted to the first syllable: thus, dvitiya half; tftiya third part; catur-
tha quarter; and so on. But in accented texts only trtiya third, and
caturtha (9B.) and turiya quarter, are found so treated ; for half occurs

185 NUMERAL DERIVATIVES. [ — 491

only ardha; and caturtha (MS. etc.), pancama, and so on, are accent-
ed as in their ordinal use.

489. There are other numeral derivatives: thus —

a. multiplicative adverbs, as dvfs twice, trfs thrice, catiis four
times:

b. adverbs with the suffixes dha (1104) and $as (1106): for
example, ekadha in one way, qatadha in a hundred ways; ekagas
one by one, gataqas by hundreds;

c. collectives, as dvitaya or dvaya a pair, da<jataya or daqat
a decade;

d. adjectives like dvika composed of two, pancaka consisting of
five or Jives;

and so on; but their treatment belongs rather to the dictionary, or
to the chapter on derivation.

CHAPTER VII.

PRONOUNS.

490. THE pronouns differ from the great mass of nouns
and adjectives chiefly in that they come by derivation from
another and a very limited set of roots, the so-called pro-
nominal or demonstrative roots. But they have also many
and marked peculiarities of inflection — some of which,
however, find analogies in a few adjectives; and such ad-
jectives will accordingly he described at the end of this
chapter.

Personal Pronouns.

491. The pronouns of the first and second persons are
the most irregular and peculiar of all, heing made up of
fragments coming from various roots and combinations of
roots. They have no distinction of gender.

491-]

VII. PRONOUNS.

186

a. Their inflection in the later language is as follows:

Singular:

1st pers,
N. 34<^H

tvam

-W.5

2d pers.

mini, ma

TOT
maya

mahyam, me

^
mat

TOf *T
mama, me

D.

Ab.

G.

may!
Dual:

N. A. V. %4|c(IH
avam

LD.Ab. yNIUJIH^

avabhyam

G.L.

avayos

andA.D.G.

nau

Plural :

N.
A.
I.
D.

tvam, tva

tvaya

g^EF^n
tubhyam, te

tvit
tava, te
tvayi

yuvam

Ucd^illH^

yuvabhyam

u«=iiim
o ^

yuvayoa

vam

vayam yuyam

asman, nas yusrnan, vas

asmabhis yusmabhis

MH1^UH» *TR yo.H*-t|H»^^n^

aamAbhyam, nas yufmabhyam, vas

\ lP

5

187 PERSONAL PRONOUNS. [ — 493

Ab.

^
asmat yusma

asmakam, iias yusmakam, vas

L* ^4tHIH U^HW

asmasu yusmasu

b. The briefer second forms for accus., dat, and gen., in all
numbers, are accentless ; and hence they are not allowed to stand at
the beginning of a sentence, or elsewhere where any emphasis is laid.

C. But they may be qualified by accented adjuncts, as adjectives : e. g.
te jayatah of thee when a conqueror, vo vrtabbyah for you that were
confined, nas tribhyah to us three (all RV.).

d. The ablative mat is accentless in one or two AY. passages.

492. Forms of the older language. All the forms given
above are found also in the older language ; which, however, has also
others that afterward disappear from use.

a. Thus, we find a few times the instr. sing, tva (only RV. : like
manisa for manifayft); further, the loc. or dat. sing. m6 (only VS.)
and tve, and the dat. or loc. pi. asme (which is by far the commonest
of these e-forms) and yusme : their final e is uncombinable (or pra-
grhya: 138b). The VS. makes twice the ace. pi. fern, yusmas (as if
yiisman were too distinctively a masculine form). The datives in bhyam
are in a number of cases written, and in yet others to be read as if writ-
ten, with bhya, with loss of the final nasal ; and in a rare instance or two
we have in like manner asmaka and yui-jmaka in the gen. plural. The
usual resolutions of semivowel to rowel are made, and are especially fre-
quent in the forms of the second person (tuaxn for tvam etc.).

b. But the duals, above all, wear a very different aspect earlier. In
Veda and Brahmana and Sutra the nominatives are (with occasional
exceptions) avam and yuvam, and only the accusatives avam and yuvam
(but in RV. the dual forms of 1st pers. 'chance not to occur, unless in
vam[?], once, for avam); the instr. in RV. is either yuvabhyam (occurs
also once in A£S.) or yuvabhyam; an abl. yuvat appears once in RV.,
and avat twice in TS.; the gen.-loc. is in RV. (only) yuv6s instead of
yuvayos. Thus we have here a distinction (elsewhere unknown) of five
different dual cases, by endings in part accordant with those of the other
two numbers.

493. Peculiar endings. The ending am, appearing in the nom.
sing, and pi. (and Vedic du.) of these pronouns, will be found often,
though only in sing., among the other pronouns. The bhyam (or hyam)
of dat. sing, and pi. is met with only here; its relationship with the
bhyftm, bhyas, bhls of the ordinary declension is palpable. The t (or

493—] VII. PRONOUNS. 188

d) of the abl., though here preceded by a short vowel, is doubtless the
same with that of the a-declension of nouns and adjectives. That the nom.,
dat,, and abl. endings should be the same in sing, and pi. (and in part
in the earlier du. also), only the stem to which they are added being dif-
ferent, is unparalleled elsewhere in the language. The element sma appear-
ing in the plural forms will be found frequent in the inflection of the
singular in other pronominal words: in fact, the compound stem asxna
which underlies the plural of ahazu seems to be the same that furnishes
part of the singular forms of ay am (501), and its value of we to be a
specialisation of the meaning these persons. The genitives singular, mama
and tava, have no analogies elsewhere; the derivation from them of the
adjectives mamaka and tavaka (below, 51 6 a) suggests the possibility
of their being themselves stereotyped stems. The gen. pi., asmakam and
yusmakam, are certainly of this character: namely, neuter sing, case-
forms of the adjective stems asmaka and yusmaka, other cases of which
are found in the Veda.

494. 8 tern- form s. To the Hindu grammarians, the stems of
the personal pronouns are mad and asmad, and tvad and yusmad,
because these are forms used to a certain extent, and allowed to be
indefinitely used, in derivation and composition (like tad, kad, etc. :
see below, under the other pronouns). Words are thus formed from
them even in the older language — namely, matkrta and matsakhi
and asmatsakhi (RV.), tvadyoni and mattas (AY.), tvatpitr and
tvadvivacana (TS.), tvatprasuta and tvaddevatya and yuvad-
devatya and yusmaddevatya fQB.), asmaddevatya (PB.); but much
more numerous are those that show the proper stem in a, or with
the a lengthened to a: thus, mavant; asmatra, asmadruh, etc.;
tvayata, tvavant, tvadatta, tvanid, tvavasu, tvahata, etc. ; yus-
madatta, yugmegita, etc. ; ynvavant, yuvaku, yuvadhita, yuva-
datta, yuvanita, etc. And the later language also has a few words
made in the same way, as madr^.

a. The Vedas have certain more irregular combinations, with complete
forms : thus, tvamkama, tvamahuti, mampa9ya, mamasatya, asme-
hiti, ahampurva, ahamuttara, ahaxhyu, ahamsana.

b. From the stems of the grammarians c'ome also the derivative
adjectives madiya, tvadiya, asmadiya, yusmadiya, having a pos-
sessive value: see below, 516.

c. For sva and svayam, see below, 513.

Demonstrative. Pronouns.

495. The simplest demonstrative, H ta, which answers
also the purpose of a personal pronoun of the third person,
may be taken as model of a mode of declension usual in

J89 DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS. [—495

so many pronouns and pronominal adjectives that it is
fairly to be called the j general pronominal declension.

a. But this root has also the special irregularity that in the

nom. sing. masc. and fern, it has sas (for whose peculiar euphonic
treatment see 1 76 a, b) and sa, instead of tas and ta (compare Gr.
b, rj, TO, and Goth, sa, so, thata}. Thus:
Singular :

m. n. f.

sas tat sa

tarn tat tarn

I. ^T (TOT

tena taya

I>. fTFt rTHf

tasmai tasyai

Ab. rTFrirT^

tasmat

G. fTRT

tasya

L. HffHH^ ^

tasmin tasyam
Dual:

N. A. V. flT ^ H

tau te te

tabhyam tabhyam

G. L. dJlH^ CitHH^

tayos tayos
Plural :

N. ^ rTTR fTTH^

te tani tas

A.

twT tani tas

I.

tais tSbhis

495—] VII. PRONOUNS. 190

D. Ab.

tebhyas tabhyas

G. flWT^ HTHT^

tesam tasam

tesu tasu

b. The Vedas show no other irregularities of inflection than those
which belong to all stems in a and ft: namely, tenfi, sometimes; usually
ta for taii, du. ; often ta for tani, pi. neat. ; usually tebhis for tais,
instr. pi. ; and the ordinary resolutions. The RV. has one more case-form
from the root sa, namely sasmin (occurring nearly half as often as tas-
min); and GhU. has once sasxnftt.

496. The peculiarities of the general pronominal declension, it
will be noticed, are these:

a. In the singular, the use of t (properly d) as ending of nom.-acc.
neut. ; the combination of another element srna with the root in masc. and
neut. dat., abl., and loc., and of ay in fern, dak, abl.-gen., and loc.; and
the masc. and neut. loc. ending in, which is restricted to this declension
(except in the anomalous yadfQinin, RV., once). The substitution in B.
of ai for as as fern, ending (307 h) was illustrated at 365 d.

b. The dual is precisely that of noun-stems in a and a.

c. In the plural, the irregularities are limited to te for tail in nom.
masc., and the insertion of 8 instead of n before am of the gen., the stem-
final being treated before it in the same manner as before BU of the loc.

497. The stem of this pronoun is by the grammarians given
as tad; and from that form come, in fact, the derivative adjective
tadiya, with tattva, tadvat, tamnaya; and numerous compounds,
such as tacchila, tajjna, tatkara, tadanantara, tanmfttra, etc.
These compounds are not rare even in the Veda : so tadanna, tadvid,
tadvaqa, etc. But derivatives from the true root ta are also many:
especially adverbs, as tatas, tatra, tatha, tada; the adjectives ta-
vant and tati; and the compound tadft etc.

498. Though the demonstrative root ta is prevailingly of the
third person, it is also freely used, both in the earlier language and
in the later, as qualifying the pronouns of the first and second per-
son, giving emphasis to them: thus, BO 'ham, this J, or I here; sa
or sa tvam thou there; te vayam, toe here; tasya mama of me heret
tasmins tvayi in thee there, and so on.

499. Two other demonstrative stems appear to contain ta as
an element; and both, like the simple ta, substitute sa in the nom
sing. masc. and fern.

191 DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS. [—501

a. The one, tya, is tolerably common (although only a third
of its possible forms occur) in RV., but rare in AV., and almost
unknown later, its nom. sing., in the three genders, is eyas, ay a,
tyat, and it makes the accusatives tyam, tyam, tyat, and goes on
through the remaining cases in the same manner as ta. It has in
RV. the instr. fern, tya (for tyaya). Instead of syft as nom. sing,
fern, is also found tya.

b. The other is the usual demonstrative of nearer position, this
here, and is in frequent use through all periods of the language.
It prefixes e to the simple root, forming the nominatives egas, esa,
etat — and so on through the whole inflection.

c. The stem tya has neither compounds nor derivatives. But
from eta are formed both, in the same manner as from the simple
ta, only much less numerous: thus, etadda (QB.), etadartha, etc.,
from the so-called stem etat; and etftdpj and etavant from eta.
And esa, like sa (498), is used to qualify pronouns of the 1st and
2d persons: e. g. esft *ham, ete vayam.

500. There is a defective pronominal stem, ena, which is accent-
less, and hence used only in situations where no emphasis falls upon
it. It does not occur elsewhere than in the accusative of all num-
bers, the instr. sing., and the gen.-loc. dual: thus,

ra. n. f.

Sing. A. enam enat enam

I. enena enaya

Du. A. enau ene ene

G. L. enayos enayos

PI. A. enan enftni enas

a. The RV. has enos instead of enayos, and in one or two instan-
ces accents a form: thus, enam, enas ('.'). AB. uses enat also as nom.
neut.

b. As ena is always used substantirely, it has more nearly than ta
the value of a third personal pronoun, nnemphatic. Apparent examples
of its adjectival use here and there met with are doubtless the result of
confusion with eta (499 b).

c. This stem forms neither derivatives nor compounds.

501. The declension of two other demonstratives is so
irregularly made up that they have to be given in full. The
one, ?(HTr^ayam etc., is used as a more indefinite demon-
strative, this or that; the other, 5TRT asSii etc., signifies
especially the remoter relation, yon or yonder.

a. They are as follows:

501 -]

N.

A.

I.

D.

Ab.

G.

L.

N. A.
I. D. Ab.
G. L.

N.

A.

I.

D. Ab.

G.

L.

VII. PRONOUNS.

192

Singular :
n. n.

ayam idam iyam

asmai asyai

asmat asyas

asya

asyas

asmin
Dual:

asyam

imau ime ime

abhyam

anayos

Tlural:

ime imani imas

iman imani imas

ebhis

ebhyas

abhis

^I^H

abhyas

m.

asau adas asau

irckm idam imam amum adas amum

o o

anena anaya amuna amuya

esam

esu

asam

ainiismai amusyai

yij^lH ^H^il IH

amusmat amusyas

amusya amusyas

amusmin amusyam

amd

ambhyam

amuyos

ami amiini anaus

amun amuni amus

amibhis amubhis

amibhyas amubhyas

asu

amisam amusam
amisu amusu

193

DEMONSTRATIVES.

[—503

b. The same forms are used in the older language, without variation,
except that (as usual) ima occurs for imftu and imani, and amu for
amuni; amuya when used adverbially is accented on the final, amuya;
asau (with accent, of course, on the first, aaau; or without accent, asau:
314) is used also as vocative; ami, too, occurs as vocative.

502. a. The former of these two pronouns, ay am etc., plainly shows
itself to be pieced together from a number of defective stems. The majority
of forms come from the root a, with which, as in the ordinary pronominal
declension, sma (f. sy) is combined in the singular. All these forms from
a have the peculiarity that in their substantive use they are either accent-
ed, as in the paradigm, or accentless (like ena and the second forms from
aham and tvam). The remaining forms are always accented. From ana
come, with entire regularity, anena, anaya, anayos. The strong cases
in dual and plural, and in part in singular, come not less regularly from a
stem ima. And ayam, iyam, idam are evidently to be referred to a
simple root i (idam being apparently a double form: id, like tad etc.,
with ending am).

b. The Veda has from the root a also the instrumental ena and aya
(used in general adverbially), and the gen. loc. du. ayos; from ima,
imasya occurs once in BY., imasmai in A A., and imais and imesu
later. The RY. has in a small number of instances the irregular accen-
tuation asmai, asya, abhis.

c. In analogy with the other pronouns, idam is by the gram-
marians regarded as representative stem of this pronominal declen-
sion; and it is actually found so treated in a very small number of
compounds (idammaya and idamrupa are of Brahmana age). As
regards the actual stems, ana furnishes nothing further; from ima
comes only the adverb imatha (RV., once); but a and i furnish a
number of derivatives, mostly adverbial: thus, for example, atas,
atra, atha, ad-dha(?); itas, id (Vedic particle), ids, iha, ftara, Im
(Vedic particle), idf^, perhaps eva and evam, and others.

503. The other pronoun, asau etc., has amu for its leading stem,
which in the singular takes in combination, like the a-stems, the element
sma (f. ay), and which shifts to ami in part of the masc. and neut.
plural. In part, too, like an adjective u-stem, it lengthens its final in the
feminine. The gen. sing, amugya is the only example in the language
of the ending sya added to any other than an a-stem. The nom. pi. ami
is unique in form; its i is (like that of a dual) pragrhya, 01 exempt
from combination with a following vowel (138b). Asau and adds are
also without analogies as regards their endings.

a. The grammarians, as usual, treat adas as representative stem
of the declension, and it is found in this character in an extremely
small number of words, as adomula ; adomaya is of Brahmana age.
The £B. has also asaunaman. But most of the derivatives, as of

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 13

603—] VII. PRONOUNS. 194

the cases, come from amu: thus, amutas, amutra, amutha, amuda,
amurhi, amuvat, amuka.

b. In the older language occurs the root tva (accentless), meaning
one, many a one; it is oftenest found repeated, as one and another. It fol-
lows the ordinary pronominal declension. From it is made the (also accent-
less) adverb tvadanun (MS.).

c. Fragments of another demonstrative root or two axe met with : thus,
amaa he occurs in a formula in AY. and in Brahmanas etc.; avos as
gen.-loc. dual is found in RV. ; the particle u points to a root u.

Interrogative Pronoun.

504. The characteristic part of the interrogative pro-
nominal root is 5R k; it has the three forms °R ka, 1% ki,
3) ku; but the whole declensional inflection is from °fi ka,
excepting the nom.-acc. sing, neut., which is from f% ki,
and has the anomalous form f°R*T^ kim (not elsewhere known
in the language from a neuter i-stemj. The nom. and
accus. sing., then, are as follows:

m. n. f.

?* N- ^L ^k ^

kas k{m k&

A. 35^ foq^ ^JF^

kam Icfyn Train

and the rest of the declension is precisely like that of rT

ta (above, 405).

a. The Yeda has its usual variations, ka and kebhis for kani and
kais. It also has, along with kirn, the pionominally regular neuter kad ;
and kam (or kam) is a frequent particle. The masc. form kis, corres-
ponding to kirn, occurs as a stereotyped case in the combinations nakis
and makis.

505. The grammarians treat kim as representative stem of
the interrogative pronoun; and it is in fact so used in a not large
number of words, of which a few — kimmaya, kimkara, kixhkamya,
kimdevata, kim9ila, and the peculiar kimyu — go back even to
the Veda and Brahmana. In closer analogy with the other pronouns,
the form kad, a couple of times in the Yeda (katpaya, kadartha),
and not infrequently later, is found as first member of compounds.
Then, from the real roots ka, ki, ku are made many derivatives;
and from ki and ku, especially the latter, many compounds: thus,

195

RELATIVES.

[—509

kati, katha, katharn, kada, katara, katama, karhi; kiyant, kidf9 ;
kiitas, kutra, kiiha, kva, kucara, kukarman, kumantrin, etc.

506. Various forms of this pronoun, as kad, kim, and ku (and,
rarely, ko), at the beginning of compounds, have passed from an
interrogative meaning, through an exclamatory, to the value of pre-
fixes signifying an unusual quality — either something admirable, or,
oftener, something contemptible. This use begins in the Veda, but
becomes much more common in later time.

507. The interrogative pronoun, as in other languages, turns
readily in its independent use also to an exclamatory meaning.
Moreover, it is by various added particles converted to an indefinite
meaning: thus, by ca, cana, cid, api, va, either alone or with the
relative ya (below, 511) prefixed: thus, kac, cana any one; na ko
'pi not any one; yani kani cit whatsoever; yatamat katamac ca
whatever one. Occasionally, the interrogative by itself acquires a simi-
lar value.

Relative Pronoun.

508. The root of the relative pronoun is IT ya, which
from the earliest period of the language has lost all trace
of the demonstrative meaning originally (doubtless) belonging
to it, and is used as relative only.

509. It is inflected with entire regularity according to
the usual pronominal declension: thus,

Singular.

m.

N.

f.

m

ya

Dual,
m. n.

f.

in.

Plural,
n.

f.

Ern^

yaiT

yas yat ya ft jj § ye yani
A. EJJ^ Uff^ EITO^ yftii ye ye ETR^ Ulft

yam yat yam yan yani yas

i. JH TOT OT^ mPr^

yena yayft Ul^dlM yft^8 yabhis

D. UH-I U'^U yabhy&m u*-^^ ul^tlH

yasmai yasyfti yebhyas yabhyas

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

a. The Veda shows its usual variations of these forms : ya for yau
and for yani, and yebhis for yifs; yds for yayos also occurs once;
yena, with prolonged final, is in RV. twice as common as yena. Reso-

509—] VII. PRONOUNS. 196

lutious occur in yabhias, and yesaam and yasaam. The conjunction
yat is an ablative form according to the ordinary declension.

510. The use of yat as representative stem begins very early:
we have yatkama in the Veda, and yatkarm, yaddevatya in the
Brahmana; later it grows more general. From the proper root come
also a considerable series of derivatives : yatas, yati, yatra, yatha.
yada, yadi, yarhi, yavant, yatara, yatama; and the compound

511. The combination of ya with ka to make an indefinite
pronoun has been noticed above (507). Its own repetition — as
yad-yat — gives it sometimes a like meaning, won through the dis-
tributive.

512. One or two marked peculiarities in the Sanskrit use of
the relative may be here briefly noticed :

a. A very decided preference for putting the relative clause before
that to ^which it relates: thus, yah sunvatah sakha tasma indraya
gayata (RV.) who is the friend of the soma-presser, to that Indra sing ye ;
yam yajnam paribhur asi sa id devesu gacchati (II V.) what offering
thou protectest, that in truth goeth to the gods; ye trisaptah pariyanti
bala tesam dadhatu me (AY.) what thrice seven go about, their strength
may he assign to me; asaii yo adharad grhas tatra santv arayyah
(AY.) what house is yonder in the depth, there, let the witches be ; saha yan
me asti tena (TB.) along with that which is mine ; hansanam vacanam
yat tu tan mam dahati (MBh.) but what the words of the swans were,
that burns me ; sarvasya locanam Qastram yasya na 'sty andha eva
sah (H.) who does not possess learning, the eye of everything, blind indeed
is he. The other arrangement, though frequent enough, is notably less
usual.

b. A frequent conversion of the subject or object of a verb by an
added relative into a substantive clause : thus, me 'mam pra "pat pau-
ruseyo vadh.6 yah (AY.) may there not reach him a human deadly weapon
(Ht'ly, what is such a weapon); pari no pahi yad dhanam (AY.) pro-
tect of us what wealth [there is]; apamargo 'pa mars^u kfetriy&m
9apatha9 ca yah (AY.) may the cleansing plant cleanse away the disease
and the curse; puskarena hrtam rajyam yac ca 'nyad vasu kimcana
(MBh.) by Pushkara was taken away the kingdom and whatever other property
[there was].

Other Pronouns: Emphatic, Indefinite.

513. a. The isolated and uninflected pronominal word
t^itiH^svayam (from the root sva) signifies self, own self.
By its form it appears to be a nom. sing., and it is often-

197 PRONOMINAL DERIVATIVES. [—616

est used as nominative, but along with words of all persons
and numbers ; and not seldom it represents other cases also.

b. Svayam is also used as a stem in composition: thus, sva-
yamja, svayambhu. But sva itself (usually adjective: below, 516 ei
has the same value in composition; and even its inflected forms are
an the older language very rarely) used as reflexive pronoun.

o. In RV. alone are found a few examples of two indefinite
pronouns, sama (accentless) any, every, and sima every, all.

Nouns used pronominally.

514. a. The noun Strain soul is widely employed, in the sin-
gular (extremely rarely in other numbers), as reflexive pronoun of all
three persons.

b. The noun tanu body is employed in the same manner (but in all
numbers) in the Veda.

c. The adjective bhavant, f. bhavati, is used (as already
pointed out : 456) in respectful address as substitute for the pronoun
of the second person. Its construction with the verb is in accord-
ance with its true character, as a word of the third person.

Pronominal Derivatives.

515. From pronominal roots and stems, as well as from
the larger class of roots and from noun-stems, are formed
by the ordinary suffixes of adjective derivation certain words
and classes of words, which have thus the character of pro-
nominal adjectives.

Some of the more important of these may be briefly noticed
here.

516. Possessive s. a. From the representative stems mad etc.
are formed the adjectives madiya, asmadlya, tvadlya, yusmadiya,
tadiya, and etadiya, which are used in a possessive sense: relating
to me, mine, and so on.

b. Other possessives are mamaka (also mamaka, RV.) and
tavaka, from the genitives mama and tava. And RV. has once
makina.

c. Au analogous derivative from the genitive amusya is amuijya-
yana (AV. etc.) descendant of such and such a one.

d. It was pointed out above (493) that the "genitives" asmakam
and yuBmakam are really stereotyped cases of possessive adjectives.

518—] VII. PRONOUNS. 198

e. Corresponding to svayam (513) is the possessive sva, mean-
ing own, as relating to all persons and numbers. The RV. has once
the corresponding simple possessive of the second person, tva thy.

f. Foi the use of sva as reflexive pronoun, see above, 513 b.

g. All these words form their feminines in a.

h. Other derivatives of a like value have no claim to be mentioned
here. But (excepting sva) the possessives are so rarely used as to make
but a small figure in the language, which prefers generally to indicate the
possessive relation by the genitive case of the pronoun itself.

617. By the suffix vant are formed from the pronominal roots,
with prolongation of their final vowels, the adjectives' mavant, tvit-
vant, yusmavant, yuvavant, tavant, etavant, yavant, meaning of
my sort, like me, etc. Of these, however, only the last three are in
use in the later language, in the sense of tantus and quantus. They
are inflected like other adjective stems in vant, making their femi-
nines in vati (452 ff.).

a. Words of similar meaning from the roots i and ki are fyant
and kiyant, inflected in the same manner: see above, 451.

518. The pronominal roots show a like prolongation of vowel
in combination with the root df9 see, look, and its derivatives -dr^ja
and (quite rarely) drksa: thus, madr?, -dy<ja; tvad^c,, -dye, a; yus-
madr9, -dr^a; tadft, -dfta, -drksa; etadft, -dfta, -dfksa; yadft,
-dfta; Idft, -dfta, -dfksa; kidft, -dp9a, -drksa. They mean of my
sort, like or resembling me, and the like, and tadf 9 and the following
are not uncommon, with the sense of talis and qualis. The forms in
d?9 are unvaried for gender; those in dr^a (and drksa?) have fe-
minines in I.

519. From ta, ka, ya come tati so many, kati how manyf yati
as many. They have a quasi-numeral character, and are inflected
(like the numerals panca etc. : above, 483) only in the plural, and
with the bare stem as nom. and accus. : thus, N.A. tati; I. etc.
tatibhis, tatibhyas, tatlnam, tati|u.

520. From ya (in V. and B.) and ka come the comparatives
and superlatives yatara and yatama, and katara and kataxna; and
from i, the comparative itar^a. For their inflection, see below, 523.

521. Derivatives with the suffix ka, sometimes conveying a
diminutive or a contemptuous meaning, are made from certain of the
pronominal roots and stems (and may, 'according to the grammarians,
be made from them all): thus, from ta* takam, takat, takas; from
sa, saka; from ya, yakas, yaka, yake; from asSu, aaakaii; from
amu, amuka.

a. For the numerous and frequently used adverbs formed from pronom-
inal roots, see Adverbs (below, 1097 ff.).

199 ADJECTIVES DECLINED PRONOMINALLY. [—526

Adjectives declined pronominally.

522. A number of adjectives — some of them coming
from pronominal roots, others more or less analogous with
pronouns in use — are inflected, in part or wholly, accord-
ing to the pronominal declension (like cT ta, 495), with
feminine stems in a. Thus:

523. The comparatives and superlatives from pronominal roots
— namely, katara and katama, yatara and yatama, and itara;
also anya other, and its comparative anyatara — are declined like
ta throughout.

a. But even from these words forms made according to the adjective
declension are sporadically met with (e. g. itarayam K.).

b. Anya takes occasionally the form anyat in composition: thus,
anyatkama, anyatsthana.

524. Other words are so inflected except in the nom.-acc.-voc.
sing, neut., where they have the ordinary adjective form am, instead
of the pronominal at (ad). Such are sarva all, vi$va all, every,
eka one.

a. These, also, are not without exception, at least in the earlier
language (e. g. v^vaya, viqvat, vic,ve RV.; eke loc. sing., AV.).

525. Yet other words follow the same model usually, or in
some of their significations, or optionally; but in other senses, or
without known rule, lapse into the adjective inflection.

a. Such are the comparatives and superlatives from prepositional stems :
adhara and adhama, antara and antama, apara and apama, avara
and avama, uttara and uttama, upara and upama. Of these, pronom-
inal forms are decidedly more numerous from the comparatives than from
the superlatives.

b« Further, the superlatives (without corresponding comparatives)
parama, cararna,^nidbg^Epand also anyatama (whose positive and
comparative belong to the class first mentioned : 523).

c. Further, the words para distant, other; ptbva prior, east; dak-
slija right, south; pacjcima behind, western; ubhaya (f. ubhayi or
ubhayi) of both kinds or parties ; nema the one, half; and the possessive
sva.

526. Occasional forms of the pronominal declension are met with from
numeral adjectives: e. g. prathamasyas, trtiyasyam; and from other
words having an indefinite numeral character: thus, alpa few; ardha
half; kevala all; dvitaya of the two kinds; bahya outside — and others.
RV. has once samanasmat.

527—] VIII. CONJUGATION. 200

CHAPTER VIII.

CONJUGATION.

527. THE subject of conjugation or verbal inflection
involves, as in the other languages of the family, the dis-
tinctions of voice, tense, mode, number, and person.

a. Further, besides the simpler or ordinary conjugation
of a verbal root, there are certain more or less fully de-
veloped secondary or derivative conjugations.

528. Voice. There are (as in. Greek) two voices, active
and middle, distinguished by a difference in the personal
endings. This distinction is a pervading one: there is no
active personal form which does not have its corresponding
middle, and vice versa; and it is extended also in part to
the participles (but not to the infinitive).

520. An active form is called by the Hindu grammarians
parasmai padam a word for another, and a middle form is called
atmane padam a word for one's self: the terms might be best para-
phrased by transitive and reflexive. And the distinction thus ex-
pressed is doubtless the original foundation of the difference of active
and middle forms ; in the recorded condition of the language, how-
ever, the antithesis of transitive and reflexive meaning is in no small
measure blurred, or even altogether effaced.

a. In the epics there is much effacement of the distinction between
active and middle, the choice of voice being very often determined by
metrical considerations alone.

580. Some verbs are conjugated in both voices, others
in one only; sometimes a part of the tenses are inflected
only in one voice, others only in the other or in both; of
a verb usually inflected in one voice sporadic forms of the
other occur; and sometimes the voice differs according as
the verb is compounded with certain prepositions.

201 TENSE AND MODE. [—533

531. The middle forms outside the present-system (for
which there is a special passive inflection : see below, 768 ff.),
and sometimes also within that system, are liable to be
used likewise in a passive sense.

532. Tense. The tenses are as follows: 1. a present,
with 2. an imperfect, closely related with it in form, having
a prefixed augment; 3. a perfect, made with reduplication
(to which in the Veda is added, 4. a so-called pluperfect,
made from it with prefixed augment); 5. an aorist, of three
different formations: a. simple; b. reduplicated; o. sigmatic
or sibilant; 6. a future, with 7. a conditional, an augment-
tense, standing to it in the relation of an imperfect to a
present; and 8. a second, a periphrastic, future (not found
in the Veda).

a. The tenses here distinguished (in accordance with prevailing
usage) as imperfect, perfect, pluperfect, and aorist receive those
names from their correspondence in mode of formation with tenses
so called in other languages of the family, especially in Greek, and
not at all from differences of time designated by them. In no period
of the Sanskrit language is there any expression of imperfect or
pluperfect time — nor of perfect time, except in the older language,
where the "aorist" has this value ; later, imperfect, perfect, and aorist
are so many undiscriminated past tenses or preterits: see below*
under the different tenses.

%

533. Mode. In respect to mode, the difference be-
tween the classical Sanskrit and the older language of the
Veda — and, in a less degree, of the Brahmanas — is
especially great.

a. In the Veda, the present tense has, besides its indicative
inflection, a subjunctive, of considerable variety of formation, an
optative, and an imperative (in 2d and 3d persons). The same three
modes are found, though of much less frequent occurrence, as be-
longing to the perfect; and they are made also from the aorists,
being of especial frequency from the simple aorist. The future has
no modes (an occasional case or two are purely exceptional).

b. In the classical Sanskrit, the present adds to its in-
dicative an optative and an imperative — of which last,

538—] VIII. CONJUGATION. 202

moreover, the first persons are a remnant of the old sub-
junctive. And the aorist has also an optative, of somewhat
peculiar inflection, usually called the precative (or bene-
dictive).

534. The present, perfect, and future tenses have each
of them, alike in the earlier and later language, a pair of
participles, active and middle, sharing in the various pe-
culiarities of the tense-formations; and in the Veda are
found such participles belonging also to the aorist.

535. Tense-systems. The tenses, then, with their
accompanying modes and participles, fall into certain well-
marked groups or systems:

I. The present-system, composed of the pres-
ent tense with its modes, its participle, and its pret-
erit which we have called the imperfect.

II. The per feet- system, composed of the per-
fect tense (with, in the Veda, its modes and its preterit,
the so-called pluperfect) and its participle.

III. The aorist-system. or systems, simple, re-
duplicated, and sibilant, composed of the aorist tense
along with, in the later language, its "precative" opta-
tive (but, in the Veda, with its various modes and its
participle).

IV. The future-systems: 1. the old or sibilant
future, with its accompanying preterit, the conditional,
and its participle; and 2. the new periphrastic future.

536. Number and Person. The verb has, of course,
the same three numbers with the noun: namely, singular,
dual, and plural ; and in each number it has the three per-
sons, first, second, and third. All of these are made in
every tense and mode — except that the first persons of
the imperative numbers are supplied from the subjunctive.

203

VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS.

[-540

537. Verbal adjectives and nouns: Participles.
The participles belonging to the tense-systems have been
already spoken of above (534). There is besides, coming
directly from the root of the verb, a participle, prevailingly
of past and passive (or sometimes neuter) meaning. Future
passive participles, or gerundives, of several different for-
mations, are also made.

538. Infinitives. In the older language, a very con-
siderable variety of derivative abstract nouns — only in a
few sporadic instances having anything to do with the tense-
systems — are used in an infinitive or quasi- infinitive
sense ; most often in the dative case, but sometimes also in
the accusative, in the genitive and ablative, and (very rarely)
in the locative. In the classical Sanskrit, there remains a
single infinitive, of accusative case-form, having nothing
to do with the tense-systems.

539. Gerunds. A so-called gerund (or absolutive) —
being, like the infinitive, a stereotyped case-form of a de-
rivative noun — is a part of the general verb-system in
both the earlier and later language, being especially fre-
quent in the later language, where it has only two forms,
one for simple verbs, and the other for compound. Its value
is that of an indeclinable active participle, of indeterminate
but prevailingly past tense-character.

a. Another gerund, an adverbially used accusative in form, is
found, but only rarely, both earlier and later.

540. Secondary conjugations. The secondary or
derivative conjugations are as follows: 1. the passive; 2. the
intensive; 3. the desiderative; 4. the causative. In these,
a conjugation-stem, instead of the simple root, underlies
the whole system of inflection. Yet there is clearly to be
seen in them the character of a present-system, expanded
into a more or less complete conjugation ; and the passive is

640—] VIII. CONJUGATION. 204

so purely a present-system that it will be described in the
chapter devoted to that part of the inflection of the verb.

a. Under the same general head belongs the subject of
denominative conjugation, or the conversion of noun and
adjective-stems into conjugation-stems. Further, that of
compound conjugation, whether by the prefixion of prepo-
sitions to roots or by the addition of auxiliary verbs to noun
and adjective-stems. And finally, that of periphrastic con-
jugation, or the looser combination of auxiliaries with verbal
nouns and adjectives.

541. The characteristic of a proper (finite or personal)
verb-form is its personal ending. By this alone is deter-
mined its character as regards number and person — and
in part also as regards mode and tense. But the distinc-
tions of mode and tense are mainly made by the formation
of tense and mode-stems, to which, rather than to the pure
root, the personal endings are appended.

a. In this chapter will be given a general account of the per-
sonal endings, and also of the formation of mode-stems from tense-
stems, and of those elements in the formation of tense-stems — the
augment and the reduplication — which are found in more than one
tense-system. Then, Jn the following chapters, each tense-system
will be taken up by itself, and the methods of formation of its stems,
both tense-stems and mode-stems, and their combination with the
endings, will be described and illustrated in detail. And the com-
plete conjugation of a few model verbs will be exhibited in syste-
matic arrangement in Appendix C.

Personal Endings.

548. The endings df verbal inflection are, as was pointed out
above, different throughout in the active and middle voices. They
are also, as in Greek, usually of two somewhat varying forms for
the same person in the same voice: one fuller, called primary; the
ther briefer, called secondary. There are also less pervading differ-
ences, depending upon other conditions.

a. In the epics, exchanges of primary and secondary active endings
eespecially the substitution of ma, va, ta, for mas, vas, tha) are not
infrequent.

205

PERSONAL ENDINGS.

[—545

b. A condensed statement of all the varieties of ending for each per-
son and number here follows.

543. Singular: First person, a. The primary ending in
the active is mi. The subjunctive, however (later imperative), has
ni instead; and in the oldest Veda this ni is sometimes wanting,
and the person ends in 8, (as if the ni of Sni were dropped). The
secondary ending is properly in; but to this m an a has come to
be so persistently prefixed, appearing regularly where the tense-stem
does not itself end in a (vain for varm or varam in RV., once, and
abhum MS., avadhim TS. etc., sanem TB., are rare anomalies), that
it is convenient to reckon am as ending, rather than m. But the per-
fect tense has neither mi nor m; its ending is simply a (sometimes
a: 248 c) ; or, from a-roots, au.

b. The primary middle ending, according to the analogy of the
other persons, would be regularly me. But no tense or mode, at
any period of the language, shows any relic whatever of a m in this
person; the primary ending, present as well as perfect, from a-stems
and others alike, is e; and to it corresponds i as secondary ending,
which blends with the final of an a-stera to e. The optative has,
however, a instead of i; and in the subjunctive (later imperative)
appears ai for e.

544. Second person, a. In the active, the primary ending
is si, which is shortened to s as secondary ; as to the loss of this
s after a final radical consonant, see below, 555. But the perfect
and the imperative desert here entirely the analogy of the other
forms. The perfect ending is invariably tha (or tha: 248 c). The
imperative is far less regular. The fullest form of its ending is dhi ;
which, however, is more often reduced to hi; and in the great ma-
jority of verbs (including all a-stems, at every period of the lan-
guage) no ending is present, but the bare stem stands as personal
form. In a very small class of verbs (722—3), ana is the ending.
There is also an alternative ending tat; and this is even used spor-
adically in other persons of the imperative (see below, 570 — 1).

b. In the middle voice, the primary ending, both present and
perfect, is se. The secondary stands in no apparent relation to this,
being thas ; and in the imperative is found only sva (or svS : 248 c),
which in the Veda is not seldom to be read as sua. In the older
language, se is sometimes strengthened to sal in the subjunctive.

545. Third person, a. The active primary ending is ti; the
secondary, t; as to the loss of the latter after a final radical con-
sonant, see below, 555. But in the imperative appears instead the
peculiar ending tu; and in the perfect no characteristic consonant is
present, and the third person has the same ending as the first.

b. The primary middle ending is te, with ta as corresponding
secondary. In the older language, te is often strengthened to tai in

545—] VIII. CONJUGATION. 206

the subjunctive. In the perfect, the middle third person has, like
the active, the same ending with the first, namely e simply; and in
the older language, the third person present also often loses the dis-
tinctive part of its termination, and comes to coincide in form with
the first (and MS. has aduha for adugdha). To this e perhaps cor-
responds, as secondary, the i of the aorist 3d pers. passive (842 ff.).
The imperative has tftm (or, in the Veda, rarely Sm) for its ending.

546. Dual: First person. Both in active and in middle,
the dual first person is in all its varieties precisely like the corres-
ponding plural, only with substitution of v for the m of the latter :
thus, vas (no vasi has been found to occur), va, vahe, vahi, vahai.
The person is, of course, of comparatively rare use, and from the
Veda no form in vas, even, is quotable.

547. Second and Third persons, a. In the active, the
primary ending of the second person is thas, and that of the third
is tas; and this relation of th to t appears also in the perfect, and
runs through the whole series of middle endings. The perfect endings
are primary, but have u instead of a as vowel ; and an a has become
so persistently prefixed that their forms have to be reckoned as athus
and atus. The secondary endings exhibit no definable relation to
the primary in these two persons; they are tarn and tarn; and they
are used in the imperative as well.

b. In the middle, a long & — which, however, with the final
a of a-stems becomes e — has become prefixed to all dual endings
of the second and third persons, so as to form an inseparable part
of them (didhltham AV., and jihitham £B., are isolated anomalies).
The primary endings, present and perfect, are athe and ate; the
secondary (and imperative) are atham and atam (or, with stem-final
a, ethe etc.).

c. The Rig-Veda has a very few forms in aithe and Site, apparently
from ethe and ete with subjunctive strengthening (they are all detailed
below: see 615, 701, 737, 752, 836, 1008, 1043).

548. Plural: First person, a. The earliest form of the
active ending is masi, which in the oldest language is more frequent
than the briefer mas (in RV., as five to one; in AV., however, only
as three to four). In the classical Sanskrit, mas is the exclusive
primary ending; but the secondary abbreviated ma belongs also to
the perfect and the subjunctive (imperative). In the Veda, ma often
becomes ma (248 c), especially in the perfect.

b. The primary 'middle ending is mahe. This is lightened in
the secondary form to mahi; and, on the other hand, it is regu-
larly (in the Veda, not invariably) strengthened to mahai in the sub-
junctive (imperative).

549. Second person, a. The active primary ending is tha.
The secondary, also imperative, ending is ta (in the Veda, ta only

207

PERSONAL ENDINGS.

[-550

once in impv.). But in the perfect any characteristic consonant is
wanting, and the ending is simply a. In the Veda, the syllable na,
of problematic origin, is not infrequently added to both forms of the
ending, making thana (rarely thanft) and tana. The forms in which
this occurs will be detailed below, under the different formations; the
addition is very rarely made excepting to persons of the first general
conjugation.

b. The middle primary ending is dhve, which belongs to the
perfect as well as the present. In the subjunctive of the older lan-
guage it is sometimes strengthened to dhvai. The secondary (and
imperative) ending is dhvam (in BY., once dhva); and dhvat is
once met with in the imperative (570). In the Veda, the v of all
these endings is sometimes to be resolved into u, and the ending
becomes dissyllabic. As to the change of dh of these endings to
4h, see above, 226 o.

550. Third person, a. The full primary ending is anti in
the active, with ante as corresponding middle. The middle second-
ary ending is anta, to which should correspond an active ant; but
of the t only altogether questionable traces are left, in the euphonic
treatment of a final n (207) ; the ending is an. In the imperative,
antu and antam take the place of anti and ante. The initial a of
all these endings is like that of am in the 1st sing., disappearing
after the final a of a tense-stem.

b. Moreover, anti, antu, ante, antam, anta are all liable to
be weakened by the loss of their nasal, becoming ati etc. In the
active, this weakening takes place only after reduplicated non-a-stems
'and after a few roots which are treated as if reduplicated: 639 ff.);
in the middle, it occurs after all tense-stems save those ending in a.

c. Further, for the secondary active ending an there is a sub-
stitute us (or ur: 169b; the evidence of the Zend favors the
latter form), which is used in the same reduplicating verbs that
change anti to ati etc., and which accordingly appears as a weaker
correlative of an. The same us is also used universally in the per-
fect, in the optative (not in the subjunctive), in those forms of the
aorist whose stem does not end in a, and in the imperfect of root-
stems ending in a, and a few others (621).

d. The perfect middle has in all periods of the language the
peculiar ending re, and the optative has the allied ran, in this per-
son. In the Veda, a variety of other endings containing a r as dis-
tinctive consonant are met with: namely, re (and ire) and rate in
the present; rata in the optative (both of present and of aorist);
rire in the perfect; ranta, ran, and ram in aorists (and in an im-
perfect or two) ; ram and ratam in the imperative ; ra in the imper-
fect of duh (MS.). The three rate, ratam, and rata are found even
in the later language in one or two verbs (629).

551-1

VIII. CONJUGATION.

208

551. Below are given, for convenience, in tabular form, the
schemes of endings as accepted in the classical or later language :
namely, a. the regular primary endings, used in the present indic-
ative and the future (and the subjunctive in part) ; and b. the reg-
ular secondary endings, used in the imperfect, the conditional, the
aorist, the optative (and the subjunctive in part); and further, of
special schemes, c. the perfect endings (chiefly primary, especially in
the middle); and d. the imperative endings (chiefly secondary). To
the so-called imperative endings of the first person is prefixed the £
which is practically a part of them, though really containing the
mode-sign of the subjunctive from which they are derived.

552. Further, a part of the endings are marked with an accent,
and a part are left unaccented. The latter are those which never,
under any circumstances, receive the accent; the former are accented
in considerable classes of verbs, though by no means in all. It will
be noticed that, in general, the unaccented endings are those of the
singular active; but the 2d sing, iinkerative has an accented ending,
and, on the other hand, the whole series of 1st persons imperative,
active and middle, have unaccented endings (this being a characteristic
of the subjunctive formation which they represent).

553. The schemes of normal endings, then, are as follows :

i mi
:> si
a ti

1 am

2 8

3 t

1 a

2 tha

3 a

d. Imperative Endings.

1 ani ava ama ai avahai amahai

2 din, hi, — tarn ta j sva atham dhvam

3 tu tarn antu, atu 1 tarn atam antam, atam

554. In general, the rale is followed that an accented ending, if dis-
syllabic, is accented on its first syllable — and the constant union-vowels
are regarded, in this respect, as integral parts of the endings. But the

a. Primary

Endings.

active.

middle.

d.

p-

s. d.

P-

vas

mas

e vahe

mahe

thas

tha

ae athe

dhve

tas

anti, ati

te ate

ante, ate

b. Secondary Endings.

va

ma

{, a vahi

mahi

tarn

ta

thas atham

dhvam

tarn

an, us

ta atam

anta, ata, ran

c. Perfect

Endings.

va

ma

e vahe

mahe

athus

a

ee athe

dhve

atus

us

e ate

re

209 PERSONAL ENDINGS. [—557

3d pi. ending ate of the pres. indie, middle has in RV. the accent ate in
a number of verbs (see 613, 685, 699, 719); and an occasional instance
is met with in other endings: thus, mahe (see- 719, 735).

555. The secondary endings of the second and third persons singular,
as consisting of an added consonant without vowel, should regularly (150)
be lost whenever the root or stem to which they are to be added itself ends
in a consonant. And this rule is in general followed; yet not without ex-
ceptions. Thus :

a. A root ending in a dental mute sometimes drops this final mute
instead of the added B in the second person; and, on the other hand, a root
or stem ending in 8 sometimes drops this a instead of the added t in the
third person — in either case, establishing the ordinary relation of 8 and t
in these persons, instead of a and 8, or t and t. The examples noted are :
2d sing, aves (to 3d sing, avet), ]/vid, AB.; 3d sing, akat, }/k?, CB.
aghat, i/ghas, JB. A£S.; acakat, |/cakfis, RT. ; ac,ftt, |/9as, AB. MBh.
R.; asrat, j/sras, VS.; ahinat, yhifiB, CB. TB. GB. Compare also the
8-aorist forms ayas and eras (146 a), in which the same influence is to
be seen; and further, ajait etc. (889 a), and precative yat for yaa
(837). A similar loss of any other final consonant is excessively rare;
AY. has once abhanas, for -nak, j/bhanj. There are also a few cases
where a 1st sing, is irregularly modeled after a 3d sing. : thus, atrriara
(to atrnat), ytrd, KU., acchinam (to acchinat), }/chid, MBh. : compare

urther the 1st sing, in m instead of am, 543 a.

b. Again, a union-vowel is sometimes introduced before the ending,
either a or i or I: see below, 621b, 631, 819, 880, 1004a, 1068a.

c. In a few isolated cases in the older language, this I is changed
to ai: see below, 904 b, 936, 1068 a.

556. The changes of form which roots and stems undergo in
their combinations with these endings will be pointed out in detail
below, under the various formations. Here may be simply mentioned
in advance, as by far the most important among them, a distinction
of stronger and weaker form of stem in large classes of verbs, stand-
ing in relation with the accent — the stem being of stronger form
when the accent falls upon it, or before an accentless ending, and of
weaker form when the accent is on the ending.

a. Of the endings marked as accented in the scheme, the ta of 2d
pi. is not infrequently in the Veda treated as unaccented, the tone resting
on the stem, which is strengthened. Much less often, the tarn of 2d du.
is treated in the same way; other endings, only sporadically. Details are
given under the various formations below.

Subjunctive Mode.

557. Of the subjunctive mode (as was pointed out above) only
fragments are left in the later or classical language: namely, in the

Whitney , Grammar. 2. ed. 14

557—] VIII. CONJUGATION . 210

so-called first persons imperative, and in the use (579) of the imper-
fect and aorist persons without augment after ma prohibitive. In
the oldest period, however, it was a very frequent formation, being
three or four times as common as the optative in the Rig-Veda, and
nearly the same in the Atharvan; but already in the Brahmanas it
becomes comparatively rare. Its varieties of form are considerable,
and sometimes perplexing.

558. In its normal and regular formation, a special mode-stem
is made for the subjunctive by adding to the tense-stem an a —
which combines with a final a of the tense-stem to a. The accent
rests upon the tense-stem, which accordingly has the strong form.
Thus, from the strong present-stem doh (yduh) is made the sub-
junctive-stem doha; from juho (j/hu), juhava; from yunaj (j/yuj),
yunaj a; from suno (|/BU), sunava; from bhava (j/bhu), bhava; from
tuda (j/tud), tuda; from ucya (pass., >/vac , ucya; and so on.

559. The stem thus formed is inflected in general as an a-stem
would be inflected in the indicative, with constant accent, and a for
a before the endings of the first person (7331} — but with the
following peculiarities as to ending etc.:

560. a. In the active, the 1st sing, has ni as ending: thus, dohani,
yunaj ani, bhavanl. But in the Rig-Veda sometimes a simply: thus,
aya, brava.

b. In 1st du., 1st pi., and 3d pi., the endings are the secondary:
thus, dohava, dohama, dohan; bhavava, bhavama, bhavan.

C. In 2d and 3d du. and 2d pi., the endings are primary: thus,
dohathas, dohatas, dohatha; bhavathas, bhavatas, bhavatha.

d. In 2d and 3d sing., the endings are either primary or secondary:
thus, dohasi or dohas, dohati or dohat; bhavasi or bhavas, bhavati
or bhavat.

e. Occasionally, forms with double mode-sign a (by assimilation to
the more numerous subjunctives from tense-stems in a) are met with from
non-a-stems : thus, asatha from as; ayas, ayat, ayfin from e (|/i).

561. In the middle, forms with secondary instead of primary end-
ings are very rare, being found only in the 3d pi. (where they are more
frequent than the primary), and in a case or two of the 3d sing, (and
AB. has once asyathaa).

a. The striking peculiarity of subjunctive middle inflection is the fre-
quent strengthening of e to ai in the endings. This is less general in the
very earliest language than later. In 1st sing., ai alone is found as end-
ing, even in RV. ; and in 1st du. also (of rare occurrence), only avahai
is met with. In 1st pi., amahai prevails in RV. and AV. (amahe is
found a few times), and is alone known later. In 2d sing., sai for se
does not occur in RV., but is the only form in AV. and the Brahmanas.
In 3d sing., tai for te occurs once in RV., and is the predominant form

211

SUBJUNCTIVE MODE.

f— 565

in AV., and the only one later. In 2d pi., dhvai for dhve is found in
one word in RV., and a few times in the Brahmanas. In 3d pi., ntai
for nte is the Brahmana form (of far from frequent occurrence); it occurs
neither in RV. nor AV. No such dual endings as thai and tai, for the
and te, are anywhere found; but RV. has in a few words (nine: above,
547 c) aithe and aite, which appear to be a like subjunctive strengthening
of ethe and ete (although found in one indicative form, krnvaite). Be-
fore the ai-endings, the vowel is regularly long a; but antai instead of
antai is two or three times met with, and once or twice (TS. AB.) atai
for atai.

562. The subjunctive endings, then,
subjunctive mode-sign, are as follows:

active.,
s. d. p. s.

in combination with the

ani

,asi
{as
fati
\at

ava

ama

athas atha

ataa

an

ai

[ase

[asai

late

middle.

d.

favahai
avahe

aithe

aite

P-

lamahai
\axnahe
jadhve
\adhvai
(ante, anta
I antai

a. And in further combination with final a of a tense-stem, the
initial a of all these endings becomes a: thus, for example, in 2d pers.,
asi or as, athas, atha, ase, adhve.

563. Besides this proper subjunctive, with mode-sign, In its triple
form — with primary, with strengthened primary, and with secondary end-
ings — the name of subjunctive, in the forms "imperfect subjunctive" and
"improper subjunctive", has been also given to the indicative forms of imper-
fect and aorist when used, with the augment omitted, in a modal sense
(below, 537): such use being quite common in RV., but rapidly dying out,
so that in the Brahmana language and later it is hardly met with except
after ma prohibitive.

a. As to the general uses of the subjunctive, see below, 574 ff.

Optative Mode.

564. a. As has been already pointed out, the optative is of com-
paratively rare occurrence in the language of the Yedas ; but it gains
rapidly in frequency, and already in the Brahmanas greatly out-
numbers the subjunctive, and still later comes almost entirely to
take its place.

b. Its mode of formation is the same in all periods of the
language.

565. a. The optative mode-sign is in the active voice a dif-
ferent one, according as it is added to a tense-stem ending in a, or

14*

?\f I

M

565—] VIII. CONJUGATION. 212

to one ending in some other final. In the latter case, it is ya, accented ;
this yft is appended to the weaker form of the tense-stem, and takes
the regular series of secondary endings, with, in 3d plur., us in-
stead of an, and loss of the a before it. After an a-stem, it is I,
unaccented ; this I blends with the final a to e (which then is accented
or not according to the accent of the a); and the e is maintained
unchanged before a vowel-ending (am, us), by means of an inter-
posed euphonic y.

b. In the middle voice, the mode-sign is I throughout, and takes
the secondary endings, with a in 1st sing., and ran in 3d pi. After
an a-stem, the rules as to its combination to e, the accent of the
latter, and its retention before a vowel-ending with interposition of
a y, are the same as in the active. After any other final, the weaker
form of stem is taken, and the accent is on the ending (except in
one class of verbs, where it falls upon the tense-stem : see 645) ; and
the 1 (as when combined to e) takes an inserted y before the vowel-
endings (a, atham, atam).

c. It is, of course, impossible to tell from the form whether i or I
is combined with the final of an a-stem to e; but no good reason appears
to exist for assuming i, rather than the I which shows itself in the other
class of stems in the middle voice.

566. The combined mode-sign and endings of the optative,
then, are as follows, in their double form, for a-stems and for others :

a. for non-a-stems.

active.

•

middle.

S.

d.

P-

s.

d.

P-

i yam

yava

yazna

lya

ivahi

imahi

2 yas

yatam

yata

Ithas

lyatham

idhvam

3 yat

yatam

yus

Ita

lyatam

Iran

b. combined with

the final

of a-stems.

i eyam

eva

ema

eya

evahi

emahi

2 es

etam

eta

ethas

eyatham

edhvam

3 et

etam

eyus

eta

eyatam

eran

c. The ya is in the Veda not seldom resolved into IS.

d. The contracted sanem, for saneyam, is found in TB. and Apast.
Certain Vedic 3d pi. middle forms in rata will be mentioned below, under
the various formations.

567. Precative. Precative forms are such as have a sibi-
lant inserted between the optative-sign and the ending. They are
made almost only from the aorist stems, and, though allowed by the
grammarians to be formed from every root — the active precative
from the simple aorist, the middle from the sibilant aorist — are

213 OPTATIVE MODE. [—570

practically of rare occurrence at every period of the language, and
especially later.

a. The inserted 8 runs in the active through the whole series of per-
sons ; in the middle, it is allowed only in the 2d and 3d persons sing, and
du. and the 2d pi., and is quotable only for the 2d and 3d sing. In
the 2d sing, act., the precative form, by reason of the necessary loss of the
added 8, is not distinguishable from the simple optative ; in the 3d sing,
act., the same is the case in the later language, which (compare 555 a) saves
the personal ending t instead of the precattve-sign 8 ; but the RV. usually,
and the other Vedic texts to some extent, have the proper ending yas (for
yast). As to dh in the 2d pi. mid., see 226 c.

b. The accent is as in the simple optative.

568. The precative endings, then, accepted in the later language
(including, in brackets, those which are identical with the simple
optative), are as follows:

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d, p.

1 yasam yasva yasma [Iya] [ivahi] [Imahi]

2 [yas] yastam yasta isthas lyastham Ighvam

3 [yat] yastam yasus !f$a lyastam [Iran]

a. Respecting the precative, see further 921 ff.

b. As to the general uses of the optative, see below, 573 ff.

Imperative Mode.

569. The imperative has no mode-sign; it is made by
adding its own endings directly to the tense-stem, just as
the other endings are added to form the indicative tenses.

a. Hence, in 2d and 3d du. and 2d pi., its forms are indistinguishable
from those of the augment-preterit from the same stem with its augment
omitted.

b. The rules as to the use of the different endings — especially in
2d sing., where the variety is considerable — will be .given below, in connec-
tion with the various tense-systems. The ending tat, however, has so much
that is peculiar in its use that it calls for a little explanation here.

570. The Imperative in tat. An imperative form, usually
having the value of a 2d pers. sing., but sometimes also of other per-
sons and numbers, is made by adding tat to a present tense-stem -
in its weak form, if it have a distinction of strong and weak form.

a. Examples are: brutat, hatat, vittat; pipr-tat, jahltat,
dhattat; kynutat, kurutat; grimitat, jamtat; avatat, rak§atat,
vasatat; vi$atat, syjatat; asyatat, nasyatat, chyatat; kriyatat;

570—] VIII. CONJUGATION. 214

gaxnayatat, cyavayatat, varayatat; Ipsatat; jagrtat. No examples
have been found from a nasal-class verb (690), nor any other than those
here given from a passive, intensive, or desiderative. The few accented cases
indicate that the formation follows the general rule for one made with an
accented ending (552).

b. The imperative in tat is not a very rare formation in the older
language, being made (in V., B., and S.) from about fifty roots, and
in toward a hundred and fifty occurrences. Later, it is very unusual : thus,
only a single example has been noted in MBh., and one inR.; and corres-
pondingly few in yet more modern texts.

571. Aa regards its meaning, this form appears to have pre-
vailingly in the Brahmanas, and traceably but much less distinctly
in the Vedic texts, a specific tense-value added to its mode-value —
as signifying, namely, an injunction to be carried out at a later time
than the present: it is (like the Latin forms in to and tote) a pos-
terior or future imperative.

a. Examples are: ihai Va ma tisthantam abhyehi 'ti bruhi
tarn tii na agatam pratiprabrutat (£B.) say to her "come to me as I
stand just here," and [afterward] announce her to us as having come; yad
urdhvas tis^ha dravine *ha dhattat (RY.) when thou shalt stand up-
right, [then] bestow riches here (and similarly in many cases); utkulam
udvaho bhavo 'duhya prati dhavatat (AV.) be a carrier up the ascent;
after having carried up, run back again ; vanaspatir adhi tva sthasyati
tasya vittat (TS.) the tree will ascend thee, [then] take note of it.

b. Examples of its use as other than 2d sing, are as follows : 1st
sing., avyusam jagrtad aham (AY. ; only case) Let me watch till day-
break; as 3d sing., punar ma " vi$atad rayih (TS.) let wealth come
again to me, ayaxh tyasya raja murdhanaih vi patayatat (£B.) the
king here shall make his head fly off; as 2d du., nasatySv abruvan devah
punar a vahatad iti (RV.) the gods said to the two Acvins "bring them
back again"; as 2d pi., apah ... deve^u nah suk^to brutat (TS.)
ye waters, announce us to the gods as well-doers. In the later language,
the prevailing value appears to be that of a 3d sing. : thus, bhavan prasa-
dam kurutat (MBh.) may your worship do the favor, enam bhavan
abhiraksatat (DKC.) ht your excellency protect him.

c. According to the native grammarians, the imperative in tat is to
be used with a benedictive implication. No instance of such use appears
to be quotable.

d. In a certain passage repeated several times in different Brahmanas
and Sutras, and containing a number of forms in tat used as 2d pi.,
varayadhvat is read instead of vSrayatfit in some of the texts (K. AB.
A£S. 9£S.). No other occurrence of the ending dhvat has been anywhere
noted.

215 USES OF THE MODES. [—573

Uses of the Modes.

572. Of the three modes, the imperative is the one
most distinct and limited in office, and most unchanged in
use throughout the whole history of the language. It signi-
fies a command or injunction — an attempt at the exercise
of the speaker's will upon some one or something outside
of himself.

a. This, however (in Sanskrit as in other languages), is by no
means always of the same force; the command shades off into a
demand, an exhortation, an entreaty, an expression of earnest desire.
The imperative also sometimes signifies an assumption or concession ;
and occasionally, by pregnant construction, it becomes the expression
of something conditional or contingent; but it does not acquire any
regular use in dependent-clause-making.

b. The imperative is now and then used in an interrogative sentence:
thus, bravihi ko 'dyai Va may a viyujyatam (R.) speak! who shall
now be separated by we? katham ete gunavantah kriyantam (H.j
how are they to be made virtuous? kasmai pindah pradiyatam (Vet.)
to whom shall the offering be given?

573. The optative appears to have as its primary office
the expression of wish or desire; in the oldest language,
its prevailing use in independent clauses is that to which
the name "optative" properly belongs.

a. But the expression of desire, on the one hand, passes nat-
urally over into that of request or entreaty, so that the optative
becomes a softened imperative; and, on the other hand, it comes to
signify what is generally desirable or proper, what should or ought
to be, and so becomes the mode of prescription ; or, yet again, it is
weakened into signifying what may or can be, what is likely or
usual, and so becomes at last a softened statement of what is.

b. Further, the optative in dependent clauses, with relative
pronouns and conjunctions, becomes a regular means of expression
of tke conditional and contingent, in a wide and increasing variety
of uses.

C. The so-called precative forms (567) are ordinarily used in the
proper optative sense. But in the later language they are occasionally met
with in the other uses of the optative: thus, na hi prapaqyami mama
'panudyad yac chokam (Bh G.) for I do not perceive what should dispel
my ^rief; yad bhuyasur vibhutayah (BhP.) that there should be changes.
Also rarely with ma: see 579 b.

574—] VIII. CONJUGATION. 216

574. The subjunctive, as has been pointed out, be-
comes nearly extinct at an early period in the history of the
language; there are left of it in classical usage only two
relics : the use of its first persons in an imperative sense,
or to signify a necessity or obligation resting on the speak-
er, or a peremptory intention on his part; and the use of
unaugmented forms (579), with the negative particle *fT ma,
in a prohibitive or negative imperative sense.

a. And the general value of the subjunctive from the begin-
ning was what these relics would seem to indicate ; its fundamental
meaning is perhaps that of requisition, less peremptory than the im-
perative, more so than the optative. But this meaning is liable to
the same modifications and transitions with that of the optative; and
subjunctive and optative run closely parallel with one another in the
oldest language in their use in independent clauses, and are hardly
distinguishable in dependent And instead of their being (as in
Greek) both maintained in use, and endowed with nicer and more
distinctive values, the subjunctive gradually disappears, and the
optative assumes alone the offices formerly shared by both.

675. The difference, then, between imperative and sub-
junctive and optative, in their fundamental and most char-
acteristic uses, is one of degree : command, requisition, wish :
and no sharp line of division exists between them; they
are more or less exchangeable with one another, and com-
binable in coordinate clauses.

a. Thus, in AY., we have in iinpv. : Qatam jiva saradah do
thou live a hundred autumns; ubhau tau jivatam jaradasti let them
loth live to attain old age; — in subj., adya jivani let me live this
day; (jatam jivati (jaradah he shall live a hundred autumns; — in
opt., jivema (jaradam (jatam may tee live hundreds of autumns; sarvam
ayur jivyaaam. (prec.) / would fain live out my whole term of life.
Here the modes would be interchangeable with a hardly perceptible
change of meaning.

b. Examples, again, of different modes in coordinate construc-
tion are : iyam agne narl patim videsta . . . suvana putran mahisi
bhavati gatva patim subhaga vi rajatu (AV.) may this woman,
O Agni! find a spouse; giving birth to sons she shall become a chief -
tuiness ; having attained a spouse let her rule in happiness; gopaya
nah svastaye prabudhe nah punar dadah (TS.) watch over us for

217 USES OP THE MODES. [ — 579

our welfare; grant unto us to wake again; ayan nah sunuh . . . aa te
sumatfr bhutv aame (RV.) may there be to us a son; let that favor of
thine be ours. It is not very seldom the case that versions of the
same passage in different texts show different modes as various
readings.

c. There is, in fact, nothing in the earliest employment of these
modes to prove that they might not all be specialized uses of forms
originally equivalent — having, for instance, a general future meaning.

576. As examples of the less characteristic use of subjunctive
and optative in the older language, in independent clauses, may be
quoted the following : a gha ta gacchan uttara yugani (RV.) those
later ages will doubtless come; yad . . . na mara fti manyase (RV.)
if thou thinkest "I shall not die"; na ta nac,anti na dabhati taakarah
(RV.) they do not become lost; no thief can harm them; kasmai devaya
havisa vidhema (RV.) to what god shall we offer oblation? agnina rayim
aqnavat . . . dive-dive (RV.) by Agni one may gain wealth every day ;
utaf 'nam brahman e dadyat tatha ayona qiva syat (AV.) one
should give her, however, to a Brahman; in that case she witt be propitious
and favorable ; ahar-ahar dadyat (QB.) one should give every day.

577. The uses of the optative in the later language are of the
utmost variety, covering the whole field occupied jointly by the two
modes in earlier time. A few examples from a single text (MBh.)
will be enough to illustrate them : ucchistam nai Va bhunjlyam na
kuryam padadhavanam I witt not eat of the remnant of the sacrifice,
I will not perform the foot-lavation ; jnatin vrajet let her go to her re-
latives; nai 'vam sa karhicit kuryat she should not act thus at any
time; katham vidyam nalam nypam how can I know king Nai a?
utsarge aari^ayah syat tu vindeta 'pi sukham kvacit but in case
of her abandonment there may be a chance; she may also find happiness
somewhere; katham vaso vikarteyam na ca budhyeta me priya
how can 1 cut off the garment and my beloved not wake ?

578. The later use of the first persons subjunctive as so-called
imperative involves no change of construction from former time, but
only restriction to a single kind of use: thus, dlvyftva let us two
play; kim karavani te what shall I do for thee?

579. The imperative negative, or prohibitive, is from the earliest
period of the language regularly and usually expressed by the particle
ma with an augmentless past form, prevailingly aorist.

a. Thus, pra pata me *ha ramsthah (AV.) fly away, do not stay
here; dviaan? ca mahyam radhyatu ma ca "ham dviaate radham
(AV.) both let my foe be subject to me, and let me not be subject to my foe;
urv ac, yam abhayam jyotir indra ma no dirgha abhi na^an
tamisrah (RV.) I would win broad fearless light, O Indra; let not the
long darknesses come upon us; ma na ayuh pra mosih (RV.) do not

579—] VIII. CONJUGATION. 218

steal away our life; samagvasihi m& Qucah (MBh.) be comforted; do
not grieve; mS bhaislh or bhaih (MBh. K.) do not be afraid; mS bhut
kalasya paryayah (R.) let not a change of time take place. Examples with
the imperfect are : ma bibher na xnarisyasi (EV.) do not fear; thou wilt
not die; ma smai 'taut sakhin kuruthah (AV.) do not make friends
of them; m& putram anutapyathah (MBh.) do not sorrow for thy son.
The relation of the imperfect to the aorist construction, in point of
frequency, is in EV. about as one to five, in AV. still less, or about
one to six; and though instances of the imperfect are quotable from
all the older texts, they are exceptional and infrequent ; while in the
epics and later they become extremely rare.

b. A single optative, bhujexna, is used prohibitively with ma in
RV. ; the older language presents no other example, and the construction
is very rare also later. In an example or two, also, the precative (bhuy&t,
B. Pane.) follows mS.

c. The RV. has once apparently ma with an imperative; but the
passage is probably corrupt. No other such case is met with in the older
language (unless sypa. TA. i. 14; doubtless a bad reading for sypas) ; but
in the epics and later the construction begins to appear, and becomes an
ordinary form of prohibition : thus, ma prayacche "9 vare dhanam (H.)
do not bestow wealth on a lord; sakhi mai Vam vada (Vet.) friend, do
not speak thus.

d. The QB. (xi. 5. 11) appears to offer a single example of a true subjunctive
with ma, ni padyasai; there is perhaps something wrong about the reading.

e. In the epics and later, an aorist form not deprived of augment is
occasionally met with after ma: thus, ma tvaxh kalo 'tyagat (MBh.)
let not the time pass thee,- ma valipatham anv agah (R.) do not follow
Valfs road. But the same anomaly occurs also two or three times in the older
language: thus, vyapaptat (£B.), agas (TA.), anagat (KS.).

580. But the use also of the optative with na not in a prohib-
itive sense appears in the Veda, and becomes later a familiar con-
struction : thus, na risyema kada cana (EV.) may we suffer no harm
at any time; na ca *tisyjen na juhuySt (AV.) and if he do not grant
permission, let him not sacrifice; tad u tatha na kuryat (QB.) but he
must not do that so ; na diva gayita (QGS.) let him not sleep by day; na
tvam vidyur janah (MBh.) let not people know thee. This in the
later language is the correlative of the prescriptive optative, and
both are extremely common ; so that in a text of prescriptive char-
acter the optative forms may come to outnumber the indicative and
imperative together (as is the case, for example, in Manu).

581. In all dependent constructions, it is still harder even in
the oldest language to establish a definite distinction between sub-
junctive and optative; a method of use of either is scarcely to be
found to which the other does not furnish a practical equivalent —

219 USES OP THE MODES. [—581

and then, in the later language, such uses are represented by the
optative alone. A few examples will be sufficient to illustrate this :

a. After relative pronouns and conjunctions in general: ya
vyufur yag ca nunam vyucchan (RV.) which have shone forth [hith-
erto], and which shall hereafter shine forth; yo 'to jayata asmakam
sa eko 'sat (TS.) whoever shall be born of her, let htm be one of us ;
yo vSi tan vidyat pratyaksaih sa brahma veditS syfit (AV.)
whoever shall know them face to face, he may pass for a knowing priest;
putranam . . . jatanam j an ay £9 ca yan (AY.) of sons lorn and whom
thou mayesl bear; yasya . . . atithir grhan agaechet (AV.) to whose-
soever house he may come as guest; yatamatha kamayeta tatha kuryat
(£5B.) in whatever way he may choose, so may he do it; yarhi hota yaja-
manasya nama grhmyat tarhi bruyat (TS.) when the sacrificing
priest shall name the name of the offerer, then he may speak ; svarupam
yada drastum icchethah (MBh.) when thou shalt desire to see thine
own form.

b. In more distinctly conditional constructions: yajama devan
yadi gaknavama (RV.) we will offer to the gods if we shall be able; yad
agne syam aham tvam tvam va gha sya aham syus te satya
iha "9fsah (RV.) if I were thou, Agni, or if thou wert I, thy wishes
should be realized on the spot; yo dyam atisarpat parastan na sa
mucyatai varunasya rajnah (AV.) though one steal far away beyond
the sky, he shall not escape king Varuna ; yad anagvan upavaset kso-
dhukah syad yad a9nlyad rudro 'sya pa9tin abhi manyeta (TS.)
*/ he should continue without eating, he would starve; if he should eat,
Rudra would attack his cattle ; prarthayed yadi mam kagcid dantjyah
sa me puman bhavet (MBh.) if any man soever should desire me, he
should suffer punishment. These and the like constructions, with the
optative, are very common in the Brahmanas and later.

c. In final clauses: yatha 'ham gatruho 'sani (AV.) that I may
be a slayer of my enemies; grnana yatha pibatho andhah (RV.) that
being praised with song ye may drink the draught; urau yatha tava
Barman madema (RV.) in order that we rejoice in thy wide protection ;
upa janita yathe 'yam punar agacchet (QB.) contrive that she come
back again; krpam kuryad yatha mayi (MBh.) so that he may take pity
on me. This is in the Veda one of the most frequent uses of the
subjunctive; and in its correlative negative form, with ned in order
that not or lest (always followed by an accented verb), it continues
not rare in the Brahmanas.

d. The indicative is also very commonly used in final clauses after
yatha : thus, yatha 'yam puruso 'ntariksam anucarati (QB.) in order
that this man may traverse the atmosphere ; yatha na vighnah kriyate (R.)
ao that no hindrance may arise; yatha 'yam nagyati tatha vidheyam
(H.) it must be so managed that he perish.

581—] VIII. CONJUGATION. 220

e. With the conditional use of subjunctive and optative is farther to
be compared that of the so-called conditional tense : see below, 950.

f. As is indicated by many of the examples given above, it is usual
in a conditional sentence, containing protasis and apodosis, to employ always
the same mode, whether subjunctive or optative (or conditional), in each
of the two clauses. For the older language, this is a rule well-nigh or
quite without exception.

582. No distinction of meaning has been established between
the modes of the present-system and those (in the older language) of
the perfect and aorist-systems.

Participles.

583. Participles, active and middle, are made from all
the tense-stems — except the periphrastic future, and, in
the later language, the aorist (and aorist participles are rare
from the beginning).

a. The participles unconnected with the tense-systems are treated in
chap. XIII. (952 ff.).

584. The general participial endings are ^tf ant (weak
form EfiT^at; fern. 3?ft anti or Slcft atl: see above, 449) for
the active, and ^R Sna (fern. £TRT ana) for the middle. But —

a. After a tense-stem ending in a, the active participial suffix
is virtually nt, one of the two a's being lost in the combination of
stem-final and suffix.

b. After a tense-stem ending in a, the middle participial suffix
is mana instead of ana. But there are occasional exceptions to the
rule as to the use of mana and ana respectively, which will be
pointed out in connection with the various formations below. Such
exceptions are especially frequent in the causative: see 1043f.

c. The perfect has in the active the peculiar suffix vaAs (weakest
form u§, middle form vat; fern, usi: see, for the inflection of this
participle, above, 458 ff.).

d. For details, as to form of stem etc., and for special excep-
tions, see the following chapters.

Augment.

585. The augment is a short % a, prefixed to a tense-
stem — and, if the latter begin with a vowel, combining with
that vowel irregularly into the heavier or vr/ddhi diphthong

221 AUGMENT. ,-587

(136 a). It is always (without any exception) the accented
element in the verbal form of which it makes a part.

a. In the Veda, the augment is in a few forms long a: thus, gnat,
avar, avyni, avjrnak, avidhyat, ayunak, ayukta, ayuksatam,
arinak, araik^and yas ta avidhat, RV.ii.1.7, 9?).

586. The augment is a sign of past time. And an augment-
preterit is made from each of the tense-stems~~from which the system
of conjugation is derived : namely, the imperfect, from the present-
stem; the pluperfect (in the Veda only), from the perfect-stem; the
conditional, from the future-stem; while in the aorist such a preterit
stands without any corresponding present indicative.

587. In the early language, especially in the EV., the occurrence
of forms identical with those of augment-tenses save for the lack of
an augment is quite frequent. Such forms lose in general, along with
the augment, the specific character of the tenses to which they belong;
and they are then employed in part non-modally, with either a pres-
ent or a past sense; and in part modally, with either a subjunctive
or an optative sense — especially often and regularly after ma pro-
hibitive (579); and this last mentioned use comes down also into the
later language.

a* In RV., the augmentless forms are more than half as common as
the augmented (about 2000 and 3300), and are made from the present,
perfect, and aorist-systems, but considerably over half from the aorist.
Their non-modal and modal uses are of nearly equal frequency. The tense
value of the non-modally used forms is more often past than present. Of
the modally used, forms, nearly a third are construed with ma prohibitive ;
the rest have twice as often an optative as a proper subjunctive value.

b. In AV., the numerical relations are very different. The augment-
less forms are less than a third as many as the augmented (about 475 to
1450), and are prevailingly (more than four fifths) aoristic. The non-modal
uses are only a tenth of the modal. Of the modally used forms, about
four fifths are construed with ma prohibitive j the rest are chiefly optative
in value. Then, in the language of the Brahmanas (not including the
mantra - material which they contain), the loss of augment is, save in
occasional sporadic cases, restricted to the prohibitive construction with ma;
and the same continues to be the case later.

C. The accentuation of the augmentless forms is throughout in accord-
ance with that of unaugmented tenses of similar formation. Examples will
be given below, under the various tenses.

d. Besides the augmentless aorist-forms with ma prohibitive, there
are also found occasionally in the later language augmentless imperfect- forms
(very rarely aorist-fonns), which have the same value as if they were aug-
mented, and are for the most part examples of metrical license. They are
especially frequent in the epics (whence some scores of them are quotable).

588—] VIII. CONJUGATION. 222

Reduplication.

588. The derivation of conjugational and declensional
stems from roots by reduplication, either alone or along
with other formative elements, has been already spoken of
(259), and the \formations in which reduplication appears/
have been specified: they are, in primary verb-inflection,
the present (of a certain class of verbs), the perfect (of
nearly all), and the aorist (of a large number) ; and the in-
tensive and desiderative secondary conjugations contain in
their stems the same element.

589. The general principle of reduplication is the pre-
fixion to a root of a part of itself repeated — if it begin
with consonants, the initial consonant and the vowel; if it
begin with a vowel, that vowel, either alone or with a follow-
ing consonant. The varieties of detail, however, are very
considerable. Thus, especially, as regards the vowel, which
in present and perfect and desiderative is regularly shorter
and lighter in the reduplication than in the root-syllable,
in aorist is longer, and in intensive is strengthened. The
differences as regards an initial consonant are less, and
chiefly confined to the intensive; for the others, certain
general rules may be here stated, all further details being
left to be given in connection with the account of the sep-
arate formations.

590. The consonant of the reduplicating syllable is in
general the first consonant of the root: thus, TO^T paprach
from l/Sfi^T prach; finf5T 9191* from yfsr 9ri; ^^ bubudh
from ysro: But —

a. A non-aspirate is substituted in reduplication for an
aspirate: thus, ^tTT dadha from jAJT; f^T bibhy from y^ bhy.

b. A palatal is substituted for a guttural or for ^ h :

223

REDUPLICATION .

[-592

thus, r&\ cak? from y'SR kp; rj^ cikhid from y khid;
5TCR jagrabh from yiTH grabh; sT^T jahp from j/c^ hp.

c. The occasional reversion, on the other hand, of a palatal in the
radical syllable to guttural form has been noticed above (2161).

d. Of two initial consonants, the second, if it be a
non-nasal mute preceded by a sibilant, is repeated instead

of the first: thus, rFrT tas^r from
y^STT stha; r!Hr£ caskand from
caskhal from yFslST skhal;
qFTOT paspydh from y FTO^spydh ;
sphu$: -- but HW sasna from
HR susru from W sru

sty; cRSJT tastha from

skand;
from

from

sn5; HFT sasmp from
from

9lis.

Accent of the Verb.

591. The statements which have been made above, and those
which will be made below, as to the accent of verbal forms, apply
to those cases in which the verb is actually accented.

a. But, according to the grammarians, and according to the in-
variable practice in accentuated texts, the verb is in the majority of
its occurrences unaccented or toneless.

b. That is to say, of course, the verb in its proper forms, its personal
or so-called finite forms. The verbal nouns and adjectives, or the infinitives
and participles, are subject to precisely the same laws of accent as other
nouns and adjectives.

592. The general rule, covering most of the cases, is this : The
verb in an independent clause is unaccented, unless it stand at the
beginning of the clause — or also, in metrical text, at the beginning
of a pada.

a. For the accent of the verb, as well as for that of the vocative
case (above, 314 c), the beginning of a pada counts as that of a sentence,
whatever be the logical connection of the pada with what precedes it.

b. Examples of the unaccented verb are: agnfrn ide purohitam
Agni I praise, the house-priest; sa id devesu gacchati that, truly, goes to
the gods; agne supayano bhava O Agni, be tasy of access; idam indra
Qrnuhi somapa this, O Indra, soma-drinker, hear; naxnas te rudra
krnmah homage to thee, Rudra, we offer; yajamanasya pa9UU pahi
the sacrificers cattle protect thou.

c. Hence, there are two principal situations in which the verb
retains its accent:

593—] VIII. CONJUGATION. 224

593. First, the verb is accented when it stands at the beginning
of a clause — or, in verse, of a pada.

a. Examples of the vert accented at the head of the sentence are,
in prose, qundhadhvam daivyaya karmane be pure for the divine
ceremony; apnoti *mam lokam he wins this world; — in verse, where
the head of the sentence is also that of the pada, syame 'd indrasya
9armani may we be in Intro's protection; da^aya ma yatudhanan
show me the sorcerers ; gamad vajebhir a sa nah may he come with good
things to us; — in verse, where the head of the clause is within the pada,
tesam pShi 9rudhl havam drink of them, hear our call; sastu mata
sastu pita sastu $va sastu vi^patih let the mother sleep, let the father
sleep, let the dog sleep, let the master sleep; vi<jvakarman namas te
pahy asman Vicvakarman, homage to thee; protect us! yuvam... rajna
uce duhita prcche vam nara the king's daughter said to you w/ pray you,
ye men"1; vayam te vaya indra viddhi su nah pra bharamahe we
offer thee, Indra, strengthening ; take note of ua.

b. Examples of the verb accented at the head of the pada when this
is not the head of the sentence are: atha te antamanam vidyama
sumatinam so may we enjoy thy most intimate favors; dhata 'sya
agruvai patim dadhatu pratikamyam Dhatar bestow upon this girl a
husband according to her wish; y&tudhanasya somapa jahi prajam
slay, 0 Soma-drinker, the progeny of the sorcerer.

594. Certain special cases under this head are as follows:

a. As a vocative forms no syntactical part of the sentence to which
it is attached, but is only an external appendage to it, a verb following
an initial vocative, or more than one, is accented, as if it were itself initial
in the clause or pada: thus, a<jrutkarna grudhi havam 0 thou of
listening ears, hear our coll! site vandamahe tva 0 Sita, we reverence
thee; vf(jve deva vasavo raksate 'mam all ye gods, ye Vasus, protect
this man; uta "ga9 cakrusam deva deva jivayatha punah likewise
him, O gods, who has committed crime, ye gods, ye make to live again.

b. If more than one verb follow a word or words syntactically con-
nected with them all, only the first loses its accent, the others being treated
as if they were initial verbs in separate clauses, with the same adjuncts
understood: thus, taranir ij jayati kf eti pus.yati successful he conquers,
rules, thrives; amitran... paraca indra pra mpna jahi ca our 'foes,
Indra, drive far away and slay,- asmabhyarh jes.i yotsi ca for us conquer
and fight; agnlsomft havffah prasthitasya vitam haryatam vr?anft
jusetham O Agni and Soma, of the oblation set forth partake, enjoy, ye
mighty ones, take pleasure.

c. In like manner (but much less often), an adjunct, as subject or object,
standing between two verbs and logically belonging to both, is reckoned to the
first alone, and the second has the initial accent : thus, jahi prajam nayasva
ca slay the progeny, and Iring [it] hither; 9rnotu nah eubhaga bodhatu
tmana may the blessed one hear us, [and may she] kindly regard [us].

225 ACCENT. [-686

d. It has even come to be a formal rule that a verb immediately
following another verb is accented: thus, sa ya etam evam upaste
puryate prajaya pacubhih (QB.) whoever worships him thus is filled with
offspring and cattle.

595. Second, the verb is accented, whatever its position, in a
dependent clause.

a. The dependency of a clause is in the very great majority of cases
conditioned by the relative pronoun ya, or one of its derivatives or com-
pounds. Thus : yam yajnam paribhur asi what offering thou protectest ;
6 te yanti ye aparisu paqyan they are coming who shall behold her
hereafter; saha yan me asti tena along with that which is mine,- yatra
nah piirve pitarah pareyuh whither our fathers of old departed ; adya
munya yadi yatudhano asmi let me die on the spot, if I am a sor-
cerer; yatha *hany anupurvam bhavanti as days follow one another
in order; yavad idam bhuvanam vfyvam asti how great this whole
creation is; yatkamas te juhumaa tan no astu what desiring we sacri-
fice to thee, let that become ours; yatamas tftfpsfit whichever one desires
to enjoy.

b. The presence of a relative word in the sentence does not, of course,
accent the verb, unless this is really the predicate of a dependent clause:
thus, apa tye tayavo yatha yanti they make off like thieves (as thieves
do); yat etna jagac oa rejate whatever [is] immovable and movable
trembles; yathakamam ni padyate he lies down at his pleasure.

c. The particle oa when it means if, and ced (ca-f-id) ift give an
accent to the verb : thus, brahma ced dhastam agrahlt if a Brahman
has grasped her hand; tvarh ca soma no vago jivituni na marftmahe
if thou, Soma, wiliest us to live, we shall not die; & ca gacchan mitram
enft dadhama if he will come here, we will make friends with him.

d. There are a very few passages in which the logical dependence of
a clause containing no subordinating word appears to give the verb its
accent: thus, sam acvaparnfic. caranti no naro 'smakam indra
rathino jayantu when our men, horse-winged, come into conflict, let the
chariot-fighters of our side, O Indra, win the victory. Rarely, too, an Imper-
ative so following another imperative that its action may seem a consequence
of the latter's is accented: thus, t&yam a gahi kanvesu su sacft pfba
come hither quickly; drink along with the Kaiwas (i. e. in order to drtnfc).

e. A few other particles give the verb an accent, in virtue of a slight
subordinating force belonging to them: thus, especially hi (with its nega-
tion nab!), which in its fullest value means for, but shades off from that
into a mere asseverative sense; the verb or verbs connected with" it are
always accented : thus, vi te muncantarh vimuco hf santi let them
release him, for they are releaaers; yac cid dhi... ana<jasta iva amasi
if we, forsooth, are as it were unrenowned ; — also n6d (na-f-{d), meaning
lest, that not: thus, net tvft tapftti a6ro arc(?& that the sun may not
burn thee with his beam; virajam ned vicchinadani *ti Baying to himself,

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 15

595—] VIII. CONJUGATION. 226

"lest I cut off the viraj" (such cases are frequent in the Brahmanas) ; —
and the interrogative kuvid whether? thus, ukthebhih kuvid agamat
will he come hither for our praises?

596. But further, the verb of a prior clause is not infrequently
accented in antithetical construction.

a. Sometimes, the relation of the two clauses is readily capable of
being regarded as that of protasis and apodosis; bnt often, also, such a
relation is very indistinct; and the cases of antithesis shade off into those
of ordinary coordination, the line between them appearing to be rather
arbitrarily drawn.

b. In many cases, the antithesis is made distincter by the presence
in the two clauses of correlative words, especially any a — any a, eka —
eka, va — va, ca— ca: thus, pra-pra 'nye yanti pary any a asate
some go on and on, others sit about (as if it were while some go etc.) ; ud
va sincadhvam upa va prnadhvam either pour out, or fill up; sam
ce 'dhyasva 'gne pra ca vardhaye 'mam both do thou thyself become
kindled, Agni, and do thou increase this person. But it is also made with-
out such help: thus, pra 'jatah praja janayati pari prajata gyhnati
the unborn progeny he generates, the born he embraces; apa yusmad akra-
mln na 'sman upavartate [though] she has gone away from you, she
does not come to us; na 'ndho 'dhvaryur bhavati na yajnam raksansi
ghnanti the priest does not become blind, the demons do not destroy the
sacrifice; kena soma grhyante kena huyante by whom [on the one hand]
are the somas dipped out? by whom [on the other hand] are they offered?

597. Where the verb would be the same in the two antithetical Clauses,
it is not infrequently omitted in the second : thus, beside complete expres-
sions like urvi ca 'si vaavl ca 'si both thou art broad and thou art good,
occur, much oftener, incomplete ones like agnir amusmin loka asid
yamo *smfn Agni was in yonder world, Yama [was] in this; asthna
'nyah prajah pratitisthanti mansena *nyah by bone some creatures
stand firm, by flesh others ; dvipac ca sarvain no rakaa catuspad yac ca
nah svam both protect everything of ours that is biped, and also whatever
that is quadruped belongs to us.

a. Accentuation of the verb in the former of two antithetical clauses
is a rule more strictly followed in the Brahmanas than in the Veda, and
least strictly in the RV. : thus, in RV., abhi dyam mahina bhuvam
(not bhuvam) abhi 'mam ppthivim mahlm I am superior to the sky
in greatness, also to this great earth; and even indro vidur angirasac. ca
ghorah Indra knows, and the terrible Angirases.

598. There are certain more or less doubtful cases in which a
verb-form is perhaps accented for emphasis.

a. Thus, sporadically before cana in any wise, and in connection
with asseverative particles, as kfla, anga, eva, and (in £B., regularly)
hanta: thus, hante 'mam prthivlm vibhajamahai come on! let us
share up this earth.

227 PRESENT-SYSTEM. [—601

CHAPTER IX.

THE PRESENT-SYSTEM.

599. THE present-system, or system of forms coming
from the present-stem, is composed (as was pointed out
above) of a present indicative tense, together with a sub-
junctive (mostly lost in the classical language), an optative,
an imperative, and a participle, and also a past tense, an
augment-preterit, to which we give (by analogy with the
Greek) the name of imperfect.

a. These forms often go in Sanskrit grammars by the name of
"special tenses", while the other tense-systems are styled "general tenses"
— as if the former were made from a special tense-stem or modified root,
while the latter came, all alike, from the root itself. There is no reason
why such a distinction and nomenclature should be retained; since, on the
one hand, the "special tenses" come in one set of verbs directly from the
root, and, on the other hand, the other tense-systems are mostly made from
stems — and, in the case of the aorist, from stems having a variety of
form comparable with that of present-stems.

600. Practically, the present-system is the most prom-
inent and important part of the whole conjugation, since,
from the earliest period of the language, its forms are very
much more frequent than those of all the other systems
together.

a. Thus, in the Veda, the occurrences of personal forms of this system
are to those of all others about as three to one ; in the Aitareya Brahmana,
as five to one; in the Hitopadec.a, as six to one; in the Qakuntala, as
eight to one; in Manu, as thirty to one.

601. And, as there is also great variety in the manner
in which different roots form their present-stem, this, as
being their most conspicuous difference, is made the basis
of their principal classification; and a verb is said to be of
this or of that conjugation, or class, according to the way
in which its present-stem is made and inflected.

15*

602— ] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 228

602. In a small minority of verbs, the present-stem is
identical with the root. Then there are besides (excluding
the passive and causative) seven more or less different meth-
ods of forming a present-stem from the root, each method
being followed by a larger or smaller number of verbs.
These are the "classes" or "conjugation-classes", as laid
down by the native Hindu grammarians. They are ar-
ranged by the latter in a certain wholly artificial and un-
systematic order (the ground of which has never been dis-
covered); and they are wont to be designated in European
works according to this order, or else, after Hindu example,
by the root standing at the head of each class in the Hindu
lists. A different arrangement and nomenclature will be
followed here, namely as below — the classes being di-
vided (as is usual in European grammars) into two more
general classes or conjugations, distinguished from one an-
other by wider differences than those which separate the
special classes.

603. The classes of the FIRST or NON-a-CoNJUGATiON
are as follows:

I. The rooj-class (second class, or ad- class, of
the Hindu grammarians) ; its present-stem is coincident
with the root itself: thus, ^ ad eat; ^ i go; 3TIH 5s
sit; 7J\ yS go; fes^dvis hate; ^ dun milk.
Li/- ^ H. The reduplicating class (third or hu-class) ;
the root is reduplicated to form the present-stem:
thus, ip^ juhu from |/^ hu sacrifice; ^T dadS from
y^J d5 give; fsR bibhy from ]/H bhy bear.

HI. ^The^nasal ..clajss (seventh or rudh-class); a
nasal, extended to the syllable ^ na in strong forms, is
inserted before the final consonant of the root: thus,
(or ^nm^runadh) from y^rudh obstruct;
(or g^yunaj) from xgs^yuj join.

229 CONJUGATION-CLASSES. [—606

IV. a. The mi-class (fifth or su-class); the syl- L^
lable •? nu is added to the root: thus, gg sunu from

>/H su press out; 5TTW apnu from v^FT^Sp obtain.

b. A very small number (only half-a-dozen) of
roots ending already in *Mi, and also one very common
and quite irregularly inflected root not so ending (Sfi
ky make), add 3 u alone to form the present-stem. This
is the eighth or tan-class of the Hindu grammarians ; it
may be best ranked by us as a sub-class, the u -class:
thus, cFT tanu from yrpT^tan stretch.

V. The na-class (ninth or kri-class); the syllable l^a
^TT n5 (or, in weak forms, ^ nl) is added to the root :

thus, shim I krina (or stUuil krini) from ylfft kri buy;
SrPTT stabhna (or Srpft stabhnl) from yTtP^stabh estab-
lish.

604. These classes have in common, as their most fund-
amental characteristic, a shift of accent: the tone being
now upon the ending, and now upon the root or the class-
sign. Along with this goes a variatior in the stem itself,
which has a stronger or fuller form when the accent rests
upon it, and a weaker or briefer form when the accent is
on the ending these: forms are to be distinguished as the
strong stem and the weak stem respectively (in part, both
have been given above). The classes also form their opta-
tive active, their 2d sing, imperative, their 3d pi. middle,
and their middle participle, in a different manner from the
others.

605. In the classes of the SECOND or a-CoNJUGATiON, u \
the present-stem ends in a, and the accent has a fixed

place, remaining always upon the same syllable of the
stem, and never shifted to the endings. Also, the optative,
the 2d sing, impv., the 3d pi. middle, and the middle par-

605— ] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 230

ticiple, are (as just stated) unlike those of the other con-
jugation.

606. The classes of this conjugation are as follows :

VI. The a-class, or unaccented a-class (first
or bhu-class) ; the added class-sign is a simply ; and the
root, which has the accent, is (if capable of it) strength-
ened by guna throughout : thus, *&( bhava from ]W bhu
be; TO naya from y^ft nl lead; 5Tm bodha from ySTU
budh wake; 5J^ vada from i/of^ vad speak.

VII. The a-class, or accented a-class (sixth or
tud- class) ; the added class-sign is a, as in the preceding
class; but it has the accent, and the unaccented root
remains unstrengthened : thus, cT^ tuda from y^ tud
thrust; ^JsJ sfcja from v^jsf^spj let loose; "Qfi suva from
]/H su give birth.

c^

VIII. The ya- class (fourth or div-class) ; ya is
added to the root, which has the accent: thus, ^c?J
divya from yf|^div (more properly <£)of div: see 765)
play; ^J nahya from y^ nan bind; g^IT krudhya
from i/gj^krudh be angry.

IX. The passive conjugation is also properly a
present-system only, having a class-sign which is not
extended into the other systems ; though it differs mark-
edly from the remaining classes in having a specific
meaning, and in being formable in the middle voice
from all transitive verbs. Its inflection may therefore
best be treated next to that of the ya-class, with which
it is most nearly connected, differing from it as the
a-class from the a-class. It forms its stem, namely, by
adding an accented ya to the root : thus, 5^1 adya from

ad eat; ^IT rudhya from j/"^rudn obstruct;

budhya from j/g^budh wake; fJ5I tudya from

tud thrust.

231 CONJUGATION-CLASSES. [—611

607. The Hindu grammarians reckon a tenth class or cur-class,
having a class-sign aya added to a strengthened root (thus, coraya
from j/cur), and an inflection like that of the other a-stems. Since,
however, this stem is not limited to the present-system, but extends
also into the rest of the conjugation — while it also has to a great
extent a causative value, and may be formed in that value from a
large number of roots — it will be best treated in full along with
the derivative conjugations (chap. XIV., 1041 ff.).

608. A small number of roots add in the present-system a oh,
or substitute a ch for their final consonant, and form a stem ending
in cha or cha, which is then inflected like any a-stem. This is
historically, doubtless, a true class-sign, analogous with the rest;
but the verbs showing it are so few, and in formation so irregular,
that they are not well to be put together into a class, but may best
be treated as special cases falling under the other classes.

a. Roots adding ch are r and yu, which make the stems rccha and
yuccha.

^^ b. Roots substituting ch for their final are is, us (or vas shine),
gam, yam, which make the stems iccha, uccha, gaccha, yaccha.

c. Of the so-called roots ending in ch, several are more or less
clearly stems, whose use has been extended from the present to other systems
of tenses.

609. Roots are not wholly limited, even in the later language, to
one mode of formation of their present-stem, [but are sometimes reckoned
as belonging to two or more different conjugation-classes. And such variety
of formation is especially frequent in the Veda, being exhibited by a
considerable proportion of the roots there occurring ; already in the Brahmanas,
however, a condition is reached nearly agreeing in this respect with the
classical language. The different present-formations sometimes have differ-
ences of meaning ; yet not more important ones than are often found belong-
ing to the same formation, nor of a kind to show clearly a difference of
value as originally belonging to the separate classes of presents. If anything
of this kind is to be established, it must be from the derivative conjugations,
which are separated by no fixed line from the present-systems.

610. We take up now the different classes, in the order in
which they have been arranged above, to describe more in detail, and
with illustration, the formation of their present-systems, and to notice
the irregularities belonging under each class.

I. Root-class (second, ad-class).

611. In this class there is no claqg-sign; the root itself
is also present- stem, and to it are added directly the per-

611—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 232

sonal endings — but combined in subjunctive and optative
with the respective mode-signs; and in the imperfect the
augment is prefixed to the root.

a. The accented endings (552) regularly take the accent —
except in the imperfect, where it falls on the augment — and before
them the root remains unchanged; before the unaccented endings,
the root takes the guna-strengthening.

b. It is only in the first three classes that the endings come imme-
diately in contact with a final consonant of the root, and that the roles for
consonant combination have to be noted and applied. In these classes, then,
additional paradigms will be given, to illustrate the modes of combination.

1. Present Indicative.

612. The endings are the primary (with 5£{ ate in 3d
pi. mid.), added to the bare root. The root takes the accent,
and has guna, if capable of it, in the three persons sing. act.

Examples of inflection: a. active, root ^ i go:
strong form of root-stem, ^ 6; weak form, ^ i; middle, root
as sit,, stem Ss (irregularly accented throughout: 628).

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

2

exni ivas imas

ithas itha

eti itas yanti

asvahe asmahe

asse asathe addhve

asate asate

b. root dvis. hate: strong stem-form, dves.; weak, dvis.. For
rules of combination for the final s., see 226.

1 dvesmi dvisvas dvismas dvise dvifvahe dvifmahe

2 dveksi dvifflias dvistha dvikse dviaathe dviddhve

3 dvesmi dvistas dvisanti dviste dvisate dvisate

c. root duh milk: strong stem-form, doh; weak, duh. For rules
of combination for the final h, and for the conversion of the initial
to dh, see 222 a, 155, 160.

o,,^ i dohmi duhvas duhmas duhe duhvahe duhmahe

2 dhoksi dugdhas dugdha dhukse duhathe dhugdhve

3 dogdhi dugdhas duhanti dugdhe duhate duhate

233

ROOT-CLASS (SECOND, ad-CLASS).

1-615

d. root lih lick: strong stem, leh; weak, lih. For rules of
combination of the final h, see 222 b.

1 lehmi lihvas lihmas lilie

2 leksi lldhas lldM likije

3 ledhi H^lias lihanti lldhe

lihvahe lihmahe
lihathe lidhve
lihate lihate

613. Examples of the 3d sing. mid. coincident in form with the 1st
sing, are not rare in the older language (both V. and B.) : the most frequent
examples are Ice, duhe, vide, c,aye ; more sporadic are cite, bruve, huve.
To tha of the 2d pi. is added na in sthana, pathana, yathana.
The irregular accent of the 3d pi. mid. is found in RV. in rihate, duhate.
Examples of the same person in re and rate also occur: thus (besides
those mentioned below, 629—30, 635), vidre, and, with auxiliary vowel,
arhire (unless these are to be ranked, rather, as perfect forms without
reduplication: 790 b).

2. Present Subjunctive.

614. Subjunctive forms of this class are not uncommon in the
older language, and nearly all those which the formation anywhere
admits are quotable, from Veda or from Brahmana. A complete
paradigm, accordingly, is given below, with the few forms not
actually quotable for this class enclosed in brackets. We may take
as models (as above), for the active the root i go, and for the
middle the root as sit, from both of which numerous forms are met
with (although neither for these nor for any others can the whole
series be found in actual use).

a. The mode-stems are aya (e+a) and asa (as-f-a) respectively.

asai

Jasase
\asasai
Jasate
\asatai

615. The RV. has no middle forms in ai except those of the first
person. The 1st. sing. act. in a occurs only in RV., in aya, bravS,
stava. The 2d and 3d sing. act. with primary endings are very unusual
in the Brahmanas. Forms irregularly made with long a, like those from
present-stems in a, are not rare in AV. and B. : thus, ay as, ayat, ayan;
asat, bravat; bravathas; asatha, ayatha, bravatha, hanatha;
adan, dohan. Of middle forms with secondary endings are found hananta,
3d pi., and iqata, 3d sing, (after ma prohibitive), which is an isolated
example. The only dual person in aite is bravaite.

active.

s.

d. p.

fayani
Uya

ayava ayama

fayasi
\ayas

ayathas ayatha

lA~n«.

ayatas ayan

middle.

d.

P-

( asavahai

( asamahai

\[asavahe]

\iasamahe]

[asaith-T

rfasadhve]

\ asadhvai

asaite

fiasante -nta
1 asantai

61 6—]

IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM.

234

3. Present Optative.

616. The personal endings combined with the mode-
signs of this mode (JJT y5 in act., ^ I in mid.) have been
given in full above (586). The stem-form is the unaccented
and unstrengthened root.

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

iyam iyava iyama asiya asivahi asimahi
^ITrT

iyas iyatam iyata asithas asiyatham asidhvam

iyat iyatam iyiis asita aslyatani asiran

a. In the same manner, from ydvia, dvisyani and dvisiya ; from
V'duh, duhyam and duhiya; from >/lih, lihyam and lihiya. The
inflection is so regular that the example above given is enough, with
the addition of dvisjiya, to show the normal accentuation in the
middle: thus, sing, dvisiya, dvisithas, dvislta; du. dvislvahi,
dvisiyatham, dvisiyatam; pi. dvisimahi, dvieidhvam, dviflran.

b. The BY. has once tana in 2d pi. act. (in syatana).

4. Present Imperative.

617. The imperative adds, in second and third persons,
its own endings (with SJrTPT atSm in 3d pi. mid.) directly
to the root-stem. The stem is accented and strengthened
in 3d sing, act.; elsewhere, the accent is on the ending
and the root remains unchanged. The first persons, so called,
of the later language are from the old subjunctive, and
have its strengthened stem and accent; they are repeated
here from where they were given above (614 a). In the 2d
sing, act., the ending is regularly (as in the two following
classes) fa dhi if the root end with a consonant, and f% hi
if it end with a vowel. As examples we take the roots
already used for the purpose.

235

ROOT-CLASS (SECOND, ad-CLASs).

[-619

a. Thus, from the roots i and 5TTH as:

active,
d. p.

middle,
d.

ayani ayava ayama asai asavahai asamahai

itam ita

assva asatham addhvam

v-o

etu

itam yantu astam asatam asatam

b. From the roots

dvis and duh and lih:

i dvesani

3 dvestu

dvesava

dvistam
dvis^am

dvesama
dvista
dvisantu

dvesai
dvik^vd
dvistam

dvesavahai

dvisatham
dvisatam

dvesamahai
dviddhvam
dvisatam

i dohani
2 dugdhi
3 dogdhu

dohava
dugdham
dugdham

dohama
dugdha
duhantu

dohai
dhuksva
dugdham

dohavahai
duhatham
duhatam

dohamahai
dhugdhvam
duhatam

l lehani
2 lidhi
3 le^hu

lehava
lidham
lidham

lehama
lldhi.
lihantu

lehai
liksva
lidham

lehavahai
lihatham
lihatam

lehamahai
lidhvam
lihatam

618. The 2d sing. act. ending tat is found in the older language in
a few verbs of this class: namely, vittat, vitat, brutat, hatat, yatat,
stutat. In 3d sing, mid., two or three verbs have in the older language
the ending am: thus, duham (only RV. case), vidam, (jay am; and in
3d pi. mid. AY. has duhram and duhratam. The use of tana for ta
in 2d pi. act. is quite frequent in the Veda: thus, itana, yatana, attana,
etc. And in stota, eta etana, bravitana, 9astana, hantana, we have
examples in the same person of a strong (and accented) stem.

610.

5. Present Participle.
a. The active participle has the ending

ant

(weak stem-form SRf at) added to the unstrengthened root.
Mechanically, it may he formed from the 3d pi. by dropping
the final ^ i. Thus, for the verbs inflected above, the active
participles are nr^yant, J^tT^duhant, f^rT^dvisant, fy<£tl^
lihant. The feminine stem ends usually in 3Rft ati.: thus,
Sfft yati, J^Tcft duhati, f^Mcfl dvisati, f^fft lihati: but,
from roots in a, in ^TTrft Snti or STIrft ati (449 g).

619—1

IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM.

236

b. The middle participle has the ending 5TR ana, added
to the unstrengthened root: thus, ^ETR iyana, If^^R duhana,
(dNIUI dvis. ana, 'Ri^w lihana,

c. The root as forms the anomalous and isolated asma (in RV.
also asana).

d. But a number of these participles in the older language have
a double accent, either on the ending or on the radical syllable:
thus, i9ana and iQana, ohana and ohana, duhana and duhana (also
dughana), rihana and rfhana, vidana and vidana, suvana and
suvana, stuvana and stavana and stavana — the last having in
part also a strong form of the root.

6. Imperfect.

620. This tense adds the secondary endings to the root
as increased by prefixion of the augment. The root has the
guna-strengthening (if capable of it) in the three persons of
the singular active, although the accent is always upon the
augment. Examples of inflection are :

a. From the roots 5 i and 5TITT 5s:

active,
d.

middle,
d.

P-

ayam aiva aima

a£s

asi

asvahi

asmahi

aitam aita

asthas asatham addhvam

ait

aitam

asatam asata

ayan asta

b. From the roots dvis and duh and lih:

1 advesam advisva advisma advisi advisvahi advismahi

2 advet advistam advista advifthas advisatham advid^hvam

3 advet advistam advisan advista advisatam advisata

1 adoham aduhva aduhma aduhi aduhvahi aduhmahi

2 adhok adugdham adugdha adugdhas aduhatham adhugdhvam

3 adhok adugdham aduhan adugdha aduhatam

1 aleham alihva alihma alihi alihvahi

2 alet ahdham alldha alidhas alihatham

3 alet alidham alihan alldha alihatam

621. a. Roots ending in a may in the later language optionally
take us instead of an in 3d pi. act. (the a being lost before it) ; and

aduhata

alihmahi

alldhvam

alihata

237 ROOT-CLASS (SECOND, ad-CLASS). [—625

in the older they always do so: thus, ayus from >/ya, apus from
>/pa protect, abhus from ybhs,. The same ending is also allowed
and met with in the case of a few roots ending in consonants : namely
vid know, caks, dvis, duh, mrj. RV. has atvisus.

b. The ending tana, 2d pi. act., is found in the Veda in ayatana,
asastana, aitana, abravitana. A strong stem is seen in the 1st pi.
homa, and the 2d pi. abravita and abravltana.

c. To save the characteristic endings in 2d and 3d sing, act., the
root ad inserts a: thus, adas, adat; the root as inserts I: thus, asis,
aslt (see below, 636); compare also 631 — 4.

622. The use of the persons of this tense, without augment, in the
older language, has been noticed above (587). Augmentless imperfects of
this class are rather uncommon in the Veda: thus, nan, ves, 2d sing.;
ban, vet, staut, dan (?), 3d sing.; bruvan, duhus, caksus, 3d pi.;
vasta, suta, 3d sing. mid.

623. The first 01 root-form of aorist is identical in its formation with
this imperfect: see below, 829 ff.

624. In the Veda (but hardly outside of the RV.) are found certain
2d sing, forms, having an imperative value, made by adding the ending si
to the (accented and strengthened) root. In part, they are the only root-forms
belonging to the roots from which they come : thus, josi (for jos$i, from yjus,),
dhaksi, parsi (]/pr pass), prasi, bhaksi, ratsi, s.atsi, hosi; but the
majority of them have forms (one or more) of a root-present, or sometimes
of a root-aorist, beside them: thus, ksesi (j/ksi rule), jeai, darsi, naksi
(}/nac. attain), nesi, matsi, xnasi (]/ma measure'), yaksi, yamsi, yaei,
y6tsi, rasi, vaksi (]/vah), veal, 9rosi, saksi. Their formal character
is somewhat disputed; but they are probably indicative persons of the
root-class, used imperatively.

625. Forms of this class are made from nearly 150 roots,
either in the earlier language, or in the later, or in both: namely,
from about 50 through the whole life of the language, from 80 in the
older period (of Veda, Brahmana, and Sutra) alone, and from a few
(about 15) in the later period (epic and classical) only*. Not a few
of these roots, however, show only sporadic root-forms, beside a more
usual conjugation of some other class; nor is it in all cases possible
to separate clearly root-present from root-aorist forms.

a. Many roots of this class, as of the other classes of the first
conjugation, show transfers to the second or a-conjugation, forming
a conjugation-stem by adding a to their strong or weak stem, or

* Such statements of numbers, with regard to the various parts of the
system of conjugation, are in all cases taken from the author's Supplement
to this grammar, entitled "Roots, Verb-Forms, and Primary Derivatives of
the Sanskrit Language", where lists of roots', and details as to forms etc.,
are also given.

625— ] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 238

even to both: thus, from y'mrj, both marja (627) and mrja. Such
transfers are met with even in the oldest language; but they usually
become more frequent later, often establishing a new mode of present
inflection by the side of, or in substitution for, the earlier mode.

b. A number of roots offer irregularities of inflection; these
are, in the main, pointed out in the following paragraphs.

Irregularities of the Hoot-class.

626. The roots of the class ending in u have in their strong
forms the vrddhi instead of the guija-strengthening before an ending
beginning with a consonant: thus, from j/stu, staumi, astaut, and
the like: but astavam, stavani, etc.

a. Roots found to exhibit this peculiarity in actual use are ksnu,
yu unite, su (or su) impeZ, sku, stu, snu (these in the earlier language),
nu, ru, and him. RV. has once stosi, and anavan. Compare also 633.

627. The root mrj also has the vrddhi-vowel in its strong
forms: thus, marjmi, amarjam, amart ( 150b); and the same streng-
thening is said to be allowed in weak forms before endings beginning
with a vowel: thus, marjantu, amarjan; but the only quotable case
is marjita (LQS.). Forms from a-stems begin to appear already
in AV.

a In the other tense-systems, also, and in derivation, mrj shows
often the vrddhi instead of the guna-strengthening.

628. A number of roots accent the radical syllable throughout,
both in strong and in weak forms: thus, all those beginning with a
long vowel, as, I<J, ir, 19 ; and also caks, take, tra, ni&s, vas clothe,
9inj, 9! lie, and su. All these, except taks and tra (and tra also in
the Vedic forms), are ordinarily conjugated in middle voice only.
Forms with the same irregular accent occur now and then in the
Veda from other verbs: thus, matsva, yaksva, saksva, saksva,
rdhat. Middle participles so accented have been noticed above (619d).

e2e» Of the roots mentioned in the last paragraph, 91 lie has
the guna-strengthening throughout: thus, 9&ye, 9686, 9ayiya, 9ayana,
and so on. Other irregularities in its inflection (in part already noticed)
are the 3d pi. persons 9erate (AV. etc. have also 9ere), 9eratam,
a^erata (RV. has also &9eran), the 3d sing. pres. 9&ye (E.) and impv.
9ayam. The isolated active form &9ayat is common in the older
language; other. a-forms, active and middle, occur later.

630. Of the same roots, I<J and 19 insert a union-vowel i before
certain endings : thus, 19186, I9idhve, Idisva (these three being the only
forms noted in the older language); but RV. has ikse beside I9ise; the
$vU. has once i9ite for is$e. The 3d pi. l9ire (on account of its
accent) is also apparently present rather than perfect The MS. has once
the 3d sing. impf. ai9a (like aduha: 635).

239 ROOT-CLASS (SECOND, ad-CLASS). [—636

631. The roots rud weep, svap sleep, an breathe, and c,vas How
insert a union-vowel i before all the endings beginning with a con-
sonant, except the s and t of 2d and 3d sing, impf., where they insert
instead either a or I: thus, svapimi, (jvasisi, aniti, and anat or
anlt. And in the other forms, the last three are allowed to accent
either root or ending: thus, svapantu and (jvasantu (AY.), or
svapantu etc. The AY. has svaptu instead of svapitu.

a. In the older language, yvam makes the same insertions: thus,
vamiti, avamlt ; and other cases occasionally occur: thus, janisva, vasisva
(>/vas clothe'), cjnathihi, stanihi (all RV.), yaxniti (JB.), (jocimi (MBh.).
On the other hand, /an early makes forms from an a-stem: thus, anati
(AV.); pple anant (gB.); opt anet (AB.).

632. The root brti speak, say (of very frequent use) takes the ^ „ \ if
union-vowel 1 after the root when strengthened, before the initial
consonant of an ending: thus, bravlmi, bravisi, braviti, abravis,
abravit; but brumas, bruyam, abravam, abruvan, etc. Special
occasional irregularities are brumi, bravflii, abruvam, abruvan,
bruyat, and sporadic forms from an a-stem. The subj. dual bravaite

has been noticed above (616); also the strong forms abravita,
abravitana (621 a).

633. Some of the roots in u are allowed to be inflected like bru:
namely, ku, tu, ru, and stu; and an occasional instance is met with of
a form so made (in the older language, only tavlti noted; in the later,
only stavimi, once).

634. The root am (hardly found in the later language) takes I as
union-vowel: thus, amisi (RV.), amlti and amit and amisva (TS). From
y'c.am occur gamisva (VS. ; TS. 9amisva) and qamldhvam (TB. etc.).

635. The irregularities of >/duh in the older language hare been
already in part noted: the 3d pi. indie, mid. duhate, duhre, and duhrate;
3d sing. impv. duham, pi. duhram and duhratam; impf. act. 3d sing.
aduhat (which is found also in the later language), 3d pi. aduhran
(beside aduhan and duhus); the mid. pple dughana; and (quite un-
exampled elsewhere.) the opt. forms duhiyat and duhiyan (RY. only).
The MS. has aduha 3d sing, and aduhra 3d pi. impf. mid., apparently
formed to correspond to the pres. duhe (613) and duhre as adugdha and
aduhata correspond to dugdh eand duhate: compare ai<ja (630), related
in like manner to the 3d sing. 190.

Some of the roots of this class are abbreviated or otherwise
weakened in their weak forms: thus —

636. The root SRT^ as be loses its vowel in weak forms
(except where protected by combination with the augment).
Its 2d sing, indie, is 3% asi (instead of assij ; its 2d sing,
impv. is ^f£l edhi (irregularly from asdhi). The insertion of

636—]

IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM.

240

^ I in 2d and 3d sing. impf. has been noticed already
above.

a. The forms of this extremely common verb are, then,
as follows:

Optative.

d. p.

^ ^TPT

syam syava syama

FOTTT^ HTTcFT^ HTTrT
syas syatam syata

HTTrT^ ttHrllH^ HJIT^
syat syatam syiis
Imperfect.

santi

Imperative.
i TOTR TOTO TOFT ^

asani asava asama asam asva

asma

edhi

stam sta

MB

astam

tata

astu

asan

stam santu asit astam

Participle Hrf sant (fern, ^cft sati).

b. Besides the forms of the present-system, there is made from
this root only a perfect, asa etc. (800), of wholly regular inflection.

C. The Vedic subjunctive forms are the usual ones, made upon the
stem asa. They are in frequent use, and appear (asat especially) even
in late texts where the subjunctive is almost lost. The resolution siam
etc. (opt.) is common in Vedic verse. As 2d and 3d sing. impf. is a few
times met with the more normal as (for as-s, as-t). Sthana, 2d pi., was
noted above (613).

d. Middle forms from }/as are also given by the grammarians as allow-
ed with certain prepositions (vi+ati), but they are not quotable; smahe
and syamahe (!) occur in the epics, but are merely instances of the ordi-
nary epic confusion of voices (529 a). Confusions of primary and secondary
endings — namely, sva and sma (not rare), and, on the other hand, syavas
and syamas — are also epic. A middle present indicative is said to be
compounded (in 1st and 2d persons) with the nomen agentis in tr (tar)
to form a periphrastic future in the middle voice (but see below, 947).
The 1st sing, indie, is he; the rest is in the usual relation of middle
to active forms (in 2d pers., se, dhve, sva, dhvam, with total loss of
the root itself).

241

(SECOND, ad-CLASS).

[-640

637. The root han smite, slay is treated somewhat after the
manner of noun-stems in an in declension (421) : in weak forms, it
loses its n before an initial consonant (except m and v) of a personal
ending (not in the optative), and its a before an initial vowel — and
in the latter case its h, in contact with the n, is changed to gh (com-
pare 402). Thus, for example:

Present Indicative,
s. d. p.

hanmi hanvas hanmas
hansi hathas hatha
hanti hatas ghnanti

Imperfect.

d.

ahanva
ahatam
ahatam

P-

ahanma
ahata
aghnan

8.

ahanam

ahan

ahan

a. Its participle is ghnant (fern, ghnati). Its 2d sing. impv. is
jahi (by anomalous dissimilation, on the model of reduplicating
forms).

b. Middle forms from this root are frequent in the Brahmanas, and
those that occur are formed in general according to the same rules: thus,
hate, hanmahe, ghnate; ahata, aghnatam, aghnata (in AB., also
ahata); ghnlta (but also hanita). Forms from transfer-stems, hana and
ghna, are met with from an early period.

638. The root va<j be eager is in the weak forms regularly and
usually contracted to 119 (as in the perfect: 794 b): thus, U9masi
(V. : once apparently abbreviated in RV. to (jmasi), U9anti; pple
uqant, uQana. Middle forms (except the pple) do not occur; nor do
the weak forms of the imperfect, which are given as auQva, austam, etc.

a. RV. has in like, manner the participle usana from the root vas clothe.

639. The root 90-8 order shows some of the peculiarities of a
reduplicated verb, lacking (646) the n before t in all 3d persons pi.
and in the active participle. A part of its active forms — namely,
the weak forms having endings beginning with consonants (including
the optative) — are said to come from a stem with weakened vowel,
9i§ (as do the aorist, 854, and some of the derivatives) ; but, except-
ing the optative (9iSyam etc., U. S. and later), no such forms are
quotable.

a. The 3d sing. impf. is a9at (555 a), and the same form is said
to be allowed also as 2d sing. The 2d sing. impv. is 9adh£ (with total
loss of the s); and RV. has the strpng 2d pi. <jastana (with anomalous
accent); and a- forms, from stem (jasa, occasionally occur.

b. The middle inflection is regular, and the accent (apparently)
always upon the radical syllable (saste, (jasate, qasanaj.

c. The root da-9 worship has in like manner (RV.) the pple da^at
(not daxjant).

640. The double so-called root jaks eat, laugh is an evident redu-
plication of ghas and has respectively. It has the absence of n in act.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 16

640—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 242

3d persons pi. and pple, and the accent on the root before vowel-endings,
which belong to reduplicated verbs; and it also takes the union-vowel i
in the manner of rud etc. (above, 031). For its forms and derivatives
made with utter loss of the final sibilant, see 233 f.

641. Certain other obviously reduplicated verbs are treated by
.the native grammarians as if simple, and referred to this conjugation :
such are the intensively reduplicated jagr (1020 a), daridra (1024 a),
and vevi (1024 a), didhi etc. (676), and cakas (677).

II. Reduplicating Class (third, hu-class).

642. This djtss forms its present-stem by prefixing a
reduplication to the root.

643. a. As regards the [colasonant^of the reduplication,
the general rules which have already been given above (590)
are followed.

b. A longlvowel js shortened in the reduplicating syl-
lable: thus, ^T dad5 from yq da; fspft bibhi from ]^ft bhl;
sT^ juhu from /^ ha. The vowel ft y never appears in the
reduplication, but is replaced by ^ i: thus, fe>T bibhr from
yoj bhy ; fTOf^pipr/o from yVR pr/c.

c. For verbs in which a and ft also are irregularly represented in the
reduplication by i, see below, 660. Thero ot vyt (V. B.) makes vavartti
etc. ; cakrant (RV.) is very doubtful.

d. The only root of this class with initial vowel is r (or or);
it takes as reduplication i, which is held apart from the root by an
interposed y: thus, iyar and iy? (the latter has not been found in
actual use).

644. The present-stem of this class (as of the other
classes belonging to the first or non-a-conjugation) has a
double form: a stronger form, with gunated root-vowel;
and a weaker form, without guna: thus, from y^ hu, the
two forms are sjj^TT juho and sT§T juhu; from j/*ft bhl, they
are RH bibhe and fspft bibhi. And the rule for their use
is the same as in the other classes of this conjugation: the
strong stem is found before the unaccented endings (552),
and the weak stem before the accented.

243 REDUPLICATING CLASS (THIRD, hu-cLASs). [ — 647

645. According to all the analogies of the first general conju-
gation, we should expect to find the accent upon the root-syllable
when this is strengthened. That is actually the case, however, only
in a small minority of the roots composing the class : namely, in hu,
bhl (no test-forms in the older language), hri (no test-forms found in
the older language), mad (very rare), jan (no forms of this class
found to occur) , ci notice (in V.), yu separate (in older language only),
and in bhy in the later language (in V. it goes with the majority:
but RV. has bibharti once, and AV. twice; and this, the later
accentuation, is found also in the Brahmanas); and RV. has once
iyarsi. In all the rest — apparently, by a recent transfer — it rests
upon the reduplicating instead of upon the radical syllable. And in
both classes alike, the accent is anomalously thrown back upon the
reduplication in those weak forms of which the ending begins with
a vowel; while in the other weak forms it is upon the ending (but
compare 666 a).

a. Apparently (the cases with written accent are too few to determine
the point satisfactorily) the middle optative endings, lya etc. (566), are
reckoned throughout as endings with initial vowel, and throw back the
accent upon the reduplication.

646. The verbs of this class lose the ^ n in the 3d

•x.

pi. endings in active as well as middle, and in the imper-
fect have 3H us instead of 5R an — and before this a final

"S,

radical vowel has guna.

1. Present Indicative.

647. The combination of stem and endings is as in
the preceding class.

Examples of inflection: a. y^ hu sacrifice : strong
stem-form, sT^t juh6; weak form, p5" juhu (or juhu).

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

juhomi juhuvas juhumaa juhve juhuvahe juhumahe

2 sl«£liN sl^MM st^Bi si.g>^ 2*^'^ sj-Spfef

juhosi juhuthaajuhutha juhuse juhvathe juhudhve

s si«£iJri st^rlH sfs^lri st,g>ri 3^'^ 3^^

juhoti juhutaa juhvaU juhut6 juhvate juhvate

16*

647—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 244

b. Root H bhp bear (given with Vedic accentuation):
strong stem-form, fspq^ bibhar; weak, fen bibhy (or bibhr).

bibhanni bibhyv&s bibhrmas bibhre bibhyvahe bibhrmahe
bibharai bibhythas bibhytha bibhyse bibhrathe bibhydhve

bibharti bibhrt&s bibhrati bibhrte bibhrate bibhrate

c. The u of hu (like that of the class-signs nu and u: see below,
697 a) is said to be omissible before v and m of the endings of 1st du.
and pi. : thus, juhvas, juhv&he, etc. ; but no such forms are quotable.

2. Present Subjunctive.

648. It is not possible at present to draw a distinct line between
those subjunctive forms of the older language which should be reckoned as
belonging to the present-system and those which should be assigned to the
perfect — or even, in some cases, to the reduplicated aorist and intensive.
Here will be noticed only those which most clearly belong to this class ;
the more doubtful cases will be treated under the perfect-system. Except
in first persons (which continue in use as "imperatives" down to the later
language), subjunctives from roots having unmistakably a reduplicated
present-system are of far from frequent occurrence.

649. The subjunctive mode-stem is formed in the usual manner,
with the mode-sign a and guna of the root-vowel, if this is capable
of such strengthening. The evidence of the few accented forms met
with indicates that the accent is laid in accordance with that of the
strong indicative forms : thus, from >/hu, the stem would be juhava;
from ybhy, ft would be bibhara (but bibhara later). Before the
mode-sign, final radical a would be, in accordance with analogies
elsewhere, dropped: thus, dada from yd&, dadha from >/dha (all
the forms actually occurring would be derivable from the secondary
roots dad and dadh).

650. Instead of giving a theoretically complete scheme of
inflection, it will be better to note all the examples quotable from
the older language (accented when found so occurring).

a. Thus, of 1st persons, we have in the active juhavani, bibharani,
dadani, dadhani, jahani; juhavama, dadhama, jahama; — in the
middle, dadhai, mimai; dadhavahai; juhavamahai, dadamahe,
dadamahai, dadhamahai.

b. Of other persons, we have with primary endings in the active
bibharasi (with double mode-sign: 560 e), dadhathas, juhavatha (do.)

245 REDUPLICATING CLASS (THIRD, hu- CLASS). [—663

and juhavatha; in the middle, dadhase; dadhate, rarate, dadhatai,
dadatai ; — with secondary endings, dadhas, vivesas, juhavat, bibharat,
yuyavat, dadhat, dadhanat, babhasat ; dadhan, yuyavan, juhavan.

3. Present Optative.

651. To form this mode, the optative endings given
ahove (566 a), as made up of mode-sign and personal endings,
are added to the unstrengthened stem. The accent is as
already stated (645 a). The inflection is so regular that it is
unnecessary to give here more than the first persons of a
single verb: thus,

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

juhuyam juhuyava juhuyama juhviya jiihvivahi juhvimahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

4. Present Imperative.

652. The endings, and the mode of their combination
with the root, have been already given. In 2d sing, act.,
the ending is f% hi after a vowel, but f?I dhi after a con-
sonant: ^ hu, however, forms sT^fil juhudhi (apparently,
in order to avoid the recurrence of ^ h in two successive
syllables) : and other examples of ftj dhi after a vowel are
found in the Veda.

653. a. Example of inflection:

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

juhavani juhavava juhavama juhavai juhavavahii juhavamahai

sprfa §^\ 5^rT g^r «^raiH^ pPJ\

juhudhi juhutam juhuta juhusva juhvatham juhudhvam

3

juhotu juhutam jiihvatu juhutam juhvStam jiihvatam

b. The verbs of the other division differ here, as in the indicative,
in the accentuation of their strong forms only: namely, in all the

653—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 246

first persons (borrowed subjunctives), and in the 3d sing, act.: thus,
(in the older language) bfbharani etc., bibhartu, bibharai etc.

654. Vedic irregularities "of inflection are : 1. the occasional use of

strong forms in 2d persons : thus, yuyodhf, c.ic.adhi (beside
yuyotam (beside yuyutam) ; lyarta, dadata and dadatana, dadhata
and dadhatana (see below, 668), pipartana, juhota and juhotana,
yuyota and yuyotana; rarasva (666); 2. the use of dhi instead of
hi after a vowel (only in the two instances just quoted); 3. the ending
tana in 2d pi. act.: namely, besides those just given, in jigatana,
dhattana, mamattana, vivaktana, didistana, bibb.it ana, jujustana,
juhutana, vavrttana: the cases are proportionally much more numerous
in this than in any other class; 4. the ending tat in 2d sing, act., in
dattat, dhattat, piprtat, jahltat.

5. Present Participle.

655. As elsewhere, the active participle-stem may be
made mechanically from the 3d pi. indie, by dropping ^ i:
thus, sjc^ri jiihvat, f%yFT bibhrat. In inflection, it has no
distinction of strong and weak forms (444). The feminine
stem ends in 51fft atl. The middle participles are regularly
made : thus, sT^H juhvana, fo|44llU bibhrana.

a. RV. shows an irregular accent in pipana (]/p& drink).

6. Imperfect.

656. As already pointed out, the 3d pi. act. of this
class takes the ending 3H us, and a final radical vowel has
guna before it. The strong forms are, as in present indic-
ative, the three singular active persons.

657. Examples of inflection:

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

1

ajuhavam ajuhuva ajuhuma ajuhvi ajuhuvahi ajuhumahi

2

ajuhos ajuhutam ajuhuta ajuhuthas ajuhvatham ajuhudhvam

3

ajuhot ajuhutam ajuhavus ajuhuta ajuhvatam ajuhvata

247 REDUPLICATING CLASS (THIRD, hu-CLASS). [ — 663

a. From j/H bhy , the 2d and 3d sing. act. are
abibhar (for abibhar-s and abibhar-t) — and so in all other
cases where the strong stem ends in a consonant. The 3d
pi. act. is yfcH^U abibharus; and other like cases are
abibhayus, acikayus, asusavus.

b. In MS., once, abibhrus is doubtless a false reading.

658. The usual Yedic irregularities in 2d pi. act. — strong forms,
and the ending tana — occur in this tense also : thus, adadata, adadhata ;
adattana, ajahatana. The RV. has also once apiprata for apiprta
in 3d sing, mid., and abibhran for abibharus in 3d pi. act. Examples
of augmentless forms are <ji9as, vives, jigat; jihita, Q^Ita, jihata;
and, with irregular strengthening, yuyoma (AV.), yuyothas, yuyota.

659. The roots that form their present-stem by reduplication
are a very small class, especially in the modern language; they are
only 50, all told, and of these only a third (16) are met with later.
It is, however, very difficult to determine the precise limits of the
class, because of the impossibility (referred to above, under subjunctive :
648) of always distinguishing its forms from those of other redupli-
cating conjugations and parts of conjugations.

a. Besides the irregularities in tense-inflection already pointed out,
others may he noticed as follows.

Irregularities of the Reduplicating Class.

660. Besides the roots in r or ar — namely, r, ghr (usually
written ghar), tr, py, bhr, sr, hr, prc — the following roots having
a or a as radical vowel take i instead of a in the reduplicating
syllable: ga go, mft measure, mft bellow, 96, h5 remove (mid.), vac,
sac; vac. has both i and a; ra has i once in RV. ; for stha, pft
drink ghra, han, hi, see below (670—4).

661. Several roots of this class in final a change the 5, in weak
forms to i (occasionally even to i), and then drop it altogether before
endings beginning with a vowel.

a. This is in close analogy with the treatment of the vowel of the
class-sign of the na-class: below, 717.
These roots are:

662. 9& sharpen, act. and mid. : thus, c.ic.&ti, c^imasi, JjiQihi (also
9i9adhi: above, 654), Qigatu, ac^at, 919116, 9(9^.

663. mS bellow, act, and m& measure, mid. (rarely also act.):
thus, mimati, mimiyat; mimite, mimate, amimita; mimihi,
mimatu. HV. has once mimanti 3d pi. (for mimati).

664—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 248

664. ha remove, mid.: thus, jfhite, jihidhve, jihate; jihi^va,
jihatam; ajihlta, ajihata. £B. has jihltham (for jihatham).

665. ha quit, act. (originally identical with the former), may further
shorten the i to i: thus, jahati, jahita, jahitat (AV.); jahimas (AV.),
jahitas (TB.), jahitam (TA.), ajahitam (TS. AB.). In the optative,
the radical vowel is lost altogether; thus, jahyam, jahyus (AV.). The
2d sing, impv., according to the grammarians, is jahihi or jahihi or
jahahi; only the first appears quotable.

a. Forms from an a-stem, jaha, are made for this root, and even
derivatives from a quasi-root jah.

666. ra give, mid.: thus, raridhvam, rarithas (impf. without
augment); and, with i in reduplication, ririhi. But AY. has rarasva.

a. In these verbs, the accent is generally constant on the redu-
plicating syllable.

667. The two roots da and dha (the commonest of the class)
lose their radical vowel altogether in the weak forms, being shortened
to dad and dadh. In 2d sing. impv. act., they form respectively
dehi and dhehi. In combination with a following t or th, the final
dh of dadh does not follow the special rule of combination of a
final sonant aspirate (becoming ddh with the t or th: 160), but —
as also before a and dhv — the more general rules of aspirate and
of surd and sonant combination; and its lost aspiration is thrown
back upon the initial of the root (155).

668. The inflection of >/dha is, then, as follows:

Present Indicative.

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

1 dadhami dadhvas dadhmas dadhe dadhvahe dadhmahe

2 dadhasi dhatthas dhattha dhatse dadhathe dhaddhve

3 dadhati dhattas dadhati dhatte dadhate dadhate

Present Optative.

i dadhyam dadhyava dadhyama dadhiya dadhivahi dadhimahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

Present Imperative.

1 dadhani dadhava dadhama dadhai dadhavahai dadhamahai

2 dhehi dhattam dhatta dhatsva dadhatham dhaddhvam

3 dadhatu dhattam dadhatu dhattam dadhatam dadhatam

Imperfect.

1 adadham adadhva adadhma adadhi adadhvahi adadhmahi

2 adadhaa adhattam adhatta adhatthas adadhatham adhaddhvam
a adadhat adhattam adadhus adhatta adadhatam adadhata

249 KEDUPLICATING CLASS (THIRD, hu-CLASS). [—676

Participles: act. dadhat; mid. dadhana.

a. In the middle (except impf.), only those forms are here accented
i'or which there is authority in the accentuated texts, as there is discordance
between the actual accent and that which the analogies of the class would
lead us to expect. RV. has once dhatse: dadhe and dadhate might be
perfects, so far as the form is concerned. RV. accents dadhita once
(dadhita thrice); several other texts have dadhita, dadhlran, dadlta.

b. The root da is inflected in precisely the same way, with
change everywhere of (radical) dh to d.

669. The older language has irregularities as follows: 1. the usual
strong forms in 2d pi., dadhata and adadhata, dadata and adadata;
2. the usual tana endings in the same person, dhattana, dadatana, etc.
(654, 658); 3. the 3d sing, indie, act. dadhe (like 1st sing.); 4. the 2d
sing. impv. act. daddhi (for both dehi and dhehi). And R. has dadmi.

670. A number of roots have been transferred from this to the
a- or bhu-class (below, 749), their reduplicated root becoming a
stereotyped stem inflected after the manner of a-stems. These roots
are as follows:

671. In all periods of the language, from the roots stha stand,
pa drink, and ghra smell, are made the presents tisthami, pibami
(with irregular sonantizing of the second p), and jighrami — which
then are inflected not like mimami, but like bhavami, as if from
the present-stems tistha, p£ba, jighra.

672. In the Veda (especially; also later), the reduplicated roots da
and dha are sometimes turned into the a-stems dada and dadha, or
inflected as if roots dad and dadh of the a-class ; and single forms of the
same character are made from other roots: thus, mimanti (]/ma freMotu),
rarate (j/ra give: 3d sing. mid.).

673. In the Veda, also, a like secondary stem, jighna, is made from
|/han (with omission of the radical vowel, and conversion, usual in this
root, of h to gh when in contact with n: 637); and some of the forms
of saqc, from ysac, show the same conversion to an a-stcm, saqca.

674. In AB. (viii. 28), a similar secondary form, jighya, is given to
I/hi or ha: thus, jighyati, jighyatu.

675. A few so-called roots of the first or root-class are the products
of reduplication, more or less obvious: thus, jaks (640), and probably
9§a (from )/9a8) and cake (from j/ka<j or a lost root kas see). In the
Veda is found also sage, from ]/sac.

676. The grammarians reckon (as already noticed, 641) several roots
of the most evidently reduplicate character as simple, and belonging to the
root-class. Some of these (jagr, daridra, vevl) are regular intensive
stems, and will be described below under Intensives (1020 a, 1024 a);
didhi shine, together with Vedic did! shine and pipi swell, are sometimes
also classed as intensives; but they have not the proper reduplication of

676—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 250

such, and may perhaps be best noticed here, as reduplicated present-stems
with irregularly long reduplicating vowel.

a. Of pres. indio. occurs in the older language only didyati, 3d pi.,
with the pples didyat and didhyat, and mid. dldye, dldhye, didh-
yatham, with the pples dldyana, didhyana, pipyana. The subj. stems
are didaya, didhaya, pipaya, and from them are made forms with both
primary (from didaya) and secondary endings (and the irregularly accented
didayat and didayat and didhayan). No opt. occurs. In impv. we have
didihf (and didihi) and plpihi, and pipyatam, pipyatam, pipyata.
In impf., adides and pipes, adidet and adidhet and apipet (with
augmentless forms), apipema (with strong form of root), and adidhayus
and (irregular) apipyan.

b. A few forms from all the three show transfer to an a-inflection:
thus, didhaya and pipaya (impv.), apipayat, etc.

C. Similar forms from j/mi bellow are amlxnet and mixnayat.

677. The stem cakas shine (sometimes caka<j) is also regarded by
the grammarians as a root, and supplied as such with tenses outside the
present-system — which, however, hardly occur in genuine use. It is not
known in the older language.

678. The root bhas chew loses its radical vowel in weak forms,
taking the form baps: thus, babhasti, but bapsati (3d pi.), bapsat
(pple). For babdham, see 233 f.

679. The root bhi fear is allowed by the grammarians to shorten
its vowel in weak forms: thus, bibhimas or bibhimas, bibhiyam or
bibhiyam; and bibhiyat etc. are met with in the later language.

680. Forms of this class from yjan give birth, with added i — thus,
jajfiiBe, jajnidhve — are given by the grammarians, but have never
been found in use.

681. The roots oi and cit have in the Veda reversion of C to k in
the root-syllable after the reduplication : thus, cikesi, cikethe (anomalous,
for cikyathe), cikitam, aciket, cikyat (pple); cikiddhi.

682. The root vyao has i in the reduplication (from the y), and
is contracted to vie in weak forms: thus, viviktas, aviviktam. So the
root hvar (if its forms are to be reckoned here) has u in reduplication,
and contracts to hur: thus, juhurthas.

III. Nasal Class (seventh, rudh-class).

683. The roots of this class all end in consonants. And
their class-sign is a nasal preceding the final consonant: in
the weak forms, a nasal simply, adapted in character to the
consonant ; but in the strong forms expanded to the syllable
*T na, which has the accent.

251

NASAL CLASS (SEVENTH, rudh-CLASS).

[—686

a. In a few of the verbs of the class, the nasal extends also into
other tense-systems: they are afij, bhanj, hins: see below, 694.

1. Present Indicative.

684. Examples of inflection: a. the root
join : strong stem-form, IF^sT yunaj ; weak, TT^ yunj.

o -v ' o -sT

For the rules of combination of final j, see 219.

active. middle.

B. d. p. s. d.

P-

yunajmi yunjvas yunj mas yunje yunjvahe yunjmahe

yunaksi yunkthas yunktha yunkse yunjathe yungdhve

yunakti yunktas yunjanti yunkte yunjate yunjate
b. the root "^T^rudh obstruct; bases J\QN runadh and

For rules of combination of final dh, see 153, 160.

runadhmi rundhvas rundhmas rundhe rundhvahe rundhmahe

runatsi runddhas runddha runtse rundhathe runddhve

3 (\uiti "P^ jryfri ^% ^Mici "^%
runaddhi runddhas rundhanti runddhe rundhate rundhate

c. Instead of yunkthas, yungdhve, and the like (here and in
the impv. and impf.j, it is allowed and more usual (231) to write
yunthas, yundhve, etc. ; and, in like manner, rundhas, rundhe,
for runddhas, runddhe; and so in other like cases.

685. Vedic irregularities of inflection are: 1. the ordinary use of a
3d sing. mid. like the 1st sing., as vrnje; 2. the accent on te of 3d pi.
mid. in anjate, indhate, bhunjate.

a. Yunanksi, in BhP., is doubtless a false reading.

2. Present Subjunctive.

686. The stem is made, as usual, by adding a to the strong
present-stem: thus, yunaja, runadha. Below are given as if made

686—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 252

from j/yuj all the forms for which examples have been noted as
actually occurring in the older language.

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

1 yunajani yunajava yunajama yunajal yunajamahai

2 yunajas yunajadhvai

3 yunajat yunajatas yunajan yunajate

687. The RY. has once anjatas, which is anomalous as being made
from the weak tense-stem. Forms with double mode-sign are met with:
thus, trnahan (AV.), radhnavat and yunajan (£B.); and the only
quotable example of 3d du. act. (besides anjatas) is hinasatas ($B.).
£B. has also hinaaavas as 1st du. act.: an elsewhere unexampled form.

3. Present Optative.

688. The optative is made, as elsewhere, by adding the
compounded mode-endings to the weak form of present-
stem. Thus :

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d.

yunjyam yunjyava yunjyama yunjiya yunjivahi yunjimahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

a. AB. has once the anomalous 1st sing. act. vrnjiyam. And forms
like bhunjiyam -yat, yunjiyat, are here and there met with in the
epics (bhunjiyatam once in GGS.). MBh., too, has once bhunjitam.

4. Present Imperative.

689. In this class (as the roots all end in consonants)
the ending of the 2d sing. act. is always fa dhi.

active. middle,

s. d. p. s. d. p.

yunajani yunajava yunajama yunajai yunajavahai yunajamahai
yungdhi yunktam yunkta yunksva yunjatham yungdhvam

yunaktu yunktam yunjantu yunktam yunjatam yunjatam

253

NASAL CLASS (SEVENTH, rudh-CLASS).

[—694

690. There is no occurrence, so far as noted, of the ending tat in
verbs of this class. The Veda has, as usual, sometimes strong forms, and
sometimes the ending tana, in the 2d pi. act.: thus, unatta, yunakta,
anaktana, pinastana.

5. Present Participle.

691. The participles are made in this class as in the
preceding ones : thus, act. TOr^yunjant (fern. TOrft yunjati) ;
mid. E1TR yunjana (but RV. has indhana).

6. Imperfect.

692. The example of the regular inflection of this tense
needs no introduction:

active,
d.

middle.

ayunajam ayunjva ayunjma ayunji ayunjvahi ayunjmahi

ayunak ayunktam ayunkta ayunkthasayunjathamayungdlivam

ayunak ayunktam ayunjan ayunkta ayunjatam ayunjata

a. The endings a and t are necessarily lost in the nasal class
throughout in 2d and 3d sing, act., unless saved at the expense of the
final radical consonant: which is a case of very rare occurrence (the
only quotable examples were given at 555 a).

693. The Veda shows no irregularities in this tense. Occurrences of
augmentless forms are found, especially in 2d and 3d sing, act., showing
an accent like that of the present: for example, bhinat, prnak, vrnak,
pinak, rinak.

a. The 1st sing. act. atrnam and acchinam (for atrnadam and
acchinadam) were noted above, at 555 a.

694. The roots of this class number about thirty, more than
half of them being found only in the earlier language; no new ones
make their first appearance later. Three of them, arij and bhanj and
hins, carry their nasal also into other tense-systems than the present.
Two, rdh and ubh, make present-systems also of other classes having
a nasal in the class-sign: thus, rdhnoti (nu-class) and ubhnati
(na-class).

694- -] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 254

a. Many of the roots make forms from secondary a-stems : thus, from
anja, unda, umbha, chinda, trnha, pinsa, prnca, bhunja, rundha,
qinsa, etc.

Irregularities of the Nasal Class.

695. The root trh combines trnah with ti, tu, etc. into trnedlii,
trnecLhu; and, according to the grammarians, has also such forms as
trnehmi: see above, 224 b.

696. The root bins (by origin apparently a desiderative from yhan)
accents irregularly the root-syllable in the weak forms: thus, hinsanti,
hinste, blnsana (bnt hinasat etc. and hinsyat

IV. NU- and u-classes (fifth and eighth, su- and tan-classes).

697. A. The present-stem of the nu-class is made by
f /\t-\f\\) adding to the root the syllable *T nu, which then in the

strong forms receives the accent, and is strengthened to ^TT no.
B. The few roots of the u-class (about half-a-dozen)
end in ^n, with the exception of the later irregular 9R ky
(or kar) — for which, see below, 714. The two classes,
then, are closely correspondent in form; and they are wholly
accordant in inflection.

a. The u of either class-sign is allowed to be dropped before
v and m of the 1st du. and 1st pi. endings, except when the root
(nu-class) ends in a consonant; and the u before a vowel-ending
becomes v or uv, according as it is preceded by one or by two
consonants (129 a).

1. Present Indicative.

698. Examples of inflection: A. nu-class; root
H su press out: strong form of stem, JHT suno; weak form,
?R sunu.

oo

active. middle,

d. p. s. d. p.

33^ ggro §^ gj*% 3311%

sunomi sunuvas sunumas sunve sunuvahe sunumahe
2 ^Rtft WW3 TR5T ?m HHl9 W&l

o oo "v >jo oo o oo

sunosi sunuthas sunutha sunuse sunvathe sunudhve

255 Nil- AND U- (FIFTH AND EIGHTH, SU- AND tan-CLASSES) . [—700

3 H-Tilrl H^cfH^ H-<*(TI gg^

sunoti sunutas sunvanti sunute sunvate sunvate

a. The forms sunvas, sunmas, sunvahe, sunmahe are alter-
native with those given here for 1st du. and pi., and in practice are
more common. From )/ap, however (for example), only the forms
with u can occur: thus, apnuvas, apnumahe; and also only apnu-
vanti, apnuve, apnuvate.

B. u-class; root rFT tan stretch: strong form of stem,
tano; weak, rpT tanu.

tanomi tanvas tanmas tanve tanvahe tanmahe
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

b. The inflection is so precisely like that given above that it
is not worth writing out in full. The abbreviated forms in 1st du.
and pi. are presented here, instead of the fuller, which rarely occur
(as no double consonant ever precedes).

699. a. In the older language, no strong 2d persons da. or pi.,
and no thana-endings, chance to occur (but they axe numerous in the
impv. and impf. : see below). The RV. has several cases of the irregular
accent in 3d pi. mid.: thus, krrivate, tanvate, manvate, vrnvate,
sppivate.

b. In RV. occur also several 3d pi. mid. in ire from present-stems
of this class : thus, invire, rnvire, pinvire, ^rnvire, sunvire, hinvire.
Of these, pinvire and hinvire might be perfects without reduplication
from the secondary roots pinv and hinv (below, 716). The 2d sing. mid.
(with passive value) ^rnviae (RV.) is of anomalous and questionable
character.

2. Present Subjunctive.

700. The subjunctive mode-stem is made in the usual manner,
by adding a to the gunated and accented class-sign: thus, sunava,
tanava. In the following scheme are given all the forms of which
examples have been met with in actual use in the older language
from either division of the class; some of them are quite numerously
represented there.

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

1 sunavani sunavava sunavama sunavai sunavavahai aunavamahai

2 sunavas sunavatha sunavase sunavfiithe

3 sunivat sunavan |B1 aunavanta

iBunav&tai

701—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 256

701. Of the briefer 1st sing, act., RV. has krnava and hinava.
Forms with double mode-sign occur (not in RV.) : thus, krnavat and
karavat (AV.); aqnavatha (K.), krnavatha (VS.; but -vatha in
Kanva-text). karavatha (QB.). On the other hand, aqnavatai is found
once (in TS.). Forms like apnuvani, ardhnuvat, a9nuvat, met with
now and then in the older texts, are doubtless to be regarded as false
readings. RV. has in a single passage krnvaite (instead of krnavaite) ;
the only form in aithe is a9navaithe.

3. Present Optative.

702. The combined endings (566) are added, as usual,
to the weak tense-stem: thus,

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

o3^ IH^ H^tlM H^tHH H*efltl H'cJta!^ H^H!^

sunuyam sunuyava sunuyama sunviya sunvivahi sunvimahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

a. From j/ap, the middle optative would be apnuvlya — and
so in other like cases.

4. Present Imperative.

703. The inflection of the imperative is in general like
that in the preceding classes. As regards the 2d sing, act.,
the rule of the later language is that the ending f% hi is
taken whenever the root itself ends in a consonant; other-
wise, the tense- (or mode-} stem stands by itself as 2d per-
son (for the earlier usage, see below, 704). An example of
inflection is:

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

H^cnH Hiefiei H-IGMH g^ ^Hcjicj^ yn^m^

sunavani sunavava sunavama sunavai sunavavahai sunavamahai

93 §3^ 93^

sunu sunutam sunuta sunusva sunvatham sunudhvam

^HHIH

oo -\ o o oo -v.

sunotu sunutam sunvantu sunutam sunvatam sunvatam

257

- AND U- (FIFTH AND EIGHTH, BU- AND tan-) CLASSES. [ — 706

a. From |/ap, the 2d sing. act. would be apnuhi; from y"a9,
; from }/dhrs, dhrsnuhi; and so on. From ya,p, too, would
be made apnuvantu, apnuvatham, apnuvatam, apnuvatam.

704. In the earliest language, the rule as to the omission of hi
after a root with final vowel does not hold good: in RV., such forms as
inuhi, krnuhi, cinuhi, dhunuhi, (jrnuhi, sprnuhi, hinuhi, and
tanuhi, sanuhi, are nearly thrice as frequent in use as inu, <jrnu,
sunu, tanu, and their like; in AV., however, they are only one sixth
as frequent; and in the Brabmanas they appear only sporadically: even
Qrnudhi (with dhi) occurs several times in RV. RV. has the 1st sing.
act. hinava. The ending tat is found in krnutat and hinutat, and
kurutat. The strong stem-form is found in 2d du. act. in hinotam and
krnotam; and in 2d pi. act. in krnota and krnotana, 9rnota and
(jrnotana, sunota and sunotana, hinota and hinotana, and tanota,
karota. The ending tana occurs only in the forms just quoted.

5. Present Participle.

705. The endings 5ffF ant and 5TR ana are added to the
weak form of tense stem : thus, from yTT su come act. n^ri
sunvant (fern. ^*CJH! sunvati), mid. H^FT sunvana; from VrR
tan, H^rl tanvant (fern. H^rf) tanvati), cF^fFT tanvana. From
ap, they are MIM^-H apnuvant and MIMc(H apnuvana.

6. Imperfect.

706. The combination of augmented stem and endings
is according to the rules already stated: thus,

active,
d.

middle,
d.

P-

asunavam asunuva asunuma asunvi asunuvahi asunumahi

asunos asunutam asunuta asunuthas asunvatham asunudhvam

yyniH^

^H*«<ri

asunot asunutam asunvan asunuta asunvatam asunvata
a. Here, as elsewhere, the briefer forms asunva, asunma, asun-
vahi, asunmahi are allowed, and more usual, except from roots
with final consonant, as dhp§: which makes, for example, always
adhysnuma etc., and also adhrsnuvan, adhrsnuvi, &dhr§nuvatham,
adhrsnuvatam, adhrsnuvata.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed.

17

707—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 258

707. Strong stem-forms and tana-ending are found only in RV., In
akrnota, akrnotana. Augmentless forms with accent are minvan,
rnutA.

708. About fifty roots make, either exclusively or in part, their
present-forms after the manner of the nu-class : half of them do so
only in the older language; three or four, only in the later.

a. As to transfers to the a-conjugation, see below, 716.

709. The roots of the other division, or of the u-class, are
extremely few, not exceeding eight, even including tr on account
of tarute BY., and ban on account of the occurrence of hanomi
once in a Sutra (PGS. i. 3.27). BR. refer the stem inu to in of the
u-class instead of i of the nil-class.

Irregularities of the nu and u-classes.

710. The root trp be pleased is said by the grammarians to retain
the n of its class-sign unlingualized in the later language — where,
however, forme of conjugation of this class are very rare; while in the
Veda the regular change is made: thus, tfpnu.

711. The root c,ru hear is contracted to 9? before the class-
sign, forming grnd and c,rnu as stem. Its forms ?rnviae and
$rnvir6 have been noted above (690b).

712. The root dhu shake in the later language (and rarely in
B. and S.) shortens its vowel, making the stem -forms dhuno and
dhunu (earlier dhuno, dhunu).

718. The so-called root urnu, treated by the native grammarians as
dissyllabic and belonging to the root-class (I.), is properly a present-stem
of this class, with anomalous contraction, from the root vr (or var). In
the Veda, it has no forms which are not regularly made according to the
nu-class ; but in the Brahmana language are found sometimes such forms
as urnauti, as if from an u-root of the root class (626); and the gram-
marians make for it a perfect, aorist, future, etc. Its 2d sing. impr. act.
is urnu or urnuhi; its impf., aurnos, Surnot; its opt. mid., urnuvlta
(K.) or urnvita (TS.).

714. The extremely common root Sfi kr (or kar) make
is in the later language inflected in the present-system ex-
clusively according to the u-class (being the only root of
that class not ending in ^ n). It has the irregularity that in
the strong form of stem it (as well as the class-sign) has
the guna-stiengthening, and that in the weak form it is

259 Nil- AND U- (FIFTH AND EIGHTH, BU- AND tan-) CLASSES. [—714

changed to kur, so that the two forms of stem are SfiJT karo
and 3\j\ kuru. The class-sign 3 u is always dropped be-
fore of v and q" m of the 1st du. and pi., and also before
of the opt. act. Thus :

1. Present Indicative.

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

karomi kurvas kurmas kurve kurvahe kurmahe

2 eft^ifa cft^gjH^ J^ J(i^ epqtel 3T^

karosi kuruthas kurutha kuruse kurvathe kurudhve

karoti kurutas kurvanti kurute kurvate kurvate
2. Present Optative.

i jtiH^ JITR JQTT'T eftcjlq cpcjfcit'c opcJlHt^.

kuryam kuryava kuryama kurviya kurvivahi kurvimahi

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

3. Present Imperative.

1 on^cfiJui eft^c(|o| st){c(|H ^1^ cfj^qjq^ C^^CHH^

karavani karavava karavama karavai karavavahai karavamahai

_______ ________ r ________

2 J^ cfc^fH ^hfrT cfl^fel c^cfl^H cfr^iTCf

kuru kurutam kuruta kurusva kurvatham kurudhvam

karotu kurutam kurvantu kurutam kurvatam kurvatam
4. Present Participle.
(fern, chclff) kurvati) jcfjm kurvana
5. Imperfect.

o

akaravam akurva akurma akurvi akurvahi akurmahi

akaroa akurutam akuruta akuruthas akurvatham akurudhvam

3

o

akarot akurutam akurvan akuruta akurvatam akurvata

17*

715—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM.

715. In RV., this root is regularly inflected in the present-system
according to the nu-class, making the stem-forms kpno and krnu; the
only exceptions are kurmas once and kuru twice (all in the tenth book) ;
in AV., the nu- forms are still more than six times as frequent as the
u-forms (nearly half of which, moreover, are in prose passages); but in
the Brahmana language and later, the u-forms are used to the exclusion
of the others.

a. As 1st sing. pres. act. is found kurmi in the epos.

b. What irregular forms from kr as a verb of the nu-class occur in
the older language have been already noticed above.

c. The isolated form tarute, from j/tr, shows an apparent analogy
with these u-forms from kj\

716. A few verbs belonging originally to these classes have
been shifted, in part or altogether, to the a-class, their proper
class-sign having been stereotyped as a part of the root.

a. Thus, in RV. we find forms both from the stem inu (yi or in),
and also from inva, representing a derivative quasi-root inv (and these
latter alone occur in AV.). So likewise forms from a stem rnva beside
those from ynu ()/f); and from hinva beside those from hinu (yhi).
The so-called roots jinv and pinv are doubtless of the same origin, although
no forms from the stem pinu are met with at any period — unless pinvire
(above, 699 b) be so regarded; and AV. has the participle pinvant, f.
pinvati. The grammarians set up a root dhinv, but only forms from
dhi (stem dhinu) appear to occur in the present-system (the aorist
adhinvit is found in PB.).

b. Occasional a- forms are met with also from other roots: thus,
cinvata etc., dunvasva.

V. Na-class (ninth or kri-class).

717. The class-sign of this class is in the strong forms
the syllable ^TT nS, accented, which is added to the root;
in the weak forms, or where the accent falls upon the end-
ing, it is *ft ni; but before the initial vowel of an ending
the ^ i of jft ni disappears altogether.

1. Present Indicative.

718. Example of inflection: root spft kri buy: strong
form of stem, sffta krlnS; weak form, sfitnfl krlni (before
a vowel, sfflrn krln).

261

Nfi-CLASS (NINTH, kri-CLASS).

[—722

actire.
d.

P-

middle,
d.

1 Sfillillft

krinami krmlvas krinimas krtne kiinivahe krmimahe

2 shim i ft shluily^ stfhita shluflN shluiiy shluil9

krinasi krinithas krmitha krmise krinathe krimdhve

krinati krinitas krinanti krmlte krinate krinate

719. In the Veda, the 3d sing. mid. has the same form with the 1st
in grne; the peculiar accent of 3d pi. mid. is seen in punate and rinate;
and vrnimahe (beside vrnimahe) occurs once in RV.

2. Present Subjunctive.

720. The subjunctive forms which have been found exemplified
in Veda and Brahmana are given below. The subjunctive mode-stem
is, of course, indistinguishable in form from the strong tense-stem.
And the 2d and 3d sing. act. (with secondary endings) are indistin-
guishable from augmentless imperfects.

actire. middle,

s. d. p. s. d. p.

1 krinani krinama krmai krmavahai krmamahai

2 krmas krinatha krmasai

3 krmat krinan krinatai krmantai

3. Present Optative.

721. This mode is formed and inflected with entire
regularity; owing to the fusion of tense-sign and mode-sign
in the middle, some of its persons are indistinguishable from
augmentless imperfects. Its first persons are as follows:

active. middle,

s. d. p. s. d. p.

krinlyam kriniyava kriniyama krinlya krinivahi krinimahi

etc.

etc.

etc.

etc.

etc.

etc.

4. Present Imperative.

722. The ending in 2d sing, act., as being always pre-
ceded by a vowel, is % hi (never fa dhi) ; and there are no
examples of an omission of it. But this person is forbidden

722—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 262

to be formed in the classical language from roots ending in
a consonant; for both class-sign and ending is substituted

the peculiar ending €TR ana.

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

ohluilpl sftlmioi stiluiiH ^ifflf stilu¥i<=(^ sftlmiH^
krinani krinava krinama krinaf krinavahai krinamahai

krimbi krinitam krinita krimsva krinatham krinidhvam

5fc)m?j stU ultai H^cfjl m ini H

krlnatu krinitam krinantu krinitam krmatam krmatam

a. Examples of the ending ana in 2d sing. act. are a<jana,
grhSna, badhana, stabhana.

723. The ending ana is known also to the earliest language; of the
examples just given, all are found in AY., and the first two in BY. ; others
are isana, mugana, skabhana. But AY. has also grbhnihi (also AB.),
and even grnnfihi, with strong stem; BhP. has badhnlhi. Strong stems
are farther fonnd in grnahi and strnahi (TS.), prnahi (TB.), and
Qrinahi (Apast.), and, with anomalous accent, pun&hi and 9rnfth£ (SY.) ;
and, in 2d pi. act., in punata (RV.). The ending tat of 2d sing. act.
occurs in grhnltfit, janitat, punitat. The ending tana is found in
punitana, prnltana, (jrinitana.

5. Present Participle.

724. The participles are . regularly formed: thus, for
example, act. shlUM^ krinant (fern. ehlUIHl krinati); mid.
stiluiH krinSna.

6. Imperfect.

725. There is nothing special to be noted as to the

inflection of this tense: an example is —

active. middle.

s. d. .

akrinam akriniva akrmima akrini akrinivahi akrlnimahi

2

akrinaa akrinltam akrinita akrinlthas akrinatham akrinldhvam

y5fIluflH

akrinat akrinltam akrinan akrinita akrinatam akrinata

263 NS-CLASS (NINTH, kri-CLASS). [—732

726. It has been pointed out above that augmentless persons of this
tense are in part indistinguishable in form from subjunctive and optative
persons. Such as certainly belong here are (in V.) ksinam; a<jnan,
rinan; grbhnata, vrnata. The AV. has once minlt instead of minat.
MBh. has a$nl8 after ma.

a. AB. has the false form ajanimas, and in A A. occurs avrmta as
3d plural.

727. The roots which form their present-systems, wholly or in
part, after the manner of this class, are over fifty in number : but, for
about three fifths of them, the forms are quotable only from the older
language, and for half-a-dozen they make their first appearance later ;
for less than twenty are they in use through the whole life of the
language, from the Veda down.

a. As to secondary a-s terns, see 731.

Irregularities of the na-class.

728. a. The roots ending in u shorten that vowel before the
class-sign: thus, from i/pu, punati and punlte; in like manner also
ju, dhu, lu.

b. The root vli (B.S.) forms either vlma or vlina.

729. The root grabh or grab (the former Vedic) is weakened
to grbh or grh.

a. As the perfect also in weak forms has grbh or grh, it is not
easy to see why the grammarians should not have written r instead of ra
in the root.

730. a. A few of the roots have a more or less persistent
nasal in forms outside the present-system; such are without nasal
before the class-sign: thus, grath or granth, badh or bandh, math
or manth, skabh or skambh, stabh or stambh.

b. The root jna also loses its nasal before the class-sign : thus,
janati, janite.

731. Not rarely, forms showing a transfer to the a-conjugation
are met with: thus, even in RV., minati, minat, aminanta, from
Vmi', in AV., $rrja from j/$r; later, gr-hna, j&na, prina, mathna,
etc. And from roots pr and my are formed the stems prna and
mrna, which are inflected after the manner of the a-class, as if from
roots prn and mrn.

732. In the Veda, an apparently denominative inflection of a
stem in ay a is not infrequent beside the conjugation of roots of this
Class: thus, grbhaya, mathayati, a9rathayas, skabhayata, astabh-
ayat, prusayante, musayat, and so on. See below, 1066b.

733—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 264

Second or a-Conjugation.

733. We come now to the classes which compose the
Second or a-Conjugation. These are more markedly
similar in their mode of inflection than the preceding classes;

jheij: common characteristics, already stated, may be here
repeated in summary. They are : 1. A final a in the preseut-
stem; 2. a constant accent, not changing between stem and
ending ; (Jp a briefer form of the optative mode-sign in the
active, namely I instead of ya (combining in both voices
alike with a to e) ; (t) the absence of any ending (except
when tat is used) in 2d sing. impv. act. ;(1p the conversion
of initial a of the 2d and 3d du. mid. endings to e ; rt)) the
use of the full endings ante, anta, antam in 3d pi. mid.
forms ; (?J the invariable use of an (not us) in 3d pi. impf.
act. ; $D and the use of mana instead of 5na as ending of the
mid. pple. Moreover, 9. the stem-final a becomes & before
m and v of 1st personal endings — but not before am of
1st sing. impf. : here, as before the 3d pi. endings, the
stem-final is lost, and the short a of the ending remains
(or the contrary): thus, bhavanti (bhava-f-anti), bhavante
(bhava-j-ante), abhavam (abhava-j-am).

a. All these characteristics belong not to the inflection of the
a-present-systems alone, but also to that of the a-, reduplicated, and
aa-aurists, the s-future, and the desiderative, causative, and denom-
inative present-systems. That is to say, wherever in gniqiig*fjfl| an
a-stem is found, it is inflected in the same manner.

VI. A-class (first, bhu-class).

734. The present-stem of this class is made by adding
51 a to the root, which has the accent, and, when that is

p>/\-gfr\A. possible (235, 240), is strengthened to guna. Thus, *&
bhava from y^bhu; sT?T jaya from }/% ji; 5JTU bodha from
budh; £TC sarpa from V^p^syp; — but 5^ vada from
vad; cfffe kri<la from

265

A-CLASS (FIRST, bhu-CLASS).

[—737

1. Present Indicative.

735. The endings and the rules for their combination
with the stem have been already fully given, for this and
the other parts of the present-system; and it only remains
to illustrate them by examples.

a. Example of inflection: root *T bhfi be; stem *&
bhava (bho-j-a: 131).

active.

p. s.

middle.

d.

d.

bhavaW bhavavas bhavajnas bhave bhavavahe bhavamahe

bhavasi bhavathas bhavcitha bhavase bhavethe bhavadhve

bhavati bhavatas bhavanti bhavate bhavete bhavante

b. The V. has but a single example of the thana-ending, namely
vadathana (and no other in any class of this conjugation). The 1st pi.
mid. manamahe (RV., once) is probably an error. RV. has cjobhe once
as 3d singular.

2. Present Subjunctive.

736. The mode-stem is bhava (bhdva+a). Subjunctive forms
of this conjugation are very numerous in the older language; the
following scheme instances all that have been found to occur.

s.

bhavani
fbhavasi
jbhavas
fbhavfiti
ibhav&t

active.

d.
bhavfiva

P-
bhavama

bhavathas bhavatha

bhavatas bhavan

bhavai
/bhavase
\bhavasai
I bhavate
ibhavatai

middle.

d. p.

bhavavahai bhavamahai

bhavaite

bhavfidhvai

fbhavanta
ibhavantai

737. The 2d du. mid. (bhavaithe) does not chance to occur in this
class; and yataite is the only example of the 3d person. No such pi.
mid. forms as bhavadhve, bhavante are made from any class with stem-
final a; such as bhavanta (which are very common) are, of course, prop-
erly augmentless imperfects. The Brahmanas (especially $B.) prefer the
2d sing. act. in asi and the 3d in St. AB. has the 3d sing. mid. hara-
tai; and a 3d pi. in antai (vartantSi KB.) has been noted once. RV.
has examples, area and mada, of the briefer 1st. sing. act.

738-]

IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM,

266

3. Present Optative.

738. The scheme of optative endings as combined with
the final of an a-stem was given in full above (566).

active, middle,

s. d. p. s. d. p.

bhaveyam bhaveva bhavema

bhaves bhavetam bhaveta

bhaveya bhavevahi bhavemahi

bhaveth&s bhaveyatham bhavedhvam

bhavet bhavetam bhaveyus bhaveta bhaveyatam bhaveran

a. The RY. has once the 3d pi. mid. bharerata (for one other
example, see 752 b). AY. has udeyam from >/vad.

b. A few instances are met with of middle 3d persons from a-stems
in ita and (very rarely) Iran, instead of eta and eran. For convenience,
they may be put together here (excepting the more numerous causative
forms, for which see 1043c); they are (so far as noted) these: naylta S.
and later, 9afislta S., cjraylta S.; dhaylta S., dhyayita U., hvayita
AB. S. and hvayiran S., dhmaylta U. An active form Qansiyat C.
is isolated and anomalous.

4. Present Imperative.
739. An example of the imperative inflection is :

active,
d.

middle,
d.

bhavani bhavava bhavama bhavai bhavavah&i bhavamahai

bhava bhavatam bhavata j bhavasva bhavetham bhavadhvam

bhavatu bhavatam bhavantu bhavatam bhavetam bhavantam

740. The ending tana in 2d pi. act. is as rare in this whole conjuga-
tion as is thana in the present: the Y. affords only bhajatana in the
a-class (and nahyatana in the ya-class: 760 c). The ending tat of 2d
sing, act, on the other hand, is not rare; the RY. has avatat, osatat,
dahatat, bhavatat, yacchatat, yacatat, raksatat, vahatat; to which
AY. adds jinvatat, dhavatat; and the Brahmanas bring other examples.
MS. has twice svadatu (parallel texts both times svadati): compare
similar cases in the a-class: 752 c.

267

A-CLASS (FIRST, bhU-CLASS).

[—744

5. Present Participle

•tv^V <fl- WN>

741. The endings 5rf ant and 1JR mana are added to
the present-stem, with loss, before the former, of the final
stem- vowel: thus, act. JJcftT^bhavant (fern. H^fft bhavanti) ;
mid. H<=1HI1 bhavamana.

a. A small number of middle participles appear to be made from
stems of this class (as of other a-classes: see 752 e, 1043f) by the
suffix ana instead of mana: thus, namana, pacana, qiksana, sva-
jana, hvayana (all epic), majjana and kasana (later); and there are
Vedic examples (as cyavana, prathana, yatana or yatana, 9umbhana,
all RV.) of which the character, whether present or aorist, is doubtful :
compare 840, 852.

6. Imperfect.
742. An example of the imperfect inflection is:

active,
d.

middle,
d.

abhavam abhavava abhavama abhave abhavavahi abhavamahi

abhavas abhavatam abhavata abhavathas abhavetham abhavadhvam

abhavat abhavatam abhavan abhavata abhavetam abhavanta

743. No forms in tana are made in this tense from any a-class.
Examples of augmentless forms (which are not uncommon) are: cyavam,
avas, dahas, bodhat, bharat, caran, n&9an ; badhathas, vardhata,
Qocanta. The subjunctively used forms of 2d and 3d sing. act. are more
frequent than those of either of the proper subjunctive persons.

744. A far larger number of roots form their present-system
according to the a-class than according to any of the other classes :
in the KV., they are about two hundred and forty (nearly two fifths
of the whole body of roots) ; in the AV., about two hundred (nearly
the same proportion) ; for the whole language, the proportion is still
larger, or nearly one half the whole number of present-stems : namely,
over two hundred in both earlier and later language, one hundred
and seventy-five in the older alone, nearly a hundred and fifty in
the later alone. Among these are not a few transfers from the class-
es of the first conjugation: see those classes above. There are no
roots ending in long a — except a few which make an a-stem in
some anomalous way: below, 749 a.

745—] IX- PRESENT-SYSTEM. 268

Irregularities of the a-class.

745. A few verbs have irregular vowel-changes in forming the
present-stem: thus,

a. uh consider has guna-strengtliening (against 240): thus, ohate.

b. krp (or krap) lament, on the contrary, remains unchanged : thus,
kfpate.

c. gull hide has prolongation instead of guna: thus, guhati.

d. kram stride regularly lengthens its vowel in the active, but not
in the middle: thus, kramati, kramate; but the vowel-quantities are
somewhat mixed up, even from the oldest language down ; — klam tire is
said to form klamati etc., but is not quotable; — cam with the prepo-
sition a rinse the mouth forms acamati.

e. In the later language are found occasional forms of this class from
mrj wipe; and they show the same vrddhi (instead of guna) which belongs
to the root in its more proper inflection (627): thus, marjasva.

f. The grammarians give a number of roots in urv, which they de-
clare to lengthen the u in the present-stem. Only three are found in (quite
limited) use, and they show no forms anywhere with short u. All appear
to be of secondary formation from roots in r or ar. The root murch or
murch coagulate has likewise only u in quotable forms.

g. The onomatopoetic root s$hiv spew is written by the grammarians
as sthiv, and declared to lengthen its vowel in the present-system: com-
pare 240 b.

746. The roots dang bite, ranj color, sanj hang, svanj embrace,
of which the nasal is in other parts of the conjugation not constant,
lose it in the present-system: thus, da^ati etc.; safij forms both
sajati and sajjati (probably for sajyati, or for sasjati from sasa-
jati); math or manth has mathati later. In general, as the present
of this class is a strengthening formation, a root that has such a
nasal anywhere has it here also.

747. The roots gam g^)and yam reach make the present-stems
gaccha and yaccha: thus, gacchami etc.: see 608.

748. The root sad sit forms aida (conjectured to be contracted
from sisda for sisada : thus, sidami etc.

749. TrfinRfArft to tM« class from other classes are not rare, as
has been already^ointed out above, HdfiT throughout the present-sys-
tem and in occasional forms. The most important cases are the
following :

a. The roots in a, stha stand, pa drink, and ghra smell, form
the present-stems tistha (tisthami etc.), piba (pibami etc.), and
jfghra (jfghrami etc.) : for these and other similar cases, see 671—4.

b. Secondary root-forms like inv, jinv, pinv, from simpler roots

269

ACCENTED a-CLASS (SIXTH, tud-CLASS).

[-752

of the nu-class, are either found alongside their originals, or have
crowded these out of use: see 716.

750. On the other hand, the root dham or dhma blow forms
its present-stem from the more original form of the root: thus,
dhamati etc.

VII. Accented a-class (sixth, tud-class).

751. The present-stem of this class has the accent on
the class-sign % a, and the root remains unstrengthened. In
its whole inflection, it follows so closely the model of the
preceding class that to give the paradigm in full will be
unnecessary (only for the subjunctive, all the forms found
to occur will be instanced).

752. Example of inflection: root fifSJ vi9 enter; stem

s.
f^l I ft

active.
d.

1. Present Indicative.

p. s.

middle,
d.

etc.

vi9avas vi9amas

etc. etc.

etc.

vi^avahe vi9amahe
etc. etc.

2. Present Subjunctive.

vi^avahai

\vi<;a8

vicjantai

a. A single example of the briefer 1st sing. act. is mr/ksa. The
only forms in aithe and Site are prnaithe and yuvafte.

3. Present Optative.

etc.

etc.

etc.

etc.

etc.

vi9emahi
etc.

b. The RY. has the ending tana once in tiretana 2d pi. act., and
rata in juserata 3d pi. mid.

752—] IX- PRESENT-SYSTEM. 270

4. Present Imperative.

The first persons having been given above as subjunc-
tives, the second are added here:

2 fiftF feMHH^ fesirT feSTR KUBMH^ fe$iyr^
viga vi^atam viQata vi^asva vi^etham viQadhvam

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

c. The ending tat is found in RV. and AV. in mrdatat, vrhatat,

suvatat ; other examples are not infrequent in the Brahmana language :

thus, khidatat, chyatSt, prcchatat, viqatat, srjatat; and later, sprqa-

tat. The 3d sing, act nudatu and muncatu occur in Sutras (of. 740).

5. Present Participle.

The active participle is finflrT vi9&nt; the middle is

d. The feminine of the active participle is usually made from the
strong stem-form: thus, viQanti; but sometimes from the weak: thus,
sincantl and sincati (RV. and AV.), tudantl and tudatl (AV.): see
above, 449 d,e.

e. Middle participles in ana instead of mana are dhuvana,
dhraana, Ii9ana, qyana, in the older language; kr^ana, muncana,
spr^ana in the later (cf. 741 a).

6. Imperfect.

avi9am avi^ava avisama avi^e avi9avahi avi^amahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

f. Examples of augment! ess forms accented are srjas, srjat, tiranta.

g. The a-aorist (846 ff.) is in general the equivalent, as regards its
forms, of an imperfect of this class.

753. Stems of the a-class are made from nearly a hundred and
fifty roots: for about a third of these, in both the earlier and the
later language; for a half, in the earlier only; for the remainder,
nearly twenty, only in the later language. Among them are a num-
ber of transfers from the classes of the non-a-conjugation.

a. In some of these transfers, as prn and mrii (731), there takes
place almost a setting-up of independent roots.

b. The stems iccha, uccha, and rccha are reckoned as belonging
respectively to the roots is desire, vas shine, and r go.

C. The roots written by the Hindu grammarians with final o —
namely, cho, do, 90, and so — and forming the present-stems chya,

271 ACCENTED a-CLASS (SIXTH, tud-CLASS). [—759

dya, ^yd, sya, are more properly (as having an accented a in the stem)
to be reckoned to this class than to the ya-class, where the native classi-
fication puts them (see 761 g). They appear to be analogous with the
stems ksya, sva, hva, noted below (755).

754. The roots from which a-stems are made have certain noticeable
peculiarities of form. Hardly any of them have long vowels, and none have
long interior vowels; very few have final vowels; and none (save two or
three transfers, and ]/lajj be ashamed, which does not occur in any accen-
tuated text, and is perhaps to be referred rather to the a-class) have a as
radical vowel, except as this forms a combination with r, which is then
reduced with it to r or some of the usual substitutes of r.

Irregularities of the a-class.

755. The roots in i and u and u change those vowels into iy
and uv before the class-sign: thus, ksiya, yuva, ruva; suva, etc.;
and eva, hva occur, instead of suva and huva, in the older language,
while TS. has the participle ksyant. E. has dhuva from >/dhu.

756. The three roots in r form the present-stems kira, gira
(also gila), tira, and are sometimes written as kir etc. ; and gur, jur,
tur are really only varieties of gr, jr, tr; and bhur and sphur are
evidently related with other ar or y root-forms.

a. The common root prach ask makes the stem prccha.

757. As to the stems -driya and -priya, and mriya and dhriya,
sometimes reckoned as belonging to this class, see below, 773.

758. Although the present-stem of this class shows in general

a weak form of the root, there are nevertheless a number of roots y\^S^V
belonging to it which are strengthened by a penultimate nasal. Thus, o
the stem munca is made from }/muc release; silica from |/sic sprin-
kle; vinda from yvi&find; krnta from yTsft cut; piiuja from ypiq
adorn; trmpa from ytrp enjoy; lux&pa from yiup break; limpa from
ylip smear; and occasional forms of the same kind are met with from
a few others, as tunda from ytud thrust; brnha from >/brh strength-
en; drnha (beside drnha; from ]/drh make firm; c,umbha (beside
9umbha) from 1/9 ubh shine; TS. has 9rnthati from y^rath (instead
of 9rathnati ; uficha, vindha, sumbha, are of doubtful character.

a. Nasalized a-stems are also in several instances made by transfer
from the nasal class: thus, unda, umbha, rnja, pinsa, yunja, run-
dha, 9insa.

VIII. Ya-class (fourth, div-class). ^ V0

759. The present-stem of this class adds £T ya to the
accented hut unstrengthened root. Its inflection is also pre-

759—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 272

cisely like that of the a-class, and may be presented in the
same abbreviated form as that of the a-class.

760. Example of inflection: root ^ nan bind;
stem R^T nahya.

1. Present Indicative.

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

nahyami nahyavas nahyamas nahye nahyavahe nahyamahe
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

2. Present Subjunctive.

1 nahyani nahyama nahyai nahyavahai nahyamahai
fnahvasi

2 Inahyas nahySsai nahyadhvfii

nahyatai nahyantai

a. A 3d pi. mid. in antai (jayantai) occurs once in TS.
3. Present Optative.

nahyeyam nahyeva nahyexna nahyeya nahyevahi nahyemahi

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

b. For two or three 3d sing. mid. fonris in ita (for eta), see 738 b.

4. Present Imperative.

2

nahya nahyatam nahyata nahyaava nahyetham nahyadhvam
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

c. Of the ending tana, RV. has one example, nahyatana; the
ending tat is found in asyatat, khySyat&t, na^yatftt.

5. Present Participle.

The active participle is ^pp^nahyant (fern. H^ril nah-
yanti); the middle is HCJJ^H nahyamSna.

6. Imperfect.

anahyam anahyava anahyama anahye anahyavahi anahyamahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

273 Ya-CLASS (FOURTH, dlv-CLASS). [—761

d. Examples of augmentless forms showing the accent belonging to the
present-system are gayat, paqyat, pac.yan, jayathas.

761. The ya-class stems are more than a hundred and thirty in
number, and nearly half of them have forms in use in all periods of
the language, about forty occurring only in the earlier, and about
thirty only in the modern period.

a. Of the roots making ya-stems, a very considerable part (over fifty)
signify a state of feeling, or a condition of mind or body: thus, kup be
angry, klam be -weary, ksudh be hungry, muh be confused, lubh be Lust-
ful, <juf be dry, etc. etc.

b. A further number have a more or less distinctly passive sense,
and are in part evident and in part presumable transfers from the passive
or ya-class, with change of accent, and sometimes also with assumption of
active endings. It is not possible to draw precisely the limits of the divi-
sion ; but there are in the older language a number of clear cases, in which
the accent wavers and changes, and the others are to be judged by analogy
with them. Thus, >/muc forms mucyate once or twice, beside the usual
mucyate, in RV. and AY.; and in the Brahmanas the former is the
regular accent. Similar changes are found also in ya-forms from other
roots : thus, from kfjfi destroy, ji or jya injure, tap heat, drh make firm,
pac cook, pp fill, ml damage, ric leave, lup break, ha leave. Active
forms are early made from some of these, and they grow more common
later. It is worthy of special mention that, from the Veda down, jayate is
bom etc. is found as altered passive or original ya-formation by the side
of yjan give birth.

c. A considerable body of roots (about forty) differ from the above in
having an apparently original transitive or neuter meaning: examples are
as throw, nah bind, pa$ see, pad go, qlis clasp.

d. A number of roots, of various meaning, and of somewhat doubt-
ful character and relations, having present-stems ending in ya, are by the
native grammarians written with final diphthongs, ai or e or o. Thus:

e. Roots reckoned as ending in Si and belonging to the a-(orbhu-)
class, as gai sing (gayati etc.). As these show abundantly, and for the
most part exclusively, a-forms outside the present-system, there seems to
be no good reason why they should not rather be regarded as S-roots of
the ya-class. They are ksa burn, ga sing, gla be weary, trfi save, dnya
think, pya fill up, mla relax, ra bark, va be blown, cya coagulate, era
boil, stya stiffen. Some of them are evident extensions of simpler roots
by the addition of a. The secondary roots tSy stretch (beside tan), and
cay observe (beside ci) appear to be of similar character.

f. Roots reckoned as ending in e and belonging to the a- (or bhu-)
class, as dhe suck (dhayati etc.). These, too, have a-fonns, and some-
times i-forms, outside the present system, and are best regarded as a-roots,
either with a weakened to a before the class-sign of this class, or with £

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 18

761—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 274

weakened to i or i and inflected according to the a-class. They are dhS
suck, ma exchange, va weave, vya envelop, hva caJZ (secondary, from
hu). As of kindred form may be mentioned day share and vyay expend
(probably denominative of vyaya).

g. A few roots artificially written with final o and reckoned to the
ya-class, with radical vowel lost before the class-sign : thus, do cut, bind,
pres. dyati etc. These, as having an accented a in the sign, have
plainly no right to be put in this class; and they are better referred to the
a-class (see above, 763 c). Outside the present-system they show a- and
i-forms ; and in that system the ya is often resolved into ia in the oldest
language.

762. The ya-class is the only one thus far described which shows
any tendency toward a restriction to a certain variety of meaning. In this
tendency, as well as in the form of its sign, it appears related with the
class of distinctly defined meaning which is next to be taken up — the
passive, with ya-sign. Though very far from being as widely used as the
latter beside other present-systems, it is in some cases an intransitive
conjugation by the side of a transitive of some other class.

Irregularities of the ya-class.

763. The roots of this class ending in am lengthen their vowel
in forming the present-stem : they are klam, tarn, dam, bhram, 9am
be quiet, gram: for example, tamyati, <jramyati. From ksam, how-
ever, only ksamyate occurs; and 9am labor makes qamyati (B.).

764. The root mad has the same lengthening: thus, madyati.

765. The roots in Iv — namely, div, siv, sriv or 9riv, and
sfliiv (from which no forms of this class are quotable) — are writ-
ten by the grammarians with iv, and a similar lengthening in the
present-system is prescribed for them.

a. They appear to be properly dm etc., since their vocalized final
in other forms is always u; div is by this proved to have nothing to do
with the assumed root div shine, which changes to dyu (36 Id): compare
240 b.

766. From the roots jp and ty (also written as jur and tir or tur)
come the stems jirya and tirya, and juiya and turya (the last two only
in RV.); from py comes purya.

767. The root vyadh is abbreviated to vidh: thus, vfdhyati. And
any root which in other forms has a penultimate nasal loses it here : thus,
drhya from drnh or dyh; bhragya from bhranq or bhrag ; rajya from
rafij or raj.

—771

CCENTED ya-CLASS (PASSIVE).

IX. Accented ya-class: Passive conjugation.

\^

768. A certain form of present-stem, inflected with
middle endings, is used only in a passive sense, and is formed
from all roots for which there is occasion to make a passive
conjugation. Its sign is an accented £f ya added to the
root: thus, ^?J hanya from y^ ban slay, MIUI apya
from v^TR^ap obtain, Jf^T grhya from j/Tng gyh (or grab)
seize : and so on, without any reference to the class accord-
ing to which the active and middle forms are made.

709. The form of the root to which the passive-sign is added
is (since the accent is on the sign) the weak one: thus, a penultimate
nasal is dropped, and any abbreviation which is made in the weak
forms of the perfect (794), in the aorist optative (922 b), or before
ta of the passive participle (954), is made also in the passive present-
system: thus, ajya from ]/anj, badbya from j/bandh, ucya from
>/vac, ijya from

770. On the other hand, a final vowel of a root is in general
liable to the same changes as in other parts of the verbal system
where it is followed by y: thus —

a. Final i and u are lengthened: thus, xniya from i/mi; suya
from ]/su;

b. Final a is usually changed to 1: thus, dlya from ]/da; hlyi
from i/ba: but jnaya from j/jna, and so khyaya, khaya, mnaya, etc.;

o. Final y is in general changed to ri: thus, kriya from
but if preceded by two consonants (and also, it is claimed, in the root
y), it has instead the guna-strengthening : thus, smarya from j/smy
(the only quotable case) ; — and in those roots which show a change
of r to ir and ur (so-called f-verbs: see 242), that change is made
here also, and the vowel is lengthened: thus, 9lrya from y<ft', pur-
ya from

771. The inflectiom of thejpasgiver-stem imprecisely like
that ^f the other a-stems; it differs only in accent from
that of the class last given. It may be here presented,
therefore, in the same abbreviated form:

a. Example of inflection: root ^ ky make; passive-

stem flfiTr kriya:

18*

'

771—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 276

1. Present Indicative.

s. d. p.

kriye kriyavahe kriyamahe

etc. etc. etc.

2. Present Subjunctive.

b. The forms noticed as occurring in the older language are
alone here instanced:

s. d. p.

1 kriyai kriyamahai

2 kriyadhvai

c. The 3d pi. ending antai is found once (ucyantfti K.).
3. Present Optative.

kriy^ya kriy6vahi kriyemahi

etc. etc. etc.

d. No forms of the passive optative chance to occur in RV. or AV. ;
they are found, however, in the Brahmanas. ChU. has once dhmayita.

4. Present Imperative.

2

kriyasva kriyetham kriyadhvam
etc. etc. etc.

5. Present Participle.

e. This is made with the suffix ifH mSna: thus,

kriyamSna.

f. In use, this participle is well distinguished from the other passive
participle by its distinctively present meaning : thus, krta done, but kriya-
mana in process of doing, or being done.

6. Imperfect.

akriye akriyavahi akriyamahi

etc. etc. etc.

g. The passive-sign is never resolved into ia in the Veda.
772. The roots tan and khan usually form their passives from
parallel roots in a: thus, tayate, kh&yate (but also tanyate, khan-

277

SO-CALLED TENTH OR CUT-GLASS.

[—775

yate) ; and dham, in like manner, makes either dhamyate or dhmayate.
The corresponding form to j/jan, namely jayate (above, 761 b), is
apparently a transfer to the preceding class.

773. By their form, mriyate dies, and dhriyate maintains
itself, is steadfast, are passives from the roots mr die and dhr hold ;
although neither is used in a proper passive sense, and mr is not
transitive except in the derivative form mr^ (above, 731). With them
are to be compared the stems a-driya heed and a-priya be busy,
which are perhaps peculiar adaptations of meaning of passives from
the roots dr pierce and pr ftt.

774. Examples of the transfer of stems from the ya- or passive
class to the ya- or intransitive class were given above (76 Ib); and it was
also pointed out that active instead of middle endings are occasionally, even
in the earlier language, assumed by forms properly passive: examples are
a dhmayati and vy aprus.yat (£3.), bhuyati (MaiU.). In the
epics, however (as a part of their general confusion of active and middle
forms: 529 a), active endings are by no means infrequently taken by the
passive: thus, $akyati, sruyanti, bhriyantu, ijyant-, etc.

The so-called Tenth or cur-Class.

775. As was noticed above (607), the Hindu grammarians —
and, after their example, most European also — recognize yet an-
other conjugation-class, coordinate with those already described; its
stems show the class-sign aya, added to a generally strengthened
root (for details as to the strengthening, see 1042). Though this is
no proper class, but a secondary or derivative conjugation (its stems
are partly of causative formation, partly denominative with altered
accent), an abbreviated example of its forms may, for the sake of
accordance with other grammars, be added here.

a. Example: root cint think, meditate; stem cintaya:

active.

middle.

Pros. Indie, cintayami

cintaye

Subj. eintayani

cintayai

Opt. cintayeyam

cintayeya

Pple. cintayant

eintayamana

Impf. acintayaxn

acintaye

b. The inflection, of course, is the same with that of other forms
from a-stems (733 a).

c. The middle participle, in the later language, is more often made
with ana instead of mana: thus, cintayana: see 1043f.

776—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 278

Uses of the Present and Imperfect.

776. The uses of the mode-forms of the present-system have
been already briefly treated in the preceding chapter (572 ff.). The
tense-uses of the two indicative tenses, present and imperfect, call
here for only a word or two of explanation.

777. The present has, besides its strictly present use, the same
subsidiary uses which belong in general to the tense: namely, the
expression of habitual action, of future action, and of past action in
lively narration.

a. Examples of future meaning are: imfofr ced va ime cinvate
tata eva no «bh£bhavanti ($B.) verily if these build this up, then they
will straightway get the better of us ; agnir atmabhavam pradad yatra
vanchati naisadhah] (MBh.) Agni gave his own presence wherever the
Nishadhan should desire; svagatam te «stu kim karomi tava (R.) wel-
come to thee; what shall I do for thee?

b. Examples of past meaning are: uttara stir adharah putra
asid danuh <jaye sahavatsS na dhenuh (KV.) the mother was over,
the son under; there Danu lies, like a cow with her calf; pr alias ant i ca
tarn kecid abhyasuyanti ca 'pare akurvata day am kecit (MBh.)
some ridicule her, some revile her, some pitied her; tato yasya vacanat
tatra 'valambitas tarn sarve tiraskurvanti (H.) thereupon they all
fall to reproaching him by whose advice they had alighted there.

778. In connection with certain particles, the present has rather
more definitely the value of a past tense. Thus :

a. With pura formerly: thus, saptarsln u ha sma vai pur a
rk«}6 {ty acaksate (£B.) the seven sages, namely, are of old called the
bears ; tanmatram api cen mahyam na dadati pura bhavan (MBh.)
if you have never before given me even an atom.

b. With the asseverative particle sma: thus, c.ramena ha sma
vai tad deva jayanti yad esam jayyam asa rsaya^ ca (<;B.) in
truth, both gods and sages were wont to win by penance what was to be
won; avistah kalina dyute jlyate sma nalas tada (MBh.) then Nala,
being possessed by Kali, was beaten in play.

c. No example of this last construction is found in either RV. or
AY., or elsewhere in the metrical parts of the Veda. In the Brahmanas,
only habitual action is expressed by it. At all periods of the language, the
use of sma with a verb as pure assererative particle, with no effect on the
tense-meaning, is very common; and the examples later are hardly to be
distinguished from the present of lively narration — of which the whole
construction is doubtless a form.

770. The imperfect has remained unchanged in value through
the whole history of the language; it is the tense of narration; it
expresses simple past time, without any other implication.

a. Compare what is said later (end of chap. X. and chap. XI.) as to
the value of the older past tenses, the perfect and aorist.

279

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PERFECT.

[—782

CHAPTER X.

THE PERFECT-SYSTEM.

780. THE perfect-system in the later language, as has
been seen above (535), consists only of an indicative tense
and a participle — both of them in the two voices, active
and middle.

a. In the oldest language, the perfect has also its modes and
its augment-preterit, or pluperfect, or is not less full in its apparatus
of forms than is the present-system (see 808 ff.).

781. The formation of the perfect is essentially alike
in all verbs, differences among them being of only subord-
inate consequence, or having the character of irregularities.
The characteristics of the formation are these:

1. a stem made by reduplication of the root;

2. a distinction between stronger and weaker forms of
stem, the former being used (as in presents of the First
or non-a-conjugation) in the singular active, the latter in
all other persons ;

3. endings in some respects peculiar, unlike those of
the present;

4. the frequent use, especially in the later language,
of a union-vowel % i between stem and endings.

782. \Reduplication. In roots beginning with a con-
sonant, the reduplication which forms the perfect-stem is
of the same character with that which forms the present-
stem of the reduplicating conjugation-class (see 643) — but
with this exception, that radical Ef a and 5TT 5 and fj p (or
5TJ" ar) have only 5f a, and never ^ i, as vowel of the re-
duplicating syllable : thus, from >/q PV fill comes the present-
stem fqq pipy, but the perfect-stem qq papr; from y^TT m5

782—] X. PERFECT-SYSTEM. 280

measure comes the present-stem rf? mimS, but the perfect-
stem ?PTT mama; and so on.

a. Irregularities of roots with initial consonants will be given below, 784.

783. For roots beginning with a vowel, the rules of
reduplication are these:

a. A root with initial ET a before a single final con-
sonant repeats the 5f a, which then fuses with the radical
vowel to 5TF S (throughout the whole inflection): thus, 1R£
5d from y%$ ad eat; and in like manner STIsT aj, 5fR an,

THJ 5h. The root fj j* forms likewise throughout
5r (as if from 5^" ar).

b. A root with ^ i or 3 u before a single final conso-
nant follows the same analogy, except in the strong forms
(sing, act.) ; here the vowel of the radical syllable has guna,
becoming 1£ e or Eft o; and before this, the reduplicating
vowel maintains its independent form, and is separated from
the radical syllable by its own semivowel: thus, from yOT

f *N ^^

ig comes ^19 in weak forms, but ^P^iyes. in strong; from
l/3rMic, in like manner, come ^rMic and .SCHTMIVOC. The
root ^ i, a single vowel, also falls under this rule, and
forms ^T iy (y added before a vowel) and ^& iye.

c. Roots which begin with vowels long by nature or by
position do not in general make a perfect-system, but use
instead a periphrastic formation, in which the perfect tense
of an auxiliary verb is added to the accusative of a verbal

noun (see below, chap. XV.: 107Off.).

d. To this rule, howeverj^y^pVfteam (probably originally ap:
1087 fj constitutes an exception, mSttffg the constant perfect-stem ftp (as
if from ap: above, a). Also are met with I$6 (RV.) and iflire from
>/I4, and irire (V.) from >/Ir.

e. For the peculiar reduplication an, belonging to certain roots with
initial rowels, see below, 788.

784. A number of roots beginning with va and ending with
a single consonant, which in various of their verbal forms and deriv-

\J atives abbreviate the va to u, do it also in the perfect, and are
treated like roots with initial u (above, 783 b), except that they retain

281

REDUPLICATION .

[-788

the full form of root in the strong persons of the singular active.
Thus, fromj/ya^ jjpea& come uc and uvac; from /vas dwett come
iif and uvas; and so on.

«

a. The roots showing this abbreviation are vac, vap, vad, va9,
vas, van; and va weave is said to follow the same rule.

b. A single root beginning with ya, namely yaj offer, has the
same contraction, forming the stems iyaj and ij.

c. Occasional exceptions are met with: as, vavaca and vavakse
(RV.); vavapa and vavaha and vavahatus (E. and later); yeje (V.).

785. A number of roots having ya after a first initial consonant
take i (from the y) instead of a in the reduplicating syllable: thus,
from )/vyac comes vivyac; from /pyft comes pipya.

a. These roots are vyac, vyath, vyadh, vya, jyft, pyS, syand;
and, in the Veda, also tyaj, with cyu and dyu, which have the root-
vowel u. Other sporadic cases occur.

b. A single root with va is treated in the same way : namely
svap, which forms susvap.

c. These roots are for the most part abbreviated in the weak forms:
see below, 794.

786. A considerable number of roots have in the Veda a long
vowel in their reduplication.

a. Thus, of roots reduplicating with a: kan, kip, grdh, trp, trf,
drh, dhr, dhrs, nam, mah, mrj, mr9, ran, radh, rabh, vane, van,
va9, vas clothe, v&9, vrj, vrt, vrdh, vrs, 9ad prevail, sah, skambh.
Some of these occur only in isolated cases; many have also forms with
short vowel. Most are Vedic only; but dadhara is common also in the
Brahmana language, and is even found later. As to jagr, see 1020 a.

b. Of roots reduplicating with I: the so-called roots (676) didhl
and didl, which make the perfect from the same stem with the present:
thus, dldetha, didaya; didhima, didhyus (also dldhiyus, didiyus).
But plpi has pipye, pipyus, etc., with short i. In AV. occurs once
jlhi^a, and in AB. (and AA.) blbhaya.

c. Of roots reduplicating with u: tu, ju, and 911 (or (jva).

787. A few roots beginning with the (derivative: 42) palatal mutes
and aspiration show a reversion to the more original guttural iu the radical
syllable after the reduplication : thus, yd forms ciki ; ydt forms cikit ;
yji forms jigi; ]/hi forms jighi; j/han forms jaghan (and the same
reversions appear in other reduplicated forms of these roots: 2161). A
root di. protect is said by the grammarians to form digi; but neither root
nor perfect is quotable.

788. A small number of roots with initial a or r (ar) show
the anomalous reduplication an in the perfect.

a. Thus (the forms occurring mainly in the older language only) :

788—] X. PERFECT-SYSTEM. 282

>/anj or aj, which forms the pres. anakti, has the perfect anan-
ja and anaje etc. (with anaja and anajyat);

j/a$ attain (from which comes once in RV. anasamahai), has the
weak forms anae.ma etc. (with opt. anaqyam), finale etc. (and L$S.
has anac.adb.ve), and the strong forms anaruja and anac.a — along with
the regular a<ja etc.;

]/ydli (from which comes once rnadhat) has anrdhus and anrdhe;

yrc or arc has anrcus and anrce, and later anarca and anarcus;

1/arh has (in TS.) anrhiis;

anaha (RV., once) has been referred to a root ah, elsewhere unknown,
and explained as of this formation ; hut with altogether doubtful propriety.

b. The later grammar, then, sets up the rule that roots beginning
with a and ending with more than one consonant have fin as their regular
reduplication; and such perfects are taught from roots like aks, arj, and
anc or ac; but the only other quotable forms appear to be anarchat
(MBh.) and anarsat (TA.); which are accordingly reckoned as "pluperfects".

789. One or two individual cases of irregularity are the follow-
ing:

a. The extremely common root.bhu be has the anomalous redu-
plication ba, forming the stem babhu ; and, in the Veda, ]/su forms
in like manner sasu.

b. The root bhr bear has in the Veda the anomalous reduplication
ja (as- also in intensive: 1002); but RV. has once also the regular babhre,
and pple babhrana.

c. The root sthiv spew forms either tisthiv (QB. et al.) or £is$hiv
(not quotable).

d. Vivakvan (RV., once) is doubtless participle of yYac, with irreg-
ular reduplication (as in the present, 660).

790. Absence of reduplication is met with in some cases. Thus :

a. The root vid know has, from the earliest period to the latest,
a perfect without reduplication, but otherwise regularly made and
inflected: thus, veda, vettha, etc., pple vidvans. It has the mean-
ing of a present The root vid. find forms the regular viveda.

b. A few other apparently perfect forms lacking a reduplication are
found in RV. : they are taksathus and taksus, yamatus, skambhathus
and skambhus, nindima (for ninidima?), dhise and dhire (? i/dha),
and vidre and arhire(P see 613). And AV. VS. have cetatus. The
participial words da9vans, midhvans, sahvans are common in the oldest
language; and RV. has once januaas (j/jria), and khidvas (voc.), per-
haps for oikhidvas.

C. A few sporadic, cases also are quotable from the later language,
especially from the epics: thus, karsatus, cesta and cestatus, bhra-
jatus, sarpa, gansus and <jansire, dhvanaire, sransire, jalpire,
edhire; also the pples qansivans and dar^ivans, the latter being not
infrequent.

283

STRONG AND WEAK STEM-FORMS.

[—793

791. For an anomalous case or two of reduplicated preposition, see
below, 1087f.

792. Strong and weak stem-forms. In the three
persons of the singular active, the root-syllable is accented,
and exhibits usually a stronger form than in the rest of the
tense-inflection. The difference is effected partly by strength-
ening the root in the three persons referred to, partly by
weakening it in the others, partly by doing both.

793. As regards the strengthening:

a. A final vowel takes either the guna or vyddhi change
in 1st sing, act., guna in 2d, and vy ddhi in 3d: thus, from
y$ bhi, 1st fiR bibhe or JSR bibhSi; 2d fiJH bibh6; 3d
f^ bibhai; from j/Sfi ky, 1st rl^f cakar or ^Hil^ cakar,
2d r^f cakar, 3d ^RTTJ" oakSr.

b. But the u of j/bhu remains unchanged, and adds v before a
vowel-ending: thus, babhdva etc.

c. Medial 5[ a before a single final consonant follows
the analogy of a final vowel, and is lengthened or vriddhied
in the 3d. sing., and optionally in the first: thus, from
tap, 1st flcF^tatap or rfiTFMatSp, 2d rfrF^tatap, 3d
tatSp.

d. In the earlier language, however, the weaker of the two forms
allowed by these rules in the first person is almost exclusively in use : thus,
1st only bibhaya, tatapa ; 3d bibhaya, tatapa. Exceptions are cakara
and jagraha (doubtful reading) in AV., cakara in A^S. and BAU. (QB.
cakara), jigaya in AQS., as first persons.

e. A medial short vowel has in all three persons alike
the guna-strengthening (where this is possible: 240): thus,
from y?3g druh comes ^£l«qg dudroh; from yfesT ^19 comes
fij^5T^vive9; from yzRR kyt comes r\3\t\ cakart.

f. An initial short vowel before a single final consonant is to be
treated like a medial, but the quotable examples are very few : name-
ly, iyesa from j/if seek, uvocitha and uvoca from |/uc, uvosa
from |/u§. As to roots i and p, whose vowels are both initial and
final, see above, 783 a, b.

g. These rules are said by the grammarians to apply to the 2d sing,
always when it has simple tha as ending-, if it has itha (below, 797 d),

793—] X. PERFECT-SYSTEM. 284

the accent is allowed to fall on any one of the syllables of the word, and
the root-syllable if nnaccented has sometimes the weak form (namely, in
contracted stems with e for medial a: below, 794 e; and in certain other
verbs, as vivijitha). The earlier language, however, affords no example
of a 2d sing., whatever its ending, accented on any other than the radical
syllable, or failing to conform to the rales of strengthening as given above
(in a, c, e).

h. Occasional Instances of strengthening in other than the singular
persons are met with: thus, yuyopima and vive9UB (RV.), pasparqus
(KeU.), and, in the epics, cakartus and cakartire, cakarsatus, jugu-
hire, nanamire, bibhedus, vavahatus, vivec,atus, vavarsus. The
roots dy, pr, and <jr, and optionally jr, are said by the grammarians to
have the strong stem in weak forms ; bat no examples appear to be quotable.
AV., however, has once jaharue (probably a false reading) ; and in the
later language occur caskare (>/kr scatter) and tastare.

i. The root mjj has (as in the present-system : 627) vrddhi instead
of guna in strong forms : thus, mamarja ; and ]/guh (also as in present :
745 c) has u instead of o (but also juguhe E.).

794. As regards the weakening in weak forms :

a. It has been seen above (783 b) that roots beginning with i
or u fuse reduplicating and radical syllable together to I or u in the
weak forms; and (784) that roots contracting va and ya to u or i
in the reduplication do it also in the root in weak forms, the two
elements here also coalescing to u or I.

b. A few roots having ya and va after a first initial consonant, and
reduplicating from the semivowel (785), contract the ya and va to i and
u: thus, vivic from j/vyac, vividh from y'vyadh (but vivyadhus
MBh.), susup from >/svap. The extended roots jyfi, pya, vyfi, $vft,
hvft show a similar apparent contraction, making their weak forms from
the simpler* roots jl, pi, vi, c,u, hu, while hvfi must and <jva may get
their strong forms also from the same (and only jijyaii is quotable from
the others).

c. The root grabh or grah (if it be written thus : see 729 a) con-
tracts to gyh, making the * three forms of stem jagrah (1st and 2d sing,
act), jagrah (3d), and jagrh; but prach (if it be so written: see 756 a)
remains unchanged throughout.

d. Some roots omit in weak forms of this tense, or in some of them,
a nasal which is found in its strong forms: thus, we have cakrade etc.
(RV.) from ykrand; tatasre (RV.) from j/tans; dada^varis (RV.) from
j/daruj; bedhus, bedhe, etc. (AV.) from j/bandh; sejus (^B.) from
j/safij; caskabhana (AV.) from >/8kambh; tastabhus etc. (V.),
taatabhana (V.B.), from /stambh. Compare also 788 a.

e. A number of roots having medial a between single consonants
drop that vowel. These are, in the later language, gam, khan, jan,

285

STRONG AND WEAK STEM-FORMS.

[—795

ban, ghas; they form the weak stems jagxn, cakhn, jajn, jaghn
(compare 637), jaka (compare 640): but RV. has once jajanus.

f. In the old language are found in like manner mamnathe and
mamnate from ]/man; vavne from /van; tatne, tatnise, tatnire
from ytan (beside tatane, and tate, as if from )/ta); paptiuia and
paptus and paptivans from /pat (beside pet-forms ; below, g) ; pap-
ne from |/pan; sa^cima and sa9cus, sa9ce and saqcire, from ]/sac.

g. Roots mjjreneral haying_medial a before a single final con-
sonant, and beginning also with a single consonant that is repeated
unchanged in the reduplication — that is, not an aspirate, a guttural
mute, or h — contract their root and reduplication together into
one syllable, having e as its vowel : thus, /sad forms the weak stem
sed, /pac forms pec, /yam forms yem; and so on.

h. Certain roots not having the form here defined are declared by the
grammarians to undergo the same contraction — most of them optionally;
and examples of them are in general of very rare occurrence. They are as
follows: raj (E.G.) and radh (radh?), notwithstanding their long rowel;
phan, phal (phelire C.), bhaj (occurs from RV. down), though their ini-
tial is changed in reduplication; trap, tras (tresus E.G.), qrath, syarn,
svan, though they begin with more than one consonant ; dambh (debhus,
RV., from the weaker dabh), though it ends with more than one; and
bbraxn (bhremus etc. KSS.), bhraj, granth, svanj, in spite of more
reasons than one to the contrary. And C.B. has sejus from /sanj, and
KB. has 9remus from /^ram. On the other hand, RV. has once rarabh-
ma, and R. has papatus, for petus, from /pat.

i. This contraction is allowed also in 2d sing. act. when the ending
is itha: thus, tenitha beside tatantha (but no examples are quotable
from the older language).

j. The roots 9a$ and dad (from dS: 672) are said to reject the
contraction ; but no perfect forms of either appear to have been met with
in use.

k. From ytf (or tar) occurs terus (R.) ; and jerus from yjr is.
authorized by the grammarians — both against the general analogy of roots in r.

1. Roots ending in a lose their a before all endings beginning
with a vowel, including those endings that assume the union-vowel i
(796) — unless in the latter case it be preferred to regard the i as a
weakened form of the a.

795. Endings, and their union with the stem.
The general scheme of endings of the perfect indicative has
been already given (553 c) ; an dit has also been pointed out
(543 a) that roots ending in m a have ?ft 5u in 1st and 3d
sing, active.

795 — ] X. PERFECT-SYSTEM. 286

a. The ending maa instead of ma is found in 9\i9rumas (E.G.).
For the alleged occurrence of dhve instead of dhve in 2d pi. mid., see
226 c.

796. Those of the endings which begin with a con-
sonant — namely 2T tha, ^ va, IT nia in active; ^ se, 5|%
vahe, *|% mahe, ij dhve, ^ re in middle — are very often,
and in the later language usually, joined to the base with
the help of an interposed union- vowel ^ i.

a. The union-vowel i is found widely used also in other parts of the
general verbal system: namely, in the sibilant aorist, the futures, and the
verbal nouns and adjectives (as also in other classes of derivative stems).
In the later language, a certain degree of correspondence is seen among the
different parts of the same verb, as regards their use or non-use of the
connective; but this correspondence is not so close that general rules res-
pecting it can be given with advantage; and it will be best to treat each
formation by itself.

b. The perfect is the tense in which the use of i has established
itself most widely and firmly in the later language.

797. The most important rules as to the use of ^ i in
the later language are as follows:

a. The ^ re of 3d pi. mid. has it always.

b. The other consonant-endings, except 51 tha of 2d
sing, act., take it in nearly all verbs.

c. But it is rejected throughout by eight verbs — namely ky
make, bhf bear, sy go, vp choose, dru run, 9ru hear, stu praise, sru
flow; and it is allowably (not usually) rejected by some others, in
general accordance with their usage in other formations.

d. In 2d sing, act, it is rejected not only by the eight
verbs just given, but also by many others, ending in vow-
els or in consonants, which in other formations have no
^ i; but it is also taken by many verbs which reject it in
other formations ; — and it is optional in many verbs, in-
cluding those in 5TT a (of which the m a is lost when the

ending is "*& itha), and most of those in ^ i, ^ I, and 3" u.

e. The rules of the grammarians, especially as regards the use of tha
or itha, run out into infinite detail, and are not wholly consistent with
one another; and, as the forms are very infrequent, it is not possible to
criticise the statements made, and to tell how far they are founded on the
facts of usage.

287

fDINGS.

[—800

f. With this i, a final radical i or I is not combined, but chang-
ed into y or iy. The u of ybhu becomes uv throughout before
a vowel.

798. In the older language, the usage is in part quite other-
wise. Thus.

a. In the RV., the union-vowel i is taken by roots ending in con-
sonants provided the last syllable of the stem is a heavy one, but not other-
wise: thus, asitha, uvocltha, viveditha, but tatantha and vivyaktha;
ucima, paptima, sedima, yuyopima, but jaganma, jagrbhma, yuyuj-
ma; ucise, jajnise, sasahise, but vivitse and dadrkse; bubhujmahe
and c,acjadmahe etc. (no examples of ivahe or imahe chance to occur,
nor any of either idhve or dhve); ijire, jajnire, yetire, tataksire,
but caklpre, vividre, duduhre, pasprdhre, tatasre (and so on:
twenty-two forms). The only exception in RV. is vettha from Vvid,
without i (in Br., also attha from yah: below, 801 a). The other Vedic
texts present nothing inconsistent with this rule, but in the Brahmanas 3d
pi. forms in ire are made after light syllables also : thus, sasrjire, bubudh-
ire, yuyujire, rurudhire.

b. In roots ending with a vowel, the early usage is more nearly like
the later. Thus: for roots in a the rule is the same (except that no 3d
sing, in itha is met with), as dadhima, dadhise, dadhidhve, dadhire
(the only persons with i quotable from RV. and AV. ; and RV. has dadhre
twice); — roots in r appear also to follow the later rule: as cakrse,
paprse, vavrse, vavrmahe, but dadhrise and jabhrige, and in 3d
pi. mid. both cakrire and dadhrire; — j/bhu has both babhutha
(usually) and babhuvitha, but only babhuvimd (AV.). But there are
found, against the later rules, susuma, cicyuse, juhure, and juhure,
without i: the instances are too few to found a rule upon.

799. The ending rire of 3d pi. mid. is found in RV. in six forms :
namely, cikitrire, jagrbhrire, dadrire, bubhujrire, vividrire, sasrj-
rire; to which SV. adds duduhrire, and TB. dadr<jrire.

800. Examples of inflection. By way of illustra-
tion of the rules given above may he given in full the per-
fect indicative inflection of the following verbs:

a. As example of the normal inflection of a root with
final consonant, we take the root g^budh know: its strong
form of perfect-stem is

bubudh.

active.
s. d. p.

1 ^RT&J ^^1^01 ^c<|LfIT

bubodha bubudhiva -dhima

weak form, 3sRj

middle.
d.

bubudhe -dhivahe

00

-dhimahe

a '-

800—] X. PERFECT-SYSTEM. ' 288

sioJMejH SfsHI ! 3®ritrGf oicHMI^

o oo o -x oo oo oo oo

bubodhitha -dhathus -dha bubudnise -dhathe -dhidhve

•X

bubodha -dhatus -dhus

bubudhe -dhate -dnire

b. The asserted Tariety of possible accent in 2d sing. act. (above,
793 g) needs to be noted both in this and in the remaining paradigms.

c. As example of the normal inflection of a root with
final i or u- vowel, we may take the root ^ft nl lead: its forms
of stem are JHHU ninay or Piiiqjunay, and Rjft ninl.

i (HHIU

ninaya, ninaya ninyiva ninyima

r-. "^
FRT

ninye ninyivahe ninyimahe

ninetha, ninayitha ninyathus ninya ninyise ninyathe ninyidhve

ninaya uinyatUB ninyus ninye ninyate ninyire

d. The root krl would make (129 a) in weak forms cikriyiva,
cikriyatus, cikriyiis, etc. ; and j/bhu is inflected as follows in the
active (middle forms not quotable} :

1 babhuva babhuviva babhuvima

2 babhutha, babhtivitha babhuvathus babhuva

3 babhuva babhuvatus babhuviis

Other roots in u or u change this to uv before the initial vowel of
an ending.

e. As example of the inflection of a root ending in ^T
a, we may take ^T d5 give: its forms of stem are ^T dad5
and ^ dad (or ^ dadi: see above, 7941).

dad&u dadiva dadima dade dadivahe dadimahe

2 ^w, ^BT ^OT^ ^ ^ ^m ^&

dadatha, daditha dadathus dada dadise dadathe dadidhve

3 ^ ^g^ ^PT^ ^ ^ ^

dadau dadatus dadus dade dadate dadire

J

f. The RV. has once papra for paprau (and jaha for jahau?).

289 EXAMPLES OF INFLECTION. [—800

g. As example of a root with medial 5f a showing fu-
sion of root and reduplication, resulting in medial ^ e, in
the weak forms (794 g), we may take cH^tan stretch: its
forms of stem are HH\tatan or rTrTH^tatan, and

1 RrTT. rfrTH H^f ^PnT H*T HlHN$

tatana, tatana teniva tenima tene tenivahe tenimahe

2 HH-y» ?HTO rii^H^ ^ flf^T HTO ^ftfi

tatantha, tenitha tenathus tena tenise tenathe tenidhve

3 RrTR HHcjH^ ^3^ ^ ^1^ ^T
tatana tenatus , tenus tene tenate tenire

h. The root jan, with the others which expel medial a in weak
forms (794 e), makes jajantha or jajnitha, jajniva, jajnus ; jajne,
jajnimahe, jajnire; and so on.

i. As example of a root with initial 5f va contracted
to 3 u in the reduplication, and contracted with the redu- /
plication to ^3T u in weak forms (784), we may take s^vac
speak: its forms of stem are 3cfcF uvac or 35TI^ uvSc, and

uvaca, uvaca uciva ucdma uce ucivahe ucimahe

uvaktha, uvacitha uoathus uca uci^e ucathe ucidhve
:t 3c|M x^rirtH^ v^rj^H^ ^3J% v^^lrl ^ft(

uvaca ucatus ucua uce ucate ucire

j. In like manner, ]/yaj forms iyaja or iyaja, iyastha or iya-
jitha; ije, ijise, and so on; yuc has uvoca and uvocitha in the
strong forms, and all the rest like vac.

k. Of the four roots in 5R r mentioned at 797 c, the
inflection is as follows:

cakara, cakara cakrva cakyma cakre cakrvahe cakpnahe
2 rlTO r|5hy^ rTSft rf^ r\?h$\ ?J^§

cakartha cakrathus cakra cakrse cakrathe cakrdlive

cakara cakratus cakrus cakre cakrate cakrire

Wbitiiey, Qraiumar. 2. ei. 19

800—] X. PERFECT-SYSTEM. 290

1. Of the roots in f? r in general, the first persons are
made as follows:

1
dadhara, dadhara dadhriva dadhrima dadhre dadhrivahe dadhrimahe

m. We may further add here, finally, the active inflection (the middle
is not in use) of the perfect of as be, which (like babhuva and cakara,
given above) is frequently employed as an auxiliary.

1 asa asiva asima

2 asitha asathus asa

3 asa asatus asus

801. A few miscellaneous irregularities call still for
notice :

a. The root ah speak occurs only in the perfect indicative, and
only in the 3d persons of all numbers and in the 2d sing, and du.,
in active (and in 2d sing, the h is irregularly changed to t before
the ending): thus, attha, aha; ahathus, ahatus; ahus (in V., only
aha and ahus are met with).

b. From >/va weave, the 3d pi. act. uvus occurs in RY., and no
other perfect form appears to have been met with in use. It is allowed
by the grammarians to be inflected regularly as va; and also as vay (the
present-stem is vaya: 76 If), with contraction of va to u in weak forms;
and further, in the weak forms, as simple u.

c. The root vya envelop has in RV. the perfect-forms vivyathus
and vivye, and no others have been met with in use; the grammarians
require the strong forms to be made from vyay, and the weak from vi.

d. The root i go forms in RY. and AY. the 2d sing. act. iyatha
beside the regular iyetha; and beside Hire from ]/ir, RY. has several
times erire.

e. RY. has an anomalous accent in dadrQe and dadixjre (beside
dadrkse) and the pple dadrqana. And ciketa (once, beside ciketa) is
perhaps a kindred anomaly.

f. Persons of the perfect from the ir-forms of roots in changeable r
(242) are titirus and tistire (both RY.); and they have corresponding
participles.

g. The bastard root urnu (713) is said by the grammarians to make
the perfect-stem urnunu; the roots majj and nac, are said to insert a
nasal in the 2d sing, active, when the ending is simple tha: thus, ma-
manktha, nananstha (also mamajjitha and nec.itha).

h. Further may be noted sasajjatus (MBh.: ]/sanj, which has in
passive the secondary form sajj), rurundhatus (R.), and duduhus (BhP).

i. The anomalous ajagrabhaisam (AH. vi. 35) seems a formation on
the perfect-stem (but perhaps for ajigrabhisan, desid.v).

'ARTICIPLE. [—805

Perfect Participle.

802. The ending of the active participle is effa vSns
(that is to say, in the strong forms : it is contracted to 33T
ii§ in the weakest, and replaced by 3rT vat in the middle
forms : see above, 458 ff.) . It is added to the weak form
of the perfect stem — as shown, for example, in the dual
and plural of the active inflection of the given verb; and,
mechanically, the weakest participle-stem is identical with
the 3d pi. active. Thus, gstyin^ bubudhvSns, PlHloliu
nimvans, rHc| |u cakrvdns.

803. If the weak form of the perfect stem is monosyl-
labic, the ending takes the union-vowel ^ i (which, however,
disappears in the weakest cases): thus, HMNlU tenivans,

, srf^TCTJajnivSns, 4|lf^ejlU adivSns (from
ad: 783 a), and so on; c^clltl dadivSfts and its like,
from roots in 5(T a, are to be reckoned in the one class or
the other according as we view the ^ i as weakened root-
vowel or as union-vowel (7941).

a. But participles of which the perfect-stem is monosyllabic by ab-
sence of the reduplication do not take the union-vowel : thus, vidvans,
and in V., dft?va&a (SV. dayivana), mI<JlivaAs, aahvaria, khid-
vans (?); and RV. has also dadvans (AY. dadivans and once dadavans)
from ]/da (or dad: 672); and an-a9variB (]/a9 eat) occurs in TS. and
TB. But AV. has vi9ivans and varjivans (in negative fern, avarjusi).

804. Other Vedic irregularities calling for notice are few. The long
vowel of the reduplication (786) appears in the participle as in the indicative :
thus, vavrdhvans, sasahvans, jujuvans. RY. and AY. have sasavans
from }/aan or sa. RV. makes the participial forms of /ty or tar from
different modifications of the root: thus, titirvaris, but tatarusas. Re-
specting the occasional exchanges of strong and weak stem in inflection,
see above, 462 c.

805. a. From roots gam and ban the Yeda makes the strong stems
jaganvans (as to the n, see 212 a) and jaghanvans; the later language
allows either these or the more regular jagmivans and jaghnivans (the
weakest stem-forms being everywhere jagmus and jaghnua). RY. has
also tatanvana.

19*

806—] X. PERFECT-SYSTEM. 292

b. From three roots, vid find, vie, and drc,, the later language
allows strong participle-stems to be made with the union-vowel, as well as
in the regular manner without it: thus, vivi9ivans or viviqvans ; dadr^i-
vftftB occurs in KthU. PB. has once cicchidivans.

806. The ending of the middle participle is 5na. It
is added to the weak form of perfect-stem, as this appears
in the middle inflection: thus, eJ&JllH bubudhSna,
niny&na, ^H dad&na, ?F!H tenana, sTfTR jajnSna,

a. In the Veda, the long reduplicating vowel is shown by many middle
participles: thus, vavydhana, vavasana, dadrhana, tutujana, etc.
RV. has c.ac.ayana from 1/91 (with irregular guna, as in the present-sys-
tem: 629); tistirana from )/str; and once, with mfina, sasymana
from ]/sr. A few participles with long redupl. vowel have it irregularly
accented (as if rather intensive: 1013): thus, tutujana (also tutujana),
babadhana, gc^adana, (ju^ujana, c,n(juvana.

807. In the later language, the perfect participles have nearly gone
out of use; even the active appears but rarely, and is made from
very few verbs, and of the middle hardly any examples are quotable,
save such as the proper name yuyudhana, the adjective anucfina
learned in scripture, etc.

Modes of the Perfect.

808. Modes of the perfect belong only to the Vedic language,
and even are seldom found outside of the Rig-Veda.

a. To draw the line surely and distinctly between these and the
mode-forms from other reduplicated tense-stems — the present-stem of the
reduplicating class, the reduplicated aorist, and the intensive — is not pos-
sible, since no criterion of form exists which does not in some cases fail, and
since the general equivalence of modal forms from all stems (582), and the
common use of the perfect as a present in the Veda (823), deprive us of
a criterion of meaning. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, that
a considerable body of forms are to be reckoned here; optatives like Sna-
9yam and babhuyas and babhuyat, imperatives like babhutu, subjunc-
tives like jabharat, show such distinctive characteristics of the perfect
formation that by their analogy other similar words are confidently classed
as belonging to the perfect.

809. The normal method of making such forms would appear
to be as follows: from a reduplicated perfect-stem, as (for example)
mumuc, an imperative would be made by simply appending, as
usual, the imperative endings; the derived subjunctive mode-stem
would be mumoca (accented after the analogy of the strong forms

293 MODES. [—812

of the perfect indicative), and would take either primary or secon-
dary endings ; and the optative mode-stems would be mumucya in
the active, and mumuci (accent on personal endings) in the middle.
And the great majority of the forms in question (about three
quarters) are made in these ways. Thus:

810. Examples of the regular subjunctive formation are:

a. with secondary endings, active: 3d sing., paprathas, cakanas,
mamahas, piprayas, bubodhas, raranas; 3d sing., cakanat, ja-
bharat, raranat, sasahat, paspar^at, piprayat; 1st pi., cakanama,
tatanama, 9U9avama; 3d pi., tatanan, paprathan (other persons do
not occur). This is the largest class of cases.

b. with primary endings, active: here seem to belong only dadhar-
sati and vavartati: compare the formation with different accent below,
81 la.

c. of middle forms occur only the 3d sing, tatapate, ^a^amate,
yuyojate, jujosate (SV.; RV. has jujof ate) ; and the 3d pi. cakananta,
tatananta (and perhaps two or three others: below, 81 Ib, end).

811. But not a few subjunctives of other formation occur; thus:

a. With strengthened root-syllable, as above, but with accent on the
reduplication (as in the majority of present-forms of the reduplicating class:
above, 645). Here the forms with primary endings, active, preponderate,
and are not very rare: for example, jujosasi, jujo^ati, jujosathas,
jujoaatha (other persons do not occur). With secondary endings, jujosas,
jujosat, and jujosan are the forms that belong most distinctly here (since
dadagas and suefudas etc. are perhaps rather aorists). And there is no
middle form but jujogate (RV. : see above, 810 o).

b. With nnstrengthened root-syllable occur a small body of forms,
which are apparently also accented on the reduplication (accented examples
are found only in 3d pi. mid.): thus, active, for example, mumucas;
vavjtat, vividat, 911911 vat; the only middle forms are dadhr^ate,
vfivrdhate, 3d sing.; and cakramanta, dadhjrsanta, rurucanta (with
dadabhanta, paprathanta, mamahanta, juhuranta, which might
also belong elsewhere: 81 Oc).

c. Accented on the ending are v&v?dhanta and cakrpanta (which
are rather to be called augmentless pluperfects).

d. As to forms with double mode-sign, or transfers to an a- conjugation,
see below, 815.

812. Examples of the regular optative formation are :

a. In active: 1st sing., ana9yam, jagamyam, paprcy&m, riric-
yam; 2d sing., vavytyfts, vivi^yas, ^u^ruyas, babhuyas; 3d sing.,
jagamyat, vavr-tyat, tutujyat, babhuyat; 2d du., jagmyatam, 9U9ru-
yatam; 1st pi., Basahyama, vavrtyama, 9U9uyama; 3d pi., tatanyus,
vavyjyus, vavptyus. The forms are quite numerous.

812—] X. PERFECT-SYSTEM. 294

b. In middle, the forms are few: namely, 1st sing., vavytlya; 2d
sing., vavydhithas, cakf amithas ; 3d sing., jagrasita, vavytita,
mamrjlta, dudhuvita, 9U9\icita; 1st pi., vavrtimahi. And sasa-
histhas and ririsis^a appear to furnish examples of preoative optative
forms.

c. There is no irregular mode of formation of perfect optatives. Indi-
vidual irregularities are shown by certain forms: thus, cakriyaa, papiyat,
9U<jriiya8 and 9U<jruyatam, with treatment of the final as before the
passive-sign ya (770); anajyat with short initial; Qi^rita from |/$ri;
jakeiyat is anomalous : r irises is the only form that shows a union- vowel
a (unless also siset, from >/sa).

813. Of regular imperative forms, only a very small number are to
be quoted: namely, active, cakandhi, rarandhi, cikiddhi, titigdhi,
mumugdhi, 9U9iigdhi, and piprlhi; cakantu, rarantu, mumoktu,
and babhutu; mumuktam and vavrktam; jujustana and vavrttana
(unless we are to add mamaddhi, mamattu, mamattana) ; — middle,
vavrtsva and vavrddhvanu AY. has once dadr^ram.

814. As irregular imperatives may be reckoned several which show
a union-vowel a, or have been transferred to an a-conjugation. Such are,
in the active, mumocatam and jujosatam (2d du.), and mumocata
(2d pi.); in the middle, piprayasva (only one found with accent), and
mamahasva, vavr/dliasva, vavrsasva (2d sing.), and mamahantam
(3d pi.: probably to be accented -asva and -antam).

815. Such imperatives as these, taken in connection with some of
the subjunctives given above (and a few of the "pluperfect" forms: below,
820), suggest as plausible the assumption of a double present-stem, with
reduplication and added a (with which the desiderative stems would be
comparable: below, 1026 ff.): for example, jujosa from ]/jus, from which
would come jujosasi etc. and jujosate (8 11 a) as indicative, jujosas
etc. as subjunctively used augmentless imperfect, and jujofatam as im-
perative. Most of the forms given above as subjunctives with primary
ending lack a marked and constant subjunctive character, and would pass
fairly well as indicatives. And it appears tolerably certain that from one
root at least, vpdh, such a double stem is to be recognized ; from vavrdha
come readily vavrdhate, vavrdhanta, and from it alone can come regu-
larly vavrdhasva, vavrdhete and vavydhSti (once, RV.) — and, yet
more, the participle vavydliant (RV.; AV. vavydhant : an isolated case) :
yet even here we have also vavrdhithas, not vavrdhethas. To assume
double present-stems, however, in all the cases would be highly implau-
sible; it is better to recognize the formation as one begun, but not car-
ried out.

a. Only one other subjunctive with double mode-sign — namely,
paprcasi — is found to set beside vSvydhati.

816. Forms of different model are not very seldom made from the
same root : for example, from ]/muc, the subjunctives mumocas, mumo-

295 PLUPERFECT. [—821

cati, and mumucas; from j/dhrs, dadharsati and dadhrsate; from
}/pri, the imperatives piprlhi and piprayasva.

Pluperfect.

817. Of an augment-preterit from the perfect-stem, to which the
name of pluperfect is given on the ground of its formation (though
not of its meaning), the Veda presents a few examples; and one or
two forms of the later language (mentioned above, 788 b) have also
been referred to it.

a. There is much of the same difficulty in distinguishing the pluper-
fect as the perfect modes from kindred reduplicated formations. Between
it and the aorist, however, a difference of meaning helps to make a separation.

818. The normal pluperfect should show a strong stem in the singu-
lar active, and a weak one elsewhere — thus, mumoc and mumuc —
with augment prefixed and secondary endings added (us in 3d pi. act.,
ata in 3d pi. mid.).

a. Of forms made according to this model, we have, in the active:
1st sing., ajagrabham and acacakfam (which, by its form, might be
aorist: 860); 2d sing, ajagan; 3d sing., ajagan and aciket; 2d du.,
amumuktam; 2d pi. ajaganta, and ajagan tana and ajabhartana (a
strong form, as often in this person: 556 a); 3d pi. (perhaps), ama-
mandus and amarnadus. To these may be added the augmentless cakan
and raran, ciketam and cakaram. In the middle, the 3d pi. acakriran
and ajagmiran (with Iran instead of ata), and the augmentless 2d sing,
jugurthas and susupthas, are the most regular forms to be found.

819. Several forms from roots ending in consonants save the endings
in 2d and 3d sing. act. by inserting an I (555 b): thus, abubhojis,
aviveqis; arireclt, ajagrabhit (avavarit and avavacjtfim are rather
intensives); and the augmentless jihinsis (accent?) and dadharait belong
with them.

820. A few forms show a stem ending in a : they are, in the active :
3d sing., asasvajat, acikitat, acakrat; in the middle: 3d sing., apip-
rata; 2d du., apasprdhetham ; 3d pi., atitvisanta (which by its form
might be aorist), adadf hanta ; and cakradat, cakrpanta, vavrdhanta,
juhuranta, would perhaps be best classified here as augmentless forms
(compare 811, above).

Uses of the Perfect.

821. Perfects are quotable as made from more than half the
roots of the language, and they abound in use at every period and
in almost all branches of the literature, though not always with the
same value.

a. According to the Hindu grammarians, the perfect is used in the

821—] X. PERFECT-SYSTEM. 296

narration of facts not witnessed by the narrator; but there is no evidence
of its being either exclusively or distinctively so employed at any period.

b. In the later language, it is simply a preterit or past tense,
equivalent with the imperfect, and freely interchangeable or coor-
dinated with it. It is on the whole less common than the imperfect,
although the preferences of different authors are diverse, and it some-
times exceeds the imperfect in frequency (compare (927).

o. The perfects veda and aha are everywhere used with pres-
ent value. In the Brahmanas, also others, especially dadhara, also
didftya, bibhaya, etc.

822. In the Brahmanas, the distinction of tense-value between per-
fect and imperfect is almost altogether lost, as in the later language. But
in most of the texts the imperfect is the ordinary tense of narration, the
perfect being only exceptionally used. Thus in PB., the imperfects are to
the perfects as more than a hundred to one ; in the Brahmana parts of TS.
and TB., as over thirty-four to one; and in those of MS. in about the
same proportion; in AB., as more than four to one, the perfect appearing
mostly in certain passages, where it takes the place of imperfect. It is
only in QB. that the perfect is much more commonly used, and even, to
a considerable extent, in coordination with the imperfect. Throughout the
Brahmanas, however, the perfect participles have in general the true "per-
fect" value, indicating a completed or proximate past.

823. In the Yeda, the case is very different. The perfect is used
as past tense in narration, but only rarely; sometimes also it has a true
"perfect" sense, or signifies a completed or proximate past (like the aorist
of the older language: 928); but oftenest it has a value hardly or not
at all distinguishable in point of time from the present It is thus the
equivalent of imperfect, aorist, and present ; and it occurs coordinated with
them all.

a. Examples are: of perfect with present, na sramyanti na vi
muncanty ete vayo na paptuh (RV.) they weary not nor stop, they fly
like, birds; se 'd u raja ksayati carsamnam aran na nemih par!
ta babhuva (RV.) he in truth rules king of men ; he embraces them all,
as the wheel the spokes ; — of perfect with aorist, upo ruruoe yuvatfr
na yotja... abhud agnfh samidhe manusanam akar jyotir badh-
amana tam&nsi (RV.) she is come beaming like a young maiden; Agni
hath appeared for the kindling of mortals ; she hath made light, driving away
the darkness ; — of perfect with imperfect, ahann ahim anv apaa ta-
tarda (RV.) he slew the dragon, he penetrated to the waters. Such a
coordination as this last is of constant occurrence in the later language:
e. g. muxnude 'pujayac cai 'nam (R.) he was glad, and paid honor to
her ; vaatrante jagr&ha ekandhadecje *srjat tasya srajaxn (MBh.) she
took hold of the end of his garment, and dropped a garland on his shoulders.

297 VARIETIES OP AORIST. [—824

CHAPTER XI.

THE AORIST SYSTEMS.

824. UNDER the name of aorist are included (as was
pointed out above, 532) three quite distinct formations, each
of which has its sub- varieties : namely —

I. A SIMPLE AORIST (equivalent to the Greek "second
aorist"), analogous in all respects as to form and inflection
with the imperfect. It has two varieties: 1. the root-
aorist, with a tense-stem identical with the root (corres-
ponding to an imperfect of the root-class) ; 2. the a-aorist,
with a tense-stem ending in 5f a, or with union-vowel 5f a
before the endings (corresponding to an imperfect of the
a-class).

n. 3. A REDUPLICATING AORIST, perhaps in origin iden-
tical with an imperfect of. the reduplicating class, but
having come to be separated from it by marked peculiarities
of form. It usually has a union-vowel 5f a before the end-
ings, or is inflected like an imperfect of one of the a-classes ;
but a few forms occur in the Veda without such vowel.

III. A SIGMATIC or SIBILANT AORIST (corresponding to
the Greek "first aorist"), having for its tense-sign a H^s
added to the root, either directly or with a preceding auxil-
iary ^ i; its endings are usually added immediately to the
tense-sign, but in a small number of roots with a union-
vowel 51 a ; a very few roots also are increased by H s for
its formation; and according to these differences it falls
into four varieties: namely, A. without union-vowel 5f a
before endings: 4. s-aorist, with H^s alone added to the
root; 5. is-aorist, the same with interposed ^ i; 6. si$-
aorist, the same as the preceding with H^s added at the
end of the root; B. with union- vowel 5T a, 7. sa- aorist.

825—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 298

826. All these varieties are bound together and made
into a single complex system by certain correspondences of
form and meaning. Thus, in regard to form, they are all
alike, in the indicative, augment-preterits to which there
does not exist any corresponding present; in regard to
meaning, although in the later or classical language they
are simply preterits, exchangeable with imperfects and per-
fects, they all alike have in the older language the general
value of a completed past or "perfect", translatable by have
done and the like.

820. The aorist-systein is a formation of infrequent occurrence in
much of the classical Sanskrit (its forms are found, for example, only
twenty-one times in the Nala, eight in the Hitopadega, seven in Manu, six
each in the Bhagavad-Gita and Qakuntala, and sixty-six times, from four-
teen roots, in the first book, of about 2600 lines, of the Ramayana: com-
pare 927 b), and it possesses no participle, nor any modes (excepting in
the prohibitive use of its augmentless forms : see 579 ; and the so-called
precative : see 921 ff.) ; in the older language, on the other hand, it is
quite common, and has the whole variety of modes belonging to the present,
and sometimes participles. Its description, accordingly, must be given
mainly as that of a part of the older language, with due notice of its res-
triction in later use.

827. a. In the BY., nearly half the roots occurring show aorist forms,
of one or another class ; in the AY., rather less than one third ; and in the
other texts of the older language comparatively few aorists occur which are
not found in these two.

b. More than fifty roots, in RV. and AV. together, make aorist forms
of more than one class (not taking into account the reduplicated or "causa-
tive" aorist) ; but no law appears to underlie this variety ; of any relation
such as is taught by the grammarians, between active of one class and
middle of another as correlative, there is no trace discoverable.

C. Examples are : of classes 1 and 4, adham and dhasus from
j/dha, ayuji and ayuksata from >'yuj ; — of 1 and 5, agrabham and
agrabhisma from j/grabh, mrathas and mar sisthas from y'mr'S ; —
of 1 and 2, arta and arat from j/y; — - of 2 and 4, avidam and avitsi
from |/vid find, anijam and anaiksit fromynij; — of 2 and 5, sane-
ma and asanisam from j/san; — of 2 and 7, aruham and aruksat
from yruh; — of 4 and 5, amatsus and amadisus from >/mad; —
of 4 and 6, hasmahi and hasisus from yha; — of 1 and 2 and 4,
atnata and atanat and atan from y tan ; — of 1 and 4 and 5, abudh-
ran and abhutsi and bodhisat from ybudh, astar and strsiya and

299

1. ROOT-AORIST.

[-831

astaris from ]/str. Often the second, or second and third, class is rep-
resented by only an isolated form or two.

I. Simple Aorist.

828. This is, of the three principal divisions of aorist, the one
least removed from the analogy of forms already explained; it is
like an imperfect, of the root-class or of the a-class, without a corres-
ponding present indicative, but with (more or less fragmentarily) all
the other parts which go to make up a complete present-system.

1. Root-aorist.

829. a. This formation is in the later language limited
to a few roots in ETF 5 and the root H bhu, and is allowed

ex

to be made in the ^active only, the middle using instead
the s- aorist (4), or the is-aorist (5).

b. The roots in 5fT a take 3SM1S as 3d pi. ending, and,
as usual, lose their 5TT 5 before it; *Tj3hfi (as in the perfect:
793 a) retains its vowel unchanged throughout, inserting
ej^v after it before the endings CPT am and 5R an of 1st
sing, and 3d pi. Thus:

8. d. p. s. d. p.

adam adava adama abhuvjun abhuvk abhuma

adas adatam adata ; abh1% abhutam abh

abhuvan

s
adat adatam adus abhut abhutam

For the classical Sanskrit, this is the whole story.

830. In the Veda, these same roots are decidedly the most fre-
quent and conspicuous representatives of the formation: especially
the roots ga, da, dha, pa drink, stha, bhu; while sporadic forms
are made from jna, pra, sa, ha. As to their middle forms, see be-
low, 834 a.

a. Instead of abhuvam, BY. has twice abhuvam. BhP. has agan,
3d pi., instead of agus.

831. But aorists of the same class are also made from a num-
ber of roots in y, and a few in i- and u-vowels (short or long) —

r\ ^

831—] XL AORIST-SYSTEMS. 300

with, as required by the analogy of the tense with an imperfect of
the root-class, guna-strengthening in the three persons of the singular.

a. Thus (in the active), from y^ru, a^ravam and aqrot; from
]/9ri, agree and a<jret; from >/kr make, akaram and akar (for akars
and akart); from vr enclose, avar (585 a); and so astar, aspar. Dual
and plnral forms are much less frequent than singular; but for the most
part they also show an irregular strengthening of the root-vowel : thus
(including augmentless forms), akarma and karma and akarta, vartam,
spartam, ahema and ahetana, bhema, acjravan; regular are only
avran, akran, ahyan, and a<jriyan.

832. Further, from a few roots with medial (or initial) vowel
capable of guna-strengthening and having in general that strength-
ening only in the singular.

a. Thus, abhedam and abhet from ]/bhid; amok from j/muc;
yojam from /yuj ; rok (VS.) from j/ruj ; arodham and arudhma from
l/rudh ; avart from yVrt ; vark from j/vrj (AY. has once avrk) ; adar-
9am from ydf$', ardhma from j/rdh; and adrcjan, avrjan, a^vitan.
But chedma, with guna, from >/chid, and adarqma (TS.) from )/dr<j.

833* Again, from a larger number of roots with a as radical
vowel :

a. Of these, gam (with n for m when final or followed by m: 143 a,
212 a) is of decidedly most frequent occurrence, and shows the greatest
variety of forms: thus, agamam, agan (2d and 3d sing.), aganma,
aganta (strong form), agman. The other cases are akran from /kram ;
atan from ]/tan; abhrat from )/bhraj; aakan from |/skand; aarat
from )/sran8 (? VS.); dhak and daghma from >/dagh; ana$ (585 a)
and anas^am from /nag; aghas or aghat, aghastam, aghasta, and
aksan (for aghsan, like agman) from }/ghas; and the 3d pll. in us,
akramus, ayamus, dabhiis, nrtus (pf.v). mandus.

834. So far only active forms have been considered. In the
middle, a considerable part of the forms are such as are held by the
grammarians (881) to belong to the s-aorist, with omission of the
8 : they doubtless belong, however, mostly or altogether, here. Thus :

a. From roots ending in vowels, we have adhithas, adhita (also
ahita), and adhlmahi; adithas, adita, and adimahi (and adlmahi
from >/d& cut); aglta (?); simahi; asthithas and asthita and asthiran,
forms of a-roots ; — of r-roots, akri, akrthas, akrta, akratam, akrata
(and the anomalous kranta); avri, avrthas, avrta; arta, grata; mrthas,
amrta; dhrthas; adythaa; astrta; ahrthas; gurta; — of i and u
roots, the only examples are ahvi (? AY., once), ahumahi, and aci-
dhvam. The absence of any analogies- whatever for the omission of a 8 in
such forms, and the occurrence of avri and akri and akrata, show that
their reference to the s-aorist is probably without sufficient reason.

b. As regards roots ending in consonants, the case is more question-
able, since loss of 8 after a final consonant before thas and ta (and, of

301 1- ROOT-AORIST. [—836

course, dhvam) would be in many cases required by euphonic rale (233 c
ff.). We find, however, such unmistakable middle inflection of the root-
aorist as ayuji, ayukthas, ayukta, ayujmahi, ayugdhvam, ayujran ;
as^a and acjata; nancji; apadi (1st sing.) and apadmahi and apadran;
amanmahi; ganvahi and aganmahi and agmata; atnata; ajani
(1st sing.) and ajnata (3d pi.); from ]/gam are made agathas and agata,
from ytan, atathas and atata, and from yman, amata, with treatment
of the final like that of han in present inflection (637). The ending ran
is especially frequent in 3d pi., being taken by a number of verbs which
have no other middle person of this aorist: thus, agrbhran, asrgran,
adrgran, abudhran, avrtran, ajusran, akrpran, asprdhran, avas-
ran, avigran; and ram is found beside ran in adrgram, abudhram,
asrgram.

c. From roots of which the final would combine with s to ks, it
seems more probable that aorist-forms showing k (instead of §) before the
ending belong to the root-aorist : such are amukthas (and amugdhvam),
aprkthas and aprkta, abhakta, avrkta, asakthas and asakta, rik-
thas, vikthas and vikta, arukta ; aprasta, ayasta, aspas^a, asrsthas
and asrsta, and mrsthas would be the same in either case.

d. There remain, as cases of more doubtful belonging, and probably
to be ranked in part with the one formation and in part with the other,
according to their period and to the occurrence of other persons : chitthas,
nutthas and anutta and anuddhvam, patthas, bhitthas, amatta,
atapthas, alipta, asrpta; and finally, arabdha, alabdha, aruddha,
abuddha, ayuddha, and drogdhas (MBh.: read drugdhas): see 883.

Modes of the Boot-aorist.

835. Subjunctive. In subjunctive use, forms identical with the
augmentless indicative of this aorist are much more frequent than the more
proper subjunctives. Those to which no corresponding form with augment
occurs have been given above; the others it is unnecessary to report in
detail.

836. a. Of true subjunctives the forms with primary endings are
quite few. In the active, karani, gani, gamani (for bhuvani, see be-
low, c); karasi; sthati, dati and dhati (which are almost indicative in
value), karati, josati, padati, bhedati, radhati, varjati; sthathas,
karathas and karatas, da^athas, Qravathas and ^ravatas; and
(apparently) karanti, gamanti. In the middle, josase; idhate (?),
karate, bhojate, yojate, varjate; dhethe and dhaithe; karamahe,
dhamahe, gamamaliai.

b. Forms with secondary endings are, in the active, dar9am, bho-
jam, yojam; karas, tardas, parcas, yamas, radhas, varas; karat,
^amat, gar at, jo sat, daghat, padat, yamat, yodhat, radhat, varat,
vartat, qravat, saghat, sparat ; karama, gamama, radhama ; gaman,

836—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 302

garan, dar<jan, yaman. No middle forms are classifiable with confi-
dence here.

c. The series bhuvam, bhuvas, bhuvat, bhiivan, and bhuvani
(compare abhuvam: 830 a), and the isolated 9nivat, are of doubtful
belongings; with a different accent, they would seem to be of the next
class ; here, a guna-strengthening would be more regular (but note the ab-
sence of guna in the aorist indicative and the perfect of ybhu).

837. Optative. The optative active of this aorist constitutes, with
a a interposed between mode-sign and personal endings (567), the preca-
tive active of the Hindu grammarians, and is allowed by them to be made
from every verb, they recognizing no connection between it and the aorist.
But in the 2d sing, the interposed 8 is not distinguishable from the person-
al ending; and, after the earliest period (see 838), the ending crowds
out the sibilant in the 3d sing., which thus comes to end In yat instead
of yfis (compare 555 a).

a. In the older language, however, pure optative forms, without the
8, are made from this tense. From roots in & occur (with change of ft to
e before the y: 250 d) deyam, dheyam and dheyus, and stheyama;
in u- vowels, bhuyama; in r, kriyama; in consonants, a9yam and
a<jyama and a<jyus, vrjyam, $akyftni, yujyava and yujyatam, sahya-
ma, and tj-dyus.

b. The optative middle of the root-aorist is not recognized by the
Hindu grammarians as making a part of the precative formation. The RV.
has, however, two precative forms of it, namely padista and mueista.
Much more common in the older language are pure optative forms : namely,
a(jiya and a^imahi (this optative is especially common), indhiya, gmi-
ya, muriya, ruclya; anta, uhita, vurlta; idhimahi, na^imahi,
nasimalii, prciniahi, mudimalii, yamimahi ; and probably, from ft-
roots, slmahi and dhimahi (which might also be augmentless indicative,
since adhimahi and adhitam also occur). All these forms except the
three in 3d sing, might be precative according to the general understand-
ing of that mode, as being of persons which even by the native authorities
are not claimed ever to exhibit the inserted sibilant

838. Precative active forms of this aorist are made from the earliest
period of the language. In RV., they do not occur from any root which
has not also other aorist forms of the same class to show. The RV. forms
are: 1st sing., bhuyasam; 2d sing., avyas, jneyas, bhuyas, mrdhyas,
sahyas; 3d sing, (in -ySs, for -yftst; RV. has no 3d sing, in yat, which
is later the universal ending), avyas, a9yas, rdhyas, gamyas, daghyas,
peyas, bhuyas, yamyas, yuyas, vrjyas, ^ruyas, sahyas; 1st pi.,
kriyasma (beside kriyama : 837 a). AY. has six 1st persons sing, in
-yasam, one 2d in -yas, one 3d in -yat (and one in -yfts, in a RV.
passage), three 1st pi. in -yasma (beside one in yama, in a RV. passage),
and the 2d bhuyas tha (doubtless a false reading: TB. has -sta in the
corresponding passage). From this time on, the pure optative forms nearly

303 1. ROOT-AORIST. [—840

disappear (the exceptions are given in 837 a). But the precative forms are
nowhere common, excepting as made from }/bhu; and from no other root
is anything like a complete series of persons quotable (only bhuyaava
and bhuyastam being wanting ; and these two persons have no represent-
ative from any root). All together, active optative or precative forms are
made in the older language from over fifty roots; and the epic and classi-
cal texts add them from hardly a dozen more: see further 025.

839. Imperative. Imperative forms of the root-aorist are not rare
in the early language. In the middle, indeed, almost only the 2d sing.
occurs: it is accented either regularly, on the ending, as krava, dhisva,
yuksva, or on the root, as xnatava, yaksva, vansva, rasva, saksva;
disva and masva are not found with accent; the 2d pi. is represented
by krdhvam, vodhvam. In the active, all the persons (2d and 3d) are
found in use; examples are: 2d sing., krdhi, vrdhi, qagdhf, (jrudhf,
gadhi, yamdhf, gahi, mahi, sahi, mogdhi; 3d sing., gamtu, datu,
a$$u, $rotu, sotu; 2d du., datam, jitam, $aktam, (jrotam, bhutam,
sprtam, gatam, riktaxn, vodham, sitam, sutam; 3d du., only gaifa-
tam, dfttsm, vodham; 2d pi., gata, bhuta, 9ruta,kyta, gata, data,
dhatana; 3d pi., only dhantu, qruvantu. These are the most regular
forms; but irregularities as to both accent and strengthening are not infre-
quent. Thus, strong forms in 2d du. and pi. are yaxhtam, varktam,
vartam; karta, gamta (once gamta), yamta, vartta, beta, Qrota, sota;
and, with tana, kartana, gamtana, yamtana, aotana, and the irregular
dhetana (/dha); in 3d du., gamtam. Much more irregular are yodhi
(instead of yuddhi) from i/yudh, and bodhi from both ybudh and
ybhu (instead of buddhf and bhudhi). A single form (3d sing.) in
tat is found, namely $astat. We find kfdhi also later (MBh. BhP.).

a. As to 2d persons singular in si from the simple root used in an
imperative sense, see above, 624.

Participles of the Root-aorist.

840. In the oldest language, of the RV., are found a number
of participles which must be reckoned as belonging to this formation.

a. In the active, they are extremely few : namely, krant, citant (?),
gmant, sthant, bhidant, vrdhant, dyutant- (only in composition),
and probably ydhant. And BhP. has mrsant (but probably by error, for
mysyant).

b. In the middle, they are in RY. much more numerous. The accent
is usually on the final of the stem: thus, arana, idhana, krana, jus-
ana, tr§ana, nidana, pi9ana, prcana, prathana, budhana, bhiyana,
manana, mandana, yujana, rucana, vipana, vrana, urana, Qubh-
ana, sac ana, suvana or svana, srjana, sprdhana, hiyana; — but
sometimes on the root-syllable: thus, citana, cyavana, riihana, uhana
(pres.?), vasana, ^umbhana; — while a few show both accentuations

840—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 3Q4

(compare 61 9 d): thus, dr^ana and dftana, dyutana and dyutana,
yatana and yatana ; and cetana and hrayana occur only in composition.
A very few of these are found once or twice in other texts, namely ci-
tana, dyutana, ruhana, vasana, suvana; and -kupana occurs once
in Apast. (xiv. 28. 4).

841. All together, the roots exhibiting in the older language
forms which are with fair probability to be reckoned to the root-
aorist-system are about a hundred and thirty; over eighty of them
make such forms in the RV.

Passive Aorist third person singular.

842. A middle third person singular, of peculiar formation and
prevailingly passive meaning, is made from many verbs in the older
language, and has become a regular part of the passive conjugation,
being, according to the grammarians, to be substituted always for the
proper third person of any aorist middle that is used in a passive

843. This person is formed by adding ^ i to the root,
which takes also the augment, and is usually strengthened.

a. The ending i belongs elsewhere only to the first person; and this
third person apparently stands in the same relation to a first in i as do,
in the middle voice, the regular 3d sing, perfect, and also the frequent
Vedic 3d sing, present of the root-class (613), which are identical in form
with their respective first persons. That a fuller ending has been lost off
is extremely improbable ; and hence, as an aorist formation from the simple
root, this is most properly treated here, in connection with the ordinary
root-aorist.

844. Before the ending ^ i, a final vowel, and usually
also a medial $f a before a single consonant, have the vrddhi-
strengthening; other medial vowels have the guna-strength-
ening if capable of it (240); after final 5TT a is added ET^y.

a. Examples (all of them quotable from the older language) are:
from roots ending in a, ajnayi, adhayi, apayi; in other vowels, a<jrayi,
astavi, ahavi, akari, astari; — from roots with medial i, u, r, aceti,
acchedi, ages!, abodhi, amoci, ayoji, adarc,i, asarji, varhi; from
roots with medial a strengthened, agami, apadi, ayami, avaci, vapi,
asadi (these are all the earlier cases); with a unchanged, only ajani
(and RV. has once jani), and, in heavy syllables, amyaksi, vandi,
Qansi, syandi; with medial a, abhraji, aradhi; — from roots with
initial vowel, ardhi (only case).

b. According to the grammarians, certain roots in am, and yVaclh,
retain the a unchanged: quotable are ajani (or ajani), agami (or agami),

305 SIMPLE AORIST : 2. a-AORiST. [—846

asvani, avadhi, also araci; and there are noted besides, from roots
sometimes showing a nasal, ada&c.i, arambhi, arandhi, ajambhi,
abhafiji or abhfiji, alambhi (always, with prepositions) or alabhi,
astambhi; CB. has asanji.

c. Angmentless forms, as in all other like cases, are met with, with
either indicative or subjunctive valne : examples (besides the two or three
already given) are : dhayi, gravi, bhari, reel, v6di, pool, jani, padi,
sadi, ardhi. The accent, when present, is always on the root-syllable
(SV. dhayi is doubtless a false reading).

845. These forms are made in RV. from forty roots, and all the other
earlier texts combined add only about twenty to the number; from the
later language are quotable thirty or forty more; in the epics they are
nearly unknown. When they come from roots of neuter meaning, as gam,
pad, sad, bhraj, radh, rue, sanj, they have (like the so-called passive
participle in ta: 952) a value equivalent to that of other middle forms;
in a case or two (RV. vii. 73. 3 [?]; VS. xxviii. 15; TB. ii. 6. 1Q2) they
appear even to be used transitively.

2. The a-aorist.

846. a. This aorist is in the later language allowed to
be made from a large number of roots (near a hundred).
It is made in both voices, but is rare in the middle, most
of the roots forming their middle according to the s-class
(878 ff.) or the i^-class (898 ff.).

b. Its closest analogy is with the imperfect of the
a-class (751 ff.) ; its inflection is the same with that in all
particulars ; and it takes in general a weak form of root —
save the roots in # r (three or four only), which have the
guna-strengthening.

c. As example of inflection may be taken the root
sic pour. Thus:

active. middle.

d. p. s. d. p.

asicam asicava asic&W asice asicavahi asicamahi

2

^

asicas asicatam asicata asicathas asicetham asicadhvam

asicat asicatam asicaja asicata asicetam asicanta

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. * 20

847—] XL AORIST-SYSTEMS. 306

847. The a-aorist makes in the RY. a small figure beside the loot-
aorist, being represented by less than half the latter's number of roots. It
becomes, however, more common later (it is the only form of aorist which
is made from more verbs in AV. than in RV.) ; and in Veda and Brahmana
together about eighty roots exhibit the formation more or less fully. Of
these a large number (fully half) are of the type of the roots which make
their present-system according to the a-class, having a vowel capable of
guna- strengthening before a final consonant (754): thus, with i, chid,
bhi'd, nij, ric, ris., lip, vid, !<}if (988), 2 9!?, 9ris, 9119, sic, sridh;
— with u, krudh, ksudh, guh, dus, dyut, druh, pus, budh, bhuj,
muc, mruc, yuj, rue, rud, rudh, muh, ruh, 9110; — with r, rdh,
krt, grdh, grh, trp, trs., trh, drp, dr9, dhrs,, nrt, mrdh, mrs., vrt,
vrdh, VTS, srp, hrf. A small number end in vowels: thus, r, kr, sr
(which have the guna-strengthening throughout), hi (? ahyati once in
AY.), and several in a, apparent transfers from the root-class by 'the weak-
ening of their ft to a: thus, khyft, hva, vyfi, 9va, and da and dha;
and asthat, regarded by the grammarians as aorist to >/as throw, is doubt-
less a like formation from |/sth&. A few have a penultimate nasal in the
present and elsewhere, which in this aorist is lost: thus, bhrancj, tails,
dhvans, srans, krand, randh. Of less classifiable character are 89,
kram, gam, ghas, tarn, 9am, <jram, tan, Ban, sad, ftp, das, yas,
9ak, dagh. The roots pat, na9, vac form the tense-stems papta, ne<ja,
voca, of which the first is palpably and the other two are probably the
result of reduplication ; but the language has lost the sense of their being
such, and makes other reduplicated aorists from the same roots (see be-
low, 854).

a. Many of these aorists are simply transfers of the root-aorist to an
a-inflection. Conspicuous examples are akarat etc. and agamat etc. (in
the earliest period only akar and agan).

' 848. The inflection of this aorist is in general so regular that it will
be sufficient to give only examples of its Yedic forms. We may take as
model avidam, from j/vid /md, of which the various persons and modes
are more frequent and in fuller variety than those of any other verb. Only
the forms actually quotable are instanced; those of which the examples
found are from other verbs than vid are bracketed. Thus:

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

1 avidam avidftva avidfima avide [avidfivahi] avidftmahi

2 avidas [avidata] [avidathfis]

3 avidat avidan [avidata] [avidetam] avidanta

a. The middle forms are rare in the earlier language, as in the later :
we have ahve etc., akhye etc., avide (?) and avidanta, avocathas
and avocavahi (and avidamahe OB. and asicamahe KB. are doubt-
less to be amended to -mahi).

307 SIMPLE AORIST: 2. a-AORiST. [—853

b. Angmentless forms, with indicative or subjunctive value, are not
infrequent. Examples, showing accent on the tense-sign, according to the
general analogies of the formation, are: ruham, srpas, bhujat, vidat,
aratam, vocata, (jakan; vidata and vyata (3d sing.), aramahi,
(ji^amahi, vidanta, budhanta, mr^anta (for exceptions as regards
accent, see below, 853).

Modes of the a-aorist.

840. The subjunctive forms of this aorist are few ; those which occur
are instanced below, in the method which was followed for the indicative:
i [vidava] vidama [vidftxnahe]

vidathas vldatha

3 vidat [vidatftiP]

a. The ending thana is found once, in rieathana. Of middle forms
occur only 9(5 fitfti (AY. : but doubtless misreading for qfsyatSi) and
$if&mahe (AY., for RY. (jisamahi). The form sadathas seems an indic-
ative, made from a secondary present-stem.

850. The optatives are few in the oldest language, but become more
frequent, and in the Brahmanas are not rare. Examples are: in active,
bhideyam, videyam, saneyam (TB. once sanem); vides, games;
garnet, vocet; game tarn; gamema, <jakema, sanema; vareta; in
middle, (only) videya; gamemahi, vanemahi: ruhethas etc. in the
epics must be viewed rather as present forms of the a-class.

a. A single middle precative form occurs, namely vides^a (AY.,
once); it is so isolated that how much may be inferred from it is very
questionable.

851. A complete series of active imperative forms are made from
>7sad (including sadatana, 2d pi.), and the middle sadantam. Other
imperatives are very rare : namely, sana, sara, ruha, vida ; ruhataxn,
vidatam; khyata. TS. has once vrdhatu (compare 740).

Participles of the a-aorist.

852. a. The active participles trpant, risant or rlf ant, vydhant,
(jiljant, 9ucant, sadant, and (in participial compounds, 1309) krtant-,
guhant-, vidant- (all RV.), are to be assigned with plausibility to this
aorist.

b. Likewise the middle participles guhamana, dhrsamana, dasa-
mana (?), nrtamana, Qucamftna, and perhaps vydhana, sridhana.

Irregularities of the a-aorist.

853. A few irregularities and peculiarities may be noticed here.
The roots in r, which (847) show a strengthening like that of the

20*

853—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS.

present of the unaccented a-class, have likewise the accent upon the
radical syllable, like that class: thus, from ]/y, aranta (augmentless 3d
pi.), sarat and sara. The root sad follows the same rule: thus, sada-
tam; and from j/san are found sanas and sanat and sanema and
sana, beside saneyam and sanema. It is questionable whether these
are not true analogues of the bhu-class (unaccented a-class) present-system.
On the other hand, ruhat (beside ruham, ruhava, ruhatam), c.{sat
and 9(satai (?), and rfsant or risant are more isolated cases. In view
of such as these, the forms from the stem bhiiva and 9ruva (836 c)
are perhaps to be referred hither. From }/vac, the optative is accented
voceyam, voces, vocema, voceyus; elsewhere the accent is on the root-
syllable: thus, voce, vocat, vocati, vocanta.

854. a. The stem voc has in Yedic use well-nigh assumed the
value of a root; its forms are very various and of frequent use, in RV.
especially far outnumbering in occurrences all other forms from j/vac.
Besides those already given, we find vocfi, (1st sing, impv.) and vocati,
vocavahai; voces, voceya, vocemahi; vocatat (2d sing.), vocatu,
vocatam, vocata.

b. Of the stem ne$a from ynaq only ne<jat occurs.

c. The root C.&8 (as in some of its present forms : 639) is weakened
to (jis, and makes a9isam.

855. Isolated forms which have more or less completely the
aspect of indicative presents are made in the oldest language from
some roots beside the aorist-systems of the first two classes. It must
be left for maturer research to determine how far they may be relics
of original presents, and how far recent productions, made in the
way of conversion of the aorist-stem to a root in value.

a. Such forms are the following: from j/kf make, karsi, krthas,
krtha, kr^e; from j/gam, gatha; from yd gather, ceti; from ]/da
give, dati, data; from ^dhS put, dhftti; from j/pS drink, pftthas,
panti; from }/bhy, bharti; from ]/muc, mucanti; from y'rudh, rudh-
mas (?); from ]/vyt, vartti.

II. (3) Reduplicated Aorist.

856. The reduplicated aorist is different from the other
forms of aorist in that it has come to be attached in almost
all cases to the derivative (causative etc.) conjugation in
^71 aya, as the aorist of that conjugation, and is therefore
liable to be made from all roots which have such a conju-
gation, beside the aorist or aorists which belong to their
primary conjugation. Since, however, the connection of

309 3- REDUPLICATED AORIST. [—859

the two is not a formal one (the aorist being made directly
from the root, and not from the causative stem), but rather
a matter of established association, owing to kinship of
meaning, the formation and inflection of this kind of aor-
ist is best treated here, along with the others.

857. Its characteristic is a reduplication of the radical
syllable, by which it is assimilated, on the one hand, to
the imperfect of the reduplicating class (656 if.), and, on the
other hand, to the so-called pluperfect (817 ff.). But the
aorist reduplication has taken on a quite peculiar character,
with few traces left even in the Veda of a different con-
dition which may have preceded this.

858. a. As regards, indeed, the consonant of the re-
duplication, it follows the general rules already given (590).
And the quality of the reduplicated vowel is in general as
in the formations already treated : it needs only to be noted
that an a-vowel and y (or ar) are usually (for exceptions,
see below, 860) repeated by an i-vowel — as they are, to a
considerable extent, in the reduplicated present also (660).

b. But in regard to quantity, this aorist aims always at
establishing a diversity between the reduplicating and radi-
cal syllables, making the one heavy and the other light.
And the preference is very markedly for a heavy redupli-
cation and a light root-syllable — which relation is brought
about wherever the conditions allow. Thus:

859. If the root is a light syllable (having a short
vowel followed by a single consonant), the reduplication is
made heavy.

a. And this, usually by lengthening the reduplicating vowel,
with I for radical a or ? or J. (in the single root containing that vow-
el): thus, aririsam, adudusam, ajljanam, avlvj-dham, aclklpam.
The great majority of reduplicated aorists are of this form.

b. If, however, the root begins with two consonants, so that the
reduplicating syllable will be heavy whatever the quantity of its vow-

859—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 310

el, the vowel remains short: thus, actksipam, acukrudham, ati-
trasam, apisprqam.

860. If the root is a heavy syllable (having a long
vowel, or a short before two consonants), the vowel of the
reduplication is short: and in this case 51 a or 5TT 5, and
# T (if it occurs), are reduplicated by 51 a.

a. Thus, adidikfam, abubhugam (not quotable), adadaksam,
adadhfivam, atata&sam. And, in the cases in which a root should
both begin and end with two consonants, both syllabled would be
necessarily heavy, notwithstanding the short vowel in the former:
thus, apapraccham, acaskandam (but no such forms are found in use).

b. A medial y is allowed by the grammarians to retain the strength-
ening of the causative stem, together with, of coarse, reduplication by a:
thus, acakargat, avavartat (beside aclkrsat, avivr/tat); but no such
forms have been met with in use.

o. These aorists are not distinguishable in form from the so-called
pluperfects (817ff.).

861. a. In order, however, to bring about the favored relation
of heavy reduplication and light radical syllable, a heavy root is
sometimes made light: either by shortening its vowel, as in ariradham
from yradh, avlvac,am from i/va?, asigadham from ysadh, ajijivam
from yjiv, adldipam (E. and later: BY. has didipas) from ydip,
abibhifam from ybhis, asusucam from ysuc; or by dropping a
penultimate nasal, as in aoikradam from ykrand, asifyadaxn from
ysyand.

b. In those cases in which (1047) an aorist is formed directly
from a causal stem in ap, the & is abbreviated to i: thus, atis^hip-
am etc., ajijnipat (but ESS. ajijnapat), jihipas, ajijipata (but
VS. ajijapata); but from crap comes a9igrapama (QB.).

862. Examples of this aorist from roots with, initial vowel are very
rare; the older language has only amamat (or amamat) from yam,
apipan (QB. : BAU. apipipat) from yap, and arpipam (augmentless)
from the causative stem arp of y^ — in which latter the root is excess-
ively abbreviated. The grammarians give other similar formations, as arci-
cam from yarc, aubjijam from yubj, arjiham from yarh, aiciksam
from yike, ardidham from y^dh. Compare the similar reduplication in
desiderative stems: 1029b.

863. Of special irregularities may be mentioned :

a. From ydynt is made (Y.B.) the stem didyuta, taking its redu-
plicating vowel from the radical semivowel. From ygup, instead of jugu-
pa (B.8.), JR. has jugupa, and some texts (B.S.) have jugupa; and
jihvara (B.) is met with beside the regular jihvara (V.B.). In caccha-

311 3. REDUPLICATED AORIST. [—867

da (Nir.), and the more or less doubtful papratha and Qa^vaca and
sasvaja (RV.) we have a instead of i in the reduplication.

b. In support of their false view of this aorist as made from the
causative stem instead of directly from the root, the native grammarians
teach that roots ending in an u-vowel may reduplicate with i, as repre-
senting the & of the strengthened stem: thus, bibhava from bhav-aya,
as well as bubhuva from bhu. No example of such a formation, however,
is met with except apiplavam (£B., once) ; against it we find dudruva,
bubhuva, ruruva, c.u<jruva, and others.

0. As to apaptam, avocam, and anec.am, see above, 847.

864. The inflection of the reduplicated aorist is like
that of an imperfect of the second general conjugation : that
is to say, it has El a as final stem-vowel, with all the pe-
culiarities which the presence of that vowel conditions
(738 a). Thus, from j/spljan give birth (stem j^jana):

active. middle.

s. d. p. B* d. p.

*|sflsM

ajijanam ajijanava ajljanama ajijane ajijanavahi ajijanamahi
2

ajljanas ajijanatam ajljanata ajijanathas ajijanetham ajijanadhvam
3

ajljanat ajijanatam djijanan ajljanata ajijanetam ajijananta

865. The middle forms are rare in the older language (the 3d
pi. is decidedly the most common of them, being made from eleven
roots ; the 3d s. from seven) ; but all, both active and middle, are
quotable except 1st and 2d du. middle and 1st du. active.

a. Atitape appears to be once used (RV.) as 3d sing., with pass-
ive sense.

866. A final r has the guna-strengthening before the endings :
thus, acikarat, apiparaxn, atitaras, didaras, adidharat, amixnarat,
avivaran, jihvaras. Of similar strengthened forms from I and u-roots
are found apiprayan (TS.), abibhayanta (RV.), apiplavam (QB.),
acuoyavat (K.), a9U9ravat (MS.), atuf^avam (RV.). Not many
roots ending in other vowels than y make this aorist : see below, 868.

867. Forms of the inflection without union-vowel are occasionally
met with: namely, from roots ending in consonants, sievap (2d sing.,
augmentless) from ysvap, and aQi^nat from y'c.nath; from roots in y
or ar, dldhar (2d sing.), and ajigar (2d and 3d sing.); for roots in i-
and u-vowels, see 868. Of 3d pi. in us are found almost only a form

867—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 312

or two from i- and u-roots, with guna before the ending : thus,
acucyavus, aQUQravus, asusavus; bat also ablbhajus (£B.), and
ninaQUB (MBh.).

868. In the later language, a few roots are said by the gram-
marians to make this aorist as a part of their primary conjugation:
they are <jri and $vi, dru and era, kam, and dha suck (qvi and dha
optionally).

a. In the older language are found from Yqri aQicjret and a$i$-
rayus (noticed in the preceding paragraph") and ac^riyat (QB.); from
j/dru, adudrot and adudruvat (TB. : not nsed as aorist) ; from j/Bru,
aausrot and (augmentless) susros and susrot; from j/kam, aclka-
metam and -manta (B.8.). Of forms analogous with these occur a number
from roots in u or u: thus, anunot and nunot irom |/nu; yuyot from
yyu separate; dudhot from >/dliu; apupot from j/pu; tutos and
tutot from ytu; asusot from y^u; — and one or two from roots in i
or i: thus, siset from /si (or sa) bind; amlxnet from ym& bellow;
apiprea (with apiprayan, noticed above) from >/pn (and the "imper-
fects" from didhi etc., 676, are of corresponding form). And from }/eyu
are made, with union-vowel I, acucyavit and acucyavitana. Few of
these forms possess a necessarily causative or a decidedly aoristic value,
and it is very doubtful whether they should not be assigned to the perfect-
system.

b. From the later language are quotable only ac,i(jriyat etc. (3d pi.,
-yan or -yus) and adudruvat.

Modes of the Reduplicated Aorist.

869. a* As in other preterit formations, the augmentless in-
dicative persons of this aorist are used snbjunctively, and they are
very much more frequent than true subjunctives.

b. Of the latter are found only riradha (1st sing.); titapasi;
ciklpati and sisadhati, and pispr^ati (as if corresponding to an indic-
ative apispr-k, like aqignat); and perhaps the 1st sing. mid. c,ac,vacai.

c. The augmentless indicative forms are accented In general on the
reduplication: thus, didharas, nina^as; jijanat, piparat; jijanan;
also sffvap; but, on the other hand, we have also piparat, 9i9ratha8
and 9i9nathat, and dudravat and tU8$avat (which may perhaps belong
to the perfect: compare 810). According to the native grammarians, the
accent rests either on the radical syllable or on the one that follows it.

870. Optative forms are even rarer. The least questionable case is
the middle "precative" rlriBis^a (ririsis^a has been ranked above with
sasahis^a, as a perfect: 812 b). Cucyuvimahi and cucyavirata be-
long either here or to the perfect-system.

871. Of imperatives, we have the indubitable forms pupurantu and
9i<?rathantu. And jigrtam and jigrta, and didhrtam and didhrta,

313 SIBILANT AORIST. [—876

and jajastam (all RV. only), and perhaps su§udata (AV.), are to be
referred hither, as corresponding to the indicatives (without union-vowel)
ajigar and adidhar: their short reduplicating vowel and their accent
assimilate them closely to the reduplicated imperfects (666ff.)» with which
we are probably to regard this aorist as ultimately related.

872. No participle is found belonging to the reduplicated aorist.

873. The number of roots from which this aorist is met with
in the earlier language is about a hundred and twenty. In the later
Sanskrit it is unusual; in the series of later texts mentioned above
(826) it occurs only twice ; and it has been found quotable from hardly
fifty roots in the whole epic and classical literature.

III. Sigmatic or Sibilant Aorist.

874. a. The common tense-sign of all the varieties of
this aorist is a H s (convertible to ET 9 : 180) which is added to
the root in forming the tense-stem.

b. This sibilant has no analogues among the class-signs of the present-
system; but it is to be compared with that which appears (and likewise
with or without the same union-vowel i) in the stems of the future tense-
system (932 ff.) and of the desideratire conjugation (1027 ff.).

c. To the root thus increased the augment is prefixed
and the secondary endings are added.

875. In the case of a few roots, the sibilant tense-
stem (always ending in 5T k$) is further increased by an 5f a,
and the inflection is nearly like that of an imperfect of the
second or a- conjugation.

876. a. In the vast majority of cases, the sibilant is
the final of the tense-stem, and the inflection is like that
of an imperfect of the first or non-a-conjugation.

b. And these, again, fall into two nearly equal and
strongly marked classes, according as the sibilant is added
immediately to the final of the root, or with an auxiliary
vowel ^ i, making the tense-sign 5*M$- Finally, before this
^i? the root is in a very small number of cases increased
by a H^s, making the whole addition

877—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 314

877. We have, then, the following classification for the
varieties of sibilant-aorist :

A. With endings added directly to the sibilant:

4. with H a simply after the root: s-aorist;

5. with ^ i before the H^s: is-aorist;

6. the same, with ft^s at end of root: sis-aorist.

B. With ^ a added to the sibilant before the endings:

7. with sibilant and 5f a: sa-aorist.

a. As regards the distinction between the fourth and fifth forms, it
may be said in a general way that those roots incline to take the auxil-
iary i in the aorist which take it also in other formations; bnt it is impos-
sible to lay down any strict rules as to this accordance. Compare 903.

4. The s-aorist.

878. The tense-stem of this aorist is made by adding
H^s to the augmented root, of which also the vowel is usu-
ally strengthened.

879. The general rules as to the strengthening of the
root-vowel are these:

a. A final vowel (including ft r) has the vrddhi-change
in the active, and (excepting ft f) guna in &e middle: thus,
from y^ lead, active stem Ef^an&is, middle stem 3^anes;
from y?T 9ru hear, aETsffa acr&us. and M^TlN aoros; from
yOR ky make, SfeflT^akars and 5RTO akrs.

b. A medial vowel has the vrddhi- change in the active,
and remains unaltered in the middle: thus, from V^f ohand
seem, active stem M^lrH^ aochfints, middle stem *te$H^
acchants ; from VTj*( ric leave, 3^T araik§ and ^f^ ariks ;
from v^j^rudh obstruct, W(\rH^ arSuts and

from yTjs^syj pour out, ^n^asrak? and STfRT

880. a. The endings are the usual secondary ones, with
3?Mis (not 5R^an) in 3d pi. act., and 3rT ata (not ^n anta)
in 3d pi. mid.

315 SIBILANT AORIST: 4. B-AORIST. [

b. But before H a and rT t of 2d and 3d sing. act. is in
the later language always inserted an 3 *» making the end-
ings 3ft is and

0. This insertion is unknown in the earliest language (of the BY.) :
see below,

881. a. Before endings beginning with t or th, the tense-sign
B is (283 o— e) omitted after the final consonant of a root — unless
this be r, or n or m (converted to anuav&ra).

b. The same omission is of coarse made before dhvam after a con-
sonant ; and after a vowel the sibilant is either omitted or assimilated (the
equivalence of dhv and ddhv in the theories of the grammarians and the
practice of the manuscripts makes it impossible to say which: 232); and
then the ending becomes dhvam, provided the sibilant, if retained, would
have been 9 (226 o): thus, astodhvam and avrdhvam (beside astos-
ata and avpjata); drdhvam (}/dr> regard: £B., once), which is to
drthas (2d sing.) as avrdhvain and avpsata to avri and avj-thas; and
kydhvam (M.)-

o. According to the grammarians, the omission of B before t and th
takes place also after a short vowel (the case can occur only in the 2d and
3d sing, mid.); but we have seen above (834 a) that this is to be view-
ed rather as a substitution in those persons of the forms of the root-aorist.
Neither in the earlier nor in the later language, however, does any example
occur of an aorist-fonn with B retained after a short vowel before these
endings.

d. After the final sonant aspirate of a root, the sibilant before the
same endings is said by the Hindu grammarians to disappear altogether, the
combination of the aspirate with the th or t of the ending being then
made according to the ordinary rule for such cases (160): thus, from the
stem arauts, for araudh-s, is made arauddha, as if from araudh-fta
directly. No example of such a form is quotable from the literature; but
the combination is established by the occurrence of other similar cases
(233 f). In the middle, in like manner, aruts-j-ta becomes aruddha,
as if from arudh+ta; but all such forms admit also of being understood
as of the root-aorist. Those that have been found to occur were given
above (834 d); probably they belong at least in part to this aorist.

e. From the three nasal roots gam, tan, man are made the 2d and
3d sing. mid. persons agathas and agata, atathas and atata, and ama-
ta (amathas not quotable), reckoned by the native grammarians as s-
aorist forms, made, after loss of their final root-nasal, with loss also of the
sibilant after a short vowel. They are doubtless better referred to the root-
aorist. But JB. has a corresponding 1st sing, atasi from >/tan.

882. As examples of the inflection of this variety of

882-1

XL AORIST-SYSTEMS.

316

sibilant aorist we may take the roots =ft nl lead, and
chid cut off. Thus:

active. middle,

s. d. p. s. d. p.

anaiaam anaiava anaiama aneai anesvahi aneamahi

anaiaia anaistam anaiata aneathaa aneaatham anedhvam

anaiait anaiatam anaisus anea^a aneaatam aneaata

active,
fi. d. p.

acchaitsam acchaitsva acchaitama

acchaitalB acchaittam acchaitta

acchaitalt acchaittam acchaitsua
middle.

f%

acchitsi acchitavahi acchitamahi

•x t • -\

acchitthaa acchitaatham acchiddhvaxn

acchitta acchitaatam acchitaata

a. From yrudh obstruct, the 2d and 3d du. and 2d pi. act. and
the 2d and 3d sing. mid. would be arauddham, arauddham,
arauddha, aruddhas, aruddha; from ]/srj pour out, asrSf^am,
aaraa^am, aaraa^a, aarathaa, aaya^a; from j/dr^ see, adraa^am etc.
(as from srj). But from ]/kr do the same persons in the active are
akaratam, akaratam, akarata; from |/tan stretch they are dtanatam,
atanatam, atanata.

883. The omission of 8 in the active persons (acchaittam, acchait-
tam, acchaitta) is a case of very rare occurrence ; all the quotable exam-
ples were given above (233 e). As to the like omission in middle persons,
see 881. The GhU. has twice avastam for avata-tam (]/vaa dwell}:
this may be viewed as another case of total disappearance of the sibilant,
and consequent restoration of the final radical to its original form.

317 SIBILANT AORIST: 4. B-AORIST. [—888

884. Certain roots in 6, weaken the 3. in middle inflection to i
(as also in the root-aorist: above, 834 a): these are said to be stha,
da, and dh&; in the older language have been noted adisi and adisata
from yds, give (and adisi perhaps once from >/da bind], adhisi and
adhisata (with the optative dhislya) from >/dha put, and asthisata;
also agia^has and agisata from ]/ga go (with adhi .

a. The middle inflection of the aorist of ]/da would be, then,
according to the grammarians: adisi, adithas, adita; atlisvahi,
adisatham, adisatam; adismahi, adidhvam, adisata.

885. Roots ending in changeable y (so-called roots in f: 242) are
said by the grammarians to convert this vowel to ir in middle forms : thus,
astirsi, astirs^has etc. (from >/str); of such forms, however, has been
found in the older language only akirsata, PB.

886. The s-aorist is made in the older language from about a
hundred and forty roots (in RV., from about seventy; in AV., from
about fifty, of which fifteen are additional to those in RV.) ; and the
epic and classical literature adds but a very small number. It has in
the Veda certain peculiarities of stem-formation and inflection, and
also the full series of modes — of which the optative middle is re-
tained also later as a part of the "precative" (but see 926 b).

887. Irregularities of stem-formation are as follows :

a. The strengthening of the root-syllable is now and then irregularly
made or omitted: thus, ayokfit (AB.), cheteis (B.S. ; also occurs in
MBh., which has further yotsls), rotsis (KU.); amatsus (RY.) ; ayfixh-
si and arautsi (AB.), asaksi etc. (V.B.: j/sah), mansta (AY.) and
manstam (TA.); lopsiya (U.); and MBh. has drogdhas. From /saj
is made sanksit (U. etc.), and from j/majj, amankslt (not quotable).
The form ayunksmahi (BhP.) is doubtless a false reading.

b. A radical final nasal is lost in agasmahi (RV.) and gasatham
(TA.) from >/gam, and in the optatives masiya and vasimahi (RV.)
from j/i/man and van.

c. The roots hu, dhu, and nil have u instead of o in the middle :
thus, ahusata, adhugata, anusi and anusatam and anusata; /dhur
(or dhurv) makes adhuraata.

d. (,!B. has once atrasatam for atrastam (|/trS).

888. The principal peculiarity of the older language in regard
to inflection is the frequent absence of I in the endings of 2d and
3d sing, act., and the consequent loss of the consonant-ending, and
sometimes of root-finals (150). The forms without I are the only ones
found in RV. and K., and they outnumber the others in AV. and
TS. ; in the Brahmanas they grow rarer (only one, adrak, occurs in
GB. ; one, aya$, in KB. ; and two, adrak and aya$, in £B. ; PB. has
none).

] XI. AORIST-SYSTBMS. 318

889. If the root ends in a vowel, only the consonant of the ending
is necessarily lost: thus, aprfis (for both aprfis-s and apras-t) from
|/prft; and in like manner ahfta from }/h&; — aj&is (for aj&if-t) from
yji; and in like manner acaia from yd, and n&is (augmentless) from
tfDl; — and yftus (for ayfiua-t) from yyu.

a. But (as in other like cases : 555 a) the ending is sometimes preser-
ved at the expense of the tense-sign; and we have in 3d sing, ajftit (be-
side ajais and ajaisit) from j/ji; and in llke manner acSit, a<jrSit,
ahfiit, nait (no examples have been noted except from roots in 1 and I):
compare ay as and eras, 2d sing., 890 a.

890. a. If the root (in either its simple or strengthened form) ends
in a consonant, the tense-sign is lost with the ending. Thus, abhar (for
abhars-t: beside abharfam, abharstam) from ybhr; other like cases
are ahar. and (from roots in ar) aksSr, ats&r, asvar, hvar. Further,
arftik (585 a: for arfiikf-t) from >/ric; like cases are aqvait from
Yqvitt and (from roots with medial u) adyaut from j/dyut, araut from
}/rudh, and mauk from ymuo. Farther, from roots ending in the pala-
tals and h, aprak from j/pfc, asrfik from ]/srj, abhak from j/bhaj,
adrak from j/dr<j, adhak from )/dah; but, with a different change of
the final, ay&t from }/yaj, apra$ from j/pych, ava^ from >/vah, and
asrat from yayj; and (above, 146 a) eras appears to stand twice in AY.
for sra§-s from i/spj; RY. has also twice ay&s from |/yaj. Farther,
from roots ending in a nasal, atftn from ]/tan, khan from >/khan, ayfin
and anfin from ]/]/yam and nam (143 a).

b. If, again, the roots end in a doable consonant, the latter of the
two is lost along with tense-sign and ending: thus, acohan (for acchants-t ;
beside aeohantta and acchantsus) from ychand; and other like cases
are akrfin, ask&n, and asyan.

891. A relic of this peculiarity of the older inflection has been
preserved to the later language in the 2d Sing, bhais, from }/bhi.

Modes of the s-aorist.

892. The indicative forms without augment are used in a sub-
junctive sense, especially after ma prohibitive, and are not uncom-
mon. Examples with accent, however, are extremely rare; there has
been noted only vansi, middle ; judging from this, the tone would be
found on the radical syllable. According to the Hindu grammarians,
it may be laid on either root or ending.

893. Proper subjunctive forms are not rare in BY., but are
markedly less common in the later Vedic texts, and very seldom met
with in the Brahmanas. They are regularly made with guna-strength-
ening of the radical vowel, in both active and middle, and with ac-
cent on the root.

319

SIBILANT AORIST: 4. B-AORIST.

a. The forms with primary endings are: In active, stoEjani; dar-
sasi; neaati, parsati, paaati, mataati, yoa.ati, vakijati, aaksati;
dasathaa, dhasathas, parsathas, vakaathaa, varsathas; paaataa,
yamsataa, yakaataa, vakaataa ; dhaaatha, neaatha, paraatha, mat-
satha; — in middle, namaai, manaai ; manaaae; kraihsate, traaate,
daraate, mansate, yakaate, rasate, vanaate, aakaate, haaate; tra-
aathe (not traaftithe, as we should rather expect); namsante, min-
sante: and, with the fuller ending in 3d sing., maaatai.

b. The forms with secondary endings are (active only): jesaa, vak-
aaa; daraat, neaat, pakfat, par^at, pregat, yakaat, yo?at, vansat,
vakaat, vesat, aataat, chantaat, etc. (some twenty others); yakaatam;
vafisama, aak^axna, stoaama; paraan, yaihaan, yo^an, raaan, vak-
f an, <;ef an, <jr6^an. Of these, yakaat and vakfat are found not rarely
in the Brahmanaa; any others, hardly more than sporadically.

804. Of irregularities are to be noted the following :

a. The forms dfkaaae and pyk^aae (2d sing, mid.) lack the guna-
strengthening.

b. Jefam, atoaam, and yooam (AY. yusam, with u for o as in
anusata etc.) appear to be first persons formed under government of the
analogy of the second and third — unless they are relics of a state of
things anterior to the v^ddhi-strengthening : in which case je?ma is to
be compared with them (we should expect jaiama or jesama).

C. From roots in ft are made a few forms of problematic character:
namely, yeaam (only case in RV.), khyeaam, jiiejam, gesam and gea-
ma, deama, se^am and aet, athefam and athefus. Their value is
optative. The analogy of jefam and jefma suggests the possibility of
their derivation from i-forms of the a-roots ; or the sibilant might be of
a precative character (thus, yfi-i-a-am). That they really belong to the
ia-aorist appears highly improbable.

d. The RY. has a few difficult first persons middle in se, which are
perhaps best noted here. They are: 1. from the simple root, kpje, hife
(and ohife?), atuae; 2. from present-stems, arcase, j-njase, yajaae,
gayise, grrilae and puniae. They have the value of indicative present.
Compare below, 897 b.

895. Optative forms of this aorist are made in the middle only, and
they have in 2d and 3d sing, always the precative 8 before the endings.
Those found to occur in the older language are: diaiya, dhiaiya, bhak-
slya, maaiya (for manaiya), muk^iya, rftaiya, lopaiya, aakaiya,
str^iya; manal^has; daraif^a, bhakaia^a, mansls^a, mrkaifVa;
bhaksimahi, dhukaimahi, mansimahi, vanaimahi, vasimahi,
aakfimahi; manalrata. PB. has bhTlka.i8.iya, which should belong to
a aia-aorist. The RY. form traaitham (for trfislyftth&m or trasatbam)
is an isolated anomaly.

a. This optative makes a part of the accepted "precative" of the
later language: see below, 923, 925 b.

] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 32Q

896. Imperative persons from this aorist are extremely rare: we find
the 2d sing, act nesa and parea and the 2d pi. yaihsata (from a-stems,
and showing rather, therefore, a treatment of the aorist-stem as a root),
and the 3d sing. mid. rasatam and pi. rasantam (of which the same
may be said).

Participles of the s-aorist.

897. a. Active participles are daksat or dhaksat, and saksat
(both RV.).

b. If rnjase (above, 894 d) is to be reckoned as an s-aorist form,
rnjasana is an s-aorist participle; and of a kindred character, apparently,
are ar^asfina, ohasana, jrayasana, dhiyasana, mandasana, yama-
sana, rabhasana, vrdhasana, sahasana, ^avasana, all in RV. • with
namasana, bhiyasana, in AY. In RV. occurs also once dhlsamana,
apparently an a-form of an s-aorist of y'dhi.

5. The is-aorist.

898. The tense-stem of this aorist adds the general
tense-sign H^s hy help of a prefixed auxiliary vowel ^ i,
making ^M?, to the root, which is usually strengthened,
and which has the augment.

899. The rules as to the strengthening of the root are
as follows:

a. A final vowel has vyddhi in the active, and guna in
the middle: thus, tlMlfcJM apavis and MM&M apavis from
>/q pu cleanse; *IHl(^N ataris, act., from yfT tp pass; y^liUM
a9ayis, mid., from y$ft 91 lie.

b. A medial vowel has guna, if capable of it, in both
voices: thus, MtfRi<^ale9is, act. and mid., from 1/^^119
tear; ^|ifo<^arocis, from yjft rue shine; ERftfa^ avarsis
from v^^vrs rain; but Msflf^M^ajivis from i/sfts^jiv live.

c. Medial 5J a is sometimes lengthened in the active ;
but it more usually remains unchanged in both voices.

d. The roots in the older language which show the lengthening are
kan, tan, ran, stan, svan, nan, vraj, sad, mad, car, tsar, svar,
jval, das, tras. From ran, san, kram, vad, raks, and sah occur forms
of both kinds. From |/math or manth are made the two stems mathis
and manthis.

321 SIBILANT AORIST: 5. IJ-AORIST. [—903

900. a. Of exceptions may be noted: ]/mrj has (as elsewhere:
627) vjddhi instead of guna: thus, amarjisam; j/st? has astaris,
and i/9f has a^arit (also a$arait in AV.), with guna in active.

b. The root grabh or grah has (as in future etc., below, 936 e,
956) long I instead of i before the sibilant: thus, agrabhlsma, agra-
hista, agrabhisata. The roots in changeable r (so-called roots in r:
242), and yVy are said by the grammarians to do the same optionally;
but no forms with long I from such roots have been found quotable. A
Sutra (PGS.) has once a^nayista from }/ni (doubtless a false reading).

901. The endings are as in the preceding formation
(3^ us and 5RT ata in 3d pi.). But in 2d and 3d sing.,
the combinations is-s and is-t are from the earliest period
of the language contracted into ^T is and ^fT It.

a. The 2d pi. mid. should end always in idhvam (or iddhvam,
from is-dhvam: 226); and this is in fact the form in the only exam-
ples quotable, namely ajanidhvam, artidhvam, aindhidhvam, ve-
pidhvam ; as to the rules of the native grammarians respecting the
matter, see 226 c.

902. As examples of the inflection of the is-aorist may
be taken the roots qpu cleanse, and budh wake. Thus :

active. middle.

d. p. s. d.

apavisam apavisva apavisma apavisi apavisvahi apavisxnahi
2 ^HleJlH^ ^Vdft^H^ %milef^ wfo WIH^ ^I^^I^IH^ ^^(0*7
apavis apavistam apavista apavisthas apavisatham apavidhvam

apavit apavistam apavisus apavista apavisatam apavisata

abodhisam abodhiava abodhisma dbodhisi abodhiavahi abodhismahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

903. The number of roots from which forms of this aorist have
been noted in the older language is nearly a hundred and fifty (in
RV., about eighty; in AV., more than thirty, of which a dozen are
additional to those in BY.) ; the later texts add less than twenty.
Among these are no roots in a; but otherwise they are of every va-
riety of form (rarest in final i and I). Active and middle persons are
freely made, but sparingly from the same root ; only about fifteen

Whitney , Grammar. 2. ed. 21

903—] XL AOMST-SYSTEMS. 322

roots have both active and middle forms in the older language, and
of these a part only exceptionally in the one voice or the other.

a. No rale appears to govern the choice of usage between the
is- and the s-aorist; and in no small number of cases the same root
shows forms of both classes.

904. Irregularities are to be noticed as follows:

a. The contracted forms akramfm, agrabhim, and avadhim (with
angmentless vadhim) are found in 1st sing. act.

b. For aqarit occurs in AY. a<j arait ; also (in a part of the manuscripts)
(jaraia for Claris; agrahaiaam is found in AB. (also the monstrous form
ajagrabhaiaam : see 8011). Ajayit, with short i in the ending, occurs
in TS.

c. AY. has once nudisthas, without guna.

d. The forms atftrima (RY.), avadiran (AY.), and bftdhithas
(TA.), though they lack the sibilant, are perhaps to be referred to this
aorist: compare avita, 908. A few similar cases occur in the epics, and
are of like doubtful character: thus, janithas, madithas, vartithas,
c.ankithaa, and (the causative: 1048) aghatayithaa. Agyhitam and
grhithaa and grhita, if not false readings for gfhnl-, are probably
irregular present-formations.

Modes of the is-aorist.

905. As usual, augmentless indicative forms of this aorist are more
common than proper subjunctives. Examples, of all the persons found to
occur (and including all the accented words), are, in the active : c/a&Bigam,
vadhim; mathls, vadhis, yavis, savls; avit, jurvit, mathit, vadh-
it, veqit; mardhiftam, doais^am, hinsiatain; avia^am, janiafcam,
badhistam; <jramisma, vadisma; vadhis^a and vadhi^^ana, math-
istana, hinsis^a; hvari^us, grahiaus; — in the middle: radhis,!;
janisthas, marsisthas, vyathisthas ; kramif^a, jani^, pavif^a,
prathis^a, mandista; vyathismalii. The accent is on the root-syl-
lable (tarisus, AY. once, is doubtless an error).

906. a. Of subjunctive forms with primary endings occur only the
1st sing. act. davifftni, and the 1st pi. mid. (with unstrengthened e)
yaciaamahe and sanis.amahe.

b. Forms with secondary endings are almost limited to 2d and 3d
sing. act. There are found: avi^aa, kanisas, tariaas, rakfiaas, vadh-
iaas; vadiaaa, veaiaaa, jjanaiaaa; kariaat, jambhiaat, joaiaat,
takaiaat, tariaat, mndiaat, pariaat, bodhi'aat, mardhiaat, yaciaat,
yodhiaat, rakai^at, vaniaat, vyathiaat, 9anaiaat, aaniaat, aaviaat.
They are made, it will be noticed, with entire regularity, by adding a to the
tense-stem in iff before the endings. The only other persons found to occur
are the 3d pi. act. aanisan and mid. aaniaanta (and T8. has vanisanta,

323 SIBILANT AORIST: 5. I^-AORIST. [—011

for the problematic vanufanta of RV.), which are also regular. Bhavif at
(AB. once) la a solitary example of a form with double mode-sign ; canis-
$hat (RV.; SV. instead jini^hat) seems hopelessly corrupt The radical
syllable always has the accent, and its vowel usually accords with that of
the indicative: but we have Ban- in the subjunctive against asanisam
(as to cay- and ran-, see below, 908).

907. The middle optative of this aorist also forms a part of the ac-
cepted "precative" of the later language (923, 925 b). It is very rare at
all periods, being made in RV. from only five roots, and in AV. from two
of the same and from three additional ones (six of the eight have other
if-forms); and the remaining texts add, so far as noticed, only four other
roots. All the forms found to occur are as follows: janisiya, indhisiya,
edhialya, rucisiya and rocifiya, gmisiya; modi?!? {has ; janifi^a;
vanisista; aahisivahi; idhislmahi, edhisimahi, janislmahi, tarisi-
mahi, mandisimahi, vandislmahi, vardhiijimahi, sahifimahi and
sahiijunahi. The accent is on the ending, and this would lead us to ex-
pect a weak form of root throughout; but the usage in this respect appears
to be various, and the cases are too few to allow of setting up any rule.
The forms janiseyam and -ya, from a secondary a-stem, occur in K.

908. Of imperative forms, we have from }/av a series: namely,
aviddhf, avis$u, avistam, avita (if this, as seems probable, stands
anomalously for avis^a) and avis, tana ; two of these are of unmistakably
imperative form. Other forms occur only in 2d du. and 2d pi., and are
accordingly such as might also be subjunctives used imperatively (which
is further made probable for two of them by their accentuation on the
root-syllable): they are kramis^am, gamistam, caniftam, cayiatam
(against acayisam), tfbistam, yodhis$am, vadMs$am, c.nathiB$am;
ranistana (against aranisus), gnathis^ana.

909. No words baying a participial ending after 19 are found
anywhere to occur.

910. This is the only aorist of which forms are made in the
secondary and denominative conjugations: see below, 1035, 1048,
1068.

6. The sig-aorist.

911. According to the grammarians, this aorist is made
from roots in CTT 5 (including ft ml fix, fa mi (or ml) damage
and crft II cling, which substitute forms in S), and from
R?T nam bow, £R yam reach, and ^T ram be content, and is
used only in the active ; the corresponding middle being of
the s-form (878 ff.). Its inflection is precisely like that of
the is. -aorist; it is unnecessary, then, to give more than

21*

911—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 324

its first persons, which we may form from the roots ETT ya
go and R*T nam low. Thus:

s. d. p. s. d. p.

ayasisam ayaaiava ayaaiama anamaiaam anamaiava anamaiama
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

912. The sis-aorist is properly only a sub-form of the ia-aorist,
having the tense-sign and endings of the latter added to a form of root
increased by an added 8* It is of extreme rarity in the older language,
being made in BY. only from the roots ga sing and ya go, and in AY.
only from ha leave, and doubtless also from pya fill up and van tern
(see below, 91 4 b); the remaining older texts add jnfi know (B.), jyg over-
power, dhya think (£13. once: the edition reads -dha-), and ram be con-
tent (SV.: a bad variant for BY. raalya); other Brahmana forms which
might be also of the s-aorist are adrasit, avasit, and ahvasit; and bhuk-
aiaiya (PB. S.) must be regarded as an anomalous formation from yTrtrnj,
unless we prefer to admit a secondary root bhuka, like bhaka from bhaj.
In the later language have been found quotable from other roots only
glasis, adhmaait, anamsit, apasit, mlasis, and amnaaiaua.

a. The participle haaamana and causative hasayanti (BY.) show
that has had assumed, even at a very early period, the value of a secon-
dary root beside ha for other forms than the aorist.

913. The whole series of older indicative forms (omitting, as doubt-
ful, the 2d and 3d sing.) is as follows: agaaiaam, ajnasiaam, ayas-
isam, adhyasi^am; ajyasistam, ayasiatam; ajnasisma; ajnasista,
ayasista; agasisus, ayasisus (aksisus is from j/aka attain).

a. Forms without augment are these: jnasiaam, ramsisam, hasi-
aam; haaiatam; haBistam; haaia^a; haaiaua, gaaiaua, jnaaiaua.
The accent would doubtless be upon the root-syllable.

914. a. Of proper subjunctives are found two, gaaiaat and yasi-
sat (both BY.).

b. Optatives are not less rare: namely, yaaiaiathaa and pyasiai-
znahi (for which the AY. manuscripts read pya^iaimahi, altered in the
edition to py&yis.-); and doubtless vaA9i9iya (AY., twice) is to be correct-
ed to vanaiBiya, and belongs here. As to bhukfislya, see above, 912.

c. The accent of yaaiatam (like avis^am, 908) shows it to be a
true imperative form; and yaaiata (BY., once) is doubtless the same,
with anomalous I for i.

915. Middle forms of this aorist, it will be noticed, occur from the
optative only ; but, considering the great rarity of the whole formation, we
are hardly justified in concluding that in the ancient language the middle
persons in -sifi, -Bi^has, etc., were not allowable, like those in -ia.!,

and the others of the is-aorist.

325

SIBILANT AORIST: 7. sa-AORiST.

[—919

7. The sa-aorist.

916. In the later language, the roots allowed to form
this aorist end in 5^9, ^9, or ^ h — all of them sounds
which in combination with the tense-sign make 5T ks. ; and
they have *j i, 3 u, or 3f? ? as radical vowel.

a. They are as follows: £19, ri$, 119, vi9, kli9, kru<j, ru9, m?9,
spp9; tvia,, dvif, 9119, via., kys; dih, mih, lib, guh, duh, ruh, tph,
vy h, sty h ; from about half of them sa-forms, earlier or later, are quotable.
Some of them may, or with certain meanings must, take aorists of other forms.
And a few are allowed to drop both tense-sign and union-vowel a in cer-
tain persons of the middle : that is, they may make instead forms of the
root-aorist.

917. As the tense-stem ends in ^ a, the inflection is
in the main like that of an imperfect of the second general
conjugation. But (according to the grammarians: the forms
unfortunately have not been found quotable) the 1st sing,
mid. ends in ^ i instead of ^ e, and the 2d and 3d du.
mid. in 4J|feJIH atham and yiHIH^atSm, as in imperfects of
the other conjugation. Both active and middle inflection
is admitted. The root is throughout unstrengthened.

918. As example of inflection we may take the root
point. Thus:

active,
d.

middle,
d.

adikeam adiks&va adiksama adiksi adiksavahi adiksamahi

adiksas adiksatam adiksata adiksathas adiksatham adiksadhvam

adiksat adiksatam adiksan adiksata adiksatam adiksanta

919. In the earlier language, the forms of the sa-aorist are hardly
more than sporadic. They are made in RV. from seven roots; in AV.,
from two of these and from two others ; and the remaining texts add ten
more, making nineteen in all (the later language makes no additions to
this number). As later, all have i or u or f as root-vowel, and a final
consonant which combines with s to ks; but there are in the list also two

919-] X!- AORIST-SYSTEMS. 326

ending in j, namely mrj and vrj. All the examples noted are given
below.

a. So far as the middle forms are concerned, this aorist would be
fully explained as a transfer of certain s-aorists to an a-inflection. The
marked difference in the strength of radical vowel in the active, however,
stands in the way of the successful application of such an explanation to
the active forms.

920. a. In the indicative, we find, in the active : avrkfam; adruk-
sas, adhuksas, arukaas, akruksas, asprksas (and MBh. adds amrks. as) ;
adiksat, amiksat, aliksat, avik§at, akruksat, aghuksat, aduksat
and adhuksat, arukfat, avrksat, akyksat, amrk$at, aspyksat;
aghuksatam; aruks&ma, ampksama, avyksama; adhuksan, apik-
san (j/pif), arukaan, asprkijan; — in the middle, only akjk^athas
(l/kr/sl, adhuksata, and amrksanta (and MBh. adds amr-kaata ?).

b. Forms without augment (no true subjunctives occur) are, in the
active: drkaam, mrksaiu; duksas, ruksas, nrrksaa; dviksat;
mykeata; dhuk^an and duks&n; — in the middle, dviksata, duk-
sata and dhiiksata, dhuksanta.

c. There are no optative forms.

d. Imperative are: in the active, m^ksatam; in the middle, dhuk-
aasva«

e. The few accented forms without augment which occur have the
tone on the tense-sign sa, in analogy with the a-aorist (2) and the imper-
fect of the a-class: a single exception is dhuksata, which probably needs
emendation to dhuksata.

f. The aspiration of initial d and g, after loss of the aspirated qual-
ity of the root-final (156), is seen in forms from the roots duh and guh,
but not from drub (only a single case, AB.); RV., however, has also
aduksat and dukgas, dukaan, duksata.

Precative.

921. As the so-called precative is allowed by the grammarians
to be made in the later language from every root, and in an inde-
pendent way, without reference to the mode of formation of the
aorist from the same root, it is desirable to put together here a brief
statement of the rules given for it.

922. The precative active is made by adding the active
precative endings (above, 588) directly to the root. But:

a. Of final root-vowels (as before the passive-sign ya: 770), i and
U are lengthened; y is usually changed to ri, but to ir and flr in those
roots which elsewhere show ir- and ur- forms (so-called f. roots: £42), and
to ar in p and am?; ft is changed to e in the roots da, dha, stha, pa
dr/nfe, ga «in?, and a few others, in part optionally.

327 PRECATIVB. [—924

b. The root in general assumes its weakest form: a penultimate
nasal is lost, as In badhyftsaxn from /bandh ; the roots which are abbre-
viated in the weak persons of the perfect (794) have the same abbreviation
here, as in ucyfisam, ijy&sam, vidhyasam, supyasam, g^hyaaam;
l/Qis forms (jigyftsain (compare 639, 854 c): and so on.

0. It has been pointed out above (837) that the active precative is
an optative of the root-aorist, with a problematic insertion of a sibilant
between mode-sign and ending.

923. a. The precative middle is made by adding the
middle precative endings (above, 568) to the root increased
by ^ s or ^i? — that is, to the tense-stem of an s-aorist
or of an i$-aorist (but without augment).

b. The root is strengthened according to the rules that
apply in forming the middle-stem of the s and of the is-
aorists respectively: in general, namely, a final vowel is
gunated in both formations; but a medial vowel, only be-
fore

0. As was pointed out above (567) the middle precative is really the
optative of certain aorists, with the insertion of a sibilant between mode-
sign and ending only (so far as authenticated by use) in the 2d and 3d
singular. In the older language, such forms are oftenest made from the
B-aoriit (895) and the if -aorist (907); but also from the root-aorist (837 b),
the a- aorist (850 a), the reduplicated aorist (870), and the sis-aorist
(914 b); and even from the perfect (812 b).

924. As example of inflection, we may take the root
H^bhtt le, which is said (no middle aorist or precative from
it is quotable) to form its middle on the is-stem. Thus:

active.

8. d. P.

ex.

bhuyasam bhuyasva bhuyasma

HUIHH^ HillH
bhuyas bhuyastam bhuyasta

bhuyat bhuyastftm bhuyasus

924 — ] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 328

middle,
d.

bhavislya bhavisivahi bhavisimahi

bhavisisthas bhavisiyastham bhavisicjLhvam
3

bhavislyastam - bhavisiran

a. The forms given by the grammarians as 2d and 3d dual are of
very questionable value, as regards the place assigned to the sibilant.
Those persons, and the 2d pi., have never been met with in use. For the
question respecting the ending of the 2d pi., as dhvam or dhvam, see
226 c.

925. a. The precative active is a form of very rare occurrence in
the classical language. In each of the texts already more than once referred
to (Manu, Nala, Bhagavad-GIta, £akuntala, Hitopadeca) it occurs once
and no more, and not half-a-dozen forms have been found quotable from
the epics. As to its value, see 573 c.

b. The precative middle is virtually unknown In the whole later
literature, not a single occurrence of it having been brought to light. The
BhP. has once ririsis^a, which is also a RV. form, belonging probably to
the reduplicated aorist: see 870.

Uses of the Aorist.

926. The uses of the aorist mode-forms (as has been already
pointed out: 582) appear to accord with those of the mode-forms
of the present-system. The predilection of the earlier language, con-
tinued sparingly in the later, for the augmentless forms in prohibitive
expression after ma was sufficiently stated and illustrated above
(679).

a. The tense-value of the aorist indicative has also been more than
once referred to, and calls only for somewhat more of detail and for illus-
tration here.

927. The aorist of the later language is simply a pret-
erit, equivalent to the imperfect and perfect, and frequently
coordinated with them.

a. Thus, tatah sa gardabham lagudena tacjayamasa ; tena
'sau paficatvam agamat (H.) thereupon he beat the donkey with a stick;
and hereof the latter died; tatah sa vidarbhan agamat punah; tarn
tu bandhujanah samapujayat (MBh.) thereupon she went back to
Vidarbha; and her kindred paid her reverence; pritiman abhut, uvaca

329 USES or THE AORIST. [—929

cai 'nam (MBh.) he was filled with affection, and said to him; tarn ada-
hat kasthaih so 'bhud divyavapus tada (R.) he burned him with
wood, and he became then a heavenly form.

928. The aorist of the older language has the value of a proper
"perfect": that is, it signifies something past which is viewed as
completed with reference to the present; and it requires accordingly
to be rendered by our tense made with the auxiliary have. In gener-
al, it indicates what has just taken place; and oftenest something
which the speaker has experienced.

a. Examples from the Veda are: par! 'me gam anesata pary
agnim ahrsata, devesv akrata cjravah ka iman a dadharsati
(RY.) these here have led about a coir, they have carried around the fire,
they have done honor to the gods — who shall venture anything against them?
yam aichama manasa so 'yam a 'gat (RY.) he whom we (formerly,
impf.) sought with our mind has (now, aor.) come; yene *ndro ha visa
krtvy abhavad dyumny uttamah, idam tad akri deva asapatnah
kila Trtmvam (RV.) that libation by which Indra, making it, became (impf.)
of highest glory, I have now made, ye gods; I have become free from enemies.

b. Examples from the Brahmana language are: sa ha 'smin jyog
uvasa... tato ha gandharvah sam udire: jyog va iyam urvagi
manuB.yefV avatsit (gB.) she lived with him a long time. Then the
Gandharvas said to one another, "this Vrvacl, forsooth, hath dwelt a long
time among mortals9'; tasya ha dantah pedire: tarn ho 'vaca : apat-
sata va asya dantah (AB.) his teeth fell out. He said to him : "his teeth
truly have fallen out" ; fndrasya vrtram jaghnusa indriyam viryam
prthivim anu vy archat tad osadhayo virudho 'bhavan sa
prajapatim upfi 'dhavad vrtram me jaghnusa indriyam viryam
prthivim anu vy arat t&d osadhayo virudho *bhuvann £ti (TS.)
of Jndra, when he had slain Vritra, the force and might went away into the
earth, and became the herbs and plants ; he ran to Prajapati, saying : "my
force and might, after slaying Vritra, have gone away into the earth, and
have become the herbs and plants"; svayam enam abhyudetya bruyad
vratya kva 'v&taih (AY., in prose passage) going up to him in person,
let him say: "Vratya, where hast thou abode"? yad idanim dvaii vivada-
manav eyatam aham adar^am aham agrausam iti ya eva bruyad
aham adar^am iti tasma eva Qraddadhyama (^B.) if now twq should
come disputing with one another, [the one] saying "1 have seen^j [the other]
"1 have heard", we should believe the one who said "I have seen*.

929. a. This distinction of the aorist from the imperfect and perfect
as tenses of narration is very common in the Brahmanalanguage (includ-
ing, the older Upanishads and the Sutras), and is closely observed; vio-
lation of it is very rare, and is to be regarded as either due to corruption
of text or indicative of a late origin.

b. In the Yedic hymns, the same distinction is prevalent, but is both
less clear and less strictly maintained; many passages would admit an

929—] XII. FUTURE-SYSTEMS. 330

interpretation implying either sense ; and evident aorist-forms are sometimes
used narratively, while imperfect-forms are also occasionally employed in
the aorist sense.

930. The boundary between what has just been and what is is an
evanescent one, and is sometimes overstepped, so that an aorist appears
where a present might stand, or was even rather to be expected. Thus :
svasasthe bhavatam indave na iti so mo vai raje 'nduh soma-
yai Vai 'ne etad rajna asade 'clklpat (AB. i. 29. 7) "be ye comfor-
table seats for our Indu", he says; Indu is king 8oma; by this means he
has made them (instead of makes them) suitable for Icing Soma to sit upon;
varunir apo yad adbhir abhisincati varunam evai 'nam akar
(MS. iv. 3. 10) the waters are Varuna's; in that he bepours him with waters,
he has made him Varuna; pancabhir vyagharayati pankto yajno
yavan eva yajnas tarn alabdha 'tho yavan eva yajnas tasmad
raksansy apahanti (MS. iii. 2. 6) he smears with five; fivefold is the offer-
ing; as great as is the offering, of it he has [thereby] taken hold; then, as
great as is the offering, from it he smites away the demons. This idiom is
met with in all the Brahmanas; but it is especially frequent in the MS.

CHAPTER XII.

THE FUTURE-SYSTEMS.

931. THE verb has two futures, of very different age
and character. The one has for tense-sign a sibilant follow-
ed by fl" ya> and is an inheritance from the time of Indo-
European unity. The other is a periphrastic formation, made
by appending an auxiliary verb to a derivative noun of
agency, and it is a recent addition to the verb-system; its
beginnings only are met with in the earliest language. The
former may be called the s- future (or the old future, or
simply the future); the latter may be distinguished as the
periphrastic future.

331 THE B-FUTURE. [—984

I. The s-future. gjfr <3> •

932. The tense-sign of this future is the syllable HT
sya, added to the root either directly or by an auxiliary
vowel ^ i (in the latter case becoming ^j i$ya). The root
has the guna-strengthening. Thus, from y^J da give is
formed the future tense-stem 3JHT dasya; from y\ i go, the
stem ^SET esya; from V^J duh milk, the stem £rfir?J dhok?ya;
from i/H bhti be, the stem HJc^U bhavijya; from J/3RIJ ?dh

cv r ^*

thrive, the stem 3TM&U ardhi^ya; and so on.

a. But from j/jlv Jtv« the stem is jivisya, from yukB sprinkle it
is uksisya, and so on (240).

b. There are hardly any Vedic cases of resolution of the tense-sign
sya into sia; BY. has ksegiantas once.

933. This tense-stem is then inflected precisely like a
present-stem ending in 1% a (second general conjugation:
733 a). We may take as models of inflection the future of
V^T da give, and that of ]/Sf? ky make. Thus :

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

1 (^It-tuft ^IHIiei^ ^JttllHH^ 3TF& <1 HI N't <IUIIH«tl
dasyami dasyavas dasyamas dasye dasyavahe dasyamahe

2 ^THT(H ^it-u^H^ ^IFOT ^TFTO ^POT ^IT?T&

dasyasi dasyathas dasyatha dasyaee dasyethe dasyadhve

s <lfllfd O^UHH^ <l^(r* ^l^ilH <IUIH ^THI%

dasyati dasyatas dasyanti dasyate dasyete dasyante

karisy ami kari^y avas karisy amas karisye karifyavahe karisy amahe
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

a. In the epics are found occasional cases of 1st dn. and pi. in va
and ma: e. g. rameyava (R.), bhaksayiijyava (causative: MBh.);
esyama (MBh.), vatsyama (R.).

934. With regard to the use or non-use of the auxiliary vowel
i before the sibilant, there is a degree of general accordance between
this tense and the other future and the desiderative ; but it is by no
means absolute, nor are any definite rules to be laid down with re-
gard to it (and so much the less, because of the infrequency of the
two latter formations in actual use): between this and the aorist (s-

934—] XII. FUTURE-SYSTEMS. 332

aorist on the one side, or is.-aorist on the other), any correspondence
is still less traceable. Practically, it is necessary to learn, as a mat-
ter of usage, how any given root makes these various parts of its
conjugational system.

935. Below is added a statement of the usage, as regards the auxil-
iary vowel, of all the roots found quotable — for the most part, in the
form of a specification of those which add the tense-sign directly to the
root; in brackets are further mentioned the other roots which according to
the grammarians also refuse the auxiliary vowel.

a. Of roots ending in vowels, the great majority (excepting those in
r) take no i. Thus, all in a (numerous, and unnecessary to specify: but
compare c below) ; — those in i, as ksi possess, ci gather, ci note, mi, si
or sa bind (sisya), hi ; from i, ksi destroy, and ji occur forms of both class-
es; gri [and gvi] has i; — those in I, as kri, bhl, mi, vli; but 91
lie and ni have both forms [and £1 takes i]; — those in u, as cyu, dru,
plu, cru, hu; but su press out and stu have both forms [and ksu,
ksmi, nu, yu, ru, snu take i]; — of those in u, dhu and bhQ take
i; su has both forms. But all in r (numerous, and nnnecessary to specify)
take i [those in changeable r, for so-called r-roots (242), are said by the
grammarians to take either i or I; no i-forms, however, are quotable].

b. Of roots ending in mutes, about half add the tense-sign directly.
Thus, of roots ending in gutturals, gak; — in palatals: in c, pac, muc,
ric, vac, vie, vragc, sic (but yac takes i); in ch, prach; in j, bhanj,
mrj (marksya and mraksya), yaj, bhuj, yuj, vrj, srj [also bhrajj,
rafij, saftj, svafij, nij, ruj], while tyaj, bhaj, and majj (mankfya and
majjifya) have both forms, and vij (vijifya and vejisya) and vraj
take i; — in dentals: in t, krt cut and vrt [also crt and nrt] make
both forms; in d, ad, pad, gad fall, skand, syand, chid, bhid, vid
find, nud [also had, khid, svid, ksud, tad]; while sad (satsya and
sldisya) and vid fcnotr make both forms [also chrd and trd], and vad
has i; in dh, vyadh (vetsya), radh, sidh succeed, budh, yudh, rudh,
vrdh. [also sadh, krudh, ksudh, (judh], and bandh and sidh repel
have both forms; in n, tan, while man and han have both forms; — in
labials: in p, ap, ksip, gup, trp, srp (srapsya and sarpsya) [also
gap, lip, lap], while tap* vap, svap, drp, and kip have both forms ;
in bh, yabh and rabh, labh having both forms; in m, ram, while kram,
ksam, nam, and yam make both forms.

c. Of the roots reckoned by the grammarians as ending in semivowels
(761 d — g) all take i. And va or vi weave, vy& or vi envelop, and hva
or hu call take a y-form, as in their present-system, to which then i is added :
thus, vayisya, vyayisya, hvayisya (but also hvasya).

d. Of roots ending in spirants, the minority (about a third) are with-
out the auxiliary vowel. They are: roots in g, dig, vig, dyg (draksya),
spr<j (spraksya) [also dang, rig, lie., krug, mrg], while nag be lost
has both forms (nankfya and nagifya); — in s, pif, vi§, gif [also

333 THE B-PUTURE. [—938

tvia, dvis, Qlis, tus, dus, pus, QUS], while krs has both forms (krak-
a.ya and kara.iaya); — in a, vas shine, vas clothe [also ghas], while
vas dwell has both forms; — in h, mih, duh, druh [also nah, dih,
lih], while dah, vah, aah, and ruh have both forms.

e. In the older language, a majority (about five ninths) of simple roots
add the sya withont auxiliary i; of the futures occurring in the later
language only, nearly three quarters have the i, this being generally taken
by any root of late origin and derivative character — as it is also uni-
formly taken in secondary conjugation (1019, 1036, 1050, 1068).

936. As the root is strengthened to form the stem of this future, so,
of a root that has a stronger and a weaker form, the stronger form is used :
thus, from ]/bandh or badh bind, bhantsya or bandhiaya.

a. By an irregular strengthening, nanksya (beside naQifya) is made
from i/nag be lost, and manksya (beside majjiaya) from >/majj sink.

b. But a few roots make future-stems in the later language without
strengthening : thus, likhisya, miliaya (also TS.), vijiaya (also vejiaya),
aifya (j/aa or ai), au|ya (939 b), Bphu$ia.ya; and yVyadh makes
vetaya from the weaker form vidh.

c. The QB. has once the monstrous form aqnuvif ySmahe, made
upon the present-stem a9nu (697) of )/a<} attain. And the later language
makes aldiaya and jahisya from the present-stems of )/sad and yha.
Compare further hvayifya etc., 935 c. Also khyayisya from >/khya
(beside khyasya) appears to be of similar character.

d. A number of roots with medial f strengthen it to ra (241) : thus,
krakaya, trapaya, drapaya, draksya, mraksya (beside marksya),
spraksya, sraksya, srapsya (beside aarpaya), and mradisya (beside
mardisya); and ^klp forms klapaya (beside kalpiaya).

e. The root grah (also its doublet glah) takes I instead of i, as it
does also in the aorist and elsewhere.

937. Thia future is comparatively rare in the oldest language — in
part, apparently, because the uses of a future are to a large extent an-
swered by subjunctive forms — but becomes more and more common later.
Thus, the RV. has only seventeen occurrences of personal forms, from nine
different roots (with participles from six additional roots); the AV. has
fifty occurrences, from twenty-five roots (with participles from seven more) ;
but the TS. has occurrences (personal forms and participles together) from
over sixty roots; and forms from more than a hundred and fifty roots are
quotable from the older texts.

Modes of the s-future.

938. Mode-forms of the future are of the utmost rarity. The only
example in the older language is karisyas, 2d sing. subj. act., occurring
once (or twice) in RV. (AB. has once notayavahai, and GB. has eaya-
mahai, tansyamahai, athaayaxnahai, but they are doubtless false read-

938—] XII. FUTUBE-SYSTEMS. 334

ings for -he. Two or three optative forms are found in the epics : thus,
dhakayet and mansyeran (MBh.), and draksyeta (R.); also an imper-
ative patsyantu (Bar.). And several 2d pi. mid. in dhvam are quotable
from the epics : thus, vetsyadhvam, Bavisyadhvam, and (the causative)
kalayisyadhvam (PB.) and jivayisyadhvam (MBh.: and one text has
moksyadhvam at i. 133. 13, where the other reads moksayadhvain\
and bhavisyadhvam (MBh. R.) : it is a matter of question whether these
are to be accounted a real imperative formation, or an epic substitution
of secondary for primary endings (compare 542 a).

Participles of the s -future.

939. Participles are made from the future-stem pre-
cisely as from a present-stem in 5[ a: namely, by adding
in the active the ending rT^nt, in the middle the ending *TR
mSna; the accent remains upon the stem. Thus, from the
verbs instanced above, $jH4tl dasyant and ^IHIHM dSsya-
mana, sfTP[c?TrT karisyant and ehf^lHIUI karisyamana. ^

a. According to the grammarians, the feminine of the active participle
is made either in anti or in atl; but only the former has been noted as
occurring in the older language, and the latter is everywhere extremely
rare: see above, 449 e,f.

b. In BY. occurs once susyanti, from ysu, with anomalous accent-
uation.

Preterit of the s-future: Conditional.

940. From the future-stem is made an augment-preterit,
by prefixing the augment and adding the secondary endings,
in precisely the same manner as an imperfect from a pres-
ent-stem in 5T a. This preterit is called the conditional.

a. It stands related to the future, in form and meaning, as the French
conditional nurais to the future aurai, or as the English would have to
will have — nearly as the German wiirde habcn to werde haben.

b. Thus, from the roots already instanced:

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

adasyam adasyava adasyama adasye ddasyavahi adasyamahi

335 THE CONDITIONAL. [—043

2
adasyas adasyatam adasyata adasyathas adasyetham adaeyadhvam

3 ^iKir^M^it-urliH^ M^IH-II^ «I4IHI<1 ti^iHirti*^ 4|<l HI rl

adasyat adasyatam adasyan adasyata adasyetam ad&syanta

i ^ctif^tiH ^sftij ^ w %ieni(Q'tiiH 34=^1^^ ^cfji^^tii^i*^ ^nit^iHi*^

akarisy am akarisyava akarisyama akarisye akarisyavahi akaris yfimahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

941. The conditional is the rarest of all the forms of the Sanskrit
verb. The RV. has bnt a single example, abharisyat was going to carry
off, and none of the Vedic texts furnishes another. In the Brahmanas it
is hardly more common — except in QB., where it is met with more than
fifty times. Nor does it, like the fa tare, become more frequent later: not
an example occurs in Nala, Bhagavad-GIta, 01 Hitopadeca; only one in
Mann; and two in £akuntala. In the whole MBh. (Holtzmann) it is found
about twenty-five times, from thirteen roots. The middle forms are ex-
tremely few.

II. The Periphrastic Future.

942. a. This formation contains only a single indic-
ative active tense (or also middle : see 947), without modes,
or participle, or preterit.

b. It consists in a derivative nomen agentis, having the
value of a future active participle, and used, either with
or without an accompanying auxiliary, in the office of a
verbal tense with future meaning.

943. The noun is formed hy the suffix rT ty (or H^f
tar) ; and this (as in its other than verbal uses : see 1182)
is added to the root either directly or with a preceding
auxiliary vowel ^ i, the root itself being strengthened by
guna, but the accent resting on the suffix: thus, SJrF dStf
from j/3T dft give; ^ kartf from V3J k? make; >rf5FT
bhavitf from ys\ bhft be.

a. As regards the presence or absence of the vowel i, the usage is
said by the grammarians to be generally the same as in the s-future from
the same root (above, 935). The most important exception is that the
roots in p take no i: thus, kartr (against karigya); roots han and gam
show the same difference ; while vyt, vrdh, and syand have i here, though

943—]

XII. FUTURE-SYSTEMS.

336

not in the s-future. The few forms which occur in the older language
agree with these statements.

944. In the third persons, the nom. masc. of the noun,
in the three numbers respectively (373), is used without
auxiliary: thus, H^WI bhavitS he or she or it mil be;
H&HI|t bhavitSrau both will be; H^ci I (H^ bhavitSras they
mil be. In the other persons, the first and second persons
present of i/TO as be (636) are used as auxiliary ; and they
are combined, in all numbers, with the singular nom. masc.
of the noun.

a. Thus, from y^J d5 give:
active,
s. d. p.

datasmi datasvas datasmas

datasi datasthas datastha

data

datarau

dataras

b. Occasionally, in the epics and later (almost never in the older
language), the norm of the tense as given above is in various respects de-
parted from: thus, by use of the auxiliary in the 3d person also; by its
omission in the 1st or 2d person ; by inversion of the order of noun and
auxiliary; by interposition of other words between them; by use of a dual
or plural nom. with the auxiliary; and by use of a feminine form of the
noun. Examples are: vakta 'sti (MBh.) he will apeak; nihanta (MBh.)
I shall or thou wilt strike down, yoddha 'ham (R.) 1 shall fight, aham dras-
ta (MBh.) I shall see, karta *ham te (BhP.) / will do for thee, tvam
bhavita (MBh. Megh.) thou wilt le; asmi ganta (MBh.) 1 atoll go;
pratigrahita tarn asmi (MBh.) / will receive her, hanta tvam asi
(MBh.) thou wilt slay; kartarau svah (MBh.) we two shall do; dras^ry
asmi (MBh.) I (f.) shall see, udbhavitrl (Nais.) she will increase,
gantri (Y.) she will go. AB. has once sota as 2d sing., thou wilt
press ; JUB. makes the combination 9ma9anani bhavitaras the cemeteries
will be.

c. An optative of the auxiliary appears to be once used, in yoddha
syam I would fight (R. i. 22. 25 Peterson ; but the Bombay edition reads
yoddhum yasyami).

945. The accent in these combinations, as in all the ordinary
cases of collocation of a verb with a preceding predicate noun or

337 PERIPHRASTIC FUTURE. [—948

adjective (502), is on the noun itself; and, unlike all the true verbal
forms, the combination retains its accent everywhere even in an in-
dependent clause: thus, tarhi va atinastro bhavitasmi (QB.) then I
shall be out of danger (where bhavisyami, if used, would be accent-
less). Whether in a dependent clause the auxiliary verb would take
an accent (595), and whether, if so, at the expense of the accent of
the noun (as in the case of a preposition compounded with a verb-
form: 1083b), we are without the means of determining.

940. In the Veda, the nomina agentis in tp or tar, like various other
derivative nouns (271), but with especial frequency, are used in participial
construction, governing the accusative if they come from roots whose verbal
forms do so (1182). Often, also, they are used predicatively, with or without
accompanying copula; yet without any implication of time; they are not the
beginnings, but only the forerunners, of a new tense-formation. Generally,
when they have a participial value, the root-syllable (or a prefix preceding
it) has the accent. The tense-use begins, but rather sparingly, in the
Brahmanas (from which about thirty forms are quotable) ; and it grows more
common later, though the periphrastic future is nowhere nearly so frequent
as the s-future (it is quotable later from about thirty additional roots).

947. a. A few isolated attempts are made in the Brahmanas to form
by analogy middle persons to this future, with endings corresponding after
the usual fashion to those of the active persons. Thus, TS. has once pra-
yoktase 1 will apply (standing related to prayoktasmi as, for example,
9ase to gasmi); £B. has sayitase thou shall lie (similarly related to
Qayitasi); and TB. has yastasmahe we will make offering. But in TA.
is found (ill) yastahe as 1st sing., showing a phonetic correspondence of
a problematic character, not elsewhere met with in the language.

b. On the basis of such tentative formations as these, the native
grammarians set up a complete middle inflection for the periphrastic future,
as follows :

s. d. p.

1 datahe datasvahe dStasmahe

2 datase datasathe datadhve

3 data datarau dataras

c. Only a single example of such a middle has been brought to light
in the later language, namely (the causative) dar^ayitahe (Nais.).

Uses of the Futures and Conditional.

948. As the s-future is the commoner, so also it is the one
more indefinitely used. It expresses in general what is going to take
place at some time to come — - but often, as in other languages, add-
ing on the one hand an implication of will or intention, or on the
other hand that of promise or threatening.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 22

XII. FUTURE-SYSTEMS. 338

a. A few examples are : varsis yaty aisamah parjanyo vf s^iman
bhavisyati (£B.) tt is going to rain; Parjanya is going to be rich in rain
this year; yas tan na veda kirn pea karisyati (RV.) whoever does not
know that, what will he do with verse? a vai vayam agni dhasyamahe
*tha yuyarh kirn karisyatha (^B.) we are going to build the two fires;
then what will you do? tain indro 'bhyadudrava hanisyan (^B.) him
Indra ran at, intending to slay,- yady eva karisyatha sakam devair
yajnfyaao bhavigyatha (RV.) if ye will do thus, ye shall be worthy of
the sacrifice along with the gods ; dantas te 9atsyanti (AY.) thy teeth will
fall out,- na marisyasi ma bibheh (AY.) thou shalt not die,- be not
afraid; bruhi kva yasyasi (MBh.) tell us; where are you going to go?
yadi mam praty akhyasyasi viaam asthasye (MBh.) if you shall reject
me, I will resort to poison. As in other languages, the tense is also some-
times used for the expression of a conjecture or presumption : thus : ko
'yaih devo gandharvo va bhavisyati (MBh.) who is this? he is doubtless
a god, or a Gandharva; adya svapsyanti (MBh.) they must be sleeping now.

b. The spheres of future and desiderative border upon one an-
other, and the one is sometimes met with where the other might be ex-
pected. Examples of the future taken in a quasi-desiderative sense are
as follows : yad da^use bhadram karisyasi tave 't tat satyam (RY.)
what favor thou wiliest to bestow on thy worshiper, that of thee becometh
actual (is surely brought about); yatha *nyad vadisyant so *nyad vadet
(9B.) as if, intending to say one thing, one were to say another.

049. The periphrastic future is defined by the grammarians as
expressing something to be done at a definite time to come. And
this, though but faintly traceable in later use, is a distinct character-
istic of the formation in the language where it first makes its ap-
pearance. It is especially often used along with c,vas tomorrow.

a. A few examples are : adya varsisyati ... $vo vrasta (MS.) it is
going to rain today; it will rain tomorrow; yataran va ime (jvah kami-
taras te jetaras (K.) whichever of the two parties these shall choose tomorrow,
they will conquer; pratar yas$asmahe (IB.) we shall sacrifice tomorrow
morning; ityahe vah paktasmi (^B.) on such and such a day I will
cook for you; tan ma ekam ratrim ante <?ayitase jata u te 'yam
tarhi putr6 bhavita (^B.) then you shatt lie with me one night, and at
that time this son of yours will be born. In other cases, this definiteness
of time is wanting, but an emphasis, as of special certainty, seems perhaps
to belong to the form: thus, bibhybi ma parayisyami tv6 'ti: kasmfin
mfi pfirayisyasi 'ty Sugha imah sarvah praj^ nlrvo^ha, tatas tvft
parayitasml 'ti (gB.) support me and I will save you, said it. From
what will you save me? said he. A flood is going to carry off all these
creatures; from that I will save you, said it; paridevaySih cakrire
mahac chokabhayam praptasmah (GB.) they set up a lamentation:
wtue are going to meet with great pain and dread"; yaje 'yaksi yastahe ca
(TA.) I sacrifice, I have sacrificed, and I shall sacrifice. In yet other cases,

339 USES OP THE FUTURES AND CONDITIONAL. [—950

in the older language even, and yet more in the later, this future appears
to be equivalent to the other: thus, prajayam enarh vijnatasmo yadi
vidvan va juhoty avidvfin va (AB.) in his children we shall know him,
whether he is one that sacrifices with knowledge or without knowledge; vak-
tasmo va idam devebhyah (AB.) we shall tell this to the gods; yadi
svartho mama 'pi bhavita tata evam sv&rtham karis.yami (MBh.)
if later my own affair shall come up, then I will attend to my own affair;
katham tu bhavitasy eka iti tvam nrpa cocimi (MBh.) but how will
you get along alone? that, 0 king, is the cause of my grief about you.

950. The conditional would seem to be most originally and
properly used to signify that something teas going to be done. And
this value it has in its only Vedic occurrence, and occasionally else-
where. But usually it has the sense ordinarily called "conditional";
and in the great majority of its occurrences it is found (like the sub-
junctive and the optative, when used with the same value) in both
clauses of a conditional sentence.

a. Thus, yo vrtraya sinam atra *bhari§yat pra tarn janitrl
vidusa uvaca (RV.) him, who was going here to carry off Vritra's wealth,
his mother proclaimed to the knowing one; tjatayum gam akarisyam
(AB.) 1 was going to make (should have made) the cow live a hundred years
(in other versions of the same story is added the other clause, in which the
conditional has a value more removed from its original: thus, in GB., if
you, villain, had not stopped [pragrahifyah] my mouth); tata eva 'sya
bhayam vl 'yaya kasmad dhy abhesyad dvitiyad vfti bhayam
bhavati (QB.) thereupon his fear departed; for of whom was he to be afraid?
occasion of fear arises from a second person ; utpapata ciram tan mene
yad vasah paryadhasyata (QB.) he leaped up; he thought it long that
he should put on a garment; sa tad eva na Vindat prajapatir yatra
Tiosyat (MS.) Prajapati, verily, did not then find where he was to (should)
sacrifice; evam cen na Vaksyo murdha te vyapatifyat (GB.) if you
should not speak thus, your head would fly off; sa yad dhai 'tavad eva
'bhavisyad yavatyo hai 'va 'gre prajah B?$\sia tavatyo hSi Va
'bhavisyan na pra 'janisyanta (^)B.) if he had been only so much, there
would have been only so many living creatures as were created at first; they
would have had no progeny; kim va 'bhavisyad arunas tamasaih
vibhetta tarn cet sahasrakirano dhuri na *kari§yat (^.) would
the Dawn, forsooth, be the scatterer of the darkness, if the thousand -rayed
one did not set her on the front of his chariot?

22*

951—] XIII. VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS. 340

CHAPTER XIII.

VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS : PARTICIPLES,
INFINITIVES, GERUNDS.

951 a. THOSE verbal adjectives, or participles, which are made
from tense-stems, and so constitute a part of the various tense-
systems, have been already treated. It remains to describe certain
others, which, being made directly from the root itself, belong to the
verbal system as a whole, and not to any particular part of it.

b. The infinitive (with a few sporadic exceptions in the older
language) also comes in all cases from the root directly, and not from
any of the derived tense-stems.

c. The same is true of the so-called gerunds, or indeclinable
participles. ^^

Passive Participle in ta or na.

*A<!\'?Vx c 952* "^y accented suffix fT ta — or, in a compar-
r atively small number of verbs, *{ na — is formed a verbal
adjective which, when coming from transitive verbs, quali-
fies anything as having endured the action expressed by
the verb: thus, ^ff datta given; 3W ukta spoken. Hence
it is usually called the passive participle ; or, to distinguish
it from the participle belonging to the passive present-sys-
tem (771), the past passive participle.

a. When made from an intransitive or neuter verb, the
same participle, as in other languages, has no passive but
only an indefinite past sense: thus, JlrT gata gone; *TcT bhuta
been; ufar! patita fallen.

953. In general, this participle is made by adding ft
ta to the bare verbal root, with observation of the ordinary
rules of euphonic combination.

a. Some roots, however, require the prefixion of the auxiliary
vowel i to the suffix. For these, and for the verbs that add n& in-
stead of ta, see below, 956, 957.

341 PASSIVE PAKTICIPLE IN ta OR na. [—956

b. As to the accent when the root is preceded by a preposition,
see 1085 a.

954. The root before cT ta has usually its weakest form,
if there is anywhere in the verbal system a distinction of
weak and strong forms. Thus:

a. A penultimate nasal is not seldom dropped: examples are
akta 0/anj), baddha (>/bandh), qrabdha (j/<jrambh), das$a (yda&$,
srasta (/Brans;, badha ;j/banh).

b. Roots which are abbreviated in the weak forms of the per-
fect (794) suffer the same abbreviation here: examples are ukta
(}/vac), uf$a (j/vas shine], upta (j/vap: also vapta), udha (j/vah),
supta (}/svap), is$a (v'yaj), viddha (]/vyadh); — and, by a similar
procedure, j/prach (or pra$) makes pysta, >/bhran9 makes bhr>8$a
(beside the regular bhrasta), and y^ra boil makes Qrta (beside
9rata).

c. Final a is weakened to I in gita (/ga sing), dhlta (}/dha
«ucfc), pita (j/pa drink), sphita; and jita, vita, $ita are made from
the roots jyS, vya, $ya, (or ji etc.); — and farther to i in chita (beside
chata), dita (yds, divide andjia bind}, drita (? >/drS sleep), hita (>^dha \J
put: with h for dh; but dhita also occurs in V.), mita ()/ma measure),

<?ita (also (jata), sita, sthita.

d. A final iq is Ipgt after a in gata, nata, yata, rata (from ]/gam xi
etc.); and a final n in ksata, tata, mata, hata. As to the other roots -
in am and an taking ta, see 955 a, b.

e. More isolated cases are -uta (RV. : >/av), uta or uta (/va tceai'«),
9is^a (also $asta: >/9as), murta (referred to /murch). As to -gdha
and jagdha, see 233 f.

f. On the other hand, ]/svad makes svatta.

955. Of more irregular 'character are the following :

a. A number of roots ending in am retain the nasal, and length-
en the radical vowel (as also in some others of their verbal forms) :
thus, kamta, kramta, klamta, ksamta, camta, tarhta, damta,
bhramta, vamta, ^amta (yqam be quiet], Qraihta (from i/kam etc.) ;
and one in an, dhvan sound, makes dhvanta.

b. A few roots in an make their participle from another root-form
in S: thus, khata, jata, -vat a, sata; dham has both dhamita and
dhmata.

c. Certain roots in iv take their yu-form (765 a): thns, dyuta
(>/<Kv play), f^hyuta, syuta; but |/miv makes -muta.

d. From roots in. changeable y (generally taking na: 957 b) are
made also purta (i/py fill: beside pyta), qlrta and Qurta (y<ft cruaA);
and <$Irta is further made from y'ijri mix.

065—] XIII. VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS. 342

e. Doable forms are mugdha and mudha, sadha and sodha, dhurta
and dhruta, hvrta and hruta.

f. The root da give makes datta (from the secondary root-form dad;
bat data also in V.). But the anomalously contracted form -tta (as if
for data, with the radical vowel lost) is also frequent in composition, es-
pecially with prepositions : thus, atta, anutta, parltta, pratta, pratitta ;
rarely with other elements, as devatta, punartta, marutta (? )• And the
same abbreviated form comes from j/da divide in avatta.

g. The roots making participles in both ta and ita, or ta and na, or
in all three, will be noted in the next two paragraphs.

066. The suffix with ^ i, or in the form
used especially with roots having finals that are only with
difficulty, if at all, combinable with rf t according to the
usual analogies of the language, and often with roots of a
secondary, derivative, or late character ; but also not seldom
with original roots.

a. Thus, of roots presenting difficulties of combination : — 1. all that
end in two consonants (save those of which one consonant is lost by a weak-
ening process: 964 a, b): e. g. c.ank, valg, vanch, lajj, ubj, ceg$»
gburn, katth, nind, jalp, cumb, umbh, khall, pinv, 9ans (also
9asta), raks, bins, garh (in all, over fifty); but take makes tas^a; —
2. all that end in linguals (including s after a or &): e. g. a\, trut, path,
lu$h, Id, vrud, bhan, ka§, bhas; — 3. all that end in surd spirants:
e. g. likb, grath, nath, kuth, riph, gupb; — 4. all that end in 1: e. g.
cal, gil, mil, lul, khel: — 6. all that end in other persistent semi-
vowels : namely, carv (also curna), jiv (for the other roots in Iv, see
955 c), dhav run, eev, day, vyay, puy ; — 6. ujh. — This class includes
more than half of the whole number that take only ita.

b. Of other roots ending in consonants: — 1. in \guttural8,'\ cak,
dliauk (safe has both ta and ita); Qlagh; — 2. in[pa!§^ac (also
akna), uc, kuc, khac, yac, rue; ajP, kuj, vraj, also tyaj and mrj in
late texts (usually tyakta and mr^a); — 3. in dentals, at, pat, $cut,
also yat in epos (elsewhere only yatta) ; krad, khad, gad, cud, nad,
mud, mrd, rad, rud, vad> vid know, hrad; also nud in epos (elsewhere
nutta and nunna); mad has both matta and madita (the majority
of roots in d take na: 957 d); edh, ksudh, gadh, dudh, nadh,
bfidh, spardh; an, in, kvan, dhvan, pan, ran ring, van, stan,
svan, and dhvan (also dhvanta); — 4. in labials/ cup, yup, rup,
and usually kup (kupta late) and lap (lapta epic), occasionally kfip,
gup, tap, drp, vap, ^ap, while jap has both ta and ita; grabh
(grbhlta), <$ubh, skabh, and occasionally lubh, while kfubh and
stabh have both forms ; tim, dham, 9am labor, stim, and kf am in
epos (also k§fiihta); — 5. in isjSantB, 1 a? eat, 19, kftc, kr^, vftc, $ac.

343 PASSIVE PRTICIPLE IN ta OR na. [—967

while pi(j has both forms, and mr<j takes ita only late ; if send, Is, kus,
trs, tvis, prus, mis, rus, hes, hres, also mus except late, while dhrs,
rus, and hrs. show both forms ; as, bhas, bhas, ras, las, vas clothe,
has, also as throw occasionally, while kas, gras, yas, vas shine, vas
dwell, 9&s (with qista and Qasta), (jvas, and hras make both forms;
ih, grab (grhita), jah (secondary form of ha), mah, rah, and occasionally
uh remove, while gah has both forms.

c. Of roots ending in vowels, only 9! lie, which makes (jayita (with
guna of root, as elsewhere : 620).

d. In general, a root maintains its full form before ita; but there
are a few exceptions: thus, grbhita and grhita (the root being reckoned
as grabh and grah: see 720), udita (also vadita in the later language),
usita (yVas shine; beside usta), usita (|/vas dwell: also sporadically
vasita and usta), uksita (yVakf increase'), (jrthita (y^rath). From
l/mrj are made both mrjita and mar j ita (with strengthening as in pres-
ent and elsewhere: 627), beside mrs^a.

e. Instead of i, long i is taken in grbhita and grhita.

957. The suffix ^ na (always without auxiliary ^ i) is /\O
taken instead of rT ta by a number of roots (about seventy).
Thus:

a. Certain roots in a: thus, ksa, gla, dra run, drS sleep, (also
drita?), mla (also mlata), va blow (also vSta)> ^yft (also ^Ina), styS,
ha leave (also hina and hata), ha go forth; and da divide makes dina
(also dita and -tta). Further, certain roots in i- and u-vowels : thus, ks.i
destroy (ksma; also ksita), di, pi, II cling, vli, 91 or 9ya coagulate
(beside Qyana and 9lta), hrl (beside hrlta); du bum (also duta), lu,
911; and dlv lament makes dyuna (compare 765).

b. Roots in r, which before the suffix becomes ir or ur: the forma
are, arna (late ; beside rtd), kirna (ykr scatter), girna ( Vgr swallow),
jirna and jurna (>/jr waste away), tirna and turna (also turta), dirna
(]/dr pierce: also drta), purna (|/pr fill: also purta and prta), murna
(l/mr crush), 9irna (y$f crush: also <jirta and 9iirt&?), stlrna (also
strta). Of like character with these are irna from |/ir, cirna (beside
carita) from /car, gurna (beside gurta) from Vgur, a secondary form
of gp, and curna (beside carvita) from ycarv, which is also plainly a
secondary root.

c. A few roots ending in j (which becomes g before the suffix,
against the usual rule of internal combination: 21 6 f): thus, bhagna
(Vbhanj), bhugna (i/bhuj bend), magna (]/majj), rugnA, vigna
(beside vikta). Further, two or three ending in c (similarly treated):
thus, akna (y&c or anc: also acita and aficita), vrkna (]/vra9c),
and apparently -prgna (RV., once : with doubly irregular change of root-
final, from |/prc). And one root in g, lagna.

957—] XIII. VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS. 344

d. A considerable number, some of them very common ones, of roots
in d (which, against ordinary rnle, becomes n before the suffix: 157b).
The forms are: unna (also utta), arnna?, klinna, ksunna, kavirma,
khinna, channa, chinna, chynna, tunna, trnna, nunna (also nutta
and nudita), panna, bhinna, vinna (j/vipl find: also vitta), §anna
(l/9ad fait), sanna (also satta), skanna (i/skand), syanna (j/syand),
svinna, hanna. And anna food, in spite of its different accent, appears
to be a like formation from j/ad eat.

958. The native grammarians reckon as participles of this for-
mation a few miscellaneous derivative adjectives, coming from roots
which do not make a regular participle : such are ksama burnt, kixja
emaciated, pakva ripe, phulla expanded, <juska dry.

Past Active Participle in tavant (or navant).

959. From the past passive participle, of whatever
formation, is made, by adding the possessive suffix 3fT
vant, a secondary derivative having the meaning and con-
struction of a perfect active participle: for example, rTFT^
ehcHM tat krtavSn having done that; tarn nigirnavan having
swallowed him down. Its inflection is like that of other
derivatives made with this suffix (452 if.); its feminine ends
in ^rft vati; its accent remains on the participle.

960. Derivative words of this formation are found in KV., but without
anything like a participial value. The AV. has a single example, with par-
ticipial meaning: a<jitavaty atithau one's guest having eaten (loc. abs.).
In the Brahmanas also it is hardly met with. In the later language,
however, it comes to be quite common. And there it is chiefly used pre-
dicatively, and oftenest without copula expressed, or with the value of a
personal verb-form in a past tense: primarily, and not seldom, signifying
immediate past, or having a true "perfect" value; but also (like the old
perfect and the old aorist in later use) coming to be freely used for in-
definite time, or with the value of the imperfect (779). For example:
mfirh na ka^cid drftavan no one has seen (or saw) me; sa nakulam
vyapaditavan he destroyed the ichneumon; or, with copula, mahat
krcchram praptavaty asi thou hast fallen upon great misery. Although
originally and properly made only from transitive verbs (with an object, to
which the participle in ta stands in the relation of an objective predicate),
it is finally found also from intransitives : thus, cutena samQritavati
(£.) has become united with the mango-tree; gatavati (ib.) she has gone.

a. The same participle is also made in the secondary conjugations:
e. g. darqitavant having shown, prabodhitavant having awakened.

345 GERUNDIVES. [—963

b. Possessives also in in made from passive participles are some-
times found used in an analogous manner, nearly as perfect active partici-
ples : e. g. istin having sacrificed, vijitino manyamanah (AB.) thinking
themselves to have conquered.

Future Passive Participles: Gerundives.

961. Certain derivative adjectives (for the most part
more or less clearly secondary derivatives) have acquired in
the language a value as qualifying something which is to,
or which ought to, suffer the action expressed hy the root
from which they come; and they are allowed to be made
from every verb. Hence they are, like more proper par-
ticiples, sometimes treated as a part of the general verbal
system, and called future passive participles, or gerundives
(like the Latin forms in ndus, to which they correspond in
meaning} .

962. The suffixes by which such gerundives are regu-
larly and ordinarily made are three : namely IT ya, ftSfJ ta-
vya, and tcilu anlya.

a. Derivatives in ya having this value are made in all periods of
the language, from the earliest down; the other two are of more modern
origin, being entirely wanting in the oldest Veda (RV.), and hardly known
in the later. Other derivatives of a similar character, which afterward dis-
appear from use, are found in the Veda (966).

963. The suffix ya in its gerundive use has nothing to dis-
tinguish it from the same suffix as employed to make adjectives
and nouns of other character (see below, 1213). And it exhibits also
the same variety in the treatment of the root.

a. The original value of the suffix is ia, and as such it has to be
read in the very great majority of its Vedic occurrences. Hence the con-
version of e and o to ay and av before it (see below).

b. Thus: 1. Final a becomes e before the suffix : deya, dhyeya,
khyeya, meya (perhaps da-ia etc , with euphonic y interposed) ; but
RV. has once -jnaya. — 2. The other vowels either remain unchang-
ed, or have the guna or the vrddhi strengthening; and e usually
and o always are treated before the ya as they would be before a
vowel : thus, -k§ayya, jayya, bhayya, layya ; navya, bhavya, havya,
bhavya ; varya : and, in the later language, niya, jeya, dhuya (such
cases are wanting earlier). In a few instances, a short vowel adds t

963—] XIII. VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS. 34$

before the suffix : thus, itya, mitya, <;rutya, stutya, krtya (the only
Vedic examples). — 3. Medial a remains unchanged or is lengthened :
thus, dabhya, vandya, sadya; madya, vacya. — 4. Medial i-, u-,
and r-vowels are unchanged or have the guna-strengthening : thus,
i<Jya, guhya, dhrfya; dvesya, yodhya, marjya.

c. The RV. hag about forty examples of this gerundive, and the
AY. adds half as many more. Except in bhavia (once), the accent in
RV. is always on the root; AY. has several cases of accent on the i of the
suffix (hence written adya, &$ya, -vyadhya, -dharsya). According to
the grammarians, the accent is on the root or else the ending is circum-
fiexed: always the former, if the ya follow a vowel.

964. a. The suffix tavya is a secondary adjective derivative
from the infinitival noun in tu (below, 968), made by adding the
suffix ya (properly fa, whence the accent ya), before which the final
u, as usual (1203 a), has guna-stren£thening, and is resolved into av.

b. Hence, as regards both the form taken by the root and the
use or omission of an auxiliary vowel i before the tavya, the rules
are the same as for the formation of the infinitive (below, 968).

c. No example of this formation is found in RV., and in AV. occur
only two, janitavya and hinsitavya. In the Brahmana language it be-
gins to be not rare, and is made both from the simple root and from the
derived conjugational stems (next chapter); in the classical language it is
still more frequent. According to the grammarians, the accent of the word
is either circumflex on the final or acute on the penult: thus, kartavya
or kartavya; iu the accentuated texts, it Is always the former (the accent
tavya given to certain gerundives in the Petersburg lexicons is an error,
growing out of the ambiguous accentuation of $B. : 88 c).

965. a. The suffix aniya is in like manner the product of sec-
ondary derivation, made by adding the adjective suffix lya (1215)
to a nomen actionis formed by the common suffix ana.

b. It follows, then, as regards its mode of formation, the rules
for the suffix ana (below, 1150).

c. This derivative also is unknown in RV., and in AY. is found only
in upajivaniya and amantr aniya (in both of which, moreover, its dis-
tinct gerundive value admits of question). In the Brahmanas (where less
than a dozen examples of it have been noted), and in the later language,
it is less common than the gerundive in tavya. Its accent, as in all the
derivatives with the snfflx lya, is on the penult: thus, karaniya.

966. Othei formations of kindred value are found in the Veda as
follows:

a. Gerundives in tua or tva, apparently made from the infinitival
noun in tu with the added suffix a (1209). They are kartua (in two
occurrences kartva), -gamtva, jantua, jetua, naxhtua, vaktua, sotua,

347

INFINITIVES.

[-968

snatua, hantua, hetua, hotva ; and, with auxiliary i (or I), janitva,
sanitva, bhavitva.

b. Gerundives in enia or enya (compare 1217): they are ikgenfa,
idenia, carenia, dr^enia, -dvisenia, bhusenya, yudhenia, varenia
(and bhajenya BhP.); with one example from an apparent aorist-stem,
yamsenya, and three or four from secondary verb-stems (see below, 1019,
1038, 1068 a).

c. Gerundives in ayia (once ayya: compare 1218): they are dak-
sayia, pan ayia, vidayia, 9ravayia, hnavayia; with a few from secon-
dary conjugation-stems (below, 1019, 1038, 1051, 1068a); and stu^eyia
is of close kindred with them.

d. A few adjectives in elixna, as pacelima, bhidelima (only these
quotable), are reckoned as gerundives by the grammarians.

967. The division-line between participial and ordinary adjec-
tives is less strictly drawn in Sanskrit than in the other Indo-Euro-
pean languages. Thus, adjectives in u, as will be seen later (1178),
from secondary conjugational stems, have participial value; and in
the Brahmanas (with an example or two in AY.) is found widely and
commonly used a participial adjective formed with the suffix uka
(1180).

Infinitives.

968. The later language has only a single infinitive,
which is the accusative case of a verbal noun formed by
the suffix ?T tu, added to the root usually directly, but often
also with aid of the preceding auxiliary vowel ^ i. The form \
of the infinitive ending, therefore, is return or ^rJJT itum.
The root has the guna-strengthening, and is accented. Thus,
for example, ^yi 6 turn from y^ii ehriH kartnim from y^f\
ky; ^3*? caritum from y^J[ oar; >|fefp bhavitum from
y^bhu.

a. As regards the use or omission of i, the infinitive (as also
the gerund in tvft: 991) follows in general the analogy of the pass-
ive participle (956). Examples are (with the gerund added) as fol-
lows: dagdha, dagdhum, dagdhva from )/dah; bhinna, bhettum,
bhittva from >/bhid; mata, mantnun, xnatva from /man; udha,
vodhum, udhva from yvah; patita, patitum, patitva from /pat;
yaoita, yacitum, yacitva from Yy&c; <;ayita, 9ayitum, ^ayitva from
1/91. But certain exceptions and special cases require notice. Thus:

b. Of roots having no quotable participle, infinitive stems in tu are
made from ad, sagh; in itu from unch, uh consider, ksap, lunth,
lok, svar; and in both from yabh.

988—] XIII. VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS. 348

c. Of roots making participles of both forms, an infinitive stem in
tu only is quotable for ksip, ksubh, tap, tyaj, mrg, lubh, vas shine,
gak, stabh; only in itu for gah, carv, jap, mad, yat, van, gans,
9 vas; in both for as throw, uh remove, gup, car, znrj (marstu, mar-
jitu), lap, vas dwell, 9ap, qfts.

d. Also in a number of other cases (besides those already noticed) an
infinitive stem is made both with and without i. Thus, in addition to the
more regular form, a stem in itu is occasionally met with from roots a$
attain, is seek, bandh, bhaj, yaj (Ijituxn), rudh obstruct, ruh, vrf,
sad (siditum), sah, han, hr; and one in tu from roots as, bhas, vid
know. Both forms occur also from certain am-roots, namely narn, yam,
ram, and, with & before tu as in the pple, kram and bhram (ksam
has only ksamtu, against the analogy of ksamta); further, from certain
roots in variable r, namely tr (tartu, taritu), vr cover (vartu, varitu),
and sty (startu, staritu, staritu) (but from 97 crush occur only garitu,
garitu, and from vr choose only varitu; while gy swallow and pp fill
make their infinitive from other root-forms, namely giritum, puritum);
further, from a few vowel-roots, namely nl, cyu, su (sutu); and finally
from krs, nrt, guc.

e. Against the analogy of the participle, infinitive-stems in itu after
a final consonant are made from the roots av, ksan, khan and jan (the
pple 8 coming from kha and ja), guh, jabh, tarn, div play and div
lament (both devitu), majj, vrt, vrdh, srp; and after a final vowel,
from roots in u, namely pu, bhu, su (also sutu), and from gri and gvi;
as to roots in variable r, see just above, d.

f. As the infinitive is made from the (accented and) strengthened
root, so it naturally has, as a rule, the stronger or fuller root-form where
a weaker or contracted form is taken by the participle (and gerund in
tva): e. g. vaktu against ukta (and uktva), yas$u against ista (and
istva), banddhum against baddha (and baddhva), and so on. Deserv-
ing special notice are gatu (|/ga sing} against gita, and dhatu (]/dlia
suck) against dhita; and so from da give and ha leave are made only
datu and hfitu; but dha put, ma measure, and sthft add to the regular
dhatu, matu, sthatu the late forms -dhitu, -mitu, -sthitu; and sa
or si has satu, setu, and -situ; va weave (pple uta) has both vatu
and otu; hu or hva has havitu, hvayitu, and hvStu. The root vyadh
makes its only quotable infinitive, veddhum, from its vidh-form; from
sanj or saj occur both sanktu and saktu. The anomalous epic forms
ijitum (/yaj) and siditum (|/sad), were mentioned above. The root
grab makes grahitum.

g. In the later language, the infinitive-stem forms possessive com-
pounds with kama and manas (especially the former): e. g. svaptu-
kama having the wish to sleep, yastukama desirous of sacrificing, vaktu-
raanas minded to speak.

h. In very rare instances, dative infinitives in tave or tavai are

349 INFINITIVES. [—970

made from the infinitive stem in the later language (as abundantly in the
earlier: 970 b): thus, pratihartave (BhP.). And jivaee (9 73 a) is
once found in MBh. (i. 3. 67 = 732), in a quasi- Vedi chymn to the Acvins.

969. In the Veda and Brahmana, however, a number of verbal
nouns, nomina actionis, in various of their cases, are used in con-
structions which assimilate them to the infinitive of other languages
— although, were it not for these other later and more developed
and pronounced infinitives, the constructions in question might pass
as ordinary case-constructions of a somewhat peculiar kind.

970. The nouns thus used infinitively are the following:

a. The root-noun, without derivative suffix, is so used in its
accusative in am, its dative in e or (from S-roots) ai, its genitive
and ablative in as, and its locative in i.

b. The verbal noun in tu is so used in its accusative in turn,
its dative in tave or tavaf, and its ablative and genitive in tos.

Of other nouns only single cases, generally datives, are reckoned as
used -with infinitive value ; thus:

c. From the verbal noun in as, the dative in ase; and also, in
an extremely small number of instances, a dative in se (or se), from
a noun formed with s simply.

d. From nouns in man and van, datives in mane and vane.

e. From nouns in ti, datives in taye, or (from one or two verbs)
in tyai.

f. From nouns in i, datives in aye.

g. From nouns in dhi and si, datives in dhyai and syai.

h. A few infinitives in sani are perhaps locatives from nouns
in an added to a root increased by 8.

i. From a single root, dhr, are made infinitively used forms in
tari, of which the grammatical character is questionable.

j. Among all these, the forms which hare best right to special treat-
ment as infinitives, on account of being of peculiar formation, or from
suffixes not found in other uses, or for both reasons, are those in se,
sani, tari, dhyai, and tav&i.

k. Except the various cases of the derivative in tu, and of the root-
noun, these infinitives are almost wholly unknown outside the Rig- Veda.

1. Other suffixes and forms than those noticed above might be added ;
for it is impossible to draw any fixed line between the uses classed as
infinitive and the ordinary case-uses : thus, prajapatim prasnam aitam
(TS.) they went to ask Prajapati; v£c.vam jivam prasuvanti carayai
(RV.) quickening every living being to motion; apah sarmaya codayan
(RV.) impelling the waters to flow; (jaknuyad grahanaya (instead of the
usual grahitum: £B.) may be able to apprehend; & tamanat (instead of
the usual tamitoh: S.) until exhaustion. And the so-called infinitives

970—] XIII. VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS. 350

are found coordinated in the same sentence with common nouns, and even
with compound nouns: e. g. caritave... abhogaya is$aye raye (RV.)
to go abroad, to enjoy, to seek wealth; artatranaya na prahartum
anagasi (£.) for the rescue of the distressed, not for hurling at the innocent.
More special rules as to the various formations are as follows :

971. The root-noun used as infinitive has the same form (except
that it does not take an added t : 383 f ), and the same accent, both when
simple and when combined -with prepositions, as in its other uses. In the
very great majority of instances, it is made from roots ending in a conso-
nant; but also from a few in a (khya, da, dha, paP, ma, ya), from
two or three in i- and u-vowels (hi, ml, bhu), and from one or two in
changeable f, which takes the ir-form (tir, stir).

a. The roots in a form the accus. in am, the dat. in ai, the abl. in
as (understanding avasa before a as for avasas and not avasai in RY.
iii. 53. 20), and the locative in e (only two examples, of which one is per-
haps better understood as dative).

972. The infinitive noun in tu is made freely from roots of every
form. The root takes the guna-strengthening, if capable of it, and often
adds the auxiliary vowel i before the suffix (according to the rules already
stated, 968). The root is accented, unless the noun be combined with a
preposition, in which case the latter has the accent instead : thus, kartum,
etave, hantos; but nikartum, nfretave, nirhantos.

a. The dative in tavai is in two respects anomalous: in having the
heavy feminine ending ai along with a strengthened u; and in taking a
double accent, one on the root or on the prefixed preposition, and the
other on the ending ai: thus, etavai, hantavaf, atyetavaf, apabhar-
tavai.

973. a. The infinitive in ase is made in RV. from about twenty-
five roots; in AV. and later there have been noted no other examples of
it. In near three quarters of the cases, the accent is on the suffix : e. g.
j-njase, jivase, bhiyase, tujase ; the exceptions are caksase ; dhayase
(with y inserted before the suffix: 258); and ayase, bharase, sparase,
harase (with guna-strengthening of the root). Strengthening of the root
is also shown by javase, dohase, bhojase, gobhase. In pusyase is
seen, apparently, the present-stem instead of the root.

b. The ending se is extremely rare, being found only in jise and
perhaps stage, and one or two still more doubtful cases.

974. Infinitives in mane are made from only five roots: thus, tra-
mane, damane, darmane, bharmane, and (with different accent) vid-
mane. From yda, comes davane ; turvane may come directly from ytj* ,
or through the secondary root turv; dhurvane is rather from j/dhurv
than from j/dhvp

975. a. The infinitives in taye are istaye (^is), pitaye (>/pa
drinfe), vltaye, sataye, and perhaps utaye (utaye nfn to help his men:

351 INFINITIVES. [—981

(11V.). In tyfti, the only examples noted are ityfti (RV.) and eadhyfti
(MS. AB.).

b. With aye are formed i?aye, tujaye, drcjaye, mahaye, yudhayo,
sanaye; and citaye (VS.), gjhaye (K.).

976. The ending dhyai is, more than any other, irregular and vari-
ous in its treatment. It has always an a before it; and in the majority
of cases it is accented upon this a, and added to a weak form of root:
thus, 9\icadhyai, prnadhyai, dhiyadhyai, huvadhyai. But the form
of root is the strong one in a few cases : namely, 9ayadhyai, etavadh-
yai, taradhyai, jaradhyai, mandadhyai, vandadhyai. In half-a-
dozen forms, again, the root has the accent: namely, ksaradhyai, gamadh-
yai, yajadhyai (but once or twice also yajadhyai), vahadhy&i,
sahadhyai, bharadhyai. In a single instance, pibadhyai, the suffix
is added distinctly to a present-stem; and in one, vfivrdhadhyfti, to a
perfect stem. Finally, in a number of instances (ten), this infinitive is
made from a causative stem in ay : thus, madayadhyai, rif ayadhyai, etc.

a. This infinitive is by no means rare in RV., being made in thirty-
five different forms (with seventy-two occurrences). But it is hardly known
outside of the RV. ; the AY. has it but once (in a passage found also in
RV.) ; and elsewhere half-a-dozen examples have been noticed, in mantra-
passages (one of them TS. falsely reads gamadhye); in the Brahmana
language proper it appears to be entirely wanting.

977. An example or two are met with of an infinitive in §yai: thus,
rohiayai (TS.), avyathiayai (K. Kap.; MS. avyathise; VS. vyathiaat),
and perhaps -dhasyai (PGS.).

978. The infinitives in sani are: isani (?) from j/is tend, -bhu-
sani from |/bhu; 9usani from j/<ju or 9va; neaani from /ni; sak-
Bani from ysah; parsdni from >/pf, tarisani from >/tf ; and gri^i^ani
and -strnlfani from i/^gr and str — the last containing evident present
tense-signs (compare the 1st sing, g^nise, 894 d).

979. The only infinitive in tari is dhartari (with its compound
vidhartari), from j/dhr.

Uses of the Infinitives.

980. The uses of the so-called infinitives are for the most part
closely accordant with those of the corresponding cases from other
abstract nouns. Thus:

981. The accusative, which is made only from the root-noun
and the noun in tu, is used as object of a verb.

a. Especially, of forms from the root c,ak be able, and arh be worthy,
have the right or the power. Thus, Qakexna tva samfdham (RV.) may
we accomplish iky kindling; ma qakan pratidham {sum (AV.) may they
not be able to fit the arrow to the string ; mano va imam sadyah pary-

981—] XIII. VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS. 352

aptum arhati manah paribhavitum (TS.) the mind, forsooth, can at
once attain and surpass her; ko hy etasya 'rhati guhyam nama gra-
hitum (£B.) for who is worthy to take his secret name? In the Veda, the
construction with these verbs is only one among others; in the Brahmana,
it becomes the greatly prevalent one (three quarters or more of all the cases).
b. Further, of verbs of motion (next most frequent case) : thus,
daksinani hotum eti (TS.) he goes to sacrifice things pertaining to sacrifi-
cial gifts; fndram pratiram emy ayuh (RV.) / go to Jndra for (i. e.
beseech of him) the lengthening out of life; — of j/dhr persist in, under-
take: as, sa idarh jatah sarvam eva dagdhum dadhre (VB.) he, as
soon as born, began to burn this universe ; — of verbs meaning desire, hope,
notice, know, and the like: as, pa^an vicftam vettha sarvan (AV.)
thou knowest how to loosen all bonds ,- tasmad agnim na " driyeta pari-
hantum (£B.) therefore one should not be careful to smother the fire; —
and of others.

982. Of the infinitive datives, the fundamental and usual sense
is that expressed by for, in order to, for the purpose of.

Examples are : vi^vaih jivaxh carase bodhayanti (RV.) awakening
every living creature to motion; tan upa yata pibadhyai (RV.) come to
drink them; naf 'tarn te deva adadur attave (AV.) the gods did not
give her to thee for eating; praf "d yudhaye dasyum indrah (RV.)
Indra went forward to fight the demon; caksur no dhehi vikhyaf (RV.)
give us sight for looking abroad.

Some peculiar constructions, however, grow out of this use of the in-
finitive dative. Thus:

a. The noun which is logically 'the subject or the object of the action
expressed by the infinitive is frequently put beside it in the dative (by a
construction which is in part a perfectly simple one, but which is stretched
beyond its natural boundaries by a kind of attraction): thus, cakara
Buryaya pantham anvetava u (RV.) he made a track for the sun to
follow (made for the sun a track for his following) ; 919110 qfnge raksobhyo
vinikae (RV.) he whets his horns to pierce the demons ; rudraya dhanur
a tanomi brahmadvfse $arave hantava u (RV.) / stretch the bow
for Rudra, that with his arrow he may slay the brahma-ftafer ; asma-
bhyam df9aye stiryaya punar dStftm asum (RV.) may they grant
life again, that we may see the sun.

b. An infinitive with j/ky make is used nearly in the sense of a
causative verb : thus, pra 'ndharh 9ronam caksasa etave kythah (RV.)
ye make the blind and lame to see and go; agnim samidhe cakartha
(RV.) thou hast made the fire to be kindled. Of similar character is an oc-
casional construction with another verb: as, yad Im ugmasi kartave
karat tat (RV.) what we wish to be done, may he do that; kavinr
icchami samdi^e (RV.) / desire to see the sages.

c. A dative infinitive is not seldom used as a predicate, sometimes

353 USES OP THE INFINITIVES. [—984

with, but more usually without, a copul* expressed: thus, agnir iva na
pratidhrse bhavati (IS.) like fire, he it not to be resitted; mahima te
anyena na saxhnage (VS.) thy greatness is not to be attained by another;
nakim Indro nikartave na (jakrah pariQaktave (RV.) Indra it not
to be put down, the mighty one is not to be overpowered.

d. Sometimes an infinitive so used without a copula has quite nearly
the value of an imperative: thus, tya me yas&sa... auqijo huva-
dhyai [asti] (RV.) these glorious ones shall the son of Vcij invoke for me ;
suktebhir vah... fndra nv agni avase huvadhyai [stah] (BY.) with
your hymns shall ye call now on Indra and Agni for aid; vandadhyS
agnim namobhih [asmi] (RV.) let me greet Agni with homage; asmaka-
sa9 ca surayo vigva a<jas tansani (RV.) and let our sacrifices cross
all regions ; tan naf Vam kartavai (MS.) that must not be done so ;
brahmadvisah qarave hantava u (RV.) let the arrow slay the brahma-
haters. The infinitives in dhyai and sani (which latter is in all its uses
accordant with datives) are those in which the imperative value is most
distinctly to be recognized.

e. In the Brahmanas and Sutras (especially in £B.) the dative in tavai
is not seldom used with a verb signifying speak (bru, vac, ah), to express
the ordering of anything to be done : thus, tasmad osadhinam eva miilany
ucchettavai bruyat (£B.) therefore let him direct the roots of the plants
to be cut up (speak in order to their cutting up: cf. ye vac,ay& adanaya
vadanti who dissuade from giving the cow: AV.).

983. The ablative infinitive — which, like the accusative, is
made only from the root-noun and that in tu — is found especially
with the prepositions a until and pura before.

a. Thus, a tamitoh (TS. etc.) until exhaustion; pura vacah pra-
vaditoh (TS.) before utterance of the voice. In the Brahmana language,
this is the well-nigh exclusive construction of the ablative (it occurs also
with prak, arvak, etc.) ; in the Veda, the latter is used also after rte
without, and after several verbs, as tr& and pft protect, yu separate, bhi, etc.

b. In a few instances, by an attraction similar to that illustrated
above for the dative (982 a), a noun dependent on this infinitive is put in
the ablative beside it: thus, pura vagbnyah sampravaditoh (PB.)
before the utterance together of the voices; tradhvam kartad avapadah
(RV.) save us from falling down into the pit; pura dakeinabhyo net oh
(A past. J before the gifts are taken away.

984. The genitive infinitive (having the same form as the ab-
lative) is in common use in the Brahmana language as dependent on
Iqvara lord, master, employed adj actively in the sense of capable or
likely or exposed to.

a. Examples are: ta [devatah] i(?vara enam pradahah (TS.)
they are likely to burn him up; atha ha va i^varo 'gnim citva kiih-
cid dauritam gpattor vi vft hvalitoh (^B.) so in truth he it liable,
Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 23

984—1 XIII. VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS. 354

after piling the fire, to meet with some mishap or other, or to stagger;
I9varam vai rathantaram udgatuQ caksuh pramathitoh (PB.) the
rathantara is liable to knock out the eye of the chanter.

b. The dative is used in <TB. instead of the genitive in a single
phrase (icjvarau janayitaval); and, in the later language, sometimes the
accusative in turn. In a case or two the masc. sing. nom. i^varah is
used, without regard to the gender or number of the word which it qualifies :
thus, tasye "9varah praja paplyasl bhavitoh (QB.) his progeny is
liable to deteriorate. And in a very few instances the word i$vara is
omitted, and the genitive has the same value without it : thus, dve madhy-
amdinam abhi pratyetoh (AB.) (too may be added to the noon libation ;
tato dlksitah pamano bhavitoh ($B.) then the consecrated is liable
to get the itch.

c. This construction with iqvara, which is the only one for the geni-
tive infinitive in the Brahmana, is unknown in the Veda, where the geni-
tive is found in a very small number of examples with madhya, and with
the root 19: thus, madhya kartoh (RV.) in the midst of action; i$e
rayo datoh (RV.) he is master of the giving of wealth; ic.e yotoh (RV.)
is able to keep away.

985. Unless the infinitives in sani and tari are locative in form
(their uses are those of datives), the locative infinitive is so rare, and has
so little that is peculiar in its use, that it is hardly worth making any
account of. An example is usaso budhi (RV.) at the awakening of the
dawn.

986. In the Veda, the dative infinitive forms are very much
more numerous than the accusative (in RV., their occurrences are
twelve times as many; in AV., more than three times); and the ac-
cusative in turn is rare (only four forms in RV., only eight in AV.).
In the Brahmanas, the accusative has risen to much greater compar-
ative frequency (its forms are nearly twice as many as those of the
dative); but the ablative-genitive, which is rare iu the Veda, has
also come to full equality with it. The disappearance in the classical
language of all excepting the accusative in turn (but see 968 h) is a
matter for no small surprise.

987. The later infinitive in turn is oftenest used in constructions
corresponding to those of the earlier accusative: thus, na vaspam
a^akat sodhurn he could not restrain his tears ; tarn drastum arhasi
thou oughtest to see it; praptum icchanti they desire to obtain; sam-
khyatum arabdham having begun to count. But also, not infrequently,
in those of the other cases. So, especially, of the dative: thus,
avasthatum sthanantaram cintaya devise another place to stay in;
tvam anvestum iha "gatah he has come hither to seek for thee ; —
but likewise of the genitive: thus, samartho gantum capable of
going; sarhdhatum i«jvarah able to mend. Even a construction as
nominative is not unknown: thus, yuktam tasya maya sama<jva-

355

GERUNDS.

[—990

sayitum bharyam (MBh.) it is proper for me to comfort his wife;
na naptaram svayam nyayyam qaptum evam (R.) it is not suitable
thus to curse ones own grandson; tad vaktum na paryate (£atr.) it
is not possible to say that.

988. In the later language, as in the earlier, the infinitive in cer-
tain connections has what we look upon as a passive value. Thus, kartuin
arabdhah begun to be made; (jrotum na yujyate it is not fit to be heard
(for hearing). This is especially frequent along with the passive forms
of j/qak: thus, tyaktum na (jakyate if cannot be abandoned; gakyav
iha "netum they two can be brought hither; na ca vibhutayah qak-
yam avaptum urjitah nor are mighty successes a thing capable of being

"^Gerunds. Sor^

989. The so-called gerund is a stereotyped case (doubt-
less instrumental) of a verbal noun, used generally as ad-
junct to the logical subject of a clause, denoting an accom-
panying or (more often) a preceding action to that signified
by the verb of the clause. It has thus the virtual value of
an indeclinable participle, present or past, qualifying the
actor whose action it describes.

a. Thus, for example: qrutvai 'va ca *bruvan and hearing (or
having heard) they spoke; tebhyah pratijnaya 'thai 'tan paripa-
praccha having given them his promise, he then questioned them.

990. The gerund is made in the later language by one
of the two suffixes ^TT tvS and U ya, the former being used
with a simple root, the latter with one that is compounded
with a prepositional prefix — or, rarely, with an element
of another kind, as adverb or noun.

a. To this distribution of uses between the two suffixes there are
occasional exceptions. Thus, gerunds in ya from simple roots are not
very rare in the epic language (e. g. grhya, usya [yVas dwell], arcya,
iksya, cintya, tyajya, laksya; also from causatives and denominatives,
as vacya, yojya, plavya), and are not unknown elsewhere (e. g. arcya
and Iksfya M., prothya AGS., sthSpya £vU.). And gerunds in tvfi
from compounded roots are met with in considerable numbers from AV.
(only pratyarpayitva) down: e. g. samirayitva MS., virocayitva
TA., utkaiptva U., pratyuktva E., pratyasitva S., prahasitvS
MBh., samdarqayitva MBh., vimuktva R., nivedayitvS R., proktvS
Pane., anupitva VBS.: the great majority of them are made from the
causative stem.

23*

VAA

990—] XIII. VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS. 356

b. The preflxion of the negative particle, a or an, does not cause
the gerund to take the form in ya: thus, akrtva, amrayitvS (but R.
has acintya). Of compounds -with other than verbal prefixes, RV. has
punardaya, karnagrhya, pftdagfhya, haetagfhya, aramkftya,
akkhalikrtya, mithaspf dhya ; AY. has further namaskrtya.

991. The suffix ^T tva has the accent. It is usually
added directly to the root, hut often also with interposition
of the auxiliary vowel ^ i — with regard to which, as well
as to the form of the root hefore it, the formation nearly
agrees with that of the participle in fT ta (952 ff.).

a. Examples of the general accordance of passive participle, in-
finitive, and gerund in regard to the use of i were given above,
968 a; farther specifications are called for, as follows:

b. The quotable roots in variable y (242) change it to ir: thus,
tirtva, BtlrtvS* (also stytva); and car makes also clrtvft (like clrna);
— roots in ft show in general the game weakening as in the participle;
but from dhft put is quotable only dhitva, from ma measure mitva and
mltvfi, from d& give only dattva, from cha chayitvS; — - of roots in
am, kram and bhram and yam make forms both with and without i
(as in the infinitive), but ram has ratva and ramtva, and dam and
vain make damitva and vamitva.

c. The auxiliary vowel is taken by roots gras, mus, 9ap, and <jas
(Qftsitvft) (whose participles have both forms); also by cay, nyt (nar-
titvft), lag, and flvaj (against analogy of pple); and $uc makes Qocitva.
On the other hand, from ruj (rugna) and vrac.c (vfkna) come ruktva
and VTB^va. And both forms are made (as also in infinitive or participle)
from car, vas dwell (usfrvft, ufitva),* ni (nitva, nayitvS), and mrg
(mrstva, m&rjitva).

d. While the formation is in general one requiring, like the passive
participle (e. g. uptva, like upta; uditva, like udita), a weak or weakened
root, there are some cases in which it is made from a strong or strength-
ened root-form. Thus (besides the instances already given: chftyitva,
ramtva, qasitva, cayitvft, $ocitva, nayitvft, mfirjitvft), we find
charditva (Apast.), daAs^va, and spharitvft, and, from a number of
roots, a second strong form beside the more regular weak one: namely,
anktva, bhanktvft, bhunktvfi, syanttva (beside aktva etc.); cayitva,
smayitvfi, smaritva (beside citva etc.); roditva (beside ruditvS),
and sincitvS (beside siktva). The last shows the influence of the
present-stem ; as do also mfirjitvS (above) and jighritvft (j/ghrft). The
form f^hutvft (Apast.) is doubtless a false reading, for fthyutva.

992. The sufnx IT ya is added directly to the root,
which is accented, but has its weak form. A root ending

357 GERUND IN ya. [—

in a short vowel takes r£T tya instead of IT ya: thus,
-jitya, £c*T -stutya, r£T -kftya.

a. Roots in variable r (242) change that vowel to ir or ur: thus,
kirya, girya, tirya (and tfirya), dlrya, purya, Qlrya, stirya (also
atrtya); — roots in & have for the most part -fiya; but dhft suck makes
dhiya, and double forms are found from ga sing (gaya, glya\ pa drink
(paya, piya), dS give (daya, dadya), dfi divide (daya, ditya), ma
measure, exchange (maya, mitya), sa bind (saya, sya); 11 cling has
laya or liya, as if an a-verb ; and khan and dham make khaya and
dhmaya, from their a- forms ; — the roots in an and am making their
participle in ata (954 d) make the gerund in atya, but also later in anya,
amya (e. g. gatya, gamya; hatya, hanya; but tan makes as second
form taya, and from ram only ramya is quotable); — the roots in Iv
add ya to their Iv-form: thus, sthivya, sivya; — a few roots in i and
u add ya to the lengthened vowel besides adding tya: thus, i go (iya,
£tya; also ayya), ci gather (ciya, citya), and plu, yu unite, su, stu
(pliiya, plutya, etc.); while ksi destroy has only ksiya.

b. This gerund, though accented on the root-syllable, is generally
a weakening formation : thus are made, without a strengthening nasal found
in some other forms, acya, ajya, idhya, udya, ubhya, grathya, tacya,
dacjya, badhya, bhajya, lipya, lupya, vlagya, qrabhya, sajya,
skabhya, atabhya, syadya, svajya; with weakening of other kinds,
gfhya and grbhya, prcchya, ucya, udya, upya, usya (vas dwelt),
unya, vidhya, vlya, vp^cya, spfdhya, huya; — but from a number
of roots are made both a stronger and a weaker form : thus, man thy a and
mathya, marjya and mf jya, rundhya and riidhya, <jansya and (jas-
ya, 9&sya and 9isya, skandya and skadya, sransya and srasya; —
and only strong forms are found from roots arc, av, cay, 91 ($ayya)y as
well as from certain roots with a constant nasal: e. g. unch, kamp,
nand, lamb, Qank; isolated cases are osya (]/us burn), prothya (also
pruthya).

c. Other special cases are uhya and uhya (Yuh remove), gurya and
gurya, guhya and guhya, ruhya and ruhya, bhramya and bhramya,
ayya (beside {tya, Iya), ghraya and jighrya; and urnutya (beside
vftya).

993. The older language has the same two gerund formations,
haying the same distinction, and used in the same way.

a. In BV., however, the final of ya is in the great majority of in-
stances (fully two thirds) long (as if the instrumental ending of a deriv-
ative noun in i or ti). In AV., long ft appears only once in a BV.
passage.

b. Instead of tva alone, the Veda has three forms of the suffix,
namely tva, tvaya, and tvl. Of these three, tvl is decidedly the commonest
in BV. (thirty-flTe occurrences, against twenty-one of tvft); but it is un-

993—] XIII. VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS. 358

known in AV., and very rare elsewhere in the older language; tvaya is
found nine times in RV. (only once outside the tenth Book), twice in AV.,
and but half-a-dozen times elsewhere (in QB., once from a causative stem:
spa^ayitvaya). The historical relation of the three forms is obscure.

c. Two other gerund suffixes, tvanam and tvmam. are mentioned
by the grammarians as of Vedic use, but they have nowhere been found
to occur.

994. The use of this gerund, though not changing in its char-
acter, becomes much more frequent, and even excessive, in the later
language.

a. Thus, in the Nala and Bhagavad-Gita, which have only one tenth
as many verb-forms as RV., there are more than three times as many ex-
amples of the gerund as in the latter.

b. In general, the gerund is an adjunct to the subject of a sentence,
and expresses an act or condition belonging to the subject: thus, vajrena
hatva nfr apah sasarja (RV.) smiting with his thunderbolt, he poured
forth the waters; pltvl somasya v&vrdhe (RV.) having drunk of the
soma, he waxed strong; te yajnasya rasam dhitva viduhya yajnam
yupena yopayitva tiro «bhavan (£B.) having sucked out the sap of the
offering, having milked the offering dry, having blocked it with the sacrificial
post, they disappeared; 9rutvai Va eft *bruvan (MBh.) and having heard,
they said; tarn ca dure drstva gardabhi 'yam iti matva dhavitah
(H.) and having seen him in the distance, thinking 'it is a she-ass", he ran.

c. But if the logical subject, the real agent, is put by the construc-
tion of the sentence in a dependent case, it is still qualified by the ger-
und: thus, striyam drstvaya kitavam tatapa (RV.) it distresses the
gambler (i. e. the gambler is distressed) at seeing a woman; tarn hai 'nam
dr-stva bhir viveda (£B.) fear came upon him (i. e. he was afraid") when
he saw him,- vidhaya prosite vrttim (M.) when he stays away after
providing for her support ; kind nu me syad idaih krtva (MBh.) what,
1 wonder, would happen to me if I did this ; — and especially, when a pass-
ive form as given to the sentence, the gerund qualifies the agent in the
instrumental case (282 a): thus, tatah (jab dad abhijnaya sa vyagh-
rena hatah (H.) thereupon he was slain by the tiger, who recognized him
by his voice; tvaya sa raja ^akuntalam puraskrtya vaktavyah (g.)
presenting C}akuntala, thou must say to the king; hansanam vacanam
^rutva yatha me (gen. for instr.) naisadho vrtah (MBh.) as the Ni-
shadhan was chosen by me on hearing the words of the swans : this con-
struction is extremely common in much of the later Sanskrit.

d. Occasionally, the gerund qualifies an agent, especially an indefinite
one, that is unexpressed : thus, tada 'trfti Va paktva khaditavyah
(H.) then he shall be eaten [by us] 'cooking him on the spot; yad anyasya
parijnaya punar anyasya diyate (M.) that, after being promised (lit,
when one has promised her) to one, she is given again to another; sucintya
co *ktaxh suvicarya yat krtam (H.) what one says after mature thought,

359

USES OF THE GERUNDS.

[—995

and does after full deliberation. Hence, still more elliptically, after aJam :
thus, alam vicarya (y.) enough of hesitation; tad alam te vanam
gatva (R.) so have done with going to the forest.

e. Other leas regular constr actions are met with, especially in the
older language : thus, in the manner of a participle with man and the like
(268 a), as taih hinsitve Va mene ($B.) he thought he had hurt him;
ta adbhir abhisicya nijasyai Va 'manyata (AB.) having sprinkled
them with water, he believed himself to have exhausted them ; — in the man-
ner of a participle forming a continuous tense with yi (1075 a), as indraxn
evai 'tair arabhya yanti (AB.) by means of them they keep taking hold
of Indra ; — as qualifying a subordinate member of the sentence, as puro-
deujam eva kurmam bhutva sarpantam (^B.) to the sacrificial cake
creeping about, having become a tortoise; ayodhyam . . . saphenam sa-
Bvanam bhutva jalormim iva (R.) into Ayodhya, like a surge that had
been foamy and roaring,- — even absolutely, as atithyena val deva
is^va tant samad avindat ($B.) when the gods had sacrificed with the
guest-offering, strife befel them.

f. As in the two examples before the last, a predicate word with
bhutva is put in the same case with the subject: thus, further, tad
iyam evai 'tad bhutva yajati (£B.) so having thus become this earth he
makes offering; yena vamanena 'pi bhutva (Vet.) by whom, even when
he had become a dwarf. The construction is a rare one.

g. A number of gerunds have their meaning attenuated sometimes to
the semblance of a preposition or adverb : such are adhikr/tya making a
subject of, i. e. respecting, of; adaya, upagrhya taking, i. e. with; ud-
diqya pointing toward, i. e. at; asadya, arriving at, i. e. along, by;
arabhya beginning, i.e. from; sambhuya being with, i. e.with; samhatya
striking together, i. e. in unison; prasahya using force, i. e. violently;
tyaktva, parityajya, muktva, vihaya, uddhrtya, varjayitva leaving
out etc., i. e. excepting, without,- and others. Examples are: <jakuntalam
adhikrtya bravimi (£.) 1 am speaking of pakuntala,- tam uddi9ya
kfiptalagudah (H.) having thrown the cudgel at him; nimittam kimcid
asadya (H.) for some reason or other.

h. The gerund is in the later language sometimes found in compo-
sition, as if a noun-stem: e. g. prasahyaharana taking with violence;
pretyabhava existence after death; vibhajyapatha separate enunciation;
sambhuyagaxnana going together. It is also often repeated (1260), in a
distributive sense: e. g. sa val sammfjya-sammrjya pratapya-pra-
tapya pra yaochati (VB.) in each case, after wiping and warming them,
he hands them over; grhitva-grhitva (K^S.) at each taking; unnamyo-
'nnamya (Paoc.) 'every time that they arise.

Adverbial Gerund in am.

995. The accusative of a derivative nomen actionis in a, used
adverbially, assumes sometimes a value and construction so accord-

995 — ] XIV. SECONDABY CONJUGATION. 360

ant with that of the usual gerund that it cannot well be called by
a different name.

a. No example of a peculiar gerundial construction with such a form
occurs either In RV. or AV., although a dozen adverbial accusatives are to
be classed as representing the formation: thus, abhyakramam, pratan-
kam, pranodam, nilayam, abhiskandam, etc. This gerund is found
especially in the Brakmanas and Sutras, where it is not rare; in the epics
it is extremely infrequent; later, also, it occurs very sparingly.

b. A final vowel has vrddhi-strengthening before the suffix: thus,
nayam, Qravam, karam; final a adds y: thus, khyayam, yayam; a
medial vowel has guna (if capable of it: 240): thus, ksepam, krcxjam,
vartam (but ikeam, puram); a medial a before a single consonant is
lengthened: thus, kramam, car-am, graham, avadam (but grantham,
lambham). The accent is on the radical syllable. No uncompounded ex-
amples are found in the older language, and extremely few in the later.

c. Examples are: kamam va imany angani vyatyasam gete
(QB.) he lies changing the position of these limbs at pleasure ; uttaram-ut-
tararh 9Skham samalambham rohet (QB.) he would climb, taking hold
of a higher and ever a higher limb; aparlsu mahanagam iva 'bhisarh-
saram didrksitarah (£8.) hereafter, running together as it were about a
great snake, they will wish to see him,- namany asaxn etani namagra-
ham (QB.) with separate naming of these their names; yo viparyasam
avagiihati (^B.) whoever buries it upside down; bahutksepam krand-
itum pravrtta (^.) she proceeded to cry, throwing up her arms (with arm-
tossing] • navacutapallavani dar^aih-dar^am madhukaranam kva-
nitani 9ravam-<jravam paribabhrama (DEC.) he wandered about,
constantly seeing the young shoots of the mango, and hearing the humming of
the bees. Repeated forms, like those in the last example, are approved in
the later language; they do not occur earlier (but instead of them the re-
peated ordinary gerund: 994 h).

CHAPTER XIV.

DERIVATIVE OE SECONDARY CONJUGATION.

996. SECONDARY conjugations are those in which a
whole system of forms, like that already described as made
from the simple root, is made, with greater or less com-
pleteness, from a derivative conjugation-stem; and is also

361 PASSIVE. [—998

usually connected with a certain definite modification of
the original radical sense.

a. We have seen, indeed, that the tense-systems are also for the most
part made from derivative-stems ; and even that, in some cases, such stems
assume the appearance and value of roots, and are made the basis of a
complete conjugational system. Nor is there any distinct division-line to
be drawn between tense-systems and derivative conjugations; the latter are
present-systems which have been expanded into conjugations by the addition
of other tenses, and of participles, infinitives, and so on. In the earliest
language, their forms outside of the present-system are still quite rare,
hardly more than sporadic; and even later they are — with the exception
of one or two formations which attain a comparative frequency — much
less common than the corresponding forms of primary conjugation.

997. The secondary conjugations are: I. Passive;
n. Intensive; HI. Desiderative; IV. Causative; V. Denom-
inative.

a. The passive is classed here as a secondary conjugation because of
its analogy with the others in respect to specific value, and freedom of
formation, although it does not, like them, make its forms outside the
present system from its present-stem.

I. Passive.

998. The passive conjugation has been already in the
main described. Thus, we have seen that —

a. It has a special present-system, the stem of which
is present only, and not made the basis of any of the re-
maining forms : this stem is formed with the accented class-
sign IT ya, and it takes (with exceptions: 774) the middle
endings. This present-system is treated with the others,
above, 768 ff.

b. There is a special passive 3d sing, of the aorist,
ending in ^ i: it is treated above, 842 ff.

o. In the remaining tenses, the middle forms are used
also in a passive sense.

d. But the passive use of middle forms is not common; it is oftenest
met with in the perfect. The participle to a great extent takes the place
of a past passive tense, and the gerundive that of a future. On the other

908 — ] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 362

hand, in the oldest language (RV.), middle forms of other present-systems
are in a considerable number of cases employed with passive meaning.

e. According to the grammarians, there may be formed from some
verbs, for passive use, a special stem for the aorist and the two future
systems, coinciding in form with the peculiar 3d sing, aorist

f. Thus, from ]/dft (aor. 3d sing, ad&yi), beside adasi, dasye,
dfttahe, also adayisi, dayisye, dayitahe. The permission to make this
doable formation extends to all roots ending in vowels, and to grab, £1/9,
and han. No such passive forms occur in the older language, and not half-
a-dozen are quotable from the later (we find adhayisi and asthayisi in
DEC., and anayisata in Ruval.).

g. As to the alleged passive inflection of the periphrastic perfect, see
below, 1072.

h. Besides the participle from the present tense-stem
(771. 5), the passive has a past participle in ft ta (952), or
^ na (957), and future participles, or gerundives, of various
formation (961 ff.), made directly from the root.

999. As already pointed out (282 a), the language, especially
later, has a decided predilection for the passive form of the sentence.
This is given in part by the use of finite passive forms, but oftener
by that of the passive participle and of the gerundive : the participle
being taken in part in a present sense, but more usually in a past
(whether indefinite or proximate past), and sometimes with a copula
expressed, but much oftener without it; and the gerundive repre-
senting either a pure future or one with the sense of necessity or
duty added. A further example is: tatrai *ko yuva brahmano
dfftah: tarn dr>stva kamena pldita samjata: sakhya agre kathi-
tam: sakhi puruso 'yam grhitva mama matuh samipam aneta-
vyah (Vet.) there she saw a young Brahman ; at sight of him she felt
the pangs of love ; she said to her friend : 'friend, you must take and
bring this man to my mother1. In some styles of later Sanskrit, the
prevailing expression of past time is by means of the passive parti-
ciple (thus, in Yet., an extreme case, more than nine tenths).

a. As in other languages, a 3d sing, passive is freely made from
intransitive as well as transitive verbs : thus, iha "gamyataxn come hither;
tvayS tatrai Va sthiyatam do you stand just there; sarvair jalam
adayo 'ddiyatam (H.) let all fly up with the net.

II. Intensive.

1000. The intensive (sometimes also called frequent-
ative) is that one of the secondary conjugations which is
least removed from the analogy of formations already de-

INTENSIVE. [_1002

scribed. It is, like the present-system of the second con-
jugation-class (642 ff.), the inflection of a reduplicated stem,
but of one that is peculiar in having a strengthened redu-
plication. It is decidedly less extended beyond the limits
of a present-system than any other of the derivative con-
jugations.

a. The intensive conjugation signifies the repetition or
the intensification of the action expressed by the primary
conjugation of a root.

1001. According to the grammarians, the intensive
conjugation may be formed from nearly all the roots in the
language — the exceptions being roots of more than one
syllable, those conjugated only causatively (below, 1056),
and in general those beginning with a vowel.

a. In fact, however, inten gives in the later language are very rare,
so rare that it is hard to tell precisely what value is to be given to the
rules of the native grammar respecting them. Nor are they at all common
earlier, except (comparatively) in the RV., which contains about six sevenths
of the whole number (rather over a hundred) quotable from Veda and Brah-
mana and Sutra-texts ; AY. has less than half as many as RV., and many
of them in RV. passages ; from the later language are quotable about twenty
of these, and about forty more, but for the most part only in an occurrence
or two.

b. Hence, in the description to be given below, the actual aspect of
the formation, as exhibited in the older language, will be had primarily
and especially in view; and the examples will be of forms found there
in use.

1002. The strong intensive reduplication is made in
three different ways:

I. a. The reduplicating syllable is, as elsewhere, composed of
a single consonant with following vowel, and, so far as the conso-
nant is concerned, follows the rules for present and perfect redupli-
cation (590); but the vowel is a heavy one, radical a and ? (or ar)
being reduplicated with a, an i-vowel by e, and an u-vowel by o.

Examples are: vftvad, babadh, Qftcvas, rarandh; dftdy, dadhy;
cekit, tetij, nem, vevll; socuc, popruth, co?ku, johu.

II. b. The reduplicating syllable has a final consonant, taken
from the end of the root. With an exception or two, this consonant
is either r (or its substitute 1) or a nasal.

1002-] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 364

Examples are : car car, calcal, sarsr, marmrj, jarhrs ; cankram,
janghan, tanstan, danda$ (j/danc or dac.), janjabb. (yjambh or jabh),
tantas (j/tans or tas), nannam (j/nam), yamyam (j/yam). The
nasal is assimilated to the initial consonant.

0. Only roots having a or r as vowel make this form of reduplication,
but with such roots it is more common than either of the other forma.

d. Irregular formations of this class are: with a final other than r
or n in the reduplication, badbadh; with a final nasal in the redupli-
cation which is not found in the root, jangah (RV.), janjap ($B. ; and
janguyat PB. is perhaps from >/gu; the later language has further
dandah); with an anomalous initial consonant in reduplication, jarbhur
from ybhur (compare the Vedic perfect jabhftra from v/bhr, 789 b),
galgal from y'gal; with various treatment of an r or ar-element, dardar
and dardir, carkar and carkir, tartar and tartur, carcar and car-
cur, jargur and jalgul.

e. The roots i and r are the only ones with vowel initial forming an
intensive stem: i makes iyay (? PUM once); r makes the irregular alar
or air. As to the stem lya, see below, 1021b.

III. f. The reduplication is dissyllabic, an i-vowel being added
after a final consonant of the reduplicating syllable. This i-vowel is
in the older language short before a double consonant, and long be-
fore a single.

Examples are: ganigam (but ganigmatam), vanvrt, vamvah,
caniskad, sanisvan; navinu, davidyut (and the participles davidhvat
but tavituat). A single exception as to the quantity of the i is davi-
dhfiva.

g. This method of reduplication is followed in the older language
by about thirty roots. Thus, of roots having final or penultimate n (once
m), and n in the reduplicating syllable, pan, phan, Ban, svan, ban;
gam; krand, c,oand, skand, syand; of roots having final or medial r,
and r in the, reduplicating syllable, kr make, tr, bhr, vr, mrj, mrg,
vrj, vrt, srp; also mluc (malimluc); — further, of roots assuming in
the reduplication a n not found in the root, only van (QB. : the gram-
marians allow also kas, pat, pad; and panipad is quotable later; and A£S.
has canikhudat, for which TB. reads kanlkhunat); finally, of roots
having u or u as radical vowel, with av before the i-vowel, tu, dhu,
nu, dyut.

h. In this class, the general rules as to the form of the reduplicating
consonant (590) are violated in the case of ghanighan and bharlbhr,
and of ganigam, karikr (but the regular carikr also occurs), kani-
krand, and kaniskand (but also canifkand occurs) ; also in kanTkhun.

1. The reversion to more original guttural form after the reduplication
in cekit, and janghan and ghanighan, is in accordance with what takes
place elsewhere (2101).

365

INTENSIVE.

[-1006

1003. The same root is allowed to form its intensive stem in
more than one way.

Thus, in the older language, dadr and dardr; dadhr and dardhr;
cScal and carcar (and carcur); tartar (and tartur) and tarltr;
jangam and ganigam; janghan and ghamghan; pamphan and
paniphan; marmrj and manmrj ; marmrg and marimn;; varvrt
and varivrt; jarbhy and bharibhr; dodhu and davidhu; nonu and
navinu; babadh and badbadh.

1004. The model of normal intensive inflection is the
present-system of the reduplicating conjugation-class (642 ff.) ;
and this is indeed to a considerable extent followed, in
respect to endings, strengthening of stem, and accent. But
deviations from the model are not rare; and the forms are
in general of too infrequent occurrence to allow of satis-
factory classification and explanation.

a. The most marked irregularity is the frequent insertion of an
I between the stem and ending. According to the grammarians,
this is allowed in all the strong forms before an ending beginning
with a consonant; and before the i a final vowel has guna-strengthen-
ing, but a medial one remains unchanged.

Present-System.

1005. We will take up the parts of the present-system in their
order, giving first what is recognized as regular in the later language,
and then showing how the formation appears in the earlier texts. As
most grammarians do not allow a middle inflection, and middle forms
are few even in the Veda, no attempt will be made to set up a par-
adigm for the middle voice.

1006. As example of inflection may be taken the root
f^" vid know, of which the intensive stem is 5!^ vevid,
or, in strong forms, ifi^ veVed.

a. Neither from this nor from any other roofare more than a few scat-
tering forms actually quotable.

1. Present Indicative.

s. d. p.

vevedmi, vevidimi vevidvas vevidmas

1000—] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 366

vevetsi, vevidl§i vevitthas vevittha

vevetti, veviditi vevittas vevidati
b. From y^ hu, the singular forms with auxiliary
vowel would be sM^efift johavlmi, sj|c^cf)f^ johavlsi, sj)«£cjlfH
johavlti.

1007. a. The forms found in the older language agree in general
with the paradigm. Examples are: 1st sing., carkarmi, vevesmi; 2d
sing., alarsi, dardarsi; 3d sing., alarti, dadharti, veveti, nenekti,
janghanti, kanikrantti, ganigamti; 3d da., jarbhrtas; 1st pi., nonu-
mas; 2d pi., jagratha; 3d pi., dadhrati, nanadati, bharibhrati,
varv|tati, davidyutati, nenijati, and, irregularly, vevisanti; and, with
the auxiliary vowel, johavlmi, caka9ixni; cakaqiti, nonavlti, darda-
riti, jarbhuriti. No stem with dissyllabic reduplication takes the auxil-
iary I in any of its forms.

b. A single dual form with I and strong stem occurs : namely, tar-
tarithas.

c. The middle forms found to occur are: 1st sing., joguve, nenije;
3d sing., nenikte, sarsrte; and, with irregular accent, tetikte, dediste;
with irregular loss of final radical nasal, nannate; with ending e instead
of te, cekite, jangahe, j6guve, yoyuve, babadhe, and (with irregular
accent) badbadhe; 3d du., sarsrate; 3d pi., dedigate.

2. Present Subjunctive.

1008. a. Subjunctire forms with primary endings are extremely rare:
there have been noticed only janghanani, jagarasi (AY.); and, in the
middle, tantaaafte (3d du.).

b. Forms with secondary endings are more frequent : thus, 2d sing.,
janghanas, jalgulas; 3d sing., jagarat, cekitat, bobhavat, carkrsat,
janghanat, barbrhat, marmrjat, marmr^at, parpharat, dardirat,
caniskadat, davidyutat, sanisvanat; 1st du., janghanava; 1st pi.,
carkirama, vevidama; 3d pi., papatan, gogucan, carkiran; and,
with double mode-sign, cakagan (AV.). Of the middle are found only
3d persons plural: thus, janghananta, jarhraanta, marmrjanta, nonu-
vanta, gogucanta.

3. Present Optative.

1009. This mode would show the unstrengthened stem,
with the usual endings (566), accented. Thus:

367

INTENSIVE.

[—1012

d.

vevidyam vevidyava vevidyama

etc. etc. etc.

a. The optative is represented by only an example or two in the older
language: thus, active, vevigyat (AY.), jagryas (KB.), jagriyat (AB.),
jagfyama (VS. MS. ; but jagriyama TS.); ,RV. has only cakanyat (pft.?) ;
middle, nenijlta (K.).

4. Present Imperative.

1010. The regular forms of the imperative, including
the usual subjunctive first persons, would be as follows:

s. d. p.

1 5f{ef<yPl q{of<^|Qf cftcf^lH
vevidani vevid&va vevid&ma

2 5l^fi» %f%rR^ ^frr
veviddhi vevittam vevitta

vevettu, vevidltu vevittam vevidatu

1011. a. Older imperative forms are less rare than optative. The
first persons have been given above (janghanani, the only accented ex-
ample, does Tiot correspond with the model, but is in conformity with the
subjunctive of the reduplicating present); the proper imperatives are: 2d
sing., dadrhi, dardrhi, carkj-dhi, jagrhi, nenigdhi, raranddhi; the
ending tat is found in carkrtat and jagrtat; and the latter (as was
pointed out above, 57 Ib) is used in AY. as first person sing.; barbrhi
shows an elsewhere unparalleled loss of h before the ending hi ; 3d sing.,
dadhartu, vevefju, dardartu, marmarttu; 2d du., jagrtam; 3d du.,
jagrtam; 2d pi., jagrta; cankramata (RV., once) has an anomalous
union-vowel. In the middle voice is found only neniksva (QB.).

b. Of imperative forms with auxiliary i, RV. has none; AV. has
vavaditu and johavitu, and such are sometimes found in the Brahmanas ;
AV. has also, against rule, tanstanlhi and janghanihi ; VS. has caka^Uii.

5. Present Participle.

1012. The intensive participles, both active and middle,
are comparatively common in the older language. They are
formed and inflected like those of the reduplicating present,
and have the kccent on the reduplicating syllable.

1012—] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 368

Examples are : active, caka9at, nanadat, cekitat, raemyat, 96 9u-
cat, roruvat, dardrat, marmrjat, janghanat, nannamat, pani-
phanat, kanikradat, davidyutat ; — middle, babadhana, memyana,
cekitana, yoyuvana, rorucana, jarbhurana, sarsrana, janjabhana,
nannamana, danda9&na. No middle participle shows the dissyllabic
reduplication.

1013. a. On account of their accent, rarahana, raraksSna, and
jahrsana (beside jarhrfSna) are probably to.be regarded as perfect parti-
ciples, although no other perfect forms with heavy reduplication from the
same roots occur. The inference is, however, rendered uncertain by the
unmistakably intensive badbadhana and marmrjana (beside marmrj-
ana). As to 9U9ucana etc., see 806 a.

b. The RV. has once janghnatas, gen. sing., with root-vowel cast
out; kanikrat appears to be used once for kanikradat; if cakat is to
be referred to ]/k& (Grassmann), it is the only example of an intensive
from a root in a, and its accent is anomalous. Marmi^antas (AB.) is
perhaps a false reading; but forms with the nasal irregularly retained are
found repeatedly in the epics and later: thus, lelihan, dedipyantim
(MBh.), jajvalant (MBh. R.), sarisrpantSu (BhP.), rarafcmtl (R.).

6. Imperfect.

1014. The imperfect is regularly inflected as follows:

avevidam avevidva avevidma

2

avevet, avevidis avevittam avevitta

avevet, avevidit avevittam avevidus

1015. The imperfect forms found in the earlier texts are not numer-
ous. They are, including those from which the augment is omitted, as
follows: in active, 1st sing., acaka9am, dedi9am; 2d sing., ajagar,
adardar, dardar; 3d sing., adardar, adardhar, avarivar, dardar,
kaniskan, davidyot, navinot ; 2d du., adardrtam; 1st pi., marmrjma;
3d pi., anannamus, adardirus, acarkrsus, ajohavus, anonavus;
and, with auxiliary i, in 3d sing., avavacit, avava9it, avavarlt,
ayoyavit, aroravit, ajohavlt; and, irregularly, in 3d du., avava9itam.
The middle forms are extremely few: namely, 3d sing., adedista, anan-
nata (with loss of the final radical in a weak form of root); 3d pi.
marmrjata, and avavaqanta (which, if it belongs here, shows a transfer
to an a-stera\

369 INTENSIVE. [—1017

1016. Derivative Middle Inflection. From every
intensive stem, as above described, may be formed in the
present-system a further derivative conjugation which is
formally identical with a passive, being made by the accented
sign £T ya, along with middle endings only. It has not,
however, a passive value, but is in meaning and use in-
distinguishable from the simpler conjugation.

a. A final vowel before this ya is treated as before the passive-
sign ya (770).

b. The inflection is precisely like that of any other stem ending
in a in the middle voice: thus, from ymfj, intensive stem xnarmrj,
is made the present indicative marmrjye, marmrjyase, marmrjyate,
etc.; optative marmpjyeya, marmyjyethfts, marmrjyeta, etc.; im-
perative marmpjyasva, marmrjyatam, etc.; participle marmrjya-
mana; imperfect amarmrjye, amarmrjyathas, amarmrjyata, etc.;
subjunctive forms do not occur.

c. In a very few sporadic cases, these ya-fonns are given a passive
value: thus, janghanyamana in MdU. ; bambhramyate, dftdhma-
yamana, pepiyamana in the later language. And active participles
(529 a) are not unknown: thus, dedipyantlm (MBh.), dodhuyant
(MRh. BhP.).

1017. This kind of intensive inflection is more common
than the other in the later language; in the earlier, it is
comparatively rare.

a. In RV., ya-forms are made from eight roots, five of which have
also forms of the simpler conjugation ; the AV. adds one more ; the other
earlier texts (so far as observed) about twenty more, and half of them have
likewise forms of the simpler conjugation. Thus : from }/mrj, marmrj-
yate etc., and marimyjyeta ; from j/t?, tarturyante ; from /car,
carcuryamana; from >/ni, nenlyeran, etc.; from )/vl, veviyate; from
yrih, rerihyate etc.; from vij, vevijyate; from x'sku, coskuyase etc. ;
from >/di9, dediQyate; from i/ka^, caka9yate etc. ; from |/vad,
vavadyamana; from j/nam, nannamyadhvam ; from y'vah, vanlvah-
yeta etc. (with lengthened root- vowel, elsewhere unknown); from j/krand*
kanikradyamana ; from yVrt, varlvarty&maiia (?B. : should be
varivrty-) ; from /m^, ainarimr9yanta«(^B. ? the text reads amanmrt-
syanta); from yyup, yoyiipyante etc.; from >/nud, anonudyanta;
from |/vli, avevliyanta; from >/jabh, jafijabhyate etc.; from
jaiijapyamana; and so on.

Whitney, Orammar. 2. cd. 24

1018—] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 379

Perfect.

1018. The grammarians are at variance as to whether
a perfect may be formed directly from the intensive stem,
or whether only a periphrastic perfect (below, 1070 ff.) is
to be admitted.

a. No example of an intensive periphrastic perfect has anywhere
come to light (except from jfigy: 1020 a). A few unmistakable perfect
forms are made from the intensively reduplicated root in RV. : namely,
davidhava and nonava, 3d sing., and nonuvus, 3d pi. ; and there
occur further dodrava (TS.), yoyava and lei ay a (MS.), and lelaya
(? £B.), all used in the sense of presents. To them may be added ja-
gara 1st sing, and jagara 3d sing. : but as to these, see below, 1020 a.

Aorist, Future, etc.

1019. As to the remaining parts of a full verbal con-
jugation, also, the grammarians are not agreed (occurrences
of such forms, apparently, being too rare to afford even
them any basis for rules) ; in general, it is allowed to treat
the intensive stem further as a root in filling up the scheme
of forms, using always the auxiliary vowel ^ i where it is
ever used in the simple conjugation.

a. Thus, from j/vid, intensive stem vevid, would be made the
aorist avevidifam with precative vevidyasam, the futures vevid-
isyami and veviditftsmi, the participles vevidlta, veviditavya, etc.,
the infinitive veviditum, and the gerunds veviditvS and -vevidya.
And, where the intensive conjugation is the derivative middle one,
the aorist and futures would take the corresponding middle form,

b. Of all this, in the ancient language, there is hardly a trace. The
RV. has carkrtie, 3d sing, mid., of a formation like hise and stuse
(894 d), and the gerundives vitantasayya, and marmrjenya and vavr-
dhenya; and £B. has the participle vanivahita, and the infinitive dediyi-
tavfii. As to jagarisyant and jagarita, see the next paragraph.

1020. There are systems of inflection of certain roots, the in-
tensive character of which is questioned or questionable. Thus :

a. The root gr (or gar) wake has from the first no present-system
save one with intensive reduplication; and its intensive stem, jagr, begins
early to assume the value of a root, and form a oompleter conjugation;
while by the grammarians this stem is reckoned as if simple and belong-
ing to the root-class, and is inflected throughout accordingly. Those of
its forms which occur in the older language have been given along with

371 INTENSIVE. [—1024

the other intensives above. They are, for the present-system, the same
with those acknowledged as regular later. The older perfect is like the
other intensive perfects found in RV. : namely, jagara etc., with the
participle jagprans; and a future j&garisya-, a passive participle jagarita,
and a gerundive jagaritavya, are met with in the Brahmanas. The old aorist
(RV.)is the usual reduplicated or so-called causative aorist: thus, ajigar. The
grammarians give it in the later language a perfect with additional redupli-
cation, jajagara etc., an i$-aorist, ajagarisam, with precative jagaryftsam,
and everything else that is needed to make up a complete conjugation.
The perf. jajagara is quotable from the epics and later, as also the peri-
phrastic jagaram asa. And MBh. has the mutilated jagrmi, and also
a-forms, as jagarati and jagraxnana.

1021. a. The stem irajya (active only) regulate, from which a
number of forms are made in RV., has been viewed as an intensive from
}/raj or rj. It lacks, however, any analogy with the intensive formation.
The same is true of iradh propitiate (only iradhanta and iradhyai,
apparently for iradhadhyai).

b. The middle stem iya, not infrequent in the oldest language, is
often called an intensive of yi $ro, but without any propriety, as it has no
analogy of form whatever with an intensive. The isolated 1st pi. imahe,
common in RV., is of questionable character.

1022. The root II totter, with constant intensive reduplication, leli,
is quite irregular in inflection and accent : thus, pres., lelayati and lela-
yate, pples lelayintl and lelayatas (gen. sing.) and lelayamana, impf.
alelayat and alelet and alellyata, perf. lelaya and lelaya (?).

1023. The RV. anomalous form dart (or dard), 2d and 3d sing,
from ydr or dar, is doubtfully referred to the intensive, as if abbreviated
from dardar. RV. hafr once avarlvus (or -vur) where the sense requires
a form from ]/vrt, as avarivrtus. The form raranata (RV., once)
seems corrupt.

1024. A marked intensive or frequentative meaning is not al-
ways easily to be traced in the forms classed as intensive; and in
some of them it is quite effaced. Thus, the roots cit, nij, vif use
their intensive present- system as if it were an ordinary conjugation-
class; nor is it otherwise with gy (J*OT)» The grammarians reckon
the inflection of nij and vi| as belonging to the reduplicating pres-
ent-system, with irregularly strengthened reduplication; and they
treat in the same way vie and vij ; jSgy, as we have seen, they
account a simple root.

a. Also daridra, intensive of j/drS run, is made by the grammarians
a simple root, and furnished with a complete set of conjugational forms:
as dadaridrau; adaridrasit, etc. etc. It does not occur in the older
language (unless daridrat TS., for which VS. MS. read daridra ». The
so-called root vevl flutter is a pure intensive.

24*

1025—] XTV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 372

1025. It is allowed by the grammarians to make from the intensive
stem also a passive, desiderative, causative, and so on: thus, from vevid,
pass, vevidye; desid. vevidisami; caus. vevidayami; desid. of causa-
tive, vevidayigami. But such formations are excessively rare; quotable
are varlvarjayantl AV., jfigarayant TB. etc.; dadharayati JB.,
dandagayitva DKC.

III. Desiderative.

1026. By the desiderative conjugation is signified a de-
sire for the action or condition denoted by the simple root:
thus, ft<MliH pibSmi / drink, desid. (MHIHUH pipSsSmi / wish
to drink; sfeufH jivSmi / live, desid. fslsfli^Mlft jijivisami
/ desire to live. Such a conjugation is allowed to be formed
from any simple root in the language, and also from any
causative stem.

a. The desiderative conjugation, although its forms outside the
present-system are extremely rare in the oldest language, is earlier
and more fully expanded into a whole verbal system than the inten-
sive. Its forms are also of increasing frequency: much fewer than
the intensives in RV., more numerous in the Brahmanas and later;
not one third of the whole number of roots (about a hundred) noted
as having a desiderative conjugation in Veda and Brahmana have
such in RV.

1027. The desiderative stem is formed from the simple
root by the addition of two characteristics. 1. a reduplica-
tion, which always has the accent; 2. an appended H sa —
which, however (like the tense-signs of aorist and future),
sometimes takes before it the auxiliary vowel ^ i, becoming
^ isa.

a. A few instances in the concluding part of £B. in which the aa-
cent is otherwise laid — thus, tisthaset, yiyasantam, vividisanti,
ipsantas — must probably be regarded as errors.

1028. The root in general remains unchanged; but
with the following exceptions:

a. A final i or u is lengthened before sa : thus, cikslsa, cikiaa,
jigisa; 9U9rusa, juhusa, cuksusa.

b. A final p becomes ir or ur before sa: thus, cikirsa, titirsa
(also irregularly tuturaa RV.), didhlrsa, sisirsa, tistirsa (also tu-
stursa , jihirsa; bubhursa, mumursa (the only examples quotable).

373 DBSIDERATIVE. [—1029

c. Before isa, a final i- or u- or y-vowel necessarily, and a
penultimate i or u or y optionally, have the guna-strengthening ; no
examples are quotable from the older texts; later occur 9i<jayisa,
9i<jarisa; cikartisa, ninartifa, mimardi^a, vivar^isa, 9U9obhisa;
but rurudisa.

More special exceptions are :

d. A few roots in a weaken this vowel to I or even i: thus, jigisa
from ygS, go; pipifa (beside pipasa) from j/P& drink, jilrisa (AV.)
from yha remove (jihite: 664); didhisa (beside dhitsa) from |/dha.

e. A few roots in an or am lengthen the vowel: thus, jigansa
(beside jigamiga) from ygam; jighansa from ylian; mim&nsa from
yman; and titfinsa from ytan.

f. Reversion to guttural form of an initial after the reduplication is
seen in cikisa from yd, cikitsa from j/cit, jigifa from j/ji, jighansa
from yhan; and yhi is said to make jighisa (no occurrence).

g. The roots van and aan make vivasa and sisasa, from the root-
forms va and sa.

h. The root jlv forms jujyu^a (£B.: jijivis.a, VS.); and the other
roots in Iv (765) are required to make the same change before sa, and to
have guna before iga: thus, susyufa or sisevisa from j/siv. Svap
forms su^upsa. Dhurv forms dudhursa.

i. Initial 8 is usually left unchanged to f after the reduplication
when the desiderative sign has f (184e): thus, siaanksa (£B. : >/sanj),
and susyu^a and sisanisa, according to the grammarians; but tus^uea
is met with.

j. Further may be mentioned as prescribed by the grammarians:
ninankga (or nina9isa) from >/na9 be lost> mimanksa from ]/majj
(occurs in mimankfu); mimarjisa (or mimpkea) from >/myj.

1029. The consonant of the reduplication follows the
general rules (590) ; the vowel is ^ i if the root has an a-
vowel, or ft y, or an i- vowel ; it is 3 u if the root has an

u-vowel. But :

a. A few roots have a long vowel in the reduplicating syllable : thus,
blbhatsa from j/badh or badh ; mlmansa from /man ; and tutursa (RV.)
from ]/tur; dadhisu (AV.) and dadanksu (C.) are probably false forms.

b. Fsom |/a9 is made (£B.) a9i9isa, and from ]/edh (VS.)
edidhiaa (with a mode of reduplication like that followed sometimes in
the reduplicating aorist: 862). In the older language, these are the only
roots with initial vowel which form a desiderative stem, except ftp and
ydh, which have abbreviated stems: see the next paragraph. In the later
language occur further esisisa (j/is seek} and Iciks.isa (^tkf); and the
grammarians add others, as arjihis.a (}/arh), undidiga (/und), ardi-
dhisa

1029—] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 374

c. RV. has the stems fnaksa and fyaksa, regarded as desideratives
from j//na9 attain and yaj, with mutilated reduplication.

1030. A number of roots, including some of very com-
mon use, form an abbreviated stem apparently by a con-

V traction of reduplication and root together into one syllable :
thus, ^Cflf ipsa from yETFT 5p; f^rtf ditsa from y^T d5.

a. Such abbreviated stems are found in the older language as follows :
dhitaa (beside didhisa) from j/dlia; ditsa (beside didasa) from >/da;
dipsa (dblpsa JB.) from j/dabh; (jiksa from ]/9ak; siksa from >/sah:
these are found in RV. ; in AV. are added ipsa from y&p (RV. has apsa
once), and Irtsa from }/fdh; the other texts furnish lipsa (£B.) or
llpsa (TB.) from ylabh, ripsa (GB.) from j/rabh, pitsa (£B.) from
>/pad, and dblkf a (£B.) from yd&h. (not i/dih, since no roots with i aa
medial vowel show the contracted form). In the later language are further
found pitsa from /pat also, jnipsa from the causative quasi-root jnap
(below, 1042J), and the anomalous mitsa from y'ma measure (allowed
also from roots mi and mi) ; and the grammarians give ritsa from }/radh.
Also moksa is (very questionably) viewed as a desiderative stem from
/muc.

1031. The use of the auxiliary vowel ^ i is quite rare
in the early language, but more common later; and it is
allowed or prescribed by the grammarians in many stems
which have not been found in actual use.

a. It is declared to follow in general, though not without ex-
ceptions, necessary or optional, the analogy of the futures (934,
943 a).

b. No example of the use of i is found in RV., and only one each in
AV. (pipatiga), VS. Qijiviaa), and TS. (jigamifa). The other examples
noted in the eariy texts are agiQisa, cikramisa, jigrahisa (with I for i,
as elsewhere in this root), eicarisa, edidbisa, jijaniaa, didiksisa,
bibadhi§a, rurucif a, vivadi?a, vividisa, gigasifja, tif ti«hi§a, jihiA-
sisa: most of them are found only in QR Stems also without the auxil-
iary vowel are made from roots gam, grab, car, jlv, pat, badh, vid.

1032. Inflection: Present -System. The desider-
ative stem is conjugated in the present-system with per-
fect regularity, like other a-stems (733 a), in both voices, in
all the modes (including, in the- older language, the sub-
junctive), and with participles and imperfect. It will be
sufficient to give here the first persons only. We may take

375 DESIDERATIVE. [—1032

as active model SC^f ipsa seek to obtain, from v^TFT ftp obtain •

*^ '

as middle, friicKt titik^a endure, from yiHsf tij be sharp (see
below, 1040).

1. Present Indicative.

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

iriifi«fllcl<£

ipsami ipsavas ipsamas tftikae titiksavahe tftik§amahe
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

2. Present Subjunctive.

<-HIH

ipsani ipsava ipsama titiksai titikf&vahfti tftiksamahai
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

3. Present Optative.

ipseyam ipseva ipsema titikseya titiksevahi titiksemahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

4. Present Imperative.
2

ipsa ipsatam ipsata tftikf asva tftiksetham titiksadhvam
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

5. Present Participle.

ipsant (f. ^tft ipsanti) (nlddHIUI tftik^amft^a
6. Imperfect.

aipsam aipa&va aips&ma atitikse atitiksavahi atitikaamahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

a. There are almost no irregularities of inflection to be reported from
the older language. No 1st pi. in maai, or 2d pi. in thana or tana, is
met with; of the impv. in tftt, only ipsatftt. The quotable subjunctive
forma are those in sani, sftt and sat, sfin, and santa. KBU. has jijfiftslta
(cf. 738 b). But the fern, pple Bffftaati (instead of sisftsantl) occurs
once or twice in the older texts; and RV. has didhisftna.

b. In the epics and later are found sporadic forms of the non-a-

1032—] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 376

conjugation: thus, sisrksmas (BhP.), titik^mahe and bubhugate 3d
pi. (MBb.) ; and the fern, participles lipsati and cikireati (MBh. : against
440 b). The anomalous jighfirisiyat occurs also in MBh. and Vas.

1033. a. Desiderative forms outside the present-system are
extremely rare in the oldest language. The RV. has osly perfect
forms from a stem mimiks — thus, mimiksathus, mimiksatus,
mimiksus; mimikfe, mimiksire — along with the present forms
mimiksati, mimiksa etc. , mimiksant (pple) : they show that xnimik?
or mikf has taken on the character of an independent root. In AV.
are fonnd two aorist forms, irtsls and acikitsls, and a participle or two
from mimaAsa (see below, 1037 a, 1030 a) — all of them from stems
which have lost their distinct desiderative meaning, and come to bear
an independent value. The forms noted from the other earlier texts
will be given in full below.

b. In the later language, a complete system of verbal
forms is allowed to be made in the desiderative conjugation,
the desiderative stem, less its final vowel, being treated as
a root. Thus:

1034. Perfect. The desiderative perfect is the peri-
phrastic (1070 ff.).

a. Thus, ipsam cakara etc. ; titiksam cakre etc. Such forms
are made in $B. from yyisr&m, dhurv, badh, ruh; and in ChU.
from man.

b. Apparent perfect forms of the ordinary kind made from mimiks
in RV. have been noticed in the preceding paragraph. And AB. (viii. 21.
10) has once didasitha thou hast desired to give.

1035. Aorist. The aorist is of the is. -form: thus,

*l[Hir1&fN atitiksisi.

a. The AY. has acikitsis, and Irtsis (augmentless, with ma pro-
hibitive: 570). TB. has aipsit; £B. ftirtsit, ftciklrgis and ajigharisis,
and amimansisthas; KB. jijnasisi; JUB. aipsisma; and A A. adhit-
sisam. No examples have been found in the later language.

b. A precative is also allowed — thus, ipsyasam, titiksisiya; but
it never occurs.

1036. Futures. The futures are made with the auxil-
iary vowel ^ i: thus, $lUM|lfa IpsifySmi and
ipsitasmi; iHiHM titiksisy^ and fHi

a. The 9B. has titiksisyate and didrksitaras. Such forms as
jijnasyamas (MBh.), didhakfySmi (R.), and mimSAsyant (GGS.) are
doubtless presents, with -sya- blunderingly for -sa-.

377

DESIDERATIVE.

[-1039

1037. Verbal Nouns and Adjectives. These too
are made with the auxiliary vowel ^ i, in all cases where
that vowel is ever taken.

a. In the older language have been noted : participle in ta, miman-
sita (AV., GB.), jijyusita (AB.), sucjrusita and dhlksita (£B.); -
gerundive in tavya, lipsitavya (AB.), didhyasitavya (£B.); in ya,
jijnasya (£B.); — gerund in tvS, mimansitva (K.).

1038. Of other declinable stems derived from the desiderative stem,
by far the most common are the adjective in u — e. g. titiksu, dipsu,
bibhatsu, sisasii (RV. once didfk§u) — and the abstract noun in a —
e. g. ipsa, bibhatsa, mimansa, QUQrusa — both of which are made
with increasing freedom from an early epoch of the language : especially the
former, which has the value and construction (271 a) of a present parti-
ciple. A few adjectives in enya (having a gerundive character: 966 b)
occur in the earlier language: thus, didr-ksenya (RV.), 9u$rugenya (TS.),
nims.enya (PB.), jijnasenya (AB.), and, with irregular reduplication
(apparently) paprksenya (RV.), dadhisenya (JB.); and didrkseya (RV%)
is a similar formation. RV.has also sisasani and mruk8ani,andsi8asatu(?^.
In the later language, besides some of the formations already instanced (those
in u and a, and in sya and sitavya), are found a few derivatives in aka,
as cikitsaka, bubhusaka; in ana, as jijnasana, didhyaaana; and,
very rarely, in aniya (cikitsanlya) and ty (gn^rugitg) ; further, second-
ary derivatives (doubtless) in in from the noun in a, as ipsin, jigisin
(one or two of these occur in the older language). And of an adjective in
a we have an example in bibhatsa (B.S., and later), and peihaps in
avalipsa (AVP.) ; such words as ajugupsa, du^cikitsa, are rather to be
understood as possessive compounds with the noun in a. As to noun-stems
in is, see 392 d.

1039. Derivative or Tertiary Conjugations. A
passive is allowed to be made, by adding the passive-sign
7J ya to the desiderative root (or stem without final a) : thus,
^KIH Ipsyate it is desired to le obtained; — and a caus-
ative, by adding in like manner the causative-sign ^T aya
(1041) : thus, ^millfH ipsaySmi / cause to desire obtainment.

a. Of these formations in the older language are found mimansya-
mana (doubtless to be read for -saxnana, AV.), lipsyamana (£B.), and
rurutsyamana (K.). Half-a-dozen such passives are quotable later, and
one or two causatives: e. g. cikitsyate, vivaksyate, jijnasyate; cikir-
sayant, cikitsayisyati.

b. For the desiderative conjugation formed on causative stems,
which is found as early as the Brahmanas, see below, 1052b.

1040—] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 378

1040. Some stems which are desiderative in form have lost the
peculiarity of desiderative meaning, and assumed the value of inde-
pendent roots : examples are cikits cure, jugups despise, titiks. endure,
bibhats abhor, mimans ponder, 9u<jrus obey. Doubtless some of the
apparent roots in the language with sibilant final are akin with the
desideratives in origin: e. g. 9ik?, desiderative of $ak.

a. On account of the near relation of desiderative and future (cf.
948 b), the former is occasionally found where the latter was rather to be
expected: thus, rajanam prayiyasantam (£B.) a king about to depart;
prana uccikramisan (ChU.) the breath on the point of expiring ; mu-
murfur iv& *bhavat (H.) he was fain to die.

IV. Causative.

1041. a. In the later language is allowed to be made
from most roots a complete causative conjugation. The
basis of this is a causative stem, formed by appending the
causative-sign 5RT aya to the, usually strengthened, root.

b. But by no means all conjugation-stems formed by
the sign £PT aya are of causative value ; and the grammarians
regard a part of them as constituting a conjugation -class,
the tenth or cur-class, according to which roots may be
inflected as according to the other classes, and either alone
or along with others (775).

c. In RV., the proportion without causative value is fully one third.
The formation is a more obviously denominative one than any of the other
conjugation-classes, an intermediate between them and the proper denom-
inatives. A causative meaning has established itself in connection with
the formation, and become predominant, though not exclusive. A number
of roots of late appearance and probably derivative character are included
in the class, and some palpable denominatives, which lack only the usual
denominative accent (below, 1056).

d. The causative formation is of much more frequent use, and more
decidedly expanded into a fall conjugation, than either the intensive or the
desiderative. It is made from more than three hundred roots in the early lan-
guage (in RV., from about one hundred and fifty); but in the oldest, its
forms outside the present-system are {apart from the attached reduplicated
aorist: 1040) exceedingly few.

1042. The treatment of the root before the causative-
sign $KX aya is as follows:

379 CAUSATIVE. [—1042

a. Medial or initial i, u, r, 1 have the..guna-strengthenmg (if \ y j-
capable of it : 240; ; thus, vedaya from ^vid, codaya from j/cud,
tarpaya from yt?p ; and kalpaya from >/klp (only example) : but
cintaya, gulphaya, drnhaya.

b. But a few roots lack the strengthening: these are, in the older
language, cit (citaya and cetaya), is, il, ria (riaaya and re?aya),
vip (vipaya and vepaya), tuj, tur, tu§ (tufaya and toa.aya), dyut
(dyutaya and dyotaya), rue (rucaya and rocaya), 9110 (<jucaya and
9ocaya), 9ubh (cubhaya and 9obhaya), krp, mr<J, aprh ; and grabh
makes in RV. grbhaya. Dua. and guh lengthen the vowel instead. Mrj
sometimes has vrddhi, as in other forms : thus, marjaya (beside mar-
jaya). On the other hand, guna appears irregularly (240 b) in srevaya
(beside 9rivaya), hedaya, meka.aya. Similar irregularities in the later
language are giraya, tulaya (also tolaya), churaya (also choraya),
nausaya, sphuraya. No forms without strengthening have a causative value
made in the older language.

c. A final vowel has the^r^dM-stren^thening : thus, cayaya, 'Ju
9ayaya, cyavaya, bhavaya, dharaya, aaraya. ~

d. But no root in i or I has vrddhi in the Veda (unless payaya
[k, below] comes from pi rather than pa) — as, indeed, regular causa-
tives from such roots are hardly quotable: only RV. has ksayaya (beside
ksepaya) from ]/kai possess; for a few alternatively permitted forms, see
below, 1. In B. and S., however, occur gayaya and sayaya (]/si or
sa); and later -ayaya, cayaya, smayaya, dayaya, nayaya.

e. A few roots have a form also with guna-strengtbening : thus, cyu,
dru, plu, yu separate, 9ru, pu, atu, sru; jr waste away, dy pierce, sr,
smr, hr ; vr choose makes varaya later (it is not found in V. : epic
also varaya).

f. A medial or initial a in a light syllable is sometimes length-
ened, and sometimes remains unchanged: thus, bhajaya, svapaya,
adaya ; janaya, Qrathaya, anaya (but mandaya, valgaya, bhaksaya).

g. The roots in the older language which keep their short a are
jan, pan, svan, dhan, ran, stan, gam (gamaya once in RV.), tarn,
dam, raj (usually ranjaya), prath, cjrath, 9nath, vyath, svad, chad
p'ease (also chandaya), nad, dhvas (also dhvansaya), rah, mah
(abo manhaya), nabh (also nambhaya), tvar, svar, hval. In the
later language, further, kvan, jvar, trap, day, pan, rac, ran ring,
vadh, val, va9, 9lath, skhal, sthag. Toth forms are made (either in
the earlier or in the later language, or in both taken together) by ad,
kal, kram, k§am, khan, ghat, cani, cal, jval, tvar, dal, dhvan,
nad, nam, pat, bhram, math, mad, yam, ram, lag, lal, vam, vyadh,
9am be quiet, 9ram, 9vas, svap. The roots which lengthen the vowel
are decidedly the more numerous.

h. If a nasal is taken in any of the strong forms of a root, it usu-
ally appears in the causative stem : e. g. dambhaya, dancjaya, indhaya,

1042—] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 380

limpaya, rundhaya, qundhaya, kyntaya, dynhaya. From a number
of roots, stems both -with and without the nasal are made: thus (besides
those mentioned above, g), kuncaya and kocaya, granthaya and grath-
aya, byihaya and barhaya, bhrafiqaya and bhra^aya, 9\indhaya
and (jodhaya, safijaya and sajjaya, sincaya and secaya. In a tew of
these is seen the influence of present-stems.

i. Most roots in final a, and the root y, add p before the con-
jugation-sign: thus, dapaya, dhapaya, sthapaya; arpaya.

j. Such stems are made in the older language from the roots ksa,
khya, gfi sing (also gayaya), gift, ghra, jna, da give, da divide, dra
run, dha put and dha suck, ma measure, mla, ya, va blow, stha, sna,
ha remove; the later language adds ksma, dhma, and ha leave. From
jna and sna are found in AY. and later the shortened forms jnapaya
and snapaya, and from $ra only Qrapaya (not in RV.). Also, in the
later language, gla forms glapaya, and mla forms mlapaya.

k. Stems from a-roots showing no p are, earlier, gayaya (also gapa-
ya) from j/ga sing, chayaya, pfiyaya from /pft drink (or pi), pyfty-
aya from >^pya or pyay; sayaya from ysS (or si); also, later, hvay-
aya from j/hva (or hu); — and further, from roots v& weave, vya,
and $a (or <}i), according to the grammarians.

1. The same p is taken also by a few i- and 1-roots, with other
accompanying irregularities: thus, in the older language, ksepaya (RV.,
beside ksayaya) from ]/ksi possess; japaya (VS. and later) from yji;
lapaya (TB. and later ; later also layaya) from yli cling ; qrapaya (VS.,
once) from }/9ri; adhyapaya (S. and later) from adhi+yi; — in the
later, ksapaya (beside ksayaya) from |/ksi destroy; mapaya from
ymi; smapaya (beside smayaya) from y'smi; hrepaya from yhri;
— and the grammarians make further krapaya from }/kri; capaya (beside
cayaya) from yd gather; bhapaya (beside bhayaya and bhisaya)
from ybhi; repay a from |/ri, and vlepaya from yVlI. Moreover, /ruh
makes ropaya (B. and later) beside rohaya (V. and later), and yknu
makes knopaya (late).

in. More anomalous cases, in which the so-called causative is pal-
pably the denominative of a derived noun, are: palaya from j/pfi protect j ;
prinaya from ]/pri; linaya (according to grammarians) from yll; dhu-
naya (not causative in sense j from j/dhu; bhisaya from ]/bhl; ghataya
from I/ban; sphavaya from ]/spha or sphay*

n. In the Prakrit, the causative stem is made from all roots by the
addition of (the equivalent of) apaya; and a number (about a dozen) of
like formations are quotable from Sanskrit texts, mostly of the latest peri-
od ; but three, kridapaya, jivapaya, and diksapaya, occur in the epics ;
and two, a<japaya and ksalapaya, even in the Sutras.

1043. Inflection: Present-System. The causative
stem is inflected in the present-system precisely like other

381 CAUSATIVE. [—1043

stems in £f a (733 a): it will be sufficient to give here in
general the first persons of the different formations, taking
as model the stem ^T[U dhSraya, from yq dhr. Thus:
1. Present Indicative.

active.
* P-

dharayami dharayavas dharayamas
etc. etc. etc.

middle.
s. d. p.

dharaye dharayavahe dharayamahe

etc. etc. etc.

a. The 1st pi. act in masi greatly outnumbers (as ten to one) that
in mas in both RV. and AV. No example occurs of 2d pi. act. in thana,
nor of 3d sing. mid. in e for ate.

2. Present Subjunctive.

For the subjunctive may be instanced all the forms noted as
occurring in the older language:

active.
l dharayani dharayava dharayama

dhsr4ysthas

dhariysn

middle.
dharayai dharayavahai

b. Only one dual mid. form in aite occurs: madayaite (KV.).
The only RV. mid. form in ai, except in 1st du., is madayadhvai.
The primary endings in 2d and 3d sing. act. are more common than the
secondary.

3. Present Optative.

active.

dhardyeyam dharayeva dharayema

etc. etc. etc.

I

1043 — ] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 382

middle.

dliarayeya dhfirayevahi dharayemahi
etc. etc. etc.

0. Optative forms are very rare in the oldest language (four in RV.,
two in AY.); they become more common in the Brahmanas. A 3d sing.
mid. in Ita instead of eta (cf. 738 b) occurs once in B. (kamayita AB.),
is not very rare in S. (a score or two of examples are quotable), and
is also found in MBh. and later. Of a corresponding 3d pi. in Iran only
one or two instances can be pointed out (kamayiran AQS., kalpayiran
AGS.).

4. Present Imperative.

active.

2 lllfTr En^TTcT^ SJTfTIrT

dhfiraya dharayatam dharayata

etc. etc. etc.

middle.

dharayasva dharayetham dharayadbvam
etc. etc. etc.

d. Imperative persons with the ending tat occur : dharayatat (AY.)
and cyavayatat (£B.) are 2dsing.; patayatat (£B.) is 3d sing.; gama-
yatat and cyavayatat (K. etc.), and varayatat (TB.) are used as 2d
pi. Varayadhvat (K. etc.) is 2d pi., and the only known example of
such an ending (see above, 549 b).

5. Present Participle.
*4 1 ( u ti^dharayant m^UHIUI dhSrayamana.

e. The feminine of the active participle is regularly and usually made
in antl (449 c). But a very few examples in atl are met with (one in
the older language: namayati Apast.).

f. The middle participle in mana is made through the whole history
of the language, from BY. (only yatayamana) down, and is the only
one met with in the earlier language (for irayanas [sic !], MS. ii. 7. 12,
is evidently a false reading, perhaps for fraya nas). But decidedly more
common in the epics and later is one formed with ana : e. g. kamayana,
cintayana, palayana, vedayana. It is quotable from a larger number
of roots than is the more regular participle in mana. As it occurs in
no accentuated text, its accent cannot be given.

383 CAUSATIVE. [—1046

6. Imperfect.

active.

adharayam AdharaySva adhftrayftma

etc. etc. etc.

middle.

adharaye AdhSrayavahi ddharayamahi

etc. etc. etc.

1044. As was above pointed out, the formations from the causative
stem in aya outside the present-system are in the oldest language very
limited. In RV. are found two forms of the future in syami, one passive
participle (codita), and ten infinitives in dhyai; also one or two deriv-
ative nouns in tp (bodhayitf, codayitrl), five in isnu, seven in itnu,
and a few in a (atiparaya, nidharaya, vacaminkhaya. vie. vamejaya),
and in u (dharayii, bhavayu, mandayu). In AV., also two s-future
forms and four gerunds in tva; and a few derivative noun-stems, from
one of which is made a periphrastic perfect (gamayam cakara). In the
Brahmanas, verbal derivative forms become more numerous and various, as
will be noted in detail below.

1045. Perfect. The accepted causative perfect is the
periphrastic (107 la); a derivative noun in a is made from
the causative stem, and to its accusative, in 5m, is added
the auxiliary: thus,

dharayam cakara (or asa: 107 Ob)
dharayam oakre
a. Of thiB perfect no example occurs in RV. or SV. or VS., only one
— gamayam cakara — in AV., and but half-a-dozen in all the various
texts of the Black Yajur-Veda, and these not in the mantra-parts of the
text. They are also by no means frequent in the Brahmanas, except in
$B. (where they abound: chiefly, perhaps, for the reason that this work
uses in considerable part the perfect instead of the imperfect as its narrative
tense).

3046. Aorist. The aorist of the causative conjugation
is the reduplicated, which in general has nothing to do
with the causative stem, but is made directly from the root.

a. It has been already fully described (above, 856 ff.).

b. Its association with the causative is probably founded on an
original intensive character belonging to it as a reduplicated form,
and is a matter of gradual growth; in the Veda it is made from a

1046—] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 384

considerable number of roots (in KV., more than a third of its in-
stances ; in AV.. about a fifth) which have no causative stem in aya.

c. The causative aorist of j/U dhy, then, is as follows:

adldharam adldharava adidharama
etc. etc. etc.

adidhare adidharavahi adidharamahi

etc. etc. etc.

An example was inflected in full at 864.

1047. In a few cases, where the root has assumed a peculiar
form before the causative sign — as by the addition of a p or B
(above, 1042 iff.) — the reduplicated aorist is made from this form
instead of from the simple root : thus, atia$hipam from sthap (stem
sthapaya for j/atha. Aorist-stems of this character from quasi-roots
in ap are arpipa (j/r), jijapa or jijipa, jijnapa or jijnipa, c^rapa,
tisthipa, jihipa; the only other example from the older language is
bibhisa from bhla for j/bhi.

1048. But a few sporadic forms of an is-aorist from causative con-
jugation-stems are met with: thus, dhvanayit (RV. ; TS. has instead the
wholly anomalous dhvanayit), vyathayia and ailayit (AV.), pyftyayia-
thfia and avadayiethas (KBU.), in the older language (RV. has also
unayis from a denominative stem); in the later, ahladayisata (DKC.),
and probably aghatayithas (MBh.; for -isthas: cf. 904 d). The passive
3d sing, aropi, from the causative ropaya, has a late occurrence (£atr.).

1049. A precative is of course allowed by the grammarians to be
made for the causative conjugation: in the middle, from the causative stem
with the auxiliary i substituted for its final a; in the active, from the
form of the root as strengthened in the causative stem, but without the
causative sign: thus,

^I/JIHH dharyaaam etc. Ml^fUNlU dharayif lya etc.
This formation is to be regarded as purely fictitious.

1050. Futures. Both futures, with the conditional,
are made from the causative stem, with the auxiliary ^ i,
which takes the place of its final £f a. Thus:

S-Future.
dharayiayami etc. EJIRjkJ dharayiaye etc.

t4l(ltl^uti dharayiayant lH(u^JHIUI dharayiayamana

385 CAUSATIVE. [—1051

Conditional.
^Tt ( ftl °44 H^adhar ayi§yain etc. Efc||{i7j&3 adharayigye etc.

Periphrastic Future.

H dharayitasmi etc.

a. It has been mentioned above that RV. and AY. contain only two
examples each of the s-future, and none of the periphrastic. The former
begin to appear in the Brahmanas more numerously, but still sparingly,
with participles, and conditional (only adharayisyat £B. ; alapayisya-
thas ChU.); of the latter, £8. affords two instances (parayitasmi and
janayitasi). Examples of both formations are quotable from the later
language (including the middle form dar^ayitahe: 947;c).

1051. Verbal Nouns and Adjectives. These are
made in two different ways: either 1. from the full causa-
tive stem (in the same manner as the futures, just des-
cribed) ; or 2. from the causatively strengthened root-form
(with loss of the causative-sign).

a. To the latter class belong the passive participle, as dharita;
the gerundive and gerund in ya, as dharya, -dharya; and the gerund
in am, as dharam; also, in the older language, the root-infinitive,
as -dharam etc. (970 a). To the former class belong the infinitive
and the gerund in tva, as dharayitum, dharayitva, and the gerundive
in tavya, as dharayitavya (also, in the older language, the infinitives
in tavai and dhyai, as janayitavai, irayadhyai, etc.). The auxiliary
i is taken in every formation which ever admits that vowel.

b. Examples of the passive participle are irita, vasita, 9ravita.
But from the quasi-root jnap (1042J) is made jnapta, without union-
\owel.

c. Examples of the infinitive and gerund in tvS are josayitum,
dharayitum ; kalpayitva, arpayitva. But in the epics, and even later,
infinitives are occasionally made with loss of the causative-sign: e. g.
(jesitum, bhavitum, dliaritum, mocitum.

d. Examples of the gerunds in ya and am are -bhajya, -gharya,
-padya, -vasya, nayya, -sthapya; -bhajam, -sthapam. But stems
showing in the root-syllable no difference from the root retain ay of the
causative-sign in the . gerund, to distinguish it from that belonging to the
primary conjugation : e. g. -kramayya, -gamayya, -janayya, -jvalayya,
-kalayya, -9amayya, -racayya, -Spayya.

e. Examples of the gerundive iu tavya are tarpayitavya, gam-
ay itavy a, hvayayitavya ; of that in ya, sthapya, harya, yajya; of
that in aniya, sthapamya, bhavaniya.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 25

1051—] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 386

f. Examples of other formations occurring in the older language are
as follows: root-infinitive, -sthapam, -vasas; — infinitive in tu, other
cases than accusative, -janayitave; janayitavaf, payayitaval, -cjcot-
ayitavaf; (jamayitos ; — infinitive in dhyai, isayadhyai, irayadhyai,
tanBayadhyai, naqayadhyai, mandayadhyai, madayadhyai, ris-
ayadhyai, vartayadhyai, vftjayadhyfti, syandayadhyfti (all RV.);
— gerundive in ayya, panayayya, sprhayayya, trayayayya (P ytra).

g. Other noun -derivatives from the causative stem are not infrequent,
being decidedly more numerous and various than from any other of the
secondary conjugation-stems. Examples (of other kinds than those instanced
in 1044) are: arpana, dapana, prmana, bhisana; j&apaka, ropaka;
patayalu, spj-hayalu; janayati, jnapti.

h. All the classes of derivatives, it will be noticed, follow in regard
to accent the analogy of similar formations from the simple root, and show
no influence of the special accent of the causative-stem.

1052. Derivative or Tertiary Conjugations.
From the causative stem are made a passive and a de-
siderative conjugation. Thus:

a. The passive-stem is formed by adding the usual pass-
ive-sign IT ya to the causatively strengthened root, the caus-
ative-sign being dropped: thus, miRT dhSryate.

b. Such passives are hardly found in the Yeda (only bhajya- AY.),
but some thirty instances are met with in the Brahmanas and Sutras: ex-
amples are jnapya- (TS.), sadya- (K.), pftdya- (AB.), vadya- (TB.),
sthapya- (GB.); and they become quite common later.

c. The desiderative stem is made by reduplication and
addition of the sign ^ i$a, of which the initial vowel replaces
the final of the causative stem : thus, i^Ml^fUNfri didharayi^ati.

d. These, too, are found here and there in the Brahmanas and later
(about forty stems are quotable): examples are pipayayisa (K.), bibhav-
ayisa and cikalpayisa and lulobhayiaa (AB.), didrapayisa and riradh-
ayisa and apipayisa (^B.), and so on.

e. As to causatives made from the intensive and desiderative stems,
see above, 1025, 1039.

V. Denominative. - v/
1058. A denominative conjugation is one that has for
its basis a noun-stem.

a. It is a view now prevailingly held that most of the present-
systems of the Sanskrit verb, along with other formations analogous with a

^OVA Y\

387 DENOMINATIVE. - M ^ [—1056

present-system, are In their ultimate origin denominative; and that many
apparent roots are of the same character. The denominatives which are so
called differ from these only in that their origin is recent and undisguised.

1054. The grammarians teach that any noun-stem in
the language may he converted, without other addition than
that of an ?f a (as union- vowel enabling it to he inflected
according to the second general conjugation) into a present-
stem, and conjugated as such.

a. But such formations are rare in actual use. The RV. has a few
isolated and doubtful examples, the clearest of which is bhisakti he heals,
from bhisaj physician; it is made like a form of the root-class; abhisnak
seems to be its imperfect according to the nasal class; and patyate he
rules appears to be a denominative of pati -master; other possible cases
are if anas etc., krpananta, tarusema etc., vanusanta, bhurajanta,
vananvati. From the other older texts are quotable kavyant (TS.),
ac,lonat (TB.). unmulati (SB.), svadhamahe (SQS.). And a consider-
able number of instances, mostly isolated, are found in the later language :
e. g. kalahant (MBh.), arghanti (Pane.), abjati ftatr.), gardabhati
(SD.), utkanthate (SD.), jagannetrati (Pras.), kelisvetasahasra-
pattrati (Pras.).

1055. In general, the hase of denominative conjugation
is made from the noun-stem by means of the conjugation-
sign TJ ya, which has the accent.

a. The identity of this ya with the ya of the so-called causative
conjugation, as making with the final a of a noun-stem the causative-
sign aya, is hardly to be questioned. What relation it sustains to the ya
of the ya-class (759), of the passive (708), and of the derivative inten-
sive stem (1016), is much more doubtful.

1056. Intermediate between the denominative and causative
conjugations stands a class of verbs, plainly denominative in origin,
but having the causative accent. Examples, beginning to appear at the
earliest period of the language, are mantrayate speaks, takes counsel,
(from mantra, j/man + tra), kirtayati commemorates (from kirti,
}/ky praise], arthayati or -te makes an object of, seeks (from artha goal,
object), varnayati depicts (from varna color], kathayati or -te gives
the how of anything, relates (from katham how?}, and so on. These,
along with like forms from roots which have no other present-system
(though they may make scattering forms outside that system from
the root directly), or which have this beside other present-systems
without causative meaning, are reckoned by the grammarians as a
separate conjugation-class, the cur-class (above, 607, 775j.

25*

1067—] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. -^ft. 388

1057. Denominatives are formed at every period in the
history of the language, from the earliest down.

a. They are frequent in RV., which contains over a hundred,
of all varieties ; AY. has only half as many (and personal forms from
hardly a third as many: from the, rest, present participles, or deriv-
ative nouns); AB., less than twenty; QB., hardly more than a dozen ;
and so on. In the later language they are quotable by hundreds,
but from the vast majority of stems occur only an example or two;
the only ones that have won any currency are those that have assumed
the character of wcur-class" verbs.

1058. The denominative meaning is, as in other lan-
guages, of the greatest variety; some of the most frequent
forms of it are : be like, act as, play the part of; regard
or treat as; cause to be, make into; use, make application
of; desire, wish for, crave — that which is signified by
the noun-stem.

a. The modes of treatment of the stem-final are also various ;
and the grammarians make a certain more or less definite assignment
of the varieties of meaning to the varieties of form ; but this allot-
ment finds only a dubious support in the usages of the words as met
with even in the later language, and still less in the earlier. Hence
the formal classification, according to the final of the noun-stem
and the way in which this is treated before the denominative sign ya,
will be the best one to follow.

1059. From stems in a. a. The final a of a noun-stem
oftenest remains unchanged: thus, amitrayati plays the enemy, is
hostile; devayati cultivates the gods, is pious.

b. But final a is also often lengthened: thus, aghayati plans
mischief; priyayate holds dear; aqvayati seeks for horses; a^anayati
desires food.

o. While in the Veda the various modes of denominative formation
are well distributed, no one showing a marked preponderance, in the later
language the vast majority of denominatives (fully seven eighths) are of
the two kinds just noticed: namely, made from a-stems, and of the form
aya or aya, the former predominating. And there is seen a decided ten-
dency to give the denominatives in aya an active form and transitive mean-
ing, and those in aya a middle form and intransitive or reflexive meaning.
In not a few cases, parallel formations from the same stem illustrate this
distinction: e. g. kalusayati makes turbid, kalusayate is or becomes
urbid; tarunayati rejuvenates, tarunayate is rejuvenated; sithilayati
loosens, Qithilayate grows loose. No distinct traces of this distinction are

389 DENOMINATIVE. [—1064

recognizable in the Veda, although there also corresponding forms with short
a and with long a sometimes stand side by side.

d. Final a is sometimes changed to 1 (very rarely i): thus,
adhvariyati performs the sacrifice; tavisiy&ti is mighty; putrlyati or
putriyati desires a son; ma&Biyati craves flesh,- sajjiyate t« ready;
candrakantiyati is moonstonelike. Not fifty stems of this form are quotable.

e. It is occasionally dropped (after n or r): thus, turanyati is
rapid; adhvaryati performs the sacrifice.

f. Other modes of treatment are sporadic: thus, the addition of s,
as in etanasyati seeks the breast; the change of a to e, as in vareyati
plays the wooer.

1060. From stems in a. Final a usually remains, as in gopay-
ati plays the herdsman, protects; pptanayati fights; but it is sometimes
treated in the other methods of an a-stem: thus, pftanyati fights; tilotta-
miyati acts Tilottama.

1061. From stems in i, i, and u, u. Such stems are (especially
those in u, u) very rare. They show regularly I and u before ya: thus,
arfttiyati (also -tiy-) plots injury; janlyati (also -niy-) seeks a wife;
sakhiyati desires friendship; nariyate turns woman; — gatruyati acts
the foe; yjuyati is straight; vasuyati desires wealth; asuyati grumbles,
is discontented: with short u, gatuyati sets in motion.

a. More rarely, i or u is treated as a (or else is gunated, with loss
of a y or v): thus, dhunayati comes snorting] laghayati makes easier.
Sometimes, as to a (above, 1059f), a sibilant is added: thus, avisydti
is vehement; urusyati saves. From dhi, RV. makes dhiyayate.

1062. From other vowel-stems, a. Final f is changed to ri:
thus, matriyati treats as a mother (only quotable example).

b. The diphthongs, in the few cases that occur, have their final ele-
ment changed to a semivowel: thus, gavyati seeks cattle, goes a-r aiding.

1063. From consonant- stems. A final consonant usually remains
before ya: thus, bhisajyati plays the physician, cures; uksanyati acts
like a lull ; apasyati is active ; namasyati pays reverence ; sumanasyate
is favorably disposed; tarueyati fights.

a. But a final n is sometimes dropped, and the preceding vowel treat-
ed as a final: thus, rajayate or rajiyati is kingly, from rajan; -kanna-
yati from -karman; svamiyati treats as master, from svamin: vysa-
yate from v^san is the only example quotable from the older language.
Sporadic cases occur of other final consonants similarly treated: thus, oja-
yate from ojas, -manayate from -manas; — while, on the other hand,
an a-vowel is occasionally added to such a consonant before ya: thus, isa-
yati from if, satvanayati from satvan.

1064. The largest class of consonantal stems are those showing a B
before the ya; and, as has been seen above, a sibilant is sometimes, by
analogy, added to a final vowel, making the denominative-sign virtually sya

1064—] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 399

— or even, with a also added after an i- or u- vowel, asya; and this comes
to be recognized by the grammarians as an independent sign, forming denom-
inatives that express desire : thus, sumakhasyate is merry; jivanasya-
(in-sya love of life); vrsasyati desires the male (the only quotable exam-
ples) ; madhusyati or madhvasyati longs for honey; ksirasyati craves
milk.

1065. The grammarians reckon as a special class of denominatives
in kamya what are really only ordinary ones made from a compound noun-
stem having kama as its final member: thus, rathakamyati lonys for
the chariot (K. : only example found in the older language) ; arthakarn-
yati desires wealth ; putrakamyati wishes a son (the only quotable exam-
ples) ; coming from the possessive compounds rathakama etc. And artha-
payati treats as property is a (sole quotable) example of a stem having the
Prakritic causative form (1042n).

a. Stems of anomalous formation are draghaya from dirgha, dradh-
aya from drdha, and perhaps mradaya from mrdu.

1066. a. A number of denominative stems occur in the Yeda for
which no corresponding noun-stems are found, although for all or nearly
all of them related words appear: thus, ankuya, stabhuya, isudhya;
dhisanya, risanya, ruvanya, huvanya, isanya ; ratharya, 9ratharya,
saparya; iyasya (£B.), irasya, daQasya, makhasya, panasya, sa-
casya. Those in anya, especially, look like the beginnings of a new
conjugation-class.

b. Having still more that aspect, however, are a Vedic group of stems
in aya, which in general have allied themselves to present-systems of the
nft-class (732), and are found alongside the forms of that class: thus,
gpbhayati beside grbhnati. Of such, RV. has grbhaya, mathaya,
prusaya, musaya, grathaya, skabhaya, stabhaya. A few others
have no na-class companions: thus, damaya, gamaya, tudaya (AV.);
and panaya, na^aya, vrsaya (/vys rain), vasaya (/vas clothe], and
perhaps a9aya (y&q attain).

c. Here may be mentioned also quasi-denominatives made from ono-
matopoetic combinations of sounds, generally with repetition: e. g. kitaki-
taya, thatathataraya, misamisaya, Qara^araya.

1067. The denominative stems in RV. and AV. with causative accent-
uation are: RV. ankhaya, arthaya, i§aya (also iffaya), urjaya, ytaya,
kypaya, mantraya, mygaya, vavraya, vaj4ya (also vajaya), vll&ya,
su§vaya (also susvaya) ; AV. adds kirtaya, dhupaya, palaya, viraya,
sabhagaya.

a. The accent of anuiya and hastaya (RV.) is wholly anomalous.

1068. Inflection. The denominative stems are in-
flected with regularity like the other stems ending in 5f a
(733 a) throughout the present-system. Forms outside of

391

DENOMINATIVE.

[—1069

that system — except from the stems which are reckoned
to the causative or cur-class, and which follow in all re-
spects the rules for that class — are of the utmost rarity.

a. In BY. occur a no form not belonging to the present-system, except
unayis (with ma prohibitive), an ig-aorist 2d sing. (cf. 1048). Farther
examples of this aorist are asuyit (£B.), papayis^a (TS.: pi., with ma
prohibitive), and avrsayisata (VS. etc.). The form asaparyait (AV.
xiv. 2. 20), with ai for I (555 c), might be aorist; but, as the metre
shows, is probably a corrupt reading; amanasyait, certainly imperfect,
appears to occur in TB. (ii. 3. 8s). Other forms begin to appear in the
Brahmanas: e. g. the futures gopayisyati ($B.), meghayisyant, kan-
duyisyant, <;Ikayiijyant (TS.), the participles bhi^ajyita (? JB. -jita)
and iyasita (£B.), kanfluyita, 9lkita, and meghita (TS.), the gerund
samqlaksnya (£B.), and so on. In the later language, also, forms out-
side the present-system (except the participle in ta) are only sporadic ; and
of tertiary conjugation forms there are hardly any : examples are the causa-
tives dhumayaya and asuyaya (MBh.), and the desiderative abhisisena-
yif a (gic.).

b. Noun-derivatives from denominative stems follow the analogy of
those from causative stems (1051g). In the older language, those in u
and & (especially the former) are much the most numerous; later, that in
ana prevails over all others.

CHAPTER XV.

PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION.

1069. ONE periphrastic formation, the periphrastic
future, has been already described (942 ff.), since it has
become in the later language a recognized part of every
verbal conjugation, and since, though still remaining essen-
tially periphrastic, it has been so fused in its parts and al-
tered in construction as to assume in considerable measure
the semblance of an integral tense-formation.

By far the most important other formation of the
class is —

1070—] XV. PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION. 392

The Periphrastic Perfect.

1070. This (though almost unknown in the Veda, and
coming only gradually into use in the Brahmanas) is a
tense widely made and frequently used in the classical
Sanskrit.

a. It is made by prefixing the accusative of a deriva-
tive noun-stem in %T S (accented) to the perfect tense of an
auxiliary verb: namely, of ysfj ky make, more often of
yJBTFT as be, and very rarely of i/H bhtl be.

b. In the older language (see below, 1073d), ky is almost the only
auxiliary used in making this tense, as occurring very few times, and bhu
never. Later, also, bhu is quite rare (it is found nine times in MBh.,
six times in Rgh., and a few times elsewhere), but as gains very greatly
in currency, having become the usual auxiliary, while k? is only exceptional.

c. Somewhat similar formations with yet other auxiliaries are not
absolutely unknown in the later language : thus, varayam pracakramus
(MBh.), purayam (etc.) vyadhus (Viracaritra), mj-gayam avasit (ib.).

1071. The periphrastic perfect occurs as follows:

a. It is the /'accented )perfect of the derivative conjuga-
tions: intensive, desiderative, causative, and denominative;
the noun in £TT a being made from the present-stem which is
the general basis of each conjugation : thus, from yWJ budh,
intensive 5u<s(MIH bobudham, desiderative jgHrHIH bubhutsam,
causative snWPnbodhayam ; denominative H^UIH^mantray-
5m.

b. The formation from causative stems (including those denominatives
which have assumed the aspect of causative s : 1056) is by far the most
frequent Only a few desideratives are quotable (1034 a), and of inten-
sives only jagaram asa (1020 a; beside jajagara).

o. Most roots beginning with a vowel in a heavy syl-
lable (long by nature or long by position) make this perfect
only, and not the simple one : thus, STRTTO asam from y^TCT
as sit, ^TPT Iksam from y^f Iks see; 3s*hlH ujjham from
V33T tijh forsake; ^UPT edh&m from j/^TJ^edh thrive (the
only examples quotable).

393 PERIPHRASTIC PERFECT. [—1073

d. Excepted are the roots ap and anch, and those beginning with
a before two consonants (and taking fin as reduplication: 788).

e. The roots (that is, stems reckoned by the grammarians as roots) of
more than one syllable have their perfect of this formation: thus, cakasam.
But urnu (713) is said to form urnonava only; while jag? (1020)
makes a perfect of either formation, and daridra (1024 a) is said to do
the same.

f. A few other roots make the periphrastic in addition to the usual
reduplicated perfect. Thus, in the older language only are found the stems
cfiyfim, tfiyam, nilaySm, vasarn (yVaa dwell}, vidam (>/vid know),
vyayam, and the reduplicated stems bibhayam and juhavam; the later
language adds ayam, jayfim, dayam, nayam, smayam, hvayam, and
the reduplicated bibharam; and the grammarians teach like formations
from us, kas, and the reduplicating hri. The stem is made in every case
from the present-stem, with guna of a final vowel.

1072. The periphrastic perfect of the middle voice is
made with the middle inflection of y%\ kr>. For passive
use. the auxiliaries CRT as and H bhu are said to be allowed

•s ex

to take a middle inflection.

a. One or two late examples of bhu with middle inflection have been
pointed out, but none of as.

b. It is unnecessary to give a paradigm of this formation, as
the inflection of the auxiliaries is the same as in their independent
use : for that of >/kr, see 800 k; of j/bhu, see 800 d; of j/as, see 800m.

c. The connection of. the noun and auxiliary is not so close that other
words are not occasionally allowed to come between them: thus, miman-
sam eva cakre (£B.) he merely speculated; vidarh va idaxn ayam
cakara (JB.) he verily knew this,- prabhraf^ayam yo naghusam ca-
kara who made Nayhusha fall headlong (Rgh.).

1073. The above is an account of the periphrastic formation
with a derivative noun in am as it appears especially in the later
language; earlier, its aspect is rather that of a more general, but
quite infrequent, combination of such a noun with various forms of
the root kr. Thus :

a. Of the periphrastic perfect occurs only a single example in the
whole body of Yedic texts (metrical): namely, gamayam cakara (AY.).
In the Brahmanas examples from causative stems begin to appear more
freely, but are everywhere few in number, except in £B. (which has them
from twenty-four roots, and a few of these in several occurrences). From
desiderative stems they are yet rarer (only seven occurrences, five of them
in £B. : see 1034 a); and from intensives they are unknown. The peri-
phrastic perfects of primary conjugation were noted above (107 If: in $B.,

1073—] XV. PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION. 394

eight stems and about eighty occurrences, chiefly from Iks, bhi, and vid;
that from vid is found in the greatest number of texts).

b. Forms with the aorist of the auxiliary are in the oldest Brahmanas
as numerous as those with the perfect. Thus, with akar occur ramayam
(K.), janayam and eadayam and svadayam and sthapayam (MS.);
and with akran, vidam (T8. TB. MS.). With the aorist optative or
precative has been found only pavayam kriyat (MS.).

0. Like combinations with other tenses are not entirely unknown:
thus, juhavam karoti (££$.). So also in the later language, where have
been found quotable half-a-dozen such cases as vidam karoti (Pane.),
vidam karotu and kurvantu (Pane. etc.).

d. Only two or three cases of the use of as instead of kr as auxil-
iary are met with in the older language : they are mantrayam aaa (AB.
GB.), janayam asa (£vU.), and iksam asa (££8.).

e. A single example of an accented auxiliary is met with in the accent-
uated texts : namely, atireoayam cakrus (£B.). As was to te expected,
from the nature of the combination, the noun also retains its accent (com-
pare 945).

Participial Periphrastic Phrases.

1074. The frequent use, especially in the later language,
of a past or a future passive participle with the copula (or
also without it) to make participial phrases having a value
analogous to that of verb-tenses, has heen already noticed
(999). But other similar combinations are not unknown
in any period of the language, as made with other auxil-
iaries, or with other participles.

a. They occur even in the Veda, but are far more common and
conspicuous in the Brahmanas, and become again of minor account in the
later language.

1075. Examples of the various formations are as follows:

a. A (usually present) participle with the tenses of the verb i go.
This is the combination, on the whole, of widest and most frequent occur-
rence. Thus : ayajvano vibhajann eti vedah (RV.) he ever gives away
the wealth of the non-offerer; yatha sucya vaaah samdadhad iyad
evam evil 'tabhir yajnasya chidram samdadhad eti (AB.) just as
one would mend [habitually] a garment with a needle, so with these one
mends any defect of the sacrifice; agnir va idaxh vai^vanaro dahann
ait (PB.) Agni Vaicvanara kept burning this creation; te 'surah para-
jita yanto dyavaprthivi upaxjrayan (TB.) those Asuras, getting beaten,
took refuge with heaven and earth; te 'sya grhah paqava upamurya-
mana lyuh (^-B.) the animals, his family, would be continually destroyed.

395 PAKTICIPIAL PHRASES. [—1076

b. The same with the verb oar go (continually or habitually), signifying
still more distinctly than the preceding a continued or habitual action. Thns :
agnav agnfy carati pravi^tah (AV.) Agni is constantly present in the
fire ; adandyaih dandena ghnanta? caranti (PB.) they make a practice
of beating with a rod what is undeserving of punishment.

C. The same with the verbs as sit and sthfi stand, with a like mean-
ing. Thus, juhvata asate (K.) they continue sacrificing; te 'pakramya
prativavadato 'tis^han (AB.) they, having gone off, kept vehemently
refusing. In the later language, stha is the verb oftenest used, with
predicates of various kind, to make a verbal phrase of continuance.

d. A present or future or perfect participle with as and bhu be.
The participle is oftenest a future one; as only is used in the optative,
bhu usually in other forms. Thus : yah purvaxn anijanah syfit (AB.)
whoever may not have made sacrifice before; samavad eva yajfie kur-
vana asan (GB.) they did the same thing at the sacrifice; parikridanta
asan (MS.) they were playing about; yatra suptva punar nil Vadra-
syan bhavati (£B.) when, after sleeping, he is not going to fall asleep
again; havyam hi vaksyan bhavati (AB.) for he is intending to carry
the sacrifice; dasyant syat (K.) may be going to give; yena vahanena
syantsyant syat (QB.) with what vehicle he may be about to drive. True
expressions for perfect and pluperfect and future perfect time are capable
of being made by such means, and now and then are made, but in no
regular and continued fashion.

Composition with Prepositional Prefixes.

1076. All the forms, personal and other, of verbal con-
jugation — of both primary and secondary conjugation,
and even to some extent of denominative (so far as the
denominative stems have become assimilated in value to
simple roots) — occur very frequently in combination with
certain words of direction, elements of an adverbial character
(see the next chapter), the so-called prepositions (according
to the original use of that term), or the verbal prefixes.

a. Practically, in the later language, it is as if a compounded root
were formed, out of root and prefix*, from which then the whole conjugation
(with derivatives : below, chap. XVII.) is made, just as from the simple
root. Yet, even there (and still more in the older language : 1081 a — c), the
combination is so loose, and the members retain so much of their independent
value, that in most dictionaries (that of Sir Monier Williams is an exception)
the conjugation of each root with prefixes is treated under the simple root,
and not in the alphabetic order of the prefix. Derivative words, however,

1076—] XV. PERIPHEASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUQATION. 396

are by universal agreement given in their independent alphabetic place, like
simple words.

1077. Those verbal prefixes which have value as such
throughout the whole history of the language are given
below, in alphabetic order, with their fundamental meanings :

ati across, beyond, past, over, to excess;

adhi above, over. on. on to;

T , , '

5R anu after, along, toward;

f antar between, among, within;
apa away, forth, off;
api unto, close upon or on;

abhi to, unto, against (often with implied violence) ;

, ,

m ava down, off;
5TT 5 to, unto, at;
3£ lid up, up forth or out;
33 lipa to, unto, toward;
ft ni down; in, into;

out, forth;

pars to a distance, away, forth;
pari round about, around]
pra forward, onward, forth, fore;

prati in reversed direction, back to or against,
against, in return;

fe vi apart, asunder, away, out;
along, with, together.

a. Some of these, of course, are used much more widely and frequently
than others. In order of frequency in the older language (as estimated by
the number of roots with which they are found used in RV. and AV.), they
stand as follows : pra, a, vi, sam, abhi, ni, ud, pari, anu, upa, prati,
ava, nis, ati, apa, para, adhi, api, antar. Api is of very limited
use as prefix in the later language, having become a conjunction, too, also.

b. The meanings given above are only the leading ones. In combinations
of root and prefix they undergo much modification, both literal and figurative
— yet seldom in such a way that the steps of transition from the fund-
amental sense are not easy to trace. Sometimes, indeed, the value of a

397

VERBAL PREFIXES.

[-1081

root is hardly perceptibly modified by the addition of the prefix. An in-
tensive force is not infrequently given by pari, vi, andCjsaxp^

1078. Prefixes essentially akin with the above, but more dis-
tinctly adverbial, and of more restricted use, are these:

acha (or acha) to, unto.- tolerably frequent in RV. (used with
over twenty roots), but already unusual in AV. (only two roots),
quite restricted in B., and entirely lost in the later language;

avis forth to sight, in view : used only with the roots bhu, as,
and ky;

tiras through, crossways; out of sight: hardly used except with
ky, dhS, bhu (in RV., with three or four others);

puras in front, forward: used with only half-a-dozen roots,
especially kr, dha, i;

pradus forth to view: only with bhu, as, kr.

a. A few others, as bahis outside, vina without, alam (with bhu
and kr) sufficiently, properly, saksat in view, are still less removed from
ordinary adverbs.

1079. Of yet more limited use, and of noun-rather than adverb-
value, are:

9rad (or 9rathP), only with dhS (in RV., once also with kr):
Qraddha believe, credit;

hin, only with kr (and obsolete in the classical language): hiflkr
make the sound, >""g low, murmur.

a. And beside these stand yet more fortuitous combinations: see
below, 1091.

1080. More than one prefix may be set before the same
root. Combinations of two are quite usual ; of three, much
less common; of more than three, rare. Their order is in
general determined only hy the requirements of the meaning,
each added prefix bringing a further modification to the
combination before which it is set. But £TT K is almost
never allowed, either earlier or later, to be put in front
of any of the others.

a. The very rare cases of apparent preflxion of ft to another prefix
(as Svihanti MBh., avitanvanfth BhP.) are perhaps best explained as
having the ft used independently, as an adverb.

1081. In classical Sanskrit, the prefix stands immediately
before the verbal form.

a. In the earlier language, however (especially in the Veda; in
the Brahman a less often and more restrictedly), its position is quite

1081—] XV. PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION. 398

free: it may be separated from the verb by another word or words,
and may even come after the form to which it belongs; it may also
stand alone, qualifying a verb that is understood, or conjointly with
another prefix one that is expressed.

b. Thus, sa devan e *ha vaksyati (RV.) he shall bring the gods
hither; pra na ayunsi tSrisat (AY.) may he lengthen out our lives; tav
a yatam up a dravat (BY.) do ye two come hither quickly; gamad
vajebhir a sa nah (RV.) may he come with gifts hither to us; pari
mam pari me prajam pari nah pahi yad dhanam (AY.) protect me,
my progeny, and what wealth we own ; yatah sadya a ca para ca yanti
(AY.) from whence every day they advance and retire; vy aham sarvena
papmana [avrtam] vi yaksmena aam ayu^ft (AY.) / have separated
from all evil, from disease, [I have joined myself] with life; vi hy
enena pagyati (AB.) for by it he sees; vi va esa prajaya pa^ubhir
rdhyate (TB.) he is deprived of progeny and cattle.

c. Three or four instances have been cited from the later language
of a prefix separated from, or following, a verb ; perhaps the prefix in every
such case admits of being regarded as an adverb.

1082. As regards the accent of verb-forms compounded with
prefixes, only the case needs to be considered in which the prefix
stands (as always in the later language) immediately before the verb ;
otherwise, verb and prefix are treated as two independent words.

1083. a. A personal verbal form, as has been seen above
(592), is ordinarily unaccented: before such a form, the prefix has
its own accent; or, if two or more precede the same form, the one
nearest the latter is so accented, and the others lose their accent.

b. If, however, the verb-form is accented, the prefix or prefixes
lose their accent.

c. That is, in every case, the verb along with its normally
situated prefix or prefixes so far constitutes a unity that the whole
combination is allowed to take but a single accent.

d. Examples are: pare *hi nari punar e *hi ksipram (AY.) go
away, woman; come again quickly; atha 'starh viparetana (RV.) then
scatter ye away to your home; samacinusva 'nusamprayahi (AY.)
gather together, go forth together after; yad grhan upodafti (AY.) when
he goes up to the house; eva ca tvam sarama ajagantha (RV.) now
that you, Sarama, have thus come hither; yena "vig$itah praviv^itha
'pah (RV.) enveloped in which thou didst enter the waters.

1084. A prefix, however, not seldom has a more independent
value, as a general adverb of direction, or as a preposition (in the
usual modern sense of that term), belonging to and governing a noun;
in such case, it is not drawn in to form part of a verbal compound,
but has its own accent. The two kinds of use shade into one another,
and are not divisible by any distinct and fixed line.

VERBAL PREFIXES. [—1087

a. There is in RV. a considerable number of cases (some thirty) in
which the pada-text gives unnecessarily, and probably -wrongly, an inde-
pendent accent to a prefix before an accented vBrb (or other prefix): re-
solving, for example, aruhat into a aruhat, vyacet into vi acet,
abhyavar? it into abhf avarsit, vyasarat into vi a asarat (instead of
a-aruhat etc.).

1085. In combination with the non-personal parts of the verb-
system — with participles, infinitives, and gerunds — the general
rule is that the prefix loses its accent, in favor of the other member
of the compound. But the prefix instead has sometimes the accent:
namely, when combined —

a. with the passive participle in ta or na: thus, pareta gone
forth; antarhita concealed; avapanna fallen; sampurna complete
(cf. 1284).

b. But some exceptions to this rule are met with : e. g., in RJV.,
nicita, nifkrta, prac.asta, nigatta, etc.; in AV., apakrita.

c. with the infinitive in tu (972), in all its cases: thus, saih-
hartum to collect; apidhatave to cover up; avagantos of descending.
The doubly accented dative in tavfti retains its final accent, but
throws the other back upon the prefix : thus, anvetavai for follow-
ing; apabhartavai for carrying off.

1086. The closeness of combination between the root and the
prefix is indicated not only by their unity of accent, but also by the
euphonic rules (e. g. 185, 192), which allow the mutual adaptations
of the two to be made to some extent as if they were parts of a
unitary word.

1087. A few special irregularities call for notice:

a. In the later language, api, adhi, and ava, in connection with
certain roots and their derivatives, sometimes lose the initial vowel : namely,
api with nah and dha, adhi with stha, ava with gfth etc.: e. g.
pinaddha, pihita, dhisthita, vagahya, vatansa, vadanya, vas^abhya,
vamajjana, veksana, valepana. In the Veda, on the other hand, is
is in a few cases found instead (apparently) of nis with j/kr.

b. The final vowel of a prefix, especially an i, is (oftenest in the
older language) sometimes lengthened, especially in derivative words: e. g.
pratikara, nlvrt, parihara, virudh, adhivasa, api vrta, abhivarta ;
anurudh ; avayatl, pravrs, upavasu. In the Veda, the initial of anu
is sometimes lengthened after negative an: e. g. ananuda, ananukr-tya.

c. In combination with yi yo, the. prefixes para, pari, and pra
sometimes change their r to 1. In this way is formed a kind of derivative
stem palay flee, inflected according to the a-class, in middle voice, which
is not uncommon from the Brahmanas down, and has so lost the con-
sciousness of its origin that it sometimes takes the augment prefixed: thus,
apalayi$$has (SSS.), apalftyata (R.), apalayanta (MBh.); it makes

1087—] XV. PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION. 400

the periphrastic perfect palayam cakre. The stem palyay, similarly
inflected, occurs only in one or two texts (£B. JB. JUB.) ; and play has
been found nowhere except in MS. Also the imperfect nilayata (TS. TB. :
not separated in the pada-text) and perfect nilayam cakre (QB.) are
doubtless a corresponding formation from yi with nis, though nearly akin
in form and meaning with forms from yli-f-ni. So also pari becomes
pali in the combination palyang (£B. £$S.), whether viewed as a denom-
inative formation or as ]/ang -fpari. And MS. has once plaksarayan
(iii. 10. 2 ; in an etymology).

d. The root kr make sometimes assumes (or retains from a more
original condition) an initial a after the prefixes earn, pari, nis, and upa:
thus, samskurute, samaskurvan, samskrta, etc.; pari^krnvanti,
pariskrta, etc.; nir askrta; upaskrta. And j/kr scatter is said by
the grammarians to add s in the same manner, under certain circumstances,
after apa and prati (only apaskiramana, praticaskare, both late,
are quotable).

e. The passive participle of the roots da give and da cut has often
the abbreviated form tta after a prefix — of which the final vowel, if 1,
is lengthened (compare 955 f, and the derivative in ti, below, 1157c).

f. In a few sporadic cases, the augment is taken before a prefix,
instead of between it and the root : thus, avasatkarsit (GB.) ; udapra-
patat (AB.); anvasamcarat, pratyasamharat, pratyavyuhat, anv-
aviksetam, apraisit, asambhramat (MBh.); abhyanimantrayat
(Har.); vyavasthapi (SDS.); compare also the forms from palay, above,
c. And AB. has once niniyoja (for niyuyoja, as read in the correspond-
ing passage of Q^S.). Some of the apparent roots of the language have
been suspected of being results of a similar unification of root and prefix :
e. g. ap from a-f-ap, vyac from vi-j-ac, tyaj from ati + aj.

g. The loss of the initial s of stha and stambh after the prefix
ud has been noticed above (233 c). Also (137 a, c), certain peculiarities
of combination of a prefix with the initial vowel of a root.

1088. As to the more general adverbial uses of the prefixes,
and their prepositional uses, see the next chapter.

1089. As to the combination of the particles a or an privative, dus
ill, and su well, with verb-forms, see 1121b,g,i. As to the addition of
the comparative and superlative suffixes taram and tam&m to verbs, see
above, 473 c.

Other Verbal Compounds.

1090. It has been seen above that some of the prepositional
prefixes are employed in combination with only very small classes
of roots, namely those whose meaning makes them best fitted for
auxiliary and periphrastic uses — such as kr make, bhu and as be,
dha put, i go — and that the first of these are widely used in com-

401 VERBAL COMPOUNDS. [—1093

bination with a derivative in am to make a periphrastic conjugation.
Such roots have also been, from the earliest period of the language,
but with increasing frequency, used in somewhat analogous combi-
nations with other elements, substantive and adjective as well as
adverbial; and this has become, in part, developed finally into a
regular and indefinitely extensible method of increasing the resources
of verbal expression.

1091. a. The older language has a number of (mostly) reduplicative
onoinatopoetic compounds with roots ky and bhu, the prefixed element end-
ing in a or I (generally the former): thus, in RV., akkhallkftya croak-
ing, janjanabhavant flimmering, alalabhavant making merry, kikira
kj*nu tear; in AV., masmasa 'karam I have crushed; in VS., mas-
masa (also TS. ; MS. mysmysa) kuru; in TS., malmalabhavant ; in K.,
manmalabhavant, kikkitakara ; in MS., bibibabhavant, bhar-
bhara *bhavat; in AB., bababakurvant. The accentuation, where snown,
is like that of a verb-form with accompanying prefix.

b. Further, combinations with yky of utterances used at the sacri-
fice, and mostly ending in a: thus, svaha, avadha, svaga; also vasat.
In these, too, the accentuation is generally that of a verb with prefix : e. g.
svagakaroti (£B. ; but avadha karoti [?] TA.), vasa^kuryat (MS.);
and, with another prefix, anuvasatkaroti ($B.).

c. An instance or two also occur of ordinary words in such combi-
nations, put in corresponding form: thus, qula kuryat (QB.) may roast
on a spit (<}ula); anrnakartos (AB.) of getting clear of debt; aikya-
bhavayant (AA.) uniting.

1092. a. The noun namas obeisance, homage, in a still more purely
noun-value, becomes combined with yfcp : in the Veda, only with the ger-
und, in namaskf tya (beside hastagfhya and karnagfhya : above, 990 b).

b. A solitary combination with yi go is shown by the accusative as-
tam home; which, appearing only in ordinary phrases in RVM is in AV.
compounded with the participles — in astamyant, astamesyant, asta-
xnita (with accent like that of ordinary compounds with a prefix) — and
in the Brahmanas and the later language is treated quite like a prefix:
thus, astameti (£B.).

C. Other ordinary accusative forms of adjectives in combination with
verbal derivatives of kr and bhu are found here and there in the older
language: thus, qytaihkftya and nagnaihkftya (TS.); nagnambhavuka,
pamanambhavuka etc. (TS. et al.)j anaru^karoti (?B.).

1093. In the early but not in the earliest language, a noun-
stem thus compounded with ky or bhu (and very rarely with as),
in verbal nouns and ordinary derivatives, and then also in verbal
forms, begins to assume a constant ending I (of doubtful origin).

a. There is no instance of this in RV., unless the 1 of akkhallkftya
(above, 109 la) is to be so explained. In AV., besides the obscure
Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 26

1093 — ] XV. PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION. 402

vatikpta and vatikara, is found only phalikarana. In the Brahmana
language, examples begin to occur more often : thus, in TS., (jyeti, mith-
uni, mus^i; in T.B., further, phali, kruri, udvasi; in £B., besides
some of these, also ekl, kalvali, tivri, daridrl, brahmani, mithuni,
svi; and aQvabhidhani, of which (as of mus^I) the I might be that of
an ordinary grammatical form; in K., dvl; in GB., pravani; in SB.,
vajri; in AB., matl (from maty a). From Upanishad and Sutra are to
be added dvfiiti (MU.), saml (KgS.), navi and kusali (AGS.). The
accent is in general like that of the similar combinations treated above
(1091): e. g. krurikurvanti, svlkrtya, brahmanibhuya, mithunlbha-
vantyau, phalikartavai, krurikrta; but sometimes a mere collocation
takes place: thus, mithuni bhavantis (TS.), phali kriyamananam
(TB.), vajri bhutva (TA.). The I is variously treated: now as an un-
combinable final, as in qyeti akuruta and mithuni abhavan (TS.);
now as liable to the ordinary conversions, as in mithuny enaya syam,
mithuny abhih syam, and svyakurvata (£B.).

b. Out of such beginnings has grown in the later language the follow-
ing rule:

1094. Any noun or adjective stem is liable to be com-
pounded with verbal forms or derivatives of the roots y5fi
ky and ^bhu (and of STCT^as also ; but such cases are ex-
tremely rare), in the manner of a verbal prefix. If the
final of the stem be an a- or i-vowel, it is changed to | I ;
if an u- vowel, it is changed to \3T-1i«

a. Examples are : stambhibhavati becomes a pout ; ekacittibhuya
becoming of one mind ,- upaharikarosi thou makest an offering ,• nakhapra-
harajarjarOqpta torn to pieces with blows of the claws ; qithillbhavanti
become loose; kundallkrta ring-shaped; surabhikyta made fragrant;
adhikarana pawning; rjukftya straightening; hetukarana taking as
cause. As in the case of the denominatives (1059c), the combinations
with a-stems are the immense majority, and occnr abundantly (hardly less
than a thousand are quotable) in the later language, but for the most
part only once or twice each ; those made with i- and u-stems are a very
small number. In a few instances, stems in an and as, with those
finals changed to I, are met with: e. g. atmi-kr, yuvi-bhu; iiTiTna.ni-
kr, amani-bhu; final ya after a consonant is contracted to I: e. g.
kansi-ky ; and anomalous cases like kamdi<ji-bhu occur. Final r is said
to become n, but no examples are quotable. The combinations with kr
are about twice as frequent as those with bhu, and examples with as do
not appear to have been brought to light.

b. Similar combinations are occasionally made with elements of ques-
tionable or altogether obscure character: e. g. urari-kr*, uri-kr-.

C. Examples are not altogether wanting in the later language of & as

403 NOUN- AND ADJECTIVE-COMPOUNDS. [—1098

final of the compounded nonn-stem (cf. 1091): thus, duhkha-kr, niskula-
kf, 9amba-kp, and one or two others.

1095. Of all the forms which constitute or are attached to the
verbal system, the passive participle is the one most closely assimi-
lated in its treatment as a combinable element to an ordinary adjective.
Next to it come the gerund and the gerundives. Combinations of the
kind above treated of are quite common with passive participles and
gerunds.

CHAPTER XVI.

INDECLINABLES.

1096. THE indeclinable words are less distinctly divi-
ded into separate parts of speech in Sanskrit than is usual
elsewhere in Indo-European language — especially owing
to the fact that the class of prepositions hardly has a real
existence, but is represented by certain adverbial words
which are to a greater or less extent used prepositionally.
They will, however, be briefly described here under the
usual heads.

Adverbs.

1097. Adverbs by Suffix. Classes of adverbs, some-
times of considerable extent, are formed by the addition
of adverb-making suffixes especially to pronominal roots or
stems, but also to noun and adjective stems.

a. There is no ultimate difference between such suffixes and the
case-endings in declension; and .the adverbs of this division sometimes are
used in the manner of cases.

1098. With the suffix, tas, are made adverbs having an ablative
sense, and not rarely also an""ablative construction. Such are made:

a. From pronominal roots, in atas, itae,ytata8t' yfttas, kutas,
amutas, svatas (not found earlier); from the pronominal stems in t or

26*

1098— ] XVI. INDECLINABLES. 404

d (494) of the personal pronouns: thus, mattas (only example in V.),
tvattas, asmattas, yusmattas; and from pronominal derivatives: thus,
itaratas, kataratas.

b. From noun and adjective stems of every class, since the earliest
period, but more freely later : e. g. mukhatas, agratas, rbhutas, rktas,
hrttas, Qirsatas, janmatas, nastas, yajustas, paratas, anyatas,
anyataratas, sarvatas, daksinatas, abhipatas (once, in RV., from &
case-form: patsutas).

c. From a few prepositions: thus, abhftas, parftas, antitas.

d. Examples of ablative construction are: ato bhuyah (RV.) more
than that,- tatah saffhat (AV.) from that sixth,- ato 'nyena (£B.) with
any other than this; sarvato bhayat (AGS.) from all fear; kuta<j cid
deqad agatya (H.) arriving from some region or other; purad itah (R.)
from this city; tasmat pretakayatah (KSS.) from that dead body.

e. But the distinctive ablative meaning is not infrequently effaced,
and the adverb has a more general, especially a locative, value: thus,
agratas in front; asmatsamipatas in our presence; dharmatas in
accordance with duty; chagatas (H.) with reference to the goat; gunato
'dhikah (M.) superior in virtue.

1099. With the suffix/ tra/fan the older language often trS) are
made adverbs haying a locjbffe sense, and occasionally also a loca-
tive construction.

a. These adverbs are very few, compared with those in tas. They
are formed chiefly from pronominal stems, and from other stems having a
quasi-pronominal character: namely, in tra, atra, tatra, yatra, kutra,
axnutra, anyatra, vi^vatra, sarvatra, ubhayatra, aparatra, uttara-
tra, itaratra, anyataratra, purvatra, patatra, samanatra, ekatra,
anekatra, ekaikatra; in tra, asmatra, satra, purutra, bahutra,
daksinatra. But a few in trft come from ordinary nouns : thus, deva-
tra, martyatra, purusatra, manusyatra, pakatra, Qayutra, kuru-
paiicalatra. Those in tra are distinguished from the others by their
accent.

b. Examples of locative construction are : hasta a daksinatra (RV.)
in the right hand; yatra 'dhi (RV.) in which; ekatra purufe (MBh.)
in a single man ; atra maratmake (H.) in this murderous creature • pra-
bhutvaxh tatra yujyate (H.) sovereignty befits him. And, as the locative
case is used also to express the goal of motion (304), so the adverbs in
tra have sometimes an accusative as well as a locative value: thus, tatra
gaccha go there or thither ; patho devatra yanan (RV.) roads that go to
the gods.

1100. One or two other suffixes of locality are:

a. ha, in iha here, kuha where ? and the Vedic vi9vaha (also vi<;-
vaha, vi^vaha) always (compare below, 1104b); and iha (like atra etc.:

405 ADVERBS BY DERIVATION. [—1102

1099 b) is sometimes used with locative-case value: e. g. iha samaye
(H.) at this conjuncture.

b. tat, which is added to words having already a local or directive
value: thus, to adverbial accusatives, praktat, udaktftt, tavattat; to
adverbial ablatives, arattat, uttarattat, parakattat ; and to prepositional
adverbs, paQcatat, adhastat, avastat, parastat, purastat, bahif^at.
Apparently by analogy with these last, the suffix has the form stat in
upari$tat (and BhP. has udast&t).

c. hi, in uttarahi (£B.) and daksinahi (not quotable).

1101. By the suffix tha are made adverbs of manner, especially
from pronominal roots or stems.

a. Thus, tatha, yatha; katha and ittha (by the side of which stand
katham and ittham; and £B. has itthat); and the rare imatha and
amutha. And atha (V. often atha) so then doubtless belongs with them.
Further, from a few adjective and noun stems, mostly of quasi-pronominal
character : thus, vigvatha, sarvatha, anyatha, ubhayatha, aparathft,
itaratha, yataratha, yatamatha, kataratha, katamatha, purvatha,
pratnatha, urdhvatha, tiraqcatha, ekatha (JB.), ytutha, namatha
(once, AV.); and evatha.

b. Yatha becomes usually toneless in V., when used in the sense
of iva after a noun forming the subject of comparison: thus, tftyavo
yathS (RV.) like thieves.

11 02^ One or two other suffixes of manner are:

a. ti, in fti thus, very commonly used, from the earliest period,
especially as particle of quotation, following the words quoted.

b. Examples are : brahmajaye 'yam iti ced avocan (RY.) if they
have said "this is a Brahman's wife" ; tarn deva abruvan vratya kim
nu ti^asi 'ti (AV.) the gods said to him: « Vratya, why do you stand?"
Often, the iti is used more pregnantly: thus, yah Qraddadhati eanti
deva £ti (AY.) whoever has faith that the gods exist} tarn vyaghram
munir musiko 'yam iti pa^yati (H.) the sage looks upon that tiger as
being really a mouse; yuyam TH™ iti sidatha (H.) why (lit. alleging
what reason) do you sit?

c. But iti is sometimes used in a less specialized way, to mark an
onomatopoeia, or to indicate a gesture : e. g. bahif $e astu bal £ti (AV.)
let it come out of you with a splash; ity agre kr^aty athe 'ti (^B.) he
ploughs first this way, then this way; or it points forward to something to
be said: e. g. yan nv ity ahur anyani chandansi varfiyaitai kas-
mad byhaty ucyata iti (PB.) when now they say thus: "the other
metres are greater; why is the bfhati spoken?" It also makes a number
of derivatives and compounds : e. g. ititha the so-many-eth ; itivat in this
fashion; ityartham for this purpose; itihasa a story or legend (lit. thus
forsooth it was). As to the use of a nominative with iti as predicate to
an accusative, see 268 b.

1102—] XVI. INDECLINABLES. 406

d. With the suffix of £ti is to be compared that of tati etc. (519).
The word is abbreviated to ti two or three times in QB.

e/vkxin iva (toneless) like, cw, and eva (in V. often eva), earlier
thus, later a particle emphasizing the preceding word; for thus is used
later the related evam, which hardly occurs in RV., and in AV. only with
j/vid: as, evam vidvan knowing thus.

f. In later Vedic (AV. etc., and the later parts of RV.) iva more
often counts for only a single syllable, Va.

1103. a. By the suffix da are made adverbs of time, but almost
only from pronominal roots.

b. Thus, tada, yada, kada (in RV. also kada), ida (only in V.);
and sada, beside which is found earlier sadam. Besides these, in the
older language, only sarvada; later a few others, anyada, ekada, nit-
yada. A quasi-locative case use is seen occasionally in snch phrases as
kadacid divase (R.) on a certain day.

c. By the perhaps related danim are made idamm, tadanim,
vi<jvadanim, tvadanim (toneless). ViQvadani occurs as adjective in TB.

d. With rhi are made, from pronominal roots, tarhi, etarhi, yarhi,
karhi, amurlii.

e. The suffix di, found only in yadi if, is perhaps related with da,
in form as in meaning. Sadadi (MS.) is of doubtful character.

1104. By the suffix dha are formed adverbs especially from
numerals, signifying -fold, times, ways, etc.

a. Thus, ekadha, dvidha (also dvidha and dvedha), tridha
(in the older language usually tredha), saddha (also sodha and sad-
dhfi), dvfida^adha, ekaxmavifi^atidlia, sahasradha, and so on. Also,
naturally, from words having a quasi-numeral character: thus, anekadha,
katidht, tatidha, bahudha, purudha, vi^vadha, 9a9vadha,
aparimitadha, yavaddha, etavaddha, masadha. In a very few cases,
also from general noun and adjective stems: thus, mitradha (AV.),
priyadha (TS'.; predha, MS.), yjudha (TB.), urudhS and citradhft
(BhP.) ; and from one adverb, bahirdha.

b. The particle adha or adha, a Vedic equivalent of atha, probably
belongs here (purudha and vi<jvadha, with shortened final, occur a few
times in RV.); also addha in truth; and perhaps saha with, which has
an equivalent sadha- in several Vedic compounds. And the other adverbs
in ha (11 00 a) may be of like origin.

1105. From a few numerals are made multiplicative adverbs with 8 :
namely, dvfa, trie, and catur (probably, for caturs): 489 a.

a. The corresponding word for once, sakrt, is a compound rather
than a derivative; and the same character belongs still more evidently to
paficakftvas, navakrtvas, aparimitakftvas, etc., though krt and
krtvas are regarded by the native grammarians as suffixes; the earlier

407 ADVERBS BY DERIVATION. [—1109

texts (AY. $B. MS.) have sapta krtvas, da^a krtvas, dvida^a kftvas,
as$av eva krtvas, etc. AB. has the redundant combination trif krtvah.
b. The quasi-sufflx dyus, from a case-form of div day, is in a
similar manner added to various determining -words, generally made to end
in e : e. g. anyedyus another day, ubhayedyus (AV. -yadyiie) on either
day, purvedyus the day before.

1106. By the suffix 93,8 are made, especially from numeral or
quantitative stems, many adverbs of quantity or measure or manner,
generally used distributive!}-.

a. Examples are : eka9&8 one by one, qata^as by hundred*, ftu9&8
season by season, paccbas foot by foot, aksara9as syllable by syllable,
gana9&8 in crowds, Btamba9as by bunches, paru^gas Limb by limb,
tavacehas in such and such number or quantity: and, in a more general
way, sarva9aa wholly, mukbya9as principally, krchragas stingily,
manmagas as minded.

1107. By the suffix vat are made with great freedom, in every
period of the language, adverbs signifying after the manner of, like, etc.

a. Thus, angirasvat like Angiras, manuBvat (RY.) as Manu did,
jamadagnivat after the manner ofJamadagni; purvavat or pratnavat
or puranavat, as of old, kakatallyavat after the fashion of the crow
and the palm-fruit.

b. This is really the adverbially used accusative (with adverbial
shift of accent: below, 1111 g) of the suffix vant ( 1 233 f), which in the
Yeda makes certain adjective compounds of a similar meaning: thus, tva-
vant like thee, mavant of my sort, etc.

1108. By the suffix sat are made from nouns quasi-adverbs signify-
ing in or into the condition or the possession of what is indicated by the
noun; they are used only with verbs of being, of becoming, and of making:
namely, oftenest kr and bhu, but also as, gam, ya, and ni (and, accord-
ing to the grammarians, sam-pad). Some twenty-five examples are quo-
table from the later literature; out none from the earlier, which also
appears to contain nothing that casts light upon the origin of the formation.
The 8 of sat is not liable to conversion into f . The connection with the
verb is not so close as to require the use of the gerund in ya instead of
that in tvft (990) ; and other words are sometimes interposed between the
adverb and verb.

a. Examples are: sarvakarmani bbasmasat kurute (MBh.)
reduces att deeds to ashes; loko 'yam dasyusad bhaved (MBh.) this world
would become a prey to barbarians ; yasya br abmanasat sarvam vittam
asit (MBh.) whose whole property was given to Brahmans; niyatam bhas-
masad yati (Har.) it is inevitably reduced to ashes; agnin atmasat
krtva (Y.) having taken the fires to one's self.

1 1 09. a. Suffixes, not of noun-derivation or of inflection, may be
traced with more or less plausibility in a few other adverbs. Thus, for

1109—]

XVI. INDECLINABLES.

408

example, in pratar early, and sanutar away ; in daksimt with right hand,
and oikitvit with consideration ; in nunam now, and nananam variously.
Bat the cases are in the main too rare and doubtful to be worth notice here.

b. In the epics begin to be found a small class (about a dozen are
quotable) of adverbs having the form of a repeated noun-stem with its first
occurrence ending in a and its second in i: e. g. hastahasti hand to
hand, ratharathi chariot against chariot, karnakarni ear to ear.

c. The adverbs thus far described are almost never used pre-
positionally. Those of the next division, however, are in many in-
stances so used.

1110. Case-forms used as Adverbs. A large num-
ber of adverbs are more or less evidently cases in form,
made from stems which are not otherwise in use. Also
many cases of known stems, pronominal or noun or adject-
ive, are used with an adverbial value, being distinguished
from proper cases by some difference of application, which
is sometimes accompanied by an irregularity of form.

1111. The accusative is the case most frequently and widely
used adverbially. Thus:

a. Of pronominal stems: as, yad if, when, that, etc.; tad then etc.;
k£m icfty, whether, etc.; idam now, here; adas yonder; and so on. Of
like value, apparently, are the (mostly Vedic) particles kad, kam and
kam(P), id, old (common at every period), sxnad and sumad, im and
sun (by some regarded as still possessing pronoun-value), -kim. Com-
pounds with fd are ced if, ned lest, ed, avid, kuvid ; with cid, kucid ;
with -kim, TiAVrm and m^lrrnr^ and akim.

b. Of noun-stems: as, nama by name; siikham happily; kamam
at will, if you please; naktam by night; rahas secretly; osam quickly
(V.); and so on.

c. Of adjective stems, in unlimited numbers: as, satyam truly;
dram long ; purvam formerly ; nityam constantly ; bhuyas more, again ;
vigrabdham confidently; prakatjam openly; and so on.

d. The neuter singular is the case commonly employed in this way;
and it is so used especially as made from great numbers of compound ad-
jective stems, often from such as hardly occur, 01 are not at all found,
in adjective use. Certain of these adverbial compounds, having an indecli-
nable as prior member, are made by the Hindu grammarians a special class
of compounds, called avyayibhava (1313).

e. But the feminine singular also is sometimes used, especially in
the so-called adverbial endings of comparison, taram and tamam, which
are attached to particles (cf. 1119), and even (473 c) to verb-forms:

409

CASE-FORMS AS ADVERBS.

[—1112

e. g. nataram, kathamtaram, uccaistaram, 9anaistaram, jyokta-
mam. In the oldest language (RV. and AV.), the neuter instead of the
feminine form of these suffixes is almost alone in use: see 1119.

f. Many adverbs of obscure form or connection are to be explained
with probability as accusatives of obsolete noun or adjective stems : examples
are tusnim in silence; sayam at evening; sakarn together, with (prep.);
aram or alam sufficient (in the later language used with j/kr in the manner
of a prefix: 1078 a); prayas usually; isat sometchat; amnas unex-
pectedly; bahis outside; mithu and mithas, muhu and muhus, jatu,
and so on. Madrik etc., and ninik (in KV.), are perhaps contracted
forms of adjectives having |/ac or anc as their final (407 ff.). The pres-
ence of other roots as final members is also probable for u$adhak, anu-
sak and ayusak, anusthu and susthu, yugapat, etc. Compare also
the forms in am beside those in a, above, 1101 a, 1102e, 1103b.

g. In (Vedic) dravat quickly is to be seen a change of accent for
the adverbial use (pple dravant running'),- and drahyat stoutly (RV.,
once) may be another example. The comparative and superlative suffixes
(above, e) show a like change; and it is also to be recognized in the deriv-
atives with vat (1107).

1112. The instrumental is also often used with adverbial
value: generally in the singular, but sometimes also in the plural.
Thus:

a. Of pronominal stems : as, ena and ay a, kaya, ana, ama, amuya.

b. Of noun-stems: as, ksanena instantly; acjesena completely;
vi§e§ ena especially ; diva by day; dis^ya fortunately ; sahasa suddenly;
aktubhis by night; and so on.

c. Of adjectives, both neuter (not distinguishable from masculine) and
feminine: as, akhilena wholly; pray ena mostly; daksinena to the south;
uttarena to the north; antarena within; cirena long; — Canals and
(janakais slowly ; uccais on high ; nicais below ; paracais afar ;
tavislbhis mightily; and so on.

d. More doubtful cases, mostly from the older language, may be in-
stanced as follows : tira^cata, devata, bahuta, and sasvarta (all RV.),
homonymous instrumentals from nouns in ta ; dvita, taditna, irma,
m^a, vrtha, saca, astha (P), mudha (not V.), adhuna (B. and later).

e. Adverbially used instrumentals are (in the older language), oftener
than any other case, distinguished from normal instrumentals by differences
of form: thus, especially, by an irregular accent: as, ama and diva
(given above); perhaps guha; apaka, asaya, kuhayfi (?); naktaya,
svapnaya, samana; adatraya, rtaya, ubhaya, sumnaya (?); dak-
sina, madhya; nlca, praca, ucca, pagca, tira9ca; vasantS; — in
a few u-stems, by a y inserted before the ending, which is accented : thus,
amuya (given above), a<;uya, sadhuya, raghuya, dhr^nuya, anus-

1112—] XVI. INDECLINABLES. 410

thuya, mithuya; — and urviya (for urvya) and viqvya (properly
vfqvaya) are more slightly irregular.

1113. The dative has only very seldom an adverbial use.

a. Examples are aparaya for the future (RV. ; with changed ac-
cent) ; ciraya long ; arthaya for the sake of; ahnaya presently.

1114. The ablative is not infrequently used adverbially.
Thus:

a. Of pronominal stems : as, kasmat why ? akasmat casually, un-
expectedly; at, tat, yat (V.: normal forms, instead of the pronominal
asmat etc.).

b. Of noun-stems: as, &8at near; arat afar; balat forcibly; kutu-
halat emuLously; saka<jat on the part of.

c. Oftenest, of adjective stems : as, durata/ar; meat below; pa<jcat
behind; saksat plainly, actually? samantftt completely; acirat not long;
pratyaksatamat (AB.) most obviously; pratyantat (8.) to the end.

d. In a few instances, adverbially used ablatives likewise show a
changed accent in the early language: thus, apakat from afar; amat from
near by; sanat from of old (but instr. sana) ; uttarat from the north;
adharat below.

1115. The genitive is almost never used adverbially.

a. In the older language occur aktos by night, and vaetos by day;
later, cirasya long.

1116. The locative is sometimes used with adverbial value.
Thus:

a. From noun and adjective stems: fike near; are and dure afar;
abbisvare behind; aetamike at home; rte without (prep.) ; agrem/ront;
sthane suitably; sapadi immediately ; -arthe and -krte (common in com-
position) for the sake of; apari^u in after time; ftdfiu first; rahasi
in secret.

1117. Even a nominative form appears to be stereotyped into an ad-
verbial value in (Vedic) kfs, interrogative particle, and its compounds
nakis and makis, negative particles. And masc. nominatives' from anc-
stems (as paran AB., nyan Apast.) are sometimes found used by sub-
stitution for neuters.

1118. Verbal Prefixes and kindred words. The
verbal prefixes, described in the preceding chapter (1076 ff.),
are properly adverbs, having a special office and mode of
use in connection with verbal roots and their more imme-
diate derivatives.

a. Their occasional looser connection with the verb has been
noticed above (1084). In the value of general adverbs, however,

411

ADVERBIAL PREFIXES.

[—1121

they only rarely occur (except as dpi has mainly changed its office
from prefix to adverb or conjunction in the later language) ; but their
prepositional uses are much more frequent and important : see below,
1126b.

b. In composition with nouns, they (like other adverbial elements)
not infrequently have an adjective value: see below, 1281 ff., 1305.

1119. Several of the prefixes (as noticed above, 473 — 4) form com-
parative and superlative adjectives, by the suffixes tara and tama, or ra
and ma: thus, uttara and uttama, adhara and adhama, apara and
apama, avara and avama, upara and upama, and prathama is
doubtless of the same character; also, antara and antama. And accusa-
tives of such derivative adjectives (for the most part not otherwise found in
use) have the value of comparatives, and rarely superlatives, to the prefixes
themselves: thus, sam^itam cit samtaram earn 9i9adhi(AV.) whatever
is quickened do thou still further quicken; vitaram vi kraxnasva (RV.)
stride out yet more widely ; pra tarn naya prataram vasyo acha. (RV.)
lead him forward still further toward advantage; lid enam uttaram naya
(AV.) lead him up still higher.

a. Besides those instanced, are found also nitaram, apataram, abhi-
taram, avataram, parataram, parastaram. In the Erahmanas and
later (above, 11 lie), the feminine accusative is used instead: thus, ati-
taram and atitamam, abhitaram, anutamam, atamarcu pratitaram,
nitaram, uttaram, prataram and pratamam, vitaram, samtaram
(also RV., once).

1120. Kindred in origin and character with the verbal pre-
fixes, and used like them except in composition with verbs, are a
few other adverbs : thus, avas down; adhas below (and adhastaram) ;
paras far off (and parastaram) ; pura 'before ; antara (apparently,
antar-f-a) among, between; antiwar; upari above; and saha (already
mentioned, 1104b) along, with, and saca together, with, may be noticed
with them. Vina without, and visu- apart, appear to be related
with vf.

1121. Inseparable Prefixes. A small number of
adverbial prefixes are found only in combination with, other
elements. Thus :

a. The negative prefix a or an — an before vowels, a before
consonants.

b. It is combined especially with innumerable nouns and adjectives;
much more rarely, with adverbs, as akutra and apunar (RV.), aneva
(AV.), anadhas (TB.), akasmat, asakrt; in rare cases, also with pro-
nouns (as atad, akimcit); and even, in the later language, now and then
with verbs, as asprhayanti (BhP. gig.) they do not desire, alokayati
(SD.) he does not view. Now and then it is prefixed to itself: e. g. ana-
kamamara, anaviprayukta, anavadya(P).

1121—] X^7X INDECLINABLES. 412

C. In a very few cases, the negative a appears to be made long:
thus, asat non-existent, adeva godless, arati enemy, a^auca impurity,
atura ill(?).

d. The independent negative adverbs, na and mS, are only in ex-
ceptional instances used in composition: see below, 1122e.

e. The comitative prefix sa, used instead of the preposition earn,
and interchangeably with saha, before nouns and adjectives.

f. The prefix of dispraise dus ill, badly (identical with >/dus:
225 a).

g. It is combined in the same manner as a or an. Of combinations
with a verbal form, at least a single example appears to be quotable:
du9oaranti (R.) behave ill.

h. The corresponding laudatory prefix su well is in general so
closely accordant in its use with the preceding that it is best men-
tioned here, though it occurs not rarely as an independent particle
in the oldest language (in BY., more than two hundred times ; in the
peculiar parts of AV., only fourteen times), and even occasionally
later.

i. The particle su sometimes appears in B. and later before a verb-
form, and considering its rapid loss of independent use in V., and the
analogy of a and dus (above, b, g) it is probably at least in part to be
regarded as in composition with the verb. The pada-text of AV. xix. 49.
10 reads su-apayati, but its testimony is of little or no value. E. has
na su vijnayete and na vai su viduh, and KeU. has su veda; TB.
has susambodhayati(P); MBh. and BhP. have supatasthe; R. has su-
9akyante.

j. The exclamatory and usually depreciative prefixed forms of the
interrogative pronoun (506) are most analogous with the inseparable
prefixes.

1122. Miscellaneous Adverbs. Other words of ad-
verbial character and office, not clearly referable to any of
the classes hitherto treated, may be mentioned as follows:

a. Asseverative particles (in part, only in the older language):
thus, anga, hanta, kila, khalu, tu (rare in older language), vai, vava
(in Brahman a language only), hi, hina, u, aha, ha, gha, samaha,
sma, bhala.

b. Of these, hanta is a word of assent and incitement; hi has won
also an illative meaning, and accents the verb with which it stands in
connection (595 e) ; sma sometimes appears to give a past meaning to a
present tense (778 b); u is often combined with the final a of other par-
ticles: thus, atho, no, mo, uto, upo, pro; but also with that of verb-
forms, as datto, vidmo. The final o thus produced is pragrhya or un-
combinable (138c). Particles of kindred value, already mentioned above,

413 ADVERBS. [—1122

are id, kam or kam, cid, jatu, eva. Some of the asseverative particles
are much used in the later artificial poetry with a purely expletive value,
as devices to help make out the metre (padapurana verse-fillers'); so es-
pecially ha, hi, tu, sma.

c. Negative particles are: na, signifying simple negation; ma,
signifying prohibition.

d. As to the construction of the verb with ma, see above, 579. In
the Yeda, nu (or nu: 248 a) has also sometimes a negative meaning.
For the Vedic na of comparison, see below, g, h.

e. In nahi, na is combined with hi, both elements retaining their
full meaning; also with fd in ned lest. It is perhaps present in nanu
and cana, but not in hina (RV., once). In general, neither na nor ma
is used in composition to make negative compounds, but, instead, the in-
separable negative prefix a or an (112 la): exceptions are the Vedic par-
ticles nakis and makis, naklm and makim; also naciram and ma-
ciram, napunsaka, and, in the later language, a number of'others.

f. Interrogative particles are only those already given: kad, kirn,
kuvid, svid, nanu, of which the last introduces an objection or ex-
postulation.

g. Of particles of comparison have been mentioned the toneless
iva, and yatha (also toneless when used in the same way). Of fre-
quent occurrence in the oldest language is also na, having (without
loss of accent) the same position and value as the preceding.

h. Examples of the na of comparison are : rsidvisa if um na srjata
dvisam (RV.) let loose your enmity like an arrow at the enemy of the singer;
vayo na vyksam (AV.) as birds to the tree; gauro na tysitah piba
(RV.) drink like a thirsty buffalo. This use is generally explained as being
a modification or adaptation of the negative one: thus, [although, to be
sure] not [precisely] a thirsty buffalo; and so on.

i. Of particles of place, besides those already mentioned, may
be noticed kva where? (in V., always to be read kua).

j. Particles of time are: nu now (also nu: nunam was men-
tioned above, HQ9a), adya and sadyas and sadivas (RV., once) today,
at once (all held to contain the element div or dyu), hyas yesterday,
Qvas tomorrow, jy6k (also related with dyu) long; piinar again.

k. Of particles of manner, besides those already mentioned,
may be noticed nana variously (for nananam, its derivative, see
1109 a); sasvar (RV.) secretly.

1. In the above classifications are included all the Vedic adverbial
words, and most of those of the later language: for the rest, see the dic-
tionaries.

1123—] XVI. INDECLINABLES. 414

Prepositions.

1123. There is, as already stated, no proper class of
prepositions (in the modern sense of that term), no body of
words having for their prevailing office the "government"
of nouns. But many of the adverbial words indicated above
are used with nouns in a way which approximates them
to the more fully developed prepositions of other languages.

a. If one and another of such words — as vina, rte — occurs almost
solely in prepositional use, this is merely fortuitous and unessential.

1124. Words are thus used prepositionally along with all the
noun-cases excepting the dative. But in general their office is direc-
tive only, determining more definitely, or strengthening, the proper
case-use of*the noun. Sometimes, however, the case-use is not easy
to trace, and the noun then seems to be more immediately "governed"
by the preposition — that is, to have its case-form more arbitrarily
determined by its association with the latter. This is oftenest true
of the accusative; and also of the genitive, which has, here as else-
where (294 b), suffered an extension of its normal sphere of use.

1125. a. The adverbs by derivative form (1097 ff.) have least
of a prepositional value (exceptions are especially a few made with
the suffix tas: 1098).

b. Most of the verbal prefixes (exceptions are ud, ni, para, pra;
and ava and vi are almost such) have their prepositional or quasi-
prepositional uses with cases; but much more widely in the older
time than in the later: in the classical language the usage is mainly
restricted to prati, ami, and a.

c. Most of the directive words akin with the more proper pre-
fixes are used prepositionally : some of them — as saha, vina, upari,
antara, purS — freely, earlier and later.

d. The case-forms used adverbially are in many instances used
prepositionally also: oftenest, as was to be expected, with the gen-
itive; but frequently, and from an early time, with the accusative;
more rarely with other cases.

e. We will take up now the cases for a brief exposition, beginning
with those that are least freely used.

1126. The Locative. This case is least of all used with words
that can claim the name of preposition. Of directives, antar and its later
derivative antara, meaning within, in, are oftenest added to it, and in the
classical language as well as earlier. Of frequent Vedic use with it are a
and adhi : thus, martyes v a among mortals ; prthivy am adhy osadhlh
the plants upon the earth; tejo mayi dharaya 'dhi (AY.) establish glory

415 PREPOSITIONS. [—1129

in me ; — api and upa are much rarer : thus, yS apam api vrate [santi]
(BV.) who are in the domain of the waters: amur ya upa stirye ssanti]
(RV.) who are up yonder in the sun; — saca along icith is not rare in
RV.', but almost entirely unknown later: thus, pitroh saca satl staying
with her parents.

1127. The Instrumental. The directives used with this case are
almost only those which contain the associative pronominal root sa : as saha
(most frequent), sakam, sardham, samam, samaya, saratham; and, in
the Veda, the prefix sam : as, te sumatibhih sam patmbhir na vrsano
nasiinahi (RV.) may we be united with thy favors as men with their spouses.
By substitution of the instrumental for the ablative of separation (283 a),
vinfi without (not Vedic) takes sometimes the instrumental; and so, in
the Yeda, avas down and paras beyond, with which the ablative is also,
and much more normally, construed. And adhi, in RV., is used with the
instrumental snuna and snubhis, where the. locative would be expected.

1128. The Ablative. In the prepositional constructions of the ab-
lative (as was pointed out and partly illustrated above, 293), the ablative
value of the case, and the merely directive value of the added particle, are
for the most part clearly to be traced. Many of the verbal prefixes are
more or less frequently joined in the older language with this case : often-
est, adhi and pari; more sporadically, anu, apa, ava, prati, and the
separatives nfs and vf. The change of meaning of the ablative with a
hither, by which it comes to fill the office of its opposite, the accusative,
was sufficiently explained above (293 c). Of directive words akin with
the prefixes, many — as babis, puras, avas, adhas, paras, pura, vinS,
and tiras out of knowledge of — accompany this case by a perfectly regular
construction. Also the case-forms arvak, prak, paccat, urdhvam,
purvam, par am, and rte without, of which the natural construction with
an ablative is predominant earlier.

1129. The Accusative. Many of the verbal prefixes and related
words take an accompanying accusative. Most naturally (since the accusa-
tive is essentially the to-case), those that express a motion or action to-
ward anything : as abhi, prati, anu, lipa, a, ati and adhi in the sense of
over on to, or across, beyond, tiras through, antar and antara when mean-
ing between, pari around. Examples are: yah pradiqo abhi stJryo
vicas^e (AV.) what quarters the sun looks abroad unto ; abodhy agnih
praty ayatim usasam (RV.) Agni has been awakened to meet the ad-
vancing dawn; gacchet kadacit svajanam prati (MBh.) she might go
somewhither to her own people ; imam praksyami nrpatim prati (MBh.)
him I will ask with reference to the king; mama cittam anu cittebhir
6 *ta (AV.) follow after my mind with your minds; e *hy a nah (AV.)
come hither to us; upa na e 'hy arvan (RV.) come hither unto us; y6
devo martyan dti (AV.) the god who is beyond mortals; adhis$haya
varcasa 'dhy anyan (AV.) excelling above others in glory. Also abhitas
and paritas, which have a like value with the simple abhi and pari;

1129—] XVI. INDECLINABLES. 416

and upari above (oftener with genitive). Less accordant with ordinary
accusative constructions is the use of this case with adhas, paras, paras,
vinS, beside other cases which seem more suited to the meaning of those
particles. And the same may be said of most of the adverbial case-forms
with which the accusative is used. Thus, a number of instrumental of
situation or direction: as ye 'varenfi, "dityam, ye parena "dityam
(TB.) those who are below the sun, those who are beyond the sun ; antarena
yonim (£B.) within the womb; te hi 'dam antarena sarvam (AB.) for
all this universe is between them; uttarena garhapatyam (£B.) to the
north of the householder's fire; daksinena vedim (QB.) to the south of
the sacrificial hearth; daksinena vrksavatikam (g.) to the right of the
orchard; nikasa yamunam (Ear.) near the Yamuna. Similarly, urdh-
vam and purvam have an accusative object as well as an ablative;
and the same is true later of rte. Abhimukham toward has a more
natural right to construction with this case.

1130. The Genitive. The words which are accompanied by the
genitive are mostly case- forms of nouns, or of adjectives used substantively,
retaining enough of the noun-character to take this case as their natural
adjunct. Such are the locatives agre in front of, abhya<je near, arthe
and krte for the sake of, nimitte and hetau by reason of, madhye in
the midst of; and other cases, as arthaya, karanat, saka^at, hetos. And
really, although less directly and obviously, of the same character are other
adjective cases (some of them showing other constructions, already noticed) :
as adharena, uttarena and uttarat, daksinena and daksinat, paqcat,
urdhvam, anantaram, samaksam, saksat. More questionable, and
illustrations rather of the general looseness of use of the genitive, are its
constructions (almost wholly unknown in the oldest language) with more
proper words of direction: thus, with the derivative paritas, paratas,
and antitas, and parastat and purastat (these found in the Brahmana
language: as, samvatsarasya parastat after a year; suktasya puras-
tat before the hymn [AB.]); with anti, adhas, avas, puras; with upari
above (common later); and with antar.

Conjunctions.

1131. The conjunctions, also, as a distinct class of
words, are almost wanting.

a. The combination of clauses is in Sanskrit in general of a very
simple character ; much of what in other Indo-European languages is
effected by subordinating conjunctions is here. managed by means of
composition of words, by the use of the gerunds (994), of iti (1102),
of abstract nouns in case-forms, and so on.

1132. The relative derivative adverbs, already given

417 CONJUNCTIONS. [—1135

(1098 IF.), may properly be regarded as conjunctions; and a
few other particles of kindred value, as ced and ned (111 la).

1133. Purely of conjunctive value are rf ca and, and
^T va or (both toneless, and never having the first place
in a sentence or clause).

a. Of copulative value, along with ca, is in the older language
especially uta (later it becomes a particle of more indefinite use); and
api, tatas, tatha, kim ca, with other particles and combinations of.
particles, are used often as connective* of clauses.

b. Adversative is tu but (rare in the older language); also, less
strongly, u (toneless).

c. Of illative value is hf for (originally, and in great part at
every period, asseverative only): compare above, 1122b.

d. To ca (as well as to its compound ced) belongs occasionally the
meaning if.

e. It is needless to enter into further detail with regard to those uses
•which may be not less properly, or more properly, called conjunctive than
adverbial, of the particles already given, under the head of Adverbs.

Interjections.

1134. The utterances which may be classed as inter-
jections are, as in other languages, in part voice-gestures,
in part onomatop03ias, and in part mutilations and corrup-
tions of other parts of speech.

1135. a. Of the class of voice-gestures are, for example: a, ha,
haha, ahaha, he, ha£ (AV.), ayi, aye, haye (KV.), aho, bat (BV.),
bata (RV.) or vata, and (probably) hfruk and huruk (RV.).

b. Onomatopoetic or imitative utterances are, for example (in
the older language) : ci<jca whiz (of an arrow : RV.) ; kikira (palpita-
tion: RV.); bal and pha$ (phas?) or phal splash (AV.); bhuk bow-
wow (AV.); gdl pat (AV.); as, 'his, as, and has (PB.); and see the
words already quoted in composition with the roots ky and bhu,
above, 1091.

c. Nouns and adjectives which have assumed an inter) ectional
character are, for example: bhos (for the vocative bhavas, 456); are
or re (voc. of ari enemy}; dhik alas! (may be mere voice-gesture, but
perhaps related with )/dih); ka§tam woe is me I distya thank heaven!
svasti hail! suathu, sadhu good, excellent! None of these are Vedic
in interjectional use.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 27

1136 — ] XVII. DERIVATION OF DECLINABLE STEMS. 41 g

CHAPTER XVII.

DERIVATION OF DECLINABLE STEMS.

1130. THE formation from roots of conjugable stems — namely,
tense-stems, mode-stems, and stems of secondary conjugation (not
essentially different from one another, nor, it is believed, ultimately
from the formation of declined stems) — was most conveniently treat-
ed above, in the chapters devoted to the verb. Likewise the for-
mation of adverbs by derivation (not essentially different from case-
formation), in the chapter devoted to particles. And the formation
of those declinable stems — namely, of comparison, and of infinitives
and participles — which attach themselves most closely to the sys-
tems of inflection, has also been more or less fully exhibited. But
the extensive and intricate subject of the formation of the great body
of declinable stems was reserved for a special chapter.

a. Of course, only a brief and compendious exhibition of the subject
can be attempted within the here necessary limits: no exhaustive tracing
out of the formative elements of every period ; still less, a complete state-
ment of the varied uses of each element; least of all, a discussion of ori-
gins; but enough to help the student in that analysis of words which
must form a part of bis labor from the outset, giving a general outline of
the field, and preparing for more penetrating investigation.

b. The material from accented texts, and especially the Vedic ma-
terial, will be had especially in view (nothing that is Vedic being inten-
tionally left unconsidered); and the examples given will be, so far as is
possible, words found in such texts with their accent marked. No word
not thus vouched for will be accented unless the fact is specifically point-
ed out.

1137. The roots themselves, both verbal and pronom-
inal, are used in their bare form, or without any added
suffix, as declinable stems.

a. As to this use of verbal roots, see below, 1147.

b. The pronominal roots, so-called, are essentially declinable;
and hence, in their further treatment in derivation, they are through-
out in accordance with other declinable stems, and not with verbal
roots.

1138. Apart from this, every such stem is made by a
suffix. And these suffixes fall into two general classes:

WV

419

$•'•

PRIMABY AND SECONDARY SUFFIXES.

[—1140

A, Primary suffixes, or those which are added directly
to roots;

B. Secondary suffixes, or those which are added to de-
rivative stems (also to pronominal roots, as just pointed out,
and sometimes to particles).

a. The division of primary suffixes nearly corresponds to the kft
(more regular) and unadi (less regular) suffixes of the Hindu grammarians ;
the secondary, to their taddhita-suf fixes.

1139. But this distinction, though one of high value,
theoretically and practically, is not absolute. Thus:

a. Suffixes come to have the aspect and the use of primary
which really contain a secondary element — that is to say, the ear-
liest words exhibiting them were made by addition of secondary
suffixes to words already derivative.

b. Sundry examples of this will he pointed out below: thus, the
gerundival suffixes, tavya, amya, etc., the suffixes uka and aka, tra,
and others. This origin is probable for more cases than admit of demon-
stration; and it is assumable for others which show no distinct signs of
composition.

c. Less often , a suffix of primary use passes over in part into
secondary, through the medium of use with denominative "roots" or
otherwise: examples are yu, iman, lyas and istha, ta.

1140. Moreover, primary suffixes are added not only
to more original roots, but, generally with equal freedom,
to elements which have come to wear in the language the
aspect of such, by being made the basis of primary con-
jugation — and even, to a certain extent, to the bases of
secondary conjugation, the conjugation-stems, and the bases
of tense-inflection, the tense-stems.

a. The most conspicuous examples of this are the participles, present
and future and perfect, which are made alike from tense and conjugation-
stems of every form. The infinitives (968 fit.) attach themselves only in
sporadic instances to tense-stems, and even from conjugation-stems are made
but sparingly earlier; and the same is true of the gerundives.

b. General adjectives and nouns are somewhat widely made from con-
jugation-stems, especially from the base of causative conjugation : see below
the suffixes a (1148j,k), a (1148c, d), ana (1150m), as (11611),
ani (1159b), u (1178 g— i), ti (1157 g), ty(1182e), tnu (1196b),
Bxm(1194b), uka(1180d), aku (1 181 d), Slu (1192 b), tu(1161d).

27*

1140—] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 420

c. From tense-stems the examples are far fewer, but not unknown:
thus, from present-stems, occasional derivatives in a (1148J), a (1149d, e),
ana (1150n), i (1155d), u (1178f), ta (1176e), tu (1161 d), uka
(1180d), tra(1185e), ti(1157g), vin(orin: 1232b, 1183a); from
stems in a 8 apparently of aoristic character (besides infinitives and gerund-
ives), occasional derivatives in a (1148J), ana (1150J), ani (1159b),
antlieOa), fina (1175), as (1151 c), I (1156b), istfia (1184a),
u (1178f), us (1154a), ty (1182e), in (1183a)..

1141. The primary suffixes are added also to roots as
compounded with the verbal prefixes.

a. Whatever, namely, may have been originally and strictly the
mode of production of the derivatives with prefixes, it is throughout
the recorded life of the language as if the root and its prefix or pre-
fixes constituted a unity, from which a derivative is formed in the
same manner as from the simple root, with that modification of the
radical meaning which appears also in the proper verbal forms as
compounded with the same prefixes.

b. Not derivatives of every kind are thus made; but, in the
main, those classes which have most of the verbal force, or which
are most akin in value with infinitives and participles.

c. The occurrence of such derivatives with prefixes, and their accent,
will be noted under each suffix below. They are chiefly (in nearly the
order of their comparative frequency), besides loot-stems, those in a, in
ana, in ti, in tar and tra, and in in, ya, van and man, i and u, as,
and a few others.

1142. The suffixes of both classes are sometimes joined to their
primitives by a preceding union-vowel — that is to say, by one which
wears that aspect, and, in our ignorance or uncertainty as to its
real origin, may most conveniently and safely be called by that name.
The line between these vowels and those deserving to be ranked as
of organic suffixal character cannot be sharply drawn.

Each of the two great classes will now be taken up by itself,
for more particular consideration.

A. Primary Derivatives.

1143. Form of root. The form of root to which a
primary suffix is added is liable to more or less variation.
Thus:

a. By far the most frequent is a strengthening change, by guna-
or vyddhi-increinent. The former may occur under all circumstances
(except, of course, where guna-change is in general forbidden : 235,
240): thus, veda from yvid, moda from j/mud, vardha from j/vydh;

421 FORM OF ROOT. [—1145

ay ana from yi, savana from J/BU, sarana from ]/sr; and BO on.
But the latter is only allowed under such circumstances as leave long
a as the resulting vowel: that is to say, with non-final a, and with
a final i- or u-vowel and y before a vowel: thus, nSda from >/nad,
grabha from >/grbh or grabh, vaha from yvah, nay a from i/nl,
bhava from ybhu, kara from ]/kr; such strengthening as would
make vaida and mauda does not accompany primary derivation.

b. Strengthening in derivation does not stand in any such evident
connection with accent as strengthening in conjugation; nor can any gene-
ral rules be laid down as to its occurrence; it has to he pointed out in
detail for each suffix. So also with other vowel-changes, which are in
general accordance with those found in inflection and in the formation of
tense- and mode-stems.

c. The reversion of a final palatal or h to a guttural has been already
noticed (216). A final n or m is occasionally lost, as in formations already
considered.

d. After a short final vowel is sometimes added a t: namely, where
a root is used as stem without suffix (1147d), and before a following y
or v of van (1169), vara and varl (1171), yu once (11 65 a), and ya
(1213 a). The presence of t before these suffixes appears to indicate an
original secondary derivation from derivatives in ti aud tu.

e. The root is sometimes reduplicated: rarely in the use without
suffix (1147 c,e); oftenest before a (1148k), i (1155e), u (1178d); but
also before other suffixes, as a (1149e), ana (1150m), vana (1170a),
van and varl (1169d, 1171a,b), vani (1170b), vi (1193), vit
(1193b), ani (1159b), in (1183a), tnu (1196a), ta (1176a), ti
(1157 d), tha (1163a), tp (1182b), tra (1185f), uka (1180f), aka
(1181 a), ika (1186c), ma (1166b).

1144. Accent. No general laws governing the place of the
accent are to be recognized ; each suffix must in this respect be con-
sidered by itself.

a. In connection with a very few suffixes is to be recognized a cer-
tain degree of tendency to accent the root in case of a nomen actionis or
infinitival derivative, and the ending in the case of a nomen agentis or
participial derivative : see the suffixes a, ana, as, an, and man, below,
where the examples are considered. Differences of accent in words made
by the same suffix are also occasionally connected with differences of gen-
der: see the suffixes as and man.

1145. Meaning. As regards their signification, the primary
derivatives fall in general into two great classes, the one indicating
the action expressed by the verbal root, the other the person or
thing in which the action appears, the agent or actor — the latter,
either substantively or adjectively. The one class is more abstract,
infinitival; the other is more concrete, participial. Other meanings

i

1145-]

XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION.

422

may in the main be viewed as modifications or specializations of
these two.

a. Even the words indicating recipience of action, the passive parti-
ciples, are, as their use also as neuter or reflexive shows, only notahly
modified words of agency. The gerundives are, as was pointed out above
(961 ff.), secondary derivatives, originally indicating only concerned with
the action.

1146. But these two classes, in the processes of formation, are
not held sharply apart. There is hardly a suffix by which action-
nouns are formed which does not also make agent-nouns or adjec-
tives ; although there are not a few by which are made only the latter.
In treating them in detail below, we will first take up the suffixes
by which derivatives of both classes are made, and then those form-
ing only agent-nouns.

a. To facilitate the finding of the different suffixes is given the
following list of them, in their order as treated, with references to paragraphs :

1147 yu

a 1148 ma

& 1149 mi

ana 1150 man

as 1151 van

tas, nas, sas 1152 vana, -ni, -nu

is 1153 vara

us 1154 ant

i 1155 vans

i 1156 mana

ti 1157 ana

ni 1158 ta

ani 1159 na, ina, una

an 1160 u

tu 1161 u

nu 1162 uka

tha 1163 aka

thu 1164 tr or tar

1147. Stems without suffix; Root-words. These
words and their uses have been already pretty fully consid-
ered above (323, 348 if., 383 ff., 400, 401).

a. They are used especially (in the later language, almost
solely) as finals of compounds, and have both fundamental values,
as action-nouns (frequently as infinitives: 971), and as agent-nouns
and adjectives (often governing an accusative: 271e> As action-
nouns, they are chiefly feminines (384! in many instances, however,
they do not occur in situations that determine the gender).

1165

in

1183

1166

iyas, isflia

1184

1167

tra

1185

1168

ka

1186

1169

ya

1187

1170

ra

1188

1171

la

1189

1172

va

1190

1173

ri

1191

1174

ru

1192

1175

vi

1193

1176

snu

1194

1177

sna

1195

1178

tnu

1196

1179

sa

1197

1180

asi

1198

1181

abha

1199

1182

sundries

1200—1

423 ROOT-STEMS; STEMS IN a. [—1148

b. In a small number of words, mostly of rare occurrence, the
reduplicated root is used without suffix.

c. The Vedic cases are: with simple reduplication, sasyad, cikit,
dadrh, didyii and didyut, juhtl, and perhaps ganga and c,fc.u; with
intensive reduplication, -nenl, malimluc, yavlyiidh, and jogu and
vamvan (with the intensive instead of the nsnal radical accent). In
daridra is seen a transfer to the a-declension. Asusu is probably to he
understood as a compound, asu-ali.

d. If the root end in a short vowel, a t is regularly and usually
added (383f— h).

e. Examples have heen given at the place just quoted. In jagat the
t is added to the mutilated form of >/gain reduplicated, and rnayat
(TS., once) appears to put it after a long vowel. In a single instance,
qriitkarna (RV.) of listening ears, a stem of this class occurs as prior
member of a compound.

f. Words of this form in combination with verbal prefixes are
very numerous. The accent rests (as in combination of the same with
other preceding elements) on the root-stem.

g. A few exceptions in point of accent occur: thus, avasa, upastut;
and, with other irregularities of form, parijri, upastha, uparistha.

1148. 51 a. With the suffix 51 a is made an immensely
large and heterogeneous body of derivatives, of various
meaning and showing various treatment of the root: guna-
fitrengthening, vyddhi-strengthening, retention unchanged,
and reduplication.

In good part, they are classifiable under the two usual general
heads; but in part they have been individualized into more special
senses.

1. a. With guna-strengthening of the root (where that is poss-
ible : 235, 240). These are the great majority, being more than
twice as numerous as all others together.

b. Many nomtna actionis : as, qrama weariness, graha seizure, aya
movement, veda knowledge, hava call, krodha wrath, josa enjoyment,
tara crossing, sarga emission.

C. Many nomtna agentis : as, ksama patient, svaja constrictor, jiva
living, megha cloud, coda inciting, plava boat, sara brook, sarpa ser-
pent, bhoja generous, khada devouring.

d. Of the examples here given, those under b accent the radical syl-
lable, and those under c the ending. And this is in perhaps a majority
of cases the fact as regards the two classes of derivatives; so that, taken
in connection with kindred facts as to other suffixes, it hints at such a
difference of accent as a general tendency of the language. A few sporadic

1148—] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 424

instances are met with of the same form having the one or the other value
according to its accent: thus, esa haste, esa hasting; gasa order, 95,88,
orderer (other examples are coda, <jaka, qoka: compare a similar differ-
ence with other derivatives in as, ana, an, man). But exceptions are
numerous — thns, for example, jaya, Java, smara, action-nouns; cxava,
mogha, stava, agent-nouns — and the subject calls for a much wider
and deeper investigation than it has yet received, before the accentuation
referred to can be set up as a law of the language in derivation.

2. e. With vyddhi-strengthening of the root — but only where
a is the resulting radical vowel : that is, of medial a, and of final y
(most often), u or u, i or i (rare).

f. Examples of action -nouns are: kama love, bhaga share, nada
noise, dava fire, tar a crossing. Very few forms of clear derivation and
meaning are quotable with accent on the root-syllable.

g. Examples of agent-nouns are: grabha seisz'np, vaha carrying,
nay a leading, jara lover.

3. h. With unstrengthened root, the examples are few: e. g. kr9a
lean, turd rapid, yoga, yoke, sruva spoon, priya dear, vra troop, (juca
bright.

i. A number of words of this class, especially as occurring in com-
position, are doubtless results of the transfer of root-stems to the a-declen-
sion : e. g. -ghusa, -sphura, -tuda, -drQa, -vida, -kira.

j. A few a-stems are made, especially in the older language, from conju-
gation-stems, mostly causative: thus, -amaya, ilaya, -inkhaya, -ejaya,
-dharaya, -par ay a, -mrdaya, -gamaya (compare the a-stems, 1 149 c,d) ;
also desiderative, as bibhatsa (compare 1038). Occasional examples also
occur from tense-stems: thus, from nu-stems, or secondary stems made
from such, hinva, -inva, -jinva, -pinva, -ainva, -sunva, -ac,nuva;
from others, -pyna, -myna, -styna, -puna, -jana, -pa9ya, -many a,
-dasya, -jurya, -ksudnya, -sya, -tis^ha, -jighra, -piba; from future-
stems, karisya (JB.), jani^ya, bhavifya, rucisya (P) ; apparently from
aorist-stems, jef &, nesa-, parsa, prksa (P), -hosa.

4. k. Derivatives in a from a reduplicated root-form are a consider-
able class, mostly occurring in the older language. They are sometimes
made with a simple reduplication : thus, cacara, cikita, drdhra, dadnrsa,
babhasa, -babhra, vavra, ^i^aya, gignatha (an action-noun), sasra;
but oftener with an intensive reduplication: thus, merely strengthened,
caksma, -cacala, jagara, nanada, lalasa, vivadha (?), -memisa,
reriha and leliha, vevija, nonuva, momugha, -roruda, lolupa ; with
consonant added, -cankaQa-, -cankrama, jangama, cancala, -jan-
japa, dandhvana, -nannama, -jarjalpa, jarjara, -tartura, -dardira,
murmura, gadgada; dissyllabic, -karikra, kanikrada, caracara and
calacala, marimf^d, malimluca, varivrta, sansrpa, panispada,
sanisyada, sanisrasa, patapata, madamada, -vadavada, ghana-

425 STEMS IN a, a. [—1149

ghana. Many of these are to be regarded as from an intensive conjugation-
stem 5 but some of them show a form not met with in intensive conju-
gation.

5. 1. Derivatives with this suffix from roots as compounded with
the verbal prefixes are quite common, in all the modes of formation
(in each, in proportion to the frequency of independent words) : con-
stituting, in fact, considerably the largest body of derivative stems
with prefixes. They are of both classes as to meaning. The accent
is, with few exceptions, on the ending — and that, without any re-
ference to the value of the stem as action-noun or agent-noun.

m. Examples are: sarhgama assembly, nimesa wink, abhidroha
enmity, anukara assistance, udana inspiration, pratya^rSva response;
— paricara wandering, samjaya victorious, vibodha wakeful, atiyaja
over-pious, udara inciting, elevated, uttuda rousing, samgira swallowing,
adardira crushing, adhicankrama climbing.

n. The only definite class of exceptions in regard to accent appears
to be that of the adverbial gerunds in am (above, 995), which are accent-
ed on the root-syllable. A very few other stems have the same tone: for
example, utpata portent, aqresa plague. A few others, mostly agent-
nouns, have the accent on the prefix: for example, vyosa (i. e. vi-osa)
burning, prative9a neighbor, abhaga sharing; but also samkac.a ap-
pearance.

o. For the remaining compounds of these derivatives, with the insep-
arable prefixes and with other elements, see the next chapter. It may
be merely mentioned here that such compounds are numerous, and that
the a-derivative has often an active participial value, and is frequently
preceded by a case-form, oftenest the accusative.

p. Many -words in the language appear to end with a suffix a, while
yet they are referable to no root which can be otherwise demonstrated
as such.

1149. m S. The vast majority of stems in 5TT a are
feminine adjectives, corresponding to masculines and neuters
in 51 a (332, 334). But also many suffixes ending in % a
have corresponding feminine forms in long EFT a, making a
greater or less number of action-nouns. These will be
given under the different suffixes below.

a. There is further, however, a considerable body of feminine
action-nouns made by adding a to a root, and having an independent
aspect; though they are doubtless in part transfers from the root-
noun (1147. Usually they show an unstrengthened form of root, and
(such as occur in accented texts) an accented suffix.

1149—] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 426

b. Examples are 193, lordship, kri£a play, daya pity, ninda reproach,
(janka doubt, hinsa injury, ksama patience, k^udha hunger, bhasa
speech, seva service, sprha eagerness.

c. Bat especially, such nouns in & are made in large numbers,
and with perfect freedom, from secondary conjugation-stems.

d. Thus, especially from desiderative stems, as jigiaa, bhiksa,
vlrtsa, bibhatsa, etc. (see 1038); in the formation of periphrastic
perfects, especially from causative stems, but also from desiderative and
intensive, and even from primary present-stems (1071 c—f); from denomina-
tive stems, in the older language, as a$vaya, sukratuya, apasya, uru-
sya, asuya, a<janaya, jivanasya, etc., and quite rarely in the later,
as mfgaya.

e. The only example from a reduplicated stem is the late paspa<ja;
for susa, jangha, and jihva, which have a reduplicated aspect, are of
doubtful origin. From present-stems come icchfi and probably -rceha.

1150. OR ana. With this suffix (as with ^ a) are form-
ed innumerable derivatives, of both the principal classes of
meaning, and with not infrequent specializations. The root
has oftenest guna-strengthening, but not seldom vrddhi
instead; and in a few cases it remains unstrengthened.
Derivatives of this formation are frequent from roots with
prefixes, and also in composition with other elements.

a. The normal and greatly prevalent accent is upon the root-
syllable, without regard to the difference of meaning ; but cases occur
of accented final, and a few of accented penult. The action-nouns
are in general of the neuter gender. The feminine of adjectives is
made either in ft or in I (for details, see below). And a few feminine
action-nouns in ana and am occur, which may be ranked as belong-
ing to this suffix.

1. b. With strengthened and accented root-syllable. Under this
head fall, as above indicated, the great mass of forms.

o. With guna-strengthening: examples of action-nouns are eadana
seat, raksana protection, dana giving, cayana collection, vedana pro-
perty, havana call, bhojana enjoyment, karana deed, vardhana increase;
— of agent-nouns, tapana burning, cetana visible, codana impelling.

d. With vrddhi-strengthening (only in such circumstances that g
remains as vowel of the radical syllable): examples are -catana, n§9ana,
madana, -vacana, -vasana, -vahana, sadana, -spa«;ana, svadana,
-ay ana, -yavana, -sravana, -parana.

e. From roots with prefixes, the derivatives of this formation are
very numerous, heing exceeded in frequency only by those made with the

427

STEMS IN a, ana.

f— 1150

suffix a (above, 11481, m). A few examples are: akramana striding
on, udyana upgoing, nidhana receptacle, pranana expiration, vim 6 c ana
release and releasing, samgamana assembly and assembler, adhivikartana
cutting off, avaprabhran<jana fatting away down. For other compounds
of these derivatives, showing the same accent (and the same feminine
stem), see the next chapter (below, 1271). A few exceptions occur:
vicaksana, uparicjayana, and the f eminines pramandan! and nirdahani.

f. The adjectives of this formation, simple or compound, make their
feminine usually in I: thus, codani, pe^ani, sparani, jambhani;
prajnam, proksam, samgrahani, abhisavanl, vidharam (oetani
is of doubtful meaning: below, i). An adjective compound, however,
having a noun in ana as final member, makes its feminine in a: thus,
supasarpana of easy approach, sadvidhana of sextuple order, anapava-
cana not to be ordered away.

2. The more irregular formations may be classed as follows:

g. With accent on the final: a number of agent-nouns and adjectives,
as karana active (against karana act), krpana miserable (against krpana
misery), tvarand hasting, rocana shining, kro^and yelling, svapana

sleepy, ksayana habitable.

h. These, unlike the preceding class, make their feminine in a: e.
g. tvarana, spandana. A few feminine action-nouns in the older lan-
guage have the game form: thus, a$ana, asana, manana, dyotana,
rodhana, ^vetana, hasana (and compare kapana, ra^ana); those of
the later language in ana (rather numerous) are doubtful as regards accent

i. Beside these may be mentioned a few feminines in anl, of more
or less doubtful character: ar§ani, cetani (to cetana), tapani (to tap-
ana), pr^ani, vyjani (with vyjana), rajani, tedani.

j. With accent on the penult : a small number of adjectives : as
turana hasting, dohana milking, manana considerate, bhandana and
mandana rejoicing, saksana overcoming, and perhaps vaksana carrying
(the last two with aoristic s); and a still smaller number of neuter action-
nouns : dansana great deed, vrjana enclosure, town, vesana service,
kppana misery (against krpana miserable'), with the masculine kirana dust.

k. The only noticed example of a feminine is in a: turana. And
a few feminine nouns have the same form: arhana, jarana, barhana,
bhandana, manhana, mehana, vadhana, vanana, vaksana. (And
compare the anomalous masc. name utjana: 355 a.)

1. Without strengthening of the root are made a small number of
deiivatives: thus (besides those already noted, krpana and krpana,
vrjana and vrjani, kirana, turana), further accented examples are
urana, dhuvana, pf^ana, bhuvana, vrjana, vrsana, -suvana; and
later are found sphurana, sphutana, sprhana, -hnuvana, likhana,
rudana, etc. RV. makes denominatives from risana-, ruvana-, vipana-,
huvana-.

1150—] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 428

m. Stems in ana are made also from secondary conjugation-stems:
thus, from desideratives, fas cikitaana (see 1038); from causatives. as
bapana, bhisana (see 1051 g); from denominatives, with great freedom,
in the later language, as akarnana, unmulana, Qlaksnana, cihnana;
from intensives and other reduplicated stems, only cankramana, jan-
gamana, jagarana, yoyupana.

n. A few isolated cases may he further mentioned : from tense-stems,
-jighrana, -urnavana, -pa9yana, yacchana, -sincana; from prepo-
sitions, antarana and samana; astamana from the quasi-prefix (1092b)
astam. Feminines in ana of doubtful connection are yosana woman
(beside yoaan, yosa, etc.) and pftana.

1151. ERT/ap By this suffix are made (usually with
guna-strengthening of the root- vowel) especially a large class
of neuter nouns, mostly abstract (action-nouns), but some-
times assuming a concrete value; and also, in the older
language, a few agent-nouns and adjectives, and a consid-
erable number of infinitives.

a. The accent in words of the first class is on the root, and in
the second on the ending; and in a few instances words of the two
classes having the same form are distinguished by their accent; the
infinitives have for the most part the accent on the suffix.

1. b. Examples of the first and principal class are: avas aid,
favor, tapas warmth, prayas pleasure, tejas splendor, Qravas fame,
dohas milking, karas deed, prathas breadth, cetas and manas mind,
caksas eye, saras pond, vacas speech.

c. A few words of this class are of irregular formation: thus, with-
out strengthening of the root, juvas quickness (beside javas), uras
breast, mfdhas contempt; and iras- (irasy-) and vipas-, and the ad.
verbs tiras, mithas, huras-, also Qiras head, are to be compared; —
with vyddhi-strengthening, -vacas, vasas, vahas, -svadas, and, of
doubtful connections, pajas, pathas, and -hayas ; — perhaps with an
aoristic a, hesas missile; — pivas contains a v apparently not radical.

d. After final a of a root is usually inserted y before the suffix
(258) : thus, dhayas, -gayas. v But there aie in the oldest language appar-
ent xemains of a formation in which as was added directly to radical a:
thus, bhas and -das (often to be pronounced as two syllables), jnas,
mas; and -dhas and -das, from the roots dha and da.

2. e. The instances in which an agent-noun is differentiated by its
accent from an action-noun are : apas work, and apas active ; yayas
beauty, and yaqas beauteous,- taras quickness, and taras (VS., once)
quick; tavas strength, and tavas strong ; duvas worship, and duvas
lively (?); mahas greatness, and mahas great,- between raksas n. and

429 STEMS IN ana, as, tas, nas, sas. [—1152

raksas m., both meaning demon, and between tyajas n. abandonment (?)
and tyajas m. descendant??), the antithesis is much less clear.

f. Adjectives in as without corresponding abstracts are: togas be-
stowing, yajas offering, vedhas pious, probably ahanas heady; and a few
other words of isolated occurence, as vegas, dhvaras. From a denomina-
tive stem is made mrgayas wild animal (RV., once).

g. But there are also a very few cases of abstract nouns, not neuter,
accented on the ending: thus, jaras old age, bhiyas fear; and doubtless
also havas call, and tvesas impulse. The feminine usas dawn, and
dos,as niyht, might belong either here or under the last preceding head.

h. Apparently containing a suffix as are the noun upas lap, and
certain proper names: angiras, nodhas, bhalanas, arcananas, naci-
ketas. The feminine apsaras nymph is of doubtful derivation.

i. The irregular formation of some of the words of this division will
be noticed, without special remark.

3. j. The infinitives made by the suffix as have been explained
above (973): they show various treatment of the root, and various
accent (which last may perhaps mark a difference of gender, like that
between sahas and jaras).

4. k. The formation of derivatives in as from roots compounded
with prefixes is very restricted — if, indeed, it is to be admitted at all.
No infinitive in as occurs with a prefix ; nor any action-noun ; and the
adjective combinations are in some instances evidently, and in most others
apparently, possessive compounds of the noun with the prefix used adjec-
tively : the most probable exceptions are -nyokas and vispardhas. As in
these examples, the accent is always on the prefix.

1. Certain Vedic stems in ar may be noticed here, as more or less
exchanging with stems in as, and apparently related with such. They
were reported above, at 169 a.

In connection with this, the most common and important suffix
ending in s, may be best treated the others, kindred in office and
possibly also in origin, which end in the same sibilant.

1152. TO tas, TO nas, TO sas. With these suffixes are
made an extremely small number of action-nouns. Thus:

a. With tas are made retas seed, and srotas stream.

b. With nas are made apnas acquisition, arnas wave, -bharnas
offering, reknas riches; and in dravinas wealth, and parinas fulness.
is apparently to be seen the same suffix, with prefixed elements having
the present value of union-vowels. Probably the same is true of damu-
nas house-friend, and fjunas (RV.) n. pr., 119 anas (or -na) n. pr.

c. With sas is perhaps made vapsas beauty; and tarusas may be
mentioned with it (rather tarus-a?).

1153—] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 430

1153. ^R is. With the suffix is is formed a small num-
ber (about a dozen) of nouns.

a. They are in part nouns of action, but most are used concretely.
The radical syllable has the guna-strengthening, and the accent is on the
suffix (except in jyotis light, vyathis, and amis, raw meat). Examples
are: arcis, rods, and (jocfs light, chadis or chardfs cover, barhis
straw, vartfs track, sarpfs butter , havis oblation, dyotis light, and kra-
vis raw flesh. Avis-, pathis, bhrajis-, and mahis- are isolated variants
of stems in as; and tuvis-, $ucis-, and surabhis- appear inorganically
for tuvi etc. in a few compounds or derivatives.

1154. 3TT us. With this suffix are made a few words,
of various meaning, root-form, and accent.

a. They are words signifying both action and agent. A few have
both meanings, without difference of accent: thus, tapus heat and hot;
arus wound and sore; cakgus brightness and seeing, eye; vapus wonder-
ful and wonder. The nouns are mostly neuter, and accented on the root-
syllable: thus, ayus, tarus, purus, muhus (? only adverbial), mfthua
(do.), yajus, 9asus; exceptions are: in regard to accent, janus birth;
in regard to gender, manus man, and nahus, proper name. Of adjectives,
are accented on the ending jayus, vaniis, and daki-nis burning (which
appears to attach itself to the aorist-stem).

1155. ^ i. With this suffix are formed a large body
of derivatives, of all genders: adjectives and masculine
agent-nouns, feminine abstracts, and a few neuters. They
show a various form of the root: strong, weak, and re-
duplicated. Their accent is also various. Many of them
have meanings much specialized ; and many (including most
of the neuters) are hardly to be connected with any root
elsewhere demonstrable.

1. a. The feminine action-nouns are of very various form: thus,
with weak root-form, ruci brightness, tvfsi sheen; kp}{ ploughing, nyti
dance; — with guna-strengthening (where possible), ropi pain, <joc{ heat,
vanf and sani gain; — with vfddlii-strengthening, grata seizure, dhra-
ji course, aj{ race; from ydus comes dtigi (compare dusayati, 1042 b).
The variety of accent, which seems reducible to no rale, is illustrated by
the examples given. The few inflnitively used words of this formation
(above, 975 b) have a weak root-form, with accent on the ending.

2. b. The adjectives and masculine agent-nouns exhibit tho same
variety. Thus :

c. With unstrengthened root: ^uci bright, bhfmi lively (ybhram),
grbhi container.

431 STEMS IN is, us, i, I. [—1156

d. With unstrengthened root (or root incapable of guna^change): ari
enemy, mahi great, arcf beam, granthi knot, kri^i playing; with vyddhi-
increment, karisi, jani, -dhari, sari, sacf, sadi, -Bfihi, and a few words
of obscure connections: thus, drapi mantle, rfi<}{ heap, pfini hand, etc.
The isolated -ana?! appears to come from the perfect-stem (788) of y&q.

e. With reduplicated root. This is in the older language a consider-
able class, of quite various form. Thus : with weak or abbreviated root,
cakri, jaghri (/ghar), papri, sasri, -amri, babhri, vavrf, jagmi,
-jajni ()/jan), -tatni, jaghni, sasni, susvi, -qiqvi ; and, with displace-
ment of final a (or its weakening to the semblance of the suffix), dadi,
papi, yayl (with a case or two from yayl), -jajfii, dadhi; — from the
ur-form of roots in changeable p, jaguri, taturi, papuri (pupuri SV.) ;

- with simple reduplication, cikiti, yiiyudhi, vivid; — with strength-
ened reduplication, -c&cali, tatypi, dadhp^i, vavahi, sasahl, tutuji
and tutujf, yilyuvi, ytiyudhi; and jarbhari and bambhari. And
karkari lute and dundubhi drum have the aspect of belonging to the
same class, but are probably onomatopoetic. The accent, it will be notic-
ed, is most often on the reduplication, but not seldom elsewhere (only
once on the root). It was noticed above (27 If) that these reduplicated
derivatives in i not seldom take an object in the accusative, like a present
participle.

f. Formations in i from the root compounded with prefixes are not
at all numerous. They are accented usually on the suffix. Examples arc:
ayaji, vyana?!, nijaghni, paradadf, visasahf; but also ajani, amuri,
vivavri. As compounded with other preceding words, the adjectives or
agent-nouns in i are not rare, and are regularly accented on the root: see
the next chapter, 1276.

g. From >/dha comes a derivative -dhi, forming many masculine
compounds, with the value both of an abstract and a concrete: thus, with
prefixes, antardhi, uddhf, nidhf, paridhi, etc. From ]/da is made in
like manner adi beginning, and from ]/stha, pratis^btf resistance. Opin-
ions are at variance as to whether such forms are to be regarded as made
with the suffix i, displacing the radical a, or with weakening of & to i.

3. h. Neuter nouns in i are few, and of obscure derivation: exam-
ples are aksi eye, aathi bone, dadhi curds, etc.

1156. 3$ i. Stems in ^ I (like those in 5TF 5, above,
1149) are for the most part feminine adjectives, correspond-
ing to masculines and neuters of other terminations.

a. Thus, feminines in I are made from a-stems (332, 334: and see
also the different suffixes), from i-stems (344, 346), from u-stems (344 b),
from f -stems (376 a), and from various consonant-stems (378 a).

b. But there are also a few stems in I wearing the aspect of inde-
pendent derivatives. Examples are daksi, dehi, nadi, nandi, peal,

I

1156— ] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 432

vaksi (apparently with aoristic a), veqi, QakI, 9601, (jami, 9fmi, tarl,
vapi; they are either action-nouns or agent-nouns. In the later language
(as noticed at 344 a) there is very frequent interchange of i- and i-stems
and the forms from them.

c. In the oldest language there are even a few masculines in I. They
were noticed, and their inflection illustrated, above, at 355 b, 356.

1157. fa ti. This suffix forms a large class of fre-
quently used feminine nouns of action; and also a few
agent-nouns (masculine) and adjectives. The root has in
general the same form as hefore the suffix rT ta of the pass-
ive participle (952 ff.) — that is to say, a weak, and often
a weakened or abbreviated, form.

a. The accent ought, it would appear, in analogy with that of
the participle, to rest always upon the suffix; but in the recorded
condition of the language it does so only in a minority of cases:
namely, about fifty, against sixty cases of accent an the radical syl-
lable, and a hundred and forty of undetermined accent; a number of
words — iti, yti, citti, tfpti, pakti, pus^i, bhuti, bhrti, v&\i, <jakti,
grugti, srsti, sthiti — have both accentuations.

1. b. Examples of the normal formation are: rati gift, uti aid,
rlt{ flow, stutf praise, bhaktf division, vi$$£ service, stuti praise, kirtf
fame, purti bestowal, matf thought, pltf drink (>/pS; pple pita), dhautf
stream (j/dhftv; pple dhauta); — and with accented root, gati motion,
c,aihti repose, diti division (>/dft; pple dita), dfttf tight, {$\i offering
(/yaj: pple ista), ukti speech (yVac: pple ukta), vfddhl increase.

c. The roots which form their participle in ita (956) do not have
the i also before ti: thns, only gupti, -drpti. A few roots having their
participle in na instead of ta (957) form the abstract noun also in ni
(below, 1158). And from the roots tan and ran occur tantl and ranti,
beside the more regular tati and rati; also ahanti (once; VS.) beside
ahati. From roots having the form da, the derivative in composition is
sometimes -tti (for dati, with loss of radical vowel : compare the participle-
form -tta, above, 955 f): thus, niravatti (K.), sampratti ($B.),
paritti (TB.), vasutti, bhagatti, maghatti (all RV.).

d. A few derivatives are made from reduplicated roots; their accent
is various : thus, carkrtf, didhiti and -cdditi, jfgarti, and perhaps the
proper name yayati; also jagdhi from |/jak§ (233 f).

e. Derivatives from roots with prefixes are numerous, and have (as in
the case of the participles in ta, and the action-nouns in tu) the accent
on the prefix: examples are anumati, abhttij ahuti, niryti, vyapti,
samgati. The only exceptions noticed are asakti and Ssuti, and abhi-

433

STEMS IN 1, ti, ni.

[—1158

stf (beside abhis^i). In other combinations than with prefixes, the accen-
tuation is in general the same: see the next chapter (1274).

2. f. The adjectives and agent-nouns — which, as masculines, are
to be connected with these rather than with the feminine abstracts — are
very few : thus, puti putrid, vasti eager, dhuti shaker, jnati relative,
patti footman, pati master; and a few others, of more or less dubious
character. The accent is various, as in the other class.

3. g. A few words show the suffix ti preceded by various vowels,
union- or stem-vowels. The ordinary intermediate i of the ta-participle
etc. is seen in saniti, ujhiti, -grhlti (I, as usual with this root : 800 b),
pa^hiti, bhaniti; and with them may be mentioned the adjective rjiti,
the proper names turviti and dabhiti, and snihiti and snehiti, not-
withstanding their long final. With ati are made a few derivatives, va-
riously accented: thus, the action-nouns anhat{, dr^ati, pakgati, mith-
ati, vasati, ramati, vratati, amati and amati, -dhrajati; and the
agent-words arati, khalati, vrkati, ramati, dahati. In some of these
is to be seen with probability a stem-vowel, as also in janayati and
rasayati (and RY. has gopayatya). The grammarians' method of re-
presenting a root by its 3d sing. pres. indie., declining this as a ti-stem,
begins in the older language: e. g. etivant (TB.), ksetivant (AB.),
yajati and juhoti and dadfiti (S.), nandati (MBh.). The feminine
yiivati young, maiden is of isolated character.

h. In some of the words instanced in the last paragraph, ti is per-
haps applied as a secondary suffix. A kindred character belongs to it in
the numeral derivatives from pronominal roots, kati, tati, yati, and from
numerals, as daqati, viinjati, sastf, etc., with pankti (from pafica);
in padati; and in addhati, from the particle addha.

1158. H ni. This suffix agrees in general in its uses
and in the form of its derivatives with the preceding ; but
it makes a very much smaller number of words, among
which the feminine abstracts are a minority.

a. As was noticed above (1157c), a few verbs (ending in vowels)
making their passive participle in na instead of ta make their action-
noun in ni instead of ti. From the older language are quotable jyani
injury, jurni heat, hani abandonment (and the masculines ghrni and
jlrni); later occur glani, -mlani, saimi-.

b. Words of the other class are : a$ni eating, -usni burning, vahni
carrying, jurni singing, turni hasty, bhurni excited, dharnf sustaining,
preni loving, vy^ni and vftjni virile; and with them may be mentioned
piftni speckled.

c. In preni, yoni, mem, qreni, 9roni is seen a strengthening of
the radical syllable, such as does not appear among the derivatives in ti.

d. Derivatives in ni £:om roots with prefixes do not appear to occur.
Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 28

1158—] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 434

e. In hraduni and hladuni we have a prefixed u. In the words
ending in ani, the a has probably the same value with that of ati (above.
1157g); but ani has gained a more independent status, and may be best
treated as a separate suffix.

1169. ?rf% ani. The words made by this suffix have
the same double value with those made by the preceding
suffixes. Their accent is various. Thus:

a. Feminine action-nouns, sometimes with concreted meaning : as,
isani impulse, qarani injury, dyotani brightness, ksipam blow, &<*&ni
missile, vartanf track; and -arcjani, udani-, jarani-.

b. Adjectives and other agent-words are: arani fire-stick, carani
movable, caksani enlightener, tarani quick, dhamani pipe, dhvasani
scattering, vaka&ni strengthener, sarani track. Dharani and one or two
other late words are probably variants to stems in ani. From a redu-
plicated root-form comes -paptani. From desiderative stems are made
ruruksani, ai^asani, and (with prefix) a-9U(juk8ani. And a small
number of words appear to attach themselves to an s-aorist stem: thus,
parsani, sakijani, caraani.

c. It is questionable whether the infinitives in sani (078) are to be
put here, as accusatives of a formation in ani, or under the next suffix,
as locatives of a formation in an, from roots and stems increased by an
aoristic 8.

1160. ^T an. Not many words are made with a suffix
of this form, and of these few are plainly to be connected
with roots. Certain rare neuters (along with the doubtful
infinitives) are nouns of action; the rest are masculine
and neuter agent-nouns. The accent is various.

a. The infinitives which admit of being referred to this suffix, as
locative cases, are those in sani, of which the sibilant may be the final
of a tense-stem. They are all given above (978).

b. The other action-nouns in an are mahan greatness, rajan au-
thority (RV., once : compare rajan ; the accent-relation is the reverse of the
usual one), and gambhan depth (VS., once); and PB. has ksepna once.

c. Agent-nouns (in part of doubtful connection) are: uksan ox,
caksan eye, taksan carpenter, dhvasan proper name, pusan name of
a god, majjan marrow, rajan king, vfsan virile, bull, saghan, snlhan
(snuhan Apast.); also -gman, jman, -bhvan, -Qvan, with qvan, yu-
van, yosan, aud the stems ahan, lidhan, etc. (430 — 4), filling up the
inflection of other defective stems.

d. With prefixes occur pratidfvan and atidivan, vibhvan, ni-
kaman.

435 STEMS IN ni, ani, an, tu, nu. [—1162

1161. rj tu. The great mass of the words of this form-
ation are the infinitives -- accusatives in the later lan-
guage, in the earlier likewise datives and ablative-genitives:
see above, 970b, 972, But a few are also used independ-
ently, as action-nouns or with concreted meaning; and an
extremely small number, of somewhat questionable charac-
ter, appear to have the value of agent-words. They are of
all genders, but chiefly masculine. The root has the guna-
strengthening.

a. The infinitive words are accented on the radical syllable when
simple, and most of the others have the same accent; but a few have
the tone on the ending.

b. Examples are : of the regular formation, masc. datu share, jatu-
birth, dhatu element, tantu thread, mantu counsel, 6tu weft, sfttu
receptacle, s6tu tie, sotu pressure ,• also kratu capacity, and saktu gr its ,•
fern, vastu morning; neat, vastu thing, vastu abode; — with accent
on the ending, aktu ray, jantu being, gatu way and song, yatu (?)
demon, hetu cause, ketu banner (all masc.) ; — with unstrengthened root,
rtu season, pitu drink, sutu birth, and apparently kftu (in kytvas times):
with vi'ddhi-strerigthening, vastu (above). Agent-nouns appear to be
dhatu drinkable and krostu jackal.

c. The infinitives in tu have (968) often the union-vowel i before
the suffix, and this in a few cases is lengthened to I. In other use occur
also -starltu and -dharitu (both with due), -havltu (with su); tur-
pharitu seems of the same formation, but is obscure.

d. In a few instances, the suffix tu appears to be added to a tense-
or conjugation-stem in a; thus, edhatu and vahatu; tamyatii and
tapyatu; and sif&satu. The accent of the last is paralleled only by
that of jlvatu life, which is further exceptional in showing a long ft; it
is used sometimes in the manner of an infinitive.

1162. s? nu. This suffix forms a comparatively small
body of words, generally masculine, and having both the
abstract and the concrete value.

a. The accent is usually on the ending, and the root unstrength-
ened.

b. Thus: ksepnu jerk, bhanu light (later sun), vagnu sound,
sunu son, danu (with irregular accent) m. f. demon, n. drop, dew,- dhenu
f. cow ,- — gj-dhnu ha*t y, tapnu burning, trasnu fearful, dhrsnu bold ,-

- and vifnu Vishnu, and perhaps sthanu pillar. Compare also suffix
tnu, 11 96 a.

28*

1162—] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 436

c. This also (like tu) appears sometimes with a prefixed a: thus,
ksipanu missile, krandanu and nadanu roaring, nabhanu (and -nil,
f.) fountain, vibhanjanu (only instance with prefix) breaking to pieces;
and perhaps the proper names dasanu and krtjanu belong here.

1163. 5T tha. The words made with this suffix are al-
most without exception action-nouns (though some have
assumed a concrete value). They are of all genders. The
root is of a weak (or even weakened) form, and the accent
usually on the suffix.

a. Thus: rnasc., -itha goiny, artha goal, -krtha making, gatha
song, paktha n. pr., bhytha offering, -yatha road, -Qitha lying down,
9otha swelling, siktha sediment; and, of less clear connections, yutha
herd, ratha chariot; — neut., uktha saying, tirtha ford, nitha song,
riktha heritage, and apparently prstha back; — fern, (with a), gatha
song, nitha way. Radical a is weakened to I in githa song and -pitha
drink and -pitha protection; a final nasal is lost in -gatha going and
hatha slaying. In vijigitha (£B.; hut BAU. -ita) is apparently seen a
formation from a reduplication of yji, victorious. •

b. A few examples of combination with prefixes occur, with accent
on the final: thus, nirrtha destruction, samgatha union, etc.

c. Still more common in the older language is a form of this suffix
to which has become prefixed an a, which is probably of thematic origin,
though become a union-vowel. Thus : -anatha breathing, ayatha foot,
caratha mobility, tvesatha vehemence, and so prothatha, yajatha, ra-
vatha, vaksatha, ucatha, vidatha, (jansatha, ^apatha, (jayatha,
Qvayatha, (jvasatha, sacatha, stanatha, stavatha, sravatha, and,
with weak root-form, ruvatha; the later language adds karatha, taratha,
Qamatha, savatha. With a prefix, the accent is thrown forward upon
the final : thus, avasatha abode, pravasatha absence ; but pranatha
breath is treated as if pran were an integral root.

d. Isolated combinations of tha with other preceding vowels occur :
thus, varutha protection, jarutha wasting (?); and matutha (]/man?).

1164. 2T thu. This suffix (like ^ tha, above) has an £f a

o

attached to it, and, in the very few derivatives which it
makes, appears only as 5(51 athu.

a. The only Vedic examples are ejathu quaking, vepathu trembling,
stanathu roaring. Later cases are nandathu (TS.), nadathu (U.),
ksavathu (S.), davathu, bhraA^athu, majjathu,vamathu,9vayathu,
sphurjathu.

1165. yu. With this suffix are made a very few nouns,

437 STEMS IN nu, tha, thu, yu, ma, mi, man. [—1168

both of agent and of action, with unstrengthened root and
various accent. Thus:

a. Abstracts (masc.) are manyii wrath, mytyu death (with t added
to the short final of the root).

b. Adjectives etc. are druhyu n. pr., bhujyu pliable, mucyu (GB.
i. 1.7), qundhyu pure; yajyu pious, sahyu strong, dasyu enemy; and,
with vyddhi-strerigthening, jfiyii victorious.

c. For other derivatives ending in yu, see the suffix u, below, 1178h,i.

1166. q ma. The action-nouns made by this suffix are
almost all masculine; and they are of various root-form and
accent, as are also the agent-nouns and adjectives.

a. Examples of action-nouns are: ajma cour.se, gharma heat; ema
progress, bhama brightness, sanna flow, stoma song of praise.

b. Examples of agent-nouns etc. are : tigma sharp, (bhijxia_Jerr/6ie^> U 1 1
9agma mighty, idhma fuel, yudhma warrior. A single instance from

a reduplicated root is tutuma powerful. Sarama f., with a before the
suffix, is of doubtful connection.

c. A number of stems in ma have stems in man beside them, and
appear, at least in part, to be transfers from the an- to the a-declension.
Such are ajma, oma, ema, arma, tokma, darma, dharma, narma,
yama, yugma, vema, susma, soma, sarma, homa.

1167. FT nii* A very small number of nouns, masculine and
feminine, formed with mi, may be conveniently noticed here.

Thus, from f-roots, urmf wave, -kurmi action, surmi f. tube; from
others, jamf relation, bhumi or bhumi f. earth, laksmi sign; also prob-
ably ra<jmi line, ray; and the adjective krudhmi (? RV., once).

1188. *R man. The numerous derivatives made with
this suffix are almost only action-nouns. The great majority
of them are neuter, and accented on the root-syllable; a
much smaller number are masculine, and accented 011 the
suffix. The few agent-words are, if nouns, masculine, and
have the latter accent: in several instances, a neuter and
a masculine, of the one and the other value and accent,
stand side by side. The root has in general the guna-
strengthening.

1. a. Examples of regularly formed neuters are: karman action,
janman birth, naman name, vartman track, veqman dwelling, homan
sacrifice, -dyotman splendor.

1168—] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 438

b. Examples of masculine abstracts are: oman /"ar or, ojman strength,
jeman conquest, svadman sweetness, heman impulse,

c. Corresponding neuter action-nouns and masculine agent-nouns are :
brahman worship and brahman priest; daman gift and daman giver;
dharman rule and dharman orderer; sadman seat and sadman sitter.
But oman friend stands in the contrary relation to oman m. favor. Very
few other agent-nouns occur ; and all, except brahman, are of rare occurrence.

d. On the other hand, jeman and var^man and svadman (and
variman) have the difference of gender and accent without a corresponding
difference of meaning.

e. The noun a<jman stone, though masculine, is accented on the
radical syllable ; and two or three other questionable cases of the same kind
occur.

f. The derivatives in man used as infinitives (974) have for the
most part the accent of neuters : the only exception is vidmane.

g. A few words, of either class, have an irregular root-form: thus,
udman, usman or usman, bhiiman earth, bhuman abundance, syu-
man, siman, bhujman, vidman, cikman, c usman, sidhman ; aud
karsman, bharman, 9akman.

h. Derivatives in man from roots with prefixes are not numerous.
They are usually accented on the prefix, whether action-nouns or adjectives:
thus, prabharman forthbringiny, prayaman departure; anuvartman
following after: the exceptions, vijaman, prativartman, visarman, are
perhaps of possessive formation.

2. i. The same suffix, though only with its abstract-making value,
• has in a number of cases before it a union-vowel, i or I; and iman
comes to be used as a secondary suffix, forming abstract nouns (mas-
culine) from a considerable number of adjectives.

j. The neuters in iman and Tman are primary formations, belonging
almost only to the older language : thus, janiman, dhariman (M.), vari-
man (beside variman, as noticed above); and dariman, dhariman,
parlman (and pareman SV., once), bharlman, variman, sariman,
stariman, saviman, and haviman. Those in iman are hardly met
with outside the Rig- Veda.

k. The masculines in iman are in the oldest language less frequent
than the neuters just described: they are taniman (?), jariman, prathi-
man, mahiman, variman (beside the equivalent variman and vari-
man), varsiman (beside the equivalent varsman and varsman), hari-
man, and draghiman (VS.) beside drSghman (V.B.). Some of these,
as well as of the derivatives in simple man, attach themselves in meaning,
or in form also, to adjectives, to which they seem the accompanying ab-
stracts: compare the similar treatment of the primary comparatives and
superlatives (above, 468): such are p&pman (to papa, papiyas etc.);
drfighman etc. (to dirgha, draghiyas, etc.); variman etc. (to uni,

439 STEMS IN man, van, vana, vani, vanu. [—1170

variyas, etc.) ; prathiman (to py thu, prathis. $ha) ; hariman (to hard
or harita) ; varsman etc. (to varsiyas etc.) -, svadman etc. (to avadu,
svadiyas, etc.). Then in the Brahmana language are found further ex-
amples : thus, dhumriman (TS. K.), dradhiman (MS. K. : to dydha,
dradhiyas, etc.), animan (£B.; and animan n. 6«), stheman, stha-
viman (n. big piece], taruniman (K.), parufiman (AB.), abaliman
(ChU.), lohitiman (KB.) ; and still later such as laghiman, kfsniman,
purniman, madhuriman, qoniman, etc., etc.

1169. ^R van. By this suffix are made almost only
agent- words, adjectives and nouns, the latter chiefly mas-
culines. The root is unstrengthened, and to a short final
vowel is added a FT t before the suffix. The accent is al-
most always on the root, both in the simple words and in
their compounds.

a. The insertion of t is an intimation that the words of this form are
originally made by the addition of an to derivatives in u and tu; yet
van has the present value of an integral suffix in the language, and must
be treated as such.

b. Examples of the usual formation are: masc. yajvan offering,
druhvan harming, qakvan capable, -rfkvan leaving, -jitvan conquering,
sutvan pressing, kftvan active, -gatvan (like -gat, -gatya) going, Bat-
van (]/san) warrior; neut. parvan Joint, dhanvan b<ne. Irregular, with
strengthened root, are arvan courser, -yavan (? AY.) driving off; and,
with accent on the suffix, dpran (? VS.) and vidvan (? AV.).

c. Examples from roots with prefixes (which are not rare) are : atitvan
excelling, upahasvan reviler, sambhytvan collecting ; and perhaps vivas-
van shining: abhisatvan is a compound with governing preposition (1310).
For the compounds with other elements, which, except in special cases,
have the same accent, see below, 1277.

d. The stems muBivan robber and sanitvan (each RV., once) are the
only ones with a union-vowel, and are perhaps better regarded as second-
ary derivatives — of which a few are made with this suffix : see below,
1234. From a reduplicated root are made rarftvan and cikitvan (and
possibly vivasvan).

e. Action-nouns made with the suffix van are only the infinitival
words mentioned at 974 — unless bhurvani (RV., once) is to be added,
as locative of bhurvan.

f. The feminines corresponding to adjectives in van are not
made (apparently) directly from this suffix, but from vara, and end
in vari; see below, 1171b.

1170. SR vana, ^ft vani, cR vanu. The very few words

170—] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 440

made with these suffixes may best be noticed here, in con-
nection with 5R van (of which the others are probably sec-
ondary extensions),

a. With vana are made vagvana talkative, satvana warrior (beside
satvan, above); and, from a reduplicated root, 9U9ukvana shining.

b. With vani are made from simple roots turvani excelling, and
bhurvani restless, and, from reduplicated roots, 9U9ukvani shining, da-
dhrsvani daring, tuturvani striving after, and jugurvani praising; ar-
harisvani is obscure.

c. With vanu is made only vagvanu tone, noise.

1171. 5^ vara. With this suffix are made a few deriv-
atives, of all genders, having for the most part the value
of agent-nouns and adjectives. Much more common are the
feminine stems in Sf^ vari, which, from the earliest period,
serve as corresponding feminines to the masculine stems
in ^ van.

a. A few masculine adjectives in vara occur, formally accordant (ex-
cept in accent) with the feminines: thus, itvara going, -advara eating:
and so, farther, in the older language, i9vara, -javara, pharvara,
bharvara, bhasvara, vyadhvara(?), -sadvara, sthavara, and doubt-
less with them belongs vidvala; later, -kasvara, gatvara, ghasvara
(also ghasmara), -jit vara, naqvara, pi vara, mad vara, -srtvara;
from a reduplicated root, yayavara (B. and later). Many of these have
feminines in a.

b. The feminines in vari accord in treatment of the root and in
accent with the masculines in van to which they correspond: thus, yaj-
vari, -jitvari, Sftvari, -9lvari, -yavarl, and so on (about twenty-five
such formations in RV.); from a reduplicated root, -9i9vari.

c. A very small number of neuters occur, with accent on the root :
thus, karvara deed, gahvara (later also gabhvara) thicket .- and a femin-
ine or two, with accent on the penult: urvara field, and urvari tow
(both of doubtful etymology).

We take up now the suffixes by which are made only stems
having the value of agent-nouns and adjectives ; beginning with a
brief mention of the participial endings, which in general have been
already sufficiently treated.

1172. 3H^ant (or ^\at)- The office of this suffix, in
making present and future participles active, has been fully
explained above, in connection with the various tense-stems
and conjugation-stems (chaps. VIII. — XIV.), in combination

441 STEMS IN vana etc., vara, ant, vans, mana, ana, ta. [—1176

with which alone it is employed (not directly with the root,
unless this is also used as tense-stem).

a. A few words of like origin, but used as Independent adjectives,
were given at 460. With the same or a formally identical suffix are made
from pronominal roots fyant and k{yant (451, 51 7 a). And advayant
not double-tongued (RV., once), appears to contain a similar formation from
the numeral dvi — unless we are to assume a denominative verb-stem as
intermediate.

1173. ^ra^vSns (or^pv-as). For the (perfect active) par-
ticiples made with this suffix, see above, 802 — 6, and 458 if.

a. A few words of irregular and questionable formation were noticed
at 462, above. Also, apparent transfers to a form us or usa. RV. voca-
lizes the v once, in jujuruan.

b. The oldest language (RV.) has a very few words in vas, of doubt-
ful relations: fbhvas and 9fkvas skilful (beside words in va and van),
and perhaps khidvas (j/khad). The neuter abstract varivas breadth,
room (belonging to uru broad, in the same manner with variyas and
variman), is quite isolated. MBh. makes a nominative pivan, as if from
pivans instead of pivan.

1174. ?TH mana. The participles having this ending
are, as has been seen (584 b), present and future only, and
have the middle, or the derived passive, value belonging in
general to the stems to which the suffix is attached.

1175. ETR ana. The participles ending in ^R ana are
of middle and passive value, like those just noticed, and
either present, perfect, or (partly with the form HH sana:
above, 897 b) aorist.

a. A few other words ending in the same manner in the old language
may be mentioned here. The RV. has the adjectives takavana, bhfga-
vana, vasavana, urdhvasana, apparently made on the model of par-
ticipial stems. Also the proper names apnavana, pythavana, and cya-
vana and cyavatana. Parqana abyss is doubtful; rujana (RV., once)
is probably a false reading; apnana is of doubtful character.

1176. rTUa The use of this suffix in forming parti-
ciples directly from the root, or from a conjugational (not
a tense) stem, was explained above, 952 — 6. The participles
thus made are in part intransitive, but in great part passive

1176—] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 442

in value (like those made by the two preceding suffixes, but
in much larger measure, and more decidedly).

a. A few general adjectives, or nouns with concrete meaning, are
adaptations of this participle. Examples are : tr^a r°w?'», qita cold, dr-
dha (for drdha: 224a)/frm; duta messenger, suta charioteer; yta right,
ghyta ghee, jata kind, dyuta gambling, nytta danc«, jlvita life, carita
behavior, smita smtfe. The adjective tigita (RV.) sharp shows anomalous
reversion of palatal to guttural before the i (216d). Vavata dear is a
single example from a reduplicated root.

b. Doubtless after the example and model of participles from denomi-
native stems (of which, however, no instances are quotable from the Veda
— unless bhamita RV.), derivatives in ita are in the later language
made directly from noun and adjective-stems, having the meaning of endow-
ed with, affected by, made to be, and the like (compare the similar Eng-
lish formation in ed, as horned, barefooted, bluecoated). Examples are ra-
thita furnished with a chariot, duhkhita pained, kusumita flowered,
durbalita weakened, nihsariKjayita indubitable, etc. etc.

c. A few words ending in ta are accented on the radical syllable,
and their relation to the participial derivatives is very doubtful: such are
asta home, marta mortal, vata wind; and with them may be mentioned
garta high seat, nakta niyht, hasta hand. Vrata is commonly viewed
as containing a suffix ta, but it doubtless comes from yvr-t (vrat-a, like
trada, vraja) aiid means originally course.

d. Several adjectives denoting color end in ita, but are hardly con-
nectible with roots of kindred meaning: thus, palita gray, asita black,
rohita and lohita red, harita green; akin with them are eta variegated,
<jyeta white. The feminines of these stems are in part irregular: thus,
em and <jyem; rohin! and lohinl, and harinl (but the corresponding
masc. harina also occurs) ; and asikni, palikni, and harikni.

e. A small number of adjectives in the older language ending infata\
are not to be separated from the participial words in ta, although their
specific meaning is in part gerundive. They are : pacata cooked, dar<jata
and pa^yata seen, to be seen, worth seeing ; and so yajata, haryata, bha-
rata. The y of paqyata and haryata indicates pretty plainly that the
a also is that of a present tense-stem. Bajata silvery is of more obscure
relation to i/raj color; parvata mountain must be secondary.

1177. *f na (and ^=T ina, 3*T una). The use of the suffix
^ na in forming from certain roots participles equivalent to
those in rT ta, either alongside the latter or instead of them,
was explained above, at 957.

a. With the same suffix are made a number of general adjectives,
and of nouns of various gender (fern, in nft). The accent is on the suffix

443 STEMS IN ta, na, ina, una, u. [—1178

or on the root. A few examples are: usna hot, <;una fortunate, aqna
ravenous, qvitna white; masc., praqna question, yajna offering, ghfna
/(cat, varna coZor, svapna sleep; neut., parna tw'np, ratna jewel (?);
fern, tfsna t/ursf, yacna supplication. But many of the stems ending in
na are not readily connectible with roots. An antithesis of accent is seen
in karna ear and karna eared.

b. The few words ending in ina are of doubtful connection, but may
be mentioned here: thus, amina violent, vrjina crooked, daksina right,
dravina property, druhina, -sresina, harina ; and kanina may be added.

c. The words ending in una are of various meaning and accent, like
those in ana: they are arjuna, karuna, -cetuna, taruna, daruna,
dharuna, nariina, pfquna, mithuna, yatiina, vayuna, varuna, c,a-
liina, and the feminine yamiina; and bhruna may be added.

d. These are all the proper participial endings of the language.
The gerundives, later and earlier, are in the main evident secondary
formations, and will be treated under the head of secondary derivation.

We take up now the other suffixes forming agent-nouns and
adjectives, beginning with those which have more or less a parti-
cipial value.

1178. 3 u. With this suffix are made a considerable
body of derivatives, of very various character — adjectives,
and agent-nouns of all genders, with different treatment of
the root, and with different accent. It is especially used
with certain conjugational stems, desiderative (particularly
later) and denominative (mainly earlier), making adjectives
with the value of present participles; and in such use it
wins in part the aspect of a secondary suffix.

a. The root has oftenest a weak (or weakened) form; but it is
sometimes vriddhied ; least often (when capable of guna), it has the
guna-strengthening — all without any apparent connection with either
accent or meaning or gender. After final radical a is usually added
y (258) before the suffix. A few derivatives are made from the re-
duplicated root. But many words, ending in u are not readily, or not
at all, connectible with roots; examples will be given especially of
those that have an obvious etymology.

b. Examples of ordinary adjectives are : uru wide, rju straight, pfthu
broad, mrdu soft, sadhu good, svadii sweet, tapu hot, vasu good; ja-
yii conquering, daru bursting; <jayii lying, reku empty; dhayu thirsty,
payii protecting. Final a appears to be lost before the suffix in -sthu

u, anuf thii), and perhaps in yu, -gu (agregu), and -khu (akhu).

c. Examples of nouns are: masc., an^u ray, ripu deceiver, vayu

1173—] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 444

wind-god, asu life, manu man, Manu; fern., isu (also raasc.) arrow,
sindhu (also masc.) river, tanu or tanu body ; neut., ksu food.

d. Derivatives from reduplicated roots are: cikitu, jagxnu, jigyu,
jijnu, sisnu, -tatnu (unless this is made with nu or tnu), didyu ('?),
dadru, yayu or yayu and yfyu (with final a lost), pipru (proper name),
-dldhayu; and titaii, babhni, -raru (araru), malimlu (?) have the
aspect of being similar formations.

e. A few derivatives are made from roots with prefixes, with various
accentuation: for example, upayu on-coming, pramayu going to destruc-
tion, viklindu a certain disease, abhi^u rein (director), samvasu dwell-
ing together.

f. From tense-stems, apparently, are made tanyu thundering, bhindu
splitting, -vindu finding, and (with aoristic a) dakfu and dhaksu (all RV.).

g. Participial adjectives in u from desiderative "roots" (stems with
loss of their final a) are sufficiently numerous in the ancient language (RV.
has more than a dozen of them, AV. not quite so many) to show that the
formation was already a regular one, extensible at will ; and later such
adjectives may be made from every desiderative. Examples (older) are:
ditsii, dipsu, cikitsu, titiks.u, piplsu, mumuk|u, iyakfu, i^lik-
su; with prefix, abhidipsu; with anomalous accent, didfksu. These ad-
jectives, both earlier and later, may take an object in the accusative (271 a).

h. A few similar adjectives are made in the older language from caus-
atives : thus, dharayu (persistent), bhajayu, bhavayu, manhayu, man-
dayu, 9ramayii; and mrgayu from the caus.-denom. mrgaya.

i. Much more numerous, however, are such formations from the more
proper denominatives, especially in the oldest language (RV. has toward
eighty of them ; AV. only a quarter as many, including six or eight which
are not found in RV. ; and they are still rarer in the Brahmanas, and
hardly met with later). In a majority of cases, personal verbal forms from
the same denominative stem are in use: thus, for example, to aghayu,
aratiyu, yjuyii, caranyu, manasyu, saniayu, urusyu, saparyu; in
others, only the present participle in yant, or the abstract noun in ya
(1149d), or nothing at all. A few are made upon denominative stems from
pronouns : thus, tvSyu (beside tvayant and tvaya), yuvayii or yuvByu,
asmayu, svayii, and the more anomalous ahamyu and kimyu. Espe-
cially where no other denominative forms accompany the adjective, this has
often the aspect of being made directly from the noun with the suffix yu,
either with a meaning of seeking or desiring, or with a more general adjec-
tive sense : thus, yavayu seeking grain, var&hayu boar-hunting, stanasyu
desiring the breast ; urnayii woolen, yuvanyu youthful, bhlmayu terrible.
And so the "secondary suffix yu" wins a degree of standing and application
as one forming derivative adj ectives (as * in ahamyu and kimyu, above,
and doubtless some others, even of the RV. words). In three RV. cases,
the final as of a noun-stem is even changed to o before it : namely, aft-
hoyii, duvoyu (and duvoya; beside duvasyu), askfdhoyu.

445 STEMS IN u, u, uka. [—1180

j. The words in yu do not show in the Veda resolution into iu (ex-
cept dhasius AV., once).

1179. ^3T u. Stems in ^3T u are very few, even as
Compared with those in § 1 (1156). They are for the most
part feminines corresponding to masculines in u (344 b),
with half-a-dozen more independent feminines (see 855 c).

a. To those already mentioned above are to be added karsu pit,
-calu (in pumQcalu), -janu (in prajanu),

118O. 3^fi uka. With this suffix are made derivatives
having the meaning and construction (27 Ig) of a present
participle. The root is strengthened, and has the accent.

a. The derivatives in uka are hardly known in the Veda; but they
become frequent in the Brahmanas, of whose language they are a marked
characteristic (about sixty different stems occur there); and they are found
occasionally in the older language. In all probability, they are originally and
properly obtained by adding the secondary suffix ka (1222) to a derivative
in u; but they have gained fully the character of primary formations, and
in only an instance or two is there found in actual use an u-word from
which they should be made.

b. The root is only so far strengthened that the radical syllable is a
heavy (79) one; and it has the accent, whether the derivative is made
from a simple root or from one with prefix.

c. Examples, from the Brahmana language, are: vaduka, naxjuka,
upakramuka, prapaduka, upasthayuka (258), vyayuka, veduka,
bhavuka, kaodhuka, haruka, varsuka, samardJmka, dansuka,
alambuka, Qiksuka (GB.: RV. has $iksu), pramayuka (SB. has
pramSyu).

d. Exceptions as regards root-form are : nirmarguka (with vyddhi-
strengthening, as is usual with this root : 627), -kasuka, rdhnuka (from
a tense-stem; beside ardhuka). AV. accents aamkasuka (£B. has
samkasuka) and vikasuka ; liV. has sanuka (which is its only example
of the formation, if it be one; AV. has also ghatuka from yhan, and
apramayuka) ; vasuka (TS. et al.) is probably of another character.
A9anayuka (PB. et al.) is the only example noticed from a conjugation-stem.

e. Of later occurrence are a few words whose relation to the others
is more or less doubtful • karmuka and dharmuka, tsaruka, tarkuka,
nanduka, paduka, pecuka, bhiksuka, lasuka, sediika, hindnka,
hresuka. Of these, only lasuka appears like a true continuer of the
formation; several are pretty clearly secondary derivatives.

f. A formation in uka (a suffix of like origin, perhaps, with uka)
may be mentioned here: namely, indhuka, majjuka, and, from redu-

H80-] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 446

plicated roots, jagarftka wakeful, janjapuka (later) muttering, danda-
9tika biting, yayajuka sacrificing much, vavaduka (later) talkative;
salaluka is questionable.

1181. 5Rf aka. Here, as in the preceding case, we
doubtless have a suffix made by secondary addition of efi ka
to a derivative in % a; but it has, for the same reason as
the other, a right to be mentioned here. Its free use in
the manner of a primary suffix is of still later date than
that of uka; it has very few examples in the older language.

a. In RV. is found (besides pavaka, which has a different accent,
and which, as the metre shows, is really pavaka) only sayaka missile;
AY. adds piyaka and vadhaka, and YS. abhikroqaka. But in the later
language. such derivatives are common, more usually with raising of the root-
syllable by strengthening to heavy quantity : thus, nayaka, dayaka (258),
pacaka, grahaka, bodhaka, jagaraka; but also janaka, khanaka.
They are declared by the grammarians to have the accent on the radical
syllable. They often occur in copulative composition with gerundives of
the same root : thus, bhaksyabhaksaka eatable and eater, vacyavacaka
designated and designation, and so on.

b. That the derivatives in aka sometimes take an accusative object
was pointed out above (27 1 c).

c. The corresponding feminine is made sometimes in aka or in aki,
but more usually in ika: thus, nayika (with nayaka), pacika, bo-
dhikS; compare secondary aka, below, 1222.

d. Derivatives in aka are made from a few roots: thus, jalpaka,
bhiksaka; but very few occur in the older language: thus, pavaka (above,
a), nabhaka, smayaka, j&h9ka(?), -calaka, pataka. With aku is
made in RY. mrdayaku, from the causative stem: pfdaku and the pro-
per name iksvaku are of obscure connection.

e. Derivatives in ika and ika will be treated below, in connection
with those in ka (1180c).

1182. rT ty (or rTJ" tar). The derivatives made by this
suffix, as regards both their mode of formation and their
uses, have been the subject of remark more than once
above (see 369 ff., 942 if.). Agent-nouns are freely formed
with it at every period of the language ; these in the oldest
language are very frequently used participially, governing
an object in the accusative (27 Id); later they enter into
combination with an auxiliary verb, and, assuming a future

447 STEMS IN uka, aka, tr, in. [—1183

meaning, make a periphrastic future tense (942). Their
corresponding feminine is -in tri.

a. The root has regularly the giu^a-strengthening. A union-vowel
i (very rarely, one of another character) is often taken : as regards
its presence or absence in the periphrastic future forms, see above
(943 a).

b. Without guna-change is only ustr plough-ox (no proper agent-
noun: apparently iiks-tr: compare the nouns of relationship further on).
The root grab has, as usual, I — thus, grahitf ; and the same appears
in -tarltr, -pavltf, -marity, -varltr, -savltr. An u-vowel is taken
instead by tarutr and taruty, dhanutr, and sanutr; long in varutr;
strengthened to o in manotr and manotf. From a reduplicated root
comes vavatr.

c. The accent, in the older language, is sometimes on the suffix
and sometimes on the root; or, from roots combined with prefixes,
sometimes on the suffix and sometimes on the prefix.

d. In general, the accent on the root or prefix accompanies the parti-
cipial use of the word; but there are exceptions to this: in a very few in-
stances (four), a word with accented suffix has an accusative object; very
much more often, accent on the root appears along with ordinary noun
value. The accent, as well as the form, of manotr is an isolated irreg-
ularity. Examples are: jets dh&nftni winning treasures; yuyam mar-
tarn srotarah ye listen to a mortal; but, on the other hand, yamta
vasuni vidhate bestowing good things on the pious ; and j&tft jananam
conqueror of peoples.

e. The formation of these nouns in tr from conjugation-stems, regular
and frequent in the later language, and not very rare in the Brahmanas.
is met with but once or twice in the Veda (bodhayitf and codayitri,
RV.). In nes^r a certain priest (RV. and later), is apparently seen the
aoristic 8.

f. The words of relationship which, in whatever way, have gained
the aspect of derivatives in tr, are pitf, matf , bhratr, yatr, duhitf,
naptr, jamfttr. Of these, only matp and yatr are in accordance with
the ordinary rules of the formation in tr.

g. Instead of tr is found tur in one or two RV. examples : yamtur,
sthfitur.

h. Apparently formed by a suffix y (or ar) are uaf, savyasthr,
nanandr, devf, the last two being words of relationship. For other words
ending in r, see 369.

1183. ^in. This is another suffix which has assumed
a primary aspect and use, while yet evidently identical in
real character with the frequent secondary suffix of the
same form denoting possession (below, 1230).

1183H XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 448

a. How far it had gained a primary value in the early language is
not easy to determine. Most of the words in in occurring in RV. and AV.
are explainable as possessives ; in many the other value is possible, and in
a few it is distinctly suggested: thus, kevaladin, bhadrav&dln, nitodin,
a^araisln, anamin, vivyadhin ; from a tense-stem, -a9nuvin, -pasyin
(late) ; with aoristic a, -saksin ; and, with reduplication, niyayln, vada-
vadin. As the examples indicate, composition, both with prefixes and
with other elements, is frequent; and, in all cases alike, the accent is on
the suffix.

b. Later, the primary employment is unquestionable, and examples of
it, chiefly in composition, are frequent. The radical syllable is usually
strengthened, a medial a being sometimes lengthened and sometimes remain-
ing unchanged. Thus, eatyavadin truth-speaking abhibhasin addressing,
manoharin soul-winning. In bhavin has established itself a prevailingly
future meaning, about to be.

c. The use of an accusative object with words in in was noticed
above (27 1 b).

1184. SEnT fyas and <T^? istha. These suffixes, which, from
forming intensive adjectives corresponding to the adjective of root-
form, have come to be used, within somewhat narrow limits, as suf-
fixes of adjective comparison, have been already sufficiently treated
above, under the head of comparison (486—470).

a. It may be further noticed that jye^ha has in the older language
(only two or three times in RV.) the accent also on the final, jyestha,
and that its correlative also is kanis^ha in the oldest language ; parsistha
is made from a secondary form of root, with aoristic B added.

b. When the comparative suffix has the abbreviated form yas (470 a),
its y is never to be read in the Yeda as i.

c. No other suffixes make derivatives having participial value
otherwise than in rare and sporadic cases; those that remain, there-
fore, will be taken up mainly in the order of their frequency and
importance.

1185. "5T tra. With this suffix are formed a few ad-
jectives, and a considerable number of nouns, mostly neuter,
and often having a specialized meaning, as signifying the
means or instrument of the action expressed by the root.
The latter has usually the guna-strengthening, but some-
times remains unchanged. The accent is various, but more
often on the radical syllable.

a. Here, as in certain other cases above, we have doubtless a suffix

449 STEMS IN lyas, i^ha, tra ETC., ka. [—1186

originally secondary, made by adding a to the primary tr or tar (1182);
but its use is in great part that of a primary suffix.

b. Examples of neuter nouns are : gatra limb, pattra wing, patra
cup, yoktra bond, vastra garment, qrotra ear; astra missile, stotra
song of praise, potra ve»sel; of more general meaning, dattra gift, kse-
tra field, mutra urine, ho tra sacrifice. The words accented on the final
have often an abstract meaning: thus, kfatra authority, rSs^ra kingdom,
9astra doctrine, sattra sacrificial session (also jnatra knowledge).

c. Masculines are: danstra tusk, mantra prayer, attra (or atra:
232) devourer, ustra buffalo, camel, and a few of questionable etymology,
as mitra friend, putra son, vrtra foe. Mitra and vrtra are sometimes
neuters even in the Veda, and mitra comes later to be regularly of that
gender.

d. Feminines (in tra) are: astra goad, matra measure, hotra sac-
rifice (beside hotra), dans$ra (later, for dans^ra); nas^ra destroyer.

e. Not seldom, a "union-vowel" appears before the suffix; but this
is not usually the equivalent of the union-vowel used with tr (above,
11 82 a). For the words in itra have the accent on i: thus, aritra (ari-
tra AV., once) impelling, oar, khanitra shovel, pavitra sieve, janitra
birth-place, samtra gift; and so -avitra, aQitra, caritra, -taritra,
dhamitra, dhavitra, bhavltra, bharitra, vaditra (with causative root-
strengthening), vahitra: the combination {tra has almost won the character
of an independent suffix. The preceding vowel is also in a few cases a (some-
times apparently of the present-stem) : thus, yajatra venerable, . krntatra
8hred, gayatra (f. -tri) song, -damatra, patatra wing ; but also amatra
violent, vadhatra deadly weapon; and varatra f. strap. Tarutra overcoming
corresponds to tarutf . Naksatra asterism is of very doubtful etymology.
Samskrtatra (RV., once) seems of secondary formation.

f. The words still used as adjectives in tra are mostly such as have
union-vowels before the suffix. A single example from a reduplicated root
is johutra crying out.

g. A word or two in tri and tru may be added here, as perhaps of
kindred formation with those in tra: thus, attri devouring, arcatri beam-
ing, ratri or ratrl night; qatru (9&ttru: 232) enemy.

1186. efj ka. The suffix sfj ka is of very common use in
secondary derivation (below, 1222); whether it is directly
added to roots is almost questionable: at any rate, extremely
few primary derivatives are made with it.

a. The words which have most distinctly the aspect of being made
from roots are puska-, -meka (]/mi fix), yaska n. pr., quska dry,
(jloka (]/?ru hear} noise, report, etc., and -sphaka teeming; and atukA
flake and stoka drop seem to belong together to a root stu; raka f., n.
pr., may be added.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 29

1186—] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 459

b. Bat ka enters, in its value as secondary, into the composition of
certain suffixes reckoned as primary: see aka and uka (above, 1180, 1181).

0. A few words in which ika and Ik a seem" added to a root, though
they are really of a kindred formation with the preceding, may be most
conveniently noticed here : thus, vf 90 ika (j/vraqc) scorpion ; anlka (?)
face, df9ika aspect, dfbhlka n. pr., mrdika grace, vrdhlka increaser,
a^arika and viqarika yr/>«, -rjika beaming, rsika; rksika; and, from
reduplicated root, parpharlka scattering (?). Compare secondary suffix ka
(below, 1222).

1187. ETya. It is altogether probable that a part of the de-
rivatives made with this suffix are not less entitled to be ranked as
primary than some of those which are above so reckoned. Such,
however, are with so much doubt and difficulty to be separated from
the great mass of secondary derivatives made with the same suffix
that it is preferred to treat them all together under the head of sec-
ondary formation (below, 1210—13).

1188. ^ ra* With this suffix are made a large number
of adjectives, almost always with weak root-form, and usually
with accent on the suffix. Also, a few words used as nouns,
of various gender. In some cases, the suffix is found with
a preceding vowel, having the aspect of a union- vowel.

a. Examples of adjectives in ra are: ksipra quick, chidra split,
tura strong, bhadra pleating, <jakra mighty, qukra bright, hinara in-
jurious; — with accent on the root, only grdhra greedy, tumra stout,
dhira wise (secondary?), vipra inspired, tiigra n. pr.

b. From roots with prefixes come only an example or two: thus, ni-
cira attentive, nimrgra joining on.

O. Nouns in ra are: masc., ajra field, vira man, vajra thunderbolt,
9\ira hero; neut., agra point, ksira mill:, randhra hollow, ripra defile-
ment; fern., dhara stream, qipre. jaw, sura intoxicating drink.

The forms of this suffix with preceding vowel may best be considered
here, although some of them have nearly or quite gained the value of inde-
pendent endings. Thus:

d. With ara are made a few rare words: the adjectives dravara
running, patara flying, (with prefix) nyocara suiting; and the nouns
gambhara depth, tasara and trasara shuttle, sanara gain, -rksara
thorn: bharvara and vasara are doubtless of secondary formation ; and
the same thing may be plausibly conjectured of others. As made with ara
may be mentioned xnandara a tree, marjara eat.

e. With ira are made a few words, some of which are in common
use: tli us, aj ira quick, khadira a tree, timira dark, dhvasira stirring
up, madira pleasing, mudira cloud, badhira deaf, rucira bright, isira

451 STEMS IN ka, ya, ra ETC., la, va, ri, ru. [—1192

lively, asira missile, sthavira firm; and sthira hard, and sphira fat,
with displacement of final radical a; also sarira wave (usually salila).
With Ira are made gabhira or gambhira profound and (javlra mighty,
and perhaps (jarlra body.

f. With ura are made a few words, of some of which the secondary
character is probable: thus, aAhura (anhu-ra?) narrow, asura (asu-ra?)
living, chidura tearing, bhangura breaking, bhasura shining, bhidura
splitting, medura fat, yadura uniting, vithura tottering, vidura knowing,
vidhura lacking. With ura, apparently, are made sthura stout (compare
sthavira), kharjura a tree, mayura peacock (or imitative?).

1189. £T la. This suffix is only another form of the
preceding, exchanging with it in certain words, in others
prevalently or solely used from their first appearance.

a. Compicuous examples of the interchange are qukla, sthula, -mi9la,
9ithila, salila.

b. Examples of the more independent use are: pala protecting, anila
(or anila) wind, trpala joyous; later capala and tarala (said to be
accented on the final), and harsula (the same). Many words ending in la
are of obscure etymology.

1190. ^ va. Very few words of clear derivation are
made with this suffix — too few to be worth classifying.
They are of various meaning and accent, and generally show
a weak root- form.

a. Thus: rkva praising, rsva lofty, takva quick, dhruva fixed,
pakva ripe, padva going, yahva quick (?), tjarva n. pr., hrasva short,
9ikva artful, ranva joyful, urdhva lofty, vakva twisting, urv& stall ;
eva quick, course, acjva horse, srakva or srkva corner; and perhaps
ulba caul; a feminine is prusva (TS. ppsva, AV. pnifva); with union-
Towel are made saciva companion, amiva disease, and vidhava widov.

b. The words in va exhibit only in sporadic cases resolution of the
ending into ua..

1191. ff ri. With this suffix are formed, directly or
with preceding u, a small number of derivatives.

a. Thus: anghri or anhri foot, a9ri edge, usri dawn, tandri or
-dri weariness, bhuri abundant, vankri rib, surf patron, -takri quick,
vadhri eunuch, qubhri beautiful, sthuri single (team); and, with uri,
jasuri exhausted, da^uri pious, bhaguri n. pr., sahuri mighty; angiiri
(or anguli) finger.

1192. "£ ru. This suffix makes a few adjectives and
neuter nouns, either directly or with a preceding vowel.

29*

1192—] XVII. PRIMARY DERIVATION. 452

a. Thus: a^ru tear, earn dear, dharu sticking, bhiru timid; —
with preceding a-vowel : araru inimical, pataru flying, vandaru praising,
pfyftru scoffing, 9araru harming,- — with preceding e, tameru relaxed,
maderii rejoicing, saneru obtaining, himeru chilly, the evidently sec-
ondary mitreru ally, and peru (of doubtful meaning).

b. The secondary suffix lu (see 1227b) is apparently added to cer-
tain nouns in a from conjugation-stems, making derivatives that hare a
primary aspect: thus, patayalu flying, sprhayalu desiring.

1198. fif vi. By this suffix are made:

a. Two or three derivatives from reduplicated roots: jagyvi awake,
dadhfvi sustaining, dldivi shining; and a very few other words; ghr§vi
lively, dhruvi firm, jirvi worn out (AV. ; elsewhere jfvri) ; -pharvl is
doubtful.

b. Here may be mentioned cikitvit (RV., once), apparently made
with a suffix vit from a reduplicated root-form.

1194. £T snu. With this suffix, with or without a union-
vowel, are made a few adjective derivatives from roots, hut
also from causative stems.

a. From simple roots : direct, ksesnu perishable, -glasnu sick, jisnu
victorious, danksnu biting, bhusnu thriving, ni-satsnu sitting down,
sthasnu fixed; with union-vowel i, karisnu, kaqisnu, ksayisnu, ga-
mif^u, grasisnu, grahienu, cari^nu, -janisnu, jayifnu, tapisnu,
-trapisnu, -patisnu, -bhavisnu, bhraji^nu, madienu, -mavisnu,
yajisnu, yacisnu, -vadisnu, vardhifnu, -sahisnu.

b. From secondary conjugation-stems: kopayifnu, ksapayisnu,
cyavayisnu, janayisnu, tapayisnu, namayisnu, patayisnu, posa-
yi^nu, parayi?nu, bodhayisnu, madayisnu, yamayisnu, ropayif nu,
-varayi^nu, -9ocayi§nu; and jagarisnu. An anomalous formation is
ulbanisnu.

c. These derivatives are freely compounded with prefixes: e. g.
nisatsnu, prajanifnu, abhi^ocayisnu, samvarayisnu.

d. It is not unlikely that the a of this suffix is originally that of a
stem, to which nu was added. Such a character is still apparent in kra-
vif nu craving raw flesh (kravis) ; and also in vadhasmi, vrdhasnu (?)r
and prathasnu (?).

1195. ^ sna. Extremely few words have this ending,
a. It is seen in tiksna sharp, and perhaps in ^lakgna, -ruksna,

•mfirtsna; and in gefna and desna (usually trisyllabic: daifna) gift.
Unless in the last, it is not found preceded by i; but it has (like snu,
above) a before it in vadhasna deadly weapon, karasna fore-arm; na-
difna skilled seems to be secondary. Feminines are mytsna loam, jyot-
sna moonlight.

453 STEMS IN ru, vi, snu, sna, tnu, sa, asi, abha, ETC . [—1201

1196. (^ tnu. This suffix is used in nearly the same way
with ^ snu (above, 1194).

a. As used with simple roots, the t is generally capable of being
considered the adscititious t after a short root-final, to which nu is then
added : thus, krtnu active, gatnu (? RV.), hatnii deadly, -tatnu (?) stretch-
ing; and, from reduplicated roots, jigatnu hasting, and jighatnu harm-
ing,- but also dartnu bursting. Also, with union- vowel, dravitnu run-
ning, dayitnu (? L£S.)-

b. With causative stems: for example, dravayitnu hasting, posay-
itnu nourishing, madayitnu intoxicating, tanayitnu and stanayitnu
thunder, sudayitnu flowing, -amayitnu sickening.

c. With preceding a, in plyatnu scoffing, mehatnu. a river, a-ru-
jatnii breaking into; and kavatnii miserly (obscure derivation).

1197. H sa. The words ending in suffixal H sa, with or
without preceding union-vowel, are a heterogeneous group, and in
considerable part of obscure derivation. Thus :

a. With sa simply : grtaa clever, jesa winning (rather, aoristic 8 P
1148J), -dyksa looking, ruksa shining, ruksa rough; utsa n. fountain;
bhlsa f. fear (or from the secondary root bhis).

b. With preceding i-vowel: tavi^a (f. tavisi) strong, mahisa (f.
mahisi) mighty, bharie a (?) seeking booty; rjisd rushing, puriea rubbish,
manisa f. devotion'; and compare rayisin (? SV.).

c. With preceding u-vowel: arusa (f. arusl) red, a^usa ravenous,
tarusa overcomer, purusa and<1n&nd$a (-UB-&?)\man; piyusa biestingt.

1198. 5rf^ asi. A few words in the oldest language are made
with a suffix having this form (perhaps produced by the addition of
i to as).

a. Thus, atasf vagabond, dharnasf firm, sanasi winning; and
dhasi m. drink, f. station, sarasf (?) pool.

1199. EfH abha. A few names of animals, for the most part
of obscure derivation, show this ending.

a. Thus, vrsabha and rsabha lull, 9arabha a certain fabulous
animal, 9erabha a certain snake, gardabha and rasabha ass,- further,
kanabha, karabha and kalabha, latabha, 9alabha; and, with other
union-vowels, tundibha, nundibha, and kukkubha. The feminine, if
occurring, is in 1; and ka^abhi is found without corresponding masculine.
AV. has the adjective sthulabha, equivalent to Bthula.

1200. A few words ending in the consonants t, d, j, etc., and
for the most part of doubtful root-connections, were given above, at
383k (3 - 5,7) ; it is unnecessary to repeat them here. Certain of those
in at are perhaps related to the participles in ant (1172).

1201. A number of other primary suffixes are either set up by

1201—] XVII. SECONDARY DERIVATION. 454

the grammarians and supported with examples of questionable value,
or are doubtfully deducible from isolated words traceable to known
roots, or from words of obscure connection.

a. A few such may be mentioned here: arnja in karanda and va-
randa and certain unquotable words (prakritized a-forms from the present
participle); era and ora in unquotable words, and elima (above, 966 d:
perhaps a further derivative with secondary ima from era); mara (ma or
man with secondary ra added) in ghasmara, srmara, etc.; — sara in
matsara, kara in puskara and other obscure words, pa in piispa,
stupa, stupa, and a number of other obscure words; and so on.

B. Secondary Derivatives.

1202. Words of secondary derivation are made by the
addition of further suffixes to stems already ending in evi-
dent suffixes.

a. But also, as pointed out above (1137b), to pronominal roots.

b. Further, in exceptional cases, to indeclinables, to case-forms, and
to phrases: e. g. antarvant, apitva, paratastva, sahatva, sarva-
trika, aikadhya, mamaka, amusmika, amusyayana, apsumant,
apsavya, kimcanya, kimkartavyata, kvacitka, naatika, akimcin-
maya.

1203. Changes of the stem. The stem to which
the suffix is added is liable to certain changes of form.

a. Before a suffix beginning with a vowel or with y (which in this
respect is treated as if it were i), final a- and i-vowels are regularly lost
altogether, while a final u-vowel has the guna-strengthening and be-
comes av; r and o and au (all of rare occurrence) are treated in accord-
ance with usual euphonic rule.

b. An u-vowel also sometimes remains unstrengthened : see 1208 e.

c. A final n is variously treated, being sometimes retained, and
sometimes lost, even along with a preceding a; and sometimes an a
is lost, while the n remains : thus, vrsanvant, vrsana, v^sa, vr^ atva,
vysnya, from v^saii. Of a stem ending in ant, the weak form, in at,
is regularly taken: thus, vaivasvata (vivasvant).

d. In general, the masculine form of a primitive stem is that from
which a further secondary derivative is made. But there are not very rare
cases in which the feminine is taken instead ; examples are satitva,
bharyatva, pranitatva, bharativant, raksavant, priyavant. On the
other hand, a final long vowel — 1, much more rarely a — generally of a
feminine stem, is sometimes shortened in derivation: thus, yajyavant,
praqakhavant, gosatama, vac,atama, sadhanitva, jaratika, anna-

455 CHANGES OF STEM. [—1204

ditama (cf. 47 1 b), rohinitva (TB.; -nitva £B.), pfthivitva, prati-
patnivat, earasvativant.

e. As was pointed out above (lllc, d), the combination of a sec-
ondary suffix with a stem is sometimes made according to the rules of
external combination. Such cases are pointed out under the suffixes lya
(1215 e\ ka (1222m), maya (1225 a), min (1231 b), vin (1232 c),
vant (12331), van (1234c), mant (1235fj, tva (1239c), taya
(1245 a\ tya (1245 c), tana (12451).

1204. The most frequent change in secondary derivation
is the vyddhi-strengthening of an initial syllable of the stem
to which a suffix is added.

a. The strengthened syllable may be of any character : radical,
of a prefix, or of the first member of a compound: thus, ftQvina
(ac, vin), saumya ( soma ), parthiva (prthivi ), amitra (amitra), sam-
rajya (samraj), saukytya (sukyta), maitravaruna (mitravaruna),
auccaihQravasa (uccaihqravas ;. As to the accompanying accent,
see the next paragraph.

b. If a stem begins with a consonant followed by y or v, the semi-
vowel is sometimes vriddhied, as if it were i or u, and the resulting Si
or au has y or v further added before the succeeding vowel.

0. This is most frequent where the y or v belongs to a prefix — as
ni, vi, BU — altered before a following initial vowel: thus, naiyayika
from nyaya (as if niyaya), vaiyaqva from vya^va (as if viyagva),
sauva^vya from sva^va (as if suvaqva); but it occurs also in other
cases, as sauvara from svara, gauva from qvan, against svayambhuva
(svayambhu), and so on. AV. has irregularly kaveraka from kiivera
(as if from kvera, without the euphonic y inserted).

d. This strengthening takes place especially, and very often, before
the suffixes a and ya; also regularly before i, ayana, eya (with Ineya),
and later lya; before the compound aka and ika, and later aki; and,
in single sporadic examples before, na, ena, ra, and tva (?): see these
various suffixes below.

e. Sometimes an unstrengthened word is prefixed to one thus strength-
ened, as if the composition were made after instead of before the strength-
ening: e. g. indradfilvatya having Indra as divinity (instead of ain-
dradevatya), caramaQairsika with head to the west, jivalaukika be-
longing to the world of the liriny, antarbhauma within the earth, soma-
raudra, gurulaghava (cf. tamasam gunalaksanam M. xii. 35).
But especially when the first word, is of numeral value: as ^at^arada
of a hundred years, panca<jaradlya, trisamvatsara, bahuvarsika,
aftavarsika, anekavarsasahaara, dasasahasra, trisahasri, tripau-
rusa, caturadhyayi or -yika of four chapters, etc. etc.

1204—] XVII. SECONDARY DERIVATION. 456

f. Mere often, both members of a compound word have the initial
strengthening: e. g. saumapfiusna, kaurupancala, caturvaidya,
aihalaukika, aikabhautika, traistubj agata, yajurvaidika. Such
cases are not rare.

g. The guna-strengthening (except of a final u- vowel: 1203 a) is
only in the rarest cases an accompaniment of secondary derivation. Excep-
tions are dvaya aud traya and nava (12001), bhefaja and deva
(1209 j), drona (1223 g), Qekhara (1226 a).

1205. Accent, a. The derivatives with initial vyddhi-strength-
ening always have their accent on either the first or the last syllable.
And usually it is laid, as between these two situations, in such a
way as to be furthest removed from the accent of the primitive; yet,
not rarely, it is merely drawn down upon the suffix from the final of
the latter ; much less often, it remains upon an initial syllable without
change. Only in the case of one or two suffixes is the distinction
between initial and final accent connected with any difference in the
meaning and use of the derivatives (see below, suffix eya: 1216).

b. No other general rules as to accent can be given. Usually
the suffix takes the tone, or else this remains where it was in the
primitive ; quite rarely, it is thrown back to the initial syllable (as in
derivation with initial vrddhij; and in a single case (ta: 1237) it is
drawn down to the syllable preceding the suffix.

1206. Meaning, a. The great mass of secondary suffixes are
adjective-making: they form from nouns adjectives indicating appur-
tenance or relation, of the most indefinite and varied character. But,
as a matter of course, this indefiniteness often undergoes speciali-
zation : so, particularly, into designation of procedure or descent, so
that distinctive patronymic and metronymic and gentile words are the
result; or, again, into the designation of possession. Moreover,
while the masculines and feminines of such adjectives are employed
as appellatives, the neuter is also widely used as an abstract, denot-
ing the quality expressed attributively by the adjective; and neuter
abstracts are with the same suffixes made from adjectives. There
are also special suffixes (very few) by which abstracts are made di-
rectly, from adjective or noun.

b. A few suffixes make no change in the part of speech of the
primitive, but either change its degree (diminution and comparison),
or make other modifications, or leave its meaning not sensibly altered.

1207. The suffixes will be taken up below in the following
order. First, the general adjective-making suffixes, beginning with
those of most frequent use (a, ya and its connections, i, ka); then,
those of specific possessive value (in, vant and mant, and their con-
nections); then, the abstract-making ones (ta and tva, and their con-
nections) ; then, the suffixes of comparison etc. ; and finally, those by
which derivatives are made only or almost only from particles.

457 STEMS IN a. [—1208

a. For convenience of reference, a list of them in their order as
treated is here added:

a

1208-9

maya

1225

tva, tvata

1239

ya

1210—13

ra, ira, etc.

1226

tvana

1240

iya

1214

la, lu

1227

tara, tama

1242

lya

1215

va, vala, vaya,

ra, ma

•

eya, eyya

1216

vya

1228

tha

»

enya

1217

9a

1229

titha

•

syya

1218

in

1230

taya

1245

ayana

1218

min

1231

tya

u

Syi

1220

via.

1232

ta

»

i, aki

1221

vant

1233

na

B

ka, aka,

ika

1222

van

1234

tana, tna

•

na, ana,

ina,

mant

1235

vat

•

ina, ena

1223

ta

1237

kata

»

ma, ima,

mna

1224

tati, tat

1238

vana, ala

p

12O8. 5f a. With this suffix are made an immensely
large class of derivatives, from nouns or from adjectives
having a noun-value. Such derivatives are primarily and
especially adjectives, denoting having a relation or connection
(of the most various kind) with that denoted by the more
primitive word. But they are also freely used substantively :
the masculine and feminine as appellatives, the neuter, es-
pecially and frequently, as abstract. Often they have a
patronymic or gentile value.

a. The regular and .greatly prevailing formation is that which
is accompanied with vrddhi- strengthening of the first syllable of
the primitive wordt simple or compound. Examples of this for-
mation are:

b. From primitives ending in consonants : with the usual shift of
accent, ayasa of metal (ayas), manasa relating to the mind (manae),
saumanasa friendliness (sumanas), brahman A priest (brahman), hai-
mavata from the Himalaya (himavant), angirasa of the Angiraa family
(angiras) ; hastina elephantine (hastm ), maruta pertaining to the Marutt
(mariit); — with accent thrown forward from the final upon the suffix,
(jarada autumnal, vairaji relating to the viraj, paufna belonging to
Pushdn; gairik^iti son of Girikshft; — with accent unchanged, manufa
descendant of Mdnus.

c. The suffix, is added (as above instanced) to the middle stem-form
of stems in vant; it is added to the weakest in maghona and vartraghna;
the ending in remains unchanged ; an usually does the same, but some-

[—1208 XVII. SECONDARY DERIVATION. 458

times loses its a, as in pausna, traivj-sni, da<;arajna; and sometimes
its n, as in brahma, auksa, barhatsama.

d. From primitives in y: jaitra victorious (jetf or jetf conqueror),
tvastra relating to Tvashtar, savitra descendant of the sun (savitf),
Siidbhetra, pftitra.

6. From primitives in u: usually with guna-strengthening of the u,
as vaaava relating to the Vdsus, artava concerning the seasons (ftu),
danava child of Danu (danu), saindhava from the Indus (sindhu);
— but sometimes without, as madhva full of sweets (madhu), pSr9va
side (par$u rib), pSidva belonging to Pedu, tanva of the body (tanti),
yadva of Yadu.

f. From primitives in i and 1, which vowels are supplanted by the
added suffix: parthiva earthly (pythivf), sarasvata of the Sarasvati,
aindragna belonging to Indra and Ayni (indragnl); pankta five- fold
(pankti), nairj-ta belonging to Nfrtti, parthurasma of Prthwacmi, pS-
^upata of Pafupati.

g. From primitives in a, which in like manner disappears: yarnund
of the Yamuna, saragha honey etc. (saragha bee), kanina natural
child (kanina girl).

h. A large number (more than all the rest together) from primitives
in a, of whirh the final is replaced by the suffix: for example, with the
usual shift of accent, amitra inindcal (amitra enemy), varuna of Vdruiia,
vaiqvadeva belonging to all the gods (vi9vadeva), nairhasta handless-
ness (nirhastal, vaiya^va desetndant of Vybcva; gardabha asinine
(gardabha , daiva divine (deva), madhyamdina meridional (madh-
yamdina), pautra grandchild (putra son), saiibhaga good fortune (BU-
bhaga), vadhrya^va of Vadhryacvas race ; with unchanged accent (com-
paratively few), vasanta vernal (vasanta spring), maitra Mitrffs,
atithigva of Atithigvas race, daivodasa Dfvodctsa's. In a few instances,
ya is replaced by the suffix: thus, saura, pau§a, yijnavalka.

i. The derivatives of this last form are sometimes regarded as made by
internal change, without added suffix. Considering, however, that other
final vowels are supplanted by this suffix, that a disappears as stem-final
also before various other suffixes of secondary derivation, and that no ex-
amples of derivation without suffix are quotable from primitives of any
other final than a, it seems far too violent to assume here a deviation from
the whole course of Indo-European word-making.

j. Adjectives of this formation make their feminines in 1 (see 332 a).

1209. The derivatives made by adding ?T a without
vyddhi-change of the initial syllable are not numerous, and
are in considerable part, doubtless, of inorganic make, results
of the transfer to an a-declension of words of other finals.

459

STEMS IN a, ya.

[—1210

a. A number of examples of stems in a made by transfer were no-
ticed above (399). The cases of such transition occur most frequently in
composition (1315): thus, further, apa- (for ap or 6p water), -yea, -nara,
etc. ; from stems in an, -aha, -vrsa, etc,, but also -ahna and -vrsna
and vfsana; from stems in i, -angula, -ratra, etc.; from the weakest
forms of anc-stems (407) ucca, nica, paraca, etc.

b. Also occurring especially in composition, yet likewise as simple
words often enough to have an independent aspect, are derivatives in a
from nouns in as (rarely is, us): thus, for example, tamasa, rajasa,
payasa, brahmavarcasa, sarvavedasa, devainasa, parusa, tryayusa,
and probably manusa.

c. Similar derivatives from adjectives in in are reckoned by the
grammarians as made with the suffix ina: thus, malina polluted, para-
mes.$h{na etc. (see 441 b).

d. A number of words formed with the so-called suffix anta are evi-
dent transfers from stems in ant. A few of them are found even from
the earliest period: thus, panta draught, (jvanta (?), vasanta spring,
hemanta winter, veganta etc. tank, jivanti a certain healing plant ; and
others occur later, as jayanta, taranta, madhumanta, etc. They are
said to be accented on the final.

e. From anc-stems (407) are made a few nouns ending in k-a:
thus, anuka, apaka, upaka, pratika, paraka, etc.

f. From stems in r, hotra, netra, nes.$ra, potra, praqastra, etc.,
from titles of priests; also dhatra, bhratra, etc.

g. Other scattering cases are: savidyuta, avyusa, virudha, ka-
kuda, kakubha, agusa, bhumya, sakhya, adhipatya, jaspatya,
arafva, pandva.

h. The Vedic gerundives in tva (tua), made by addition of a to
abstract noun-stems in tu, have been already (966 a) fully given.

i. Traya and dvaya come with guna-strengtheiiing from numeral
stems; nava new in like manner from nu now; and antara apparently
from antar.

j. Bhesaja medicine is from bhisaj healer, with guna-change ; and
probably deva heavenly, divine, god, in like manner from div sky, heaven
(there is no "root div shine" in the language).

1210. U ya. With this suffix are made a very large
class of words, both in the old language and later.

a. The derivatives in ya exhibit a great and perplexing variety of
form, connection, and application; and the relations of the suffix to others
containing a ya-element — iya, iya, eya, ayya, eyya, enya — are
also in part obscure and difficult In the great majority of instances in
the oldest language, the ya when it follows a consonant is dissyllabic in

1210— ] XVII. SECONDARY DERIVATION. 460

metrical value, or is to be read as ia. Thus, in RV., 266 -words (excluding
compounds) have ia, and only 75 have ya always; 46 are to be read now
with ia and now with ya, but many of these have ya only in isolated
cases. As might be expected, the value ia is more frequent after a heavy
syllable: thus, in RV., there are 188 examples of ia and 27 of ya after
such a syllable, and 78 of ia and 96 of ya after a light syllable (the
circumflexed ya — that is to say, ia — being, as is pointed out below,
12121, more liable to the resolution than ya or ya). It must be left for
further researches to decide whether in the ya are not included more than
one suffix, with different accent, and different quantity of the i-element;
or with an a added to a final i of the primitive. It is also matter for
question whether there is a primary as well as a secondary suffix ya; the
suffix at least comes to be used as if primary, in the formation of gerun-
dives and in that of action-nouns: but it is quite impossible to separate
the derivatives into two such classes, and it has seemed preferable there-
fore to treat them ail together here.

\/ ^hfch do *yd those which do not Bhoy ftp ace(flflnaUYiT>ff

increment of the initial syllable.

C. Adjectives in ya, of both these divisions, make their feminines
regularly in ya. But in a number of cases, a feminine in I is made,
either alone or beside one in ya: e. g. cattirmasi, agnive^i, qandili,
arl (and arya), da(vi (and daivya), saumi (and saurnya); dhirl,
(jirsani, svari, etc. _

1211. Derivatives in TJ ya with^ujtLal/ vfddhi-strength-
ening follow quite closely, in form and meaning, the analogy
of those in % a (above, 1208). They are, however, decidedly
less common than the latter (in Veda, ahout three fifths as
many) .

a. Examples are : with the usual shift of accent, dsivya divine
(deva), palitya grayness (palita), graivya cervical (grlva), artvijya
priestly office (rtvij), garhapatya householder's (gr-hapati), janarajya
kingship (janaraj), sarhgr&majitya victory in battle (samgramajit),
eauvaqvya wealth in houses (sva<jva), aiipadras^rya witness (upa-
drastf); aditya Aditya (aditi), saumya relating to s6ma, atithya hos-
pitality (atithi), prajftpatya belonging to Prajapati, vftimanaaya mind-
lessness (vimanas), sahadevya descendant of S aha deva; — with accent
thrown forward from the final upon the ending, laukya of the world (loka),
kfivya of the Kavf-race, artvya descendant of Riti't, vSyavya belonging
to the wind (vSyu), r&ivatya wealth (revant); — with unchanged ac-
cent (very few), adhipatya lordship (adhipati), 9ra{sthya excellence
(frttfha), vfif9ya belonging to the third class (vi^ people), paumsya
manliness (puma).

461 STEMS IN ya. [—1212

b. The AV. has once nairbadhya, with circumflexed final; if not
an error, it is doubtless made through nairbadha; vaisnavyau (VS. i.
12) appears to be dual fern, of vaifnavi.

1212. Derivatives in TJ ya without initial vyddhi-
strengthening are usually adjectives, much less often (neuter,
or, in UT yS, feminine) abstract nouns. They are made from
every variety of primitive, and are very numerous (in Veda,
three or four times as many as the preceding class).

a. The general mass of these words may be best divided accord-
ing to their accent, into : 1. Words retaining the accent of the prim-
itive; 2. Words with retracted accent; 3. Words with acute ya (ia);
4. Words with circumflexed ya (fa). Finally may be considered the
words, gerundives and action-nouns, which have the aspect of primary
derivatives.

1. b. Examples of derivatives in ya retaining the accent of their
primitives are : aqvya equine (a$va)t angya of the limbs ( anga i, mukh-
ya foremost (mukha moutfi), avya ovine (avi), gavya bovine (g6),
vfyya of the people (vfy), durya of the door (diir), narya manly (nf),
vffnya virile (vffan), svarajya autocracy (svaraj), euvlrya wealth in
retainers (suvira), vi9vajanya of all men, vigvadevya of all the gods
(viqvadeva), mayuraqepya peacock-tailed.

o. In the last words, and in a few others, the ya appears to be used
(like ka, 1222h: <jf. 1212m) as a suffix simply helping to make a
possessive compound: and so further suhastya (beside the equivalent
suhasta), madhuhastya, daQam&sya, migradhanya, anyodarya,
samanodarya.

2. d. Examples with retraction of the accent to the first syllable (as
in derivation with vyddhi-increment) are: kan^hya guttural (kaitfha)*
skandhya humeral (skandha), vrdtya of a ceremony (vrata), meghya
in the clouds (megha), pitrya of the Fathers (pitf ), pratijanya adverse
(pratijana). Hiranyaya of gold (hiranya), is anomalous both in draw-
ing tlie accent forward and in retaining the final a of the primitive ; and
gavyaya and avyaya (also avyaya) are to be compared with it as to
formation.

3. e. Examples with acute accent on the suffix are: divya heavenly
(div), Baty& true (Bant), vyfighrya tigrine (vyfighra), kavy& wise
(kavi), gramyd of the village (grama), somya relating to the stma,
anenasya »inlessne*8 (anenae), adaksinyd not fit for dak^ina.

4. f. Of derivatives ending in circumflexed yk (which in the Veda are
considerably more numerous than all the three preceding classes together),
examples are as follows:

»
1212 — ] XVII. SECONDARY DERIVATION. 462

g. From consonant-stems: vi9ya of the clan (RV. : vfq), hydya
of the he.irt (hfd), vidyutya of the liyhtning (vidyutl, rajanya of the
royal class (rajan), dosanya of the arm (dosan), Qireanya of the head
(qirfan), karmanya active (karman), dhanvanya of the plain (dhan-
van), namasya reverend (namas), tvacasya cuticular (tvacas), bar-
hisya of barhts, ayusya giving life (ayus), bhasadya of the buttocks
fbhasad', pracya eastern (pranc), etc. Of exceptional formation is ar-
yamya intimate (aryaman), with which doubtless belong satmya (sat-
man) and saksya i saksin).

h. From u-stems : hanavya of the jaws (hanu), vayavya belonging
to Vayfi, pa9avya relating to rattle (paqu), i^avya relating to arrows
(f?u), madhavya of the sweet (madhu), apsavya of the waters (apsu
lo .), rajjavya of rope (rajju); QaravyS f. arrow (^aru, do.); and there
may be added navya navigable (especially in fern., navya navigable stream:
nau boaf). The 11V. has pr&9avya to be partaken of (pra+)/a9), with-
out any corresponding noun pr&QU; and also urjavya rich in nourish-
ment (urj), without any intermediate urju.

i. Under this head belong, as was pointed out above (964), the so-
called gerundives in tavya, as made by the addition of ya to the infinitive
noun in tu. They are wholly wanting in the oldest language, and hardly
found in later Vedic, although still later tavya wins the value of a pri-
mary suffix, and makes numerous verbal derivatives.

•j. From i- and i-stems hardly any examples are to be quoted. VS.
has dundubhya from dundubhi.

k. From a-stems: svargya heavenly (svarga), devatya relating to
a deity (devatai, prapathya guiding (prapatha), budhnya funda-
mental (budhna), jaghanya hindmost (jaghana), varunya Varuna'a,
virya might (vira), udarya abdominal *(udara), utsya of the fountain
(utsa); and from a-stems, urvarya of cultivated land (urvara), svahya
relating to the exclamation svaha.

1. The circumflexed ya is more generally resolved (into ia) than the
other forms of the suffix: thus, in RV. it is never to be read as ya after
a heavy syllable ending with a consonant; and even after a light one it
becomes £a in more than three quarters of the examples.

m. There are a few cases in which ya appears to be used to help
make a compound with governing preposition (next chapter, 1310: of.
1212 c): thus, apikaksya about the arm-pit, upapaksya upon the sides,
udapya up-stream; and perhaps upatrnya lying in the grass (occurs only
in voc.). But, with other accent, anvantrya through the entrails, upa-
masya in each month, abhinabhya up to the clouds, antahpa^avya
between the ribt, adhigartya on the chariot sent; of unknown accent, adhi-
haatya, anuprsthya, anunasikya, anuvangya.

«. \\1 ^ 1213. The derivatives in ZT ya as to which it may be

463 STEMS IN ya. [—1213

questioned whether they are not, a least in part, primary
derivatives from the beginning, are especially the gerund-
ives, together with action-nouns coincident with these in
form ; in the later language, the gerundive- formation '(above,
963) comes to be practically a primary one.

a. In RV. occur about forty instances of gerundives in ya, of toler-
ably accordant form : the root usually unstrengthened (but cetya, bhavya,
-havya, marjya, yodhya; also -madya, -vacya, bhavya); the accent
on the radical syllable when the word is simple, or compounded with prepo-
sitions: thus, pra9asya, upasadya, vihavya (but usually on the final
after the negative prefix: thus, anapya, anapav^jya) — exceptions are
only bhavya and the doubtful akayya; the ya resolved into ia in the
very great majority of occurreno.es ; a final short vowel followed by t (in
-ftya, -kytya, -^rutya, -stutya, and the reduplicated carkftya, beside
carkyti: not in navya and -havya), and a changed to e (in -deya
only). If regarded as secondary, they might be made with ya, in accord-
ance with other formations by this suffix, in part from the root-noun, as
anukyt-ya, in part from derivatives in a, as bhavya (from bhava).

b. The AV. has a somewhat smaller number (about twenty-five) of
words of a like formation; but also a considerable group (fifteen) of deriv-
atives in ya with, the same value: thus, for example, adya eatable, kar-
ya to be c/one, aamapya to be obtained, atitarya to be overpassed,
nlvibharya to be carried in the apron, prathamavasya to be first worn.
These seem more markedly of secondary origin: and especially such forms
as parivargya to be avoided, avimokya not to be gotten rid of, where
the guttural reversion clearly indicates primitives in ga and ka (21 6 h).

c. Throughout the older language are of common occurrence neuter
abstract nouns of the. same make with the former of these classes. They
are rarely found except in composition (in AV., only citya and steya as
simple), and are often used in the dative, after the manner of a dative
infinitive. Examples are: brahmajyeya, vaaudeya, bhagadheya,
purvapeya, qataseya, abhibhuya, devahuya, mantra9rutya, kar-
makftya, vytraturya, hotrvQrya, ahihatya, sattrasadya, <jirsa-
bhidya, brahmacarya, nrijahya. Of exceptional form are rtodya (^vad)
and saha9eyya (1/91); of exceptional accent, sadhastutya. And AV.
has one example, ranya, with circumflexed final.

d. Closely akin with these, in meaning and use, is a smaller class
of feminines in ya: thus, kr^ya, vidya, itya, agnicitya, vajajitya,
muatihatya, devayajya, etc.

e. There remain, of course, a considerable number of less classifiable
words, both nouns and adjectives, of which a few from the older language
may be mentioned, without discussion of their relations : thus, surya (with

I

1213 — ] XVII. SECONDARY DERIVATION. 454

fem. surya), ajya, piisya, nabhya; yujya, gfdhya, £rya, arya and

arya, marya, madhya.

The suffixes apparently most nearly akin with ya may best be
next taken up.

1214. ^J iya. This suffix is virtually identical with
the preceding, being but another written form of the same
thing. It is used only after two consonants, where the
direct addition of TJ ya would create a combination of diffi-
cult utterance. It has the same variety of accent with ya.
Thus:

a. With accent {ya (= ia or ya) : for example, abhriya (also abh-
riya) from the clouds (abhra), ksatriya having authority (kfatra),
yajniya reverend (yajna), hotriya lilational (hotra ), amitriya inimical
(amitra).

b. With accent iya (= ia or y&) : for example, agriya (also agriya)
foremost (agra), indriya Indra's (later, sense: Indra), kfetriya of the
field (ksetra).

c. With accent on the primitive : qrotriya learned (Qrotra), ftviya
(also rtviya) in season (rtu).

1215. ^T iya. This suffix also is apparently by origin a ya
ia; of which the first element has maintained its long quantity by the
interposition of a euphonic y. It is accented always on the I.

a. In RV. occur, of general adjectives, only arjikiya and gyhame-
dhiya, and examples in the later Yedic are very few: e. g. parvatiya
mountainous (AY., beside RY. parvatyaj. In the Brahmanas are found
a number of adjectives, some of them from phrases (first worda of verses
and the like): thus, anyarastriya, pancavatlya, xn&rj&llya, kaya-
9ubhiya, svaduskiliya, apohi^^hlya, etc.

b. It was pointed out above (966) that derivative adjectives in Iya
from action-nouns in ana begin in later Yeda and in Brahmana to be
used gerundivally, and are a recognized formation as gerundives in the
classical language. But adjectives in anlya without gerundive character
are also common.

c. Derivatives in Iya with initial vyddhi are sometimes made in
the later language: e. g. p&rvfttiya, paitaputrlya, aparapaksiya,
vairaklya.

d. The pronominal possessives madly a etc. (6 16 a) do not occur either
in Veda or in Brahmana; but the ordinals dvitfya etc. (487 b, c: with
fractional tftlya and tliflya: 408 a) are found from the earliest period.

e. The possessives bhagavadiya and bhavadiya, with the final of
the primitive made sonant, have probably had their form determined by the
pronominal possessives in -diya.

465 STEMS IN iya, lya, eya, eyya, enya. [—1217

1216. T^TI eya. With this suffix, accompanied by vyddhi-
increment of an initial syllable, are made adjectives, often
having a patronymic or metronymic value. Their neuter
is sometimes used as abstract noun. The accent rests
usually on the final in adjectives of descent, and on the
first syllable in others.

a. Examples are: arseya descendant of a sage (*si), jana9ruteya
son of Janacruti, sarameya of Sardma's race, gfttavaneya fatovani's
descendant, rathajiteya son of Rathajft; asneya of the blood (aean),
vasteya of the bladder (vastf), pauruseya coming from man (purusa),
paitysvaseya of a paternal aunt (pitfsvasr), etc.

b. A more than usual propoition of derivatives in eya come from
primitives in i or i; and probably the suffix first gained its form by addition
of ya to a gunated i, though afterward used independently.

c. The gerundive etc. derivatives in ya (above, 1213) from S-roots
end in eya; and, besides such, RV. etc. have sabheya fxom sabha, and
didrk^eya worth seeing, apparently from the desiderative noun didrksa,
after their analogy. M. has once adhyeya as gerund of )/i.

d. Derivatives in the so-called suffix ineya — as bhagineya,
jyaisthineya, kanisthineya — are doubtless made upon proximate
derivatives in -ini (fern.).

e. In eyya (i. e. eyia) end, besides the neuter abstract sahaceyya
(above, 1213 c), the adjective ofgerundival meaning stu^eyya (with aor-
istic s added to the root), and 9apatheyya curse-bringing (or accursed"),
from cjapatha.

1217. ^rj enya. This suffix is doubtless secondary in
origin, made by the addition of U ya to derivatives in a na-
sufnx ; but, like others of similar origin, it is applied in some
measure independently, chiefly in the older language, where
it has nearly the value of the later anlya (above, 121 5 b),
as making gerundival adjectives.

a. The y of this suffix, is almost always to be read as vowel, and
the accent is (except in varenya) on the e: thus, -enia.

b. The gerundives have been all given above, under the different
conjugations to which they attach themselves (966 b, 101 9 b, 1038). The
RV. has also two non-gerundival adjectives, virenya manly (vira), and
kirtenya famous (klrtfj, and TS. has anabhi9astenya (abh^asti);
vijenya (RV.) is a word of doubtful connections ; 9iksenya instructive is
found in a Sutra; pravreenya of the rainy season occurs later.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. eel. 30

I

1218 -] XVII. SECONDARY DERIVATION. 466

1218. M1<LU ayya. With this suffix are made gerundival adjec-
tives, almost only in RV. They have been noticed above (9660).
The ending is everywhere to be read as ayia.

a. A few adjectives -without gerundival value, and neuter abstracts,
also occur: thus, bahupayya protecting many, nypayya men-guarding ;
kundapayya, and purumayya, proper names • purvapayya first drink,
mahayayya enjoyment; — and rasayya ncrcoua, and uttamayya summit,
contain no verbal root. Alayya is doubtful; also akayya, which its ac-
cent refers to a different formation, along with prahayya (AV. : |/hi)
messenger, and pravayya (AV.), of doubtful value.

1219. *IIUH ayana. In the Brahmanas and later, patro-
nymics made by this suffix are not rare. They come from
stems in, 5f a, and have vrddhi-strengthening of the first
syllable, and accent on the final.

a. In RV., the only example of this formation is kanvayana (voc. :
kanva); AV. has in metrical parts daksayana and tbe fern, ramftyani;
and amusyayana son of «o-and-«o (516) in its prose; $B. has raja-
stambayana beside -bSyana. The RV. name uksanyayana is of a
different make, elsewhere unknown.

1220. ?Tnfi ayi. Only a very few words are made with this
suffix, namely agnayl (agni Agni's wife, vpf akap&yi wife of Vrishs-
kapi; and later putakratayi, and manayi Manu's wife (but manavi <JB.).

a. They seem to be feminines of a derivative in a made with vyddhi-
increment of the final i of the primitive.

1221. ^ i. Derivatives made with this suffix are patro-
nymics from nouns in a. The accent rests on the initial
syllable , which has the vyddhi-strengthening.

a. In RV. are found half-a-dozen patronymics in i : for example, ag-
nive^i, paurukutsi, pratardani, samvarani; AV. has but one, pra-
hradi; in the Brahmanas t,b.ey are more common: thus, in AB., sauyavasi,
janamtapi, aruni, janaki, etc. A single word of other value — sarathi
charioteer (saratham) - — is found from RV. down.

b. The words made with the so-called suffix aki — as vaiyEsaki
descendant of Vyasa — are doubtless properly derivatives in i from others in
ka or aka. That the secondary suffix ika is probably made by addition
of ka to a derivative in i is pointed out below (1222 j).

C. RV. has tapusi, apparently from tapus with a secondary i added,
and the n. pr. (jucanti; bhuvantf is found in B., and jlvanti later.

1222. efj ka. This is doubtless originally one of the
class of suffixes forming adjectives of appurtenance. And

467 STEMS IN ayya, ayana, ayi, i, ka. [—1222

that value it still has in actual use; yet only in a small
minority of occurrences. It has been, on the one hand,
specialized into an element forming diminutives; and, on
the other hand, and much more widely, attenuated into an
element without definable value, added to a great many
nouns and adjectives to make others of the same meaning
— this last is, even in the Veda, and still more in the
later language, its chief office.

a. Hence, ka easily associates itself with the finals of deriv-
atives to which it is attached, and comes to seem along with them
an integral suffix, and is further used as such. Of this origin are
doubtless, as was seen above (1180, 1181), the so-called primary suf-
fixes uka and aka; and likewise the secondary suffix ika (below; j).

b. The accent of derivatives in ka varies — apparently without
rule, save that the words most plainly of diminutive character have
the tone usually on the suffix.

c. Examples (from the older language) of words in which the suffix,
has an adjective-making value are: antaka (anta) end-making, balhika
(balhi) of Balkh, andika (anda) egg-bearing, sucika (flucl) stinging,
urvaruka fruit of the gourd (urvarii), paryayika (pary&ya) strophic;
from numerals, ekaka, dvaka, trika, antaka; tftiyaka of the third
day; from pronoun-stems, asmaka ours, yusmaka yours, mamaka mine
(516d); from prepositions, antika near, anuka following, avaka a plant
(later adhika, utka); and, with accent retracted to the initial syllable
(besides astaka and tftiyaka, already given), rupaka (rupa) with form,
babhruka (babhru brown) a certain lizard. Bhavatka your worship's
has an anomalous initial vyddhi.

d. Of words in which a diminutive meaning is more or less probable :
aqvaka nag, kanlnaka and kumaraka boy, kaninaka or kaninika
girl, padaka little foot, putraka little son, rajaka princeling, <jakun-
taka birdling. Sometimes a contemptuous meaning is conveyed by such
a diminutive: for formations with this value from pronominal stems, see
above, 521; other examples are anyaka (RV.)> alakam (RV. : from
alamj, and even the verb-form yamaki (for yami: KB.).

e. The derivatives in ka with unchanged meaning are made from
primitives of every variety of form, simple and compound, and have the
same variety of accent as the adjective derivatives (with which they are at
bottom identical). Thus:

f. From simple nouns and adjectives: astaka home, nasika nostril,
mak^ika fly, avika ewe, isAika arrow, duraka distant, sarvaka all,
dhenuka (dhenu) cow, nagnaka (nagna) naked, baddhaka (baddha)
captive, abhinnataraka by no means different, anastamitake before sun-

30*

1222—] XVII. SECONDARY DERIVATION. 468

set, vamraka ant, arbhaka small, qiquka young, anlyaska finer,
ejatka trembling, abhimadyatka intoxicated, patayisnukd flying. Such
derivatives in the later language are innumerable 5 from almost any given
noun or adjective may be made an equivalent, ending in ka or ka (accord-
ing to the gender).

g. From compound primitives: svalpaka very small, vimanyuka
removing wrath, viksinatka destroying, pravartamanaka moving for-
ward, viksmaka destroyed.

h. In the Brahmanas and later, ka is often added to a possessive
adjective compound (1307), sometimes redundantly, but usually in order
to obtain a more manageable stem for inflection: thus, anaksika eyeless,
atvakka skinless, aretaska without seed, vyasthaka bonelext, saqiraska
along with the head, ekagayatrika containing a single gftyatri-vewe,
grhitavasativanka one who has taken yesterday's water, sapatnika with
his fpouse, bahuhastfka having many elephants, sadiksopasatka with
diksa and upasad, ahitasamitka with his fuel laid on, abhinavava-
yaska of youthful age, angusthamatraka of thumb size.

i. The vowel by which the ka is preceded has often an irregular
character; and especially, a feminine in ika is so common beside a mas-
culine in aka as to be its regular correspondent (as is the case with the
so-called primary aka: above, 1181). In RV. are found beside one an-
other only iyattaka and iyattika; but AY. has several examples.

j. Two suffixes made up of ka and a preceding vowel — namely,
aka and ika — are given by the grammarians as independent secondary
suffixes, requiring initial v^ddhi-strengthening of the primitive. Both of
them are doubtless originally made by addition of ka to a final i or a,
though coming to be used independently.

k. Of vyddhi-derivatives in aka no examples have been noted from
the older language (unless mamaka mine is to be so regarded); and they
are not common in the later: thus, ava^yaka necessary, varddhaka
old age, ramamyaka delightfulness.

1. Of vyddhi-derivatives in ika, the Veda furnishes a very few
cases : vasantika vernal, varsika of the rainy season, halmantika wintry
(none of them in RV.); AV. has kairatika of the Kiratas, apparent fern.
to a masc. kairataka, which is not found till later. Examples from a
more recent period (when they become abundant) are: vaidika relatiny to
the Vedas, dharmika religious, ahnika daily, vainayika well-behaved,
dauvarika doorkeeper, naiySyika vewd in the Nyaya.

m. Before the suffix ka, some finals show a form which is character-
istic of external rather than internal combination. A final sonant mute,
of course, becomes surd, and an aspirate loses its aspiration (11 7 a, 114):
cf. -upasatka, -samitka, above, h. So also a palatal becomes guttural
(as before t etc.: 217): e. g. -srukka, -rukka, -tvakka, anrkka.
A s remains after &, and becomes 8 after an alterant vowel (180): e. g.
sadyaska, jyotiska, dirghayuska. But the other sibilants take the form

469 STEMS IN ka, aka, ika, am, ma, na, ima. [ — 1224

they would have in composition: thus, adikka (die.), satka, -vi$ka,
-tvi$ka (fa? etc.). AnfiQlrka (TS. : ac.is) is anomalous; and so is pa-
rutka (Apast.), if it comes from parue.

1223. Several suffixes, partly of rare occurrence and questionable
character, contain a *T n as consonantal element, and may be grouped
together here.

a. A few derivatives in ana in RV. were given above (11 75 a).

b. With am (which is perhaps the corresponding feminine) are made
a small number of words, chiefly wife-names: thus, indrani, varunani
(these, with iKjinaram, purukutsani, mudgalam, urjam, are found
in RV.), rudrftnl, matulam maternal uncle's wife, Qarv&nl, bhavani,
i9&nanl, c.akrani, upadhyayam, mr>dam, brahmanl; and yavanl.

0. The feminines in m and kni from masculine stems in ta have
been already noticed above (1176d). From pati master, husband the
feminine is patnl, both as independent word, spouse, and as final of an
adjective compound: thus, devapatm having a god for husband, sm-
dhupatni having the Indus as master. And the feminine of panifa rough
is in the older language sometimes parusni.

d. With ina are made a full series of adjective derivatives from the
words with final anc (407 ff.) ; they are accented usually upon the penult,
but sometimes on the final; and the same word has sometimes both ac-
cents: for example, apacina, mcina, pracina, arvacina and arva-
clna, pratlcina and praticina, samicina. Besides these, a number of
other adjectives, earlier and later: examples are samvatsarina yearly,
pravj-sjna of the rainy season, visvajanlna of all people, jnatakulina
of known family, adhvanina traveller (adhvan way), aqvlna day's
journey on horseback (a$va /torse). RV. has once xnakina mine.

e. With ena is made samidhena (f. -ni), from samidh, with initial
strengthening.

f. As to a few words in ina, compare 1209c.

g. TT,f .a^Ariva. m^| T^h ^m«iff pS| fall partly under another head Q-& V\A"& Y^
(below, 1245f); here may be noted Qiirana heroic (?), phalguna, Qma-

^runa, dadruna, and, with vrddhi-strengthening, etraina woman's (its
correlative, paumsna, occurs late) and cyautna inciting. If drona comes
from dru wood, it has the anomaly of a guna-strengthening.

1224. Certain suffixes containing a *T m may be similarly
grouped.

a. With ima arc made a small number of adjectives from nouns in
tra: thus, khamtrima made by digging, krtrima artificial, dattrima,
paktrima, putrima; in other finals, ku^ima, ganima, talima, tulima,
pakima, udgarima, vyayogima, samvyiihima, nirvedhima, asan-
gima, all late. In agrima (RV.) foremost the ma has perhaps the ordi-
nal value.

b. The uses of simple ma in forming superlatives (474) and ordinals
(487 d, e) have been already noticed, and the words thus made specified.

1224—] . XVII. SECONDARY DERIVATION. 470

C. A few neuter abstracts end in mna: thus, dyumna brightness,
nrmna manliness; and, from particles, nimna depth and sumna welfare.
The suffix comes perhaps from man with an added a.

d. For the words showing a final min, see below, 1231.

1225. TO maya. With this suffix are formed adjectives
signifying made or composed or consisting of, also abound-
ing in, that which is denoted by the primitive.

a. The accent is always on the ma, and the feminine is regularly
and usually in mayi. In the oldest language (V.), final as remains un-
changed before the suffix: thus, manasmaya, nabhasmaya, ayasmaya ;
but d is treated as in external combination: thus, mrnmaya; and in the
Brahmanas and later, finals in general have the latter treatment: e. g. te-
jomaya, adomaya, apomaya, jyotirmaya, yajurmaya, etanmaya,
aspimaya, vanmaya, ammaya, pravrnmaya. RV. has aqmanmaya
(later aqmamaya). In hiranmaya (B. and later) the primitive (hira-
nya) is peculiarly mutilated. RV. has aumaya of good make, and kixn-
maya made of what ?

b. A very few examples of a feminine in ya occur in the later
language.

1226. ^ ra. A few derivative adjectives are made with
this suffix. Accent and treatment of the primitive are va-
rious.

a. With simple addition of ra are made, for example : pansura
dusty, -Qrlra (also -glfla) in aqrira ugly, dhuxnra dusky (dhuma smoke),
madhura (late) sweet. In an example or two, there appears to be accom-
panying initial strengthening: thus, agnidhra of the fire-kindler (agnidh),
9ankura stake-like (9anku); and in 9ekhara (also qikharaj, a guna-
strengthening.

b. With an inorganic vowel before the ending are made, for example,
xnedhira wise, rathira in a chariot; karmara smith; dantura (late)
tusked; acchera (? MS.), ^ramanera, samgamanera.

c. The use of ra in forming a few words of comparative meaning was
noticed above (474), and the words so made were given.

1227. £T la. This and the preceding suffix are really
but two forms of the same. In some words they exchange
with one another, and ^f la is usually, but not always, the
later form in use.

a. Examples are : bahula abundant, madhula (later madhura) and
madhula sweet, bhimala fearful, jlvala lively, aqina (and aqrlra)
wretched; with a, vacala talkative (late); with i, phenila foamy (late:

471 STEMS IN mna, maya, ra, la, va, ^a, in. [—1230

phena); with u, vatula and vatula windy (late: vata); and matula
maternal uncle is a somewhat irregular formation from matf mother,

b. In the later language are found a few adjectives in lu, always
preceded by a; examples are: krpalu and dayalu compassionate, irs-
yalu jealous, usnalu heated, Qayalu and svapnalu sleepy, lajjalu mod-
e»f, lalalu drooling, Qraddhalu trusting, krodhalu passionate. One or
two such derivatives having a primary aspect were noticed at 1192b.

1228. 5f va. A small number of adjectives have this
ending (accented, added to an unaltered primitive).

a. Examples are: arnava billowy, kegava hairy; rasnava girded;
anjiva slippery, ^antiva tranquillizing, 9raddhiva credible, amaniva
jewelless, rajiva striped.

b. There are a very few adjectives in vala and vaya which may be
noticed here : thus, krsivala peasant (ky§i ploughing), urnfivala wooly,
rajasvala, urjasvala, payasvala, ^advala, nadvala, gikhavala, dan-
tavala; druvaya wooden dish, caturvaya fourfold.

c. With vya are made two or three words from names of relation-
ship: thus, pftyvya paternal uncle, bhratyvya nephew, enemy.

1229. 51 9a. A very few adjectives appear to be made
by an added ending of this form.

a. Thus, r omasa or lomaQa hairy, eta$a (also eta$a) variegated,
arvacja or arvasa hasting, babhluqa or babhru^a and kapi9a brownish,
kysnacja blackish, yuva^a youthful, bali9a childish, karka^a harsh, kar-
maga (?) n. pr. ; and giri^a, vari^a (?), vykf acja are doubtless of the
same character (not containing the root 91). The character of harin^a,
kasmasa, kald9a is doubtful.

b. Many of the adjective derivatives already treated have some-
times a possessive value, the general meaning of being concerned with,
having relation to being specialized into that of being in possession of.
But there are also a few distinctively possessive suffixes; and some
of these, on account of the unlimited freedom of using them and
the frequency of their occurrence, are Very conspicuous parts of the
general system of derivation. These will be next considered.

1230. ^j in. Possessive adjectives of this ending may
be formed almost unlimitedly from stems in 9 a or 5Tr 5,
and are sometimes (but very rarely) made from stems with
other finals.

a. A final vowel disappears before the suffix. The accent is on
the suffix. As to the inflection of these adjectives, see above, 438 ff.
They are to be counted by hundreds in the older language, and are
equally or more numerous in the later.

1230—] XVII. SECONDARY DERIVATION. 472

b. Examples from a-stems are: aqvm possessing horses, dhanin
wealthy, paksin winged, balm strong, bhagm fortunate, vajrln wield-
ing the thunderbolt, 9ikhandin crested, hastin possessing hands, sodaqin
of sixteen, gardabhanadin having an ass's voice, brahmavarcasin of
eminent sanctity, sadhudevm having luck at play, kucidarthin having
errands everywhither^ — from a-stems, manisin wise, Qikhfn crested, rta-
yin pious.

c. Derivatives from other stems are very few in comparison: thus,
from i-stems, atithin (?), abhimatm, arcm, atjanin, urmin, kala-
nemin, khadm, -panin, mancin, maunjin, maulin, -yonin, venin,
samdhin, samrddhin, surabhin (of those found only at the end of a
possessive compound the character is doubtful, since case-forms of i- and
in-stems are not seldom exchanged); — from u-stems, gurvin, (jatagvm
(?), venavin (with guna of the u); — from stems in an, varmin,

\ k \ 0 karmin, carmin, -chadmin, janmin, dhanvin, -dharmin, namin,
brahmin, yaksmin, <jarmin, and 9vanin ; — In 'as, retln rich in seed,
and probably varcin n. pr. ; also (perhaps through stems in -sa) gavasm
and sahasin, manasin, -vayasin ; — isolated are parisrajin garlanded,
and hiranm (hiranya).

d. It was pointed out above (1183) that derivatives in in have assum-
ed on a large scale the aspect and value of primary derivatives, with the
significance of present participles, especially at the end of compounds. The
properly secondary character of the whole formation is shown, on the one
hand, by the frequent use in the same manner of words bearing an unmis-
takably secondary form, as praQnm, garbbin, jurnm, dhumin, sna-
nin, hornin, matsarm, paripanthin, pravepanin, samgatin; and,
on the other hand, by the occurrence of reverted palatals (216) before the
in, which could only be as in replaced a: thus, arkin, -bhangin, -Ban-
gin, -rokm.

e. In a few cases, there appears before the in a y preceded by an
a of inorganic character: thus, dhanvayin, tantrayin, ^vetayin,
srkayin, atatayfn, pratihitayin, marayin, ytayin, svadhayin (VS. :
TB. -vin). The y in all such words is evidently the inserted y after a
(258 a), and to assume for them a suffix yin is quite needless.

f. The accentuation pravrajin, prasyandin, in the concluding part
of ^B., is doubtless false; and the same is to be suspected for $akl, sari,
£ri (RV., each once).

g. A very few words in in have not suffered the possessive speciali-
zation. Such are vanfn tree, hermit, kapotin dovelike, andin scrotum-
ike (cf. 1233f).

1231. pR min. With this suffix are made an extremely
small number of possessive adjectives.

a. In the old language, the words in T*"T\ have the aspect of deriv-
atives in in from nouns in ma, although in two or three cases — ismin

473

STEMS IN in, min, vin, vant.

[-1233

and ygmin in RV., vagmrn in £B. — no such nouns are found in actual
use beside them. In the later language, rain is nsed as independent ele-
ment in a very few words : thus, gomin possessing cattle, svamin (Sutras
and later) waiter, lord (sva own), kakudmin humped.

b. The two words {groin and vagmin show not only reversion but
also sonantizing of an original palatal.

1232. ftFT vin. The Adjectives made with this suffix
are also not numerous. They have the same meanings with
those in 3fHn. The accent is on the suffix.

a. The RV. has ten adjectives in vin; they become rather more com-
mon later. Though for them may be suspected a similar origin to those in
yin and rain (above), signs of it are much less clearly traceable.

b. The great majority have vin added after as: e. g. namasvm
reverential, tapasvm heated, tejasvin brilliant, yac.asv£n beautiful, and
so retasvm, enasvin, harasvin, etc.; and qatasvin, ^rotrasvin, ru-
pasvin have an inserted s, by analogy with them. Most others have a
(sometimes, by lengthening): thus, glSvin, medhavm, mayavm, sa-
bhavin, as^ravin obedient to the goad, dvayavin double-minded, ubha-
ySvfn possessing of both kinds, dhanvavin, tandravin, amayavm,
atatavin. More rarely, vin is added after another consonant than s: thus,
v&gvfn, dhyfadvfn, atmanvfn, kumudvin, sragvin, yajvin, ajvin.
The doubtful word vya9nuvfn (VS., once: TB. vya$niya) appears to add
the ending (or in, with euphonic v) to a present tense-stem.

0. An external form of combination is seen only in vagvin and
dhrsadvin (both Vedic), with the common reversion of a palatal in sragvin.

1233. ^rj^vant. Very numerous possessive adjectives
are made hy this -suffix, from noun-stems of every form,
both in the earlier language and in the later.

a. The accent generally remains upon the primitive, without
change ; but an accent resting on a stem-final, if this be anything but
a or a, is in the majority of cases thrown forward upon the suffix.
As to inflection, formation of feminine, etc., see 452 if.

b. A final vowel — ofteuest a, very rarely u — is in many words
lengthened in the older language (247) before this ending, as in compo-
sition. Nouns in an more often retain the n.

c. Examples of the normal formation are: with unchanged accent,
keqavant hairy, putravant having a son, prajananavant procreative,
pundarlkavant rich in lotuses, hiranyavant rich in gold, apupavant
having cakes, rajanyavant allied with a kthatriya; prajavant having pro-
geny, urnavant wooly, daksinavant rich in sacrificial gifts; sakhivant
having friends, saptarsfvant accompanied by the seven sages; 9aclvant
powerful, tavifivant vehement, patnivant with spouse, dhivant devoted,

1233—] XVII. SECONDARY DERIVATION. 474

dyavapythivivant (94 b) with heaven and earth; vfanuvant accompanied
by Vishnu,- haritvant golden, avytvant hither turned, aglrvant mixed
with milk, avarvant splendid, garadvant full of years, pumavant having a
male, payaavant rich, tamasvant dark, brahmanvant accompanied with
worship, romanvant hairy (but also romavant, lomavant, vytraha-
vant, etc.), kakubhvant containing a kakubh; — ^ith accent on the
suffix, agnivant having fire, rayivant wealthy, n^vant manly, padvant
having feet, nasvant with nose, asanvant having a mouth, giraanvant
headed (also glrsavant).

d. With final stem-vowel lengthened : for example, agvavant (beside
agvavant) possessing horses, sutavant having soma expressed, vrsnyavant
of virile force (about thirty such cases occur in V.); gaktivant mighty,
avadhitlvant having axes, ghfnivant hot ; viaiivant dividing (vfau apart).

e. Certain special irregularities are as follows : an inserted a in m-
drasvant, mahiavant; inserted n in vananvant, budhanvant, va-
dhanvant, gartanvant, mansanvant ; shortening of a final of the primi-
tive in mayavant, yajyavant, puronuvakyavant, amikaavant,
sarasvativant ; abbreviation in hiranvant; inserted a in gavasavant,
sahasavant, and the odd mahimavant ; anomalous accent in krgana-
vant (if from kfgana peart); derivation from particles in antarvant
pregnant, viftivant (above, d).

f. Instead of the specialized meaning of possessing, the more general
one of tike, to, resembling is seen in a number of words, especially in the
derivatives from pronominal stems, mavant like me etc. (517: add
ivant, kivant). Other examples are fndrasvant like Indra, nidavant
nestlike, nilavant blackish, nyvant manly, pfsadvant speckled, k§ai-
tavant princely; compare the later paravant dependent. It was pointed
out above (1107) that the adverb of comparison in vat is the accusative
neuter of a derivative of this class.

g. In a few words, vant lias the aspect of forming primary deriv-
atives: thus, vivasvant (or vfvasvant) shining, also n. pr., anupa-
dasvant, arvant, pipisvant (?), yahvant.

h. For the derivatives in vat from prepositions, which appear to have
nothing to do with this suffix, see 1245J.

i. vVhile this suffix is generally added to a primitive according to the
rules of internal combination (see examples above, c), treatment also as
in external combination begins already in RV., in pfgadvant (pftfat),
and becomes more common later : thus, tapovant, tejovant, angirovant
(beside tapasvant etc.) ; vidyudvant (beside vidyutvant), byhadvant,
jagadvant, sadvant, etc. ; tris^ubvant (against kakubhvant), sam-
idvant, vimydvant ; vagvant (against ykvant) ; avaradvant ; havya-
vadvant; agirvant.

j. None of the suffixes beginning with v show in the Veda resolution
01 v to u.

475 STEMS IN vant, van, mant. [—1235

1234. eRvan. The secondary derivatives in this suffix belong
to the older language, and are a small number, of which extremely
few have more than an occurrence or two.

a. They have the aspect of "being produced under the joint influence
of primary van and secondary vant. A final short vowel is usually length-
ened before the suffix. The accent is various, but oftenest on the penult
of the stem. The feminine (like that of the derivatives in primary van :
1169f) is in varl.

b. The Vedic examples are : from a-stems, rnavan or rnavan, rta-
van (and f. -varl), rghavan, dhitavan, satyavan, sumnavari, and
maghavan; from a-stems, sunftavari, svadhavan (and f. -varl); from
i-stems, amatlvan, arativan, (jru^ivan, muslvan, and krsivan (only
in the further derivative karsivana); dhlvan; from consonant-stems,
atharvan, samadvan, sahovan (bad AV. variant to RV. sahavan);
hardvan (TA. also hardivan). Somewhat anomalous are sahavan,
fndhanvan (for Indhanavan?), and samtvan (for sanitivan ?). The
only words of more than sporadic occurrence are rtavan, maghavan,
atharvan.

c. Sahovan (see b) is the only example of external combination
with this suffix.

1235. HrT mant. This is a twin-suffix to ^T vant (above,
1233); their derivatives have the same value, and are to
some extent exchangeable with one another. But possess-
ives in JTrT mant are much less frequent (in the older lan-
guage, about a third as many), and are only very rarely
made from a-stems.

a. If the accent of the primitive word is on the final, it is in
the great majority of instances (three quarters) thrown forward upon
the added suffix ; otherwise, it maintains its place unchanged. A final
vowel before the suffix is in only a few cases made long. Exam-
ples are:

b. With the accent of the primitive unchanged : kanvamant, yava-
mant rich in barley, and vibhavamant n. pr. (these alone from a-stems,
and the first only occurring once); avimant possessing sheep, a^animant
I/earing the thunderbolt, osadhimant rich in herbs, vaqimant carrying an
axe, vasumant possessing gocd things, madhumant rich in sweets, tvas-
trmant accompanied by Tvashtar, hotrmant provided with priests, ayus-
mant long-lived, jyotif mant full of brightness ; — ulkuslmant accom-
panied with meteors, pilumant (?), prasumant having young shoots, gomant
rich in kine, ganitmant winged, vihutmant with libation, kakudmant
humped, vidyiinmant (with irregular assimilation of t: VS. has also ka-
kunmant) gleaming, virukmant shining, havismant with libations
vipru^mant with drops.

'
1235—] XVII. SECONDARY DERIVATION. 476

c. With the accent thrown forward upon the ending: asimant with
knives, agnimant having fire, isudhimant with a quiver, pa<jumant pos-
sessing cattle, vayumant with wind, pitpnant (AV. pitrmantj accom-
panied by the Fathers, matrmant having a mother; no long final vowels
are found before the suffix in this division, and only once a consonant, in
dasmat (RV., once).

d. Protraction of a final vowel is seen in tvifimant, dhrajimant,
hirimant; in jyotisimant is irregularly inserted an I (after the analogy
of tavislmant) ; in Qucismant, mahismant, an B; susumant (RV.,
once) appears to be primary.

e. The adverb a<jumat appears to be related to adverbs in vat as
the suffix mant to vant.

f. By the side of derivatives made with internal combination appears
vidyunmant even in RV. ; and other like cases occur later: thus, pari-
srunmant, kakunmant, ksunmant, puroninmant, vanmant, kakum-
mant, gudalinmant, yaQomant.

1236. It has been seen above (especially in connection with the
suffixes a and ya) that the neuter of a derivative adjective is fre-
quently used as an abstract noun. There are, however, two suffixes
which have in the later language the specific office of making abstract
nouns from adjectives and nouns; and these are found also, more
sparingly used, in the oldest language, each having there one or two
other evidently related suffixes beside it.

a. For derivatives of the same value made with the suffix iman, see
above, 11681— k.

1237. rH ta. With this suffix are made feminine abs-
tract nouns, denoting the quality of being so and so, from
both adjectives and nouns.

a. The form of the primitive is unchanged, and the accent is
uniformly on the syllable preceding the suffix.

b. Examples (from the older language) are : devata divinity, vlrata
manliness, purusata human nature, agmta firehood, apaQuta cattle-less-
ness, bandhuta relationship, vasuta wealth; nagnata nakedness, suvl-
rata wealth in retainers, anapatyata lack of descendants, agota poverty
in cattle, abrahmata lack of devotion, aprajasta absence of progeny ; also
doubtless sunfta (from sunara), although the word is a few times used
as an adjective (like ^aihtati and satyatati: see next paragraph).

c. Of special formation are mamata selfishness, treta triplicity, astita
actuality. RV. l\as avirata, with exceptional accent. In ekapatuita is
seen a shortened final vowel of the primitive. Janata has acquired a con-
crete meaning, people, folk; also gramata (once) villages collectively.

1238. fTT% tati, rTTr^tat. These suffixes are Vedic only, and
the latter is limited to RV. Their relationship to the preceding is

477 STEMS IN mant, tft, tati, tat, tva, tvana. [—1240

evident, but opinions are at variance as to its nature. The accent is
as in the derivatives with ta.

a. The quotable examples in tati are: aristatati uninjurediKss,
ayaksmatati freedom from disease, grbhitatati the being seized, jyes-
thatati supremacy, devatati divinity, vasutati wealth, qamtati good-
fortune, sarvatati completeness; and, with exceptional accent, astatati
home, and daksatati cleverness; civatati and Qubhatati occur (once
each) in the later language. Two words in tati are used adjectively (in-
organically, by apposition?): (j&mtati (RV., twice; and AV. xix. 44. 1,
in manuscripts), and satyatati (RV., once: voc.).

b. The words in tat (apparently made by abbreviation from tati)
occur in only one or two cases-forms ; they were all mentioned above (383k. 2).

1239. (3* tva. With this suffix are made neuter nouns,
of the same value as the feminines in rTT ta (above, 1237).

a. The neuter abstracts in tva are in the older language con-
siderably more common than the feminines in ta, although them-
selves also not very numerous. The accent is without exception on
the suffix.

b. Examples (from the older language) are : amrtatva immortality,
devatvd divinity, subhagatva good-fortune, ahamuttaratva struggle for
precedency, qucitvd purity, patitva husbandship, taranitva energy, dir-
ghayutva long life, qatrutva enmity, bhratftva, brotherhood, vysatva
virility, satmatva scul fulness, maghavattva liberality, raksastva sorcery.
In anagastva and -prajastva there is a lengthening of the final syl-
lable of the primitive; and in sauprajastva (AV., once) this appears to
be accompanied by initial vrddhi (saubhagatva is doubtless from saii-
bhaga, not subhaga) ; and in these and pratyanastva there is an appa-
rent insertion of s. In sadhanitva (RV.), vasativaritvfc (TS.), rohi-
nitva (TB.), there is shortening of final feminine I before the suffix. Of
peculiar formation are astitva actuality and sahatva union. The apparent
feminine datives yuthatvayai and ganatvayai (KS.) are doubtless false
forms.

c. Besides the usual guttural reversions in samyaktva, sayuktva,
we have external combination in samittva (-idh-) and purvava^tva
(-vah-).

d. In isitatvata (RV., once) incitedness, and purusatvata (RV.,
twice) human quality, appears to be a combination of the two equivalent
suffixes tva and ta.

e. The v of tva is to be read in Veda as u only once (raks astua).

1240. (^T tvana. The derivatives made with this suffix are,
like those in tva, neuter abstracts. They occur almost only in RV.,
and, except in a single instance (martyatvan&), have beside them
equivalent derivatives in tva. The accent is on the final, and the
tva is never resolved into tua.

1240—] XVII. SECONDARY DERIVATION. 473

a. The words are: kavitvana, janitvana, patitvana (also JB.),
martyatvana, mahitvana, vasutvana, vrsatvana, sakhitvana.

1241. A few suffixes make no change in the character as part
of speech of the primitive to which they are added, but either are
merely formal appendages, leaving the value of the word what it was
before, or make a change of degree, or introduce some other modi-
fication of meaning.

1242. The suffixes of comparison and ordinal suffixes
have for the most part been treated already, and need only
a reference here.

a. cP[ tara and rFF tama are the usual secondary suffixes of
adjective comparison: respecting their use as such, see above, 471
— 473 ; respecting the use of tama as ordinal etc. suffix, see 487 — 8 ;
respecting that of their accusatives as adverbial suffixes to preposi-
tions etc., see 1111 e.

b. In vrtratara and purutama (RV.) the, accent is anomalous;
iu mrdayattama, it is drawn forward to the final of the participle, as
often in composition (1309); 9a(}vattama (RV.) has the ordinal accent;
samvatsaratama (£B.) is an ordinal; dfvatara (RV., once: an error?)
is an ordinary adjective, of the day; surabhistama and tuvis^ama insert
a s; karotara and kaulitara are probably vrddhi-derivatives in a. In
vatsatara (f. -ri) weanling, agvatara mule, and dhentistari cow losing
her milk, the application of the suffix is peculiar and obscure; so also in
rathamtara, name of a certain sdman.

c. ^ ra and 1J ma, like tara and tama, have a comparative and
superlative value ; and the latter of them forms ordinals : see above,
474, 487.

d. % tha, like tama and ma, forms ordinals from a few nume-
rals: see 487 c; also (with fern, in -thi; from tati, kati, yati, iti:
thus, tatitha so-many-eth etc.

e. Apparently by false analogy with tatitha etc. (above, d), the
quasi-ordinals tavatitha, yavatitha, bahutitha are made, as if with a
suffix titha (also katititha, late, for katitha) ; and, it is said, from other
words meaning a number or collection, as 'gana, puga, samgha ; but none
such are quotable.

1243. Of diminutive suffixes there are none in Sanskrit with
clearly developed meaning and use. The occasional employment of
ka, in a somewhat indistinct way, to make diminutives, has been
noticed above (1222).

1244. Of the ordinary adjective-making suffixes, given above,
some occasionally make adjectives from adjectives, with slight or
imperceptible modification of value. The only one used to any con-
siderable extent in this way is ka: as to which, see 1222.

479 STRMS JN tara, tama, tha, taya, ta, na, tana ETC. [ — 1245

1245. A few suffixes are used to make derivatives from certain
limited and special classes of words, as numerals and particles. Thus :

a. rHT taya makes a few adjectives, meaning of so many divi-
sions or kinds (used in the neuter as collectives), from numerals:
thus, ekataya (MS.), dvitaya, tritaya, catu^aya (AV.), sa^taya (KB.:
with external combination), Baptataya (£B.), astataya (AB.), da<jataya
(KV.), bahutaya (TS.). Their fern, is in -yl.

b. rU tya makes a class of adjectives from particles: e. g. nitya
own, nistya foreign, amatya companion, etc. As the examples show,
the accent of the primitive is retained. The fern, is in -tya.

c. The other quotable examples are apatya, avi§tya, sanutya,
antastya, anyatastya-, tatastya, kutastya, atratya, tatratya, ya-
tratya, kutratya, ihatya, upatya, adhitya, pratastya, dakainatya
(instead of which, the regular form, is generally found daksinatya, appa-
rently a further vrddhi-derivative from it: as if belonging to the southern-
ers^ and paQcattya and p aura sty a (of a similar character: these three
last are said by the grammarians to be accented on the final, as is proper
for vyddhi-derivatives) ; aptya and aptya perhaps contain the same suffix.
In antastya and pratastya is seen external combination.

d. The y of tya is in IIV. always to be read as i after a heavy
syllable.

e. cf ta forms ekata, dvita, and trita, also muhurta moment,
and apparently avata well (for water).

f. With ?T na are made pur&na ancient, visuna various, and
perhaps samana like,

g. With FR tana or (in a few cases) ^ tna are made adjectives
from adverbs, nearly always of time: e. g. pratna ancient, ntitana
or nutna present, sanatana or sanatna lasting, divatana of the day,
Qvastana of tomorrov, hyastana of yesterday. The accent is various.
The feminine is in ni.

h. The other quotable examples are: agretana, adyatana, adhu-
natana, idamtana, idaniratana, etarhitana, ciramtana, tadanim-
tana, dosatana, puratana, praktana, prfttastana, sadatana, sa-
yamtana; from adverbs of place, adhastana, arvaktana, uparitana,
kutastana ; — with tna, parastattna, purastattna. A further vrddhi-
derivative, with equivalent meaning, nautana (cf. above, c), occurs late.
In PB. is once found tvattana belonging to thee.

i. Besides the obvious cases of an assimilated final m before this
suffix, we have external combination in pratastana.

j. cf^vat makes from particles of direction the feminine nouns
mentioned above (383k. 1).

k. cfi£ ka$a, properly a noun in composition, is reckoned by the

1245—] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 430

grammarians as a suffix, in utka^a, nikata, praka^a, vika^a (RV.,
once, voc.), and Baibka^a (all said to be accented on the final).

1. A suffix vana is perhaps to be seen in nivana, pravana; -
and ala in antarala.

m. Occasional derivatives made with the ordinary suffixes of
primary and secondary derivation from numerals and particles have
been noted above: thus, see ana (1160n), ti (1157h^, ant(1172a),
u (11781), a (1209 i, ka (1222 c), mna (1224 c), maya (1225a),vant
(1233 e.

CHAPTER XVIII.

FORMATION OF COMPOUND STEMS.

1246. THE frequent combination of declinable stems
with one another to form compounds which then are treated
as if simple, in respect to accent, inflection, and construc-
tion, is a conspicuous feature of the language, from its
earliest period.

a. There is, however, a marked difference between the earlier
and the later language as regards the length and intricacy of the
combinations allowed. In Veda and Brahmana, it is quite rare that
more than two stems are compounded together — except that to some
much used and familiar compound, as to an integral word, a further
element is sometimes added. But the later the period, and, especially,
the more elaborate the style, the more a cumbrous and difficult aggre-
gate of elements, abnegating the advantages of an inflective language,
takes the place of the due syntactical union of formed words into
sentences.

1247. Sanskrit compounds fall into three principal
classes :

I. a. Copulative or aggregative compounds, of which
the members are syntactically coordinate : a joining together
into one of words which in an uncompounded condition
would be -connected by the conjunction and (rarely or).

481 CLASSES OP COMPOUNDSI [—1247

b. Examples are: indravartmau Indra and Varuna, satyanrte
truth and falsehood, krtakrtam done and undone, devagandharvama-
nusoragaraksasas gods and Oandharvas and men and serpents and demons.

c. The members of such a compound may obviously be of any num-
ber, two or more than two. No compound of any other class can contain
more than two members — of which, however, either or both may be com-
pound, or decompound (below, 1248).

II. d. Determinative compounds, of which the
former member is syntactically dependent on the latter, as
its determining or qualifying adjunct: being either, 1. a
noun (or pronoun) limiting it in a case-relation, or, 2. an
adjective or adverb describing it. And, according as it is
the one or the other, are to be distinguished the two sub-
classes: A. Dependent compounds; and B. Descriptive
compounds. Their difference is not an absolute one.

e. Examples are: of ^dependent compounds, amitrasena army of
enemies, padodaka water for the feet, ayurda life-giving, haetakr-ta
made with the hands; of feescnptrvefom pounds, maharei great sage, priya-
sakhi dear friend, amftra enemy, sukrta well done.

f. These two classes are of primary value ; they have undergone
no unifying modification in the process of composition; their charac-
ter as parts of speech & determined by their final member, and they
are capable of being resolved into equivalent phrases by giving the
proper independent form and formal means of connection to each
member. That is not the case with the remaining class, which accor-
dingly is more fundamentally distinct from them than they are from
one another.

HI. g. Secondary adjective compounds, the value
of which is not given by a simple resolution into their
component parts, but which, though having as final member
a noun, are themselves adjectives. These, again, are of two
sub-classes: A. Possessive compounds, which are noun- f-^jk-
compounds of the preceding class, with the idea of possess-
ing added, turning them from nouns into adjectives ;
B. Compounds in which the second member is a noun syn-
tactically dependent on the first: namely, 1. Prepositional
compounds, of a governing preposition and following noun ;

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 31

1S47-] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 482

2. Participial compounds (only Vedic), of a present par-
ticiple and its following object.

h. The sub-class B. is comparatively small, and its second division
(participial compounds) is hardly met with even in the later Vedic.

i. Examples are: virasena possessing a hero-army, prajikama
having desire of progeny, tigma9j*nga sharphorned, haritasraj wearing
green garlands; atim&tra excessive; y&vayaddve$as driving away
enemies.

j. The adjective compounds are, like simple adjectives, liable to be
used, especially in the neuter, as abstract and collective nouns, and in the
accusative as adverbs; and out of these uses have grown apparent special
classes of compounds, reckoned and named as such by the Hindu gram-
marians. The relation of the classification given above to that presented in
the native grammar, and widely adopted from the latter by the European
grammars, will be made clear as we go on to treat the classes in detail.

1248. A compound may, like a simple word, become a
member in another compound, and this in yet another —
and so on, without definite limit. The analysis of any
compound, of whatever length (unless it be a copulative),
must be made by a succession of bisections.

a. Thus, the dependent compound purvajanmakj-ta done in a pre-
vious existence is first divisible into krta and the descriptive purvajanman,
then this into its elements ; the dependent aakalaniti^&atratattvajila
knowing the essence of all books of behavior has first the root-stem jna (for
l/jfifi) knowing separated from the rest, which is again dependent; then
this is divided into tattva essence and the remainder, which is descriptive ;
this, again, divides into sakala all and nitiqaatra books of behavior, of
which the latter is a dependent compound and the former a possessive (sa
and kalft having its parts together").

1249. a. The final of a stem is combined with the initial
of another stem in composition according to the general
rules for external combination : they have been given, with
their exceptions, in chap. III., above.

b. If a stem has a distinction of strong and weak forms,
ft regularly enters into composition as prior member in its
weak form; or, if it has a triple distinction (311), in its
middle form.

483

FORM OF PRIOR MEMBER OF COMPOUND.

[—1250

c. That is, especially, stems in p or ar, at or ant, ac or anc, etc.,
show in composition the forms in y, at, ac, etc.; while those in an
and in usually (exceptions sometimes occur, as vpsana^va, vF?an-
vasii) lose their final n, and are combined as if a and i were their
proper finals.

d. As in secondary derivation (1203d), so also as prior member of
a compound, a stem sometimes shortens its final long vowel (usually I, rare-
ly a): thus, in V., rodasfpra, pfthivi^na, ppthivisad, dharaputa,
dharavaka; in B., ppthivi-da, -bhaga, -loka, sarasvatikfta, sena-
nigramanyau; in S., garbhiniprayaqcitta, samidhenipraisa, vas-
atlvaripariharana, ekada9inilinga, prapharvida, devatalak§ana,
devatapradhanatva ; later, devakinandana, lak^mivardhana, ku-
maridatta, muhurtaja, i§$akacita, etc.

e. Occasionally, a stem is used as prior member of a compound which
does not appear, or not in that form, as an independent -word: examples
are maha great (apparently used independently in V. in accusative), tuvi
mighty (V.), dvi two.

f. Not infrequently, the final member of a compound assumes a spe-
cial form: see below, 1315.

1250. But a case-form in the prior member of a compound is by
no means rare, from the earliest period of the language. Thus :

a. Quite often, an accusative, especially before a root-stem, or a deriv-
ative in a of equivalent meaning: for example, patamga going by flight,
dhanamjaya winning wealth, abhayamkara causing absence of danger,
pu^imbhara bringing prosperity, vacaminkhaya inciting the voice; but
also sometimes before words of other form, as aqvamif^i horte-desiring,
<jubhamyavan going in splendor, subhgganikarana making happy,
bhayamkartr causer of fear. lu a few cases, by analogy with these, a
word receives an accusative form to which it has no right: thus, hrdamsani,
maksumgama, vasumdhara, atmambhari.

b. Much more rarely, an instrumental : for example, giravf dh increas-
ing by praise, vacastena stealing by incantation, kratvamagha gladly
bestowing, bhasaketu bright with light, vidmanapaa active with wisdom.

C. In a very few instances, a dative : thus, nare$£ha serving a man,
asmehiti errand to us, and perhaps kiyedha and mahevfdh.

d. Not seldom, a locative; and this also especially with a root-stem
or a-derivative : for example, agrega going at the head, divikeft dwelling
in the sky, vanef ah prevailing in the wood, anges^ha existing in the limbs,
pro§the9aya lying on a couch, sutekara active with the soma, divi-
cara moving in the sky; arec,atru having enemies far removed, sumna-
api near in favor, maderaghu hasting in excitement, yudhif$hira firm
in battle, antevasin dwelling near; apsuja born in the waters, hftsvas
hurling at hearts.

e. Least often, a genitive : thus, rayaskama desirous of wealth,

31*

1250—] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 484

akasyavid knowing no one. But the older language has a few examples
of the putting together of a genitive with its governing noun, each mem-
ber of the combination keeping its own accent: see below, 1267 d.

f. Ablative forms are to be seen in balatkara violence and balat-
krta, and perhaps in paratpriya. And a stem in y sometimes appears in a
copulative compound in its nominative form : thus, pitaputrau father and
son, hotapotarau the invoker and purifier. Anyonya one another is a
fused phrase, of nominative and oblique case.

g. In a very few words, plural meaning is signified by plural form :
thus, apfluj" etc. (in derivation, also, apsu is used as a stem), hrtsvas,
nrnhpranetra conducting men, rujaskara causing pains, (and dual)
hanukampa trembling of the two jaws.

h. Much more often, of words having gender-forms, the feminine is
used in composition, when the distinctive feminine sense is to be conveyed :
e. g. gopmatha master of the shepherdesses, daslputra son of a female
slave, mrgidf9 gateUe-eyed, pramtapranayana vessel for consecrated water.

1261. The accent of compounds is very various, and liable to
considerable irregularity even within the limits of the same formation;
and it must be left to be pointed out in detail below. All possible
varieties are found to occur. Thus:

a. Each member of the compound retains its own separate accent.
This is the most anomalous and infrequent method. It appears in certain
Vedic copulative compounds chiefly composed of the names of divinities
(so-called devata-dvandvas : 1265ff.), and in a small number of aggre-
gations partly containing a genitive case-form as prior member (1267 d).

b. The accent of the compound is that of its prior member. This is
especially the case in the great class of possessive compounds ; but also in
determinatives having the participle in ta or na as final member, in those
beginning with the negative a or an, and in other less numerous and im-
portant classes.

C. The accent of the compound is that of the final member. This is
not on so large a scale the case as the preceding; but it is nevertheless
quite common, being found in many compounds having a verbal noun or
adjective as final member, in compounds beginning with the numerals dvi
and tri or the prefixes su and due, and elsewhere in not infrequent ex-
ceptions.

d. The compound takes an accent of its own, independent of that of
either of its constituents, on its final syllable (not always, of course, to be
distinguished from the preceding case). This method is largely followed :
especially, by the regular copulatives, and by the great mass of dependent
and descriptive noun-compounds, by most possessives beginning with the
negative prefix; and by others.

e. The compound has an accent which is altered from that of one of
its members. This is everywhere an exceptional and sporadically occurring

485 COPULATIVE CNMPOUNDS. [—1253

case, and the instances of it, noted below under each formation, do not
require to be assembled here. Examples are: medhasati (medha), ti-
lamisra (tila), khadihasta (khadf), yavay&ddvesas (yavaya&t);
tjakadhuma (dhuma), amrta (mrta), suvira (vira), tuvigriva
(griva). A few words — as vfyva, purva, and sometimes sarva —
take usually a changed accent as prior members of compounds.

I. Copulative Compounds.

1252. Two or more nouns — much less often adject-
ives, and, in an instance or two, adverbs — having a coord-
inate construction, as if connected by a conjunction, usually
and, are sometimes combined into compounds.

a. This is the class to which the Hindu grammarians give the
name of dvandva pair, couple ; a dvandva of adjectives, however, is
not recognized by them.

b. Compounds in which the relation of the two members is alter-
native instead of copulative, though only exceptional, are not very rare:
examples are nyunadhika defective or redundant, jayaparajaya victory
or defeat, kritotpanna purchased or on hand, kas^halos^asama like a
log or clod, paksimygata the condition of being bird or beast, trii^ad-
vinga numbering twenty or thirty, catuspancakrtvas four or five times,
dvyekantara different by one or two. A less marked modification of the
copulative idea is seen in such instances as priyasatya agreeable though
true, prarthitadurlabha sought after but hard to obtain; or in 9ranta-
gata arrived weary.

1253. The noun-copulatives fall, as regards their in-
flective form, into two classes:

1. a. The compound has the gender and declension of
its final member, and is in number a dual or a plural,

Xs- //

according to its logical value, as denoting two or more
than two individual things.

b. Examples are : praijSpanau inspiration and expiration, vrlhi-
yavau rice and barley, yksame verse and chant, kapotolukau dove
and owl, candradityau moon and sun, hastyacjvau the elephant and
horse, ajavayas goats and sheep, devasuras the gods and demons,
atharvangirasas the Atfiarvans and Angirases, sambadhatandryas
anxieties and fatigues, vidyakarman! knowledge and action, hastyac/vas
elephants and horses ; of more than two members (no examples quotable
from the older language), qayyasanabhogas lying, sitting, and eating,
brahmanaksatriyavi^udraa a Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaicyo, and £udra,

1253—] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 486

rogacjokaparitapabandhanavyasanSni disease, pain, grief, captivity,
and misfortune.

2. c. The compound, without regard to the number de-
noted, or to the gender of its constituents, becomes a neuter
singular collective.

d. Examples are: is^apurtam what is offered and bestowed, aho-
ratram a day and night, krtakrtam the done and undone, bhutabhav-
yam past and future, ke<ja9ma<}ru. hair and beard, osadhivanaspati
plants and trees, candratarakam moon and stars, ahinakulam snake
and ichneumon, c^irogrlvam head and neck, yukamaksikamatkunam
lice, Jlies, and bugs.

1254. a. That a stem in £ as prior member sometimes takes its
nominative form, in a, was noticed above, 1250f.

b. A stem as final member is sometimes changed to an a-form to
make a neater collective: thus, chattropanaham an umbrella and a shoe.

C. The grammarians give rules as to the order of the elements com-
posing a copulative compound: thus, that a more important, a briefer, a
vowel-initial member should stand first; and that one ending in a should
be placed last. Violations of them all, however, are not infrequent.

1255. In the oldest language (BV.), copulative compounds such
as appear later are quite rare, the class being chiefly represented
by dual combinations of the names of divinities and other personages,
and of personified natural objects.

a. In these combinations, each name has regularly and usually
the dual form, and its own accent; but, in the very rare instances
(only three occurrences out of more than three hundred) in which
other cases than the nom.-acc.-voc. are formed, the final member
only is inflected.

b. Examples are : indrasoma, fndravisnu, mdrabfhaspati, agnl-
somSu, turva^ayadu, dyavaprthivi, usasanakta (and, with inter-
vening words, nakta... uaasa), suryamasS. The only plural is indra-
xnarutas (voc.). The cases of other than nominative form are mitra-
varunabbyaxn and mitravarunayos (also mitrayor varunayoh), and
indravarunayos (each once only).

c. From dyavapythivi is made the very peculiar genitive divaspr-
thivyos (4 times : AV. has dyavaprthivlbhyam and dyavapfthivyos).

d. In one compound, parjanyavata, the first member (RV., once)
does not have the dual ending along with the double accent (indrana-
satya, voc., is doubtful as to accent). In several, the double accent is
wanting, while yet the double designation of number is present: thus,
indrapusnos (beside mdrapusana), somapusabhyam (somapuaana
occurs only as voc.), vataparjanya, suryacandramasa, and indragni
(with indragnfbhyam and indragnyos): somarudrSu is accented only

487 COPULATIVE COMPOUNDS. [—1257

in ^B. And in one, indravayu, form and accent are both accordant with
the usages of the later language.

e. Of other copulatives, like those made later, the RV. has the plural
ajavayaa, the duals rksame, satyanrte, saqananaqane ; also the neu-
ter collective is^apurtam, and the substantively used neuter of a copu-
lative adjective, nilalohitam. Further, the neuter plurals ahoratrani
nycthemtra, and uktharka praises and songs, of which the final members
as independent words are not neuter. No one of these words has more than
a single occurrence.

1256. In the later Vedic (AV.)> the usage is much more nearly
accordant with that of the classical language, save that the class of
neuter singular collectives is almost wanting.

a. The words with double dual form are only a small minority (a
quarter, instead of three quarters, as in RV.); and half of them have only
a single accent, on the final: thus, besides those in RV., bhavarudrau,
bhavac,arvau; agnavienu, voc., is of anomalous form. The whole num-
ber of copulatives is more than double that in RV.

b. The only proper neuter collectives, composed of two nouns, are
kec.aQinac.ru hair and heard, anjanabhyanjanam salve and ointment, and
kac,ipupabarhanam mat and pillow, unified because of the virtual unity
of the two objects specified. Neuter singulars, used in a similar collective
way, of adjective compounds, are (besides those in RV.) : kptakr-tam what
is done and undone (instead of what is done and what is undone], citta-
kutam thought and desire, bhadrapapam good and evil, bhutabhavyam
past and future.

1257. Copulative compounds composed of adjectives
which retain their adjective character are made in the same
manner, but are in comparison rare.

a. Examples are . quklakysna light and dark, sthalajaudaka ter-
restrial and aquatic, dantarajatasauvarna of ivory and silver and gold,
used distributively ; and vr^ttapina round and plump, qantanukula
tranquil and propitious, hrsitasragrajohlna wearing fresh garlands and
free from dust, nisekadi9inac,ananta beginning with conception and
ending with burial, used cumulatively; nS 'ticltofna not over cold or
hot, used alternatively; ksanadrstanas^a seen for a moment and then
lost, cintitopasthita at hand as soon as thought of, in more preg-
nant sense.

b. In the Veda, the only examples noted are the cumulative mla-
lohita and is^apurta etc., used in the neut. sing, as collectives (as point-
ed out above), with tamradhumra dark tawny; and the distributive
daksinasavya riyht and left, saptaiaaB^ama seventh and eighth, and
bhadrapapa good and bad (beside the corresponding neut. collective).
Such combinations as satyanrte truth and falsehood, priyftpriyani things

1257—] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 488

agreeable and disagreeable, where each component is used substantively, are,
of course, not to be separated from the ordinary noun-compounds.

c. A special case is that of the compound adjectives of direction: as
uttarapurva north-east, pragdaksina south-cast, dak§inapa<jcima south-
west, etc.: compare 1291b.

1258. In accentuated texts, the copulative compounds have uni-
formly the accent (acute) on the final of the stem.

a. Exceptions are a case or two in AY., -where doubtless the reading
is false: thus, vataparjanya (once: beside -nyayos), devamanuigyas
(once: QB. -sya), brahmarajanyabhyam (also VS.); further, vako-
pavakya (QB.), a9anayapipase (£8.).

1259. An example or two are met with of adverbial copulatives:
thus, ahardivi day by day, sayampratar at evening and in the morning.
They have the accent of their prior member. Later occur also bahyantar,
pratyagdaksina, pratyagudak.

1260. Repeated words. In all ages of the language, nouns
and pronouns and adjectives and particles are not infrequently repeat-
ed, to give an intensive, or a distributive, or a repetitional meaning.

a* Though these are not properly copulative compounds, there is no
better connection in which to notice them than here. They are, as the
older language shows, a sort of compound, of which the prior member has
its own independent accent, and the other is without accent: hence they
are most suitably and properly written (as in the Vedic pada-texts) as
compounds. Thus : jahy esarn varam-varam slay of them each beat man ;
dive-dive or dyavi-dyavi from day to day; angad-angal lomno-lom-
nah parvani-parvani from every limb, from every hair, in each joint;
pra-pra yajnapatim tira make the master of the sacrifice live on and on;
bhtiyo-bhuyah 9vah-9vah further and further, tomorrow and again to-
morrow; ekayai-'kaya with in each case one; vayam-vayam our very
selves.

b. Exceptional and rare cases are those of a personal verb-form re-
peated: thus, piba-piba (BV.), yajasva-yajaava ($8.), veda-veda
(? SB.); —and of two words repeated: thus, yavad va-yavad va (£B.),
yatame va-yatame va ($B.).

c. In a few instances, a word is found used twice in succession with-
out that loss of accent the second time which makes the repetition a vir-
tual composite: thus, ntl nu (RV.), sam sam (AV.), ihe Ti4 (AV.),
anaya- 'nayft (^B.), stulif stuhf (RV., ace. to pada-text).

d. The class of combinations here described is called by the native
grammarians amredita added unto (?).

1261. Finally may be noticed in passing the compound numerals,
ekadaqa 11, dvaviA^ati 22, trfyata 103, catuhsahaara 1004, and
so on (476 ff.), ,as a special and primitive class of copulatives. They are
accented on the prior member.

489 DETERMINATIVE COMPOUNDS. [_i264

II. Determinative Compounds.

1262. A noun or adjective is often combined into a
compound with a preceding determining or qualifying word
— a noun, or adjective, or adverb. Such a compound is
conveniently called determinative.

1263. This is the class of compounds which is of most
general and frequent occurrence in all branches of Indo-
European language. Its two principal divisions have been
already pointed out: thus, A. Dependent compounds, in
which the prior member is a substantive word (noun or pro-
noun or substantively used adjective), standing to the other
member in the relation of a case dependent on it; and
B. Descriptive compounds, in which the prior member is
an adjective, or other word having the value of an adject-
ive, qualifying a noun; or else an adverb or its equivalent,
qualifying an adjective. Each of these divisions then falls
into two sub-divisions, according as the final member, and
therefore the whole compound, is a noun or an adjective.

a. The whole class of determinatives is called by the Hindu
grammarians tatpurusa (the term is a specimen of the class, mean-
ing his man); and the second division, the descriptives, has the
special name of karmadharaya (of obscure application: the literal
sense is something like office-bearing}. After their example, the two
divisions are in European usage widely known by these two names
respectively.

A. Dependent Compounds.

1264. Dependent Noun-compounds. In this di-
vision, the case-relation of the prior member to the other
may be of any kind ; but, in accordance with the usual re-
lations of one noun to another, it is oftenest genitive, and
least often accusative.

a. Examples are: of genitive relation, devasena army of gods,
yamaduta Yamas messenger, jlvaloka the icorld of the living, indra-

1264—] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 490

dhanus Indra's bow, brahmagavi the Brahman's cow, visagirf poiscn-
mount, mitralabha acquisition of friends, murkha<jatani hundreds of
fools, virasenasuta Virasena's son, rajendra chief cf kings, asmat-
putraa our sons, tadvacas his words; — of dative, padodaka water for
the feet, maaanicaya accumulation for a month; — of instrumental, at-
masad^ya likeness with self, dhanyartha wealth acquired by grain,
dharmapatm lawful spouse, pity bandhu paternal relation ; — of ablative,
apaarahsambhava descent from a nymph, madviyoga separation from
me, caurabhaya fear of " thief; — of locative, jalakrida sport in the
water, gramavaaa abode in the village, puruaanrta untruth about a man;
— of accusative, nagaragamana going to the city.

1265. D e p en de nt Ajj ec t i v e- c om p o u nds. In
this division, only a very small proportion of the compounds
have an ordinary adjective as final member; but usually a
participle, or a derivative of agency with the value of a
participle. The prior member stands in any case-relation
which is possible in the independent construction of such
words.

a.. Examples are: of locative relation, sthalipakva cooked in a pot,
ac.vakovida knowing in hortes, vayahsama alike in age, yudhiathira
steadfast in battle, tami<jubhra beautiful in body; — of instrumental,
matraadr^a like his mother; — of dative, gohita good for cattle; — of
ablative, bhavadanya other than you, garbhaatama eighth from birth,
dr9yetara other than vuible (i. e. invisible) ; -— of genitive, bharata^re^ha
best of the Bharatas, dvijottama foremost of Brahmans : — with particip-
ial words, in accusative relation, vedavid Veda-knowing, annada food-
eating, tanupana body-protecting, aatyavadin truth- speaking, pattragata
committed to paper (lit. gone to a leaf); — in instrumental, madhupu
cleanning with honey, svayamkrta self-made, (ndragupta protected by
Indra, vidyahina deserted by (i. e. destitute of) knowledge; — in loca-
tive, hrdayavidh pierced in the heart, ptvij sacrificing in due season,
divicara mot?m^ in the »ky; — in ablative, rajyabhraata fallen from
the kingdom, vrkabhita afraid of a wolf; — in dative, 9aranagata come
for refuge.

1266. We take up now some of the principal groups of com-
pounds falling under these two heads, in order to notice their speci-
alities of formation and use, their relative frequency, their accentuation,
and so on.

1267. Compounds having as final member ordinary nouns (such,
namely, as do not distinctly exhibit the character of verbal nouns,
of action or agency) are quite common. They are regularly and usu-
ally accented on the final syllable, without reference to the accent of
either constituent. Examples were given above (1264 a).

491 DEPENDENT COMPOUNDS. [—1270

a. A principal exception with regard to accent is pati master, lord
(and its feminine patni), compounds with which usually retain the accent
of the prior member: thus, prajapati, vasupati, atithipati, gopati,
grhapatnl, etc. etc. (compare the verbal nouns in ti, below, 1274). But
in a few words pati retains its own accent: thus, viqpati, rayipati,
pa<jupati, vasupatnl, etc.; and the more general rule is followed in
apsar&pati and vrajapati (AV.), and nadlpatf (VS.), citpatf (MS.;
elsewhere citpati).

b. Other exceptions are sporadic only: for example, janarajan, deva-
varman, hiranyatejas, prtanahava, godhuma and ^akadhdma (but
dhuma); vacastena.

c. Tlie appearance of a case-form in such compounds is rare: examples
are divodasa, vacastena, uccaihQravas, uccafrghoea, durebhas
(the three last in possessive application).

d. A number of compounds are accented on both members: thus,
(jacipati, sadaspati, bfhaspati, vanaspati, rathaspati, jaspati (also
jaspati), naraqansa, tanunaptr, tanunapat (tanu as independent word),
qunahcepa. And £B. has a long list of metronymics having the anoma-
lous accentuation kautsiputra, garglpiitra, etc.

1268. The compounds having an ordinary adjective as final mem-
ber are (as already noticed) comparatively few.

a. So far as can be gathered from the scanty examples occurring in
the older language, they retain the accent of the prior member: thus,
gavisthira (AY. gavisthira), tanu^ubhra, maderaghu, yajfiadhira,
samavipra, tilami^ra (but tila); but kr-stapacya ripening in culti-
vated soil.

1269. The adjective dependent compounds having as final mem-
ber the bare root — or, if it end in a short vowel, generally with
an added t — are very numerous in all periods of the language, as
has been already repeatedly noticed (thus, 383f— h, 1147). They are
accented on the root.

a. In a very few instances, the accent of words having apparently or
conjecturally this origin is otherwise laid : thus, anaatra, anarvi9, svavrj,
pratyaksadnj, puramdhi, ogadhi, aramis, uc;adagh, vatsapa, abda.

b. Bofore a nnal root-stem appears not very seldom a case-foiin: for
example, patamga, giravrdh, dhiyajiir, aksnayadruh, hrdispfv,
divisp^, vanesah, divisad, anges^ha, hr-tsvas, prtsutiir, apeuja.

C. The root-stem has sometimes a middle or passive value: for ex-
ample, manoyuj yoked (yoking themselves) by the will, hrdayavidh
pitrced to the heart, manuja born of A/anu.

1270. Compounds made with verbal derivatives in a, both of
action and of agency, are numerous, and take the accent usually on
their final syllable (as in the case of compounds with verbal prefixes :
1148m).

1270—] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 492

a. Examples are: hastagrabha hand-grasping, devavanda god-
praising, havirada devouring the offering, bhuvanacyava shaking the
world, vratyabruva calling one's self a vratya ; aksaparajaya failure
at play, vasatkara utterance of vasha^, goposa prosperity in cattle,
angajvara pain in the limbs.

b. In a few instances, the accent is (as in compounds with ordinary
adjectives: above, 1268) that of the prior member: thus, marudvrdha,
sutekara, divfcara (and other more questionable words). And dugha
milking, yielding is so accented as final : thus, madhudugha, kamadugha.

c. Case-forms are especially frequent in the prior members of compounds
with adjective derivatives in a showing guna-strengtheuing of the root:
thus, fox example, abhayamkara, yudhimgama, dhanamjaya, puraih-
dara, vigvambhara, divakara, talpegaya, divi£$ambha.

1271. Compounds with verbal nouns and adjectives in ana are
verv numerous, and have the accent always on the radical syllable
(as in the case of compounds with verbal prefixes: 1150e).

a. Examples are: kegavardhana hair-increasing, ayuspratarana
life-lengthening, tanupana body-protecting ; devahedana hatred of the gods,
pumsuvana giving birth to males.

b. A very few apparent exceptions as regards accent are really cases
where the derivative has lost its verbal character: thus, yamasadana Yama's
realm, achadvidhana means of protection.

c. An accusative-form is sometimes found before a derivative in ana:
thus, sarupaihkarana, ayaksmaihkarana, subhagarhkarana, vanain-
karana.

1272. a. The action- nouns in ya (1213j are not infrequent in
composition as final member, and retain their own proper accent (as
in combination with prefixes). Sufficient examples were given above
(1213).

b. The same is true of the equivalent feminines in ya: see above,
1213d.

c. The gerundives in ya (1213) hardly occur in the older language
in combination with other elements than prefixes. The two nivibharya
and prathamavasya (the latter a descriptive) have the accent of the
independent words of the same form ; balavijnaya and a<j vabudhya (?)
are inconsistent with these and with one another.

1273. Compounds made with the passive participle in ta or na
have the accent of their prior member (as do the combinations of the
same words with prefixes: 1085 a).

a. Examples are: hastakrta made with the hand, virajata born of a
hero, ghosabuddha awakened by noise, prajapatisrsta created by Prajapati,
devatta given by the gods; and, of participles combined with prefixes,
indrapraauta incited by Indra, bfhaspatipranutta driven away by
Brihaspati, ulkabhihata struck by a thunderbolt, vajravihata, samvat-

493 DEPENDENT COMPOUNDS. [—1276

sarasammita commensurate with the year. AV. has the anomalous apsii-
samQita quickened by the waters.

b. A number of exceptions occur, in which the final syllable of the
compound has the accent: for example, agnitapta, indrota, pitrvitta,
rathakrita, agnidagdha (beside agnfdagdha), kaviqasta (beside kavf-
(jasta), kaviprasastd.

c. One or two special usages may be noticed. The participle gata,
gone to, as final of a compound, is used in a loose way in the later lan-
guage to express relation of various kinds: thus, jagatigata existing in the
world, tvadgata belonging to thee, sakhigata relating to a friend, citra-
gata in a picture, putragatam sneham affection toward a son, etc. The
participle bhuta been, become is used in composition with a noun as hardly
more than a grammatical device to give it an adjective form: thus, idarh.
tamobhutam this creation, being darkness (existing in the condition of
darkness}; tarn ratnabhutam lokasya her, being the pearl of the world;
ksetrabhuta smrta nan bijabhutah smrtah puman a woman is
regarded as a field; a man, as seed; and so on.

d. The other participles only seldom occur as finals of compounds :
thus, prasakarmukabibhrat bearing javelin and bow, aqastravidvans
not knowing the text-books, arjunadarsivans having seen Arjuna, apriya-
gansivans announcing what is disagreeable, gautamabruvana calling
himself Gautama.

1274. Compounds with derivatives in ti have (like combinations
with the prefixes: 1157e) the accent of the prior member.

a. Examples are : dhanasati winning of wealth, somapiti soma-
drinktng, devahuti invocation of the gods, namaiikti utterance of homage,
havyadati presentation of offerings; and so tokasati, devahiti, rudr&huti,
suktokti, svagakrti, divis^i.

b. In nem&dhiti, xnedhasati, van&dhiti (all RV.), the accent of
the prior member is changed from penult to final.

c. Where the verbal character of the derivative is lost, the general
rule of final accent (1267) is followed: thus, devaheti weapon of the gods,
devasumati favor of the gods, brahmaciti Brahman-pile. Also in sar-
vajyanf entire ruin, the accent is that of compounds with ordinary nouns.

1275. Compounds with a derivative in in as final member have
(as in all other cases) the accent on the fn,

a. Thus, ukthaqansfn psalm-singing, vratacarfn vow-performing,
rsabhadayin bullock-giving, satyavadin truth-speaking, qronipratodfn
thigh-pounfling.

1276. There is a group of compounds with derivatives in i,
having the accent on the penult or radical syllable.

a. Thus, pathiraksi road-protecting, havirmathi sacrifice-disturbing,
atmadusi scul-harming. pathisadi sitting in the path, sahobhari strength-

1276—] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 494

bearing, vasuvani winning good-thing*, dhanasani gaining wealth, mano-
mugi mind-stealing, phalagrahi setting fruit; and, from reduplicated root,
urucakri making room. Compounds with -sani and -vani are especially
frequent in Veda and Brahmana; as independent words, nouns, these are
accented eani and vani. In many cases, the words are not found in
independent use. Combinations with prefixes do not occur in sufficient
numbers to establish a distinct rule, but they appear to be oftenest accented
on the suffix (1165f).

b. From /han are made in composition -ghni and -ghni, with
accent on the ending: thus, sahasraghni, ahighni, 9vaghni; -dhi from
ydha, (1155g) has the accent in its numerous compounds: thus, isudhf,
garbhadhi, pucchadhi.

1277. Compounds with derivatives in van have (like combina-
tions with prefixes: 1169c) the accent of the final member: namely,
on the radical syllable.

a. Thus, somapavan so-ma-drinking, baladavan strength-giving,
papakftvan evil-doing, bahusuvan much-yielding, talpa9ivan lying on
a couch, rathayavan going in a chariot, drusadvan sitting on a tree,
agretvan f. going at the head. The accent of the obscure words mata-
riqvan and mataribhvan is anomalous.

b. The few compounds with final man appear to follow the same rule
as those with van: thus, svaduksadman sharing out sweets, &c,uheman
steed-impelling.

1278. Compounds with other derivatives, of rare or sporadic occurrence,
may be briefly noticed: thus, in u, ras^radipsu, devapiyu, govindu,
vanargu (?): compare 1178e; — in nu or tnu, lokakrtnu, suru-
pakrtmi : compare 1 196; — in tr, nrpatr, mandhatf, haskartf (vasu-
dhataras, AV., is doubtless a false reading). The derivatives in as are
of infrequent occurrence in composition (as in combination with prefixes :
above, 1151k), and appear to be treated as ordinary nouns: thus, yajna-
vacas (but hiranyatej as, AY.).

B. Descriptive Compounds.

1279. In this division of the class of determinatives,
the prior member stands to the other in no distinct case-
relation, but qualifies it adjectively or adverbially, accord-
ing as it (the final' member) is noun or adjective.

a. Examples are ; mlotpala blue lotus, sarvaguna all good quality,
priyasakha dear friend, xnaharsi great -sage, rajatapatra silver cup;
ajnata unknown, sukrta well done, duskft ill-doing, purus^uta much
praised, punarnava renewed.

b. The prior member is not always an adjective before a noun, or

495

DESCRIPTIVE COMPOUNDS.

[—1280

an adverb before an adjective; other parts of speech are sometimes used
adjectively and adverbially in that position.

c. The boundary between descriptive and dependent compounds is not
an absolute one; in certain cases it is open to question, for instance, whether
a prior noun, or adjective with noun-value, is used more in a case-relation,
or adverbially.

d. Moreover, where the final member is a derivative having both noun
and adjective value, it is not seldom doubtful whether an adjective com-
pound is to be regarded as descriptive, made with final adjective, or pos-
sessive, made with final noun. Sometimes the accent of the word determines
its character in this respect, but not always.

e. A satisfactorily simple and perspicuous classification of the descrip-
tive compounds is not practicable ; we cannot hold apart throughout the com-
pounds of noun and of adjective value, but may better group both together,
as they appear with prefixed elements of various kinds.

1280. The simplest case is that in which a noun as
final member is preceded by a qualifying adjective as prior
member.

a. In this combination, both noun and adjective may be of any
kind, verbal or otherwise. The accent is (as in the corresponding
class of dependent noun-compounds: 1267] on the final syllable.

b. Thus, ajnatayakfma unknown disease, mahadhana great wealth,
ksiprasyena swift hawk, kppiaQakunf black bird, daksinagnf southern
fire, uruksiti wide abode, adharahanu lower jaw, itarajana other folks,
sarvatman whole soul, ekavira sole hero, sap tar 91 seven sages, trtiya-
savana third libation, ekonavmqati a score diminished by one, jagrat-
svapna waking sleep, yavayatsakha defending friend, apak«jiyamana-
pak?a waning half.

C. There are not a few exceptions as regards accent. Especially, com-
pounds with vfyva (in composition, accented vtyva), which itself retains
the accent : thus, viQvadevas all the gods, viQvamanusa every man. For
words in ti, see below, 1287d. Sporadic cases are madhyamdina,
vrijfakapi, both of which show an irregular shift of tone in the prior
member; and a few others.

d. Instead pf an adjAfttiva, ftp prior member is in a few cases
a noun used appositionally, or with a quasi-adjective value. Thus,
rajayaksma king-disease, brahmargi priest-sage, rajarfi king-sage,
rajadanta king-tooth, devajana god-folk, duhitfjana daughter-person,
qamllata creeper named cami, nm^ikakhya the name "mouse", jaya-
$abda the word "conquer", ujhita^abda the word "deserted" ; or, more
figuratively, gr/hanaraka house-hell (house which is a hell , qapagni
curse-fire (consuming curse).

e. This group is of consequence, inasmuch as in possessive application

1280-] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 496

it is greatly extended, and forms a numerous class of appositional com-
pounds: see below, 1302.

f. This whole subdivision, of nouns with preceding qualifying adjec-
tives, is not uncommon; but it is greatly (in AV., for example, more than
five times) exceeded in frequency by the sub-class of possessives of the
same form : see below, 1298.

1281. The adverbial words which are most freely and
commonly used as prior members of compounds, qualifying
the final member, are the verbal prefixes and the words of
direction related with them, and the inseparable prefixes,
a or an, su, dus, etc. (1121). These are combined not
only with adjectives, but also, in quasi-adjectival value,
with nouns; and the two classes of combinations will best
be treated together.

1282. Verbal adjectives and nouns with preceding
adverbs. As the largest and most important class under this head
might properly enough be regarded the derivatives with preceding
verbal prefixes. These, however, have been here reckoned rather
as derivatives from roots combined with prefixes (1141), and have
been treated under the head of derivation, in the preceding chapter.
In taking up the others, we will begin with the participles.

1283. The participles belonging to the tense-systems — those
in ant (or at), mana, ana, vans — are only rarely compounded with
any other adverbial element than the negative a or an, which then
takes the accent.

a. Examples are : anadant, adadat, anaQnant, asravant, alubh-
yant, adasyant, aditsant, adevayant; amanyamana, ahinsana,
achidyamana; adadivans, abibhlvans, atasthana; and, with verbal
prefixes, anapasphurant, anagamisyant, anabhyagamisyant, avi-
radhayant, avicacalat, apratimanyuyamana.

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are very few : arundhati, ajaranti,
acodant (RV., once: doubtless a false reading; the simple participle is
codant); AV. has anipadyamana for RV. anipadyamana (and the
published text has asamyant, with a part of the manuscripts); £B. has
akamayamana.

c. Of other compounds than with the negative prefix have been noted
in the Veda -punardiyamana (in apunard-) and suvidvans. In alala-
bhavant and janjanabhavant (RV.), as in astamyant and astamesyant
(AV.), we have participles of a compound conjugation (1091), in which,
as has been pointed out, the accent is as in combinations with the verbal
prefixes.

497

DESCRIPTIVE COMPOUNDS.

[—1285

1284. The passive (or past) participle in ta or na is much more
variously compounded ; and in general (as in the case of the verbal
prefixes: 1085 a) the preceding adverbial element has the accent.

a. Thus, with the negative a or an (by far the most common case) :
akrta, adabdha, arista, anadhrsta, aparajita, asarhkhyata, ana-
bhyarudha, aparimitasamrddha ; — with su, sujata, suhuta, susam-
Qita, svaramkrta; — with dus, du^carita, durdhita and diirhita,
duh^rta; -- with other adverbial words, dansujuta, navajata, sana-
<jruta, svayaihkyta, tripratisthita : aramkrta and kakaj akrta are
rather participles of a compound conjugation.

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are : with a or an, anagasta, apra-
c,asta, and, with the accent of the participle retracted to the root, amrta,
adrsta, acitta, ayuta myriad, aturta (beside aturta), asurta (? beside
surta); — with su (nearly half as numerous as the regular cases), subhuta,
sukta, supra<jasta, svakta, sukrta and sujata (beside sukrta and
sujata), and a few others; with dus (quite as numerous as the regular
cases), durita (also durita), durukta, duskrta (also duskrta), dur-
bhuta; with sa, sajata; with other adverbs, amotd, aristuta, tuvijata,
pracinopavita, tadammdugdha, pratardugdha, etc., and the com-
pounds with puru, purujata, puruprajata, purupra^asta, purustut&,
etc., and with svayam, svayamkrta etc. The proper name asadha
stands beside asadha; and AY. has abhinna for UV. abhinna.

1285. The gerundives occur almost only in combination with
the negative prefix, and have usually the accent on the final syllable.

a. Examples are : anapya, anindya, abudhya, asahya, ayodhya,
amokya; advisenya; ahnavayya; and, along with verbal prefixes, the
cases are asamk'hyeya, apramrsya, anapavyjya, anatyudya, ana-
dhrsya, avimokya, ananukrtya (the accent of the simple word being
sarhkhyeya etc.).

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are: anedya, adabhya, agohya,
ajosya, ayabhya. The two anavadharsya and anativyadhya (both AV.)
belong to the ya-division (1213b) of gerundives, and have retained the
accent of the simple word. And aglinya and aghnya occur together.

c. The only compounds of these words with other adverbial elements
in V. are siiyabhya (accented like its twin ayabhya) and prathamavasya
(which retains the final circumflex), and perhaps ekavadya.

d. The neuter nouns of the same form (1213 c: except sadhastutya)
retain their own accent after an adverbial prior member : thus, purvapayya,
purvapeya, amutrabhuya ; and sahageyya. And the negatived gerundives
instanced above are capable of being viewed as possessive compounds with
such nouns.

e. Some of the other verbal derivatives which have rules of
their own as to accent etc. may be next noticed.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 32

1286—] XVIIL COMPOSITION. 498

1286. The root-stem (pure root, or with t added after a short
final vowel : 1147d) is very often combined with a preceding adverbial
word, of various kinds ; and in the combination it retains the accent.

a. Examples are : with Inseparable prefixes, adruh not harming, asu
not giving birth, aruc not shining ; sukft well-doing, BU^rut hearing well ;
duskft ill-doing, dudaq (199 d) impious; sayuj joining together , samad
conflict; sahaja boin together, sahavah carrying together; — with other
adverbs, amajur growing old at home, uparispipc, touching upward,
punarbhii appearing again, prataryuj harnessed early, sadyahkri bought
the same day, sakamvfdh growing up together, sadamdi ever-binding,
viguvft turning to both sides, vj-thasah easily overcoming; — with ad-
jectives used adverbially, uruvyac wide-spreading, prathamaja first-born,
raghusyad swift-moving, navasu newly giving birth, ekaja only born,
9ukrapi<j brightly adorned, dvija twice born, trivft triple, svaraj self-
ruling; — with nouns used adverbially, qambhu beneficent, Buryaqvit
shining like the sun, isanakrt acting as lord, svayambhu self-existent;
and, with accusative case-form, patamga yoing by flight.

b. When, however, a root-stem is already in composition, whether
wtih a verbal prefix or an element of other character, the further added
negative itself takes the accent (as in case of an ordinary adjective : below,
1288 a): thus, for example, anaksit not abiding, anavft not turning back,
avidvis not showing hostility, aduskrt not ill-doing, ana<jvada not giving
a horse, apa^uhan not slaying cattle (anagas would be an exception, if
it contained |/ga: which is very unlikely). Similar combinations with su
seem to retain the radical accent: thus, supratur, avabhu, svayioj :
Bvavfj is an unsupported exception.

C. A few other exceptions occur, mostly of doubtful character, as
pratipr&Q, sadhastha, adhrigu, and the words having anc as final
member (407 ff . : if this element is not, after all, a suffix) : compare 1269 a.

1287. Other verbal derivatives, requiring to be treated apart
from the general body of adjectives, are few and of minor impor-
tance. Thus :

a. The derivatives in a are in great part of doubtful character, became
of the possibility of their being used with substantive value to make a pos-
sessive compound. The least ambiguous, probably, are the derivatives from
present-stems (1 148 j), which have the accent on the suffix : thus, asunva,
apa$ya, aksudhya, avidasya, anamrna, sadaprna, punarmanya;
and with them belong such cases as atfpa, avf dha, aramgama, urukrama,
evavada, satrasaha, punahsara, purahsara; and the nouns eayam-
bhava, sahacara, prfitahsava, mithoyodha. Differently accented, on
the other hand, although apparently of the same formation, are such as
anapasphura, anavahvara (compare the compounds noticed at 1286b),
sadav^dha, subharva, nyagrodha, puroga^a, sadhamada, sudugha,
supaoa, suhava, and others. Words like adabha, durhana, eukara,
suyama, are probably possessives.

499 DESCRIPTIVE COMPOUNDS. [—1888

b. The derivatives in van keep in general the accent of the final
member, on the root (compare 1160C, 1277): thus, a<jupatvan and
raghupatvan swift- flying, puroyavan going in front, sukftvan well-
doing ; and Butarman and suvahman and raghuyaman are probably to
be classed with them. But the negative prefix, has the accent even before
these: thus, ayajvan, aravan, aprayutvan; and satyamadvan (if it
be not possessive) has the accent of its prior member.

c. A few words in i seem to have (as in dependent compounds : 1276)
the accent on the radical syllable: thus, durgfbhi, rjuvani, tuvifvani.

d. The derivatives in ti are variously treated : the negative prefix has
always the accent before them: as, acitti, abhuti, anahuti; with au and
dus, the compound is accented now on the prefix and now on the final, and
in some words on either (auniti and aunitf , duB^uti and duB^utf) ; with
other elements, the accent of the prefix prevails : thus, flahuti, sadhastuti,
purohiti, purvapiti, purvyaatuti.

e. The derivatives in in have, as in general, the accent on the suffix :
thus, purvasfn, bahucarin, sadhudevin, savasin, kevaladfn. But,
with the negative prefix, anamin, avitarin.

f. Other combinations are too various in treatment, or are represented
by too few examples in accentuated texts, to justify the setting up of rules
respecting them.

1288. Of the remaining combinations, those made with the insep-
arable prefixes form in some measure a class by themselves.

1. a. The negative prefix a or an, when it directly negatives
the word to which it is added, has a very decided tendency to take
the accent.

b. We have seen above (1283) that it does so even in the case of
present and perfect and future participles, although these in combination
with a verbal prefix retain their own accent (1085: but there are exceptions,
as avadant, apaqyant, etc. £B.); and also in the case of a root-stem, if
this be already compounded with another element (1286 b). And the same
is true of its other combinations.

c. Thus, with various adjective words : atandra, adabhra, adacuri,
anrju, adevayu, atrsnaj, atavyans, anamin, advayavin, apracetaa,
anapatyavant, anupadasvant, apramayuka, amamri, aprajajni,
avididhayu, anagnidagdha, akamakarQana, apaqcfiddaghvan. Fur-
ther, with nouns, apati, akumara, abrahmana, avidya, a^raddha,
avratya.

d. But there are a number of exceptions, in which the accent is on
the final syllable, without regard to the original accentuation of the final
member: thus, for example, acitra, a^rlra, avipra, ayajniya, ana-
emaka, asthurf, ana<ju, ajarayii, anamayitnu ; and in amitra enemy,
and avira unmanly, there is a retraction of the accent from the final syllable
of the final member to its penult.

32*

1288—] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 590

2. e. The prefixes BU and dus have this tendency in a much
less degree, and their compounds are very variously accented, now
on the prefix, now on the final syllable, now on the accented syllable
of the final member; and occasionally on either of two syllables.

f. Thus, for example, subhadra, suvipra, supakva, subrahmana,
subhisaj; sutirtha, suvasana, susarathi, supa9a, sucitra; su9eva,
Buhotr : suvira is like avira; — durmitra, dusvapnya ; and ducchuna
(168b), with irregular retraction of accent (<juna).

3. g. The compounds with sa are too few to furnish occasion for
separate mention ; and those with the interrogative prefix in its various
forms are also extremely rare in the Veda: examples are kucara, kat-
paya, kabandha, kunannama, kumara, kuyava, kusava,

1289. The verbal prefixes are sometimes used in a general ad-
verbial way, qualifying a following adjective or noun.

a. Examples of such combinations are not numerous in the Veda.
Their accentuation is various, though the tone rests oftenest on the pre-
position. Thus, adhipati over-lord, aparupa mis-form, pratisatru oppos-
ing foe, prapada fore part of foot, pranapat great-grandchild, vipakva
quite done, sampriya mutually dear ; upajihvika side tongue (with retraction
of the accent of jihva) ; antardega intermediate direction, pradiv forward
heaven, prapitamaha (also prapitamaha) great-grandfather, pratijana
opponent, vyadhva midway. These compounds are more frequent with
possessive value (below, 1305).

b. This use of the verbal prefixes is more common later, and some of
them have a regular value in such compounds. Thus, ati denotes excess,
as in atidura very far, atibhaya exceeding fear, atipuruaa (£B.) chief
man; adhi, superiority, as in adhidanta upper-tooth, adhistri chief woman;
abhi is intensive, as in abhinamra much incliving, abhinava span-new,
abhirucira delightful; a signifies somewhat, as in akutila somewhat crooked,
anila bluish ; upa denotes something accessory or secondary, as in upa-
purana additional Purana; pari, excess, as in paridurbala very weak;
prati, opposition, as in pratipakaa opposing side, pratipustaka copy;
vi, variation or excess, as in vidtira very far, vipandu greyish, viksudra
respectively small; sam, completeness, as in sampakva quite ripe.

1290. Other compounds with adverbial prior members are quite irreg-
ularly accented.

Thus, the compounds with puru, on the final (compare the participles
with puru, 1284b): as, purudasma, purupriya, puru<jcandra ; those
with punar, on the prior member, as punarnava, punarmagha, punar-
yuvan, punarvasu (but punahsara etc.) 5 those with satas, satlnd,
satya, the same, as satomahant, satinamanyu, satyamugra; a few
combinations of nouns in tr and ana with adverbs akin with the prefixes,
on the final syllable, as puraetf, purahsthatr, upariqayana, pratahsa-
vana ; and miscellaneous cases are mithoavadyapa, hari^candra, alpa-
9ayu, sadhvaryd, yacchrestha and yavacchrestha, jyogamayavin.

501

SECONDARY ADJECTIVE COMPOUNDS.

[—1293

1291. One or two exceptional cases may be noted, as follows:

a. An adjective is sometimes preceded hy a noun standing toward it
in a quasi-adverbial relation expressive jof comparison or likeness : e. g.
9ukababhru (VS.) parrot-brown, urnamydu (TB.) soft as wool, prana-
priya dear as life, ku$e9ayarajomfdu soft as lotus-pollen, bakalina
hidden like a heron, mattamatangagamin moving like a maddened elephant.

b. An adjective is now and then qualified by another adjective: e. g.
krsnaita dark-gray, dhumrarohita grayish red: and compare the adjec-
tives of intermediate direction, 1257c.

C. The adjective purva is in the later language frequently used as
final member of a compound in which its logical value is that of an adverb
qualifying the other member (which is said to retain its own accent). Thus,
dyftapurva previously seen, parinltapurva already married, aparijna-
tapurva not before known, somapitapurva having formerly drunk soma,
stripurva formerly a woman,

III. Secondary Adjective Compounds.

1292. a. A compound having a noun as its final mem-
ber very often wins secondarily the value of an adjective,
being inflected in the three genders to agree with the noun
which it qualifies, and used in all the constructions of an
adjective.

b. This class of compounds, as was pointed out above
(1247. III.), falls into the two divisions of A. Possessives,
having their adjective character given them by addition of
the idea of possessing; and B, those in which the final
member is syntactically dependent on or governed by the
prior member.

A. Possessive Compounds.

1293. The possessives are noun-compounds of the pre-
ceding class, determinatives, of all its various subdivisions,
to which is given an adjective inflection, and which take
on an adjective meaning of a kind which is most conve-
niently and accurately defined by adding having or pos-
sessing to the meaning of the determinative. •

a. Thus: the dependent suryatejas suns brightness becomes the

U V * \

1298—] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 5Q2

possessive suryatejas possessing the brightness of the sun ; yajnakfima
desire of sacrifice becomes yajnakama having desire of sacrifice; the
descriptive bfhadratha great chariot becomes the possessive bj-had-
ratha having great chariots ; ahasta not hand becomes ahasta handless ;
durgandhi ill savor becomes durgandhi of ill savor; and so on.

b. A copulative compound is not convertible into an adjective directly,
any more than is a simple noun, but requires, like the latter, a possessive
suffix or other means : e. g. vagghastavant, dosagunin, rajastamaska,
a<jirogriva, anrgyajus. A very small number of exceptions, however,
are found : thus, somendra (TS.), stomaprstha (VS. TS.), hastyrfjabha
(£B.), dasiniska (ChU.), and, later, cakramusala, sadananda, saccid-
ananda, sankhyayoga (as n. pr.j, balabala, bhutabhautika.

c. The name given by the native grammarians to the possessive com-
pounds is bahuvrihi: the word is an example of the class, meaning pos-
sessing much rice.

d. The name "relative", instead of possessive, sometimes applied to
this class, is an utter misnomer ; since, though the meaning of such a com-
pound (as of any attributive word) is easily cast into a relative form, its
essential character lies in the possessive verb which has nevertheless to be
added, or in the possessive case of the relative which must be used: thus,
mahakavi and ayurda, descriptive and dependent, are "relative" also,
who is a great poet, and that is life-giving, but byhadratha, possessive,
means who has a great chariot, or whose is a great chariot.

1294. a. That a noun, simple or compound, should be added to an-
other noun, in an appositive way, with a value virtually attributive, and that
•uch nouns should occasionally gain by frequent association and application
an adjective form also, is natural enough, and occurs in many languages;
the peculiarity of the Sanskrit formation lies in two things. First, that
such use should have become a perfectly regular and indefinitely extensible
one in the case of compounded words, so that any compound with noun-
final may be turned without alteration into an adjective, while to a simple
noun must be added an adjective-making suffix in order to adapt it to
adjective use: for example, that while hasta must become hastin and
bahu must become bahumant, hiranyahasta and mahabahu change
from noun to adjective value with no added ending. And second, that
the relation of the qualified noun to the compound should have come to be
so generally that of possession, not of likeness, nor of appurtenance, nor of
any other relation which is as naturally involved in such a construction :
that we may only say, for example, mah&bahuh purusah man with
great arms, and not also mahabahur manih jewel for a great arm, or
mahabahavah <jakhah branches like great arms.

b. There are, however, in the older language a few derivative ad-
jective compounds which imply the relation of appurtenance rather than that
of possession, and which are with probability to be viewed as survivals of
a state of things {antecedent to the specialization of the general class as

503

POSSESSIVE COMPOUNDS.

[-1297

possessive (compare the similar exceptions under possessive suffixes, 1230g,
1233 f). Examples are: vicjvanara of or for all men, belonging to all
(and so visvakrsti, -carsani, -ksiti, -gotra, -manus, -ftyu, and sar-
vapaQu, saptamanusa), viQvaqarada of every autumn, vipatha for
bad roads, dviraja [battle] of two kings, ^vaprstha carried on horseback,
vlrapaetya abiding with heroes, purnamasa at full moon, adevaka for
no divinity, bahudevata or -tya for many divinities, aparisamvatsara
not lasting a fall year, ekadatjakapala for eleven dishes, somendra for
Soma and Indra. And the compounds with final member in ana mentioned
tit 1296b are probably of the game character. But also in the later lan-
guage, some of the so-called dvigu-compounds (1312) belong with these:
so dvigu itself, as meaning worth two cows, dvinau bought for two ships;
also occasional cases like devasura [samgrama] of the gods and demons,
narahaya of man and horse, cakramusala with discus and club, guru-
talpa violating the teacher's bed.

1295. The possessive compound is distinguished from its sub-
strate, the determinative, generally by a difference of accent. This
difference is not of the same nature in all the divisions of the class ;
but oftenest, the possessive has as a compound the natural accent
of its prior member (as in most of the examples given above).

1296. Possessively used dependent compounds^ or pos-
sessive dependents, are very much less common than
those corresponding to the other division of determinatives.

a. Further examples are : mayuraroman having the plumes of pea-
cocks, agnitejas having the brightness of fire, jnatfmukha wearing the
aspect of relatives, patikama desiring a husband, hastipada having an
elephant's feet, rajanyabandhu having kshatriyas for relatives.

b. The accent is, as in the examples given, regularly that of the
prior member, and exceptions are rare and of doubtful character. A few
compounds with derivatives in ana have the accent of the final member:
e. g. indrapana serving as drink for Indra, devasadana serving as seat
for the gods, rayisthana being source of wealth} but they contain no
implication of possession, and are possibly in character, as in accent, de-
pendent (but compare 1294b). Also a few in as, as nrcaksas men-
beholding, nrv&has men-bearing, ksetrasadhas field-prospering, are pro-
bably to be judged in the same way.

1297. Possessively used descriptive compounds, or pos-
sessive descriptive s, are extremely numerous and of
every variety of character; and some kinds of combination
which are rare in proper descriptive use are very common
as possessives.

a. They will be taken up below in order, according to the char-

1297—] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 504

acter of the prior member — whether the noun-final be preceded by
a qualifying adjective, or noun, or adverb.

1298. Possessive compounds in which a noun is preceded by
a qualifying ordinary adjective are (as pointed out above, 1280 f)
very much more common than descriptives of the same form.

a. They regularly and usually have the accent of their prior member :
thus, anyarupa of other /brm, ugrabahu having powerful arms, jiva-
putra having living sons, dirgh^magru longbearded, brhacchravas of
great renown, bhurimtlla many-rooted, mahavadha bearing a great wea-
pon, vigvarupa having all forms, gukravarna of bright color, 9ivabhi-
margana of propitious touch, satyasamdha of true promises, sarvanga
whole-limbed, svaya^as having own glory, haritasraj wearing yellow
garlands.

b. Exceptions, however, in regard to accent are not rare (a seventh
or eighth of the whole number, perhaps). Thus, the accent is sometimes
that of the final member; especially with derivatives in as, as tuviradhas,
purupegas, pr-thupaksas, and others in which (as above, 1296b) a
determinative character may be suspected : thus, urujrayas beside urujrf,
uruvyacas beside uruvyac, and so on; but also with those of other
final, as rjuhasta, gitikaksa etc., krsnakarna, citradrqika, tuvi-
9usma, rjukratu, prthuparqu, puruvartman, raghuyanian, vidu-
patman. In a very few cases, the accent is retracted from the final to
the first syllable of the second member : thus, anhubheda, tuvigriva,
puruvira, pururupa, tjitibahu (also gitibahu). The largest class is
that of compounds which take the accent upon their final syllable (in part,
of course, not distinguishable from those which retain the accent of the
final member): for example, bahvanna, nilanakha, puruputra,
visvanga, svapatf, tuvipratf, p^niparni f., dar^ata^rl, putirajju,
asitajnu, prthugman, bahuprajas.

c. The adjective vfqva all, as prior member of a compound (and
also in derivation), changes its accent regularly to vi^va; sarva whole, all
does the same in a few cases.

1299. Possessive compounds with a participle preceding and
qualifying the final noun-member are numerous, although such a
compound with simple descriptive value is almost unknown. The
accent is, with few exceptions, that of the prior member.

a. The participle is oftenest the passive one, in ta or na. Thus,
chinnapaksa with severed wing, dhptara§$ra of firmly held royalty,
hatamatr whose mother is slain, iddhagni whose fire is kindled, uttana-
hasta with outstretched hand, prayatadaksina having presented sacrificial
gifts; and, with prefixed negative, aris^avlra whose men are unharmed,
ataptatanu of unburned substance, anabhimlatavarna of untarnished
color. Exceptions in regard to accent are very few : there have been noticed
only paryastaksa, vyastakeQi f., achinnaparna.

505

POSSESSIVE COMPOUNDS.

[—1300

b. Examples occur of a present participle in the same situation. In
about half the (accentuated) instances, it gives its own accent to the com-
pound: thus, dyutadyaman, dhysadvarna etc., gucadratha, rugad-
vatsa etc., bhrajajjanman etc., samyadvira, stanayadama, sadhad-
isti; in the others, the accent is drawn forward to the final syllable of
the participle (as in the compounds with governing participle : below, 1309) :
thus, dravatpani etc. (dravat also occurs as adverb), rapgadudhan,
svanadratha, arcaddhuma, bhandadi^i, krandadi^i. With these last
agrees in form jaradasti attaining old age, long-lived; but its make-up,
in view of its meaning, is anomalous.

c. The RV. has two compounds with the perfect middle participle as
prior member: thus, yuyujanasapti with harnessed coursers (perhaps rather
having harnessed their coursers), and dadrganapavi (with regular accent,
instead of dadrgana, as elsewhere irregularly in this participle) with con-
spicuous wheel-rims.

d. Of a nearly participial character is the prior element in grutkarna
(RV.) of listening ear; and with this are perhaps accordant dldyagni and
stharagman (RV., each once).

1300. Possessive compounds having a numeral as prior member \4\AWN -V"
are very common, and for the most part follow the same rule of
accent which is followed by compounds with other adjectives: ex-
cepted are those beginning with dvi and tri, which accent in general
the final member.

a. Examples with other numerals than dvi and tri are: ekacakra,
ekaglraan, ekapad, caturanga, catuspaksa, pancanguri, pancau-
dana, sa<Jagva, §atpad, saptajihva, saptamatr, astapad, asfcaputra,
navapad, navadvara, dagagakha, dagagirsan, dvadagara, tringad-
ara, gataparvan, gatad'ant, sahasranaman, sahasramula.

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are but few, and have the tone on
the final syllable, whatever may be that belonging originally to the final
member; they are mostly stems in final a, used by substitution for others
in an, i, or a consonant: thus, caturaksa etc. (aksan or aksi: 431),
sadaha etc. (ahan or ahar: 430 a), dagavrsa etc. (vfsan), ekaratra
etc. (ratri or ratri), ekarca etc. (fc); but also a few others, as §a(J-
yoga, astayoga, gatargha, sahasrargha, ekapara (P).

c. The compounds with dvi and tri for the most part have the ac-
cent of their final member: thus, for example, dvijanman, dvidhara,
dvibandhu, dvivartani, dvip4d; tritantu, trinabhi, trigoka, triva-
rutha, tricakra, trigirsan, tripad. A number of words, however, follow
the general analogy, and accent the numeral : thus, for example, dvipaksa,
dvigavas, dvy&sya, trfsandhi, tryara, tryagir, and sometimes dv£-
pad and tripad in AV. As in the other numeral compounds, a substi-
tuted stem in a is apt to take the accent on the final : thus, dvivyaa
and trivrsa, dviraja, dviratra, tryayufa, tridiva; and a few of other

1300—] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 506

character with tri follow the same rule: thus, trika<ja, trinaka, tri-
bandhu, tryudhan, tribarhfs, etc.

d. The neuter, or also the feminine, of numeral compounds is often
used substaritively, with a collective or abstract value, and the accent is
then regularly on the final syllable: see below, 1312.

1301. Possessive compounds having as prior member a noun
which has a quasi-adjective value in qualifying the final member are
very frequent, and show certain specialities of usage.

a* Least peculiar is a noun of material as prior member (hardly to be
reckoned as possessive dependents, because the relation of material is not
regularly expressed by a case: 296): thus, hfranyahaata gold-handed,
hiranyasraj with golden garlands, ayahsthuna having braten supports,
rajatanabhi of silver navel.

1302. Especially common is the use of a noun as prior member
to qualify the other appositionally, or by way of equivalence (the
occasional occurrence of determinatives of this character has been no-
ticed above, 1280 d). These may conveniently be called appo-
aitional posseaaivea. Their accent is that of the prior member,
like the ordinary possessive descriptives.

a. Examples are: ac.vaparna horse-winged, or having horses as wings
(said of a chariot), bhumigrha having the earth as house, indrasakhi
having Indra for friend, agnihotr having Agni as priest, gandharvapatni
havinj a Gandharva for spouse, <juraputra having hero-sons, jaramrtyu
having old age as mode of death, living till old age, agnivasas fire-clad,
tadanta ending with that, caracaksus using spies for eyes, visnuqar-
manfiman named Vishnucarman ; and, with pronoun instead of noun,
tvaduta having thee as messenger, tadapas having this for work. Excep-
tions in regard to accent occur here, as in the more regular descriptive
formation : thus, agnijihva, vrsana<?va, dhumaQikha, pavinaea, asau-
naxna, tatkula, etc.

b. Not infrequently, a substantively used adjective is the final member
in such a compound: thus, indrajyeftha having Indra as chief, manah-
faf^ha having the mind as sixth, somaqres^ha of which soma is lest,
ekapara of which the ace is highest ('?), asthibhuyas having bone as the
larger part, chiefly of bone, abhirupabhuyis^ha chiefly composed of worthy
persons, daqavara having ten as the lowest number, cintapara having
meditation as highest object or occupation, devoted to meditation, nih^vasa-
parama much addicted to sighing.

C. Certain words are of especial frequency in the compounds here de-
scribed, and have in part won a peculiar application. Thus:

d. With adi beginning or adika or adya first are made compounds
signifying the person or thing specified along with others, such a person or
thing et cetera. For example, deva indradayah the gods having Indra as
first, i. e. the gods Jndra etc., maricyadin munin Marlci and the other

507 POSSESSIVE COMPOUNDS. [—1303

sages, svayambhuvadyah aaptai 'te manavah those seven Manus,
Svayambhuva etc., agnif^om&dik&n the sacrifices Agnishtoma and so on.
Or the qualified noun is omitted, as in annapanendhanadmi /bod, drink,
fuel, etc., danadharmadikam caratu bhavan let your honor practise
liberality, religious rites, and the like. The particles evam and iti are also
sometimes used by substitution as prior members : thus, evaxnadi vaca-
nam words to this and the like effect; ato 'ham bravimi kartavyah
samcayo nityam ityadi hence I say "accumulation is ever to be made" etc.

e. Used in much the same -way, but less often, is prabhrti begin-
ning: thus, visvavasuprabhrtibhir gandharvaih with the Gandharvas
Vicvavasu etc. ; especially adverbially, in measurements of space and time,
as tatprabhrti or tatahprabhyti thenceforward.

f. Words meaning forcgoer, predecessor, and the like — namely,
purva, purvaka, purahaara, puraskrta, purogama — are often
employed in a similar manner, and especially adverbially, but for the most
part to denote accompaniment, rather than antecedence, of that which is
designated by the prior member of the compound: e. g. smitapurvam
with a smile, an&mayapra(jnapurvakam. with inquiries after health,
pitamahapurogama accompanied by the Great Father.

g. The noun matra measure stands as final of a compound which is
used adjectively or in the substantive neuter to signify a limit that is not
exceeded, and obtains thus the virtual value of mere, only: thus, jala-
mfitrena vartayan living by water only (lit. by that which has water
for it? measure or limit), garbhacyutimatrena by merely issuing from
the womb, pranayatrikamatrah syat let him be one possessing what does
not exceed the preservation of life; uktamatre tu vacane but the words
being merely uttered.

h. The noun artha object, purpose is used at the end of a compound,
in the adverbial accusative neuter, to signify for the take of or the like:
thus, yajnasiddhyartham in order to the accomplishment of the sacrifice
(lit. in a manner having the accomplishment of the sacrifice as its object),
damayantyartham for DamayantTs sake (with Damayantl as object).

i. Other examples are abha, kalpa, in the sense of like, approaching :
thus, hemabha gold-like, mrtakalpa nearly dead, pratipannakalpa a/most
accomplished; — vidha, in the sense of fcind, sort: thus, tvadvidha of
thy sort, puruaavidha of human kind; — pray a, in the sense of mostly,
often, and the like: thus, duhkhapraya full of pain, tpjapraya abound-
ing in grass, nirgamanapraya often going out ; — antara (in substantive
neuter), in the sense of other: thus, deqantara another region (lit. that
which has a difference of region), jaumantarani other existences, qakhantare
in another text.

1303. In appositional possessive compounds, the second member, if it
designates a part of the body, sometimes logically signifies that part to which
what is designated by the prior member belongs, that on or in which it is.

1303—] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 5Q8

a. Thus, ghrtaprs^ha butter-backed, madhujihva honey-tongued,
niskagrlva and manigriva necklace-necked, patrahasta vessel-handed,
vajrabahu lightning-armed, asrnmukha blood- faced, kilalodhan mead-
uddered, vajajathara sacrifice-bellied, vaspakantha with tears in the
throat, 9raddliamanas with faith in the heart; with irregular accent,
dhumaksl f. smoke-eyed, a9rumukhi f. tear-faced,- and khadihasta
ring-handed (khadi). In the later language, such compounds are not in-
frequent with words meaning hand : thus, (jastrapani having a sword in
the hand, lagudahasta carrying a staff.

1304. Of possessive compounds having an adverbial element as
prior member, the most numerous by far are those made with the
inseparable prefixes. Their accent is various. Thus:

a. In compounds with the negative Mgflx a or an (in which the latter
logically negatives the imported idea of possession), the accent is prevailingly
on the final syllable, without regard to the original accent of the final member.
For example : ananta having no end, abala not possessing strength, aratha
without chariot, agraddha faithless, amani without ornament, a$atru
without a foe, avarman not cuirassed, adant toothless, apad footless,
atejas without brightness, anarambhana not to be gotten hold of, apra-
timana incomparable, aducchuna bringing no harm, apaksapuccha
without sides or tail.

b. But a number of examples (few in proportion to those already in-
stanced) have the prefix accented (like the simple descriptives : 1288 a):
thus, aksiti indestructible, agu kineless, agopa without shepherd, ajivana
lifeless, anapi without friends, a^vi f. without young, amytyu death-
less, abrahman without priest, avyacas without extension, ahavis without
oblation, and a few others; AV. has aprajas, but £B. aprajaa. A very
few have the accent on the penult: namely, a^esas, ajani, and avira
(with retraction, from vira), aputra (do., from putra); and AV. has
abhraty, but RV. abhratf.

C. In compounds with thepreflxe8_ of jraiseanddispraiafl, BIT and
due, the accent is in the great majority of cases that of the final member:
thus, sukalpa of easy make, subhaga well portioned, sunaksatra of
propitious star, suputra having excellent sons, sugopa well-shepherded,
sukirti of good fame, si^gandhi fragrant, subahii well-armed, suyaxhtu
of easy control, sukratu of good capacity, suhard good-hearted, susraj
well-garlanded, suvarman well-cuirassed, suvasas well-clad, supramti
well guiding ; durbhaga ill-portioned, durdrQika of evil aspect, durdhara
hard to restrain, durgandhi ill-savored, duradhl of evil designs, *dur-
dhartu hard to restrain, dus^ritu'/iard to excel, duratyetu 'hard to cross,
durdhur ill-yoked, durnaman ilC-named, durvasas ill-clad.

d. There are, however, a not inconsiderable number of instances in
which the accent of these compounds is upon the final syllable : thus,
8U9ipra well-lipped, svapatya of good progeny, susamkaga of good aspect,
svanguri well-fingered, svisu having good arrows, supivas well fatted;

509 POSSESSIVE COMPOUNDS. [—1305

and compounds with derivatives in ana, as suvijnana of easy discernment,
supasarpana of easy approach, dugcyavana hard to shake; and AV. has
suphala and subandhu against RV. suphala and subandhu. Like
avlra, suvira shows retraction of accent. Only dura^ir has the tone on
the prefix.

e. On the whole, the distinction by accent of possessive from deter-
minative is less clearly shown in the words made with su and dus than
in any other body of compounds.

f. TheassQciative jpieflx sa or (less often) saha is treated like an
adjective element, and itself takes the accent in a possessive compound:
thus, sakratu of joint will, sanaman of like name, sarupa of similar
form, sayoni having a common origin, savacas of assenting words, satoka
having progeny along, with one's progeny, sabrahmana together with the
Brahmans, samula with the root, santardesa with the intermediate directions ;
sahagopa with the shepherd, sahavatsa accompanied by one's young, saEa-
patnl having her husband with her, sahapurusa along with our men.

g. In RV. (save in a doubtful case or two), only saha in such com-
pounds gives the meaning of having with one, accompanied by; and, since
saha governs the instrumental, the words beginning with it might be of the
prepositional class (below, 1310). But in AV. both sa and saha have this
value (as illustrated by examples given above); and in the later language,
the combinations with sa are much the more numerous.

h. There are a few exceptions, in which the accent is that of the final
member: thus, sajosa, sajosas, sadf^a, saprathas, sabadhas, samanyu
and AV. shows the accent on the final syllable in sanga (QB. sanga) and
the substantivized (1312) savidyuta.

i. Possessive compounds with the exclamatory prefixes ka etc. are
too few in the older language to furnish ground for any rule as to accent:
kabandha is perhaps an example of such.

1305. Possessive compounds in which a verbal prefix is used \J\QjP
as prior member with adjective value, qualifying a noun as final
member, are found even in the oldest language, and are rather more ^
common later (compare the descriptive compounds, above, 1289; and
the prepositional, below, 1310). They usually have the accent of
the prefix.

a. Most^ common jire those made_ with pra, yi, and B am ; thus, for
example, pramahas having exceeding might, pra$ravas widely famed;
vfgrlva of wry neck, vyanga having limbs away or gone, limbless, vijani
wifeless, viparva and vfparus jointless, vyadhvan of wide ways, vimanas
both of wide mind and mindless, vivacas of discordant speech; sampatni
having one's husband along, sammanas of accordant mind, samsahasra
accompanied by a thousand, samokas of joint abode. Examples of others
are : atyurmi surging over, adhivastra having a garment on, adhyardha
with a half over, adhyaksa overseer, apodaka without water, abhlrupa

1305—] XVIII. COMPOSITION. 510

of adapted character, avatoka that has aborted, amanas of favorable mind,
udo j as of exalted power, nimanyu of assuaged fury, mrmaya free from
guile, nfrhasta handless.

b. In a comparatively small number of cases, the accent is otherwise,
and generally on the final: thus, avake<?a, upamanyu, vi$apha, vi9ikha
(AY. v^ikha), vikarna, sammatr, etc. ; in an instance or two, that of
the final member: thus, Bamc^vari having a common young.

1306. Possessive compounds with an ordinary adverb as prior
member are also found in every period of the language. They usu-
ally have the accent which belongs to the adverb as independent word.

a. Examples are : antyuti bringing near help, avodeva calling down
the gods, itauti helping on this side, ihacitta with mind directed hither,
dakeinataskaparda wearing the braid on the right side, nanadharman
of various character, purudhapratika of manifold aspect, vie, vatomukha
with faces on all sides, eadyauti of immediate aid, visurupa of various
form, smadudhan with udder, adhastallaksman with mark below, eka-
tomukha with face on one side, tathavidha of such sort.

b. An instance or two of irregular accent are met with : thus, puro-
ratha whose chariot is foremost, evamkratu so-minded.

1307. a. It was pointed out in the preceding chapter (1222h)
that the indifferent suffix ka is often added to a pure possessive
compound, to help the conversion of the compounded stem into an
adjective; especially, where the final of the stem is less usual or
manageable in adjective inflection.

b. Also, the compound possessive stem occasionally takes further a pos-
sessive-making suffix : thus, ya9obhagm, suQiprin, varavarnin, dirgba-
sutrin, punyavagbuddhikarmin, sutasomavant, tadrgrupavant,
trayoda9advipavant, narakapalakundalavant, amrtabuddhimant.

C. The frequent changes which are undergone by the final of a stem
occurring at the end of a compound are noticed further on (1316).

1308. The possessive compounds are not always used in the
later language with the simple value of qualifying adjective; often
they have a pregnant sense, and become the equivalents of depen-
dent clauses; or the having which is implied in them obtains virtu-
ally the value of our having as sign of past time.

a. Thus, for example, _pr apt ay auvana possessing attained adolescence,
i.e. having arrived at adolescence ; anadhigata^fistra with unstudied books,
i. e. who has neglected study; krtaprayatna possessing performed effort,
i. e. on whom effort is expended; anguliyakadarqanavasana having the
sight of the ring as termination, i. e. destined to end on sight of the ring;
uddhrtavieada9alyah having an extracted despair-arrow, i. e. when I shall
have extracted the barb of despair; grutavistarah kriyatam let him be
made with heard details, i. e. let him be informed of the details ; dr^aviryo
me ramah llama has seen my proves*, bhagnabhando dvijo yatha like

511 PARTICIPIAL AND PREPOSITIONAL COMPOUNDS. [—1310

the Brahman that broke the pots, ukhanrtam r^im yatha like a sage that
has spoken falsely.

B. Compounds with Governed Final Member.

1309. Participial Compounds. This group of compounds,
in which the prior member is a present participle and the final mem-
ber its object, is a small one (toward thirty examples), and exclusi-
vely Vedic — indeed, almost limited to the oldest Vedic (of the
Rig-Veda). The accent is On the final syllable of the participle,
whatever may have been the latter' a accent as an independent word.

a. Examples are: vidadvasu winning good things, kfayadvira
governing (kgayant) heroes, taraddvesas overcoming (tarant) foes, abha-
radvasu bring ing. good things, codayanmati inciting (codayant) devotion,
mandayatsakha rejoicing friends, dharayatkavi sustaining sages, man-
hay ddrayi bestowing wealth.

b. In sadadyoni sitting in the lap (efidat quite anomalously for sidat
or sadat), and spr/hayadvarna emulous of color, the case-relation of the
final member is other than accusative. In patayan mandayatsakham
(RV. i. 4. 7), patayat, with accent changed accordingly, represents patay-
atBakham, the final member being understood from the following word.
Vidadacva is to be inferred from its derivative vaidadacvi. Of this
formation appear to be jamadagni, pratadvasu (prathadP), and tras-
adasyu (for trasaddasyu ?j. It was noticed above (1299c) that yuyuja-
nasapti is capable of being understood as a unique compound of like
character, with a perfect instead of present participle; sadhadis^i, on
account of its accent, is probably possessive.

1310. Prepositional Compounds. By this name may be
conveniently called those combinations in which the prior member
is a particle having true prepositional value, and the final member
is a noun governed by it. Such combinations, though few in num-
ber as compared with other classes of compounds, are not rare, either
in the earlier language or in the later. Their accent is so various that
no rule can be set up respecting it.

a. Examples are: atyavi passing through the wool, atirfitra over-
night, atim&tra exceeding measure; adhiratha lying on the chariot, adhi-
gava belonging to the cow; adhaspada under the feet, adhoak^a below
the axle; anupatha following the road, anupurva following the one pre-
ceding, one after another, anu§atya m accordance with truth, anukula
down stream, etc. ; antaspatha (with anomalously changed accent of antar),
within the way, antardava within the flame (?), antarhasta in the hand ;
antigrha near the house ; apiprana accompanying the breath (prana), api-
vrata concerned with the ceremony, apic.arvara bordering on night, apikarna
next the ear ; abhijnii reaching to the knee, abhivira and abhisatvan orer-
coming heroes; apathi on the road, adeva going to the gods, ajaraea

1310—] XVIIL COMPOSITION. 512

reaching old age, advada^a up to twelve; upakaksa reaching to the arm-
pits, upottama next to last, penultimate; uparibudhna above the bottom,
uparimartya rising above mortals; tirojana beyond people; nihsala cut
of the house; paripad (about the feet) snare, parihasta about the hand,
bracelet; paroksa out of sight, paromatra beyond measure, parogavyutf
beyond the fields, parahsahasra (parahsahasra, (^B.) above a thousand ;
puroksa in front of the eyes; pratidosa toward evening, pratiloma
against the grain, pratikula up stream, pratyaksa before the eyes ; bahih-
paridhi outside the enclosure; vipathi outside the road; samaksa close
to the eyes, in sight.

bt Compounds of this character are in the later language especially
common with adhi: thus, adhyatma relating to the soul or self, adhi-
yajna relating to the sacrifice, etc.

c. A sufflxal a is sometimes added to a final consonant, as in upanasa
on the wagon, avyusa until daybreak. In a few instances, the suffix ya
is taken (see ahove, 1212m); and in one word the suffix in: thus, pari-
panthm besetting the path.

d. The prepositional compounds are especially liable to adverbial use :
see below, 1313 b.

Adjective Compounds as Nouns and as Adverbs.

1311. Compound adjectives, like simple ones, are freely used
substantively as abstracts and collectives, especially in the neuter,
less often in the feminine; and they are also much used adverbially,
especially in the accusative neuter.

a. The matter is entitled to special notice only because certain forms
of combination have become of special frequency in these uses, and because
the Hindu grammarians have made out of them distinct classes of com-
pounds, with separate names. There is nothing in the older language which
by its own merits would call for particular remark under this head.

1312. The substantively used compounds having a numeral as
prior member, along with, in part, the adjective compounds them-
selves, are treated by the Hindus as a separate class, called dvigu.

a. The name is a sample of the class, and means of two cows, said
to be used in the sense of worth two cows; as also pancagu bought for
five cows, dvinau worth two ships, pancakapala made in five cups, and
so on.

b. Vedic examples of numeral abstracts and collectives are: dviraja
[combat] of two kings, triyuga three ages, triyojana space of three leagues,
tridiva the triple heaven, pancayojana space of five leagues, sadaha six
days' time, daQangula ten fingers'1 breadth ; and, with suffix ya, sahasrahnya
thousand days' journey. Others, not numeral, but essentially of the same
character, are, for example : anamitra freedom from enemies, nikilbisa
freedom from guilt, savidyuta thunderstorm, vihrdaya heartkssness , and

513 ADJECTIVE COMPOUNDS AS NOUNS AND ADVERBS. [—1313

sahydaya heartiness, sudiva prosperity by day, surnrga and suc,akuna
prosperity with beasts and birds. Feminines of like use are not quotable
from RV. or AV. ; later occur such as triqati three hundred (481), trilokl
the three worlds, pancamuli aggregate of five roots.

c. As the examples show, the accent of words thus used is various;
but it is more prevailingly on the final syllable than in the adjective com-
pounds in their ordinary use.

1313. Those adverbially used accusatives of secondary adjec-
tive compounds which have an indeclinable or particle as prior mem-
ber are reckoned by the Hindu grammarians as a separate class of
compounds; and called by the name avyayibhava.

a. This term is a derivative from the compound verb (1094) made up
of avyaya uninflected and |/bhu, and means conversion to an indeclinable.

b. The prepositional compounds (1310) are especially frequent in this
use: thus, for example, anusvadham by one's own will, abhipurvam
and parovaram in succession, advada9am up to twelve, pratidosam at
evening, samaksam in sight. Instances given by the grammarians are:
adhihari upon Hari, uparajam with the king, upanadam or upanadi
near the river, pratyagni toward the fire, pratini^am every night, nir-
maksikam with freedom from flies.

c. A large and important class is made up of words having a relative
adverb, especially yatha, as prior member. Thus, for example, yathava9am
as one chooses (va<ja wilt), yathakytam as done \[before], according to
usage, yathanama by name, yathabhagam according to several portion,
yathangam and yathaparii Limb by limb, yatrakamam whither one will,
yavanrnatram in some measure, yavajjivam as long as one lives, ySvat-
sabandhu according to the number of relations.

d. These compounds are not common in the old language; RV. has
with yatha only four of them, AV. only ten; and no such compound is
used adjectively except yacchrestha RV., yavacchrestha AV. as good as
possible. (,'B. has yathakarfn, yathacarm, yathakama, yathakratu as
adjectives (followed in each case by a correlative tatha). The adjective use
in the later language also is quite rare as compared with the adverbial.

e. Other cases than the accusative occasionally occur : thus, instrumental,
as yathasamkhyena, yatha^aktya, yathepaaya, yathapratigunais ;
and ablative, as yathaucityat.

f. A class of adverbs of frequent occurrence is made with sa: e. g.
sakopam angrily, sadaram respectfully, sasmitam with a smile, savi-
9esam especially.

g. Other adverbial compounds of equivalent character occur earlier, and
are common later : for example, rtekarmam without work, nanaratham
on different chariots, ubhayadyiis two days in succession, citrapadakra-
mam with wonderful progress, pradanapurvam with accompaniment of
a gift; etc.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed. 33

1314—1 XVIII. COMPOSITION. 514

Anomalous Compounds.

1314. As in every language, compounds are now and then met
with which are of anomalous character, as exhibiting combinations
of elements not usually put together, or not after such a method, or
for such a purpose. Some of these, especially of those occurring in
the old language, may well be noticed here.

a. Compounds having a particle as final member: as, aprati having
no equal, tuviprati mightily opposing, atatha refusing, vitatha false,
yathatatha as it really is, susaha prosperity in companionship, aniha and
anamutra having no here and no yonder, etc.

b. Agglomerations of two or more elements out of phrases: thus, aham-
purva eager to be first, ahamuttara contest for preeminence, mamasatya
contest for possession, itihasa legend (iti ha "sa thus, indeed, it was),
naghamara and naghariea not, surely, dying or coming to harm, kuvitsa
some unknown person, tadidartha having just that as aim, kucidarthin
having errands in every direction, kacitkara doiny all sorts of things, ku-
hacidvid wherever found, akuta<jcidbhaya out of all danger, yadbhavisya

What-is-to-be, etc.

c. Agglomerations in which the prior member retains a syntactic form :
as, anyonya and paraspara one another, avaraspara inverted.

d. Aggregations with the natural order inverted : e. g. pitamaha and
tatamaha grandfather, putrahata with his sons slain, janvakna and
-janvakta with bended knee, dantajata provided with teeth, somapahrta
deprived of soma, pahktiradhas having groups of gifts, gojara old bull,
agrajihva, agranasika, etc. tip of the tongue, of the nose, etc. Compare
also 1291c.

e. Aggregations of particles were pointed out above (1 1 1 1 a) ; also
(1122e) cases in which na and ma are used in composition.

f. In late Sanskrit (perhaps after the false analogy of combinations
like tad anu, viewed as tadanu, with tad as stem instead of neuter accu-
sative), a preposition is sometimes compounded as final member with the
noun governed by it: e. g. vrkaadhas or vrksadhastat under the tree,
dantantah between the teeth, bhavanopari on top of the house, satyavina
without truth.

Stem-finals altered in Composition.

1315. Transfers to an a- form of declension from other less
common finals, which are not rare in independent use, are especially
common in the final members of compounds. Thus :

a. A stem in an often drops its final consonant (compare 429 a,
437): examples are aksa, adhva, arva, astha, aha, taksa, brahma,
murdha, raja, loma, vrsa, qva, saktha, sama.

515 LOOSE CONSTRUCTION WITH COMPOUNDS. [—1318

b. An i or i is changed to a: examples are angula, anjala, atjra,
kuksa, khara, nada, nabha, bhuma, ratra, sakha.

c. An a is added after a final consonant, and sometimes after an
u-vowel or a diphthong (compare 399): examples are fca, tvaca; uda,
pada, 9arada; apa; dhura, pura; ahna, a9manaf udhna, rajna;
anasa, ayasa, ayusa, urasa, enasa, tamasa, manaaa, yaju^a, rajaea,
rahasa, varcasa, vedasa, ^reyaea, sarasa; bhruva, diva, gava,
gava, nava.

d. More sporadic and anomalous cases are such as : apanna-da (-dant),
panca-sa (-sas), ajaika-pa (-pad), ^ata-bhisa (-bhifaj), vipa«j-ci
(-cit), yatha-pura (-puras).

Loose Construction with Compounds.

1316. In the looseness of unlimited and fortuitous combination,
especially in the later language, it is by no means rare that a word
in composition has an independent word in the sentence depending
upon or qualifying it alone, rather than the compound of which it
forms a part.

a. Examples are: rayaskamo vi^vapsnyasya (RV.) desirous of
all-enjoyable wealth ; anhor urucakrih (RV.) causing relief from distress ;
mahadhane arbhe (RV.) in great contest and in small ; svaham 9rais-
thyakamah (A^S.) desiring superiority over his fellows i brahman an
chruta9ilavrttasampannan ekena va (AGS.) Brahmans endowed with
learning, character, and behavior, or with one [of the three] i cittapramathini
bala devanam api (MBh.) a girl disturbing the minds even of the gods ;
vasisthavacanad rsya9fngaBya co *bhayoh (R.) at the words of both
V<isishtha and Rishyacringa, sitadravyapaharane 9astranam ausa-
dhasya ca (M.) m case of stealing ploughing implements or weapons or medica-
ment,- jyotieam madhyacarl (H.) moving in the midst of the stars i dam-
pat rani ca mrnmayam (M.) a wooden and an earthen vessel ; syandane
dattadrs^ih (9.) with eye fixed on the chariot; tasminn ullambitamrtah
(KSS.) dead and hanging upon it.

APPENDIX.

A. The following text is given (as proposed above, 3) in order
to illustrate by an example the variety of Sanskrit type in use. It
is given twice over, and a transliteration into European letters fol-
lows. The text is a fable extracted from the first book of the Hito-
padec.a.

The Hunter, Deer, Boar, and Jacltal.

I rlri^lH T

"51^5 fW

MM in I

*nr: i ^nft

APPENDIX.

517

'TFT oSfrsn I QT

! I c!^ flFT *JJT {73FTt

*j*t

5^*

msr:

%i

*ii*f*4i*jii«

HHt

UVdr<a

»ll[

asit kalyanakatakavastavyo bhairavo nama vyadhah. sa
cai 'kada mansalubdhah san dhanur adaya vindhyatavimadhyam
gatah. tatra tena mrga eko vyapaditah. mrgam adaya gachata
tena ghorakrtih sukaro drstah. tatas tena mrgam bhumau ni-
dhaya sukarah qarena hatah. sukarena *py agatya pralayagha-
naghoragarjanam krtva sa vyadho muskade9e hata? chinnadruma
iva papata. yatah:

jalam agnim visam 9 as tram ksudvyadhi patanam gireh,
nimittam kimcid asadya dehi pranair vimucyate.

518 APPENDIX.

atrantare diugharavo nama jambukah paribhramann ahar-
arthl tan mrtan mrgavyadhasukaran apa<jyat. alokya 'cintayad
asau: aho bhagyam. mahad bhojyam samupasthitam. athava:
acintitani duhkhani yathai >va "yanti dehinam,
sukhany api tatha manye daivam atra 'tiricyate.
bhavatu ; esam mansair masatrayam samadhikam bhojanam
me bhavisyati. tatah prathamabubhuksayam tavad imani sva-
duni mansani vihaya kodandatanilagnam snayubandham khadaxnl
'ty uktva tatha 'karot. tata<j chinne snayubandhe drutam utpa-
titena dhanusa hrdi bhinnah sa dirgharavah pancatvaih gatah.
ato 'ham bravimi:

kartavyah samcayo nityam kartavyo na 'tisamcayah ;
atisamcayadosena dhanusa jambuko hatah.

B. The following text ia given in order to illustrate by a suffi-
cient example the usual method of marking accent, as described
above (87). In the manuscripts, the accent-signs are almost invariably
added in red ink. The text is a hymn extracted from the tenth or
last book of the Rig-Veda ; it is regarded by the tradition as uttered
by Vftc voice (i. e. the Word or Logos}.

Hymn (X. 125) from the Rig-Veda.

li ^ II

USIHMIU

u n

HT ydHfr} 5t NM^dlH IT: yiluiir) U f sMjiiiry
WT WT

itnifo rf sj^iui-fPrfg rt HHMIH^II H
HHIIH sl«JlfiM jn<p.^Ti«m 3 I

APPENDIX. 519

sFTRT TO er»un«-u« ^loihfacjl 5TT f^ifeT u u

cTfTT fe f?r§" HQMM f^WTrTT^ ejuftiW WHIM U b n

aham rudrebhir vasubhiq caramy aham adityair uta
devaih, aham mitravaruno 'bha bibharmy aham indragni aham

a9vmo Tbha. 1.

aham somam ahanasam bibharmy aham tvas^aram uta pusanam
bhagam, aham dadhami dravinam havismate supravye yaja-

manaya sunvate. 2.

aham rastri samgamanl vasunam cikitusi pratham^ yajniyanamt
tarn ma *deva vy adadhuh purutra bhuristhatram bhury

aveQayantim. 3.

maya so annam atti yo vipa^yati yah praniti ya im 9ynoty uktam,
amantavo mam ta upa ksiyanti ^rudhl sruta ^raddhivam te

vadami. 4.

aham eva svayam idam vadami justam devebhir uta manusebhih,
yam kamaye tam-tam ugram krnomi tarn brahmanam tarn f aim

tarn Bume.dham. 6.

aham rudraya dhanur a tanomi brahmadvise ^arave hantava u,
aham janaya samadam krnomy aham dyav&prthivl a viveQa. 6.
aham suve pitaram asya murdhan mama yonir apsv antah sa-
mudre, tato vf tisthe bhuvana 'nu vi^vo 'ta 'mum dyam vars-

mano 'pa spr^ami. 7.

aham eva vata iva pra vamy arabhamana bhuvanani vigva,
paro diva para ena prthivyaf 'tavati mahina sam babhuva. 8.

C. On the next page is given, in systematic arrangement, a
synopsis of all the modes and tenses recognized as normally to be
made from every root in its primary conjugation, for the two common
roots bhu be and kr make (only the precative middle and peri-
phrastic future middle are bracketed, as never really occurring).
Added, in each case, are the most important of the verbal nouns and
adjectives, the only ones which it is needful to give as part of every
verb-system.

520

APPENDIX.

Iff

*

Illll

Il

I
r

I!

f?
I'

•I
I

•a

\

f

I

I
I

f

*

•P

SANSKRIT INDEX.

The references in both Indexes are to paragraphs. In this one, many
abbreviations are used ; but it is believed that they will be found self-
explaining. For example, wpron." is pronunciation; "euph." points out
anything relating to phonetic form or euphonic combination; "pres.", to
present-system; "int." is intensive; "des." is desiderative ; and so on. A
prefixed hyphen denotes a suffix; one appended, a prefix.

a, prou. etc., 19 — 22, combination
with following vowel, 126, 127;
loss of initial after e and o, 135,
175 a; resulting accent, 135 a; not
liable to guna, 235 a; lightened
to i or u, 249; lost in weakened
syllable, 253.

a, as union-vowel in tense-inflection,
621 c, 631.

-a, primy, 1148; scdry, 1208, 1209;
-a in -aka, 1181; — a-stems,
dcln, 326—34; from rdcl a-st.,
333, 354; in compsn, 1270, 1287 a.

a- or an-, negative, 1121 a — c; in
compsn, 1283 ff., 1288a, 1304a, b.

-aka, prmy, 1181 ; aka-stems some-
times govern accus., 271 c; scdry,
1222J, k.

-aki, see 1221 b.

yaks, pf., 788.

aksara, 8.

aksan, ak^i, 343 f, 431.

aghosa, 34 b.

Vac or anc, pf., 788 b; pple, 956 b,
967 c ; stems ending with, 407—
10.

-aj, 219 a, 383k. 5.

Vane, see ac.

Vanj, euph., 219 a; pres., 694, 687;
pf., 788; tva-ger'd, 991 d.

-ancla, 1201 a.

-at, 383k. 3 — and see -ant.

-ata, see 1176 e.

-ati, see 1157g.

-atu, see 1161d.

-atnu, see 1196c.

-atra, see 1185e.

-atha, see 1163 c.

-athu, see 1164.

1/ad, impf., 621 c; caus., 1042 g.

-ad, 383k. 4.

adhi, loss of initial, 1087 a.

adhika, in odd numbers, 477 a, 478 b.

Van, euph., 192b; pres., 631.

-an, 1160.

an-, see a-.

-ana, 1150; stems in compan, 1271,
1296 b.

anadvah, euph., 224 b; dcln, 404.

-ana, 1150.

-ani, 1169.

-anl, 1150.

-amya, 962, 965, 1215 b.

anu, changed to anu after an-,
1087b.

-anu, see 1162c.

anudatta, 81.

anudattatara, 90 c.

anunasika, 36 a, 73 a.

anuvrata, with accus., 272.

anustubh, euph., 151 d.

anusvara, pron. etc., 70 — 3; trans-
literation, 73 c.

anehas, dcln, 419.

-ant or -at, of pples, 534, 1172;
their dcln, 443 ff.

522

SANSKRIT INDEX.

-anta, 1209 d.

antahsthS, 31, 51 a.

antara, in compsn, 13021.

-anti, see 1221c.

anya, dcln, 623.

ap or ap, dcln, 151e, 393.

api, loss of initial, 1087 a.

-abha, 1199.

abhinihita-circumflex, 84 e.

Yarn, pres., 634; aor., 862.

-am, infin. in, 970 a; gerund, 995.

-ama, see 1166 b.

-aye, infln. in, 970 f, 975 b.

-ara, see 1188d.

arf, dcln, 343 g.

-aru, see 1192 a.

1/arth, so-called, 104b, 1066, 1067.

artha, in compsn, 1302 h.

aryaman, dcln, 426 a.

arvan, arvant, 456.

1/arh, pres., 613; pf., 788; aor.,

862; desid., 1029 b.
-ala, see 1189b.
alpaprana, 37 d.
l/av, aor'., 838, 908; pple, 964 e;

inf., 968 e; ya-gerM, 992 c.
ava, loss of initial, 1087 a.
-ava, see 1190 a.
avagraha, 16.
/avadhir, so-called, 104b.
avayaj, avaya, 406.
avyayibhava, 1111 d, 1313.
|/ac attain, pf., 788; aor., 834 b,

837—9, 847; fut., 936 c; inf.,

968 d.
y&Q eat, pf., 803 a des., 1029 b,

1031; cans., 1042 n.
y&B be, pres., 636, 621 e; pf., 800m;

in periphr. con.jn, 1070—2, 1073 d ;

in ppial periphr. phrases, 1075 d;

in cmpd conjn, 1093, 1094.
I/as throw, pres., 761 c ; aor., 847;

pple, 956 e; inf., 968 c.
as final, euph. treatment of, 175;

exceptional cases, 176.
-as, 1151; dcln of stems in. 411 ff, ;

as-stems in compsn, 1278, 1296 b

1298 b.

-as, infln. in, 970 a, 971.
asan, asrj, 398, 432.
-asi, 1198.

asrj, euph., 219: and see asan.
-ase, infln. in, 970 c, 973 a.
asthan, astbi, 343 i, 431.
-asna, sec 1195 a.
-asnu, see H94d.
yah say, pf., 801 a.

y&h connectty, 788 a.
ahan, ahar, ahas, 430.

a, pron. etc., 19, 22; combination of
final, 126, 127; elision of initial,
135d; vfddhi of a,236ff.; ligh-
tened to 1 or i, 250 ; to a, 260 c;
in pres,, 661— 6, 761 f, g; in aor.,
884; in pple, 954 c; in des.,
1028 d.

a, with ablative, 293 c, 983 a.

-a, 1149.

a-stems, dcln, 347 ff.

-Ska, see 1181 d.

-aku, see 1181d.

-5tu, see 1161d.

atman, used reflexively, 514 a.

atmane padam, 529.

adi, adika, adya, in compsn, 1302 d.

-ana, in pples, 684, 1176; used in-
stead of mana, 741 a, 752 e, 1043 f ;
-ana in other derivatives, 1176 a.

-ftm, sea 1223 b.

-ami, see 1162c.

anunasikya, 36 a.

}/fip, 1087 f; pf., 783d; aor., 847,
862; des., 1030.

abha, in compsn, 1302i.

am, impv. 3d sing, in, 618.

amredita, 1260 d.

-ayana, 1219.

-ayl, 1220.

-ayya, 966 c, 1051 f, 1218.

-ara, see 1188 d, 1226 b.

-aru, see 1192 a.

-ala, see 1227 a, 12451.

-alu, see. 1192b, 1227 b.

>/as, pres., 619 c, 628; inf., 968 d;
periph. pf., 1071 c; in ppial periph.
phrases, 1075 c.

as, asan, asya, 398 b, 432.

as final, euph. treatment of, 177.

i, pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; i and y,
55 ; combinations of final, 126,
129, 797f ; with preceding a-vowel,
127; from ya, 252, 784 c, 769,
922 b, 954 b; cases of loss before
y, 233 a.

i, union-vowel, 254, 555 b; in pres.,
630, 631, 634, 640; in pf., 796—
8, 803; in aor., 876 b, 877; in
fut., 934, 935, 943; in pple, 956;
in infln., 968; in des., 1031.

i-stems, dcln, 335 ff. ; from rdcl I-
st., 354; in compsn, 1276, 1287 c;
sometimes govern accus., 27 If.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

523

yi go, pf., 783 b, 801 d; fut, 936 a;

ya-ger'd, 992 a, c; int., 1002e,

1021 b; caus., 10421; in ppial

periphr. phrases, 994 e, 1075 a;

periphr. conj., 1071 f; irreg. comb.

with prefixes, 1087 c; in compd

conjn, 1092 b.
yi (in, inv) send, 716 a.
-i, prmy, 1155; scdry, 1221.
-ika, prmy, 1186 c; scdry, 1222 j, 1.
-ika, fern, to -aka, 1181 c, 1222i.
Vich, 608 b, 753 b.
-ij, 219 a, 383k. 5.
-it, 383k. 3; advbl, 1109 a.
-ita, 1176 a, b, d.
iti, uses of, 1102 a— c; peculiar

construction with, 268 b; abbrev'd

to ti, 1102d.
-iti, see 1157 g.
-itu, see 1161 c.
-itnu, see 1196.
-itra, see 1185 e.
yldh or indh, euph., 160 c; aor.,

836, 837, 840 b.
>/in (or inv), 699 b, 709, 716 a,

749 b.
-in, 1183, 1230; in-stems, dcln,

438ff. ; in compsn, 1275, 1287e;

sometimes govern accus., 271 b;

used participially, 960 b.
-ina, see 1177 b, 1209 c, 1223 f.
inaksa, 1029 c.
-ineya, see 121 6 d.
yinv, see in.
-ibha, see 1199 a.
-ima, 1224 a.
-iman, see 1168 i— k.
iy in euph. comb'n from an i- vowel,

129 a, e. d, 352 b.
-iya, 1214.
iyaksa, 1029c.
iyant, dcln, 451.
ir-stems, dcln, 392.
ira, see 1188 e, 1226 b.
irajya, iradha, 1021 a.
|/il, caus., 1042b.
-ila, see 1189b, 1227 a.
iva, euph., 1102.
-iva, see 1190 a.
-ivas, see 1173b.
I/is desire, pres., 608b, 753 b; inf.,

968d; desid., 1029 b.
Via send, caus., 1042 b.
-isa, see 1197 b.
-istha, 467—70, 1184.
-isnu, 1194.
-is, 1153; is-stems, dcln, 411 ff.

I, pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; combina-
tions of final, 126, 129, 797 f;
with preceding a-vowel, 127 ; cir-
cumflexed, 128; uncombinable in
dual etc., 138; 1 as final of stem
in verbal compsn, 1093, 1094.

I, union-vowel, 254; in tense-in-
flection, 555 b, c; of pres., 632—
4; of impf., 621, 631—4; of s-
aor., 880b, 888—91; of int.,
1004 ff.; 1 for i, 900 b, 935 a,
968 d, f.

I-stems, dcln, 347 ff.

-i, 1156; to i before added sfx,
471 b, 1203d, 1237 c, 1239 b; in
compsn, 1249 d.

-ika, see 1186c.

I/Iks, aor., 862; desid., 1029b;
periph. pf., 1071 c, 1073 a.

yld, pres., 628, 630; pf., 783d.

Ita- for eta-forms in optative, 738 b,
771 d, 1032 a, 1043 c.

-iti, see 1157g.

-itu, see 1161c.

-ina, prmy, see 1171 b; scdry,
1223d.

-iman, see 1168j.

iya, conj.-stem, 1021 b.

-iya, 1215.

-iyas, 467—70, 1184; stems in,
dcln, 463 ff.

yir, pres., 628; pf., 783d, 801 d;
pple, 957 b.

-ira, see 1188 e.

-iva, see 1190 a.

1/19, pres., 628, 630.

i$vara, with infln., 984, 987.

yls, euph., 225 a.

-isa, see 1197.

j/ih, euph., 240 b.

u, pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; u and v,
57; combinations of final, 126,
129; with preceding a-vowel, 127;
from va, 252, 784, 769, 922 b,
954 b, 956 d; cases of loss before
v, 233 a ; final u gunated in scdry
derivation, 1203 a,

u-stems, dcln, 335 ff.; from rdcl u-
st, 354; desid. u-stems govern
accus., 271 a.

-u, 1178; -u in -uka, 1180 a.

-uka, 1180; stems sometimes govern
accus., 271 g.

uksan, dcln, 426 b.

|/uch, 608 b, 753 b.

>/ujh, periphr. pf., 1071 c.

524

SANSKRIT INDEX.

]/unch, pres., 758.

unadi-sufflxes, 1138 a.

-ut, 383k. 3.

-utra, see 1185e.

-utr, see 1182b.

-utha, see 1163d.

j/ud or und, pres., 694 a, 758 a;

pple, 957 d; desid., 1029 b.
ud, udaka, udan, 398 b, 432.
udatta, 81.
-una, see 1177c.
-uni, see 1158e.
upadhmanlya, 69.
>/ubj, aor., 862.

V'ubh or umbh, pres., 694, 758 a.
-ubha, see 1199 a.
ubhaya, dcln, 525 c.
ur or us as 3d pi. ending, 169 b.
ur-stems, dcln, 392.
-ura, see 1188 f, 1226 b.
-uri, 1191 a.

-ula, see 1189b, 1227 a.
uv in euph. comb'n from an u-vow-

el, 129 a, c, d, 352b, 697 a.
utjanas, u<jana, dcln, 355 a, 416.
)/us, pres., 608 b; ya-ger'd, 992 b;

periphr. pf., 1071 f.
-usa, see 1197c.
us.as, euph., 168a; dcln, 415 b.
-usi, see 1221 c.
usn£h, euph., 223 a.
-us, 1154; us-stems, dcln, 411 ff.
usf, 371 j.
us or ur as 3d pi. ending, 169 b.

u, pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; combina-
tions of final, 126, 129, 797 f;
with preceding a-vowel, 127;
circumflex ed, 128; uncombinable
in dual, 138 a.

u-stems, dcln, 347 ff.

-u, 1179.

-uka, see 1180 f.

-utr, see 1182b.

-utha, see 1163d.

udhan, udhar, udhas, 430 d.

una, in odd numbers, 477 a, 4?8b.

-una, see 1177 c.

-ura, see 1188f.

urj, euph., 219 a.

>/urnu, so-called, 104b, 713; pf.,
80ig, 1071 e; ya-ger'd, 992 c.

-usa, see 1197c.

usman, 31, 59.

remove j infln., 968 c; ya-ger'd,
992 c.

consider, euph., 240 b, 745 a;
pres., 894 d, 897 b.

r, pron. etc., 23—6; objectionable
pronunciation and transliteration
as ri, 24 a; question of r or ar in
roots and stems, 104 d, e, 237;
combinations of final, 126, 129;
with preceding a-vowel, 127; ex-
ceptions, 127 a; impedes change of
preceding s to s,, 181 a; changes
succeeding n to n, 189 ff.; guna
and vrddhi increments of, 235 if.;
irregular changes, 241, 243; vari-
able final r of roots (so-called f),
242.

r-roots, root-nouns from, 383 b, g.

r-stems, dcln, 369 ff.

r, variable (so-called f), roots in,
242, 245 b; their passive, 770 c;
aor., 885, 900 b; prec., 922 a; fut.,
935 a; pple, 957 b; root-infln.,
971; gerund in ya, 992 a.

]/r, euph., 242 c; pres., 608 a, 699 a,
753 b, 643d, 645, 716 a; passive,
770 c; pf., 783 a; aor., 834 a,
837 b, 840 b, 847, 853, 862; pple,
957 b; int, 1002 e; caus., 1042 i ;
caus. aor., 1047.

-f, see 1182 h.

ri, ri, bad transliterations for r, r,

y?c or arc, pf., 788 a; aor., 862,

894 d, 897 b; ya-ger'd, 992 b.
>/rch, 608, 753 b; pf., 788 b.
-rj, 383k. 5.
j/rrij or rj or arj stretch ouf, pres.,

758a; pf., 788b; aor., 894d, 897 b.
>/rnv, 716 a.
-rt, 383k. 3.
rtvij, euph., 219.
]/rd, pple, 957 d.
)/rdh, pres., 694; pf., 788 a; aor.,

832, 837, 838, 840 a, 847, 862;

des., 1029 b, 1030.
rbhuksan, dcln, 434.
]/rs, pf., 788 b.
rhant, dcln, 450 e.

y, pron. and occurrence, 23 — 6; ob-
jectionable pronunciation and trans-
literation as ri, 24 a; as alleged
'final of roots, 104 d, 242 (and
see r, variable); changes succeed-
ing n to n, 189 ff.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

525

1, pron. and occurrence, 23 — 6; ob-
jectionable pronunciation and trans-
literation as li or Iri, 24 a; its
guna-increment, 23&.

li, Iri, bad transliterations for 1, 24 a.

I, 23 a.

e, pron. etc., 27—9; combinations of
final, 131—3, 135; with final a-
vowel, 127 ; uncombinable in dual
etc., 138 a, b, f; guna of i and 1,
235 ff.; from radical a, 250 d; as
alleged final of roots, 251, 761 f.

e, infln. in, 970 a, 971.

eka, dcln, 482 a, b; used as article,
482 c; in making 9's 477 a, b.

ekaQruti, 90 c,

1/edh, pf., 790 c; desid., 1029 b,
1031 b; periph. pf., 1071 c.

-ena, 1223 e.

-enya, 966 b, 1038, 1217.

-eya, 1216.

-eyya, 1216 e.

-era, see 1201 a, 1226 b.

-eru, see 11 92 a.

-elima, 966 d, 1201 a.

esas, eupb., 176 a.

Si, pron. etc., 27 — 9; combination
with final a-vowel, 127; as final,
131—3 ; vrddhi of i and i, 235 ff.;
as alleged final of roots, 251, 761 e;
for union-vowel I in tense-inflec-
tion, 655 c; fore in.subj. endings,
561 a.

ai as gen.-abl. ending, 365 d.

o, pron. etc., 27 — 9; combination
with final a-vowel, 127; as final,
131, 132, 134, 135; before suffix
ya, 136 b; uncombinable, 138 c, f:
for final as, 176, 176; ar, 179 a;
guna of u and u, 235 ff. ; as alleg-
ed final of roots, 251, 761 g.

oih, euph., 137b.

-otr, see 1182b.

odana, euph., 137b.

-ora, see 1201 a.

os$ha, euph., 137 b.

o^hya, 49.

au, pron. etc., 27 — 9 ; combination
with final a-vowel, 127; as final,
131, 132, 134 b; vrddhi of u and
u, 235 ff.

h, pron. etc., 67—9; makes heavy
syllable, 79; occurrence as final,
148, 170 a; for the labial and gut-
tural spirants, 170 d; from finals,
145, 170 a, 172; from r, 144, 178 ;
allows change of B to f, 183.

n or m, pron. etc., 70— 3 -r makes
heavy syllable, 79; occurrence as
final, 148; allows change of s to
B, 183 ; occurrence, 204, 212, 213 e.

k, pron. etc., 39, 40; relation toe,
42; to 9, 64; B to 9 after, 180 ff.;
added to final n, 211; from c, by
reversion, 214 ff.; as final, and In
internal combination, 142, 217;
from 9, do., 146, 218; from s,
226 e; anomalously from t, 151 a';
to t, 151 c.

-ka, prmy, 1186; scdry, 1222; ka
in -uka, 1180a; in -aka, 1181.

-kaja, see 1245k.

kanthya guttural, 39.

]/kan, pf., 786 e; aor., 899 d.

1/kath, so-called, 1056.

|/kam, aor., 868; pple, 956 a.

kampa, 78 d, 87 d, 90 B.

kamvant, euph., 212.

-kara, 1201 a.

karmadharaya, 1263 a.

l/kal, cans., 1042 g.

kalpa in compsn, 1302 i.

]/kas, pple, 956 b.

Kka, int. (?), 1013 b.

kama, with accus., 272; in compsu
with infln.-stem, 968 g.

kamya as denom.-sign, 1066.

kara, in sound-names, 18.

>/ka9, int., 1017.

ykas, periph. pf., 1071 f.

kiyant, dcln, 461.

)/kir, 756.

)/kirt or kft, so-called, 1056.

}/ku, pres.,'633.

Vkuc, caus., 1042 h.

>/kup, pres., 761 a; aor., 840b;
pple, 956 b.

l/kumar, so-called, 104 b.

kuvid, accent of verb with, 595 e.

i/kr make, pres., 714, 716, 855 a;
pf. 797 c, 800k; aor. 831, 834 a
—40, 847, 894d; hit, 1002 gt h;
prefixes B, 1087d; in periph.
conjn, 1070 — 3; in compd conjn,
1091 — 4 ; special constructions.
268a.

526

SANSKRIT INDEX.

, kir scatter, 242 b; pres., 756;

aor., 885; prefixes s, 1087 d.
i/kr commemorate, int, 1002 d,

1019 b.
j/kyt cut, pres., 758; aor., 847,

852 a; fut., 935 b.
-kyt, see 1106.
kyt-sufflxes, 1138 a.
-kptvas, see 1105.
yTsyp, pres., 745 b; aor., 834 b;

cans., 1042 b.
krga as pple, 958.
l/kf?. 102 a; euph., 226 f; pf. 790c;

aor., 916 a, 920a; fut., 935 d,

936 d; inf., 968 d.
yklp, 26; pf., 786a; fut., 935b,

936 d.

-km, see 1176d.
V^cnU, caus., 10421.
i/krand, pf., 794 d; aor., 847, 861 a,

890b; int., 1002g, h, 1017.
ykram, pres., 745 d; aor., 833, 847,

899 d, 904 a; fut. 935 b; pple,

955|a; inf., 968 d; tva-ger'd, 991 b;

des., 1031 b; caus., 1042 g; in

periphr. conj., 1070 c.
)/kri, caus., 10421.
ykrld, caus., 1042 n.
/knidh, aor., 847.
ylmi9, aor., 916 a, 920 a.
krostu, krostf, 343k, 374.
j/klam, pres., 745 d, 761 a, 763;

pple, 955 a.
j/klid, pple, 957 d.
j/kliQ, aor., 916 a.
ks, combinations of, 146, 221.
1/ksan, pple, 954 d; inf., 968 e.
j/ksam, pres., 763; fut., 935 b;

pple, 955 a, 956 b; inf., 968 d;

caus., 1042g.
ksam, dcln, 388.
yksar, aor., 890.
yksal, caus., 1042 n.
l/ksa, pres., 761 e; pple, 957 a.
ksama as pple, 958.
yksi possess, pres., 755; caus.,

1042d, 1.
j/ksi destroy, pres., 761 b ; fut,

93*5 a; pple, 957 a; ya-ger'd, 922 a;

caus., 10421.
j/ksud, pple, 957 d.

VTnjudh, Pres-> 761 a? aoT-> 847-
1/ksubh, pple, 956 b.
ksaipra-circumflex, 84 a.
l/ksnu, pres., 626.
>/ksvid, pple, 957 d.

kh, pron. etc., 39; relation to B, 61b.
}/khan or kha, 102 a; pass.', 772;

pf., 794e; aor., 890a; pple, 955b;

inf., 968 e; ya-ger'd, 992a; caus.,

1042g.

1/kha, 102 a.

|/khid, pf., 790 b; pple, 957 d.
>/khud, khun, int., 1002 g, h.
]/khya, aor., 847, 894 c; fut, 936c.

g, pron. etc., 39 ; relation to j, 42 ;

from j by reversion, 214 ff.
gata, in compsn, 1273c.
i/gam, 102 a; pres., 608 b, 747,

855a; aor., 833, 834b, 837—40,

847, 881 e, 887b; pf., 794e, 805a;

fut, 943 a; pple, 954 d; int.,

1002g, h, 1003 ; des., 1028e, 103lb ;

cans., 1042g; root-noun, 383 h.
|/gal, int., 1002 d.
]/ga go, 102a; pres., 660; aor., 830,

836, 839, 884, 894 c ; desid., 1028 d.
]/ga sing, 251; pres., 761 e; aor.,

894 d, 912; pple, 954 c; inf., 968f ;

ya-ger'd, 992 a; caus., 1042 j, k.
j/gah or gah, pple, 956 e; int.,

1002 d.

ygir, gil, 756; caus., 1042b.
}/gu, int., 1002 d.
guna, 27, 235 ff.

}/gup, aor., 863 a; inf., 968 c; ya-
ger'd, 992 c; des., 1040.
i/gur, pres., 756; aor., 834 a; pple,

957 b.
>/Kuli, euph., 155 b, d, 223 b, 240 c;

pres., 745c; pf., 793 i ; aor., 847,

852, 916a, 920a, f; inf., 968e;

ya-ger'd, 992 c; caus., 1042 b.
y&? sing, euph., 242 b; aor., 894 d.
j/gy swallow, euph., 242 b; pres.,

756; aor., 836; inf., 968 d; int.,

1002 d.
]/gr (or jagy) wake, 1020; aor., 867,

871.

>/grdh, pf., 786 a; aor., 847.
go, euph., 134a, 236 b ; dcln, 361 c, f.
gdha, gdhi, 233 f.
j/grath or granth, pres., 730 a;

pf., 794h; caus., 1042 h.
i/grabh or grah, euph., 155 b, 223 g ;

pres., 723, 729, 731, 732, 904d,

1066b; pf., 794 c, 801 i; aor.,

834 b, 847, 900 b, 904 a, b; fut.

936 e; pple, 956 d, e; infin., 968f;

pass., 998 f; des., 1031 b; caus.,

1042 b.
}/gras, pple, 956 b.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

527

y/gla, pros., 761 e; aor., 912; pple,

957a; cans., 1042].
glau, dcln, 361 a.

gh, pren. etc., 30; h derived from,
66; from h, by reversion, 214ff.,
402.

I/ghat, caus., 1042 g.

euph., 167, 233 f; jaks

from, 640; pf., 794 d; aoi., 833,

847; pple, 954 e.
ghosavant, 34.
/ghra, pres., 671, 749 a ; tva-ger'd,

991 d; ya-ger'd, 992c; caus.,

1042 d.

n, pron. etc., 39; occurrence as final,
143, 386. 2, 3, 407 a; duplication
as final, 210; adds k before sibi-
lant, 211.

c, pron. etc., 42 — 4; as final, 142;
from t before a palatal, 202 a,
203 ; n to n before it, 208 b ; inter-
nal combinations of, 217; reversion
to k, 216ff.; in pres., 681; pf.,
787; int., 1002 i; des., 1028 f.

]/cakas or cakac, so-called, 677.

l/caks, pres., 444a, 621 a, 628, 675.

catur, dcln, 482 g, h.

Xcam, pres., 745 d; pple, 955 a;
caus., 1042g.

}/car, euph., 242 d; aor., 899 d; pple,
957 b; inf., 968 c; tva-ger'd,
991 b, c; int., 1002d, 1003, 1017;
des., 1031 b; in ppial periphr.
phrases, 1075 b.

>/carv, pple, 956 a, 957 b.

fcal, int., 1003; cans., 1042g.

}/cay, pres., 761 e; tva-ger'd, 991 c;
ya-ger'd, 992 b ; periphr. pf., 1071 f.

|/ci gather, reversion of c to k,
2161, 681, 787, 1028 f; pres., 716b,
855 a; aor., 889; tva-ger'd, 991 d;
ya-ger'd, 992 a; caus., 10421.

yd note, pres., 645; aor., 834 a.

|/cit, reversion of c to k, 2161,
681, 787, 1002i, 1028f; pf., 790b,
801 e; aor., 840 a, b; int., 1002i,
1024; des., 1040; caus., 1042b.

j/cesk pf., 790 c.

|/cyu, pf., 78!) a; aor., 840 b, 866,
867, 868a, 870; inf., 968c; caus.,
1042 e.

ch, pron. etc., 42, 44 ; as final, 142;
from <j after i or n, 203; after

other mutes, 203 a; in internal
combination, 220 ; duplication be-
tween vewels, 227 ; qch for, 227 a.

cha present-stems, 608.

I/chad, pple, 957 d.

Xchand, aor., 863 a, 890 b; caus.,
1042 g.

>/cha, pres., 753 c; pple, 954c;
tva-ger'd, 991 b; caus., 1042k.

>/chid, pres., 694 a; pf., 806 b ;
aor., 832 a, 834 d, 847, 887 a;
pple, 957 d.

j/chur, caus., 1042 b.

j/chfd,pple, 957 d ; tva-ger'd, 991 d.

j, pron. etc., 42 — 4; as final, 142;
in internal combination, 219; n
to fi before it, 202 b; from t be-
fore sonant palatal, 202 a; rever-
sion to g, 215ft*.; in pf., 787; in
des., 1028 f. ; before na of pple,
957 c; anomalously changed to d,
15 Ic.

yjaks, 102 a; euph., 233 f; pres..
640, 675; pple, 954 e.

jagat, doln, 450 d.

jagdha etc., 233 f.

|/jan, 102 a; pres., 631 a, 645, 680,
761 b, 772; pf., 794 e; aor., 834b,
904 d; pple, 955 b; inf., 968 e;
des., 1031 b.

jani, dcln, 343 f.

janus, dcln, 41 5 c.

I/jap, pple, 956b; int., 1002d, 1017.

Xjambh or jabh, inf., 968 e; int.,
1017.

>/jalp, pf., 790c.

yjas, aor., 871.

Vja, 102 a.

1/jagr, so-called, 104 b, 1020; pf.,
1071 e.

jatya-circumflex, 84 b.

i/ji conquer, reversion of j to g,
2161; in pf., 787; in des., 1028 f;
aor., 839, 889, 894b, 904b; fut,,
935 a; caus., 10421; caus. aor.,
1047, 861 b; periph. pf., 1071 f.

|/ji injure — see jya.

>/jinv, 716 a, 749 b.

jihv.amuliya, 39 a, 69.

l/jiv, aor., 861 a ; des., 1028h, 1031b ;
cans., 1042 n.

>/jur, pres., 756, 766.

i/jus, aor., 834 b, 836, 840b; in
sajus, 225a, 392b.

)/ju, pres., 728; pf., 786c.

528

SANSKRIT INDEX.

yjr waste away, euph., 2161, 242 b;

pres., 756, 766; pf., 793h, 794k;

pple, 957b; cans., 1042e.
VJnB, pres.,730b, 731; pf., 790b;

aor., 830, 838, 894c, 912; caus.,

1042j; caus. aor., 1047, 861 b;

caus. des., 1030 ; caus. pple, lOCib.
tfya or ji, pres., 761 b; pf., 785 a,

794 b; aor., 912; pple, 954 c.
Vjri, aor., 897 b.

aor., 899 d; caus., 1042g.

jh, pron. and occurrence, 42; as
final, 142 ; in internal combination,
220 b.

n, pron. etc., 42; from n after a
palatal, 201; before j, 202 b; c,
$03; c, 208 b.

t, pron. etc., 45, 46; from a final
palatal, 142; 9,145, 218; $,145;
h, 147; adds t before 8, 199e;
added to final n before sibilant,
211; from j in internal combina-
tion, 219; eh, 220; kf, 221; h,
222; s, 226 b.

th, pron. etc., 45, 46.

4, pron. etc., 45; ordinary derivation,
46 ; 1 used for, 5 a, 54 ; from d
with preceding sibilant, 198d, 199 d.

dh, pron. etc., 45, 46; In used for,
54; from dh with preceding sibi-
lant, 199 d; from h with following
t or th or dh, 222 b.

dhvam or dhvam, 226 c, 881 b,
901 a, 924 a.

n, pron. etc., 45; ordinary derivation,

' 46 ; as final, 143 ; change of n to,

189 — 95; from n with preceding

sibilant, 199 b; doubled as final,

210; adds $ before a sibilant, 211.

t, pron. etc., 47, 48; from final
radical a, 145; do. in internal
combn, 167, 168; with preceding
sonant aspirate, 160; assim. to
following 1, 162; added after t
before 8, 199 e ; after n before 8
or B, 207; to palatal before pal-
atal', 202; before 9, 203; anoma-
lously changed to k, 151 a; to t,
151 b; from k and j, 151 c.

-t, added after short final vowel of

root, 345, 376 b, 383 f—h, 1143d,

1147 d, 1196a, 1213 a; irregular

cases, 1147 e.
-ta, of pple, 952—6, 1176; ta-stems

in compsn, 1273, 1284; scdry,

1246 e.

ytans or tas, pf., 794 d; aor., 847.
>/tak?, pres., 628; pf., 790 b; pple,

956 a.

ytad, euph., 198 c.
tatpurusa, 1263 a.
taddhita-suffixes, 1138 a.
}/tan stretch, pass., 772; pf., 794 f,

805 a; aor., 833 a. 834 b, 847,

881 e, 890 a, 899d; pple, 954d;

ya-ger'd, 992 a; des., 1028 e.
-tana, 1245 g— i.
tanu as refi. pronoun, 514 b.
}/tap, pres., 761 b ; aor., 834 d, 233 e,

865 a; fut, 935 b.
I/tarn, pres., 763; aor., 847; pple,

955 a; inf., 968 e.

-tama, 471-3, 487 f, g, 1242a, b.
-tamam and-tamaxn, 1111 e, 1119.
-taya, 1245 a.
-taye, infin. in, 970 e, 975.
•tar, see 1109 a, and -tr.
-tara, 471—3, 1242 a, b.
-taram and taram, 1111 e, 1119.
-tari, infln. in, 970 i, 979.
-tavant, pple in, 959, 960.
-tave and tavai, infln. in, 970 b,

972,

-tavya, 962, 964, 1212i.
l/tas, see tans,
-tas, 1152; advbl, 1098.
-ta, 1237.
-tat, impv. forms in, 570, 571, 618,

654, 704, 723, 740, 752 c, 760 c,

839, 1011 a, 1032a, 1043d.
-tftt, 383k, 1238; advbl, HOOb.
-tSti, 1238.
i/tay, pres., 761 e; periphr. pf.,

1071 f.

talavya, 44 a.

-ti, 1157; ti-stems in compsn, 1274,
1287 d; scdry, 519, 1157 h; advbl,
1102a-d.

ytij, euph., 219 a; des., 1040.
-titha, 1242 e.
1/tir, 756, 766.
>/tu, pres., 633; pf., 786 c; aor.,

868 a; int., 1002 g.
-tu, 1161, 970b, 972.
>auj, caus., 1042 b.

pres., 758; pple, 957d.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

529

-turn, infin. in, 968, 970 b, 972,

987 988.
1/tur,' pres., 766, 766; des., 1029 a;

cans., 1042 b.
-tur, 1182g.
ytul, caus., 1042 b.
l/tus, caus.. 1042 b.
i/tr,'euph., 242 b; pres., 709, 715 c,

756, 766; pf., 794k, 801 f, 804;

aor., 904 d; pple, 957b;, inf.,

968d ; ya-ger'd, 992a; int, 1002d,

g, 1003, 1017; desid., 1029 a.
-tr, 943, 1182; tr-stems, dcln, 369 ff. ;

govern accus., 271 d; verbal use

of, 946; make periphr. fut, 942—7.
trca, euph., 233 a.
tfta, tytiya, euph., 243.
j/trd, aor., 836 b, 837 a; pple, 957 d.
I/tip, pres., 710, 758; pf., 786a;

fut., 936d; aor., 847, 852a.
l/trs/'pf., 786 a; aor., 840b, 847.
or trnh, euph., 223 b, 224 b;

pres., 694a, 695; aor., 847, 91 6 a.
tosas, dcln, 415 b.
-tos, infln. in, 970 b, 972.
tta for data, 955 f, 1087 e.
tti for dftti, 1157c.
-tna, 1245 g, h.
-tnu, 1196.
tman, dcln, 426 b.
-tya, for -ya, 992; scdry, 1245 b—d.
1/tyaj, 1087 f; euph., 219 a; pf.,

785 a?; fut 935 b; pple, 956 b.
-tyfti, infln. in, 970 e, 975 a.
-tra, 1185; or tra, advbl, 1099.
ytrap, pf., 794 h.
/teas, pf., 794 h; aor., 899 d.
|/tra, 102 a; pres., 628; aor., 887 d,

893 a, 895.
-tra, see -tra.
tri, dcln, 482 e, f; in compsn,

I300c.

-tri, see 1185 g.
tri^ubh, euph., 151 d.
-tri, 376 c, 1182.
-tru, see 1185g.
-tva, gerundival, 966 a, 1209 h;

scdry, 1239.
-tvata, 1239 d.
-tvan, see 1169.
-tvana, 1240.
Vtvar, caus., 1042 g.
-tvara, see 1171.
-tva, 990, 991, 993.
-tvanam, 993 c.
-tvSya, 993 b.
1/tvis, pres., 621 a; aor., 916 a.

Whitney , Grammar. 2. eU.

-tvi, 993 b.
-tvinam, 993 c.
>/tsar, aor., 890 a, 899 d.

th, pron. etc., 47, 48; with preced-
ing sonant aspirate, 160.

-tha, 1163; ordinal, 487 c, 1242 d;
or tha, advbl, 1101.

-tham, advbl, see 1101 a.

-tha, see tha.

-that, advbl, 1101 a.

-thu, 1164.

d, pron. etc., 47, 48; anomalously

changed to d, 151b; do. from h,

404.

daksina, dcln, 525 c.
ydagh, euph., 155 b, 160 c; aor.,

833, 836 b, 838, 847.
1/dad, 672; pf., 794 j.
/dadh, 672; euph., 155 e, 160 c.
dadhan, dadhi, 343 i, 431.
dan, euph., 389 b.
dant, dcln, 396.
dantya, 47.
ydabh or dambh, euph., 155 b;

pf., 794h; aor., 833; des., 1030.
>/dam, pres., 763; pple, 955 a; tvft-

ger'd, 991 b.

-dam, advbl, see 1103 b.
|/day, pres., 761 f ; periph. pf., 1071 f.
ydaridra, so-called, 104b, 1024 a;

pf., 1071 e.
|/dal, caus., 1042 g.
>/da9 or dan<j, pres., 746; pf.,

794 d; tva-ger'd, 991 d.
1/das, aor., 847, 852b, 899 d.
i/dah, euph., 155b, d, 223a; aor.,

890 a, 897 a, 444 a; fut., 935 d;

int, 1002 d; des., 1030.
VdS, give, pres., 667—9, 672, 855 a;

pf., 803a; aor., 830, 834a, 836,

837, 839, 847, 884, 894 c; pple,

955f, 1087e, 1157c; inf., 968f;

tva-ger'd, 991 b; ya-ger'd, 992 a;

des., 1030, 1034b.
1/dS divide, 251; pres., 753 c, 761 g;

aor., 834 a; pple, 954 c, 955 f,

957 a, 1087 e, 1157 c; ya-ger'd,

992a.
i/dS bind, pres., 753 c, 761 g; aor.,

8S4; pple, 954 c.
yd& protect, alleged, pf., 787.
-da, adrbl, 1103 a, b.
-danim, advbl, 1103 c.
|/da9, pres., 444, 639 c; pf., 790 b,

803 a.

34

530

SANSKRIT INDEX.

I/das, pres., 444.

-di, advbl, 1103e.

didyot etc., 336 e.

ydiv, see div.

dfv, dcln, 361 d.

>/dic, euph., 218 a; aor., 916, 920 a;

int., 1017.

l/dih, eupb., 155 b, 223 a; aor., 916.
>/dlkf, des., 1031 b; caus., 1042 n.
l/didi, so-called, 676; pf., 786b.
ydldhl, so-called, 104 b, 676; pf.,

786 b; aor., 897 b.
}/dip, aor., 861 a.
ydlvplay, euph., 240 b; pres., 765;

pple, 955 c; inf., 968e.
|/div or dev lament, pple, 957 a ;

inf., 968 e.

ydu or du, pres., 716 b; pple, 957 a.
ducchuna, euph., 168b.
j/dudh, 102 a.
yduB, euph., 240 c, 1155 a; aor.,

847; caus., 1042b.
dus-, 225 a, 1121 ; in compsn,

1284a, b, 1288e, f, g, 1304c, d.
>/duh, euph., 165 b, d, f, 223 a;

pres., 621, 636; pf., 801 h; aor.,

916, 920a— f.
yd? pierce, euph., 242 c; pf., 793 h;

pple, 967b; int., 1002d, 1003,

1023; caus., 1042 e.
l/dr heed, pres., 757, 773; aor.,

834 a, 881 b.

ydyp, aor., 847; fut., 936 b, 936 d.
l/drc, euph., 218a; pf., 790c, 801 e,

805 b; aor., 832, 834 b, 836, 840 b,

847, 890 a, 894a; fut., 936 d; pass.,

998 f; root-noun, dcln, 386. 3.
dre, dnja, drksa, with pron.-stems,

518.
|/dyh or drfih, euph., 155 b, 223 b, d ;

pres.,_ 758, i761 b, 767; pf., 786 a.
devanagan, 1.
dosan, dos, 398 a. 432.
dyu and dyo, dcln, 361 d, e.
1/dyut, pf., 785 a; aor., 840 a, b,

847, 863 a, 890 a; int., 1002g;

caus., 1042 b.
-dyus, see 1105 b.
j/dra run, pple, 957 a; int., 1024 a.
ydr& sleep, aor., 912; pple, 954 c,

957 a; int., 1024 a.
i/dru, pf., 797 c; aor., 868; int.,

1018 a; caus., 1042 e.
i/druh, euph., 155 b, d, 223 a, c;

aor., 834 d. 847, 920 e, f.
dvandva, 1252 a.
dvar, dcln, 388. 3.

dvi, cmpds with, 1300 c.
dvigu, 1312.

/dvis, euph., 226 d, f; pres., 621 a;
aor., 916, 920b.

dh, pron. etc., 47. 48; from t or th

after sonant aspirate, 160 ; h from,

223 g;

-dha, see -dha.
j/dharn or dhma, pres., 760 ; pass.,

772; aor., 912; pple, 955 b; ya-

ger'd, 992a.
ydha put, euph., 223 g; pres., 667

—9, 672, 856 a; aor., 830, 834—

7, 839, 847, 884; pple, 954c;

inf., 968f; tva-ger'd, 991 b; des.,

1028 d, 1030, 1031 a; in periphr.

conj., 1070 c.
ydh& suck, 251; pres., 761 f; aor.,

868; pple, 954 c; inf., 968 f; ya-

ger'd, 992 a.

-dha or -dha, advbl, 1104.
j/dhav rinse, pple dhauta, 954 e.
>^dhi (or dhinv), 71 6 a.
dhi, final of compds, 1155^, 1276 b.
ydhu or dhu, pres., 712, 728 a,

755; pf., 790 b; aor., 868 a, 887 c;

int., 1002g, 1003, 1018 a; caus.,

1042m.

|/dhurv, aor., 887c; des., 1028 h.
l/dhr, pres., 767, 773; pf., 786a;

aor., 834 a, 867, 871; int., 1003.
1/dhrs, pf., 786 a; aor., 847, 852 b;

pple, 956 b.
j/dhma, see dham.
/dhya, pres., 761 e; aor., 912.
-dhyai, infin. in, 970 g, 976, 1050 f.
1/dhvaAs or dhvas, euph., 168;

pf., 790 c; aor., 847; caus., 1042 g.
ydhvan, pple, 955 a, 956 b; caus.,

1042 g.

, pple, 955 e.

n, pron. etc., 47, 48; as final, 143;
for final rdcl m, 143 a, 212 a;
change to n, 189 — 95; to n after
and before palatals, 201—3. 208 b;
combinations as root-final, 204;
loss as stem-final, 204 b; assim.
to palatals and linguals, 205; to
1, 206; before sibilants, 207;
treated as ns, 208, 209 ; duplica-
tion of final, 210; instability as
final, 256, 1203 b; used as union-
cons., 257, 313, 482 h; question
of final of pancan etc., 484; final
n in secndry dervn, 1203 c.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

531

na, comparative, 1122h.

na added to tha or ta of 2d pi.,

549 a; forms so made, 613, 616b,

618, 621 b, 654, 658, 669, 690,

704, 707, 723, 735 b, 740, 752 b,

760 c, 831 a, 839, 849 a.
-na, of pples, 952, 957, 1177; euph.,

161 b; scdry, 1223 g, 1245 f; in

compsn, 1273, 1284.
l/naks, 102 a.
l/nad,' cans., 1042 g.
/nand, euph., 192a.
/nabh, euph., 192 a; cans., 1042g.
/nam, pf., 786 a; aor., 890a, 897b,

911, 912; fut., 935 b: pple,

964d; inf., 968 d; int., 1017;

caus., 1042 g.
-nam, advbl, 1109 a.
i/nac be lost, euph., 192 a; aor.,

847, 854b, 867; fut., 935 d, 936 a;

des., 1028.
j/na9 attain, euph., 218a; pf.,801g;

aor., 833, 834 b, 837 b; des., 1029 c.
/nas, aor., 837 b.
nas, dcln, 387, 397.
-nas, 1152.

}/nah, euph., 223 g; pres., 761 c.
-na, see 1177.
nagan, la.
nasikya, 230 b.
ni, euph., 192 f.
-ni, 1158.

/nins, euph., 183 a; pres., 628.
j/nij, euph., 21Ua; aor., 847; int.,

1024.

nitya-circumflex, 84 b.
]/nind, pf., 790b; aor., 840 b.
nilay, quasi-root, 1087 c.
ni$ and niQa, 397.
nis, loss of initial of, 1087 a.
/nl, aor., 889, 896, 900 b; fut.,

935 a ; inf., 968 c ; tva-ger'd, 991 c;

int., 1017, 1018 a; periphr. pf.,

1071 f.

-ni, fern, ending, 1176d, 1223 c.
nida, euph., 198 d.
/nu or nu, pres., 626 a; aor., 868 a,

887 c; int., 1002 g, 1003.
-nu, 1162.
/nud, aor., 834d, 904o,- pple, 956b,

957 d; int, 1017.
nr, dcln, 371.
/nrt, euph., 192 a; aor., 833, 847,

852 b; inf., 968 d; tva-ger'd, 991 c.
ned, accent of verb with, 595 e.
nema, dcln, 525 c.
nau, dcln, 361 a.

p, pron. etc., 49, 50.

-p, caus. -sign, 1042 i — 1; aor. from

such caus., 1047.
-pa, 1201.

pakva as pple, 958.
/pac, pres. 761 b.
/pat, pf., 794 f, h; aor., 847; int.,

1002 g; des., 1030, 1031; cans.,

r!042g.
pati, dcln, 343d, e; in dpndt compsn,

1267 a; denom. conj. from, 1054 a.
path, pathi, panthan, dcln, 3431,

395, 433.
/pad, pres., 761 c; aor., 834 b, d,

836, 837b; pple, 957d; int.,

1002 g; des., 1030.
pad, dcln, 387, 389b.
pada, Ilia; pada-endings and cases,

Ilia, b.

/pan, pf., 794 f; int., 1002 g.
panthan, see path,
para, dcln, 525 c.
parasmai padam, 529.
parucchepa, euph., 168b.
palay, quasi-root, 1087c.
palyang, quasi-root, 1087 c.
palyay, quasi-root, 1087 c.
/pa<j, pres., 761 c.
paqcima, dcln, 525 c.
/pa drink, pres., 671, 749 a, 855 a;

aor., 830, 838; pple, 954 c; ya-

ger'd, 992 a; des., 1028 d; caus.,

1042k.

I/pa protect, aor., 912; caus., 1042m.
pada, 79, 93d.
padapurana, 1122b.
pinak, eup'h., 190 c.
]/pinv, 699 b, 716 a, 749 b.
|/pi<}, pres., 758; aor. 840 b; pple,

956 b.
i/pis or pins, euph., 226 d, f; pres.,

694a, 920a; aor., 190c, 758a.
I/pis, euph., 181 d.
}/pid, euph., 198d.
plpi, conj. -stem, 676, 786 b.
pums, pumans, euph., 183 a; dcln,

394.
purahsara, puraskrta, puro-

gama, in compsn, 1302f.
pura, pres. in past sense with, 778 a.
puru, in compsn, 1284 b, 1290.
/pus, aor., 847.
]/pu,' pres., 728; aor. (?), 868 a,

894 d; inf., 968 e; caus., 1042 e.
purva, dcln, 525 c; in compsn, 1251 e,

1291 c, 1302 f.

34*

532

SANSKRIT INDEX.

pusan, dcln, 426 a.

ypr fill, euph., 242c; pres., 731,

761 b, 766; pf., 793 h; pple, 955 d,

957 b; inf., 968 c.
ypr pass, pf., 793h; aor., 896.
>/py be busy, pres., 767, 773.
yp?Q, pres., 694a; aor., 834c, 836b,

837 b, 840 b, 890, 894 a: pple,

957 c.

yp?ri, 731, 753.
pft, pftanfi, 397.
pfsant, dcln, 450 c.
y'pya or pi, pres., 761 e; pf., 786,

794b; aor., 912, 914 b.; pple,

957a; caus., 1042k.
pragi-hya, 138.

pracaya or pracita accent, 90 a.
/prach, euph., , 220; pres., 756 a;

pf., 794 c; aor. 834 c, 890; pple,

954 b.

1/prath, aor., 840 b, 863 a.
prabhrti, in compsn, 1302 e.
pra9lis$a-circumflex, 84 d.
]/pra, aor., 830, 889.
praya, in compsn, 1302i.
ypri, pres., 731; aor. (?), 866,

868; cans., 1042m.
}/pruth, ya-ger'd, 992 b.
Xprus, euph., 226 d, 392 b; pres.,

732,' 1066 b.

play, quasi-root, 1087c.
Vplu, aor., 863 b, 866; ya-ger'd,

992a; cans., 1042a.
pluta, 78.
>/psa, 102 a.

ph, pron. etc., 49, 6.0.

)/phan, pf., 794h; int., 1002g,

1003.

1/phal, pf., 794 h.
phulla as pple, 958.

b, pron. etc., 49, 50; interchange

Tvith v, 50 a.
>/banh, euph., 223 b.
]/badh or vadh, aor., 904 a; des.,

1029 a, 1040.
}/bandh, euph., 155b; pres., 723,

730 a; pf., 794 d; fut., 935 b; inf.

968 d.

bahuvrihi, 1293 b.
)/badh, euph.. 155 b; aor., 904 d;

int., 1002 d, 1003; des., 1029 a,

1031, 1040.
yl>udh, euph., 155b; aor., 834b, d,

839, 840 b, 847.

j/br>h, euph., 223 b; pres., 768; int.,
1011; caus., 1042h.

byhant, dcln, 450 a.

bbh, occurrence, 151 e.

ybru, pres., 632; peculiar construc-
tion, 268 a.

bh, pron. etc., 49, 60; anomalous-
ly changed to a guttural, 161 d;

h from, 223 g.
>/bhak8, 102 a.
ybhaj,* euph., 219a; pf., 794h;

aor., 834 c, 867, 890 a; i«t., 936 b;

inf., 968 d.
j/bhanj, euph., 219 a; pres., 694;

pple, 957 c; tva-ger'd, 991 d.
bhavant, 466, 614 c.
j/bhas, euph., 233 f; pres., 678.
>/bhas, inf., 968 d.
VOihiks, 102 a.
/bhid,' aor., 832, 834 d, 836 a, 840 a,

847; pple, 957d.
bhi^aj, euph., 219 a; denom. conj.

from, 1054 a.
>^bhl, pres., 645, 679; pf., 786 b;

aor., 831 a, 840 b, 866, 891, 897b;

caus., 10421, m; caus. aor., 1047;

periphr. pf., 107 If, 107 3 a.
/bhls, 1042m; aor., 861 a, 1047.
yT>huj bend, euph., 219 a; pple,

957 c; tva-ger'd, 991 d.
ybhuj enjoy, euph., 219 a; pres.,

694 a; aor., 836 b, 847, 912.
ybhjur, pres., 756; int., 1002d.
bhuvas, euph., 176 c.
yT>hu, pf., 789 a, 793 b, 800 d; aor.,

829, 830, 836-9, 863, 924; inf.,

968 e; in periphr. conjn, 1070—72;

in ppial periphr. phrases, 1075 d ;

iu compd conjn, 1091 — 4.
bhuta in compsn, 1273 c.
ybhf, pres., 646, 855 a; pf., 789 b,

797 c; aor., 890 a; int, 1002 g, hr

1003; periphr. pf., 1071 f.
bhos, 456; euph., 174 b.
]/bhranc or bhra?, pres., 767;

aor., 847; pple, y54b; caus.,

1042 h.

]/bhrajj or bhyjj, euph., 219b.
yTjhram, pres., 763; pf., 794 h;

pple, 955 a; inf., 968 d; tva-ger'd,

991 b; ya-ger'd, 992 c; caus.,

1042g.
i/bhraj, euph., 219 b; pf., 790 c,

794 h; aor., 833.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

533

m, pron. etc., 49, 50; as final, 143;

as final radcl, 143 a, 212, 256; in

extrnl combn, 213; before raj,

213 b.
-ma, prmy, 1166; scdry, 474, 487a,d,

1224 b, 1242 c.
i/manh or mah, pf., 786 a; caus.,

1042 g.

maghavan, dcln, 423.
}/majj, euph., 219a; pf., 801 g; aor.,

887 a ; f ut. , 936 a ; pple, 957 c ; inf. ,

968 e; des., 1028 j.
-mat, advbl, 1235 e.
i/math or manth, pres., 730 a,

731, 732, 1066 b, 746; aor., 899 d;

ya-ger'd, 992 b; caus., 1042 g.
i/mad or mand, 102 a; pres, 628,

645, 764; aor., 833, 834 d, 839,

840 b, 887 a, 897 b, 899 d, 904 d;

pple, 956 b; cans., 1042 g.
>/man, pf., 794f; aor., 834 b, 840b,

881 e, 887 a, b; fut., 935 b; pple,

954 d; des., 1028e, 1029a, 1040;

special construction, 268 a, 994 e.
-man, 1168; man- and ma-stems,

1166 c: man-stems in compsn,

1277 b.
manas, in comp. with inn n.-s tern,

-mane, infin. in, 970 d, 974.

-mant, 1235.

i/mantr, so-called, 104 b, 1056,

1067, 1073d.
manthan, dcln, 434.
]/mand, 102 a: see mad.
-maya, 161 a, 1225.
-mara, 1201 a.
]/mah, see manh.
man, mahi, 400 a.
mahant, dcln, 450 b.
maha, 355 a.
mahaprana, 37 d.
j/ma measure, pres., 660, 663; aor.,

839J; pple, 954 c; inf., 968 f; tva-

gerd, 991 b; ya-ger'd, 992 a; des.,

1030.

|/ma exchange, pres., 761 f.
1/ma bellow, pres., 660, 663, 672,

676 c^ aor., 868 e.
mans, mansd (and mas), 397.
matra, in compsn, 1302 g; euph.,

161 a.

-mana, 584b, 1174.
mas, euph., 168 a; dcln, 389 b, 397:

and see mans.
]/mi fix, aor., 911 ; des., 1030.
-mi, 1167.

}/miks, 1033 a; cans., 1042 b.
mitra, 1185c.
-min, 1231.
Xmil, fut., 936 b.

or mi damage, pres., 192 c,

731, 761b; aor., 911; des.,

1030; caus., 10421.
l/mih, euph., 223 b; pf., 790 b; aor.,

916 a, 920 a.
1/miv, pple, 955 b.
}/muc, pres., 758, 761 b, 855 a; aor.,

832, 834 c, 837 b, 839, 847, 890 a;

des., 1030.
Vmud, aor., 837 b.
]/mus, pres., 732, 1066 b; pple,

956 b; caus., 1042 b.
V'muh, euph., 223 a, c; pres., 761 a;

aor., 847; pple, 955 e.
>/murch, 220 a; pres., 745 f; pple,

954 e.

murdhanya, 45.
)/my die, euph., 242 c; pres., 757,

773; aor., 834 a, 837 b.
}/mr crush, pres., 731.
|/mjj, euph., 219 b; pres., 621 a,

627, 745e; pf., 786a. 793i; aor.,

900 a, 919, 920; fut., 935b, 936d;

pple, 956 b, d; inf., 958 c; tva-

ger'd, 991 c; ya-ger'd, 992 b; int,

1002 g, 1003, 1017; des., 1028 j;

caus., 1042 b.

l/mfd, euph., 198 d; caus., 1042b.
j/myn, 731, 753 a.
>/mrd, fut., 936 d.
}/mrdh, aor., 838, 847.
>/mr«}, pf., 786 a; aor., 916, 920;

pple, 956 b; int., 1002 g, 1003,

1017.

1/myf, aor., 834 c, 840 a, 847.
-mna, 1224 c.
>/mna, 102 a; aor., 912.
}/mruc, aor., 847.
|/mla, pres., 761 c; aor., 912; pple,

957 a; caus., 1042 j.
1/mluc, int., 1002 g.

y, pron. etc., 51, 66, 56; relation

to i-vowels, 55; nasal y, 71 c, 213d;

y as union-consonant, 258, 313 b,

844, 1112 e, 1151 d, 1230 e, 996 b;

resolved to i, 55, 113b, 129o;

cases of loss of i before, 233 a;

y of sfx treated as i, 1203 a.
ya contracted to i, 262, 769, 784 b,

794 b.
ya as con j. -class-sign, 606, 759;

as passive-sign, 606, 768, 998 a;

534

SANSKRIT INDEX.

added to intens. stem, 1016; in
caus. sign, 1055 a ; as denom.
sign, 1055—67.

-ya (or ya) of gerund, 990, 992,
993 ; of gerundive, 962, 963, 1213.

-ya, pray, 1187, 1213; ya-stems in
oompsn, 1272; scdry, 1210—12.

yakan, yakrt, 398 a, 432.

>/yaj, euph., 219 b, 784b; pres.,
628; pf., 784 b; aor., 834 c, 839,
890a,894d; inf.,968d; des.,1029c.

j/yat, aor., 840 b; pple, 956 b.

yatha, accent,. 1101 b; in compsn,
1313 e—e.

]/yam, pres., 608 b, 631 a, 747;
pf., 790b; aor., 833, 836—9, 887 a,
890a, 896, 897b, 911 ; fut., 935b ;
pple, 954 d; inf., 968 d; tva-
ger'd, 991 b; caus., 1042g.

yama, 230 a.

1/yas, aor., 847; pple, 956 b.

-yas for -lyas, 470 a.

>/ya, 102a; aor., 894c, 912, 914c.

-ya, 1213 d.

-yin, see 1230 e.

unite, pres., 626 a, 765; ya-
ger'd, 992 a.

separate, pres., 608 a, 645; aor.,

838, 868 a, 889, 894 b ; int., 1018 a ;
caus., 1042 e.

-yu, 1165; see 1178h— j.
J/yuj, euph., 219 a; pres., 758 a;
aor., 832, 834b, 836b, 837a,

839, 840 b, 847, 887 a; root-noun,
386.

1/yudh, aor., 834 d, 836 b, 839,

887 a.

>/yup, int., 1017.
yiivan, dcln, 427.
yusa, yu^an, 432.
yosan, dclii, 426 b.

r, pron. etc., 51, 52; r and 1, 53 b;
r and s as corresponding sonant
and surd, 117b, 158a, 164; final,
144, 169; words ending iij original
r, 169 a; combination as final rdcl,
165; as other, 178; avoidance of
double, 179; s or r as final of
certain forms, 169 b; from a after
a, 176 c; 8 to s after, 180 ff.; but
not before, 181 a, b; changes
succeeding n to n, 189 ff.; dupli-
cation of consonant after, 228;
svarabhakti after, 230 c.

r-endings in 3d pi., 613, 618, 629,
699b, 738a, 752b, 799, 813, 818a.

ra and rS as increments of r, 241.
-ra, prmy, 1188: scdry, 474,' 1226,

1242 c.

>/raks, aor., 899 d.
i/raj or rafij, eupb., 219 a; pres..

746, 767; caus., 1042 g.
j/radh or randh, pf., 786 a, 794 h;

aor., 847.

/ran, pf., 786 a; aor., 899 d.
]/rabh, pf., 786 a, 794 h; aor., 834 d,

897 b; des., 1030.
j/ram, aor., 911, 912; pple, 954d;

inf., 968 d; tva-ger'd, 991 b; caus.,

1042 g.
>/ra give, pres., 660, 666, 672;

aor., 839, 896.
yra, bark, pres., 761 e.
>/raj, euph., 213 b, 219 b; pf., 794 h.
i/r&dh, pf., 794 h; aor., 836; des.,

1030.

Vri or ri, caus., 10421.
-ri, 1191.
>/ric, pres., 761 b ; aor., 834 c, 839,

847, 890.
j/ri9, aor., 916.
i/ris, euph., 226 f; aor., 847, 852a,

853, 870; caus., 1042 b.
]/rih, euph., 223 b; int., 1017.
|/ri, see ri.

1/ru, pres., 626, 633, 755.
-ru, 1192.
>/ruc, aor., 834 c, 837 b, 840 b, 847;

desid., 1031 b.
1/ruj, euph., 219 a; aor., 832; pple,

957 c; tva-ger'd, 991 c.
}/rud, pres., 631 ; aor., 847; tva-
ger'd, 991 d.
tfrudbi, pres., 694 a, 758 a, 855 a;

pf., 801 h; aor., 832, 834 d, 847,

887 a, 890 a ; inf., 968 d ; ya-ger'd ,

992 b.

yriKj, aor., 916; caus., 1042 b.
ru<jant, dcln, 450 c.
/rus, pple, 956 b.
j/ruh, euph., 223 b, d; aor., 840 b,

847, 853, 916, 920 a, b; fut.,

935 d; inf., 968 d; ya-ger'd, 992 c ;

caus., 10421.
repha, 18.
raf, dcln, 361 b, f.
-rhi, advbl, 1103d.

1, pron. etc., 51, 53; 1 and r, 53 b;
1 for r in certain verbal prefixes,
1087c ; nasal 1, 71 b, c, 206, 213 d ;
as final, 144; assim. to, 117 g; of t,
162; of n, 206; of m, 213 d;

SANSKRIT INDEX.

535

asserted B to 9 after, 180b; du-
plication of consonant after, 228 a ;
svarabhakti after, 230 d.

-la, prmy, 1189; scdry, 1227.

I/lag, pple, 957 c; tva-ger'd, 991 c 5
cans., 1042 g.

ylajj, pres., 754.

}/lap, pple, 956 b; infin., 968 c.

ylabh, aor., 834 d; fut., 935 b;
des., 1030.

l/lal, caus., 1042 g.

)/likh, fut., 936 b.

i/lip, pres., 753, 758: ao.r., 834 d;
847.

l/li9, aor., 916.

}/lih, euph., 223 b; aor., 916, 920 a.

yll cling, aor., 911; pple, 957 a;
ya-ger'd, 992 a; caus., 10421, m.

yll totter, int., 1018 a, 1022.

1/lup, pres., 758, 761 b; aor., 887 a.

ylubh, pres., 761 a.

1/lu, pres., 728 a; pple, 957 a.

1, pron. etc., 5 a, 54.

V, pron. etc., 51, 57, 58; relation
to u- vowels, 57 a; interchange
withb, 50 a; nasal v, 71 c, 213d;
resolved to u, 58 a, 113 b; cases
of loss of u before, 233 a ; dupli-
cation of consonants after, 228 a.

va, contracted to u, 252, 769, 784,

-va, prmy, 1190; scdry, 1228; advbl,

1102e. f.

l/vaks, pple, 956 b.
j/vac, euph., 2161; pres., 660; pf.,

784, 789 d; aor., 847, 853, 854 a.
}/vanc, euph., 2161; pf., 786a.
-vat, advbl, 1107, 1233 f; scdry,

383k. 1, 1245j.
j/vad, 102 a; pres., 738 a; pf.,

784; aor., 899 d, 904 d; pple,

956d; int., 1017; desid., 1031 b.
>/vadh, see badh.
}/van, pf., 786 a, 794 f; aor., 839,

887 b, 912, 914; pple, 955 b;

des., 1028g.

-van, prmy, 1169; scdry, 1234; van-
stems in compsn, 1277, 1287 b.
•vana, -vani, -vanu, 1170 ; -vana,

12451.

-vane, infln. in, 970 d, 974.
-vant, 517, 959, 1233; prmry,

1233 g.
j/vand, 102 a.

j/vap, pf., 784; fut., 935 b; pple,

954 b.
yvam, pres., 631 a; pple, 955 a;

tva-ger'd, 991 b; caus., 1042 g.
vam (from vr), 543 a.
-vam, advbl, 1102b.
-vaya, 1228 b.
-vara, 1171.
-vari, fern, to van, 1169, 1171,

1234a.
varga, 32.

}/varn, so-called, 1056.
-vala, 1228 b.
i/vac, pres., 638, 660; pf., 784,

786 a.
yVas shine, euph., 167 ; pres., 608br

753 b; pf., 784; aor., 834 b; pple,

956 b, d.
1/vas clothe, euph., 167 ; pres., 628r

631 a, 638a; pf., 786 a.
]/vas dwell, euph., 167; pf., 784;

aor., 840 b, 883; fut., 936 d; pple,

956 b, d; inf., 968 c; tva-ger'd,

991 c; in periphr. conj. 1070 c;

periphr. pf., 1071 f.
-vas, 1173 b: and see vans.
>/vah, euph., 137 c, 223 b, 224 b;

pf., 784; aor., 837 b, 839, 840 b,

890 a; fut., 935 d; pple, 954 b ;

int., 1002 g, 1017; at end of

compds, 408.

|/va blow, aor., 912; pple. 957 a.
yVa droop, pres., 761 e.
)/va or vi weave, pres., 761 f; pf.,

784, 801 b ; fut., 93f> c ; pple, 954 e;

inf., 968 f; caus., 1042k.
/vans (or -vas), of pples, 584 er

802—6, 1173; vans-stems, dcln,

458 if.

vaghat, dcln, 444 a.
}/va9, pf., 786 a; aor., 861 a.
vf, dcln, 343 b.
-vi, 1193.
vikampana, 87 d.
1/vic, int., 1024.
}/vij, euph., 219 a; aor., 834 c;

fut., 935 b. 936 c; pple, 957 c;
int.. 1017, 1024.
-vit, see 1193 b.

yvid know, 102a; pres. 613, 618,
621 a ; pf., 790 a, 803 a; fut., 935 b;
inf., 968 d; des., 1031 b; periphr.
pf., 1071 f, 1073 a; periphr. aor.
I/and pres., 1073 b, c.
vid find, 102 a; pres., 758; pf.,
805 b ; aor., 847, 852 a; pple, 957 d-
vidha, in compsn, 1302 i.

536

SANSKRIT INDEX.

-vin, 1232.

yvindh, pres., 758.

|/vip, aor., 840 b; cans., 1042 b.

virama, 11.

Vvi9, euph., 218 a; pf., 803 a, 805 b;

aor., 834b, 916, 920*.
vicva, dcln, 524; in compsn, 1251 e,

1280 c, 1298c.
Vvif, euph., 225 a, 226 d, f; aor.,

916; int., 1024.
visarga, visarjaniya, 67: and

see h.

Vvi, int, 1017, 1024 a.
yv? cover, 102 a; pres. (urnu),

713; aor., 831 a, 834 a, 836 b,

839, 840b, 900b; inf., 968d;

int., 1002 g.
yv? choose, 102 a; euph., 102 a,

242 c ; pf., 797 c ; aor., 837b, 840 b :

inf., 968 d; caus., 1042 e.
yVrj, euph., 219 a; pf., 786 a, 803 a;

aor., 832, 834 c, 836—9, 919,

920 a; int., 1002 g.
i/vrt, pres., 643 c, 855 a; pf., 786 a;

aor., 832, 834b, 836b, 839, 840a,

847, 904 d; fut, 935 b, 943 a;

inf., 968e; int, 1002g, 1003,

1017, 1023.
vytra, 1185c.
vyddhi, 27, 235 ff.

h, pf., 786 a; aor., 847, 852 a, b,
b; fut., 943 a; inf., 968 e.
pf., 786a; aor., 847; inf.,

vfean, dcln, 426 b.

yVjh, aor., 916, 920 a.

VOC, quasi- root, 854 a.

-vya, 1228 c.

Vvyac, 1087f; pres., 682; pf., 785,

794b.

vyafljana, 31.
i/vyath, pf.. 785.
i/vyadh, pres., 767; pf., 786, 794 b;

fut, 936 b ; pple, 954 b ; inf., 968 f;

cans., 1042 g.
Vvyay, pres., 761 f.
i/vya or vi, pres., 761 f; pf., 785,

794b, 801c; aor., 847; fut, 935c;

pple, 954 c; caus., 1012k.
|/vraj, euph., 219 b; aor., 899 d.
^vraQC, euph., 221 b; pple, 957 c;

tva-ger'd, 991 c.
l/vli, pres., 728 b; pple, 957 a; int,

1017; caus., 10421.

$, pron., etc., 59, 63, 64, 119; re-
lation to ?, 63 a; as final, 145;

in intrnl combn, 218; with pre-

ceding t or n, 203.
-9a, 1229.

X9a£s, pf., 790 c; ya-ger'd, 992 c.
>/9ak, aor., 837 a, 839, 847; pple,

956 b; des., 1030, 1040.
?akan, fjakyt, 398, 43Z
l/9ank, aor., 904 d.
]/$ad prevail, pf., 786.
yq&d fall, pple, 957 d.
j/9ap, aor., 233 e; inf., 968 c.
)/9am labor, pres., 634, 763.

be quiet, pres., 763; aor.,
7; pple, 955 a; caus., 1042g.
, pf., 794j.
, aor., 839.
-9as, advbl, 1106.
V9&, pres., 660, 662, 753 c, 761 g;

aor., 834 a; pple, 954 c; caus.,

1042k.

(or 9if), pres., 444, 639,

675; aor., 847, 852a, 854c; pple,

954e, 956b; inf., 968c; ya-ger'd,

992 c; desid., 1031 b; acfs from,

225 a, 392 b.

>/9inj, euph., 219 a; pres., 628.
VciB leave, euph., 226 f; pres., 694 a,

758 a; aor., 847, 853.
>/9is, see 9^8.
X9I lie, pres., 628, 629; pf., 806 a;

fut, 935 a; pple, 956 c; ya-gerM,

992 c.
J/9UC, pres., 631 a; aor., 847; int,

968 d; tva-ger'd, 991 c; caus.,

1042 b.

|/9udh, caus., 1042h.
>/9ubh, pres., 758; aoi., 852a, b

840 b; caus., 1042 b.
, pres., 761 a.

as pple, 958.
, see 9va.
>/9Uf, euph., 240 b.
Vcr crush, euph., 242b; pres., 731;.

pf., 793h; aor., 900a, 904b;

pple, 955d, 957b; inf., 968d.
>/9cand, int, 1002 g.
>/<jnath, pres., 631 a; aor., 867.
ycj& or 91, pres., 761 e; pple, 954c

967 a.
l/9rath, pres., 732, 1066b, 758;

pf:, 794h; pple, 956 d.
i^9ram, pres., 763; pf., 794 h; aor.,

847; pple, 955 a; caus., 1042 g.
)/9rS, pres., 761 e; pple, 954 b;

caus.. 1042j; caus. aor., 861 b,
1047.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

537

|/9ri, aor., 831, 867, 868, 889a;

inf., 968e; caus., 10421.
j/9ris, aor., 847.
j/9rl, pple, 955 d.
>/9riv, see sriv.
i/cru, euph., 243; pres., 699 b,

711; pf., 797 c; aor., 831, 836,

838, 839, 853, 866, 867; desid.,

1040; caus., 1042 e.
]/9rus, 102 a.
i/9lis, euph., 226 d, f; pres., 761 c;

aor., 847, 916.
V/9vanc, aor., 863 a.
9van, dcln, 427.
>/9vas, pres., 631; pple, 956 b;

caus., 1042 g.
|/9va or 9vi or 911, pf., 786 c,

794 b ; aor., 847, 868, 897 b; pple,

957a; inf., 968e.
b, aor., 832, 890.

9, pron. etc., 59, 61, 62, 120, 182;
relation to 9, 63 a; ordinary deriv-
ation, 46; exceptional occurrence,
182; as final, 145, 145 b; B chang-
ed to, 180 — 8; recurrence avoided,

181 c, 184 e, 1028 i; as root final,

182 a, 184 c, 225, 226; changes
succeding n to n, 189 ff.; assim.
of dental after, 1*97 ; from 9, 218.

-sard, (or -sani), infln. in, 970 h,
'978, 1159c, llBOa.
fas, euph., 146 b, 199c.
-B.e (or -se), infln. in, 970 c, 973 b.
]/Bthiv, euph., 240 b; pres., 745 g,

765; pf., 789 c; pple, 955 c; tva-

ger'd, 991 d.
-syfii (or -syai), infin. in, 970 g,

977.

8, pron. etc., 59, 60; 8 and r as
corresponding surd and sonant,
117b, 158a, 164; s or r as final
of certain forms, 169 b; as final,
145, 169, 170 a; combinations of
final rdcl s, 145 b, 166-8; of
other, 170—7; exceptional cases,
171, 173; final as, 175, 176; as,
177; s to s, 180-8; exceptional
cases, 181, 184 e, 185 c, d, 186 a;
\ adds t before, 199e; final n
adds (retains) 8, 208, 209; s lost
between mutes, 233 c — f; in 8-
aor., 834, 881, 883; after a vowel,
233 b ; exceptional combination
after such loss, 233 f; 8 anoma-
lously from final root -consonant,

406 a; B before am of gen. pi.,

313 a, 496 c; in aor., 874 ff.; in

fut., 931 ff.; in desid., 1027 ff.
-B, advbl, 1105.
-sa, 1197.
sa-, 1121e; in compsn, 1288 g,

1304 f-h, 1313 f.
samvrta a, 21.
sakhi, dcln, 343 a— c.
sakthan, sakthi, 343 i, 431.
ysagh, aor., 836 b.
>/sac, pres., 660; pf., 794f; aor.,

840 b; sa9C from, 673, 675.
]/saj or sanj, euph., 219 a; pres.,

746; pf., 794 d, h, 801 h; aor.,

834c, 887a; inf., 968f; des.,

1028i; caus., 1042h.
]/sad, pres., 748; aor., 847, 852 a,

853, 899 d; fut., 935 b, 936 c;

pple, 957 d; inf., 968 d.
l/san or sa, pf., 804; aor., 847,

853, 899 d; pple, 955b; int.,

1002g; des., 1028 g, i, 1032 a.
-sani, infin. in, see -sani.
samdhi, 109.
samdhyaksara, 28 a, 30.
sannatara,* 90 c.
>/sabhag, so-called, 104b, 1067.
samanaksara, 30.
saxnprasarana, 252 a.
samraj etc.,*213b.
-sara, 1201 a.
saragh or saraij, 389 b.
sarva, dcln, 524; in compsn, 1251 e,

1298 c.

j/sa9C, pres., 444, 673, 673.
sas, euph., 176 a, b.
-sas, 1152.
j/sah, euph., 186a, 223b, 224b;

pres., 628; pf., 786 a, 790 b,

803 a; aor., 837, 838, 887 a, 897 a,

b, 899 d; fut, 935 d; pple, 955 e;

inf., 968 d; des., 1030; at end

of cmpds, 405.
aaha, in cmpsn, 1304 f, g.
i/sa or si bind, pres., 753 c; aor.,

830, 834a, 839, 868a, 894c;

fut., 935 a, 936 b; pple, 954 c;

inf., 968 f; ya-ger'd, 992a; caus.,

1042k.

-sat, advbl, 1108.
>/sadh, aor., 861 a.
-sana, ppial words in, 897b, 1175.
l/santv, so-called, 104b.
I/si, see sa.
>/sic, pres., 758; aor., 847; tvft-

ger'd, 991 d; caus., 1042h.

538

SANSKRIT INDEX.

j/sidh repel, fut., 935 b.

}/siv, pres., 761 c, 765; pple, 955 c;

des., 1028 h, i.

press out, pres., 699 b; aor.,

839. 840 b, 867; fat. 935 a; ya-
ger'd, 992 a.
8U-, 1121h, i; in compsn, 1284 a,

b, 1288, 1304 c, d.
-an, see 1178 f.
ysubh, pres., 758.
l/su or su, pres., 626, 628, 755;

pf., 789 a; aor., 868 a; fut., 935 a,

936 b, 939 b; iuf. 968 d, e.
I/sue, aor., 861.
/sud, aor., 871.

, pf., 797 c, 806 a; aor., 847;

caus., 1042 e.

, euph., 2161, 219b, c; aor.,

834b, c, 840 b, 890; fut, 936d.
1/spp, euph., 151 d; pf., 790 c;

,aor., 834 d, 847; fut., 935 b, 936 d;

inf., 968 e; int., 1002 g.
-se, infin. in, see -se.
Bosnian, 37 d.
sk, original of ch, 42.
j/skand, aor., 833, 890 b; pple,

957 d; ya-ger'd, 992 b; int.,

1002 g, h.
l/skabh or skambh, pres., 730,

732, 1066b; pf., 786a, 790b,

794 d.

|/8ku, pres., 626 a; int., 1017.
]/8tan, pres., 631 a; aor., 899 d.
ystabh or stambh, euph., 233 c;

pres., 730, 732, 1066b; pf., 794d;

pple, 956 b.

-stat for -tat, advbl, llOOb.
}/stigh, desid., 1031 b.
VBtu, pres., 626. 633; pf., 797 c;

aor., 866, 894 b, d; fut, 935 a;

ya-ger'd, 992 a; desid., 1028i;

caus., 1042 e.
]/str, euph., 242 c; pf., 801 f, 806 a;

aor., 831, 834 a, 885, 900 a; pple,

957b; inf., 968 d; ya-ger'd, 992 a.
stf, dcln, 371k.
l/stj-h, aor., 9J6.
/styS, pres., 761 e; pple, 957 a.
Btrl, dcln, 366, 367 c.
j/stha, euph., 233 c; pres., 671,

749 a; aor., 830, 834 a, 836,837,

840 a, 847, 884, 894 c ; pple, 954 c ;

inf., 968 f; caus. aor., 861 b, 1047 ;

in ppial periphr. phrases, 1075c.
-sna, 1195.
l/sna, caus., 1042j.

euph., 223 a, c.

l/snu, pres., 626 a.

-snu, 1194.

spar9a, 31, 32.

j/spag, aor., 834 c.

/spr, aor., 831, 836 b, 839.

j/sprdh, euph., 242 d; aor., 834b,

840 b.
|/spf<j, euph., 218 a; aor., 916,

920 a; fut., 936 d.

l/8p?h, euph., 223 b, d ; caus., 1042 d.
pple, 964 c; caus., 1042 in.
fut, 936 b.
j/sphy, pres., 756; tva-ger'd, 991 d;

caus., 1042b.
sphotana, 230 e.
sma, in pronom'l dcln, 493, 496 a,

503.

sma, pres. in past sense with, 778 b, c.
j/smi, tva-ger'd, 991 d; caus.,

10421; periphr. pf., 1071f.
V'smf, pass., 770 c; tva-ger'd, 991d;

caus., 1042e..
sya as denoru. sign, 1064.
1/syand, pf., 785 a; aor., 861 a,

890b; fut, 943 a; pple, 957d;

tva-ger'd, 991 d; int., 1002g.
}/syam, pf., 794 b.
syas, euph., 176 a.
-Byai, infin. in, see -syai.
sraj, euph., 219 a.
]/sras or srans, euph., 168; pf.,

790 c; aor., 833, 847; ya-ger'd,

992 b.

l/aridh, aor., 847, 852 b.
]/sriv (or ^riv), euph., 240 b ; pres.,

765; cans., 1042b.
i/sru, -pf., 797 c; aor., 868; caus.,

1042 e.

sva, 513b, 616 e; dcln, 525c.
]/svaj, euph., 219 a; pres., 746; pf.,

794h; aor., 863 a; tva-ger'd,

991 c.

svatavas, euph., 168a, 415b.
/svad, pple, 954 f.
i/svan, pf., 794 h; aor., 899 d; iut,

1002 g.
>/8vap, pres., 631 ; pf., 786 b, 794 b;

aor., 867; fut, 935 b; pple, 954b;

des., 1028 h; caus., 1042g.
svayam, in compsn, 1284 b.
]/svar, aor., 890 a, 899 d.
svar, dcln, 383.
avara, 30, 81.
svarabhakti, 230 c—e.
avarita, 81.

svavas, euph., 168 a, 416 b.
j/svid, pple, 957 d.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

539

h, pron. etc., 59, 65, 66, 119; from
dh and bh, 223 g; as final, 147;
compensating aspiration of initial,
147, 155b; with following t or
th, 160 a; with preceding final
mute, 163; m before h and an-
other cons., 213 g; reversion to gh,
214 ff., 222; in inflection, 402,
637; inpf., 787; in iiitens., 1002 i;
in desid., 1028 f; internal combn,
222 — 4; anomalously changed to
a sibilant, 150 f; to d, 404; du-
plication of a cons, after, 228 a;
nasikya added after, 230 b; loss
before hi, 101 la.

-ha, advbl, 1100 a, 1104 b.

]/had, pple, 957 d.

i/han, euph., 192b, 2161, 402,
637, 787; pres., 637, 673, 709;
pf., 794 e, 805 a; aor., 899 d; fut.,
935 b, 943 a; pass., 998 f; pple,
954 d; inf., 968 d; int., 1002 g,
h, i, 1003; des., 1028e, f; cans.,
1042m; root-noun, 383 h, 402.

hanta, accent of verb with, 598 a.

j/has, jak§ from, 640.

>/ha move, pres., 660, 664; des.,
1028 d; caus., 1042 d.

1/ha leave, pres., 665, 761 b; aor.,
830, 889, 912; fut., 936 c; pple,
957 a; inf., 968 f; caus. aor.,
861 b, 1047.

j/has, 102 a, 912.

j/hi, euph., 192c, 2161, 674, 787;

pres., 699 b, 716 a; aor., 831,

839, 840 b, 847, 889 a, 894 d;

des., 1028 f.
hi, 595e, 1122b.
-hi, advbl, 1100 c.
}/hins, euph., 183 a; pres., 687,

696; des., 1031 b.
|/hinv, 71 6 a.
}/hid, euph., 240 b; pf., 786 b;

caus., 1042b.
>/hu, pres., 645, 647 c, 652; periphr.

pf. etc., 1071 f, 1073 c.
j/hu orhva, pres., 761 f, 755; pf.,

794 b; aor., 834 a, 847, 887 c,

912; fut., 935 c; inf., 968 f; caus.,

1042k; periphr. pf., 1071 f.
j/hr seize, aor., 834 a, 890 a; inf.,

968 d; caus., 1042 e.
1/hf d, hrdaya, 397.
l/hrs, aor., 847; pple, 956 b.
ylum, pres., 626 a.
yliras, pple, 956 b.
j/hri, pres., 645; aor., 840 b; pple,

957 a; caus., 10421; periphr. pf.,

1071 f.

]/hva, see hu.
yhvr or hvar, euph., 242 c; pres.,

682; aor., 863 a, 890; pple, 955 e.

GENERAL INDEX.

a-aorist (simple aorist, 2), 824, 846
—54 : in the later language, 846 ;
roots forming it in the older lan-
guage, 847 ; inflection, 848 ; modes,
849—51 ; participles, 852 ; irregu-
larities, 853, 854.

a-class (first, bhu-class) of verbs,
606, 734—50 : formation of stem,
734; inflection, 735—43; roots of
the class, 744; irregularities, 745
—50.

a-class or accented a-class (sixth,
tud-class) of verbs, 606, 751—8:
formation of stem, 751 ; inflection,
752; roots of the class, 753, 754;
irregularities, 755 — 8.

a-conjugation — see conjugations.

a- or a-declension, transference of
cons. -stems to, 399, 415 a, 429 a,
437, 441b; 1148i, 1149a, 1166c,
1209; 1315.

a-stems (tense- stems}, uniform in-
flection of, 733 a.

abbreviation of consonant-groups,
231-3.

ablative case, uses of, 289—93; ab-
lative of comparison, 292 b; with
prepositions, 293, 1128; used ad-
verbially, 1114 ; abl. infinitive, 983 ;
abl. by attraction with infln., 983 b ;
abl. use of adverbs in tas, 1098 d;
abl. as prior member of compound,
1250. f.

absolute use of instrumental, 281 g;
of genitive, 300 b; of locative,
303b-d; of gerund, 994e.

absolutive — see gerund.

abstract nouns, secondary derivation
of, 1206, 1236-40.

accent, general, 80 — 97 : its varieties,
80-6; accentuated texts, 87 ; mo-
des of designating, 87, 88; illus-
tration of RV. method, pp. 518—9;

over-refinements of Hindu theory,
90; modern delivery of ancient
accented texts, 91; no sentence
accent, 92; accentless words, 93;
words doubly accented, 94, 1255,
1267 d; accent of protracted syl-
lable, 78 a; freedom of place of
accent, 95; — changes of accent
in vowel combination, 128, 130,
135 a; — accent in declension,
314—20; of vocative, 92 a, 314;
change of accent in monosyllabic
etc. declension, 316 — 9 ; in nu-
meral, 482 g, 483 a— c; offraction-
als, 488 a; of case-forms used as
adverbs, 1111 g, 1112e, 1114d;
different accent of action-nouns
and agent-nouns, 1144 a; of deter-
minative and possessive com-
pounds, 1296 ; — accent of personal
endings, 552—4; in relation to
strong and weak forms, 556; of
personal verb-forms in the sen-
tence, 92 b, 591—8; of periphras-
tic formations, 945, 1073 e; of
compounded verb-forms, 1082 — 5;
— accent in primary derivation,
1144; in secondary, 1205; in
composition, 1251; — ordinary ac-
centuation of Skt. words by Western
scholars, 96.

accusative case, uses of, 269 — 77 :
with verbs, 270, 274; with nouns
and adjectives, 271, 272; with pre-
positions, 273, 1129; with verbs
ef motion and address etc., 274;
cognate, 275 ; adverbial, 276, 1111 ;
double, 277; accus. infinitive, 931,
986—8; gerund, 995; accus. as
prior member of compound, 1250 a.

action-nouns and agent-nouns, chief
classes of primary derivatives, 1145,
1146.

GENERAL INDEX.

541

active voice, in verbs, 528, 529.

acute (udatta) accent, 81.

ad-class of verbs — see root-class.

adjective, its distinction from noun,
322; from pple, 967; formation
of compound adj., 323—5, 1292 ff.;
inflection of adj., 321—465; com-
parison, 466 — 74; adj. pronomi-
nally inflected, 522—6.

adjective compounds, secondary,1247g,
1292—1313 ; of other than possess-
ive value, 1294, 1309, 1310; adj.
copulative compounds, 1257.

adverbs, 1097—1122: adv. by deri-
vation, 1097—1109; case-forms
used as adv., 1110 — 17; Adverbial
compounds, 11 lid, 1313; verbal
prefixes etc. as adv., 1118 — 20;
inseparable prefixes, 1121; other
miscellaneous adv., 1122; adv.
used prepositionally, 1123 ff. ; adv.
copulative compounds, 1259 ; forms
of comparison, 473 b.

agent-nouns — see action-nouns.

aggregative compounds — see copu-
lative compounds.

alphabets used for writing Sanskrit,
1 ; older Indian, 2; the Devana-
gari alph., 1—17; varieties of
writing and of type for, 3, pp.
516 — 7; charactersand transliteration,
5 ; arrangement, 7 ; theory of use,
8, 9 ; native moda of writing, 9 a, b ;
modifications of this in Western
practice, 9c — e; vowel- writing, 10;
consonant combinations, 12—15;
other signs, 11, 16; numeral fig-
ures, 17; names of characters, 18;
signs and transliteration of anu-
svara, 73.

alphabet, spoken — see system of
sounds.

alterant vowels, changing following
8 to a, 180.

analysis 'of language in to its elements,
98, 99; anal, of compound words,
1248.

antithetical construction, its influence
on accent of verb, 596, 597.

anusvara, its pronunciation etc.,
70 — 2; signs and transliteration,
73, 16b: see also ft, m.

aorist tense, 632; its uses, 926—30;
in prohibitive expression, 579 ; —
aor. system, 535, 824—930 : classi-
fication of forms of aor., 824; cha-
racter and occurrence, 825 — 7;

variety from same root, 827 b, c;
simple aor., 824, 828: 1. root-aor.,
829-41; passive aor. 3d. sing,,
842-5; 2. a-aor., 846—54; 3. re-
duplicated or causative aor., 856 —
73 ; sibilant-aor., 874—920 : 4. s-
aor.,878— 897; o.is-aor.,898— 910;
6. sis-aor., 911—15; 7. sa-aor.,
916 — 20 ; aor. optative or precative
of later language, 921 — 5; aor. in
secondary conjugation, 1019, 1035,
1046—8, 1068; periphrastic aor.,
1073 b ; — s-aor. stem in derivation,
1140 c.

appositional compounds, 1280 d ; appos.
possessive compounds, 1302.

ar or r in root and stem forms, 104 e,
237.

article, indefinite, represented later
by eka, 482 c.

aspirate mutes, phonetic character etc.
of, 37, 38; their deaspiration, 114,
163—5 ; restoration of lost aspira-
tion-to, 141 a, 147, 155; not be-
fore .imp v. ending dhi, 155 f; de-
rivation of h from, 66; sonant
aspirate with following t, th, 160;
non-aspirate for aspirate in redu-
plication, 590a: — and see the
different letters.

aspiration (h), its pronunciation etc.,
59, 65, 66: — and see h.

asseverative particles, 1122 a, b.

assimilation in euphonic combination,
116—20; with or without change
of articulate position, 116; surd
and sonant, 117, 156 — 64; nasal,
117g, 198b, 199c; l,117g, 206;
dental to lingual and palatal, 118;
other cases, 118—20.

augment, 585 — 7; a as augment,
585 a; omission, 587; irreg. com-
bination with initial vowel of root,
136 a; irregularly placed, 1087 c, f;
uses of augmentless preterit per-
sons, 563, 587 ; with ma prohibit-
ive, 579.

avyayibhava compounds, 1313.

bahuvrihi compounds — see pos-
sessive compounds,
benedictive — see precative.
bhu-class of verbs — see a-class.

cardinal numerals, 475 ; their combi-
nations, 476—81; inflection, 482

542

GENERAL INDEX.

— 5; construction, 486; derivatives,
487-9.

case-endings — see endings of de-
clension.

case-forms, prolongation of final vow-
el ofp 248 b; used as adverbs,
1110 — 17 ; change of accent in such,
1111 g, 1112e, 1114d; their pre-
positional uses, 1125 d; derivatives
from case- forms, 1202 b ; case-forms
in composition, 1250.

cases, 266; their order of arrange-
ment, 266 a; uses, 267—305: —
and see the different cases.

causative conjugation, 540, 607, 775,
856 ff., 1041—52; relation to so-
called tenth or cur-class, 607,
1041 b; to denominative, 1041^
1056; formation of stem, 1041,
1042; inflection, present-system,
775, 1043; other older forms,
1044; perfect, 1045; attached re-
duplicated aorist, 1046, 1047,
856 ff.; other aorist forms, 1048,
1049; future etc., 1050; verbal
nouns and adjectives, 1051 ; deriva-
tive or tertiary conjugations from
caus. stem, 1062; caus. from in-
tens., 1025; from desid., 1039;
declinable stems from caus. stem,
1140b; double object with cau-
satives, 277 a, 282 b.

cerebral mutes, 33, 45.

changeable or variable r of roots —
see variable.

circumflex, (svarita) accent, 81 — 6,
90 b; independent, 81—4; its va-
rieties, 84; enclitic, 85; their dif-
ference, 86; designation, 87 — 9;
occurrence from vowel combinations,
128, 130, 135.

classes or series of mutes, 32 ff.

classes of verbs — see conjugation-
classes.

clauses, simplicity of combination of,
1131 a; dependent clauses, mode
in, 581, 950; accent of verb in,
595.

collective singular form of copulative
compounds, 1253 c; in Veda, 1255 e,
1256b.

combination of elements, 100, 101 :
euphonic rules for, 109—260; dis-
tinction of internal and external,
109 — 12; general arrangement of
rules, 124 ; order of comb, of three
successive vowels, 127 b.

comparison of adjectives etc., 466 —
74; primary, in lyas and istha,
467—70, 1184; secondary, in'tara
and tama, 471— 3, 1242 a, b; in ra
and ma, 474, 1242 c; inflection
of comparatives in yas, 463—5;
comp. of nouns, pronouns, prepo-
sitions, 473, 474, 520, 1119; of
verbs, 473 c ; double comparison,
473d; particles of comp., 1101 b,
1102e, 1107, 1122g, h.

comparison or likeness, descriptive
compounds of, 1291 a.

compensatory vowel-lengthening, 246.

composition of stems — see com-
pound stems.

compound conjugation, 540 a, 1076
— 95 : roots with verbal prefixes and
like elements, 1076—89; accent
of comp. forms, 1082 — 6; irregu-
larities, 1087 ; roots with inseparable
prefixes, 1089, 1121 b, g, i; with
noun and adjective stems, 1090 — 5.

compound stems, formation of, 101,
1246—1316: difference of earlier
and later language asto composition,
1246 a ; classification of compounds,
1247; their analysis, 1248; rules
of phonetic combination, 1249; case-
forms as prior member, 1250; ac-
cent, 1251 ; copulative comp. , 1252
— 61 ; determinative : dependent,
1262—78; descriptive, 1279—91;
secondary adjective: possess! ve,1292
—1308; participial, 1309; prepo-
sitional, 1310; adjective comp. as
nouns and as adverbs, 1311 — 3;
anomalous comp., 1314; stem-finals
altered in comp., 1315 ; loose con-
struction with comp., 1316.

conditional tense, 532, 940, 941 ; its
uses, 950; conditional uses of op-
tative and subjunctive, 581 b, e, f.

conjugation, verbal inflection, 527 —
1095; general, 527—98: voice,
528 — 31 ; tenses and their uses,
592, 776—9, 821—3, 926—30,
948—50; modes and their uses,
533, 557—82, 921—5; tense-sys-
tems, 535; present-system, 535,
599 — 779; perfect-system, 780—
823; aorist-systems, 824—930; fu-
ture-systems, 931 — 50; number
and person, 636 ; personal endings,
541 — 56; verbal adjectives and
nouns, 537 — 9.951 — 95; secondary
conjugations, 540, 996—1068; peri-

GENERAL INDEX.

543

phrastic and compound conjugation,
540 a, 1069—95; examples of con-
jugation in synopsis, p. 5*20.

conjugation-classes, on what founded,
601 ; their characters, 602—10.

conjugations, first or non-a- and sec-
ond or a-conjugation, 601 — 8, 733;
transfers from the former to the
latter, 625a, 631a, 665 a, 670— 4,
694 a, 716, 731, 896.

conjunctions, 1131 — 3.

consonants, pronunciation etc., 31 —
75: mutes, 32—50; semivowels,
51— 8 ; spirants, 59—66 ; visarga
and anusvara etc., 67 — 73 ; quan-
tity, 76; cons, allowed as finals,
122, 139—52; occurring at end of
stems and endings, 139 a: — and
see the different classes and
letters.

consonant-groups, how written iu de-
vanagari, 9, 12—5; their ex-
tension and abbreviation, 121,
227-33.

consonantal stems, declension of, 377
— 465; their classification, 382.

contemptuous prefix, 506, 1121 e; do.
suffix, 521, 1222 d.

copulative compounds, 1247 a — e,
1262—61; of nouns, 1253—6; ad-
jectives, 1257; adverbs, 1259; nu-
merals, 1261 ; copulatives in later
language, 1253, 1254; in Rig- Veda,
1255 ; in Atharva-Veda, 1256 ; ac-
cent, 1258; possessives from copu-
latives, 1293 b.

cur-ciass of verbs, 607, 7 To, 1041 b,
1056: — and see causative con-
jugation.

dative case, uses of, 285 — 8; dat.
infinitive, 982, 986; dat used ad-
verbially, 1113; dat. by attraction
with inlin., 982 a; dat. as prior
member of compound, 1250 c.

deaspiration of aspirate mutes, 114,
153—5; consequent re-aspiration
of initial, 141 a, 147, 155.

declension, in general, 261 — 320:
gender, 263; number, 264, 265;
case, 266 ; uses of the cases, 267
—305; endings of ded., 306—10;
variation of stem and insertions,
311-3; accent, 814—20; — decl.
of nouns and adjectives, 321 — 465:
chssiii cation, 321 b, c; I. a-stems,
326—34; II. i-and u-stems, 335

—46; III. a-,I-,and u (and diph-
thongal) stems. 347—68; IV. r>
stems, ' 369—76 ; V. consonant-
stems, 377 — 465 : A. root-stems
etc., 383—410; B. derivative stems
in as, is, us, 411—9: C. in an,
420—37; D. in in, 438-41;
E. in ant, 442—57 ; F. in vans,
458-62; G. in yas, 463—5; -
decl. of numerals, 482—5; of
pronouns, 491 — 521 ; of adjectives
inflected pronominally, 522 — 6.

declinable stems, composition of, with
verbs, 1090—5; derivation of —
see derivation.

decompound compounds and their anal-
ysis, 1248.

decrement and increment of elements,
123, 234ff.

demonstrative pronouns, 495 — 603.

denominative conjugation, 540 a, 1053
— 68 : formation without sign, 1054;
with sign ya, from stems of various
final, 1055 — 64; their occurrence,
1007; meaning, 1058; relation of
aya- and aya-stems, 1059 c; re-
lation to causative. 1041 c, 1056,
1067; with signs sya, kamya,
apaya, 1064, 1065; with aya,
beside na-class verbs etc., 732,
1066; from other stems, 1066 a, c;
inflection, 1068; declinable stems
from denom. stem, 1068 b, 1149 d,
11781), i, 1180d.

dental series of mutes (t, th, d, dh,
n), pronunciation etc., 33, 47,
48; peculiar quality of Skt. den-
tals, 47 a; dent, character of 1, 25;
of 1, 51, 53; of s, 60; assimilation
of dent, to palatals and lingual*.
118, 196—203, 205; dent, sibi-
lant and nasal converted to lin-
gual, 180 — 95; anomalous conver-
sions to guttural and lingual, 1 51 a, b;
of guttural, palatal, and labial to
dental, 151 c, e: — and see the
different letters.

dependent clause, accent of verb in,

dependent compounds, 1247 d — f,
1263, 1264—78; noun, 1264; ad-
jective, 1265; their varieties, 1266
— 78: with ordinary noun or ad-
jective as final member, 1267, 1268 ;
with root-stem, 1269; derivative
in a, 1270; ana, 1271; ya, 1272;
participle in ta or na, 1273; ti,

544

GENERAL INDEX.

1274; in, 1275; i, 1276; van,
man, etc., 1277, 1278; dep. comp.
in possessive use, 1296.

derivation of adverbs, 1097—1109; of
declinable stems, 1136—1245: in
general, 1136—42; primary, 1143
—1201; secondary, 1202—45.

derivative or secondary conjugation —
see secondary.

descent, adjectives and nouns indicat-
ing, 1206 a.

descriptive compounds, 1247 d — f,
1263, 1279—91; of ordinary ad-
jective with noun, 1280; of appo-
sitional noun with noun, 1280 d;
with participle as final member,
1283, 1284; with gerundive, 1285;
with root-stem, 1286; with other
verbal derivatives, 1287; with in-
separable prefix as prior membor,
1288; with verbal prefix etc., 1289;
with other adverbial words, 1290;
special cases, 1291 ; descr. comp.
in possessive use, 1297 ff.

desiderative conjugation, 540, 1026—
40; meaning, 1026, 1040; used in
future sense, 1040 a; formation of
stem, 1027—9 ; abbreviated stems,
1030 ; use of union-vowel i, 1031 ;
inflection, present-system, 1032;
other forms, 1033—6; derivative
or tertiary conjugations from desid.
stem, 1039; desid. from causative
stem, 1052 c; declinable stems from
desid. stem, 1035, 1036, 1140 b,
1 149 d, 1 159 b, 1161 d,l 178 g; desid.
root-stems, 392d; future in desid.
sense, 949; desid. in future sense,
1040 a.

determinative compounds, 1247 d—f,
1202—91; dependent, 1264—78;
descriptive, 1279 — 91 ; in possessive
adjective use, 1293 ff.

devata-dvandva compounds, 1251a,
1255.

diminutives, secondary derivation of,
1206 b, 1222d, 1243.

diphthongs (e, Si, o, au\ mode of
writing with consonants , 10 g, h ;
pronunciation etc., 27 — 30; protrac-
tion of, 78 c; euphonic combination
as finals, 131—5: — and see
the different letters.

diphthongal stems, declension of, 360,
361.

div- or div-class of verbs — see
ya-claas.

double stems, present, 815: aorist
894 d, 897 b.

doubling of aspirate mutes, 154; of
a final nasal, 210; of ch, 227,- of
first consonant of a group, 2'29 ; of
a consonant after r f and h. 1. v')
228.

dual number, its use, 265 ; its forms
in declension, 308; in personal pro-
noun, 492 b.

dual finals e, I, u uricombinable,
138 a, g.

dvandva compounds — see copula-
tive.

dvigu compounds, 1312.

eighth class of verbs — see u-class.

elision of initial a, 135 ; how mark-
ed, 16; its infrequency in Veda,
135 c; elision of initial a, 136 d; of
final a or &, 137 b.

emphasis, accent of verb for, 598.

emphatic pronoun, 513.

enclitic or dependent circumflex, 85,
86.

endings, of inflection and derivation,
98—100; of declension, 306—10;
of singular, 307; dual, 308 ; plural,
309 ; normal scheme, 310; end. of
a-stems, 327 — 9 ; of i-and u-stems,
336—8 ; of radical a-, I-,u-stems,
349; of derivative do., 363; of y-
stems, 371 ; of personal pronouns,
492, 493; of general pronominal
declension, 496; — end. of con-
jugation, 523, 541—69; of 1st
sing., 543; 2d, 544; 3d, 545; of
1st du., 546; 2d and 3d, 547; of
1st pi., 548; 2d, 549; 3d, 550;
normal schemes, 553; accent, 552
—4; end. of 2d and 3d sing, tak-
ing the place of root-final, 505 a;
union-vowels, 555 b, c ; end. of
subjunctive combined with mode-
sign, 560— 2; of optative, 566; of
precative, 568; tat of imperative,
570; — end. of derivation — see
suffixes.

euphonic combination of elements, 100,
101 ; rules respecting it, 109—226.

exclamatory pronoun, 507; exclam.
prefix from interrogative pronoun,
506, 1121 e.

extension of cons.-groups, 227—30.

external and internal combination,
distinction of, 109—12; cases of

GENERAL INDEX.

545

external comb, in declension,! lla.b •
in derivation, lllc, d, 1203 e.

feminine stems: to a-stems, 332,
334 b; to i- and u-stems, 344—6;
to r-stems, 376 a; to cons.-stems,
378a, 401 c, 435, 436, 449, 452b,
459, 463d; fern, in I from ya-
stems, 1210 c ; fern, stems iu com-
position, 1250 h.

fifth class of verbs — see nu-class.

finals, permitted, 122, 139—52;
most usual, 149; only one final
consonant allowed, 150; excep-
tions, I50b, c; anomalous changes
of final mutes, 151; final conso-
nants of stems and endings, 139 a.

final clauses, modes used in, 581c, d.

first class of verbs — see a-class.

first or non-a-conjugation of verbs,
its characteristics, 604.

forms, stronger and weaker, of roots
and stems, 104 e, 105, 106; —
and see variation of stem.

fourth class of verbs — see ya-
class.

fractional use of ordinals, 488.

frequentative conjugation — see in-
tensive.

future passive participles — see ge-
rundives.

future tenses, 532 f their uses', 948,
949; fat. systems, 535, 931—50;
B-fature and conditional, 932—41 ;
periphrastic future, 942—7; future
use of pres.,777; of desid., 1040 a;
desid. use of fut., 948 b; fut. par-
ticipial phrases, 1075 d.

gender in declension, 262, 263.

general and special tenses, 599 a.

genitive case, uses of, 294—300-
with adj., 296; with verb, 297,
298; with prepositions, 299a, 1130;

Jn? adverbs> 299b5 gen- absolute,
'Ob; loss of accent of gen. with
vocative, 314 d, e; gen. infinitive,
»o4_; gen. used adverbially, 300 a,
1115; as prior member of com-
pound, 1250 e.

genUond^ 5,39' 989~95; their uses,

989, 994; ger. in tva, 990, 991,

93; in ya or tya, 990, 992

93; in tvaya and tvi, 993 b;

in tvanam and tvmam, 993 c-

adverbial gerund iu am, 995.

Whitney, Grammar. 2. ed .

gerundives, or future passive partici-
ples, 961-6, 1212 i, 1213, 1216
—8; ger. in ya, 962—3, 1213
in tavya, 962, 964, 1212 i; in
aniya, 962, 965, 1215 b; in tva,
968 a, 1209h; in enya, 966*
1217; in ayya, 966 c, 1218; in
elima,966d, 1201 a; ger. in im-
position, 1285.

grave (anudatta) accent, 81.

guna-strengthening, character and
occurrence of, 27, 235—43, and
passim-, in primary derivation.
1143 a ; in secondary, 1203 a, 1204 g,

guttural series of mutes (k, kh, g,
gh, n), pronunciation etc., 33,
39 — 41, 180 a; asserted gutt. char-
acter of a, 20 a; of h, 65 a; pal-
atals from original gutt., 41—3;
9 and h do., 64, 66; reversion of
palatals etc. to gutt. form, 43, 64,
142, 145, 147, 214-26: -and
see the different letters.

heavy and light syllables, 79.

hiatus, avoidance of, 113, 125—38-
not avoided in Veda, 113 b, 125c,
129 e; its occurrence as result of
euphonic processes, 132—4, 175b,d,

hu-dass of verbs — see reduplicat-
ing class.

imperative mode, 533, 569, 572, 575,
578; scheme of its endings, 553d;
its 1st persons old subjunctive
533, 574, 578; impv. form in tat
and its uses, 570, 571; with ma
prohibitive, 579 c; Vedic 2d sing,
in si, 624; impv. use of infini-
tives, 982d.

imperfect, tense, 532, 599; its use,
779.

imperfect time, no real designation of,
532 a.

Increment and decrement of elements
123, 234ff.

indeclinables, 98 a, 1096— 1135- ad-
verbs, 1097—1122; prepositions,
1123—30; conjunctions, 1131—3:
interjections, 1134, 1135; deriva-
tive stems from indeclinables,1202b,
1245; compounds with indecl. as
final member, 1314 a, f.

indefinite pronouns, 513 c; indef.
use of interrogative and relative
pronouns, 507, 511.

35

546

GENERAL INDEX.

infinitives, 538, 968—88; later, 968,
987; earlier, 969—79; uses, 980
— 8; relation to ordinary verbal
nouns, 969, 9701.

inseparable prefixes, 1121; in de-
scriptive composition, 1283 ff., 1288 ;
in possessive, 1304.

insertions between stem and ending
in declension, 313.

instrumental case, uses of, 278 — 84;
of separation, 283 a; -with preposi-
tions, 284, 1127; gerundial, 989;
used adverbially, 1112; as prior
member of compound, 1250 b.

intensive (or frequentative) conjuga-
tion, 540, 1000—25; character and
occurrence, 1000, 1001; redupli-
cation, 1002, 1003; inflection, pres-
ent-system, 1004— 17; derivative
middle inflection, 1016, 1017;
forms outside present-system, 1018,
1019, 1026; doubtful intens. for-
mations, 1020—4; derivative or
tertiary conjugations from intens.
stem, 1025.

interjections, 1134, 1135; their final
vowel uncombinable. 138 f.

internal and external combination,
distinction of, 109—12.

internal change, question of deriva-
tion by, 1208i.

interrogative particles, 1122f.

interrogative pronoun, 504 — 7; its
indefinite use, 507; exclamatory
prefix from it, 506, 1121 j.

inverted compounds, 1291 c, 1314 d.

is-aorist, 824, 898—910: formation
of stem, 898—900; inflection,
901, 902; roots making it, 903 ;
irregularities, 904; modes, 905
—8; from secondary conjugations,
1019, 1035, 1048, 1068a.

jihvanmliya-spirant, 69, 170 d.

karxnadharaya compounds — see

descriptive compounds,
kri-class of verbs — see na-class.

labial series of mutes (p, ph, b,
bh, m), pronunciation etc., 33,
49, 50; lab. character of u, U,
20; of V, 51, 57, 68; anomalous
conversion of labial to guttural,
151 d; to dental, 151 e: — and
see the different letters.

lengthening of vowels in formation

and inflection, 244—6; of final
vowel in composition, 247, 1087b;
in the sentence in Veda, 248.

light and heavy syllables, 79.

lightening of a or a to an i- or u-
vowel, 249 ff.

lingual series of mutes ($, th, d, $h,
n),pronunciation etc.,33.45,46 ; iion-
originality and ordinary derivation,
46; ling, character of r, 25; of r,
51, 52; ling. 1, 5 a, 54; ling, cha-
racter of a, 61; assimilation of
dentals to ling., 118, 196 ff.; lin-
gualization of a and n, 180 — 95 :
— and seethe different let-
ter s.

locative case, uses of, 301 — 5; loc.
absolute, 303 b — d; of goal of mo-
tion or action, 301 e. 304; with
prepositions, 305, 1126; used ad-
verbially, 303 e, 1116; loc. infini-
tive, 985; loc. use of adverbs in
tra, 1099; in ha, 1100 a; in da,
1103 b; loc. as prior member of
compound, 1250 d.

long and short quantity, 76 — 9.

manner, particles of, 1101, 1102,
1107, 1122k.

manuscripts, native Sanskrit, mode
of writing in, 9 a, b.

middle stem-form in declension, 311.

middle voice, 528—30; its use as
passive, 531, 998 c, d.

mode iu verbal inflection, 533; sub-
junctive, 557—63; optative, 564
—8; imperative, 569—71; uses of
the modes, 572—82.

multiplicative numeral adverbs, 489 a,
1104—6.

mutes, series of, their pronunciation
etc., 32—50: classification, 32—8;
guttural series, 39—41; palatal,
42-4; lingual, 45, 46; dental, 47,
48; labial, 49, 50; assimilation,
117 a, b; mutes permitted as finals,
141— -3 ; anomalous conversions from
one series to another, 151 : — and
see the different serjies.

na-class (ninth, kri-class) of verbs,
603, 717—32: formation of stem,
717; inflection, 718-26: roots of
the class, 727 ; irregularities, 728
—32; accompanying denominative
in aya, 732, 1066b.

GENERAL INDEX.

547

nasal assimilation, 117c, f, g, 161,

198 b, 199 c.

nasal class (seventh, rudh-class) of
verbs, 603, 683—96 : formation of
stem, 683; inflection, 684—92;
roots of the class, 694; irregulari-
ties, 693—6.
nasal increment in strong forms, 255,

386.

nasal mutes (n, n, n, n, m), 34. 36 ;
their occurence as finals, 143;
duplication, 210; assimilation of
preceding mute, 161, 198 b, 199 b;
abbreviation of consonant-group af-
ter, 231 ; — nasal spirant or anu-
svara, 70 — 3 ; — nasal semivow-
els, 71 c, 206, 213 c; — nasal
vowels, 71, 72: — and see the
different letters,
nasality, Hindu definition of, 36 a.
negative particles, 1122 c — e; neg.

prefix, 1121 a— c.
neutral pron. of a, 21.
ninth class of verbs — see na-class.
nominative case, uses of, 267, 268;
peculiar construction with verbs,
268 a; with iti, 268 b; with voc-
ative, 268 c; used adverbially,
1117; nom. use of infinitive, 987;
nom. form as particle, 1117; in
composition, 1250 f.
noun and adjective, distinction of,
^> 322; inflection of nouns — see
n declension.

nu-class (fifth, su-class) of verbs,
603, 697—716: formation of stem,
697; inflection, 698—707; roots
of the class, 708; irregularities,
710-3, 716.

number in declension, 264, 265; in
conjugation, 636 ; number-forms in
composition, 1250 g.
numerals, 475—89; simple cardinals,
475; their combinations for odd
numbers, 476—81; inflection, 482
— 5; construction, 486; ordinals,
487, 488; other num. derivatives,
489, 1104—6, 1246; num. figures,
17 ; possessive compounds with num.,
1300; num. or dvigu compounds,

omission, sign indicating, 16.

onomatopoetic words, 1091, 1135 b.

optative mode, 533, 564—8; its for-
mation, 564, 565; scheme of end-
ings combined with mode-sign,

566; precative, 567, 921—6;
scheme of prec. endings, 568 ; uses
of opt. , 673—82 ; with ma prohib-
itive, 579 b; optative use of aug-
inentless preterit forms, 587.

order of subjects in the grammar,
107; as best taken up by a stu-
dent, 108, 112; of subjects ineuph.
combination, 124.

ordinal numeral adjectives, 487, 488.

pada-endings in declension, Ilia.

palatal series of mutes (c, ch, j, jh,
n), pronunciation etc., 33, 42—4;
derived from original gutturals, 42 ;
reversion to guttural form, 43,
214 ff.; euphonic combinations, 118,
119,214—20; treatment as finals,
142; assimilation of dentals to,
196—203; pal. character of i, I,
20; of y, 51, 66; of 9, 63, 64;
palatal for guttural in reduplica-
tion, 590b: — and see the dif-
ferent letters.

participial compounds, 1247 g, 1309.

participles, 534, 537, 583, 584, 1172
— 7; of present-systems, 619 etc.
etc. ; of perfect, 802—7 ; of aorist,
840, 852, 872, 897, 909; of future,
939; passive part., 952—8, 1176,
1177; active, in tavant, navant,
959,, 960; future passive, 961— 6;
of secondary conjugations, 1012,
1013, 1019, 1037, 1043e, f, 1051,
1068; part, in possessive composi-
tion, 1299; — inflection of part,
in ant, 443—9; in vans, 458—
62; — part. -phrases, periphrastic,
1074, 1076; — relation of part,
and adjective, 967.

particles, 98 a; prolongation of final
vowel of, 248 a; part, giving ac-
cent to verb, 595 c, e, 598 a.

passive conjugation, 531. 540, 998;
present-system (ya-class), 606, 768
—74 ; aorist 3d sing. , 842—5, 1048 ;
periphrastic perfect, 1072; parti-
ciple in ta or na, 952—8, 1051 b,
1176, 1177; future participles, 961
— 6 (and see gerundives); pass,
use of infinitive, 988 ; pass, from
intransitives, 999 a; pass, of secon-
dary conjugations, 1025, 1039,
1052 a; pass, constructions, 282 a,
999.

past use of present tense. 777, 778.

perfect tense, 532; scheme of its

35*

548

GENERAL INDEX.

endings, 553 c; nses, 821—3; —
perf.-system, 535, 780—823: for-
mation of stem, 781—94; redu-
plication, 782—91 ; strong and weak
stem-forms, 792 — 4; endings and
their combination -with stem, 795
—9; union-vowel i, 796—8; in-
flection, 800; irregularities, 801;
participle, 802—7; its inflection,
458—62 ; modes, 808—16 ; pluper-
fect, 817—20 ; — periphrastic perf.,
1070—73.

perfect time, expressed by so-called
aorist, 532 a, 825, 928; by perfect,
822, 823; by participial phrases,
1075d.

periphrastic conjugation, 540 a, 1069
—75; periph. future, 532, 931, 942
—7; its uses, 949; perfect, 1070
—3, 1018, 1034, 1045; aorist and
precative, 1073 b; present, 1073c;
periph. participial phrases, 1074,
1075.

person in verbal inflection, 536.
personal endings — see endings of

conjugation.
personal pronouns, 491 — 4; nouns

used as such, 514.
phrases, derivatives from, 1202 b;

compounds from, 1314b.
place, particles of, 1099, 1100, 1122 i.
pluperfect tense, 532, 817—20; plup.
time, no designation of, 532 a;
save by participial phrases, 1075 d.
position, length of syllable by, 79.
possessive adjectives, 1106 a, 1229 b,

1230—35; pronominal, 516.
possessive compounds, 324, 1247 g,
1293—1308; poss. dependents,
1296; poss. descriptives, 1297 ff.:
•with ordinary adjective as prior
member, 1298; with participle,
1299; with numeral, 1300; with
appositive noun, 1301—3; with
adverb, 1304—6; added suffixes,
1212c, 1307; pregnant use, 1308.
precative optative, 533 b; its forma-
tion, 567 ; scheme of endings, 568;
prec. in later language, 921 — 5;
use, 673 c.

propositions, 1123 — 30; words used
as such, 1123—5; cases construed
with them, 1126—30; gerunds used
as, 994 g; — prep, in composition
with roots — see verbal prefixes,
prepositional compounds, 1247 g, 1310 ;
with added suffix, 1212m.

present tense, 532; its uses, 777,
778; — pres.-system, 535, 699—
779 : prominence as part of verb-
system, 600 ; varieties of form and
their classification, 601 — 9; various
from same root, 609 ; conjugations
and conjugation-classes, 602—10;
first or non-a-conjngation: I. root-
class, 611—41; II. reduplicating
class, 642—82; III. nasal class,
683—96; IV. nu- and u-class,
697—716; V. na-class, 717—32;
second or a-conjugation, 733: VI.
a-class, 734—50; VII. accented
a-class, 751—8; VIII. ya-class,
759 — 67; IX. ya-class, or passive
conjugation, 768—74; so-called
cur- or tenth class, 775; uses of
tenses, 776—9; of modes, 672
— 81 ; — pres." stems, derivatives
from, 1140c.
present use of perfect, 821 c, 823;

of aorist, 930.
presumption or conjecture, future of.

948.

primary and secondary personal end-
ings, 542 ff.; confusion of them in
use, 636 d, 933 a, 938; normal
schemes, 553.

primary derivation, 1138—1201 : re-
lation to secondary, 1139 ; from what
made, 1140, 1141; union-vowels,
1142; form of root, 1143; accent,
1144; meaning, 1145, 1146; prim,
suffixes and the derivatives made
with them, 1148— 1201.
prohibitive expression, 574, 579, 580.
pronominal roots, 490; their char-
acter, in inflection and derivation,
1137 b, 1138; adverbs from them,
1097 ff.

pronouns, 490 — 521: personal, 491
— 4; demonstrative, 495—503;
interrogative, 504 — 7 ; relative, 508
—12; emphatic, indefinite, 513;
nouns used pronominally, 514;
pron. derivative adjectives, 515
— 21; adjectives declined pronom-
inally, 522—6.
pronunciation — see system of

sounds.

protracted (pluta) quantity, 78;
protr. final vowel uncombinable,
138e.

punctuation, signs of, in devanagarl,
16d.

GENERAL INDEX.

549

quantity of consonants and vowels,
76—8; of syllables, 79.

r-endines of 3d pi., 550d.

radical stems — see root-stems.

reduplicated (or causative) aorist, 824,
856—73, 1046, 1047; formation
of stem, 857—63; inflection, 864
— 7; use in primary conjugation,
868; in causative, 1046, 1047;
modes, 869-71.

reduplicating class (third, hu-class)
of verbs, 603, 642—82; redupli-
cation and accent, 642—6; inflec-
tion, 647—57; roots of the class,
659; irregularities, 668, 660— 82.

reduplication, occurrence of, 259;
general rules for forming, 588 — 90;
present red., 643, 660 ff.; perfect,
782—91 ; aorist,857— 63 intensive,
1002; desiderative, 1029; in deri-
vation, 1143e; anomalous, 1087 f.

relationship, nouns of, in y, 369ff. ,
1182f.

relative clauses, peculiarities of, 512;
modes used in, 581 a; accent of
verb in, 595.

relative compounds, improper name
for possessive, 1293d.

relative pronoun, 508 — 12.

repeated words, 1260.

resolution, in Veda, of semivowels
into vowels, and of vowels into two
syllables, 55 a, 58 a, 84 c, 113b,
125c, 129e, 309f, 353a, 470b,
566 c, 761 g, 771 g.

reversion, so-called, of palatal mutes
and sibilant, and of h, to guttural
form, 43, 64, 66, 119, 142, 145,
147, 214 ff., 681, 787, 1028 f,
1176 a.

roots, 98—100; roots of the Skt.
language, 102—5; roots and root-
forms ace. to the native gramma-
rians, 103, 104.

root-aorist, 824, 829—45: in later
language, 829; in older, 830 ff.;
modes, 836-9; participles, 840;
passive aor. 3d sing., 842-6.

root-class (second, ad-class) of verbs,
603, 611— 41; inflection, 612—23;
roots of the class, 626; irregulari-
ties, 624, 626—41.

root-stems, their occurrence and use,
323, 383, 1137, 1147; as infini-
tives, 970 a, 971; in dependent
composition, 1269; in descriptive,

1286; inflection of such stems in
a, I, u, 349—361 ; in consonants,
383 — 410; sometimes govern accus.,
271 d; neut. pi. forms, 379b.
rudh-class of verbs — see nasal class.

8-aorist, 824, 878—97: formation of
stem, 878, 879; endings and com-
bination with stem, 880, 881;
question of loss of 8 in certain
forms, 834, 881; inflection, 882;
irregularities, 884 — 91; absence of
I in 2d and 3d sing, in older
language, 888—90; modes, 892
—6; participles, 897; — 8-aor.
stem in derivation, 1140c.

B-future, 931 — 9: formation of stem,
932, 936; use of union- vowel i,
934, 935; occurrence, 937; modes,
938; participles, 939; its preterit,
the conditional, 940, 941 ; uses, 948.

sa-aorist, 824, 916—20 : roots allow-
ed later to make it, 916; oc-
currence in older language, 919,
920; inflection, 917, 918.

second class of verbs — see root-
class.

second or a-conjugation of verbs, its
characteristics, 605, 733.

secondary adjective compounds, 1247g,
1292-1310.

secondary conjugations, 640, 996 —
1068: passive, 998, 999; inten-
sive, 1000—1025 ; desiderative
1026—40; causative, 1041—52;
denominative, 1063—68; tertiary,
or derivative from secondary, 1025,
1039, 1052.

secondary derivation, 1138, 1139,
1202—45; relation to primary,
1139; union-vowels, 1142; forms
of stem, 1203, 1204; accent, 1205;
meaning, 1206; sec. suffixes and
the derivatives made with them,
1207 — 45; external combination in
sec. derivation, lllc, d, 1203 e.

secondary personal endings, 542 ff. ;
normal scheme, 553 b.

semivowels (y, r, 1, v), pronuncia-
tion etc., 51—-8; nasal semiv., 71 c,f,
206, 213d; semiv. assimilation,
117d— -f: — and see the dif-
ferent letters.

sentence, rules of euphonic combi-
nation in, 101; their probable ar-
tificiality, 101 a.

series or classes of mutes, 32 ff.

550

GENERAL INDEX.

seventh class of verbs — see nasal
class.

aA-sounds (a and c,), 61, 63.

short and long quantity, 76—9.

sibilants (9, s, s), pronunciation etc.,
60—4: — a'nd see the different
letters.

sibilant or sigmatic aorist, 824, 874 —
920: formation and classification,
874—7; 4. s-aorist, 878-97; 5.
is-aorist, 898—910; 6. sis-aorist,
9*1 1—5; 7. sa-aorist, 916—^20; its
stem in derivation, 1140c.

simple aorist, 824, 828—55: 1. root-
aorist, 829 — 41; passive aor. 3d
sing., 842—5; 2. a-aorist, 846—
55.

sis-aorist, 824, 911—6 : formation of
stem, and inflection, 911; forms
in older language, 912, 913; modes,
914; middle forms, 915.

sixth class of verbs — see a-class.

sonant and surd sounds, 34, 35; Hindu
definition of their difference, 34 b;
mutes, 34, 35; aspirates, 37, 38;
question as to character of h, 65 a;
of final mute, 141 b; euphonic as-
similation of the two classes, 117,
156—78.

special and general tenses, 599 a.

spirants, 59 S.: sibilants, 59—64;
aspiration, 65; other breathings,
67—9.

stems, inflectible, 98—100, 106 ;
their derivation — see derivation.

strengthening and weakening process-
es, 234—60.

strong and weak, or strong, middle,
and weakest, forms of stems in
declension, 311 ; of roots and stems
in general, 104- — 6; confusions of
strong and wpak forms in decl.,
462 c; in con j., 556 a; strong forms
in 2d sing., 723; in 2d du., 704,
831 a, 839, 1007 b; in 3d du.,
793h, 839; in 1st pi., 621 b, 658,
676a, 793h, 831a, 832; in 2d pi.,
618, 621 b, 654, 658, 669, 690,
704, 707, 723, 831 a, 839; in 3d
pi., 793h, 831a.

BU-class of verbs — see nu-class.

subjunctive mode, 533 ; formation and
endings, 557 — -62 ; its first persons
used later as imperative, 533, 574,
578; subj. use of augmeutless pret-
erit forms, 563, 587; uses of subj.
mode, 574-82.

suffixes, 98 — 100; forming adverbs,
1097—1109; do. declinable stems
— see derivation.

superlative — see comparison.

surd and sonant sounds — see sonant.

syllables, quantity of, 79; distin-
guished as heavy and light, 79.

system of sounds, 19 — 75: vowels
and diphthongs, 19 — 30; conson-
ants, 31 ff.; mutes, 32—50; semi-
vowels, 51—8; sibilants, 59—64;
aspiration, 65, 66; visarga andr
other breathings, 68, 69; anu-
svara, 70—3; unwritten sounds
defined by Hindu grammarians,
74, 230; scheme of spoken alpha-
bet, with notice of comparative
frequency of the sounds, 75; quan-
tity, 76—9; accent and its desig-
nation, 80—97.

tan-class of verbs — see u-class.

tatpurusa-compounds — see deter-
minatives.

tense in verbal inflection, 532 ; tense-
systems, 535; present-system, 599
—779; perfect-system, 780—823;
aorist-sy stems, 824 — 930; future-
systems, 931—950.

tenth class of verbs — see causative
conjugation, and cur-class.

tertiary, or derivative from secondary,
conjugations, 1025, 1039, 1052,
1068 a.

third class of verbs — see redupli-
cating class.

time, particles of, 1103, 1122j.

transliteration, general method of, 5;
of sign of elision, 135 b; of com-
bined final and initial vowels, 126 a;
of anusvara, 73 c; of accent, 83 a,
89.

tud-class of verbs — see a-class.

u-class (eighth, tan-class) of verbs,
603, 697—716; formation of stem,
697; inflection, 698—707; roots of
the class, 709; irregular root ky
or kar, 714, 715; other irregulari-
ties, 716.

uncombinable (pragrhya) final vow-
els, 138.

uninflected words — see indeclin-
ables.

union-vowels, 254, 555 b, c; i in
present inflection, 630, 631, 640;
in perfect, 796—8, 803; in aorist,

GENERAL INDEX.

551

876 b, 877; in s-future, 934, 935;
in periphrastic future, 943; in
desiderative, 1031; in passive par-
ticiple, 956; ,in infinitive and ge-
rund, 968, 991; in derivation,
1142; — 1 in present inflection,
631—4; in 2d and 3d sing., 555b;
in intensive, 1004 ff. ; I for i, 900 b;
fti for i, 555 c.
upadhm&niya-spirant, 69, 170 d.

variable or changeable p of roots,
242; treatment of, 245 b; in pass-
ive, 770 c; in s-aor., 885; in if-
aor.', 900 b; in prec., 922 a; in 8-
fut., 935a; in pple, 955d, 957b;
in infln., 968d; in tva-genmd,
991 b; in ya-genmd, 992 a; in
desid., 1028b.

variation of stem-form in declension,
311, 312; in y-stems, 370 b; in
consonantal stems, 379, 385 — 8,
421, 443, 444, 458, 463; — in
conjugation, 556; in present-stem,
604; in perfect. 792—4; in aorist,
831 ff., 879, 899; in intensive,
1004; in primary derivation, 1143;
in secondary, 1203, 1204; in com-
position, 1249 b, c.

verb — see conjugation.

verb-forms, accentuation of, in the
sentence, 92b, 591 — 8; prolonga-
tion of final a or i of, 248 c, d;
comparison of, 473 c, 474; comb,
with insep. prefixes, 1121b, g, i.

verbal prefixes, 1076, 1077; kindred
words, 1078, 1079, 1120; compo-
sition with roots, 1076—87, 137;
euph. effect on root, 185, 192,
1086; accent, 1082—5; their more
independent use, 1084, 1118; pre-
positional uses, 1125; forms of
comparison, 473 b, 1119; declinable
stems from roots compounded with
them, 1141, 1282; use in descrip-
tive composition, 1281, 1289; in pos-

sessive, 1305; in prepositional,
1310.

visarga (or visarjanlya-), 67 — 9;
quantitative value, 79; occurrence,
144, 145, 170—2; alphabetic or-
der, 7 a, 172a: — and see h.

vocative case, form of, 266 a, 307k;
Vedic, in as, 425 g, 454 b, 462 a,
465 a; accent (along with quali-
fying word), 92 a, 314; verb ac-
cented after, 594 a.

voice in verbal inflection, 528 — 31.

vowels, how written in devanagari
with consonants, 10; sign of ab-
senceof, 11 ; their pronunciation etc.,
19—29: a-, i-, u-vowels, 19—22;
r-, 1-vowels, 23 — 6; diphthongs,
27—9; quantity, 77, 78; accent,
80 ff.; nasal vowels, 71; rules of
vowel-combination, 125 — 38; re-
sulting accent, 128, 130, 135 a;
exceptional cases, 136 — 8.

Vfddhi-strengthening, character and
occurrence of, 27, 235—43, and
passim; in primary derivation,
1143 a; in secondary, 1204.

tr-sound, belonging to v, 57.

weak, or weakest, form of stem in
declension, 311.

weakening and strengthening pro-
cesses, 234—60.

writing in India, 2a; mode of, in
Skt. manuscripts, 9 a, b ; its modi-
fications in western practice, 9c — e.

ya-class (fourth, div-class) of verbs,
606, 759—67: formation of stem,
759; inflection, 760; roots of the
class and their classification, 761,
762; irregularities, 763—7.

ya-class of verbs, or passive present-
system, 606, 768—74; formation
of stem, 768 — 70; inflection, 771;
irregularities, 772—4; ya-forma-
tion from intensive stem, 1016
1017.

ERRATA.

A few entirely obvious misprints are passed without notice.

5, 10 c, last 1. — for off read cfft

3 — for (for prayuga) » (for prayugaPJ.

3 — for IB. » JB.

2 — for ledgues » leagues.

4 — read 'ksahrdayam data raja 'Qvahr-.
10 — for deceiving read deceiving.

5 —
2
4-

42, 125 b,

67, 199c,

92, 276 a,

94, 281 b,

99, 296b,
297 b,
100,

112, 324, 1.
128, margin
131, 361 e,

f,
144, 383k.

147, 391 f, 1. 1 —

148, 391 g, 1. 2 —
169, 458, 1. 5 —
195,

209,
213,

mpart

preceive

prajakama

356-]

314

bor hugu (f. -gu,JB.)

n

miUci

camam

i

509, 1. 8 (accus. sing, masc.) for yarn
555 a, last 1. — for urther

6 —

4 —

,1.3-

568, 1. 7 — » Iijhvam

261, 718, 1. 7 (3d pi. mid.) for

263, 731, 1. 3 — for tfmi

264, 733 a, 1. 4 — for -systems
281, 785a, 1. 2 — » dyu
365, 990a, 1. 9 — » E.

357, 992 c, 1. 2— » guhya
379, 1042b, 1. 11 — read No forms made without strengthening have a

causative value in the older language.

1045, 1. 6 — for rJ^J" read rT^T.

1077, 1. 10 — » abhi » abhi.

1079, 1. 6 — read the sound hing, low, murmur.
1 084 a, 1. 4 — for aruhat read aruhat.

impart.

perceive.

prajakama.

354-].

314b.

bahugu (f. -gti, TB.).

in

milking.

-camam.

is.

yam.

further.

idhvam.

}/mL

-stems.
dyut.
S.
guhya.

383,
396,
397,
399,
431,
467,

1156e, 1.3.—
1222 c, 1.7 —

472, 1230g, 1.3 —
477, 1238 b, 1.2 —
600, 1288g, 1. 1 —
511, 1308a, 1. 1 —

-amri
516d

ike

cases-forms
sa
ukhanrtaxn

-mamri.
516b.

like.

case-forms.

sa.

uktanrtanL

PK

663

W55

19M1

c.2

ROBA