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19 r I 

First Edition, September 1906. 

Second Edition, April 1907. 

Third Edition, 1909. Reprinted 191 1. 








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The publication in the present year of Dr Hort's lecture-notes 
upon the Apocalypse has rendered necessary a few additions both 
to the introduction and to the notes of this volume. 

Until my first edition had been published I was not aware that 
Dr Hort had lectured upon the subject, and the announcement 
that his notes were being prepared for the press came as a further 
and welcome surprise. Their value has been justly estimated by 
Dr Sanday in his preface to the work, and I need only add the 
hope that all readers of the present book may be able to consult 
Dr Hort's fresh and suggestive pages. In regard to the unity of 
the Apocalypse I am rejoiced to find that I have the suppoi't of 
his great authority. On the other hand he inclines decidedly 
to the earlier date, and upon some important points of exegesis 
his conclusions differ from those to which I had come. To the 
latter it has been impossible to do more than refer ; upon the date 
of the book I have added a postscript to the chapter of my intro- 
duction which deals with that question, briefly stating the grounds 
upon Avhich I am unable to abandon the traditional view. 

Besides these additions a few corrections, supplied by reviews 
or received from private friends, have been made in this edition, 
and the pagination has undergone some necessary changes. 

H. K a. 


3 September 1908. 


An unexpected call for a reissue of this book within a few 
months after its publication compels me to pass it through the 
press again before it has been reviewed by some of the chief 
organs of English theological opinion. I have, however, received 
much help in the way of corrections and suggestions of various 
kinds both from the notices and reviews which have appeared 
and from the letters of friends. Among correspondents to whom 
I am indebted I would mention the Bishop of Ely, the Dean of 
St Patrick's, Professor Gwynn and Professor Lawlor of Dublin, 
Dr Nestle, the Rev. C. Plummer, Professor W. Emery Barnes and 
Professor Burkitt, and especially Professor J. E. B. Mayor, whose 
stores of learning have supplied not a few fresh references and 

In preparing for this reprint I have read both the Introduction 
and Notes again, and have revised them freely wherever it 
seemed possible to remove an ambiguity by a verbal change ; 
from the judgements passed and the principles advocated in the 
first edition I have seen no cause to depart. The apparatus 
criticus remains unaltered, except that the readings of the Coptic 
and Armenian versions have been corrected to some extent with 
the help of the new editions of those versions lately published 
by Mr Horner and Mr Conybeare. The references in the Index 
to the Introduction and Notes have been brought into agreement 
with the slightly altered paging, which, as the book has been 
electrotyped, will now, I trust, be permanent. 


2.3 March 1907. 


Eight years ago I was permitted to tinish a commentary ou 
the earliest of the four Gospels. As a sequel to it, I now offer a 
commentary on the Revelation of St John. 

The Apocalypse discloses the heavenly life of our Lord, as the 
Gospels paint His life in Galilee and Jerusalem. In the Gospels, 
He is seen teaching and working in His mortal flesh ; in the 
Apocalypse, He belongs to another and a higher order. But the 
ascended life is a continuation of the life in the flesh ; the Person 
is the same yesterday and to-day, in Palestine and in Heaven. 

Thus the Apocalypse carries forward the revelation of the 
Gospels. It carries it, however, into a region where the methods 
of the biographer and historian avail nothing. We are in the 
hands of a prophet, who sees and hears things that elude 
the eyes and ears of other men ; the simple narrative of the 
Evangelist has given place to a symbolism which represents the 
struggle of the Apocal^'ptist to express ideas that lie in great 
part beyond the range of human thought. Yet the life which 
St John reveals is not less real than that which is depicted by 
St Mark, nor are its activities less amazing. No miracles meet 
us here, but we are in the presence of spiritual processes which 
are more wonderful than the healing of the sick or the raising 
of the dead : a supervision of all the Churches, which surpasses 
the powers of any earthly pastor ; an ordering of nature and life, 
which bears witness to the investment of the risen Lord with all 
authority in heaven and on earth ; a perfect knowletlge of men, and 
a prescience which reads the issues of history. The revelation of 
the Lord's heavenly life becomes, as we proceed, a revelation of 
tlie things which are and the things which shall come to pass 


hereafter ; we see the glorified life in its bearing upon the course 
of events, until the end has been attained and the whole creation 
has felt its renovating power. 

'To comment on this great prophecy is a harder task than to 
comment on a Gospel, and he who undertakes it exposes himself 
to the charge of presumption. I have been led to venture upon 
what I know to be dangerous ground by the conviction that 
the English student needs an edition of this book which shall 
endeavour to take account of the large accessions to knowledge 
made in recent years, and shall be drawn upon a scale commensurate 
with that of the larger commentaries on other books of the New 
Testament. More especially I have had in view the wants of the 
English clergy, who, scholars at heart by early education or by the 
instincts of a great tradition, are too often precluded from reaping 
the fruits of research through inability to procure or want of 
leisure to read a multitude of books. It is my belief, and the 
belief has grown in strength as my task has proceeded, that the 
Apocalypse offers to the pastors of the Church an unrivalled store 
of materials for Christian teaching, if only the book is approached 
with an assurance of its prophetic character, chastened by a frank 
acceptance of the light which the growth of knowledge has cast 
and will continue to cast upon it. 

The Apocalypse is well-worked ground. It would not be 
difficult to construct a commentary which should be simply a 
catena of patristic and mediaeval expositions, or an attempt to 
compare and group the views of later writers. Such an under- 
taking would not be without interest or value, but it lies outside 
the scope of the present work. In this commentary, as in the 
commentary on St Mark, it has been my endeavour, in the first 
instance, to make an independent study of the text, turning to 
the commentaries afterwards for the purpose of correcting or 
supplementing my own conclusions. As a rule, the interpretations 
which are offered here are those which seemed to arise out of the 
writer's own words, viewed in connexion with the circumstances 
under which he wrote, and the general purpose of his work, 
without reference to the various schools of Apocalyptic exegesis. 
There are those to whom the results will appear bizarre, and a 
medley of heterogeneous elements; but the syncretism, if it be such. 


has been reached, not by the blending ot divergent views, but 
through the guidance of definite principles, Avhich are stated in 
the introduction. Here it may be briefly explained that I have 
sought to place each passage in the light of the conditions under 
which the book was composed, and to interpret accordingly ; not 
forgetting, however, the power inherent in all true j)rophecy of 
fulfilling itself in circumstances remote from those which called it 

But, with this reservation, I have gladly used the labours of 
predecessors in the field, especially the pregnant remarks of the 
patristic writers. Of modern commentators, Bousset has helped 
me most, and though I differ profoundly from his general attitude 
towards the book, and from not a few of his interpretations, 
I gladly acknowledge that I have greatly benefited by the stores of 
knowledge with which his book abounds. The Jewish Apocalypses 
edited by Professor Charles, and other apocalyptic writings, Jewish 
and Christian, have been always at my side. For geographical 
and archaeological details I am deeply indebted to the works of 
Professor W. M. Ramsay, the article on Asia Minor by Dr Johannes 
Weiss in Hauck's recast of Herzog's Realencyklopiidie, and the 
admirable monograph on Proconsular Asia contributed by Monsieur 
Victor Chapot to the Bihliotheque de I'^cole des Hautes jStudes. 

During my preparations for the press, I have been unable 
to make a personal use of the University Library ; and though 
my difficulty has been partly overcome in the past year through 
the kindness of the Syndics of the Library, the loss has been 
serious, and I fear that it will be felt by readers who look for 
fulness of detail and the use of the latest editions. From gross 
inaccuracies my work has been saved, as I trust, by the ready help 
of many friends. My warm thanks are due to the llev. J. H. 
Srawley, of Gonville and Caius and Selwyn Colleges, and to the 
Rev. H. C. O. Lanchester, Fellow of Pembroke CoUeefe, who have 
read the proofs of the introduction, text, and notes. Mr Srawley 
has verified nearly all the references in the notes; the indices 
and the Biblical references in the introduction have been 
corrected by the care of a relative. ^ly colleagues. Professor 
Reid and Professor Ridgeway, have allowed me to submit 
to them the proofs of portions of my b»xjk in which I had 


occasion to enter upon ground which they have severally made 
their own. To the Rev. A. S. Walpole, editor of a volume of 
Latin Hymns which is shortly to appear in Cambridge Patristic 
Texts, I owe my knowledge of the splendid stanzas which precede 
the introduction. 

Other debts of various kinds call for acknowledgement here. 
Messrs T. and T. Clark, of Edinburgh, with the ready consent 
of Professor Ramsay, have permitted me to adapt to my owti use 
the map of Asia Minor which accompanies the article on Roads 
and Travel {in the New Testament) in the supplementary volume 
of Hastings' Dictionary of tlie Bible. The Rev. T. C. Fitzpatrick, 
President of Queens' College, supplied the negative from which 
the engraving of Patmos has been produced ; and the specimen 
of MS. 186 came from a photograph of the entire MS. kindly 
taken for me by Professor Lake, of Oxford and Leyden. For 
the page of coins illustrating the life and worship of pagan Asia 
in the age of the Apocalypse I have to thank Dr M. R. James, 
Director of the Fitzwilliam Museum, who helped me to select 
them from Colonel Leake's famous collection, and his assistant, 
Mr H. A. Chapman, to whose skill the casts were due. Lastly, it 
is a pleasure once again to say how much I owe to the unfailing 
attention of the workmen and readers and the ready assistance of 
the officials of the University Press. 

I part with the work which has occupied the leisure of some 
years under a keen sense of the shortcomings that are apparent 
even when it is judged by the standard of my own expectations, 
yet not without an assured hope that it may help some of my 
fellow-students to value and understand a book which is in some 
respects the crown of the New Testament canon. In letting it 
go from me, I can only repeat Augustine's prayei;, which Stood 
at the end of the preface to St Mark, and is even more necessary 
here. Domine Dens. . .quaecumqiie died in hoc libra de tuo, agnoscant 
et tui ; si qua de meo, et Tu ignosce et tui. 

H. B. S. 

F. of the Transfiguration, 1906. 


Introdlction . 

I. Prophecy in the Ai>ostolio Church 

Apocalypses, Jewish and Christian 
Contents and plan of the Aixx-alypse of John 
Unity of tlio AiX)calypso 
Destination .... 

Christianity in the Province of Asia 
Antichrist in the Pi'ovince of Asia 
A' I II. Puri)Ose of the AjxK'alypse . 

IX. Date 

Circulation and reception 
Vociibulary, Grammar, and Stylo 
Symbolism ..... 

Use of the Old Testiment and of other literature 
Doctrine ......... 

Authoi-ship .... . . 

Text . . 

Commentaries ....... 

History and meth<Kls of Interi>retation 










Text .\nu Notks 

Index of Ckkkk. Woiuks l-.sei> in the Aimc.vlyi'se 




















Index to the Intkudictiun and Note 


Coins op the Apocalyptic cities ..... facing 'page Ix 

Bust of Nero » » Ixxxii 

Statue of Domitian . „ „ Ixxxvi 

Patmos , . . . „ „ clxxvii 

Cod. Apoc. i86 (Athos, Pantocrator 44) . • . . „ „ cxcix 

Map of Asia Minor in the time of Domitian , at the end of the volume 


Caelum transit, veri rotam 
solis uidit, ibi totam 

mentis figens acieiu : 
speculator spiritalis 
quasi seraphim sub alis 

Dei uidit faciem. 

audiit in gyro sedis 

quid psallant cura citharoedis 

quater seni proceres : 
de sigillo Trinitatis 
nostrae nummo ciuitatis 

impressit characteres. 

uolat auis sine meta 

quo nee uates nee proplietji 

euolauit altius : 
tarn implenda quani iinpleta 
numquam \iidit tot secreta 

puru.s lujmo purius. 






1. The Christian era opened with a revival of Prophecy. In 
the Maccabean age and the times that followed it the prophetic 
order was believed to be dead, or in a state of suspended vitality ; 
in matters pertaining to God men acted provisionally, " till there 
should arise a faithful prophet^ " to interpret the Divine Will. 
Whether this impression was correct or not-, it is certain that the 
Advent was marked by an outburst of prophetic utterance to 
which the two centuries before Christ can offer no parallel. 
Prophetic gifts were exercised by the priest Zacharias, by Simeon 
of Jerusalem, by Hannah of the tribe of Asher*. As for Johu, 
the son of Zacharias, he was not only universally accounted a 
prophet, but pronounced by Christ to be " much more," since the 
prophet who Avas the Lord's immediate forerunner had greater 
honour than those who from a distance foresaw His coming^. 

2. Christian prophecy begins with the Ministry of Christ. 
The crowds which hung upon His lips both in Galilee and at 
Jerusalem, and even the Samaritan woman who at first resented 
His teaching, recognized in Him a Prophet, — perhaps a propheta 
redivivus, a Jeremiah restored to life'. Nor did the Lord hesitate 
to accept this view of His mission"; if it was inadequate, yet it 
correctly described one side of His work. A Prophet Himself, He 
came to inaugurate a new line of prophets; He undertook to 
endow His new Israel with the prophetic Spirit wiiich had been 

1 I Mace. iv. 46, ix. 27, xiv. 41 ; see •• Mt. xi. 9 fif., Mc.xi. 32, Lc. vii. ■26 ff. 

also Ps. Ixxiv. 9. ' Mt. xvi. 14, Mc. vi. 15, Jo. iv. 19, 

^ SeelciaTnack, Missiotiu.Aii^breitiiruj, vi. 14, vii. 40, ix. 17. 

i. p. 240 f. (E. tr. i. p. 414 f). ^ Mc. vi. 4, Jo. iv. 44; cf. Acts iii. 12, 

•' Lj. i. 67, ii. ■25, 36. vii. 37. 


the glory of the ancient people of God^ The Church was to 
possess not only " scribes," whose task it would be to interpret 
the Christian tradition, but inspired teachers, able through the 
Spirit to guide believers into new fields of thought and action^ 

3. The earliest history of the Church shews the fulfilment of 
these hopes and promises. On the Day of Pentecost, in a speech 
attributed to St Peter, the words of Joel are applied to the future 
Israel: your sons and your daughters shall prophesy .. .yea and on 
my servants and on my handmaidens in those days will I pour 

forth of my Spirit, and they shall prophesy^. How soon a recog- 
nized order of prophets arose in the Church of Jerusalem there is 
no evidence to shew, but about the year 43 — 4* Christian prophets 
from Jerusalem, Agabus and others, made their way to Antioch, 
and shortly afterwards resident prophets ministered there in the 
congregation ^ After the conference at Jerusalem (a.D. 49) the 
hands of the Antiochian prophets were strengthened by the 
coming of two other prophets from the mother Church, Judas 
Barsabbas and Silas®. Seven years later, the daughters of Philip 
the Evangelist are found exercising prophetic gifts at Caesarea ; 
and on the same occasion St Paul's arrest at Jerusalem is foretold 
by a prophet from Judaea, one Agabus^, probably the person 
who had predicted the Claudian famine. His prophecy came as 
no surprise to the Apostle, who had received similar warnings 
from Christian prophets in the cities through which he had 
passed on his way to Palestine®. Prophets were to be found 
everywhere in the Churches planted by St Paul. 

4. From what has been said it appears that the new prophecy 
began at Jerusalem, and spread from Jerusalem to Antioch, and 
from Antioch to Asia Minor and Greece. The Epistles of St Paul 
bear witness to its presence at Thessalonica, at Corinth, at Ephesus, 

1 Lc. xi. 49, Jo. xvi. 12 ff. (Hastings, D.B. i. p. 415 ff.). 

- Mt. xiii. 52, xxiii. 34, Lc. xi. 49. ^ Acts xi. 27, xiii. i f. 

^ Acts ii. 17 f. (Joel ii. 28 f.). On the ® Acts xv. 22; cf. ih. 32 Kal avrol 

probability that the Petiine speeches irpocpfiTai SvTes. 

in the Acts substantially represent ^ Acts xxi. 10 ff. 

St Peter's words see Bp Chase, Credi- * Acts xx. 23 to irfeD/xa rb ayiof Kara 

bility of the Acts, p. 1172. ttoXlv dta/jiapTvpelTai. Cf. xxi. 4. 

* I follow Mr Turner's chronology 


and at Rome'; and probably also in the Churches of South 
Galatia, at Lystra and Iconiuni". To Rome as to Antioch the 
prophets ma}^ have come from Jerusalem; in the other Churches 
named above, prophecy was one of the fruits of St Paul's preaching. 
We are able to note the impression which the gift produced upon 
the Gentile converts. At Thessalonica there was a disposition to 
think light of it, and even at Corinth it was valued less highly 
than the gift of tongues. St Paul, while admitting the need 
of discrimination between the prophet and the pretender, or 
between worthy utterances and unworthy^, insists that the true 
prophet was, after the apostle, the greatest of the gifts bestowed 
upon the Church by the ascended Christ'*. The prophet's mission 
was to build up the Church which the apostle had founded ; to 
edify, exhort, console believers^ ; to convict unbelievers, laying 
bare the secrets of their hearts and assuring them of the Divine 
Presence in the Christian brotherhood". The ideal prophet knew 
all mysteries and all knowledge^ Yet prophecy was liable to abuse, 
and its exercise needed to be carefully regulated. At Corinth, 
where, when St Paul wrote his first Epistle (probably in 55), 
a strong tide of prophetic power had set in, it was necessary to 
enact that not more than two or three prophets should sjieak at 
the same meeting of the Church, and only one prophet at a time, 
and to remind the prophets themselves that they were responsible 
for the proper control of their gift ; they were not automata in 
the hands of the Spirit, for the spirits of the j^rophets are subject to 
the prophets^. 

5. While the most remarkable display of prophetic powers 
of which we have any detailed account occurred at Corinth, it 
was perhaps chiefly at Ephesus and in the other cities of Asia 
that the prophets took root as a recognized order. The Epistle 
to the Ephesians, probably an encyclical addressed to all the 
Asian Churches, not merely assigns to the prophetic order the same 

^ I Thess. V. 20, I Cor. xii. 28, xiii. 2, * i Cor. xii. 28, Eph. iv. n. 

xiv. 3 ff., Eph. iii. i fif., iv. 7 fif., Worn. * 1 Cor. xiv. 3, 4. 

xii. 6. " /6. 23 ff. 

- I Tim. iv. 14, 2 Tim. i. 6. " i Cor. xiii. i. 

^ I Tla. V. 21, I Cor. xiv. 29. Con- * i Cor. xiv. 32. 
trast Didache 1 1. 


place of honour which they receive in i Corinthians, but lays 
repeated stress on the greatness of their work ; the local Church 
had been built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets; 
the prophets, as well as the pastors and teachers, had been given 
for the complete equipment of the saints for the ivork of service^. 

It is from the prophetic circles in this group of Churches that 
the one great literary product of early Christian prophecy emanates. 
In St Paul's time the utterances of the prophets seem to have been 
exclusively oral ; it is in the Apocalypse of John that prophecy 
under the New Covenant first takes a written form^. Both in 
the prologue and in the epilogue, the work of John lays claim 
to a prophetic character^ ; and in the heart of the book the writer 
represents himself as hearing a voice which warns him, Thou must 
prophesy again*. Moreover, it is clear that he is not a solitary 
prophet, but a member of an order which occupies a recognized 
and important position in the Christian societies of Asia. His 
' brother-prophets ' are mentioned ^ and they appear to form the' 
most conspicuous circle in the local Churches. The Church, as 
viewed in the Apocalypse, consists of the Spirit and the Bride, the 
charismatic ministry and the great body of believers. No special 
place is assigned to local Church officers, whether bishops or 
presbyters or deacons'^ ; unless they are also prophets, which may 
often have been the case, they take rank with ordinary members 
of the Church. We read of God's " servants the prophets," of 
"prophets and saints," of "saints, apostles, and prophets^"; but 
nowhere of " the saints with the bishops and deacons*," or even of 
"pastors and teachers" as distinct from prophets^ The Apoca- 
lyptist's standpoint in reference to the Christian ministry is 
not quite that of St Paul ; indeed, he assigns to the apostles 

^ Eph. iv, 12 (see Dean Armitage there are few predictions, in the Apoca- 

Eobinson's note ad loc). lypse." 

2 Except in the case of prophecies ^ Apoc. s. r i. 

which form part of an apostolic letter, ^ Apoc. xxii. 9. 

or have been incorporated in the Gospels " For the probable meaning of the 

(e.g. 2 Thess. ii. , Mc. xiii.). Angels of the Churches see the com- 

^ Cf. Apoc. i. 3, xxii. 7, 10, 18 f. It is mentary on Apoc. i. 20. 

scarcely necessary to say that this claim "' Apoc. x. 7, xvi. 6, xviii. 20, '.'.4. 

does not require us to expect direct pre- ^ Phil. i. i rots a.yioiz...<Tbp eTriaKdirois 

dictions of future events. As Dr A. B. Kal BiaKdvois. 

Davidson has well said (0. T. Prophecy, ^ Eph. iv. 11. 
p. 119), "there is much prophecy, but 


and prophets a position even more prominent than that which they 
hold in the Didac/teK In the age of the Apocalypse, as in the 
lifetime of St Paul, the Asian Churches doubtless had their 
presbyters and deacons, but in the eyes of St John they were 
eclipsed by the greater lustre of the charismatic orders. Such a 
view of the ministry is not unnatural in a prophetic book, written 
by a prominent member of the prophetic order; but that it tshuuld 
have been presented frankly and Avithout reserve to Churches so 
important and well organized as those of Ephesus, Smyrna, and 
Pergamum, is sufficient evidence of the high honour in which the 
Christian prophet was held in Asia at that time. The prophets of 
the Church have contributed but one distinctly prophetic book to 
the canon of the New Testament ; but it is a monument of the great 
position which they had attained before the end of the first century. 

After the date of the Apocalypse the decline of the order in Asia 
must have been rapid and general". Of pre-Montanistic prophets 
not named in the New Testament only two names liave reached us 
— those of Ammia of Philadelphia and Quadratus (Eus. //. E. v. 17; 
of. iii. 37')- It is siguilicant also that in the letters of Ignatius, 
who magnifies the office of the bishop, " the prophets " are in- 
variably those of the Old Testament canon {Mnyn. S. 2, Philad. 5. 2, 
9. I, 2); and thougli Polycarp was remembered in his own Church 
as an "apostolic and prophetic teacher" (mart. Polyc. 16), in his 
letter to the Philippians he associates the Apostles with the old 
prophets, and not, as St Paul had done, with those of the New 
Testament (Phil. 6. 3 ot euayytXtcrajaevot 7;/xas aTToVroXoi koX oi 
TTpocfyrJTai ot TrpoKTjpv^avTCs ktX.). The Montanistic movement 
testifies to a reaction in favour of the prophets, which was at its 
strongest in Asia, but extended as far west as Gaul ; cf. Iren. ii. 
32, V. 6. 3. But the "new prophecy" produced no important 
literary work, for the 'catholic' Epistle of ThtMiiison (Eus. JI. E. v. 
1 S) does not appear to have had a prophetic character. 

^ The Bidache shews some recovery gence of the monarchical episcopate ; a 

in the position of the local otficers ; cf. decay of spiritual power in the prophetic 

§ 15 v/jiiv yap XfirovpyoOan' Kal avrol t}]v order itself, and the seemingly not un- 

"KeiTOVpyiav tCov ■Kpo(pTjTQiv Kal 5iOaiJKa.\wi'. commonoccurrenceof ^i'ticSoxpoi^^rat. Yet 

Yet the fj.ri ow iVf/iiSTjre avTovs which the Catliolic Church was slow to abandon 

immediately follows proves that there Ler hold on the gift ; cf. ApoUinarius 

were still tliose who held the prophet in ap. Eus. II. E. v. 17 iuv yap ^Ivai rb 

the highest esteem, to the disi);irage- Trpo<priTLKbv xdpt(T/xa iv ndffrj ttj iKKXrjalgi 

ment of the Church-officer. And the M^X/" '''V^ reXdas Trapovffias 6 dirjaroXoi 

DiVfrtchf itself (§ 13) says of the prophets: i^iot, and see Harnack, T. u. U. ii. i, 

aiiTol yap dav ol dpX'fP*'^ vp-dw. p. 12^. 

^ It may have been due to the con- ' On these see Zahn, For/>chinip( n 

currence of several causes, such as vi. i; Harnack, C/iroHoZopj'e i., p. 32off. 

persecution, which would fall on the Hamack places both under Hadrian, 
prophets with special severity ; the emer- 



1. If the book which John addresses to the Churches of Asia 
is a ' prophecy,' a Divine message communicated by a member of 
the prophetic order, it is also an 'apocalypse,' a revelation of Divine 
mysteries. The title 'A7roKaXv\Jri<i, or ^AiroKoXvyjrL'i 'Iwavvov, may 
have found a place at the end of an earl}^ copy of the book, or 
on a label attached to the rolP; in any case it seems to have 
been familiar before the end of the second century I The point is 
not material, since the author in the first words of his book 
describes it as an aTroKaXvyln'? 'Irjaou X.pcaTov, a revelation made 
by God to Jesus Christ, and by Christ through the ministry of 
an angel to John for transmission to the Churches. The word 
' apocalypse ' does not appear again in the book, but its position 
in the forefront of the prologue doubtless suggested the ancient 
title, and justifies our use of it. 

2. The history of the verb aTroKaXvirreiv and its derivative 
a7roK('ikvy\ri'i is sufficiently discussed in the commentary ^ 'Revela- 
tion ' is the converse of concealment ■*, the process of casting aside 
the veil that hides a mystery. St Paul uses the noun in reference 
both to the gift of spiritual vision and to its results ; the gift is a 
vvev/u^a airoKaXv-^eca^^, and its exercise is an aTroKdXv^i<i^. The 

^ See .Gardthausen, Griech. Palaeo- Ka.\v\pi.i> /nva-rripiov xpoi'ots aiwvloLi cecyi- 

graphie, p. 53; Thompson, Greek and yrifievov. Ei)h. iii. 3 Kara. diroKa.\v\piv 

Latin Palaeoiiraphij, p. ,s7f-; Kenyon, eyvoopladi] fMoi to /j.vaT7]pLov. 

Pal. of Greek papyri, p. 2-2. ^ Eph. i. 17. 

^ See cc. ix, x. ^ gee p. i. « i Cor. xiv. 6, 26, 2 Cor. xii. i (where 

■* See e.g. Mt. xi. 25 ^Kpvxpas ravra dwoKoXvypeis are coupled with dirraffiai), 

diro aocpQjv KoL <TweTGiv,Kal direKo.Xvxpa's 7 ; the verb is similarly used iu i Cor. 

OLVTo. vrjiriois. Kom. xvi. 25 Acara dTro- xiv. 30. 


gift of revel;iti(jii took its place as an instrument of edification by 
the side of the gift of prophecy ; it was in fact a particular 
manifestation of the prophetic Spirit, in which the spirit of the 
prophet seemed to be carried up into a higher sphere, endowed 
for the time with new powers of vision, and enabled to hear words 
which could not be reproduced in the terms of human thought, 
or could be reproduced only through the medium of symbolical 
imagery^ While the prophets normally dealt with human life 
in its relation to God, reading and interpreting the thoughts of 
men, and thus convicting, exhorting, or consoling them according 
to their several needs, he who ' had an apocalypse ' strove to 
express his personal realization of the unseen or of the distant 

3. The 'apocalypses' which in St Paul's day might be 
heard at times in the Christian assemblies were unpremedi- 
tated utterances, flashes of light wliich suddenly illumined the 
consciousness of the men who spoke, and as suddenly vanished-. 
Of these revelations no trace remains, nor were they ever, so far 
as we know, committed to writing. The Revelation of John is the 
onl}^ written apocalypse, as it is the only prophetic book of the 
Apostolic age. Yet it was not by any means the earliest literary 
product of the apocalyptic movement. A written apocalypse was 
no novelty in Jewish pre-Christian literature ; there are examples 
of this class of writing within the canon of the Old Testament, 
and besides these, eight or nine extant apocalyptic works may 
be enumerated which are wholly or in part of Jewish provenance. 

^ 1 Cor. xii. 4 Tipirdyrj eh rbv trapA- which were heard in Montanist assem- 

iuaov Kal iJKovffftf dpprjra l>r)ixaTa. This bhes at CartliiiKO iu his own day ; de 

was howovor no ordinary occasion; cf. a»uma n" nam iiuiaspiritalia charismata 

t'. 7 TTj v-rrepfioXy Tuif diTOKa\v\l/fu>v. The agnoscnmis, post loaunom quuque pro- 

anti-Montanist writer iu Eus. H. E. phetiam meruinius consequi. est hodie 

V. 17 contends /it; delv trpo^rjTTjv iv ex- BOior apud nosrevelatiouum charismata 

OTaffetXaXeij', which a{,'rees with yt Paul's Bortita, quae in ecclcsia inter doniinica 

doctrine: ■Kvevf^ara, Trpo<f>rjTu)v irpo07jrais eolemnia per ecstasin in spiritu patitur; 

viroTd(T(r(Tai, iSuch an ai)ocalypse, how- convorsaturcumaM(^eHs,aH(iuandoetiani 

ever, as that of John implies a state of cum Domino, etvidetetauditsacramenta 

'ecstasy' at the time when it occurred et quorundamconladiuoscit/'etc. The 

(cf. e.g. i. 10 IT., iv. i, and pctrisim), picture may be taken, ?)ii/f(//is 7Hi/N7Ji<fi,<, 

although the message may well have been as descriptive of the aTroKa\i\^€ii which 

written afterwanls. broke the order of more primitive con- 

^ Tertullian describes the revelations gregations at Corinth iu St I'aul's time. 


Of these the greater number were earlier than the Apocalypse of 
John ; a few were nearly contemporary with it. 

Within the canon of the Old Testament apocalyptic passages 
occur even in the Pentateuch (Gen. xv., xlix., Num. xxiii., xxiv.) 
and historical books (i Kings xxii.); in the Prophets they form 
a considerable element, especially in Isaiah (Isa. xiii. ff., xxiv. flf., 
Ixv. f.), Ezekiel, Joel, and Zechariah ; Ezekiel's prophecy in par- 
ticular is almost wholly of an apocalyptic character'. But it is 
in the Book of Daniel that the later conception of the literary 
apocalypse is first realized. Though reckoned among the Kethu- 
bim of the Hebrew Bible, a class in which it usually stands 
eighth, ninth, or tenth of eleven writings*, in the Greek Old Testa- 
ment Daniel secured a place among the Prophets ^ doubtless because 
the second half of the book (cc. vii.— xii.) is of the nature of an 
apocalyptic prophecy*. Judging by its place in the Hebrew canon, 
and by historical and other considerations, this book seems to belong 
to the interval B.C. i68 — 165, the years during which the hand of 
Antiochus Epiphanes lay heavy on the Jewish people. The writer's 
purpose is to strengthen the religious section of the nation under 
this supreme test of their faith and loyalty. He is carried back 
in the Sjiirit to the days of the Exile, and identifies himself with 
Dauiel, a Jewish captive at Babylon, who is represented as fore- 
seeing in a series of great visions the course of events that 
culminated in the troubles of the Maccabean age. From the 
standpoint of the writer all events later than the age of Daniel 
are ex hypothesi future; but the book is not' without actual predic- 
tions : the author, who writes while the persecution is still going 
on, foresees the issue with a confidence which comes from the sense 
of a Divine gift. 

Next in importance to Daniel among Jewish apocalypses^ is 
the Book of Enoch ^, a composite work of which the several 
portions are variously dated by scholars. It must suffice here to 
quote an eminent German and an eminent English authority. 
Schiirer' regards cc. i. — xxxvi. and cc. Ixxii. — cv. as belonging to the 
time of John Hyrcanus, and places the "Similitudes" (^cc. xxxvii. — 

^ A. B. Davidson, Ezekiel, Introd. literature." 
p. XXV. : " there are three things in ^ The following sketch of the non- 
particular which are characteristic of canonical apocalypses is added for the 
the Book : symbolical figures, sym- sake of readers to whom this literature, 
bolical actions, and visions." much of which until recent years has 

2 Introduction to the 0. T. in Greek, been difficult of access, may be almost 

P- ■200. unknown. Further particulars maybe 

•^ Ih. p. 2or ff. ; of. Mt. xxiv. 25 rb found in Schiirer, Gescliichte des jiid. 

^T)6kv 5id haviT]\ Tov TrpocpriTov. Volkes^ iii., p. 181 ff. [= E. T. 11. iii., 

* Cf. Driver, Daniel, Introd. p. Ixxvii.: p. 54 £f.] ; Kautzsch, Die Apokri/phen u. 

" both the symbolism and the veiled pre- Pseude}n(iraplien des A. T. ; Encyclo- 

dictions are characteristic of a species ^afrfmiJi&Ztca, art. "Apocalyptic Litera- 

of literature which was now beginning ture." 

to spring up, and which is known com- « Ed. Charles (Clarendon Press, 1893). 

monly by modern writers as Apocalyptic ^ Geschichte'^ iii., p. 196 ff. 


Ixxi.) at the earliest in the reign of Herod the Great. According 
to Charles, cc. Ixxxiii. — xc. are Maccabean (B.C. i66 — i6i), and 
cc. i. — xxxvi. pre-Maccabean, "at latest before 170 B.C. V' while 
cc. xxxvii. — Ixxi. belong to B.C. 94 — 79, or to B.C. 70 — 64. As the 
uncertainty which attends the dating of the sections indicates, 
allusions to events or persons are rare in Enoch ; the book in all its 
parts is visionary and eschatological, dealing with angels and spirits, 
with the secrets of Nature and the mysteries of the unseen world 
and its rewards and punishments; and less often and in a vague and 
general way with the course of human history and its great issues. 
The apocalyptic imagery of Enoch anticipates that of the Apocalypse 
of John in not a few particulars ; both books, e.g., know of the Tree 
of life and the Book of life ; both represent heavenly beings as 
clothed in white ; in both stars fall from heaven, horses wade 
through rivers of blood ; the winds and the waters have their 
presiding spirits; a fiery abyss awaits notorious sinners*. 

The Book of the Secrets of Enoch'', another survival of the 
pre-Christian Enoch literature, has been recently given to the world 
in an English translation by Dr Charles. According to its editor 
it belongs to the half century a.d. i — 50, but contains earlier 
fragments which have had a Hebrew original. In this attractive 
little book Enoch relates his travels into the unseen world ; in the 
seventh heaven he sees the vision of God ; he receives instructions 
from God, and is then sent back to the world for 30 days to teach 
his children, after which he is carried back by angels into the 
Divine Presence. As in the Book of Enoch, there are anticipations 
of the Johannine imagery. A great sea is above the clouds : in 
the third heaven there is a paradise stocked with fruit-trees bearing 
all manner of ripe fruits, and in the midst of it the Tree of Life. 
Faces are seen shining like the sun, and eyes as lamps of fire ; there 
are angels set "over seasons and years... over rivers and the sea... 
over all the souls of men"; "six-winged creatures overshadow all 
the Throne... singing, Holy, Holy, Holy"; the world-week is of 
seven thousand years ; Hades is a fortress whose keys are committed 
to safe keeping. 

The Apocalypse of Baruch-* is probably later than the fall of 
Jerusalem^ Like the Book of Daniel its aim is to con.sole and 
build up the Jewish people at a time of great depression. For this 
purpose the writer identifies himself with Baruch, the contemporary 
of Jeremiah, who is represented as foreseeing the coming trouViles, 
and looking beyond tiieni to their issue. He finds comfort in the 
prospect of the Messianic reign, and speaks of its glories in trrms 

^ Book of Enoch, p. 25 ff. Cf. Dr ' Ed. Charles (Clarendon Press, 1896). 

Charles' article in Hastiups' Dictionanj * Ed. Charles (A. A- C. Black, 1S96). 

0/ the Bible and EucycI.lUblicaC'A-poca.- ' So Scluirer, Ge.ichichte^ id., p. 227; 

lyptic Literature"). Charles {Apoc. Baruch, p. ^•ii. ) pr.fers 

^ These coincidences are noted in the to sav that it is "a composite work 

commentary as they occur. On the written in the latter half of the first 

question of John"s indebtedness to century,"' 
Enoch see c. xiii. in this introduction. 


(c. xxix.) which stirred the enthusiasm of Christian millenarians, 
and were even attributed to our Lord\ He foresees also the fall 
of Eome (c. xxxix.), and the rise of a new Jerusalem (c. iv.). Thus 
the Apocalypse of Baruch approximates to the nearly contemporary 
Christian Apocalypse not merely in verbal coincidences and the use 
of similar imagery, but in some important lines of thought. 

The Fourth Book of Esdras" contains (cc. iii. — xiv.) a Jewish 
apocalypse which is now generally recognized as a work of the 
time of Domitian^, to whose reign the Apocalypse of St John, 
according to Irenaeus, also belongs. The Jewish portion of 
4 Esdras is marked by a pessimism which contrasts strongly with 
the hopefulness of the older Jewish apocalypses, and of the con- 
temporary Christian apocalypse. The writer, who personates Ezra, 
arranges his matter in seven visions; the first two (iii. i — v. 20, 
V. 21 — vi. 34) deal with the general problem of evil; the third 
vision (vi. 35 — ix. 25) depicts the Messianic reign, the judgement, 
and the intermediate state ; the fourth (ix. 26 — x. 60) represents 
the mourning of Zion for the fallen city, and the building of a new 
Jerusalem, whose glories, however, are not revealed ; in the fifth 
(xi. I — xii. 39) Rome, represented by an eagle, receives its sentence 
from the Messiah, who appeal's under the form of a lion ; the sixth 
(xiii. I — 58) shews the Messiah rising from the sea to destroy His 
enemies and gather the scattered tribes of Israel ; the seventh 
(xiv. I — 47) has to do with Ezra's personal history. Even this 
bare summary is enough to reveal the strong contrasts which, 
amidst much that is similar, distinguish the Jewish from the 
Cliristian apocalypse. 

Other Jewisli books, which either in literary form or in their 
general purpose are further removed from the Apocalypse of John, 
can only be mentioned here. Such are the Book of Jubilees"^ an 
haggadic commentary on Genesis; the Assumption of Moses^, which 
together with the oldest Enoch was used by the Christian writer of 
the Epistle of Jude ; the Martyrdom of Isaiah, incorporated in the 
Ascension of Isaiah (cc. ii., iii., v."); the Psalms of Solomon'', written 
in the interests of the Pharisees between b.c. 70 and 40 ; the 
Ajoocalypses of Adam, Elijah, and Zephaniah ; the Testament of 
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and the more important Testaments of 
the Twelve Patriarchs^, all of which have been more or less worked 
over by Christian hands. More serviceable than any of the above 
for illustrating St John's Apocalypse are the Sibylline Oracles^. 
Of the Jewish Sibyllines Bk iii. 97 — 829 is assigned to the time of 
Ptolemy Physcon (b.c. 145 — 117), while Bks iv. and v. are said to 

J Cf. Iren. v. 33. 3. 6 Ed. Charles (1900). 

" Ed.Bensly and James in Texts and ^ Ed. Ryle and James (Camb. Univer- 

Studies iii. 2 (Camb. University Press, sity Press, 1891). 

^895). 8 An account of these works with 

^ For the grounds of this conclusion bibliographical materials is given in 

see Schiirer, Gexchichte^ iii., p. 241 &., Enc. Bihlica, s.vv. Apocalyptic litera- 

and cf. Mr Thackeray's art. Second ture, Apocrypha, 

^ooft o/£'s(7ms in Hastings' J). 7?. ^ Ed. A. Rzach (Vienna. 1891); 

* Ed. Charles (A. & C. Black, 1902). Geffcken (Leipzig, 1002). 

5 Ed. Charles (1897). ^ o, y / 


belong severally to the reigns of Domitian and Hadrian. The 
points of contact between this strange conglomerate of Jewish and 
Christian oracles and the Apocalypse have beun noted in tlie 
commentary as they occur. 

4. The whole of this Jewish apocalyptic literature, it will be 
seen, belongs to times when prophecy in the stricter sense was 
believed to be in suspense. In no single instance do the non- 
canonical apocalyptists write in their own names ; their message 
is delivered under the assumed personality of some one of the 
saintly or inspired teachers of the past. Moreover, their attitude 
differs from that of the Hebrew Prophets. The older prophecy 
had been concerned primarily with the moral and religious needs 
of the nation ; it was a call to repentance and to faith in God. 
The prophet of the canon had been the authorized interpreter of 
the Divine Mind to a theocratic people ; if he had foretold the 
future, it was " the prediction of dissatisfaction, the prediction of 
hope, of anticipation, of awakened thoughts, of human possibility 
and Divine nearness \" rather than a formal announcement of 
coming events. To this role the apocalyptists did not wholly 
succeed. With the Greek conquests a new order began which 
was unfavourable to prophecy of the older type. Relief from the 
pressure of heathen domination or from the distasteful presence of 
heathen surroundings was henceforth sought in efforts to pierce 
the veil of the future, and to discover behind it the coming 
triumphs of the righteous. The Pharisaic movement offered 
salvation to the Jewish race partly in the way of an exact 
observance of the Law, partly by opening wider hopes to those 
Avho obeyed, and painting in darker colours the doom of the 
transgressor; and the earlier non-canonical apocalypses gave 
literary expression to these new hopes and fears. Another cause 
contributed to the growth of apocalyptic literature. With the 
coming of the Romans and the subsequent rise of the Herodian 
dynasty, the political outlook changed, and a fresh impulse was 
given to the expectation of a Messianic reign. In the first 
century the habits of thought Avhich produced apocalyptic writing 

1 Pavidsou, 0. T. Prophecy, p. 90. 


were so firmly rooted in the Jewish mind that even the destruc- 
tion of the City and Temple did not at once eradicate them ; 
unable any longer to connect a glorious future with the Herodian 
buildings, the writers of the apocalypses of Baruch and Ezra 
looked for a Messiah who should crush the enemies of Israel, 
restore the nation, and realize the vision of an ideal Jerusalem. 
Despondent as the writer of the Ezra-apocalypse manifestly is, 
he does not formally relinquish the national hope, though in 
his case it is indefinitely deferred. 

5. The first Christian apocalypse came on the crest of this 
long wave of apocalyptic effort. Compositions more or less similar 
both in form and in substance to the work of St John had been 
in circulation among Palestinian and Alexandrian Jews for two 
centuries and a half before he took up his pen to write the 
"Revelation of Jesus Christ." It may be claimed for St Paul that 
he created the Epistle, as we find it in the New Testament^; and 
the "memoirs of the Apostles," which from Justin's time have been 
known as "Gospels," have no exact literary parallel in pre-Christian 
literature. This cannot be said of the writer of the New Testament 
Apocalypse; he had models to follow, and to some extent he 
followed them. The apocalyptic portions of Ezekiel, Zechariah, 
and Daniel are continually present to his mind ; and though it is 
less certain that he made use of Enoch or any other post-canonical 
apocalypse-, he could scarcely have been ignorant of their existence 
and general character. But while it cannot be claimed that the 
author of the Apocalypse originated a type of literature, he is far 
from being a mere imitator of previous apocalyptic writing. The 
Apocalypse of John is in many ways a new departure, (i) The 
Jewish apocalypses are without exception pseudepigraphic ; the 
Christian apocalypse bears the author's name^ This abandon- 
ment of a long-established tradition is significant ; by it John 
claims for himself the position of a prophet who, conscious that he 
draws his inspiration from Christ or His angel and not at second 
hand, has no need to seek shelter under the name of a Biblical 

^ See Eamsay, Letters to the Seven - See c. xiii. 

Churches, p. 2^1 3 See c. xv. 


saint. (2) How hard it is to determine the date and provenance 
of Jewish apocalypses is clear from the wide differences which 
divide the best scholars on these points. The fictitious names 
under which they pose suggest dates which are no less fictitious, 
and any evidence which these books can be made to yield as to 
the conditions under which they were written is wrung from 
them, as it were, against the will of their authors. The Apoca- 
lypse of John, on the contrary, makes no secret of its origin and 
destination ; it is the work of a Christian undergoing exile in one 
of the islands of the Aegean ; and it is addressed to the Christian 
congregations in seven of the chief cities of the adjacent conti- 
nent, luider circumstances which practically determine its date. 
(3) But it is not only in regard to his abandonment of pseudo- 
nymity and in matters of literary form that our Apocalyptist differs 
from his Jewish predecessors ; the cleavage goes deeper. What- 
ever view may be taken of his indebtedness to Jewish sources, 
there can be no doubt that he has produced a book which, taken 
as a whole, is profoundly Christian, and widely removed from the 
field in which Jewish apocalyptic occupied itself The narrow 
sphere of Jewish national hopes has been exchanged for the life 
and aims of a society whose field is the world and whose goal is 
the conquest of the human race. The Jewish Messiah, an un- 
certain and unrealized idea, has given place to the historical, 
personal Christ, and the Christ of the Christian apocalypse is 
already victorious, ascended, and glorified. The faith and the 
hope of the Church had diverted apocalyptic thought into new 
channels and provided it with ends worthy of its pursuit. The 
tone of St John's book presents a contrast to the Jewish apocalypses 
which is not less marked. It breathes a religious spirit which is 
not that of its predecessors ; it is marked with the sign of the 
Cross, the note of patient suffering, unabashed faith, tender love 
of the brethren, hatred of evil, invincible hope ; and, notwith- 
standing the strange forms which from time to time are seen to 
move across the stage, the book as a whole is pervaded by a sense 
of stern reality and a solemn purpose which forbid the approacli 
of levity. The Apocalypse of John is differentiated from the 


Apocalypse of Baruch or of Ezra just as the Book of Daniel is 
differentiated from the Book of Enoch. However the fact may 
be explained, the two canonical apocalypses possess the notes of 
insight and foresight which suggest inspiration ; the attentive 
reader becomes conscious of something in them both which is 
better than the unchastened imaginings of the mere mystic who 
conceives himself to possess a key to the secrets of life. In the 
Apocalypse of John the presence of the Spirit of revelation is un- 
mistakably felt, and the Christian student may be pardoned if he 
recognizes in this book a fulfilment of the promise of a Paraclete 
who shall declare... the things that are to come. 

6. If it were asked with what subjects a Christian apoca- 
lyptist, writing towards the close of the Apostolic age, might be 
expected to occupy himself, it is not difficult to conjecture the 
answer. As the first century advanced, two topics filled the field 
of Christian thought when it turned its gaze on the unseen and 
the future. Behind the veil of phenomena the human life of 
Jesus Christ was believed to be enshrined in the glory of God. 
To reveal this hidden life, to represent to the imagination the 
splendour of the Divine Presence in which it exists, to translate 
into human words or symbols the worship of Heaven, to exhibit 
the ascended Christ in His relation to these unknown surround- 
ings: this would be the first business of the Christian seer. But a 
second great theme is inseparable from it. With the life of the 
glorified Lord the life of His Body, the Church, was identified in 
primitive Christian belief. In the last years of the first century 
the Church, which had begun her course with the promise of a 
rapid success, was reeling under the bloAvs dealt her by the 
world. The two empires, the Kingdom of God and the World- 
power, were already at open war\ Men were asking what the 
end would be; which of the two forces would prevail. A Christian 
in those days who was conscious of possessing the spirit of revela- 
tion could not but endeavour to read the signs of the times and, 
so far as it was given him, to disclose the course and outcome of 

^ On this subi'ect see Bp Westcott's essay on the Church and the World 
{EpiMes of St John). 


the struggle which had begun between the Empire and the 

On some such lines we might have sought to reconstruct the 
Apocalypse of John, had only fragments of it survived, guided 
by what we knew of the beliefs and hopes of the Apostolic age 
and of the history of the last thirty years of the first century. As 
a matter of fact, these are the lines on which the book has been 
written. It is an apocalypse of the glory of the exalted Christ ; 
it is also an apocalypse of the sufferings and the ultimate tiiumph 
of the militant Church. 

Christian apocalypses later than the Apocalypse of John were 
for the most part either recensions of Jewish books, or original 
works issued under Old Testament names. In a few cases they 
claim to be the work of Apostles or other N.T. saints. Gnosticism 
produced an Anahaticon Pauli\ and the Revelations of Stephen 
and Thomas, denounced as 'apocryphal' in the so-called Decree 
of Gelasius, were also probably of Gnostic origin. One apocalyptic 
pseudepigraphon of the second century, the 'ATroKaAvi/'is Uirpov, 
seemed for a time about to tind a place within the canon by the 
side of the Apocalypse of John; it is coupled with the latter in the 
Muratorian Fragment (1. 71 sqq. " apocalypse[s] etiam lohanis et 
Petri tantum recipimus', quam quidara ex nostris legi in e[c]clesia 
nolunt'") ; it was quoted, apparently as a genuine work of St Peter, 
by Clement of Alexandria^; it is included in the early Claromontane 
list'*. But as time went on, the book found its own level. Eusebius 
reckons it among the spurious, or at least the doubtful books (//. E. 
iii. 25, cf. ib. iii. 2); and though it retained its popularity and was 
even read in some Eastern churches in the time of Sozomen (//. E. vii. 
19), in the later lists of scriptural books it is placed among the antile- 
yomena or the apocrypha^. From the large fragment" of the Petrine 
Apocalypse recovered in 1892 it is easy to account for the difference 
of opinion which seems to have existed about the book from the 
first ; on the one hand it appealed strongly to the uneducated 
imagination by its attempt to portray the joys of Paradise and the 
torments of Gehenna, while upon the other its tone and purpose 
were on a different level from those of the canonical Apocalypse. 

1 Epiph. Twer, xxxviii. 1. ' So the list of Sixty Books and the 

_ - Zahn ((n'sch. d. NTlichen Kanotii, Stichonietry of Nicephorus (Zabn, ib., 

ii. p. 105 IT.) would read " et Petri pp. n;:, 299 ff.). 

unam taiitum locipimus epistulam ; ^ Cf. Dr M. E. James, Rfvflation of 

feitur enini altera quam " etc. But Pf^•r, p. 51 f.: "a fragment of eullicient 

neither the emendation nor the reason lenf^lh toVive us a fair idea of the con- 

wliieh he gives for it can be regarded as tents of the whole Apocalypse. As a 

convincing. fact, it does contain something like 140 

^ Eus. H. E. vi. 14. I ; cf. eel. proph. out of the original 300 lines of which 

41 > 48 f- the book consisted.'' 

* Zahn, Gesch. ii. p. 159. 


The fourth century has given us an Apocalypse of Pa^d^, an 
attempt to report the appyra pTJ/xara which St Paul heard when he 
was caught up into Paradise (2 Cor. xii. 2 ff.), well characterized by 
Augustine as a work the folly of which is no less conspicuous than its 
presumption". Later still, but of more importance to the student 
of the N.T. Apocalypse, is a spurious Greek Apocalypse of John', 
first mentioned in a scholion of cent. iv. The author supposes 
St John to be, after the Ascension, alone on Mt Tabor, whence 
he is carried up in a bright cloud to the door of Heaven. 
Several of the features of the story are obviously borrowed from 
the canonical book ; e.g. the opened heaven (§ 2), the book with 
seven seals (§ 3), the sending of Enoch and Elijah to expose Anti- 
christ and be slain by him (§ 8) ; the Lamb with seven eyes and 
seven horns who breaks the seven seals (§ 18). But the spurious 
Apocalypse is chiefly occupied with eschatological speculations, 
grotesque descriptions of Antichrist (§ 7), and answers to curious 
questions connected with the resurrection of the body, the inter- 
mediate state, the last things, and the final judgement (§ 9 ff.). 

An interesting apocalypse'' forms the prologue of the * Church 
Order' known as Testamentum Domini, printed by Lagarde in his 
Reliquiae... syriace, and edited by Rahmani in 1899 and in an 
English translation by Cooper and Maclean in 1902 ; a Latin 
fragment which is " the literal equivalent of certain sections " of 
this apocalypse is given by Dr James in Texts a7id Studies, ii. 3, 
p. 151 ff". The same volume of Texts and Studies contains an 
Apocalypse of Sedrach, and a late Ajjocalypse of the Virgin. 

A study of post-canonical Christian apocalypses serves only to 
accentuate the unique importance of the canonical book. Among 
apocalypses of Christian origin the N.T. Apocalypse alone stands 
in a real relation to the life of the age in which it was written, or 
attempts to I'eveal the meaning and issues of the events which the 
writer had witnessed or was able to foresee. The N.T. Apocalypse 
alone deserves the name, or is in any true sense a 'prophecy.' 

^ Edited by Tiscliendorf in Apoca- quam sana non recipit ecclesia, nescio 

hjpses Apocryphae (1866), pp. 34 — 69; quibus fabulis plenam stultissima piae- 

an early Latin version (Visio PauU) is sumptione finxerunt." 

piinted by Dr James in Texts and ^ Edited by Tiscliendorf in Apocalyp- 

Studies, ii. 3, pp. 11 — -42. ses Apocri/pliae {1866), "pTp. 70 — 94, 

2 Aug. tr. in Joaiin. 98 "qiia occa- ^ On this see Haruack, Chron. ii., 

sione vani quidam Apocalypsim Pauli, p. 514 ff. 



I. In his treatise Hepl iirayyeXicov Dionysius of Alexandria 
(f 265) writes as if the Apocalypse were already divided into 
KatpdXata^. But if he refers to a formal capitulation, no other 
trace of it remains. When preparing to comment upon the book 
in the sixth century, Andreas, Archbishop of Cappadocian Caesarea, 
devised a system for his own use, which he would scarcely have 
done if there had been one in existence dating from the third 
century. Andreas 's method is conventional and arbitrary, after 
the fashion of his age ; he breaks up the Apocalypse into 24 
longer sections {\6yoi,), corresponding with the number of the 
Elders in c. iv., and subdivides each of these sections into three 
chapters (KecpdXaca), an arrangement suggested, as he says, by the 
threefold nature of man". His 72 K€(f)d\aca, however, represent 
fairly well the natural subdivisions of the book, and are printed 
below as exhibiting the eai'liest known analysis. 

l^€(f>aXaia t?}? 'Icodvvov toO OeoXoyov dTrnKaXvyjrefix;. 

a . irpooLfJitov tj/? a7roKa\ui//€(ij§, Kal 5tl St' dyyiXov ai'rw SeSorai 
(l- I — 8). /3'. oTTTao-ia, iv y to»' 'hjiTovw iOedaaro iv fiecrui \v\yi<Zi' 

tTTTa (1. 9 — 20). y. TO, ycypaix/JLiva Trpos toi' ttj<; 'Fj(f>ecriujv iKK\i](Tia<; 

ayyeXov (ii. i — 7). 8'. tu 8};Acu^€i'Ta t<2 iv rrj ^fxvpvaitov iKK\i]<Tia 

ayyc'Ao) (ii. 8 — ll). e'. to, a-qfxavdiVTa tw t»;9 IIcpyayLiT^i-oJi' iKKX-quia^ 

dyy€A.({) (ii. 12 — 17). g-' . TO. ycypafifxiva Ti^ rij^ ®vaT(ipii>v (KK\y](ria<; 

ayyeXo) (ii. 18 — 29). ^. ra aTrearaXfiiva Tip ayyeXio ttJ'S iv SapSccrir 

^ Ens. H. E. vii. 25. i (Dionys. Al. p. 141. 
ed. Feltoe, p. \\j^),Tivii fxkv oJ<v tQv npb ^ prole pn. in comm., SieXiirts Tijv 

rffjiCjv ■qdiTr)(Tav nai dv((TKeva(Tai> irivTij rb vapoiKTav irpayiJiaTfiay e/j Xj70uy *5' Koi 

^iSXiof Kal Kad' ^KCLcrrov Ke<pa.\aiov o^ KdpaKaia., 5ia Ti}t> rpifiepij tQv kS' virS- 

dievdvvovTes icr\. Cf. Gregory, juriLtiii., craoiv oJifiaroi Kal ypvxrji Kal Tri'ei'/xaTos. 


€»CKA.r;o-ta? (iii. i — 6). 7}'. to. ypacf>evTa Trpoq tov ttj? 4>tXaSeX<^eaJV 
iKKXrjaias ayye/vov (iii. 7 — 13). 6'. to, hrjXoiOevTa Trpos Tov TTys 
AaoStKcW cKKAijo-ta? ayyeXor (iii. 14 — 22). l. Trepl t^s opa^etcrrjs 
auro) ^vpas ev" tcS ovpavw koI tov dpovov koI t<2v k8 Trpecr/JurepcDV Kat 
Twv £^-75 S€t;[(^€VTC0i/ (iv, I — 11). La. Trepi t^s ^i/iXov rrjs i<T<f)payL<T- 
fi€vr]? crcfypayla-LV cttto, tt^s ck ttj X^'P^ '''°^ ^eou, ^v ovhel^ dvol^ac Svvarat 

TTJS KTL(TTr}<; cjiVCTCWi (v. I 5). t/3'. TTCpi TOU apVLOV TOV TO, CTTTO, KepttTtt 

e^ovTo?, OTTws T7;i/ fSifSXov dvew^€v (v. 6 — 14). iy'. Avcris tijs ■n-pwrrj's 
(j<ppayl8o^, TYjv aTTOcTToXtK'^v StSa^^r/v o"r]fjiaivov(Ta (vi. I, 2). io . Xucris 
T^S Sevrepas cre^paytSos, ST^Xovcra tov twV aTrtcrTwv Kara tcjv TTtCTTtov 
TToXe/xov (vi. 3, 4). te'. Aijcris t^? TpiTT^s cr^payiSo?, SiyXovcra twv /xtj 
Traytcos TrcTrto-Tci^KOTcuv Xpiorw t-^v eKirrwcnv (vi. 5, 6). ir, Xiktis t-^s 
TerdpTr]'; crffypaylSos, i/x^aLvovaa to,? €7rayoju,€va5 TraiSevrtxas /xttCTTtyas 
TOts 8t' dvuTTO/xoi'Tyo-ias dpvr/o-a/xei/ot? tov Kvpiov (vi. 7, 8). i^ . Xrcrts 
T^S TreixTTTrjs crcf)payLSo<;, rijv twv dyt'wv i/^ut^wv arjfjiaLvovcra Trpos Kvptov 
KaTaf367]o-LV tuo-TC yeveaOai avuTekeiav (vi. 9 — 11). ir;. Xwis ti^s 
CKTiys o-</)payt8os, to,? ev ttj trvvTeXeto, eTrayo/xevas TrXryyds a-rjixaivova-a 
(vi. 12 — 17). i^'. TTcpt Twv o-w^o/xevcov CK 7r\rjyfj<; twv recrcrdpwv 
dyye'Xwv x'^'aScuv p/x.8' (vii. i — 8). k'. Trcpt Tor dvapLOfxi^Tov oxXou 
twv i^ i6v(2v XpicTTcG (TVfJLJSaaiXevadvTiDV (vii. 9 — 17). Ka. Averts T17S 
£/Q8d/x7ys (Tcf>payl8os, SyjXovaa dyycXtKots Svvdjxei^ irpoadyeiv 0e(2 \_TO-'i\ 
Tcuv dyiwv TrpocreBxa-S o5s Ovp-idfJiaTa (yHi. i — 6). Ky8 . Trept twv CTTTa 
dyye'Xwv, cov tou TrpcoTOU (raXTriVavTOS x'^^'^C'* '^'^^ '"'^P '^"•'^ <^i/^<^ ^""'^ "J^? 
yjy? <f>ipeTaL (viii. 7)- '^Y- Trepi tou Sevrepov dyyeXou, ou o'aXTrto-avTOS 
Tc5v €V [ttj] OaXdararj ep.v/'t'Xwv dTrwXeta ytVcTat (viii. 8, 9). ko. 6 TptTOS 
ayycXos to. twv 7roTa/xwv iTLKpaLvet vSaTa (viii. 10, 11). kc . o TCTapTos 
ayycXos to TptVov TOu T^XtaKov Kat o-eXijviaKOV (^ojtos a-KOTc^ei (viii. 12, 
13). Kr'. TTcpi TOV irifXTTTOv dyyiXov koX tuv €K t^s d^vacrov avep^o- 
jxevoiv vor]T(j}v dKptSwv Kat tot) ttoiklXov ttjs p.op(^rj<i avT<Zv (ix. i — 12). 
K^'. TTcpt TOV eKTov dyyeXov kol twv iirl tw Etx^pciTT^ Xvo/acvcuv dyyeXcov 
eVtXvcris (ix. 13 — 21). kt;'. Trept dyyeXou 7repL(3ej3Xr]iJ.evov vecficXrjv 

/cat tptV Kat TO KOtVOV TcXoS TrpO/XT^VVOVTOS (x. I 9). kO . OTTtOS TO 

ySt^Xapt'Stov Ik X€ipo<; tov dyyeXov 6 €vayy€XicrTr]<; £tXr;</)€V (x. IO — 
xi. 2). X'. Trept 'Evwx Kttt 'HXta SteXeyxetv /xeXXdvrwv tov di'Tt'xpto-TOv 
(xi. 3- — 10). Xa. oVtos dvaipe^eWes wo TOV dvTtxptCTTou dvacrT7;croi'Tat, 
Ktti Tovs ijiraTrjixevov^ eKirXrj^ovijLV (xi. II — 1 4). Xy8 . irepLTrj'S eySoo/XT/s 
o-dXTTtyyos Kat twv ■up.vowTcov tQ Oew dytcov €7rt t^ fieXXova-rj Kpcaet (xi. 
15 — 18). Xy'. Trept twv 8twyp.(5v t^s cKKXr/o-tas twv Trporepcov Kat Twv 
€7rt TOV dvTi;^pto-TOv (xi. 19 — xii. 6). X8'. Trept tov yevo/xevov TroXe/xov 
ueTa^v Twv dytwv dyye'Xwv Kat twv irovrjpQv 8vvdjxcu>v Kat tt^s KaTaTrTw- 
o-ews TOV SpdKovTO<s (xii. 7 — 12). Xe'. OTrws o SpaKwv StwKwv T'^v 
eKKX-qaiav ov TraveTai (xii. 13 — 1 7). Xr'. Trept tov 6-qpiov tov Ixovtos 
KepaTa 8eKa Kat KC^aXds eiTTd, wv fXLav <j)<s iacfjayfxcvrjv etpr] (xiil. I — lo). 
Xt,'. Trept CTepov Qrjpiov 8vo KepaTa Ixovtos Kat tw TrpwTo) tovs av9pu>Trov<s 
TTpoadyovTo^ (xiii. 11 — 17). X17', Trept tov 6vd/>taTos tov Orjpiov (xiii. 
18). X^'. Trept Twv p/aS' x'^'^ittSwv twv avv [to)] dpvto) eo-TtoTwv ev opct 
Stwv (xiv. I — 5). fj.'. Trept dyye'Xov TrpoayopevovTOS t-^v eyyvTT/ra tt7S 
Kpto-eojs TTys p.eXXovo->7s (xiv. 6, 7). fj-a. Trept Sevrepou dyye'Xov t'^v 
TTTwo-tv Ba^vXiovos K-qpvcra-ovTOfi (xiv. 8). [xji'. Trept TptVov dyyeXou 


a.acf>a\i^ofjiei'ov tov to{) Kvpiov \aov fx-rj Sf^aadai tov avTi^^piaToi' (xiv. 
g — 13). fxy. OTi 6 iv rfj vee^c'Xj^ Ka^v^/xevos to) SpeTrdyio crvi'TtXd to. ck 
T17S 7175 ySAacTTaioiTa (xiv. 14 — 16). /a8'. Trtpi irtpov dy-ye'Aou rpv- 

yWlTO? TTyi/ T179 TTlKpi'ttS a/iTTcXoV (xiv. 17 20). ^€ . TTC^Jt Toil' CTTTtl 

dyy£/\<uv Ttuv i-rrayoi'TiDV Tois dv^pcoTrots tu,s TrXr/ya? vrpo tt/s crui'TcXcta?, 
Kat TTcpi T17S ra/\a'7;s daX6.(Tuq<; iv rj tovs aytou? idtdaaro (xv, i — 8). 
yur'. OTTO)? T^s TrpojTT^s (f>L(i\r]<; iK\v6€icn]'i IXkos kuto. twi/ dTrocTTaTwv 
ytverat (xvi. i, 2). ^4'. 7rXv/y^ Stvrepa Kara t<2v iv OaXdaar} cTrtTi/xw- 
fiiviDV (xvi. 3). /Arj'. oTToj? Sttt 7175 TptTijs ot TTOTa/iot €is ai/aa /xeraKip- 
vtovrat (xvi. 4 — 7). p,^'. ottws Sto. ryj<; TcrdpTTjs Kav/xaTt^ovTat ot 
avOp(DTroL (xvi. 8, 9). v'. ottoj? 8ta r:^? 7r€/u.7rT7js ■>; (SaaiXfLa toC OrjpLov 
aKOTL^erat (xvi. 10, 11). va . ottws 81a. tt^? €ktt]<; rj 600s Sio. tou 
Yiixftpdrov TOis aTro dvaroXi^s tjXlov /3aariXiv(TLV acoiycTat (xvi. 12 — -16). 
v/^. oTTws oia, T^? ef386p.rj? ^dXa^a Kai cretcr/xos Kara, toji/ di'^pcoTTcoi' 
yiVcrat (xvi. 17 — 21). vy. Trept tov cvos tcoi' CTrra dyyeXwt/ Scikvwtos 
Tw fvayycXicTT^ t^v tv;? vropi'T^s ttoXcws Kadatp^an', Kal Trcpt Twi' ctttoi 
KCt^aXwi' Kai Ttov Se'/ca Kepurwv (xvii. i — 6). j'8'. ottoj? 6 dyyeXos to 
opaOiv avT(Z jJLva-jrjpLov 'ijpp.r]V€vfTiv (xvii. 7 — 18). vc'. 7r€pt iripov 
dyyiXov T7yv TTToIcrtv Ba/SvXojvos ^t^Xowtos, kui ovpaviov <f)wvfj<; Tr]v in 
TT^s TToXews (j>vyr]v ivTeXXofxtvy]^, Kat Trj<; d7rof3oXi]<; twv TeprrviZv oiv to 
irplv €K€kti7(v)to (xviii. i — 24). vr . Trcpi Trj<; twi' dyiuiv v/AvwSt'as /<at 
Tou rptTrXov aXXT^Xou'ta OTrep tipaXXov iirX rrj Ka^atpecrct Ba/JuXwvo? 
(xix. I — 6). vt, . Trepi TOV fJiV(TTiKOV ydfjiov kol tov SiiTrvov tov dpviov 
(xix- 7 — 10). vi] . 7roj5 TOV )^piaT6y 6 euayycXtcTT?/? (.(fninrov fxtTu. 
SvrdfX€U)V a.yy(XiK(2v iOedaaTo avy (f)6(3io (xix. II — ig). vO'. irepl tov 
di'Ti;^pio"TOU Ktti ToJi' crri' auTw fSaXXofxivutv cis ycevTav (xix. 20, 2l). 
^, OTTws 6 o"aTai'as ibeOi] d—b tv^s XptcTToC Traponcrias p-ixP'- ''"V^ crui^- 
T€X€i'as, Ktti irepi tojv ;^iXtaji' eTwv (xx. I — 3). ^a'. Tcpt tuJv i/jTOL/xaa-- 
fiivuiv dpovuiv TOis (f>vXd^a(TL ttjv XptaTOV o/xoXoyLav (xx. 4). ^/S". Ti 
eo"Tiv T/ irpuiTrj dido-TatriS, Kai Tt? 6 Seirrcpos ^dvaro? (xx. 5,6). ^y. irtpX 
TOV rdjy KoX MaycJy (xx. 7 — I o). ^8'. Trept rou Kadrjfiivov iirl tov Opovov, 
Kal Trj<; koivt/s di'ao-Tdacws Kat KptVcw? (xx. II — 15). ^c'. TTcpt Katrcui- 
ovpavou TC Kttt yTJ<; Kal ttJ? dvu) ^ItpovaaXijfx. (xxi. i — 4). ^r'. Trept <Ly 
tliTiv 6 iv Tu) ^pov(j> Kadi]fj.a'o<i Kal opa^ets (xxi. 5 — 8). ^^. Trepl tov 
ayyeXou octKvvfTo? avrio tijv T(2v aytojv ttoXiv kol to Taim;? Tet^os crvv 
TOts TTvXojo-t 8tay[X«Tpov«TOS (xxi. g — 27). ^7;'. Trcpi tov KaOapov irorra- 
fjLOv tov oTTTai'^evTos CK TOV 6poiov TTopcvetr^at (xxii. I — 5). ^ff. irtpl 
TOV d^tOTTicTTov Tcov T^Ocafxivwv T<3 d7roo"ToXa) (xxii. 6). o'. OTt 6tb<; 
Twv Trpo<f>r]T(Zv 6 XpLaT6<; Kal Sco-ttott/? tw;' aTrdi'TOJV (xxii. 7 — g). 
oa. OTTtos iKeXfvOrj /xy a<f)payi(raL dXXa Kyjpvtai. ti]v aTroKdXvipiy (xxii. 
10 — 17). 0/3. OTTO)? 7/ iKKXyiTia Kal to iy avTy Trrev/xa Trpoo-KaXoviTOt 
TTJV TOV \pLaT0v £i'Of)^or tVic^ureiav, Kut Trtpt t:^? dpd; 1] VTro^dXXovToi 
Ot TTJV (St/3Xov 7rapa;^upuTTovT€s ws aKvpov (xxii. iS — 21). 

The longer sections or Xoyoi begin at i. i, ii. 8, iii. i, iv. i, vi. i, 
vi. 7, vii. I, viii. 7, viii. 12, x. i, xi. 11, xii. 7, xiii. 11, xiv. 6, 
xiv. 14, xvi. 2, xvi. 8, xvi. 17, xviii. i, xix. 11, xx. 4, xx. 11, 
xxi. g, xxii. 8. They shew less discriniinatioii than the division 
into K€ff>dXaia^ and it may be surmised that the latter was made 

c 2 


first, and that the subsequent grouping into Xoyoi was purely 
mechanical, based on the principle of trichotomy announced by its 

2. The Latin authorities pursue an independent course in 
the matter of capitulation. The 7'ecapitulatio which follows the 
commentary of Primasius^ divides the commentary into twenty 
heads, corresponding with Apoc. i. i — iii. 22, iv. i — 11, v. i — 
vi. 2, vi. 3 — 1 1, vi. 12 — 17, vii. i — viii. i, viii. 2 — ix. 12, ix. 13 — 21, 
X. I — xi. 2, xi. 3 — 14, xi. 15 — xii. 17, xiii. i — 18, xiv. i — 13, 
xiv. 14 — xvi. 21, xvii. i — 18, xviii. i — xix. 10, xix. ii — xx. 10, 
XX. II — xxii. 12, xxii. 13 — 15, xxii. 16 — 21 — a distribution which 
shews a genuine desire to understand the plan of the book^. 
Moreover, each of the books of the commentary is preceded by 
a list of shorter capitula, g6 in all, which Haussleiter with much 
probability regards as due to a later hand^ ; as he points out, the 
number suggests a reference to the Elders and the ^Sa (96=24x4), 
which is of a piece with Andreas's fancy of connecting his K€(})dXaia 
with the Elders and the human trichotomy (72 = 24 x 3). Hauss- 
leiter adds'* a division into 48 capitula from cod. Vat. 4221, 
cod, Monac. 17088 (a MS. of Haimo's commentary), and cod. 
Monac. 6230 (a Vulgate MS.); the chapters begin at i. 4, ii. i, 
8, 12, 18, iii. I, 7, 14, iv. I, V. i, 6, 11, vi. 3, 9, 12, vii. i, 9, 12, 
viii. I, 7, 12, ix. 13, X. I, xi. i, 12, xii. 7, 12, 13, xiii. i, ii, 
xiv. I, 6, 13, XV. I, xvi. I, 12, xvii. i, 7, xviii. i, 21, xix. i, ii, 
XX. I, II, xxi. 9, xxii. I, 10. It will be observed that seventeen 
of these sections start where the modern chapters do^ Other 
systems of capitulation are found ; cod. Amiatinus and cod. 
Fuldensis divide the Apocalypse into 25 chapters, while there are 
MSS. which give 22, 23, 24, 41, and 43". 

^ Haussleiter, Die lateinisclie Apoka- ^ Haussleiter, pp. 184 — 193 ; see his 

lypse der alten africanischen Kirche, remarks on pp. 193 — 4. 

p. 1792. ^ Ibid., p. 1973. 

2 Primasius himself thus explains the ^ The modern chapters are practically 

purpose of his compendium : " ut totius those of Stephen Langton (ti228); see 

libri auctoritate decursa sic omnis series yon Soden, Die Schriftcn d. N. T., 

brevi recapitulatione iterum evolvatur p. 482. But in nearly every instance 

insinuata per partes, ut omnium quisque they were anticipated in the K€<pd\aia of 

iibrorum textus uno summatim loco Andreas. 

clareat definitus, cum et partitionem ^ See Gregory, prolegg. i. , p. 161; 

recipit singulorum et plenitudinem vide- Textkritik, ii., p. 879 f. 
tur obtinere per totum." 


3. In the present edition the Greek text is divided into 42 
minor sections (i. i — 3, 4 — 8, 9 — 20, ii. i — 7, 8 — 11, 12 — 17, 
18 — 29, iii. I — 6, 7 — 13, 14 — 22, iv. I — II, V. i — 14, vi. i — 17, 
vii. I — 8, 9 — 17, viii. i — 13, ix. i — 12, 13—21, x. i — 11, xi. i — 
14, 15 — 19, xii. I — 18, xiii. I — lo, ii — 18, xiv. i — 5, 6 — 13, 
14 — 20, XV. I — 8, xvi. I — 21, xvii. i — 6, 7 — 18, xviii. i — 24, 
xix. I — 10, II — 16, 17 — 21, XX. I — 6, 7 — 10, II — 15, xxi. I — 8, 
9 — xxii. 5, xxii. 6 — 20, xxii. 21). The following table will shew 
the contents of the Book as thus arranged : 

1. Prologue. 

2. The writer's greeting to the Churches of Asia. 

3. Vision of the risen and ascended Christ. 

4 — 10. Messages to the Angels of the Seven Churches. 

11. Vision of the Throne in Heaveru 

12. The Sealed Book and the Lamb. 

13. Opening of the first six Seals. 

14. Sealing of the iz^,ooo from the Tribes of Israel. 

15. Triumph of the Innumerable Multitude. 

16. Opening of the seventh Seal ; the half hour's silence 

in Heaven ; the first four Trumpet-blasts. 

17. The fifth Trumpet-blast, or first Woe. 

18. The sixth Trumpet-blast, or second Woe. 

19. Preparations for the seventh Trumpet-blast: the vision 

of the Angel with the open booklet. 

20. Further preparations : measuring the Temple ; the 

testimony of the Two Witnesses. 

21. The seventh Trumpet-blast, or third Woe. 

22. The Woman with child, and the Great blood-red 


23. The Wild Beast from the Sea. 

24. The Wild Beast from the Earth. 

25. Vision of the 144,000 on Mount Zion. 

26. Three angelic proclamations, and a Voice from Heaven. 

27. Vision of the Harvest and the Vintage of the Earih. 

28. Preparation for the last Seven Plagues. 

29. Pouring out of the Seven Bowls. 


30. Vision of Babylon seated on the Beast. 

31. Interpretation of the Vision of Babylon and the Beast. 

32. Doom of Babylon. 

33. Triumph in Heaven; two Hallelujah Psalms; an angelic 


34. Vision of the Crowned Warrior. 

35. Overthrow and end of the Beast and the False Prophet. 

36. The Thousand Years of Satan's captivity and the 

Martyrs' Reign. 

37. After the Thousand Years : release of Satan ; war of 

Gog and Magog. 
2,S. Vision of the General Resurrection and the Last Judge- 

39. Vision of a New Heaven and a New Earth. 

40. Vision of the New Jerusalem. 

41. Epilogue: Last words of the Angel, the Seer, and the 


42. Final Benediction. 

4. The whole book lies before us in this table of contents. 
It is found to consist of a succession of scenes and visions which 
are so easily distinguished that at this stage no serious difference 
of opinion can arise. Our difficulties begin when we attempt to 
group these sections into larger masses of apocalyptic matter, and 
by a process of synthesis to arrive at the plan upon which the 
author has constructed his work. The former of these operations 
is relatively simple. The first two sections and the last two form 
respectively the introduction and the conclusion of the Book ; 
sections 3 — 10, ii — 13, 16 — 18 (21), 22 — 24, 28 — 29, 30 — 33, 
34 — 35, 36 — 38, 39 — 40 also form coherent groups, while 14 — 15, 
19 — 20, 25 — 27 are episodes which can be seen to be in more 
or less definite relation with their surroundings. Thus our 
42 sections are reduced to 14, which may be described as follows: 

1. Prologue and greeting (i. i — 8). 

2. Vision of Christ among the Churches, followed by mes- 

sages to their Angels (i. 9 — iii. 22). 


3. Vision of Christ in Heaven, followed by the opening of 

the seven Seals of the sealed Book (iv. i — vi. 17, viii. i). 

4. Episode, after the sixth Seal, of the i44,cxDO from the 

Tribes of Israel, and the countless multitude (vii. 
I— 17). 

5. The seven Trumpet-blasts (viii. 2 — ix. 21, xi. 15 — 19). 

6. Episode, after the sixth Trumpet-blast, of the Angel 

with the open booklet, the measuring of the Temple, 
and the Two Witnesses (x. i — xi. 14). 

7. The Woman with child, the Dragon and the Two Will 

Beasts (xii. i — xiii. 18). 

8. Episode of the 144,000 on Mt Ziou, the angelic and 

celestial Voices, and the Harvest and Vintage of the 
world (xiv. i — 20). 

9. Outpouring of the seven Bowls, containing the seven 

last plagues (xv. i — xvi. 21). 

10. Vision of Babylon the Great ; her fall ; the triumph of 

the Angels and the Church (xvii. i — xix. 10). 

11. Vision of the Royal Warrior, and overthrow of the Two 

Beasts (xix. 11 — 21). 

12. The 1000 years, followed by the overthrow of the 

Dragon and the End (xx. i — 15). 

13. The New World, and the New City (xxi. i — xxii. 5). 

14. Epilogue and benediction (xxii. 6 — 21). 

5. As we look steadily at this scheme and study its con- 
nexion, we become conscious of a great cleavage, which practically 
divides the Book into two nearly equal parts (i, 9 — xi. 14, xii. i — 
xxii. 5). In the first half the Ascended Christ appears in two 
capacities, as the Head of the Church, and the Controller of the 
Destinies • of the World. The antagonism between the two 
bodies comes into view ; the Churches of Asia are already suffer- 
ing persecution and have moi-e to suffer ; the World is ripe for 
judgements, which loom large in the visions of the Seal-openings 
and the Trumpet-blasts ; the end is drawing on ; the victory of 
righteousness and the final revelation t)f truth are foreseen. The 
first half — it might almost be called the first book — of the 


Apocalypse is complete in itself, and had all our MSS. broken off 
at xi. 19, and no vestige of the last eleven chapters survived, it is 
conceivable that the loss might never have been suspected. In 
xii. I the author makes a fresh beginning, for which the reader 
had been prepared in x. 11. The theme of the second prophecy is 
the same on the whole as that of the first, but the subject is 
pursued into new regions of thought, and the leading characters 
and symbolical figures are almost wholly new. The Churches of 
Asia vanish S and their place is taken by the Church considered 
as a unity, which is represented by the Woman who is the 
Mother of Christ and the Saints. It is with her world-long 
struggle with the /cocr/xoKpaTope'i rov o-kotov; tovtov, the spiritual 
forces which lie behind the antagonism of the World, that the 
second part of the Book chiefly deals. These forces are revealed 
under monstrous forms, the Great Red Dragon, the Beast from 
the Sea, the Beast from the Land, and they continue to operate 
until their final overthrow. But we lose sight of them, except in 
an occasional reference, from c. xiii. to c. xvii. While they are 
working behind the scene, the apocalyptic histoiy is occupied 
with mundane events — the judgements of the latter days which 
are now symbolized by seven bowls full of the last plagues; 
the greatness and the fall of the New Babylon, the Beast's 
mistress and representative. Beyond the fall of the World-empire 
the Seer can see in dim outline long days of comparative rest 
and triumph for the Church, and after them a temporary relapse, 
followed by the final destruction of the surviving powers of evil. 
This makes room for the manifestation of the Church as the 
Bride of Christ and City of God, and with a magnificent picture 
of the New Jerusalem, the antith&sis of Babylon, the Apocalypse 
reaches its end. 

Thus in its briefest form our scheme of the book will stand as 
follows : 

Prologue and greeting (i. i — 8). 
Part i. Vision of Christ in the midst of the Churches 
(i. 9 — iii. 22). 
1 Until we reach c. xxii. 16, where the writer reverts to the ideas of c. i. 1,4 ff. 


Vision of Christ iu Heaven (iv. i — v. 14). 
Preparations for the End (vi. i — xi. 19). 
Part ii. Vision of the Mother of Christ and her enemies 
(xii. I — xiii. 18). 
Preparations for the End (xiv. i — xx. 15). 
Vision of the Bride of Christ, arrayed for her 
husband (xxi. i — xxii. 5). 
Epilogue and benediction (xxii. 6 — 21). 
6. Archbishop Benson relates that " in answer once to the 
question, * What is the form the book presents to you ? ' the reply 
of an intelligent and devout reader was, ' It is Chaos '\" If the 
above scheme is accepted, chaos will give place to something like 
cosmic order and progress. But the order and progress of apoca- 
lyptic writings must not be judged by the standards of ordinary 
literature. An apocalypse is neither a history nor a homily, 
though it may partake of the character of each ; its methods 
are its own, and they must be learnt by a sympathetic study 
of the text. 

The Apocalypse of John, in its literary setting, is an encyclical 
letter addressed to the Seven Churches of Asia^ If we detach 
the short preface (i. i — 3), it begins in the epistolary style 
familiar to readers of the letters of St Paul, and it ends, like the 
Pauline letters, vnth a benediction ^ But this form is not main- 
tained in the body of the work ; it is exchanged in c. i. 9 for 
the apocalyptic manner, which continues almost to the end. The 
so-called * Letters to the Churches ' in cc. ii. iii. are no exception ; 
they are in fact messages, and not true letters, and they form a 
sequel to the vision of c. i.'* 

The Apocalypse proper has been represented as a qiiasi-drama, 
divisible into acts and scenes, and interspersed with ' interludes ' 

^ Apocalypse, p. i. ^ See notes ad loc. 

'^ The Pauliue Epistle np6s'E0ecr/oi's is 'The formula t^ ayyfKtfi...ypd\^oi' 
probably an earlier example of a circular Td5e \^->e< is not epistolary but pro- 
letter which starting:; with Ephesus made ]ihetio ; for 7pdi/'or cf. L ii, 19, xiv. 13, 
the tour of the Asian Churches: see xix. q, xxi. 5. Tdde X^^ft announces a 
WH., Notes on Select IxeadiiKjn, p. 123 f., propnetic message, as frequently in the 
and Kort, Proleiiomena to Eomans and lxx. 
Ephesiaiin, p. 86 ff. 


and 'choric songs'.' A similar view is advocated by an American 
writer^, who, however, regards " the proper action of the Apoca- 
lyptic drama " as beginning with c. iv. But while there are 
points of resemblance between the Greek drama and the Jewish- 
Christian Apocalypse, the latter refuses to be bound by the laws 
of the Western stage. The order of the Apocalypse is rather that 
of a series of visions arranging themselves under two great 
actions, of which the Work of the Ascended Christ and the 
Destinies of the Christian Church are the respective subjects. 
As to the progress of the Book, the two actions, from the nature 
of the case, are more or less synchronous, both belonging to the 
interval between the writer's own time and the end ; but, while 
covering the same ground, they approach it from different points 
of view. Within each of the actions there is orderly movement, 
but this again is not tied to chronological succession ; it is the 
movement of great spiritual forces rather than of historical persons 
and events. 

7. It may be worth while to examine somewhat more at length 
the progress of the Apocalyptic visions in each part of the Book. 

(a) The opening vision, with its messages to the Asian Churches, 
whatever may be the teaching which it holds for other times and 
Churches, belongs, as to its primary purpose, exclusively to the 
Seer's own age. In the second vision a wider outlook begins ; if 
the breaking of the first four Seals discloses only the conditions 
of contemporary society, the fifth anticipates the coming age of 
persecution, and the sixth carries us to the verge of the end. The 
opening of the seventh Seal is followed after a brief pause by a 
vision of trumpet-bearing Angels, which works out into detail the 
revelations of the fifth and sixth Seals, and brings us again to the 
end, now seen in the light of a final triumph for the Kingdom of 
God. Two large episodes which follow seem to break the move- 
ment of the prophecy, but in fact assist in its development; of 

1 Benson, Apocalypse, -pp. 5, 37. The tive of Scenes and Acts which had passed 

Archbishop says indeed in his preface before the eye of the Seer." 

(p. 67) : " The Book is no Drama. The ^ F. Palmer, The Drama of the Apoca- 

Action is carried on per Facta, non lypse (N. Y., The Macmillan Co., 1903), 

Verha.''^ But he adds : "Yet the Book p. 35^. 
is like the relating of a Drama, a narra- 


these the first (c. vii.) assures the Churches of safe-keeping in 
the coming troubles and anticipates the rest which will follow 
them; while the second (c. x, i — xi. 14) prepares for the seventh 
Trumpet-blast, as the first (c. vii.) had prepared for the opening of 
the seventh Seal. 

(b) The second action of the book begins, like the first, with 
contemporary history {cc. xii., xiii.). The Church is seen struggling 
with Satan and his agents, the World-power and its spiritual ally, 
afterwards described as the False Prophet. Another large 
episode follows (c. xiv.), consisting of a series of secondary 
visions \ the purpose of which is to exhibit the safety and purity 
of the ideal Church, the judgements impending over her per- 
secutors, and the impending end of all things — a set-off against 
the apparent triumph of evil, and a preparation for the great 
vision which is to follow. Then come the Seven Last Plagues, 
a series corresponding in this half of the book with the seven 
Seals and seven Trumpets of the first half. But the end is not 
yet; the world has its counter-manifestation to make, and the 
magnificence of its great City is described, though only to enhance 
the terrors of its downfall. The fall of the existing World-power 
does not, however, exhaust the resources of the Enemy ; long 
after it the prophet foresees a recrudescence of evil, and a final 
conflict between Christ and the forces of Satan, which ends 
in the annihilation of Satan's power. So the last obstacle to 
the mystic marriage of the Lamb is removed, and with the 
glories of His Bride, seen in the light of the consummation, the 
Apocalypse ends. 

There is order here, and there is progress. Each part of the 
Book fulfils its own purpose, and is complete within its own 
sphere ; taken together, the two parts present a revelation of 
the whole ordering of the world from the Ascension to the 
Return. If more than once, when the end is nearly reached, the 
writer turns back to the begiiming, he does this in order to 
gather up new views of life which could not be embraced by a 
single vision. If here and there the course of the prophecy is 

^ xiv. I e'Sov Kal idol', 6 Kal fl5oi', 14 Kal elSov Kal ISov. 


broken by a by-play which seems to be irrelevant, it is because 
the episode prepares for an issue which is at hand. The issue 
is postponed for a time that when it conies its real significance 
may be more clearly seen. 

It may be convenient to add an outline of the systems of division 
adopted by some of the chief modern writers on the Apocalypse, 
(i) in England and (2) on the continent. 

(i) Alford : i. I — 3, i. 4 — iii. 22; iv. i — 11, v. i — 14, vi. i — 
viii. 5, viii. 6 — xi. 19, xii. i — xiii. 18, xiv. i — 20, xv. i — xvi. 21, 
xvii. I — xviii. 24, xix. i — xxii. 5, xxii. 6 — 21. Lee: i. i — iii. 22; 
iv. I — V. 14, vi. I — viii. i, viii. 2 — xi. 19, xii. i — xiii. 18, xiv. i— 
20, XV. I — xvi. 21, xvii. I — xxii. 5; xxii. 6 — 21. SiMCOX: i. i — 3; 
i. 4 — iii. 22; iv. I — V. 14, vi. i — viii. i, viii. 2 — xi. 19, xii. i — xiv. 13, 
xiv. 14 — 20, XV. I — xvi. 21, xvii. i — xviii. 24, xix. i — 21, xx. i — 6, 
XX. 7 — 10, XX. II — 15, xxi. I — xxii. 9; xxii. 10 — 21. Anderson 
Scott: i. i — 8, 9 — 20, ii. x — iii. 22, iv. i — v. 14, vi. i — viii. i, 
viii. 2 — xi. 19, xii. i — xiv. 20, xv. i — xvi. 21, xvii. i — xix. 10, 
xix. II — XX. 15, xxi. I — xxii. 5, xxii. 6 — 17, 18 — 21. Moffatt : 
i. I — 8; i. 9 — iii. 22; iv. i— vi. 17 (vii. i — 18, viii. i); viii. 2 — ix. 
21 (x. I — xi. 13, 14 — 19, xii. I — 17, xiii. i — 18, xiv. i — 5, 6 — 20); 
XV. I — xvi, 21, xvii. I — XX. 10 • xx. 11 — xxii. 5, xxii. 6 — 21. 

(2) Bengel ; i. I — 3, 4 — 6, 7 — 8, 9 — 20, ii. i — iii. 22; iv. i — 
V. 14, V. 15 — vi. 17, vii. I — 17, viii. i — 6, 7 — 12, viii. 13 — ix. 21, 
X. I — xi. 19, xii. I — 12, 13 — 17, xiii. i — 18, xiv. [i — 5], 6 — 13, 
14 — 20, XV. I — xvi. 21, xvii. I — 18, xviii. i — xix. 18, xix. 19 — 21, 
XX. I, 2, 3, 4 — 6, 7 — 10, II — 15, xxi. I — xxii. 5; xxii. 6 — 21. 
De Wette : i. i — 3, 4 — 8, 9 — 20, ii. i — iii. 22; iv. i — 11, v, 
I — 14, vi. I — 8, 9 — 17, vii. I — 8, 9 — 17, viii. i — 6, 7 — 12 (13), ix. 
I— II {12), 13—21, X. 1—7, 8— II, xi. I— 13 (14), 15—19; xii. 
I — 6, 7 — 12, 13 — 17, 18 — xiii. 10, xiii. 11 — 18, xiv. i — 5, 6 — 13, 
14 — 20; XV. I — xvi. I, xvi. 2 — II, 12 — 16, 17 — 21, xvii. i — 18, 
xviii. I — 24, xix. i — 8, 9, 10, 11 — -16, 17 — 21, xx. i — 3, 4 — 6, 
7 — 10, II — 15, xxi. I — xxii. 5, xxii. 6 — 21. Ewald : i. i — 3, 4 — 8, 
9 — 20; ii. I — iii. 21; iv. i, 2 — 11, v. i — 14, vi. i — 8, 9 — 11, 
12 — 17, vii. I — 8, 9 — 17; viii. i, 2 — 6, 7 — 13, ix. i — 12, 13 — 21, 
X. I — II, xi. I — 14; xi. 15 — 19, xii. i — 17, 18 — xiii. 10, xiii. 
II — 18, xiv. I — 5, 6 — 13, 14 — 20; XV. I — 4, 5 — xvi. I, xvi. 2 — 9, 
10, II, 12 — 21, xvii. I — 18, xviii. i — 24; xix. i — 10, 11 — 16, 
17 — XX. 6, XX. 7 — 10, II — 15, xxi. I — 8, 9 — xxii. 5, xxii. 6 — g, 
10 — 17, 18 — 20, 21. Holtzmann : i. i — 3, 4 — 8, 9 — 20, ii. i — iii. 
22, iv. I — V. 14, vi. I — 17, vii. i — 17, viii. i — 5, 6 — ix. 21, x. i — 
xi, 14, xi. 15 — 19, xii. I — xiv. 5, xiv. 6 — 20, xv. i — xvi. i, xvi. 
2 — 21, xvii. I — xix. 10, xix. 11 — xxii. 5, xxii. 6 — 21. Zahn : i. 
I — 9; 10 — iii. 22; iv. I — viii. i, viii. 2 — xi. 18, xi. 19 — xiv. 20, 
XV. I — xvi. 17, xvii. I — xviii. 24, xix. 11 — xxi. 8, xxi. 9 — xxii. 5 ; 
xxii. 10 — 21. 

It is more interesting to observe the methods of grouping adopted 


by the several autliorities. Most of the English commentators break 
up the book, after the introduction and conclusion have been 
removed, into two unequal parts (i. 4 — iii. 22, iv. i — xxii. 5), a 
modification of the scheme of Bengel, who divides the whole book 
into (i) introitus (i. i — iii. 22), (ii) ostensio (iv. i — xxii. 5), 
(iii) conclusio (xxii. 6 — 21). In his Historical N. T. Mr Moffatt 
has departed from this tradition, seeing in the Apocalypse four 
heptads (seven letters, seven seals, seven trumpets, seven vials), 
followed by two visions, a vision of doom and a vision of the end. 
Of the Germans, De Wette makes the second part of the book begin 
at xii. I, Avhile Volkmar places the break at the end of c. ix. ; Ewald 
adopts a sevenfold division (i. i — 20 + xxii. i — 21, ii. — iii., iv. — vii., 
viii. — xi. 4, xi. 15 — xiv. 20, xv. — xviii., xix. i — xxii. 5); Holtzmann 
has seventeen sections, placing in the right-hand column vii. i — 17, 
X. I — xi. 14, xii. I — xiv. 5, xvii. i — xix. 10, xxi. i — xxii. 5 which 
largely coincide with the portions of the book which have been 
thought to be of Jewish origin ; while Zahn, who believes in the 
unity of the Apocalypse, is attracted by the theory that the body 
of the work falls into eight successive visions. 

The division of the book at the end of c. xi. into two nearly 
equal sections, which is suggested in this chapter, recommended 
itself in the sixteenth centuiy to the Spanish Jesuit Alcasar, but 
in connexion with a widely different system of interpretation^ ; to 
the present writer it has occurred independently, upon a study of 
the facts. 

1 See c. xviii. 



In the attempt which has been made to establish the existence 
of a definite plan in the Apocalypse it is assumed that the book 
is a literary unity. This point, however, has been and still is 
hotly disputed by scholars of the first rank, and it demands a 
separate and somewhat prolonged examination. 

I. The book creates a 'prima facie impression that it proceeds 
from one author or editor. The first and last chapters claim to 
be written by the same person (i. i, 4, 9, xxii. 8); and that the 
first three chapters and the last two or three have come from the 
same hand may be shewn by simply placing in parallel columns 
the ideas and phraseology which they have in common. 

i. I. xxii. 6. 

Sct'^as TOis SouAots avTov a Setfai rots SovXol<; avrov a. 
Bel yevecrOat iv rd^eL. Set ycvecrOai ev rd^ei. 

i. 3. xxii, 7. 

/AttKaptos o a.vayiv(D(TK(j)v kul ol /xuKaptos o rrjpojv tovs A-oyovs 

aKovovTcs Tous Xoyovs tt^s irpo- T'rjs Trpo^Tjretas tov /^l/SXlov 

(firjTeLas koL rrjpovvTe^ ktX. tovtov. 

i. 3. xxii. 10. 

o yap Kaipos eyyvs. o Katpos yap eyyvs icmv. 

i. 8. xxi. 6, xxii. 12. 

eyw el/XL to aXcf>a kul to w. eyw to dXcfia Kal to co. 

i. 17. xxii. 13. 

eyw et/At o TrpaJTO? Kat o ecr- o Trpwros Kal o €(T)(^aTOS. 

ii. 7. xxii. 17. 

TO TTvevfJia Ae'yet. to ttv evixa Kal ^ vvfx(f>7] X^yovcrLv. 


ii. 7. xxi. 7. 

T<3 vt/cwvTi rtoxrw ktX. (cf. ii. II, o vlkwv KX7jpovo/xr/(j€i ravra. 
17, 26, iii. 5, 12, 21). 

ii. II. XX. 6. 

ou yiir) ahiKTidfi €K Tov Oavdrov cTrt Tot'Tajv d Scvrepos 6a.varo<; 

Tov SevTipov. ovK €^€1 i$ov(Tiav (cf. u. 14, xxi. 8). 

ii. 28. xxii. 16. 

ouXTio avTw TOV dcTTcptt TOV eyw €t/i,i...d acrT'>}p. . .(3 TTOcju'ds. 
Trpoj'tvo V. 

iii. II. xxii. 12. 

^PX'^H-'^'- Taxv- iBov epxo/xaL ra^v. 

iii. 12. xxi. 2. 

T17S KatvT7S IcpoucraA.}///, 7/ T771' ttoAiv tt)^ dyiav 'lepoucraA^'/A 

KarafSaivova-a e/c tot) ovpavou Kaii'Tyi/ ttSov Kara/SatVovcrav 

ttTTo Tou peoS yiAou. €K TOV ovpavov OLTTO TOV Oeov, 

2. Such coincidences leave no doubt that the same Avriter 
has been at work in cc. i. — iii., xx. — xxii. But though they are 

most numerous in the beginning and end of the book, traces of 
literary unity are not wanting elsewhere, as the following examples 
will shew. 

iv. I. i. I. 

6€t^aj crot a Bel yeveV^tti. S£r^at...a Sel yei'eaSaL 

iv. 2. i. 10. 

cyevop.i]v iv wv€vp.a.TL. iyevo/xijv iv TTvevfjiaTL. 

iv. 6. XV. 2. 

OJS ^aXacrcra vaXtvrj. eidov ojs OdXacruav va\n-ip\ 

V. 5. xxii. 16. 

7; pt^a AauctS. y pt-Co- '^tt to yeVo? AavetS. 

V. 10. i. 6. 

CTTOiT^cras avTOVi to) ^etp yfxtov iiroirjcnv j/p.a.'i /JatrtA et'ar, lep- 

ySacTtAeiav Kai Icpets. ets to) ^eco. 

ix. I. XX. I. 

rj kXcIs tou (f>piaTO'i T7ys d/Svcx- Ttjv KXelv tt/s afivcnjov. 


X. I. i. I4f. 

TO irpocTiiiTrov avTov cos o i^Xios, ot tto'Scs ai'ToS OfjLOioi ;\;aX>co/\i- 

Kai 01 TTOoes avToG ws OTvAoi ySarco cos e»' Kapivta 7rc7rvpco/i€i'7;s 

TTvpos. ...Kut 7; oii/is avTor cos d T^Aios ktA. 



XI. I. 

iS66r]fJiOi Ka.A.ayu,os. . .A€ya)i/''Ey€ip€ 
Koi fxeTprjaov toi' vaov. 

xi. 7. 
TO Ofjpiov TO dvaySaivov €K T77S 

xii. 9. 
6 SpaKCJV 6 fieyas o o<^is o ap- 
vatosj o KaXou'/u,€vos Sta^oXos 
/cat o o'ttTavas. 

xiv. 13. 
Xe'yei to TrvcCyita. 

xiv. 14. 
o/xotov vlov dvdpUiTTOV. 

XV. 6. 

■7r€pi6^0)0-/U.eV0l TTCpt TO, (TT7J6r] 

xvi. 15. 
€p;^o/Aat ws KXeTTTT^s. 

xvii. I. 
eXaXT^o-cv /u,6t' ifxov Xc'yojv 
Aeiipo Sei^o) (Tot to Kptfxa T17S 

xix. 12. 
06 ocfyOaX/Jiol avrov cf>Xo^ 

xxi. 15. 
el^^ev fjiirpov KaXa/xov ^pvaovv iva 
fxerpija-r) Trjv ttoXiv... 

xvii. 8. 
fjieWet dva/BaLveiv ck T17S dfSva- 


XX. 2. 
o o<^i? d apx«tos, OS eo-Tiv Sta- 
/3o\o<; Kal 6 o-aravas. 

ii. 7 etc. 
TO iTV€vp.a Xeyei. 

i. 13. 
ojJiOLov vlov avO puiirov. 

i. 13. 


TOts t,wv7]v )(pvcrav. 

yj^ui cos kXctttt^S. 

xxi. 9. 
ikdXrjcrev fxer i/xov Xeywv 
Aevpo Set^w o-ot tt^v vvp.<f>r}v. 

1. 14. 
ot ocfidaXfJ-ol avTov ojs cj>Xo$ 


3. It is clear from these instances, which might be multiplied, 
that the hand of the man who wrote cc. i. — iii., xx. — xxii., has been 
busy throughout the book. This in itself may not mean more than 
that he has acted as editor of the whole. But there are other 
indications of unity, running through large sections of the book, 
which carry us some steps further. Certain symbolical figures 
reappear at intervals in contexts which deal with widely different 
subjects. Though, as we have seen, the eleventh and twelfth 
chapters are separated by a marked cleavage, the Lamb and 
the Beast appear on both sides of it; the Lamb occurs in cc. v., vi., 
vii., xii., xiv., xv., xvii., xix., xxi., xxii., i.e. practically throughout 


the book from c. v. onwards, and the Beast in c. xi. as well as in 
cc. xiii., xiv., xv., xvi., xvii., xix., xx. The figure of Hades as 
a companion of Death occurs in cc. i., vi., xx. There are certain 
unusual words and forms which are common to every part of 
the Apocalypse, or are found throughout great sections or in 
passages which are widely separated ; e.g. a^vaao<; (cc. ix., xi., 
xvii., XX.), dhiKclv to hurt (ii., vi., vii., ix., xi., xxii.), ^aaavia/xo^; 
(ix., xiv., xviii,), BidSrj/jLa (xii., xiii., xix.), hpdiccdv (xii., xiii., xvi., xx.), 
euayyeXi^ecv active (x., xiv.), dp6vo<i (i., ii., iii., iv., v., vi., vii., viii., 
xi., xii,, xiii., xiv., xvi., xix., xx., xxi., xxii.), Kavfia (vii., xvi.), 
Kpv(TTaXXo<i (iv., xxii.), fieyicrrdv (vi., xviii.), /Mecrovpavrj/xa (viii., 
xiv., xix.), fioXvveiv (iii., xiv.), oUovfjiivT] (iii., xii., xvi.), iravro- 
Kpdrcop (i., iv., xi., xv., xvi., xix., xxi.), crvvKowcovetv, -i>6<; (i., xviii.), 
(T(f)a^eLv (v., vi., xiii., xviii.), (papfiaKia, <pdpfiaKou, <^apixaK6<i (ix., 
xviii., xxi., xxii.), (^luXtj (v., xv., xvi., xvii., xxi.), -^dpayf^a (xiii., 
xiv., xvi., xix., XX.). Still more striking as an indication of an 
underlying unity is the resumption in c. xv. of the series of sevenfold 
visitations which began in c. vi. ; as there were seven seal-openings 
and seven trumpet-blasts in the first half of the book, so the 
second has its seven bowls full of the seven last plagues. The 
cumulative force of this evidence is sufficient to create a strong 
presumption that the writer who announces his name in the 
prologue has been at work throughout the book. The impress 
of his peculiar style is to be seen in every part of it. 

4. These considerations have not deterred modern scholars 
from regarding the Apocalypse as a composite work and attempting 
in some cases to resolve it into its sources. 

Suggestions in this direction were hazarded in the seventeenth 
centuiy by Grotius (1644)' and Hammond (1653)", and early in the 
nineteenth century by Vogel (181 1 — 16)^ and Bleek (i822)''. 
AVeizsiicker (1882)^ reopened the question with a suggestion that 
the author, althougli liis hand may be seen throughout, made 
free use of older material, in the same year his pupil Vcilter^ 

^ Antiotntiones ad X.T. view. 

- Faraphrases and Annotations upon * InTh. Litteratiirzeiturifi, iSSifT^.'St. 

the N.T. * lu Die Entstehunij der Apok. (1S82- 

^ Commcntntiouesi-ii de Apoc. Ioanni!<. s). Volter has recently published a le- 

■• In tlio Berlin 21i. Zcitschrift, ii. cast of liis theory {Die Offenhanini} 

p. 240 ff. Bleek afterwards revoked his Johaunis neu untersucht u. erliiutcrt. 


started a more ambitious theory, according to which Apoc. i. 4 — 6, 
iv. I — V. 10, vi. I — 17, vii. i — 8, viii. i — 13, ix. i — 21, xi. 14 — 19, 
xiv. I, 3, 6, 7, 14 — 20, xviii. i — 24, xix. i — 10, make up the 
original Apocalypse, which Volter would assign to a.d. 62 ; cc. x. 
I — xi. 13, xiv. 8, xvii. i — 18 were added in a.d. 68 — 70, and the 
rest of the book was contributed by successive editors in the time 
of Trajan and Hadrian ; three such later redactions are distinguished, 
viz. (i) cc. xii. I — 17, xix. 11 — xxi. 8; (2) v. 11 — 14, vii. 9 — 17, 
xii. II, xiii., xiv. i, 5, 9 — 12, xv. — xvi., xvii. i a, xix. 2of., xx. i, 20, 
xxi. 9 — xxii. 5, 6 — 19; (3) i. i — 3, 7, 8, 9 — iii. 22, v. 6 b, xiv. 13, 
xvi. 15, xix. 10 b, 13 b, xxii. 7 a, 12, 13, 16, 17, 20 — ^21. In 1886 
a new vein was struck by a pupil of Hai*nack, Eberhard Yischer', 
who set to work on the hypothesis that the Apocalypse of John is 
a Christian adaptation of a Jewish original ; the specifically Christian 
portions of the book are i. — iii., v. 9 — 14, vii. 9 — 17, xiii. 9 f., xiv. 
I — 5, 12, 13, XV. 3, xvi. 15, xvii. 14, xix. 9 ff., 13, xx. 4 — 6, xxi. 
5 b — 8, xxii. 6 — 21, together with a few words interpolated in ix. 
II, xi. 8, 15, XV. 3, xvii. 6, xx. 4, xxi. 14, 23. The year 1886 
produced the theory of Weyland", which assumed two Jewish 
sources, one (n) written under Nero, and a second (3) under Titus. 
To i< Weyland attributes i. 10, 12—17, 19, iv. — vi., vii. i — 17, viii. 
— ix., xi. 14 — 18, xiv. 14 — 20, XV. 5, xvi. 17b — 20, xvii. — xviii., 
xix. I — 6, xxi. 9 — 27, xxii. i — 11, 14 f. ; to 2 x. i — xi. 13, xii. i — 
10, 12 — 18, xiii., xiv. 6 — 11, xv. 2 — 4, xvi. 13, 14, 16, xix. 11 — 21, 
XX., xxi. I — 8 ; to the Christian redactor he leaves i. — iii., v. 6 — 14, 
xi. 19, xii. II, 17 c, xiv. i — 5, 12 — 13, xv. i, 6 — 8, xvi. i — 17 a, 
21, xix. 7 — ID, 13 b, xxii. 12, 13, 16—21. Other theories based 
on the assumption of a Jewish source or sources are those of 
Holtzmann^, who assumes a Jewish Grundschrift of the age of Nero, 
in which was incorporated an older Jewish apocalypse written 
under Caligula ; and Sabatier'', who regards the Apocalypse as a 
Christian book embodying Jewish fragments (xi. i — 13, xii., xiii., 
xiv. I — 20, xvii. I — xix. 2, xix. 11 — xx. 10, xxi. 9 — xxii. 5). 
Spitta® distinguishes three sources answering to the three series of 
sevenfold judgements — a Seal source, which is Christian (c. a.d. 60), 
a Trumpet and a Yial source, which are Jewish ; the present form 
of the book being ascribed to a Christian redactor. Erbes*', on the 
other hand, believing the book to be entirely of Christian origin, 
finds in it three Christian sources belonging respectively to the 
reigns of Caligula, Nero, and Domitian. 

5. To the present writer it appears that most of the hypotheses 
which exercised the ingenuity of Germany during the ten years 

1904)', in -which he distinguishes (i) an ^ Th. Tij(Uchrift, 1886, p. 454 ff. 

Apocalypse of John a.d. 65, (2) an ^ Gexch.d. Volkes Israelii. 2,]^. 6^8 S. 

Apocalypse of Cerinthus, a.d. 70, and * Lcs origines litteraires et la compo- 

{3) the work of a redactor of the time of sition de I'Apoc. (Paris, 1887). 

Trajan. ^ Die Offenharung Johannis (1884). 

^ Texte u. Untersuchungen, 11. 3 " Die Off. Joh. (1891). 


that followed Weizsiickcr's first pronouncement ignored the funda- 
mental conditions of the problem. No theory Avith regard to the 
sources of the Apocalypse can be satisfactory which overlooks the 
internal evidence of its essential unity (§§ i — 3). The book has 
clearly passed through the hands of an individual who has left his 
mark on every part of it ; if he has used old materials freely, 
they have been worked up into a form which is permeated by his 
own personality. This has been so far recognized by more recent 
criticism that less drastic methods are now being used to account 
for the literary phenomena of the work. 

In 1886, after the completion of Volter's theory, "Weizsacker 
suggested that the apparent lack of cohesion in certain passages is 
due to the interpolation of fragments which are not from the 
author's pen, specifying cc. vii. i — 8, xii. i — 10, xiii., xvii., which 
he assigned to the reigns of Nero, "Vespasian, and Domitian. An 
entirely new view was propounded by Gunkel in his epoch-making 
Scliopfung unci Chaos (1894). Breaking loose at once from the 
prevalent view of the Apocalypse as a mere interpretation of local 
contemporary history, and from the tendency to frame elaborate 
schemes for its division into ' sources,' he saw in the book the out- 
come of a long course of apocalyptic traditions wliich in some cases 
went back to the Creation-myths of Babylonia. Gunkel's Chaos 
was followed in the next year by Bousset's Antichrisf^, a book 
succeeded in 1896 by its author's important commentary on the 
Apocalypse-. Bousset, while recognizing the essential unity of the 
Apocalypse, believes with Weizsacker that certain contexts in it are 
fragments of older works, and with Gunkel finds traces of apoca- 
lyptic traditions in the writer's own work. Still more recently a 
contribution has been made to the subject by Professor Johannes 
Weiss of Marburg^. According to his view, the original Apoca- 
lypse of John was written before 70, and included i. 4 — 6, 9 — 19, 
ii., iii., iv., v., vi., vii., ix., xii. 7 — 12, xiii. 11 — 18, xiv. i — 5, 
14 — 20, XX. I — 10, II — 15, xxi. I — 4, xxii. 3 — 5; in its present 
form the book was issued at the end of the reign of Domitian by 
an editor who was not the original Apocalyptist. 

6. It is impossible to contemplate the flood of literature on 

the composition of the Apocalypse which the last quarter of a 

century has called forth without asking the question Avhether 

there is any solid ground for the assumption which underlies it 

^ Der Antichrist in dcr Ueberlieferuug beitet (1S96). 
ch'n Jiidi'iUhuvis, des N.T. u. der alten ■* Die Ojf'cnbanuip di's Johanuis : cin 

Kirche (1S95). Beitrati ziir Litcratur- u. Religions- 

2 Die Offeribarung Johanuis neu bear- gcschichte (1904). 



all. It is taken for granted by some recent authorities^ that the 
Apocalypse is a composite work. But does this conviction rest on 
more than the reiterated assertion of writers who have found in 
the analysis of the book a fascinating field for intellectual exercise ? 
When the enquirer investigates the grounds on which the hypo- 
thesis of compilation rests, they are seen to be such as the fol- 
lowing: (a) the presence of well defined breaks in the thread of the 
movement, as e.g. after iii. 22, vii. 17, ix. 21, xi. 19, xiii. 18, xiv. 20, 
xvi. 21 ; (b) the treatment of the same idea more than once under 
different points of view; thus the 144,000 of vii. 4 ff, reappear 
under another aspect in xiv. i ff., and the Beast of xiii. i in 
c. xvii. ; the New Jerusalem of xxi. 9 does not altogether corre- 
spond with the New Jerusalem of xxi. 2 ; (c) the representation 
of the Last Judgement at two widely separated stages in the 
development of the book, i.e. in xiv. 14 ff., and xx. 1 1 ff. ; (d) the 
different aspects of Christian thought revealed by the descriptions 
of Christ in i. 13 ff., v. 6, xiv. 14, and of the Church in xii. i ff., 
xvii. 7, xxi. 2 ; (e) the different dates which seem to be postulated 
by cc. xi. I f., xiii. 18, xvii. 10 f. Such a list of seeming 
inconsistencies is formidable until it is taken to pieces and 
examined in detail. But when this has been done, it will be 
found that the weight of the objections is greatly diminished. 
The phenomena which suggest diversity of authorship admit for 
the most part of another explanation ; they may well be due to 
the method of the author or the necessities of his plan. Indeed 
the last head is the only one which demands serious consideration 
from those who advocate the unity of the book. If c. xi. i implies 
that the Temple at Jerusalem was still standing, and xvii. 10 that 
Vespasian's reign had not yet ended, while the general tenor of 
the book points to the reign of Domitian, it is clear that as far as 
these passages are concerned the Apocalypse must be admitted to 
contain fragments of an older work ; but a reference to the com- 
mentary will shew, it is hoped, that even in these contexts the 
inference is far from being certain. 

^ E.g. by Bousset in Encijcl. Bihlica p. xiii.): "As far as I am acquainted 

i. 205: "it seems to be settled that the with them [the theories of a composite 

Apocalypse can uo longer be regarded origin], they have done nothing what- 

as a literary unity." Dr Hort, on the ever to shake the traditional unity of 

other laand, writes {Apocalypse i — iii., authorship." 


7. That the author of the Apocalypse made free use of any 
materials to whicli he liad access and which were available fur his 
purpose, is highly probable. But did he transfer large masses of 
earlier apocalyptic writing to his own work, in such a manner as 
to make his book a compilation or to detract from its unity ? 
Was this his method of dealing with the works of older 
apocalyptists ? It so happens that we are in a position to give 
a definite answer to the second of these questions. The writer of 
the N.T. apocalypse has made large use of the apocalyptic portions 
of the Old Testament. He refers to the Book of Daniel in some 
forty-five places (Apoc. i. 1,7, 13, 14, 17, 19, 20, ii. 10, 18, iv. i, 
10, v. II, vii. 14, ix. 20, X. 4 ff., xi. 2, 7, 13, 15, 18, xii. 3, 7 f., 14, 
xiii. I f., 5, 7, 8, 15, xiv. 14, xvi. 11, 18 f, xvii. 3, 5, 8, 12, xviii. 2, 
20, xix. 6, 12, XX. 4, II f, 1 5, xxi. 27, xxii. 5 f., 10), and the Books of 
Isaiah, Ezekiel, and Zechariah are used with almost equal frequency, 
while the other Prophets, the Psalter, and the Pentateuch are often 
in view^ No book in the New Testament is so thoroughly steeped 
in the thought and imagery of the Hebrew Scriptures. Yet the 
writer has not once quoted the Old Testament, and rarely uses 
its ipsissima verba. Seldom does he borrow from it a scene 
or the suggestion of a vision without modifying the details, 
departing from his original with the utmost freedom, or combining 
features which have been brought together from different contexts. 
This method of using Old Testament materials runs through 
the whole of the Apocalypse, and is characteristic of the book. 
Whether the writer is indebted to non-canonical apocalypses is 
less certain, but if he is, he has followed the same principle. 
There is no evidence that any one of them has served him as 
a ' source ' ; coincidences between the work of John and the extant 
Jewish books are nearly limited to minor points connected with 
the imagery and diction". Under the circumstances it is more 
than precarious to postulate sources of which nothing is known". 

For these reasons it lias been assumed in this edition that the 
Apocalypse of John is a literary unity. It may be added that, as 

1 See c. xiii. =* See cc. ii., xiii. ^ See c. siii. 


the work has progressed, this assumption has grown into a convic- 
tion. Everywhere the presence of the same creative mind has 
made itself felt, and features which at first sight appeared to be 
foreign to the writer's purpose were found on nearer view to be 
necessary to the development of his plan. It is impossible to 
justify in this place an impression which depends upon an 
examination of the text, but in the commentary the reader will 
find the details on which it rests, and he is asked to reserve his 
judgement until he has completed his study of the book\ 

1 It is not the intention of these re- unity of the book. On tlie other hand 

marks to deny that the Apocalypse, as the theory proposed by Prof. J. Weiss 

we have received it, may be a reissue by (supra, p.xlvii) presents difficulties which 

the writer of the original work in an to the present writer seem to be greater 

enlarged or amended form ; such a view than those which it seeks to remove, 
does not militate against the essential 



1. The Apocalypse of John professes to be an encyclical 
addressed to the Christian societies in seven of the cities of Asia 
(Apoc. i. 4 lQ)avvr]<i Tat? eirra eKKX-rjcnai^ Tai<; iv ttj \\cria ; ih. 1 1 
/SXeVet? ypdylrov et9 /Bl/SXlop kuI ire/xy^ov ral'i iirra eKKXTjaiai^, 
ei? "Fi(f)€crov Kol et<? ^fivpvav Kal et? Uepyafiov koI ei<i ^vdreipav 
Kol eh %dp8eL<; kuI el<i ^iXaBeXcfjcav Kal ei? AaoSiKiav). 

2. At the end of the first century the peninsula known as 
Asia Minor^ seems to have embraced six provinces, Asia, Bithynia 
(including Pontus), Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Lycia (including 
Pamphylia)-. The Province of Asia had been created as far back 
as the year B.C. 129^ out of the domains bequeathed to the Senate 
by Attains III., the last king of Pergamum. Ultimately it 
included Mysia, Lydia, and Caria, and the three Phrygian dioeceses 
of Cibyra, Apamea, and Synnada, besides certain islands in the 
Aegean Sea off the western coasts Thus constituted, the 
province was bounded on the north by Bithynia, on the east 
by Galatia, and on the south by Lycia; on the west it was 
washed by the Aegean ; inland, it reached a distance from the 
coast of about 300 English miles, while its greatest length was 
about 260^ In the region which falls under our consideration 
four rivers, the Caicus, the Hermus, the Cayster, and the Maeander, 

1 On the history of this term see Hort, i. p. 177. 

First Epi.ftle 0/ St Peter, p. 165, * On these see V. Chapot, La province. 

- For the last three see Hort, op. cit., romaijte procousitlaire d'Afie, p. t<2 ff. 

p. ijSf. * The frontier is carefully defiued by 

3 H&rqa&TAt, Eiim. Staats-Verwdltung, Chapot, p. 85. 


descended to the sea from the highlands of the interior, and three 
considerable ranges of hills, Sipylus, Tmolus, and Messogis, mounted 
up to the highlands from the coast. 

3. In the Greek Old Testament Asia is mentioned only by 
the writers of the Books of the Maccabees, who use it to represent 
the dominions of the Seleucid dynasty (i Mace. viii. 6, xi. 15, 
xii. 39, xiii. 32 ; 2 Mace. iii. 3, x. 24; 3 Mace. iii. 14; 4 Mace. iii. 
20). But in the New Testament, under the Empire, the case is 
different. Asia is named by St Luke, St Paul, St Peter, and 
St John (Acts ii. 9, vi. 9, xvi. 6, xix. 10, 22, 26 f., xx. 4, 16, 18, xxi, 
27, xxiv. 18, xxvii. 2; Rom. xvi. 5; i Cor, xvi. 19; 2 Cor. i. 8; 
2 Tim. i, 15; I Pet. i. i ; Apoc. i. 4), and by all in the sense 
familiar at the time. "Asia in the New Testament," wrote 
Dr Lightfoot in 1865, "is always Proconsular Asia"^; and his 
dictum has not been seriously shaken by the researches of the last 
forty 3^ears. In Acts ii. 9 f , indeed, Phrygia is distinguished from 
Asia and linked to Pamphylia ; but by Phrygia in that place is 
probably meant the non- Asian region of Phrygia, as in Acts xvi. 
6, xviii. 23". But whatever may be the practice of St Luke or 
St Paul in reference to the use of the name ' Asia,' it is certain 
that the province of Asia is contemplated by St Peter in i Pet. 
i. I (7rape7rt8?7/xot? SLaa7ropa<; Tlovrov, Va\aTia<;, K.a7r7raBoKia<i, 
^Ka-ia<i, koI 3idvvla<;), where, as Dr Hort says, "the five names 
coincide precisely with the five names that make up the titles of 
the four provinces of the Roman Empire into which Asia Minor, 
the southern littoral eventually excepted, was divided in and after 
the reign of Tiberius ; and it would need strong positive evidence 
to refute the consequent presumption that the territory denoted... 
was the territory of these four Roman provinces^." In Apoc. i. 4 
the inclusion of Western Phrygia in 'Asia' is implied by the 
enumeration among Asian cities of Laodicea on the Lycus, which 
belonged to the dioecesis Cibyratica. 

^ GalatianSj'p. 19, n. 6. The province ^ Blass (comm. on Acts, pp. 52, 176) 

was assigned to the Senate by Augustus, contends that in these passages Asia = 

A.D. 27, and was from that date to the Western Asia Minor; but see Eamsay 

time of Diocletian administered by a in Hastings, D.B. iii. 177. 

Proconsul {dvdinraTos:). '"^ First Epistle of St Peter, -p. 157. 


4. If the Apocalypse was directed to the Churches of Roman 
Asia, it was natural that it should be sent in the first instance to 
the greater cities of the province. Asia was remarkable for the 
number and wealth of its cities. Pliny {H. F. v. 29) mentions 
nine which were distinguished by being the centres of a convent iis: 
viz. Adramyttium, Alabanda, Apamea, Ephesus, Laodicea on the 
Lycus, Pergamum, Sardis, Smyrna, Synnada; and to these Cyzicus, 
Philomelium, and Tralles should be added ^ A long list might 
be made of less important but yet considerable towns, such as 
Colossae, Dorylaeum, Eumenia, Hierapolis, Magnesia on the 
Maeander, Miletus, Philadelphia, Priene, Thyatira; the total 
number of townships in the province is stated by contemporary 
writers to have been 500, or even 1000-. "No province," wi'ites 
Aristides of Smyrna in the second century, " has so many cities, 
nor are even the greatest cities of other provinces comparable 
to the cities of Asia^." Between the larger towns there was a 
keen though friendly rivalry, as the local coins and inscriptions 
testify. If Ephesus proclaims herself 77 irpwrr} kuI fieyiaTt] /xijrpo- 
TToXi? T7}«? \\.crLa<;*, Smyrna, not to be outdone by her neighbour, 
claims to be both a firjrp6'iTo\L<;, and irpwrrj Tri<i 'Aata? KaWet 
Kot fxeyeOei, Kal Xa/xTrporaTT]^ ; while Pergamum, the old capital, 
is, like Ephesus and Smyrna, a nrpooTi] firjTpoiroXi'i. The title 
(xrjTpo'TroXt^ is also assumed by Cyzicus, Laodicea on the Lycus, 
Sardis, Synnada, and Tralles^ Magnesia on the Maeander, though 
it cannot rise to this dignity, is described on coins as the seventh 
city of Asia^ 

5. In the light of these facts it is not at first sight easy to 
explain the principle on which the Apocalyptic list of seven has 
been formed. Why does it include two comparatively small 

1 Marquardt, op. cit. p. 185. tian Life, E. Tr. , p. 3S2), both Ephesus 

- Marquardt, p. 182, J. Weiss, art. and Smvrna had in t no time of Augustus 

Klcinasien in Herzog-Hauck, x. 5.(_v a population of 200,000, and Pergamum 

^ Aristides of Smyrna xlii. ( = xxiii. ed. in the middle of the second century con- 

Keil, p. 34) ovT€ yap 7r6\6i? roffai/ras oi'- tained from 120,000 to 180,000 souls. 

Sffiia d\\r) rCiv iracrCiv Trap^xerat, ovre 5;; "* CIG 2992. 

Tds ye jxeyiffTat TOLavras ; see also Diod. 5 CIG31 79, 3205; Dittenberger.OneHf- 

xvii. 5, and Seneca, Ep. 102, 21. Cf. Gr. irt.icriptioiies select, ii. ^. i^^f. 

Mommsen, Provinces,!. p. 354. According ^ Ru^jgiero, Di:iimario epiijrajico di 

toBe\och(ZurBevdlkcruti[fscie!ichicIitedes AntichitTi RovMue, i. p. 731. 

Alterthitiiis), cited by Dobschiitz (C/irjs- ' Mommsen, Fiovinces, p. 329. 


towns, Thyatira and Philadelphia, while Tralles and Magnesia, 
Hierapolis and Colossae, Alexandria Troas and Adramyttium, 
Miletus and Halicarnassus, Dorylaeura and Synnada, are passed 
by ? Some at least of these cities had Christian communities 
before the end of the first century ; under Trajan, Ignatius of 
Antioch addressed letters to Churches at Tralles and Magnesia; 
under Nero, St Paul spent the first day of the week with brethren 
at Troas\ and recognized a "Church of the Laodiceans" and the 
presence of Christians at Hierapolis^. 

It is true that the first three cities in St John's list were by 
common consent Trpoyrai. tt}? 'Ao-ia9, and they stand in the order 
which would naturally be followed, at least by a resident at 
Ephesus. Moreover Ephesus, Smyrna, and Pergamum were in 
direct communication with one another by the great road which 
the Romans had constructed shortly after their occupation of 
Asia. So far then both the selection of the names and their order 
are easy to understand. But why should not the Apocalyptic 
messenger have been sent on from Pergamum to Cyzicus or to 
Troas ? why was his course at this point diverted to the inland 
towns of Thyatira, Sardis and Philadelphia, and brought to an 
end in the valley of the Lycus ? The true answer is doubtless that 
which is given by Professor Ramsay : " all the Seven Cities stand 
on the great circular road that bound together the most populous, 
wealthy, and influential part of the Province, the west-central 
region ^" " They were the best points on the circuit to serve as 
centres of communication with seven districts : Pergamum for the 
north. . . ; Thyatira for an inland district on the north-east and east ; 
Sardis for the wide middle valley of the Hermus ; Philadelphia 
for Upper Lydia... ; Laodicea for the Lycus Valley and for Central 
Phrygia. . . ; Ephesus for the Cayster and lower Maeander Valleys 
and coasts ; Smyrna for the lower Hermus Valley and the North 
Ionian coasts^." Planted at these seven centres, the Apocalypse 
would spread through their neighbourhoods, and from thence to 
the rest of the province. A Roman road led from Pergamum to 

1 Acts XX. 7ff. 3 Letters, p. 183. 

2 Col. ii. I, iv. 13, 16. * lb. p. 191. 


Adramyttium and Troas, and another direct to Cyzicus ; other 
roads connected Philadelphia with Dorylaeum, and Laodicea with 
Apamea and Synuada, and with Cibyra. From Ephesus a great 
road passed through Magnesia, Tralles and Laodicea, and crossing 
Galatia and Cappadocia ultimately reached the Euphrates'; a 
branch road entered Syria through the 'Cilician Gates.' Thus 
the route prescribed in the Apocalypse provided for the circulation 
of the book throughout the Churches of the entire province and 
beyond it. 

6. Some account of the cities to which the book was origin- 
ally sent is given in the notes to cc. ii. iii., and much more may 
be gathered from so accessible a book as Professor Ramsay's 
Letters to the Seven ChurcJtes^. Here it may suffice to place 
before the student the general conditions of the life into which 
Christianity entered when it established itself in the cities of Asia. 

(i) At Ephesus by custom the Proconsul landed on his entry 
into the Province^, and the city was regarded as the seat of the 
provincial government. But it retained at least the forms of 
municipal independence, and its civic life was full and many- 
sided. During the Roman period the population was divided into 
six tribes (<f)v\ai), which were again divided into thousands 
(xiAiacm'e?). Local affairs were in the hands of three asseml)lies, 
a council {(SovX-q), which in a.d. 104 consisted of 450 members 
probably elected in equal numbers from each of the tribes ; a senate 
(yepovCTta), which seems to have been charged with the finance of 
public worship^ or perhaps with municipal finance in general, and 
the care of public monuments; and the popular assembly, which 
bore the familiar name of ecclesia'^. Each assembly had its ypafifxarev^, 
and the ypu/^t/iarevs toS Srjfiov possessed an authority which as we 
learn from the Acts (xix. 25) could make itself respected even by an 
angry mob. 

In the life of Ephesus commerce occupied no loss important a 
place than local politics. The silting up of the harbour had indeed 
begun to threaten the city's command of the seas, but Strabo was 
able to report that in every other respect it was growing in 
prosperity day by day, and that Asia within the Taurus had no 
market that could vie with it". Foreign trade brought it into 

^ "Riim^&y, Hist. Geogr. of Asia Minor, ' For the details see Hicks, o;>. cit., 

p. 1643. See also M.Chapot's chapter on iii. p. 68ff.; Chapot, pp. 194 — 230. 

the public roads of Asia (pp. 358 — 36S). ^ Strabo xiv. 24 i] 5^ ir6\ii ry irpbi ra 

" Sec pp. 210 — 430. fiWa evKaiplqi ruiv Ttiirwv ai'frrai KO.d^ 

* Bergmann, De Asia, p. 30. iKia-njv ii/j.(pav, i^iiropiov ov<ra /x^tarov 

^ Cf. liic^s,AncieiitGreekIn.-icriptions, riZ'j' Karit TT)i''AiXiay ttjv evros rov Tavpov. 

iii. p. 76. 


communication with Greece, Egypt, and Spain, and on the other 
hand with the Euphrates and the East. Among its local 
specialities were marble, vermilion, oils and essences, and the 
handicraft of workers in gold, silver and copper'. Its slaves 
fetched fabulous prices in the Roman market ^ Nor were the 
intellectual interests of the place less keen or varied. In the first 
century the city of Heracleitus abounded with persons who followed 
the profession of the philosopher or the rhetor, and added to its 
reputation as a seat of learning^. It will not be forgotten that 
according to Eusebius'* Ephesus is the scene of Justin's dialogue 
with Trypho, and probably also of his initiation into the Stoic, 
Peripatetic, and Platonist philosophies ^ Nor was art neglected in 
Ephesus ; the city was a famous school of sculpture and archi- 
tecture ; the great theatre remains to witness to the passion of its 
citizens for the drama''. But religion was the paramount power at 
Ephesus, as perhaps in all the Asian cities. The worship of the 
Ephesian Artemis was an inheritance from pre-Hellenic times, and 
possessed all the attractions which bind a people to a traditional or 
localized cult. The Artemision did not indeed dominate the city as 
the Parthenon dominated Athens ; it lay in fact, as was demon- 
strated by Mr Wood's discovery on the last day of 1869, on the 
plain outside the Magnesian gate of Ephesus. Nevertheless it was 
the chief glory of the place, and life in Ephesus was at every point 
brought into contact with the great presiding deity of the city — the 
IlpwTo^povta, as according to Pausanias (x. 38. 3) she was locally 
called. It was by the priestly college at the Artemision, known as 
the Essenes, that the lot was cast by which a new citizen was 
admitted to his tribe and thousand. In the Ephesian calendar 
the month of the spring equinox was named after Artemis (6 
'Kprf.iJi.i(THiiv), and during that month the city celebrated a yearly 
festival in honour of the goddess (to, 'ApTefiLcna)''. On gi'eat 
festivals a sacred carriage (7/ lepa aTrrivq) carried the image of 
Artemis through the streets of the city. The great temple em- 
ployed an army of officials ; it had its wardens (veoiTrotat), its guards 
((^vAttKe?), its hierophants and choirmen (^eoAdyot, ii/AvwSot), its crowd 
of lepoSoiiXot, its priests and priestesses*. Private beneficence added 
to the splendours of the goddess ; a great inscription of the year 
A.D. 104 records the munificent bequest of a citizen for the 
maintenance of the worship of Artemis, "marking," in the 
judgement of Canon Hicks, "a reaction against Christianity," 

•'■ Cf. Acts xix. 24, 1 Tim. iv. 14. '^^p't TroXeL aweri^ dvdpl Kal irpoaxofri. iv 

^ See ZimmerDaann, Ephesosimersten toIs HXaTwuiKohawSuTpi^ov. Cicero De 

christlicheii Jahrhundert, -p. CioS. nat. dcorum 2 meDtions a Peripatetic 

^ Apollonius of Tyaua ap. Philostrat. school at Ephesus. 

vit. Ap. viii. 7, 8 (cited by Zimmernumn, ^ Zimmermann, p. 73. 

p. 65):"Ei^€tros fieari] (ppovTKT/j.a.Twi' (piXo- ^ Hicks, pp. 83, 1171!'. 

ff6<pi>}v T€ Kal prjTopiKijv v<p' wv 7] 7ru\is ^ The inscriptions mention also lepo- 

icrxiJit' cotplav erraivovaa. KrjpvKes, UpoffoKwiyKTal, awovooTroioi : cf. 

■* H.E. iv. 28. J. Menadier, Qua condicione Ephesii 

^ Dial. 1 vho(TtI iTn5rip.rjaavrL rrj ri/xe- 7«i Stmt, p. 105 f. 


I. Epiik.sus. 

2. ~'.n i:' \ 



5. Thyatira. 

T E I P H N X I N 

7. Sakdis. 

R. TAin AZlMin 
nnAAIIlNI ANt-)YnATl> 
Within, wreath of oak k. ■.>,. 

9. J'liii \J»i;LrniA. 



M p r> k O Pfl[\^ I. 

8. Saudis. 


1 I. Laodkjka. 

A /^ A I 1/ ET r\ M 



The . Ipocd/vpsc" 

face pa lie Ivi. 




1 M-i 


, . / 


I I 

vr— - V 


which from the first h;id been felt to be a serious rival of the 
Ephesian cult. It is wortiiy of remark that the worship of the 
Emperors^ did not present itself to the people of Ephesus in this 
light, and was even regarded as an ally of the local religion ; a 
statue of Augustus was set up in the precinct of the Artemision", 
and Ephesus was proud to be the vewAcopo? of the Emperor as well 
as of her own goddess Artemis*. Indeed, there is abundance of 
evidence that in the cities of Asia generally the Caesar-worship was 
a welcome adjunct to the worship of the local deities\ 

Ex una disce omnes; the surroundings of the Church in 
Ephesus were more or less repeated in the other Asian cities. 
But each city had its special features, and something must be 
added in reference to these. 

(ii) Smyrna, the new city of the Diadochi, claimed, as we have 
seen, a primacy of beauty*. Approached by a long gulf which 
opened into a noble harbour, and crowned by an acropolis", its 
natural advantages were in some respects superior to those of 
Ephesus. The city was worthy of its surroundings ; its streets 
were straight and well paved; public buildings were numerous, 
including a lilirary, an odeum, a stadium, a theatre, a temple of 
Homer (to 'O/Av/pciov) with a portico attached to it, and other large 
two-storied porticoes". The relations of Smyrna with Rome were 
excellent, and its loyalty received due recognition ; it was an nrhs 
libera and the centre of a convcntus, and from A.n. 26 the proud 
possessor of an Augusteum erected in honour of Tiberius", a privilege 
which Ephesus at the time coveted in vain". If Smyrna did not 
claim, like Ephesus, a special cult, it could boast a number of 
temples, conspicuous among Avhich were those of the Sipylene 
Cybele and the local Zeus. The public games of Smyrna'" were 
noted for their magnificence, and it was one of the cities where 
periodical festivals were held under the authority of the Commraie 
Asiae in honour of the Augusti''. On such occasions Christian 

^ On this see c. vii. (=xrii. ed. Kcil). 

^ Hicks, p. 37 ; Ramsay, Letters, '' Strabo, xiv. 37 (646). 

p. 2^ I. ^ The Augusteum in Smyrna was not, 

^ Thug veuKSpwf SU (or rph) Kal rrji liowever, as Prof. Reid has pointed out 

\\.pT^/j.i8os is found on Ephesian coins ; to me, dedicated to Tiberius alone ; the 

see B. V. Head, Greek Coiiis of Lydia, mother of the Emperor and tlie Senate 

p. evil, wme included (Tac. a;in. iv. 15). 

•* See Chnpot, p. 424 ff. ^ A second neocorate vsas adjndfjed 

" See p. Ivii.; and Aristides of Smyrna, to Smyrna under Hadrian and a third 

xH. ( = xix. ed. Keil) : ^m'-pva to t^s under Sept. Severus (Head, G;V(' A- Coi/i.< 

\K<rlas AyaXfia, r^s 5^ vixfT^pas t'7\aX\c6- 0/ loniti, p. 263). Cf. CIG 3266 toU (v 

■iritxfj.a ijyefjLoylas. Cf. the Life of Polycarp X/jLvpi'-rj I'fols ruiu 'Zf^acrruiv, CIG 3205 ■)' 

by Pionius, wliere the citizens are KioKdpoi narh rh Sdynara tj)s Upurariji 

addressed as Av^pes ol ryJirSf tjjs irepiKoS.- (ti'x'vXtJtoi', CIG 33^6 dTror/ffei tJ-'HTpl t^tuiv 

XoOs 7r6\ews KaroiAc 01 (Lightfoot, Ignatius, '^ivvKijv^ dr]vdpia 5t<rxi\«a irefTanoffia. 

iii. p. 462). ^^ Cf. Pausan. vi. 14. i. 

^ See the descvijition in Aristides, xv. ^^ Lightfoot, It^natiua, iii. p. 405. 


citizens were doubtless placed in a position of peculiar peril, but at 
no season would they be regarded with favourable eyes by a 
population immersed in business and pleasure, devoted to the local 
cults, and proud of its loyalty to Rome and the Emperor^, 

(iii) Pergamum, the old capital of the Attalids, still claimed an 
hegemony, in right of its ancient glories". The place possessed 
natural advantages which fitted it to sustain the character of 
leadership. " Beyond all other sites in Asia Minor it gives the 
traveller the impression of a royal city, the home of authority ; the 
rocky hill on which it stands is so huge, and dominates the broad 
plain of the Caicus so proudly and boldly l" The plain was one 
of the richest in Mysia*, and supplied the markets of the city ; the 
local trade in skins (St(^^epat) prepared for the use of writers was so 
brisk that the material received its name from Pergamum®. But 
the fame of Pergamum rested chiefly on its religious pre-eminence. 
A tetrad of local deities, Zeus Soter, Athena Nikephoros, Dionysos 
Kathegemon, Asklepios Soter "^j presided over the city; the temple 
of Athena almost crowned the acropolis, and beneath it, on the 
slope of the hill and visible from the agora, stood a great al fresco 
altar of tlie Pergamene Zeus. Still more celebrated was the Per- 
gamene cult of Asklepios, to whose temple there was -.attached a 
school of medicine which attracted sufferers from all quarters. But 
in Roman times the city prided itself above all upon its devotion 
to the worship of the Emperors. From the time of Augustus 
Pergamene coins bear the inscriptions 0EON CYTKAHTON, 0EAN 
PHMH N, 0EON CEBACTON ^ Inscriptions proclaim the dignity 
of the city as the first in Asia to erect a temple to Augustus^; and 
as it was the first, so it continued to be the chief Asian seat of the 
Emperor-cult. In the time of Hadrian it was already Sis vecoxdpos, 
and an inscription of the reign of Trajan mentions the vyai'wSot 6i.ov 
"^ef^aaTov kol ^eas 'Fwfirj'i ; the local priest of Zeus was proud to 
style himself also priest of the divine Augustus. In St John's eyes 
this new cult was the crowning sin of Pergamum ; the city which 
had introduced the worship of the Augusti into Asia was the 
dwelling place, the very throne of Satan, who reigned from its 
acropolis ; and the Church which resided in it must expect to find 
itself in the forefront of the battle about to be fought between 
Christ and Antichrist. 

1 The coins shew that this loyalty book of Greek and Latin Palaeography, 
suSered no decrease under Domitian; p. 3^ f. 

see Head, p. 273. 6 The legends A0HNAC NIKH- 

2 Strabo xiii. 4 (623) ^x« 5^ TLva cJjOPOY, ACKAHmOY CnTH- 

ijyefioviay irpbs tovs tottovs tovtovs rb pQQ are frequent on coinsofPergamum- 

nip-yanov, eiri<pav^^ 7r6Xis Kol ttoXw ggg Wroth, Greek Coins of Mijsia, 

avvevTvx'r)< xpoi'OP tols 'AttoXikoIs n rn^ S 

jSaaiXeiffi. '7 Wroth, op. cit. p. 134 ff. E.g. CIG 

^ Ramsay Lexers, p. 281. ^.^^g ^ /Soi^Xt? Kal 6 S^Vos t^v Trpihrwv 

Strabo I.e. acpbopa eibaip-ova y^p... l^^^^;,p^y liepyati-qvCjv. 

(Txfbv 8i Ti rV dpiffT7,p t^s Mvffias. s Herzog-Hauck, x. p. 551. CIG 3569 

Membrana Pergamena, 'i:,ai-chment'; ^ . >,y ^^g ZeBaarou Oeov Kaiaapos, 6 5^ 

see Gardthausen Gr Palaeographie avrbs...upehs tov Alos. 
p. 39 I., or ilaunde Thompson, Hand- 


(iv) Thyatira "lies in an open, smiling vale, hoideiccl by gently 
sloping hills," and "possesses no proper acropolis'." The contrast 
to Pergamuin thus suggested is maintfiined when the two cities are 
compared in other particulars. Thyatira had no history reaching 
back beyond the Seleucids, who raised the obscure township into 
a Macedonian colony. It was distinguished by no famous cult : 
the Thyatiran coins and inscriptions mention only the local hero 
Tyrimnus, or his deified counterpart the Tyrimnaean Apollo, and 
an Artemis who bears the surname 'Boritene".' There is no 
evidence that Thyatira was as yet a vewKopos of the Augusti. 
Outside the city a Sibyl of Eastern origin known as Sambethe or 
Sam hatha had her cell (to Sayx^a^ctor)' ; and it has been suggested'*, 
though with little probability, that this person is to be identified with 
the prophetess Jezebel of Apoc. ii. 20. But the most outstanding 
feature in Thyatiran life was ])robably the institution of trade- 
guilds'^. In certain of the Asian cities these guilds may have 
filled the place of the ' thousands ' into which the ' tribes ' were 
divided", and Thyatira is one of these. At Thyatira there were 
guilds of bakers, potters, workers in brass, tanners, leather- 
cutters, workers in wool and flax, clothiers, dyers^^ ; the workers 
in wool and the dyers were probably the most numerous, for the 
manufacture and dyeing of woollen goods was a Lydian speciality, 
in which Thyatira excelled". To these guilds many of the 
Thyatirene Christians would have belonged, and their connexion 
with them would raise questions of much difficulty'. One of the 
inscriptions records an honour voted by the guild of dyers to the 
priest of the ancestral hero Tyrimnus^"; in such circumstances 
what course ought the Christian nu-mbers of the guild to follow 1 
Such a problem might seldom arise, and when it arose, the 
Church miglit agree upon the answer ; but there was another of 
frequent occurrence upon which Christians diflered among them- 
selves. From time to time the members of a guild partook together 
of a common meal which had a sacrificial character and moreover 
too often ended in revelry and licentiousness. At Thyatira, through 

^ Ramsay, Letters, p. 318. QvaTfipuii'. Cf. CIG i^S, 39:4. 

- B. V. Head, Greek Coins of Lydin, " On this point Prof. Reid writes : 

p. 294 [T]YP[IM]NOC. ih. p. 295 " The difliculty whicli Christians felt in 

BOPEITHNH. membership of the guilds was by no 

^ CIG 3509. means confined to the question of the 

■* Scliiiror', iii. p. 428. feasts. There was probably no guild 

5 At Thyiitira they were known as which was not devoted to some form of 

(p>a<Tiat; other names were ffvfj.^iwff(if, heathen worship. Membership was there- 

ffvvepyaffiai, <n><jri)fj.aTa: see Chapot, fore (>so /ncfo bowing down in the house 

p. 167. of Rimmon. Direct participation in 

s Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of ceremonies was only incumbent on 

Phrxj[)ia, p. 105. officials of the guild ; but any one pos- 

" M. Clerc, lie rebus Tlnjatireiwrum, sessed of money enough to pay the 

p. 91 (quoted by Ramsay I'c). Cliapot sinnina honoraria would find it hard to 

(p. i68ff.) gives a complete list of the decline office." 

trades of Asia so far as they are men- '" CIG 349 rbv Upia tov ivpoirdropoi 

tioned in the inscriptions. Otov Tvplfivov oi /3a0«j. 

^ Acts xvi. 14 irop(pvp6iru)\oi 7r6.\ea>s 


circumstances M'hich "will appear further on, the question whether 
Christians might or might not take part in such guild-feasts became 
acute, and the Apocalyptic message to Thyatira turns upon it. 

(v) Sardis, the capital of the old Lydian kingdom, and in 
Persian times the seat of a satrap, retained under the Romans the 
shadow of its ancient greatness^ ; commanding the great Valley of 
the Hermus, and standing at a point to whicli roads converged from 
Thyatira, Smyrna and Laodicea and the Lycus, it could not sink 
into neglect. The town was shattered by the great earthquake of 
A.D. 1 7, but with the liberal help of Tiberius it rose from its ruins. 
Its gratitude was shewn in a special devotion to the Emperor ; 
in A.D. 26 it contended with Pergamum, Smyrna, and Ephesus for 
the privilege of erecting an Augusteum, and though it failed on 
that occasion, eventually it could claim a second and even a third 
neocorate. The chief local cult was that of Kore, but the name of 
the Lydian Zeus appears also on the coins ^ ; Dionysus, too, Athena, 
Aphrodite, and the local heroes Tmolus and Hermus, were honoured 
at Sardis. The Church perhaps encountered in Sardis no special 
danger to her peace ; but the atmosphere of an old pagan city, 
heavy with the immoral traditions of eight centuries, was unfavour- 
able to the growth of her spiritual life. 

(vi) Philadelphia has received a characteristic treatment from 
Bishop Lightfoot ^, to which little need be added here. "A city 
full of earthquakes " is Strabo's significant comment upon it ; he 
adds that in his time the town had been largely forsaken by its 
inhabitants, who lived on the rich lands which surrounded it^. 
With Sardis, at the time of the earthquake, Philadelphia partook 
of the bounty of the Emperor, and was duly grateful ; though it 
did not acquire the neocorate until the beginning of the third 
century, its special loyalty is shewn by the titles assumed on its 
coins ; under Caligula and Claudius it styled itself Neocaesarea, 
and under the Flavian Emperors Plavia^. It is more important for 
our purpose to notice the situation of Philadelphia in reference to 
Central Asia Minor. The city lay on the direct route from Smyrna 
to the highlands and plateau of Central Asia Minor. Thus the 
Church in Philadelphia had unusual opportunities of spreading the 
Gospel in the interior, and she seems to have availed herself of this 
open door*^. 

(vii) Laodicea has been exhaustively described by Professor 
Ramsay in Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia''. The student of the 
Apocalypse will take special note of the specialities in wool and in 
eyesalve produced in the neighbourhood of this city, to which 
reference seems to be made in the message to Laodicea ; and of 
the prosperity of the Laodicenes as a banking and trading com- 

^ Strabo xiii. 4 (625) al 5k 1,dp56ts ^ St Ignatius, ii. pp. 237 — 241. 

TToXis ^crrt /j.€ya.\r]...vw^pKei.TaL 5k tCjv ^ Strabo xiii. 10 (628). 

ZapSewi' 6 Tfj.ui\os...vTr6K€iTaL 5k rrj 7r6Xet ^ Head, pp. Ixxxv., 195 ff. 

t6 t€ '^ap5iai'uiv ireolov . . .KaiTO Tod"^piJ.ov. ^ Ramsay, Letters, c. xxviii. 

- Head, p. 246 ff. ; cf. p. cvii. ^ i, pp. 3a — 83. 


tnunity, and the singular spirit of independence indicated by their 
rejection of imperial help after the earthquake of a.d. 6o'. It is 
evident that the Christians of Laodicea shared the self-sufficiency 
of their fellow-townsmen, and carried it into the sphere of their 
relations with God and Christ. The commercial pre-occupations of 
the place saved them from persecution, but at the cost, as at Sardis, 
of the life of the Spirit. Of this decline of the Christian life in 
the Churches of the Lycus valley (for the message to Laodicea 
was doubtless intended also for Hierapolis and Colossae), the 
neighbourhood yielded a forcible illustration, which the Apoca- 
lyptist was not slow to use. The hot springs of Hierapolis, in 
their course over the platform on which the city was built, lose 
their heat, and the traveller who drinks of the water finds it 
intolerable to the palate. So, St John teaches, the Christ will 
reject the lukewarm profession of faith from which the fire of love 
has departed". 

^ Cf. Lightfoot, Colosaiaiis, p. 44: "in or the Emperor." 
all other cases of earthquake which - Further illustrations of the life of 

Tacitus records as happening in these the Asian cities may be found in CI(i 

Asiatic cities. ..he mentions the fact of 3266, 3285,3415,3416,3428,3,460,3^97, 

their obtaining relief from the Senate 3498, 3508, 3517. 

S. R. 



1. The permanent interest of apocalyptic literature consists 
largely in its intimate connexion with the needs and sufferings, 
the hopes and fears, of the age and communities which produced it. 
From Daniel onwards the Jewish apocalypses reflect, with more or 
less distinctness, the conditions under which they were written, 
and the expectations which consoled or invigorated the Jews 
under Syrian, Hasmonaean, Herodian, or Roman rule, throwing 
side-lights, lurid but instructive, on contemporary life and history. 
The great Christian apocalypse is no exception to this rule. But 
whereas it is left to the critical student to elicit as he can the 
age and circumstances of the Jewish apocalyptists, the Christian 
writer, as we have already seen\ makes no secret of the conditions 
under which he worked. The Apocalypse of John is clearly a 
product of Asian Christianity, and the purpose of the book cannot 
be understood without an effort to realize the position of Christi- 
anity in the cities of Asia during the first century of our era. 

2. Long before the Christian era the Jews had formed a 
considerable factor in the population of the Asian cities 2. There 
was a synagogue at Ephesus (Acts xviii. 19) and, it may be 
assumed, in almost every one of the great towns. But the Jew 
was the unconscious or, if ever he attained to a consciousness of 
the fact, the reluctant avant-coureur of Christianity. Christianity 

^ C. ii. rdras tCiv iv..!Aaiq....€KvifxovTai. On 

2 Cf. Pliilo, leg. ad Cai. 33 'Ioi;5aioc the Jews in the Asian Cities see Eamsay, 

Kad' eK(iaTr]v ttoXlv fieri TranTrX-fjdeLs'Aaias, Letters to the Seven Churches, c. xii., 

In Flacc. 7 ras TrXetoras Kal ei)5ai/uovecr- and infra, c. vii. 


was doubtless discussed by Jewish circles in the cities of Asia as 
soon as the Asian Jews who had visited Jerusalem at the Passover 
or Pentecost of A.D. 29 returned to their homes in the Province. 
Even if the narrative of Acts ii. be not regarded as historical, it 
is clear that the story of the Crucifixion and the Resurrection 
could not fail to have been repeated everywhere. The same 
story came a little later across the sea from Rome and Alexandria^ 
or by the great trade-roads from Syrian Antioch ; or it might 
have been brought down to the sea coast by men who had heard 
St Paul tell it in the synagogues of the province of Galatia, 
at Pisidian Antioch or at Iconium, or of the Lycaonian towns, 
Lystra and Derbe. Yet there is no sign of any Christian move- 
ment in Asia before the arrival of St Paul at Ephesus^, and to 
Ephesus his personal ministry seems to have been nearly limited. 
3. Few things are more perplexing in connexion with the 
development of St Paul's evangelistic work than the long delay of 
its extension to proconsular Asia. At Antioch in Pisidia in the 
summer of 48 the Apostle stood literally at the parting of the ways ; 
if he had turned to the west, he would have reached the Lycus 
valley and Ephesus ; instead of this he turned his face eastwards, 
and his destination was the Lycaonian towns. On the next occasion 
a westward mission was in his mind, probably from the first, cer- 
tainly when at Derbe or Lystra he took Timothy for his partner in 
a new work^, and with his two colleagues ' went through ' the 
'Phrygo-Galatic region '^ i.e. the Phrygian part of Galatia, which lay 
on the border of Asia. If he did not cross the border, he would 
have done so, had not a hand which was upon his spirit held him 
back. This mysterious clieck was repeated when he had got to 
the confines of Alysia, and wished to enter the great province of 
Bithynia and Pontns'. Both Asia and Bithynia were to become 
headquarters of Christian infiuencc", but their time was not yet; 

^ Cf. Acts xviii. 18, 24 lY. iirelpa^ov els tj)v Bidvviav iropevdrjucu. 

- Acts xix. I. The brief previous * Cf. i Pet. i. i with Pr Hort's note 

visit (xviii. 19 f.) scarcely counts. ad loc, and Additional Note on p. 157 f. 

•^ Acts xvi. 2 TovTov Tjd^Xrijei' 6 HaCXos As to Bithynia we Inive the testimony 

<7l^I' avT(^ c^e\detv. of the younger Pliny (a.d. hi): " multi 

* lb. 6 dirj\6ov 5^ ri-jv ^pvylav Kal enim omnis aetatis, omnis ordinis, utri- 

raXariKTjf x^'P"-"- usque cexus etiam, vocautur in pericu- 

'' Ih. 7 £\d6i>T€S 5i Kar^ rriv '^{v<jiav lum.'' 



Macedonia and Achaia must receive their call first, and Asia must 
wait a while. The turn of Ephesus came in A.D. 52 — 3, when 
St Paul began a residence of more than two years in that city. 

4. The Apostle reached Ephesus at the end of a progress 
through the "upper parts \" i.e. not by the direct route from 
Galatia (Acts xviii. 23) through the Lycus valley, but over the 
higher ground of the interior, possibly by way of Philadelphia, 
Sard is, and Smyrna, or by Philadelphia, Sardis, Thyatira, Per- 
gamum, and thence down the coast. The purpose of this detour 
was apparently evangelistic-, and it creates a suspicion that 
Ephesus was not the only or even the first Church in Asia which 
received the Gospel from St Paul's own lips. The outworks were 
carried before the citadel was attacked ; in any case, the gradual 
approach to Ephesus is of a piece with the previous delays, 
and emphasizes the great importance of the city as a centre of 
Christian work. Meanwhile, at Ephesus itself forerunners had 
been at work — the Alexandrian Jew, Apollonius or Apollos^; a 
party of twelve men or thereabouts {(oaei BcoBeKo), who had 
received John's baptism ; and the Roman Christians Aquila and 
Priscilla, who had crossed with the Apostle from Corinth in 
the previous spring. The Apostle's own work began as usual in 
the synagogue. But as at Corinth (Acts xviii. 6, xix. 9), when 
his preaching was resented by the Jewish residents, he parted 
company with them, and thenceforth his teaching was carried on 
in one of the philosophical schools of the city^ This went on for 
two years, so that Ephesus had unusual opportunities of hearing 
a great Christian teacher ; and though St Paul himself does not 
seem to have left the place, visitors from other parts of Asia carried 
back a report of his teaching to their own towns, and the evangeli- 
zation of Asia, begun during his journey to Ephesus, was at 
length fairly complete (Acts xix. 10, 26). At Ephesus a Church 

1 Acts xix. I dLe\66vTa to. dvcoTepiKo. •* Tlie Western text says that he dis- 
fi^prj. coursed there daily airb wpas W^tTrri?? 

2 Compare the use of dUpxe(Tdai in e'ois Se/car???, from 11 a.m. to 4 p.m.; i.e. , 
viii. 40, xi. 19, xiv. 24, etc. as Eamsay (St Paul, p. ■271) points out, 

^ On the relation of Apollos to Chris- he began after the usual work of the 
tian teaching at this time see J. H. A. lecture room was over. 
Hart, J. T. S., Oct. 1905. 


began to take shape during the biennium. Disciples had gathered 
round the Apostle before he left the synagogue (xix. 9), and 
after the separation the number grew, and gave satisfactory 
evidence of their sincerity (ib. 18 fF.); there were to be found 
men who had filled the office of Asiarch, and yet were well 
disposed towards the Christian cause or its leader (ib. 3 1 ). When 
the crash came in A.D. 55, St Paul was able to feel that his 
work in Ephesus had been practically accomplished, and that 
he might go elsewhere without danger to Asian Christianity 
(xix. 21, XX, i)\ 

5. In the spriug of 56, when St Paul landed at Miletus on 
his way to his last Pentecost at Jerusalem, the Church of Ephesus 
already had its college of elders-. In Asia as in Galatia and 
Lycaonia^ the Apostle had instituted the presbyterate ; although 
the order is mentioned only in connexion with Ephesus, it doubt- 
less found a place in the other Asian Churches^ which owed their 
origin to St Paul. Two pairs of letters, which if they are not 
the work of St Paul, certainly proceed from his school, supply 
further materials for the history of the Churches of Asia during 
the years that followed, (i) Colossians, Ephesians. The letter to 
Colossae deals chiefly with the conditions of the Church in that 
Phrygian city and other Churches in the Lycus valley. But 
Ephesians, as is generally recognized, was a circular letter intended 
for the cities of Asia generally^ — a Pauline precursor in this respect 
of St John's Apocalypse — and it illumines the general situation in 
Asia about A.D. 60. From this point of view it is interesting to 
note the repeated reference in this Epistle to a charismatic 
ministry (Eph, ii. 20, iv. 11 f); the stress laid on the reconciliation 
of the Jew and Gentile in Christ (ii. ii ff.); the conception of 
the ecclesia as an ideal unity (iv. i ff.); the conception of the 
Christian life as bound up with the risen and ascended life of the 
Lord, and working itself out into a life of actual participation in 

1 His departure \y(is perhaps slightly ^ Cf. xiv. 13. 

hastened iu consequeuce of tlie riot: but •• Cf. i Cor. xvi. nj al (KK\T]<riaL tjjj 

he had not intended to stay beyond the 'Acriaj. 

Pentecost of 55 (i Cor. xvi. S). * On this see Westcott-Hort*, XoUs 

^ Acts XX. 17 lif. ; on xx. 28, see Hort, on select i-cadings, p. 1 23 li. 
Ecclesia, p. 99 f. 


His glory (ii. 6 ff.) — ideas which reappear in the Apocalypse of 
John. (2) I, 2 Timothy. According to i Timothy, St Paul, after 
his release from the Roman captivity of Acts xxviii. 30, visited 
Ephesus again. He found that the fears which he had expressed in 
the address at Miletus were already realized in part. Unwholesome 
speculations, probably of Jewish origin^ occupied the attention of 
the Ephesian Church, to the neglect of practical Christianity. 
Other evils were rife in the Christian society, such as eagerness 
for office, unseemly disputes in the Church assemblies, gossip and 
slander if not worse sins among the women, even among those who 
as widows were pensioners and servants of the Church. There were 
Christians who attempted to make a gain of their religion, and others 
of the wealthier class who prided themselves on their wealth, and 
needed to be urged to share it with their poorer brethren. The 
whole picture is far from hopeful, and in the Second Epistle it 
becomes depressing. All Asia had turned away from its father in 
the faith (i. 15) — an exaggeration, it may be, but one which suggests 
at least an anti-Pauline movement in the churches of the province; 
two of the ringleaders — Phygelus and Hermogenes — are mentioned 
by name ; a certain Onesiphorus is warmly commended, as if he 
were almost a solitary exception to the general apostasy. St Paul 
despatched to Ephesus (iv. 12) one of his few remaining friends, 
Tychicus of Asia^, perhaps in the hope that a native of the province 
might succeed in recalling Asia to its allegiance. So the curtain 
falls upon the Apostle's relations with the Asian Churches. 

6. It was probably after the death of St Paul that St Peter 
wrote his circular letter to the Churches of Asia Minor^ The 
letter makes no special reference to the affairs of the province of 
Asia, but its account of the condition of Christians in Asia Minor 
must be taken to apply to provincial Asia, which was one of the 
four provinces addressed^. In the first place it is remarkable that 
while St Paul himself is not mentioned, the Apostle of the 

^ TioTtjJudaistic Ch7-istianity,'p. i^ifi. receive the letter, ■which, to judge from 

- Acts XX. 4 'Acriavol 8^ Ti/x'^'os Kal the order of the names, entered Asia 

Tpdcpi/jios. Cf. Eph. vi. 21. Minor by way of the Euxine, possibly at 

** See St Mark'-, p. xxii. Sinope ; cf. Hort, First Ep. of St Peter, 

^ Not however the first province to pp. 17, i76ff. 


Circumcision not only associates himself in this letter with two 
of St Paul's companions, Silvanus and Mark (iv. 12 f.), but makes 
considerable use of St Paul's Epistles, and among them of the 
encyclical Upo'i 'E^eo-iou?. The fact has been used as an indication 
of date, but it may serve also to shew the delicate care with which 
St Peter endeavours to maintain the continuity of Christian 
teaching in churches which had been to some extent estranged 
from theii* founder, and without such an intimation might have 
been led to regard Peter in the light of a rival to whom they 
were invited to transfer their allegiance. But for our purpose 
it is more important to take note of the relations which 
existed at the time between the Christian communities and 
their pagan neighbours. Christians were spoken against as 
evil-doers (ii. 12); their reasons were demanded with a rude- 
ness which called for the exercise of meekness (iii. 15); there 
was always a chance that any one of them might be called to 
suffer as a Christian; already they had been tried by fire, and 
were learning to bear their share in the sufferings of Christ 
(iv. 12 ff.). Yet the persecution was as yet unofficial. The 
Apostle presses on the Churches the duty of absolute loyalty to 
the Emperor and the Proconsul (ii. 13 ff.). Rome, indeed, is already 
* Babylon ' (v. 1 3), but Nero, if he is still living, exercises a power 
which is of God, and while God is alone to be feared, the Emperor 
must be held in honour (ii. 17). The troubles of the Asian 
Christians came as yet from their neighbours rather than from the 
State ; their refusal to share in the revelries and impurities of 
heathenism brought upon them the illwill and abuse and, as far 
as the civil power permitted, the maltreatment of relatives or 
fellowcitizens (iv. 3 ff.). The trial fell with especial weight upon 
Christian slaves, who had no protection against the cruelty of 
pagan masters, and who formed a large proportion of the early 
Christian societies. 

7. In the Apocalypse of John the field is narrowed again to 
Proconsular Asia. The opening chapters of the book take the 
reader on tour through a great part of the Province ; he accom- 
panies the bearer of the Apocal^'ptic circular from Ephesus to 


Smyrna, and thence passes inland to Mysian Pergamum, Lydian 
Thyatira, Sardis, and Philadelphia, and Phrygian Laodicea. Each 
of the seven cities had its Christian society, and in some cases 
at least this society was associated with neighbouring churches 
to which it would transmit the Apocalypse or a copy. Thus 
Pergamum was within easy reach of Adramyttium and Troas 
(Acts XX. 5 ff., 2 Cor. ii. 12), Laodicea of Hierapolis and Colossae 
(Col. ii. I, iv. 13), and Ephesus itself of Miletus, Magnesia and 
Tralles ; so that the route indicated secured the distribution of 
St John's encyclical among all the Christian brotherhoods in Asia\ 
St John, like St Peter, makes no mention of St Paul. The 
founder of the Asian Churches seems to have disappeared altogether 
from their field of sight. If we are to believe a considerable school of 
modern critics, the Apocalypse not only ignores St Paul, but bitterly 
and repeatedly attacks those who still claimed to follow his teaching. 
In the opinion of these scholars the Nicolaitans of c. ii. are the 
Pauline Christians of the age of St John 2. It is possible that this 
remarkable theory holds an element of truth. The advocates of 
laxity may have sheltered themselves under the great authority 
of St Paul, quoting detached sentences from his epistles^ in 
support of their tenets ; they may have represented the role of the 
Apostle of the Uncircumcision as that of a deliverer of Gentile 
Christendom from the yoke which the older Apostles and the 
mother Church had sought to impose by the decree of A.D. 49 ; 
it is even barely possible that behind the enigmatic name which 
they bore there may lie some reference to the spiritual victories 
won by the man whom they claimed as the author of their 
policy. Against pseudo-Paulinists such as these John takes his 
stand, as St Paul himself would certainly have done ; but against 
Paul-^ or his teaching there is not a word. No doubt it is 
strange that so great a figure as that of St Paul should have been 
forgotten or eclipsed in the country which had been the earliest 

^ See above, c. v. That the Apostle's words were wrested 

2 See the commentary on c. ii. 13. after this manner we know from Bom. 

3 E.g. I Cor. X. 19 ri ovv (prtfj-'i; 8ti iii. 8; cf. 2 Pet. iii. 16. 

€ldui\6dvT6v tL iffTLv; ib. 23 wavra ^^eariv. ^ On the slight said to be intended in 

Tit. i. 15 vavTa Kadapa. tols Kadapoh. xxi. 14, see comm. ad loc. 


and principal scene of his evangelistic work. But account must 
be taken of several circumstances. More than a jjeneration had 
passed away since his residence at Ephesus, and the other Asian 
cities had never seen him in the flesh^, or had known him only 
as an itinerant evangelist-. The rapid movements of life which 
played over the surface of Ionian civilization in the years between 
the beginning of Nero's reign and the end of Domitian's ; the 
transit over Asia of many of the greater ' lights ' of the Church 
on their way from Palestine westwards, and the settlement of 
some of them in the province^; the presence in Asia of men 
who had known the Lord in the days of His flesh or had 
conversed with those who knew Him^ — these things all tended 
to wipe out the memory of St Paul from the minds of the 
Asian Christians. John himself as the iirLary'jdLo^, whether 
we regard him as the Apostle or the Elder, may well have 
excited throughout the province a sentiment of veneration such 
as had never been felt for the exTpcofia^ of the Apostolic body. 
It is not surprising that St John is seen to fill and more than 
fill the place once occupied by St Paul, or that so few traces are 
left of the great Apostle's work in the Churches of Asia when they 
emerge to sight again at the end of the first century. 

8. That Christianity in Asia was, in the time of the 
Apocalyptist, a force with which paganism had to reckon is 
evident from the new attitude which its enemies were beginning 
to assume towards it — a point to which we shall presently recur. 
In the larger cities the Christians probably formed an appreciable 
fraction of the population ; Ignatius, some fifteen or twenty years 
after the date of the Apocalypse, can speak of the TroXwXjj^eia ■ »f 
the Ephesian Church". Asia Minor was destined to become the 
stronghold of Christianity, and in no other province of the Empire 
was the faith so widely disseminated or represented by so many 

^ Cf. Col. ii. I. 7] ^^pa aiToD Oir/arrip iv ayiip irvevnaTi 

- See c. vi. iroXiTtvaanei'T} if 'E<p((Ttf) dfairaveTai' in 

^ Polycrates ap. Eus. H.F.. iii. 31 ^aJ di Kal 'luydwrii... 

yap Kal Kara rrjv 'Aaiav fj.eya.\a ffToiX('<^ * ^f^- iii- 39- 

K€Kol/xr]Tai.,...'i>i\nnrov twv 5u.'deKa aTro- ' I Cor. XV. S. 

aroXuv ds KfKoLnijrai. iv' lepairdXei. Kal SOo ® Ign. Eph. i. 3, cf. Lightfoot's note 

dvyaripei avrov yeyripaKvtai napdivoi, Kal ad loc. 


societies^ as in the province of Asia. Nevertheless, Asian 
Christianity, as represented by St John in the Apocalypse, does 
not create a wholly satisfactory impression. The Churches pass 
before us, and each is separately reviewed, with varying judgements. 
If good work is being done at Ephesus, it is not the work of the 
first days (ii. 4 f ). At Pergamum and Thyatira there is much to 
be commended, but also something to be censured ; in each of 
these Churches there is a ' Nicolaitan ' circle, and at Thyatira its 
ends are promoted by a local prophetess who is tolerated by the 
Church (ii, 1 5, 20). At Sardis Christianity is in danger of becoming 
an empty profession (iii. i ) ; at Laodicea, the self-satisfaction of 
commercial prosperity is eating out the heart of Christian humility 
and love (iii. 15 ff.). Only Smyrna and Philadelphia deserve un- 
mixed praise, and in each case it has been earned under the 
discipline of suffering (ii. pff., iii. 10). Only at Philadelphia do we 
seem to hear of progress ; before this Church an open door had 
been set in the great trade-route which connected the town with 
the highlands of Phrygia, and some attempt had perhaps been 
made to take advantage of it for missionary work". 

Yet as a whole the Asian Church as seen in the Apocalypse is 
still holding its own ; the notes of faith, love, service, perseverance 
are to be found everywhere except at Laodicea, and to Laodicea 
itself a locus poenitentiae is still afforded. The Nicolaitan party 
has not as yet made great progress ; at Ephesus its practices are 
regarded by the great body of the Church with detestation (ii. 6 
IJbi,(TeZ<i TO, €pja TOiv NiKoXairoov); at Pergamum it seems to be 
a small minority (ii. 15 e-^^ei^ koI av Kparovvra'? kt\.); at Thyatira 
the Nicolaitan prophetess is merely suffered (ii. 20 d^eU). As 
for Judaism, the purity of the faith was no longer in danger from 
that cause ; the open and bitter antagonism of the Synagogue had 
opened the eyes of the Christians, and worked for the good of the 

1 Cf. A. Harnack, Die Mis.don u. Aus- Asien ist...die christliclie Hauptprovinz 

bi-eltung d. CIivistenttniis,Y). ^61: "Klein- in Kleinasien geworden." (E. Tr., pp. 

asien ... ist das christliche Land kut' 326, 364.) 

e^oxv" ill vorkonstantiniscber Zeit ge- "■ See Eamsay, Letters, p. 404 f. 
wesen"; ib. p. 484: "Die Provinz 


9. The Nicolaitan minority calls for separate consideration. 
As represented by the Apocalyptist, the party — for it was still 
perhaps a party rather than a sect — taught Christians (rot"? e/j,ov<; 
Bov\ov<;) to commit fornication and to eat food offered in sacrifice 
to idols (ii. 14, 20); it did the work of Balaam, whose counsels 
brought on Israel the disaster of Baal-peor; the prophetess who 
pushed its claims at Thyatira was a second Jezebel, pressing 
upon the people of God the immoralities of a heathen society. It 
may be assumed that the Nicolaitans themselves disclaimed any 
immoral object. Their purpose, it has been pleaded, was " to effect 
a reasonable compromise with the established usages of Graeco- 
Roman society"; they taught that Christians ought to remain 
members of the pagan clubs ^ and that they might do so without 
disloyalty to their faith. Such a course, they would argue, involved 
uothinsf worse than the abandonment of an obsolete decree. The 
Jerusalem decree had been issued at the first beginning of Gentile 
Christianity; it had been cu'culated by St Paul in Pamphylia 
and Lycaonia (Acts xvi. 4), and doubtless had reached Ephesus. 
But St Paul himself had permitted at Corinth some modification 
of the ban against elScoXoOvra, recognizing the liberty of Christians 
to partake without question of meat which was sold in the markets 
or set before them at a friend's table, while he insisted that charity 
to weaker brethren should preclude them from eating an etS&jXo- 
9vTov which had been declared to be such or from taking part in 
a banquet held in a pagan temple (i Cor. viii. 10, x. 25 ff.). It 
may be presumed that a similar compromise had been reached at 
Ephesus, and throughout the Pauline Churches. But the minority 
was dissatisfied. The existing rule excluded membei*s of the 
Church not only from the public festivals which were the pride 
of the Ionian cities-, but from the private clubs which connected 
their common meals with sacrificial rites, and met in buildings 
dedicated to a pagan deity. Those who desired to participate in 
gatherings of the latter kind might have had much to urge in 
their defence; it was only by such wise concessions that Christianity 

1 Ramsay, Letters, pi\ •299, 335 ff., ^ For the Ephesian festivals see Hicks, 

346. Ephesus, p. 79 f. 


could hope to leaven the life of these Greek cities ; to stand aloof 
from all social reunions was to incur suspicion and dislike, and 
such conduct would end in a general uprising against the Church, 
perhaps in its suppression throughout Asia. These arguments 
might have been used by the party with more or less of sincerity, 
but they did not succeed in deceiving the Seer of the Apocalypse. 
He saw in the Nicolaitan proposals not the mere abandonment of a 
primitive Church order, not only the adoption of a weak concordat 
with the pagan society by which the Church was environed, but 
an indirect attack upon the sanctities of the Christian life. The 
Jerusalem conference had in its decree brought into juxtaposition 
the eating of elScoXoOvra and indulgence in sexual impurity^ 
(Acts XV. 20, 27), and John had not lived in a Greek city without 
becoming aware that the two things were in fact closely bound up 
together. Pagan festivities were too often occasions of immora- 
lities from which Gentile converts had been rescued with the 
greatest difficulty. If words meant anything to the writer of the 
Apocalypse, he regarded the question raised by the Nicolaitans 
as vital, and the danger as imminent. From participation in a 
pagan guild-feast to licentiousness was but a step ; yet the guilds 
were bound up with the life of the cities, and to repudiate them 
was a serious matter for Christians who were engaged in the local 
trades^ When even Christian prophecy, in the person of the 
Thyatiran Jezebel, was advocating Nicolaitan principles, it was 
time for the prophet of the Apocalypse to speak with no uncertain 
voice; and his words (ii. 22 f), viewed in this light, are not 
more severe than the occasion demanded. 

10. The Nicolaitan controversy raises the whole question of 
the relation of Christianity in Asia to Paganism at the moment 
when St John wrote. In no part of the Empire was paganism 
more strenuous or resourceful, and in none, so far as we can 
judge, was the conflict between the old religion and the new so 

^ UopvevcraL, iropvela (Apoc. ii. 14, ^of.) tempt to live at peace with pagan neigli- 

eannot be interpreted otherwise without hours. 

doing violence to the plain meaning of * On this point see Eamsay, Letters, 

the words, nor can the language used in p. 352. He is speaking of Thjatira, 

ii. 6, 23 be justified if the Nicolaitan where "Jezebel" was at work, 
surrender was merely a well-meant at- 


nearly brought to a head. At Ephesus in 54-5 the cry was already 
raised of Christ or Artemis, and the city of the Artemision had 
been lashed to a fine fury by the prospect of their great goddess, 
the worship of Asia and the Empire, being abandoned at the 
bidding of a Jew. What Artemis was to Ephesus, such was 
Askiepios to Pergamum; indeed, each of the cities had its local 
cult of one or more deities, Hellenic in name, but more or less 
Asiatic in origin and character. These cults were intimately 
connected with the interests of the local tradesmen and artizans', 
as well as of the municipalities and of those in authority ; anyone 
who attacked the religion of an Asian city brought upon himself 
the ilhvill of the whole population. The Jews from the time of 
the Seleucids had been free to follow their own faith and even to 
make proselytes where they could, and it may have been their 
policy to preserve the status quo, by shutting their eyes to much 
that their consciences disapproved. But the new religion was 
content with nothing less than an active crusade against idolatry^ ; 
if St Paul and his friends were not lepoavXoL, they were scarcely 
free, as the grammateus of Ephesus maintained, from the charge 
of speaking ill of the local deity ; whatever Alexander the Jew 
may have had to say in his defence (Acts xix. 38), the Christian 
Apostle could scarcely have urged this plea. What happened at 
Ephesus in St Paul's time must have happened, mutatis mutandis, 
in all Asian cities where Christianity gained an entrance. Every- 
where in Asia it found itself opposed to a religious system which 
was deeply rooted in the affections and supported by the interests 
of the citizens, and which entered into every department of social 
and commercial life. Sooner or later an open conflict was inevit- 
able. When the Apocalypse was written the conflict had begun 
all along the line. 

1 Cf. Acts xix. 23, 25, •27. p. 264, and cf. Acts xix. 26. 

2 See Westcott, Epp. of St John, 



I. The conflict which in the days of the Apocalyptist lay 
before the Christians of Asia was more than an encounter with 
the prejudices or the interests of their fellow-townsmen, due to an 
attempt to substitute a new religion for a long-established cult. 
Two empires^ were about to meet in mortal combat : the Kingdom 
of God represented by the Church, the World-power represented 
by Rome. As the struggle revealed itself to the eyes of the Seer, 
it was a Avar of the Christ with the Antichrist. 

Within the limits of the New Testament, the word ' Antichrist ' 
occurs only in the Epistles of St John; cf. i Jo. ii. i8 KaOws 
7]KovaaT€ on AvTLXpL(Tro<; ep^^crat, kul vvv avTr^pLCTTOLTroXXoLyeyovaau' ; 
ib. 2 2 oiJTOS icrnv 6 aFTt^ptcTTos, 6 apvovfjievo<s tov iraripa koX tov viov ; 
iv. 3 TovTO ^sc. ttSv TTVtC/xa o jxrj 6/xoAoyet tov 'Itjctoiji'] ccrrtv to tov 
avT L)^pL(jTov, b aKi-jKoaTe. on €p\€raL, koX vvv iv t(3 Koa/xio iarlv rjSr] ; 
2 Jo. 7 owTos \sc. 6 jxrj 6fxoXoy(Jov 'Irjaovv Xpto-roi' ipxo/Jievov iv o-apKt] 
io-rlv 6 TrAavos koI 6 di/Tt;(pto-Tos. Here the expected coming of 
Antichrist is represented as finding a fulfilment in the docetic 
views of the person of Christ which were prevalent in St John's- 
time, and i Jo. iv. 3 is accordingly quoted against the docetic 
schools of the second century by Poly carp (^Phil. 7) and Irenaeus 
(iii. 16. 6, 8). Irenaeus, hov/ever, uses the name 'Antichrist' in 
connexion with eschatological speculations based on 2 Thess. ii. 
(Iren. iii. 7. i, v. 25. i) and on the Apocalypse (Iren. v. 26. i ff". ), and 
from Irenaeus this use of the word descended to Hippolytus, whose 
tract Ilept tov cwrvjpos i^p-CiV \-t]<Tov ILpicrTov koX irepX tov dvTiXpLO-TOV 
is in our hands. 

1 The expression is borrowed from Bp Westcott's great Essay in Epp. of St John, 

p. 250 ff. 


2. It is remarkable that a word so " characteristic of the 
School of St John'" does not appear in the Apocalypse, where it 
might have served the writer's purpose in more than one passage. 
That the conception of a personal Antichrist existed among the 
Christians of Asia in the first century is certain from i John ii. 1 8. 
Doubtless they had ' heard ' it from the prophets, and the prophets 
had inherited the idea if not the word from the Synagogue. 
Whether the germ of the idea is to be found with Gunkel in the 
Babylonian myth of Marduk and Tiamat, or in Daniel's presenta- 
tion of Antiochus Epiphanes^, Jewish apocalypses of the first 
century shew that the Messianic hope of the time rested on a 
dark backgi'ound of forebodings aroused by the expectation of an 
anti-Messiahs A corresponding development of the doctrine of 
Antichrist is to be found in Christian circles during the Apostolic 

The locus dassiciis in the Epistles is 2 Thess. ii. 3 ff. Here 
the final antagonist of the Christ is described as d avdpwTro^ 
T17S dio/xt'as or 6 ai'o^o?, d dvTtKetyiiei'Os kul VTrepatpo/xei/os ctti Traira 
Xeyoixevov 6ebu ■^ af.j3aa[xa^. His irapovaia stands in strong con- 
trast with tliat of the Christ ; it is Kar' ivepyCLav tov (Tarava, not 
Tov Oiov ; it is ev Trdarj 8vvdfj.eL kol o"7;fi€tois Kal ripacn ij/evSov;, not of 
truth. But his doom is sure ; the Christ will prevail ; the ' Law- 
less One ' is destined to perish (d iios ti7s d-w/Veias) at the Coming of 
the Lord (oi' d Kvptos Irjo-uv? meXd T(3 Tri'tj'yaart tou (TTd/uaros a4)Tov^ 
Kal Karapyqait rrj eVt^aveta Tir;s Trapoucrtas avrov). The revelation of 
this person (for such he certainly seems to be) is delayed by some 
restraining force (to kut^^ov, 6 KaTe\u)v), the nature of which had 
apparently been explained by the Apostle when he was at Thessa- 
lonica (to Karexov oiSare), though for some good reason he is 
unwilling to commit it to writing. Meanwhile, the principle of 
ui'o/xia is already at work. 

Assuming that 2 Thess. is a genuine woi'k of St Paul, it is one 
of his earlier Epistles, and may be placed in the last years of 
Claudius (48 — 49, Harnack ; 53, Zahn). 'O KaTe'^ajvis perhaps the 
reigning Emperor, and to Kare^^^nv his policy. As for the dro/to?, 
the conception is based partly on the O.T., and partly it is sugges- 
ted by the memory of the late Emperor (iaius, and liis mad attempt 
to set up a statue of himself in tlie Temple at Jerusalem. When 
Claudius was gone, a new Empen^ir might I'eturn to Caligula's folly 

1 Westcott, Fpp. of St John, }>. 70. ■* Cf. Dan. I.e. 

" Cf. Dau. xi. 36. '■ Cf. Isii. xi. 4, a passage which tht 

5 Cf. Apoc. Baruch xxxv. ff. .4.<c. of Targum applies to Aiuiillus. 
Isaiah 4, 4 Esdr. 5 ff. 


or surpass it, and prove himself a very Antichrist. But there 
is notliing in the Apostle's words "which compels the belief that 
Nero was in his thoughts, or even that he consciously connected 
the Antichrist with a future Emperor. All that he definitely 
foretells is the advent of a great antichristian power after the 
removal of the existing bar, and before the second Advent of 
the Lord. 

An earlier Christian apocalypse, based on the teaching of Christ 
and now embodied in the Synoptic Gospels (Mc. xiii.= Mt. xxiv. = 
Lc. xxi.), may have been already in circulation when 2 Thess. was 
written. It speaks of the ' Abomination of Desolation' " standing 
(io-TrjKOTa) where he ought not " (Mc.) or " standing (Io-tos) in a holy 
place " (Mt.)^ St Luke substitutes for this the paraphrase, " When 
ye see Jerusalem compassed with armies, then know that her 
desolation is at hand," i.e., writing after the fall of the city, he 
interprets the prophecy as fulfilled in the investment of Jerusalem 
by Titus. But whatever may be intended by the ySSeXvy^a ttjs 
ipT]fjL(jo(T€w<;, it is diiScult to overlook the general resemblance 
between St Mark's iar-qKOTa ottov ov 8ei = iv totto) dyt'u) (Mt.), and St 
Paul's wcrre awrov €is toj/ vaov tov Beov KaOiaai. The ^SeXvytxa had 
been almost realized under Caligula, and the Apostle looked forward 
to its full realization, perhaps in the near future ; to St Luke, who 
outlived St Paul, the day seemed to have come when the city was 
invested by the Roman general. 

3. In the Apocalypse another stage is reached. Assuming 
that the book in its present form belongs, as Irenaeus states, to 
the end of Domitian's reign, the follies of Cahgala, the atrocities 
of Nero, and the victory of Titus" belong to the past ; a quarter 
of a century separates the fall of Jerusalem from the vision 
of Patmos. New developments call for new conceptions of the 
antichristian poAver, and to St John, guided by his recollections of 
the Book of Daniel, it assumes the form of a Wild Beast. Two 
Wild Beasts are mentioned in c. xiii., but the second does not retain 
the name ; he reappears in a later chapter as the False Prophet ; 
from c. xiii. 1 1 the first Wild Beast, whose prophet he is, receives 
the title to Orjpiov to the exclusion of his subordinate, and if we 
may use a word which the writer of the Apocalypse perhaps in- 
teAtionally lays aside, this first Wild Beast is the Antichrist of 
St John's vision. To him belongs the mystic number 666 ; it is 

^ Mt. adds, TO p-qdkv 5ta Aai'tjjX rod the Apocalypse, but in reference not to 
vpotprjTov. Cf. Dan. ix. 27, xi. 24, xii. II. Jerusalem but to Babylon (xvii. ^i., 
- Both /35Au7^a and ipyjixovv occur in xviii. 16, 19). 


he who like St Paul's uvo/jlo^;^ is worshipped by the world, and sets 
his mark on his worshippers ; it is on him that the new Babylon 
reposes ; it is he who is at last seized and cast with his prophet 
into the lake of fire. In one important particular, however, 
St John has made an advance upon St Paul. The Apocalyptic 
Beast vanishes before the final pcn-ousia; a long interval appears 
to intervene between his disappearance and the end, during which 
the forces of evil muster round Satan himself, who is thus the 
ultimate antagonist of Christ and of the Church. 

4. Who or what is the Beast of the Apocalypse ? Sometimes 
he seems to be regarded as personal (e.g. xvii. 8, ii); at other 
times we appear to be dealing with an impersonal abstraction 
(xiii. I ff., xvii. 3, 7 f ). The same phenomenon has been observed 
in the Synoptic apocalypse and in St Paul's prophecy of the 
Man of Sin, and the obvious explanation is that in each case the 
writer means to represent a principle which finds its illustration 
and works itself out in individuals. If the line of interpretation 
adopted in the present commentary be accepted, the Apocalypse 
refers in terms which are necessarily obscure to Nero and Domitian 
as successive embodiments of the Beast; the Beast itself is properly 
the hostile World-power which was identified with the Roman 
Empire, and personified in the first two persecuting Emperors. 

" Two Empires, two social organizations, designed to embrace 
the whole world, started together in the first century.... In prin- 
ciple, in mode of action, in sanctions, in scope, in history they otfer 
an absolute contrast.... The history of the Roman Empire is from 
the first the history of a decline and fall... the history of the 
Christian Empire is from the first the history of a victorious 
progress-," The antithesis which is set forth in these eloquent 
words may not have been observed at first ; it does not appear 
in our Loni's attitude towards the Roman rule in Judaea, or 
in the teaching of St Paul upon the duty of Christians towards 
civil rulers, or even in St Paul's prophecy, where the Empire 
and the Emperor are viewed in the light of a protecting rather 

1 Both descriptions rest ultimately ou - Wi-stcott, ICpp. 0/ St John, p. 253. 

Daniel vii. 8, xi. 36. 


than a hostile force. St Peter's Epistle is probably later than the 
outbreak of the Neronian persecution, but it reinforces St Paul's 
appeal for loyalty. There was obviously no ground for the 
charge of disloyalty which the Jews brought against our Lord 
before Pilate (Jo. xix. 12), and against Paul and Silas before the 
Thessalonian politarchs (Acts xvii. 5 ff.). It was not on the side 
of the Church that the quarrel began ^ ; in all probability it would 
never have begun had not Rome provoked it by aggressive 
measures which the Church could not but resent. 

5. Nero opened hostilities in 64, initiating a policy of per- 
secution which was not formally abandoned during the rest of the 
century. The circumstances are thus described by Tacitus- and 
Suetonius : 

Tac. A')i7i. XV. 44 " non ope huinana, non largitionibus priucipis 
aut deum placamentis decedebat infaniia, quin iussum incendium cre- 
deretur. ergo aboleudo ruinori Nero subdidit reos, et quaesitissiuiis 
poenis aftecit quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat. 
. . .igitur primum correpti qui fatebantur^, deinde indicio eorum multi- 
tude ingens, haud perinde in crimine incendii quam odio humani 
generis coniuncti {corr. convicti) sunt, et pereuntibus addita ludibria, 
ut feraruni tergis contecti laniatu canum interirent, aut crucibus 
affixi, aut flammandi, atque ubi defecisset dies in usum nocturni 
luminis urerentur. liortos sues ei spectaculo Nero obtulerat et 
circense ludicrum edebat, habitu aurigae permixtus plebi vel 
curriculo insistens. unde quamquam adversus sontes et novissima 
exempla meritos miseratio oriebatur, tamquam non utilitate publica 
sed in saevitiani unius absumerentur." Suet. JVero 16 " multa sub 
eo et animadversa severe et coercita...afflicti suppliciis Christiani, 
genus hominum superstitionis novae ac maleficae." 

It is evident that Tacitus, who certainly held no brief for 
the Christian faith, represents Nero as the real author of the 
outrage. It took the form of a police measure, as Suetonius says, 
but in the first instance it was simply a device for screening the 
Emperor's own infamy. Christians already had a bad name with 
the Roman populace, but no attack would have been made upon 
their lives had not Nero sacrificed them to save himself. When 
he proceeded to offer the use of the Vatican Gardens for the 

1 How little disposed the Church was ^ On the trustworthiness of Tacitus 

to make difficulties on her part may be see Lightfoot, Ignatius, i. pp. 9 f., 7:5. 
gathered (e.g.) from St Luke's readiness ^ Either their Christian Faith or their 

to use the title SejSao-Tos (Acts XXV. 21, 25). guilt as incendiaries. 

To f'ue /. Ixxxii 

From a bust in the British Museum. 


executions and to mix with the spectators, even the Roman mob 
recognized the brutality (saevitiani) of his conduct. 

6. Even if Nero had desired to abandon the policy of per- 
secution, it would have been difficult for him to do so. The words 
of Suetonius suggest that notwithstanding the reaction brought 
about by the Emperor's callousness, repressive measures continued 
in force. Sulpicius Severus, who wrote in the fourth century, may 
be confusing later times with those of Nero when he writes 
(chron. ii. 29) in reference to the latter: "post etiam datis legibus 
religio vetabatur, palamque edictis propositis Christianum esse 
non licebatV' but he is certainly right in adding with regard to 
the atrocities of 64, "hoc initio in Christianos saeviri coeptum"; 
and, as Lightfoot points out, when once persecution had begun the 
Roman Jews, with Poppaea Sabina at their back, would scarcely have 
been content to let it cease altogether. The martyrdoms of St Peter 
and St Paul are connected with Nero by Tertullian (scorp. 15) 
and Origen (ap. Eus. H. E. iii. i ), and those Apostles were but the 
leaders of a great army of martyrs". The horrors of that first 
onslaught on the Roman Christians must have made a lasting 
impression on the Churches throughout the Empire ; and the man 
w^ho had exhausted every form of cruelty in his sudden attack 
upon an innocent community 'ind had revelled in the agonies of 
his victims may well have become among Christians everywhere 
the symbol of brute force triumphing over righteousness and truth, 
of the World-power standing in direct antithesis to the Kingdom 
of God — in a word, of Antichrist, or to use St John's image, of the 

7. So strong was the impression made by the personality of 
Nero upon the Roman world that after his violent death in 68 
there were many who believed or professed to believe that he was 
still alive. While some of his friends year after year strewed his 
tomb wdth the flowers of spring and summer, others issued edicts 
in his name and professed that he would shortly return to the con- 

^ So Kamsay, Church in the Roman - Cf. Clem, i Cor. 6 ttoXv irXrjffot ^k- 

Empire, p. 244 ; but see Liphtfoot, Lt- \fKTiZ'v oiVo'er TroWorj aiViau nai ^affaxois 
natius, i. p. lof. ; Santiay, iu Exj>. iv. dia j'^Xoj jradoyTts vir65(iyfia KaWiffrov 

Vll. , p. 408. (ftVOVTO VfliV. 



fusion of his enemies^ More than one pretender claimed to be a 
Nero returned from his wanderings, or even restored to life^ There 
were those who whispered that the great Emperor was hiding in 
Parthia, and would some day cross the borders at the head of a 
Parthian host. The Christian prophet would not, of course, give 
credit to these stories, but they served to supply some of the 
features of his symbolism. The Beast is represented as simulating 
the Resurrection and Return of the Christ ; his deadly wound has 
been healed (xiii. 3); he is coming againl Nero is doubly an 
Antichrist ; the historical Nero persecuted the Church, the Nero 
of popular myth caricatured •* the faith. The legend, indeed, was 
not without a counterpart of historical fact. When the Apocalypse 
was written, Nero had in truth returned in the person of Domitian 
(xvii. 11). 

8. The brief reigns of Galba, Otho, and Vitellius are of no 
interest to the student of the struggle between the Empire and 
the Church and may be left out of his reckoning, as St John leaves 
them out in Apoc. xvii. 10, where Vespasian follows immediately 
after Nero. With Vespasian the Flavian house ^ entered on a spell 
of power which lasted for more than a quarter of a century. Its 
policy, in the belief of Professor Ramsay, was strongly anti- 
christian. Attention is called to a passage in Severus Sulpicius, 
probably derived from the lost Histories of Tacitus®, in which 
the chronicler describing a council of war held after the fall of 
Jerusalem says (ii. 30): "alii et Titus ipse evertendum in primis 
templum censebant quo plenius Judaeorum et Christianorum 
religio tollatur... Christian os ex Judaeis extitisse; radice sublata 
stirpem facile perituram." This, if trustworthy, assigns a reason 
for a Flavian policy adverse to the Church, and the hint dropt by 
Hilary (c. Avian. 3) that Vespasian was among the Imperial per- 

1 Suet. A^ero 57, cf.Lightfoot, CZe77ienf, character of the Christ. Compare dfrt- 

ii. p. 511. KaLcap (representative of the Emperor), 

? Cf. Eenan, L'Antechrist, pp. 317 ff., a word which passed into Aramaic (Dal- 

351 ff. man, Worterbuch, e.v.). 

* Apoc. xvii. 8 TrdpeiTTai. Cf. 2 Thess. ^ Vespasian 69 — 79, Titus 79 — 81, 
ii. 9 ov iffrlv 17 trap oval a. /car' evipyuav Domitian 81—96. 

Tov aaravd. ^ Eamsay, Church in the S. Empire, 

* Tiie avrixpi-ffTos is not a mere avri- pp. 2^;^, 256. Cf. Lightfoot, Ignatius, 
diKOi or dvTiKeip.€Pos, but an adversary i. p. 15. 

who consciously or not simulates the 


secutors makes in the same direction \ But neither statement 
carries us far. It is only when we reach the third and last of the 
Flavian Emperors that there is indubitable evidence of a revival 
on a large scale of Nero's attitude towards the Christians. 

Lightfoot has collected a catena of passages which justify the 
belief that Domitian was the second great persecutor^ One refer- 
ence to his persecuting policy is contemporary : Clement of Rome 
speaks of Td<; ai<f>viBLOv<; Kal iiraW'^Xov'; <yevoixeva<i rjfiiv avfi<f>opaq 
Koi 7r€pL-irT(6(T€i<i — words which, as Lightfoot shews, accurately 
describe the capricious and reiterated attacks which distinguished 
this Emperor's policy in reference to the Church ^ It is perhaps 
due to the feline stealthiness and rapidity with which Domitian 
dealt his blows that so few details remain. The names of two of 
his victims at Rome are preserved, and the facts are significant. 
T. Flavius Clemens, a cousin of the Emperor, had but just quitted 
the consulship, in which he had been Domitian's colleague, when 
he was arrested and put to death ; while his wife Domitilla, 
Domitian's niece, was banished to one of the islands off the coast of 
Campania — Pontia or Pandateria — where political prisoners were 
detained. Suetonius'* contents himself with saying that Flavius 
Clemens, whom he designates contemptissimae inertiae, was put to 
death repente, ex tenuissima suspicione ; but from Dio Cassius' we 
learn that the charge brought against both husband and wife was 
one of 'atheism ' (dOeoTrjTo^;), and he adds: i/^' 7*9 kuI dWoi es^ rd 
roiv ^Yovhaloiv eOrj i^oKeWovT€<; ttoWoI KarehiKacrdricrav, koX 01 
/jl€v d'rredavov. Putting the data together, it is natural to infer 
that Fl. Clemens and his wife suffered for their Christian faith, and 
that they were by no means the only victims of Domitian's hostility 
to 'Jewish' ways*' But this attack on the members of the Roman 

1 As to objections to this statement of « All Jews must have been severely 
Hilary founded on the silence of Mclito tried by Vespasian's order that the 
(Eus. H.E. iv. 26) and a counter-state- half shekel payable to the support of 
meut of Tertullian (Apol. 5) see Light- the Temple at JernsaJera should still be 
foot, op. cit. p. 16. collected and be appUed to the use of tlie 
- St Clement, i. ]>. 104. Ciipitoline Jupiter. This order in the 
^ Op. cit. i. p. 7 f. hands of Domitian became a pretext for 
■• Domitiunu.<<, 15. harsh measures being directed against 
^ Hist. lioin. Ixvii. 14. i sq. The recusant Jews. (Suet. Dom. 2 ; see Light- 
whole passage may be seen in Prcuschen, foot Iiinatius i. p. 12.) But it could not 
Aiiiilecta Y>- i^t affect the Emperor's relatives or other 


Church, which seems to have been limited to a few leaders 
of Roman society, does not fully explain the position which 
Domitian holds in Christian tradition among Imperial persecutors 
of the faith. It is not only from Rome that the evidence comes, 
but from Sardis, whose bishop Melito writes to the Emperor 
Antoninus (Eus. H. E. iv. 26) : fxovoi iravrwv avaireiaQkvTe'^ viro 
TLvmv ^aaKCLVwv dvdpcoircov tov KaB* rj/ubd^; iv Bca/SoXfj KaTacnrjcxai 
\6yov ydeXrjaav 'Nepwv koL Ao/j,€Ti,av6<i. Nero's persecution of 
the Roman Church was notorious, but was Melito likely to have 
coupled Domitian with him as a persecutor if the latter Emperor's 
actions had been limited to a few arrests and executions at Rome 
near the end of his reign ? Is it not probable that the Asian 
Churches felt his hand, perhaps some years earlier ? And do not 
the words suggest a cause for Domitian's antichristian policy in 
Asia which is entirely in accord with the conditions described in 
the Apocalypse ? 

9. It is known that Domitian went beyond his predecessor in 
asserting his own divinity : " cum procuratorum suorum nomine 
formalem dictaret epistulam sic coepit : Dominus et Deus noster 
hoc fieri iubet\" The history of this extraordinary claim is in- 
structive, and must be given here as briefly as may be ; for fuller 
details reference may be made to G. Boissier, La religion romaine 
(Paris, 1900), i. pp. 109 — 186; G. Wissowa, Religion u. Kultus 
der Romer (Munich, 1902), pp. 71 — y'^, 280 — 289; V. Chapot, op. 
cit, p. 419 ff. 

As early as the second century before Christ a complimentary 
cult of the genius of Rome or the dea Roma had begun in the 
provinces ; there was a te?nplum urhis Romae at Smyrna in B.C. 
195 ; a ySco/xo? t?}? 'Pcoyu-?;? occurs in 105 ; a jDriest of Rome is men- 
tioned by name in a compact between Sardis and Ephesus about 
B.C. 98 ^ A new development of this cult sprang up with the rise 
of, the Empire, when the majesty of Rome took a concrete form in 
the person of the princeps. After the apotheosis of Julius Caesar 

non-Jewish Christians; against these the Mommsen, Aurehan .was the first 

charge was one of 'atheism' simply, i.e. Emperor who officially assumed divine 

of rejecting the religion of Rome. titles. 

1 Suet. Domitian. 13. The claim, - Tac. artn. iv. 56. See Wissowa, 

however, was not official; according to Religion w. Kultus der Romer, p. 281 ff. 

To face p. Ixxxvi 


From the Statue in Munich 

(after Dr J. J. Bernoulli). 


(29 B.C.) a temple of Dea Roma and Divus Julius was erected 
at Ephesus^ Augustus had no need to wait for an apotheosis; 
during his lifetime temples were erected under the dedication ^ea? 
'P(u/i779 Kal Se/BacTTov Kalaapo<;\ When the Pergamenes wished 
to build one in honour of Tiberius, the example of Augustus Avas 
quoted (Tac. ann. iv. 37 " cum divus Augustus sibi atque urbi 
Romae templum apud Pergamum sisti non prohibuisset "). Both 
Augustus and Tiberius kept the new cult within limits ; at Rome 
no temple was dedicated to either Emperor within his lifetime: 
Tiberius allowed only one Augusteum to be erected in his honour 
within the province of Asia, and refused to permit Spain to follow 
the example of the Asian cities. Gaius, who succeeded him, was a 
man of another and a weaker type ; epileptic, often on the verge of 
insanity, incapable of self-control, he had in early life imbibed from 
Herod Agrippa^ a vicious taste for Oriental magnificence. The 
precedent sparingly allowed by his predecessors offered this prince 
a welcome opportunity of self-aggrandisement ; as a god he could 
surround hinuself with more than royal display^ Xraius carried 
his pretensions to a point at which they became at once ridiculous 
and dangerous ; he removed the heads of famous statues and 
substituted his own : he attempted to erect a statue of himself 
in the Holy of holies at Jerusalem. The Alexandrian Jews 
were forced to admit the Emperor's image into their synagogues, 
and if the Church did not suffer, it was probably because she had 
as yet no buildings set apart for worship, and was not sufficiently 
powerful to attract attention. The " furious Caligula," as Gibbon 
rightly designates him, might have gone to even greater lengths, 
had not his reign been cut short by assassination (41). Claudius, 
if no better than Gaius, was saner, and during his reign there 
was no fresh attempt to force the Emperor-worsliip on the 
Jews, unless indeed something of this kind, in which the Roman 
Christians were also involved, is suggested by the well-known 

1 Dio Cassius, li. ■'o. •* Suet. C. Caligula 22, "admoiiitus et 

- Dittenbergei', Or. Gr. inscr. select. priucipum et retium se excessisse fas- 

ii. p. u. tigium, divinara ex eo maiestatem asse- 

•* \\'isso\va, p. 184 ; Westcott, Epp. rere sibi coepit." 

of St John, J). 274. 


words of Suetonius^ : " ludaeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultu- 
antes Roma expulit." It is not clear why the Roman Jews or 
Jewish Christians should have given trouble on any other ground. 
We read, too, of a temple erected in honour of Claudius at 
Camulodunum in Britain, which was regarded as indicating that 
the Romans had come to stay and to rule-. Yet if the Imperial 
cult went on under Claudius, there is no evidence that it was en- 
couraged by him. After death Claudius received his apotheosis^, 
but amidst shouts of ridicule which are voiced in the Apotheosis 
of Seneca. Nero, on the other hand, might easily have made good 
a claim of this kind. No Emperor on the whole made so deep an 
impression, a circumstance due to the dramatic power and con- 
sciousness of something approaching to genius which remained with 
him to the last; quails artifex pereo! Quite early in his life in an 
Egyptian inscription he is called o dyad6<; Sal/jucov t^9 olKovfievrjii. 
But he was not tempted like his predecessors to imagine himself 
divine, preferring to gain credit for brilliant endowments of a 
human type. He shrank from the title of Divus and the erection 
of temples in his honour, because they seemed to forebode the 
approach of death, and Nero loved life better than a shadowy 
immortality ^ No such feelings held back Domitian from press- 
ing his claims to Divine honours. He found a gloomy and 
perhaps a cynical pleasure in the shouts which greeted his arrival 
at the amphitheatre with Domitia ; domino et dominae feliciter^. 
Uuable to rouse enthusiasm or admiration, he could insist on 
being regarded as a god*'. 

lO. The province of Asia accepted with acclamation the new 
cult of Rome and the Emperor. For more than 200 years Rome 
had been mistress in Asia, and on the whole she had contributed 
to the prosperity of her great province ; but the provincials had 
suffered from the extortions of greedy officials, and from the days 

^ Divus Claudius, 25. inter homines desierit." 

^ Tac. ami. xiv. 31, " quasi arx aeter- ® Suet. Domitian. 13. 

nae dominationis aspiciebatui ." ^ Cf. the form of oath quoted by 

^ Suet. D. Claudius, 4c, "iunumerum Wissowa, p- 71 : "per lovem et divom 

deorum relatus." Cf. Dittenberger, Or. Augustum... et genium imperatoris 

Gr. inscr. ii. p. 397, 6 debs KXuvSlos. Caesaris Domitiani Augusti deosque 

■* Tac. arm. xv. 74, " nam deum honor penates." 
principi non ante habetur quam agero 


of Augustus the principatits had been hailed by the Asian towns 
as their salvation ^ Inscription after inscription testifies to the 
loyalty of the cities towards the Empire. At Ephesus, at Smyrna, 
at Pergamum, and indeed throughout the province the Church 
was confronted by an imperialism which was popular and patriotic, 
and bore the character of a religion. Nowhere was the Caesar- 
cult more popular than in Asia*. The Augusteum CSe^aa-Telov), 
or Temple of Rome' and the Augusti, had long taken its place 
among the public buildings of the greater cities. Augustus, as 
we have seen, refused Divine honours at Rome, but permitted a 
temple to be dedicated to dea Roma and himself at Pergamum. 
The other Asian cities followed the precedent set by the old capital. 
In A.D. 26 they vied with each other for the honour of building a 
temple to Tiberius, when Sm3aTia gained the coveted distinction 
over the head of Ephesus, on the ground that the latter already 
possessed the Artemision''. Ephesus, not to be outdone by her 
neighbour, erected an Augusteum, probably to Claudius, and thus 
acquired the title of veaiK6po<i^ of the Imperial worship. These 
local temples were not of merely local interest ; their affairs were 
managed by the provincial league known as the Commune Asiae 
(to Kotvov TTJ<; 'Acrta?), whose president was styled Asiarch, and 
perhaps also dp')(^i,epev<i tov kolvov tt]<; W.ala'i^. It belonged to 
the Asiarch to direct the worship of the Augusti throughout the 
province, and to preside at games which were held quinquennially 
in the cities where Augustea had been erected". Such festivals 
are known to have been celebrated from time to time at five of the 

1 Ramsay, Letters, p. 1141'.; Chapot, • Tac. ami. iv. 55. 
LdprovinceRoinaitieproconsulaired'Asie, '' M. Chapot (p. 450) gives a useful 
p. 62 ff. Cf. an inscription of Halicar- list of the towns of Asia which possessed 
nassus cited hy Zimmerman, Ephesos, the neocorate, with the reigna or datea 
p. 52 f., which describes Octavian as when it was received. 
evepy^Trjv twv a.i>OpJnni>v 7^>'oi;s, fls fieylcr- '^ On these titles See Lifihtfoot, Ip- 
rai ^XirlSas ovk eirXij^oxre fiofof dWa Kai iiatius, iii. p. 404 fl. ; Chapot, pp. 454 — 
vntp^jiaWev, dff(pa\i]$ fj-^v yap yij Kai 4H2; Pauly-Wissowa, s.vv. 
tidXaaaa, irdXtis Si avdovaiv iv flprivrj Kai ^ Each of the cities bad its local 
ofiovoLg, Kai eveTtjplg.. high priest of the Augustan cult, who 
- Mommsen, Prornicfs (E. Tr.),p. 345. seems also to have had the style of 
3 In Asia the cult of Home was older ' Asiarch, ' though he was supreme only 
than the provini e itself ; a temple was in the local Augusteum. See Light- 
raised to Kome at Smyrna in b.c. 193 foot, p. 415; Hicks, p. 87. 
(Tac. Ann. iv. 56). 


seven cities addressed in the Apocalypse, namely, at Ephesus, 
Smyrna, Pergamum, Sardis, and Philadelphia^ 

A system such as this, it is obvious, supplied machinery which 
could at any time be used against the Church with fatal facility. 
To refuse worship to Artemis or Asklepios was to decline a local 
cult ; to refuse it to the statue of the Emperor at a time when the 
whole city was taking part in festivities organized by the Commune, 
was to expose oneself to the charge of disloyalty both to the pro- 
vincial authorities and to the Emperor. Our only wonder is that 
this charge had not been laid against the Christians of Asia in 
the time of Claudius or of Nero^; perhaps there is a trace of 
such an anti-Christian movement in the reference to the days 
when Antipas suffered at Pergamum^, the earliest centre of the 
Caesar-worship, but of any general persecution under Nero there 
is no evidenced Yet it is easy to understand that when Domitian's 
desire for Divine honours became known in Asia, the zealous pro- 
vincials would resent more keenly than before the abstention of 
Christian citizens from the games instituted in honour of the 
Augusti, and the situation would become threatening. It is just 
this position of affairs which the Apocalypse represents ; the Beast 
of whom Christians spoke with bated breath as ' number 666 ' had 
returned ; already the markets were closed against buyers and 
sellers who did not bear his mark (xiii. 17), and there were 
rumours in the air of an approaching massacre {ib. 15). For this 
the Apocalypse is, it is true, our only authority, and its witness is 
given in an enigmatic form which cannot always be interpreted 
with certainty ; but the main features of its story are plain enough, 

1 Even the calendar shewed traces ^ Dr Hort indeed wr'fces (First Ep. of 

of the new cult. "Cesar a son mois, St Peter, p. 2): "It is only likely that 

son jour comme Aphrodite ; I'epoque de what was begun at Bome in connexion 

sa venue au monde inaugura I'annee. with the fire spread through the pro- 

Ce sont des commencements qui pre- vinces till it culminated in the state 

parent le vrai culte " (Chapot, p. 394). of things implied in the Apocalypse." 

^ This seems to follow not only from "The Apocalypse... proves the existence 

the silence of St Luke, but from St Paul's of persecutions in Asia Minor, and 

friendship with Asiarchs. implies that they were on a wide scale." 

^ It is significant that while Antipas But there is nothing to shew that the 

was martyred at Pergamum, it was at martyrs mentioned in the Apocalypse, 

Smyrna, the second centre of the Angus- Antipas excepted, were Asiatics; the 

tan'cult, that trouble was imminent when sufferings of the Koman Christians may 

St John wrote (ii. 10). have been in the writer's mind. 


and they accord with what is known of life in Asia during the 
first century, and of Domitian's general policy. 

1 1, With the Beast from the sea, the hostile World-power 
represented by Nero and Domitian, St John associates a Beast 
from the land, a power no less hostile to the Church, which has its 
origin and home in Asia itself. This second Beast allies itself 
with the first, especially in the matter of the worship of the 
Augusti ; indeed the first Beast is represented as leaving the 
affairs of the Emperor-cult entirely in the hands of the second. 
The Beast from the land Avorks miracles^ in support of the new 
cult, calling down fire from heaven, and causing the statues 
of the Emperor to speak (xiii. 13, 15) ; he is the ' false prophet of 
the Imperial religion, and imposes on the credulity of the populace, 
whom he sets against the Christian recusants (ib. 12, 14 ff., 17, 
xix. 20). By the second Beast Professor Ramsay- understands 
" the Province of Asia in its double aspect of civil and religious 
administration, the Proconsul and the Commune"; in this com- 
mentary the Beast from the land is identified with the False 
Prophet, and regarded as the religious power represented by the 
Asiarch and the priesthood of the Asian temples of the Augusti; 
while in the arrnxela which he works we recognize the use of the 
magical arts for which Asia and Ephesus in particular Avere 
notorious. The magic formulae known as 'E^eo-ta ypdfifjLara^ had 
a worldwide reputation, and one of the earliest conquests which tiie 
Gospel achieved at Ephesus was the destruction of costly books 
which contained them-*. It is noteworthy that <f)apfjLaKia is named 
immediately after elScoXoXaTpeta in the Epistle to the Galatiaus 
(v. 20)*, while the Apocalypse (xxi. 8, cf xxii. 15) places (f)apfMa/coL, 
the professors of magic, between iropvoi and elScoXoXdrpai. 

Christianity, it is evident, set its face against magic from the 
first ; paganism, on the other hand, had no serious (juarrel with it ; 
the cultivated Roman gentlemen who administered the provinces of 

^ Cf. 2 Tbess. ii. 9!. KfXfvovcri T6,'^<p(criaypdij.fia-airp6s aiTovs 

^ Letters, p. 97. KaTaXiynv Kai ofoud^eiv. See Schiirer, 

3 Cf. Clcni. Al. Strom, v. 8. §46 to. Gesch.'^ iii. p. 29^1 f. 

'E^fVitt KaXovufva ■) pd/jL/jLara iv iroXXoiy * Acts xix. i9f. 

5^ iroXi'S/)i'.\»;To 6vTa. Plutarcli fi/nip. ^ See Lightfoot's note, and cf. Ign. 

vii. 5. 4 ol /xdyoi Tols daifioi'it^o/xivovs Eph. 19, Philad. 5. 


the Empire did not always scorn the attentions of the professional 
magus^; even Emperors were credited with dabbling in their 
secrets^ In Lucian's sarcastic sketch ^ A\e^avBpo<; 77 "^evSofMavri^;, 
we see one of these conjurors on tour, and though St John's •\/rei»8o- 
nrpoipijTTjf; is probably not an individual, but a class or system, it 
may be assumed that such travelling mountebanks were used to 
negotiate the wonders described in Apoc. xiii.^ At Ephesus there 
were fourteen OeafxatSoL'^ attached to the temple of the Augusti, 
who are supposed by Canon Hicks to correspond with the vixvwhoL 
or choirmen of the Artemision ; their official name admits of this 
explanation, but it may also mean 'oracle-chanters,' — a name under 
which dealers in magic might well have been concealed. But 
however this may have been, it is obvious that the Church was 
hard pressed in Asia by the magic- mongers, and it is easy to 
imagine the effect of their lying wonders on an excitable popu- 
lation already predisposed to the Imperial cult and impatient of 
Christianity. Nothing was needed to light the fires of persecution 
but a word from the Emperor or the Proconsul, and when they 
were kindled, it would be long, as the prophet of the Apocalypse 
foresaw, before the peace of the Church was restored in Asia or 
in the Roman world. 

12. One more force which made against the Kingdom of 
Christ in Asia must be mentioned here. The Jews of Asia 
Minor had been numerous from the days when Antiochus III 
sent 2000 families of the eastern Dispersion to settle in Lydia 
and Phrygia®. In Cicero's time tribute went to the Temple at 
Jerusalem from Jews in Adramyttium, Pergamum, Laodicea, and 
Apamea, and there is evidence from other quarters that in the 
first century there were Jews resident also at Smyrna, Magnesia, 
Tralles, Sardis, and Thyatira®. In the year of the Crucifixion 
worshippers came to Jerusalem at the feast of Pentecost from 

^ Ac^s xiii. 6 ff. ^ Inscr. 481. 7 (a.d. 104): dea/xcpSois 

^ Orac. Sibyll. viii. 52 S. ^aaer dva^ vaoO rdv Xe^acrTuiv iv ^^(piacp kolvov ttjs 

voKtoKpavos ix'^^ ir^Xas ovvo/xa, ttovtov Acrtas. 

(Hadrian)... /cai jxa-yiKixiv abiiTuiv ixvaT-qpia. ^ Joseph. Ant. sii. 3 f . ; cf. Philo in 

irdvTa fj-ed^^eL. Flacc. 7. See p. Ixvi, note 2. 

3 ApoUonius of Tyana, to whom Prof. ^ Schiirer, Geschichte^, iii. p. nf. ; 

Ramsay refers (Letters, p. 102), was a art. Dm^jsora in Hastings, X).2>. v. 93 ff. 

strong opponent of the prevalent jug- Chapot, p. 182 ff. 

glery ; see Dill, Roman Society, p. 400. 


Cappadocia, Poutus, Asia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia^ At Salamis 
in Cyprus, at Antioch in Pisidia, at Iconium, at Ephesus, St Paul 
found synagogues, and in these synagogues he began his work. But 
the Asiatic Jews did not assimilate the new teaching; its popularity 
with Gentiles and proselytes aroused their suspicion and, as the 
writer of the Acts suggests, their jealousy^. In the Apocalypse 
the breach between the Synagogue and the Church is seen to be 
complete ; the churches of Smyrna and Philadelphia have to bear 
the blasphemies of those who " affirm themselves to be Jews and 
are not," a synagogue which is not God's but " Satan's^" The 
Jews were protected by special privilege from molestation in the 
exercise of their faith*. Under Caligula indeed they had suffered 
severely for their opposition to the Caesar-cult ^ but the persecu- 
tion ended with the death of the Emperor ; under Domitian no 
attempt was made to enforce a worship which neither compulsion 
nor persuasion would have brought them to accept. Nevertheless, 
they had no scruple in turning the attention of the populace and 
the authorities to the resistance which the less favoured Christians 
offered to the Imperial religion. At the martyrdom of Polycarp 
it was noticed that the Jews of Smyrna not only made common 
cause with the heathen but outdid them in efforts to prepare fuel 
for the stake, and the Marti/rdom notes that this was their wont*. 
Yet Polycarp was condemned for refusing to swear by the genius 
(tv^v^ of Caesar'', an act which the Jews should have been able to 
appreciate. This was in the year 155 (Hamack), but the attitude 
of the Asian Jew towards Christianity had been determined at 
least seventy years before. The Synagogue of Satan played the part 
of the great Adversary; it not only rejected Christ, but did its best 
by slander and delation and, when the opportunity was afforded, 
by cooperation with the pagan mob, to bring about the destruction 
of the Asian Church. 

^ Acts ii. Q. ii. iii. p. 3492. 

- Acts xiii. 45 en-XTjfff^Tjffaj' fjjXoi'. Cf. ® Polijc. mart. 13 ^uLXtffra 'Ioi5a/w>' 

I Thess. ii. 16. wpodvtxwt, w? tdo's avrol^, ei<i TaPra inrovp- 

^ Apoc. ii. 9, iii. 9. fovvrwv. Cf. § 12 Hirav rb 7r\-rj6os iOvOiv 

* On the privileges possessed by the n Kai'lov^aiwv. 

Jews in Asia see Chapot, p. iS:f. " lb. 9 f . ; cf. Lightfoot's note, and 

^ Scliiirev, i. 11. p. 91, ii. 11. p. 266 ff., Westcott, Epp. of St John, p. 279. 



1. The Apocalypse of John is the letter of an exiled prophet 
to the Christian congregations to which he has ministered. 
He writes under the conviction that he has a message for them 
from the Supreme Prophet and Pastor of the Church, and his 
primary purpose is to deliver this message. It has come to him 
in the way of revelation, and under the form of a succession of 
visions, and he delivers it as it was given ; his letter consists 
entirely of visions and revelations of the Lord, which he has 
been not only permitted but commanded to transmits But, as 
the style proclaims aloud, it is not, like some of the later 
apocalypses, a literary effort, appealing to readers generally 
without regard to special circumstances. It is a genuine out- 
come of the time, written with a view to the special needs of a 
particular group of Christian societies ; it portrays the life of 
those societies, and ministers to their spiritual necessities. In 
form it is an epistle, containing an apocalyptic prophecy; in 
spirit and inner purpose, it is a pastoral. 

2. Each of the Churches of Asia had difficulties peculiar to 
itself, and these problems are treated first. The first three chapters, 
which have seemed to some critics to have no real coherence with 
the rest of the book, are in fact occupied with this preliminary 
task. The glorified Head of Christendom is revealed as visiting 
the Churches, and taking note of their several conditions ; and 
the so-called ' letters to the Churches ' record the results of His 
inspection. Nothing in the book is more remarkable than the 
precision with which these separate messages differentiate be- 

^ On the one exception (x. 4) see the note ad loc. 


tween Church and Church, as the searchlight of the Spirit^ is 
turned upon each iu succession. Only two of the Churches 
escape reproof: the strenuous commercial life and the material 
prosperity of the Asian cities have had their natural effect upon 
the Christian minorities, which were in the sight of the Bishop of 
souls suffering from this cause even more severely than from the 
slanders of the Jews or the menaces of the heathen. At Ephesus 
the standard of Christian life, though still high, had been sensibly 
lowered ; at Laodicea the Church was lukewarm and supercilious, 
at Sardis it was spiritually dead. And not only is the spiritual 
condition of each society diagnosed, but the circumstances are 
carefully distinguished. At Smyrna and Philadelphia the Jews 
are specially hostile ; at Pergamum and Thyatira trouble has 
been caused by the Nicolaitans. At every turn the messages to 
the Churches shew local knowledge ; some of the allusions which 
have not yet received a satisfactory explanation will doubtless 
yield their secret to a fuller knowledge of the history and 
antiquities of Asia. The business of the prophet is with the 
particular Church to which for the moment attention is called, 
and which would recognize at once the force of his words. It is 
enough for the general reader if he grasps the spiritual lesson 
which is to be found in these messages by everyone who has an 
ear to hear it. 

3. After c. iii. the separate interests of the Churches pass 
out of sight. The visions which follow open wider fields of view 
that embrace the whole Church and the whole of human history, 
reaching to the consummation and the Coming of the Lord. 
But the Asian Churches are not forgotten, even if they are not 
mentioned again till near the end (xxii. 16, 21). Their spiritual 
dangers are probably in view throughout the book, but especially 
in passages A\diere the vices of heatheni.'^m are condennied and the 
faitliful are warned against participation in them*, or reminded 
of their obligation to keep themselves pure^ And the whole 

1 Apoc. ii. 7, 11, 17, 29, iii. 6, 13, 22. ^ As in vii. 14. xiv. 4f.,xvi. 15, xxii, 

2 As e.g. iu ix. 20 f., xviii. gi., \\. S, 14. 
xxii. 11,15. 


series of visions which begins with c. iv. is in effect an answer to 
the forebodings by which the faithful in Asia were harassed in 
view of the gathering forces of Antichrist. The Churches of 
Asia knew themselves to be on the brink of an encounter with the 
greatest power the world had seen. The subject of cc. iv. — xxii. 
is the course and issue of the struggle, and the purpose of these 
chapters is to strengthen faith and kindle hope in the hearts of 
the faithful. In the light of the revelation vouchsafed to him the 
prophet John sees clearly that an age of persecution is beginning, 
and that it will affect not only the Churches of Asia, but the 
Church throughout the Roman world. How long it will last he 
does not say ; in the earlier visions it seems to run on to the 
consummation, but in the later great reaches of time are seen 
to intervene between the end of the pagan power and the end 
of the existing order. The light grows as the Seer looks, and 
the issue becomes more and more distinct ; Babylon falls, the 
Beast and the False Prophet receive their doom, Satan himself 
is finally consigned to destruction, and the City of God descends 
from heaven, idealized and glorious, as becomes the Bride of the 
glorified Christ. The final outcome of the struggle between the 
Church and the World, the Christ and the Antichrist, is postponed 
to the last two chapters, but there are anticipations of it all 
along the course of the book : in the promises with which each 
of the seven messages to the Churches ends; in the vision of 
the innumerable multitude before the Throne of God ; in the 
vision of the 144,000 virgin-souls upon Mount Zion. The whole 
book is a Sursum corda, inviting the Churches to seek strength 
in the faith of a triumphant and returning Christ. In vain the 
Ancient Enemy stirs up trouble ; in vain the Beast from the sea 
sets up his image, and the Beast from the land compels men 
under pain of outlawry or death to worship it. The seal of the 
living God secures those who refuse the mark of the Beast ; the 
martyrs are conquerors, and shall not be hurt of the Second Death ; 
their names are in the Book of Life. Blessed are the dead which 
die in the Lord from henceforth,. . .they rest from, their labours, for 
their luorks follow with them ; after the fall of their great enemy 


they lived and reigned tuith Christ a thousand years\ they shall 
enter through the gates into the City ; the Lord God shall give them 
light ; they shall reign for ever and ever. 

4. Of the immediate effect of the Apocalypse upon the Asian 
Churches we cannot judge ; certainly they weathered the storm, 
for in the next Christian writing which comes to us from Asia, 
the Letters of Ignatius, they are represented as large and 
flourishing communities. The storm itself passed within two 
or three years after the date which Irenaeus assigns to the 
Apocalypse ; Domitian was assassinated Sept. 1 8, 96, and the 
accession of Nerva probably gave peace to the Asian Churches. 
Traja,n, who succeeded in the January of 98, seems to have taken 
no active measures before A.D. 112, when his attention was directed 
by the yoimger Pliny to the extraordinary progress of Christianity 
in Bithynia. Perhaps it may be safely inferred that in the interval 
between 96 and 1 1 2 the danger threatened by the Caesar- 
worship ceased to be pressing, and for the moment the need of 
comfort such as the Apocalypse offered was less keenly felt. But 
what St John had written in the Spirit for the times of Domitian 
and the Churches of Asia remained as a heritai^e for all sufferinsf 
Churches throughout the Empire. An early example of the help- 
fulness of the book to Christians under persecution has survived 
in the Epistle of the Churches of Vienne and Lyons, written in 
177 to their brethren in Asia and Phrygia, which bears many 
signs of the use of the Apocalypse by the Christian societies of 
South Gaul during the troubles in the reign of Marcus Aurelius. 
It quotes or alludes to Apoc. i. 5, iii. 14, xiv. 4, xxii. ii'. It is 
impossible to doubt that the roll which conttiined St John's great 
letter to the parent Churches in Asia was often in the hands of 
the daughter Churches in Gaul, and perhaps accompanied the 
confessors to the prisons where they awaited the martyr's crown. 

5. There is some reason for believing that the ■v\'riter of the 
Apocalypse, before his work was ended, realized that the book 
might find a larger field of service than the Churches of Asia or 
even the Churches of the Empire could offer. In the early chapters 

1 Eus. H. E. V. I. 10, 57; 1. 3. 



it is clear that St John writes with a view to his message being 
read aloud in the local Church assemblies : blessed is he that readeth 
and they that hear the words of this prophecy ; he that hath an ear, 
let him hear what the Spirit saith unto the ChurchesK Beyond the 
transmission of the letter for reading in neighbouring Churches, 
the prophet contemplates no circulation of his book ; his message 
is to the Churches of Asia, and he is content to be the means of 
conveying it to them. But when he reaches the end a presenti- 
ment seems to enter his mind that the book will live : / testify 
unto every man that heareth the woi'ds of the prophecy of this 
book, If any man shall add unto them, God shall add unto him 
the 'plagues which are ^vritten in this book ; and if any man shall 
take away . . . God shall take away his part from the tree of life^. 
The primary destination of the Apocalypse is still kept in view: 
it is to the hearer rather than the reader that the Apocalyptist 
makes his final appeal. Yet the appeal seems to imply an 
expectation that the book will be copied and circulated for wider 
reading. The words are based on two passages in Deuteronomy, 
and tkey practically place the Apocalypse on a level with the 
Torah and anticipate for it a place among the Scriptures of the 
Church. St John knew himself to be a prophet, and his writing 
to be a prophecy ; that he was commanded to consign his visions 
to a book Avas an assurance to him that their purpose would not 
be fulfilled in one generation or in two. He sees the book 
going down to posterity, and like the Deuteronomist he endeavours 
to guard it against interpolation and excision. As he writes the 
last words upon the papyrus roll that lies upon his knee, the 
conviction dawns upon him that the Revelation of Jesvs Christ 
was given for the warning and comfort of the whole Church 
to the end of time. 

1 Ai^oc. i. 3, ii. 7 etc. ^ Apoc. xxii. i8 f. 



I. Early Christian tradition is almost unanimous in assigning 
the Apocalypse to the last years of Domitian. 

The following are the chief authoritit's. Ireii. v. 30. 3 ap. Eus. 
//. E. ill. 18, V. 8 ci yap eSet ai'a<^a)'8oi' tw vvv Kaipw KrjpvTTecrOaL tovi ujxul 
avTOv \sc. Tov avriXpicTTov^, St' Ikelvov av ippeOrj tov Kal rqu 'Attokci- 
Xvif/Lv ewpaKOTOs* oioe yap -rrpo iroXXov )(povov iuypdOrj, aAAo, (r)(^eB6v iirl 
TTJi; r]ix€T€pa^ yevcu?, Trpos Tw reXet T17S Ao/x€Tiai'Oi; dpxV'i^- 
Clem. Alex, qiiis dives §42 toS Tvpdviov TeXevT7jaai'T0<; dno rrj<; lldr/xov 
T7;5 v-qcrov fxeryXOev eVt 7r]v "Et^ecrov. Origen, in Mt. tom. xvi. 6 d Se 
Pw/Liatojv /JatrtAer'?, ws 7; TrapaSoo-is SiSdcrKct, KareStKacre roe 'lojariijv 
fjiaprvpovvTa 8ia toj/ t^Js dX7]0€ia<; Aoyoi' €t9 IlaT/i.oi' T^v vi](jov ". 
Victorinus m J;)oc. (x. 11) " hoc dicit propterea quod quando haec 
loannes vidit, erat in insula Patmos, in metallum damnatusa Domi- 
tiano Caesare. ibi ergo vidit Apocalypsin. et cum iam senior 
putaret se per passionem accepturum receptionem, interfecto Domi- 
tiano, omnia iudicio eius soluta sunt, et loannes, de metallo dimissus, 
sic postea tradidit hanc eandem quam acceperat a Deo Apocar 
lypsin"; ib. on xvii. lo "intellegi oportet tempus quo scripta 
Apocalyp.sis edita est, quoniam tunc erat Caesar Domitia- 
nus...unus exstat sub quo scripta est Apocalypsis, Domitianus 
scilicet." Euseb. II. E. iii. 18 ev tov'tw [sc. in the time of Do- 
xnitian] KaTe^ft Adyo? tov dirocrToXov d/xa kol cvayycAio-TT/v 'Iwarr?;!' 
€Tt Tw jSiio h'8iaTpi/3oi'Ta tt^s €is TOV ^ciov Adyov eveKcv fxaprvpia^ 
ITaT/tzov otKCtv KaraiiLKaaOrjyaL tt/v vijaoj' : ib. 20 totc 8i] ovv [oii 
the accession of NcrvaJ kuI tov a~d(jToAov 'IwaiTv/r aTro TT/? Kara 
TT/v vj/rrov ^yr/9 rrjv eVt tt/s 'Ec^e'crou StaTpt^r/v d77eiXi]cfit\aL 6 rcuv 
Trap r/fiLV dp\aiu}V TrapaSiSaxri Adyos : ib. 23 'Iwai vt;? tu? ai'ToOi 
SteiTTcv iKK\ii<ria<;, d-rro Trj<; Kara r^v VT7(rov fieTo. T7;r AopeTiavov 
T€AeuT7;v cTraveA^tuv t^vyv/?. Ps. Aug. quai'sL V. et X.T. 76. 2 "ista 
revelatio eo teuipore fasta est, quo apostolus lohanncs in insula erat 
Pathmos, relegatus a Domitiano imperatore tidei causa."' Hieron. 
de virr. illustr. 9 '• (juaito decinio auno secuiidam p<ist Xoronem 

1 Accordinp; to Dionvsius Barsalibi, who banished John is not named either 

flippolytus followed Irenaeus in assit^n- by Clement or Origen. But in the 

ing the Apocalypse to the rcirjn of Do- absence of evidence to the coiUrary 

mitian (Gwyun, in Jlermathena, vii. they may be presumed to have followed 

137)- in this respect the tradition of South 

^ It will be seen that the Alexandrian Gaul and Asia Minor, 
testimony is not explicit ; the Emperor 

9 2 


persecutionem movente Doinitiano in Patmon insulam rele- 
gatus scripsit Apocalypsin...inter£ecto autem Doniitiano et 
actis eius ob nimiam crudelitatem a senatu rescissis sub Nerva 
principe redit Ephesum." 

2. According to other ancient but not early authorities the 
book was written under Claudius\ Nero, or Trajan. 

Thus the title prefixed to both the Syriac versions of the Apoca- 
lypse assigns the banishment of St John to the reign of Nero 
(tloqaei _^ o nr^ ^ aj\ ^•nd\je.'«^'a)2. Epiphanius places both the exile 
and the return under Claudius (liaer. li. 12 fx.^Ta. rrjv avTov diro 7-17? 
TlaTfxov €7raVo8ov ttjv iirl KXavStov yevo/Jievyjv Katcrapos : ib. 32 
avTov Se 7rpo<f>r]T€vaavTo<; Iv -^povoL^ KXavStov Katcrapos avtoraTO) 
ore €is "ryjv Udr/jiov vrjcrov virrjp^ev ktX. ). The Syno2')sis de vita et inorte 
prophetarum attributed to Dorotheus goes to the opposite extreme, 
placing the exile in the time of Trajan: vtvo 8e Tpai'avov 
ySatrtAcws i^iopLcrOT] iv rrj I'r^cro) naT^a)...//,eTa Se ttjv TcXevrrjv 
Tpa'iavov eTraveLO-LV aTro rrjs vj/crou, adding however : etcri Be ol 
Xeyovaiv fjcr] ivrl Tpa'iavov avTov e^opLcrOrjvat iv IlaT^u), aAXa i-irl 
^oixeTLavov. Similarly Theophylact on Mt. xx. 22 'loidvvyjv 8e 
Tpaiavos KareBtKacre fxaprvpovvTa tw Xoyw rrj^ dXrj6e[a<i (compare 
the extract from Origen in §1). The reference to Trajan has 
perhaps been suggested by Iran. ii. 22. 5 Trape/xetve yap avToi<i 
[d 'IcoavvT;?] /ACjj^pt t<Zv Tpa'iavov )(p6vwv. 

3. The general situation presupposed by the book is con- 
sistent, as we have seen, with the early tradition which represents 
it as a work of the last years of Domitian. The evidence may be. 
briefly summarized here. (a) The condition of the Asian 
Churches, as it is described in cc, ii., iii., is that of a period 
considerably later than the death of Nero. Their inner life has 
undergone many changes since St Paul's ministry at Ephesus, 
and even since the writing of the Epistles to the Ephesians and 
Colossians ^ and the two Epistles to Timothy. Deterioration has 

^ On this see Hort, Apocalypse, p. xviii. municated by St John to Laodicea pro- 

- So Theophylact, praef. in loann., longs the note which was sliuck by 

but speaking of the fourth Gospel: 6 Kal St Paul in the letter to Colossae. An 

crvviypaxpev iv ndr,uw rrj vqffo: e^bpiaros interval of a very few years has not 

diaTe\wi> fj.€Ta TpLaKovraduo ^r-q rfis rov materially altered the character of these 

XpLerou dvaXriypeus. Tertuliian {scarp. Churches. Obviously the same temper 

1 5) does not definitely say that the exile prevails, the same errors are rife, the 

to Piitmos took place under Nero, though same correction must be supplied." But 

he is credited by Jerome (adv. Jovin. i. the examples which he gives (pp. 41 — 44) 

26) with doing bo, and his words admit shew only that the same general ten- 

of that construction. dencies were at work in the Lycus valley, 

■* Lightfoot, indeed, assuming the as when St Paul wrote, and this might 

earlier date of the Apocalypse writes well have been so even after an interval 

(Colossians, p. 41) : "the message com- of more than 30 years. 


set in at Ephesus, and at Sardis and Laodicea faith is dying or 
dead. The Nicolaitan party, of which there is no certain trace in 
the Epistles of St Paul, is now widely distributed and firmly rooted. 
The external relations of the Churches shew a similar advance. 
In past days Pergamum had witnessed a single martyrdom : now a 
storm of persecution was about to break on the Churches, and the 
faithful might expect to suffer imprisonment and death, (b) The 
prevalence of the Imperial cult, and the pressure which was being 
put upon recusant Christians by the Asiarchs, are suggestive of 
the time of Domitian rather than of Nero or A''espasian\ Later 
than Domitian's reign this precise situation could not have arisen ; 
Nerva did not maintain the aggressive policy of Domitian'^, and 
when Trajan's rescript began to do its work, the petty persecution 
described in Apoc. xiii. would give place to formal indictment before 
the Proconsul. Thus the death of Domitian (Sept. i8, 96) is our 
terminus ad quern ; a terminus a quo is supplied by the date of his 
accession (Sept. 13, 81), but the superior limit may with great 
probability be pushed forward to A.D. 90 or even further, since 
Domitian's jealous insistence on his claims to Divine honours and 
his encouragement of the delatores belong to the later years of 
his reign. 

4. There are other indications of date which are more 
definite, and point in the same direction, (a) It is impossible 
to doubt that the legend of J^ero redivivus is in full view of the 
Apocalyptist in more than one passage (xiii. 3, 12, 14, xvii. 8). 

Archbishop Benson, indeed, seeks to impale those who hold this 
theory on the horns of a dilemma'. If St John referred to the 
legend, either he believed it or he did not. If he believed it, "he 
believetl not only what was not true, but what de<-eiitly-inforraed 
and reasonable heathen never believed." If he did not believe it, 

1 Dr Hoit (i Peter, p. i) maintains written, belongs to the later rather than 

that "in Asia Minor, the special home to the earlier epoch; see c. vii. of this 

of the Emperor-worship, we have no introiluctiou. 

right to assume that it was only under - Cf. Dio Cassius, Ixviii. i fdfffi Si 

an Emperor like Domitian... that Chris- Aofienavov al et/cives avToC'...(TvvfX'^''^'^^- 

tians were likely to have it forced upon o-av . . . *:ai 6 Xepoi/as toi's re Kpivo/xivovi ix 

them." This no doubt is true, but aael^tiq. a<priK€, koL rovi <p\iybvTai Ka-Hffa- 

the probability remains that the great ftv. See also Eus. H.E. iii. 70. 

outbreak of persecution, which was ^ Apocalypse, p. 173 f. 
imminent when the Apocalypse was 


he was guilty of a grave political offence in using for his own ends 
a story which was " hostile to the peace of the district where it 
existed," and moreover was aimed against the reigning Emperor. 
The second alternative has been assumed in the following com- 
mentary, but the inference which Dr Benson draws is not admitted. 
No one who appreciates the greatness of our author will suppose 
that he gave credit to the wild legends which were afloat about 
Nero's return. But "the conditions of apocalyptic writing did not 
preclude him from working mere legend into his symbolism, nor 
was there any appreciable danger in the use of this legend in a 
book addressed to Christians only. The reference to the reigning 
Emperor was not likely to be intelligible to any non-Christian into 
whose hands the book might fall, and to Christians it suggested 
nothing which was not already notorious. 

In Asia the story of Nero's recovery was common talk as early 
as A.D. 69 (Tac. hist. ii. 8 "Achaia atque Asia falso exterritae 
velut Nero adventaret vario super exitu eius rumore, eoque pluri- 
bus vivere eum fingentibus credentibusque ") ; but pretenders 
continued to arise, and even under Trajan the belief that he was 
yet living was still general (Dio Chrysostom, or. xxi., koI vvv gtl 
7ravTe<i eirtOv/xovai ^rjv, ol Se irXetcrroL Kal oiovrai^). (b) In 
cc. xiii., xvii. Domitian is described in terms as plain as the 
circumstances allowed. Nero is dead, but the stroke of his death 
is healed (xiii. 3, 12). He is the Beast— he impersonates the 
brutal strength of the persecuting World-power, and he iuas, and 
is not, and is about to ascend out of the Abyss (xvii. 8). Nero 
himself was the fifth Emperor, and he has fallen ; but the Beast 
which was and is not reappears in an eighth Emperor, who is of 
the seven, inasmuch as he recalls to men's minds the fifth, and 
plays his part over again, till he too goeth into perdition 
(xvii. II f)". 

5. Notwithstanding the external and internal evidence which 
supports the Domitianic date, the great Cambridge theologians of 
the last century were unanimous in regarding the Apocalypse as 
a work of the reign of Nero, or of the years which immediately 

1 Nero was born in a.d. 37, so that, refer (xvi. 12) to the dread of a Parthian 
had he lived till a.d. ioo, he would have invasion, which was connected with the 
been not more than 63. 

* See the commentary ad locos. It 
may be added that St John appears to 

_. .. ,^v. .,*».. ^.i^. iv^u, 1-L^ «uuin iaa>e luvasuju, wjiicn was conneciea wiin ine 

been not more than 63. expectation of Nero's return : cf. Tac. 

* See the commentary ad locos. It hist. i. 2; Orac. Sibyll. iv. 137 ff. 

DATE cm 

followed his death. Bishop Lightfoot seems to have accepted 
"the view which assigns it to the close of Nero's reign or there- 
abouts\" Bishop Westcott placed it "before the destruction of 
Jerusalem"." Dr Hort in his posthumous commentary on I Peter' 
writes : " there are strong reasons for placing [the Apocalypse] 
not long after Nero's death." Such a threefold cord of scholarly 
opinion is not quickly broken, and the reasons on which it was 
founded deserve the most careful consideration. In the partition 
of the New Testament between the three, the Apocalypse, un- 
happily, was "not finally assigned^," and their published writings' 
contain but incidental references to the question of its date. 
From these it would appear that they were guided in their judge- 
ment on this point partly by the relation which they believed 
the Book to occupy with reference to the Fall of Jerusalem, 
partly by the contrast which it presents to the Fourth Gospel. 
Thus Dr Hort writes : " The day of the Lord which the writer to 
the Hebrews saw drawing nigh had already begun to break in 
blood and fire, when St John sent his Apocalypse to the Gentile 
Churches of Asia*." And Dr Lightfoot : " It marks the close of 
what we may call the Hebraic period of St John's life, i.e. the 
period which... he had spent chiefly in the East and among 
Aramaic-speaking peoples"." But perhaps the fullest treatment 
of the subject is to be found in Dr Westcott's introduction to the 
Gospel of St John : " Of the two books (he says) the Apocal}qDse 

is the earlier. It is less developed both in thought and style 

The crisis of the Fall of Jerusalem explains the relation of the 
Apocalypse to the Gospel. In the Apocalypse that ' coming ' of 
Christ was expected, and painted in figures ; in the Gospel the 
'coming' is interpreted"." 

It is clear that these arguments for placing the Apocalypse 

^ Biblical F.sstiijK, p. 52; cf. Super- ( 1 90S) see the postscript to this chapter. 

7iatuiiil Jii'lirjioii, p. i_', :. •> Ju<{. Christianity, p. lOo. 

- .S7 Jo//«, Iiitr. p. Ixxxvii. " Siipcniatural Ji<li(iion, p. 131. Dr 

•* P. 2 ; cf. Hulsean Lectures, p. i4of., Lightfoot appears U) be in ^'OIlerai agree- 

Judai.'itic Cliri.^tiajiitij, p. 160. niont here with his amagoni>t, who 

•* See Bp Westcott's prefatory note to pbiced the Apocalypse "about a.d. 6jJ, 

Dr Hort's i Peter (p. vii). 69." 

* On the ar|fumcnt by which this ** St John, p. Ixxxvi f. 
view is supported in Apocalypse i — iii 


under Nero or Yespasian rest on more than one presupposition. 
The unity of the Book is assumed, and it is held to be the work 
of the author of the Fourth Gospel. But the latter hypothesis is 
open, and perhaps will always be open to doubt ; and the former 
cannot be pressed so far as to exclude the possibility that the 
extant book is a second edition of an earlier work, or that it in- 
corporates earlier materials, and either hypothesis would sufficiently 
account for the few indications of a Neronic or Vespasianic date 
which have been found in it\ When it is added that the great 
scholars who have been named dealt with the question incident- 
ally and not in connexion with a special study of the Apocalypse, 
it seems permissible to attach less importance to their judgement 
on this point than on others to which their attention had been 
more directly turned. 

6. AVith all due deference, therefore, to the great authority of 
Westcott, Lightfoot, and Hort, and of the foreign scholars ^ who 
have supported an earlier date, adhesion has been given in this 
edition to the view that the Apocalypse, at least in its present 
form, belongs, as Irenaeus believed, to the reign of Domitian and 
to the last years of that reign (90 — 96). This date appears to be 
consistent with the general character and purpose of the book. 
The Apocalypse as a whole presupposes a period when in Asia at 
least the Church was compelled to choose between Christ and 
Caesar. And the prophet foresees that this is no local or passing 
storm, but one which will spread over the whole Empire, and run 
a long course, ending only with the fall of paganism and of Bome. 
The Coming of the Lord is no longer connected with the Fall of 
Jerusalem, which is viewed as an event of past history*. A new 
Jerusalem has taken the place of the old city of God, and the 
Apocalyptist can already see its ideal glories revealed. But for 
the moment Babylon is in the foreground of the picture, and 
Babylon must fall before the end, and after Babyloa tlie Beast 

^ E.g. the cryptic representation of and Weiss, Dusterdiek, and Mommsen, 

Nero's name in xiii. iS, and the ap- wlio phice it under Vesj^asian ; see 

parent reference to Vespasian as the C. Ander»on Scott, Revelation, p. 48, 

reigning Ei;ipcror in c. xvii. 10. note i. 

■■^ E.g. Baur, Hilgenfeld, Beyschlag, * On c. xi. i ff. see the commentary 

■who assign the book to the reign of Nero, ad I, 

DATE cv 

and the False Prophet. Even the triumph that follows on their 
destruction is not final, for the Dragon remains to be overcome. 
So the Coming is postponed indefinitely, though the old watch- 
word, 'ISoi/ epyofiai, ra-yy, still rings in our ears. The whole 
standpoint is that of the closing years of the first century, Avhen 
the Church knew herself to be entering upon a struggle of which 
she could not foresee the end, although of the victorious issue she 
entertained no doubt. 

[In the Apocalypse of St John i. — iii. (1908) Dr Hort deals at 
some length with the date of the Book, and on historical grounds 
strongly supports the view which places it at the beginning of 
the reign of Vespasian. 

He admits that " if external evidence alone could decide, there 
would be a clear preponderance for Domitian " (p. xx.). " On the 
other hand the general historical bearings of the book are those of 
the early, and are not those of the late period " (p. xxxii.). Two 
points in particular are urged as leading to this conclusion, 
(i) "The Avhole language about Rome and the empire, Babylon 
and the Beast, fits the last days of Nero and the time immediately 
following, and does not fit the short local reign of terror under 
Domitian." (2) "The book breathes the atmosphere of a time of 
wild commotion... it is only in the anarchy of the earlier time that 
we can recognise a state of things that will account for the tone 
of the Apocalypse " (p. xxvi. f.). 

These two positions rest upon evidence which is given in full 
(pp. xxi. — xxvi.), and would be nearly conclusive if the Apoca- 
lypse had been addressed to Rome or written from the standpoint 
of a Roman Christian. But the conditions which existed in the 
province of Asia may have coloured events differently in the eyes 
of an Ephesian prophet. In the foregoing chapters of this intro- 
duction an attempt has been made to shew that in the later years 
of Domitian's reign the Caesar-worship in Asia was a danger which 
threatened the Church with innninent destruction. If that view 
is correct, there is no need to take into account the shortness of 
"the local reign of terror" at Rome under Domitian or the com- 

cvi DATE 

parative length and severity of Nero's persecution. Neither of 
these would have greatly influenced the attitude of Asian 
Christians towards the Emperor or the Empire; it would rather 
have been determined by what was happening in Asia itself with 
the sanction of the Imperial authorities. In Asia at the moment 
there seems to have been good reason to expect a recrudescence 
of the policy of Nero, and something worse ; if there were no 
recent martyrdoms, yet persecution was ready to break out upon 
the least excuse, and but for the death of Domitian there would 
probably have been a general uprising of the pagan population 
against the Church. This, as it seems, was the situation on 
which the seer of the Apocalypse has seized as the occasion for 
his prophecy. 

For these reasons the present writer is unable to see that the 
historical situation presupposed by the Apocalypse contradicts the 
testimony of Irenaeus which assigns the vision to the end of the 
reio-n of Domitian. But has the testimony of Irenaeus been 
rightly understood ? Dr Hort, it appears, in his lectures on the 
Apocalypse referred to an article by M. J. Bovon in the Revue de 
Theologie et de Philosophie (Lausanne, 1887), in which it was 
suggested that the subject of ecopadr) in Iren. v. 30. 3 is not rj 
aTTOKoXvy^L'i but 6 ttjv diroKoXvi^iv ecopaKw<i, i.e. 6 \u)avvT]<i. 
This view has been supported with great acuteness by the Bishop 
of Ely in the Journal of Theological Studies for April 1907. 
It does not, however, seem that Dr Hort himself, although he 
admitted "the difficulty of accounting for ^ap on the common 
interpretation, and the force of the argument from the use of opaoi 
with persons in Irenaeus " (p. 42), allowed M. Bovon's suggestion 
to weigh with him against the usual and natural interpretation of 
the words. On the contrary he assumes that Irenaeus bears 
witness to the Domitianic date, and for the view which he prefers 
he relies entirely on the internal evidence and the circumstances 
which in his judgement it must be held to presuppose.] 


1. Assuming that the Apocalypse was addressed by a person 
of influence or authority to seven of the leading Churches of 
Asia between the years 90 and 96, it is reasonable to suppose 
that it was copied and circulated to some extent before the 
beginning of the second century. As the encyclical was brought 
round by the author's messenger, each of the Churches addressed 
would transcribe it for its own vise, and send a copy to the 
Churches in the immediate neighbourhood\ and these in their 
turn would repeat the process. Within a few years the circulation 
of such a document would overstep the limits of the province, 
whether through the spontaneous action of the Asian societies-, 
or in answer to the appeal of foreign Churches^ or through the 
agency of individual Christians upon their travels. In one or 
all of these ways the great Christian apocalypse would have 
passed from Church to Church and from province to province, 
and wherever it went it could not fail to excite the interest 
of Christian readers. 

2. Thus it is not incredible that Ignatius ( 1 10 — 1 1 7*) may shew 
son.e knowledge of the Apocalypse of John in more than one of 

^ Cf. Col. iv. 16 orav di'a7Pwcr^5 Trap' ^ Polyc. Phil. 13 ras ^^ricTToXds 'I7- 

iiiMV T) (iri(TTo\ri, TTOiTjcraTe iVa Kal ei> rj i>aTiov ras ire/u0<'fi(Tas ijfxii> Trap' avroO, 

AaodiKeoiv eKKXrjaig. dvayvLCffOrj, Kal rriv en nai aWas bcras f i'xoM**' Tap' ijfuv, eV^/x^a- 

\aoSiKias iVa Kal i'fxds avayt'CiTe. On fxev v/mi> KaOuis ^i'(T{i\a<rd(. 
the method of transmission see Kam- * On Clem. R. Cor. 34. 3, see N.T. in 

say, Letters to the Seven Churches, the Apostolic Fathers, p. ;8. Li^zhtfoot, 

cc. ii., iii. who placed the Apocalypse under Nero 

^ See Mart. Polijc. 20 Kal roh eW- or Vespasian, was inclined to see in 

Keifa dd€\(poh rriv (Tri<rTo\i]v 6ta7r^/x- Clem. /. t". a reference to Apoc. xxii, 12; 

xf/aaOe. see his note ad I. 


his letters to the Asian Churches (EpJi. 15. 3 iva w/xev avrov vaoi, 
Koi avro<i iv r^fxlv 6e6<i [Apoc. xxi. 3]; Philad. vi. i, crTrfKai, 
elaip KoX rdcfioi veKpwv, i(f) 0*9 jeypaTrrat, povov ovojJMTa av9poo7rcov 
[Apoc. iii. 12]), though the coincidences are not such as to 
justify a definite conchision. In the Epistle of Barnabas^ again, 
there are one or two passages which may allude to St John's work 
(Barn. 6. 13 ^eyei, Se K.vpto'i 'I801/ tto/co ra €cr')^ara 0)9 ra irpwra 
[Apoc. xxi. 3]; ib. 21. 2) 6771)9 o Kvpto<i Kal 6 picxdo'^ avrov [Apoc. 
xxii. 10 f.]); but the balance of probability is in each instance 
against the reference^. There is however abundant evidence that 
the Apocalypse was in circulation during the second half of the 
second century, not only in Asia, but in the West, 

(i) Eusebius does not mention, the Apocalypse among N.T. 
books known to Papias (//. E. iii. 39), unless this is implied in his 
attribution of Papias's chiliasm to a misunderstanding of certain 
statements made by Apostolic authority^. But against the silence 
of Eusebius we have to set the express statement of Andreas, who 
in the prologue to his commentary writes : irepl fxevroL tov 6eo- 


fxaKapiuiv TpmopLov (ji-qpX rov ^eoAdyoi; koX KuptAAoD, TrpocreTt re Kai 
rdv dp)(atoTipoiv IlaTrtov, EtpTjvaiou, Me^oSt'ou, koL 'iTnroXvrov irpocr- 
fxapTvpovvToiv TO aiiOTTLCTTov. Andreas, moreover, quotes a remark 
of Papias upon Apoc. xii. 7 ff. Papias, it will be remembered, was 
according to Irenaeus (v. 33) an dKovarrj^ 'Icodvvov and an dp^cuos 
dvrjp, whose Jioruit is likely to be nearer to the beginning than to the 
middle of the second century^. (2) About A. D. 180 Irenaeus knew of 
copies of the Apocalypse already ' ancient,' and of witness borne to 
the text of the book by persons who had seen the writer (v. 30 
— Eus. H.U. v. 8)*, and who, if not Papias and Polycarp, pre- 
sumably belonged to their generation^. (3) Justin, who lived 
at Ephesus'' before he went to Home, speaks of the Apocalypse as 
a recognized Christian book, and identifies its author with the 
Apostle John : apol. i. 28 o</>ts /caActrat kol (rarams koI 8ta/3oAos, 
a5s e/< Ttov TjfxCTipuyv o-vyypa/xfxdrijDV ip€vv7](ravT€<; fxaOeiv 
SvvacrOe^ ; dial. 81 Trap rjjxiv dvrjp rt? to ovo/xa TwavvT^s, €is toJv 
aTTOcrrdAwv tov ^ptOTOu, iv aTroKaAvi^et yevo/xivr] avrw, ^cX.La err] TTOLrj- 

^ A.D. 130-1 (Harnack). GospeZ, p. •zjof. ; Liffhtfoot, S.i?. p. 150: 

^ See N.T. in the Apostolic Fathers, "we may say that Papias was protably 

p. i6f. born about A. D. 60 — 70." 

3 a Kal ijyovfxaL ras aTroa-ToXiKas Trapeze- ^ The words will be found on j^. 175 

Se^dfieuov dLrjyfjaeLs I'TroXa/Sfir, ra iv (note to Apoc. xiii. 18). 

i/irodeiyfxaai irpbs avrdv /j.vaTi.Kws elprfixiva. ® Lightfoot, S.R. p. 218. 

jj-ri <rvpewpaK6ra. Cf. Lightfoot, Super- ^ Harnack places the Ephesian re- 

natural Religion, p. 214, note 4. sidence of Justin c. a.d. 135. 

■^ See Sanday, Criticism 0/ the Fourth ^ Cf. Apoc. xii. 9, xx. 2. 


CT€(»' iV l€f)OVITa\r]IJ(. TOl'S TU) TJfJLeTipoi ^ptCTTo) TTtCTTel/Crai/TaS TTflOfffyrj- 

Tcuo-c'. (4) Eusebius {H.E. iv. 26) mentions among the works of 
Melito, Bishop of Sardis(c. A.D. 165), raTrept TOu8la^d\ouKatT^7s'A-o- 
/<aXt'l/'cw9 'loian/ou-. The work, whatever its nature may have been, 
has perishecP, but the title shews that the Apocalypse was accepted 
at this time in one of the Churches to which it was originally 
sent — a Church, moreover, which had little cause to pride itself 
upon the character it receives from the Apocalyptist. In the 
wreck of the Montanistic* and anti-Montanistic literature which 
perplexed the Churches of Asia at this time, we have probably 
lost many similar references to the book ; but we know, on the 
authority of Eusebius {II. E. v. 18), that it was quoted by the anti- 
Montanist ApoUonius (/c£;^pr;Tat Se koX /j.apTvptai'i aTrb Trj<; Iwdvvov 
'AiroKaXvij/€w<;y. Later, but before the end of the century, 
Theophilus, Bishop of Antioch, cites the Apocalypse against the 
teaching of Hermogenes (Eus. II. E. iv. 24 dXXo [crvyypaiJifxa toO 
0€o</)t'Aou] Trpos TTjv aipeaiv 'Epyxoyevovs rrjv iiriypa^rjv £X^^» ^^ 4* ^'^ '^^1'* 
'AiroKaXyxf/eo)? 'luidvvov Ke^p^jTaL /xapTupt'ais) j in Asia Minor and in 
Western Syria the book had clearly become a court of appeal to 
which Christians of opposite schools could submit their differences. 
(5) In South Gaul about the same time the Apocalypse was held 
in equal regard. The Epistle of the Churches of Vienne and 
Lyons, addressed in 177 to the region from which the book 
emanated", cites or refers to it some five times", and one of the 
quotations is introduced by the N.T. formula for the citation of 
canonical Scripture (ua tj ypa<f)7] TrXrjpotOy). AVith Irenaeus, Bishop 
of Lyons, a few years later, quotations from the Apocalypse are 
frequent, and they are usually introduced by the words " John 
(or "John the disciple of the Lord") says in the Apocalypse" (Iren. 
iv. 14. I, 17. 6, 18. 6, 20. II, 21. 3; V. 26. I, 28. 2, 34. 2, 35. i); 
once we have "the Apocalypse of John" (i. 26. 3), and once "the 
Apocalypse," without the author's name (v. 20. 2)^. Such is the 

1 Theallusion to Apoc.xxi. inTatian's in the mind of Dionysius of Corinth, 

X670S irpo5"EX\Tjj'os to which reference is when he writes {aj). Eus. H.E. iv. 23) : 

made by Westcott(Crt Hon, p. 320), is too a fxev i^aipovvres, d Se TrpoffTiff^vTes- ols 

obscure to be used lor the purpose of to oval Keirai. 

this chapter. « Eus. H.E. v. i roXi Kara rrjif ' Acriav 

- Two separate books, according to Kali-f>vyia>'...a5e\<poh. 

Jerome {de tin: ilhtstr. 9 " de diabolo ^ The passages to which reference is 

librum unum, de Apocalypsi loannis made are Apoc. xiv. 4 (d.KoXovduii' rif 

librum unum"). apvicj} oirov hv virdyri), xii. i, xiv. 4 (r^ 

* On the commentary of the pseudo- irapdivti) M'^pi-)^ six. 9 (wi fh vvfj.<piKov 
Melito see Harnack, GcKch. d. aJtchr. Sdnvov K(K\rjjj^voi), xxii. ii (6 dvo/uoj 
Litteratnr, i. 254, and the chapter of dvofirjcrdTu fn, sal 6 5iKaioi diKaiu$ifiTu> 
this introduction on Apocalyptic com- frt]. 

mentaries (c. xvii). « See Zahn Ge^tch. d. NTlichen 

* For some instances of a Montanistic Kunons, i. 202, note 2. Quotations 
use of the Apocalypse see Zahn, Gesch. from the fourth Gospel are similarly 
d. NTlichen Kaitons, i. p. 205 f. announced, with the substitution of in 

^ There is a possible allusion to Apoc, Evungelio {or in Apocalypsi, cf. Iren. i. 

xxii. 18 f. in the anonymous anti-Mo!i- 6. 5, iii. 21. 2, iv. 25. i, v. 18. 2. On 

tanisiic writing quoted by Eusebius i;i the" title "disciple of the Lord" see 

H.E.y. 16. The .'yime verses may be c. xv. of this introduction. 


authority of the book that when it is silent on a point Irenaeus 
permits himself to write (v. 30. i), "dignura non est praeconari a 
Spiritu sancto." (6) At Rome, there is some reason to think, the 
Apocalypse was known even before the coming of Justin. The 
Shejjherd of Hermas twice {Vis. ii. 2. 7, iv. 3. i) uses the remark- 
able phrase -q ^Ati//is rj fxeydXr], which occurs in Apoc. vii. 14; 
moreover, it is hardly too bold to say with Bishop Westcott that 
"the sjTnbolism of the Apocalypse reappears in the Shepherd^." 
Certainly there is a marked affinity between the two books, which 
shews itself in the use of similar imagery ; in both the Church is a 
woman, and her adversary a wild beast ; in both we read of the 
Book of Life, and of conquerors distinguished by their white robes 
and palms and crowns ; if the Apocalypse describes the New Jeru- 
salem as lying four-square within walls on whose foundation stones 
are the names of the Apostolic college, the Shepherd describes a 
tower which is in building, the bright squared stones of which are 
the Apostles and other teachers of the Church". That these 
coincidences are not purely accidental is rendered probable by 
the circumstance that the Muratorian fragment on the Canon, 
which refers to the Shejyherd as written " nuperrime temporibus 
nostris in urbe Roma," seems to intimate that the Apocalypse of 
John was universally recognized at Rome, in contrast to the 
Apocalypse of Peter which some refused to acknowledge ("Apo- 
calypse[s] etiam lohannis et Petri tantum recipimus, quam 
[?sc. Apocalypsim Petri] quidam ex nostris legi in ec[c]lesia nolunt^"). 
(7) The Church of Carthage, the daughter of the Roman Church, 
knew and accepted the Johannine Apocalypse at the end of the 
second century or in the early years of the third. Tertullian quotes 
from eighteen out of the twenty-two chapters of the book*, and cites 
it as Scripture {de res. earn. 27 "habemus etiam vestimentorum in 
scripturis mentionem ad spem carnis allegorizare, quia et Apoca- 
lypsis lohannis^i sunt,aAt,qui vestimenta suanon coinqiilnaveimnt"); 
it is the work of the Apostle John (Jlarc. iii. 14, 24), the instrvr- 
mentum loannis {ib. 38), and part and parcel of the instrumentum^ 
apostolicum {pud. 12 sqq.)''. The Acts of Perpetua and Pelicitas 
abound in imagery which is modelled on that of the Apocalypse (e.g. 
§4 " circumstantes candidati milia multa"'; § 12 " introeuntes 
vestierunt stolas Candidas, et introivimus, et audivimus vocem 
unitam dicentem Agios agios agios sine vidi- 
mus in eodem loco sedentem quasi hominem in dextra 

^ Cauoji, p. 201, note 2. Cf. Lardner, purpose of the book. 

Works, ii. p. 69 : " it is very probable * The quotations are most numerous 

that Plermas had read the book of in his Montanistic books, but they occur 

St John's Eevelation and imitated it." also in the earlier works, e.g. orat. 3, 5, 

^ Vis. ii. 4, iii. 5, iv. 2 ; Sim. viii. 2. paen. 8. 

3 That the Apocalypsis Johannis is ^ Cf. apol. 18 " instrumentum lit- 

identical with our book is clear by what teraturae " ; ih. 21 " ludaeorum instru- 

precedes : " et lohannes enim in Apoca- menta"; res. cam. 40 " instrumenta 

lypsi, licet septem ecclesiis scribat, divina." Cf. Zahn, Gesch. i. p. 107 ff. 

tamen omnibus dicit" — an early and ^ Zahn, Gesc/t. i. p. 204. 
interesting appreciation of the wider 


et in sinistra seniores quattuor . . . et introeuntes cum admiratione 
stetimus ante thro num." As in the case of the Shei^herd, there 
is no direct quotation here, but the influence of the Apocalypse 
is scarcely doubtful, (8) At Alexandria about the same time the 
Apocalypse was known, and recognized as the work of St John. 
Clement, who cites it several times {paed. i. 6 § 36, ii. 10 § 108, 12 
§ 119; Strom, iii. 18 § 106, vi. 13 § 116) with the formula cSs cf>r](TLV 
iv TTj 'A7ro(caA.vii/'€t 'IwarvTjs, 1 6 § 141), regards it as Scripture (jjaed. 
ii. 12 § 119 TO o-vix/SoXlkov t(Zv ypacfxjiv), and the work of an 
Apostle {qicis dives § 42)'. 

3. From two quarters in the second century there comes 
a protest against the general acceptance of the Apocalypse of 
John. («) " Apocalypsin eius Marcion respuit-," as we learn from 
Tertullian (ac?y. Marc. iv. 5); and on Marcion's principles it would 
have been impossible to accept a book so saturated with the 
thought and imagery of the Old Testament. Whether he 
rejected at the same time the attribution of the book to the 
Apostle John which is already to be found in Justin, there is not 
sufficient evidence to shew ; in any case it formed no part of his 
apostolicum ; he did not recognize John as a writer of canonical 
Scripture ^ (b) Far more significant is the attitude of the 
so-called Alogi. Irenaeus (iii. 11. 9), after referring to Marcion's 
attitude toward the Gospels, says : " alii vero, ut donum Spiritus 
frustrentur quod in novissimis temporibus secundum placitum 
Patris effusum est in humanum genus, illam speciem non ad- 
mittunt quae est secundum loannis evangelium in qua paracletum 
se missurum Dominus promisit, sed simul et evangelium et pro- 
pheticum repellunt Spiritum." Epiphanius represents a nameless 
party which he calls the Alogi as rejecting both the Gospel and 
the Apocalypse (/<ae?\ Ii. 3 tl (^da-KOvai toIvvv o'^'AXoyot — ravrr)v 

^ If the Judicium Petri, printed by agnitum non via.'" Some of the 

Hilgeufeld in S.T. <srtra canon, rcccpt.. Gnostic sects knew and used the Apo- 

may be regarded as an Egyptian writing calypse, as the Marcosian 'fi Kal 'A 

of the second century, its witness must (Iren. i. 14. 6, 15. i) and Justin the 

be added here: §2 dKoai yap Kal ria- Gnostic's aeon 'Amen* (Hipp. phil. v. 

<ra/)^s etVii/ TrpeaiivTfpoL, 5ai5e\a (k St^iQv 16) suggest ; see Westcott, Canon, 

Kal 8w8fKa ^^ iOwyvfuov — a reference to pp. 284, 311. Zahn (Gcsch. i. 761) 

Apoc iv. 4. goes so far as to say : " wenigstens fiir 

2 According to Pseudo-Tert. adr. ojnH, die Yalentinianer dis Orients nnd ins- 

?iae;-. 6 he was preceded here by Gordon : besondore fiir Marcus in Kleinasien 

"Cerdon...Acta apostolorum et Apoca- die Apokalypse ein Buch von nicht ge- 

lypsim quasi falsa reicit. " riugercm Ausehn als die Evv. war." 

* Tert. op. cit. iii. 14 "loannem 


7«p avTot<; TiOrj/jLt ttjv e'jr(ovvfxiav...ovTe rb rov ^Icoavvov evay- 
yekiov ^^^(ovrai, ovre ttjv avrov A'rroKoXv\^Lv...\e'yovaL yap fjur) 
elvai avra ^I<odvvov dWd K.r]pivdov, kol ovk d^ia avrd ^aaiv 
elvai iv eKKXya-ia^). Against the genuineness of the Apocalypse 
they urged (i) that the symbolism of the book was unedifying 
(ih. 32 TL fxe, (prjcrlv, (o^eXei rj ' XiroKdXvy^n'i ^Icodvvov, Xeyovcrd fioi 
Trepl kirrd dyyeXwv koL eTrrd cra\7riyy(ov ;), and (2) that it con- 
tained errors in matters of fact (ib. 33 elTre irdXcv Vpdy^ov rw 
dyye\(p rrj^ eKKXrjaCa^ too iv %vareipoi<i, koI ovk evi €Kec iKKXrjcrla 
^picrrtavcov iv ^vaTetpj}' ttw? ovv €ypa<f>€ Trj /xtj ovarj ;^). It is not 
improbable that Epiphanius was indebted for this information 
to a lost work of Hippolytus^ and that we have here a nearly 
contemporaneous account of the first impugners of the Apocalypse. 
If they are identical, as seems likely, with the party mentioned 
by Irenaeus, they may have been originally an Asiatic school 
of extreme anti-Montanists who felt that both the Gospel and the 
Apocalypse of John savoured too strongly of the principles of the 
New Prophecy to allow of their attribution to the Apostle John. 
The assignment of the Fourth Gospel to Cerinthus is absurd 
enough, as Epiphanius points out {op. cit. 4 ttw? yap earai, 
}^T]plvOov ra Kara l^rjptvOov Xeyovra ;); but the Vision of the 
Thousand Years in Apoc. xx. lent some colour to the suggestion 
that the Apocalypse was the work of that heretic. Possibly the 
idea of Cerinthian authorship was first broached in reference to 
the Revelation, and afterwards extended to the Gospel ''. 

4. Like other Asiatic parties, the anti-Montanistic opponents 
of St John's writings made their way to Rome. At all events the 
controversy, so far as the Apocalypse is concerned, finds its centre 
in Rome at the beginning of the third century. Eusebius quotes 

^ The Latin writers on the heresies 7eX^oi; Kal diroKa\ij\pews, or both of these 

copy Ei^iphanius, or repeat what their works. See Dr Stanton's note (p. 200). 

predecessors had gleaned from him ; * Dr Sauday {Griticisin of the Fourth 

see Philastr. 60, Aug. 30, Praedest. 30, Gospel, p. 61) calls the attribution of 

Isid. 26, Paul. 7, Honor. 41. the Fourth Gospel to Cerinthus ''a 

2 On this singular statement and piece of sheer bravado," and such in- 
Epiphanius's explanation see Stanton, deed it was, if the Alogi began with the 
Gospels as historical documents, p. 209. Gospel ; but the other course seems 

3 The Trpos atrdcras rets aipicreis, or more natural, 
possibly the iiwip tov Karit-'Iudwov ei/ay- 


from Gaius, a Roman churchman, who lived in the days of Bishop 
Zephyrinus (202 — 219) and wrote against the Montanist Bishop 
Proclus', a statement that Cerinthus forged 'apocalypses' in the 
name of ' a great Apostle ' : 

Eus. H.E. iii. 28 dXka koX KijptvOo^ 6 St' dTroKa\v\f/€wv [Rufinus : 
per revelationes quasJarii\ tus vivo divoarToXov fxeydXov yeypa/x^cvwv 
TeparoXoyias "qfuv ws 8i' ayy€'A.o)i' avrcp SeSetyfJ-tvas t/'cvSd/xo'O? 
iireLcrayei, Xcycoi' /xcra rrjv aiacrracriv iTriynov cti'ai to (iaatXtLov 
TOV -)(^pL(TTOv, Kttt TTttXiv CTTi^u/xiats Kttt ■q^ovol^ if 'l(pOV(Ta\r]fX Trjv 
aapKa iroXLTevopivrjv SovXevew. Kal i)(Opo<; VTrdp)((DV rats ypac^ais tov 
Oiov dptdp-ov ^iXLovTaiTta'i Iv yo-fJLw €opr)]<;, deXujv TrXavav, Xe'yct 

The words in spaced letters come very near to the terms of 
our Apocalypse, but until 1888 it was competent for scholars 
to suppose that Gaius referred to a book or books Avritten by 
Cerinthus in which he imitated or travestied the work of St 
John^. In that year Dr Gwynn, of Dublin, published in the 
Hermathena (vi. p. 397 flf.) five S}Tiac scholia from Dionysius 
Barsalibi on the Apocal}^se, consisting of extracts from " the 
heretic Gaius " in which Gaius comments on the Apocalypse in 
terms which shew that he did not admit the authority of the 
book. Gaius, therefore, was more or less in sympathy with the 
Alogi, and it is not improbable that, in his zeal against Montanism, 
he adopted the Cerinthian attribution. In any case it is to 
Gaius and his school^ rather than to the Eastern ' Alogi ' that 
Dionysius of Alexandria refers when he writes fifty years after : 

Eus. H. E. vii. 25 rtves pikv ovv rdv -rrpo Tjfjimv lijdeTrjcrav kol 
dvio-Kcvaaav [Rufinus, a canone scripturaruni abicie7idum pittnncnt] 
Travrr] to I3i(SXlov, KaO^ eKaarrov KecjidXaiov Steu^vvovTes ayvtuo'Toi' re 
Kai aoruXXoyioTTOv a7ro<^aii'ovT€s, i/^evSccr^ai re njv €TrLypa<f>-i]i: 'Iwavi'ou 
yap ovK civat Xcyoi'o-ti', aXX oi'Sc aTroKoXvij/iv elvai, Ty}v cr(f>o8p<Ii Kal 
■7ra\eL KiKaXvpfxivrji' to) tt/s ayvoia? TrapaTreTacrfj.aTr koi ovy^ ottcos twv 
aTTOCTToXoiv TLva aXX ovo oXws Tcor ayt'cov rj twv diro Trj<; iKKXr](Tia<: 
ToiTOU yeyoi'trat iroLrjTrji' tov crvyypdpfjLaTO<;, KijpivOov 8€...tovto yap 
€Lvai T»;s ^toao-KaXt'as ultov to 86ypa, l-rrCyiiov (.(TicrOai ti]\' tov 
Xpto-Tou /SacTLXeiav, Kal wi' auTOS wpeycTO (f>iXo(rwfjLaTO<; oil' Kal Trdiv 
crapKLKO<;, iv tovtois oreipoTroXcii' l<TtaOai...ydpiOi<i /cai ... eopTai?. 

^ Eus. H.E. ii. -25, vi. 20; cf. Light- of St John." 
foot, St Clement, ii. p. 377 ff. 3 It will be observed that Dionysius 

2 SeeWestcott, Cn/ion*, p. -278, note 2: iu describing the Chiliastic vieus of 

" I maj- express my deeiiled belief that Cerinthus uses languape which comes 

Caius is not speaking of the Apocalypse very near to that of Gaius. 

s R. h 


5. Neither the ' Alogi' of Asia Minor nor the party of Gaius 
at Rome proved dangerous to the general acceptance of the 
Apocalypse. At Rome Gaius was answered by Hippolytus. On 
the back of the chair which holds the seated figure of the Bishop 
of Portus, a list of his works is graved, and among them is one 
entitled Ynep toy kata Iooannhn e[YA]rr6AioY kai AnoKAAYyeooc^ The 
coupling of the Fourth Gospel and the Apocalypse suggests that this 
book was directed against the ' Alogi/ or, more probably, a similar 
party at Rome represented by Gaius^. The same book may be 
intended by the Heads against Gaius, which Ebedjesu attributes 
to Hippolytus % and from which Dr Gwynn's fragments have been 
drawn. In his extant works and fragments Hippolytus repeatedly 
asserts his belief in the Johannine authorship of the Apocalypse 
(e.g. ed. Lagarde, p. 48 oijtco^ yap ^Io)dvvr]<; elTref 'O cav koI 6 tjv koL 
ep-x^ofxevo^: p. 159 "^ dvoiycov koL ovhel<i /cXetet, £09 ^\oodvvri<i Xeyet), 
and he identifies John the disciple of the Lord with the Apostle {ib. 
p. ly Xeye fioi, fxaKapie ^Ycodvvrj, diroaToXe Kal fiaOrjra rov Kvpiov,Ti 
elBe^ Koi 7]Kovo-a<i irepl Ba/3f Xwi^o?). During the remainder of 
the first half of the third century we hear no more of the counter- 
movement. At Carthage Cyprian uses the Apocalypse freely, 
both in the Testimonial^ and in his treatises and letters ; at Alex- 
andria Origen entertains no doubt as to the authenticity of the 
book (e.g. in loann. t. i. 14 (fyrjalv ovv ev ry ^ A^iroKaXvy^ec 6 tov 
Ze/3eSaLou ^l(odviiri<; : ap. Eus. vi. 25 rt Set irepl tov dva7rea6vro<; 
eiTL TO crTrj9o<; Xeyecv tov Irjcrov Icodvvov, 09 evayyeXtov eu KUTa- 
XeXoiTrep. ..eypayjre Se koI ttjv ^ KiroKaXv^^iv). Circumstances led, 
however, to the reopening of the question by Origen's pupil and 
successor, Dionysius, during the years when the latter was Bishop 
of Alexandria (247 — 265). The facts are given in the large 
fragments of a treatise by Dionysius Tlepl eirayyeXcoiv preserved 
by Eusebius H. E. vii. 24 f.® 

^ Lightfoot, St Clement, ii. pjD. 394, ^ Cf. Assemani, hihl. orient, iii. 

■^ i)r Stanton, however (Gospels as ^ 7 _^\, 

historical documents, i. p. 230 ff.), after .(^cu-n i<.d\oio-J^o 

discussing the attitude of Gaius towards * I* is quoted 27 times in the Testi- 

the Fourth Gospel, comes to the con- monia alone. 

elusion that there is at present no ^ The fragments are edited by Dr 

sufficient evidence to shew that he re- Feltoe in Letters and other remains of 

iected it. Dionysius of Alexandria, pp. 106 — 125. 


It appears that on the occasion of a visit to Arsinoe, where Chiliasm 
had long disturl)ed the peace of the Ciiurch, Diouysius found him- 
self confronted by an "EAey^os irept d\\r]yopLaT(j)i>, written by Nei)OS, 
an Egyptian Bishop, in which, according to Eusebius, Nepos 'taught 
that the promises made in the Holy Scriptures to the saints 
will be fulfilled in a Jewish sense ('lovSaiKOJTcpov), and held that 
there will be a millennium of bodily enjoyment on this earth.' A 
three days' conference followed which brought the Arsenoites back 
to a healthier view. But the incident led the critical mind of 
Dionysius to examine afresh for himself the grounds on which the 
Apocalypse was held to be the work of the Apostle John, and the 
results of his enquiiy are given in the third, fourth, and fifth of 
the fragments of his answer to Nepos. 

Dionysius refuses to follow the party who ascribed the Apoca- 
lypse to Cerinthus'. He cannot venture to reject a book which is 
held in high esteem by so many members of the Church (eyw 8e 
dOcrfjcraL ovk av ToXfxrjcraifxi to ^l^Xlov, TroXXwr avro 8ia uivovorj'i 
iXovToiv dSeXcfiwv) ; with the modesty of the true scholar he is ready 
to attribute the difficulties which it presents to the limitations of 
his own understanding (et ixrj (ruvivj/xi, a'/W vttovoo} yc vovv tlvol 
jSaOvrepov iyKilaOau rots py]'). But while he does not presume 
to challenge the inspiration of the Apocalypse or its claim to be 
the work of a John, he declines to accept it as the work of 
the Apostle, to whom he attributes the fourth Gospel and " the 
Catholic Epistle" (i.e. i John). He is led to this conclusion by 
comparing (i) the character of the writer of the Apocalypse with 
that of the writer of the Gospel, (2) the thought and style of the 
writings, and (3) their linguistic diflferences (reK^aipo/xat yap ck tc 
Tov r]dov<i e/carcpwi' koX tou tcov Xoywv ciSovs koX t^s toG (3l(3Xiov 
8t€^aycoyT7s) ^. John the Evangelist abstains from mentioning his 
own name, but John the Apocalyptist names himself more than 
once at the very outset of his book, and again near the end. 
Doubtless there were many who bore the name of John in the 
early Christian communities; we read, for instance, of "John 
whose surname was ISlark," and there may have been a second 
Jolm in Asia, since at Ephesus, we are told, there were two tombs 
said to be John's (Si'o tfiacrtv iv 'E<^e(ra) ycvea-Oai. fxrijfJiaTa, kol 
tKOLTepov 'Icoa'vvou Xe'yecr^at). Again, while the Gospel and Epistle 
of John shew marks of agreement which suggest a common 
authorship, the Apocalypse difters widely from both in its ideas 
and in its way of expressing them; we miss in it (e.g.) tlie frequent 
references to 'life,' 'light,' 'truth,' 'grace,' and 'love' which are 
charactei'istic of the Apostle, and find ourselves in a totally 
diffei'ent region of thought (aWoiorar*; Se kol $€yr) Trapa ravra ij 
'AiroKaXvif/i';, p-fJTC ec^a— to/xcVt; fJ-^jre yei-riulcra Tovrtov fiijBevL, cr)^i8ov 
oj? ctTreti' ixr]8k av/\/\a/5>;v Trpo? ai'Ta Koivrjv c;)^^ou<ru). Lastly, the 
linguistic eccentricities of the Apocalypse bar the way against 
an acceptance of the book as the work of the Evangeli-st. The 
Gospel and first Epistle are written in correct and flowing Greek, 

^ See above, p. cxf. - See Dr Feltoe's note ad 1. 



and there is not a barbarism, a solecism, or a provincialism in them ; 
whereas the Greek of the Apocalypse is inaccurate, disfigured by 
unusual or foreign words, and even at times solecistic (yXwo-crav ovk 
aKpt/3u)s l\Xy]v[il,ov(Tav avTov ySXcTrw, dX\ ISnofxacrC re /3ap(3apt,KOL^ XP'^' 

^LtVOV, Kai TTOV Kol (ToXoLKl^OVTO). 

6. This criticism, not the less trenchant because carefully 
guarded against the imputation of levity or irreverence \ and 
proceeding from so distinguished a Bishop as Dionysius ' the 
Great*,' could not fail to carry weight in Egypt and in the 
Greek-speaking East, shaking the faith of many in the apos- 
tolical authorship of the Apocalypse, and therefore in its canonical 
authority. In the fourth century Eusebius is unable to speak 
positively as to its canonicity {H.E. iii. 25 tt}? he ^ KiroKaXv-^eo)^ 
e<^ eKarepov ert vvv Trapa 7roXX,ot<f TrepteXKerai 7] So^a. Jb. 25 
eVt TovToc? [the canonical books] ruKreov, ec <ye (^aveirj, rrjv 
^AiroKakvyjrLV ^l(odvvov...i']v riv€<;, o)? €(f)r)v, dderovcriVy erepot Be 
ijKpLvovai ToU 6/j.o\oyov/xevoc<?). Cyril of Jerusalem, a few years 
later, not only omits the Apocalypse from his list of canonical 
books, but seems definitely to exclude it from private as well as 
public use (Catech. iv. 31 ra he \onra Trdvra ev hevrepo) Keiada), 
Kol ocra fxev ev eKKXriaiaa fit) dvajtvcocTKeTai, ravra /jLijhe Kara 
aavTov dvaylvcoa-Ke), It is more remarkable that Asia Minor 
should have ignored the book even in formal canons ; it finds no 
place in the Laodicean list of 363, or in that of Gregory of 
Nazianzus ; while Amphilochius of Iconium expressly says : rrjv 
S' ^ATTOKdXvyjnv rrjv 'Icodvvov Trakcv [ rLve<i fjuev eyKpivovcnv, oi 
irXeLov; he je \ voOov Xeyovai. In Eastern S}Tia the Apocalypse 
was either still unknown or it was ignored ; it formed no part of 
the Peshitta New Testament. Junilius, who represents the 
Biblical criticism of the school of Nisibis in the sixth century, is 
silent about the book; the Jacobite Barhebraeus (fi286) passes 
it over without notice in his Nomocanon, and so does the nearly 
contemporary Nestorian Ebedjesu, both following herein the 

^ Fragment 5, e.g. ends: oxibk yap the Apocalypse with respect : Hus. H.E. 

^TTiffKibTTTUv, fi-fj TiS voixiffrj, TavTa elirov, vii. 10." 

aXXa p.6vov ttjv dvofioioTrjTa dievdvvwv tCcv " Cf. Feltoe, p. xi. 

ypa<f>iov. As Dr Westcott points out, ^ Gwyun, Apocalypse, pp. xiii, ciii f.; 

Canojj, p. 369, note 4, Dionysius "quoted cf. Zahn, Gesch. i. p. 374 f. 


' Apostolic Canons,' which agree in this respect with the canons 
of Laodicea. Western Syria, as represented by the School 
of Antioch, looked with little favour on the most mystical 
of early Christian writings. Neither Theodore, Chrysostom, 
or Theodoret is known to have quoted the Apocalypse^ Con- 
stantinople inherited the traditions of Antioch in this respect 
as in others, and the Apocalypse is omitted altogether in the 
Synopsis scripturae sacrae which is found among the work of 
Chrysostom, nor has it any place in the catalogue of " the Sixty 
books" or in either of its supplementary lists. As late as the 
beginning of the ninth century Nicephorus places it among the 
antilegomena with the Apocalypse of Peter. It is significant of 
the slow progress made by the circulation or acceptance of the 
book in eastern lands that no Greek commentary seems to have 
been written upon it before the fifth or sixth century^'. Several 
causes may have concurred to cause this delay. There may have 
been in some minds a lingering dread of Montanism, and in 
many others a doubt as to the inspiration or the apostolical 
authority of the Apocalyptist. Moreover, the Apocalypse may 
have been known in the East only to a few. From the first 
perhaps the book went west rather than east ; traders from 
Smyrna and Ephesus carried it to Italy and Gaul, to North 
Africa and Egypt ; few copies seem to have penetrated to 
Antioch, and fewer or none to Edessa and Nisibis. 

7. In the West, on the contrary, the Apocalypse, which had 
won acceptance in the second century, held its own notwith- 

^ Suidas, indeed, remarks: d^x^'''°-'- tane list, 1200, and according to Momm- 

Si 6 Xpv(76<7TOfj.os...Ti;u'ATroKd\v.piv. "If sen's list, 1800; see Zabn, Gcsch. ii. 

this is true," Dr Westcott writes, not p. 397. The Apocalypse holds the last 

■without a touch of humour, "it is a place in nearly all Greek MSS. of the 

singular proof of the iucouclusiveness N.T. ; the exceptions will be found in 

of the casual evidence of quotation " Gregory, jirolciifj. p. 136. In the Latin 

(Canon, p. 442, note 3). lists and the MSS. of the Vulgate other 

* It is to be noted, also, that Greek arranK'?"ierits are less rare, e.g. the 

MSS. of the- Apocuiypso, uncial or cur- Claromontane list places Apoc. after 

sive, are relatively few ; that Cnrodicreis the Catholic Epistles but before the 

to this book are rare (von Soden, Die Acts, while in the Mommsen list and 

Schriften d. N. T., i. p. 360) ; and that no the ' Decree of Gclasius ' it finds a place 

Greek MS. shews a stichonietry(Tischen- before the Catholic Epistles ; see Zahu, 

dorf, ii. 1044), though the stichi were Gt-itc/i. ii. p. 3S3, or Preuschen, .^Inai^cfa, 

counted — according to Kicephorns they pp. 139 — 149. 
were 1400, according to the Claromon- 


standing the strictures of Gaius at Rome, and the rejection of its 
apostolic authorship by Dionysius at Alexandria. Alexandria 
soon returned to its allegiance; in his Festal Epistles {Ep. 39), 
Athanasius ends his list of the canon with the words koI ttclXiv 
^loydvvov 'Avro/caXyv^t?, adding: ravra 'Trrj'yal tov aunrjpiov... 
fjbrjBel'i TovTOL'i iin^aWerw fxrjhe rovrcov d(f)aLpe{,a6Q) n. In the 
pseudo-Athanasian Synopsis the Apocalypse forms the eighth and 
last book of the New Testament, and later Alexandrian writers 
accept it without hesitation^ The Latin West was from the time 
of Gaius practically unanimous in its favour^. It was there that 
the book found its earliest interpreters, Victorinus of Pettau, 
Tyconius, Primasius. It takes its place in all Western lists of 
the canonical Scriptures : in Mommsen's canon, in those of Codex 
Claromontanus and the Carthaginian Council of 397, in the 
' Decree of Gelasius.' The authority of the great Latin fathers 
confirmed the general verdict of the Church ; Ambrose, Jerome, 
Rufinus, Augustine, Innocent, accepted the Apocalypse as the 
work of the Apostle John. 

The Eastern Church has long followed the example of the 
West. Although the Quinisextine Council endorsed without 
remark the Laodicean Canon which omits the Apocalypse, the 
commentaries of Oecumenius, Andreas, and Arethas must have 
gone far to secure a favourable hearing for the book. Even the 
Syrian Church in the seventh century jDOSsessed two versions, 
one which has been identified with the work of Thomas of 
Harkel, and another of a Philoxenian type^ 

No book in the New Testament with so good a record was so 
long in gaining general acceptance. The reasons for this are well 
summarized in a scholion to one of the MSS. of the Apocalypse'': 
rj Bta TO /MepiKoo'i /jbrj eKTiOecrOaL avrrjv, 7; Bid to dcra(f)e<; avrrj^ koI 

1 On tlie CoiDtic canon see c. xvi. me) lias established the genuineness of 

- There is an apparent exception in tlie attribution of this book to Gen- 

the liher ecclesiasticorum doymatuvi at- nadius, somnitttor, if the true reading, 

tributed to Geunadius (§ 6 "erit resur- refers to Nepos. On the attitudes of 

rectio mortuorum hominum, sed una et Erasmus, Luther, and Calvin towards 

in semel ; non prima iustorum et se- the Apocalypse see Westcott, Canon^, 

cunda peccatorum, ut fabulat som- j)p. 472 f., 483, 48S. 

niator"). But according to Dom G. ■* See p. cxcv. 

Morin who (as Mr C. H. Turner informs •* Cod. 24. 


Bv(Te(f)tKTov Kol oXiyot^; BiaXafi^avofjuevov kuI voov/xei'ov, aWco? re 
olfiai Bed ro /xrjBe av/x<f)€pov elvai rol<i iroWoli; to, iv avrfj ipevvav 
firjBe XuatreA-fc'?. The key to the interpretation disappeared with 
the generation to which the book was addressed, perhaps even 
with the relief which the Asian Churches experienced upon the 
death of Domitian; and apart from any clue to its immediate 
reference, it was little else but a maze of inexplicable mysteries. 
" Apocalypsis loannis," exclaims Jerome, " tot habet sacramenta 
quot verbal" It was not everyone who was able to meet the 
situation with the patient modesty of the great Dionysius, and 
in the circumstances we can only recognize with thankfulness the 
Providence which has preserved for us a treasure of which the 
full value is even now scarcely realized. 

1 Ad Paulin., ep. liii. 8. 



I. A complete vocabulary of the Apocalypse will be found 
at the end of this volume. Here it will suffice to point out 
some of the results which may be gleaned from it. 

The Apocalypse contains 913 distinct words, or, excluding the 
names of persons and places, 871. Of these 871 words, 108 are 
not used elsewhere in the New Testament, and 98 are used 
elsewhere in the New Testament but once, or by but one other 
writer. It may be useful to the reader to have these relatively 
uncommon words placed before him in separate lists. 

(a) Words in the Apocalypse which occur in no other N.T. 
writing \ 

'ApaSSuv, faK/xd^eiv, JaKparos, faXXTyXoma, ctXc^a, ^ dixiOvcrTos, 
afxoifjiov, 'AiroXXvtov, "Ap MaYtSwv, ai/'iv^os, f^acravto^/xos, jfSaTpa^os, 
i ^rjpvWo's, pi.pXapk8iov, f/Jdrpus, ffSvaaiPO'S, j8iaSr;/i,a, 8tauyi7s, SlttXovv 
(verb), 8to-/xupias, fSpaKwv, fStoSeKaros, 'EXXt^vikos, "ji/melv, £v8(u^r;ais, 
fe^axdortot, ^((TTO'i, ^i^XeveLv, ^p.C(i>pov, 6eno8rj<;, Ovivov, ftao-Trts, 1"t7r7ri/cds, 
+?pts, KaTd6£|j.a, f/caTao-^payi'^eiv, Ka.TifiY«p, f Kav/xa, fKepa/xtKO?, ^K^pav- 
vvvai, ^<i, KL0apu)S6<;, +Kivva^w/xov, fKXc/A/Aa, ^KoXXovpiov, "fKpiOtj, 
KpvcTTaXXt^etv, 't'KpvcrTaXXos, "fKVKXodev, +Xi/3avwTds, fXtTrapds, "ffidp- 
lxapo<s, fixaaaa-QaL, fxeaovpdvrjfjia, ■f/xeTtoTroj', f/i-ijpd?, f/AoutrtKos, f/iUKacr- 
OaL, )U.vXivos, tvc<^pds, NiKoXatri^s, fdXuv^o?, jfoTrwpa, fopfirjfjia, Jopi'cov, 
fovpd, 't'TrapSaXts, TreXeKii^nv, fTrep-Trros, tTrerca^ai, 't'TrXT^crcrciv, 
TTToSr^pT/S, iroTa\i.o<\>6pi]ros, fTrpcotvos, fTri'pti'OS, t'Tvppds, ipaintv, pe^r], 
pvTraLveaOai, aaX-marij^, Jcra.TrcJ3tipo<;, fcrapStov, crapSdvu^, fcre^ii'SaXi?, 
fo-tST^pos, (TLpLKO?, tcrp-apaySos, faTprjvo';, raXavrialo^, frtTpdyuivos, 
TLp^LOTTji;, trd^ov, froTrdliov, fTpi^ivo?, fvaxiv^o?, fria/ctV^n'os, vaXtvos, 
tvaXos, te^ap^aKOS, jcfiidXr], J-^dXai^a, -^aXKrjSuiv, xaXKoXiPavos, ^''^tapds, 

^ Words to which a dagger is prefixed in thick type ajjpear to be ava^ Xeydfjieva. 
occur in the Greek 0. T.; those printed 


(b) Words in the Apocalypse used elsewhere in the N.T. but 
once, or by oue other writer \ 

taSeiv (P""'), fa8LK7]fxa (L"), faiXftaXworta (P"), juiroxoipi^icrdaL (L»), 


^pcorey_ ii^^fyrelv (J'-^'), £/\[£]€tvos (P^"0, fcA-toTo-cii/ (H), tt'VKos (L"'), 
fe/XTTopos (Mt), t£/x<^o/3os (L""''"), tcvSeKaro? (Mt), feptov (H), ^Oaifxa 
(P*^"^), t^eloi' (L'^^), t^cpaTTtta (L*^^), f^v/xm/xa (L*^^'), t^^paf (P^'"), 

tlTrTTOS (Jac), JKa'/XlVOS (Mt), JKaTn'OS (L''), tKaTOlKT/TT^plOI' (P®), 

tKt^apa (P^*"-), ULOap[(€iv (P^°^), Uvfiipv-q-rq^ {U"), UvKXivnv (J*^), 
fKvpmKOS (P'='"'), tXevKaiVtti/ (Mc), IXtj^os (Mt), fXi^ai'os (Mt), 
jXifxvr] {L^^'), fAivov (Mt), t/xao-TO? (L*"*), t/xeyio-rav (Mc), t^^^^o^ 
(P*^), t/xoAvvciv (P-^^^i, vavTTjs (L'^), fv^o-os (L''), t^'Aivos (F'""), 
joixoioifxa (P'-P'^J'), to^vs (P-"), fopao-ts (L'*), oo-a'/cis (P'^"'"), foc^cXov 
^pcorg)^ foi/'ts (J*"'), iiravTOKpiiTwp (P'^'"'), tTraret;^ (Lc), IttcV^os (Jac), 
tTTiAcpatVetv (P"^"'), fTrAaros (P"^), fTrXvrfti' (L<^^), Tri'tvyaaTtKiTs (P"""). 
tTToXc/xeiv (Jac), Jttovos (P*^"')? fTrope^vpeos (Jo'^^'), fTrpo^-^ris (L«*'), 
tTTTcaxeia (P'^"'"), tTTvpojo-ts (Pet), fpop^ai'a (L"), fpvTrapo's (Jac), 
ftriyt] (JJ^), JaL^rjpeos (L"), fo-Krjvow (Jo*'^'), fcrKopTrtos (L*"^'), fcr/co- 
Tow^at (P''), avi'KOLViovelv (P"!^''!'), o-wkou'wo's (Prcorphp^^ j(T(l>d^(iv 
(Jo''!'), tTaXatVwpos (P''), fTc'xvr; (L*), frpvyai' (L«^), t<^ap/xaKia (P^), 
tc^oivi^ (J")> t<^<^o-TT7p (Pl''»'), tx«'^'»'o? (Jac), txapay/xa (L*), tx'Aioi 

(Pet), ix'-^^ (Mt), txXojpos (Mc), fxov? (Mc), Jif/ev8y]<; (L*), t</''7<^<-'- 
^«i»' (L«^-), t(/^^</)os (L''), tiAvxpos (Mt), 1^37/ (P^^"'), twStVctv (P?). 

2. An examination of these tables leads to some interesting 
facts. Relatively to its length the Apocalypse has an unusual 
number of words peculiar to itself. While the Second Gospel 
shews 80 such words in 2000 stichi, t'he Apocalypse has more 
than 100 in 1400-; one in eight of its words is used by no 
other N. T. writer, whereas in St Mark the ratio is about one 
in sixteen^ But it is to be remembered that whereas the simple 
narrative of the Evangelist demands for the most part only the 
commonest words of daily life, the Apocalyptist deals with a great 
variety of subjects, some of which call for a liberal use of special 
terms. Thus, e.g., the enumeration of articles of merchandize in 
Apoc. xviii. II — 13 is responsible for twelve of the words peculiar 
to this book, and the list of precious stones in c. xxi. 19 f for 
ten more. Most of the Apocalyptic words which are not found 

^ The letters in brackets which follow in the Gospel, J'p St Johu in the Epistles, 
the words in this list indicate tiie other - The number of sticlii is given in 

N. T. writer and work in which the each case according to the stichometry 

words are found; e.g. L»=St Luke in of Nicephorus. 
Acts, P"^ St Paul in Eomans, J" St John » See St Jlark"^, p. xlvii. 


or are found but rarely in other X. T. writings belong to the 
language of common or commercial life, which would be familiar 
to one who had been for many years resident in Ephesus. Further, 
it will be observed that two-thirds of the words in the first list 
ijjfg), and nearly eleven-twelfths in the second (||), had been 
previously used in the Greek Old Testament. In the second list, 
the student will find it worth his while to notice the distribution 
of the words amongst other N. T. writers. St Paul, it will be 
seen, has 33, St Luke 30, St Matthew 9, St John (in the Gospel 
and Epistles) 8, St James 6, St Mark 5, the author of Hebrews 3, 
and St Peter 2. The great preponderance of Pauline and Lucan 
words is remarkable, but perhaps it is sufficiently explained by the 
circumstance that both St Paul and St Luke wrote under conditions 
not altogether unlike those of the author of the Apocalypse. Their 
lives, like his, had been largely spent among Greek-speaking peoples, 
and in intercourse with Greek-speaking Churches. 

The true aira^ Xeyofxeva of the Apocalypse are few. Some 
are name-forms {'A/3aSScov, 'AttoXXvcov, '^Ap MayeBcov, Nt«;o- 
XaiT?;?), which are perhaps in every case due to the writer. 
Others {^i^Xapihiov, 7roTa/xo(p6pT]TO(;, ')(^aXKo\i/3avo^) are probably 
words current in Asia, although hitherto they have not been de- 
tected in any other Greet; writing. KaTi]y(op and KardOefMa seem 
to be of Jewish-Greek origin ; rj/xccopov is either a slip, or an 
alternative form of rj/xicoptov. The MSS. of the Apocalypse shew 
a considerable number of orthographical peculiarities, chiefly 
affecting the terminations of nouns and verbs, such as ■)(^pva-dv 
(i. 13), '^(^pva-ecov (ii. l), KeKoiriaKe'i (ii. 3), 7reTrT0)Ke<; (ii. 5), ^aOea 
(ii. 24), el')(^av (ix. 8), atrrfkOa (x. 9), TreircoKav (xviii. 3), e^aXav 
(xviii. 19), 'yeyovav (xxi. 6), and some of these are so well sup- 
ported that they claim a place in the text. But there are 
comparatively few lexical eccentricities, and if we are reminded 
by an occasional transliteration that the author was a Jew by 
birtn and education, it is clear that he had lived long enough 
in the Greek cities of Asia to have ready to his hand all the 
Greek words that he needed for the purpose of his book. The 
Greek vocabulary of the Apocalypse does not suggest that the 


writer was crippled by a want of appropriate w^ords. His store 
is ample for his needs, and it seems to have been chosen with 

3. When we pass from vocabulary to grammar, the case is 
different. Dionysius, as we have seen, with the acumen of an 
Alexandrian scholar, was struck by the many departures from 
the rules of syntax which mark the Apocalypse, and charges its 
author with writing incorrect Greek and even occasional solecisms. 
His criticism is courageous, but not unjust. Fortunately no 
systematic attempt was made in Egypt or elsewhere to bring 
the book up to the standard of literary orthodoxy, and in the 
best MSS. it has come down to us with many at least of the 
writer's grammatical peculiarities untouched. 

Nothing like a grammar of the Apocalypse^ can be attempted 
here, but some of the more striking features of its peculiar style 
are collected below. 

(i) The 'solecisms' of the book consist largely of various forms 
of anacoluthon, shewing a singular indifference to the laws of 
concord. They may be roughly classed as follows, (a) Nomina- 
tives are placed in apposition to other cases : i. 5 airo ^-rjo-ov Xpia-rov, 
6 fjLdpTV<; 6 7ricrT09. ii- 20 tt/v yvraiKa 'le^ayScA, rj Xeyovcra eavTqv 
Trpof^rJTiv. iii. 12 ti79 *cau'T7S 'lepovcraXrjix, rf Kara/SatVovcra €/c TOf 
ovpavov. viii. g aTriOavev to TptTou twv KTicrfxardiV twi/ iv ttJ uaXaaarr], 
TO. i)^ovTa \j/vxa-<s. Other examples may be found in xiv. 12, 
xvi. 14, XX. 2, xxi. II. (b) The participle X€ya)i — occasionally 
{■j^ojv — follows irregularly after the announcement of afresh voice or 
persona dramatis: iv. i 77 <^a)i'T;...ciJS o-a/\.7rtyyo?...Aeyw;/. ix. i^rjKOvcra 
<f)U)vi]V fXLav . . . AeyocTa. xi. 1 5 cyeVovTO <^a)iat fxeyaXaL . . . AeyoiTcs. 
xiv. 6 €l8ov aWov ayyeXoc 7riT6iJ.€\'ov...e\ovTa. . .Xiyun: lo. 14 eidou 
KoX I80V v€(f>eXr] XeuK?;, kol iirl Tyv ve(f>fXi]V Ka6rip.ivov . . .f.\o)V, {c) The 
construction is broken by a parenthetic clause, after which the 
sentence may or may not return to its original course: i. 5 f . t<3 
dyaTTtoVTi Tjyuas koX Xvcrairt . . . Kat c7roi7jcrei'...auT({) 7^ oota. X. I f. ctoov 
aA-Xov ayy€Xoi' Icf^pov Karaf^aLvovTa . . . kol to TrpoawTrov airrou cus o i/Xio? 
Koi ol TToSe? airov co? (ttvXol Tn-pos, ^at €;;^a)i'... (d) The grammar IS 
disturbed by the otiose addition of a personal pronoun or an adverb 

^ The subject has been treated more {Ititr. to N. T. iii. p. 552 B.), Archd. Lee 

or less fully by VoRel (Conun., p. 5 ff.), (intr. to Comm. p. 454 IT.). A Johannine 

Wilier (?:xeg. Studien, i. p. 1443.), Gra»;imar has been recently published by 

E\vald(prol. to Comm. §6), Hitzif,'(n).T Dr E. A. Abbott as a sequel to his 

Johannes Marcui^, \). 6^{f.), hiickc, Ver- Johanniue Vocabulary (1905), but it 

such finer volhti'im!i(ien Eiuleitunp, i. deals with the Gospel only. A thoroupli 

p. 448 ff., Bousset (intr. to Comm. p. 1S3 monograph on the grammar of the Apo- 

ff.), and in England by S. Davidson calypse is still to be desired. 


of place after a relative or participial clause : ii. 7 t(3 vlkwvtl (or, as 
in V. 26, 6 I'lKwr) Swcrw avra)...iii. 126 vtKwi', ttoit^ctco 4 tcS 
Ka6qfxeru)...iS60r] avTta XafSelv r>7v elpyjvrjv e/c t^s yi7S...Kai e860r] avria 
/ixct^atpa. xii. 6 OTTOU €^^€1 c/cei. xiiL 8 ov ov yiypa-n-Tai to oio/xa 
avTov. (e) Genders, numbers, or cases are at fault: vii. 9 cTSov, 
Kai iSov o;!(Xos 7roAvs...ecrTWT£s...7r€pi/3€y8Xr^/x£i'oi;5. viii. 9 to TpiTov 
T(5v TrXotcoi/ SurfiOaprjcrav. xi. 4 ovtol eiaiv at Svo eXaiai Kat at 8vo 
A.v;^i'tat ai...€O"T(j0T€s. Xll. 5 ^TtKCv vtov, apaiv. xiv. 19 tt/v Xt/i'ov 
ToO Ovfjiov Tov 6eov rov yaeyav. xvii. 3 ^■>j|€;^ovrTal. 

Xxi. 14 TO T€t;^0S...€X'^V. 

(2) Besides ' solecisms ' the Apocalypse has, to borrow another 
term from Dionysius, a large number of 'idiotisms.' The idiosyncrasy 
of the writer shews itself sometimes in a startling phrase such as 
i. 4 ttTTO 6 wv Kat o T]V Kai o €p;(0|U,£vos, or i. 8 iyio el/jn to aX<^a Kat to 
<S, or ix. 12 and xi. 14. rj oval tj p-ia, rj Sevrepa, "q TpLTtj; sometimes 
in grammatical peculiarities, some of which frequently recur, such 
as the following: (a) Different tenses and moods are joined by a 
copula without any clear reason for the change: ii. 2 f. cTrei/Dao-as... 
€^ets...£/?acrTao"as...K€K07rtaKes. iii. 3 iiXrjcfia^ kol rJKov(Ta<;, Tb. 9 
•jrot7;o-coa{iToi)S tva Ty^ovtrtv Kat7rpoo"Kvr77o-oi;o'tv...Kat yvtocrtv. V. 7 f. rjXdev 
Koi €L\rj(f)€V...KaloTe eXafSev. vii. I3f. dTr^Kpidr).. .koI v.p-qKa...Ka.\ cittci'. 
viii. 5 iiXrj^€v . . . KoX lyip.i(T€v,,,KaX c/SaXev. ix. 5 ihoOr] avTots Iva p-rj 
diT-OKr€LV(Ji(TLV auToiJS, aXX Xva. (3ao-avL(T07]O'OVTaL, xxi. 24 ff. TrepnraTij- 
aovaiv ...<l>ipov(TLv ...ov pur] KXucrOiiiO'LV ...o1(tov(tiv ...ov paj elo-eXOr]. 

(b) Adjectives and verbs are made to govern cases other than 
those required by usage ; i. 13, xiv. 1 4 oftotoi/ i;toi/ ai^^pwTrou. ii. 14 
tStSacTKev T<3 BaXax. viii. 13 ovai tov<; KaTotKOvvTa<; iirl tt7S y??- 
xii. 1 2 ovat TTrjv yrjv koL rrjv OdXaaaav. xix. 5 atvetTe tw Oeto -^p-oiv. 

(c) Other unusual constructions abound, such as : iv. 9 f. oTav 
8aJcrovcriv...7r€crox}vTat. viii. 4 avifirj 6 /caTTvos. . .Tats Trpocreu^^ats. ix. 4 
ippidrj avTais iva p.r] aSiKt]crovaLV. xi. 3 8ajo"w...Kat 7rpo<f)r]Tevcrov(TLV. 
lb. 5 ^'- ''"'•S deXrjcrrj. xii. 7 eycVcTO 7rdXe/>ios...o Mt^^ar^X Kat ot ayyeXot 
avTov TOV TToXf.p.yjo'ai. xviii. 20 tKptvev o 6eo<; to Kpip^a vp.wv i^ avTr]<;. 
xxii. 14 /xaKa'pios . . . ii'a co-Tat... Kat... cio-e'X^ too- tv. 

]\[any attempts have been made to minimize the grammatical 
irregularities of the Apocalypse. In the most recent of these, a 
chapter of Archbishop Benson's Apocalypse which bears the 
characteristic heading " A Grammar of Ungrammar\" the in- 
stances are classified with the view of shewing that in most of 
them the Apocalyptist had a definite reason for his departure 
from usage. Whatever may be thought of the explanations which 
are offered in his defence, it is evident that he has not erred in all 
cases through ignorance^, and it is possible that he has not done so 

1 Essay v. p. 131 ff. self to write bij-oiov vl6v, in eighteen other 

- E.g. if he has twice permitted him- jjassages ofioios governs the dative. 


in any instance. His eccentricities of syntax are probably due 
to more than one cause : some to the habit which he may have 
retained from early years of thinking in a Semitic language^; 
some to the desire of giving movement and vivid reality to his 
visions, which leads him to report them after the manner of short- 
hand notes, jotted down at the time ; some to the circumstances 
in which the book was written. But from whatever cause or con- 
currence of causes, it cannot be denied that the Apocalypse of John 
stands alone among Greek literary writings in its disregard of 
the ordinary rules of syntax, and the success with which syntax 
is set aside without loss of perspicuity or even of literary power. 
The book seems openly and deliberately to defy the grammarian, 
and yet, even as literature, it is in its own field unsurpassed. No 
judge Avho compared it with any other Greek apocalyptic work 
would hesitate to give the palm to the canonical Apocalypse. 

4. Apart from solecisms and other idiosyncrasies, the style of 
the Apocalypse is distinguished by a number of characteristic 
phrases and turns of expression which give it individuality. 

Some of these recur with slight variations throughout the book. 
Thus i. 2 iixapTvpT](T(y tov \6yov tov Oeov /cai tt)i' fxaprvpiav Irjcrov 
XpicTTov starts a note which is heard again ib. 9 8ia tov \6yoy rov 
6(1)1) Koi TTjv fxapTvpLav 'Itjctov, vi. 9 8ia tov Xoyov tov Beov kol Slo. ti)v 
jxapTvpiav rjv uxov, XX. 4 hia. t7;i' fxapTvptav 'Irjaov Koi Sia TOf Xoyov 
TOV Oeuv. The reader meets again and again the phrase ol K-aroi- 
Koi'VTi'i IttI tt^v yrjv, or ctti T7y5 y'/s, or ryv yi~v (iii. 10, vi. 10, viii. 13, 

1 The present writer, while welcoming heen materially different had he been a 
all the light that can be thrown on the native of Oxyrhynchus, assumiuR the 
vocabulary and syntax of the N.T. by extent of Greek education the same."' 
a study of the Graeco-Egyi>tian papyri, But the facts seem at present insufficient 
and in particular the researches of Pro- to warrant this conclusion. It is pro- 
fessor Deissmann, Professor Thumb, and carious to compare a literary document 
Dr J. H. Moulton, deprecates the iu- with a collection of personal and business 
duction wliich, as it seems to him, i3 letters, accounts, and other ephemeral 
heingsomewhathastilybasedupon tlieni, writings; slips iu word-formation or in 
that the Greek of the X. T. has been but pyutax which are to be expected in the 
slightly influenced by the familiarity of latter, are phenomenal in the former, 
the writers with Hebrew and Aramaic. and if they find a place there, can only 
"Even the Greek of the Apocalyjise.' be attributed to lifelong habits of 
Dr Moulton writes (Grammar of X. T. thought. Moreover, it remains to be 
Greek, prolegg. p. 8f.), "does not seem considered how far the quasi-Semitic 
to owe any of its blunders to 'Hebra- colloquialisms of tlie papyri are them- 
isms'... Apart from places where he [the selves due to the intlucnce of the large 
author] may be definitely translating a Greek-speaking Jewish population of tlie 
Semitic document, there is no reason Delta, 
to believe that his grammar would have 


xi. lo, xiii. 8, 12, 14, xvii. 2, 8), the combination ttio-tos koX 
d\r]div6<s (iii. 14, xix. 11, xxi. 5, xxii. 6), the refrain 6 €xu)v ous 
oKoro-aTw (ii. 7, II, 17, 29, iii. 6, 13, 22, and with a sHght difference, 
xiii. 9). Mcra ravra ctSov, kol iSov, 6 Ka^T^'/xei'os ctti tov Opovov {tov 
6p6vov, TO) ^pdi'o)) are other examples. Further, the writer has a 
habit of repeating tlie article or a governing clause before every 
member of a series when the same subject or class of subjects is 
in view, e.g. ix. 20 to. e'lSwXa to, -^pvcra Koi to. dpyvpa koi to, ^aXKo. 
Koi TO. XiOiva KCLi TO. ^uAtva. xv. 2 tovs viKwi'Ta? €k toC Orjplov koi e/c 
T77S ciKovos avTov KOL cK Tov apL$fJiov Tou ovo/xttTos avTov. xvi. 13 £/C 
rov aTOfJLaTOS tov SpaKOVTOS Kat €K tov cTTo/xaros toi) QiqpLOV koI Ik tov 
OTO/xaros to£) ij/evSoTrpocf)y]Tov. xvii. 6 /u-e^uouaav ck tov at/uaro? toji/ 
dyiwv Kal ck tov at^aros rcov fxapTvpwv Irjaov. There are many minor 
singularities, such as the frequent use of the instrumental dative 
preceded by iv, e.g. iv po/x^ai'a (ii. 16), iv pa/38a) (ii. 27, xii. 5, 
xix. 15), iv (fxDvrj (v. 2, xiv. 7), iv TaL<; Ki6dpaL<s (xiv. 2), iv irvpi 
(xvi. 8, xvii. 16); the nearly constant omission of the article before 
proper names, not excluding 'It^o-ovs ; the employment of cts as 
almost equivalent to an indefinite article (viii. 1 3 eros aerov, xviii. 2 1 
€15 ayyeXos) ; the peculiar use of wSe in such clauses as xiii. 10, 
18 (xiv. 12) a)8e ecTTiv -q vTrop.ovT], coSe i] ao(f)La icmv, xvii. 9 coSe d 
vovs d e^wv (Tocfiiav; the recurrence of the formula i866r) av-w (avrois) 
followed by a noun, an infinitive, or a subjunctive with tVa ; the 
partiality shewn for the perfect tense, especially in the case of 
€LX.r](fia (ii. 27, iii. 3, v. 7, viii. 5, xi. 17) and eiprjKa (vii. 14, 
xix. 3) ; the many beatitudes interspersed among the visions (i. 3, 
xiv. 13, xvi. 15, xix. 9, XX. 6, xxii. 7, 14). Lastly, a considerable 
number of ordinary words occur with remarkable frequency, catch- 
ing the eye again and again as the book is tui-ned ; a few may be 
specified here : ayyeXos, aytos, al/xa, czKoveiv, afxrjv, dvoLyeiv, drro- 
OvrjcTKiLV, dcTTtjp (nevcr ao-Tpov), /JaAAeir, /Jao^tAevs, /Sl/SXiov, ^AeVeiv, 
jSpovT'i], yrj, ypd(fi£LV, SeLKi'veiv, 86^a, ovj'a/xis, idvo?, iKKXrjCTLa, iviOTriov, 
iiovaua, epyov, kroifxat^eiv, €V(fipaive(r6aL, ^(^y, 7^Ato§, ^aAacrcra, Odvaro^ 
Opovov, $vcnaaTy]pLov, iSetv, iSov, KaOrjcrOaL, KaTajSaiveLV, KecftaXij, Kpa^etv. 
KpLVCtv, Xap-ISaveLV, AevKOS, Aoyos, /xeyas, vaos, vcKpos, viKav, oiKOVfxevr]. 
ofxoio';, ovojxa, ovpai'os, d<^^aA/x.os, TvavTOKparwp, 7r€//,7retv, TrepLfSaXXecrOai 
■jrtTTTCtv, TrXavav, TrXrjyr}, TroAts, Trpoo-Kvvetv, Trpoawirovy Trpo(f>rjT7]'; and 
its cognates, Trvp, pop.^ata, crrjixi'tov, (rTe(f)avo<;, a-TOjxa, <rc]id^eiv 
cr^payis, TeXeiaOai., vScop, vttoixovi], (jiofSelaOaL, cjioivt], xeip> XP^^^^'^ 
cjSiy. This list will be found a suggestive one ; in most cases the 
subject of the book or the circumstances of the author sufficiently 
account for the more or less frequent recurrence of tlie words ; 
in some the reason lies deeper. But however their repetition may 
be explained, it goes far to impart to the Apocalypse the colouring 
■which mai'ks its style. 

5. It is of interest to compare the vocabulary, grammar, and 
style of the Apocalypse with those of other New Testament 
writings traditionally assigned to St John, and especially with those 


of the Fourth Gospel, (i) Vocabulary. Of the 913 words used 
in the Apocalypse 416 are found also in the Gospel, but the 
words common to both books are either of the most ordinary type, 
or are shared by other N. T. writers. The eight words apviov, 
^^^palarl, eKKevreiv, KVKkeveiv, 6-^i^, irop^vpeo^, (tktjvovv, (f)Oivi^, 
which occur only in these two books, do not supply a sufficient 
basis for induction. Wpvtou, used 29 times in the Apocalypse, 
is used but once in the Gospel, and then with a diflfereut refer- 
ence ; the form KVKXevecv in Jo. x. 24 and Apoc. xx. 9 is found 
in the Gospel only in Cod. B ; o-v/rt?, irop^vpeo'^, and (f>oivi^ are 
fairly well established in the Greek of the 0. T. ; on the other 
hand, 'E/Spaio-rt is somewhat markedly Johannine, occurring five 
times in the Gospel, which uses also 'Pco/tatcrT/ and 'l^WrjvLaTt; 
aKrjvoiiv is strongly characteristic of the teaching of the fourth 
Gospel, though it occurs there but once\ and the use of i^eKev- 
rrja-av for •1"'i?? in Zech. xii. 10-, both in Jo. xix. 37 and Apoc. i. 7, 
is certainly noteworthy and probably more than a coincidence ^ If 
we extend our examination to words which, though not exclusively 
used in these books, are prominent in them or in one of them, 
the evidence is similarly divided. On the one hand there are 
not a few points in which the diction of the Apocalypse differs 
notably from that of the Gospel: the conjunctions dWd, 'yap, 
ovv, which continually meet the reader of the Gospel, are com- 
paratively rare in the Apocalypse^; evcoTriov, a characteristic 
preposition in the Apocalypse, occurs but once in the Gospel ; the 
Evangelist invariably writes ^JepoaoXv/jLa, the Apocalyptist 'le/oou- 
aaXtj/j,^ ; the one chooses d/j-vo^: when he is speaking of the Lamb 
of God, the other apviov ; to the one the Eternal Son is simply 6 

1 St Paul has (irLCKT^vovv iu a similar from the first Epistle of St Jolm, and 
sense (2 Cor. xii. 9). 7dp occurs there but tlirice (Westcott, 

2 On this seeDeissmann, Die Septrui- Epistles of St John, p. xl.). 
pinta-popyri .. .der Jleidelbfrffer Papyrus- ' The exclusively local use of the name 
sammhing, p. 66 f. in the Gospel does not .iltoj^ether account 

3 See c. xi. for this diiTerence. 'lepovaaXi/jfi. is used 
* 'AXXa occurs loi times iu J*^'', 13 freely in speaking of the locality by 

times in Apoc. ; yap 65 times in J", 16 St Luke and St Paul; with Ml., Mc.', 

in Apoc. Oi'i' which is the favourite J"', on the other hand, the use of 'lepo- 

mark of transition in the Gospel is used aoXv^a is habitual, though Mt. once 

but 6 times in the Apocalypse, and only writes 'lepovaaXrjfx (xxiii. 37). 
in cc. i. — iii. But oiv is wholly absent 


X0709, to the other the glorified Christ is 6 Xoyo'i tov Oeov. The 
Apocalyptist uses the Synoptic and Pauline terms evayyiXiov, 
evayyeXi^etv, KrjpvcraeLv, KXrjpovo/jbelv, [xeTavoelv, fivaTrjpiov, rj 
oiKov/ji€V7], avvKoivwvelv, from which the Evangelist seems to 
refrain ; while on the other hand, as Dionysius long ago pointed 
out, of many of the key-words of the Gospel he shews no know- 
ledge. On the other hand the two books have in common a 
fair number of characteristic words and phrases, such as d\.r]0iv6<i, 
i^ova-ia, /xaprvpelv, viKav, oBrjyelv, ol8a, crij/xaiveiv, rrjpelv (Xoyov, 
ivro\7]v), virdyeiv. It is still more significant, that both attach 
a special meaning to certain words; both use 'louSato? of the 
Jew considered as hostile to Christ or the Church, and in both 
such words as ^cotj, ddvaro^, SLyjrav, ireivav, vv/j.<p7], So^a, bear 
more or less constantly a spiritual sense — a remark which applies 
also to several of the words mentioned above (e.g. vckolv, oSrjyelv). 
(2) Thus on the question of the literary affinity of the Fourth 
Gospel and the Apocalypse the vocabulary speaks with an un- 
certain sound, though the balance of the evidence is perhaps in 
favour of some such relationship between the two writings. This 
probability is increased when we compare them from the point 
of view of their grammatical tendencies. While the solecistic 
anacolutha of the Apocalypse have no parallel on any large 
scale in the Gospel, there is a considerable number of unusual 
constructions which are common to the two books. Some mav 
be mentioned here, (a) The partitive e'/c with its dependent 
noun or pronoun is used in both as the object or subject of a 
verb: e.g. Jo. xvi. 17 elirav ovv e'/c rdv fMadrjTcov avrov; Apoc. 
ii. 10 fjbeXXeL ^aXetv i^ vfxwv, iii. 9 SiSw e'/t r^? crvvaya>yrj<;, xi. 9 
/BXeTTovcriv eic rwv Xadv. (h) Both books place fxeTa after XaXetv 
(Jo. iv. 2'jhis, ix. 37; Apoc. i. 12, iv. i, x. 8, xvii. i, xxi. 9, 15), 
and TrepfTrareiv (Jo. vi. 66; Apoc. iii. 4), and e/c after aw^eip or 
rrjpelv (Jo. xii. 2/ awaov fxe e/c t?}? a)pa<; TavTr]<i, Apoc. iii. lO are 
rrjpjjaco eK Trj<; copa<; tov Trecpao-fiov). (c) Both use iva in an 
unusual sense (Jo. viii. 56 r^yaXXidcraTo iva iSj], ix. 2 rt? ^/jbaprev 
. . .'Iva TV(^Xo<i yevvr]dfj ; xi. 15 ')(aipoy..uva inarevcrriTe: Apoc. xiv. 
13, xxii. 14). 


(3) Coming to the style of the books, a comparison will 
lead to results very similar to those which were obtained by 
examining their vocabularies. The general effect of the style 
of the Gospel is as far as possible from the effect which the 
Apocalypse produces on the mind of the reader : " it is free from 
solecisms, because it avoids all idiomatic expressions^" The book 
flows along smoothly from the prologue to the end ; there is 
no startling phrase, no defiance of syntax ; if it is obviously the 
work of one who was more familiar with the construction of the 
Semitic than of the Greek sentence ^ yet the author seldom or 
never offends against definite laws. In these respects he not only 
differs from the Apocalyptist, but stands at the opposite pole to 
the eccentricities, the roughnesses, the audacities, of the latter. 
Yet it is also true that he has many points of resemblance with 
the writer of the Apocalypse, both in regard to sentence-formation 
and to the phrasing of his thoughts. As to the former, the fol- 
lowing points have been noticed amongst others, (i) Both the 
Evangelist and the Apocalyptist fiiU in places into parallelisms; 
cf. Jo. i. 4 f. o yeyov€V iv avTu> ^cor) rjv, \ Koi -q ^corj rjv to (po)^ rcov 
dv6pco7ro)V' II Kal to 0w9 ev tj) (tkotlu cfyaivei, | Kal rj cTKorla avTO 
ov KaTeXa^ev. Apoc. xxi. 237; ttoX^? ov '^pelav e;^et tov tjXlov ' 
ov8e T^? crekrivT}<;, Iva (paivo}(rtv avTrj' jj j; yap Bo^a tov deov 
€<l>Q}Ti(T€v avTr]v, I Kal Xu^ro? avTr)<i to apviov. (ii) Both are 
partial to the form of antithesis which presents first the positive 
and then the negative side of a statement or direction ; e. g. Jo. 
1. 3 TTcivTa OL avTOV eyev6To, Kal '^0}pl<; avTov iyeveTO ouBe ev. 
X. I2f. [XL(TdoiTo<i Kal ovK oov TToi/xijv. . ./jLi(Td(OT6<; iaTiv Kal ov 
/leXet avTa> irepl tcov Trpo^aTcov. Apoc. iii. 3 7;fco oxj K\e7rTJ)<;, Kal 
ov fiT} yv(S<i TToiav wpav i^^co ; ih. 16 yXiapoq el, Kal ovtc ^ecrro? 
ovTe ■\p'v'X^po<i. X. 4 €r<^payL(Tov a eXciXrjaav al eirTa ^povTal, Kal 
fiT} avTa ypd^lrrj'i. (iii) Both repeat the article for the sake of 
emphasis: Jo. i. 9 to (^w? to aXrjOivov, vi. 32 tov dpTov...T6v 
dXtjOivov, XV. I 7; a/Li7reXo? 7; dXtjOivrj, x. 1 1 o ttoi/xtji' 6 KaX6<i ; 
Apoc. i. 5 fidpTV<; 7riaTu<;, ii. 1 I tov SavnTou tov BevTepov, 

1 Westeott, St John, p. 1. cal Character of the Fourth Gospel, 

'^ CL S&udaj, Authorship and Historl- p. 78 f. 

S. R. t 


ih. 12 ryjv pofi(f>aLav rrjv Blo-to/xov t7]v o^eiav, xviii. lo 7] ttoXi^ rj 
/jLeyaXri...7] Icr'^vpd, xxi. lO Tr]V ttoXiv tt]v aylav (iv) Both 
add parenthetic explanations for the sake of circumstantial 
fulness: cf. Jo. vi. 22 £, xi. i ff., xviii. 13 f.; Apoc. xiL 9 (xix. 2), 
xiv. 1 1 (xix. 20), XX. 14 (xxi. 8). (v) Similar or identical phrases 
occur in both, e.g. woietv aXijOetav (Jo. iii. 21), jrotelv T/reOSo? 
(Apoc. xxii. 15); iroietv cnj/xetov (Jo. ii. II, 23, iv. 54, etc., Apoc. 
xiii. 1 3 f., xix. 20) ; jxepo'^ ex^tv (Jo. xiii. 8, Apoc. xx. 6) ; ovofxa 
avTU) (Jo. i. 6, iii. I, xviii. 10, Apoc. vi. 8, ix. ii). Even more 
remarkable are the follomng coincidences of language: Jo. i. 14 
Xoyof; . . . i(TKr]vw(Tev iv rjfiiv, Apoc. vii. 15 KaOrjixevoH iirl 
rov Opovov cTKrivaicrei eTr avrov'i ; Jo. iv. 6 K€KO7rtaK(J0<i e'/c r^? 
6Soi7ropla<;, Apoc. ii. 3 ou KeK07riaKe<i \ Jo. vii. 37 idv Ti<i Scyfra 
€p)(^ea6o) 7rpo<; fie Kal Triverco, Apoc. xxii. 1/ Si-y^foov ey0^t'o-^&) ; 
Jo. X. 18 Tavrrjv rrjv ivroXijv eXafBov Trapd rov irarpo^ l^ov, 
Apoc. ii. 28 fell? KayoD etXrjcfia irapd rod irarpo^ fxov ; Jo, xvi. 12 
ov Buvacrde fiaa-rd^ecv, Apoc. ii. 2 ov Svvrj jBacrrdaai; Jo. xx. 12, 
Apoc. iii. 4 iv \evKol<i. The bearing of this evidence on the 
question of authorship will be discussed in a later chapter^ ; mean- 
while we may observe that it creates a strong presumption 
of affinity between the Fourth Gospel and the Apocalypse, not- 
withstanding their great diversity both in language and in 

^ a. XV. 



1. The Apocalypse of John shares with other apocalyptic 
writings a partiality for symbolical imagery and the symbolical 
use of numbers. Teaching by the use of symbols is found in 
every part of the Old Testament, but it becomes especially notice- 
able in the later prophecies, and in the book of Daniel. The 
visions of which these books largely consist present a succession 
of strange and sometimes weird or even monstrous shapes, designed 
to suggest ideas that could not be expressed in words, or persons 
or forces that the writer preferred to leave unnamed. This 
habit was adopted by the non-canonical apocalyptists, from Enoch 
onwards, and it receives illustration in every page of St John's 

2. The imagery of the Apocalypse lays under contribution 
all the departments of nature and life. The animal kingdom 
lends its ^c3a and its Orjpia — horses white, red, black and pale, 
the lamb and the calf, the lion, the leopard and the bear, the 
locust, the scorpion and the frog, the eagle and the vulture, the 
birds of the air and the fishes of the sea ; the vegetable kingdom, 
its trees and herbs and grass. Earth, sea, and sky bring their 
tribute. Agricultural operations such as harvest and vintage, the 
life and trade of great cities, the march and clash of great armies, 
are all depicted on its canvas. A sea of glass is spread before 
the Throne in Heaven : a river flows through the Holy City. 
The sky yields its stars, now shining in the firmament, now falling 
to the earth, now forming a cluster in the hand of the Christ, or 
a coronet on the head of the Mother of Christ and Christendom. 
Across the heavens there sweeps from time to time a more than 
tropical storm of thunder, lightning, and hail, followed by earth- 

i 2 


quake. Human life supplies an abundance of imagery. We see 
the mother and her child, the harlot and her lovers, the bride 
arrayed for her husband. Crowned heads wear the o-re^ai/o? or 
the BidSrjfia ; warriors carry the two-edged sword ; the shepherd 
appears with his iron-tipped staff, the reaper with his sickle, the 
herald with his trumpet, the builder with his measuring rod, the 
holiday-keeper with flute and harp, the reveller with golden cup, 
the king with his roll, written within and on the back with the 
secrets of State and sealed. Figures move across the stage attired 
in the long girdled robe of kingly or priestly dignity, or in the 
shining white of hyssus ; two are dressed in sackcloth ; one wears 
purple and scarlet, and is decked with gold and precious stones 
and pearls. 

3. (a) A large proportion of this imagery is drawn, as a 
previous section will have shewn, from the Old Testament. Places, 
persons, and objects which occur in the historical books reappear 
in the Apocalypse as symbols of facts in the life of the Church 
or of the new world to which the Church points and which lies 
behind the visible order. Familiar place-names meet us here 
and there — the Euphrates, Egypt, Sodom, the Hill of Megiddo, 
Babylon, Jerusalem. The seven-branched candlestick of the 
Tabernacle suggests the golden Xv^vCat which represent the 
Churches of Asia ; Balaam finds his analogue in the Nicolaitans, 
and Jezebel in a Thyatiran prophetess. The new Israel is con- 
fronted by a new Babylon, and the Bride of Christ is a new 
Jerusalem. The Elders round the Throne answer to the elders 
of Israel ; the Two Witnesses exercise powers which remind the 
reader of the miracles of Moses and Elijah. Tabernacle and 
Temple, altar and censer and ark, recall the religious glories of 
ancient Israel. A holy place not made with hands is seen in the 
heavenly places ; the manna laid up before God finds its counter- 
part in the future life of the victorious Christian, (b) In other 
instances the N.T. Apocalypse adopts in part or in whole the 
symbolism of the O.T. writers, as when it speaks of the Tree of 
Life, the Book of Life, the Water of Life ; or the metaphors of 
the O.T. become the symbols of the new prophecy, as when our 

SYMBOLISM cxxxiii 

Lord is designated the Lamb and the Lion of the Tribe of Judah, 
or the Root of David ; or again, a whole system of O.T. symbolism 
is more or less fully pressed into the service of the book, as in the 
case of the High Priest's breastplate, and of Ezekiel's scheme of 
a restored Jerusalem. 

4. The Apocalyptist, however, does not limit himself to 
O.T. imagery, but has much that is his own, or that belongs 
to the common stock of the later apocalyptic. The Woman with 
Child has no parallel in the O.T., and in spite of Gunkel's efforts 
to find the genesis of this fine conception in Babylonian folklore, 
it may be confidently regarded as essentially a creation of the 
writer's own mind, under the influence of the Spirit of Christ. 
The description of the Harlot Babylon, seated on the scarlet Beast, 
has points of contact with passages in the Hebrew Prophets ; but 
as a whole it is new and original. A like verdict may be passed 
upon the three great sevenfold visions, the Seal Openings, the 
Trumpet Blasts, and the Outpouring of the Bowls ; their partial 
indebtedness to the Old Testament does not take from the fresh- 
ness and vigour of St John's symbolism. The idea of a millennium 
was in the air when St John wrote, but no writer had used it 
as the symbol of a spiritual triumph, or worked it into a scheme 
of the Divine ordering of history. 

5. Much of the imagery of the Apocalypse is doubtless not 
symbolism, but merely designed to heighten the colouring of the 
great picture, and to add vividness and movement to its scenes. 
Such secondary details, like many of the minor features in the 
Parables of our Lord, must not be pressed into the service of a 
spiritual interpretation, or indeed of any specific interpretation 
whatever, their purpose being simply to contribute to the general 
effect of the context where they occur. These non-symbolical 
images are sometimes taken from the life of the times, as when 
the writer recounts the imports that found their way to the new 
Babylon, many of which he may himself have seen shipped off 
to Ostia from the port of Ephesus ; or tliey belong to the common 
stock of the eschatological language of apocalyptic writing (e.g. 
vi 12 ff.); or they are due to the inspired imagination of the 


Apocalyptist himself, forming part of the picture which is present 
to his mind as he writes. 

6. But there is also much which is directly symbolical. In 
not a few cases the writer stops to interpret the symbol (e.g. 
in cc. i. 20, iv. 5, v. 6, xii. 9, xvii. 9 f., 12, 15). In others the 
symbolical meaning is only half veiled ; thus it is impossible to 
mistake the import of the standing Figure in i. 13 ff., or of the 
seated Figure in c. iv. 2, or of the Lamb, or the Lamb's Wife. 
There remain, however, a certain number of symbolic forms as 
to which there is room for diversity of judgement even among 
interpreters who follow the same general method of interpretation. 
Thus in c. vi. 2 the rider on the white horse is by some com- 
mentators identified with the Divine Rider of c. xix. 11, while 
others regard the former as symbolizing either the Roman or 
the Parthian conqueror. In c. vii. the 144,000 are by some 
understood to represent, like the countless multitude, the whole 
body of the Church, though under a different aspect or at another 
stage of its history, whereas others take the two visions to 
set forth respectively the Jewish and Gentile Christians, or the 
Jewish Church and the Christian Church. In c. xi. 8 interpreters 
are divided as to the meaning of "the great city"; in xvii. 12 
there is considerable difference of opinion as to the identity of 
the "ten kings." Many other such ambiguities perplex the 
student of the Apocalypse, and though he may be able to arrive 
at conclusions which satisfy his own judgement, it is impossible to 
offer such reasons for them as will compel assent. But the 
uncertainty which thus besets apocal}^3tic interpretation does not 
seriously detract from the general value of the book. Nor can it 
be laid to the charge of the author that he is unnecessarily 
obscure. It is of the nature of apocalyptic literature to be 
involved in some measure of obscurity ; and this is not the least 
valuable of its characteristics, for it affords scope for the exercise 
of the Christian judgement: coSe 17 ao(f)ia ia-riv wBe 6 vov<? 6 
€X(>>v ao(f>Lav (xiii. 18, xvii. 9). In the elasticity of symbolical 
language the Apocalypse has its chief advantage over the more 
exact and didactic, but less inspiring and suggestive style of 
ordinary prophecy. 


7. No reader of our Apocalypse can have failed to notice 
the frequent recurrence of numbers which appear to carry with 
them a certain symbolical meaning^ 

The following are the numbers that are met with in the book : 
2, 3, 3^, 4> 5, 6, 7, 10. 12, 24, 42, 144, 666 (or according to another 
reading, 616), looo, 1260, 1600, 7000, 12,000, 144,000, 100,000,000, 
200,000,000. The predominant number is sewn, which occurs fifty- 
four times. The book is addressed to seven Churches represented 
by seven lampstands, while their 'angels' are seven stars. There 
are seven Spirits of God, symbolized by seven lamps. The Book 
in the Hand of God is sealed with seven seals ; the Lamb before 
the Throne has seven eyes and seven horns. Seven angels blow 
seven trumpet-blasts ; seven other angels pour out the contents of 
seven bowls full of the seven last plagues. Seven thunders utter 
voices which the Seer is bidden not to write. Seven thousand 
are killed in the great earthquake which follows the ascension 
of the Two Witnesses. The Dragon has seven heads, and upon 
them seven diadems; the Wild Beast from the Sea has seven 
heads on which are " names of blasphemy " ; the Scarlet Beast 
on which Babylon sits has likewise seven heads, variously inter- 
preted by the writer as seven mountains, or seven kings. Next 
in frequency to the heptad is the dodecad. The new Israel, like 
its predecessor, consists of twelve tribes ; the Mother of Christ is 
crowned with twelve stars ; the new Jerusalem has twelve portals, 
and the wall that girdles it rests on twelve foundation stones on 
which are engraved the names of the twelve Apostles ; the Tree 
of Life in the new Paradise bears twelve manner of fruits, after 
the number of the months. Multiples of twelve, also, are common. 
Each of the tribes of the new Israel contains 12,000, making a 
total of 144,000; and 144,000 is also the number of the virgin 
souls which in the second part of the book are seen surrounding 
the Lamb on Mount Zion. The Elders round the Throne are 
twenty-four, and they are seated on as many subordinate thrones. 
Each side of the Holy City is 12,000 stades in length, and the 
wall which surrounds it is 144 cubits in height. 

Ten is another favourite number. The time of pressure which 
1 On the symbolism of numbers see Tyoonias reg. v (ed. Buikitt). 


is coming on the Churches of Asia will last ten days. Both the 
Dragon and the first of the two Wild Beasts have ten horns ; and 
so has the Scarlet Beast, whose horns are interpreted as "ten 
kings." As a multiple ten enters into most of the higher 
numbers in the book. Four, again, occurs frequently. The ^wa 
are four ; four angels stand at the four corners of the earth, 
charged with the control of the four winds of heaven ; four angels 
are bound at the Euphrates, until the moment comes for the 
execution of their work of slaughter. The Holy City lies four- 
square, and forms a perfect cube. Three is somewhat less 
prominent, but the last three Trumpets constitute a triad of 
" Woes," and under the earlier Trumpets a third part of everything 
which has been attacked is smitten (viii. 7-12; cp. ix. 15, xii. 4). 
The " great city " is rent by an earthquake into three parts ; each 
side of the square which forms the new Jerusalem is entered by 
three portals. There are other numbers which are used symbolically 
but once. The wings of the ^(oa are six ; there are five months 
during which the world is tortured by the locusts of the Abyss ; the 
Witnesses who are slain and rise again and ascend to heaven are two. 
8. The recurrence of some of these numbers, notably of seven ^, 
twelve, ten and four, can scarcely be accidental. The writer's 
partiality for them is due in some measure to his Semitic habits 
of thought. To the Hebrew mind seven denotes completion, as we 
gather from countless passages of the Old Testaments An apoca- 
lyptist who was a Christian Jew would find a special attraction in 
a number which had already played a great part in Jewish 
apocalypses from Daniel onwards. It would fall in with this 
tendency of the writer's mind if, as has been thought, the most 
prominent of the Churches of Asia were as a matter of fact seven 
in number, so that, as the phrase al eirra iKKXrjaiai at iv rfj 
'Acrta (i. 4) suggests, they were probably known as the Seven 
Churches in Asia even before they were so addressed by St JohnS 

^ Dr Abbott points out (Grammar, aaiv...Kal 8.pKroi eirTO, da-rpots (rvfj-irXripov- 

§ 162^) that the Fourth Gospel is " per- rai,...Kal rpo-rral 5e (je\7)vqi e^5o/xd<rt. ylvov- 

meated structurally with the idea" of rat. 

sevenfoldness. ^ So Ramsay, Letters to the Seven 

2 The genesis of the idea is well stated Churches, -p. 178. But this is perhaps 

by Philo lerifi. alleg. i. 4 x^'P^' ^^ V <pv(ri-^ to buUd too much upon the article. 
ei35o/JL(i8f wXaPTjTes re yap eirra. yeybv- 

SYMBOLISM cxxxvii 

But in any case the selection of Seven Churches as the recipients 
of the Apocalypse strikes a keynote which rings through the 
earlier chapters, and determines the number of the larapstands, 
the Angel-stars, the Spirits of God, and the Eyes of the Lamb. In 
the second part of the book the seven heads of the Dragon and 
the Wild Beast are perhaps suggested by the seven hills of Rome 
and the seven Augusti who preceded Domitiau. But though 
local circumstances chimed in with the traditional use of this 
number, the writer, as we have said, was doubtless drawn to it by 
its O.T. associations, and it is used in conformity with O.T. 
practice. Each series of seven is complete in itself, and each 
suggests the perfection which belongs to the Divine, or that which 
is claimed by the Antichrist. 

Of other numbers which appear to be symbolically used in the 
Apocalypse three and four occur in connexion with memorable 
incidents or contexts of the Old Testament (Gen. xviii. 2, Ex. 
xxiii. 14, Deut. iv. 41, Dan. vi. 10; Gen. ii. 10, Ez. i. 5, Dan. viL 2, 
viii. 8). Three seems to denote limited plurality ; four, the 
number of the winds and the quarters of the sky, is a fitting 
symbol for the visible creation. Ten, also, has a recognized mean- 
ing; as the round number, it is suggestive at once of indefiniteness 
and of magnitude ; in the thousand both these features are magni- 
fied, and a thousand years thus represents a great period of time 
stretching over many generations, but of unknown length. The 
uncertainty which results from such a use of numbers would be 
fatal to the value of a historical document, but it is admirably 
adapted to the purpose of an apocalypse, where the veil is lifted 
only so far as to disclose the dim outline of great issues. 

9. Two of the Apocalyptic numbers call for separate treat- 
ment, (a) Three and a half days are given as the interval 
between the death and resui-rectiou of the Two Witnesses (xi. 9, 11). 
This period corresponds with the " time, times and a half" of 
c. xii. 14, which is taken over from Dan. vii. 25, xii. 7. In Daniel 
this expression probably represents the three and a half years 
during which Jerusalem was in the hands of the Syrian oppressor, 
and the Apocalypse accordingly uses it or its equivalents (42 months, 
1260 days) to signify the age of persecution, whatever its duration 

cxxxviii SYMBOLISM 

might be. Other explanations are less probable. Gnnkel thinks 
of the 3^ months which intervened between the winter solstice and 
the Babylonian festival of Marduk\ Others, again, identifying 
the time, times, and a half of Dan. vii. 25 with the half- week 
(WnK'n '•VQ) of Dan. ix. 27, regard the Apocalyptic 3|- in the 
light of a 'broken seven,' a symbol of the interruption of the 
Divine order by the malice of Satan and evil men. 

(h) If the number 666 in Apoc. xiii. 1 8 is to be regarded as a 
symbol, there is verisimilitude in Dr Briggs' suggestion that a 
number which in every digit falls short by one of the completeness 
and perfection of the mystic seven, fitly represents the failure of 
Antichrist to reach the goal to which he aspires. But (i) this 
conception might have been conveyed with equal effect by 66, or 
6666; (2) it leaves the alternative reading (616) wholly un- 
explained; and (3) from the time of Irenaeus tradition has fixed 
on another and a more natural explanation. The number, 
whether we read %^r', or with some contemporaries of Irenaeus 
X^^\ is probably a cryptogram, and not a true symbol. It is 
possible that the Number of the Beast holds its secret still^. | 

Although the challenge 6 e^^wi' vovv ^^rj^Lcrdrw tov dpi0/j.6v has 
been accepted by the scholars of many generations, no solution 
hitherto offered commands general assent. 

10. In this chapter a Semitic origin has been claimed for the 
symbolism of the Apocalypse. The force of local circumstances is 

^ Schopfimg ii. Chaos, p. 309 ff. of x^f' 'which well deserves to be con- 

2 My colleague, Prof. Burkitt, sug- sidered. He writes: "In i K. x. 14 

gested as far back as 1896 {Cambridge the gold that came to Solomon every 

University Reporter, 1895-6, p. 625 f.) year amounts to 666 talents. This 

that x'S"', written as % , was chosen as passage is one of several indications in 

the number of the Beast because % is *^^ ^•^- *^^* *^^ Hebrews took 6 as 
tne numoer ot tne ^east Because * is ^ ^^^^^ number.... The Apocalyptist 

"httle more than ^ turned round the gives a round number, as round as he 

other way." His attractive conjecture can make it, to the Beast, because he 

was based on Beatus in Apoc. ed. Florez, dare not be more definite, and because 

p. 44o(cf. thePseudo-Augustinianhomi- he had no need to be more definite. 

lies, Migne.P.L. xxxv.col. 2437), and he The number of the Beast was ' a man's 

pointed out that the form of the fiJ('semo7i number' (cf. Isa. viii. i) ; there was 

implied in % is " characteristic of docu- nothing mysterious about it, it was 

ments of the first and second centuries." common property to the extent that 

But (i) there does not seem to be any any man of sense could interpret it. 

evidence that the ^ was a recognized ^he Beast's name was ' N or M.'" This 

symbol as early as the reign of Domitian, solution, however, leaves the early if not 

and (2) the writer of the Apocalypse does onginal x'S" unexplained, and it does 

not use the terra di'TlxPiaros. ^o* ^eem to accord with the mystical 

From another of my colleagues, Dr character of the book. 

Barnes, I have received an explanation 


not, indeed, to be overlooked. In the words of Sir W. M. Ramsay', 
"such ideas and symbolic forms Avere in the atmosphere and in 
the minds of men at the time ; and the ideas with which he 
[St John] was familiar moulded the imagery of his visions, 
unconsciously to himself," But apart from influences of this 
kind, it must not be forgotten that it was necessary to provide 
the Church with a make-weight against the power which 
heathenism exerted over the Asian cities through its abundant 
use of symbolism in literature and in art. In art Christianity 
could as yet do nothing to counteract this hostile force. The 
Apostolic age was necessarily opposed to the Art of the time^ 
Avhich was pagan to the core ; the Church of the first century 
had not either the power or the desire to emulate the splendours 
of the heathen temples. She could not erect statues to the 
Glorified Christ, or stamp His image and superscription on the 
currency, or institute public festivals in His honour. But if she 
might not avail herself as yet of the help of Art, there was 
abundant precedent in the Hebrew Scriptures for the literary 
representation of the unseen world. It was permissible to assist 
the faith of the suffering Churches by symbolical vi.sions of the 
majesty of their Divine Lord, now walking in their midst, now 
standing before the celestial Throne, now riding forth to victory 
with the armies of Heaven under His command. It was not less 
permissible to paint in glowing colours the moral glory of the 
Christian Society, and her magnificent destiny, or to place in 
contrast with them the abominable vices, the paltry display, and 
the certain doom of Rome. Yet in this legitimate appeal to the 
Christian imagination the Apocalyptist is careful to avoid repre- 
sentations which could be placed before the eye by the painter's 
art. No scene in the great Christian Apocalypse can be success- 
fully reproduced upon canvas; "the imagery... is symbolic and 
not pictoriaP." 

1 Lettt'r.'f to the SeiH'n ChurcJws, p. 59. Ait). 

2 Westcott, Kpp. 0/ St John, p. 339 » Westcott, o^. of. p. 335. 
(App. on the relation of Christianity to 



I. The Apocalyptist's use of the Old Testament is by no 
means limited to its symbolical imagery and numbers ; its thoughts 
and its very words appear in every part of his book. It is true 
that the Apocalypse is marked by an entire absence of the formal 
quotations which are to be found in other parts of the New 
Testament^ ; the nature of the work precluded the author from a 
direct appeal to his source. Yet no writer of the Apostolic age 
makes larger use of his predecessors. From the list of "quotations 
from the Old Testament " with which the appendix to Westcott 
and Hort's second volume ends, it appears that of the 404 verses 
of the Apocalypse there are 278 which contain references to the 
Jewish Scriptures. The following table is not exhaustive, but it 
will suffice to shew the extent of St John's debt to the Old 
Testament, and his method of using it. 

Gkeek versions of the Old 
Apocalypse. Testament'^. 

i. I (iv. I, xxii. 6) a Seiyevetr^at. Dan. ii. 28 a Set yevia-Qai. 

i. 4 (i. 8, iv. 8, xi. 17, xvi. 5) Ex. iii. 14 6 wv. 

o <x)v. 

i. 5''' (ii. 13, iii. 14) o yu-apTus 6 Ps. Ixxxviii. (Ixxxix.) 38 o 

TTtcTTOS. jj-aprvi iv ovpavoi Trifrros. 

i. 5^ 6 TrpojTOTOKos Twv v€Kp<jJV Ps. Ixxxviii. (Ixxxix.) 28 Kayw 

KoX 6 ap)^wv T(3i/ jSaatXeiov Trj'i y^s. TrpoiTOTOKOv Orjcrop-ai avTOv, viprjXov 

irapa rots /JacrtXevaiv ttjs yi7S. (o"' 
dvwraroi/ Twi/ ySactAe'wv T^s yi7S-) 

1 See Introduction to the 0. T. in tion, a-' = Symmachus, ol X = o! Xonroi. 
Greek, p. 381 ff. Where the version is not specified it is 

2 o' = Lxs., a = Aquila, 6' — Theodo- that of the lxx. 




i, 5*^ Xvaai'TL rjfia<; ix rwy a/xap- 
i. 6 (v. lo, XX. 6) iiTo(.Tf](T(.v 

i. 7*^ f.p)((.Tai fxeTa twv ve^eA-ooi'. 
i. 7** oiperat avrbv ttSs 6(fi0a\ix6<i 

Koi OCTlVtS aVTOV i^€K€VTr](Tai', Kat 

KOif/ovTai iir avTOV iraaai ai ^vXat 
•7-175 717s. 

1. o o TravroKpaTwp. 
i. 13 (xiv. 14) o/jioiov vlov 

TTtpLf^wa/xevoi' irpos rois /xacTTOts 

1. 14 at Tp6^€S AerKut ws epior 
XevKov, cjs ^j^ioDi'^, Kai 01 6(j)da\fxoL 
airrov cos ^A.o^ vrvpos (cf. ii. 18, 
xix. 12). 

i. 15 (xiv. 2, xix. 6) 77 ^(Dvr) 
ai'Tov ws (fniivrj vBdruiV 7roA.Awi'. 

1. 16" (ii. 12) tK T<J? OTO/iaTOS 

av'Tov 8torTO/i,os o^«ta- 
i. 16'' (cf. x. l) (US 6 7;Aios 

<f)ai\'€L €»' T17 8vvdp.eL avrov. 

1. 17'^ tTrecra 7r/)os Tovs Tro'Sas 

avTori, /cat €6r]Kii'...ktyo)v Mt^ 


i. ly'' (ii. 8, xxii. 13) tyoj el/xt 

o TrpojTos Kat o ccr^oros. 

1 Both Lxx. and Th. have wcrel jt'o»'a 
(X'w'') just before, in reference to the 

Isa. xl. 2 X.e\vTaLavTrj^ 7} d/xapTLa. 

Ex. xix. 6 vyacts Se ta-eaOe 
/xoi fSacrtXeiov lepdrevfxa (ri3?P?P 
D'pqb). Cf. Isa. Ixi. 6 V^s'^^ 
tepcis Kupt'ou Kkr]$y]cri(T6€. 

Dan. vii. 13 cTrt (6' fxerd) TiZw 
V€(^(.\u}v . . .rjp'^f.TO {6 ep^o/xevos). 

Zech. xii. 10 ff. iTTijiXlipovTai 
Tppos /A€ dvw' ajv KaTwp)(i]<Tai'To 

(6' etS OI' i^€K€VT7](Tav), KOI KOlf/OVTUL 

€7r avrov... Ktti Koij/^rai rj yrj Kara. 
<f>v\di; (f)vXd^ . . .irdcrai at VTroXeXt/x.- 
fievai (f)v\ai 

Am. iv. 130 TravTOKpaTwp 

Dan. vii. 13 ws vtos d.v6p(07rov. 
Cf. Dan. X. 16 0' cos o/xoiojcris 
uioi) drOpwTTov. Ez. i. 26 ofioiiD/xa 
cos €tSos dv^pcoTTov: viii. 2 c)/u.ot(o//a 

Ez. ix. 1 1 () ei'SeSvKcos toi/ TroSrjprj 
KUL c^cocr/xtVos ttJ ^coi'?; Tv^f 6cr(f)vv 
avTov. Cf. Dan. x. 5 evScSu/JteVos 
fSvaawa kol ttjv 6(r<f>vv Trepic- 
^(oa-p,€i'os /Svacxivw. 

Dan. vii. 9 to Tpi^tofia ttJs 
K£<^a/\i7s atToi) cocrei tptov XevK^y 
Ka6ap6v {6 7) OpL^ T. K. a. cocrct 
eptov KadapovY : X. 6 ot o(/>^aA^oI 
avroD (ocet Xafxirdoe^ Tri'pos- 

Ez. i. 24 COS ^coi'^i' vSaros 
TTO/WoO: xliii. 2 cos (fiuyvrj SiTrAa- 
crta^oi'Tcov {d 'E^p. xat cJ 2vpos, 
vSdrwv^M.T. D'J?) TToAAcSv. Cf. 
Dan. X. 6 cfxiymrj AaAias avrou cocret 
cf>Qivrj OopvfSov {ff o;^'Aov). 

Isa. xlix. 2 idrjKev to oro'/xa 
yLiou COS pid)(a.ipav o^ciar. 

Jud. v. 31 (B) cos IsoSos 17A10V 
iv Bvydp.€t. avTOV. 

Dan. X. 9, 12 tjfjLtjy Tr€TrTWKO)'i... 
Koi I80V X^'pa npoin'jyayf. fx.0L...Ka\ 
eiTrev Trpos /xe ^\i] cj>o(3ov. 

Isa. xliv. 6 t'yco Trpwros kol cyco 
fxtra raira (P'tQ^') : xlviii. 12 eyco 
ci^i TrpcoTOS Ktti €yci> ci/xi «is t6»' 
aiuii'a (H'^n^ ; 01 AotTTOi, ccr^aTos). 




i. l8 (vi. 8, XX. 13 £.) Tov 6avd- 


i. 19 d /xiXXeL yivtcrOai fiera 

i. 20 TO /xvcrrypLOv. 

ii. 7 (xxii. 2, 14, 19) iK TOV 
^vXov T^s C^V'i> o iaTiv iv tcu 
TrapaSetcco tov Oeov. 

ii. 10 ^XV"^ OXiij/Lv rjixepwv Se/ca. 

ii. 14 iSL8a(rK€v...<fiay£'Lv eiSco- 
XoOvra Kol 7ropvev(raL (cf. ii. 20). 

ii. 17* owcru) avT<2 tou [xdvva. 

ii. 17^ (iii. 12) ovofxa KaLvov. 

ii. 20 tt/v yvi'at/ca le^d/SeX. 

11. 23^* eyoj €tyu,t o ipavvijji/ 
veffipovs /cat KapStas. 

ii. 23'' (xxii. 12) Sojorw v/ttv 
CKacTTo) KttTa Ta €pya vp-oiv. 

ii. 26 (xii. 5, xix. 15) Swcrco 
auro) i^ovatav iirl twv c^vwv, 
Kat TTOt/Aavet auT0V9 ev pd/SSo) 
crLor]pa, <os to, CTKtvrj tu Kepa/xtKo, 

iii. 5 (xiii. 8, xvii. 8, xx. 12, 
15, xxi. 27) ov p.r] €$aXeLip(x) to 
ovop.a avTov eK Tr;s ^i/3Xov ti^s 

iii. 7 d e;(ojv ttjv kXciv Aavei'S, 
o avotywv Kat ouS€t9 KXelcrei, kol 
kX^Ui. kol ovSets dvOL^EL. 

111. 9"* Tj^ovcnv Kat TrpocrKvvrj- 


Hos. xiii. 14 Ik p^etpos aSov 
px>(TOp.aL Kat £K ^avaTou XvTpuKTop.aL 
avrov<;' ttov rj Slkt] <rov, OdvaTe ; 
TTov TO KevTpov (TOV, aSr] ; 

Isa. xlviii. 6 a /xiXXei yivea-Oai. 

Dan. ii. 29 di^aKaXvirriov p.v(r- 
TijpLa i8-QXw(T€ <TOL d 8et yevecrdai. 

Gen. ii. 9 to $vXov tt;? ^cut^s 
iv p.i(T(j) tco TrapaSetVto (cf. iii. 2 2 f., 
Ez. xxxi. 8). 

Dan. i. (12), 14 iireipaa-ev 
avTov'i r]ix€pa<; 8eKa. 

Num. XXV. I f. i/^e/^riXoiOr] 6 
Xaos iKTTOpvevaaL. ..Kal e(/)ay€V d 
Xaos TWV Ova-iwv avTuiy ; c£. xxxi. 
16 Tots vtots 'Io-pa?^A. 

Ps. Ixxvii. (Ixxviii.) 24 c^Spcfev 
avTots p.di/va ^ayetv, Kat aprov 
ovpavov eSouKev aurot9. 

Isa. Ixii. 2 TO ovopa to Koti'dv 
(cf. Ixv. 15). 

3 Regn. xx. (xxi.) 25 'Ie^a/3eX 
7^ yvurj avTOv. 

Jer. xvii. 10 eyw Kupto? CTa^wi/ 
KapStas Kat SoKt/xa^wv V€<f)pov? (cf. 
xi. 20, XX. 12; Ps. vii. 10, XXV. 
(xxvi.) 2). 

Ps. Ixi. (Ixii.) 13 aVoScoo-ets 
€Kao"Ta) KaTci to. Ipya auToO. 

Ps. ii. 8 f. Swao} crot eOvr] Trjv 
KXrjpovofJiLav aov' Trot/xavet? avTovs 
iv pa^So) (Tt8rjpa, ws (TKCt'OS Kepa- 
pewi avvTpiij/eL'i avTov;. 

Ex. xxxii. 32 f. iidXenl/ov /xc 
CK t:7s I3l(3Xov aov rjs cypai/^as: 
Isa. iv. 3 ot ypa(f)iVT€<s eh tfurjv 
(cf. Ps. cxxxviii. (cxxxix.) 16, 
Mai. iii. 16, Dan. xii. i). 

Isa. xxii. 22 (B) Swo-co T-qv 
ho^av (a' 6' KXetSa) AavetS avT<2, 
KOL dp$€t KOL OVK tCTTat o dvTiXiywv 
(a' ^' drot^et Kat ovk €. o aTroKActtov), 
Kat KXetVct Kat ovk caTat o 

Isa. xlv. 14 Sia/3T]<TovTaL Trpos 
ere Kot TTpoaKwrja-ovcTLV croi (cf. 
xlix. 23, Ix. 14). 


lU. 9 tyo) rjyaTrrjfra at. 

iii. 12* TO oyujxa Tvys ttoA-coj?. 

iii. 14'' 77 "^PXV "^V^ KTL<THii<; tov 


iii. 1 7 Aeycis on IlXoucrios €i/xt 
Kai TTtirXovT-qKa. 

iii. 19 eyw oo-ovs eav c/)iXw 

iii. 20 iSov taTYjKa inl tijv ovpav 
Koi Kpovoy idv TL^...a.voL^ Trjv 

iv. I -^ <j>uivr]...w<; o-aATTiyyos. 

iv. 2 tSoV Op6vO<; €K€LTO iv 


iv. 3 tptS KUAcXo^CV TOU dpOVOV. 

iv. 5 (cf. viii. 5,^ xi. 15, 19, 
xvi. 18) Ik tov Opovov iK-rropev- 
ovTtti ttO-TpaTrat Kai (f>wvai Kac 

iv. 6''(cf.xv. 2) ddXaaaa. . .ofxota 

iv. 6'' €v fi€(r<f...Te(Tcr€pa ^wa 
yefiovra 6(f)$a\fx<jiv efXTrpoadev Kai 
OTTtcrOtv (cf. 8). 

iv. 7 O/XOLOV XeOVT L. .. fJLOa^lt). . .TO 

TTpocrwirov ws dvdpwirov.. .ofxOLoy 


iv. 8* eV Ktt^ €v av'Tujv l^cu;' dru. 
7rT€pirvas e^. 

iv. 8" Aeyoi'Tc? ''Ayios ayios 
ayios Kt'/Jios 6 6cos d TrarTuKpaTwp. 

iv. JO T(3 4'»^*''''t tiS ToL'S aiaivus 
Twi' aiiuvwv. 

V. I CTTt T^V B6$LaV...j3l/3\LOV 

yeypttjU/MeVov tcra)^£V Kai ottio-^ci', 
KttT €0" <^payi(r/:x€ ror. 

V. 5 (xxii. 16) o \iu>v 6 tK T7/S 
^vAt^s Iov6u, 7; pt^a Auvci8. 

Isa, xliii. 4 eyw o^e rjyd7r-i](Ta. 

Ez. xlviii. 35 TO oi'o/i.a n^s 

Prov. viii. 22 Kupios Iktio-cV 
/xc cipXW ^B*^^ uvTov €19 TO, «pya 

Hos. xii. 8 6t7r€v 'E</)p<xt/x HXt^v 
TreTT/VouTT/Ka (cf. Zech. xii. 5) 

Prov. iii. 12 o^' yap dya-n-a. 
Kvpios eAey;(6t (^^j TraiSciJct), 
fxaariyol (ot XotTroi', £A£y;(et) Sc 
Trai'Ta vio;/ ov 7rapa8e;^€Tat. 

Cant. V. 2 KpoveL cttI t^v Ovpav 
Avot^ov jU-oi. 

Ex. xix. 1 6 (fxjivr) T7]<; adXirLyyos. 

3 Regn. xxii. 19 eiSor ^eov 
IcrpayX KaOijfxevov iirl Opovov avTOu 
(cf. Isa. vi. I, Ps. xlvi. (xlvii.) 9). 

Ez. i. 28 cos opao"is To'^ov... 

ODTCOS. . . KVkAo^CV. 

Ex. xix. 16 cyiVovTO (f)(x)vaL Kai 
acTTpairai. Ez. i. 13 c/c toD Trvpos 
i^eTTOpeveTO dcTTpairq. 

Ez. i. 22 dfxoio)fJLa..,(jja-(l are- 
piuijxa, ws opao^ts KpvoraAAov. 

Ez. i. 5 iv tu> fxi(T(ii 0)5 6fJ.0LU}fj.a 

T€(T(rap(iiV ^WOJl', l6. 18 01 J'WTOl 

avTojv TrXrjpei'i 6<ji6aXp.(x>v kvkX60(.v 
Tots Teaaapa-Lv. 

Ez. i. 10 TrpocrojTTOv ar^pwTTOv...";(ou...a€Tou (cf. x. 

14, a'^')- 

Isa. vi. 2 e^ TTTtpvyes toj «it K'at 
£^ TrT€pvyi<; tw fit'. 

If*. 3 lAfyoi' "Aytos uytos aytos 
Kv'ptos aafiawO. 

Dan. iv. 31 (34) 0' Tw ^(jiTt €is 
Toj/ acdjva (cf. vi. 26 (27), xii. 7). 

Ez. ii. 9 f . ;;^£ip...Kat iv avrfj 
K£<^aAts /SiftXiov. . .iv avrrj ycypo/x- 
I^Ltva i)v TO. (.fiirpoarOfv Kai to. ottlctu). 
Isa. xxix. II *)? ot Adyot rou 
fSipXiov TOV icr<^payi(jfxivov. . . ov hv- 
yafxai ai'ayrojj-at, icr(f>pdyi(TTai yap. 

Gen. xlix. 9 aKVfivo^ Afoi-ros, 
lov8a...w<; Xiun: Isa. xi. i, 10 

£i£A£t'0-£Tat pa'yQSoS €K TiyS piCrj^ 

l£crcrat...£0-Tat ei' rVJ tjp.fpa iKeivrj 


V. 6"* (i2, xiii. 8) dpi'tov...cJs 

V. 6'' 6(f)0a\jxov^ e7rTa...ets 
Traaav Tr]v yrjv. 

V. 8 (viii. 3^) Bvixiap-aToiV 
at elcriv at 7rpoaev)(aL. 

V. 9 (xiv. 3) a^ovcTLi' (oSijv KaLvy]v. 

V. II ixvpiaoes jxvpidouiv /cat 
vtAtaScs ^tXtaoo)!'. 

Vi. 2 ff. tTTTTOS XcUKOS...7rvppoS... 

yixcXa?. . .^Xwpos. 

vi. 8 a7roKT€tvat cv f>oiJ.(f>aLa... 
ev Xtyaa)...€i' 0ava.T(ji. ..vtto twi' 

VI. 10 ecOS TTOTC.OV Kptvcts (tat 
CKotKCts TO at^a "q^uiv ck twv 
/carotKOWTcov etti riys y^s," (cf. 
xix. 2). 

vL 12 o rjXio? iy€V€TO /xeXw;.. . 
Kat rj creXrjvr] oXrj iyevero cos ai/xa. 

vi. 13 01 acrT€pes...£7r€crai/ ci's 
T'^v yrjv, ws 0-VKT7 jSdWeL tous 
oAvi'^ous avrrj';. 

vi. 14 6 OT;pai'OS...ojs fSijBXiov 

vi. I 5* ot ^acrtXcts t^s y^s. 

vi. 15'', 16 iKpvif/av iavTov? €ts 

Ttt CTTTT^Xaia Kttl €IS TCIS TTeVpas TWV 

opiwi'. ..aTTO TrpoaioTTOv tov KaOrj- 
fxevov . . . 

rj f)LL,a TOi) 'Ico-o-at' (cf. Jer. xxiiL 
5, Zech. iii. 8, vi. 12). 

Ex. xii. 5 !• ttTTo Toji/ dpvuiv 
Xr)fji^€<r6€ . . . Kot crcj)d$ov(TLV avTo 
(cf. Lev. i. 10 f.). Isa. liii. 7 w 
TrpoySarov iirl <r(f>ayr]v rj\6rj, koX 
(05 ayavos . . . Jer. xi. 1 9 cy ai Sc ojs 
apvLOv (a o" tu? ajavos) okukov 
ayo/xei'oi/ tov $v€cr6ai (a' cr' cis 

Zech. iv. 10 eTTTo. ovToi 6(fi6a\fjiOL 
CLCTLV OL eTTt^XeTToi'Tes cTTt Tracrai' 
rrjy yyjv- 

Ps. cxl. (cxli.) 2 77 Trpoa-iv>(rj 
fiov tos OvpAa/xa. 

Ps. cxliii. (cxliv.) 9 oJS-^v Kaivrjv 
aao/xaL o"ot. 

Dan. vii. 10 x^^'-'^'- X'^'^^*5... 
Kai fivpiaL /AvptaScs. 

Zech. i. 8 tTTTrot Trvppol kol 
xj/apoi Kai TTojKtXot Kat Xeuxot'. 
vi. 2 ff. iTTTTot TTvppot. ../xcXavcs... 
AeuKOt. ..TTOiKtXot ij/apoi. 

Jer. xiv. 12 cv /xaxaipa kol iv 
At/xw Kat €1/ paraTO) eyw (Ti;i'r€A€cr(t) 
aurous. Ez. xiv. 2 I pojuc^aiav Kat 
Atyaov Kat Orjpia irovTjpd kol Odvarov 
(cf. Jer. xxi. 7, Ez. v. 12, 17, 
xxix. 5, xxxiii. 27, xxxiv. 28). 

Zech. i. 12 CODS TtVos o^ fxr] 
eXerjarj'i; Deut. xxxii. 43'' to alpa 
Twv vlwv aiiTov iKStKarai. Hos. 

iv. I Kp[<TL<i TO) KVpita TrpOS TOVS 

KaTotKovfTas ryjv yrjv. 

Joel ii. 31 6 i^Atos ixeTaaTpa<f>-)]- 
crerat ets ctkotos Kat i] (TeXijvt) ets 

Isa. xxxiv. 4 TrdvTa to. darpa 
Tre(re2TaL...w'5 TrtTrret (pvXXa diro 


Isa. xxxiv. 4 cAtyT^Verat cos 
y8t/SAtov o oOpai'os. 

Ps. ii. 2 ot ySacrtActs T17S y>ys 
(xlvii. (xlviii.) 5, A : Isa. xxiv. 
21, xxxiv. 12). 

Isa. ii. 10, 19 €t<reA^€T€ cis Ta9 
TTCTpas Kat KpvTTTeaOi.. .dirb Trpod' 
ojTTou To9 (f>of3ov Kvp'ou. ..eicrevey- 
KaiTes ets to, crTD^Aata (cf. Jer. iv. 



\i. 17 ijXBiv 7/ ij/xepa r] ficyaXrj 
7-^5 opyrj^ avTiiiv. Kal tl<; Suj/arac 

vii. I (xx. 8) cTTt TO.? TecrcTupa'; 
ywvLa<; Trj<; yr]<;. 

vii. 3 (ix. 4, xiv. i, xxii. 4) 
avpt crc{)payia(x)fxev. ..eirt Ttov /actoj- 


vii. 14* TTJs 6At't/'€cjs T^s /Acya- 

vii. 14"^ (xxii. 14) eirXvvav rots 
(TToXa? avTOiv...ii' tw ai/xari tov 

vii. 1 6 f . ou Trcivacroucrtv tri ouSt 
8nl/y]crov(riv en, oi8e jtii) near] ctt' 
avTot's 6 7;Xtos ouSe Trav Kav/Aa... 
6hr}y-i]crtL axnovs iirL ^(d^s vrr^yas 

^'ii. 17^ (x.x.i. 4) t^aXtii/zft 6 
^eos TTav SaKpvov ck TaJv 6<fi0a\fjiwi' 

viii. 3* iaToiOr] £7rl tou Ovaia- 

viii. 5 €L\r]cf)ei'...T6v Xi^ai-wroV, 
Ktti eye/Aicrer avrov ck tov vrupos 
TOV Ova-iacrnqptov. 

viii. 7 tyc'i'f'O ^aXa^a Kot ttT/j 
fjiflXLyp.€va iv aifxarc. 

VIU. 8'' opos P-^yo. TTVpL Kaio- 


viii. 8^ (xvi. 3) eyeVero to rpiTov 
T^S ^aXaao-r;? ai/txa. 

viii. 10 (ix. i) c7rco-€»' cV- tov 
ovpavov da-njp /txeyas. 

ix. 2 avi^i] Ka7ri'os...<iJs kutti'os 

Joel ii. 1 1 fXfydXr} tjfxepa tov 
Kvpiov. . .KUL Tts tcrrai ikui'os ai/ri^; 
Zepll. i. 14 f., 18 €yyvs iqp.ipa. 
K.vpiov 7] pnydX-q . . . yp-tpa opyrj^ rj 
rjfiepa (.Knvrj ... iv r]p.(.pa. opyrj<; 

Kvpi'oU. K;ill. i. 6 TIS ttVTlCTTT;- 

o-£Tat; (cf. Ps. Ixxv. (Ixxvi.) 8, 
Mai. iii. 2). 

Ez. viL 2 cVt TO,? Tccrcrapas 
TTTe'puyas tt^s y??- 

Ez. ix. 4 SoS Cn]p.€LOV CTTt tu. 

Dan. xii. I iKeivrj iy i]p.ipa 
^Xtt/'ews ofa ovK iytvrjd-q. 

Gen. xlix. 11 7rXvi'€t...TT;i' oto- 
X^i' avTOV...€V aip.aTL. 

Isa. xlix. 10 ov 7r€iyd(T0Vcnv 
ovSe Snj/d(TovcrLV, ovSk TraTa^ct av- 
Tovs Kavcr(DV ovok 6 17X105... Sto. 
7rr]ywv i8dTU)v a^ct aurovs (cf. Jer. 
ii. 13). 

Isa. XXV. 8 d(^€tXei' (o-' i$a- 
Xeti/'ct) Kvpios 6 ^eos ttolv 8dKpvov 
dno Trai/Tos irpoauyirov. 

Am. ix. I i(fi€(TTU)Ta €Tn tov 

Lev. xvi. 12 \r]p.\l/tTaL to ttv- 
pfLOV ir\rjp€<i avOpaKiDV Trvpo? oltto 
ToG uvaLacTTrjpLOV. 

Ex. ix, 24 771' 0€ 1] )i^d\a^a kol 
TO TTvp <f>\oyi^ov iv TT) ^aXd^rj. 
Ez. xxxviii. 22 Kpii'u) avrov... 
aip.aTL . . . KUL Xl6oi<; '^aXd^ij';, kol 
■TTvp. . .I3pi^ui itr avTov. Joel ii. 
30 iirt Tt'j<; yrj<; ai/xa Kai rrvp. 

Jer. xxviii. (Ii. ) 25 tJs opo? 


Ex. vii. 19 f. iyiiero af/ia... 
fxeTe/SaXev Trac to vdwp to iv Ta> 
7roTa/.i(3 CIS ai/xa. 

Isa. xiv. 12 i^i—ea-fv c\- roO 
ovp(i)'ou o eo)cr(f>opo<i. 

Gen. xix. 28 di'tySau'cr <^Xo^ 

(M. T., "It2'i7) T);? -^Tr;? <Jo-«l ttT/XI? 

(""^*i?) /ca/utVoi'. Ex. xix. 18 
dvefSaivtv o kuttios oj? xaTrios 


ix. 3 f. i^rjXOov a/<ptSes €ts ttjv 
y^v ktA.. 

ix. 6 tjjTycrovcriv rov Oavarov 
Kal ov /xrj evprjcrovcTLV avTov. 

IX. 7 TO. 6/xotWjU,aTa...o/x,ota itt- 


ix. 8 oi oSovres awTcov tos Xcov- 
Twv rjcrav. 

IX. 9 7^ (f>(j)vr) T(3v TTTepuycoj/.. .ws 
ffiuivrj apjxarwv nnvoiv. . . eis ttoX^jxov. 

ix. 1 4 cTTt T(3 7roTa/x<3 tw fieyaXto 
'Ev(f>pa.Tr] (cf. xvi. 12). 

ix. 20^ Toiv epycov twv ^etpwr 

ix. 20*^ tva fxyj TrpocTKui'T/aoucriv 
TO, SaifjiovLa. 

IX. 20" K-ai TO, ttSwXa TO, '^pvcra 
Ktti Ttt apyvpa Kai ra ^aA/ca Kai ra 
Xi^iva Kai m ^i)Xiva. 

ix. 20^ d ovre /SXeireLV SvvavraL 
OVT€ aKOV€LV OVT€ Tre/DtTraTCiv. 

IX. 2 1 TMV cf>apixaKL(2v . . . TIrJS 

X. 3 oJCTTTcp Aewv ixvKaTai. 

X. 4 (xxii. 10) a<^payL(Tov d 
eXa/Xy^crai' .... 

X. 5 f. T^pev T^i^ X^'-P'^ avrov tyjv 
oe^tai' €1? Tov ovpai'ov, Kat ojfxoa€v 


atwvwv, OS €KTt(rev tov ovpavov kol 
TU €v airw ktA. 

X. 7 ws evrjyyeXiafv Tovs iavTov 
ool'A.ow§ TOi)s 7rpocf)'rjTa<;. 

Ex. X. 12 fF. dva/37]T(i} OLKpu; i-jrl 
Trjv yrjv ktX, 

Job iii. 2 1 o/xeipovTai tov Oava- 
rov Ktti ou TuyxafODO^tv. 

Joel ii. 4 cos opao-ts i'ttttoji/ t; 
opao^ts avTwi/. 

Joel i. 6 ot ooovres airov oSovrcs 

Joel ii. 5 cos (f>(i)vr] apjxa.T^v... 
ets TToX^fxov. 

Gen. XV. 18 ecos rov Trorafxov 
rov /JLeyaXov ^v<f)pdrov (Deut. i, 7, 
Jos. i. 4). 

Isa. xvii. 8 rots epyots tcov 
^eipcov auTcov. 

Deut. xxxii. 17 Wvcrav 8at- 
lxovLOL<i Ka\ ov 6eo}. 

Dan. V. 23 ■^leaare Travra ra 
ctocoAa (p^ Tous ^eous tous y/dvctoCs 
Kttt apyvpov'i Kal ctlStjpov^ kuI ^vXi- 
vov<; Kal XiOiVov;) \ cf. V. 3 & , 

Ps. cxiii. 13 flf. (cxv. 5 ff.) ...ov 

XaXovCTLV . . .OVK 0\pOVTaL...OVK aKOV- 

(jovrai. . .OV TrepiTrarrjcrovcrLV. 

4 Regn. ix. 22 at iropvelai 
l€i,af3iX...Kal TO. <jidpfj,aKa avrrj^. 

Hos. xi. 10 cos Xioiv epevterai. 

Dan. viii. 26 Trei^pay/xivov (©' 
(T<^pdyL(Tov) TO opajxa. xii. 4 
o-<^pa'ytcrat (^ crcf>pdyiarov') to yStyS- 

Gen. xiv. 22 e/<Tevc3 t'^v x^^P^ 
fjLOv TTpos Toi/ ^€01/ TOK vil/iarov OS 
e/CTio-ei' TOV ovpavov kol rr]v yrjv. 
Dan. xii. 7 ^ vif/ioaev rrju Se^tdv 
avToC.eis TOP* ovpavov kol (o/xocrev 
€V Toi ^covTt (o TOV ^covTa eis) tov 
atcova. Deut. xxxii. 40 dpco ets 
tov ovpavov rr]v x^'P*^' l^ov^ /cat 
o/xovfjiaL rrjv Se^tav fxov Kal ipoi 
Zco €yco eis rov alwva. Ex. xx. 1 1 
TOV ovpavov Kal rr]v yrjv Kal Trdvra 
ra iv aurots (cf. Ps. cxlv. (cxlvi.) 
6, 2 Esdr. xix. 6). 

Am. iii. 7 ^^i' /^V o.TroKaXv\l>rj 
TratSetav C'^^^, ^' Tr/v jSovXrjv aiiTov) 
TTpOS Tovs oov/\.oi;s ai^ToG TOVS 
Trpot^T^ras (cf. Dan. ix. 6, lo, 
Zech. i. 6). 


X. lo tXa/Sov TO ySi)8A.api8tov... 
Ktti Karif^ayov avTo, KaL rjv iv Tw 
(TTOfiaTL y-ov oj? /xeXt yXvKv. 

X. 1 1 Se? CTC ttolXlv Trpo(f)r]T€vcraL 
cttI Xaois Koi iOvecriv Koi yXwcrcrais 
Kttl l^acTiXevcrtv TroAXots. 

xi. I KaAa/ixos OfxoLos pd(38<j) . . . 
fierpy](Tov tov vao'v (cf . xxi. 1 5 ff. ). 

xi. 2 c'So^T/ TOIS WvidlV KoX Trjv 

TToXiv nijv ayiav iraTTja'ovcrLV. 

xi. 4 al Suo cXatai koi a\ 8uo 
\v'}(\'iai al evcoTTtov Tou Kvpiov tt^s 
yvj? ecTTcSres. 

xi. 5 TTVp £K7rOpeV€Tai £K TOV 

o^ro/xaTOS avTwv, Kat KanaOUL tov<; 
i)(6pov<: auTc3v. 

xi. 7 TO 6r]pLov TO ava/SoLVov €k 
T7;s d$vacrov (xvii. 8, cf. xiii. l) 
7roLr](J€L p.eT avrcZv Tro\ep.ov. 

xi. 8 KaXciTat Trv€vp.aTLK<j}S 2o- 

xi. 10 ev(j)paLi'OVTat, kol Buipa 
Trip-ij/ovcnv aXAT/Aois. 

XI. 11"^ Trv€v/xa 4W17S ex tou 
Oeov ilcrriXOev iv auTots kcu, earrj- 
crav iirl Toi.'S TrdSa? avTcov. 

xi. II** ^o/3os /xfi'ya? iTreirea-ev 
Ittl. .. 

xi. I2f. avefirjfrav €ts Toi/ ovpa- 
vov iv Tij V€<f>€\r] . . . Kot . . . eyer€TO 
(r€L(rpo<i fx.€ya<;. 

xi. 13 T(3 ^€(3 TOV ovpai'ov. 

xi. 15 eyciCTo 7; /'tt...Tov 

KVpiOV 7)/i.C0l' Kttl TOV ■^plO'ToO aVTOV, 

KoX ISaaiXevcrei ets tov? aicova? ToJr 

xi. 1 7 f . e/Juort'Xevo-as' Kat to. 
I^i't; wpyiaOriaav, 

Ez. iii. I, 3 £i7r£i' Trpos pL(... 
KaTd(f>ay€ rrjv K«<^aAt8a Tairn^f... 
Koi tc^ayou avrrjv, kol iyeiero iv 
Tu) (TTopaTt fiov (Js /xe'At yAvKtt^ov. 

Jer. i. 10 KaOia-TaKO. (Ti arjixipov 
i-TTL lOvq Ktti ySao-tAtias (cf. Dan. 
iii. 4, vii. 14), 

Ez. xl. 3 f. KixAa/xos p.tTpov. 
Zecli. ii. I (5)f. o-^^otvtoi' ycw/ACTpt- 
Kov . . .BiapL€Tprj(raL ttjv 'lepovcraXrjix. 

Zech. xii. 3 drjaofxac rrjv 'lepov- 
(TaXii]jx. XiBov KaTairaTovfxtviqv Trdcnv 
Tots tdveaiv. 

Zech. iv. 2 ff., 1 4 Av;^i'ia ^pvcrrj. . . 
Kat 8vo iXalaL...aL Svo iXaiat... 
7rap€(rTr]Ka(TLV Kvptu) irda-rj^ Tr]<; yrj'S. 

2 Regn. xxii, 9 -Kvp ck tov 
(TTopaTo^ avTov KaTcScTot. 4 Regn. 
i. 10 KaTefir] 7rvp...Kat KaTe<j>ayev 

Dan. vii. 3, Ticraapa drjpCa dvi- 
fSaii'ov €K T'^s $aXd(T(Tr]<;. ib. 2 1 
TToAe/utov o-vvto'Ta/xevov Trpos Tovs 

dyt'oUS (^' ilTOL€L TToX. p-tTO. TWV 


Isa. i. 10 api^oi'Tes !SoSo/xa)V. 

Ps. civ. (cv.) 38 ev(f)pdv6r) At- 
yvTTTo?. 2 Esdr. xviii. 1 2 airo- 
(TTeXXcLV p-eptba^ Kat TroiyaaL ev<fipo- 

Ez. xxxvii. 5, 10 <j)epo} fh 
v/xas TTvevpa ^0)17?... Kat elo-rjXOev 
€is avTovs TO 7ri'€v/xa Kat l^rjcrav, 
KOX taTrjcrav iiri Tajv ttoSojv aiTcur. 

Ps. I.e. iTre—ecrev b <^o/3os avTaJV 
£7r aiToi'9. 

4 Regn. ii. 11 dv€Xrjp.(f)drj 
HAeiov iu crvicreicrpoi ojs ets tov 

Dan. ii. 44 6 ^€os toG ovpavov. 

Ps. ii. 2 TOV KVplOV Kat... TOV 

;;^pto-Tou avTov (cf. I Regn. xii. 
3), ix. 37 (x. 16) ySao-tAci'o-ct 
Ki'pto? ets Toi' atwi'tt ktX. (cf. Ex. 
XV. iS). 

Ps. xcviii. (xcix.) i Kvptos 
e^ao-tAevtrei'- 6pyil^i<T$<iicrav Xaoi 
l^cf. ii. 5, 12). 

it 2 


xi. 1 8 Tots (fiofSovfxevoL'i TO ovo/xa 
<rov, Tou? /AiKpous Kat TODS /teya- 

xii. 2, 5 oj8tVovo-a...T€K€tv... 
€T€K(v vlov, apaev. 

xii. 3 £)^wv . . . Kepara SeKa. 

xii. 7 o Mt^a^X. . .ToS TroXifXTjaaL. 

xii. 8 (xx. 1 1 ) ouSc TOTTOS evpeOrj 

xii. g* 6 o^ts 6 dpi^aros...o 

xii. 9'^ (xx. 12) o KaXov/xevo's 
Aia/3oXos Kat o craravas. 

xii. 1 2 svcfipaLveaOi, ovpavoL 

Xll. 14 Kaipov Kai KatpoDS xai 
rjfxiav Kaipov. 

Xiii, 2 TO 6-qpLOV . . .TjV OfXOiOV 

TrapSaXei. . .ws apKov. . . ws. . XeovTOS. 
xiii. 4 Tt's ofjiOLoi TO) drjpiiD; 

xiii. 5 CTTOfxa XaXoSv fxeyaXa. 

xiii. 7 TTOirja'ai TroXe/xov fxera 
Tail/ ayituv, Kat vtKi^crat avTOvs. 

Xlii. 10 61 Tts ets ai^/xaXa)(Ttai/, 
ets at^^aXtoctav vvrayct /ctX. 

Xlii. 1 5 tva oo^ot eai' /xrj irpocrKV- 
vrjcTMo-iv Trj etKOvt tot) drjpiov airo- 


xiv. 5 iv Tip 0-TOyU,aTt avTwi/ ov^ 
€vpWr] ij/evSo';. 

xiv. 7 Tw TTotT^cravTt Tov oupavov 
Kat Trjv yrjv koI rrjv ddXacrcrav. 

xiv. 8 €7re(T€v CTreo-ev Ba^vXtov 
7] fj.eydXrj (xvi. 19, xvii. 5, xviii. 2, 

10, 21). 

xiv. 10* TTtCTat £K ToO OtVoU TOV 

Ps. cxiii. 21 (cxv. 13) Tov? 

<f>o/3oV[X€l'OV<; TOV KVpiOV, TOV<; flL- 

Kpous fJ.€Ta Tiuv fxeyaXoyv. 

Isa, Ixvi. 6 f . Trpiv Tr]v wStvoucrav 

T€KCtV...eT€K€V apCTCV. 

Dan. vii. 7 £t;!(€ Se Kepara Sexa 
(^' K. 8. avT(2). 

Dan. x. 13 Mtxa'^X...£7r^X^e 
(3or]6rj(r ai fx.ot (ib. 20 0' Tov woXc- 

Dan. ii. 35 ^ Kat tottos ovp( 
evpiOrj avT0t9. 

Gen. iii. 136 o<^is "qTrdTrjfriv fi€. 

Job i. 6 (Zech. iii. 1)6 Sia'/?oXos 

(IPSt'C, a' SttTai') 0' 6 dvTLK£Lll€VO%. 

Isa. xliv. 23 evcjipdvdrp-e (xlix. 
13 €v<f)paLVia-6e), ovpavoL 

Dan. vii. 25 cws Kaipov Kal 
Kaipcov Kat €ws rjp.LO'ov^ Kaipov {6 
Kai ye rjfXKTV Kaipov), xii. 7 ets 
Kaipov Kai Katpous Kat ■^p.icrv 

Dan. vii. 6 Brjpiov . . .wcrti TrapSa- 
Xtv. 16 apKov, 4 ojcret Xeatva. 

Ex. XV. 1 1 Tt's ofxoi6<; <joi; (Ps. 
xxxiv. (xxxv.) 10, Ixx. (Ixxi.) 19), 
cf. Isa. xiv. 4. 

Dan. vii. 20 o'Top.a XaXow 

Dan. \'ii. 21 0' liroUi iroXefjiov 
fxeTo. Twv dyiwVj Kat tcri^vcret Trpos 

Jer. XV. 2 ocTot ets p-axaipav^ 
ets fxa^aipav . . . Ka\ o(tol eh ai)(jxa- 
Xdjcrtai', ets at^yiiaXwcrtav. 

Dan. iii. 6 ttSs os di' p.r] Trecroiv 
irpouKvvrjcrri [ttj etKOi't] ktX. 

Isa. liii. 9 ouSc SoXov ei* tw 
(TTopaTt avTov (Zeph. iii. 1 3). 

Ex. XX. II €7rOt'T7Cr€l/...T6l' 

ovpavov Kai ti]v yrjV [+ Kat ttjv 
edXaaaav B^^ AF]. 

Isa. xxi. 9 TreTTTajKev Tre'TTTtoKev 
BaySi^Xciji/. Jer. xxviii. (li.) 8 di^vw 
eTreo-ev B. Dan. iv. 27 B. -q 

Isa. li. 17 77 TTtouo-a ck ;!^etpos 


BvfXOV TOU 6iO\) TOL' KiK(f)a<TfJL(VOV 

Xiv. lO*^ eV TTVfjl Koi $€LW. 

xiv. 1 1 o K-aTTios Tov ftacravL(rfJ.oi> 
avTwv ets aiwras alujvwv dvafSaiveL 
riixipa<i KoX vvktos (cp. xix. 3, XX. 

xiv. 15, 1 8 TTifupov TO BptTravov 
(TOV Koi Oepicov, OTL TjXOiv 7; (jjpa 
^€ptcrat...KaI Tpvyr]aov ktX. 

xiv. 1 9 f. efiaXiv €1? TT/v Xt^voi' 
TOV Ovfiov TOV Oeov Toi' jxeyav. kol 
i-rraT-ijOr] tj Xr]v6<s. 

XV. I TrXTjvas cTTTa. 

XV. 3*aSovcriv t^v gj^^i^ ^Itouo^ecus 
TOV SovAou Tou 6'eoi'. 

XV. 3 fieydXa kol Bav^acTTa to. 
cpya crov, Kvptf. 

XV. 3*^ St'«aiat Koi dXrjOtval al 
0801 o-ov. 

XV. 4 fSacnXev^ tcov idvujv 
Tt's ou /ut) <fio/3i]0rj. ..kol So^aaei to 
ovofjiu. crov; 

XV. 8* ( Or) o vaos KaTri'oi) 

€K Tl^S So^S ToO OcOV. 

XV. 8'' oi'Sets eSvfaTo dmXOfxv 
£ts Tor I'aov. 

xvi. I iKxitTi TO.? cTTTtt (^loAas 
TOV Bvfxov TOV 6'eov eis W/i' yvjv. 

X\'i. 2 eycVeTo cAkos KaKov Kal 

xvi. 3 Trao-a u'v;;^?; ^'0175 aTre- 
Oavfy, TO. iv rrj OaXdcriri]. 

xvi. 4 i^€\i€V...€l<i Tovs iroTa- 
//.0V9...Kat evcicTO ai/Lia. 

xvi. ^ StVaio? €1. . .0 0(rtos. 

KvpiOV TO TVOTqpiOV TOV ^v/xoO avTOV 
(cf. Ps. Ixxiv. (IXXV.) 8 TTOTrjpiOV 

iv X^'-P'- K.v/nou otvov uKpaTOv 
TrX-ffpiS K(pd(rfxuTO<;). 

Gen. xix. 24 ^eZov /cut ttv/j (Ez. 
xxxviii. 22). 

ib. 28 di'ifSaivfv <f>Xb$ TTys y:^?. 

Isa. xxxiv. I o vvkt6<; kuI rj/utpa?, 
Ktti ou a(3ecr6rj(r€TaL ci? toj/ aiwva 
;!(poi'oi', Kal dvafi-qaiTai 6 xaTrvos 
avT7/s avcj. 

Joel iii. (iv.) 13 l^airocrreCXaTt 
opeTTava, otl irapeaTrfKey T/DvyT^TOS. . . 
otOTt vXrjprji; 6 Xqvo'i. 

Isa. Ixiii. 6 KaTfrrdr-qaa avTov? 
T^ 0/3717 /Aov. Thren. i. 15 At/v6i/ 
eTTaTrjaev Kvpios. 

Lev. xxvi. 21 TrArjya? cTTTa. 

Ex. XV. I TOT€ fjcrev Mwva^s... 
Tr)v wSrju TavTTjv. iJeut. xxxi. 30 
eAaAr^o"ei' ]\Iajva"vy9...Ta prj/xara T77S 
0)0:7? TuvTT^s. Jos. xiv. 7 M. 6 
Trats TOV ^cov. 

Ps. ex. (cxi.) 2 fjieydXa to. epya 
Kvpt'ov. cxxxviii. (cxxxix.) 14 
Oav/iacrLa to, €pya ctov. 

Deut. xxxiL 4 ^€os, dATj^tva to, 
(■pya avTov, /cat 7ruo"at at oSoi avTOV 

Jer . X. 7 (M.T.) ^' Tt? ov /xrj 
cf)o(3r]dy]creTaL, ySao-iAev tw»' e^i'tov; 
Ps. Ixxxv. (Ixxxvi.) 9 Kat So^CL- 
o^ovo-tv to oi'Ofxd (Tov. 

Isa. vi. 4 6 o7»co? IveirX-qfrOr] 
KaiTvov. Ex. xl. 28 (34) Sd^s 
Kvpt'ov ii'€TrXyja$r] t) (TK-qiy. 

Ex. xl. 29 oi'K i}Svy(ia6r] Muxn^s 
eio'cA^etv *is tt/v CTKtjynjv. 

Ps. Ixviii. (Ixix.) 25 l/c^^eov «7r' 
ai-ToiK? T7/»' opyijv (TOV (Jer. X. 25, 
Zepli. iii. 8). 

Kx. ix. 10 iyevero cA/c?/. Deut. 
xxviii. 35 cv lA/cci Trninjpux. 

Ex. Vii. 21 Ot lx6v€<i OL (V TW 

TToTn^u) {TeAtvTT^rrav. 

Ps. Ixxvii. (1 xxviii.) 44 /xeTt- 
o-Tptfer cc; aipa tovs 7roTap.ovs av- 
Twv (cf. Ex. vii. 20). 

Ps. cxliv. (cxlv.) 17 8t/caios 
Krpios...Kat oo"tos. 



xvi. 6 ai|U,a avrois Se'Soj/ca? treiv. 

xvi. 7 SiKaLai at KpifTf.i'i crov. 

xvi. lo eycvcTO 77 /JacriAeia 
auTov l<7KOTijifJiivr]. 

xvi. 1 2 iirjpdvdr] to vSwp avrou. 

xvi. 13 cos jBarpa^oL. 

xvi. 16 €tS TOV TOTTOV TOl^ KaXov- 
fxevov 'E^/Dai(TTt ' Ap MaycSwv. 

xvi. 18 otos ouK iyivero a(f) ov 
av6p(jiiro<; iyevero ettI t^s y^s. 

xvii. I T^s Ka.Or)fx.€vrj<s ctti voaTtoi' 


xvii. 2 /x€^ 7j<; iTTopvevaav ol 
fiacTLXel^ Trj<i yrj<;, kol ifxeOvaOrjaav 
...Ik TOV olvov Trjs Tropvetas airnys. 

xvii. 14 (xix. 16) KVpLO^ KvpCuiv 
ia-rlv Kai ^acriXeiis ^ao-iAecov. 

Xviii. 2 KaT0LKT]T7]pL0V SaijU.OVtOJl' 


xviii. 4 eieXOare, 6 Xao's /xou, 
€^ arTTjs. 

xviii. 6 (XTroSoTe avr^ o5s Kat 
auT^ a7re8tuK€i'. 

xviii. 7 ev TT7 KapSia avTr]<s Acyet 
l^dOrjixaL /JaCTtAtcrcra, Kal XVP°^ ^^'^ 

xviii. 8 la^vpos Kvpios 6 ^cos 6 
KpiVas avTTjv. 
xviii. 9 — ig. 
xviii. 2 I XlOov. . . €(3aXev. . . Atytov 

Ps. Ixxviii. (Ixxix.) 3 i^e^eav 
TO ai/xa arTwr ojs vSwp. 

Isa. xlix. 26 TTtovTat.. .TO at/ia 

Ps. cxviii. (cxix.) 137 BUaio's 

Cl, Kupte* Kat €V$T]^ 7] KpL(TL<; (TOV. 

Ex. X. 21 yeirqO^TO) o"kotos ctti 
y^v AiyuTTTov. 

Isa. xliv. 27 TOV'; irorap.ov'i crov 
tqpavu>. Jer. xxvii. (1.) 38 (Heb. 

Ex. viii. 3 (vii. 28) e^epev^cTat 
o 7roTayu.os f3aTpd)(0v<;. 

Zech. xii. 11 iv TreSio) Ikkottto- 
fxevov {y.l. MayeSSwi'). 

Dan. xii. I oia ovk iyevijOr] a<^' 
ov iyevrjurjaav {6 yeyeVy^rat Wvos 
^v TTf yfj (y.l. eTTi ti^s y^s))- 

Jer. xxviii. (li.) 13 KaTaa-K-q- 
voCvTas (-voScra Q) l<f> vSacn 

Isa. xxiii. 17 ecrrai ifxiropLov 
(p^^l) Trao-ats Tais ySacrtAetats T17S 
OLKovixevr]?. Jer. xxviii. (li.) 7 
p.i6v(jK0u Trdaav tt/v yi7v. 

Deut. X. 17 ^€05 TWV ^€wv *cai 

KvpLo? T(ov KvpLijDv. Dan. ii. 47 
^£0? Tcol' Oewv Kal Kvpia T<av 
ySao-tAeW (cf. iv. 34). 

Isa. xiii. 2 1 f . avavavcrovTaL 
Ikci cr€ipr]v€<;, kol SaLfxovia £/<€t 
opxqa-ovTai^ Kat ovoKCVTaijpot cKct 
KaTOiKT^crovcrtv (cf, xxxiv. 14). 
Jer. ix. 1 1 KaTOLKrp-ijptov BpaKov 


Jer. xxviii. (li.) 45 $' (?) ^^e'A- 
^CTC CK fxicTov avTrjs, Aaos /aou. 

Ps. cxxxvi. (cxxxvii.) 8 fiaKa- 
ptos OS dvTaTToSciJcret o"Oi to dvTa- 
TToSo/xa o"ou 6 dvraTre'SwKas Ty/tAiv 
(cf. Jer. xxvii. (1.) 29). 

Isa. xlvii. 7 f. eiTras Ets tov 
atwva €(rop,at ap^ovaa ... 7^ KaOrj- 
fxevT].. .rjXiyovcra Iv KapSia avrys . . . 
ov Ka6i(2 X'lP^' 

Jer. xxvii. (1.) 34 tcrxvpos, Yiv- 

ptOS.-.KptVtV KptV€t. 

Ez. xxvi., xxvii. passim. 

Jer. xxviii. (li.) 63 f. At^ov... 



OuTOj? . . . f3Xr]6rja€Tat, Ba/3u/\oji' . . . 
Koi ov fJLy tvpiOfi cTi. 

XVlll. 2 2 ffxovij. . .fiovcriKtov ov 
/XT] oLKovaOrj iv aoi ert. 

xviii. 23* <fi(i}vr) /xvXov . . . <^ajs 
Xv^vov.. .cfiojVT} vvfJ.<j>LOV Kau'v/x(/)r/9. 

XVIII. 23 OL i/XTTopuL crov i]crav 
ol /AeyicTTaves Trj<; yrj<;. 

xix. I ff. dW-qXavid. 

XIX. 3 o KttTri'os avrrj? avaySaiVci 
€(S Tovs attovas. 

xix. 6 f. COS <f)(i)vr]v 6)(Xov... 
i/SacTiXeva-ev Kvptos. . .ayaA./\l(ji;/u,e^'. 

xix. 1 1 €i8ov Tov ovpavov T^i'ew- 
yp.€vov, KOL tSou.... 

xix. I 7 f . tKpa^fv. ..Xiyoiv iraaiv 
TOis o/DV€Ots...A€vre (Tvvd-^drjTi. cts 
TO oeiTTvoi/ TO yu,€ya tot) ^£ov ti'a 
4>d-yT]T€ <7up/<as. 

xix. 21 TrdvTO. TO. opvea 6;^op- 
TaaOrjaav e/c Twr crapKcoi' atTwv. 

XX. 4 €i8oi' 6p6vov% KCLi eKdOiaav 
iir avTovs, kol Kpifxa iS66i] atiTots. 

XX. 8 Toi' Twy Kal Maytiry, 
crvvuyayeti' atTot'S. 

XX. 9 iirl TO TT/VciTos T7/S y;?. 

XX. 9 T7/)' y'jyaTrrj/xcinp', 

XX. 9° KarefSr) irvp e\- to{) ovparov 
KUL KaT€<f>aytv avroiii;. 

XX. II ou ttTTO TOV TrpocrajTrov 
e<f>vyf.v 7] yy/, /cat to'tto? 01';^ €vpi6rj 

XX. 12 fiiftXia yt'oty^Byjaav. 

XX. I 5 fl^ Tt9 OV^ €Vp(6l] if T7^ 

jSl^Xw t7;s ^(o»;9 yfypap.fxtvo'i. 

XXI. I oi'paroi' Katj'oi' Kut y>;r 

pti/'€i? . . . Ktti cpeis OuToj? KaTaSv- 
o-£Tac Ba/ivXcji'. ../<ai ov fxy dvacTTrj. 

Ez. xxvi. 13 tcSj/ fjiovatKiZv crov 
...77 <f>(i)VT] ov fir] OLKovaOrj en. 

Jer. XXV. 10 <f)wvr)v wp.<^Lov koX 
<f)iovr]V vvfx<f>r]';, ocrfjiyjv /xvpov (Heb. 

C^O!? ^ip, Lxx., codd. 8yro-hex., 
cf>u>vi]V ixvXov) Kai <^a)s Xv^vov. 

Isa. xxiii. 8 01 Ip-iTopoL avTrj<; 
ivSo^oi, ap)(0VTe^ 1^75 yyj'i- 

Ps. civ. (cv.), al., tit. dXXrjXov'id, 

Isa. xxxiv. 10 CIS tov atuiia XP°" 
\'Ov..dva(3T](r€TaL 6 KaTrvos avTrj<; dvw. 

Dan. X. 6 6*' W9 (ftwvr] o)(Xov. 

Ps. xcvi. (xcvii.) i 6 Ki'pios 
e/3acriXevo"€v, dyaXXiacrcTai 7^ yi^. 

Ez. i. I ■ijvoL)(6r](Tav ol ovpavoi, 
KaL €i6oy 

Ez. xxxix. 1 7 ciTTOi' TravTt opfco) 
...2wax^->^re...£7rt ttjv Bvaiav fxov 
...Ovatav p.e.ydXrjv . . . KoX (pdyeaSi 

ib. 20 ifxirXfjcrdrjcreaOi cttI Tfj<; 
TpaTre^r]<; /xov. 

Dan. vii. 9, 22 iOewpovv ews 
oT€ OpovoL irtdrjcrav, kol TraXaios 
ijlj.€p(2i' iKadriTo...Kal Tr]v Kpicru' 
{p TO Kpi/ia) cSojKC TOts ayt'ots. 

Ez. XX xviii. I, 4 cVt Fwy Kat 
TT^v y»;v TOV Mayojy... Kat trvra^w 


Hab. i. 6 CTri to. TvXd-rq (A, to 
TrXttTos) TT7S yi7S. 

Jer. xi. 157; t]yaTn)fi€vr] (cf. Ps. 
Ixxxvi. (Ixxxvii.) i). 

4 Regn. i. 10 KarffSr} Trvp eK 
TOV ovpai'ov KOL KaT€<f>ay(v avrov. 

Ps. cxiii. (cxiv.) 3, 7 tj ^aXaao-a 
cioev Kat (.<^x<y€v. . .diro TTpocrwTTOv 
Kvpi'ov iaaXevOt] y yrj. Dan. ii. 
35 ^ Kut T07ro9 ov;^ ivpeOij avTot?. 

Dan. \ni. 10 /SiftXot tjiet^ 

Dan. xii. i os av cvpeOjj eyyc- 
ypapp.(vo<; ei' tw j3i(3Xiu) (0' ytyp. 
iv Tij jSifSXw) (of. Ps. Ixviii. (Ixix.) 

Isa. Ixv. 17 eo-Tat yap 6 ovpai'6<: 
Kutios Kill y] yrj Kaiinj (Ixvi. 22). 



xxi. 2* rrjv TToXtv TTjv ayiav 

xxi. 2^ WS VVfJi<f)r]V K€KO<TIXr]fX.€Vy]V 

T<2 dvSpi airrj<;. 

xxi. 3 7] (TKrjvrj Tov 6eov //.cm 
Tijjv avOpbiTTOiv, Ktti crKr/voJcrei /act 
avTwv, /cat avTol Xaot avrov 

xxi. 5 tSov Acatva, TTOiw Travra. 

xxi. 6 to) Snj/(LvTL 8coo"(D...8o)- 

xxi. 7 icrofxaL a^urw ^cos, Kat 
airros ecrrat /x,oi vios- 

XXI. lo aTTT^vey/cei' /a€ ev ttvcu- 
/AttTt eTTi opo'}X6v. 

xxi. II e^oucrav t>7V So^ar tou 

xxi. I 2 f . €)^ovcra 7ri'A.c3vas...a7ro 
aj'aToA7y5...a7ro /Soppa . . . aTro votou 

...ttTTO SuCTyawj/. 

xxi. 1 6 T€T/Dayojvos Ktirat. 

xxi. 187; €v8w/Ar;cris tou Tet^^ous 
ain~>7S tacTTTis. 

xxi. ig o ^€fi€Aios...6 Setirepos 

xxi. 23 (xxii. 5) 7; TToXts ou 
^petai' £;;^€t Toi) T^Atou ouoe tt^s 
creXrjvrji; ktX. 

xxi. 24 (26) 7r€pLTraTy](TOV(TLV TO, 

c^i^T^ 8ta To9 (fiwrbs avT7J<;, Kat ol 
/5acrtA.€ts T')7s ■y:7s cjiepovcriv ttjv 
So^av auTwv eis avTr]v. 

xxi. 25 01 7n;Xtuv€s avTrjs ov /mr] 
KXeifrOiSatv T^/Acpas' vi)^ yap ouk 
CCTTai eK€i. 

xxi. 27 ov p,T/ ilcriXOrj cts avr^v 
Trav Koivov. 

xxii. I 7roTap,ov...€K7ropei;oyu.6vov 
CK Tou Opovov. 

xxii. 2 evTcv^cv Kat eKcWev 
^vXov ^wrj<; ttolovv Kapnov? ScoScKa, 
Kara fxijva e/(acrTov...Kal to, ^vXXa 
ToS ^vXou €15 6f.paTTe.iav Tcov c^vwv. 

XXU. 3 irav KaraOe/jia ovk eorat 

Isa. lii. I lepovcraXi^ix, ttoXis t? 

Isa. Ixi. 10 aJ5 vvfjiffirjv KareKO- 
(rp.r](r€v /xe. 

Ez. xxxvii. 27 eo-rat tJ Karaa-KT]- 
vwcris /U.OV £V avTot?, Kat <L<Jop.aL 
auTois ^€05, Kat avTOL fjiov (.crovraL 
Xads (cf. Zech. ii. 10 (i4)). 

Isa. xliii. 1 9 iSov tyo) ttoiw Kaiva. 

Isa. Iv. I ot 8tt//wi'T£s, TTopevicrOe 
i<fi v8wp...avev apyvpiov Kat tl/xtJs. 

2 Regn. vii. 14 eyci Icro/Aat avro) 
€ts Trarcpa, Kat avros ecrrat /Aot cis 
rtov (cf. Ps. Ixxxviii. (Ixxxix.) 

Ez. xl. I f. T^yayeV /tc ei' opacret 
^€o{;...e7r opo<; v\{/y]Xov. 

Isa. Iviii. 8 v; 8o^a tou ^cou 

7r€ptO"T€X€t (TC (cf. Ix. I f.). 

Ez. xlviii. 31 ff. TTvXat Trpos 
/3oppav...Ta Trpos avaTo\d<; . . .to. 
TTpos ^0x01/...^ Trpos ^aXao^o-av. 

Ez. xliii. 16 Tcrpaywvov €7rt to. 
T€(T<Tepa p-^prj avTov. 

Isa. liv. 12 6i]cru) ras CTraX^ets 
0"ou ta(TTrtv. 

iS. II CTOt/Aa^o). ..TO. 6f.p.i.Xia <rov 

Isa. Ix. 19 otiK eo-rat o-ot ert o 
•>;Xtos eis <^cijs ktX. 

Isa. Ix. 3 TTopevo-ovrat ySao-tXcts 

TO) cfiOiTL (TOV KOI eOvTf] rfj XafJLTrpOTrjTL 

crov (cf. ii'^). Ps, Ixxi. (Ixxii.) 
10 /?ao"tXcts. . .8(opa TTpocroLcrovaLV. 

Isa. Ix. 1 1 avot;(^ijcroi'Tat at 
TTvXat crov 8ta Travrds, T^/xcpas Kat 
vvKTOs ov KXfLarOyjaovrai. 

Isa. lii. I 0UK6TI irpocTT^OrjcTf.Tai 
StcX^etv 8ia o"o{i...aKa^apTos. 

Ez. xlvii. I tSou v^oip i$e7ropev€To 
vTTOKaTuidev TOV aWpiov. 

Ez. xlvii. 1 2 €V$€V Kai evdev ttSv 
^Xov ySptoorip,ov...oi;8e //.r/ ckXittt^ d 

Kap7r6<; avrov. ..Kal a.i'dj3acrL<; (^^7^ ', 
LXX., a^. lect. avaSoo-ts) avrwv ets 

Zech. xiv. 1 1 dvaOcfxa ovk la-rat 


xxii. 4 oi/zoi'Tat TO TTpoawTTov Ps. xvi. (xvii.) 15 o^^^'o-o/xat 

avTov. T<3 TrpocrajTro) <jov. 

xxii. 5 /3a(TiX€v(TovcTiv €1? To>;> Dan. vii. 18 KaOe^ova-L ri]v 

aitovas Twi' atwi'ojv. (3aaLk(iav €(d<; Tovalwvo<; TiJUv alujvuiv. 

xxii. 130 [XLddo'i fxuv jxiT i/xov. Isa. xl. lo o fXLcr06<; avrov /-ter' 

xxii. 18 f. eaV rt? i-mOr] cV Deut. iv. 2 ou TrpoaOija-eade 

avra, iTridrjcreL 6 $€6<i...Kal idv Ti<; Trpos to p^fia...Kal ovK dcfieXeiTe 

a.<{)tXi]...d(}>€Xet. .. dir" avrov (xii. 32=xiii. i). 

xxii. 19 Tt2v yeypaixfjiivwv iv tw Deut. xxix. 20 (19) ai yeypa/x- 

/?i/3Ai(i) TOVTw. fxivai iv t<Z yStySAto) tovtio. 

2. An examination of this table brings to light some instruc- 
tive facts, (a) The writer of the Apocalypse refers to each of the 
three great divisions of the Hebrew canon, and to most of the 
books. He lays under contribution each of the books of the Law, 
the Book of Judges, the four Books of Kingdoms, the Psalms, the 
Proverbs, the Song, the Book of Job, all the major and seven of 
the minor Prophets. But there are certain books which he uses 
Avith especial frequency ; more than half his references to the Old 
Testament belong to the Psalms, the prophecies of Isaiah and 
Ezekiel, and the Book of Daniel, and in proportion to its length 
the Book of Daniel yields by far the greatest number^ The 
preponderance of these four books is easily explained; they are 
those which most abound in mystical and apocalyptic elements. 
(b) The references are of two kinds. One, which is to be found in 
every page of the Apocalypse, consists of Old Testament words 
and phrases, used with no special allusion to particular contexts. 
If God is frequently described as He that sitteth un the throne, 
and the saints as thei/ which are written in the hook of life, while 
the Roman Emperors or their vassals are the kings of the earth, 
and the pagan inhabitants of the Empire they that dxuell on the 
earth, the recurrence of these and similar terms is sufficiently 
explained by the writer's lifelong familiarity with Old Testament 
language. But there are other references in which it is clear that 
he has in view certain books and passages, and is practically 

^ The numbers iu our list are : Exodus, Deuteronomy, Jeremiah, Joel, 
Psalms, 27; Isaiah, 46; Ezekiol, 29; and Zechariah. See, however, p. liii ; 
Daniel, 31 ; after these come Genesis, and cf. p. cxxxix. 


quoting from them, although no formula of quotation is used. 
These occur chiefly in the visions of the Apocalypse, which are 
based in almost every case on the histories or the prophecies of 
the Old Testament. Thus the vision of the Glorified Christ 
walking in the midst of the Churches (i. 13 — 16) rests on Ezekiel 
and Daniel ; the vision of the Court of Heaven (iv. 2 — 8) on 
Isaiah and Ezekiel and Zechariah ; the four horses of c. vi. are 
from Zechariah; Isaiah supplies much of the description of the 
bliss of the redeemed in c. vii.; the vision of the seven last plagues 
in c. xvi. is suggested by the Plagues of Exodus, and the dirge of 
Babylon the Great by the doom pronounced upon Tyre and the 
older Babylon ; the vision of the New Jerusalem is inspired by the 
patriotic hopes of Isaiah and Ezekiel. (c) In many cases, indeed in 
most, the Apocalyptist blends two or more Old Testament contexts, 
whether from different books or from different parts of the same 
book. The result has been described as a ' mosaic,' but the word 
is not altogether apt as an illustration of his method. It suggests 
the work of a cunning artist who has formed a design out of 
the fragments which Avere at his disposal. But the Apocalyptist's 
use of his Old Testament materials is artless and natural ; it is 
the work of a memory Avhich is so charged with Old Testament 
words and thoughts that they arrange themselves in his visions 
like the changing patterns of a kaleidoscope, without conscious 
effort on his own part, (d) There is not a single instance in which 
the Christian prophet of the Apocalypse has contented himself 
with a mere compilation or combination of Old Testament ideas. 
His handling of these materials is always original and indepen- 
dent, and he does not allow his Old Testament author to carry 
him a step beyond the point at which the guidance ceases to lend 
itself to the purpose of his book. Thus in the first vision of the 
Apocalypse, while nearly every feature is drawn from Ezekiel or 
Daniel, and the words o/xoiov vlov dvSpwTrov point beyond doubt 
to a direct use of the latter book, the conception of the Glorified 
Christ as a whole has no parallel in the Old Testament. If the 
vision of c. iv. owes much to Isaiah, Ezekiel and Zechariah, no mere 
compiler could have produced it ; and the same may be said with 


absolute conviction of every other vision throughout the book. 
Though in constant relation to the older apocalyptic, St John's 
pictures of the unseen and the future are truly creations, the 
work of the Spirit of prophecy upon a mind full of the lore of the 
earlier revelation and yet free to carry its reminiscences into new 
and wider fields of spiritual illumination. 

3. An inspection of the table further shews that the Apo- 
calyptist generally availed himself of the Alexandrian version of 
the Old Testament. The familiar phraseology of the LXX. meets 
us everyAvhere, and here and there we observe its peculiar render- 
ings; e.g. in xi. 17 oopyladrjaav is a scarcely doubtful recollection 
of the LXX. opyt^eadcocrav (Heb. ^^y., Aq. KXoveicrOcoa-av, Symm. 
cfyo^eiadcoaav). On the other hand many of the references depart 
widely from the LXX. in particular words, where the Avriter of the 
Apocalypse has either rendered independently, or has used 
another version, or possibly a text of the LXX. different from that 
which is found in our MSS. ; e.g. i. 6 ^acriXelav, tepet? {d' <t')\ 
i. 17 eaxccTot; {01 X), ii. 23 ipavvoiv (cf. Rom. viii. 27), iii. 7 
Tqv Kkelv AaveiS {a 6'), vii. I 'yoivla<;, x. 3 /j-UKUTai, xii. 9 
TrXavwv, xiv. 5 "^eOSo?, xv. 8 vao^; (6' a), xviii. 22 (fjcovr) fivXov 
(so some MSS. of the LXX.), xxi. 12 f, 7ruX(ov€<;, xxii. 2 ivrevdev 
KoX eKeWev, ih. rd (f)vXXa, xxii. 3 KaTdde/xa. Now and then 
the Apocalyptist seems to adopt a conflation of two versions, 
e.g. iii. 19 iXeyy^oi koX iraiSeva), xvi. 2 kukov koL irovripov ; more 
often he has brought together readings from two separate contexts, 
as when in iv. 8 he substitutes iravTOKpdTwp for the aa^acoO of 
the Greek Isaiah. 

The references in the Apocalypse to Daniel demand separate 
notice. Dr Salmon (Introduction to the N.TJ, p. 54S fif.) calls 
attention to the affinity between these references and the version 
of Theodotion. He finds "no clear evidence that St John 
had ever seen the so-called LXX. version" of Daniel = ; if in two 
passages (i. 14 f., xix. 16), the writer may be thought to follow the 

1 On the remarkable rendering of HeidelbergerPapyru3-sammlung(B.eidel- 

Zecb. xii. 12 in Apoc. i. 7 see the note herg, 1905), p. 66 fif. 

in the commentary ad loc, and cf. - i. e. the version in the unique 

Deissmann^ Die Septuaginta-papyri der Chigi MS. 


LXX. against Theodotion, there are seven (ix. 20, x. 6, xii. 7, 
xiii. 7, xix. 6, xx. 4, ii) in which he supports Theodotion 
against the LXX. The evidence at any rate shews that Theodotion 
preserved a considerable number of readings which were current 
in the first century, and that the Greek text of Daniel known to 
the Apocalyptist came nearer to the Theodotionic than to the 
Chigi text. 

If it be asked whether there are traces in the Apocalypse of a 
direct use of the Hebrew Old Testament, the answer must be 
that the departures from the lxx. may perhaps in every instance 
be otherwise explained. But the forms ^A^aBScov (ix. ii) and 
'^Ap MayeScov (xvi. 1 6) seem to imply acquaintance on the 
writer's part with Hebrew or Aramaic, and this inference is 
supported, as we have seen, by the style and manner of his work. 

4. If we accept the later date of the Apocalypse, it may be 
assumed that the Churches of Asia were already in possession of 
some of the earlier books of the New Testament. Certain of the 
Pauline Epistles, and if not one or more of our present Gospels, 
some collection or collections of the sayings of the Lord were 
probably in their hands, and familiar to our author. Such docu- 
ments would not be regarded as possessing canonical authority, 
like the writings of the Old Testament, but they could not fail 
to influence a Christian writer who was acquainted Avith them. 
If the earlier Epistle of St Peter uses Ephesians and Romans^ 
and the contemporary Epistle of Clement of Rome refers to 
Hebrews and some evangelical collection^, we may reasonably 
look for similar traces of Apostolic writings in the Apocalypse 
of John. 

This expectation is to some extent borne out by an examination 
of the book, (a) The Apocalypse contains distinct reminiscences 
of known sayings of Christ. Perhaps the most remarkable 
instance is the formula e^coy 0S9 aKovo-drw which recurs toward 
the end of each of the messages addressed by the Spirit of Christ 
to the Churches. The following parallels also are fairly certain : 

1 See Hort, JRomans and Ephesians, ^ N. T. m the Apostolic Fathers, 

p. 168 f. pp. 38, 46, 61 f. 


Apoc. iii. 3 cav ovv yu.j) ypi]- i^It. xxiv. 43 €t ^8ei o oikoSco- 

yopii(Tr}<i, y]$oi tos KXeVrij?, Koi ov ttoti^s ttolo. <j)vXaKrj (Lc. ojpu) o 

)U,iy yvws TTOiav wpav rj^oi ctti ere. KAtTrrr/s ip)(eTai, eyprjyop-qcrev av. 

Apoc. iii. 5 OfjioXoy-qcro} to Mt. X. 32 op-oXoyqau) Kayu> ^i/ 

ovofia auToi) evwTrtoi' toC Trarpos avro) (.p-TTpoaOiv tov Trarpos /xou 

/Aou Ka6 cvtoTTiov TuJV ayyeXoJi' (IjC. e/x7rpocr^€V Twv ayye'Awv tou 

auTov. ^€or). 

Apoc. xiii. 10 (1 TL': Iv p-ayaipri Mt. xxvi. 52 ttuvtcs yap 01 

aTTOKTCvet, Set avrov Iv fia^aiprj Xa/3ovT€S p-d-^aipav eV piaxaiprj itto- 

aTTOKTav^T^vat. AoDi'Tat. 

Apoc. xxi. 6 cyw Tw ?iL\p(ZvTi Jo. iv. 10 ei ^oeis Trjv huipeav 

Scuoro) €K TT7S Trriyrj<i tou uSafos t^s tov Oeov KaX Tt's ecTTtv o Ac'ywv 0"oi 

^a)?;s Sojpcai'. xxii. 170 8n(/wv Ao's yu.ot Trtiv, crv av rjTi](Ta<; avrov, 

ip\€crd<a' 6 ueXwv XajSirdi v8o)p Kal eS(DK€v av croi vSwp ^wi'. Vll. 

^01175 Swpcav. 37 eai' tis Sii/'o, ipxeadio Trpos ju.€, 

/cat TriveVaj. 

The Apocalypse has also a considerable number of probable 
allusions to the teaching of Christ, such as ii. 17 Swaoy avrw rov 
fidvva, iii. 14 aixrjv, iii. 1/ e2...Ti'<^\o9 (in an ethical sense), 
iii. 21 ivLKTiaa (cf. v. 5)) xii. lO 77 i^ovaia tov '^piarov avrov, 
XIV. 12 17 VTrofiovT) Tcov ayioiv, xvii. 14 kXtjtoI Kal e«Xe/CTOi, xix. 9 0/ 
et? TO SeiTTvov tov yd/xov tov apviov KeKXTj/jbivoi. 

(b) There are no such close parallels between the Apocalypse 
and the Apostolic Epistles^, yet there is much in the Apocalypse 
which suggests that its writer was acquainted with some of them. 
Bishop Lightfoot has pointed out- that " the message communi- 
cated by St John to Laodicea prolongs the note which was struck 
by St Paul in the- letter to Colossae." Here and there even the 
phraseology of the book reminds us of the Pauline letters to 
Asian Churches ; thus Apoc. i. 5 ir p(ot6toko<; twv veKpwv recalls 
Col. i. 18 TTpooTOTOKO'^ €K TMv veKpwv, and Apoc. iii. 14 7; d.p-)(ri rij-i 
KTia€a><; rov Oeov has affinities with Col. i. 15 irpcororoKO'i irdari^ 
Kriaewi kt\.; while echoes of Eph. ii. 19 ff. crvvTroXlrai rwv dyicov. . . 
eiroLKohop/qOevre'; eirl ru> de/xeXlM rcov drrocTToXcoi' Kal 7rpo(f>tjra)i'...'? dycov vaov iv Kvpi^ may be heard by those who 'have 
an ear' in Apoc. iiL 12, xxi. 14. Points of contixct have also been 

^ The saying in Apoc. ii. 14 ov Jerusalem; cf. Acts xv. 28 fdo^ev yap 

^dXXcj f'0' iifxas dWo (idpos has prol)ably rip irvev/xaTi. ri^ a'>'V *■'''' W*** /J-V^^" "tX^ov 

been suggested by the letter of the iiririOea-Oai v/juv [idpos ttXjj;' kt\. 
council of Apostles and elders held at ^ Colossiatvs, p. 41 ff. 


found between the Apocalypse and the Epistle of James ^ and the 
first Epistle of Peter^, and it has occasional resemblances to the 
Epistle to the Hebrews^ Yet on the whole, except in the case 
of our Lord's sayings, which may or may not have been known to 
him in a written form, there is no convincing evidence that our 
author was indebted to the Christian writers who preceded him. 

5. Can a better case be made out for the Apocalyptist's use 
of non-canonical Jewish writings ? Dr Charles pronounces the 
" writer or writers " of the Apocalypse to be " steeped in Jewish 
apocalyptic literature." The details may be seen in his editions 
of Enoch and other Jewish apocalypses, and most of them are 
briefly enumerated in c. ii of this introduction^ and quoted in 
the commentary, where the parallels occur. Here it is enough 
to say that while they shew the writer of the Christian Apo- 
calypse to have been familiar with the apocalyptic ideas of his 
age, they afford little or no clear evidence of his dependence 
on Jewish sources other than the books of the Old Testament. 
Certainly he does not use these sources with anything like the 
distinctness with which he refers to Isaiah, Ezekiel, or Daniel, 
or to sayings of Christ which are in our present Gospels. The 
most that can be safely affirmed is that he shared with the 
Jewish apocalyptists the stock of apocalyptic imagery and 
mystical and eschatological thought which was the common 
property of an age nurtured in the Old Testament and hard 
pressed by the troubles and dangers of the times. 

This consideration does not encourage the view which regards 
the Apocalypse of John as a composite work largely made up 
of extracts from unknown non-Christian apocalypses. If it cannot 
be shewn that the author availed himself to any extent of sources 
still extant, including the well-known Book of Enoch, it is certainly 
precarious to build theories upon the hypothesis that he was 
indebted to lost works of which not a trace remains. 

^ Mayor, St James, p. cii. author of the other." 

^ Bigg, I Peter, p. 22. He adds ^ Cf. e.g. Apoc. xxi. with Heb. xii. 22. 

however: "There is nothing to show * Pp, xxvff. 

that the one book was known to the 



1. No one who comes to the Apocalypse fresh from the 
study of the Gospels and Epistles can fail to recognize that he 
has passed into another atmosphere. The great objects of faith 
are the same, but they are seen in new lights, and the general 
impression differs from that which is left on the mind by the 
teaching of our Lord or of St Paul. Nor is it only in the region 
of eschatology that the book takes its own course ; its views of 
the Person of Christ, of the Holy Spirit, of Redemption, and of 
the Church, are its own ; even its doctrine of God has no exact 
parallel in the rest of the New Testament. 

2. The Apocalypse takes its stand on a monotheism which is 
Jewish in the sharpness of its opposition to polytheistic systems 
of every kind. Its God is the God of the Old Testament, the 
/ am of Exodus, the Holy, Holt/, Holy of Isaiah, the Lord God of 
Ezekiel, the God of heaven of DanieP. The writer adopts the 
titles which the Greek translators found to express the glories of 
the God of Israel : God is 6 wv, 6 ^cov, 6 iravTOKparwp : He is 
aryLO<;, bcrto?, aXr]dtv6(;, l(r')(yp6<i, 6 TrpcoTo'i koX o ea-)^aTO<i-, while 
later Jewish use contributes a designation for His unique 
eternity: He is the AlpJia and the Omega, the Beginning and 
the End\ The God of the Church is the Supreme King Whose 
Throne is in heaven, the Master and Lord of alH; He is the 

M. 4 ; iv. 8; i. 8, xxii. 5; xi. 13, 8, i. 17. 
xvi- 1 1. ' M. 8, xxi. 6. 

- i. 4, iv. 9 f . ; i. 8, vi. 10, xv. 4, xviii. •* iv. 2, vi. 10, xi. 4, 15, xv. 3. 


Creator of earth and sea and sky, and of all that is in them\ the 
Judge of mankind, the Avenger of the wrongs that are done on 
the earth ; He is to be feared and worshipped by all^ But of His 
love no express mention is made, although there is frequent refer- 
ence to His wraths He is nowhere represented as the Father 
of men, even of the righteous ; His righteousness and truth are 
magnified, but there is no proportionate exhibition of His good- 
ness and beneficence. The picture inspires awe, but it wants the 
magnetic power of our Lord's doctrine of the Divine Fatherhood. 
In fact it serves another purpose. Like the solemn descriptions of 
Godhead in the Hebrew prophets, it is an answer to the inanities 
of heathenism rather than a call to fellowship with the Living 
God. A revelation of the " severity of God " was needed by 
Churches which were hard pressed by the laxity of pagan life and 
the claims to Divine honours made by the masters of the Empire. 
The Apocalyptist meets the immoralities and blasphemies of 
heathendom by a fresh setting forth of the majesty of the One 
God and a restatement of His sole right to the worship of men. 
Thus he represents a view of the Divine Character which, apart 
from his book, would be nearly wanting in the New Testament, 
and supplies a necessary complement to the gentler teaching of 
the Gospels and Epistles. 

3. The doctrine of God maintained in the Apocalypse cannot 
be rightly understood apart from its Christology. Our author's 
revelation of the Father is supplemented by his revelation of the 
Son. The Christ of the Apocalypse is the Christ of the Gospels, 
but a change has passed over Him which is beyond words. He 
is still like unto a son of man^, but the weaknesses and limitations 
of His humanity have finally passed away. He ivas dead, but 
now He is alive for evermore^. He was slain as a victim, but 
only the splendid results of His Sacrifice remain''. The Woman's 
Son has been caught up unto God, and unto His TJirone"; He sits 
and reigns with His Father^. All this had been taught by 

^ iv. 1 1, X. 6. ^ i. 18. 

- xiv. 7, XV. 4 ; vi. 10, xix. 2. ® v. 6 cbs iarpayfiivov. 

^ xiv. 10, 19, XV. I, etc. ' xii. 5. 

* i. 13, xiv. 14. 8 iii. 21. 


St Peter, St Paul, and the writer to the Hebrews ; but it was left 
for the Apocalyptist to describe the glorified life. In the Apoca- 
lypse the veil is lifted, and we see the extent of the change 
wrought by the Resurrection and Ascension. Even the Lord's 
human form is idealized ; the face shines as the noonday sun, the 
eyes flash, the hair is white as snow, the feet glow like metal in a 
furnace, the voice is like the thunder of the waterfall ; at the 
sight of the glorified humanity the Seer swoons, as Daniel before 
the angel \ Other appearances of the ascended Christ are not 
less overwhelming ; whether He sits on the white cloud, crowned, 
and carrying the sharp sickle with which He will presently reap 
the harvest of the world", or comes forth from the open heavens 
as the Warrior-King, followed by the armies of Heaven, His head 
encircled by the diadems of many empires, His i^'^f'^udamentum 
inscribed with the title King of kings and lord of lords, all is 
transcendental and on a scale Avhich surpasses human imagina- 
tion^ But these three gr,eat symbolical visions do not by any 
means exhaust the wealth of St John's conception of the glorified 
Christ. He depicts with great fulness His relations to the 
Church, to the world, and to God. (a) To the members of His 
Church the ascended Christ is all in all. He loves them, He 
redeemed them, and He has made them what they are, a new 
Israel, a kingdom of priests'*. His ascension has not separated 
Him from them ; He is in their midst, regulating all the affairs 
of the Churches*; removing, punishing, guarding, giving victory, 
as He sees fit". From Him are to be obtained all spiritual gifts 
and helps'; from Him are to be expected the final rewards ^ 
The martyrs are His witnesses, the saints His servants ^ He 
penetrates the inner life of the faithful ; He leads them on, and 
they follow Him^". They keep the faith of Jesus, as they keep the 
commandments of God; they share His sufferings, and expect His 
kingdom", (b) In the creation Jesus Chri,st holds the foremost 
^ i. 14 — 1-. ' iii. 18. 

- Xiv. 14 ff. 8 ii_ - etc., 17,. 

* xix. II fit. » ii. I ^, 2o, xi. 18. 

* i. 5, 6 (Exod. xix. 6), *" iii. 20, vii. 17, xiv. 4. 
' i. 13, ii. 1, xiv. I. Ji xiv. i^, i. 5. 

* ii. 5, 25 ff., iii. 9, 10. 

S. I{. I 


place. He is its beginning and its goal^ ; He receives its tribute 
of praised In human history He is supreme: He alone is able 
to open, one after another, all the seals of the Book of Destiny^ ; 
He is the Rider of the kings of the earth * ; He was born to rule 
the nations with the iron-tipped rod of the universal Pastor 
of men^ ; the greatest of Emperors is His vassal®, and the day 
will come when the Augustus and the meanest slave in his 
empire will tremble alike before His victorious wrath''. The 
Apocalyptist foresees an empire more truly oecumenical than 
that of Rome, in which Christ shall reign with God^ (c) What 
is the relation of Christ, in His glorified state, to God ? (i) He 
has the prerogatives of God. He searches men's hearts^ ; He can 
kill and restore to life^°; He receives a worship which is rendered 
without distinction to God"; His priests are also priests of 
God^"; He occupies one throne with God^^ and shares one 
sovereignty^'*, (ii) Christ receives the titles of God. He is the 
Living One^^, the Holy and the True^®, the Alpha and the Omega, 
the First and the Last, the Beginning and the End", (iii) Pas- 
sages which in the Old Testament relate to God are without 
hesitation applied to Christ, e.g. Deut. x. 17 (Apoc. xvii. 14), 
Prov. iii. 12 (Apoc. iii. 19), Dan. vii. 9 (Apoc. i. 14), Zech. iv. 10 
(Apoc. V. 6). Thus the writer seems either to coordinate or to 
identify Christ with God. Yet he is certainly not conscious of 
any tendency to ditheism, for his book, as has been said, is rigidly 
monotheistic ; nor, on the other hand, is he guilty of confusing 
the two Persons. The name of God is nowhere given to Christ in 
the Apocalypse; He is the Son of GocP^, the Word of God^^; but 
the Apocalyptist does not add, with the fourth Evangelist, " the 
Word was God," nor does he say that the Father and the Son are 

1 iii. 14, xxii. 13. " v. 13. 

2 V. 13. '- XX. 6. 

^ V. 5, vi. I £f. 1^ xxii. I, 3. 

^ i- 5- ^* xi- 15- 

^ xii. 5. ^5 i. 18. 

^ xvii. 14. ^'^ iii. 7. 

■^ vi. 15 iJ. '^ xxii. 13. 

® xi. 15 ; cf. xii. 10. ^^ ii. 18. 

^ ii. 23. •'^ xix. 13. 

10 i. 18, ii. 23. 

DOCTRINE clxiii 

one. He is careful to identify the ascended Christ with the 
Christ of the humiliation; He is the firstborn of the dead\ the 
root and the offspring of David-, the Lion of the tribe of Judah^ ; 
He can call God His God^ The enigma meets us everywhere in 
the New Testament, but in no book is it so perplexing to those 
who reject the Catholic doctrine of our Lord's Person as in the 
Apocalypse of John. It has been urged that " the point of view 
of the Seer is continually changing. He conceives of Jesus now 
as the highest of the creatures, now as the eternal beginning and 
end of all things... to us each of these is a definite and separate 
conception, while to him such definiteness and separation did not 
exists" But this explanation is doubly unsatisfactory. The 
Seer's consciousness of the gulf which parts the creature from the 
Uncreated was far from indefinite ; twice he represents an angel 
as flatly refusing divine honours — see thou do it not... worship God*^; 
the assumption or acceptance of divine names by the Roman 
Emperors was in his judgement the damning sin of the Empire. 
Nor is it quite fair to charge him with shifting liis ground from 
time to time ; from the first his Christ is a complex conception in 
which human and Divine characteristics coexist. On the other 
hand Ave should doubtless err if we read into the Seer's visions 
the precision of the Nicene or the Chalcedonian Christology. An 
intuitive faith carries him beyond the point reached by the 
understanding; he knows that the identification of the ascended 
Christ with the Almighty Father is not inconsistent with strict 
monotheism, but he does not stop to ask himself how this can be. 
Some of his words point to the preexistence of the Son, others 
represent His exalted condition as the reward of victory. The 
reconciliation of these points of view is not necessary to the 
purpose of the book ; it is enough that the Head of the Church 
is master of the situation which had arisen in Asia and of every 
similar situation that can arise to the world's end. The John of 
the Apocalypse is less of the theologian than St Paul, and less of 

' i- 5, i8. •'' l'.V&\n\er, Drama of the Apocalypse, 

- V. ^^, xxii. i6. p. lo:;. 

* V. s. 6 xix. lo, xxii. n. 

* iii. 8. 



the mystic than the author of the fourth Gospel, but he surpasses 
both in his revelation of the unbounded power of the exalted 
Christ, Nowhere else in the New Testament are the personal 
activities of Jesus Christ present in His Church, the glories of 
His heavenly life, or the possibilities of His future manifestation 
so magnificently set forth. The Christology of the Apocalypse 
may evade analysis, but it meets the need of the Church in times 
of storm and stress. It is the New Testament counterpart of the 
Old Testament hymns of anticipated triumph : God is our refuge 
and strength, a very present helj) in trouble ; therefore will we not 
fear.... God is in the midst of her ; she shall not he moved. How- 
ever the fact may be explained, Christ is in the Apocalypse the 
power of God and the wisdom of God present with the Church, 
while in His exalted life He is in the midst of the Throne. 

4. Of the Spirit we expect to hear much in the one pro- 
phetical book of the New Testament, and we are not altogether 
disappointed, though there is less on the surface of the book than 
we might have looked for. It is in the Spirit that the Seer 
receives his first and second visions^ ; in the Spirit, again, he is 
carried into the wilderness where he sees the harlot Babylon, and 
to the mountain from whence can be descried the new Jerusalem"; 
and doubtless we are to understand that the same condition of 
spiritual exaltation accompanied the other visions of the Apoca- 
l}'pse. The Spirit of prophecy speaks everywhere, bearing witness 
to Jesus^ exhorting the Churches in His Name'*, conveying the 
revelation of Jesus Christ to the Seer, and through him to the 
readers and hearers. It is the Spirit of prophecy who answers to 
the voice from heaven^; who identifies Himself with the Church 
in her call for the Lord to come*^. But the book recognizes other 
and wider manifestations of the Spirit of God. When the writer 
desires grace and peace for the Churches of Asia from the seven 
Spirits luhich are before His Throne it is probable that he is 
thinking of the One Spirit in the variety and completeness of 

^ i. 10, iv. 2. * ii. I, 7 etc. 

2 xvii. 3, xxi. 10. ^ xiv. 13. 

3 xix. 10. ^ xxii. 17. 


His gifts. The phrase might in itself mean only the seven 
Angels of the Presence \ and this interpretation receives some 
support from c. iv. 5, but it does not accord either with the 
trinitarian character of c. i. 4 f.-, or with c. v. 6. The seven 
Spirits which blaze like torches before the Throne, are in the last 
passage the eyes of the sacrificed Lamb, i.e. they are the organs 
of supernatural vision which illuminate the humanity of our 
Lord, and which He sends forth into the world. It is impossible 
not to recognize here the mission of the Paraclete, Who is at once 
the Spirit of Christ, and the Spirit sent by Him from the Father 
to the Church. And on looking back to c. i. 4 we see the fitness 
of the number seven ; each of the seven Churches has its own 
fiepLafj,6<; of the Spirit ; only to the Christ and to the whole body 
of the Church considered in its unity belongs the fulness of 
spiritual powers and gifts, the septifoj^mis Spiritus Who is in His 
essence indivisible. Thus the Apocalypse extends the teaching 
of the Epistles. Diversities of gifts mark the work of the Spirit 
in the Churches as in their individual members ; to each is given 
the manifestation of the Spirit. Yet the individual is not over- 
looked. The action of the Spirit on the personal life is shewn in 
the symbolism which points to the water of life. The Lamb... 
shall guide them unto fountains of luaters of life. I will give unto 
him that is athirst of the fountain of the luater of life freely. He 
shewed me a river of tvater of life,... proceeding out of the throne of 
God and of the Lamb. He that is athirst, let him come; he that 
will, let him take the water of life freely^. These passages are 
remarkable for the width of their outlook : they carry us from the 
beginnings of the spii'itual life to its maturity, from the first gift 
of the water of life to the state in which access is given to the 
fountain-head. There is no stage in the progi-essive development 
of the new life at which the human spirit is not dependent on the 
Divine; the water of life which satisfies the first thirst, is not 
less necessary to the ultimate perfection of the Saints. On 
the essential nature of the Spirit the Apocalypse has nothing 

^ viii. 1. 2 Cor. xiii. 14, Eph. iv. 4!!. 

2 Cf. such contexts as i Cor. xii. 4ff.. ^ vii. 17, sxi. 6, xxii. i, 17. 


to add to the teaching of other New Testament books. But in 

its symbolism we catch glimpses of His relation to the Father and 

the Son. Jesus Christ hath the seven Spirits of God ; they are 

the eyes of the Lamb, sent forth by Him into all the earth. The 

River of the water of life issues from the Throne of God and 

of the Lamb\ There are echoes here of the teaching both of 

Christ and of St Paul. The Spirit of God is also the Spirit of 

Christ, and the outpouring of the Spirit which began on the day 

of Pentecost was a direct consequence of the Ascension ; the 

Paraclete was sent by the Ascended Lord from the Father, and 

by the Father in the name of the Son. The temporal mission of 

the Spirit is here in view, but behind it there may also be the 

eternal procession from the Father through the Son of Avhich the 

Creed speaks. But the latter does not come within the express 

scope of the Apocalyptist's words. 

5. His treatment of the doctrine of the Church is not less 

interesting. Like St Paul's Epistle to the Galatians and perhaps 

also the Epistle to the Ephesians, the Apocalypse is addressed to 

a plurality of Churches; seven are named, but after the first 

chapter the number is dropped, and the writer speaks simply of 

al eKKXijcrlac-, or once of Traaai al eKKKrjalaL^. The singular rj 

eKK\7](Tia is used of each of the local Christian societies, but not 

of the Churches in the aggregate, or of the ideal unity of the 

Christian body. Each society is symbolized by a separate Xv')(via, 

and each has its own presiding spirit, its star or angel. There is 

no spiritual counterpart to the kolvov tt}<; 'Acrta?, no provincial 

Church or representative council, though the seven Churches may 

be taken as in a sense representative of the Churches of Asia in 

general. Yet, as the book proceeds, the conception of an universal 

Christian society, a catholic Church, appears under more than 

one symbolical figure. "VVe have first the 144,000 sealed out of 

every tribe of the children of Israel^, changing, as the Seer 

watches, into an innumerable company before the Divine Throne, 

and afterwards seen again as 144,000, surrounding the Lamb on 

^ iii. I, V. 6, xxii. i. ^ ii. 23. 

" ii. 7, II, 17, 29; iii. 6, 13, 22; ■* cc. vii., xiv. 

xxii. 16. 

DOCTRINE clxvii 

Mount Zion. Then a great sign appears in heaven, a womian 
arrayed with the sun, and the moon nnder her feet, and upon her 
head a croivn of twelve stars, who becomes the Mother of the 
Christ and His Saints'. Lastly, in sharp contrast with the Harlot 
Babylon, we see the Bride of Christ arrayed for her marriage day, 
and presently transfigured into a new Jerusalem, coming down 
out of heaven from God". In the first of these visions the Church 
appears as a collection of units, making up the whole number of 
the elect ; in the second and third she is seen in the unity of her 
common life, first as militant against the evil of the world, her 
life hid in God, herself imperishable but suffering in the persons 
of her members ; and then, in the final picture, as reaching her 
ideal in the presence of God and of Christ. There are side-lights, 
also, in this great series of pictures which deserve attention ; in 
the first, the reconciliation of Divine foreknowledge with the 
freedom of the human Avill ; in the second, the relation of the 
Church of the Old Testament to the Church of the New, and of 
both to the individual ; in the third, the social aspect of the 
Christian life, as set forth in the order and beauty of the City of 

On the local ministry in the Churches the Apocalyptist 
preserves a complete silence ; he speaks of the itinerant, charis- 
matic, ministry of Apostles and Prophets, but not of the bishops 
or presbyters and deacons who were doubtless to be found in the 
Christian communities of Asia. The prophetic order, from his 
point of view, eclipses the officers of the Church. But it does 
not take from the lustre of the Church herself She is a kingdom 
and a priesthood ; all her members have been made by the 
sacrifice of the Cross kings and priests unto God and to the 
Lamb'. The Augustus and the Caesars, the Asiarchs and high- 
priests of the Augustea, are of little account in comparison witl\ the 
despised and persecuted members of the Christian brotherhoods. 

6. The soteriology of the Apocalypse demands attention. 
Thrice in the book* "Salvation" {rj acoryjpia) is ascribed to God, 

* c. xii. 3 i. 6, V. lo, XX. 6. 

- c. xxi. * vii. lo, xii. lo, xix. i. 

clxviii DOCTRINE 

or to God and Christ. The phrase is perhaps suggested by the 
free use of o-&)T?;'p on coins and in inscriptions in reference to 
certain of the heathen deities (e.g. Zeus, Asklepios), and to the 
Emperors. John recalls the word from these unworthy uses and 
claims it for the Ultimate Source of health and life. But in this 
attribution he includes Jesus Christ; Salvation unto our God... 
and unto the Lamb\ It is by the Sacrifice of the Lamb that the 
salvation of men has become possible: thou ivast slain and didst 
purchase tmto God with thy blood men of every tribe ; tmto him 
that loved us and loosed us from our sins by his blood... to him be 
the glory ; the Saints washed their robes, and made them white in 
the blood of the Lamb : they overcame the accuser because of the 
blood of the Lamb-. Whatever may be the exact meaning of these 
words, it is clear from them that the writer attached the greatest 
importance to the death of Christ ; His sacrificed life was the 
price of man's redemption from sin to the service of God. The 
idea is St Paul's, who twice in one epistle writes : " ye were 
bought with a priced" and lays emphasis on the virtue of the 
sacrificial blood'*; and the latter point was present to the mind of 
our Lord Himself when He spoke of His Blood as " shed for many 
unto remission of sins I" The writer of the Apocalypse took over 
the familiar figures by which the Churches had long expressed 
the mystery of the Atonement. But there are new features in 
his use of them. Redemption is a liberation from the sins of the 
past life, which have hitherto " tied and bound " the sinner Avith 
their chains; it is a purchase for God, its purpose being to 
transfer the sinner from the service of sin to the service of God®. 
But its end is not attained without the concurrence of the human 
will. The redeemed cooperate with the Redeemer; they wash 
their robes and make them white, they fight and overcome. 
Neither action would have been possible without our Lord's 
sacrifice, but the sacrifice would have been ineffectual without 

^ vii'. lo. i. 2, 19 ; I Jo. i. 7. 

^ i. 5, V. 9, vii. 14, xii. 11. ^ Mt. xxvi. 28; Mc. xiv. 24 ; i Cor. 

' I Cor. vi. 20 T}yopd(Tdi]T€ yap Tifirjs, xL 25. 
vii. 23 Tija^s 7)yopdcr07]Te. *" There is a partial parallel in Eom. 

* Acts XX. 28; Eom. iii. 25, v. 9; vi. i^fif. 
Eph. i. 7, ii. 13; Col. i. 20. Cf. i Pet. 


repentance and faith on their part. The Apocah-ptist dwells 
more frequently on "works" than on "faiths" To represent this 
as a return to a Jewish standpoint is arbitrary -, but it cannot be 
denied that it is a distinguishing note of the Apocal^-pse. Faith 
is rarely named in the book*, and when it is, it does not appear as 
the primary necessity of the Christian life ; the decisive place is 
given to works ; the fair linen which decks the Saints is woven 
out of their righteous acts*. Salvation is the fruit of the Lord's 
victory, but the faith which appropriates it overcomes the world 
as He overcame it. 

7. The Angelology of the Apocah'pse is abundant. Beyond 
any other book either in the Old Testament or in the New, it 
occupies itself "with the inhabitants of the imseen order; even of 
apocalj-ptic writings the Enoch literature alone perhaps is more 
fruitful in revelations of this kind. The Apocal}-pse of John, 
however, is singularly free from the wild speculations of Jewish 
angelology. If angels frequently appear in its visions, they belong 
to the scenes which the visions reveal, and are there because the 
supermundane events which are in progress demand their inter- 
vention. They are seen engaged in the activities of their manifold 
ministries, now as worshipping before the Throne', now as bearing 
messages to the world®, or as stationed in some place of trust, 
restraining elemental forces", or themselves under restraint until 
the moment for action has arrived®, or as presiding over great 
departments of Nature ^ Sometimes their ministries are cosmic; 
they are entrusted with the execution of worldwide judgements^", 
or they form the rank and file of the armies of heaven, who fight 
God's battles with evil, whether diabolical or human"; the Abyss 
is under their custody'-. Sometimes an angel is employed in 
the service of the Church, offering the prayers of the Saints, or 

^ See ii. 2, 5, 19, 13, iii. it, S, 15, * vii. 11. 

XX. i:f., xxii. 1:. * i. i, xxii- 6. 

- The present writer is unable to dis- " \-ii. i . 

cover here or elsewhere in the Apoca- ^ ix. is. 

lypse the " nnadiilterated Judaism" * xvi. iff. 

which has been ascribed to it (Charles, ^° viii. 6fF., xix. 14. 

Eschatolopy, p. 347). ^' xiL 7, xix. 14. 

^ Only in ii. 15, 19, xiii. 10, siv. i;. '- ix. 11, xs. i. 

* xix." 8. 


presiding over the destinies of a local brotherhood or ministering 
to an individual brother, e.g. to the Seer himself \ No charge 
seems to be too great for an angel to undertake, and none too 
ordinary ; throughout the book the angels are represented as 
ready to fill any place and do any work to which they may be 
sent. Little light is thrown on such a speculative topic as the 
distribution of the angelic host into orders or ranks. The greater 
angels are distinguished by their superior strength or more splendid 
suri'oundings. Only one angel receives a name, and it is borrowed 
from the Book of Daniel-; there is but a passing allusion to the 
seven angels of the Presence, of whom Enoch has so much to 

The Apocalypse is comparatively silent as to fallen angels and 
evil spirits. The Dragon of c. xii. is identified with Satan or the 
Devil of the Old Testament; in the celestial war of xii. 7 ff. he 
is followed by his "angels" who fight his battles^ Idolatry is 
regarded as demonolatry^: heathen magic is due to spirits of 
demons, worhing signs. Babylon becomes a habitation of demons, 
and a hold of every unclean spirit^. The Seer is able to foresee 
the course of Satanic activity from his own age to the end. 
Failing to dethrone the ascended Christ, Satan turns his attention 
to the Church which is left on earth''. He finds ready allies in 
the persecuting Emperors and the heathen priesthood^, backed by 
the power of the new Babylon on the Tiber ^, Babylon falls at 
last", and for a long period Satan is bound, and the Church 
dominant". Then a reaction follows, and the whole world is 
persuaded to attack the Church^-. But her hour of greatest peril 
ushers in the final victory. Fire falls from heaven upon the 
enemy, and Satan himself is consigned to the burning morass 
from which there is no escape. The fate of his " angels " is 
not described, but it may be assumed that they perish with 

^ ii; I etc., viii. 3f. , xvii. i, xxi. 9. "' xii. 7 ff., i^H. 

- xii. 7; cf. Dan. x. 21. 8 xiii. i ff., 1 1 ff 

2 viii. 2 ; cf. Enoch xx. 9 c. xvii. 

* xii. 9. 10 c. x\-iii. 

^ ix. 20. " XX. I ff. 

^ xviii. 2. 12 jj_ gg 


their leader', for from this poiut all superhuman forces of evil 

S. E^chatology, in the widest sense, forms one of the main 
subjects of this book, which from c. iv. deals chiefly with the things 
u'hich must come to pass hereafter'. Here our discussion of the 
subject must be limited to the " last things " in the narrower use 
of the phrase, i.e. to the Coming of the Lord, the Judgement, 
and the new world beyond them. No mention is made of the 
Trapova-ia^ or i7ri<f)uv€ta* of the Lord, and though ep^ofiai and 
the response ^px^^' '^^e watchwords in this book, the " coming " 
intended, in some instances at least, is not the final Advent, but 
the Wsitation of a Church or an individual'. Moreover, there is 
no one vision which answers altogether to the conception of the 
Return, as it is presented in our Lord's teaching and in the 
Epistles, We look for such an appearance immediately before the 
general resurrection and judgement (xx. ii tY.\ or in connexion 
with the descent of the Bride, but it is absent. Perhaps the 
Reaper on the white cloud*, and the crowned Warrior on the white 
horse', may describe, each in its own way, the Last Coming, but 
neither of these ^-isions exhausts the conception, or occupies the 
position which the Parousia might have been expected to fill. 
Yet the book starts with a clear reference to the Advent, which 
is represented as visible to the whole world : behold, he cometh 
with the clouds, and evert/ eye shall see him^; and it ends with 
the solemn witness, Yea, I come quickly. The hope of a visible 
Coming, and that a speedy one, has not vanished, though it is 
clear that raxv must be interpreted relatively, in the light of a 
prophecy which interposes between the Seer's time and the 
Return an age of persecution of unknown length and a subsequent 
millennium of dominant Christianity. The Lord's quickly is His 
final answer to the rising impatience of the Church", now on the 

^ Cf. Mt. XXV. 41. ' E.g. ii. 5, 16, and perhaps also iii. 

- iv. I : cf. i. 19. II, xvi. 15. 

■* Mt. xxiv. 3 ff. : I Cor. xv. :;; ; i Th. * xiv. 14. 

ii. 19. iii. 13, iv. 15. v. 23 ; Jac. v. 7 f. : " lix. 11. 

■z Pet. iii. 4 : 1 Jo. ii. iS. * i. 7. 

* I Tim. N-i. 14; a Tim. L 10, iv. 1, S: ' Cf. a Pet. iii. 9. 
Tit. ii. I :. 

clxxii DOCTRINE 

verge of the second century ; measured by the standard of His 
endless life, the time is at hand. 

The final Reign of Christ and of His Saints is connected 
with the hope of His return. His own Reign began with the 
Ascension, and it is spiritually shared by the Church even in an 
age of persecution ; the Saints reign upon the earth^, though a 
Nero or a Domitian may be on the throne. The Apocalyptist 
dimly foresees the conversion of the Empire, when the kingdom 
of the 2uorld became the kingdom of our Lord and of His Christ, 
and the Church entered on a long period of triumph, reigning 
with Christ for a thousand years^ But he also anticipates a 
future kingdom of the Saints which will fulfil its ideal, and to 
which no period can be put: they shall reign for ever and ever'\ 

The General Resurrection and the Judgement belong to the 
same series of events. If the interpretation of the Thousand 
Years which is given in this commentary^ is connect, the "first 
resurrection" of c. xx. 5 is, like the resurrection of the Two 
Witnesses in c. xi., a symbol of the revival and extension of tJie 
Church which would follow the age of persecution. No " second 
resurrection" is mentioned, but a resurrection of the body is 
implied in c. xx. 12 and the glory of the risen Saints is perhaps 
symbolized in c. xxi. 11. The former of these passages clearly 
teaches the doctrine of a general Judgement. But the Judge 
seems to be not the Incarnate Son, but the Almighty Father: 
the Apocal;y^Dtist does not appear to recognize with the Evangelist 
that all judgement has been given to the Son^ 

The vision of the Last Judgement is followed by a vision of 
the new world and the new City of God. Perhaps it will always 
be a matter of dispute w^hether the final vision of the Apocalypse 
is an idealistic picture of the Church as she now is, or a realistic 
picture of the Church as she will be hereafter. There is in fact 
an element of truth in each of these views, for the best ideals 

■^ V. 10, reading j3aai\euovaLi>. may be noted that St Paul speaks in- 

^ xi. 15, XX. 6. differently of the I3rjfj.a rod Oeov (Eom. 

2 xxii. 5. xiv. 10) and the /3. toD xp'O't'oO (2 Cor. 

* P. 264 ff. V. 10); the Father judges in the person 

5 Jo. V. 22; cf. Mt. XXV. 31 £f. It of the Son. 

DOCTRINE clxxiii 

of the present are the realities of the future. The position of 
the vision points to the future, for though the succession of the 
Apocalyptic visions is not chronological, there is in it a certain 
sequence which accords with the orderly development of the 
Divine purpose. And no stretch of the imagination can discover 
in any period of the Church's lengthening history the full counter- 
part of the glories described by St John. The Bride of Christ has 
not yet made herself ready; the City of God is not free from the 
presence of the unclean and the false : night still falls upon her 
streets, alternating with periods of daylights But the future 
holds the perfection of the present ; in the imperfect life of the 
Asian brotherhoods the Seer can find the earnest of a maturity 
which, when extended to the race, will leave no part of God's 
great plan for the reconstruction of human society unrealized. 

9. It is not the purpose of the Apocal}^se to teach Christian 
doctrine, but to inspire Christian hope. But incidentally it 
instructs, and its teaching, so far as it goes, is fresh, strenuous, 
and suggestive. While it has points of contact with the sayings 
of our Lord in the Synoptic Gospels, with the doctrine of St Paul 
and his school, and with the Gospel and the First Epistle of 
St John, there are features in the doctrine of the Apocalypse 
which are peculiar to itself; nor is the proportion in which it 
presents the aspects of Christian truth quite that wliich is to be 
found in other books of the New Testament. Without the 
Apocalypse, so far as we can judge, our knowledge of the teaching 
of the Apostolic age would have been imperfect ; in this respect 
the book is complementary to the Gospels and Epistles, and 
fulfils the important work of preserving the balance of truth. 
This is not the least of the reasons for Avhich 8t John's great 
vision deserves careful study, and may in itself be held to justify 
the felicitation: blessed is he that readethy and the>j that Jiear the 
ivords of the prophecy. 

^ xxi. 1, 15, 17, \xii. ^. 



I. At the beginning of the book, and again at the end^ the 
Apocalypse professes to be the work of John. The author further 
states that he is a servant of Jesus Christ, a brother of the 
Churches of Asia, and a partaker in their sufferings, and that at 
the time when he received the revelation he was in the island of 
Patmos for the word of God and the testimony of Jesus-. By the 
"testimony of Jesus" he appears to mean the witness which he had 
borne to our Lord in his capacity as a member of a brotherhood of 
Christian prophetsl The intimate knowledge which he shews of 
the circumstances of the Churches in Asia, and the unhesitating 
tone of authority in which he addresses them, leave no doubt that 
he had resided in the province, and had exercised his office in the 
Christian societies there. 

It is scarcely possible that the book can be pseudonymous. The 
Jewish pseudepigrapha bear the names of Old Testament patriarchs, 
kings, or prophets ; and a Christian apocalypse, if pseudonymous, 
would naturally have been attributed to an Apostle. But in that 
case the writer would assuredly have proclaimed his identity with 
the son of Zebedee. The apocryphal apocalypse of Paul begins : 
aTTOKaXvxpL^ Tov dyiov (XTroaToXov IlavAoi', and the apocryphal apo- 
calypse of John : aTroKaXui/zts tov ay tov 'iwdvvov tov OeoXoyov*. These 
are later documents, but even in a first century apocryphon we 
should have expected some such note of identification as o tov 

^ i. I, 4, 9, xxii. 8. Apocalypse of Peter has not been re- 

^ i. 9. covered, but in the Petrine Gospel the 

* xix. 10, xxii. 9. identification is explicit: § 14 ^7^ di 

* Tischendorf,, -l^)OcaZ?//)ses eipocryphae, St/xwv Herpos Kal 'Avdp^as 6 dde\(f>6s f/.ov, 
pp. 34, 70. The opening of the earlier 


ZcySeSatov, o cttI to aT^6o<;, or at least o fxaOiqTi]^ tov Kvpiov or d 
7rp€o-/3uTcpos. But not only is there an entire absence of such 
appellatives ; the indications, so far as they go, are unfavourable to 
the hypothesis that the writer meant to pose as an Apostle. The 
John of the Apocalypse is simply a "brother," and the only office 
which he claims is that of propliet This does not indeed disprove 
his identity with the Apostle', but it is not what might have been 
expected from a writer who wished to pass as one of the Twelve. 

2. The name Johanan- was by no means uncommon in 
Jewish history from the time of the Captivity onwards. Some 
fifteen persons of this name are mentioned in the books of 
Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah, and five more in the books of 
the Maccabees. Josephus refers to seventeen Johns ^; in the New 
Testament there are at least five — the son of Zacharias, and the 
son of Zebedee, the father of St Peter^ John whose surname was 
Mark, and a John who was of the kindred of the High Priest'. Of 
these, John the son of Zebedee was from an early time identified 
with the author of the Apocalypse. 

The witness of Justin has been given already^. Irenaeus calls the 
author of the fourth Gospel and the Apocalypse d ixadrjT7j<; Kvpiov, 
Domini discipulus (iii. ii. iff., iv. 20. 11), but the title, as he uses 
it, does not exclude Apostleship ; cf. ii. 22. 5, Avhere, immediately 
after mentioning "John, the disciple of the Lord," he proceeds: 
"non solum loannem, sed et alios apostolos." Hippolytus expressly 
calls the writer of the Apocalypse "Apostle" as well as "disciple'," 
and TertuUian is no less explicit". Origen, again, entertains no 
doubt that both the Gospel and the Apocalypse proceeded from the 
son of Zebedee ^ The earliest suggestion that the Apocalj-pse was 
the work of a second John, not of apostolic rank, came from 
Alexandria after Origen's death ^"^ earlier opponents of the apostolic 
authorship regarded the book as pseudonymous". 

3. As an alternative to John the son of Zebedee, Dionysius 
of Alexandria mentions the name of John Mark, but he dismisses it 
on the ground that Mark did not accompany St Paul to Asia. 

1 Even in 2 Peter St Paul is 6 afa-mr * Jo. xxi. 15 ff. "Zlfjiwv 'Ia«ii'[»']ou. 

t6s T^yiicDi' a.Si\(pbs (iii. 15). ' Acts iv. 6 '\wavvrii...Kai 6<rcn ^acw 

^ 'ludvvijs, or 'Iwdvrjs as WH., follow- «« yefov^ apx^fpo-TiKOv. 

ing cod. N, write the name in c. i., is a ^ P. cvii f. 

Helleuized form of 'lujavdv (= jpnin^.^ " P. cxiiL 

or Jjni") which occurs in the LX\. and * ?• cix. 

in Lc. iii. 27. As to the doubled v see ,„ ' ^'^^]^- 

Dalman, Gr. p. 142. u p' fvff 

3 See Niese's index, p. 46. 


Apart from this objection, the hypothesis of Marcan authorship 
has little to recommend it ; the style of the second Gospel has do 
marked affinity with that of the Apocalypse, and its author shews 
none of the characteristics of the prophet or the mystic: he 
is graphic and can draw a telling picture, but he is not a 
visionary and has no eye for the transcendental. The John of 
the Apocalypse, if not the son of Zebedee, must be, Dionysius 
concludes, some otherwise unknown John who visited Asia^ ; and 
he finds some support for this view in the story he has heard 
(<f)a(TLv) that there were at Ephesus two monuments which passed 
as the tomb of John. To this Eusebius adds that Papias also seems 
to speak of two Johns who were both disciples of the Lord, and 
putting the facts together he infers that if the Apocalypse is 
not to be ascribed to the Apostle, it was probably the work of the 
second John who is known to Papias as the Elder^. 

The following are the words of Papias as reported by Eusebius : 
Tovs Twv TrpiafivrepoiV dviKptvov Xoyovs' rt 'AvBpeas rj tl Herpos cittcv... 

y TL 'loXXVVT^S y MttT^atOS 17 TtS eVcpOS TCOr TOV KVpLOV fJLa6r]T(j)V' a TC 

'ApKTTLWv Koi 6 '7rpe(r/3vTepo<; 'IwavvT^s ol tov Kvpiov ixaOrjrai Xeyovatv. 
Eusebius' comment is : €vda koI iTncnrja-aL a^tov Sts KaTapiOfxovvTL 
avT(2 TO 'loidvvov ovo/Aa...£i/<os yap tov Sevrepov (i.e. the Elder), el fi^ 
TtS ideXoL TOV TrpcuTov, T^v ett' ovo'jU.aTos c}iepofji€vr]v 'Iwdvvov A7roKaAvi//tv 

4. Perhaps no conjecture hazarded by an ancient writer has 
been so widely adopted in modern times. A conjecture it still 
remains, for no fresh light has been thrown on the enigmatic 
figure of John the Elder. But this circumstance has not pre- 
vented scholars from confidently attributing to him one or more 
of the Johannine group of writings. Even in Jerome's time it 
was usual to identify the Elder of 2 and 3 John with the second 
John of Papias. 

Hieron. de virr. ill. 9 " lohannis presbyteri adseruntur, cuius 
hodie alterum sepulcrum apud Ephesum ostenditur." In c. 18 he 
.speaks of the " opinionem qua a plerisque rettulimus traditum duas 
posteriores epistulas lohannis non apostoli esse sed presbyteri." On 
the other hand he holds that both the Gospel and the Apocalypse 
were written by the Apostle (c. 9). 

1 ap. Eus. H. E. vii. 25. 2 jj. e. iii. 39. 

To face p. elxxvii 


The Apocalypse is now ascribed to the Elder by perhaps 
a majority of critics. But recent criticism goes further, and 
transfers to the Elder nearly all that has been hitherto given to 
the Apostle. There were two Johns in the Apostolic age, but 
only one of them was a resident in Asia, and he was the Elder 
and not the son of Zebedee. It was the Elder, it is said, and not 
the Apostle who was the disciple that Jesus loved, who gave his 
name to the Johannine books of the New Testament, and claims 
to be the writer of the Apocalypse. 

At this point it will be convenient to collect the traditions which 
relate to the residence of John in Asia and his exile to Patnios. 
(i) Residence in Asia. Iran, ii 22. 5 (o/j. Eus. II. E. iii. 23): 
7ravT€S ol TvpnajSvTipoL fxaprvpovcriv, 01 Kara ttjv A<riav lojai'vv; tcS toC 
Kvpiov fji.a6r]Trj cru/x/Je/JXr/KoVe?, TrupaScSwKeVai [ravraj tov 'lojdi'vqy irapi- 
/X€iV€ yap avTol'i fJ-^XP'- ''^'^^ Tpaiavov \povu}V. lb. iii. 3. 4 {(ip. Eus. 
H. E. iv. 14) : Kttt eicriv ol a.Kr]Ko6T€<> avTov \sc. toC noAvKapTrou], OTi 
Iu)avv7;s 6 To5) Kvpiov p.a6rjrr]<; iv ttJ E^cVo) Tropcv^et's ktX. lb, {ap. 
Eus. H. E. iii. 23) : dWa. Kal rj iv Ec^to-u) iKK\r](TLa vtto JlavXov /jtev 
TiOifJitXnofjiivr], 'Iwai'i'ou Se TrapayneiVavTO? aurois y'-^XP'- ''''^^ TpatavoS 
Xpovoiv, paprv; dX-q6r]<i c(Ttl Ti]<i Twv aTTo(XTo\u3v TrapaSocreajs. lb. Ep. 
ad Flori'ii. (ap. Eu.s. H. E. v. 20) : cTSov yap ere, vrais i^v en, iv ttj 
Kara) 'Acria irapa tw noAuKapTro). ..worrt p.e ovvacrOat elrrea' Kal tov tottov 
iy u) KaOe^op.ii'o'; ^teXeyero 6 fxaKapio^ UoXvKup-n-o<;...Kal ras SiaXe'^cis 
ds iTTOulTO Trpos TO 7rX7^6'os, Kal T7)i' jxtTa Iwaifou avvavacrTpo(fi-i)v ois 
ainjyyfXXe, Kal tt/i' fxeTo. tcov Xonr(2i> tuiv iwpaKOTOJV tov Kvpioi'. Polv- 
crates (ap. Eus. //. E. iii. 31, v. 24): en 8e kol 'Iwaii-?;? 6 irrl to 
<rTr/Oo<; tov Kvpiov araTvecruiv, 65 iyevrjOrj lepevs, to TreraXov TrecfyopeKw^, 
Kal fxapTv^ Kal SiSao-KaXo?, ovtos iv 'E<^€0"<z) KeKot/x7;Tat. Of Apollonius 
(a.d. 196-7, Harnack) Eusebius writes (H. E. v. 18): Ke;^?/rat 8k kol 
fxaprvpiais oltto tt?? 'luidi'vov ' ATroKaXv{f/eo}<;' kol vcKpov hk hvvdpei Seia 
Trpos avTov 'Iwdvvov iv ttJ 'Ec^cVct) iyqyipOaL i(TTopf.l. (2) Exile to 
Patnios. Clem. Al. quis dives 42 aKovaov fxvOov, ov fivOov dXXd ovra 
Xoyov, TTcpi liodvvov tov dTrocrT6Xoi'...TOv Tvparvov TcXerTJyVurTos otto 
T7/S riaTyLiov T17S vi]aov fji€TrjX$ey ctti Tip' "Ee^eo^ot'. Origon, {)i Matt. 
xvi. 6 6 St 'Pw/xat'wi' /Jao^iXei's, oj? 7; Trapa'Soo-is 8i8aO"K€i, KaTtSiKacrc tov 
Iwavj'T^i' fiapTvpovvTa Sid tov t7;9 dXi]6eia(; Xoyoj' eis naT/ior rryi' mfaov. 
TertuUian, praescr. 36: " habes Roniani...ubi apostolus Iimiuics, 
posteaquam in oleum igueuiu demersus nihil passus est, in insulain 
relegatur. " Act. lo/tann. 14 dTrcTrXci'o-er 6 'lojari'*;? €is nu'r^oi', ottou 
KOL ij^itoOi] TT/r T7/S o-vi'TcXeia^ iSciv aTroKaXvil/iv, ib. 88 Ip^CTat Trpo? ^€ 
fcai TOJ' doeXc^oi' p,oi' 'Ia/<oj/?oj'. Eus. //. E. iii. 18 er toitu) Karc^et 
Xdyo5 Tor aTroo-ToXoi' a/xa Kal tvayyeXLcrrqv I<uaii7;j' tTt ru ftiw 
ivSiaTpL/SovTa, Tr}<s eh tov 6elov Xdyor eveKev /xapTvpt'as, ITaTynov olKeiv 
KaTaBiKacrOrjraL rrjv vija-ov (cf. ib. 20, 23). Victorinus t'/i Apoc. X. 1 1 
"quundo haec loannes vidit erat in insula Patuios, in metallura 

s. R. m 

clxxviii AUTHORSHIP 

damnatus' a Domitiano Caesare. ibi ergo vidit Apocalypsin, 
cum iam senior putaret se per passionem accepturum receptionem, 
interfecto Domitiano, omnia eius iudicia soluta sunt, et loannes de 
nietallo dimissus sic postea tradidit hanc eandem quam acceperat 
a Deo Apocalypsin."^ 

6, Read cursorily, this evidence may seem to establish the 
identity of John the Apostle with the resident in Asia and 
the exile of Patmos. But a more careful examination suggests 
caution. The witness of Irenaeus shews beyond a doubt that 
a John who had been a disciple of the Lord resided in Asia 
within the lifetime of Poly carp Bishop of Smyrna, who was born 
(Harnack) in a.d, 69. A bishop of Ephesus at the end of the 
second century asserts that the John who lay on the Lord's breast 
was buried at Ephesus ; and another Asian writer of the same 
period speaks of a miracle which John the author of the Apoca- 
lypse performed in that city. But no second century testimony^ 
except that of the Leucian Acts, excludes the hypothesis that the 
John who lived in Asia and wrote the Apocalypse was the Elder, 
or compels us to believe that John the Apostle ever resided in 
Asia. Moreover it is certainly remarkable that in so many of the 
earliest references to him John of Asia is called " the disciple," 
and not, expressly at least, the Apostle ^ Nor is the evidence 
for the Apostle's exile to Patmos quite conclusive. It begins 
with Clement of Alexandria, and it is chiefly western ; Irenaeus 
does not mention the exile ; from residents in Asia, where the 
event would have made the deepest impression, no reference to 
it is forthcoming. We cannot overlook the possibility that the 
tradition rests ultimately on Apoc. i. 9, though against this we 
must set the apparent independence of the witnesses, and certain 
amplifications of the traditional story, for which the Apocalypse 
offers no support. 

i,"Down the middle of the island chiefly volcanic." T. C. Fitzpatriek, 

run a succession of hills ; in one of A visit to Patmos (iu Christ's College 

them, in the northern half of the island, Magazine, 1887). 

there are quarries. This, perhaps, is - On the source of the statement in 

the explanation of the statement that Eus. H. E. iii. 18 see an article by 

St John was 'damnatus in metallum,' Prof. Lawlor in J. T. S. for April, 1907. 

as there do not appear to have been any ^ SeeBonsset, Die 0Jfenbaru7it], -p. ^if., 

mines, properly so called. The rock is and in Encycl. Bihh, i., col. 198. 


On the whole it may be said that if early Christian tradition 
favours the identification of John of Ephesus with the Apostle, 
it does not exclude the opposite hypothesis, whether in the 
Eusebian form or in that which is now advocated. 

7. It would materially assist us in arriving at a decision if 
we could ascertain the length of the Apostle's life. Irenaeus, as 
we have seen, represents John, the disciple of the Lord, as having 
lived to the time of Trajan, i.e. to the year 98 at least. That the 
Apostle lived to old age is assumed by ancient "writers, e.g. by 
Clement of Alexandria in his Qiiis dives\ and by Jerome in his 
commentary on Galatians. There is, however, some evidence to 
be set on the other side. A MS. of Georgius Hamartolus (cent. 
IX.) alleges the authority of Papias, in the second book of his 
work, for the statement that John the son of Zebedee was 
martyred by the Jews", and the reference to Papias is now 
supported by an extract printed by Dr C. De Boor from an 
Oxford MS. of the 7th or 8th century^, an epitome probably 
based upon the Chronicle of Philip of Side (cent. v.). 

The Coislin MS. of Georgius adds at Chron. iii. 134 : ['Iwavi'?;?] 
jxaprvpiov Karrj^LOiTaf IlaTrtas yap 6 lepaTroAetos cttictk-o— os, avroTTTT/s 
TouTov yevo/xei'os, iv t<3 Sivrepu) Aoyo) Twr KuptaKwi/ Xoyiojv tpdcKei on 
VTTO ^lovSaLLiu mnjpiUT], TrAv/pojcras SrjXaor] fiera toG d8e/\<^ov rqv tov 
XpL(TTOv irepL avTwv Trpoppijaiv. De Boor's fragment runs : IlaTrtas iv 
Tw Bevrepu) Xo'yu) Xeyet on lwdwr]<i o veoA.oyos'* kol IaKw/?os 6 d.8eX(f>o^ 
auTou viro 'lovSaLwv ai'i]pe$r](Tav. 

With this testimony before us it is not easy to doubt that 
Papias made some such statement, for the suggestion of a lacuna, 
offered by Bishop Lightfoot in 1875', is now scarcely tenable, 
though it has been lately revived by Harnack^ But if Papias 
made it, the question remains whether he made it under some 
misapprehension, or merely by way of expressing his conviction 

^ Ap. Ens. H.E. iii. 24, 6 Trpea^vTijs... fragmentist." 
rbv y^povra. * Supernatural Eeligioii, p. 212 : "the 

- SeeNolte ill r/(. QMarfaZsc/iri//, 1862, sentence may have run in the original 

p. 466. somewhat in this way, Uairiai...<pa(r k€i 

^ In Textc ». Untersuchungen (v. 2, otl 'Iwawrj^ [/.uv iVd toO ' Pw/jLaiuiv /3a- 

p. 170, 1888). (n\fuis KaTfSiKd<r(>yj, 'IdKw/3os S(] i>n6 

* "O 6eo\6yos, as Dr Sanday points out 'lovoaiui' dvrjpeOi].'' 
(Criticism of the Fourth Go.f^je/, p. 251), ^ Chronologie, i.^. 6^>-,i. 

"may quite well have been due to the 

m 2 


that the prophecy of Mc. x. 39 had found a literal fulfilment. 
Neither explanation is very probable in view of the early date 
of Papias^ He does not, however, affirm that the brothers 
suffered at the same time : the martyrdom of John at the hand of 
the Jews might have taken place at any date before the last days 
of Jerusalem. But even if we postpone it to the year 69, and 
accept the earlier date of the Apocalypse, the book can hardly 
have come from the hand of the son of Zebedee-. 

8. Thus, if the statement of Papias is to be allowed to enter 
into our calculations, it becomes a very important factor, for it 
disposes of the Apostolic authorship of the Apocalypse ^ If we 
believe it, we shall be compelled to attribute the book to an 
unknown John, who will probably be the second of the two who 
are named in the Eusebian fragment of Papias. To John the 
Elder we shall then ascribe the residence in Ephesus and the 
exile to Patmos which from the time of Clement of Alexandria 
it has been usual to ascribe to John the Apostle. The Elder will 
also be, as it seems, the " disciple whom. Jesus loved," and whose 
personality is felt throughout the Johannine literature. If an 
unverifiable reference to a lost book seems too narrow a basis for 
so large a superstructure, there is still the chance of a primary 
error, a confusion between the Apostle and the Elder, which may 
have existed even in the mind of Irenaeus, and have perpetuated 
itself in the writings of his successors. On this supposition, again, 
the Apocalypse is not the work of the son of Zebedee and probably 
comes from the disciple who was not of the Twelve. 

9, But there is something to be said on the other side. 
The Synoptists have preserved some characteristic recollections of 
John the son of Zebedee, from which the reader of the Gospels 
may gain an impression of the man. He was one of the three 
who formed the inner circle of the Apostolic college, and had 

\ Dv S&ndsij (Criticism, Tp. 251) writes: statement from the place of St John's 

" The natural date for the extracts in Day in early Church Calendars, 

this chapter [Eus. H.JS. iii. 39] seems to ^ Unless we follow Epiphauius, who 

me to be circa ico." places the exile and the visions of the 

2 Prof. Burkitt (Gospel History and Apocalypse under Claudius; see above, 

its trammi.ssion, p. 252 ff.) adds an p. c. 
interesting confirmation of Papias's 


shared with Peter and James opportunities which were denied to 
the other nine. He was one of the two brethren who received 
from the Lord the great name of Boanerges, a word Avhich, what- 
ever its exact history, seems to indicate a strenuous nature'. 
It was John the son of Zebedee who confessed that he forbade 
one who did not follow our Lord in the company of His disciples 
to use His name for the working of miracles. It was John and 
his brother who would have called down fire from heaven upon 
the Samaritan villages which refused to receive the Master on 
His Avay to Jerusalem. It was for John and his brother that 
their mother sought the nearest places to the Messiah in the 
glory of His Kingdom. In all these respects the Apocalyptist 
shews some affinity to the John of the Synoptic Gospels. He is 
a son of thunder ; he calls down fire from heaven ; his aversion 
to the enemies of the Christ and His Church is whole-hearted. 
The hostile Jews of Smyrna and Philadelphia are the synagogue 
of Satan ; Nero, Domitian, the Empire itself so far as it adopts 
their policy, is the Beast ; Rome is Babylon, the mother of the 
harlots and of the abominations of the earth. The tone of the book 
when it lashes the persecutor, the idolater, the unclean, is almost 
truculent ; the Seer's righteous wrath reaches a white heat. The 
conception of the Christ is one which might seem impossible for 
the i'7rt(TTi]6io<;, though not for the son of Zebedee as he appears 
in the Synoptists. The Christ of the Apocalypse is infinitely 
majestic and august, but His predominant characteristic is un- 
bounded power, shewing itself in a just severity. As the Shepherd, 
He rules with a rod of iron ; as the Lamb, He is terrible in His 
anger ; as the King, He treads the winepress of the wrath of God. 
Only once or twice does the tenderness of our Lord's compassion, 
or the intimacy of His fellowship with men make itself felt in 
this book. There are few echoes in the Apocah^se of the intense 
sympathy for the suffering and for sinners which the Gospels 
associate with the human life of our Lord. The Ascension and 
Exaltation account for the power and glory with which He is 
invested by the Apocalyptist, but they do not wholly explain the 

1 St Mark-, p. 60. 


changed point of view; we feel that the Revelation of Jesus Christ 
has passed through a mind which has coloured it with its own 
severity, and the colouring is not unlike that which the John of 
the Synoptic Gospels might have been expected to impart. This 
fact, though far from being decisive', may well lead us to hesitate 
before we definitely reject the attribution of the Apocalypse to 
the Apostle John. 

lo. The subject must not be dismissed without an attempt 
to consider, however briefly, the literary relation between the Apo- 
calypse and the fourth Gospel. Some of the evidence has been 
collected in an earlier chapter of this introduction-. It appears 
to shew that there is an affinity between the two books, extend- 
ing occasionally to minute resemblances, but counterbalanced by 
differences so profound that the doubt raised by Dionysius 
remains unsolved. 

(a) The difference of style and language has been explained as 
due in part to a "difference in the scope of the books V' and in part 
to their relative dates, (i) Dr Lightfoot calls attention to the 
peculiar style of the apocalyptic passages in the Epistles to the 
Thessalonians and in 2 Peter; "we seem," he writes, "to have 
stumbled on a passage out of the Hebrew prophets," adding that 
this " explains also to a great extent the marked difference in style 
between the Revelation of St John and his other writings^." But 
the analogy of apocalyptic passages in other books of the New 
Testament goes only a little way towards explaining the stylistic 
eccentricities of the author of the Apocalypse. Even the Lxx. 
version of the Prophets, uncouth and unintelligible as it often is, 
can shew no succession of anomalies comparable to those of the 
Revelation of St John. The argument from analogy would be 
convincing if the style of the Revelation differed from the style of 
the Gospel in the same or nearly the same degree as the apocalyptic 
passages in St Paul differ from the rest of his writings. But in the 
former case the difference is in truth not one of degree, but of kind. 
It is incredible that the writer of the Gospel could have written the 
Apocalypse without a conscious effort savouring of literary artifice, 
(ii) Is this difficulty removed if we suppose that the Apocalypse 
was written twenty or five-and-twenty years before the Gospel? 
Dr Westcott (^.c), arguing for the priority of the Apocalypse, says 
ttiat it is " very difficult to suppose that the language of the writer 
of the Gospel could pass at a later time in a Greek-speaking country 

1 Witness the severity of John the ^ c*. xi.; see especially p. cxxvff. 

Elder in 2 Jo. 10 f., and the attitude of ^ Westcott, St John, p. Ixxxvi. 

the Fourth Gospel towards " the Jews." ■* Notes on the Epp. of St Paul, p. 72 f. 

AUTHORSHIP clxxxiii 

into the language of the Apocalypso," but on the other hand he 
tliinks that "intercourse witli a Greek-speaking people would in a 
short time naturally reduce the style of the author of the Apocalypse 
to that of the author of the Gospel." To the present writer the 
latter hypothesis is at least as dithcult as the former. The writer 
of the Apocalypse may not have l)een either more or less of a Greek 
scholar than the writer of the Gospel ; but in their general attitude 
towards the use of language they differ fundamentally. The diffe- 
rence is due to personal character rather than to relative familiarity 
with Greek. And when style expresses individual character it 
undergoes little material change even in a long life of literary 
activity, especially after the age which St John must have reached 
in A.D. 69 or 70. 

(6) The differences of thought which distinguish the two 
books have never been more successfully delineated than by 
Dr Westcott in his introduction to the Gospel of St John^ Of 
these, too, he finds a suthcient explanation in the priority of the 
Apocalypse": "the differences," in conception as in language, 
"answer to differences in situation, and are not inconsistent with 
identity of autliorsliip." " Of the two books the Apocalypse is the 
earlier. It is less developed both in thought and style... to go back 
from the teaching of the Gospel to that of the Apocalypse... to 
reduce the full expression of truth to its rudimentary beginnings, 
seems to involve a moral miracle." But, even conceding the priority 
of the Apocalypse, can we explain the difference of standpoint by 
development ? Is the relation of the Apocalyptic to the Evangelic 
teaching that which exists between rudimentary knowledge and 
the maturity of thought? And is it to be maintained that St John's 
conceptions of Christian truths were still rudimentary forty years 
after the Ascension, and reached maturity only in extreme old 

II. But how are we to explain the affinities of the two 
books — the characteristic phrases and ideas which they have in 
common ? It is usual to account for these by saying that all 
the Johannine books proceed from the same school, the school of 
John of Ephesus, whether the Apostle or the Presbyter. Perhaps 
it is possible to advance a step further. While the Apocalypse 
definitely claims to be the work of John, no such claim is put 
forth in the Gospel ; for such passages as Jo. xix. 35, xx. 30 f., do 
not assert more than that the book contains the testimony of 
John, and Jo. xxi. 24 ovt6<; icmv 6 iJ,aOi}Ti)<;. ..6 'ypd-^^aq ravra is 
an editorial note which must not be pressed too closely. On the 
other hand early tradition explicitly states that the Gospel was 

1 P. Ixxxv f. - Ou tliis question see c. ix. of this iutroduction. 


written from dictation, and underwent some kind of revision at 
the hands of those who received it. 

The Muratorian fragment thus describes the genesis of the fourth 
Gospel: "quartum^ euangeliorum lohannis ex discipuHs. cohor- 
tantibus condiscipulis et episcopis suis dixit : Conieiunate mihi 
hodie triduo et quid cuique fuerit, reuelatum alterntrum nobis enar- 
remus. eadem nocte reuelatum Andreae ex apostolis ut recognos- 
centibus cunctis lohannes suo nomine cuncta describeret." With 
this should be compared the singular statement of a Latin prologue 
to the Gospel, printed in Wordsworth -White (iV. T. Latine, i. 
490 f.): "hoc igitur evangelium post apocalypsin scriptum^ mani- 
festum, et datum est ecclesiis in Asia a lohanne adhuc in corpore 
constituto, sicut Papias nomine Hierapolitanus episcopus, discipulus 
lohannis et carus, in exotericis^ suis, id est, in extremis quinque 
libris, retulit, qui hoc evangelium lohanne sub dictante con- 
scripsit'*." An anonymous Greek writer in the catena of Corderius 
tells the same story: la)avi'7ys...7raj/u y-qpaXeov avrov ycvo/xcVov, ojs 
7rape8oaav -qfjuv 6 re EtpT^vaios koX 'Eva-i^LO'S Kol aXXoL ttlcttoI Kara 
SLa8o)(rjv yeyovores IcrTopLKot,. ..VTrrjyopevcre to evayyeXiov tw iavTov 
^LaOrjTrj Jiairia. 

The first of these statements deserves especial attention. It 
belongs to the second century, and proceeds from the Church of 
Rome, Avhich was in frequent communication with the Churches 
of Asia Minor, and had recently been visited by Polycarp : it may- 
even have originated with Polycarp. If its main points are 
true, the fourth Gospel was not written by the hand of John, 
but dictated — a word which may be interpreted with some 
laxity ; and it underwent much editorial revision (recognoscetitibus 
cunctis). In these circumstances it is possible to conceive of the 
writer of the Apocalypse being the author of the Gospel, in 
the sense of having supplied the materials from which it Avas 

12. But the question of the authorship of the Apocalypse 
must not be complicated by considerations connected with the 
still more vexed question of the authorship of the fourth Gospel. 

1 Cod. quarti. The MSS. have been Essays, p. 69, n. 5 ; Supernatural Be- 
tacitly corrected in this extract and the Ugion, p. 210 S. 

next , _ _ ^ So Cod. Toletanus ; Cod. reR. Suet. 

2 This is the order usually alleged; ends: descripsitveroevangelium, dictante 
see e.g. the passages collected by Cors- Johanne reete. (The spelling of the 
sen, Monarch. Prologe, p. 801 (in T. u. MSS. has been conformed to the usual 
U. XV. 1). orthography.) 

2 On this word see Ligbtfoot, Biblical 


The issue ^vhich lies before the student of the Apocalypse is in 
fact independent of the decision at which the critics of the 
Gospel may ultimately arrive. Was the John who wrote the 
Apocalypse the Synoptic sou of Zebedee ? Was it John the son 
of Zebedee who lived in Asia, and was exiled to Patmos, or was it 
the mysterious Elder, who is distinguished by Papias from the 
Apostle of the same name ? A fair case may be made for either 
view. On the one hand the general character of the book accords 
with what the Synoptists relate with regard to the Apostle 
John, and the main current of Christian tradition favours this 
conclusion. On the other hand, there is some uncertainty as 
to the length of the Apostle's life, and some reason to suspect 
that the Apostle and a disciple who was not of the Twelve are 
confused in our earliest authorities. While inclining to the 
traditional view which holds that the author of the Apocalypse 
was the Apostle John, the present writer desires to keep an open 
mind upon the question. Fresh evidence may at any time be 
produced which will turn the scale in favour of the Elder. There 
are those whom this indecision will disappoint, but it is best 
frankly to confess the uncertainty whicli besets the present state 
of our knowledge. We cannot yet with safety go far beyond the 
dictum of Dionysius : ore fxev ovv 'Icoai/i/T;? earlv 6 ravra ypd(f)cov, 
avTcp XeyovTL TricrTevTeov ttuio'^ 8e ovto<;, dhrjXov. 



1. The following Uncial MSS. contain the Greek text of the 
Apocalj'pse, or a part of it. 

X- Cod. Sinaiticus (iv.). Ed. Tischendorf, 1862. 

A. Cod. Alexandrinus (v.). Ed. E. M. Thompson, 1879. 

C. Cod. Ephraemi Parisiensis (v.). Ed. Tischendorf, 1843. 

Contains Apoc, i. i — iii. 19, v. 14 — vii. 14, vii. 17 — 
viii. 5, ix. 16 — X. 10, xi. 3 — xvi. 13, xviii. 2 — xix. 5. 

P. Cod. Porfirianus Chiavensis (ix.). Ed. Tischendorf (in 

^non. sacra ined. vi.), 1869; cf. Gregory, Prolegomena, 
p. 417. Contains Apoc. i. i — xvi. 12, xvii. i — xix. 21, 
XX. 9 — xxii. 6. 

Q(=B2). Cod. Vaticanus Gr. 2066, olim Basiliensis 105 (viii.). 
Ed. Tischendorf (in app. JV. T. Vatic), 1867 ; cf. Gregory, 
Prolegomena, p. 435. 

^ Cod. Kosinitsanus (ix.) : see Scrivener-Miller, i., p. 377; 

Gregory, Textkr-itik des N. T., i., p. 96 ; Kenyon, Hand- 
hook to the textual criticism of the N. T., p. 1 04. Von Soden, 
Die Schriften des N. T., i. i. p. 104, locates it at Drama. 
Not yet edited or collated. This MS. contains the whole 
of the N. T., in the order Ev. Acts Cath. Apoc. Paul. 

2. Thus at present there are available only three complete 
and two imperfect uncials of the Apocalypse. The minuscules 
also are comparatively few; while we have 1725 MSS. of the 
Gospels, 520 of the Acts and Catholic Epistles, and 619 of Paul, 
those of the Apocal3rpse do not reach 230^ The following list 
is based on Dr C. R. Gregory's Prolegomena to Tischendorf and 

1 The numbers are von Sodeu's (1902). 

TEXT clxxxvii 

1. Maihingen, Libr. of the Prince of Ottingen-Wallerstein 

(xii. or XIII.). The only MS. used by Erasmus in 1 5 i6 for 
the Apocalypse'. Rediscovered by Delitzsch in 1861 : 
collated by Tregelles in 1862. 

2. Paris, Bibl. Nat. Gr. 237 (x.) = Acts 10, Paul 12. 
[3. A MS. cited by Stephen : otherwise unknown.] 

4. Paris, Bibl. Nat. Gr. 219 (xi.) - Acts 12, Paul 16. 

[5. Readings cited by Laurentius Valla a. 1440. J 

6. Oxford, Bodl. Barocc. 3 (xi.) = Acts 23, Paul 28. 

7. London, Brit. Mus. Harl. 5537 (a.d. 1087) — Acts 25, 

Paul 31. 

8. London, Brit. Mus. Harl. 5778 (xii.) = Acts 28, Paul 34. 

9. Oxford, Bodl. Misc. Gr. 74 (xi.) = Acts 30, Paul 36. 
10. Cambridge, Univ. Dd. ix. 69 (xv.) = Ev. 60. 

[11. Petavius 2 = Acts 39, Paul 45, has disappeared.] 

12. Rome, Vat. Reg. Gr. 179 (xv.) = Acts 40, Paul 46. 

13. Frankfort on Oder, Lyceum (xi.) = Paul 48. 

14. Leicester, Libr. of the Town Council (xv.) = Ev. 69, Acts 31, 

Paul 37. 

15. Basle, Univ. A.N. iii. 12 (?) : annexed to Cod. E of the 

Gospels, but in a later hand ; contains only Apoc. 
iii. 3 — iv. 8. 

16. Hamburg, City Libr. (xv.) = Acts 45, Paul 52. 

17. Paris, Bibl. Nat., Coisl. Gr. 199 (xi.) = Ev. 35, Acts 14, 

Paul 18. 

18. Paris, Bibl. Nat., Coisl. Gr. 202 (xii.) = Acts 18, Paul 22. 

19. Paris, Bibl. Nat., Coisl. Gr. 205 (x.) = Acts 17, Paul 21. 

20. Rome, Vat. Libr., Gr. 2080 (x. or xi.) = Ev. 175, Acts 41, 

Paul 194. 

21. Rome, Vallicelli D. 20 (xv.). 

22. Rome, Vallicelli B. 86 (xiv.) = Acts 166, Paul 204. 

23. Florence, Laur. Conv. Soppr. 53 (a.d. 1331) = Ev. 367, 

Acts 146, Paul 182. 

24. Rome, Vat. Gr. 2062 (x. or xi.) = Acts 160, Paul 193. 

25. Rome, Vat. Palat. Gr. 171 (xv.) = Ev. 149, Acts 77, 

Paul 88. 

26. Oxford, Christ Ch. Wake 12 (xi. or xii.) - Ev. 506, 

Acts 199, Paul 256. 

27. Oxford, Christ Ch. Wake 34 (xi. or xii.) = Ev. 517^ 

Acts 190, Paul 244. 

28. Oxford, Bodl. Barocc. 48 (xv.) : ends at xvii. 5. 

1 On the text of Erasmus see Hort, introd. to \VH., § 346. 

clxxxviii TEXT 

29. London, Brit. Mus. Harl. 5613 (a.d. 1407) = Acts 60, 

Paul 63. 

30. Wolfenbiittel, xvi. 7 (xiv.) — Acts 69. 

31. London, Brit. Mus. Harl. 5678 (xv.) 

32. Dresden, Reg. A 124 (xv.). 

^T^. Vienna, Imp. Gr. th. 23 (xiii.) = Ev. 218, Acts 65, Paul 57 : 
wants xiii. 5 — xiv. 8, xv. 7 — xvii. 2, xviii. 10 — xix. 15, 
xx. 7 — xxii. 21. 

34. Vienna, Imp. Gr. th. 302 (xi.) = Acts 66, Paul 67 ; wants 

XV. 6 — xvii. 3, xviii. 10 — xix. 9, xx. 8 — xxii. 21. 

35. Vienna, Imp. Gr. th. 307 (xiv.). 

36. Vienna, Imp. Libr. suppl. Gr. 93 (xiii.). 

37. Home, Vat. Gr. 366 (xv.) = Acts 72, Paul 79. 

38. Rome, Vat. Gr. 579 (xv.). 

39. Rome, Vat. Gr. 1 136 a (xiv.) = Paul 85 ; wants i. i — 3, 17 ; 

vi. 18 — xiii. II. 

40. Rome, Vat. Gr. 1160 (xiii. or xiv.) = Ev, 141, Acts 75, 

Paul 86. 

41. Rome, Vat. Reg. Gi\ 68 (xv.). 

42. Rome, Vat. Pius II Gr. 50 (xii.) = Acts 80, Paul 91. 

43. Rome, Barb, iv, 56 (xiv.). Contains Apoc. xiv. 17 — 

xviii. 20. 

44. Rome, Propag. L. vi. 19 (xiv.) = Ev. 180, Acts 82, 

Paul 92. 

45. Florence, Laur. iv. 32 (a.d. 1092) = Acts 89, Paul 99. 

46. Venice, St Mark's 10 (xv.) = Ev. 209, Acts 95, Paul 108. 

47. Dresden, Reg. A 172 (xi.) = Ev. 241, Acts 104, Paul 120. 

48. Moscow, Syn. 380 (xii.) = Ev. 242, Acts 105, Paul 121. 

49. Moscow, Syn. 67 (xv.). 

50. Moscow, Syn. 206 (xv.). 

51. Paris, Nat. Gr. 47 (a.d. 1364) = Ev. 18, Acts 113, Paul 132. 

52. Paris, Nat. Gr. 56 (xil.) = Acts 51, Paul 133. 

53. Paris, Nat. Gr. 59 (xv.) = Acts 116, Paul 136. 
[54. Vacant.] 

55. Pai-is, Nat. Gr. loi (xiii.) = Acts 118, Paul 138. 

56. Paris, Nat. Gr. 102 (xili. or xiv.) = Acts 119, Paul 139. 

57. Paris, Nat. Gr. 124 (xvi.) = Ev. 296, Acts 124, Paul 149. 

58. Paris, Nat. Gr. 19 (xv. or xvi.). 

• 59. Paris, Nat. Suppl. Gr. 99 (xv. or xvi.). 

[60. Vacant.] 

61. Paris, Nat. Gr. 491 (xiii. or xiv.); contains i. l — xxii. 8. 

62. Paris, Nat. Gr. 239 (a.d. 1422). 

TEXT clxxxix 

63. Paris, Nat. Gr. 241 (xvi.). 

64. Paris, Nat. Gr. 224 (xi.) = Paul 159. 

65. Moscow, Univ. 25 (xii.); contains xvi. 20 — xxii. 21. 
[66. Vacant.] 

67. Rome, Vat. Gr. 1743 (a.d. 1301). 

68. Rome, Vat. Gr. 1904 (xi. or xii.). Contains Apoc. i. 1 1 — 

ii. 20, iii. 16 — vi. 9, vii. 17 — ix. 5, xxi. 18 — xxii. 21. 

69. Rome, Vat. Ottob. 258 (xiv.) = Acts i6r, Paul 198; a 

Graeco- Latin text. Wants xviii. 22 — xxiL 21. 

70. Rome, Vat. Ottob. 66 (xiv.) - Ev. 386, Acts 151, Paul 199. 
[71. Vacant.] 

72. Rome, Chigi R. iv. 8 (xvi.). 

73. Rome, Corsini 41 E. 37 (xv.). 

74. Venice, St Mark's 546 (xi.) = Acts 140, Paul 215. 

75. Florence, Laur. iv. 30 (x.) = Acts 86, Paul 96. 
[76. Vacant; — 75.] 

77. Florence, Laur. vii. 9 (xvi.). 

78. Rome, Vat. Ottob. Gr. 176 (xv.) = Paul 197, 

79. Rome, Vat. Gr. 656 (xiv.). 
79 a. Munich, Reg. Gr. 248 (xvi.). 

80. Munich, Reg. Gr. 544 (xiv.). 

81. Munich, Reg. Gr. 23 (xvi.). 

82. Munich, Reg. 211 (xi.) = Acts 179, Paul 12S. 

S;^. Turin, Univ. B. v. S (302) (xiii.) = Ev. 339, Acts 135, 
Paul 170. 

84. Florence, Riccardi 84 (xv.) =^ Ev. 368, Acts 150. 

85. Jerusalem, Holy Sep. 9 (xiii.) = Acts 184, Paul 232. 

86. St Saba 10 (xiv.) = Ev. 462, Acts 187, Paul 235. 

87. Berlin, Reg. Phillipps 1461 (xiv. and xv.) = Acts 178, 

Paul 242; wants xiv. 4 — 14, xxi. 12 — xxii. 21. 

88. Venice, St Mark's 5 (xv.) = Ev. 205, Acts 93, Paul 106. 

89. St Saba 20 (xiii.) = Ev. 466, Acts 1S9, Paul 237. 

90. Dresden, Reg. A. 95 (xii.). 

91. Rome, Vat. Gr. 1209 (xv.) = Paul 293 [the supplement of 

Cod. B, to be found in Vercellone and Cozza's edition 
(1868), and in the recent photographic reproduction of 
the Vatican Codex (N. T.)]. 

92. Dublin, Trin. A. 4. 21 (xvi.) = Ev. 61, Acts 34, Paul 


93. London, Lambeth 11S6 (xi.) = Paul 290; w.ints xiv. 16 — 

XV. 7 ; xix. 4 — xxii. 21. 

94. London, Brit. Mus. Add. 11837 {a.b. 1357) = Ev. 201, 

Acts 91, Paul 104. 

95. Parham, Curzon 82. 17 (xi. or xii.). 

cxc TEXT 

96. Parham, Curzon 93. 28 1 (xiv.). 

97. London, Brit. Mus. Add. 17469 (xiv.) = Ev. 498, Acts 198, 

Paul 255. 

98. Oxford, Bodl. Canon, gr. 34 (a.d. 15 15) = Ev. 522, 

Acts 200, Paul 257; wants ii. 11 — 23. 

99. Naples, Nat. ii. Aa. 7 (xii.) = Acts 83, Paul 93. 
100. Naples, Nat. ii. Aa. 10 (xiv, or xv.). 

loi. Petersburg, Muralt 129 (xv.). 

102. Paris, Nat. Armen. 9 (xi.) = Acts 301, Paul 259; wants 

xix. 16 — xxiL 21. 

103. Ferrara, Univ. 188 NA. 7 (a.d. 1334) = Ev. 582, Acts 206, 

Paul 262. 

104. St Saba 20 (xi.) = Acts 243, Paul 287. 

105. Athens, Nat. (43), Sakk. 94 (xii.) = Acts 307, Paul 469 ; 

Ap. xxi. 27 — xxii. 21 in a later hand. 

106. Zittau, Town Libr. A. i (xv.) = Ev. 664, Acts 253, 

Paul 303. 

107. Cheltenham, 7682 (xi.) = Ev. 680, Acts 255, Paul 305. 

108. Highgate, Bui'dett-Coutts ii. 4 (xi.) = Ev. 699, Acts 256, 

Paul 306. 

109. Venice, St Mark's 6 (xv. or xvi.) = Ev. 206, Acts 94, 

Paul 107. 
no. Athens, Nat. th. 12, Sakk. 150 (xiii, or xiv.) = Ev. 757, 
Acts 260, Paul 309. 

111. Athens, Nat. 67*^, Sakk. 107 (xiii.) = Ev. 792. 

112. Athens, Mamouka (xii.) = Ev. 808, Acts 265, Paul 314. 

113. Grottaferrata A', a', i (xiv.) = Ev. 824, Acts 267, Paul 316. 

114. Rome, Vat. Gr. 1882 (xiv.) = Ev. 866. Contains Apoc. 

vi. 17 — xiii. 2 in Greek and Latin. 

115. Rome, Vat. Reg. Gr. 6 (a.d. 1454) = Ev. 886, Acts 268, 

Paul 317. 

116. Athos, Greg. 3 (a.d. 1116) = Ev. 922, Acts 270, Paul 320. 

117. Athos, Esphigra. 186 (xiv.) = Ev. 986, Acts 277, Paul 326. 

118. Athos, Laur. (xiv.) = Ev. 1072, Acts 284, Paul 333. 

119. Athos, Laur. (xiv.) — Ev. 1075, Acts 286, Paul 334. 

120. Athos, Panteleem. xxix. (xiv.) = Ev. 1094, Acts 287, 

Paul 335. 

121. Paris, Nat. Coisl. 324 (xi.) = Acts 250, Paul 299. 

. 122. Athens, Nat. th. 217, Sakk. 490 (xiv.) = Acts 251, Paul 301. 

123. Paris, Nat. Suppl. Gr. 159 (xiv.) = Ev. 743, Acts 259. 

124. Athens, Nat. (64), Sakk. 91 (xii.) = Acts 309, Paul 300; 

wants xviii. 22 — xxii. 21. 

125. Escurial, ^. iii. 6 (xi.) = Acts 235. 

126. Escurial, ^. iii. 18 (x.) = Acts 236. 



27. Lesbos, Tou Xeifiwvo<; 55 (ix. or x.) = Acts 323, Paul 429. 

.28. Venice, St Mark's ii. ii4(a.d. 1069) = Acts 332, Paul 434. 

29. Linkoping, Dioc. Libr. 14. 35 (x. or xi.) = Acts 334, 

Paul 436. 

[30. Athos, Iveron 25 (xi.) - Acts 359, Paul 452 [seep, cxcvi.]. 

:3i. Athos, Iveron 60 (xiii.) = Acts 362, Paul 455. 

[32. Athos, Paul 2 (ix.) = Acts 374, Paul 463. 

[33. Chalcis, schol. 26 (x.) = Acts 384, Paul 355. 

[34. Chalcis, schol. 96 (xil.) = Acts 386, Paul 357. 

[35. Sinai, 279 (xv.) = Acts 399, Paul 367 ; contains!, i — xiii. 8. 

[36. Vienna, Imp. Gr. th. 69 (a.d. 1507). 

[37. Vienna, Imp. Gr. th. 163 (xv.). 

[38. Vienna, Imp. Gr. th. 220 (xv.). 

139. Paris, Nat. Gr. 240 (a.d. 1543). 

[40. Paris, Nat. Coisl. Gr. 256 (xi. or xii.). 

[41. Athens, rrj^ /3ovXrj<; (xvi.). 

[42. Escurial, T. iii. 17 (x.). 

[43. Escurial, X. iii. 6 (a.d. 1107). 

[44. Madrid, O. 19, no. 7 (xvi.). 

[45. Florence, Laur. vii. 29 (xvi.); contains i. i — vii. 5. 

[46. Messina, Univ. 99 (xiii.). 

[47. Modena, Este iii. E. i (xv. or xvi.). 

[48. ]\Iodena, Este iii. F. 12 (xv.). 

[49. Rome, Angel. A. 4. i (xiv. or xv.). 

). Rome, Angel. B. 5. 15 (xv.). 

i,i. Rome, Chigi R.V. 33 (xiv.). 

15 2. Rome, Vat. Gr. 370 (xi.). 

:53. Rome, Vat. Gr. 542 (a.d. 1331). 

54. Rome, Vat. Gr. 1190 (xv, or xvi.). 

:55. Rome, Vat. Gr. 1426 (xiii.). 

:56. Milan, Aiubr. H. 104. sup. (a.d. 1434) --^ Acts 139, 
Paul 174. 

:57. Rome, Vat. Gr. 1976 (xvi.). 

158. Rome, Vat. Gr. 2129 (xvi.). 

[59. Rome, Vat. Ottob. Gr. 154 (xv.). 

[60. Rome, Vat. Ottob. Gr. 2S3 (a.d. 1574). 

[61. Rome, Vat. Palat. Gr. 346 (xv.). 

[62. Venice, St Mark's i. 40 (xvi.). 

[63. Venice, St Mark's iL 54 (xv. or xvi.). 

[64. Athos, Anna 11 (a.d. 1356). 

[65. Athos, Vatoped. 90. 

cxcii TEXT 

1 66. Athos, Vatoped. 90 (2) (?). 

167. Athos, Dionys. 163 (a.d. i622) = Evst. 642, Apost. 170. 

168. Athos, Docheiar. 81 (a.d. 1798). 

169. Athos, Ivei-on 34 (xiv.). 

170. Athos, Iveron 379 (x.). 

171. Athos, Iveron 546 (xiv.). 

172. Athos, Iveron 594 (xvii.). 

173. Athos, Iveron 605 (a.d. 1601). 

174. Athos, Iveron 644 (a.d. 1685). 

175. Athos, Iveron 661 (a.d. 1562). 

176. Athos, Konstamon. 29 (xvi.). 

177. Athos, Konstamon. 107 (xiii.). 

178. Patmos, St John 12 (xiv.) = Apost. 161. 

179. Patmos, St John 64 (xii.). 

180. Florence, Laur.Conv.Soppr, 150 (xii.)=Acts 149, Paul 349: 


181. London, Brit. Mus. Add. 28816 (a.d. iiii) = Acts 205, 

Paul 477. 

182. Dresden, Reg. A. 187 (xvi.). 

183. Saloniki, cXXt]vlkov yv/ivacrtou 10 (x.) — Apost. 163. 

184. Leyden, Univ. Isaac Voss Gr. 48 (a.d. 1560). 

185. Cambridge, Univ. (xi. or xii.) = Ev. 1277, Acts 418, 

Paul 484. 

186. Athos, Pantocr. 44 (x.) ; contains xii. 4 — xxii. 21 [see 

p. cxcvi.]. 

187. [Greg. 495.] Jerusalem, Patr. 38 (xi.) = Acts (Paul) 495. 

188. [Greg. 500.] Jerusalem, Patr. Saba 665 (xi.) = Acts (Paul) 


1S9. [Greg. 501.] Jerusalem, Patr. Saba 676 (xii.) = Acts (Paul) 

190. [Greg. 504.] Jerusalem, Patr. Staur. 57 (xii. — xiii.) = 

Acts 504, Evl. 991 b. 

191. [Greg. 506.] Constantinople, Holy Sep. 303. 2 (xiv.). 

192. [Greg. 511.] Athens, Nat. Sakk. 142 (xv.). 

193. [Greg. 1328.] Jerusalem, Patr. Saba loi (xiv.) = Ev. 1328. 

194. [Greg. 1380.] Athos, Greg. 3 (a.d. 1112) = Ev. (Acts, Paul) 


195. [Greg. 1384.] Andros, IlavaxpdvTov 13 (xi.) = Ev. (Acts, 

Paul) 1384. 

Von Soden (Die Schriften des N.T. i. i. p. 289) raises the 
number of Apocalypse MSS. to 229, of which 223 are cursives. 

TEXT cxcni 

Of the cursive texts, so for as they are known, the following 
are perhaps specially noteworthy: i, 6, 7, 12, 14, 31, 36, 38, 91, 
92,93,95, 130, 152, 170, 18G. An appreciation of the available 
uncials is given by Br Hort in his introduction to Tlie N.T. in 
the oHginal Greek, § 344. 

3. The ancient Versions of the Apocalypse are as fullows : 

I. Latin (latt.). 
(a) Old Latin (lat^')'. 

g. Cod. Holmiensis (xiii.), known as Gigas, from its size; a 
Bohemian MS. now at Stockholm. Ed. Belsheim, 1878. 
The text of the Apocalypse is " late European " (AVH., 
Intr. § 116); " scheint italienischer Art zu sein " (Gregory, 
Tk. p. 608). 

h (or reg). Cod. Floriacensis (vii.), formerly at Fleury, now 
at Paris. Ed. Berger, 1889. Offers, according to WH., 
^.c, "a purely African text." Contains only Apoc. i. i — 24, 
viii. 7 — ix. 12, xi. 16 — xii. 5, xii. 6 — 14, xiv. 15 — xvi. 5-. 

m. Text of the Apocalypse in the Speculuiti (a Pseudo- 
Augustinian treatise de divlnis scriphiris). The book is 
edited by Weihricli in the Vienna Corjnis scr. eccl. lat., 
vol. xii. p. 296 fl'. (1887). The fragments of the N. T. 
text are collected by Belsheim (1899). Hort (Gregcr}', 
Tk. p. 606) was disposed to regard the N. T. text of the 
Speculum as Spanish, or a I'ecension parallel to the European 

Prim. Text of the Apocalypse in the connnentary of Primasius 
(vi.). Ed. Haussleitei', 1891 (in 7^a\\\\^ Forschunyen, iv.). 

(/3) Vulgate (lat^*?). 

am. Cod. Amiatinus (c. a.d. 700). 

demid. Cod. Demidovianus (xn.). 
fuld. Cod. Fuldensis (vi.). 

harl. Cod. Harleianus (ix.). 

lipss. ■'••''•''• Codd. Lipsienses (xiv., xv.). 
tol. Cod. Toletanus (viil.). 

vg.cie- Edition of the Vulgate issued by Clement VIII. in 
1592 (Vercellone, Biblia sacra vulgatae editioiiis iSLcti V. et 
dementis VIII. iussn recoynita atque edita. Romae, 1S61). 

II. Syrian (syrr). 

(a) Supplement to the Vulgate Syriac or Peshitta (syr., Gwynn's 
li). Ed. Leusden and Schaaf, Leyden 170S, 171 7. The 
canon of the true Peshitta did not contain the Apocalypse 
(above, p. cxv.), and the vei-sion of this book printed in 
Schaaf's edition and originally puhlislied by De Dieu in 

1 On tlie Old Latiu version (or ver- 2 — i:, xi. iS — xii. 11, xv. 4 — xvi. 5 is 

sions) of the Apocalypse see H. Linke, given iu J.T.S. viii. ^y (Oct. 1906), 

Studien ziir Itahi, i. ; Breslau, 1889. p. 96 IT., but it adds little of importauce 

-' A fresh reading of h in Apoc. ix. for our purpose. 

S. u. n 

cxciv TEXT 

1629 is that of Thomas of Harkel (a.d. 616), as has been 
placed beyond doubt by notes appended to a Florentine MS. ^ 
(/3) A version printed in 1897 by Dr Gwynn", Regius Professor 
of Divinity in the University of Dublin (syr^'^^'-, Gwynn's S), 
from a MS. (xii.) in the library of the Earl of Crawford and 
Balcarres. As Dr Gwynn shews^, syr^"^'- is prior to syr., 
and is probably "the work of Polycarpus, and belongs to 
his version of the whole New Testament into Syriac, the 
Philoxenian proper of a.d. 508." 

Thus our extant Syriac texts of the Apocalypse corre- 
spond in character with the Philoxenian and Harkleian 
versions respectively. The book was not included in the 
canon of the Peshitta. 

III. Armenian (arm). 

On the editions of the Armenian N. T. see St Mark, p. ci. 
Zohrab held that the AjDocalypse was not translated into Armenian 
before the eighth century, and Goussen {Studia theologica, ii.), while 
printing a version of the Apocalypse which he calls antiquissima 
and regards as based on a copy of extraordinary age [mirae vetus- 
tatis exeTUjdar habuisse videtur fonteni), pronounces the ordinary 
Armenian Apocalypse to be a work of cent, xii.'' 

Since the publication of the first edition of this commentary, 
Mr F. C. Conybeare has issued his promised edition of the Armenian 
Apocalypse, under the auspices of the Text and Translation Society. 
Besides the Armenian text and an English translation the book 
contains a critical introduction, in which Mr Conybeare shews (i) 
that the Apocalypse was admitted into the Armenian canon through 
the influence of Nerses of Lambron in the twelfth century ; and (2) 
that Nerses produced a recension in which he revised an older 
version traceable to the first years of the fifth century. Mr Conybeare 
has used four MSS. which give pre-Nersesian texts, viz., a Bodleian 
MS. dated a.d. 1307 (i), a British Museum MS. (2), a MS. of the 
Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris (3), and a Jerusalem MS. dated 
A.D. 1 191 (4). His collations have been employed in this edition to 
correct and, to some extent, supplement Tischendorf's references to 
the Armenian version. 

IV. Egyptian (aegg). 

(a) Memphitic or Bohairic (me). Ed. D. Wilkins, 1717; 
G. Horner, 1S98 — 1905. Mr Horner prints the text of 
the Apocalypse from the Curzon IMS. 128, witli the variants 
of ten other MSS. In the present edition of this com- 
mentary the readings of me have been corrected with 
the help of ]Mr Horner's ti'anslation of his text. 

(/?) Thebaic or Sahidic (the). Large fragments of the Sahidic 
Apocalypse are known to have survived, including cc. i. 

^ See a paper contributed to Henna- memoir in the Transactions of the 

thena (.^c., no. xxiv., 1898) by Dr Gwjun, Royal Irish Academy for 1891. 

to whose kindness I owe this information. ^ Gwynn, Apocalypse, pp. xciii., xcvii. 

" His edition was prece<ied by a ^ Gregory, Tk. ii. p. 368. 

TEXT cxcv 

13 — ix. 21, X. 6 — ^xvi. iS, xvii. 2 — xviii. 2, xviii. 12 — 23, 

xviii. 25 — xix. 2, xix. 7 — xxi. 9, xxi. 25 — xxii. 21'. Some 

of these have been collected by Amelineau {Zeltschrift f. 

Aeg. ,'Sprache, xxvi. 1888), and Goussen (Apocalypais ii. 

lohannis Apostoli, Leipzig, 1895)-. 

The Apocalypse seems to have formed no part of the original 

Bohairic or Sahidic N. T., or at any rate it was held to be of 

inferior authority ; for with few exceptions it is written separately 

from the rest of tlie N. T., and it is not represented in the Copto- 

arabic vocabularies ^ 

V. Ethiopic (aeth). 
Roman edition, 1548 — 9. Ed. Piatt, 1826 — 1830 (1874). Cf. 
Dr Charles in Hastings, D. B. i. p. 791. 

VI. AroMc (ar). 
Ed. Erpe, Leyden, 1616; Paris polyglott, 1645; Roman edition 
of 1703. Cf. Prof. Burkitt in Hastings, D. B. i. p. 136 fi". 
The Arabic versions of the Apocalypse are said to "vary greatly," 
and to shew the influence of the Coptic and Syriac\ 

In their V Apocahjpse en Fran^ais, IsVSl. Paul j\Ieyer and Del isle 
have printed a twelfth century version of which the earliest MSS. 
are written in the AngloXoi man dialect. English versions of the 
French Apocalypse were current in the fourteenth century, and on 
one of these the later Wycliflite vei-sion was based. An interesting 
account of the early English Apocalypse is given by Miss A . C. Panes, 
late Fellow of Newnhani College, Pli. D., Upsala, in her degree 
thesis : A fourteenth century English Biblical Version (Cambridge, 
1902, 1904). Miss Paues, to whom this information is due, is pre- 
paring tor publication a fuller description of these versions. 

4. The patristic evidence for the text of the Apocalypse, if not 
so extensive as in the case of some of the other books of the New 
Testament, is both early and important. The book is cited, 
sometimes in large contexts, by Irenaeus, Hippolytus, Origen, and 
^lethodius, and, among Latin fathers of the Ante-Nicene period, by 
Tertullian and Cyprian, and by Augustine. But the most important 
witness under this head is Primasius, whose commentary retains its 
original text, and has secured for the Apocalypse " the unique ad- 
vantage of having been preserved in a Latin text at once continuous 
and purely African'." The African text of Tyconius also is rcpre- 

1 This information is due to the kind- * Scrivener-Miller, ii. p. 1 23; Gregory, 

ness of Mr Horuer. Cf. Gregory, pro- prolcijii. S61, 864, Tk. ii. pp. 531, 534; 

legg. p. 865 ; Tk. ii. p. 337. A specimen Horner, iii. p. s. See above, p. cxvii. 
of a British Museum fragment is given * Burkitt. I.e. Scrivener-Miller, ii. 

by Dr Kt-iiyon (p. 160). p. 16: f.; Gregory, prolt'f/p. p. 919 f. 

- F. Eobiuson in Hastingsj D. P., p. ^ Hort (introduction to WH., § n;). 

669 ; Gregory, 27;. ii. p. 537. 

cxcvi TEXT 

sented, probably with fair accuracy, in the pseudo-Augustinian 
homilies^ which embody much of his commentary. On the com- 
mentary of Victorinus some doubt still rests, and his text, as printed, 
is largely Vulgate in character. In the MSS. of the commentary 
of Andreas the Greek text of the Apocalypse varies considerably- ; 
its evidence has been used in the apparatus of this edition only 
where the MSS. agree. 

5. The grouping of the authorities for the text of the 
Apocalypse is a task of more than ordinary difficulty, for, as 
Dr Hort remarks, "historical landmarks are obscure, and familiar 
documents assume a new position ^" Since Dr Hort's Introduction 
was written, much has been done to bring the problem nearer to 
a solution, and the student of the text will find help in various 
directions from the following writers : Weiss, Die Johannes- 
Apokalypse (in Texte und Untersuchungen vii. i, 1891); Bousset, 
Zur Textkritik der Apokalypse (in T. u. U. xi. 4, 1894); Bousset, Die 
Offeyibarung Johannis, 1 896; Haussleiter, Die lateinische Apokalypse 
der alien afrikanischen Kirche (in Zahn's Forschungen IV., 1 89 1 ) ; 
Gwynn, The Apiocalypse of St John, in a Syriac Version ( 1 897). 

The text of the present edition will be found to differ only in 
a few places'* from that of Westcott and Hort, although the editor 
has held himself free in each case to follow to the best of his own 
judgement the leading of the evidence. In the apparatus he has 
used the materials collected in Tischendorf's editio octava critica 
maior (1872), as amended in Gregory's prolegomena iii. (1894)^ 
and he has added to them the evidence of Dr Gwynn's Syriac, 
and of two early Athos minuscules (130, 186''), which were 
Idndly photographed for his use by Professor Lake, of Oxford 
and Leyden. It is hoped that an apparatus thus constructed, though 
far from comj^lete, will be sufficient to provide the student of the 
Apocalypse with opportunities of testing for himself the principles 
of criticism which the works enumerated above will suggest. 

^ Migne P. L. xxxv. Cf. the citations discussed in the commentary, 

in the Regulae of Tyconius (ed. Bur- ^ Pp. 129S — 1302. 

kitt, pp. 3, 50, 59, 60 f., 71, 82). ^ On these MSS. see Lambros, Cata- 

2 For those used by Tischendorf see Ingue of the Greek MSS. on Mt Athos, i. 

Gieji^ory prolegg. p. 1160. P- 97' ii- P- 3- I* ma^y be added that a 

2 Introduction to WH., § 344. fresh collation has been made of cod. 

■* The more important of these are A, from the London photograph. 



The literature of the Apocalypse is immense, but it is un- 
equally distributed in regard both to time and to place of origin. 
From the Greek-speaking East, which produced the book, no 
exposition has reached us which is earlier than the sixth century, 
and none of any importance which is later than the tenth. The 
West, on the other hand, began to comment upon St John's 
prophecy in the time of Diocletian, and has occupied itself with 
Apocalyptic problems from the days of Irenaeus to our own. 

The following list is fairly complete so far as regards the 
patristic period, but from the age of Charlemagne to the end of 
the Middle Ages it has been thought sufficient to notice the more 
important commentaries. Since the invention of printing the 
output of books upon the Apocalypse has steadily increased, and 
a bare enumeration of them would occupy more space than we 
can afford. Only those have been mentioned which possess some 
permanent value, or may be regarded as representative of the 
several schools of Apocalyptic interpretation. 

A. Greek commentaries. 

Mklito, Bishop of Sardis, who flourished under Marcus 
Aurelius, wrote, according to Eusebius, H.K. iv. 26, ttc/ji tov 

1 For a detaileJ account of coiumen- which I have not been able to consult, 

taries on the Ajiocalypse see Liicke, Elliott (Hon/e .■l/j(V<W_i/;i.'i<'(«', iv. pp. 275 

Vinncli (iner volUtiindiiicn Finhituit;! — 5:8) is especially full on the post'- 

1)1 die Orjfnbarunp drg Ii>)i(initcs (Bonn, Reformation period, but nnist be used 

185:), l>p. 951 — 1070; and Bousset, i'l'd with caution; his zeal lor the anti- 

C}^eidMruttg lolunniis iitu bearbfitet papal interpretation leads him at times 

(Gottiugen, 1896), pp. 51 — 141. Liicke to do scant justice to writers, whether 

refers to Stosch, Catnlofius rariorum in Eoman Catholic or Prote?tiiut, who take 

Apoc. loannis commeiitariorum, a book another view. 


OtafSoXov Koi Tys a~0Ka\vil/e<j)^ 'Io)aii'ov — probably a treatise on the 
Devil in which certain passages in the Apocalypse (e.g. cc. xii., xx.) 
came under discussion. A fragment of this work may survive ' in 
Origen, in Ps. iii. tit. : McXltwv yovv 6 iv rfj 'Acria (firja-tv avrov 
[so. Tov 'A/3ecro-aAaj/A] eTvai tvttov rov Bia^oXov iirava<JTdi>TO<i 
Ty XpiaTov /SaartXeia, kol tovtov /xorov fxyrjaOeii; ovk iire^epyda-aTo 
Tw TOTTov. On a Pseudo-Melito s^ij^er Aj^ocalyj^sin see Harnack, 
Gesch. I. p. 254. 

Irenaeus (ii.). A MS. found at Altenberg by Martene and 
Durand" bore the title Herenei Lugdunensis ejnscojn in Aj)OcaIypsin, 
but it proved to contain extracts from later writers as well as 
from Irenaeus. The statement of Jerome, cle virr. Ulustr. ii. 9, 
" Apocalypsin, quam interpretantur lustinus martyr et Hirenaeus," 
is satisfied by the expositions of certain Apocalyptic passages which 
are found in their works (cf. Harnack, Gesch. i. p. 272). 

HippoLYTUS (ii. — iii.). Jerome {ojx cit. 61) says of this profuse 
writer: "scripsit nonnullos in scripturas commentarios, e quibus 
haec repperi. . .Z)e Apocalypsi.'" The exact title of this work is given 
on the back of the Chair as YTiep toy k&ta Iwanhn e[YA]rre^ioY k<m 
ArroK&AYY6(oc, on which Lightfoot {Clement ii. p. 374; cf. p. 420) 
remarks: "from the preposition {virip, not Trept), and from the 
association of the two words togetlier, it is a safe inference that 
this was an apologetic work directed against those persons who 
objected to both works alike," i.e. the so-called Alogi. Harnack, 
on the other hand, writes {Gesch. ii. p. 642): "Z>e Aj^ocalypsi ist 
wahrsclieinlich...als besonderes Werk zu betrachten... welches wahr- 
scheinlich auch Andreas fiir seinen Commentar benutzt hat (zu c. 13. 
I und 17. 10)." 

Clement of Alexandria (ii. — iii.), according to Eusebius, H.E.\i. 
14, commented in his 'YTroTUTrwo-ct? on all the canonical books not 
excepting the antilegomencf^. 

Origen (iii.), it is known, intended to expound the Apocalypse; 
cf. in Matt. § 49 (Lommatzsch) : "omnia haec exponere singillatim 
...non est temporis huius ; exponentur autem tempore suo in 
Eevelatione Ioannis...horum autem princiimles expositiones atque 
probationes oportet fieri cum ipse liber propositus fuerit nobis ad 
exponendum." But the connnentary on Matthew was probably one 
of his later works, belonging to his sixtieth year (a.d. 246^), and, as 
his death followed in 253, it must be feared that he did not succeed 
in reaching the Apocalypse ; certainly no fragments of homilies or 
a commentary on that book from his pen have been produced. 

Oecumenius (vi.), Bishop of Tricca in Thessaly. A complete 
commentary under this name has been discovered in a Messina MS. 
(cod. S. Salvatore 99, xii.)'^ by Dr F. Diekamp, wlio described it in 

'J Harnack, Geschichte,i.-p. 248. D.C.B. iv. p. m. 

'^ See their Voyapes Litterairex, ii. 5 ji^g ^,qj.j. jg ^\^q found, but in a 

p. 260, cited by Harnack, Gesch. i. shorter form, in a Turin MS. (cod. gr. 

P- 264. 8_^) and the Roman MSS. Vat. gr. 1426, 

2 Cf. Zahn, Forschiivgen, iii. p. 1:^4 ff. Ottob. gr. 126—8. 

^ Westcott in Smith and Wlice's 

To face p. cxcix 

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a- v.: 



the Ijerliii Sitzungsherichte der kijn. jjreuss. Akademie der Wissen- 
schnftp.n for 1901 (p. 1046 ff.)^ Tlie commentary is entitled 'Ep/x??- 
V£ia T179 'A7ro»ca/\.i'i//€aj'» toG OfCTireaiov kol evayyt\i(TTOV Kal OioXoyov 
'Iwai'vou 17 (Tvyypa<^f.l(ja Trapa OiKov/xcitou. It claims to have been 
written more than 500 years after the Apocalypse (cf. i. 2 17^77 
TrXeiCTTov SeSpa/xr^Koroq ;\^jorou. ..eVoJi' TrXctovwv ^7 TrevTaKna-iwv), Vjut 
there are indications -which mark the work as not much if at all 
later than A.D. 600. The discoverer proceeds to shew that Oecumenius 
has been used by Andreas, and must therefore in future take 
precedence of him and stand first in the short list of extant Greek 
commentators upon the Apocalypse. 

Andreas', metropolitan of Cappadocian Caesarea has left us 
a 'EpfjLrjviia eis tt/i' ^ ATroKaXvif/iv which may be assigned to the 
second half of the sixth century. He quotes patristic authorities 
from Papias to Cyril of Alexandria, and refers (on xx. 7 f.) to the 
invasion of the Empire by barbaric hordes a KaXovfj-ev OvrviKa, and 
to Dionysius the Areopagite, who is styled 6 /xa/captos. While the 
work of Andreas takes account of earlier writers and occasionally 
quotes them, yet, as tlie preface leads the reader to expect, it is in 
no sense a catena, but an independent effort to interpret the book. 
The interpretation is on Origenistic lines, but though it allegorizes 
to some extent, an attempt is made from time to time to find his- 
torical fulfilments of the Apocalyptic visions. Such a work naturally 
attracted attention in the Greek-speaking East, and from the ninth 
century onwards the commentary of Andreas was widely tran- 
scribed : nearly a third of the known minuscule MSS. of the 
Apocalypse contain it, viz. codd. i, 18, 21, 35, 36, 43, 49, 59, 62, 
63, 67, 68, 70a, 72, 73, 77, 79, 79a, 80, 81, 100, loi, 123, 136, 137, 
138, 139, 144, 145. I47> 148, 149. 15I' 152, 153. 157. 158, 159. 160, 
161, 163, 164, 167, 16S, 169, 170, 171, 174, 175, 179, 184, iS6% 
192, and seven more which have not received a number. 

The editio jirinceps of Andreas is that of Sylburg (1596). The 
commentary was also printed in the Bihliothecae Palrum of 1589, 
1618, 1644 and 1677''; in the present volume it is quoted from 
Migne, P. G. cvi. 

Aretiias, a successor of Andreas in the see of Caesarea (ix. — x.), 
occupied himself with a compilation in which his predecessor holds 
a large place ; the title is ^rXAoyi; i$rjyrj(T€(ii<; Ik Bia(f>6pu)v ayiwv 
ai'Spcji', or, according to another MS., 'E/c t<Zv 'Ai'8pc'a...7r€7roi't;/i€ra)i' 
o-vVoi/^t? (TxoXiKij, TrapaTeOeia-a vtto 'Apc^a. His date is now given as 
c. A.D. 90o\ 

^ I owe this rcfeienco to Mr C. H. '' Of this MS. a photograph is shewn 

Turner's article i'dfri'sfii; Cotiimcntaries, opposite. Cod. 186 = Athos, Pantocra- 

in Hastings' D.Ii. v. p. 52.V tor 44, was photographed for the writer 

■^ On Andreas (Andrew) of Caesarea by Mr (now Professor) Lake in 1901-2, 
see Fabricius-Harles, viii. p. 696 ff. ; and a collation of its text of the Apoca- 
Smith and Wacc, 7<.r.7>'. i. p. 154 f.; hpse has been made for this edition. 
Herzo^-Hauck, i. p. 514 ff.; Bousset, * Ittig, De libliotht'cis et catenis pa- 
Die Ojf'euhiiruiiii, p. 68 f. ; Grepory, pro- trum, pp. 5:, 109. 4:'), 49:. 
legg.)p. 1159; ^°" Soden, pp. 284ff., * See Harnackin 2'. i<. T. i. i, pp. 39fr., 
702 f. 43 f- 


Arethas is printed in the Cologne and Lyons Bibliothecae Patriim^, 
in Cramer's Catena^ viii. pp. i8i — 496, and in Migne P. G. cvi. ; the 
quotations in the notes of this volume are from Migne. A critical 
edition of Andreas and Arethas is still a desideratum. 

Besides the commentary of Andreas and the compilation of 
Arethas we have in print (Cramer, viii. pp. 497 — 582, from MS. 
Coisl. 224, f, T,T,T, v., sqq.) a briefer exposition of which Diekamp 
truly says that it is " nichts Anderes als der etwas verkiirzte Com- 
mentar des Andreas"." Cramer himself represents it as Oecume- 
nian {Ih. p. vi.), for what reason it does not appear; Montfaucon 
(Biblioth. Coislin., p. 275) mentions no name in connexion with it, 
though becumenius is named in the heading to the previous item 

(P- 330 ^'O- 

B. Syriac commentaries. 

"The chief Nestorian commentator, Isho'-dad of Merw (fl. a.d. 
850), covers both Testaments in his exegetical works, but passes 
over the four shorter Catholic Epistles and the Apocalypse, which 
were not included in the canon of the Peshitta. The Jacobite 
Barhebraeus (f A.D. 1286) in his Aumr Raze has the same range 
and the same exceptions as Isho'-dad. The known Syriac commen- 
taries on the Apocalypse seem to be no more than three, and they 
are unpublished, (i) An anonymous commentary of unknown 
date accompanies the text in Brit. Mus. Add. 17 127; an extract 
from the connnent on c. iii. is given in Wright's Catalogue of Syriac 
MSS., part ii. p. 1020 f. (2) The second commentary is that of 
Jacob (Dionysius) Barsalibi (f a.d. 1171), preserved in Brit. Mus. 
Rich. 7185 ; extracts are given by Dr Gwynn in Hermathena vi., vii. 
(3) The third is found in Cambr. Univ. Lib. Add. 1970, a Nestorian 
MS. of the eighteenth century. An extract from it is given in the 
Catalogue of Syriac MSS. in the Library of the University of 
Cambridge, vol. i. p. 44 f. It is apparently a recent production, 
not much earlier in date than the MS.^" 

C. Latin commentaries from the third century to the sixteenth. 

ViCTORiNUS, Bishop^ of Pettau, in Pannonia (iii.)l Of this earliest 
of Latin interpreters of the Apocalypse Jerome, himself a Pan- 
nonian, writes {de virr. ill. 74): "Victorinus, Pitabionensis episco- 
pus, non aeque Latine ut Graece noverat. unde opera eius grandia 
sensibus viliora videntur compositione verborum. sunt autem haec: 
commentarii in Genesim, in Apocalypsim lohannis."' 
Elsewhere he says of Victorinus {ep. 58) : '* quod intellegit eloqui 
non potest," and again (ep. 70) : "licet desit eruditio, non tamen 
deest eruditionis voluntas." According to the same authority, 

1 IttiR, op. cit. pp. 438, 504. ■* " Ex oratore episcopus," according 

2 Similarly Bousset,' Coiiiia. p. 70. to Cassiodorius {De ?«i?. div. lihr. 5). 

3 I owe this account of the Syriac ' On Victorinus and his commentary 
commentaries on the Apocalypse to the on the Apocalypse see Harnack, Gesch. 
kindness of my colleague, Dr W. Emery i. p. 371 ff., and Kattenbusch, Der 
Barnes, Hulsean Professor of Divinity. Apost. Si/iithol, p. 212. 


Yictorinus was a chiliast (de virr. ill. i8 : " Vic- 
torinus PitaV)ionensis et Lactantius hac opinione ducuntur"), and 
in his expository methods a follower of Origen (ep. 62 : " taceo de 
Yictorino Pitabiouensi et ceteris qui Origenem in explanatione 
dunitaxat scripturarum secuti sunt"). His exact date is not 
known, but he sutl'ered martyrdom (de virr. ill. 74 : "ad extremum 
martyrio coronatus est "), probably during the last persecution — an 
epoch when the Apocalypse may well have reco\ered in the eyes of 
Christians much of the freshness of its original interest. 

A commentary on the Apocalypse bearing the name of Yictorinus 
is extant in two forms — a shorter form printed in De la Bignes 
Bihliotheca Patrum, t. vi. (Paris, I575)S and a longer which appears 
in Gallandi, t. iv., and in Migne, P. L. v. In the Zeitsciirift f. 
kirchl. Wissenscha/t u. kirchl. Lebeniov 1886 Haussleiter maintained 
that neither form represents the original work as it came from the 
pen of Yictorinus. The shorter form is a revision of Yictorinus by 
Jerome, who used also the connnentary of Tyconius, and the longei- 
is based on a later recension of the shorter. Since this theory was 
broached Haussleiter has been engaged in preparing an edition of 
Yictorinus for the Yienna Corpus, and his researches have con- 
vinced him that the text presented by Cod. Yat. Ottob. Lat. 3288 a 
approaches more nearly to the original than either of the printed 
texts, and in particular that it contains the chiliastic end of the 
commentary, which Jerome removed'. In the notes of the present 
volume ' Yictorinus ' stands for the longer form of the Jerome- 
Yictorinus commentary, which is quoted from Migne's reprint. 

Tyconius (? Tichonius, Ticonius^), African and Donatist, followed 
Yictorinus after an interval of about a century ; his floruit is 
usually given as f. A.i). 390. According to Gennadius of Marseilles 
he was "in Divinis litteris eruditus iuxta historiam suthcienter, in 
saecularibus non ignarus." His exposition differed widely from his 
predeces.sor's : " exposuit et Apocalypsin lohannis ex integro, nihil 
ineacarnale sed totum intellegens spiritale...mille quoque annorum 
regni in terra iustoruni post resurrectionem futuri suspicionem 
tulit.-.neque duas in carne i-esurrectiones niortuorum futuras, unani 
iustorum et alteram iniustorum, sed unani et tunc semel omnium." 

Donatist as he was, Tyconius wins high praise for his exposition 
of the Apocalypse from one who was no mean judge of the inter- 
preter's art. Bede writes of him : " [Apocalypsin] et vivaciter 
intellexit, et veridice satisque catholice disseruit, praeter ea dun- 
taxat loca in quibus suao ]iartis...scliisma defendcre nisus, pcrse- 

' Ittit,', p. 3;. It had been previously p. 103. On Tyconius hinisi-lf and his 

eilitod in an appendix to Theophylaot commentary see D.C.I!, iv. 10:5 ff.. 

on St Paul liy .lo. Lornicerus in 1543. Haussleiter in Zfitfcliri/t f. kirchl. 

2 See 7V(." Littmiturbldtt, Apr. " :''>, Ii7.'!.-.(')i.v(-/i<uV ctc.,vii.( i,ssr)).p. 239fT.,aiid 

1S95; and cf. J. 11. Harris, in A".r;;(>.<i/i»r, in Zahn's Fori'diuuiien, iv. (1891); Tr. 

V. u p. 44S, and A. Ehrard, Die altchr. Hahn, Tyconius-Stiidien in Bonwetsch 

Littenitur, fon 1SS4-1900. i. p. 4S4 ff. and Seeberg's StU(lit'n,vi. 1 (1900); and 

^ On the spelling of this name see Prof. Burkitt's edition of the Jxegtilue, 

Burkitt in Te.rts and Studies, iii. i. already named. 


cutiones quas eadem gloriatur Apocalypsi 
fuisse praedictas\" That this judgement is just is shewn by the fi-ee 
use which was made of Tyconius not only by Bede himself, but by a 
succession of Catholic writers — Primasius, Beatus, tlie author of 
the homilies on the Apocalypse printed in the appendix to the 
third volume of the Benedictine Augustine and in Migne, P. L. 
XXXV.-, and the commentary published by Dom Amelli in the 
Spicilegium Casinense (iii. pp. 263 — 331)^- The work of Tyconius 
as a whole is perhaps no longer extant, but it can be largely recon- 
structed from those Catholic expositors who followed in his steps. 

Primasius, of Hadrumetum in Byzacena*, another African, but a 
Catholic Bishop, wrote on the Apocalypse before 543-4, when his 
commentary is mentioned by Cassiodorius (r/e inst. div. lihr. 9 : 
" nostris quoque temporibus Apocalypsis...Primasii antistitis Afri- 
cani studio... quinque libris exposita est"). It was thus an early 
work, completed before Primasius was embroiled in the controversy 
raised in Africa by the 'Three Chapters.' With regard to its 
character it possesses, as Ilaussleiter remarks, only a secondary 
value, being largely made up of Tyconius and Augustine. Augus- 
tine is in places (e.g. in the comment on Apoc. xx.) transferred 
almost bodily to the pages of Primasius; Tyconius is a "preciosa 
in stercore gemma," which the Bishop picks out of the mire to 
adorn his pages. 

The commentary of Primasius has come down to us entire. The 
editio princeps was that of Cervicornus (Hirschhorn), Cologne, 1535. 
This was followed by editions in the Cologne, Paris, and Lyons 
hibliothecae of 16 18, 1644, and 1677^; the Paris edition is followed 
generally in Migne, P. L. Ixviii., whose reprint is quoted in the 
present volume. The African Latin text of the Apocalypse, which 
happily has Vjeen preserved in the commentary of Primasius, is cited 
from Haussleiter's admirable edition in Zahn's Forschungen. It is 
in this text that the value of Primasius to the modern student 
chiefly lies : see above, p. cxcv. 

Apkingius (vi.) Bishop of Pax (whether Pax Julia = Beja, in 
Portugal, or P. Augusta = Badajoz, in Spain), under Theudis, King 
of the Visigoths (a.d. 531 — 548), was working upon the Apocalypse 
nearly about the time when Primasius wrote his commentary. So 
we learn from Isidore of Seville (de virr. ill. 30 : " Apringius, eccle- 
siae Pacensis Hispaniarum episcopus...claruit temporibus Theudis 
principis Gothorum"). The commentary of Apringius was published 

^ Migue, P. L. xciii. col. 132 f. Class. Revicir, iii. p. 222. 

2 See Haussleiter, Zeitschrift, p. 240. ^ See H. L. Eamsay, Commentaire de 

The iJseudo-Augnstinian homilies are V Apocalypse i^ar Beatus,^. ijf. 

represented in the apparatus to the text * On Pi imasius see Haussleiter in 

of this commentary by the symbol Zahn, and in Herzog-Hauck, xvi. p. 

anon^"^, used by Tischendorf. In a 55 ff., as well as his earlier 'programm,' 

St John's (Cambridge) MS. this com- Lcben u. M'erke des Bischofs Primasius 

mentary is entitled : "tractatusGennadii (Erlangen, 18S7) ; and cf. Kihn, Theo- 

presbiteri Massiliae de mille annis et de dor v. Mopsitestia, p. 248 ff. 

Apocalypsi"; see Dr M. K. James in ^ Ittig, pp. 109, 439, 505. 


at Paris in 1900 by Dom Feroten from a MS. belonging to tbe 
University of Copenhagen. Unfortunately the MS. gives the work 
of Apringius only so far as regards Apoc. i. i — v. 7, and xviii. 6 — 
xxii. 21, the lacuna v. 8 — xviii. 5 being filled with scholia from 

According to Isid(n-e, Apringius expounded the Apocalypse 
"subtili sensu atque illustri .sermone, melius pene quam vetere.s 
ecclesiastici viri exposuisse videntur." A few specimens from 
M. Feroten's edition have been given in the notes of this com- 

Cassiodouius, probably after his retirement to Yiviers (a.d. 540), 
wrote brief notes (complexiojtes) on the Acts, Epistles, and Apoca- 
lypse, which were first published by Maffei in 1721, and are re- 
printed in ]Migne, F. L. Ixx. In the Apocalypse lie refers his 
readers to Tyconius, and shews also the influence of Victorinus 
and Augustine. 

Baeda of Wearmouth and Jarrow (a.d. 672 — 735) comes next 
in order of time among Latin commentators on the Apocalypse. 
In his explanatio Apocalypsis, as in his other expository woi-ks, Bede 
freely recognizes the secondary character of his expositions ; in 
the Apocalypse, while drawing on the Fathers generally, he makes 
especial use of earlier Western commentators on the book, especially 
of Primasius and Tyconius; the latter is not seldom quoted by 
name. Yet Bede is no mere compiler, and not the least valuable 
of his remarks are those where the personality of the Northumbrian 
saint reveals itself. Bede's work on the Apocalypse is quoted in 
this volume from Migne, P. L. xcv. 

Ambrosius An'SBERTUs (or Autpertus)', a Benedictine monk of 
French origin who died as Abljot of an Italian monastery, composed 
his comiyxentarii in Apocalupaim during the pontificate of Paul I. 
(a.d. 757 — 767), and dedicated them to Paul's successor, Steplien IV. 
(a.d. 768 — 772). He makes use of Jerome-Victorinus, Tyconius, 
and even of Bede, but especially of Primasius, who supplies the 
staple of his expositions. The work is printed in the Cologne and 
Lyons Bibliothecae Fatinim, but does not appear in Migne's Latin 

Beatus of Liebana (Libana), tlie Spanish Benedictine who in 
A.D. 785 joined Etherius Bishop of Osma in a work against Eli- 
}»andus of Toledo on the Adoptianist question. His conmientary 
on the Apocalypse-, which is dedicated to Etherius, is, like Bede'-s, 
professedly based to a great extent on the works of his predecessors, 
among whom he specifies Jerome (i.e. Victorinus in Jerome's recen- 
sion), Augustine, Tyconius, and Apringius. Tyconius, in particular, 
has been largely used, although it is possible to exaggerate the debt 

^ See Fabricius-Harles, 7>iV</. Lat. i. Kain?ay, of Downside Abbey, reprinted 

p. 77; Smith and Wace, D. C. B. i. ivoiwihn Rivue iVhistoire ct df Uttt'rature 

p. 232 ; Herzofi-Hauck, ii. p. 308 f. reli'iieiist's, t. vii. (lyoz), kindly com- 

- On the Commentary of Boatiis and iminicatedtomebyPnniE.C.Butler,and 

its MSS. see two articles by Dom H. L. Haussleiter's article already meutioued. 


wliich Beatus owes to him. The conclusion at which Dom Ramsay- 
arrives is probably not far from the truth: "je crois que partout 
oil Beatus, Primasius, et le Pseudo- Augustine exploitent un fonds 
commun, ce fonds est celui de Tyconius (sinon de Victorinus)^" 

The jMSS. of Beatus have long been famous for their illumina- 
tions, which supply rich materials for the study of early Spanish 
art-. But there is only one printed text^, and the book is so rare 
that no copy is to be found at the British Museum or in the Cam- 
bridge University Library ^ 

Of Latin writers on the Apocalypse from the beginning of the 
ninth century to the sixteenth the following deserve to be specially 
mentioned : 

Cent. ix. Alcuin (Migne P. L. c). Berengaudus (Migne xvii.). 
HaYxMO (Migne cxviii.). Walafrid Strabo (?) (Migne cxiv.). 

Cent. xii. Anselm of Havilberg (D'Achery, Sjncilegium, i.). 
Anselm of Laon (Migne clxiii.). Bruno of Asti (JMigne clxv.). 
Joachim of Calabria (Venice, 15 19 and 1527). Richard of St 
Victor (Migne xcvi.). Rupert of Deutz (Migne clxix.). 

Cent. xiii. Albertus Magnus (Opera, t. xii., Lyons, 165 1). 
Hugo de S. Card (jyostilla viL, Cologne, 1620). Peter John Oliva 
(posiilla in A2)ocalypsin). Pseudo-Aquinas {Opera ,S. Thomae Aq., 
t. xxiii., Parma, 1S69). 

Cent. xiv. Nicolas de Gorham (Antwerp, 161 7 — 20). Nicolas 
OP Lyra (Rome, 147 1 — 2). 

Cent. XV. DiONYSius Carthusianus (Paris, 1530), 

Most of these mediaeval expositors follow tlieir predecessors more 
or less closely, and satisfy themselves with a spiritualizing exegesis. 
But there are exceptions, especially Berengaud, Rupert of Deutz, 
and Joachim ; the last-named has left a work which is a landmark 
in the history of Apocalyptic interpretation. 

D. Commentaries, and other books bearing upon the interpre- 
tation of the Apocalypse, from the beginning of the sixteenth 
century to the present time. 

D. Erasmus. Annotationes in N. T. Basle, 15 16. 

P. Lambertus. Exegeseos in Apoc. lihri vii, Marburg, 1528. 

H. Bullinger. In Apoc. coiiciones c. Basle, 1557. 

T. Bibliander. Commentarius in A2)oc. Basle, 1569. 

J. Foxe. Jfeditations on the Apoc. London, 1587. 

J. Winckelmann. Commentarius in Apoc. Frankfort, 1590. 

F. Ribeira. Commentarius in sacram h. loannis Apoc. Salamanca, 

J. Napier. A plain discovery of the tvhole Revelation. Edin- 
burgh, 1593. 

1 Lc Commentaire de Beatus, p. iS. my quotations to the kindness of Prof. 
"^ H. L. Eamsay, The MSS. of Beatus, Burkitt, who left in my hands for some 

P- } ff- weeks a copy which had come into his 

2 TheeditionofFlorez (Madrid, 1770). possession. 
* Burkitt, Tyconius, p. xiii. I owe 


L. ab Alcasar. Vestufatio arrani sensns in Apoc. Antwerp, 1614. 

A. Salineion. In lohanyiis Apoc. praeludia. Coloijfiie, 16 14. 

T. Briglitinan. 7'he Mevdatioii of St Joint, illustrated. London, 

1). Paraeus. Commentarius in Apoc. Heidelberg, 16 18. 

Cornelius a Lapide. (Jommentaria in... Apoc. Antwerp and 
Lyons, 1627. 

J. Mede. Clavis Ajjocalypseos . . .una cum Cormnentario. Cam- 
bridge, 1627. 

J. Gerhard. Annotationes in Apoc. Jena, 1643. 

H. Grotius. Annotationes in Apoc. Paris, 1644. 

L. de Dieu. Animadversiones in Apoc. Leyden, 1646. 

H. Hammond. Paraphrase and Annotations uj^on the X. T. 
London, 1653. 

J. B. Bossuet. L Apocalypse avec tine explication. Paris, 1660. 

J. Cocceius. Cogitaliones in Apoc. Amsterdam, 1673. 

D. Herve. Apocali/psis explicatio historica. Lyons, 1684. 

P. Jurien. L^accomplisseinent des pi-opheties. Rotterdam, 16S6. 
C. Vitringa. 'Ai'dKpLcn<; Apocalypsios. Franeker, 1705. 
W. "Winston. Essay on the Revelation of St John. Cambridge, 

J. J. Schlurmann. Die Offenharung lohannis. Lippstadt, 1722. 

F. Abauzit. Essai sur I' Apocalypse. Geneva, 1730. 

I. Newton. Observations upon the prophecies of Daniel and the 
Apoc. London, 1732. 

J. A. Bengel. Erkldrte Offetiharung Joliannis. Stuttgart, 1740. 

J. J. "VVetstein. X. T. Graeciun (ii.). Amsterdam, 1752. 

J.Gill. Exposition of tlie Revelation. London, 1776. 

J. G. von Herder. Mapav a^a. Biga, 1779. 

J. 8. Herrenscluieider. Tentanien Apocalypseos. Strassburg, 17S6. 

I. G. Eichhorn. Cunimentarins in Apoc. G(jttingen, 1791- 

P. J. S. Vogel. C omnientationes vii. de Apocalypsi. Erlangen, 
iSii — 16. 

G. H. A. Ewald. Commnitarins in Apoc. Gottingen, 182S. 
A. L. Mattliiii. Die Offenharung Joliannis. Gottingen, 182S. 
Edw. Irving. Lectures on the Book of Revelation. London, 1S29. 
J. Croly. The Aj)ocalypse of John. London, 1838. 

C. F. J. Ziillig. Die Offenharung Johannis erkldrt. Stuttgart, 


\V, De Burgh. An Exposition of the Book of Revelation. 
I)ul)lin, 1845. 

M. Stuart. Commentary on the Apocalypse. London, 1845. 

W. yi. L. de Wette. Kurze Erkldrung der Offenharung. Leipzig, 

E. W. Hengstenberg. Die Offenharung... erldutert. Berlin, 


E. H. Elliott. Horae Apncalypticae. London, 1S51. 

F. Diisterdieck. JIandhuch ii. d. Offenharung. Gottingen, 1S52. 
I. Williams. The Apocalypse. London, 1852. 


J. H. E. Ebrard. Die Offenharung Johannis. Konigsberg, 1853. 

C. A. Auberlen. Der Prophet Daniel u. die Offenharung. Basle, 

C. Stern. Commentar ii. die Offenharung. Schaffhausen, 1S54. 

F. Bleek. Vorlesvngen ii. die Apocalypse. Berlin, 1S59. 

H. Alford. The Greek Testarixent, vol. iv. Camliridge, 1861. 

H. Ewald. Die Johanneischen Schriften...erklart. Gottingen, 

F. D. Maurice. Lectures on the Apocahjpse. Cambridge, 1861. 
R. C. Trench. Commentary on the Epistles to the Seven Churches. 

London, 1861. 

G. Volkmar. Commentar zur Offenharung. Zurich, 1S62. 
C. Wordsworth. The New Testament^ vol. ii. London, 1864. 
A. Cerese. L'apocalysse o Revelatione, 1869 — 71. 

C. J. Vaughan. The Revelation of St John. London, 1870. 

E. Kenan. L' Antechrist. Paris, 187 1. 

J. C. A. Hofmann. Die Offenharung Johannis. 1874. 

A. Bisping. Erkldrung der Apocalypse. Miinster, 1876. 

C. H. A. Burger. Die OffenharvAig Johannis. 1877. 

E. Renss. L' Apocalypse. Paris, 1878. 

W.Lee. The Revelation of St John. London, 1881. 

Th. Zahn. Apokalyptische Studien (in Z. f kirchl. Wissenschaft 
u. k. Leben), 1885 — 6 ; Einleitinig, ii. 1899. 

H. J. Holtzmann. Die Offenharung Johannis. Freiburg i. B., 

W, Milligan. The Book of Revelation. London, i88g. 

T. L. Scott. The visions of tlie Apocalypse and their lessons. 
London, 1893. 

W. H. Simcox. The Revelation of St John. Cambridge, 1893. 

W. Bousset. Die Offenharung Johannis. Gottingen, 1896. 

E. W.Benson. The Ap)ocalypse: an introductory study. London, 

L. Prager. Die Offenharung Johannis. Leipzig, 1901. 
C. Anderson Scott. Revelation {in the Century liible). Edinburgh 
(n. d.). 

F. C Porter. Messages of the Apjocalyptical 'tvriters. London, 

F. J. A. Hort. Tlie Apocalyjjse oj St Jolin i — iii. Loudon, 

A volume on the Apocalypse by Dr R. H. Charles is announced 
by Messrs T. and T. Clark, in connexion with the International 
Critical Commentary. 



1. More than once^ the Apocalypse appeals to the intelli- 
gence of the Christian student, inviting him to unravel its 
meaning if he can. Here is wisdom. He that hath understanding, 
let him count the number of the Beast. Here is the mind which 
hath wisdom. The challenge was accepted almost from the first, 
but Avith results which shew by their wide divergence the diffi- 
culties of the task. Schools of Apocalyptic interpretation have 
arisen, varying not only in detail, but in principle. It is the 
purpose of the present chapter to sketch- the progress of this 
movement from the second century to our own time, and then 
to indicate the lines which have been followed in the present 

2. The Ante-Nicene Church, although she seems to have 
produced but one exposition of the book, was certainly not in- 
different to the chief problems which it raises. Two of these, in 
particular — the questions connected with the coming of Antichrist 
and the hope of the Thousand Years — excited the liveliest interest 
during the age of persecution. Justin, as we have seen, found 
support for his chiliastic views in Apoc. xx. Irenaeus' bases upon 
Apoc. xxi., amongst other prophecies, his expectation of a terrestrial 
kingdom and a restored Jerusalem. He identifies the fii-st of 

"St John's Wild Beasts with St Paul's Man of Sin, and gives as one 
reading of the Number of the Beast the word Aartii^o?, adding: 

^ Apoc. siii. iS, xvii. 9. 3 jiaer. v. 35. : (of. Ku-!. H.E. iii. 

^ Details must be sought in Liicke 39). 
and Bousset. 


"Latini enim sunt qui nunc regnant^" From Apoc. xvii. I2ff. he 
gathers that the Empire would be broken up into ten kingdoms," 
and Babylon (? Rome) be reduced to ashes". Hippolytus, especially 
in his tract On Christ and Antichrist, carries the interpretation 
of Irenaeus some steps further. The first Beast is the Empire, 
which will be wounded to death, but restored by Antichrist ; the 
Second Beast represents the ten kingdoms that are to take the place 
of the Empire^. The Woman with child is the Church'*; Babylon is 
Rome^; the Two Witnesses are Enoch and Elijah, the TrpoBpofj-ot 
of the Second Coming^. In common with Justin and Irenaeus, 
Hippolytus entertains millennarian hopes, which he grounds on 
Apoc. xx.'' 

In Justin and Irenaeus — probably also in Hippolytus — we 
seem to catch a glimpse of the interpretation which prevailed in 
Asia in the early decades of the second century. The Alex- 
andrians, who were without such guidance, interpreted the 
Apocalypse spiritually. Thus Clement sees in the four and 
twenty Elders a symbol of the equality of Jew and Gentile within 
the Christian Church »; in the tails of the locusts of the Abyss, 
the mischievous influence of immoral teachers^ : in the many- 
coloured foundation stones of the City of God, the manifold grace 
of Apostolic teaching". Origen repudiates as " Jew^ish^'" the literal 
interpretation which the chiliasts gave to the closing chapters of 
the book ; and his incidental references to the Apocalypse savour 
of an arbitrary though often noble and helpful mysticism. Thus 
he takes the sealed roll to be Scripture, to which Christ alone has 
the key^-: the vision of the open heaven, from which the Word of 
God issues forth on a white horse, suggests to him the oj^ening of 
heaven by the Divine Word through the white light of knowledge 
which He imparts to believers^^. Methodius must on the whole 

^ V. 28. 3, 30. Kal eiKidv tt}? fieWoiKTtjs jSaaiXeia^ tQjv 

^ V. 26. I. a.'yiwv, ws 'lwdvv7}i iv ttJ aTroKaXi't/'et Slv- 

^ _Ecl. Lagarde, p. 24 ft'. yeiTai. 

* Lag. p. 31 f. TTju /xev ovv yvfouKa ® Strom, vi. 13, § 107. 

catpiffTaTo. rrjv iKKXTjalav eSrjXiaicrev. ^ Strom, iii. 18, § 106. 

^ Lag. p. 17 Kal yap aiirr] ae [e.g. top ■"* paed. ii. 12, § 109. 

'Iwa.pvr]!'] e^iipiffev. ■'^ de 2}rinc. ii. 11. 12. 

•"' Lag. p. 26. 1^ philoc. v. 5. 

7 Lag. p. If 3 rb crd/3/3aToj' rviros earl ^^ ill luann. t. ii. 6. 


be ranked with the Alexandrians, in regard tu his method of in- 
terpreting the Apocal}^Dse. In his exposition of Apoc. xii.' he finds 
in the Woman'^ child not Christ Himself but the baptized soul 
in which Christ is born. The seven heads of the Dragon are the 
greater sins^; his ten horns are contrasted with the Ten Command- 
ments of the Decalogue. The Beast appears to be regarded as a 
symbol of fleshly lust^. 

The Latin fathers of the first three centuries, on the other 
hand, carry on the line of interpretation started by Irenaeus and 
Hippolytus. Thus Tertullian regards Babylon as an image of 
Rome, "ut proinde magnae et regno superbae et sanctorum Dei 
debellatricis''." The Beast from the sea is Antichrist,' who with his 
False Prophet will wage war against the Churchy A kingdom of 
the Saints is expected which will have its seat on earth, though it 
belongs to another order, and will be preceded l)y a resurrection of 
the body ^ An ordei'ly plan runs through St John's work, though the 
order must not be pressed so far as to include chronological details'. 

Of the commentary of Victorinus in general it is impossible to 
speak with confidence until it is before us in a form nearer to that 
in which it came from his penl But the extract published by 
Haussleiter' from w^hat appears to be the original work confirms 
the statement that Victorinus hold firmly by the chiliastic inter- 
pretation of Apoc. XX. 

A few sentences will sufficiently illustrate his attitude. "In hac 
eadem prima resurrectione et civitas futura et spoiisa per banc 
scripturam expressa est...quotquot ergo non anticipaveriiit surgere 
in prima resurrectione et reguare cum Christo super (irbem...sur- 
geiit in novissima tuba post annos nulle...In regno ergo et in 
prima resurrectione exhibetur civitas sancta, quam viditdescensuram 
de caelo qmuiratam, difterentein a vice mortuositatis et doloris et 
genesis... ostenilit soriptura adferri ibi munera regum serviturorum 
n()vissimorum...ot civitatum." 

3. A new stage of Apocalyptic interpretation is reacheil at 

the end of the fourth century, when Tyeoniu.s wrote his epoch- 

^ Siimp. viii. 4 ff. " de res., I.e. " in Apocalypsi loannis 

" Cf. Origeu, in Mt. xxiv. iij. ordo temporum sternitur." ' 

■^ If>- 13. * Seer, xvii., ji. coi. 

* adv. M(irc. iii. 13. » lu Theologische.'i Literaturhlatt, 26 

° de rcKiirr. carnis, 25. Apr. 1905, col. 192 ff. 

•* adr. Mure. iii. 24. 

S. R. O 


making commentary. Though the work has not survived as a 
whole, its line of interpretation and many of its details can be 
recovered from later expositions \ It is abundantly clear that 
Tyconius trod in the steps of Origen rather than of Victorinus; 
he inclined to a mystical exegesis, even if he did not altogether 
exclude literal or historical fulfilments. - But his method was 
largely new, and his own, as may be gathered from his liber 
regularum. His fourth ' rule ' reveals the principle with which 
he approached his task : " loquimur secundum mysteria caelestis 
sapientiae magisterio Sancti Spiritus, qui cum veritatis pretium 
fidem constituerit mysteriis narravit in specie m genus ab- 
scondens...dum enim speciem narrat, ita in genus transit ut 
transitus non statim liquido appareat^." The expositor of the 
Apocalypse, on this principle, would pass insensibly from a name 
which suggested a particular object to the universal fact which it 
symbolized ; e.g. from Jerusalem to the Church, or from Babylon 
to the hostile worlds By this means Tyconius was enabled to pass 
lightly over the references to Rome and the persecuting Emperors, 
which since the conversion of the Empire had ceased to be of 
special interest, and to fix the attention of the reader upon the 
world-long struggle between good and evil ; while on the other 
hand his ' rule ' did not prevent him from finding a crucial 
instance of that struggle in the fight which his own party 
were making at the time in Africa against the Catholic Church, 
identified in his judgement with the evil of the world. 

So far as his principle of interpretation is concerned Tyconius 
had many Catholic followers, who made no secret of their 
indebtedness to the great Donatist. In his interpretation of 
Apoc. xx.^ Augustine agrees in the main with Tyconius. Primasius, 
Cassiodoiius, Apringius, Bede, Beatus, and most of the writers on 
the Apocalypse who followed them in the earlier centuries of the 
Middle Ages, were content with a mystical exegesis which varied 
in its details according to the fancy of the individual expositor 
or the needs or ideas of his time. 

1 P. cci f. 3 Burkitt, pp. 31,50. 

2 Burkitt, pp. XV., 31. ^ de civitate, xx. 7 ff. 


4. While Priinasius and others were popuhirizing the method 
of Tyconius in the Latin West, the Greek East made its first and 
only serious attempt to expound tlie Apocalypse. Of Oecumenius 
nothing can be said until his commentary finds an editor. But 
Andreas is perhaps the best known of ancient expositors of the 
Apocalypse, and certainly none of them is more edifying or, in 
his own way, more attractive. Entering on his work with the 
conviction that Scripture holds a threefold sense', he agrees with 
the Alexandrians in attaching especial importance to the spiritual 
interpretation of a book, w^hich beyond other books in the New 
Testament lends itself to such treatment. But he does not depart 
so entirely from the earlier school of Irenaeus and Hippolytus 
as his Western contemporaries did ; side by side with mystical 
exposition he places suggestions of a historical fulfilment. If he 
regards Babylon as the World considered as the standing enemy 
of the Church, in the seven kings he sees successive embodiments 
of the World-power, of which the sixth was Rome and the seventh 
Constantinople. On the other hand the millennium is explained as 
it is by Augustine and the other followers of Tyconius. Thus the 
greatest of the Greek commentaries on the Apocalypse is a s}ti- 
cretism, blending the methods of Irenaeus, Origen, and Tyconius, 
while at the same time the writer feels his way towards the later 
system of interpretation which discovers in St John's prophecy 
anticipations of the course of history. 

5. In the West at long intervals one or two expositors suc- 
ceeded in breaking loose from the tradition started by Tyconius. 
Berengaud, a ninth century writer whose commentary has found 
a place in the appendix to the works of St Ambrose, combines 
the mystical with the historical interpretation, and endeavours to 
make the Apocalypse cover the whole course of human events. 
The first six seals carry the history of the world from Adam to the 
fall of Jerusalem; the first six trumpets represent the preaching 
of the word from the age of the patriarchs to the age of the 
Christian martyr?;. The Two Witnesses are Enoch and Elijah, 

^ prol. : iraiTtt dtotrvevaros ■ypa(pri, are ^k tjJs delas deSuiprjrai x°-f'^'''°^- 
rpiixfpel T<(J avOpilnrifj virdpxovri, TpL/xephii 


whose coming will precede the second Coming of the Lord. The 
first Beast is Antichrist, and his seven heads are the seven deadly 
sins^ ; the second Beast is a follower of Antichrist, or those who 
preach him taken collectively ; as for the number of the Beast, 
Berengaud is afraid to inquire into it, lest it may correspond with 
the letters of his own name. Babylon is Pagan Rome, but Rome 
regarded as representing the " civitas Diaboli " ; the ten horns 
of the Beast on which she sits are the successive incursions of 
barbarians which broke up the Roman Empire. The Thousand 
Years reach from the Ascension to the end of the world; the 
first resurrection is the condition of the Saints in the present 
life. A more remarkable departure from the older interpreta- 
tions is made in the Enchiridion in Apocalypsim of Joachim 
(•j* 1202), founder of the Ordo Florensis". Joachim's work is 
an attempt to find correspondences between the Apocalypse 
and the events and expectations of the twelfth century. The 
Beast from the sea is Islam, wounded to the death by the 
Crusades ; the False Prophet is identified with the heretical sects 
of the age ; Babylon is Rome, no longer pagan, but worldly and 
vice-ridden nevertheless. Of the seven heads of the Beast the fifth 
is the Emperor Frederick I., and the sixth Saladin ; the seventh is 
Antichrist ; the destruction of Antichrist will be followed by the 
millennium, which thus recovers its place as a hope of the future. 
Of Joachim's personal loyalty to the Roman Church there can 
be no doubt. But his method was speedily turned against the 
Church by less discreet followers. Under the year 1257 Matthew 
Paris relates that certain Franciscans of Paris "quaedam nova 
praedicabant...deliramenta quae de libro loachim Abbatis...ex- 
traxerunt, et quendam librum composuerunt quern sic eis intitulare 
complacuit Incipit Evangelium aeternum'^"; the Pope, he adds, 
commanded the book to be burnt, "et alia quae de loachim 
corruptela dicuntur emanasse." But the movement continued, 
and early in the fourteenth century the fate of the Evangeliian 

1 See p. ccix. mtm Evangelium was a friar named 

- Cf. C.Q.R. iox Oct. 1907 (p. i/ff.). Gerhard; see Giesler (E. Tr.), iii. 

^ See note on Apoc. xiv. 6. The p. 257 n. 
author of the Introdnctorius in Aeter- 


aeternuvi was shared by the postilla super Apocalypsim of Peter 
John Oliva, another Franciscan ; nor can we wonder, when among 
the scanty extracts of Oliva's work which escaped the flames we 
read : " Per sedem bestiae principaliter designatus carnalis clerus quo quidem bestialis vita...regnat...longe phis quam in 
laicis."..." Mulier stat hie pro Romana gente et imperio, tam 
prout fuit quondam in statu paganismi quam prout postmodum 
fait in fide Christi."..."Quidam putant quod tam Antichristus 
mysticus quam proprius et niagnus erit pseudo-papa." "When 
such things were written within the Church, it is not matter 
for surprise that the sects took the further step of identifying 
Antichrist with the Papacy or the occupants of the Papal See, or 
that this became a commonplace of Apocalyptic interpretation 
among reforming sects and Churches. 

On the papal side a counter-attempt to interpret the Apoca- 
lypse in the light of history was made by Nicolas of L}Ta (f 1340). 
He finds in it a forecast of the course of events from the time 
of Domitian to his own. In Lyra's judgement the millennium 
began with the founding of the Mendicant orders, which had 
bound Satan, as he thinks, for a considerable period of time. 

6. With the Reformation of the sixteenth century a new 
era of Apocalyptic exegesis begins. Each side in the great 
controversy found inspiration in this book. The reforming party 
inherited the method of Joachim and the Franciscans : the 
equation ' the Pope, or the Papacy, is Antichrist ' was the comer- 
stone of their interpretation. On the papal side, under the 
stress of the Protestant attack, new methods arose, which at a 
later time found followers among the reformed. Their authors 
were Spaniards and members of the Society of Jesus. Francis 
Ribeira (f 1601), a professor at Salamanca, came to his task 
equipped with a knowledge of both the Greek and Latin coni- 
ment^ators of the patristic period, but with an open mind which 
refused to be bound by their exegesis. He took his stand on the 
principle that the Apocalyptist foresaw only the nearer future 
and the last things, and offered no anticipations of intermediate 
history. Thus he was able to relegate Antichrist to the time 



of the end, and though with the majority of interpreters he 
identified Babylon with Rome, he could contend that the city 
which St John saw upon the Beast was not, as some said, Rome 
under papal rule, but the degenerate Rome of a future age. 
Ribeira has been described as a futurist, but the designation is 
inaccurate if it overlooks his real appreciation of the historical 
groundwork of the Revelation. His brother- Jesuit, Alcasar (-f- i6i 3), 
on the other hand, was a thorough-going 'preterist.' In his judge- 
ment the body of St John's prophecy falls into two great portions, 
cc. iv. — xi., and cc. xii. — xix., answering severally to the conflict of 
the Church with Judaism and her conflict with paganism ; while 
the closing chapters (xx. — xxii.) describe her present triumph and 
predominance. Both Alcasar and Ribeira wrote in the interests 
of a party, and neither of the schemes which they propose is free 
from manifest difficulties ; yet both works mark an advance upon 
earlier interpretations in so far as they approach the book from 
the standpoint of the writer and his time, and abstain from reading 
into it the events or ideas of a widely different period. 

7. The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were busy with 
the work of Apocalyptic exposition. In England Joseph Mede 
and two eminent Cambridge mathematicians. Sir Isaac Newton 
and William Whiston, found minute fulfilments of St John's 
prophecy from the days of Domitian to their own^; on the 
continent the same general system of interpretation was adopted, 
with varying results, by two no less eminent authorities, Vitringa 
and Bengel. On the other hand Grotius and Hammond trod 
generally in the steps of Alcasar, while on the papal side the 
great Bossuet suggested the division of the prophecy into three 
historical periods, the age of persecution {cc. v. — xix.), the triumph 
of the Church (c. xx. i — 10), and the epoch of final conflict and 
victory {cc. xx. 11 — xxii. 13). At the end of the eighteenth 
century Eichhorn struck a note which has been taken up again 
quite recently. The Apocalypse is in his view a great poem, or 

^ " 'While I write,' says Mede, 'news victories over the Emperor in defence 
is brought of a Prince from the North of the German afflicted Protestants'." 
(meaning Gustavus Adolphus) gaining (Elliott, 11. A. iv. p. 474.) 


rather a drama, which may be broken up into acts and scenes — 
tlie drama of the progress and victory of the Christian faith. 

8. While inlieriting the methods of its predecessors, the 
nineteenth century found itself in possession of new data by 
which it was enabled to correct or extend their application. The 
progress of events shifted the point of view from which the 
advocates of the continuously historical interpretation regarded 
St John's visions; room had to be made, for instance, for the 
French Revolution and all the disturbing tendencies which it 
represented or set going \ Among expositors who revolted from 
a system which was under the necessity of revising its results 
with the progress of events some, like S. R. Maitland and Isaac 
Williams in England, and Stern, Bisping, and others on the 
continent, revived and carried to greater lengths the ' futurist ' 
views of Ribeira ; while others, like Auberlen, fell back upon the 
position that the Apocalypse revealed a philosophy of history and 
anticipated persons or events only when they were "solitary 
examples of a principle-." In Germany a new attitude towards 
the interpretation of the book was created by the endeavour to 
investigate its sources. If the Apocalypse of John is a Jewish 
work adapted for reading in Christian congregations, or a com- 
pilation from non-canonical apocalypses, it is difficult to regard 
the book as more than a storehouse of first-century eschatology, 
or a historical monument which throws light on an obscure age. 
In that case it is undoubtedly of first-rate importance to the 
student of history, but its claims to be regarded as a prophecy in 
any true sense of the word can no longer be taken seriously. In 
Germany this estimate of the Apocalypse is still dominant, and 
it has revolutionized the interpretation of the book. In England 
there are signs of a desire to assimilate all that may be of 
permanent value in the results of research, without abandoning 
belief in the canonical authority or prophetical character of St 
John's work. Examples of this attitude may be found in Professor 
Sir W. M. Ramsay's Letters to the Seven Churches, and in the most 
recent of English commentaries on the Revelation, the brief but 

1 See, e.g., Elliott, H.A. iii. 309 ff. Apocalypse, p. 48. 

- Auberlen, cited by Archbp. Benson, 


suggestive contribution made to Professor Adeney's Century Bible 
by Mr Anderson Scott. 

9. It remains to state the principles of interpretation by which 
the following exposition has been guided. 

The interpretation of an ancient book, especially of a book such 
as the Apocalypse, nmst depend in great part on the view which 
the interpreter is led to take of its literary character, purpose, 
destination, and date. These points have been discussed in the 
earlier chapters of the introduction, and it is only necessary here 
to shew how the judgements which have been formed upon them 
affect the present writer's attitude toward the problems and the 
general significance of the book. 

(i) This commentary has been written under the conviction 
that the author of the Apocalypse was, what he claimed to be, an 
inspired prophet. He belongs to the order which in older days 
produced the books of Isaiah, Ezekiel, and Zechariah. He knows 
himself to be a medium of communication between God and 
Christ on the one hand, and the Church on the other. His mind 
has been lifted into a sphere above its natural powers by the 
Divine Spirit, which has enabled him to assimilate a message from 
the invisible world. His rendering of this message into human 
thought and speech must be interpreted as we interpret the 
prophecies of the Old Testament canon ; it will possess the same 
Divine elevation that we find in them, and be liable to the same 
human limitations. The student who approaches the Apocalypse 
from this point of view will not expect to find in it express pre- 
dictions of persons and actions which in St John's day were yet 
hidden in the womb of a remote future ; nor will he look for exact 
chronological order in its successive visions, or for a sense of the 
distances which part great epochs from one another. But on the 
other hand he will expect and, it is firmly believed, will find that 
the prophet of the New Testament is not less able than the 
prophets of the Old Testament to read the secrets of God's general 
purpose in the evolution of events, to detect the greater forces 
which are at work in human life under all its vicissitudes, and to 
indicate the issues towards which history tends. 


(2) As the title suggests, the prophecy of this book possesses 
a special character of which the interpreter must not fail to take 
note. The Divine message came to John in a series of visions ; 
it is an apocalypse, and it uses the ideas, the symbols, and the 
forms of speech which were characteristic of apocalyptic litera- 
ture. Thus St John's work challenges comparison with the 
apocalyptic portions of the Old Testament, more especially 
with the Book of Daniel ; and further, with the non-canonical 
Jewish apocalypses, to which ready access can now be had 
through the labours of Professor Charles and Dr M. R. James. 
It is possible to exaggerate the influence which these Jewish 
books exerted over the mind of the Christian Apocalyptist, and it 
may be questioned whether he has made direct use of any of 
them ; but they establish the existence of a common stock of 
apocalyptic imagery on which St John evidently drew. The 
modern interpreter of the Apocalypse is bound to take into 
account the presence in St John's book of the conventional 
language of apocalyptic literature, and to refrain from pressing 
it into the service of his own line of interpretation. Phrases and 
imagery which fall under this category must generally be held to 
belong to the scenery of the book rather than to the essence 
of the revelation. A recognition of this canon of interpretation 
will save the student from adopting the naive and sometimes 
grotesque attempts which have been made to interpret every 
detail in a book which, like all writings of its class, defies treat- 
ment of this kind. 

(3) Another important landmark for the guidance of the 
interpreter is to be found in the purpose of the book and the 
historical surroundings of its origin. The Apocalypse is cast 
in the form of a letter to certain Christian societies, and it 
opens with . a detailed account of their conditions and circum- 
stances. Only the most perverse ingenuity can treat the 
messages to the Seven Churches as directly prophetical. The 
book starts with a well-defined historical situation, to which 
reference is made again at the end, and the intermediate visions 
which form the body of the work cannot on any reasonable 

s. R. p 


theory be dissociated from their historical setting. The prophecy 
arises out of local and contemporary circumstances ; it is, in the first 
instance at least, the answer of the Spirit to the fears and perils of 
the Asian Christians toward the end of the first century. Hence 
all that can throw light on the Asia of A.D. 70 — 100, and 
upon Christian life in Asia during that period, is of primary- 
importance to the student of the Apocalypse, not only in view of 
the local allusions in cc. ii. — iii., but as helping to determine the 
aim and drift of the entire work. No one who realizes that the 
prophecy is an answer to the crying needs of the Seven Churches 
will dream of treating it as a detailed forecast of the course 
of mediaeval and modern history in Western Europe. So far 
as the Apocalyptist reveals the future, he reveals it not with 
the view of exercising the ingenuity of remote generations, but 
for the practical purpose of inculcating those great lessons of 
trust in God, loyalty to the Christ-King, confidence in the 
ultimate triumph of righteousness, patience under adversity, 
and hope in the prospect of death, which were urgently needed 
by the Asian Churches, and will never be without meaning and 
importance so long as the world lasts. 

It will be seen that an interpretation conducted upon these 
lines will have points of contact with each of the chief systems of 
Apocalyptic exegesis, without identifying itself with any one 
of them as a whole. With the ' preterists ' it mil take its 
stand on the circumstances of the age and locality to which 
the book belongs, and will connect the greater part of the 
prophecy with the destinies of the Empire under which the 
prophet lived ; with the ' futurists ' it will look for fulfilments 
of St John's pregnant words in times yet to come. With the 
school of Auberlen and Benson it will find in the Apocalypse a 
Christian philosophy of history ; with the ' continuous-historical ' 
school it can see in the progress of events ever new illustrations 
of the working of the great principles which are revealed. And 
while it maintains, against the majority of recent continental 
scholars, the essential unity of the book and its prophetic 
inspiration, it will gladly accept all that research and discovery 


can yield for the better understanding of the conditions under 
which the book was written. Indeed it is from this quarter 
that it will look most confidently for further light. 

No attempt to solve the problems of this most enigmatic 
of canonical books can be more than provisional ; even if the 
principles on which it rests are sound, their application must 
often be attended with uncertainty through the interpreter's 
lack of knowledge, or through his liability to err in his judge- 
ments upon the facts which are known to him. The present 
writer expects no immunity from this law ; he has stated his 
conclusions without reserve, but he is far from desiring to 
claim for them a finality which perhaps will never be attained. 
Nor has he gone to his work with any preconceptions beyond the 
general principles just indicated. His purpose has not been to 
add a system of interpretation to those which are already in the 
field, but simply to contribute whatever a personal study, con- 
ducted in the light shed upon the Apocalypse by many explorers, 
may be able to offer towards a true appreciation of this great 
Christian prophecy. 

The following are a few of the less obvious abbreviations 
employed : 

Andr. Andreas. 

Ar. Arethas. 

BDB. Brown Driver and Briggs, Hebreio and English Lexicon of the O.T. (Oxford, 

1892 — 1906). 
Blass, Gr. F. Blass, Grammar of N.T. Greek. Translated by H. St J. Thackeray 

(London, 1898). 
Burton. E. de W. Burton, Syntax of the Moods and Tenses in N.T. Greek (Edin- 
burgh, 1894). 
GIG. Corpus inscriptionum graecarum. 
Enc. Bibl. T. K. Cheyne and J. S. Black, Encijclopaedia Bihlica (London, 1S99 — 

Ev. Petr. The Gospel of Peter (cited from the writer's edition). 
Exp. The Expositor. 

Hastings, D.B. J. Hastings, Bictionanj of the Bible (Edinburgh, 1898 — 1904). 
J. Th. St., or J. T. S. The Journal of Theological Stxidies. 
SH. Sanday and Headlam, Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans (Edinburgh, 

St Mark. The writer's edition. 
Tyc. Tyconius (see p. coif.). 
Vg. The Latin Vulgate. 
Vict. Victorinus (see p. ccf.). 
WH. Westcott and Hort, N.T. in Greek (Cambridge, 1891); WH.^, second edition 

WM. Winer-Moulton, Grammar of N.T. Greek, 8th Engl. ed. (Edinburgh, 1877). 
WSchm. "Winer-Schmiedel, Grammatik d. NTlichen Sprachidioms (Gottingen, 

1894- ). 
Zahn, Einl. Th. Zahu, Einleitung in das N.T. (Leipzig, 1897 — 9). 


AHOKAAY^IC hjcrov Xpia-Tou, i]v ehuiKev avTco 6 i I. 

airoKa\v\pL^ Iwavvov (luauov N) KC (cf. A in subecr) 2 8 82 93 (95) (130) Ir OrEus 
Hier] air. I. rov deoKoyov 14 17 91 97 air. tov ayiov I. rov deo\. i 25 28 31 (37) 38 
(49) 51 90 94 air. I. rov deoX. Kai ci/aT-yeXio-rov Q 12 17 air. tov airoaroXov I. Kai 
evayyeXiarov P 42 (cf. vg"* syr) 

I 1 avTii)] avTT] Q 

Title. 'ATroKoXvyf/is or 'A. 'Icoawov 
was the title of the book in the second 
century, cf. Iren. v. 30. 3 roii koi Tr)v 
aiTOKoKv^ Lv ((jipaKOTOi : can. Mut'Ut. 
1. 71 sq. "apocalypse[s] etiuni lohannis 
et Petri tan turn recipinius"': Tert. adv. 
Marc. iv. 5 "apocalypsin eivis Marciou 
rcspuit.' Tov aiToiTTuXov Ka\ €vayyf\i.(T- 
ToC, ToO 6fo\6ynv etc. are manifestly 
due to later transcribers. O BtoKoyos 
as the (listiiictivo title of St John is 
perhaps not earlier than the end of 
cent. iv. ; in Eus. pracp. er. xi. 19 the 
Evangelist 6io\oye1^ but the ^vriter of 
Hebrews is aXkos ^foXoyor. Yet cf. 

Ath. or. C. gent. 42 o OfoXi'ryns dvrjf) 

(Hort, Jpoc. p. x.xxvi.). 

I. I — 3. Proloouk. 

I. diroKoXv^Ls'lrjaov XpitrToO] 'Atto- 
K(i\v\l/is occurs here only in this book. 
The noun is rare in literary Greek, 
but Jerome's dictum {in Gal. i. 1 1 sq.) 
" verbuni ipsum n7roKaXi;>//'<a)?. ..proprie 
scripturarum est et a nullo sapiontum 
saeculi ajiud (iraccos usurpatum" is 
too sweeping, for it is found in Plutarch 
7nor. 70 F. In the l.xx. dnoKaXinrTfiv 
is far more frequent than dpaKa\vnT€ii>, 
and the noun is used euphemistically 
for niiy in I Regn. xx. 30, and 
metaphorically in Sirach (xi. 27, xxii. 
22, xlii. i); in the N.T. a1^0KdXv^irls 
in a metiiphorical sense is f\xirly 
common (Lc.\ Paul", Pet.\ Apoc.^). 
The Epistles use it eschatologically 

s. R. 

(i) in reference to the revelation of 
God (Rom. ii. 5), of Christ (i Cor. i. 7, 
2 Th. i. 7, I Pet. i. 7, 13, iv. 13), and 
of the Saints (Rom. viii. 19), Avhich is 
to be made at the Parousia ; and also 
(2) of any revelation now made to the 
Church (Rom. xvi. 25, i Cor. xiv. 6, 26, 
2 Cor. xii. I, 7, Gal. i. 12, ii. 2, Eph. 
iii. 3) through the Spirit as a Tr^tG^a 
dnoKaXvylrfws (Eph. i. 1 7). The cori'e- 
sponding x^P'-^i^"- '^'^^ exercised not 
only by Apostles (2 Cor. xii. 7, Gal. ii. 2), 
but at times as it apj)eai's by ordinaiy 
believers in the congregation (cf. i Cor. 
xiv. 26 orav avvepxi(TOf eKacrTos...dno- 
KaXv\lnv ex*')- 111 this sense dnoKoXvylni 
is coupled with other gifts, such as 
yvaxTii, Trpo(f>i)T(ia, 8180x^1 {iCoT. xiv. 6), 
yj/aXfioi, yXacTcra, (pfirjvfia (lb. 261, 6n- 
TCKTia (2 Cor. xii. l), aocjiia (Eph. i. 17). 
Here the exact meaning depends 
upon the interpretation of the geni- 
tive. Is ^h](Tov Xpia-Tuv the gen. of 
the object or of the subject.'' l>r Hoil 
(on I Pet. i. 7 and ad lor.) supports 
the former, but the next wonls, t)v 
fbu)K(v K.T.X., seem to point the other 
way. The book is a ]>ivine reve- 
lation of which Jesus Christ w:is the 
recipient and the giver: cf Gal. i. 12, 
where 5«' dnoKaXv^foii 'I. X. means 
'by revelation from J. C (Light- 
foot\ in c(uitrast with teaching re- 
ceived TTapd dvOfjcinov. The title 
might have been 'AjroKaXvv/'if 'irjaov, 


[1. I 

Beo^ ^el^aL Toh ZovXol^ uvtov a Zel yevecrOaL ev 

TOL-^eL, Kal eo'y]fJLavev hia tou dy<ye\ov 

§c 2 aiiTov TO) houXco avTOu Icoavvt], §^6s e/ULapTvprjcrev tov 

I SouXois] a^ioij K* (5. K"-*) I Tw dovKd) avr-l tov SovXov airr. A om 130 | Iwavet 

though the instinct of the Church has 
rightly substituted the name of the 
disciple through whom the message 
was delivered. 

Tjv (dcoKfv avTO) 6 dfos (crX.] Arethas : 

Bfborat fiev irapa rov Trarpos rw via, 
dedorai, fie wapa tov vlov rjfiiv toIs hoxikois 
avTov. The Father is the ultimate 
Reveaier (Mt. xi. 25 aTreKoKvy^as); the 
Son is the medium through Whom 
the revelation passes to men {ib. 27 J 

ihv ^ovkrjTai 6 vlos aTroKaXvyj/ai, cf. 
Jo. i. 18 ^ovoyevTjs 6eos,..i<(lvos e^Ty]- 
auTo). That the Son receives what 
He is and has from the Father is 
the constant teaching of the Gospel 
of St John (iii. 35, v. 20 ff., 26, vii. 
16, viii. 28, xii. 49, xvi. 15, xvii. 
2 ff.), cf. Bede: "lohannes more suo 
filii gloriam ad patrem referens"; for 
a statement of this doctrine in its 
relation to the Christology of the 
Creeds see Hooker B. P. v. 54 ff. The 
particular revelation now about to be 
made was given to Jesus Christ that 
it might be communicated (Sei^ai = tW 
Sei'^i;, palam facere) to the servants 
of God {avTov — Tov 6eov, cf. xxii. 6), i.e., 
primarily the Christian prophets (see 
Amos iii. 7 ov firj Troiijafi Kvpios 6 6fos 
TTpayp-a iav aTroKaXv-^T] TraibeLav irpbs 
Tovs BovXovs avTov Tovs Trpo<jiT]Tas, and 

Apoc. X. 7, xi. 18, xxii. 6), but not to 
the exclusion of the other members of 
the Church; in vii. 3 01 dovXoi tov 
Beov Tjpicov are the whole company of 
the sealed, and the reading of N* 
{ayiois) is doubtless a true gloss in 
this place. 

■ a fiei ytvecrOai iv Tcix^ei, the contents 
of the Apocalypse. Ael yevea-dai is 
from Dan. ii. 28, see Mc. xiii. 7, note; 
Sei denotes not the necessity of a 
blind], but the sure fulfilment 
of the pui'pose of God revealed by the 

prophets; cf Mc. viii. 31, ix. 1 1, xiii. 10, 
Lc. xxiv. 26, Jo, xii. 34. To this the 
keen hope of primitive Christianity 
adds €P Taxfi (Lc. xviii. 8, Rom. xvi. 20, 
Apoc. xxii. 6), another O.T. phrase 
(Deut.5, J0S.2, I Regn.S Fs.\ Sir.i, 
Bar.^, Ez.^), which must be interpreted 
here and in xxii. 6 relatively to Divine 
measurements of time (Arethas, napa- 

p,eTp(ov TO apdpcoTTiva toIs deion), 

Dr Ilort, placing a comma after 
avTov, takes a as in apposition with rjv. 

Koi e(Tr]p.avev aTrocTTeiXns, SC. Irjaoiis 

XpKTTos. The Latin signijicavit nun- 
iianda seems to imply a reading 
aiToa-TelXai, with 6 6e6s as the subject. 
With fai]p.avev compare the use of the 
verb in Jo. xii. 33, xviii. 32, xxi. 19, 
and in Acts xi. 28 ea-rip-aivev dia tov 
7TV€vp.aTos. Here the message is sent 

by Christ 8ia tov dyyeXov avTov, cf. 

Beatus : "non cogitatione concepta res 
est, non aliquibus scripturarum car- 
minibus ; sed per angelum, id est, 
jjuritatis suae nun tium. . .loanni directa 
est"; see Mt. xiii. 41, Mc. xiii. 27, 
Apoc. xxii. 16. 'Anoa-TeXXfip bia 

(=■!!? n^^, Exod. iv. 13, 2 Sam. 
xi. 14, xii. 25, XV. 36), cf. Mt. xi. 2 

TTefxy^as bia tcov p.adT]Twv avTov, Acts xi. 
30 a7roaTeiXavTes...8ia ^eipus Bapvd^a 
Kal ^avXov. For T(3 dovXoi avTOV 

'icodvvr) see Rom. i. i, Jas. i. i, Jude 
I. John is named again in i. 4, 9 
and xxii. 8; the question of his 
identity with the Apostle is discussed 
in the Introduction, c. xv. 

The genesis of the Apocalypse has 
now been traced from its origin in the 
Mind of God to the moment when it 
reached its human interpreter. 

2. OS (fiapTvprjorev top Xoyop /crX.] 
MapTvs, fiapTvpelv, fiapTvpia, are fre- 
quent in the Apocalypse, as in other 



Xoyou Tov 
b(ra €1^61/. 

deov Kai Tt]v juapTuplau 'h]crou XpicTTOu, 
^ fj.aKapio'i 6 dvwyLviJCKTKiav kul ol aKOvovre^ 3 

Tous Xoyov^ Tf]^ 7rpo(pt]T€ia^ Kai Ttjpoui^Tes nra eV 

avTY\ yey pajjLfJLeva' o yap Kaipo'S fy^i^^- 

2 Iriffou XpifTToi/] om H-piffTov 12 airrov Dion | ocra] + T« i al"""" Ar | eiSey {i5fv 
KAQ 7 98)] + /cai ariva eiai Kai a(Tiva) xpn "/(veadai fi(Ta ravra i 7 12 28 37 38 46 49 
al"""" rue (cod ap Ar) 3 fiuKapioL 01 avayivuffKovra me Vict | toui Xoyovs ACP 

alP' vg me syrr Vict Prim Andr Ar] + toutoi/s C roy \oyov XQ 100 aeth | tjjs 
irpo<f>r]Teiai {-Ttas iiC)] + TavTr]s 7 16 vg«'°'""''<"° '">>"' me syrr arm^ Vict Prim 

Johanuiiie books; the verb is usually 
followed by nepl or on, but the cognate 
ace. occurs again in i Jo. v. 10, Apoc. 
xxiL 16, 20. 

Tov Xoyov . . .Trjv fxaprvplnv, i.e. the 

revelation imparted by God and at- 
tested by Christ; the phrase occurs 
again, with some modifications in form 
or meaning, in i. 9, vi. 9, xii. 17, xx. 4. 
This word and witness reached John 
in a vision {oa-a ddtv. the reading oaa 
Tf €i8(u has arisen from a misunder- 
standing). EtSei/ strikes a note which 
is heard repeatedly throughout the 
book (cf. i. 12, 17, 19 f, iv. i, v. i f., etc.) 
and indicates its general character, 
which is that of a prophetic vision (cf. 
Isa. i. i). The aorist e^upTvitrja-fv is 
epistolary; from the readers point of 
view John's testimony was borne at 
the time wlicu the book was written. 
Dr Hort regards efxaiir. as referring 
to John's "confessing of Jesus Christ 
before men," and not to the visions of 
the Apocalypse. 

3. ^aKapios Q avuyivcocTKuii' ktX.] 
Felicitation of the reader and hearers 
of the vision; similar /inRnpttr/xoi, mak- 
ing with tlie present instance seven in 
all, occur at intervals throughout the 
second half of the book (Apoc. xiv. 
13, xvi. 15, xi.v. 9, XX. 6, xxii. 7, 14). 
'O dvayivu>aK(ov is not the private 
student (cf. Mc. xiii. 14, note), but, as 
ol OK. shews, the person who reads 
aloud in the congregation. The 
Church inherited tlie Jewish practice 
of reading in the congregation (cf. 
Exod. xxiv. 7, Neh. viii. 2, Lc. iv. 
16, Acts xiii. 15, XV. 21, 2 Cor. iii. 15), 
and extended it to such Christian 

documents as Apostolic letters (Col. 
iv. 16, I Til. V. 27, and .see also Justin 
ap. i. 67, Dionys. Cor. ap. Eus. If. E. 
iv. 23); and the writer of the Apoca- 
lypse clearly desires to encourage this 
public use of his book. The reader 
{avayvuxTTt^s, lector), soon acquired an 
official position, and became a member 
of the clems (Tert. de praescr. 41 : 
see Wordsworth, Ministry of Grace, 
p. 187 f). But no such character 
was attributed to him in the first 
century; in tlie Apostolic Church as 
in the Synagogue the reading of the 
Scriptures was probably deputed by 
the presbyters or the president to 
any member of the congregation who 
was able and willing to perform it. 

The fiaKapiap.6s <»f the reader (/la/cd- 
pios = ^T>r'!5? as in Deut. xx.xiii. 29, Ps. 
i. i) is extended to the hearers if they 
keep what they have heard. There is 
here a scarcely doubtful reference to 
our Lords saying in Lc. xi. 28 fxaKapioi 
ol aKovovTfS TOV \6yov Toii 6(ov koX 
(fivXdcraovTfs, though the Johannine 
rripfiv (Jo. viii. 51 f., xiv. 23, xv. 20, 
xvii. 6, I Jo. ii. 5, etc.) t;ikes the i)lace 
of (l>vXdcrcr(iv. The thought is Worked 
out by St James (i. 22 {.). 

Tfjs Trpo(f)rjrfias: tlio Apocah'ptist 
claims for his book that it shall take 
rank witli tlie ]tro)i]ietic liooks of tlie 
O.T. ; cf 2 Chr. xxxii. 32 tv Tjj npo- 
(f)r]T(ia 'Haaiov, Sir. prol. \ 5 al npo- 
(fiTfTfiai. The claim is repeated in 
Apoc. xxii. 7, 10, 1 8 f 

'O yap Kaipus tyyi'f: a motive for 
hearing and keeping : the season (cf. 
xi. iS, xxii. 10; Acts i. 7) for the 
fulfilment of the vision is at hand : the 


4 '^' lu}avvt]<i Tai'i ETTTa eKKXrjcrlai'i Tah ev tPi 'Acria- 

4 IwavTjj K I a-rro o uv t^ACP I -2 5 6 7 lo 38 91 al"*'""^ g h vg syrr] airo tov oiv 
30 92'"8 Ar'''^ avo deov o wv Q ^6 95 130 a.V'^^*'^ Vict Prim 

hopes and fears which it arouses belong 
to the near future ; cf. Beatus : " per- 
ficientibus euim non lougum tempus 
renmnerationis facit." The words, Uke 
fv rax^i {v. i), are repeated in xxii. lo. 
They rest ultimately on such sayings 
of Christ as Mc. xiii. 28 f and are among 
the commonplaces of primitive Chris- 
tianity ; cf Rom. xiii. 1 1, i Cor. vii. 29, 
Phil. iv. 5 (where see Lightfoot's note). 
4 — 8. The writer's greeting to 
THE Churches addressed. 

4- laiavvrjs Tali inra fKKXrjcriais /crX.] 
The customary form for beginning a 
letter; cf Gal. i. i U.avXos...Ta'is €k- 
KXrjaiats rrjs TaXaTias, I Th. i. I, 11. r^ 
(KKXrja-ia QfcrcraXoviKeajv, I Cor. i. I, 

2 Cor. i. I, Ign. IJph. 1 etc. Though 
we are not again reminded of the fact 
till we reach the closing benediction 
(xxii. 21), the Apocalypse is in fact 
a letter from i. 4 onwards; it might 
have borne the title Ilpbs ras ^' (kkXt]- 
(Ttay, or Ilpoy 'Acnavovs. 

'H 'Ao-i'a in the Books of Maccabees 
(i Mace. viii. 6, xi. 13, xii. 39, xiii. 32; 
2 Mace. iii. 3, x. 24; 3 Mace. iii. 14; 
4Macc.iii. 20) is conterminous wth the 
empire of the Seleucids. But before 
N.T. times it had acquired another 
meaning. The Romans identified Asia 
with the Pergamene kingdom, and 
when in B.C. 129 the possessions of 
Attalus III. passed into their hands, 
they gave the name to the new province. 
The province of Asia at first included 
only the western sea-board of Asia 
Minor, but after b.c. 49 two dioeceses of 
Phrygia were added to it ; see Cic. pro 
Flacco 27 "Asia vestra constat ex 
Phjrygia Mysia Caria Lycia." In the 
N.T. j) 'Ao-ta is always Proconsular Asia, 
Aviththe possible exception of Acts ii. 9, 
where Phrygia appears to be definitely 
excluded; on this see, however, the 
Introduction, c. v. In addition to the 
cities named below in ». 1 1, there were 

Christian communities at Troas (Acts 
XX. 5 ff., 2 Cor. ii. 12), Hierapolis and 
Colossae (Col. i. i, ii. i, iv. 13), possibly 
also at Magnesia and Tralles ; and the 
question arises why John addresses 
only the seven churches which are 
specified {ja\s ima iKK\-q<Tiais). The 

selection may be explained by cir- 
cumstances ; Troas lay far off the road 
which the messenger would naturally 
follow, while Hierapolis and Colossae 
were so near to Laodicea and Mag- 
nesia and Tralles to Ephesus that they 
might be disregarded. The seven 
Churches addressed were fairly re- 
presentative of Asiatic Christianity; 
and as Ramsay jioiuts out {Ex}). 1904, 
i. p. 29), the "seven cities were the 
best points of commmiication with 
seven districts." But the repeated 
occurrence of the number seven in this 
book (i. 4^, 12, 16, iv. 5, V. i, 6, viii. 2, 
X. 3, xi. 13, xii. 3, xiii. i, xiv. 6 f) sug- 
gests another reason for the limita- 
tion. Seven, the number of the days 
of the Aveek, presented to the Semitic 
mind the idea of completeness (Adrian 
Iscigoge 83 rj ypa(f)fj...T6v enra dpid/xov 
...\ey€i....eTrl reXeiov a.pidp.ov). Thus 
" the seven Churches" may represent 
to us not only the Churches of Asia as 
a whole, but (ca«. Murat. 57 f ) all the 
Chiu'ches of Christ ; and Andreas is 
probably not altogether wide of t)ie 
mark when he AATites : bia tov e/3So- 
paTiKov apiBjiov to pvcTTiKov Tav mvav- 
Ta)(rj iKKkrjcriatv <jripaiv(x>v. So Prima- 

siiis: "id est, uni ecclesiae septifonui ; 
septenario numero saepe universitas 
figuratur"; and Rupert of I)eutz: 
" idem nobis sit ac si dixerit ' loannes 
omnibus ecclesiis quae smit in mun- 
do'"; cf. Beatus: "quid sibi Asianus 
populus esse videtur ut solus suscipere 
revelationem apostolicam mereatur?" 
But any such application of rats iirra 
eKKXTjaiais is Only in the backgromid of 



Yctpi^ vfjLLV Kai eipr]V>j utto o cov kui o i}V kul o epx^' 


4 o fvajTTio;' CQ 6 I 4 93 95 al'"' 
tv. KA 47 79 99 om 80 

syrr"'"'] a ea-nc (v. P i 38 49 a tiaiv iv. 36 t(xiv 

the Avortls ; u.s thoy stand, tliey have 
a definite reference from whicii they 
must n»jt be diverted to mystical uses. 
\dfiii vfi'iv Kn\ fljjijvrj. So all the 
Pauline Ei)istles open except i, 2 
Tim., where and in 2 Jo. we find 
Xa'ptf (Xfos flpijuT]. The same saluta- 
tion is used in i, 2 Peter; St James 
prefers the classical x^^^P^^^ (Acts xv. 

23, JaC. i. l). 'AtTO O tOf KOI 6 TjV Koi 

6 *p\6fi(uos i.e. dno 6(ov ncirpos (Rom. 
i. 7, I Cor. i. 3 etc.). That this is the 
true interpretation appears from kch 
dno 'I. X. which follows ; the view of 
Andreas (dno ttj: Tpia-vnocrTaTov 6(6- 
■njTos), and that of Primasius ("ad per- 
sonam tamen filii hie pr()i)rie redigen- 
dus est locus") are equally excluded 
by the context. As to the phrase 
itself, 6 0)1/ is the lxx. rendering of 
n'-HN Iti'X in Exod. iii. 14; cf. Philo 
de Abr. 24 eV rats Itpali ypa<f)(Hs 
Kvpia ovopari KoXflrai 'O wr. Aquila, 
however, followed by Theodotion, 
translated i^''.^}^ "i-'J^. n'nx by (a-opai 
[of] fo-opai, and the Targums read into 
the words a reference to the infinite 
past and future of God's eternal 'now'; 
thus the Jerusalem Targuni interjjrets 
"qui fuit est et erit," and the T. of 
Jonathan on Dent, xxxii. 39 renders 
Nin ^3S ^:N "ego ille qui est et qui fuit 
et qvii erit."' Similar descriptions of 
the Divine Life are cited from Greek 
poetry, e.g. the saying ascribed to 
Heracleitus: Kocru.os...y]i' dd /cat tori 
Koi forai; the oracle in Pans. x. 12 
Zfiis tJv, Zfi'f ecrri, Zfi/y facrtrai, and 
the Orphic lines Ztiif Trpcorof yivero, 
Zfiis viTTUTOs ap^cKfpavvos' ' Z<i $• Acf <^nXr;, 
Zfiis fiicros. Thus the Apocalyptist 
strikes a note familiar both to Jewish 
and Hellenic ears. But he expresses 
his thought inare siiu: 6 ^v (Ben.son : 
*the AVas') is a characteristically bold 

attempt to supply the want of a past 
part, of flpi, while 6 fpxoptvut is 
perhaps preferred to 6 tcropfvos be- 
cause it adumbrates at the outset the 
general purjxjse of the book, which is 
to exhibit the comings of God in 
human history ; if tpxtfrQai. is used 
elsewhere chiefly of the Son, the 
Father also may l>e said to come 
when He reveals Himself in His work- 
ings ; cf. e.g. Jo. xiv. 23 [^iyu> kqi] 6 
naTTjp pov..-f\(v(T6p(6a. As a whole 
the exhibits the Divine Life 
under the categ(jries into which it 
falls when it becomes the subject of 
human thought, which can conceive 
of the eternal only in the terms of 
time. Such a title of the Eternal 
Father stands fitly among the fii*st 
words of a book which reveals the 
])rcsent in the light both of the past 
and of the future. 

The construction dno 6 dv kt\. 
must be explained by regarding the 
whole phrase as an indeclinable noun 
(Vitcau, Etude, ii. pp. 12, 126); a more 
exact writer would perhajis have said 
dno roil 'O we ktX. (cf. WM. p. 79 f.). 

Kai dni tu>v (nra nvfvpdroiv ktX.J 
Cf. iii. I, iv. 5, v. 6, where after nv. 
the WTiter adds rov 6fov. Jewish 
angelology recognised seven angels of 
the Presence (Tob. xii. 15, Enoch xx. 
7, xc. 21; cf. Targxnn Jon. on Gen. 
xi. 7: "dixit Dens vii angelis qui stant 
coram illo"). Seven angels are men- 
tioned in Apoc. viii. 2 ff., xv. i ff. ; 
and some early interpreters were dis- 
jHised to identify the "seven spirits 
of God" with such a group of angelic 
beings. Thus Andreas: tnra St 
ni'tvpara rovi (nra nyyeXavs i/oflv 
SvvaTov, and Arethas more confidently : 
^oKipoirtpov 8( ayyfXovs raira vofij', 
urging that d ((mv fvi^niou roii dpovov 



implies tt/v olKtTiKfjv rd^iv, ov Tr)v 
laoTifiov. But against tliis view must 
be set (i) the description of the 'seven 
spirits' in c. v. 6, \vith obvious re- 
ference to Zech. iv. 10; and (2) the 
apparent coordination of the spirits 
in this place with the Father and the 
Son. Bousset finds a parallel to this 
in Justin, ap. i. 6, but Justin's Chris- 
tology is less consistent than that of 
the Apocalypse, where Christ is dis- 
tinguished from the angels (see upon 
this the notes to c. xxii. 8 f., 16). 
Moreover, the N.T. rarely uses Truev- 
jjiUTa of angels ; Heb. i. 7, 14 is 
based on a quotation, and in Apoc. 
xvi. 13 f. TrvfiifiaTa is qualified by 
uKadapra or ^aifiovicov, which removes 
all ambiguity. On the whole, there- 
fore, it is safer to accept the alterna- 
tive followed by the best Latin com- 
mentators, Victorinus, Primasius, 
Apringius, Beatus ("sanctus scilicet 
Spiritus unus in nomine, virtutibus 
septiformis") and offered as an al- 
ternative by Andreas (I'crcDr Se m). 
erepcos toiito porjdijcrfTai ... 8ia ... Tai> 
fTTTa TTVfvfxarcov rav fvepyeiaiv Toii ayiov 
Uvev^aros [o-jj/xati'o/xeVcoi']). AVe may 
compare Heb. ii. 4 nvfiifiaTos ayiov 
p.epi(Tp.oU, 1 Cor. xii. 10 BiaKpio-en 
TTV€vp.aTa>v, ib. xiv. 32 wvev^iaTa Trpo- 
cf)r]Tav, Apoc. xxii. 6 o 6eos tSv 
Trvfvp.aT<i)v Ta>v Trpoc^-qraiv. Here the 
'spirits' are seven, because the 
Churches in which they operate are 
seven. An early interpretation con- 
nected them with the aspects of the 
nin* n-1"l enumerated in Isa. xi. 2 
Lxx.; cf. Justin, dial. 87, and Ps.- 
Hippolytus (ed. Lagarde,p. 198), where 
the passage in Isaiah is quoted in the 
form avaTzavtTfTai in avrov inTo. Trvev- 
jxara roii 6fov. Hence the /Spiritus 
septiformis of Latin devotional theo- 
logy. But there is nothing to shew 
that the writer of the Apocalyi)se had 
Isa. I.e. in his thoughts ; moreover the 
septenary number appears there only 

in the lxx., to which comparatively 
little weight is assigned in this book. 

a e'vcoTTiov rov dpovov avrov antici- 
pates the vision of iv. 2, 5, q.v. The 
readings rcjv, a ia-nv (elcriv), are gram- 
matical corrections for the rougher a : 
for the omission of the verb cf. c.y. 13 
Traf KTia-pia o iv kt\. Nestle {Textual 
Criticism, p. 331) suggests that the 
original reading was ra. 

5. KoX diro 'I. Xp., o fiapTvs o mcTTos] 
Grace and peace come also from the 
Person who received and communi- 
cated the revelation. 'Atto 'I. Xp., 
as in the Pauline form of salutation 
from Rom. i. 7 onwards ; St John 
(2 Jo. 3) has jrapd in the same 
sense. Since our Lord is the medium 
rather than the source of the Divine 
favour we might have expected 8ta, 
as in Jo. i. 17'? X'^P'-^ '^''' V dXyjdeia 8ia 
'I. xp. iyivfTo. But the Son in His 
oneness with the Father may also be 
regarded as the source of the gifts 
which He communicates. From this 
point the full title 'Ir/o-ous Xpiaros 
disappears, unless we read it in the 
closing benediction (xxii. 21); else- 
where throughout the Apoc. ^Irja-ovs 
stands alone (i. 9 bis, xii. 17, xiv. 12, 
xvii. 6, xix. 10 bis, xx. 4, xxii. 16, 
20) — a use which is rare except in 
the Gospels and the Ep. to the 
Hebrews. It may be the purpose of 
the writer to emphasize in this way 
the humanity of the glorified Christ, 
and His identity Avith the historical 
Person who lived and suffered. 

'O (idprvs 6 nicTTos, and the other 
nominatives which follow, are the 
first examples of an anomaly which is 
common in the Apoc; cf. ii. 13, 20, 
iii. 12 etc. Such irregularities may be 
partly attributable to Semitic habits 
of thought — a Greek could scarcely 
have permitted himself to use them ; 
but they are partly due to the cha- 
racter of the book and perhaps are 
parenthetic rather than solecistic; 



TTio'TO's, o TrpcoTOTOKO^ Tcov veKpu)v Kai o ap-^cov TWV 
(oaoTLKecov t>/9 'yi]<i. t(Z dyaTruyvTL t]/ua^ kui Xixtuvtl 
tj/ua^ €K Tcou d/uapTioDU rnJiwv ev tco ai/uiaTi avTOV, 

5 rujv vfKpwv^^ pr e/c i 91 96 al arm"^*' "''' | ^aaiXeiwv S* {-Xfwv N^'''') arm^ | 070- 
TTwvTi KACQ 6 7 14 38 95 al"'"'"] ayawriffavTL P I 28 36 79 91 ^2"'^ 96 99 Andr Ar | 
Xvcravri KAC 1 6 12* 28 36 38 69 79 99 (syrr) arm Prim] \ova-avri. PQ minP' vg me 
aeth Andr Ar | om tj/xos 2° K* (hab S'^") | eK ^<AC i 12 28* 36 38 79 92"'8 99 g arm 
Prim] OTTO PQ minP' vg me aeth Ar | om ■tjfiuv A i 12 16 arm'* Prim*''' 

see the Introduction, c. xi. Mdprvs 

looks l)ack to v. 2 tt^v fiaprvpiav 'irjaoii, 
but the phrase 6 n. 6 mn-Tos has a 
wider reference; cf. Jo. iii. 11, 32 f., 
viii. 14 f., xviii. 37, i Tim. vi. 13; so 
Victorinus : " in honiine suscepto per- 
hibuit testimonium in mundo"; we 
are reminded also of Prov. xiv. 5 

D^j-iON IV ^ isa. iv. 4 vnn; d^'2-in'? ir. 

It occurs again in c. iii. 14 (q.r.), where 
it is amplified (6 ^Ap.rjv, 6 fidprvs 6 n. 

Kai aXrjdivos). 

O TJ- piOTOTOKOS rdv VfKpcOV^ So St Paul 

m Col. i. 18 Of (CTTiv ij npx^, npooTO- 
ToKos (K Tciv vfKpuiv, and I Cor. xv. 20 
eyrjytpTcH fK veKpap, dnap](r] rcop KeKOt- 
firjfif'vuv. Though others had risen, 
those e.g. avIio were raised by Him, 
yet as Alcuin (quoted by Trench) well 
observes, "nulhis ante ipsum non 
niori turns surrexit." In His capacity 
of 'firstborn' Jesus is further o apxoiv 
Twi/ ^a(ri\((i>v TTJs yiji. Here John 
follows another line of thought, sug- 
gested by Ps. Ixxxviii. (Ixxxix.) 28 
Kaya TTptoTOTOKOv (1133) B-qcrofxai avTov, 
V'<\fTjKov napa (? |i^?^') toIs ^aariX(v(riv 
rr/s yfji. The Resurrection carried 
with it a potential lordsliip over all 
humanity (Rom. xiv. 9 , not only over 
the Church (Col. I.e.). Tlie Lonl won 
by His Death what the Tempter had 
offered Him ;is the reward uf sin (Mt. 
iv. 8f); He rose and ascended to 
receive universal empire ; cf c. xix. 

12, 16 fn\ Tr)v Kf<piiKi)v ai'TOv BiaBrjfiaTa 
TroXka,..()((i...!')vofMa yfypap.p.h'ov Ba<ri- 
Xf i'y /3acr«X«'coi'. The WOi'<ls 6 ap-)(o)v t. 
^. T^s yj/f, hnpcrator regum terrae, 
stand aj)pn)priately at the head of a 

book which represents the glorified 
Christ as presiding over the destinies 
of nations. 

The threefold title ixdpTVi...irpu)Td- 
TOKOi...dpx(^v answers to the three- 
fold purpose of the, which 
is at once a Divine testimony, a reve- 
lation of the Risen Lord, and a fore- 
cast of the issues of history. 

TCO dyuTTUiVTi rip.ds ktX.] The first of 
the many doxologies of the book (iv. 
1 1, v. 9, 12 f, vii. 10, 12 etc.) is offered 
to Jesus Christ. "To Him that loves 
us and — the crucial instance of His 
love — loosed us from our sins at the 
cost of His blood." The reading 
dyairqcravTi, though it represents a 
fact (Jo. xiii. i, 34, xv. 9, Rom. viii. 
37, Apoc. iii. 9) misses the 
between the abiding dydnrj and the 
completed act of redemi)tion. Bcv 
tween XvtravTi and Xovo-niri it is not 
so easy to decide. XvtLv dpaprinv is 
Biblical, see Job xlii. 9 (lxx.), and the 
construction Xi'ft;/ ciVo occurs in Lc. 
xiii. 16, I Cor. vii. 27; cf Apoc. xx. 7 
'Kv6r]<TfTai. (K TTJs (PvXaKfji. On the 
other hand Xot'o-nirt yielils a good 
sense, and presents a more iisual 
metixphor; cf. Ps. 1. (li.) 4, Is:i. i. 16, 
18, I Cor. vi. II, Eph. v. 26, Tit. iii. 5, 
Ileb. X. 22; but it rests on inferior 
authority and may be "tine to failure 
to undei-stand the Hebniic use of tV 
to denote a price... and a natui*al 
misapplication of vii. 14'' (WH.*, 
A^ote.'i, p. 1 36 ; cf. Ne-stle, Ti'xtual 
Critirism, p. 332). It is interesting 
to find Plato by a play upon the 
words bringing together tlie two verbs 
in a verv similar connexion : Crat. 



6 ^Kal eTToirja-ev rfJLd<i (^acnXeiav, Upei^ tm dew Kal 

6 e7roi7j(T€v NACP minP' syrr] Tron,aai'Ti Q 7 13 14 J 6 25 29 36 4.:^ 55 92'=" 17410x^6.' 
arm | vfJ-ca ^PQ alP' syrr Vict Prim Andr Ar] vfjuy A 13 23 27 31 38 55 76 tj^w*- 
Q ygamfuharitoi (^nostTum regnuvi) I ^aaiXeiay upeis] ^aa-iXuav /cat lepeis K''» 99 vg 
Tert Vict Prim jSatrtXeis Kai lepeis P i 28 36 79 80 81 161 ^aaiXfiov upus Q ^afftXeiov 
teparevfia (9) 13 14 23 27 55 92'-' 130 me"'» /3a(riXem;' Ltpav syrrvii ^acriXeiaj arm 

405 B ovKoiij/ 6 KaOaipQiv deos Kai o 
dnoXvcov T( Koi dnoXovoiv rciv toiovtwv 
KaKcdv aiTios av fir;; The assonance of 
Xovfiv and Xveiv abundantly accounts 
for the interchange of the two, not- 
withstanding the difference of mean- 
ing: one spelling or the other was 
adopted according to the sense pre- 
ferred ; cf. Arethas : biacroypa^x'trai. 
ravra npos Biacjiopop evvoiav. 'Ev rto 
alpart.: the blood, emblem of the 
sacrificed life, was the Xvrpov (Mc. x. 
45, note; cf. Rom. v. 9, i Pet. i. 19, 
I Jo. i. 7); for (V 'at the price of 
(= 3) see I Chron. xxi. 24, Jer. xxxix. 
(xxxii.) 44, Apoc. V. 9 i^yopaa-as tw 
6€(3 iv TW aipaTi <tov. The gift of 
a(})f(Tis afxapriav bestowed upon the 
Church on the very day of the Resur- 
rection (Jo. XX. 23) was an immediate 
result of the 'loosing' effected by the 
Cross ; cf Jo. xi. 44 Xvcrare avrov kui 
a(f)fTe, and Aug. ad loc. 

6. Kal (TToiTjaev ijpas ^aaikfiar, Itpfls 
ktX.] Beatus: "quia pro nobis passus 
est et resurrexit a mortuis, nostrum 
regnum ipse construxit." The con- 
struction of the sentence requires Kal 
TTotijaavTi, but the WTiter more suo 
(see on v. 5, 6 papTvi) suffers the new 
thought that rises in his mind to take 
the form of a parenthesis. 

As the apparatus testifies, early 
students of the book were driven to 
despair by the words which follow. 
They rest on Exod. xix. 6 "ye shall 
be to Me a kingdom of priests" 
(D''3r!3 riD^ODj LXX. ^aa-iXtiov Ifparev- 
fia, Aq. jSaaiXeia Upecov, Symm., Th. ^a- 
crtXeia tepely, Vg. regnum sacerdotale). 
Exod. I.e. is quoted also in i Pet. ii. 9 
(where see Hort's note), Apoc. v. 9 
(^aaiXfiav koi Itpfls), Jubilees xvi. 13 

(ed. Charles, p. 1 16 note). As Br Hort 
has shewn, the Lxx. probably read 
n^Spo^ and the same reading is re- 
presented by Th. and in the Apoc. 
(on the frequent agreement of the 
latter with Th. see Salmon, Introd. 
to the N. T.\ p. 548 tf., aixd the writei-'s 
Introd. to the O.T. in Greek, p. 48). 
It is a further question whether /Satrt- 
Xfia in this passage means a nation 
under the government of a king, or a 
nation of kings; for the latter inter- 
pretation see the Jer. Targum cited by 
Charles I.e. (D^:n31 l^s'PD). But, a.s 
Hort observes, "in Exodus 'Kingdom' 
is little more than a sjaionym of 
'people' or nation, with the idea of 
government by a king added"; and 
this sense suits the present context. 
The Apoc. is largely a protest against 
the Caesar-cult and the attitude of 
the Empire towards the Church, and 
at the outset it places the Divine 
Kingdom in sharp contrast to the im- 
perial power. As Israel when set free 
from Egypt acquired a national life 
under its Divine King, so the Churcli, 
redeemed by the Blood of Christ, con- 
stituted a holy nation, a new theocracy. 
'Ifpelj stands in apposition to /3a- 
(TiXe'iav; Upav (Syrr., ^ir^jxioi^), koI 
Upels are needless attempts to save 
the grammar. The members of the 
Church, a Kingdom in their corporate 
life, are individually priests ; as Bede 
truly says: "nemo sanctorum est qui 
spiritualiter sacerdotii officio careat, 
cum sit membrum aeterni Sacerdotis." 
Baptism inaugurates this priestly 
service (Eph. v. 26, Heb. x. 22, Tit. iii. 
5), Avhich is fulfilled by the offering of 
living, reasonable, and spiritual sacri- 
fices (Rom. xii. i, Heb. xiii. 15 f., 



TraTOi avTOUj avTw t] ho^a kul to KpaTO^ eis tous 
aluiva's (twu atwVwi/]' djurju. "^ ihov ef>)(^eTai /meTa 7 
Twv vecbeXcov, Kal oyjy^eTai aurou vras: 6<p6a\iuo^ Kai 

6 Tov aitava K* (toi/i atoivaj K<=*) syr"^ | om tuv aiuvuiv AP 9 28 79 97 99 me j ora 
oA"?'' 33 vg'"' 7 jufTo] «7ri C I ofovrai K I 12 isi me syrr arm ] om avrov 1° i 46 88 

1 Pet. ii. 5). These are presented to 
the God and Fatlier of Jesus Christ. 
From another point of view the 
Cln'istian i)riesthood is exercised to- 
wards both the Father and the Son, 
see C. XX. 6 (crovrat, Ifptls Toi) 6(ov Kai 
TOV xpKrrov; here the Father alone is 
named. Avtov sliould probably be 
taken with rw d(a> as well as with roJ 
narpi {Jo. xx. 1 7, Apoc. iii. 12); if the 
Incarnate Son is not ashamed to call 
men His brethren (Heb. ii. 1 1 ), neither 
is He ashamed to call the Father His 

The Church, like Israel, is a great 
sacerdotal society. That there are 
special ministries within the body 
which belong to an ordained cferus, 
an Ifpovpyia TOV (vayytXiov committed 
to Apostles and their successors (Rom. 
XV. 16), in no way conflicts with the 
reality of the priesthood which is the 
l)rivilege of every baptized nicml)er 
of Christ 

avTci j) 86^a KOI TO Acparos AcrA.] Sc. 
TO) dyawSvTi. Ka\ Xi'icravTL ktX, I.e. 
to Jesus Christ. The Ajtoc. freely 
associates Christ with the Father in 
doxolojjies ; cf. v. 13 f, vii. 10. An 
equally unequivocal instance is to be 
found in 2 Pet. iii. iS; others which 
are cited from the Apostolic writings 
(i Pet. iv. II, Rom. xvi. 27, Heb. xiii. 
21, 2 Tim. iv. 18) are for various 
reasons open to doubt. The simple 
formula ^ do^a ds tovs al^vas [rcGf 
alcivoai'] is found in 4 Mace, xviii. 24, 
Rom. I.e., Gal. i. 5, etc. ; kqI t6 KptWos 
is added in i Pet. /.c, and other 
amplifications occur (cf. Mt. vi. 13, 
T.R., I Tim. i. 17, vi. 16, Jude 25, 
Apoc. V. 13, vii. 12); for further de- 
ts^ils see Chase, Lard's Prayer in the 
Early Church, p. 168 If. 'A/i'?»' is 

well supported at the end of nearly 
all the N.T. doxologies ; it had taken 
its place at once in the wonship of 
the Church as the (7r(v4)t]fn](ris of the 
private members to tlio prayer or 
thanksgiving of the presiding Apostle 
prophet or presbyter (i Cor. xiv. 16; 
Justin, ap. i. 65). 

7. Iboii tpxfTai jxtTci Toiv ve(l}ika>v\ 
To the doxology the writer adds a 
forecast of the coming of the Lord, 
to which he points as if it were 
already imminent. The words are 
from Dan. vii. 13 Th. id(a>povi'...Ka\ 
I80V fjLfTa (lxx. eni) tcou vfcfxXuiv tov 
ovpavov coy vlos avdpwnov (p\op.(voi (cf. 
Mc. xiii. 26, xiv. 62, notes ; Acts 1. 
9 ff., I Thess. iv. 17). The note thus 
sounded at the beginning of the book 
is repeated more than once at the end 
(xxii. 7, 12, 20). 

Ka\ o\l/(Tai avTov nhs o<f)$a\p.6s ktX.] 
AVith Dan. I.e. the Apocalyptist com- 
bines Zech. xii. 10. His reminiscence 
of Zech. agrees with the form which 
the words take in Jo. xix. 37 o^/oirai 
tls ov f^fKevTTjaav (Tlpl), against the 
LXX. f7ri3Xe'\^oi/rnt rrpof fxe avd oiv 
KaTutpx-qa-aiTo (Hpl). Zahn {Ein- 
/eifuii;/, ii. 11. 563) argues that St John 
translated direct from the Hclnew, 
tisiug a text wliicli read as M.T. ; but 
as e^eKefTrja-af apl>ears also in Aq. and 
Th., and in an independent (juotation 
by Justin, dial. 32, it is more probable 
that l>oth (iospel and Api>calyjise were 
indebteil to a Greek version of the 
inopiiccy other than the LX.x., jKMhaps 
to some colk'ctinn of jirophetic testi- 
monies. AVith u\lffTai avTov nns 6(f)d. 
com]). Didarhe xvi. 7 tot? o\//-<Tai 6 
Koap-os TOV Kvpiov fp\6p.ePop. Kfii oirtv* f 
specifies a class already included in 
iras 64>0. (cf. Mc. i. 5, note) ; oinvts is 





a I'- 


o'iTii/€'s avTOV e^eKevTt](rav, kul Koyjy^ouTat eir avTOV 
Tracai ai <pv\ai tt]^ yt]<s. vaL, diuLt]u. 
8 ^ 'Syco elfj-L TO a\(pa kul to w, Xeyei Kvpio^ 6 

7 om avTov 2° K* (hab t\''*) | om eir ^^* (hab t^*^*) | Koipovrai ex avrov] oxpovrai 
avTov me arm Prim*'*^ om eir avrov i | vai. bis scr syr^" 8 aX^a] a i 29 33 47 49 

90 99 100 al"" I Kai TO w] pr km eyw N* (om X''-^) + (tj) apxv xai (to) reXos ii* i (28) 
35 (36, 49' 79» 80) 92'"e 99 130 al'""^''i vg me 

generic (WM., p. 209), pointing not so the writer contents himself with the 

simple afRrmation which sufficed for 
Christians in their ordinary inter- 
course (Mt. V. 37, Jas. V. 12); but in 
this extremely solemn announcement 
of the coming Parousia the double 
asseveration is in place. Hort inter- 
prets otherwise : " i^ai the Divine 
promise, ajxrjp the human acceptance." 
8. eyo) 61/11 TO a\(f)a Koi to a> ktX.J 
The solemn opening of the book 
reaches its climax here with words 
ascribed to the Etenial and Almighty 
To aK<l}a Ka\ to tJ is interpreted by 

j) apxr] Kal to TeXos (xxi. 6), o TTpcoTOS 
Koi 6 ecrxaTos (xxii. 13) ; cf. Isa. xli. 4, 
xliii. 10, xliv. 6, xlviii. 12. The book 
being for Greek readers, the first and 
last letters of the Greek alphabet are 
used, but there is doubtless a reference 
to the Jewish employment of N, H ; 
cf. e.g. Jalkut Rub. f. 17. 4 "Adamus 
totam legem transgressus est ab Aleph 
usque ad Tau" ('n im 'SD) ; ih. f. 48. 4, 
where the contrary is said of Abra- 
hani. The symbol DN was regarded 
as including the intermediate letters, 
and stood for totality ; and thus it fitly 
represented the Shekinah (Schoettgen, 
i. p. 1086). Early Christian writers 
enter at large into the mystical im- 
port of AO, e.g. Tertullian, de monog. 
"duas Graecas litteras, summam et 
ultimam...sibi induit Dominus, uti... 
ostenderet in se esse initii decursum 
ad finem, et finis recursiun ad initium ; 
ut omnis dispositio in eum desinens 
per quem coejjta est...i3roinde desinat 
quemadmodmn et coepit." So Clement 
of Alexandria, strom. iv. 25 § 158 sq. 
cof TvavTa (v evdfv Koi navTa- kvkKo^ 
yap 6 avTOs nacraiv reoi/ bwaixtav els 

much to the original crucifiers as to 
those who in every age share the 
indifference or hostility which 

behind the act. Kai Ko-^ovrat in 
Tov ('over Him,' Vulg. super eum ; 
X^^ii. 9) iracrai. al (pvXal ttjs yTJs ', 
first three words are from Zech. xii. 12 
Kai KoyjreTai 7; yfj kotu (jivXas <pv\as. 
Mt., who also (xxiv. 30) blends Dan. 
vii. 13 with Zech. xii. 10, turns the 
sentence precisely as John does — a 
circumstance Avhich increases the 
probability that the quotation came 
as it stands fi'om a book of excerpts. 
Prim, renders : " et videbit eum onmis 
terra talem " ; other Latin texts give 
" omnis caro terrae " or " omnes tribiis 
terrae." Did they read, with the 
Coptic and Armenian versions, o\//-oi/- 
Tai avTov and add talem (i. q. (kksv- 
TT]6fvra) to relieve the monotony of 
the repeated o\//-oi/rai ? 

Hippolytus (ed. Lag. p. 117) inter- 
prets too narrowly : SeaaoPTai 6 Tav 

Elipaiav S^/xoj koi K6y}/ovTai. Ilacrai ai 

(})vXaL strikes quite another note. 

Nai, dp-rfv unites the Greek and He- 
brew forms of affirmation, as Andreas 
remarks : tov avTov poiii' tjj re 'EXAt/i'i'Si 
Tjj Te Y.j3pa'iK^ yXcoTTt] ecrrjp.avev. A 
somewhat similar combination is the 
ajS^a 6 TTaTTjp of Mc. xiv. 36, whei'e see 
note. The words vai, dp.j}v, however, 
are not quite synonymous ; from its 
associations dp.r)v possesses a religious 
character, which gives it greater 
solemnity ; cf. 2 Cor. i. 20 oaai yap 
enayyeXiai 6eov, iv avTa to vai' 810 
Kai di' avrov to dp-iju. Christ is Him- 
self o dp-ijv (iii. 14); o vai would be 
felt to be unbecoming. Elsewli^re 
in the book (xiv. 13, xvi. 7, xxii. 20) 


6eo%-, () wV KUL 6 m' Kui 6 epxofJ-^vo^, 6 ttuvto- 

^'Gyco lct)avvt]<ij 6 dh6\<po<s vfJLwv Kai (rvuKOii'(ouo<i Q 
eV Ttj 6\i\lrei Kai iSacriXela kui virofjiovy] eV 'hja-ov, 

8 o iravTOKpaTwp] om o Q pr o deos Hipp"""' 9 Jooavrji S* | koivuvos 6 7 8 Ar | 

Kai ^affiXfta] Kai ei* tt; /3. P I 7 49 al"""" om syrr aeth ] om Kai virofiovrj ey I. arm [ ev 
I-rjcrov] €v Xpiffru A •25 «f Xp. lijcrov Q min'" syr Prim Ar ei- I. Xp. ^<''■'= syr Irjaov 
XpiffTov I 28 79 130 al"""" 

ev fiXovufvoiV Koi (vovfxivoiv. 8ia roGro 
a\(pa Koi eo 6 Xoyof e'iprjTai, ov fiovin' to 
TfXos apxT yivfTai Kai TfktvTa na\iv 
iiv\ rf]v avdiGev ap^rjv, ov8afxov diaaTnariv 
Xa/3coi'. See also Origeii in Joann. 
t. i. 31. The phrase is seen to express 
not eternity only, but infinitude, the 
boundless life Avhich embraces all while 
it transcends all, '"fons et clausula om- 
nium quae sunt"(Prudentius, cathem. 
ix. 10 If.). In xxii. 13 ro a\(f)a Kai 
TO <S is applied by Jesus to Himself, 
and this reference is assumed by the 
ancient interpreters in the present 
case (cf. Hippolytus adi\ Noet. (ed. 
Lag. p. 48) (irrfv TvavTOKparopa Xpiarov, 
Clem. Al. Strom, iv. 25 § 159, Orig. de 
princ. i. 2, 10 "qui enim venturus 
est, quis est alius nisi Christus?" 
Andreas : 6 )(picrTos (VTuvOa 8r]XovTai, 
and the passages cited above), but in- 
correctly, as the next words shew. 

X«V" Kvpios 6 deos = nin;. -iiN. -irjN*, 
a phrase specially common in Ezekiel 
(vi. 3, II, vii. 2 etc.), with whom and 
the rest of the O. T. prophets the 
Christian prophet of the Apocalypse 
associates himself by his use of it. 
'O wi/ kt\., sec r. 4, note. 'O nam-o- 
KpoTcop, which in other books of the 
N.T. is found but once and then in 
a quotation (2 Cor. vi. 18), occurs 
again in Ajwc. iv. 8, xi. 17, xv. 3, 
xvi. 7, 14, xix. 6, 15, xxi. 22. Like 
K. o 6fni, 6 iram-oKpaTiop is from the 
O.T., where the Lxx. use it for ^IV* 
in Job and in the other books for 
niN^V. K. o ^«of o IT. occin-s in Hos. 

xii. 5 (6), and in Amos passim ; in 
2, 3 Mace, o n. often stands alone. 
O navTOKpaToip = o navTcov KpaTuv, 
■navTdsv f^ov(TLa(o)v r<.'yril. Hier. catech. 
viii. 3), the AU-Kuler rather than the 
Almighty (o TravTo8vvap.os, Sap. vii. 23, 
xi. 17, xviii. 15) ; see Suicer ad v., and 
Kat,tenbusch, Das apost. Symbol, ii. 
P- 533 f-j <5i" the editor's Ajjostle^ 
Creed^, p. 20 f. 

9 — 20. VisioK OF THE Risen and 
Glorified Christ. 

9- iy'ji Icnavvris, o a8e\(f)oi vp.u)v 
ktX.] From the ecstatic utterances of 
vt\ 7, S the writer returns to his 
address to the Churches. 'Eyw 'L 
identifies him with the John of vv. 2, 
4, and is after the manner of the 
apocalyptic pro})hets when they relate 
their visions ; cf. l)an. vii. 28, viii. 1 
e'-ycd Aai'irjX, Enoch xii. 3 tcrrcos ^prjv 
'Ei/w'x, 4 Esdr. ii. 33 "ego Esdras ac- 
cepi pi'aeceptum,"' Apoc. xxii. 8 Kaya 
'I. 6 (iKovoiv. 'O a8(\(f)ns vpa»', Avhile 
not claiming for John an official cha- 
racter, does not exclude it ; cf. 2 Pet 

iii. 1 5 i'> ayaTTTjrht rjfici^v d8f\<p6s IlinXos. 

llis purpose being to estulilish a com- 
munity of interests with the Churches, 
he is content with the title which 
Ap)stles and j)resi)yters shared with 
other Christians (cf. Acts xv. 23 01 
drrocrroXoi kox 01 irptcr^vTepoi aSeX<^ot 
Tn2i...d8(\(f)o'is...\aiptip). Kai avVKoi- 
voivos ktX. : ^coii'tdi'fli' (-play -I'or, -viKoi) 
cTvvKoii'on'f'ti' (-I'oj) are Pauline words, 
but not exclusively so : cf. i Pet. iv. 



[I. 9 

e<yev6fJir]V ev Trj vrjcray Trj KaXovfuevt] riciTiucp cia tov 

13, V. I, I Jo. i. 3, Apoc. xviii. 4 ; 
for the construction with iv cf. Mt. 
xxiii. 30. The thought of a Koivu)via 
in suffering belongs to the stock of 
primitive Christian ideas ; see i Pet. 
/. c, 2 Cor. i. 7, Phil. iii. 10, iv. 14 

(TVVKOivwvrjcravTfSfiovTji 6\ii]/(L. OXi'^fi 
...^aai\fla...v7roiJ.oi'^: for 6Xl\p-ii see 
Mc. iv. 17, note, xiii. 19, Jo. xvi. 33; 
for ^aaiKfia, Lc. xii. 32, xxii. 29, Jas. 
ii. 5, I Th. ii. 12, 2 Th. i. 5 ; vnofj-ovri 
is not less constantly connected ^^•ith 
the Christian life (Lc. viii. 15, xxi. 19, 
Rom, V. 3 1] OXiij/is vnofiovTii' Kurfpya- 
Cerai, vlii. 25 f, Apoc. ii. 2 f , 19, iii. 
10, xiii. 10, xiv. 12), and with the 
coming Kingdom (2 Tim. ii. 12 ei 
vTTOfxepofjifu Koi crvyL^a(Ti\(v(Top,(v). The 
obvious order is 6\l^is, vnopiovt], 
fdaa-iXfia ; but that which is adopted 
here has the advantage of leaving on 
the reader's mind the thought of the 
struggle which still remains before 
the kingdom is attained. The juxta- 
position oidXiipis and (BaaiXtia (Beatus: 
"retributionem tribulationis regnum"") 
is quite usual, cf. Acts xiv. 22 8ia 
TToXXtov 6Xf\l^€Q)V 8fl rjnas elcreXde'iv els 
TTjv ^acTiXeiav roil 6iov. Ev \r]<jov, 
equivalent to the Pauline iv Xpiara, 
(V Xpi<TT(a ^iTjaov : on the use of the 
personal name in the Apoc. see r. 5, 
note. The whole life of a Christian, 
whether he suffers or reigns or waits, 
is in union with the life cf the In- 
carnate Son. 

On the question whether John of 
the Apocalypse is the son of Zebedee 
see the Introduction, c. xv, 

eyeuuprju (V rfj vrjaco tjj KaX. liaTpai 
ktA.] Patmos, Patino, one of the 
Sporades, though seldom mentioned 
by ancient ■\\Titers (Thuc. iii. 33, Strab. 
X. 5, 13, Plin. H. N. iv. 23), finds a 
place in the inscriptions {CIG 2261, 
2262 etc.), and its safe harbourage 
must have made it a place of some 
importance to navigators ; see Renan, 
L'Antechrist, p. 372 f., who remarks: 
"on a tort de la representor comnie 

un ecueil, comme un desert. Patmos 
fut et redeviendra peut-etre une des 
stations maritimes les plus impor- 
tantes de lArchipel." Lying in the 
Icarian Sea between Icaria and Leros, 
about 40 miles S.W. by W. from Mile- 
tus, it was " the first or last stopping- 
place for the traveller on his way from 
Ephesus to Rome or from Rome to 
Ephesus." The island forms a crescent 
with its horns facing eastward (H. F. 
Tozer, Islands of the Aegean^ p. 179); 
the traditional scene of the Apoca- 
Ij'JJSe {to a-nrjXaiov r^s aTTOKaXv'^fws) 
and the monastery of St John are 
towards the southern horn. The 
locality has doubtless shaped to some 
extent the scenery of the Apocalypse, 
into which the mountains and the sea 
enter largely ; see Stanley, Sermons 
in the East, p. 230. John found 
himself {fyev6p.T]v, v. 10) in Patmos, 
not as a traveller or a visitor, but 
810. TOV Xoyov TOV 6eov koi ttjv fiap- 
Tvplav 'lijaov. For the phrase as a 
whole cf V. 2, note ; 1} p-apT. 'I. occurs 
again xii. 17, xix. 10 (where see note), 
XX. 4. Here "the word of God and 
the witness of Jesus" are not as in 
V. 1 the Apocalypse itself, but the 
preaching of the Gospel : for o X. r. 6, 
in this sense cf i Jo. ii. 7, i Th. ii. 13, 
2 Tim. ii. 9, and for t] p.. t. 'I., Jo. viii. 
1 3 i. The meaning may be either that 
John had gone to the island to carry 
the Gospel thither, or that he Avas 
sent to Patmos as an exile (cf. Pliny, 
I. c.) because of his preaching. The 
latter view is confirmed (a) by the 
use of bio. in vi. 9, xx. 4 ; {b) by crw- 
Koivcovbs €v TTj OXi^ei, which suggests 
that the writer has in view his o-w\\ 
sufferings eV 'It^o-oD ; (c) by an early 
and practically unanimous tradition 
of the Church : cf Tert. de 2)i'(iescr. 
36 "ajjostolus insulam 
relegatur," Clem. Al. quls dices 42 
TOV Tvpdvvov TeXevTTjiTavTos arro ttJs 
Ui'tTpov Trjs vrjtxov peTrjXOfv em ttjv 
"Ecpeaov, Orig. in Mt. t. xvi. 6 6 fie 


Xoyoi/ Tov 6eov Kai Tt]v /uafyTvplav 'U]crov. ^'^eyevofj.tjv lO 
ev TTvevfULaTL ev Tt] KvpiaKtj t]iuepay Kai riKovcra ottio'co 

9 T-qv fiapTvpiav] pr 6ttt KPQ mini*' syrr | l-qa-ov] + Xpiffrov K"^ * Q alP' me syrt 
(arm) aeth Prim lo eyfvofJLrjv] pr c/uj A | on-tcrw /j.ov <p. fxey. NCP miu'''] <f>. 

oiria-u /xou fi(ya\r} Q 2 7 8 13 14 al'"''""' <p. /j-ey. oTTiadev p.ov A 38 aeth om owkjij fj.ov 

'Pafiaicov /3acrtXtvj, wf r) napadoais 81- 
Saa-Kfi, KarfdiKaa-f tov ^Iwdvmjv fiuprv- 
poxjvra bia tov rfjs a\Tj6([as Xirynv (Is 
Harpov TTfv vfja-ov. See also Eiis. //. £J. 
iii. 18; Hieron. de virr.- ill. lo. 

10. eyfvojXTjv t'v nvtvfiaTi ktX.] Eivai 
iv TTVfvpaTi is the iioniial condition of 
Christians, in contrast with elvai iv 
aapKi (Rom. viii. 9) ; yfveadai eV ttv. 
denotes the exaltation of the prophet 
under inspiration ; see Ez. iii. 12, 14, 
xx.xvii. I, and cf. Acts .x.xii. ly eyfvf to... 
yevftrdai p( tv (k(ttu(T(i — the return to 
a non-ecstatic state being descril)ed as 
(u (avTu y. (Acts xii. 1 1 ). The phrase 
«y. (V TTv. is repeated c. iv. 2 q.e. 'Ev 
TTJ KvpuiKTj Tjpfpa : the second fV dates 
the revelation ; it was vonchsafed on 
the Lord's iHiy ; on the dative of time, 
with or without a preceding iv, see 
Blass, Gr.yi. iigf. 'H KvpuiKtj rjpipa, 
the day consecrated to the Lord ; cf. i 


(payt'iv, 'it is not (possil)le) to eat a 
Supper of the Lord.' ' The Lord's day,' 
according to the analogy of writings 
some of which are but a few decades 
later than the Apoc, is the first day 
of the week, the day of the Lord's 
llesurrcction ; cf. Didaclte 14 KnTa 
KvpiaKTjv Se Kvpiov crvva)(^dfVT(s (cXdfrnre 
apTOV, Ign. j\[agn. 9 Kara KVpiaKTjv 
(avTes (see Lightfoot's note\ Er. Petri 

9 i7Tf(f)Ci<TKfV f) KVptdKT], il». II opBpov de 

Tr/s KvpioK^s ; Melito of Sardis wrote 
irfp\ KvpinKfji (Ens. //. £. iv. 26*. Since 
all the early examples are from Asia 
Minor, it is not improbalile that the 
term arose in Asiatic circles ; but be- 
fore the end of the second centiiry it 
was used generally, cf. Dionysius of 
Corinth op. Eus. H. E. iv. 23 tt^v 
arjpfpov ovv KvpiaKT/v ayiav Tfpipav 

dirjyayopev, Clem. Al. stroin. vii. 12, 
Tert. cor. 3, oral. 23, atiim. 9 {dies 
dnminicus, or dotniiiirae resurrec- 
tioiiis, dominica solleinnin). To in- 
terpret iv Tji KvpinKTj Tjp. here as = <V 
TTJ 7rapov(Ti'a(irort) seems to introduce 
a thought foreign to the context; it 
is not Christ at His coming who is 
revealed, but Christ jn-escnt with the 
Church on earth. The exile of Pat- 
mos, shut out from tiie weekly JJreak- 
ing of the Bread in the Christian 
assembly at Ephesus, finds the Lord's 
Presence in his solitude. Bede: "con- 
gi-uum quoquo spirituali vision! tem- 
}>us indicat." 

Kai TjKovaa onlao) pov (ficovrjv ktX.] 
The Seer follows Ez. iii. 12 Ka\ dvi- 
Xa^ev pi irvfipa, Ka\ rJKOvrra KaT('micr6(v 
pov Ka\ rjKovaa cfjcovijv. Cf. Plutarch, 
Lyc. 23, cited by Wetstcin : aKovcrai 
8( cf)(x)vr}v (txTnep dvdpunov Tivos i^o- 
iricrdfv iiTiTipuiVTos aiJrco. The Voice 
comes with startling suddenness as 
from one who, ap])roaching from be- 
hind, is unobserved until he speak-s. 
"Oniadev is a correction for the less 
e.xact oTTio-a) : for oTrtVo) 'behind' cf. 
xii. 15. MtynXrji/ : cf. V. 22; wf o-oX- 
TTiyyo? looks back to the theophany 
of Sinai (Exod. xix. 16 </)a)H7 r^s 
adXiTiyyos rj ^fi piya : cf. Heb. xii. 
19 anXmyyos VX^ '^""' (P<'>vi) prjpaTav), 
but the trumpet l)l;ist had already 
acipiired Christian a.ssociations (Mt 
xxiv. 31, I Th. iv. 16). Here it is 
probably the voice of Christ's Angel 
(/'. i) rather than of Christ Himself 
whose utterance is otherwise described 
{>'. 151 ; see Benson, Ajhicdh/pse p. 95 n. 
.\(yoii(rrjs for Xiyovaav, h\ hypallagc ; 
the true anteccilent is not aaKniyyoi 
but (poyvffv p.(yiiXT]v, 



[I. lO 

11 jjiov (pu}vt]v iueya\t]i' ws aaXTriyyo's ^^Xe'yoii<rt]<i 'O 
/3A.e7reis ypa^ou el's jSi/SXiov kul Tre/uLyfyov tol^ kivTa 
eKKXr](riai^, els ' €.(pe(rop Kai ek Cjuvpvau kul els 
riepyajuov kul els OvaTeipav Kal els Capdeis Kal els 

12 0i\ahe\<piav Kal els AaoZiKLav. ^^kul e7re(rTpe\j/-a 
(^Xeireiv Tt]v (bcovtjv tjTis iXaXei /ueT e/uiov' kul 

lo ffoKiri.yya h syr^" Prim ii Xeyovcrijs] Xeyovaav H'"'^ h syr^"' Prim om 'j + fj.01. 
130 I ^XeTreis] pr ejio aX^a Kai to w TrpwTos /cat ecrxaros [Kac) P 7 pr eyw eLfii to 
a KM TO 0} irp. Kai eax"-'''"^ '^°-'- i 3^ 38 69 al | 0] a 34 35 38 72 87 syrs^^' me 
Prim I ^t/3Xtoj'] pr to X | om /cat Trefxxpov arm* | om /cat 1" ^* (bab N'=-*) | Zjxvpvav K 
yg»mm(hari) arm I eisQvaTeipav (AC)(Q) 68 11 14 34 35 87 130 latt {in Thyatiram, 
Thyatirae)] ets QvaTtcpa b^ 7 38 91 99 alP' Andr Ar ev QvareipoLi P 12 36 46 88 | cm 
xa: €is Stt/)5eis i<* (hab post Aao5. t<''*) | ^i\a5e\<p£Lai' minP' | AaoSt/cetav PQ minP' 
Andr Ar 12 /cat i°]+c/cet Q 7 91 95 aK"^*" | €TreaTpe\pa ^Xeireiv} eiricTTp. eiTL 

130 conversus respexi ut vidi (quasi eTriaTpexj/as e/3Xe^a.../cai eidov) g (me) 
Cypr Prim | ekakul \aKu A eKoK-qaev P i 7 al"" syrr 

II. o /SXeVeif ypdy\rov fls ^t/SXtoi/] 

The vision ivas not for John's per- 
sonal benefit only, but for transmission 
to the Church ; cf. Me. iv. 22, note. 
It brought with it to the Seer the 
responsibility of Adtnessing to Avhat 
he had seen {i: 2), and the ^dtness 
must be borne in a literary form (v. 1 9). 
Bi^Xiop (cf V. I if., X. 2, 8), a impyrus 
roll, as distinguished from a parch- 
ment book ; cf 2 Tim. iv. 13 to. /3t/3Xta, 
/laXitrra ras fxefxjBpdvas. The Apoca- 
lypse formed a povo^i^Xov, the length 
of which "may be estimated at 1 5 feet" 
(Kenyon, Text. Crit. p. 30) ; on the 
length to which such rolls sometimes 
ran see the same writer's Palaeo- 
graphy of Greek papyri^ p. 17 f. 

KaL ■ni\v\rov rais enTa eKKXrjcriais /crX.] 

Cf V. 4, note. The messenger would 
carry the roll to each of the Churches 
in turn, and by each it would be read 
and probably copied ; cf Col. iv. 1 6, 
Polyc. Phil. 1 3. His route is indicated 
by the order in which the Churches 
are naaned. Starting from Ephesus, he 
is to proceed northward to Smyrna and 
Pergamum, and from Pergamum in a 
south-easterly direction to Thyatira, 
Sardis, Philadelphia, and Laodicea, 
doubtless making his way back to 

Ephesus along the valley of the Mae- 
ander ; the leverse order (Ephesus, 
Laodicea, Philadelphia, Sardis, Thya- 
tira, Pergamum, and Smyrna) would 
have been less natural in view of the 
importance of Smyrna and Perganmm. 
As to the roads which connected the 
seven cities see Ramsay, History of the 
Geograjyhy of Asia Minor, p. 164 ff.; 
and his art. on Roads and Travel 
in N.T. times, in Hastings' D.B. \. 
Starting from Ephesus the Cyzicau 
road conducted the traveller to Per- 
gamum, whence another road led 
through Thyatira Sardis and Phila- 
delphia to the valley of the Lycus. 
See the Introduction, c. v., and the 
accompanying map. 

The book is sent to the several 
cities (eiV "E(f>€(Tou /crX. ; Oil the direc- 
tive sense of ety see Blass, Gr. p. 122, 
and cf Acts xxi. i), for the use of 
the Christian communities in them 
(rals eKKXrjo-iais : cf Gal. 1. 2). Oil the 
localities see the notes to ii. i, 8, 12, 
18, iii. I, 7, 14. 

12. Kai (neaTpeyj/a ^Xeneiy ttjv (fico- 

vr]v /crX.] For (7rL(TTp((f)€ip convertere 
se cf Acts XV. 36, xvi. 18, and for 
\a\elv pfTo. (= DV "l?"^, Gen. xxxi. 24, 
29) see Mc. vi. 50 (note), Jo. iv. 27, ix. 

I- 13] 



€7naTp€yjya9 eihov eTTTu Xv^via^ ^pucra^y ^^ Kai eV 13 
juLecu) Twv Xv^vLiidv bjULOiov vlov dvSpioTTou, ev^ehvfjLevov 

12 iZov X'»CQ al 13 f /i«(rw (f/iyu. AC)] fitaov \\ I \vx''n^v} pr ewra SQ mic''' 

yg.m-tfah.ri«i Ar + Twv XP»^<^<^»' 34 35 49 87 vg''"-''" arm< | o^ojov] ojxoiwixa ksiinilitudimm 
vghmri me o/uoios 130 ] wo;- ^<Q i 7 8 11 14 17 28 31 33 4I 82 87 92'" 94 100 aK"**" 
vg»">» Prim""] viu ACP 10 12 36 38 49 80 81 91 95 96 130 Cypr Ar | fv5«5u;uefos... 
irepie^uafjLd'os 130 

37, xiv. 30, Apoc. iv. i, x. 8, xvii. i, xxi. 

9, 15- "Hrtj eXa'Xft, i.e. tU t^p o XaXcor. 
On turning, Jolin's attention was at 
first arrested by seven golden lamp- 
stands (of. Mc. iv. 21, note; Arethas 
ad I. : \v\vias 8« avras (ovofiaafv ov 
Xvxfovs, cof Trji Xv;^i't'as' oiKe'iov (f)cos ovk 
()(Ov(rr]s, dXX' oxTjfxa finvov ovarii tov 

Xu;(»'ov). In the Lxx. Xyxvia answers to 
n*li3Pj the candelabrum bearing seven 
lamps (Xvxvoi, ri"l")3), which according 
to P in Exod. xxv. 36 ff. Avere placed 
in the Tabernacle outside the second 
veil (cf. Heb. ix. 2). Solomon's Temi)le 
liad five 'Kvxi'iai on the right side and 
five on the left before the oracle 
(i Kings vii. 49=35 lxx.), but in 
Zechariah's vision (iv. 2) the one Xvxfta 
reappears with its seven Xvxvoi ; see 
also I Mace. iv. 49 f., 2 Mace. i. 8, x. 3 ; 
Joseph. B. J. vii. 5. 5, and conip. the 
representation on the Arch of Titus 
(W. Knight, Arch of T., p. 109 ff.). 
Our WTiter, inoi-e suo, takes from eacli 
source the features which lend them- 
selves to his conception — the septenary 
number from Exodus and Zechariah, 
the row of separate \vxv'un from 
Kings. On the symlxil see c. 20. 

13. tai fv (Xfcroo Ta>v Xvxfi^v ofxoiov 
vlov av6f}(&rrnv] A second glance sliewed 
a human form in the middle of tlie 
row, cither behind tlie fourth Xvxvia, 
or moving freely from one to another 
(ii. 1). "Ofxoioi' vlov dvdp. is doubtless, 
both here and in xiv. 14, from Dan. 
vii. 13 L"^^. "133 LXX. Th. ds vlos dv6p.; 
the recurrence of ofxoiov viou in xiv, 14 
(where it is supportetl by A) sug- 
gests that this nso of 6)xouw (as if 
"an adv. like oior,"' Hort) is due 
to the translation employed by our 

writer, who elsewhere consistently 
uses the dative after o/xotor (see i. 1 5, 
ii. 18, iv. 3 his, etc., 20 times in all). 
Yios dv6j)u>TTov, 'a son of man," a human 
being, with allusion jierhaps to our 
Lords application of Daniel /. c. to 
Himself (Mc. xUi. 26) ; yet not to be 
taken as equivalent to 6 vlhi tov di'dput- 
TTou, which outside the Gospels appears 
only in Acts vii. 56. The glorified 
Christ is human, but transfigured : 
Victorinus : " similein dicit post mor- 
tem devictam, cum ascendisset in 
caelos.'"' Irenaeus, who (iv. 20. 11) 
quotes the passage at length, well says 
that John sees in it "sacerdotalem et 
gloriosum regni eius adventum '" ; the 
form is at once priestly and royal. 

eVSeSu/ieVoi' nodijpr) Kal TTfpif(cj(Tp.€i'ov 
ktX.] The clothing is first described 
IlodripTjs (sc. xtro)!/), poderis, 0. L. and 
Vulg., cf. Roensch, Itala u. V., p. 245, 
an. Xey. in the 2s.T., but used in the 
LXX. of Exodus for various priestly 
garments, as the breastplate (i.V'H, 
cc. x.xv. 6 (7), XXXV. 8 (9)), the ephod 
(xxviii. 27 (31)), the robe of the ephod 
(7TP, xxviii. 4, xxix. 5) ; cf Jos. antt. 

\\l. 7- 4 O 5« dpXlfpfVS KO(Tp,ttTai fX€U Koi 

TavTT],..e7rfv8vadp.fvos 8' (^ {'aKivdov 
TTfTTOirjpfi'ov ;^»rco»'a, nodrjprjs 8e eVri Kai 
ovroy pff\p KaXflrni Kara Trju rjpfTfpav 
yXcocraai'. ^dfj] TrfpitrcpiyytTai ktX. But 
perhaps the reference is rather to the 
Prophet*;, e. g. Zech. iii. 4, where 6 
7roS7;pr;f .:. niV^nc, the High Priest's 
robes of stati% or Ez. i.v. 2 f., 1 1, where 
it = D'"n3, the linen vesture of the 
man with tiie inkhoni ; of. Dan. x. 5 
Th. dfTjp (Is (p^eSvpffos /So^fif ii*. Tlie 
nobripTji is thus seen to denote dignity 
or high office, usually but not ueces- 



[I- 13 

TTO^rjpr] Kai Trepie^axTjuevov Trpo's toT^'Toi'i (^wvt]v 

14 ^pvo'dv ^'^t] de Ke(ba\r] avTOv Kai al Tpl-^es XevKai 

109 epiov XevKOVj a)9 %iwV, Kai ol ocpdaXjuoi avTOu ojs 

13 iroSripTju A II I TTpoi] ev 35 38 87 | /iacrrots CPQ mini''] fxaffdoif K 7 29 46 88 97 
100 /iafoij A 10 17 28 37 49 80* 91 96 1 xP^f^V N'^PQ 130 14 ws 1° NAQ min"*'™"] 
w<T€i CP I 28 49 79 91 96 100 130 al Andr ucrirep 46 48 pr Kai Q min^" | om \evKai 
h Prim | \evKov] + Kai 36 vg aetb Vict /cat 8 7t syr"!" Prim Kadapov arm* | om wj 
X'wf arm 

sarily the office of High Priest (cf. 
Sap. x\iii. 24, Sir. xlv. 8) ; the ancient 
commentators are perhaps too positive 
on this point, e.g. Irenaeus (iv. 20. 11) 
"aliquid vero sacerdotale, ut podere"; 
Victorinus : " in reste talari, id est 
sacerdotali" ; Arethas : cor apxiepia tw 
ava> KQTa ttjv ra^iv M«X;^t(TeSeK. Nor 

does the C<^vq -x^pva-a quite determine 
the highpriestly character of the 
costume : the High Priest's girdle was 
of linen richly embroidered (Exod. 
xxxix. 29 = xxxvi. 37 Lxx.), with a 
liberal use of gold thread (Jos. antt. 
I. C, xpv(Tov crvvv(Pa(Tfievov) ; the golden 
girdle points rather to Daniel's vision 
(x. 5 Th. T] oacpis avToi Treptf^cofr/xei'T^ 

eV xpva-iu) 'fi^tif). In I Macc. X. 89 a 
golden clasp (iropnTj) is a royal distinc- 
tion. On tlie whole, as llort says, 
"not improbably the conception is 
that of sacred repose.... So the gods 
were represented in a TroS/jpr/j." Xpv- 
aav is characterised by Blass {Gr., 
p. 24) as a gross blunder ; more pro- 
bably it is a colloquialism to which 
the writer Avas accustomed — that it is 
froin his pen its retention in N* A C 
leaves little doubt. 

IIpos To'is fj-aa-rols. High girding is 
said to have been usual when the 
iTodT]pT]s was worn : Jos. antt. Aii. 2 
ecrrt 6e tovto to evbvpa Tro8jjpr]i ;^trti)i/ 
...01^ em^covvvvrai Kara (tttjOos okiyov 
TTJs p.aaxa\^s iiiT€pava>. Of. Apoc. XV. 6, 

where beings of angelic rank are 
irepif^coapevoi rrepl ra aT7]6r] ^cipas 
Xpvaas. For Tipos with the dat. cf. 
Mc. V. II note, Jo. xx. 11, see Blass, 
Gr. p. 140. The mss. vary (see app. 
crit.) between piaar6ls, pa<r6o2s, patois ; 
cf. W. Schm., p. 59, Blass, Gr. p. 24. 

The lexicographers endeavour to dis- 
tinguish the forms (e.g. Suidas : p.a^os 
Kvpiu>s eTTi av8p6s...pacr66s Koi fxacrros 
Kvplcoi eVt yvvaiKos), but the distinction 
does not seem to have been observed. 
14. »; Se K€(f)aXfj avTov...<os X"^''J 
From the costume the Seer proceeds 
to describe the person of the Central 
Figure. He has in view the locus 
classicus Dan. vii. 9 (Th. to evbvpa 

avTOv (oi x'-^^ XfvKov, Koi tj dpig Trjs 
KfCpaXrjs avTov cocrel 'dpiov Kadapov), 
where however the white hair belongs 
to the Ancient of Days. The transfer 
of this feature to the Son of Man is 
the more striking since Enoch (xlvi. i, 
ed. Charles, p. 127) adheres strictly 
to Daniel's account. Our writer's 
Christology leads him frequently to 
assign to the glorified Christ attri- 
butes and titles which belong to the 
Father, e.g. in i. 18, ii. 8, v. 12, xxii. 13. 
Ancient expositors find in the hair 
white as snow a symbol of the eternal 
preexistence of the Son; e.g. Andreas: 
ft yap Ka\ irpoacpaTos 8c rjpai, aXKa 
Ka\ apxalos, paXXov 8e npoaicovios, and 

this view seems to be justified by 
Daniel's TPi* P'PtV. Yet the figure 
cannot be pressed ; white hair, though 
regarded as honourable (Lev. xix. 32, 
Prov. xvi. 31), yet suggests decay, 
whereas Jesus Christ is unchangeable ; 
cf. ad Diogn. 11 ovtos 6 an apxrjs, 

6 Kaivos <f>avf\s Kai TraXatof evpedeli Koi 

TTCLVTOTf V€OS...6 061. 'Cls ;^(6)I' pCrliapS 

adds the thought of His sinlessness 
(Ps. 1. (U.) 9, Isa. i. 1 8, Mt. xxviii. 3). 

Ka\ 01 6(p6a\po\ avTOV (os (f)\o^ TTvpos] 
Cf ii. 18, xix. 12. In Dan. vii. 9 it is 
tlie throne of the Ancient of Days 
which is ^Xo^ nvpot, but in x. 6 the 


(p\6^ TTvpo^y ^^Kai OL TTohe-i avTOv b/uoioi ^a\Ko\if3ccv(i) 15 

IS om Kai I" Prim | x"^'''oX'/3a^a;] x"-^'^'^ Xi/iavoj P 7 3^ 100 chalcolibano Ir'"' 
mirichalco Cypr Vict vg aur. Libano Prim aes Lilani syrr arm*^''* aeth 

man clothed in linen h:is eyes wad 
\afina8es Trupds, and the latter passage 
is perhaps in view here. The meta- 
phor is common, as Wetstein shews, 
ill Greek and Roman authors (e.g. 
Homer, 11. xiii. 474 6(})6a\fi(H 8' apa 
oi TTvpl XdfxnfTov, Verg. Aen. xii. 102 
"oculis micat acribus ignis"), and in- 
deed in descriptive \mtings of every 
age and country. The penetrating 
glance ( Apringius : " inevitabile lumen 
oculorum "), which fliished with quick 
intelligence, and when need arose with 
righteous wrath, was noticed by those 
who were with our Lord in the tlays 
of His Flesh (Mc. iii. 5, 34, v. 32, 
X. 21, 23, xi. II, notes, Lc. xxii. 61), 
and finds its coiuiterpart, as the Seer 
now learns, in the Risen and Ascended 

15. Koi 01 TToBfi aVTOV Op.OLOt )(aXKO- 

\i^av<o kt\.] Cf. Dan. X. 6 Th. r( 
(TKcXr; wy opaais x'^^'^'^^ crriXiHovTOS, 
LXX. ol ir68(s coo-el ;^aXK6f i^aa-Tpanrmv 
(77|? riL'TIJ py?) ; the expression is 
due ultimately to Ez. i. 7, where the 
same Heb. is similarly rciulered by 
the LXX. See also Ez. viii. 2 l^ov 

Ofioicofxa dvSp6s...airo ttjs oa(pvos avroii 
vnepavoi tar opacru rjXtKTpov (W? 
npOw'nn). XaXKoXijBavos (here and 
c. ii. 18 only) is a word of unusual 
difficulty. Suidas defines it as elSos 
TJXtKTpov TifitoiTtpov ;^pvcroi), adding : 
ecrri 5e to TjXeKrpov aXXurvnov xpijcriou 
fjL(p,iyfi.(vov i5fXa) Kill Xidfia (cf. Plill. 
H. N. ;^}. 4 where ijXfKrpov is a mix- 
ture of gold and silver). A somewhat 
similar sense is yielded by the Latin 
versions, which render ;^(iX(coXt^J(ii'a) l>y 
aurichdlco or orichalco (,so, with or 
without the addition of Libani, (l\\n\ 
test. ii. 26, Victorinus, Primasius, Bea- 
tus, etc. ), a word which seems to have 
meant a mixtm-e of metals similar to 
bnuis or bronze; cf. Verg. Am. xii. 87 

"auro squalentem alboque orichalco 
...loricam," on which Servius remarks: 
"apud maiores orichalcum pretiosius 
mctallis omnibus fuit." A precious 
metal, bright and flashing, would suit 
the present context well, but the 
explanation leaves the form ;y«^*o^'- 
fiavoi luiexplained. Arethas offers the 
alternatives ; «tVe tou eV rco Aijiav<o rat 
opiL neTaXXfvop.evov...(f)r](riv, e'lre Kai 
Tov ;^aXKOf £^^ Xi^avov vorjTiov ov larpatv 
iraides apptva KaXovcriu. The former 
conjecture is iuisupi)ortod, and seems 
to require Xii3avoxaXK(a ; the latter 
finds some confirmation in a fragment 
of Ausouius, cited by Salmasius exercit. 
810 o XljBavos fx^^ Tp'ia eiSy devSpoov, 
KOL 6 p.(V apprjv enovofid^fTai _^aXKoXt- 
liiavos.,i]XMfi8rjs Kai nvppos rjyovv ^avOos. 
But 'brass-coloured frankincense' is 
not a very apposite metaphor, not- 
withstanding the efi"orts of the Greek 
interpreters to educe a mystical mean- 
ing from it. The etymology i)roposed 
by Bochart (l?^, xa^i^ov, brass at a 
Avhite heat) is even less tolerable. On 
the whole, with our present know- 
ledge, it is best to follow the guidance 
of Suidas and the Latin versions and 
regard xa^^nX. as the name of a mixed 
metal of great brilliance, leaving the 
etjinology uncertain. 

Feet of brass represent strength 
and stability (contraist Dan. ii. ^^, 41): 
such a mystical interpretation as that 
of Andreas (noSfs rov j^purroO ol 
an-ooToXoi) is unnecessary anil impro- 

The reading &5f f'u Kn/xtVa> ■Ktirvpa- 
fxfvqi (sc. TTji ;^nX»coX«j3fJi'oi;), is recom- 
mended by its dilliculty. If irenvpu)- 
pLfvcxi is prefen-ed, the reference must 
still be to Y"^*^"^*/^ '''^> f^^*' Kdfxivos 
seems to be invariably fern. (cf. Mt 
xiii. 42, 50, Apoc. ix. 2) ; irfnvpoip.ivoi. 
is ]>robably a correction intended to 




W9 ev Kajuipo) TreTrvpwfJLevr]^, kui ri (bcdvt) avTOu oJs 

1 6 (pcovrj vhaTcov ttoWmv, ^ Kal ex^^ ^^ '^^ ^e^ia X^^P^ 

avTOV acrT6pa<s eTTTa, kui 6k rov CTOjuaTO^ avTOv 

15 om uis ev ...iroWojv arm'* | om wj ev k. irewvpwij.. 97 | ireTrvpu/j.evrjs AC] 
ireirvpiofievw i< 16 46 6g 88 h vg aegg syrr"'^ aeth Ir'"' Cypr Vict Prim ireirvpwfievoi 
PQ minP' Andr Ar 16 *cot ex<^v KCPQ Ar] /cat eixev K* 34 35 36 87 £r 7i vg arm 

Cypr Vict Prim {et habebat) om /cat 130 me | om e;* rrj 8. x^'P' arm'' | x^'P' avrov 
TTj de^ia Q 5. avrov x- I 3^ 100 alP*"= om X^'P' 1° 28 95 vg Prim al | aarepes A 
4 1 aeth 

bring the part, into line with ol nodes 
...ofj.0101. For nvpovadai used of a 
glowing metal see Eph. vi. 16 to. ^ekr] 

...TO. rrenvpufieva a-^eaai, with Dean 

Robinson's note. In Apoc. iii. 18, 
Xpv(Tiov neTTvpcoixevov, the Sense clearly 
is 'refined by having passed through 
the fire,' and R.V. adopts this meaning 
here ; but ' glowing ' suits the context 
better ; the metal is not only of the 
finest and brightest, but it is aglow as 
if still in the crucible. 

Koi 7) cfxovTj avTov COS (p. vbaTcov 

noWav] Cf. Ez. xliii. 2, where the 
voice of the God of Israel is D.''D 7ip3 
D''3^. In Dan. x. 6, from which many 
of the details of this description are 
taken, the voice of the Angel is ?ip3 
pDn, like the confused roar of a great 
multitude ; but at Patmos it is the 
roar of the Aegean which is in the 
ear of the Seer. It is instructive to 
contrast 3 Regn. xix. 12 cpcxjvrj avpas 
XeTTTrjs : the Divine Voice can be of 
the gentlest or the most appalling as 
occasion requires. Ii'enaeus (iv. 14. 
2) finds a mystical sense in vBaraiv 
TToXkaiv: "vere enim aquae multae 

16. Koi ex<^v ev rfj 8e^ia X^'P' avrov 
da-repas eVra] To the Semitic mind 
the stars of heaven were in the Hand 
of God (cf. Job xxxviii. 31 f., Isa. xl. 
12), and would fall (Mc. xiii. 25, Apoc. 
vi. 13) if the support were Avithdrawu. 
No particular constellation or group 
of planets can be intended by the 
anarthrous eVra da-repas ; the nmnber 

is determined by the requirements of 
the symbolism {v. 20). 

Koi eK Tov aroparos avrov popfpaia 
biaropos] The elements of this bold 
conception are as usual from the 

O.T. ; see Isa. xi. 4 nard^ei yr]v Tea 
\oy(o rov aroparos avrov., xlix. 2 edrfnev 
TO crropa pov ms pd-^^aipav o^eiav : 
cf. Eph. vi. 17 rrjv pd\aipav rov irvev- 
paros o ecrriv pvpa deoii, Heb. iv. 12 o 
Xoyof rov 6fov...Topcorepos vnep Tracrav 

pdxaipav blcTTopov. The image is 
repeated in Apoc. xix. 15 in the de- 
scription of the armed and militant 
'Word of God.' There is a fine 
parallel in Sap. xviii. 15 6 iravrodv- 

vapos (TOV \6yos air ovpavcoi/...dTr6Topos 
TroXepiarTjs...7]Xaro...^i(Pos o^v rfjv 
dvvTTCKpirov eiTirayrjv crov (Pepcov. For 
pop(f)aia diaropos see Ps. cxlix. 6, Sir. 
xxi. 3. 'Pop(f)aia, used in N.T. in the 
Apoc. only, except Lc. ii. 35, occurs 
frequently throughout the lxx. from 
Gen. iii. 24 onwards as a synonym of 
pdxaipa, both words being used to 
translate ^DH ; in strictness, it was a 
large blade of Thracian origin (for a 
full account see Hastings, D.B. iv. 
p. 634). Aiaropos answers to the Heb. 
nrs ''2^ or ni*?''?, but it is used in 
connexion with the sword even by 
the Greek poets (e.g. Eur. Hel. 983 
bi(TTopov ^i4>os). The sword is re- 
garded as proceeding, like the spoken 
word, from the mouth ; " this last 
image is not so strange as appears 
at first sight, for the short Roman 
sword was tongue-like in shape" 
(Hastings, I. c). With eKnopevopevr] 

I. i8] 



pojucpaia hicTTo/uo'^ o^eia eKTropevojuev)], kui t'j 6\}^i^ 
avTOu ojs 6 ?/\f09 (paiuei ev rrj ^uva/u€L avTOv. 
^"^ Kai OTe ei^ov avTOv, evTeora 7rp6^ toi)s Tro'^a? avTOv 17 
*t)9 veKpo<i' Kal kurjKev Ttji/ he^iai/ avTOv iir i/ue Xeywv 
Mr) (pofBou' eyco eiimi 6 TrptoTO^ Kal 6 ecr^uTO'i ^^Kal 18 

16 om offia 46 48 arm } o vyXtos] om o 37 46 47 69 88 97 100 | (paivei pon ante ws 
N h Cypr Prim | om ev r-q Swafxei avrov arm 17 iSoi> CQ 7 | f-rrtaov min'"""* Ar | 

irpoi] ets N 13 ewi 72 syr^" ] ws] oxrei {<(')<=■» om 130 | tdT)Kiv'\ ew(6T)K(v K i 28 49 79 
93"K al"™" I TTjv de^iav avTov] + xei-p<'- I 28 91 92 96 al"""" syrr Andr tt;*- x^'P* oirrov 
130 I om fiTj tpo^ov X' (hab N"^") | Trpoiros] irpwroroKos A 18 om xat 1° ^{* (hab 

K"^-») I om /cot ^u}v...TUJv aiwvwv arm 

cf, Eph. iv. 29, Apoc. ix. 17 f., 

xi. 5. ^ ^ 

Ka\ J] oyj/'is avTov (cs 6 rjXios ktX.] 
Cf. Jud. V. 31 oi dyancivTfs avrov cur 
f^oSos (avaroXj], A) ^\iov eV 8vvafj.(L 
avTov, Mt. xiii. 43 °' Bikoioi fWa/x- 
■\lrovcnv cos o 17X10?, Apoc. X. I to 
•npo<TU>iTOV avTOv as 6 rjXioi. Slav. 
Enoch i. 5, ed. Charles, p. 2, "their 
foces shone like the sun." If the John of 
the Apocalyiise is the son of Zebedee, 
he could scarcely have failed to think 
of the Transfiguration which antici- 
pated the glory of the ascended Christ, 

when fXafx^jrev TO Trpu(Ta>noi> avrov (os 
6 rjXtos (Mt. xvii. 2). Andreas refers 
to Mai. iv. 2 : rjXios yap (<Tri 8iKaio- 
(TvvTjs. "Oil/is^npoa-coTTop, though fiiirly 
common in the lxx., occurs in the 
X.T. only here and in Jo. xi. 44 (cf. 
vii. 24). 'J2f (f)aLVfi, a coiistructio 
praegnans : "as the sun shines [when 
he shines] in his might.' 

17. Ktu ore fiBov avrov, (ntcra AcrX.] 

Cf. Isa. vi. 5, Ez. i. 28, Dan. viii. 17, 
X. 9, II, Enoch xiv. 14, 24, Lc. v. 8. 
Beatus : " fragilitatis suae et huniili- 
tatis et suhiectionis pavore perter- 
ritus corruit. " As a whole the pas.sage 
is moukled on Dan. x. 8 f L.xx. Iboii 
iTVfVfia (TvaTTpcK^rj tn «(U* ''S' (f)6opdv, 
Ka\ ov KarL(r\vaa...eya) rffirju TTfTTrwKCiiS 
tnl TTpocroijTov nov firi rrjv yrjv. Ka\ Idov 
;^«tpa irpoar'jyayf p.01 (Th. X(\p dirroyifvq 
P-ov), Ka\ fjydpfv pf. That the right 
hand holds seven stars does not hiiuler 

it from being laid on the Seer, for the 
whole representation is symbol and 
not art. The Hand which sustains 
Nature and the Churches at the same 
time quickens and raises individual 
lives. With edrjKtv rfjv df^iap avroii 
kt\., cf. Mt. xvii. 7 TTpoa^Xdei/ 6 
Irjaoiis Ka\ dyj/ap(vos avTwv (intu 'Ey/p- 
6riT€ /cat p.f) (f)o^e'ia6e — another point 
of contact between this vision and 
the history of the Transfiguration. 
Irenaeus (iv. 20. 11) reminds us that 
the awful Form which John saw was 
that of Him on whose bi-cast he had 
lain at the Last Supper. 

pi] (^o^ov- f'yco' dpi /crX.] The words 
recall another scene in the Gospels 
(Mc. vi. 50) ; both /X17 (f)ol3ov and eyco 
dpi were familiar sounds to the ear 
of an Apostle. On the other hand 
6 TrpwTof Kal 6 fcrxaros go back tO Isa. 
xliv. 6 (innN *?.^1 pL'-N"! '^v;), xlviiL 12, 
a title of the God of Israel ascribed, 
according to the ^vritel•'s habitual 
practice, to the exalted Clnist (cf 
VD. 5 f., 8 notes and the Introduction, 
p. clxi.). It is given to II im again in 
c. xxii. with enlargements which leave 
no doubt as to its significiincc (xxiL 
13 t'yci) flpi TO aX(f)a Kai ro cJ, 6 Ttp. Koi 
6 (., ri dpxt] Kal TO rtXos ; see note ad A). 
The reading of A (npajruroKoi) here 
and in ii. 8 is probably a mere re- 
miniscence of i. 5. 

18. Kal 6 ^£01', Kal fy€V('>pT]v vfKpoi 

/ctX.] 'O fcui/ is another Divine title 



[I. i8 

6 ^(Jt^Vy Kac eye.vofjir\v veKpo<s kui Ihov tcoj/ el/uL el<^ 
TOV£ aiwva^ tcov aicovcov, kul '^X^ '^^'^ KXeh tov 

i8 om TWf aiuii'wy vg aeth Ii'"' Cypr tov aiii^vos me ] aiwvwv'l + a/j.Tjv H.'^Q minr' 
syrrAndrAr | ext^] o ext^" avm* | /cXets t<ACP mini'i Andr Ar'^'] ArXetSa? Q minP'i^" | tov 
aSov Kai TOV davarov I 28 36 99 al tov davaTov Kac tov adov ras kXeis 91 

based on the O.T., cf. debs C^v CD Sx) 
in Jos. iii. 10, Ps. xli. (xlii.) 3, Ixxxiii. 
(Ixxxiv.) 3, Hos. i. 10 (ii. i), and the 
fomiulae (fj Kvpios, C^ iya> {^)'^\ ''D, 
"'?Nt '•H) in Deut. xxxii. 40, Isa. xlix. 
18, Jer. V. 2, Dan. xii. 7. In the N.T. 
6eoi (u>v or o 6ebs 6 ^. is used freely 
(Mt. xvi. 16, xxvi. 63, Acts xiv. 15, 
Rom. ix. 26, 2 Cor. iii. 3, vi. 16, i Th. 
i. 9, I Tim. iii. 15, iv. 10, Heb. iii. 12, 
ix. 14, X. 31, I Pet. i. 23). A fuller 
phrase is o ^av ft? rov alava (Sir. 
xviii. l) or els tovs al<ovas rwv alavcov 
(Apoc. iv. 9 f , X. 6, XV. 7). On 6 ^av 
as applied to Christ we have a 
comment in words ascribed to Christ 
Himself, Jo. v. 26 : acnrep yap 6 irarrjp 
exei C^Tjv fv eavra^ ovras Koi Ta> vlS 
eSaiKfv ^wfji' i'xeiv iv iavra. According" 
to the Johannine Clu-istology, the Son 
is o ^cop by the communication of the 
Father's Life ; He is 6 ^c5r ck tov 


As a title of the God of Israel and 
of the Church 6 (wp places Him in 
sharp contrast ^vith the dead or in- 
animate gods of heathenism. Here, 
in its reference to Christ, it draws 
another contrast scarcely less pointed : 

iyio €lp.i...o C^P, Koi iyfpoprjp PfKpos. 
The antithesis is twofold ; eyepoprjv is 
opposed to elp.1 as in Jo. i. i, 14, viii. 
58, and peKpos to (cov (Orig. in Joan 71, 
t. i. 31 (34)), cf. Phil. ii. 5 fV popcf)^ 

6eov VTrapxcop,,.yep6fxevoi vnriKoos p-typi, 
^ai/drou, where howeverthe shock of the 
contrast is broken by the intervening 
clause (TX^'ip-aTi (vpede\s (OS ap^pcoTTOs. 
NeJcpof takes up cos p(Kpos of ^^ 17; 
the Lord Who says M^ cf)ol3ov, had 
experience, not of the semblance of 
death, but of its reality. Kal l?>ov (cov 
et/ii (Burton, § 409) ; not here 6 ^cop, 
for it is the restored human life 

which is now in view, not the essential 
life of Godhead ; nor again (aip eye- 
voprjp or eCw^ (Rom. xiv. 9), for atten- 
tion is directed to the life which the 
Lord still lives, and not to the historical 
fact of His resurrection. The lisen 
life of Jesus Christ is henceforth 
concurrent with His Divine life, els 

TOVS al(ovas tS)V aicopcop ', cf. Rom. VI. 9 
eyep6els €k vfKpav ovKeri dnoOvrfcrKei. 
Kcii e'xco Tas KXf^s tov daparov Ka\ tov 

ahov] Death and Hades are joined 
again in vi. 8, xx. 1 3 f ; the conception 
fluctuates between two localities (xx. 
13), and two personalities (vi. 8) ; here 
it is difficult to detei-miue which \iew 
is uppermost. Other instances of 
quasi-personification of Death and 

Hades (''i^^) are Ps. xlviii. (xlix.) 15, 
Hos. xiii. 14 (cited i Cor. xv. 54 f.). 
The 'gates of Death' appear in Ps, ix. 
14, cvi. (cvii.) 18, and the 'gates of 
Hades' in Isa. xxxviii. 10, Sap. xvi. 13, 
Mt. xvi. 1 8 ; see also Job xxxviii. 1 7 
TTvXcopoi 5e aSou IbovTes ere eiTTrj^av, a 
passage connected by Christian inter- 
preters with tlie descensus ad inferos. 
To "have the keys of Death and of 
Hades" is to possess authority over 
their domain ; cf. Mt. xvi. 19, Apoc. 
iii. 7, ix. I, XX. I (notes). According 
to Rabbinical teaching, this is the 
sole prerogative of God; see Targ. 
Jon. on Deut. xxviiL 12" quatuor sunt 
claves in manu Domini, clavis vitae et 
sepulchrorum et ciborum et pluviae " ; 
Sanhedrin f. 113. i "Elias petiit ut 
daretur sibi clavis pluviae, petiit ut 
daretur sibi clavis resurrectionis mor- 
tuorum ; dixerunt ipsi : ' tres claves 
in manum legati non dantur, clavis 
partus, pluviarum, et resurrectionis 
mortuonnu.'" The claim to possess 
potentially the keys of death is made 

I. 20] 



SavaTOV KUL tou aoov. 



ypayyov ovv a eioe^ kul 19 


a eiCTLv Kal a /ueWeL y'lvea-Oai /uetu tuutu. ^°to 20 
HJLVcTTtjpiou Tu>v eiTTu (IcTTepcov ov^ elde^ etti tZ/v de^id*,- 
yuoiy, Kai xas trrTct \v)(^VLa'i tu^ ^pv(ra^' 01 eTTTa 

19 om ovv I 38 97 al"""" Ar | ei5ef SCP min'''] i6(s AQ 7 | om *.at a eiaiy Kai me | 
^eXXfO Set MfX>."(v) K*(C) | ytvfaeai K'»A i 17 38 al»-' Ar] 7€Vf cr^at K'CPQ min"""" 
20 ous] o.^ Q 6 7 14 38 91 alP' Andr Ar | tSej Q 7 36 | firi rrji Sfftaj SCPQ eyrr Andr 
Ar min"™"^'''] ep ttj de^ta A vg arm Prim {in dextera) \ om rat xp- 97 syr*"' 

by Christ Himself in Jo. v. 28 ; the 
Apoc. connects tlio actual possession 
of the keys A\ith His victory over 
death ; they are from that moment 
in His keeping (ex")- For k\('is = 
KX(i8as see Blass, Gr, p. 26 ; kX('iv is 
beyond dispiite in iii. 7, xx. i. In 
the Gospels, on the other hand, K\t'i8a, 
Kkflbas are well supported (j\It. xvi. 
19, Lc. xi. 52), though there also 
cod. D gives the shorter form. 

19. ■yp((\|/'o»' ovv a fiSer ktX.J Ovv 
resumes (Blass, Gr. p. 273) the direc- 
tion given in v. 11, enforcing it ^vith 
the authority of One "Who has declared 
Himself conqueror of Death : cf. Mt. 
XXViii. 18 idoSr) fioi vaaa f^nvaia... 
TTopfvOevTts ovv AcrX. 'A (i8fs, i.e. tllO 

vision of the Glorified Christ. Besides 
this the book contains a revelation of 
the present state of the Church and 
the world (a da-iv), and a revelation 
of the future (a ^/XXft ylvta-Oai (jiera 
Taiira). The former is chiefly to be 
found in cc. ii., iii. ; the latter begins at 
C. iv. I td^u) croi a Sft yeveaOai fiera 
Taiira. liut the division is i-ough and 
superficial ; for cc. ii., iii. look forward 
to the futtire, while cc. iv. — xxii. are 
by no means limited to it On dcrlv, 
/if'XXft see AVM. p. 645 f; things 
present are seen distinctly and sejiar- 
ately, while things future are l)londed 
in a more or less confused whole. 
For /xAXfi followed by a pres. inf seo 
Blass, Gr. pp. 197, 202. 

20. TO nvaTTjpiov ruiv (tttci acrrtpaji' 
ktX.] On fivcmjpwv in Biblical Greek 
see the note to Mc. iv. 11. Here to 
p.v(TT. is the inner meaning of a sym- 

bolical vision, as in Dan. ii. 47 ; cf. 

Apoc. Xvii. 7 f'yw «ptu o-oi to fivarqpiov 
rfjs yvvaiKos. The grammar presents 
some difficulty. To nv<TTt]piov...Tai 
\vxvias are not governed by ypayj/ov 
or in apposition to a... y/rf o-^ai (WM. 
p. 290), for the secret about to be 
revealed relates only to certain i)ointa 
of interpretation. A new sentence 
begins with v. 20, yet the vei-se opens 
with two accusatives ^\nthout a verb. 
There are partial pamllels in Rom. 
viii. 3 TO yap ddwarov tov v6fjLov...6 
6(6s ktX. (see SH. ad I.), and 2 Cor. 

vi. 13 Tr]v de avrfju avrinicrdiav... 
irXaTvvdrjre, where the ace. anticipates 
the contents of the sentence which it 
opens. In the present instance the 
construction is further complicated by 
a second accusative; for ras t. Xvxvias 
we expect Twr e. Xvxviu>v. Translate : 
'As for the secret of the seven stiirs... 
and as for [the secret of] the seven 
lampstands.' 'Etti rrjs df^ias interprets 
f'v Tji 8(^ia x^'p' (p- 16); the stars 
rested on the open p;dm ; cf. v. i «Vt 
rqv 8f^iav,..^i^Xiov. 

01 eTTTa dartpts ayytXoi rciv i. (kkXtj- 
a-ioiv da-iv] The Tisago of the N.T. 
pennits us to ti-anslate ayyeXoi as 
'messengers'; cf. Mt xi. 10, Lc. vii. 
24, ix. 52, Jac. ii. 25. The seven stai-s, 
therefore, might rei>rescnt certiin 
delegates from the Asiatic Churches 
(cf. 2 Cor. viii. 23 ottoctoXoi <'»c»cXr;cridJi/), 
presumably delegates sent to Patmos 
who were returning with the book of 
the Apocalypse. Or Me might accept 
the interpretation of Primasius (fol- 
lowed by Bede; : "angeli ecclesiarum 



[I. 20 

dcTTepe^ a<y<ye\oi twv eTrra eKKXtjcrKJoi/ eicriv, Kai at 
Xv^VLai al ETTTa ETTTa eKKK^anaL eicriv. 

10 ayy€\oL\ pr eTrra me | om eicnv 1° X* (hab N"^) | /cat ai Xvxftat a' eirra] /cai (at) 
eirra "S. S(*K» 38 91 130 al?' om at eTrra arm^ ?i Prim + as et5es P i i^.'"^ 79 91 92"^ 
93 al'""'''* me syr^" 

hie intellegendi sunt rectores populi," 
i.e. either the Bishops, or if the 
monarchical episcopate had not yet 
estabUshed itself in Asia, the presby- 
teral colleges, in the several cities. 
In support of the view that the rulers 
of the Churches are intended it has 
been usual to quote Mai. ii. 7 ayyeXos 

Kvpiov ('^)'^\ 'ij^?'?) UaPTOKpOTOpOS 

ia-Tiv [o tepeur], or to refer to the title 
"l-12y nvlp borne by the messenger of 
the Synagogue ; this person however 
was in no sense a Church-ruler, and 
offers no true analogy (see Schiirer^, 
ii. p. 442, and cf. Lightfoot, Philip- 
pians, p. 199 note). And tempting as 
it is to discover in these ayyeXoi 
an allusion to the rising order of 
the Episcopate, the invariable practice 
of our Avriter forbids such an inter- 
pretation. The Apocalj'pse uses 
ayyeXos some sixty times, excluding 
those in which it is folloAved by Tfjs 
fKKkrja-Las Or Tcop (KKKr}cna>v, and always 
in the technical sense of a super- 
human being employed in the service 
of God or of Satan. There is therefore 
a strong presumjition that the ayyeXou 
T(cv ficic\T]cna)v are 'angels' in the 
sense which the word bears elsewhere 
throughout the book. In Dan. x. 13, 
xii. I a TTpoa-Taaia over particular 
nations is ascribed to certain angelic 
beings, and a like relation to indi- 
viduals is implied in Mt. xviii. 10 ot 

ayyeXot avrcov (sc. rav p.iKpa>v tovtohv), 
Acts XU. 15 o ayyeXos icrriv avTov. 
That, John should have extended this 
conception to Churches (Andreas: 
TOVTa>v be fKcurTT] ayyeXos (fivXa^ €(f)(- 
(TrqKf) is not surprising, especially in 
view of the highly developed angelo- 
logy of the book ; cf. Ascension of 

Isaiah iii. 15, "the descent of the 
angel of the Christian Church, which 
is in the heavens." The objection that 
the angel is in that case unduly 
credited with the praise or blame 
which belongs to his Church had 
occurred to Origen, who however was 
not deterred by it ; ham. in Num. 
XX. 3 "admiratione permoveor quod 
in tantum Deo cura de nobis sit ut 
etiam angelos sues culjjari pro nobis 
et confutari patiatur." As a iraiba- 
ycoyo? is blamed if his pupils go 
^vi-ong, so, he adds (§ 4), "venient 
enim angeli ad iudicium nobiscum... 
ne forte minus erga nos operis et 
laboris expenderint quo nos a pecca- 
torura labe revocarint." But in this 
symbolical book the angel of a Church 
may be simply an expression for its 
prevailing spirit, and thus be identi- 
fied with the Church itself (Beatus : 
" ecclesias et angelos earum intellegas 
unimi esse "). An interesting parallel to 
this idea is presented by ii\\Q fravashis 
of Zoroastrianism : cf. Hastings, D.B. 
iv. p. 991, J. Th. St. iii. p. 521. 

at Xvxvini- al eiTTa i. enKXrjcrLai dcriv] 

If the angels of the Churches are 
represented by stai's, the Churches 
themselves are lampstands, both 
giving light in their own measure and 
degree ; cf. Lightfoot, Philij^pians 
I.e. : " [the] contrast between the 
heavenly and the earthly fires. . .cannot 
be devoid of meaning. The star is 
the suprasensual counterpart, the 
heavenly representative ; the lamp, 
the earthly i-ealisation, the outward 
embodiment." For the use of stars as 
symbols of angelic beings see Enoch 
Ixxxvi. I fl!"., and cf. Ramsay, Letters 
to the Sepen Churches, p. 62 fl". On 
eVra (2°) cf. WH.- Notes, p. 156. 

11. 1] 



^ Tu) dyyeXu) tw ei/ E.cbeo'u) eKK\r]cria^ ypaylyoi/ 1 II. 

II I Tw 2° AC (36) 130 syr"*] ttjj XPQ min"" : cf. Hort, Apoc. p. 38 Biiq. | tv 
E0f<rw] E0f(roi' 16 Byr*-'* Prim Ylcfxaiiov 1 -2S arm Or'"' 

II. I — 7. Thk Messaok to the 
Angel of the Church in Ephesus. 

I. TO) dyy(\(o...yi)d\l/^ov] A foniuila 
repeated at the head of each address. 
The Mss. fluctuate between rat (kkX. 
and TTji (kkX. ; the former has the 
best sujtport in ii. i, and is found in 
ii. 8, 18, iii. i, 7, but is without MS. 
authority in ii. 12, iii. 14. WII., who 
(Notes, IX 136 f) believe tm to be the 
original reading in all the seven 
occun'ences of the i)hrase, compare 
the title of the high priests of the 

Augustan cult (dpy^iepels TJjs 'Acrtas 
vaov Tov iv ['E0«'o-co]\ where vaov is 
anarthrous as iKKkr^a-ias in the fonn 

TW 07^. TW iv...fKKk. Kt\. 

TU (V 'E(f}e(rco (KKXrja-ias] In primitive 
Christian letters to Churches this is 
the usual mode of locating a Church, 

e.g. I Cor. i. 2 ttj fKKXrjcria tov 6fov 
Tj) ovaj] (V Koplvdw, Phil. i. I Tois 
dyiois...Tols ovcriv iv <J>»X(V7rotf, Ign. 

Eph. Cld tllit. TJI €'KK\T](Tta.,.Tfj OV(TT) (V 

'E(f>((r(o : less frequent forms are to be 
found in Gal. i. 2 rais fKKXrjalais rfjs 
TaXciTiai, I (2) Thess. i. I t^ f'KK\7]<Tia 
Twv Qt(T(Ta\oviKf(i>v, Clem. R. Cor. ad 

lint. TTJ (KKKruTia Toil 6(o\i ttj irapoiKOvcTTj 
Kopivdov. The Christian communities 
had as yet no territorial settlements; 
there Wiis a 'Church in Ephesus,' but 
no ecclesia Epheshia in the stricter 

Ephesus stands first among the 
cities to which addresses are sent. 
Thither the messenger from Patmos 
would sail by an easy course of 60 miles. 
Moreover on many grounds this city 
took first rank. In a series of in- 
scriptions found at Ayasaluk, near the 
site of Ephesus, it receives the jiroud 

title r; npcoTrj Ka\ ptyirrTr] pT}Tpi'no\is 
TTjs 'A(Tiaf (Ilicks, Itmcripti'ms III. 
ii., dxli., dxlvii., dli., dlv., dlxiii.\ A 
libera urbs, with its own ^"I'X'?? 
yepoxxria, and jackXtjo-io, and the liead 

of a co7iventtis — an a.ssize town, — 
Ephesus was also a seat of proconsular 
government (Acts xix. 38). Its com- 
mercial prosperity kept pace with its 
political importance ; cf Strabo c. 641 
('pnopiov ovaa p-tyicrTrj tov Kara ttju 
\\(Tiai/ TTjv (vTos Toi) Tavpov. The great 
road which brought the trade of the 
East from the Eujihrates to the 
Aegean reached the sea at Ephesus ; 
and though the port of Ephesus 
suffered from the silting up of the 
mouth of the Cayster, this process had 
been an-ested for a time by works 
undertaken in a.d. 65. Ei)hesus was 
not less conspicuous as a centre of 
religious life. It was proud to be 
known as Warden (vecoxopoj) of the 
Temple of Artemis, a shrine of world- 
wide reputation (Acts xix. 27, 35). 
Further it was the headquartei-s of 
the magical arts which at this time 
were widely practised in Asia Minor 
(cf Acts xix. 19); the 'E^eVta ypdft- 
paTa were famous everywhere. The 
city was a hotbed of cults and super- 
stitions, a meeting-place of East and 
West, where Greeks Romans and 
Asiatics jostled one another in the 
streets. See further the Introduction 
to this commentary, p. lix. AT. 

The founder of the Ephesian Church 
was the Apostle Paul. As early as 
A-D. 50 (? 51, ? 52) he made an in- 
eflFectual effort to reach the province 
of Asia (Acts xvi. 6), and his fii-st 
visit to Ephesus (xviii. 19 ff.) was too 
brief to bear permanent fruit But he 
realized the importance of the plivce 
as a field of Christian work, and in 
53 (? 54, ? 55) returned to spend over 
two years there (xix. S, 10). Though 
he does not seem to have visited any 
other city in Asiiv, liis Ephesian resi- 
dence was the occjision of a general 
evangelization of the ]tn»vince {I. c. 
wore Tran-af rois KaToiKoviTas ttju 



[11. I 

Tahe Xeyei 6 KpaTwv tov^ eiTTa ctiTTepa's ev Ttj ^e^id 

avTOUy 6 TrepiTraTwi/ ev jU6<Ttp tcov eivTa Xvyvnidv twv 

2 ^pvcrewi/. ^ol^a tu epya crov kul tov kottov Kcti ttji/ 

I Se^ia avTov] + xei-pi- fc<* (35 87) | ev jxeffw (e/xfi. AC)] ewi. I | om evra 38 66 97 
syr«" arm | xpvo-ewv AC] xp^^o^v ^<PQ min°"°''i'i 2 tov /cottov] + croi; i<Q minP' 

me syr»'' arm'* aeth Andr Ar 

Acriav oKovcrai tov \oyov tov Kvpiov). 
St Paul's work at Ephesus was carried 
on by Timothy (i Tim. i. 3) and, after 
the Apostle's death and the with- 
drawal of Timothy, by St John, if we 
may believe the traditions of the 
second century ; see Iren. iii. i. i, 
3. 4 ; Polycrates ap. Eus. H.E. iii. 31, 
V. 24, and cf. the Introduction, c. vi. 

ypa>lrov TaSe Xe'yet] Another part 
of the introductory formula. It is 
followed in each case by a description 
of the Speaker, in which He is charac- 
terised by one or more of the features 
in the vision of ch. i. (ii. i, 12, 18, iii. 
I, 7), or by one or more of His titles 
(ii. 8, iii. 7, 14); the featiu-es or titles 
selected apj^ear to correspond with the 
circumstances of the church which 
is addressed. With Tube Xe'-yet ("per- 
haps from Am. i. 6" (Hort)) cf. A/yet 
^\r](xovi, with which each of the Oxy- 
rhynchus Sayings begins. The seven 
so-called letters are not 'epistles of 
Christ,' but rather utterances, pro- 
nouncements, judgements passed upon 
the churches as they pass in succession 
under the eye of the supreme 'Etti- 
(TKOTfoi. See p. 65 f, infra. 

o KpaTav...o TTfpnraTMv ktX. recalls 
i. 13, 16 ev fxeaco rcSf Xvxi'i<iov...€X(i>v ev 
TTj 8e§ia X^'-P'- a^TOv acTTepai enTa but 
in a stronger form ; i'xcov has become 
KpaTcov, and e'v fiea-o) is qualified by 
TrtpnraTwv. Kparelv, the Opposite to 
acjiuvai, is to hold in one's grip 
(e.g. Mt. xxvi. 4, Acts ii. 24), 
whether for the purpose of retaining 
(Jo. XX. 23) or of restraining (Apoc. 
vii. i); here the fonner meaning is 
evidently in view, as in ii. 13 ff., 25, 
iii. 1 1 ; the ace. follows, because the 
Church as a whole is thus firmly 

grasped, and not only a part of it (cf. 
Blass, Gr. p. loi). As the Enemy 

TreptTrarei Cr)Tcov KaTa-rvielv (l Pet. V. 8, 

cf. Job i. 7), so the Lord patrols the 
ground, is ever on the spot when 
He is needed ; His Presence is not 
localized, but coextensive with the 
Church (Mt. xviii. 20, xxviiL 20, 2 Cor. 
vi. 16 fi".) ; cf. Arethas : iv /xeo-w 6 
evoKelv avrols Ka\ epLTrepiTraTflv eiray- 
yeiXapevos Kvpios. The two images 
are complementary, representing the 
security which comes from strength 
and vigilance. 

To the Church in Ephesus, the 
mother of the Churches of Asia, the 
Lord wiites under titles which express 
His relation to the Churches gener- 
ally. As Ephesus represented the 
Province (cf. 'Aaia -fj "Ecfxaos, cited 
by Ramsay, Letters, p. 238), so the 
Ephesian Cliurch stands here for the 
seven. Yet the message shews the 
special need which the Ephesian 
Church had both of a firm grasp and 
a watchful safeguarding. 

2. oiSa Ta fpya (rov^ Oi8a is a note 
often struck in these letters (cf. ii. 9, 
13, 19, iii. I, 8, 15). The Apostles 
were deeply impressed by the Mastei-'s 
knowledge of men ; see Jo. ii. 25, xxi. 
1 5 If., Acts i. 24. The Apocalypse does 
not use yivcoa-KO) of Christ ; oi8a em- 
phasizes better the absolute clearness 
of mental vision which photograj^hs 
all the facts of life as they pass. The 
distinction is Avell seen in Jo. xxi. 17 
Kvpie, TravTa av oldas' ai/ yivcoaKeis 
oTi cj)iXco o-e, where the universal 
knowledge passes into the field of 
special observation. Olda to. e. <jov 
is in itself neither praise nor blame, 
for ' works ' may be eitlier good {koKo, 

n. 2] 



v7rofXOvt]V aov, kul otl ov hvvr] (^acTctcraL kukou^, kui 
eireipacra'i tovs XeyovTa^ eavrov^ aTrocTToXov^, kul 

2 i/TTO/u. ffou] om cov arm^ Prim | Kai. ori\ om koll A me | ^aara^at P i 38 Si 
airoaro\ovs'\ + eifat K'-'Q min'""'"' vg syr* syrK" Vict Prim Andr Ar 

dyada, Mt. V. 1 6, Jo. X. 32, Acts ix. 

36, Eph. ii. 10) or bad {novrjpa, OKapna^ 
rov 8ut^6\nv, rrjt crapKos, Jo. ill. 1 9, 

viii. 41, Gal. v. 19, Eph. v. 11); blame 
is conveyed by it in iii. i, 15, but 
praise in iii. 8 ; here and in ii. 19, 
Avhile praise predominates, it is not 
unmixed. The spirit, the jj^oj of each 
Church, represented as its 'angel,' is 
judged by its results, according to 
Christ's invariable rule (Mt. vii. 16 f., 
Apoc. ii. 23, xxii. 12). 


The single pronoun after uttoju. links 
Konos and vnopcvr] together, as in- 
dicating the character of the epya ; 
they M'cre signalized by two notes of 
excellence, self-denying labour and 
perseverance. Compare (with Light- 
foot's note) I Th. i. 3 pLvrifiovevovTe^ 
vp.a>v TOV fpyov r^f iri(TTfa>s Koi rov 
KOTTOV rfji ayanrjs kol ttJs vnofiovfjs rfjs 
{\ni8os, where however epyoi/, kottos, 
and vTTopLQVT) are strictly coordinated. 
KoTTOf, often found with. fioxBoi (2 Cor. 
xi. 27, I Th. ii. 9, 2 Th. iii. 8), is with 
its cognate Komav almost a technical 
word for Christian work; cf Kom. xvi. 
6, 12, I Cor. iii. 8, xv. 10, 58, xvi. 16, 
2 Cor. vi. 5, xi. 23; Gal. iv. 11, Phil, 
ii. 16, Col. i. 29, I Th. v. 12, i Tim. v. 
17, Apoc. xiv. 13. On vTro/xovq sec i. 
9, note, and cf. Lc. viii. 15 Kapno- 
(popovtriv iv vnopovT). 

Kai oTi ov hvvrj ^aaracraL Aca/coi'r] 
Another good thing which has not 
escaped the eye of Christ. The 
vTTotxovr] of the Ephesians did not 
imply indifference to sin ; they could 
not bear the company of !>ad men ; 
cf. Ps. cxxxix. 21 f, Rom. xii. 9, 2 Jo. 
10 f., and the story of St Johns 
attitude towards Ccrinthus (Iron. iii. 
3. 4). Those KaKol (cf riiil. iii. 2 roli 
KaKovs fpynras) who tried tile patience 
of the Ephesians were not their pagan 

neighbours (Ei)h. iv. 17 ff.), but the 
false brethren mentioned in the next 
clause ; cf Ign. £ph. 9 ovs oik flaaurf 
ane'ipai [ttjv KaKrfv hiba\f)v]^ tls I'/xar, 
^vaavTfs ra oira tii ro pr] napa^t^aadat 
TO antipopfva vn ovrcoi'. BaTTa^tiv 
is to cany a burden {^apoi, Mt. xx. 
12 ; a-TcivpoT, Lc. xiv. 27, Jo. xix. 17 ; 
(popTLov, Gal. vi. 5). Hort compares 
Ejjict. i. 3, 2, ovdeis aov r. o(ppiv 
j3a(TT(icrfi. The form 8vvTj = 8ii'a(7at, 
condennied by Phrynichus, occurs also 
in Mc. ix. 22 f , Lc. xvi. 2 (Blass, Gr. 

V- 49)- , , 

Koi enetpaaas rovs Xeyom-as (crX.J 

The \vKoi ^apfls foreseen by St Paul 
(Acts XX. 29) had come, and in .sheeivs 
clothing (Mt. vii. 15); cf. 2 Cor. xi. 13 
01 yap ToioiiToi ■v^evSaTroaroXot, tpydrai 
86\ioi, p(Ta(T)(r]pari^, fit dnocrTo- 
Xovs Xpia-Tov. The false teachers 
claimed to be aTj-ooroXoi in the wider 
sense, itinerant teachers with a missi(»n 
which placed them on a higher level 
than the local ciders (i Cor. xii. 28, 
Eph. iv. II ; cf. Lightfoot, Ga/dfians, 
'The name and office of an Apostle,' 
narnack,Z>/V Lchre der zicolf A postel , 
p. 93 tf.). "When such itinerants, 
whether 'Apostles' or 'Prophets,' 
visited a church where they were 
unknown, unless they brought 'com- 
mendatory letters' (2 Cor. iii. i), it 
was necessary to test their claims 
(i Th. V. 20 f, I Jo. iv. i). A strangely 
superficial test, such as that enjoined 
in DiJadie C. 1 1 {irat bi aTrooToXof 
(pj(6fi(vos iTpos vpas 8€](S^o} us Kvpios 
...Tpf'is 8e (tw pfivTj [r)^<'pHf], \lrfv8o- 
77po4>i]TTjs e'o-TtV), or by Hernias maud. 
1 1 {picrdov Xap^dvfi, r^r 7Tpo(priT(ia{ 
nvTov [(') \lr(v8onpo(l)jjTTfs'\), is not to be 
thcnight of here ; (irtipaaas ( = (8okl- 
paaai, OS in 2 Cor. xiii. 5 eavTols 

Tr€lp(i((T( €1 (OTf (V T1] TTICJ-Tf l) douIttlcSS 

j'cfers to such a jirobation as the Lord 



[11. 2 

3 ovK elcriv, kul evpe^ avTov<s ^evheh' ^Kai vTroiuovrjv 
6yei9, Kai efSdcTacra^ hia to ovofxa juov, kul ou 

4 K6K07riaKe^. "^dXX e^a) kutu (Tov otl Trjv dyuTrrju 

3 KaL VTrojj.ovT]v...fMOv] Kai epaaraffas (/if) xai vwofj.. exets (P) (7 16) 28 38 (45 46) 
49 79 (88) 91 om Kai vtto/j.. ex"' 33 34 35 ^°^ ''■'^' epaaraaas 37 Vict j /cat oy KSKOTriaKes 
(-Kas 51) AC 51] /cat oi/k exoTTiacras KPQ min'^^^o Arat /cexoTTtaKay (i) 16 37 38 39 69 arm 
4 aXXo NQ min^^ | ttjv TrpuTrjv crov ayaTrrjv A 

prescribes in Mt. vii. 16 aTro rmv 
KapTvutv avTcov yvacreaBe avrovs., and 
the Didache itself regards as the 
ultimate test {infra, iav txi] "^ovs 
rponovs Kvpiov. dnh ovv rav rpoT^mv 
yvaxTdrjO-fTai) ; cf. Hermas I.e. dno TTJs 
^coijr boKifia^e tov avOporrov tov e-)(^ovTa 
TO TTVfVfia TO delov. 

With ToisXeyovraseavTOvsaTT. cf. ii. 20 
5j Xeyovcra eavTrjv npocfyfJTiv ; the full form 
appeal's in ii. 9 Tav XeySvTav'lovdaiovs 
elvai (avTovs. Kai ovk ftcriv, a paren- 
thesis = Kai OVK ovTai : of i. 6, ii. g, 
iii. 9. 

Kai evpes avTovs ylrfv8f1s'. not merely 
false apostles, for such might be self- 
deceived, but deceivers ; for this use 
of yl/evtyjs, cf. xxi. 8 nacri toIs yl/fv8eai. 

3. Kai VTTOfiovTjv e'xeiSj koI f^daTaaas 
kt\.^ With vnop.. f'xeis cf V. 6 tovto 
exits'? oTi ktX., iii. ir KpaTfi o exfis. 
Endurance was one of the best assets 
of the Ephesian angel. Unable to 
bear the society of the deceivers, the 
faithful at Ephesus had for the sake 
of Christ (5ia to 6vofj.a, cf. Mc. xiii. 
13, note) patiently borne the labour 
of resisting them or enduring their 
taunts (Arethas), and had not grown 
weary of the task. The play in vv. 2, 
3 on ^acTTa^fiv and Komav (oO dwrj 
^aaTd(Tai...e^da-Ta(ras., oiSa tov Konov 

0-0U...0V KfKOTTiaKfs) has perplexed the 
scribes; see ajjp. crit. Kai ov kskp-t]- 
Kas of the T. R. appears to rest on no 
better authority than a conjecture of 
Erasmus, but it gives the sense ; for 
KOTTia;^, to be weary, cf. Mt. xi. 28, 
Jo. iv. 6, and for the form KeKoniaKts 
see W. Schm. p. 113, note 16, and cf. 
d(i)riKfs, TTenTcoKei {vv. 4, 5)' "Exfi? 

. . .f^daTaaas. . .kskott. : such combina- 
tions are frequent in the Apoc. (e.g. 
V. 7, vii. 13 f, viii. 5) and not always 
easy to explain ; here the perf. kckott. 
indicates a condition which continued 
when the endurance (f^daTocras) was 
at an end. 

4. aXX' ex<" Kara <tov oti ktX.J Yet 
on the other hand (dWd) there is 
gromid for complaint; for e'xftJ' ('"') 
Kara tivos cf Job xxxi. 35 (lxx.), Mt. 
v. 23, Mc. xi. 25, note, and below, vv. 
14, 20. Patience and lun-emitting toil 
in His cause are not all that Christ 
requires, and indeed are of little value, 
if the spirit of love is absent. But at 
Ephesus love was waning, perhaps as 
the result of the controversies through 
which the Church had passed. Ti)*' 
dydnriv aov ttjv TTpc^Trjv I the adj. m 
this position limits and corrects : 'thou 
hast left thy love, at least the love of 
the first days,' i.e. the days of St Paul's 
ministry at Ephesus; how fervent it 
was appears from Acts xix. 20, xx. 
27, cf. Eph. i. 3 fF. Another genera- 
tion has taken the place of the first 
converts ; the loyalty and activity of 
the Church have been well maintained, 
but there is some falling oflf in the 
gi-eatest of Christian gifts (cf. Mt. 
xxiv. 1 2 ■v|/'vy?5crf rai 7} dydnr) tcov noXXcov), 
shewn perhaps, as the Greek com- 
mentators suggest, by a comparative 
indiff'erence to the necessities of the 
poorer brethren. The phrase ttjv ay. r. 
irp. d(f)riKes is probably a reminiscence 
of Jer. ii. 2, Ez. xvi. 8 fF. The new 
Israel had begun too soon to follow 
the example of the ancient people of 

II. 5] 



(Tov Tt]u TTptoTyiv dcpt]Ke^. ^/uvfj/uLOueue ovv TToBev 5 
TreTTTw/ce?, kui iJ.eTavor](rov kul tu irpuiTa epya 
7roLt](rov el he jut'i, ep^o/uiai ctol kcu kiv/jo-u) Tt]v 
Xv^viai/ (TOV eK tov tottov avTtj^, eai^ fjct] fj.eTavor\(ry]<i. 

4 a<pr]Kes ii*'^-^C] a<pr]Kai X'^'^'APQ min"'""'''' 5 fjLvqfxovivaov 38 130 | om ow 

syrs" Prim | ireirTuiKe^ N (-\as ACQ minP'"!'"')] «A:ire7rrw*.as P I 7 28 49 79 91 96 al ^ 
vg syr!^ j om Kai ra wp. «. iroi.-r)(jov me | crot] + Taxu Q min^"""'"" vg*""'* syr Prim ( 
om e/c TOV tottov avT-qs syr'?"' 

5. p-vrjfxovtvf oiv TTo^fv ninTCiiKis 
ACTA. J Coilip. iii. 3 ^vrjfxovfve ovv Trcoy 
e'i\T](})as KQi TJKOvaas. The COllinieil- 
tators contrast Cic. ad Attic, iv. 16 
"non recorder uiide ceciderim sed 
unde resuiTexerim," a firie sentiment 
which is not really in conflict with 
the call to remember 'unde cecideris' 
as a motive to repentance. St Paul's 
ra fiev 6iri(T(o iiriKavOavoyifvos (Phil, 
iii. 14) refers to past successes which 
must be disregarded in view of to. 
tfijrpoadep — an entirely different case 
from that which is contemplated by 
this ' Remember.' MvT]iJi6v(ve, /x«ra- 
v6tj(tov, iTo'i-qa-ov answer to three stages 
in the history of conversion ; the pres. 
imper. perhaps represents tlie first as 
continuous or habitual, but it is note- 
worthy that while fxvrj^Sveve occurs 
seven times in the X.T., there is no 
well-suppoi-tcd instance of fjiirTjn6i'tv- 


For TTinTdv in reference to a moral 
fall, cf. R(mi. xi. 11, i Cor. x. 12, and 
the use of TrapaniTTTfiv, jrapawTafia in 

Ps. xviii. (xix.) 13, Sap. x. i, xii. 2, 
Mt vi. 14 f, Heb. vi. 6. nolria-op tci 
TTpara epya : the Lord does not say 
ayairq(TOv ttjv Trpdrr^v dyi'nrqv, a pre- 
cept which perhaps could not have 
been fulfilled ; the last may be }x?ttor 
or worse tiian the first, but never can 
be the same. 

This verse is frequently quoted by 
Cyprian when he urges repentance 
upon those who had lapse«l in the 
Decian persecution {dc laps. 16, .77?. 
19. I, 34. 1, 55. 22^; and with other 
passages from the Apoc. it became a 

commonplace in the Novatianist con- 
troversy {ad Novatian. 13). 

61 b( /xtJ, (p)^ aoi^ El be prj, i.e. 
f'av 8e p-fj pfTavor'ia-Tjs, as the phrase is 
^\Titten in full just below ; on the el- 
liptical foiTii (-=' otherwise'), see WM. 
pp. 729, 757 ; Burton, § 275. "Epxopai 
refers to a special coming or visita- 
tion, affecting a Church or an individual, 
as in V. 16, iii. 11 ; throughout the 
Apoc. the present of this verb is used 
in a quasi-future sense ; cf. Blass, Gr. 
p. 189. 2oi is a datii'Hs incommndi 
(WM. p. 265) ; for another new, see 
Blass, Gr. p. 113. 

Kai Kivqao) ttjv \v\vlav crov, i.e. thv 
church. Since the Xv;^i'tat are separate 
and do not form a single candelabnmi, 
any one of them can be removed at 
pleasure. Kive'iv (cf vi. 14) is prefen^cd 
to dcfynipe'iv, perhaps as indicating 
deliberation and judicial calmness ; 
there would be no sudden uprooting a^ 
in anger, but a movement which would 
end in the loss of the place that the 
Church had been called to fill ; \inless 
there came a change for the l)etter, 
the first of the seven lamps of Asia 
must disappear ; its place must bo 
filled by another (cf. Apoc. iii. i 1, Mt. 
xxi. 43\ This warning seems to have 
been taken to heart, since in the next 
generation Ignatius (Ejdi. proL l) 
could pronounce the 'church in 
Ephesus' to be a^iopaKapiarot, and 
S])eak of its noXvayd-mjrov Svopa. But 
though defeiTcd, the \isitation came 
at l;\st The Greek commentators 
mention the curious fancy that the 
removal of the candlestick fi'om 



[11. 6 

6 '^dWa TOVTO 'e^et^, otl jukteT^ tu epya twv Nlko- 

7 XaLToov, a Ko.'yco fjucrco. '^6 e;!^wi/ ovs aKOvcraTco tl 

7 ous] aures vg™'''^ Prim + aKoveiv 

6 om a A sicut aeth Prim | KaytJi] eyu s,jrs^' 
me (ita pene ubique) 

Ephesus had its fulfilment in the rise 
of the See of Constantinople, which 
eclipsed the glory of the older Church. 
But the Church and See of Ephesus 
lived on for centuries after the creation 
of the patriarchate of Constantinople. 
After the eleventh century however 
the line of Ephesian Bishops seems to 
have become extinct (Gams, series 
episc. p. 443 ; see however Ramsay, 
Letters, p. 243), and in 1308 the place 
was finally surrendered to the Turks 
(Murray, Handbook, p. 280). The little 
railway station and hotel and few poor 
dwelling-houses of Ayasaluk ("Ayios 
GeoXo-yoy), which now command the 
ruins of the city, are eloquent of the 
doom which has overtaken both 
Ephesus and its church. 

6. aXXa TOVTO f^^eis, otl fiiafls ktX.J 

This second dXXa modifies the dXXa 
of V. 4. If the loss of her first love 
was a heavy charge against the Church 
in Ephesus, there must be set against 
it and in her favour her hatred of 
deeds which Christ hated. 

Irenaeus (i. 26. 3, iii. 10. 7), followed 
by Hippolytus (p/iilos. vii. 36), asserts 
that the Nicolaitans of the Apocalypse 
were founded by Nicolaus the proselyte 
of Antioch who was one of the Seven 
(Acts vi. 5) • aTToaTas ttjs kut evSelau 
bi8a(TKa\las (SidaarKev ddiacfiopiap ^lov 
Te Kai j3p(oaea>s (Hipp. I. c.). There was 
a sect which bore the name at the 
end of the second century, but its 
identity with the NiKoXairat of the 
Apoc. cannot be assumed (Tert. de 
praescr. 33 "sunt et nunc alii Nico- 
laitae ") and its claim to be spiritually 
descended from Nicolaus of Antioch 
was questioned (Clem. AL strom. ii. 
20, § 118 (^acrKOVTfs eavToiis NtKoXaco 
eTTfcroai, anoiJ,vrj(xovevixd ti TCLvbpos (p(- 
povTes : cf. ib. iii. 4, § 25 ; Eus. //. 
E. iii. 29 ; Constitutions \'i. 8 ol vvu 

i{/ev8covvpoi NiKoXatrai, with Avhich of. 
the interpolated Ignatius, Trail. 11, 
Philad. 6 ; Victorinus ad I. " ficti 
homines et pestiferi qui sub nomine 
Nicolai ministri fecerunt si])i haere- 
sim"). A modern conjectvire (due to 
C. A. Heumann, 17 12) takes NiKoXalrat 
in Apoc. ii. 6, 15 as = BaXaa/ilrat 
(cf. V. 14), Div3 being derived either 
from Dy lh2 or Di; bl?3. But (i) a 
play upon the etymology of Greek 
and Hebrew words is perhaps too 
subtle for the genius of the wi-iter, and 
(2) no etymology has been suggested 
which makes NiKoXao? atrue equivalent 
of Drp3. On the whole it seems best 
to fall back upon the supposition that 
a party bearing this name existed in 
Asia when the Apoc. was written, 
whether it owed its origin to Nicolaus 
of Antioch, which is not improbable 
(see Liglitfoot, Galatians, p. 297, n.), 
or to some other false teacher of that 
name. According to Ps.-Dorotheus 
he was a Samaritan Christian who 
joined the party of Simon Magus, but 
the statement lacks confinnation. On 
the teaching of this sect see v. 14, not«, 
and the Introduction, c. vi, 

* A Ktiyco p^ia-u). Hatred of evil deeds 
(a, not ovs ; contrast Ps. cxxxix. 2 1 f.) 
is a true counterpart of the love of 
good, and both are Divine ; cf. Isa. 
Ixi. 8, Zech, viii. 17. There is a p-la-os 
as well as an opyri (Mc. iii. 5, Apoc. 
\i. 16 f.) which can be predicated of 
Christ. To share His hatred of evil 
is to manifest an affinity of character 
with Him, which is a sign of gi-ace in 
Cliurches and in individuals. 

7. o 6\<ui/ ovs dKovcrara} kt\^ An- 
other foi'mula common to tlie seven 
messages preceding the promise to 
the conqueror in the first three, and 
following it in the last four. It 

II- 7] 



TO Trvevjjia Xeyci Tah iKK\t]crlai<i. t(o vlkwvtl cuxro) 
avTco (pa>ye7v ek tov ^v\ov t^]? ^wr/9, 6 eaTiv ev tw 
TTctpade'ia'a) tov deov. 

7 €KK\r](naii] pr tirra A + rau tirra, C \ vikovvti A | oin auru ^{ lo I 7 46 49 88 91 
96 g vg*^'*^ '""■'"''" syrs" arm'' | ev tu irapaSeicrw] ev neacj tw tt. K'^'^P tv fitatv tov wapa- 
8eiffov I 28 35 36 49 79 91 92'"8 96 al me Andr | rov 6€ov] + iJ.ov Q mini''"*-" g vg me 
syr arm aeth Or'"' Cypr Prim al 

recalls a familiar saying of Christ 
which is found in the three Synoptists 
(Mt. xi. 1 5, xiii. 9, 43 ; Mo. iv. 9, 23 ; 
Lc. viii. 8, xiv. 35), but not in the 
Gospel of St John. On variations in 
the form of the saying see Mc. iv. 9, 
note ; the consistent use of ovs for 
(ora in the Apoc, even in xiii. 9, shews 
independence ; yet see Mt. x. 27, Lc. 
xii. 3. At the end of each of these 
instructions 6 (xf^v ovs is an indi- 
\idualizing note, calling upon each 
of the hearers of the book (i. 3) to 
appropriate thewarningsand promises 
addressed to the Churches. TaU (k- 
KXrja-iaii, not T7 eKK\T](Tia : cf. Pri- 
masius : " Si quae singulis partiliter 
ecclesiis praedicat uuiversam gene- 
raliter ct)nvcnire dicatur ecclesiam. 
neque enini dicit ' Quid spiritus dicat 
ecclesiae ' sed ' ecclesiis.' " Bede : 
"quae singulis scribit univensis se 
dicere demonstrat ecclesiis." 

To TTVfi'na Xtjfi, cf. Acts ^iii. 29, 
xiii. 2, Aj)oc. xiv. 13, xxii. 17. Ac- 
cording to the opening formula (ii. i ) 
the Speaker is Christ ; l)ut the Spirit 
of Christ in tiie }»rophet is the inter- 
preter of Christ's voice. 

Toi viKMVTi Scocjo) ai'rco (f)nyflv ktA.] 
In Tu> viK. there is a pos.siblo alhisitm 
to NcKoXnVroii', but viKai> is a charac- 
teristically Johannine word (Jo. xvi. 
33, I Jo. ii. i3f., iv. 4, v. 4 f.), and 
specially frequent in the Apoc. (^i. 7, 
II, 17, 26, iii. 5, 12, 21, V. 5, xii. 11, 
XV. 2, xvii. 14, xxi. 7^ ; the book is a 
record and a prophecy of victories 
won by Christ aiul the Church. The 
note of victory is dominant in St John, 
as that of faith in St Paul ; or nithcr, 
fixith presents it><elf to St John in 

the light of a victory (i Jo. v. 4). T<i 
piK(ovTi : so or with o pikcov the promise 
at the end of each utterance begins, 
not rw viKTjCTavri or rw vfviKrjKoTi. The 
pres. part, here is timeless, like o 
^anTi(u)v, 6 TTfipa^coy (Mc. i. 4 UOte, 
Mt. iv. 3) ; o viKciv {vi?icens, qui ri- 
cerit) is 'the conqueror,' the victorious 
member of the Church, as such, apart 
from all consideration of the circum- 
stances ; cf. Tert. scorp. 1 2 " victori 
cuiquc promittit nunc arborem vitae." 
Acoa-co is another Apocalyptic word 
(ii. 10, 17, 23, 26, 28, iii. 21, xxi. 6). 
There is here nothing inconsistent 
with Mc. X. 40 f^i^ ((TTiv i^iov bovvai, ; 
Christ gives it as Judge to those for 
whom it has been prepared by the 
Father ; see Mt. xxv. 34, 2 Tim. iv. 8, 
and cf Rom. vi. 23 r6 Se ;^fl^t(T/xa tov 

6fov ^cdf] alu>vioi iv \piaTS Jrjcrov. The 
hands of the ascended Christ are full 
of gifts (cf Eph. iv. 7 ff.). With the 
promise fioJo-co avrw (ftaydv » xxii. 
14 Iva fCTTai Tj f^ovala avTuiv im to ^vXov 
T. C '^"'I T<'iit..rii pdtr., Levi 18 Scoaa 
Toif dyiois (f}ayftv €k tov ^vXov t. ^. ; for 
the construction see vi. 4 idodrj avru) 
Xa,ieiv^ vii. 2, xiii. 7, 14, xvi. 8. To 
^vXov Ttjs (aifjs ktX. (cf xxii. 2, 14, 19) 
is of course from Gen. ii. 9; on 
^vXov = 8h'8pov see WM., jv 23. In the 
Lxx. Trapd8(i(Tos represents either jJ 
(Gen. ii., iii., jiii.'tsim), or D'^'l^ a 
pleasaunce (2 Esdr. xii. 8, EccL il 5, 
Cant iv. 13) "from the old Persian 
jhiiridoi'za" {Eucycl. DihI. s.v.) ; and 
once pr visii. Ii. 3) ; tov 6tov Invs been 
added from Gen. xiii. 10 or Ez. xxviii. 
1 3, xxxi. S. The Kaldunical writers u.><e 
the word of the heavenly )"|r \l which 



[II. 8 

8 ^ Kai Tco dy<ye\o) Ttp ev C/mvpvr] eKK\r](ria<5 >ypa-\^ov 

Tahe \e<yeL 6 jrpcoTO': kul 6 ecr^aTO's, o? eyeveTO 

8 TW 2° A] TT]S KCPQ rell | ev H/xvpvTj (Zfi. H) eKKXr/aias} ckkX. Ilfxvpvaiwi' i (28 79) 
arm TT]s eKK\T]cnas ^pivpvrjs (s. Zi/xvpvTjs) vg me syr^^*' Prim | TrpojTor] trpwroTOKos A I om 
OS mill*" 

is the opposite state to their DJn ^11; 
see Weber, Jiid. Theol. p. 344 flF. Of 
the ideahzed Tree of Life we read 
already in Prov. iii. 18 (cf Isa. Ixv. 
22, Lxx., 4 Mace, xviii. 16), but its 
first appearance in a vision of the ce- 
lestial Paradise is in Enoch xxiv. f ra. 
(pvWa avrfis koI to avdos Koi to devSpov 
ov (pdivei els Tov alcoi'a,..Kal oOSe/it'a 
irap^ i^ovcriav e)(^ei a\l/aa6ai avrov pexP'- 
TTJs fieyaXTjs Kpi(Tea)S...TOTe StKoioty koi 
ocTLOis boOr^creTat, 6 Kapnos avTcov ; cf. 
Slavonic Enoch 8, and Ps. Sol. xiv. 3. 
In the N.T. 'Paradise' is either the 
state of the blessed dead (Lc. xxiii. 43), 
or a supra-mundane sphere identified 
\vith the third heaven into which men 
pass in an ecstasy (2 Cor. xii. 2 f.) ; or, 
as here, the final joy of the saints in 
the presence of God and of Christ. 
On the history of the subject gen- 
erally see Tennant, Sources of the 
Doctrine of the Fall and of Original 
Sin, passim. 

The general sense of the promise 
ScoVco kt\. is clear. Man's exclusion 
from the Tree of Life (Gen. iii. 22 f ) is 
rej^ealed by Christ on condition of a 
personal victory over evil. To eat of 
the Tree is to enjoy all that the life 
of the world to come has in stoi'o 
for redeemed humanity. Apriiigius : 
"pomum ligni vitae aeternitatem im- 
marcescibilem subministrat." Bede : 
"lignum vitae Christus est, cuius in 
caelesti paradiso visione sanctae re- 
ficiuntur animae." 

8— II. The Message to the 
Angel of the Church in Smyrna. 

8. , T(o iv "SipypvYj] The road from 
Ephesus — a distance of about 35 miles 
— entered Smyrna by the 'Ephesian 
Gate.' The city, which had been rebuilt 
by Lysimachus, was now the finest 
of the Asiatic to-wiis (Strabo, 646), and 

boasted of being to Tfji ' Acriay ayaXpa. 

Situated at the head of a well pro- 
tected gulf, with an ample harbom-, it 
possessed an export trade second only 
to that of Ephesus, while like Ephesus 
it was the terminus of a great road, 
which tapped the rich valley of the 
Hermus and penetrated to the in- 
terior. As far back as the reign of 
Tiberius the loyalty of Smyrna to 
Rome procured for it the i>rivilege 
of erecting a temple to the Emperor, 
and the city henceforth claimed the 
title of vfcoKopos of the new cult. She 
disputed with her neighbour Ephesus 
the honour of being styled npoSTr) ttjs 
'Aaias and prjTpojToXis. But the wTiter 
of the Apocalypse follows an order 
to which Ei^hesus itself would have 
assented, when he assigns to SmjTua 
the second place among the seven. 

The N.T. throws no light on the 
origin of the Church in Smyrna beyond 
the general statement as to the evan- 
gelization of Asia in Acts xix. 10 ; see 
Lightfoot, Ignatius, i. p. 462. But 
according to Vita Polycariri 2 St Paul 
visited Smyrna on his way to Ephesus 

(cf. Acts xix. I hiikQovTa TO. dvcoTepiKa 

piprj), and found disciples there, as he 
did at Ephesus. The Church is still 
strong at Smyrna ; out of a poiiulatiou 
of perhaps 2 50,000 more than half are 
Christians, while the 'EvayyeXiKfj 2;^oX77 
with its fine library Avitnesses to the 
vigour and intelligence of theOrthodox 

On the form Zpvpva see WH.^, 
Notes, p. 155; Blass, Gr. p. 10. It 
occurs on coins of the pei-iod and in 
inscriptions (see e.g. CIG iii. 3276 ff.). 
On Smyrna itself see fm-ther the 
Introduction, p. Ixi. f. 

Tate Xe'yet o npcoTos Koi 6 eaxoros 
/crX.] These titles (from i. 17 f) are 

II. 9] 



veKpo<i Kai e^t](rev. ^oihd crov Tt]v dXiyjyii^ Kctl t>]v 9 
TTTco^iav, dWct TrXovo'iO'i el, kul Tt]V /SXaacptj/uLiat/ 
€K Tcov XeyovTcov ' louhaiou^ elvai eavTOu^. Kal ovk 

9 Trjv 0\i\j/iv] pr Ta (pya ixov Kai SQ min'*' syr Andr''" Ar pr ra «. cr. Kai ttjv \jiroixovqv 
Kai arm | trrux'-av NAC 1 1 97] nTosx^i-o-v PQ min'"'''°""' + (roi/ g vg syr** | (k] orn P i 
28 36 49 79 91 96 130 al arm aeth Andr pr Tr)v X syrr | lovban^jv S* (-ouj X^'») CP ( 
om eai/row Q 16 69 arm 

choseu with the view of inspiring 
confidence into a Churcli threatened 
with suffering and death ; cf. Bede : 
"apta praefatio patientiani suasuro." 
Ramsay (E.vp., 1904, i. p. 321 f.) 
finds a reference also to the early 
struggles of the city (Strabo, 646 
ai/i]yfipfv avTTjv 'Ain-iyovos). "E^rjaeu 
takes the place of ^wi/ tlfii, the 
purpose being to fix attention upon 
the fact of the Resun-ection. As the 
Lord rose, so will His niartjTS triumph 
over deatli ; cf. 2 Tim. ii. 8 fivrj^iovtve 
Irjcrovv "KpicTTov (yrj-ytpfifvov e'/c vcKpiov. 
The parallel in Apoc. xiii. 14 is in- 
structive : Tto 6t]pi<p OS e^*' '''7*' ""^'/y^'' 
T^r pax^alprjs Ka\ f^r]o-fu (sec note ad I.). 
9. oi^d aov TTjv 6\iy\n.v (crX.] The 
Clmrch in Smyrna was characterized 
by its endurance of .suffering and 
poverty in the cause of the Gospel. 
Witli the paradox olba (tov...t^v tttco- 
;^f/ai', dWa TrXovaios (i COmp. Jac. ii. 
5 ov]( o $€os (^(Xe^aro rovs nTo>)(ovs 
Tw Koa-po) nXovalovs (V nicrrei; 2 Cor. 
vi. 10 cor TTTcoxol, TToXXovs ^e ttXovti- 
CovT€s, and contrast Apoc. iii. 17 
Xe'yf tf oTi nXoi'crio? elpi koi irenXoi/TqKa 
...Kai OVK oLoas oti av ft o...7rra);^of. 
The nature of the wealth possessed 
by the Church in Smyrna but lacking 
to the Cliurch in Laodicea is well 
shewn in Lc. xii. 2 1 ds 6e6v TrXovraJj', 
I Tim. vi. 18 nXovTf'iv tvfpyon KaXitii, 
Tlie poverty (TrrcoYin, not merely nevla ; 
cf. Mc. xii. 42, note) of the Apostolic 
Chui'ches, even in so rich a city as 
Smyrna, is remarkable ; it may have 
been due partly to tht.' fact that the 
converts were drawn chielly from the 
poorer classes (.lac. /. r., i Cor. i. 26), 
pai-tly to the demands made upon them 

by their faith (cf. 2 Cor. viii. 2 7; Kara 
jiaoovs TTTcoxeta avTwv (Trfpiaafvcrfv ft? 
TO nXovTos T^s dnXorrjTos avTU)v) ; but 
also in some cases to the pillage of 
their property by a Jewish or pagan 
mob (Heb. X. 34 ttjv dpnayrjv Tuv inrap- 
)(6vTa)v vpcov pfTo. xapds npoaede^aade). 
The context suggests that the poverty 
of the Smyrnaean Church was at least 
aggi-avated by the last of these causes, 
/cat rf]v ^\a(T(})T]piai/ ktX.] Andreas : 
Kara Koivoii 8e to oi8a koI tt/v /3Xacr- 
<pr]pLav...(f)T](Tlv, (TTiaTapai. The Jews 
at Smyrna \vere both nimierous and 
aggi-essively hostile ; see Lightfoot 
Ignatius, i. p. 468 f., Schiirer, Ge- 
scfiirhte\ iii. jip. 11, 29, 34. In the 
martyrdom of Polycarp they took a 
leading part, even surpiissing the 
heathen in their zeal, and this, it is 
added, was their wont : Polye. marl. 
13 f. pdXicTTa lov8aia)v npoOvpcos, as 
fdos aiiTols^ els Tavra VTrovpyovin-cov. 
At present they contented themselves 
with blaspheming, railing at Christ 
and Christians (cf. Vg. "et blasphe- 
maris ab his"), as they ha<l done 
from the first days of St Paul's .syna- 
gogue preaching in Asia Minor (Acts 
xiii. 45). Against their sharp tongues 
the Christians are fortified by the 
reflexion that these blas])liomei-s are 
Jews in name only. They called 
themselves Jews (for the constr. see 
/". 2, note), but were not so in truth; 
comp. Rom. ii. 28 ov yap 6 ev rc5 
cjiavtpco 'louSatof f crru'...nXX' o iv rc3 
KpvTiT^ lovSntof, Koi TrfpiTopfj KapStas 
fv nufvpaTi ov ypdppaTu, GaL vi. I 5 f. 
ovTC yap TTfpiTopr) ti foriu orrf aKpo- 
/SvoTto, aXXd Kaii^ KTi(ris...fipi]i'r] (tt* 
avTois Kal eXeos, koi (tti tov 'lapafjX 


[II. 9 

lo ela-iv, ctWa crvvay coyt^ tov craTava. ^° fj-r] (pofBov 
a /jLeWei^ Trda-^eij/. i^ov imeWei fidWeii/ 6 ^idfSoXo's 
i^ vfjLMv ek <pvXaKr]Vi '^vci TreLpaaSfJTe kui e')(riTe 
dXiyp-LV rjfjLepcov ZeKa. yivov ttictto^ ^XP'- ^^^vaTov, 

9 <xaTava\ + eiffiv X=<^ lo fir] ACQ i 38 49] p.7)5ev XP minP' vg syrr | 7rao-x«i'] 

■wadeiv Q minf<"-«35 ^^.r | tSouj + S?; Q min^o Ar | ^aXKeLv] ^a\eiv Q minP' Ar {^aWeiv 
^aXif K* 8a\\eiv N^") | et] ^^ 130 | exvre A 36 130 Prim] exere CP i 11 12 efere NQ 
minPi syrr vg Ar | ri/xepas Q minf"^'*'' g vg syrr Ar | om yivov X* (hab ^^=•») 

Satan was the firm belief of the early 
Cluirch ; cf. e.g. Polyc. mart. 2 ttoXXo 
yap i fxrjxavaTo kut avrav 6 8id(3oXoi, 
Eus. ir. E V. I €Tfpas fiTJXCii'as 6 8ia- 
j3o\os errevofi, ras Kara ttjv elpKrfjv iv 
rm OKOTfi KGL TO) ;(aX€7rcDrara) ;^Q)pi&) 
avyK\ei(T€is ktX. 

KOL i'xijTd dXiylriv -qpfprnv St/ca] " And 
that ye may have affliction for ('during,' 
the temporal gen., see Blass, Gr. p. 
109) ten days." A further disclosure 
of Satan's plans ; it was his purpose 
to prolong the persecution if the 
faithfiU did not j-ield at once. This 
point is missed by 6|fre, doubtless a 
correction made in the interests of 
the sense. Ai<a has perhaps been 
suggested by Dan. i. 14 ineipaa-ev 

avTovs 8tKa rjpepas ; cf Gen. xxiv. 55, 
Num. xi. 19, xiv. 22, Job xix. 3. Beatus 
thinks of the ' ten persecutions,' but it 
is unnecessary to seek for any historical 
fiUfilment. Equally wide of the mark 
is the interpretation preferred by 
Bede : "totum tempus significat in quo 
Decalogi sunt memoriae mandata." 
The number ten is probably chosen 
because, while it is sufficient to sug- 
gest continued suflfering, it points to 
an approaching end. Ten days of 
suifering and suspense might seem an 
eternity while they lasted, yet in the 
retrospect they would be but a moment 
(2 Cor. iv. 17 TO TvapavTiKa e\a<ppov rfj^ 
d\i\lr€<os : cf. Arethas : ((pijpepos 77 em- 
cj)opa, Koi o<Tov €1 Koi rjpepav 84Ka (^icrov- 
pevTj). The trial might be prolonged, 
but it had a limit known to God. 

ylvov TTicTTos f^XP'- dnvdrov KrX.J 
' Prove thyself loyal and tnie, to the 
extent of being ready to die for My 

TOV deov. So far from being aXT]dcos 
'l(rpar]\eLTai (Jo. i. 47), such men were 
a (Tvvaycoyrj tov 'SaTava (Jo. viii. 44 
vpels fK TOV TTUTpos TOV biu^oXov icTTe), 
not a a-vvaya>yf} Kvpiov (Num. xvi. 3, 24, 

xxvi. 9, xxxi. 1 6). On awayoyrj in its 
relation to €KK\r]cria seeHort, Ecdesia, 

p. 4 ff- H (Tvvaycoyfi tov craTava OCCUrs 

again in iii. 9; comp. ii. 13 6 6p6vos 

rev ar., ii. 24 to. jSadea tov a. 

The commentators refer to an in- 
scription of the time of Hadrian which 
has been thought to mention Jewish 
renegades (CIG 3148 o"i noTe 'lovbahi, 
cf. Lightfoot, Ignatitcs, i. p. 470 ; see 
however Ramsay in Hastings, D.B. 
i'^'- P- 555) for another view of the 
words, and cf. Letters, yi. 272). But 
the ' synagogue of Satan ' at Smyrna 
professed Judaism and jjerhaps sin- 
cerely, though their hostility may 
have been partly due to a desii*e 
to curry favour Avith the pagan mob 
or the Imperial authorities. 

10. pri (po^ov apeWeisTvacrxfiv ktX.^ 
Tliere Avere worse things in store 
than TTTcoxeia or even ^Xau^-qpla ; im- 
prisonment, perhaps death, mightawait 
the faithful at Smyrna. Behind the 
'sjniagogue of Satan' was the Devil 

himself (o 8ta/3oXos = 6 KaTrjycop tcov 
ddeXcpav, xii. IO = o 2arai/aj, xii. 9, XX. 
2), who by moans of false charges 
laid before the magistrates would 
cast certain members of the Church 
(e'l ypav) into prison. His purpose 
was to try the faith of the whole 
body (Jva TTftpairdrJTe) : cf. Lc. xxii. 3 1 
o Sararay f^jjTrjo-aTO jj/xas tov o-ividaaL 
(Ss TOP o-Itov. That its Je>vish and 
pagan adversaries wei-e prompted by 

II. Il] 



Kai 0(i)(ra) ctol tov (TTefpavo)' Ttj^ ^a)fj^. "d e-x^iou 1 1 
01/9 ctKOucraTM Ti TO Tn/ev/ua Xeyei tol^ eKK\t]<Tiai^. 
6 vikclv ov /at] dhiKtjdfj e'/c tou SavuTOv tov ZevTepov. 

II ous] aures yg""*''"™'' Prim | om tov Sevrepov 130 

sake.' Tivov it., cf. iii. 2 yivov yprjyopwi', 
Jo. XX. 27 ixf] yivov <"mi(TTos dWh niaros. 

Here TTioToy is 'trustworthy' rather 
than 'believing,' as in Mt. xxv. 21, 23, 
Lc. xvi. 10 f., Apoc. ii. 13, iii. 14. "Axpi 
Oavdrov liiiits that the supreme trial of 
martyrdom may follow ; comp. Phil. 

iL 8 y(v6fj.(V()S VTTr'jKoos ne)(pi A, ailtl 
contrast Heb. xii. 4 ovrrco f^fXP'-^ mixaros 
dvTiKUTurTTjTe. " Axpi- occurs ill this 
book eleven times, ixtxP'- "f*^ once ; 
the other Johannine writings, as it 
happens, have neither, but in the rest 
of the N.T. the proportion is a little 
over 2 to I. 

Kai ocorrco a"oi tov crTf(l}avov Trjs ^w^y] 

' Alul SO,' the consecutive Kai which is 
"specially found after imperatives" 
(Blass, Gr. p. 262). Zaifjs staiid.s in 
sharp contnist with Oavnrov, and r. 
a-Te(f>avov conies naturally after the 
prophecy of a coming struggle. The 
exact 6 (rT€(l)avos t. ^. occurs in 
the very similar j)assage, Jac. i. 12 
fiaKapios avrjp of vrrofievfi irtipaap-ov, 
OTi BoKifioi ytvofxtvos \ripy\rfTai rov (TT. 
r. f., ov fTTfjyyfiXaTO T<ns dyaTraxriv 

iivTov : elsewhere wo have 6 a-r. Tfjs 

t\ni8os (Lsa. xxviii. 5), ffj! (cauj^^trewf 
(Ez. xvi. 12, x.\iii. 42, i Th. ii. 19), 
TTjs SiKuiocrvvTjs (2 Tim. iv. 8), ttjs 86^r}s 

(l Pet. Y. 4), Trjs d(f)dapaias (Polyc. 

7nart. 17, 19, Ens. H.E. v. 1). So 
familiar a metaphor need not have 
been suggested by local circumst:inces, 
vet it is noteworthy that Smyrna was 
famous for its games (Pans. vi. 14. ^, 
cited in JJiir. JJibl., 4662) in which 
the prize was a garland. Thei'e may 
be a reference to this, or agiiin, a.s 
Ramsay thinks (Hastings, D.J), iv. )». 
555 ff.> the writer may have in his mind 
the garlaiuis worn in the serviee 
of the i)iigan temples, or the circle of 
buildings and towers which 'crowned' 

S. R. 

the fairest city in Asia (Ramsaj', Let- 
ters, pp. 256 f, 275). In any case the 
tTTtcfiavos is not a royal diadem, but 
an emblem of festivity : cf. Mc. xv. 
17, note. Trjs C'^fjs is epexegetical : 
the crown consists of life, so that the 
promise is practically equivalent to 
that of V. 7, though it is presented 
under another aspect. 

II. O VIKMV ov p.f) d8lKT]6fj Kt\.'\ TIlC 

special promise of the second mes- 
sage, approiJi'iate to a Church which 
may presently bo called to martyr- 
dom. He who conquers by proving 
himself faithful unto death shall 
possess immunity from the second 
death. 'O SevTepos 6di'aT0i occurs 
again in c. xx. 6, 14, xxi. 8, where it 
is defined as r) Xifivrj toC nvpos ; see 
notes ad I. The conception is partly 
anticipated in Dan. xii. 3 and Jo. v. 29, 
and yet more distinctly by Philo, de 
pracm. et pocn. ii. 419 davdrov yap 

biTTov fiBoSj TO fikv Kara to Tfdvdvai... 
TO Se p.eTa to dnodvi^aKfiv, o ht) kukov 
ndvTdJs. But the exact expression was 
probably current in Jewish circles, for 
it occurs frequently iu the Targums ; 
cf e.g. Targ. Hieros. on Dmit. xxxiii. 6 
"vivat Reuben in hoc saeculo et non 
moriatur morte secunda"; other exx. 
may bo seen in "W'etstein. Oi' p-f) dbi- 
Krjdrj, ' shall in no wise be hurt ' ; see 
Blass, Gr. p. 209 f. For d5iK€iv in 
this sense see lsa. x. 20, Ai)oc. vi. 6, 
vii. 2 f, ix. 4, 10, 19, xi. 5 bis. The 
attempt to retain in these contexts 
the etymological meaning of dSiKtlv 
(Benson, Aj><ir(i/i/j,S(\ pp. xvi. f., 
73 n.) cannot l)e regarded as suc- 
cessful ; in u.sago ddiKilv, like our 
'injure,' has acquired a weaker sense 
and is nearly a synonym of j^Xdrn-fi'' 
(cf Time. ii. 71, Xen. de re cjtL 
vi. 3)- 




[II. 12 

^^ Kal Tw dyyeXcp Trj^ ev JHepyafjio.) eKKXtjcria^ 
ypdylyoi^ Td^e Xeyei 6 'e^(jov Tt]u pofj-Cpaiav Ttjv 
13 hioTTOfjiOv Tt]v o^elav. ^^olha irov KUTOiKeT^, ottov 

12 Trjs] Tw syrs"' | ef Uepya/xw] Ilepyafiov vg syr^" Or'°' Prim al 
KaToiKfis] pr Ttt €pya aov Kai Q minf'^''®°'"° syr Andr Ar 

13 TTOV 

12 — 17. The Message to the 
Angel of the Chuech in Pergamum. 

12. TTJs eV Uepyafico] After leaving 
SmjTna the road from Epliesus fol- 
lowed the coast for about 40 miles 
and then struck N.E. up the valley 
of tLc Caicus, for a further distance of 
1 5 miles, when it reached Pergamum. 
Pergamum in Mysia, on the Caicus 
(j) Uepyafios in Xenophon, Pausauias, 
and Dion Cassius, but t6 Htpyajxov in 
Strabo and Polybius and most other 
-ivi-iters and in the inscriptions ; the 
termination is left iincertain in Apoc. 
i. 1 1 , ii. 1 2), now Bergama, the capital 
of the Attalid Kingdom (b.c. 241 — 
133), held a similar position in Roman 
Asia (Plin. H. N. v. 30 "longe claris- 
simum Asiae") until its place was 
taken by Ephesus. If Pergamum 
had no Artemision, it was richer 
in temples and cults than Ephesus. 
Zeus Soter, Athena Nikephoros, Dio- 
nysos, Asklepios were the chief local 
deities ; the temple of Athena crowned 
the steep hill of the Acropolis, and 
beneath it on the height was a great 
altar of Zeus. Beside these, the city 
possessed as early as a.d. 29 a temple 
dedicated to Rome and Augustus (Tac. 
ami. iii. ;^j) ; a second temple Avas 
erected in the time of Trajan, when 
Pergamum acquired the title of 6iy 
vfa>K.6pos. At so strong a centre of 
paganism the Church was confronted 
with miusual difficulties, and to these 
the message to Pergamum refers 
{v. 13 f.). See further the Introduc- 
tion, c. V. 

"tahf Aeyft o €)((ov rfjv pofx(jiaLav : the 

pop.(}jaia of c. i. 1 6, where see note. 
To what use it is to be put at Perga- 
mum api)ears below, i\ i6. 

13. olda ■7T0V KaTOLKe7s /crX.] The 

special point in the life of the Church 
at Pergamum which the Lord singles 
out for notice. She resided in a city 
which was also Satan's residence (ottov 
6 craravas /caroiKfl), uay more, where 
he had set his throne. Gpovos in the 
N. T. is always the seat of office or 
chair of state, whether of a judge 
(Mt. xix. 28), or a king (Lc. i. 32, 52), 
or of God or Christ (Mt. v. 34, xxv. 31); 
in the Apoc. the word occurs 45 times 
in this sense. At Pergammn Satan 
was enthroned and held his court. 
The question arises what there was at 
Pergamum to gain for it this character. 
The Nicolaitans were there, but they 
were also at Ephesus ; the Jews, who 
at Smyrna formed a 'synagogue of 
Satan,' are not mentioned in the Per- 
gamene message. It remains to seek 
a justification of the phrase in some 
peculiarly dangerous form of pagan 
worship. Pergamum was the chief seat 
in Asia of the worship of Asklepios 
(cf. Philostratus, Vit. A2yollon. iv. 34 
rj 'Aala els to Il€pyaiJ,ov...^vi>e(j)OLTa, 
Ilerodian, iv. 4. 8 Tjirclxdrj els n. ryjs 
'Aalas ;^p>7'(racr^at jSi'^vXop.evos Otpanelas 
Tov 'Aa-KXriTriov, Mart. ix. I " Aescula- 
pius Pergamensis deus " : according to 
Galen a common form of oath was fxci 
TOV iv Tlfpyafxci 'Aa-KXrjTnov), and the 
serpent which was the symbol of the 
god (Paus. Cor. 27 Kad-qrai 8' f rrt $p6vov 
(3aKTT]pLav Kparav, ri'jv re erepav tow 
Xfipiov VTTtp Ke4>aXrjs e;^ft tov dpoKovTos) 
is in this book (xii. 9) the symbol of 
Satan. But attractive as this explana- 
tion is, it does not altogether satisfy ; 
tlie Aesculapian cult, "with its thera- 
peutic aims, would scarcely have been 
marked out for sj^ecial repi'obation by 
the Christian brotherhood. It is better 
to find in ' Satan's throne ' an allusion 

11- 13] 



o 6p6vo<i Tou crctTaua' Kai Kparel^ to bvoua juou, 
Kal ovK rjpv}](T(jo t>]V TTLcrrLV /uou kui ev tu'l^ rifjiepai<i 

13 fjiov I"] (Tov K* [fi. t^"^"^) I om Kat 3" KPQ min'"""*' vg''*"' aeth Prim Andr Ar 
(hab AC 91 vg''*^^" me) | 7;juepa(s] + ais Q 6 14 29 31 36 38 41 47 51 8a 92'" al'""" vg'''^™ 
syr aeth + fj- ais ^^' (e;* rair K*) P (i) 7 10 12'"" 16 17 28 34 35 36 37 45'°" 46'"" 
79 80 81 87 91 96 121 130 i6i g vy»""" ''"'"""" 

to tho rampant paganism of Perga- 
muni (Aretlias : cos Kani^uiXov ova-av 
VTTff} rrju 'Acri'ai' naauv), symbolized 
by the great altar which suemed to 
dominate tho place from its platfonn 
cut in the Acropolis rock, but chiefly 
perhaps to the new Caesar-worship 
in which Pergamum was preeminent 
antl which above all other pagan rites 
menaced the existence of the Church. 
Tho insidious plea Tt kcikw ta-riv d- 
TTflv ' Kvpios Kcnaup, kiu fmBvaai, Kai 
Tu TovTois aKoXovda, Kill diaaco^faaai ; 
{mart. Poli/c. 8), must have appealed to 
many Christians who wouUl have stood 
firm against the grosser idolatries of 
heathenism. If the worship of the 
Emperor is in view, 6 Bpovos tov 
aarava may be an occult reference to 
the agents of this false Im})erialism, 
corres})()nding with (Tvvayu>yrj tov ua- 
Tava, which refers to tlie liostile Jews. 

For noil — 07T0V see WM. p. 640. 
KaroiKf'is, KOToiKfl, point to settled 
residence. There was no possibility 
of escaping from the situation ; the 
local Church could not migrate in a 
body, and Satan would not quit his 
vantage gromid. From another point 
of view even the residents in any place 
are, from tho Christian standpoint, 
'strangers and jiilgrims,' and such 
words as TrapoiKeh', napoiKm, ■Kupcrrl- 
bqpns are usually }>refeiTed in de- 
scribing the relations of the Church 
to the locality where she is placed ; 
see I Pet. i. i (with llort's note), 17; 
ii. II, lleb. xi. 9, and tho opening 
words of Clem. R. C<>r. cited in the 
note to r. i. 

Kill KpaTf'ii TO ovofju'i p.ov kt\.\ The 

Church in Pergamum maintained her 
Ki'ptoy 'irjarovs (i Cor. xii. 3), and re- 
fuse* I to say Kv/)ios KnifT-tip and to 

revile her Master ; of. mart. Polyc. 9. 
For KpaTi'iv see ii. i note, and for ovk 
apvilijQo.^. cf. Jo. i. 20 (ipo\6yTj(T(v Koi 
OVK i]pvt](TaTO. Tr/v nicTriu p-ov, 'thy 
faith in Me ' ; p.ov is the gen. of the 
object as in Mc. xi. 22 ('xeTe vIo-tiv 

deoi), Apoc. xiv. 12 01 TrjpovvT(i...Tr)v 
TTiCTTLP Irjaov. 

Kai iv Tois ijpf pais 'AiTiVa : ' eveil 
in the days of Antipas.' The reading 
'\vTfLTras ((ii/retTTay) must bo ascribed 
to itacism, while the projiosal to treat 
'Ai^iVaf as a 7}oni de guerre {durl, 
nas, a primitive Athanasius contra 
nmndani) can scarcely be taken se- 
riously. The name is an abbreviated 
form of 'AuTinarpoi, as KXti'mas of 
KXfonaTpos, and occurs frequently in 
Josephus (e.g. antt. xix. 1. 3 ovtos toLwv 
6 'AvTiTTarpoi AvTinai to nparov (ko- 
Xf'iTo). There is little to be gleaned 
about this primitive martyr from post- 
canonical writings. Tertulliau'sallusiou 
to him {acurp. 1 2 "de Autii)a fidelissimo 
martyre, intcrfecto in habitationc Sa- 
tanae ') shews no independent know- 
ledge. Andreas liad read his 'acts' 
(ovnep fij/e'-yj'coi' to papTvpiov) and there 
are acts under his name printed by 
the BoUandists (April 11), according 
to which he was burnt to death in a 
brazen bull in the reign of l)omitiaiL 
J5ut the date at least is iirobubly 
wrong, for iv ra'is r]p.. 'A. thrt)ws the 
time of the martynlom back some 
years before the writing of the Ajjoca- 
lypse ; cf. Lc. i. 5, Act^i v. 2,-j. Other 
martyrs connected with Pergamum iu 
the first two centuries were Carpus, 
Papylus, and Agathonice, mentioned 
by Eusebius (//. E. iv. 15); AttiUus, 
also, tho 'pillar and gi-ound' of the 
pei"secuted Viennese, was U.(pyap.T)vos 
TM 7«V«i ^11. E. V. i). Yet, as Ramsay 



[11. 13 

'^' AvTLTra^ , 6 /j.apTV<s /uou 6 tticti-o^ jjlov, os ctTreKTavOrj 

14 Trap' vjulIv, ottov 6 craTava's KaTOiKeT. ^'^dW 6;^w 

KUTa aov oXiya, otl e^eis e'/cci KpaTOvvTa<s ti]V 

13 AjTtTras b\*CPQ mini'' yg Prim AvTCLiras {avr.) ^""K 2 9 13 19 23 41 42 50"'"" 
97 al ut vid me syrr arm^ + /cat 68 87 syrs"' ] yttou 3°] om fc\PQ minP> vg me syr^^ arm 
aeth Prim Andr Kx + oti Tras /xaprvs fiov ttkttos (152) syr^™ | om /xov 4° me ] om os 6 
31 87 vg"'"'" syrS''^ aeth | v/j-wv 95 syrs^" arm* | om ottov... KaroiKei 38 syr^*' 14 aXXa 
Q minP'i^o Ar | om Kara a-ov H* (hab S'^*) ] om on G 130 vganifuhari»ai gy^ Prim | 
om OTi exets e/cet me | 0X170 ovo/xara KparowTas me*"' 

obseiTes (Hastings, D. B. iii. 75 f.), it 
is not certain that Autipas was a 
member of the Pergamene Church ; 
he suffered at Pergamum, but may 
have been brought thither from one 
of the smaller to\viis. 

'Aj/rtVa? is indeclinable, if we accept 
the reading of the best mss. WH., 
however [but see Hoi't, Apoc. p. 28], 
are disposed to favour Lachmann's con- 
jecture that the final c ai'ose from an 
accidental doubling of the following o, 
while ^Q^t\o{Text. Crit. p. 331) thinks 
that ^AvrLTTa was written 'Ai/nVas in 
order to conform it to 6 fiaprvs. The 
anomaly, however it may have arisen, 
has misled the scribes, who have sought 
to save the grammai* by inserting als 
or omitting os : see app. crit. For 6 
ndpTvs jj-ov cf. Acts i. 8 €(T€cr6i /xov 
[lapTvpes, xxii. 20 6^e;^iJi'i'ero to alpa 
^TfCpdvov Tov fxaprvpos crou, Apoc. 
XVll. 6 p.e6vovaav...€K tov aipaTos Tav 

p.apTvp(ov 'lijtrou. It is tcmi>ting to 
translate (lapTvs by 'martyr' in the 
last two passages, and even R.V. 
yields to the temptation in Apoc. /. c, 
though it is content to call Stephen 
and Antipas 'witnesses.' But it may 
be doubted whether the word had 
acquired a technical sense at the end 
of the first century ; Clem. Cor. 5 pap- 
Tvprjcras enopevdi] els tuv o(peiX6p.evov 
Tonov TTjs 86^T]s is not decisive. Even 
in the second half of the second 
century the title could be given to 
confessors at Lyons and Vienne, 
though it is significant that they dis- 
claimed it as due only to the Lord 
(Apoc. i. 5) and to those who had 

died for Him. By. that time the 
technical sense had nearly established 
itself (see Lightfoot's note on Clem. 
I.e., and Benson's Cyprian, p. 90 f.) ; 
but in the N. T. this stage has not 
been reached, though the course of 
events Avas leading up to it. The 
Lord gives Antipas His own title, o 
pdpTvs 6 TTto-Toy (i. 5, iii. 14), qualifying 
it by a double pov, 'my witness, my 
faithful one ' ; Antipas bore witness 
to Christ, was loyal to Christ even 
unto death, as Christ to the Father 
(l Tim. vi. 13 TOV papTvptjcravTos eiri 
novTiov UeiXdrov Tr)v KoXrjv 6p.o\oyiav). 
'ATTfKTcivdr], see Mc. viii. 31 note; in 
Attic Gi-eek dneOavfu would have been 
preferred, cf. Blass, Gr. pp. 44, 55. 
Uap' vp'iv...KaToiKf'i I'ccalls at the end 
of the sentence the solenni fact with 
which it began : the home of this 
Church was also the residence of Satan. 
14. dXX' exo> KaTO. crou oXlya] At 

Ephesus the attitude of the Church 
towards the Jficolaitans was matter 
for praise, biit at Pergamum it invited 
censure ; contrast e^w Kara crov vith 
V. 6 TovTo e^ets. The Church which 
could resist Satan in the form of the 
Emperor- cult was not equally proof 
against an insidious heresy Anthin its 
own ranks. 

OTL f^f? (Kel KpaTovvras ttjv diSaxrjp 
BaXadp, ktX.] A party in the Church 
at Pergamum {iKe1=ivap vplv) taught 
as Balaam had done ; cf. J. B. Mayor, 
St Jiide, p. clxxvi. Balaam nmde it 
his aim to teach {ihibaa-Kev) Balak 
how to l)eguile Israel into the double 
sin of idolatry and fornication. The 

II. 15] 



Zi^a>(r]V BaXad/u. o? i^idacTKei/ tco BuXuk (iaXeiv 
(TKav^aXov evtoTTLOv tcov v'lcov la-prajX. (payelu ei^coXo- 



VTci Kcii TTOpveviTai. "ovTco^ ^X^'^ '^'•^ ^^' xparovvTa^ 15 

14 eSiSa^e Q min»"i" ine syiT arm Or'"' Ar | tw BaXoic A(C) 11] €v tw BaXa/c 
I 18 p?"* a> TW BaXaa/t tov BaXaK P Andr<^o""" BaXaa/c Q (ita et C 95** 130) om K* 
TOf BaXa«- ^i<■■» 95 alP' | /SaXei;'] /SaXXetf N''* (SaaiXet A | (payttv] i>v /cat Q min'''"^" 
Ar I om eiduXoffvra vg fi5w\o6vTov 130 

reference is to ]S'uni. xxxi. 16, where 
tlic sin of Poor is traced to Balaam's 
suggestion (cf. Philo, vit. Moys. i. 54, 
Jos. antt. ix. 6. 6, Ongen in Num. 
horn. XX.). Modern O.T. scholars (e.g. 
Driver, Introd. p. 62 f., F. II. Woods in 
Hastings, D.B. i. 233) point out that 
the story of lialaani blends two ac- 
counts, Num. xxii. i — xxv. 5 belonging 
to JE, while Num. xxv. 6ff. is from P ; 
in the former Balaam after blessing 
Israel returns to Petlior (Num. xxiv. 
25), in the latter he is the author of 
Balak's later policy and eventually is 
slain by Israel in battle (Num. xxxi. 8, 
cf. Josh. xiii. 22). Jo.scpluis I.e. recon- 
ciles the two stories by supposing that 
Balaam on reaching the Euphrates sent 
for Balak and imitartcd his scheme ; 
some such addition to the history was 
doubtless in the mind of the writer 
of the Apoc. There is an interesting 
])arallcl in the stratagem suggested by 
Achior in Judith v. 20, xi. 1 1 ff. 

F'or the constructiou e',jt8. rw 15. 
ix'ference has been made to Job xxi. 

22 (nr-i noS: 'pN'?n); but hihaiTKnv 

with the dative is found in Plutarch 
and other later (J reek writers (IIort\ 
BaXcif (TKavhaKov., cf Tidfvai (tk, in 
Ps. xlix. (1.) 20, Judith v. 1, Ib.s. 
iv. 17, Rom. xiv. 13. A crKiv^aXov 
(Att. (TKavh<'{\r)dfiov) is any object that 
is apt to trij) up one who is walking 
carek's.sly ; see Ilort on 1 Pet. ii. 8. 
Tiie women of Moab were deliberately 
thrown in ilie way of unsuspecting 
Israel, in the hope of bringing about 
the downfall of the latter. The order 
<^aye~iv...Ka\ rropffvaai is the opposite 
of that in Num. xxv. i ff., which is 

followed below, r. 20; l)ut it doubt- 
less answers to the experience of the 
Church at Pergannun, where the mixed 
company at j)agan feasts was the oc- 
casion of the greater evil. EtSwXo- 
6vTov, see 4 Mace. v. 2, Acts xv. 29, 
xxi. 25, I Cor. viii. i ff. ; cf. Ufx'tdvrov 
in I Cor. x. 28. 

15- oCrcuf ...6/ioia)j] "£;(?(£• takcS 
\\\\ the thread oi v. 14 (f^^'f «" 
KpaTovvTas KrX.), while ovras Kol av 

compares the situation at Pergamum 
with that of Israel exposed to the 
wiles of Balaam ; ofioiois at the end 
of the sentence emplnisizes ovnos, and 
keeps the parallel still in view. The 
general sense of re. 14, 15 would have 
l)eeu clearer if the Apoculyptist had 
written : axmep yap BaXaap, f'5i5acr>c<j/ 
...ovT(i)s fx^^i f"' fi*) 'ctX. ; or f\fis 
tKtl KpaTovvTai...e\ets yap KpaTovvras 
rf)v 8iSaxr]v "S iKoXa'tTun/. 

For the Nicolaitans see note on 
V. 6. As to their teaching, it is clear 
that they disregarded the restriction 
imposed upon the Gentile Churches 
by the Apostolic council held at Jeru- 
salem in 49—50 (Acts XV. 29 ave- 
Xtcdai fiStoXo^i'rcoi/, cf. 20 oV. Ta>v 
d\iayr}p.(iTCi)V Twf (i5a>X(i}i>) with the 

practical result that they encouraged 
a return to pagan laxity of morals (cf. 
r. 6). Writing to Coi-inth some fifteen 
years after the council St Paul had 
occ:u<ion t<3 argue with Christians who 
reganled the eating vf fl^wXoSiTa as a 
thing indifferent; and tlumgh he does 
not tike his st\nd on the Jerusalem 
decree, he opposes the jn-actice on 
the ground that it gave offence to 
weak brethren (i Cor. viii. 4, 9 f), 
and also bec:iuse of the connexion 


16 Ttjv ^iha-^rji' N LKoXaiTtov o/iOiO)?. ^ jj.eTav6r](rov ovv 
el he /ut], ep^o/uiaL croL Ta^v, kul 7ro\eiur]crco jueT 

15 7s LKoXaiTUf'} pr twv KP i 7 28 38 91 al Andr Ar | ofioiusj o jj-lo-u} 1 92"'^ 
arm + o /ulktu} P 12 13 17 vg'^'"* om arm- aeth ofius 130 16 om ow NP i 14 28 36 49 
76 91 92 96 al Yg syr Prim (hab ACQ ininf"^'*^ me syrs" arm aeth Ar) 

which he regarded as existing between 
idol-worship and unclean sjiirits (i Cor. 

X. 20 a 6vov(riv TO. Wvj] BaifMOViois Ka\ ov 
6ea Bvovdiv, ov BiKca he vfiai Koivuivovs 
ra>v haifiovicov yivfcrdai) ; to partake of 
the 'table of unclean spirits' (ib. 21 
rpanf^Tjs Sat/xoi'icoi') was inconsistent 
with participation in the Eucharist. 
In the face of these facts a perverse 
theory, originating with the Tiibingen 
school, identifies the Nicolaitans with 
the followers of St Paul ; cf, Renan, 
Saint Paul, p. 303 f. : " on s'habitue 
k designer I'apotre des gentils par le 
sobriquet de Nicolas... ses disciples du 
meme coup furent appeles nicolai'tes"; 
and see van Manen's art. Nicolaitans 
in Ehc. Bibl. 3410 f. It would be 
nearer to the truth to say that they 
were the spiritual descendants of the 
Ubertines who perverted the Paulino 
doctrine and against whom St Paid 
strongly protests. In the next century 
these views were embraced by certain 
Gnostic teachers ; see Justin, dial. 35 

■)(^piaTt.avovs eavrovi X€yov(Tiv...Ka.\ avo- 
fiois Ka\ ddfois TeXfTois Koivavovaiv 
icai fia\v avTtov 01 fxev Tives KaXovfievot 
M.apKiavoi, 01 de OvaXevriviavoi ktX. 
Iren. i. 6. 3 kul yap el8a)ko6vra ddia- 
(f)6p(os ecrdiovai, p-T]8e fioXvuecrdaL vii 
avratv i]yovfievoi...ol Se koI ra'is Trjs 
crapKos rjhovais KaraKopas hovXevovres 

ktX. The Nicolaitans of the next 
century were of this class, cf. Iren. 
iii. I. 3 "indiscrete vivunt"; Hippol. 
philos. vii. 36 ISiiKoXaos ...e8i8a(TKev 
d8ia(popiau /3iou re Koi ^pcoaecoi ; Tert. 
adn. Marc. i. 29 "aliqui Nicolaitae 
assertores libidinis atque luxuriae." 
According to Clement Alex, stroni. 
iii. 4 they quoted a sajing of their 
founder, ort irapa^prja'acrdai rfj aapKi 
bf'i, and acted upon it : eKivopvevova-iv 

avaihr^v ot rrjv alpecriv aiTov pfTiovres. 

It is noteworthy that the party was 
strong at Epliesus and Pergamiun ; 
they had established themselves at 
the two most important centres in 
Asia, the 'metropolis,' and the ancient 
and perhaps still official capital. 

16. fifTavorjaov ovj/] There was 
occasion not only for vigilance, but for 
an act of repentance (on p-travorjaou 
see V. 5). The Church was already 
compi'omised by undue tolerance of 
the Nicolaitans ; she had not purged 
herself of complicity with them as the 
Church at Ephesus had done (con- 
trast V. 6 /xto-eiy with V. 1 5 e'xei-s). 

fl 8e ar), epxop-ai croi rax^ ktX.] For 
fl de prj (^eov 8e pq peravoijcrj]) see 
V. 5 note ; raxv is now added, for the 
matter would brook no delay. Yet 
the Lord docs not say iroXepTqa-co p. era 

aov, but per avTatv, i.e. p.eTa tcov Kpa- 
TovvTU)V TrjV bibax^v twv NtKoXaiVcoi' ; 
if the Church had tolerated the Nico- 
laitans, and some of her members had 
listened to their teaching, yet she 
had not as a wliole identified herself 
with the party ; cf. Andreas : cV rfi 
aTTeiXfj he rj cpiXavBpamla' ov yap p^era 
aov' (pTjcriv, dXXa 'per' eKeivcov, Tav 
roacrvvToyv avlara. UoXepelv perd rivos, 
frequent in the Lxx., is used in the 
N.T. only by the Apocalyptist (ii. 16, 
xii. 7, xiii. 4, xvii. 14), and the verb 
itself outside the Apoc. only in Jac. 
iv. 2. The glorified Christ is in this 
book a Warrior, who fights with the 
sharp sword of the word; cf. i. 16, 
xix. 135"., and see Eph. vi. 17, Heb. 
iv. 1 2. The idea of a Divine "Warrior, 
which appears first in the Song of 
Miriam (Exod. xv. 3 ncn'pp Ci'^* mn^, 
equivocally rendered by the lxx. Kv- 

II. 17] 



auTwi/ ev T7J po/uL<paifi tou aTOfj.aro'i juou. *^c) 'ex^^w 17 
0V9 aKOVcraTco tl to Trvevjua Aeyei TaL<; eKK\r](riai's. 


Kui cco(ru) ((VTcp yfrfjcboi' /\ei//c>/V, Kai eirl Trji/ yjyricboi^ 

17 oyj] (litres vg''<'" Arab Prim i viKovvn AC | airrcj (om t^ 92 </ vg'^'" syr<f"')] + (toi/) 
(payeifF 1 7 (13 14) 28 (i-,) 49 79 {87) 91 92'"« 96 al armsyrr | tov /law a AG mln'"'^- 
At] fK TOV fxavva N 36 39 me syrr arm* Prim {de manna) to /jl. Q Vict Amb ano tov 
ixavva I 7 28 79 96 al otto tov ^v\ov P a. r. f. ttjs fojijs arm' | om Sucru outw 2" t^ 38 

ptof (rujTpi'/Swi/ TToXffiovs) is associated 
with the Logos in Saji. xviii. 15 o 
navTodvvafios (rov Xoyoy ott' oupai'toi/ e'/c 
dpovoiv fSaaiXfiav dnoTOfxoi iTo\efnaTT)s 
...TJXaTo. The drroTOfiUi of the Divine 
Word is directed es])eciully against 
those who "tuni tlie grace of God 
into hisciviousncss," as the Nicolaitans 
did. Possibly, as in v. 14, there is an 
alhision to the story of Balaam (Num. 
.\xii. 23, xxxi. 8). 

I 7. TW VlKCOVTl 8ci)(T<t3 OVTOi TOV /Jidwa 

ktX.] On Tw piK. 8. avTw see v. 7, 
note. ToO ndwa is the ])artitive geni- 
tive, "W^M. p. 247 ; Blass, against the 
documentary evidence, discounts this 
solitary instance of the gen. after 
SiSwat as "not authentic "( 6' r. p. 100, 
note 3). Mtivj/a (ip, Aram. NSD^ lxx. 
ndv in Exod. xvi. 31 fF., ndwa else- 
where) has pa.ssed from the lxx. into 
the N.T. (Jo. vi. 31, 49, ilcb. ix. 4) and 
Josephus («??«. iii. i. 6). ToO ksk/jv/x- 
fifvov refers no doubt to tlie golden 
pot "laid up before God" (Exod. xvi. 
23), i.e. in the Ark (Ileb. ix. 4); the 
Ark itself was believed to have been 
hidden by Jeremiah in a place where 
it would not be discovered mitil Israel 
was restored (2 Mace. ii. 5 ft'. ; cf the 
Rabbinical traditions in Abarbanel on 
I Sam. iv. 4 ''lincc area futuro tempore 
adveniente !Messia nostro manifestabi- 
tur"; Tanchuma, 83. 2 "Elias I.sraelitis 
restituit...urnam maiinae"; other pa.s- 
sages may be seen in Wetstein). The 
Apoe. of Banich has the story in c. vi. 
7 ff. and adds in xxix. 8 (chI. Charles) : 
"at that self-same time [when the 
^lessiah is revealed] the treasury of 

manna will again desceml from on 
high, and they will eat of it in those 
years"; cf. Orac. Sibyll. vii. 148 f. 
KXr]fxara S' ovk ecrrai ov8f (rTd\vf, dW 
ajxa irdvTes \ fxdvvr^v ttjv dpoaepfjv X(v- 
Koiaiv 68ov(Ti (})dyovTai. As for the 
interpretation of the promise, its full 
meaning is hardly covered by St Paul's 
6eov a-o(f)ia iv /xvcrTTipici), 7) diroKeKpip.- 
Hfvr] (i Cor. ii. 7), or by Origen's 
"intellectus verbi Dei subtilis et 
dulcis" (horn, on Exod. ix. 4) ; i-ather 
by TO fidwa TO KfKpvfXfievov must be 
undei'stood the life-sustaining power 
of the Sacred Humanity now "hid 
with Christ in God" (Col. iii. 3), of 
which the faithful find a foretivstc in 
the Eucharist but which can be fully 
known only to the conqueror (Jo. vi. 
31 f., 54 ff.). Victorinus : "inanua 
ahsconditum immortalitas est." Pri- 
masius, followed by Bede : "panis 
invisibilis qui do caclo descendit.'" 
Arethas points out the fitness of this 
reference to the heaveidy food at the 
end of a message which condenms 
participation in heathen feiusts : roj 
vLKU>VTi 8o6^vai (jyayflr tov paci/a avrt 
TTji aKaddprov (Spaltrfcor [sc. raiu (i8(oXo- 
dvT(i)i'^ I'jreVj^fTo. 

Ka\ SfoVco uvtS y\fT)(f)av XfVKrjv *rrX.] 
"^tjcfioi is a rare word in Hii>lical Greek 
(lxx.'\ N. T.^), where it is used to 
denote (i) a piece of rock ("iV, Exod. 
iv. 25 ; ]*yn, Lam. iii. 16, cf. Sir. xviii. 
10) ; (2) a counter or voting pebble, 
cd/cuiu.'i (4 Kegn. xii. 4 (5) A, Eccl. 
vii. 26, 4 Mace. xv. 26, Acts xx^^. 10). 
Here it is to be noted that the \/^>50"f 
is white, anil that it bears a mystical 


oi^o/ua KULVov yeypafjLfjLevov, b ovheL<s olhev el jurj 6 

17 ovdeis oidey^ om o S* (hab X*^") o ouS. eioev rae'"' 

uame which only the possessor can 
read. Few of the solutions hitherto 
proposed satisfy these conditions. The 
Rabbinical tradition that precious 
stones fell with the manna {Joma 8) 
may have suggested the collocation 
of the manna and the yj/iitpos, but it 
carries us no further. Ziillig's theory, 
adopted by Trench, that there is an 
allusion to the Urim (Exod. xxviii. 30), 
supposed to have been a diamond 
engraved with the Tetragrammaton, 
is too purely conjectural to be satis- 
factory, even if it were not open to 
other objections. If we turn to the 
Greek surroundings of the Asiatic 
Churches, which must not be excluded, 
as Trench maintains, from the field 
of Apocalyptic hermeneutics, there 
is a larger choice of interijretations. 
■"I'^^s may refer to the ballot thro\ra 
into the voting urn (Ovid, 7net. xv. 
41 "mos erat antiquis niveis atrisque 
lapillis, I his damnare reos, illis ab- 
solvere culpa") or to the counters 
used for calculation (cf Apoc. xiii. 18 
ylrrjcpiaaTa) tov apiBfiov) ; or the ^Irfjcjjos 
\evKii might be the symbol of a good 
time (Plin. ep. vi. 4. 3 "o diem no- 
tandum candidissimo calculo"), or of 
victory (Andreas, TovTian viKuxrav ; 
Aretlias, tt^v dno tQ>}> iv toIs dearpon 
Koi Tols (rraS/otf ayaivL^ofxivav yvdpifxov 
ovcrav, Tois viKaai TrapexofJ-fvrjv). Or 
there may be a reference to the tickets 
which were sometimes distributed to 
the populace and entitled the holders 
to free entertainment or amusement 
(cf. Xiphilin. epit. 228 a-cjyaipia yap 
^vXi,va p.iKpa av(x)6€v els to dearpov ip- 
pinrei crvp^oKov 'd^ovra to fifv eScoS/^ou 
Tiv6s...apTraa-avrds TLvas f8fi irpos Toiis 
doTTJpas avratv aneviyKelv koX Xafdflv 

TO f7nyeypap.p.€vov), or to the tessera 
frumentaria or the t. hospitalis of 
Roman life (cf. Plant. Poen. v. i. 8). 
Each of these explanations, however, 

leaves something to be desired ; either 
the y{^rj(f)os is not inscribed or it is 
not necessarily white. Prof. Ramsay 
(Hastings, D.B. iii. 751) supposes a 
contrast wdtli the parchment which 
took its name (charta Pergamena) 
from the city, and interprets : " the 
name is written not on white parch- 
ment such as Pergamum boasts of, 
but on an imperishable white tessera." 
"The white stone," he wi-ites elsewhere 
{Letters, p. 302), "was, doubtless, a 
tessera." But the tessera does not 
suggest imperishableness. Possibly 
yj/ricfios XevKT) may refer to the en- 
graved stones which were employed 
for magical purposes and bore mystic 
names ; see King, Engraved Gems, 
p. 97 ff. : Gnostics and their remains, 
passim. Magic in all its forms entered 
largely into the life of the gi-eat cities 
of Asia ; for its prevalence at Ephesus 
see Acts xix. 19. The Divine magic 
which inscribes on the human char- 
acter and life the Name of God and of 
Christ is i)laced in contrast with the 
poor imitations tliat enthralled i)agan 

It may be that the precise reference 
will be ascertained in the course of 
explorations which are still in progress 
in Asia Minor and in particular at 
Pergamum. Meanwhile the general 
sense is fairly clear. The white stone 
is the pledge of the Divine favour 
which carries with it such intimate 
knowledge of God ai'id of Christ as 
only the possessor can comprehend : 
cf. iii. 12 o }'iKav...ypa\j/(o €1t avTou 
TO 'ovop.a TOV 6iOv pov...Kal TO ovofia 
p-ov TO Kaivov, and on this knowledge 
:is the gift of Christ see Mt. xi. 27. 
The alternative is to regard tlie ovop.a 
Kaivov as the symbol of the new life 
and relations into which moral victoi-y 
transports the conqueror, an inter- 
jjretation supported by Isa. Ixii. 2 

II. iS] 



^^ K((i Tio ciyyeXtp tw ev OuuTeipoi^ eKKXrjcrla^ lii 
ypa-ylyov Tctoe Xcyei 6 vlo^ tov Oeoiij 6 ^■)(^uiv tov^ 

18 TO) 2° A syrr Prim] -njs tiPQ rain"'""''''' om C | Qvartipoii (-repois AC --njpon P)] 
OvaTi]pa- 79 me QvaTtipr] i 7 8 9 i6 19 23 al Qvanpr} (-pa) Q ^ vg Prim [Thijatirae] 
me I om tKKX-qcnai A 

KoKecrfi ere to ovnpLa to Knivov o o 
Kvpios ovofiatrd avVo, Ixv. 1 5 Tois fie 
SovKcvovai fioi KXT]dr](T(Tai ovopia Kaivw, 
ami suggesting a reference to the 
mysteries and the prevalent magical 
rites ( Ramsay, Letters, p. 306 ; see 
also his reference to a a-vvdrjfia re- 
ceived by Aristides of Smyrna from 
Asklepios, ib. p. 312 ff.). If this view 
be accepted — and it is perhaps the 
more probable — the victorious disciple 
is represented as resembling in his 
measure the victorious Master; cf xix. 
12 ()((ov opopia yeypapLpLfvov o ovdfts 
otSei' (I pLTj avTos. The 'new name' is 
one of a series of Kaiva which belong 
to the Church {Kaivoi avdpwTTos, Kaivf) 
8ia6TjKT), 8ida)(j], fVToXi], lepovaaXrjpL, 
KTiais, oJSr;, Kaivos ovpavhi Kot Kaivf] 
yri); cf. 2 Cor. v. 1 7, Apoc. xxi. 5. 
Neof is used in this connexion only 
in Ileb. xii. 24 ; it is not the recent 
origin of the Gospel — its veorr/f, but 
its KaivoTTjs, its unfailing freshness, 
to which attention is culletl. The 
Christian ' name,' i.e. the character or 
inner life which the Gospel insjiiros, 
])ossesses the property of eternal 
youth, never losing its power or its 


18 — 29. Mkssage to Tim Angkl 
OF THE Church in Thyatir.\. 

18. TO) e'vOvaTflpoit] Some 40 miles 
S.E. of I'ergaimun lay Thyatira {tci 
QvaTfipa), a Lyilian city on the bor- 
ders of Mysia and .sometimes claimed 
by the latter (Strabo, 625 lSa?ii(ov(Tiv 
tnl ^dp8fU)V iroXis icrTiv (v apiaTtpa 
QvaTfipa ...fiv Mvadv *(r\'nrr;i' Tivts 
<i)a(Tiv). It was founded by the Se- 
leucidae, but since B.C. 190 it hud 
been in the hands of the Roman.s and 
was inchuled in the province of Asia. 
Though not the Ofpial of Ei>hesus, 
Smyriux, or rergamum l^Pliny, J/. A'. 

V. 33 "Thyatireni aliaequo inhonorae 
civitates"), Thyatira was a thriving 
centre of trade (Ramsay, Letters, 
p. 324 ff.); the iiLscrijitions shew that 
the city was remarkaljle even among 
Asiatic to\™s for the number of its 
guilds (Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics, 
i. p. 105), among which may lie men- 
tioned the apTOK(',noi, /3a<^elr, /^iipcrfly, 
'ipiaT(viip.€voi (clothiers), K€pap.(ii, Xavu- 

plOl, Xll'OVI>yOl, (TKVTOTOpiOl, )(aXKfls, 

XaXKOTVTToi ; to the ^ac^tls there is a 
reference in Acts xvi. 14 ywrj ovopiaTi 
Av8ia (was she .so called as coming 
from a Lydian town ?), nopcfivpi'.noiXis 
TToXftof QvaTfipcou. There were temples 
of the Tyrimnaean Apollo (Ramsay, 
Letters, p. 319 ff.) and Artemis in 
the city, and near it the shrine of 
Sambathe (ro ^ap^adt'iov), an Oi'iental 
(Chaldean or Persian) Siliyl ; but Thy- 
atira had no temple deilicated to the 
Emperors. The Church in Th. was 
probably small, even relatively to the 
population ; according to Elpiphanius 
{haer. li. 2,0) the Alogi towards the 
end of the second century asserted 
that no Church was then to be fi)und 
there. It^ dangers arose from within 
rather than from Jews or pagans. 
Epijjhanius (J.c.) represents the jtlace 
ixs having become at a later date a 
stronghold of Montanisni. See further 
the Introduction, \). Ixiii. f. 

Tcihf Xiyd 6 v'los TOV dfov ktX.\ 'O 
vVos T. 6. occui-s hero only in the 
Ajwc, but the title is inij)lied in i. 6, 
ii. 27, iii. 5, 21, xiv. i ; on its imj^rt 
see Dr Sunday's art Son of G<>d in 
Hu.stings' D. B. iv. 570 ff. In this 
pluce it adds .solemnity to the quivsi- 
human featiu-es which are recited 
from the vision tif ch. i. For o (xu>v 
Toi's ofpdaXpovi. . .KOI oi Tzofits ktX., see 
the notes on i. 14 f. This mention of 



[II. i8 

ocpOaKfj-ovs avTOu ws (pXoya irvpo'i, Kai o'l Tro^e? 

19 avTOv b/uoioi '>i(^a\Ko\i/3auM. ^^olha crov Ta epya Kal 
Tf]V dyaTTfiv Kai Tr]V ttlcttlv Kai Ttjv hiccKOvlau Kal 
Ttjv vTTOjuovrjv (TOVj Kui Tu epya aov Ta kcr^aTa 

20 vrXeLOva tcov TrpcoTwv. ^°dW' e;)^aj KaTa aou otl 

18 om avTov 1° A 36 38 syrs" arm'* vg Prim | (pXoya] ^Xof N vg'" 'KafMiradas 130 [ 
XaXfw Xi^avo} P""* 7 aeramento Tyrino Quaest^"- 19 /c. r. aya-jnjv k. t. itlctiv k. t. 

dLUKovLav ^<(*)(c.a)c.c ACPQ 6 7 8 24 28 29 31 36 (38) 48 49 87 aF^^^s ygamfuai mg syrr 
aeth Or'"' Prim Andr Ar] /cat Trjv wiaTiv k. t. ayawriv k. t. StaKoviav 32 51 90 95 k. t. 
ayawqv k. t. diaKoviav k. t. ttkttiv i \ om kui ttjv ayair-qv arm | om aov 2° K 49 vg*^™''' 
Or'"' Quaest^°2 Prim | ra eax^ra] pr Kai i 20 aX\ ^<CP 6 7 I4 28 29 31 38 80 al] 

aXXa AQ 8 13 18 19 30 33 35 36 al | Kara aov] + Tro\v H, 12 17* 36 43 81 g syrs^ arm 
+ 7roXXa 28 79 80 armi Cypr Prim + 0X170 i vg'^°'^'*'='« 

ans than of those of the Sniyrnaeans 
and Philadelphians, with whom no 
fault is found. 

20. fiXA' e)(a> Kara crov on dipels ttjv 
yvvalna 'if fa/3fX ktX.] Like the Ferga- 
nienes, the Thyatiran Christians were 
harbouring an enemy of Christ, but 
their guilt seems to have been greater, 
since ac^eZ? implies a tolerance of evil 
which is not suggested by ex^^^ (^- H); 
and their attitude Mas certainly the 
very opposite of that of the Ephesians 
towards the Nicolaitans ; cf. vo. 2, 6 
av Svfrj ^aardcrai, fMiatis. Ou the 
form fi^*?? see WH.", JVotes, p. 174, 
W. Schm. jx 123 ; it occurs already in 

Exod. xxxii. 32 lxx. Jezebel (''3r'!^, 

LXX. 'lefa/3fX, Josephus ^leCalSeXt), 

Isabel), the Phoenician wife of Ahab 
(i Kings xvi. 31), who sought to force 
upon the northern kingdom the wor- 
ship of Baal and Astarte and (2 Kings 
ix. 22) the immoralities and magical 
practices connected with it, doubtless 
represents some person or i)arty at 
Thyatira in whose doings the writer 
saw a resemblance to those of Ahab's 
\\nfe ; cf. his use of the name Balaam 
in r. 14. But while 'Balaam' is iden- 
tified by the context with the Nico- 
laitans, there is no such clue to the 
meaning of 'Jezebel.' There is much 
to be said for Schiirei-'s suggestion 
(in Th. Ahh. Weizsdcker geicidmet^ 

the eyes that flash with righteous in- 
dignation and the feet that can stamp 
down the enemies of the truth jire- 
pares the reader for the severe tone 
of the utterance which follows. 

19. otSfi aov TO. f'pya kol kt-X.] A 
fuller and ampler ti-ilsuto of praise 
than that aM'arded to the Church in 

EpheSUS (l\ 2) : ttjv dyaTrrju Kal TrjV 

iri(TTiv Kal TTJV 8iaKoviav enumerates 
the motive forces of Christian activity 
and their most characteristic result. 
Love is characteristically placed first 
in a Johannine book, though faith is 
not overlooked (cf. ii. 13, xiii. 10, xiv. 
12) ; the Pauline order is the reverse 
(i Th. iii. 6, v. 8 ; i Tim. i. 14, ii. 15, 
vi. II ; 2 Tim. i. 13, ii. 22 ; Tit. ii. 2 ; 
the only exception is Philem. 5). The 
scribes, as the apparatus shews, have 
endeavoured to conform St John's 
order to St Paul's. What kind of 
'service' is intended by dtaKovla may 
be gathered from Rom. xv. 25, 31, 
I Cor. xvi. 15, 2 Cor. viii. 4, ix. i, 
Heb. vi. 10. The acts of service had 
shewn no tendency to diminish, as at 
Ephesus (cf. ve. 4, 5) ; on the contrary 
they were still increasing in number, 
"the last more than the first." It is 
noteworthy that in these addresses 
praise is more liberally given, if it can 
be given Avith justice, when blame 
is to follow ; more is said of the good 
deeds of the Ephesians and Thyatir- 

II. 2l] 



TrpocpPiTLV, Kal ZihacTKeL kul irXava tov^ €iuov<i hovXov'S 
iropvevaaL kul (payelv elhmXoOvTa. ^^ kul ehcoKa auTtj 21 
Xpoi^ov 'Iva /ueTavofja-r], Kal ov OeXei jueTai/oyja-aL e/c 

20 a0eis] a(f)r]Kai S'^" 26 36 Byrr arm Cypr*^ | tijv yvi'aiKa]+o-ov AQ miu*'' syrr 
arm''* Ar Cypr Prim (om NCP i 7 36 38 95 al vg me arm--^ aeth Tert Quae&t"'^) | v 
\eyovcra S*AC] 7) Xe^et Q min^' Andr Ar rrjv Xeyovcrav K'^'P i 36 38 130 al | eavriji' 
ACP mini'' sj'r?" Prim] avTr]v NQ 7 16 40 69 | vpocpriTiv (--eicu' X* -ttju PQ 7 36 87 
g6*)] + fii'ai ii*"'^ syrs'" arm | Kai 8i8acrK£L Kai irXava NACPQ minP'i^" syrr (me) aeth 
Andr] Sidaa-Keiv km nXavav vg Cypr Prim Ar 11 avrrfl ai/rois arm | Kai ov deXei... 

ayr7?s] c/c rrji iropveias avTrjs /cat ov fierevo-qcrev i (arm) | 5e\«] ridek-qaev A Prim 

1892), that the Thyatiran Jezebel is 
the Sibyl of the 2afi^ade'iou (see v. 1 8, 
note). Her shrine was situated in the 
'Chaldean' quarter (CIG 3509 npo 
Trjs TToXeas rrpos Tea 'Sufi(3adfio) eV rS 
XaXdaiav nepi^oXa) and she is variously 
described as Chaldean, Hebrew, Egyp- 
tian, Persian, and Babylonian (Pans. 
X. 12. 9 yvvT] ;^p7;(r/ioXoyof, ovofia 8e 
avTjj 2n(3/3»7... 01 8e avrfjv BajSvXoivlav, 
iTfpoi fie 'S.ijivXXav KoXovcnv AlyvnTiav: 
of. Suidas s.i\ 2ii3vXXa; 2. XaX8aia, i] 
Kal TTpos Tivwv 'E,3paia ovopM^optvrj rj 
Kal UfpaU). But it is ditticult to 
believe that this person, even if of 
Semitic origin, could have gained 
admission to the Church under the 
guise of a Christian proi)hetess (^ 
Xiynvcra iavTrju TTpo(f)rjTiv). Mure pro- 
bably her success as a xPWP-"^''>yo^ 
was emulated by some female member 
of the Church who claimed the gift 
of prophecy and exercised it in the 
interests of the Nicolaitan party (rr. 
14 f.); cf. Tert. de piuUr. 19, "hacreti- 
cam feminani quae quod didicerat a 
Nicolaitis doccre suscepcrat." In tlio 
O.T. prophetesses are not infrequent ; 
TTpocfyfJTis occurs in Exod. xv. 20 
(Miriam), Jud. iv. 4 ( Dcborali), 4 Regn. 
xxii. ]4(Huldah), Isa. viii. 3 (Isaiah's 
wife) ; cf Lc. ii. 36 77i^"Ai'i'a 7rpo(/)^riy. 
Moreover, notwithstanding St Paul's 
rule (l Cor. xiv. 34 ai ywa'tKfs (v ra'n 
fKKXtjaiais (TiyaTcti<rai;ov yap eVirptVfTat 
avrali XaXdu, I Tim. ii. 12 dtSda-Kftv Si 
yvi'aiKt ovK «Virp<'7rco\ female prophets 

were not unknown in the early Omrcli ; 
cf Acts xxi. 9, and the cases of Priscilla 
and Maximilla (Eus. H. E. v. 14) and 
Amniia {ib. 17). This Jezebel of the 
Thyatiran brotherhood was still teach- 
ing when the Apocalyjise was written 
(SiSao-Kf t), and making converts to her 
innnoral creed ; with irXava tovs €povs 
801X0VS comp. Mc. xiii. 22 (ytpOrfcrnvrai 
yap ...y\revboivpQ(^rjTai.., TTpos to ano- 
irXnvav d bvvarov tovs (kXiktovs. 
Ilopv(v(rai is here perhaps significantly 
])laced before (payelu flScoXoOvra, as 
justifying the use of the name Jezel>el ; 
cf 4 Regn. ix. 22 al iropviiai. 'U^a^eX. 
The well supported reading rffv ywa'iKa 
crov (Vg. nxorem tuam) was perhaps 
suggested by 3 Regn. xix. i, xx. (xxi.) 
5, 7, 26 ; the Angel of the Church is 
regarded as the weak Ahab who allows 
himself to be the tool of a new Jezebel. 
Grotiu.s, who accepted this reading and 
believed the Angels of the Churches 
to be their Bishoi)s, w;xs driven to tlie 
strange but logical conclusion that 
the false prophetess wa.'^ the wife of 
the Bishop of the Cinirch at Thyatii-a, 
21. Kal fSoiKa avTjj )^pol•l)l> ktX.'\ 
Arcthas : eyw, (prjalu, 6 ^17 ^fXwu tov 
BavaTov TOV afiapToiXoii aXXa ttjv €1Ti- 
arpocfjTjv frjTCdi', fdcuxa oiViy fXfTavoias 
Kaipov. On this use of Iva cf. Jo. 
xii. 23 tXt]Xv0(i> r; (Zpn tva do^aa-fif], 

xvi. 32. The evil had been going on 
for some time (cf. r. 13, 7iote\ not 
necessarily, however, at Thyatira, since 
tlio prophets wero itinerant, though 




Kai Tov^ fjLOL'x^vovTa'i jJLeT avTri^ ek dXiyjyiv jueyaXr]!/, 


Kai Ta 

23 eav fxr] fJLeTavof]<TOV(rLV e/c Tiav epycou avTr]<s' 

TeKva avTrjs diroKTevM ev BavaTo)' Kai yvcocrovTaL 
Trdo'aL at eKK\r](riaL otl eyco ei/uL 6 epavvoov vecppovi 

21 TTopvia^ KA I avrrjs] TavTr/s M 22 i§ov] + eyo} 1 arm | jSaXKu AC i alP' 

syrr ygamfuai Cypr Prim Andr Ar] /3aXw bs^a (Ka\oj N*) PQ 38 me vg'^'= (mittam) Tert 
[dabo) I kXivtjp] (pvKaKTjv A Kaixivov arm^ luctum ' alia transl ' ap Prim (cf. arm*) | 
p.eTavo7)aov<7LV ^5A] fxtTavorjuwaiv CPQ min omn"'^ | om e/c r. epyuiv avrrjs me | auTT^s] 
avTuv A I 12 36 49* 79 92"8al vg'^i^'""'^''™'^"'**"?^''*.^ syr^^^ arm aeth Cypr Prim Andr 
23 om /cat 1° A me | to tekvov arm'' | avT7)s\ avrwv 46 88 arm^ | epavvwv AC] epewuv 
KPQ min"™" 

they might settle in a locality where 
the Church was Avilling to provide for 
them ; see Didache 1 1 f. ' Jezebel,' 
who was prospering at Thyatira, had 
up to the present moment shewn no 
disposition to change her course {ov 

OeXei fifravofjaai, cf. Mt. xxiii. 37 ovk 
ij^fXijaaTe). MfTavoeiv sk is tlie lisual 

construction in this book (cf ii. 22, 
ix. 20 f, xvi. 11); elseAvhere we find 
fxfTavoflv arro Jer. viii. 6, Acts viii. 22. 

22. tSoi/ /3dAXci) avTrjv fls KXlvrjv 
ktX.] Tlie time for repentance having 
expired, judgement follows ; ^aXXw is 
preferred to I3a\a), since the event is 
regarded as imminent (cf. v. 5, note). 
liXivrj may be either a bed (Mt. ix. 2, 
6, Me. vii. 30), or the couch of a 
triclinium ; or even (Hort) the funeral 
bier. Ramsay {Exp. 1901, p. 99 if. 
and in Hastings, D. B. iv. 759), and 
J. H. Moulton {Exp. 1903, ii. jj. 431) 
adopt the second meaning here, 
supposing the writer to refer to 
the guild-feasts. In this case there 
is a sharp contrast between the 
luxurious couch where the sin was 
committed and the bed of pain (Ps. 

xl. (xli.) 4 eVi kXlvtjs otvvijt avTov) 

which the parallelism els 6Xl\j/iv fxeyd- 
Xr]v obviously suggests ; cf Saj). xi. 
16 81' COP Tis a/iaprdvei, 8ia tovtcov 
KoXd^fTat. BaXXco does not imply 
violence, but merely the prostration 
of sickness, cf Mt. I.e. napaXvTKiv 

€Tn KXivrji l3e^XT]pi.fvov. Kai rovs fioi- 

Xevovras per avrtis : cf. xvii. 2, XVlll. 

3. MoixfvovTfs suggests a reference 
to the charges of unfaithfulness laid 
against Israel by the O.T. prophets 
(see Hosea ii. 2 (4), Ezek. xvi. 17 f., 
32). ^Members of the Church who were 
led into pagan vices by the teaching 
of 'Jezebel' were guilty of spiritual 
adultery (cf. 2 Cor. xi. 2). 'Edv ixt} 
fieravorjcToricnv fK tcop epycov avrrjs 

leaves a door of hope open still for 
the dupes of the false prophetess ; for 
the fut. after eav (itj, see Blass, Gr. 
1>. 215. AvTrjs is doubtless right, for 
TTopvela and poixfia are Jezebel's 
works, not those of the members of 
Christ (Gal. v. 19, Eph. v. 3ff.). 

. 23. Kul TCI TeKva avTTJs dTTOKreuco ev 
^avoTo)] Her children, i.e. her spiritual 
progeny, as distinguished from those 
who have been misled for a time ; 

the ant p pa poi)(U)V Ka\ nopvrjs (Isa. 

Ivii. 3), who inherit the parent's 
character and habits ; contrast Gal. 
iv. 19 f The children of the Thya- 
tiran Jezebel are doomed like those 

of Ahab (2 Kings X. 7). 'AnoKreva 
ev davarcp is an O.T. phrase ; cf. Ez. 
XXxiii. 27 OauaTO) ("13']13) dnoKTevS. 

edvaros is probably 'j^estilence,' as in 
vi. 8 f , where see note. 

Kai yvwaovrai Trdaai ai eKKXrjO'iai. ktA.J 

Remote as Thyatira was from the 
greater cities of Asia, the news would 
spread through the jjrovince, and 
reach " all the churches." The jihrase 

II. =4] 



Kai Kaphia<i. Kctl ctacrco vfjuv eKacTco kutu tcc epya 
v/uLMV. ^'^v/ui'lv 3e Xeyu) To'i<i XoittoT's toIs eV QuaTe'i- 24 
ooi?, ocroi ovK exovcriv Ttjv hi^a^tjv TavTyjv, o'ltiue^ 
ovK eyi'(i)(rav -rd (iadea tou (raTava, 0)9 Xe'yovcTLV 

23 KapSiav syi»"' Prim | om v/xiv me | ra tpya] om ra C | v/xuf K''-' ACP min''' 
ygamfuai gyfj arm4 aeth Prim Andr Ar] avrov Q 38 yg'^'""'"'*"'"'" me armi Cypr 
Quaeet^'^ Prim om tv* 24 toi% \oiirois (roi-s ec X. K*)] (cat Xoitt. c;2'"8 vg''« '""""' 

Quaest'*''^ Ar Xoittois 2 3 17 18 96 al'"'' om arm ] Qvareipois {-Tepois AC -rripois P) 
^•c.o ACP] euarei/)a«s 14 92 {-rrjpaii Q) Gi'arei/s?/ i4<^» GuarTj/ja me Thyatirae vg 
Prim I ^o^ea ACQ minf"""* syrr Ar""] ^adv t<P r 28 36 79 Andr"'""" Ar^""" 

yv(D(TovT(H AcrX. is from tlie O.T. (cf. 
e.g. Ex(»d. vii. 5 /cat yi/. Trairer ot 
AlyvTTTioi on t yw ft/xt Kt'pto?), and the 

same is true of 6 epawcov pf(f)povs koI 

Kapbias (cf. 1*S. vii. 10 frd^cop Knpdlas Kai 
v€<f)povs o Of 6s: Jer. xvii. lOf'yw Kvpios 
era^cav KopBlas Kai BoKifjia^(i)v vf(})povs, 
Toil Sovj'at fKaaTM Kara ras 68ovs 
avTov : ib. xi. 20, xx. 12}. By ve</)pot 

{renes, 'reins,' i.e. the kidneys, J^IV-) 
are denoted the movements of the 
will and affections, and by Kaphia 
the thoughts ; see Dclitzsch, Biblical 
Psychol()(iii, p. 317. Both are sulyect 
to the scrutiny of Iliiu Whose eyes 
are as a flame of lire (r. 18), the 
KaphioyvuxTTT^i of the Church ; cf. Jo. 
xxi. 17, Acts i. 24, XV. 8. 'Y-pawav 
is said to be an Alexandrian form 
(Blass, Gr. j). 21 ; cf Oxyrhyuc/ius 
Papyri, i. 67. 18, ii. 294. 9f.) ; for its 
use in the N.T. see Wll.'^, JVotes, p. 1 57. 
'O ipavvwv ras k. occui*s also in Rom. 
viii. 27, cf. I Cor. ii. 10 ; the Lxx. use 
(Ta(€iu or €^fTa(fiv in this connexion. 

deocrio L'/itc (KacTTa kt\.\ ^ot croi, 
the Angel, i.e. the Church collectively, 
but : 'to you, members of the 
Church, even to each indiviilual.' 
Another Divine prerogative (P.s. Ixi. 
(Lxii.) 13 O'u drro('^ojcrfiy eKcltrro) Kara ra 
epya niVoG, .ler. /. c.\ but one which 
was claimed by the Lord even in the 
days of His Flesh ; sec Mt. xvi. 27 
o vios Tov t\i'dpu)Vov...dTroda}a(i fKavrai 
Kara ttjv irpa^iv avroi . 

24. vpip df Xtyo) rots Xoittois ktX.J 

'The rest,' i.e. the members of the 
Church who had not been deceived 
by 'Jezebel,' not necessarily a mi- 
nority; see I Thess. iv. 13, where ol X. 
are the heathen world ; Apoc. ix. 20, 
where they are two-thirds of the 
whole, and xix. 21, where they are 
contrasted with oi bt'o. Tr]v 5(Sa;^^i' 
ravTTjv, i.e. th.e teaching of the pro- 
phetess, whether professedly 2Cico- 
laitan or not; cf. v. 20 with rr. i^i. 
The age was one in which 8i8axa\ rroi- 
Ki'Xai (cat ^(vai abounded (Heb. xiii. 9). 
'Doctrine' is an unfortunate render- 
ing, suggestive of a logical system 
rather than a heterogeneous mass 
of wild speculations and loose views 
of life. 

oirivfs OVK (yvaxrav ra ^adta roi- 
crarava] A definition of the faithful 
borrowed from the taunts of the 
Jezcbelites ; they were such as (cf. i. 7, 
note) "knew not the deep things,"' were 
lacking in the intuititm which pene- 
tratctl below the surface of things, and 
reached the deeper mysteries of the 
Nicolaitan creed ; deptiis, the writer 
adils, not of God (l Ct>r. ii. 10 ra fia6ri 
TOV Of oil) but of Satan (cf. ii. 9, 13, 
iii. 9). 'Qs Xiyovcrii', .SC. oi Kparovvrts 
Tf]v 8iBaxr]v ravTTjv. '"the decp things,' 
as they speak"' or "a.s they call them." 
The term, perhaps tjiken over from 
St Paul (see i Cor. /. <'., Rom. xi. 33, 
Eph. iii. i8j was usetl by more than 
one Gnostic sect in the second century ; 
cf Ircn. ii. 2i. 2 "profunda Bythi so diciuit"; 22. 3 "pro- 



[11. 24 

25 oiv (SdWto id) vjua^ aWo fSapo^, '^TrXrji/ 6 e^eTe 

26 KpaTT](raT6 ci.'^pi ov av t]^u). ^^ Kal 6 viKcov Kal 6 
Ttjpcov a^pL TeAoiys ra kpya /uou, ^cocrco uutm i^ovcriav 

24 /3aXXw ACP minP'^i'*'' syr Andr Ar Vict (mitto)] /3aXcj t<Q (i) lo 14 28 33 37 
47 49 82 91 92 96 vg syrE* me Prim 25 axpc KG 14 15 82 (axpts PQ minP' Andr 

Ar)] ecus A 47 1 ai' ijfco] avoi^w Q 2 8 13 14 29 82 93 al miserear aetli 26 om Kat 

1° 7 16 38 69 98 

fuiida Dei adiuveiiisse se cliceutes"; 
Hippol. philos. V. 6 eneKaXea-av [oi 
'Saaarai]voV\ eavTOVi yvaxTTiKovs, (paa- 
Kovres jJiovoL to. jSadi] yivcocrKfiv ; Tei't. 
ado. Valent. i "nihil magis curaut 
quam occultare quod pvaedicant (si 
tamen praedicaiit qui occultant) 
bona fide quaeras, concrete \'iiltu, 
suspenso supercilio, ' Altum est' aiunt." 
They professed to commiserate those 
who remained in ignorance of their 
secrets: Tert. cle res. earn. 19 "vac 
qui non dum in hac carne est cogno- 
verit arcana haeretica." 

ov ^aXKoi e(/)' v/Jihs aXXo jSapos] A 
scarcely doubtful reference to the 
Apostolic decree in Acts xv. 28 edo^ev 

...HTjdev rrXeov eTrirideadaL vfxiv jSapos 
ttXtjv tovtcov T(ov iTvavajKfs, aivix^crdai 
i-lh(x)ko6vTa>v,..K.a\ iropveias. The rest 
of the prohibitions imposed in the 
year 49-50 {cnrexecrdai...a'iiJ.aTos Ka'i 
TTviKTcop) are not reimposed. Contrast 
this wise concession \\ith the exacting 
spirit of the Pharisees : Mt. xxiii. 4 
decrpevovcriv Se (popria /3apea *cat eniTi- 
Biacriv eVt rouy op.ovs tu)V dv6po)7Ta>v. 

25. ttXtjp o cx^'"^ KpaTrjaare /crX.] 
After ov ^a.Wa>...aXXo j3apos the 
reader expects ttXj^j/ followed by the 
genitive (Gen. xxxix. 6, 9, Mc. xii. 32, 
Acts, I. c.) ; but aXko is left standing 
by itself, and likr^v begins a new 
' sentence as a conj. ('howbeit'). Neither 
o e;(eT-e nor KpaTr^a-are can M'ell refer to 
burdens already being borne ; rather 
they point back to v. ig to e'pya kui 

TTjv ayanrfv ktK. : cf. iii. 1 1 Kparfi 
e'xeis : a single decisive eflfcn't seems 
to be indicated by KparrjaaTe. "H^w 
may be either the future ind. or the 
conj. of the aor. 17^0 (cf W. Schm. 

p. 109, n. 10); on the 'supposed fut. 
conj.' in the N.T. see WH.'-^ Notes, 
p. 179, W. Schm. p. 107. 

26 f. Kal O ViKCOV KOL 6 TTjpoiv ktX.\ 

Primasius rightly : et qui vicerit et qui 
scrcacerit. He who conquers is he 
who keeps, but the art. is repeated to 
emphasize the two conditions of suc- 
cess. At Thyatira the battle was to 
be won by resolute adherence to the 
'works of Christ,' i.e. to the purity of 
the Christian life, as opposed to the 
'works of Jezebel' («. 22 to. epya 
avT^i). Trjpilu (a Johannine woi'd, 
Ev.i^, Ep. i", Apoc") is usually fol- 
lowed by Tov \6yov or ras fvTo\ds : to. 
e'pya presents the same thought in a 
concrete form (cf. Jo. vi. 28 ra i'pyn 
Tov 6eov). '"Works' are in these 
addresses to the Churches constantly 
used as the test of character ; cf. ii. 2, 
5 f., 19, 22 f., iii. I f, 8, ^15. "Axpt 
T(Xovs corresponds Avith cixpi ov av 
rj^o), V. 25 ; cf. Mc. xiii. 7, note. 

Scocrto aOrw i^ovaiav ktX.] The con- 
struction reverts to that of ri\ 7, 17, 
as if the sentence had begun tw 
viKoivTi Ka\ ra TrjpovvTi : conip. the 
similar anacohithon in iii. 12, 21. The 
promise is based on Ps. ii. 8 f. ^coa-co 
aoi 'dOvrj rifv KXrjpovopiav aov.,.'iTOipav(is 
avTovs ev pafBdai ai8rjpq, co? crKevos 
Kepaixecos crvvrpi'^eii avrovs, where the 
Lxx. read DyiD as Dl/lJ^ (Troi/xafclr), 
while M. T. has Dl/IR (Symm. aw- 
rply^eis S. avvOXdcrei^). Cf Apoc. xii. 
5, xix. 15. IloLpave'i, Prim, jjascet, 
Vulg. reget, 'will do the part of 
the TToipijv,' whether in the way of 
feeding {^6<tk€iv, Jo. xxi. 15 ff.) or 
of ruling (" pastoraliter reges," as 
Hilary on Ps. ii. 9 well expresses 

II. 29] 



€7ri Tcou iSvcov, '"^ Kui TToi/uaveT avTom ev pctfShu) 27 

(Tlht]pa, CO-i TCI (TKEU)] TCI KVpajUlKU (TVVTpifSeTai, W9 

Kayo) eiXtjcpa vrapa tov TruTpos: /uov' '^Kai hiO(ru) 28 
avTcp TOV claTtpa tov Trpcoivov. ^^o e^wi/ ov<i 29 
(iKOvcaTco Ti TO TTvevfULa Xeyei Tats 6KK\t](Tiai<i. 

26 om €7rt ti* (hab X""') 27 xat'et...wi] lya iroifji.aveL...Kai wj syr*^* | 

iroifJLaiPeiv 130 | avvrpi^irai NAC 17 36 3S 40 51 80 81 130 jr syrR"] (rvuTpt^ijcreTai PQ 
jjjJQforoso yg (mej gyj. (arm) aeth Prim Ar 

it). Here die second point is em- 
phasized by fV (instrumental) pa^8a> 
(Tcd^pa. The "rod of iron" (DnL" 
7?"!?) is "the sliepherd's oaken club, 
developed on the one hand into the 
sceptre (Gen. xlix. 10), and on the 
other into the formidable weapon" 
(Chcpie, Psalms, p. 6; of. Hastings, 
Z>. JJ. iv. p. 291); in the latter case it 
woidd be capped with iron, and capable 
of inflicting severe puuishnient. Such 
is its character in the Psahn, /. c. ; 
the Gentile nations are to be sliattered 
like pottery by the Divine Shepherd 
of Israel. Ta (JK(vt) tu KfpafxiKa, i.e. 
ToC Kepapfcos, cf. Vg. t'cis jiijiill ; for 
KtpapiKos cf Dan. ii. 41, lxx. 'Qs 

Kayci) (i\rj({}a napa roii rrarpos pov 

carries on the reference to Ps. ii. 
(cf. r. 7 Kv'pto? eiVev Trpoy pi Ylos 
pov (I (TV, eyci) arjptpov ytytwr^Ka at). 
The Only Begotten Son inij):irts to 
His brethren, in so far as their son- 
ship has been confirmed by victory, 
His own power over the nations; of 
Mt. XXV. 21, 28, I 2, A\wc. xx. 4, 
xxi. 5. On the contrast between this 
pn^miso and the outward conditions 
of life at Tliyalira see Ramsay, Letters, 
p. 332, ii. 40 f. Historically the pro- 
mise fuUils itself in the Ciuircli's in- 
fluonoo upon the world ; no other 
voluntary society can be compared 
with her as a factor in the shaping 
of national character and life, and the 
individual disciple, in projiortion as 
he is loyal, bears his share in tlio sub- 
jugation of the world to Ciirist ; cf 
Horn. XV. 18 KaTdpyaauTo XpicTToy di 

epov (Is vTTciKOTjv i6vu)v. But the deeper 
fuHilment of this promise, as of the 
rest of the series, awaits the Parousia ; 
cf. Lc. xix. I 5 ft'. ('yevfTo iv tw (TvavtK- 
Bfiv avTov \aliy,vTa ttjv jiacriKdav Kai 
eiTTiV (pa)vr]6rii>ai avTca roiis 8ovXovs... 
Kai einfv... ladi i^ovcriav e^oov eTravai 
8eKn (TTeuTf) TToXfcoi/. The new order 
must be preceded by the breaking up 
of the old {crvvrpi^(Tai), but the pur- 
pose of the Potter is to reconstruct ; 
out of the fragments of the old life 
there will rise under the Hand of 
Christ and of the Church new and 
better types of social and national 

28. KOI 8cO(TQi aVTCO TOV dcTTCpa TOV 

irpoi'ivov] The conqueror is not only 
to share Christ's activities ; he is to 
possess The ancient expo- 
sitors offer a choice of interi)reta- 
tions ; the morning star is " the fii"st 
resurrection" (Vietorinus), or it is 
the fallen Lucifer put under the feet 
of the saints (Andreas, citing 1s;l 
XIV. 12 nu>s f^fTTfafv fK Toil ovpavoii o 
fct)(r(fii>p(is, and adding ov buiafiv iiro 
Tovi nodus T(i>v Tri<TTu>v eVfjyyf Xro«); or 
it is Christ Himself (Beatus : "id 
est, Dominum Jesum Chrislum quern 
num(iuam suscepit vesper, sed liLX 
senq>iterna est, et ipse super in luce 
est"; and Bede: "Christus est stella 
matutina qui nucto .saeculi transiieta 
lucem vitae Sanctis proniittit et pandet 
acternam "). Tiie explanation is 
surely right, on the evidence of the 
Apocalypse itself; see xxii. 16 eyoo 
eiui...o aarrjp o XapTTpos 6 Trpanvoi. If 
the Churches are Xvj^n'ai and tlieir 



[III. I 

III. I ^ Kai TW dyyeXcp x^/? ev CapoecTLV eKK\r]crLa9 

ypaylrov Tahe Xeyei 6 e;^wj^ Ta etttu Trvev /uutu tov 
6eov Kal Tovs ivrTa dcrTepa<s. o'lha o'ov t« epya, otl 

III I TTjs] Tw syrr Prim | om eKKX-qcnas &jr | otl i"] Arat Q 6 8 14 ^29 92'"' 95 al Ar 
KaL OTL syrs'' arm^ Prim 

angels daTtpes, the Head of the Church 
niay fitly be the da-Trjp 6 npcu'ivos, the 
brightest of stars, whose advent ushers 
in the day; cf. 2 Pet. i. 19 ews ov 

Tifitpa diavyacrt] Kal (f)a>(r(f)6pos dvareiXjj 
iv Tois- Kaphiais vjxoiv. Thus the pro- 
mise points to the Parousia, and yet 
does not exclude the foretastes which 
are given to the faithful in the growing 
illumination of the mind and the oc- 
casional flashings upon it of the yet 
distant light of "the perfect day" 
(Prov. iv. 18). 

III. I — 6. The Address to the 
Angel of the Church in Sardis. 

I. Trjs iv ScipSeo-ii'] A little over 2>o 
miles S.E.S. of Thyatira the messenger 
would reach Sardis (SnpSjfy, SnpSei?, 
SapSif, Sardis), now Sart, the old 
capital of Lydia, lying at the foot of 
Mount Tmolus. Under Roman rule 
it recovered some of its ancient im- 
portance, becoming head of the local 
convcntus (Ramsay, Hist. Geogr. 
p. 120); and though in a.d. 17 it 
suffered severely from an earthquake, 
through the liberality of Tiberius 
(Tac. ann. ii. 47) Sardis rose rapidly 
from its ruins, so that Strabo (625) is 
able to characterize it as Tro'At? iKycihrj. 
Like Thyatira, it was famous for its 
woollen manufactures and dyeing in- 
dustry (cf. Smith, D. B. p. 1140), and 
the ancient system of roads of which 
it was a meeting-i^oint secured for it 
the trade of central Asia (cf Ramsay, 
Hist. Gengr. p. 42 ff., Encycl. Bihl. 
4286). The chief cult of Sardis was 
that of Cybele, two columns of whoso 
temple are still visible (Murray, 
Turkey in Asia, p. 305). The in- 
habitants bore a bad name in antiquity 
for luxury and loose living, as indeed 
did the Lydians generally (Herod, i. 59, 

Aesch. Pers. 41). The Church of 
Sardis lingered to the fourteenth cen- 
tury, but did not play a distinguished 
part in Christian history; among its 
early Bishops, however,* appears the 
name of Melito (fl. 165 — 195 : Eus. H. 
E. iv. 13, 26 ; V. 24), the earliest inter- 
preter of the Apocalj'pse. See the 
Introduction, p. Ixiv. 

rdbe Xe'yft o e-)(^a)v ktA.] Cf. ii. I t. X. 
6 KpaTU)v Tovs eTTTO. aarepai. ■ Here 
f'xcov is prefeiTed to Kparav because 
Ta eTTTO. TTVfvpaTa precedes. Not only 
are the churches in the hand of 
Christ, but the spirits also belong to 
Him ; it is His to guide or withhold 
the powers of the ivvevfia ^cooTrotoi/, on 
which the life of the Churches depends. 
The Ascended Christ 'has' the spirits 
of God in virtue of His exaltation, 
cf. Acts ii. 33 v\lrwBe\s TTjv re iiray- 
yekLav tov irviVfiuTos tov dyiov Xa^oiV 
Tvapa TOV iraTphs i^fx^fv tovto, Epll. 
iv. 7 f- fvi 8e eKacTTCo i]p<ov ibodrj tJ X^P^^ 
KUTU TO fxeTpov T^r Scopeas tov ^j^ptoroi) 
KrX. A further view of the relation of 
the seven Spirits to the glorified Christ 
is given in c. v. 6, where see notes. 

oi8d (TOV TCI epya, otl *ctX.] On otbd 

(T. T. e. see ii. 2 note. Here the words 
introduce almost unqualified censure : 
the Church at Sardis presented to the 
eye of Christ the paradox of death 
under the name of life. For the constr. 
ovopa ('xfis oTi (^s of. Herod, vii. 138 
ovt'Ojia eix^ cos eV 'ABijvas (\avi>ei, and 
for the general sense 2 Tim. iii. 5 
f'xovTes popcpcucriv evaelBeias Ttju 8e 8vva- 
piv ciVTTJs yjpvqpevoL. Kai VfKpos ft: cf. 
Mt. viii. 22 dcpcs TOVS veKpovs 6d\lrai 


6 VLOS p-ov veKpos Tjv KaX dvc^rjcrev, Jo. 
V. 25 €px^'''0-i- CO pa Kal vvv icrTlv oTe 
01 v€Kp()\...^rjcrovcrLv, Rom. vi. 13 




ovojjia e-^ei^ otl y/?, kul veKpo^ ei. 'yii/ou ypyr/opu-v, 2 
Kal CTTtjpicrou Ta Xonra a ejueWou aTroBaveiv ov yap 
evpy]Ka (Tov epya 7r67r\}]pco/ixei/a evtoiTLOv tou Oeou 

1 yevov 130 I a-TrjpLffov ACP 93* 95 g6'-'"" al (-^oi> NQ i 14 ^-j'"''' 80 al)] Tijprjaov y 
13 -5 27 28 29 30 al Byr"'' I roi/i Xoittopj ot syr arm-* | cfitWoy MACP min^^''^ (^.\Xf„ 

1 1 (7) 16 vg syr Vict Prim Ar -XX«s Q (t;/*.) 2 6 8 14 19 91 (94 97) alf-'i"" (me) syrR*) | 
atrodavsLv ^^ACP i™8 7 38 al"" vg me syrr aeth {-dvriffKeiv 28 36 79 Ar)] airo^aWnv Q 

2 6 8 14 (91) 95 alf^'i^o (.^aXeii' 17 49 91 96) [ evprjKav Q | e/jya AC i"'k] pr ra NPQ 
nainfcrcomn A.ndr Ar 

coo-el f/c viKpoh) ^ayvras. Sardis, while 
retaining the Christian name, had 
relai>.sed into the state of si)iritual 
death from which Christ had raised 
her (Eph. ii. i, 5 ; Col. ii. 13). Victo- 
rinus : " non satis est Christianiun 
dici et Christum confiteri, ipsum vero 
ill opere non habere." 

2. yivov yf)T]yof)ciu, Kal aTrjptaov ktX.] 

After pfKpos (I we expect the call 

dvciara c'k tu>v vtKpu>v (El)h. V. 14). But 
amid the general reign of spiritual 
death Christ detected vestiges of life, 
though they were on the point of be- 
coming extinct ktIi Xonva a (pfWou otto- 
6apfiv). There was therefore still room 
for a final appeal. For yivov yp. (Syr.s* 
^Tj^ -.o<73> see ii. 10 note: an effort 
must bo made to restore vigilance, 
and to maintain it when restored ; on 
yprjyopf'iv cf. Mc. xiii. 34 note. The 
word is frequently on the lips of 
Christ in the Synoptic narrative of the 
last days of His intercourse with the 
Twelve. It has l)ccn jjointed out that 
it is s])ecially siiital>le in an address 
to the Clnircli at Sardis; twice during 
the history of that city the acropolis 
had fallen into the hands of an enemy 
through want of vigilance on the part 
of its citizens (viz. in B.c. 549, 218; 
see IliUjtings, D. B. iv. 49 ; Ramsay, 
Letters, p. 376 ^.); and a similar 
disaster now threatened the Church 
of Sardis from a similar cause. But 
more than vigilance was needed ; 
the Church must set herself to work 
for the estiblishment t)f any faith, 
love, or works of piety that were left : 
cf. Ez. xxxiv. 4, 16 TO r]crS(Vj]Ki)s ovk 

S. R. 

(vi(T)(ya'aTf...To fWinov €'vicr\v(Ta) ktX. 
Ta Xonra — ra XtXeipptua, not = tovs 
XoLTTovs (v. 4), but more generally, 
whatever remained at Sardis out of 
the wreck of Christian life, whether 
persons or institutions : all must be 
preserved and set on a firmer basis — 
a principle of reconstruction worthy 
of the notice of Christian teachers 
who are called to deal with coiTui)t 
or decaying branches of the Chui'ch. 
2Tt]pi(fLv, like ^6/3ato^<J/ and OfptXiovv, 
is a technical word in primitive jo«*"/'>- 
ralia ; cf. Acts xviii. 23, Horn. i. 1 1, 
xvi. 25, I Th. iii. 2, 13, 2 Th. ii. 17, iii. 
3, Jac. v. 8, I Pet. v. 10, 2 Pet i. 12. 
This frequent reference to the need 
oi arrjpiypi'is in Christian communities 
planted in the heart of a heathen 
poimlation will readily explain itself 
to those who are familiar with the 
history of Missions. 

On the form (Trr]pi(rov see WH.- 
Notes, p. 177 ; W. Schm. p. 105, Bhxss, 
Gr. pp. 40, 4-- A fpfXXov dno^avfiV. 
the imperfect looks back from the 
standpoint of the reader to the time 
when the vision w:ls seen, and at the 
same time with a delicate optimism 
it expresses the conviction of the 
writer that the worst Nvould soon be 
past; for another exi>lanatitin sec 
iJurton § 28. The plural is luied 
because the things that remain are 
regarded as living realities ; on the aug- 
ment see W. Schm. p. 99, and on the 
aor. inf after piXXco, Blass, Gr. p. 197. 

01' yap fVprjKd crou €pya xrX.] CC 
Dan. v. 27 Th. ia-rdSrj iv ^vyta Ka\ 
fvpi6rj va~r(povcra. ^Vo^ks Were not 



[III. 2 

3 juov ^ fJLvr^fJLOveve ovv Trio's 6i\t](pa^ kul rjKOvaa^, Kai 
Tr]peL Kai jueTavorjcrov. eav ovv iult] <ypr]'yoprj<Tr]'i, ?/^a) 
ws K\67rTt]9, Kai ov {JLt] yvu)^ iroiav copav ^/^w eVi ere. 

2 om fjiov I 8i i6i syr^" arm Prim 3 ixvr)noviv<Tov 130 | om ovv 1° K 14 syr?*^ 

arm aeth Prim Ar | 7]Kov(Tas Kai etX^j^aj syr^'* | om Kai. T-qpu Q 2 6 14 49 al'*''"" 
aeth"'"" Ar | ovv i°'\ 5e 36 syr^^ Prim | yp-nyopTiff-ns] fieTavorja-iji ii* (yp. ^5'=•^) (me) arm 
Prim iJ.iTav.Kai fjLT] yprjy. rae"'^ \ 7]^t)}] + cttl ere NQ minP' vgcieamiipsB4, 6 gyj-j. arm Ar | 
yvios CP I 10 28 31 32 36 37 48 49 51 80 81 91 96 161 Ar] yvucri] KAQ 2 7 8 14 29 
35 38 al vg (nescies) Prim {non scies) \ -n-oiav] oiav i^ | rj^a 95 

wanting to tliis Church, but they 
lacked the TrXijpcofia which makes 
human actions acceptable in the sight 
of God ; in some imexplained way 
they were 'deficient.' Cf. the use of 

rrXrjpovadai in Col. ii. lO eVre eV avra 
TTfTrXT/pco/ieVot, and the Johainiine 
phrase Iva 7) X^P" vjiav rj imvXrjpaifxevr] 

(Jo. xvi. 24, I Jo. i. 4, 2 Jo. 12): 
here ov...Tr€7r\r]p<ofi4va may be inter- 
preted by veKpos ei above; 'works' are 
'fulfilled' only when they are animated 
by the Spirit of life. Ovx evp-qKa recalls 
Mc. xi. 13 rfKdev el apa ti evptjaei iv 
avTTJ, KaL...ov8ev evpev el p.r) (pvWa, Lc. 
Xlii. 7 f'pxoP'Ci-'' C^TWv KapiTov...Ka\ ovx 
evpiaKO) : the perf. implies that at 
Sardis the search was not yet ended. 
2ov e'pya, 'works of thine,' i.e. 'any of 
thy works'; a more sweeping censin-e 
than a-. TCI e., 'thy works as a whole.' 
Tov 6eov p.ov: cf. Mc. XV. 34, Jo. XX. 17, 
Eph. i. 1 7, Heb. i. 9, and the phrase 6 

$e6s Koi iraTrjp tov Kvpiov i]fj.a>v 'I. X. 
(Rom. XV. 6, etc. ; see Hort on i Pet. 
i. 3). The Son of God (ii. 18) does not 
forget that He is also Son of Man, and 
as such stands in a creaturely relation 
to God. Yet this relation is in some 
sense unique, as pLov shews (not i]fj.a>v) ; 
cf. Jo. /. C. 6e6v p.ov Kai Beov vp.a)V. 

3. iivrifj.6v€ve ovv ttcoj €'iXr](j)as xrX.] 
Ovv resumes and coordinates, as often 
in the Fourth Gospel (Blass, Gr. 
p. 272 f.) and in the Apoc. (i. 19, ii. 
5, 16, iii. 19). In order to stimulate 
the Church in her work of self- 
recovery, her thoughts are sent back 
to the first days; cf. the appeal to 
the Chiu-ch at Ephesus, ii. 5 p.v. ovv 

TTodev TTfUTcoKes. 'Ei\r]4>as represents 
the faith as a trust ; cf. Mt. xxv. 20 ff. 
o Ta TTfVTe TokavTa \a^a>v...o ra 8vo... 
6 TO (V ToKavTov fLXr](f)(os'. I Cor. iv. 7 

Ti Be exfis o ovK eXa^es; Even the Son 
confesses (ii. 28), EtXij^a napa tov 
naTpos pLov. El'XTj^ay Kai ^Kovaas : the 

aor. looks back to the moment when 
faith came by hearing (Rom. x. 17, 
cf. I Th. i. 5 f., ii. 13); the perf. calls 
attention to the abiding responsibility 
of the trust then received. Trjpei koi 
pieTavoTjcrov : ' keep that which thou 
hast received, and promptly turn from 
thy past neglect.' 

eav ovv pLTj yprjyoprjarjs /crX.] Ovv IS 
again resumptive, looking back to 

■v. 2 yivov yprjyopaiv, tO which the 

succeeding imperatives (a-TTjpia-ov, pivrj- 
pioveve etc.) are subordinate. "H^co oSs 
KXeTTTrjs, not sjieedily only {jaxv, ii. 
16), but stealthily, at an unexpected 
moment. For the figure cf. Mt. xxiv. 
43, Lc. xii. 39, I Th. v. 2, 2 Pet. iii. 10, 
Apoc. xvi. 15. KXeVrr/s is doubtless 
preferred to the less ignoble Xrjo-Trjs, 
because the point of comparison is the 
stealthiness of the thief's approach. 
In His relation to the faithful the Lord 
is the opposite of both (Jo. s. i, 7). 

Kai ov fifj yv^s ktX.] On ov pLT) yi/ffls 
see Blass, Gr. p. 209 f. ; yvoia-Tj (NQ) 
is a granmiatical correction. The 
whole sentence is another echo of the 
Synoptic tradition; cf Mc. xiii. 35 
OVK ol'Sare yap nore 6 Kvpios Trjs oiKias 
epxfrai, Lc. xii. 39 el r]dei...7roiq. <Spa 6 
K^eTTTTjs epxerai, eypTjyuprjaev av. Iloiav 
apav (Prim., Yulg. qua hora\ strictly 
'during what hour'; but the ace. is 

III. 5] 


'^ctWd e')(^ei<i oXiya ovofjLaTa ev CapheaLV a ovk 4 
efJLoXvvav Ta l/uuTia avT<jov, kui TrepiTraTtjcroucriv juet 
efjiov ev XevKoi^j otl ct^ioi elcrif. ^ 6 vlkvov, o'vtco's 5 

4 aXXo] aXX PQ ruin''' om i al''*' arm | exw me arm | ev Xapdeffiy] pr Kai i Prim | 
o] (H I 17 28 37 38 46 79 80 81 88 161 vgmearmTert Prim Ar | avTwv] tavTuv C + cum 
muUeribus me aeth | om fjier e/xov arm 5 ovtus N*AC min'" vg me syrr arm aeth 

Prim] euros K'»PQ i 6 7 8 14 (16) 28 29 31 34 36 38 47 48 50 al 

used occasionally even in classical 
Greek in answer to TroT-e; vsee Blass, 
Gr. p. 94). 

4. (iXXa f^*'^ oXiya ovofj-ara ev 
laphtvLv ktK.'] Beatus : "notandnm 
est quod Doniinus ait: Multi sunt 
rocati, sed pauci decti; et piisiUits 
est grex cui coniproniittit dare here- 
ditatem." Bede : '^ proprias enim 
oves rocat nominatimP For 6v6- 
/:inra = ' persons,' see Acts i. 15 ">xXos 
ovofiaToiv, Apoc. xi. 13 an€KTnv6r]aav... 
ovoiMara nvdpcSirtop. Dcissmann {Bible 
Studies, p. 196 f.) shews that eKaarop 
ovofj.a was freely used in papyri of the 
second century a.d. in the sense of 
'each individual.' Ot is a needless 
correction ; the sense is clear from 
the context {enoXwav, a^ioi elaiv). 
Ovk ffxoXvvau ra Ifiaria avrcHv. even in 
days of general defilement they re- 
mained pure. MoXvvfiv differs from 
^latpfiv iis itiquinare from maculare 
(Trench) ; in the LX.\., while ^uilveiv 
usually represents legal defilement 

(NDD), ixoKvviiv ('?X3, 'pao) stands for 
actual pollution, as with blood (Gen. 
xxxvii. 31, Isa. lix. 3, Thren. iv. 14) 
or with pitch (Sir. xiii. i). Here the 
reference is doubtless to heathen im- 
purities into which the Sardians had 
plunged, spiritual deadness having 
issued in indifierencc to moral evil. 
For the metaphor /x. to. [ixana see Jude 
23 fiKToiiiTfS Koi TOP ano r^? aapKos 
e(rmXa>nfPOP x^rava, Apoc. vii. 14, xxii. 
14; the i/x<iria of the Christian life 
arc the profession made in Baptism 
(Gal. iii. 27) which at Sardis had been 
besmirched by too many in the mire 
of the streets. The few who had 
kept them clean and white cf Tob. iii. 

15 OVK ffioXvpa TO bpofia fiov...fv rrj yjj 
rffs ai)(^aX(i>(Tiai fxov) should bo suitably 
rewarded : TvepLnaTrjcrovcTiv fitr e'^oC tV 
XfVKois (sc. tfiarioii, cf. Mt. xi. 8 ev 

^aXuKols, and see vv. 5, 18, iv. 4; Latt. 
in alb is). For the general sense of 
the promise see note on the next 
verse. In TrepinaTijaTivaiv there may 
be a reference to the story of Enoch 
(Gen. V. 22 DM'^xn-riiNI ^lijp "q^nnn., 

LXX. fVT]p€(TTr](r(P 8e 'Ei/cu;^ Ta> dfu>, but 
Aq. TrfpifTrarei avv r. 6.\ but more 
probably the writer has in view the 
peripatetic ministry in Galilee (Jo. vi. 
66), and the call bevpo aKoXovOei, pLoi. 
Cf. vii. 17, xiv. I, 4. 

"A^toi flaip; contrast c. xvi. 6. 
'A^ioTrjs in the good sense is else- 
Avherc in this book attributed only to 
God and Christ (e.g. iv. 11, v. 9): but 
a relative 'worthiness' is predicated 
of the saints in Lc. x.x. 35, Eph. iv. i, 
Phil. i. 27, Col. i. 10, I Th. ii. 12, 
2 Th. i. 5. 

5. 6 PiKuip, ovToii 7r€pi/3aXeirai ktX.^ 
The promise of i: 4 is repeated in 
general terms, corresponding ^^•ith 
those of the promises ai)pended to 
the other messages to the Churches. 
'The conqueror, whoever he may be, 
shall be clad after the manner afore- 
said (for this use of ovrois cf. xi. 5, 
ovTcoi Set avTOP diroKTav$i)i'ai : Jo. iv. 6, 

(KadfCfTo ovTut, is not apposite, nor 
is there any need to read oitos for 
ovToji), i.e. clad in white g-armenta.' 
On the Konnm use of the white toi/u 
see Ramsay, £.rp., 1904, ii. 164, In 
Scripture white ai>parel denotes (a) 
festiWty (Eccl. i.X. 8 ev TravT\ Kaipa 
earojcrav IfiaTin aov XfVKa i.e. 'be alwavs 
e^y )) (^') ^'ietory (2 Mace. xi. 8 f<papT] 




[HI. 5 

Trepif^aXeTTUL ev l/j.a'rioi's Aei/zcoi?, Kat or) fit] i^aXeLyfyM 
TO ovojua avTOv ek ttj^ l3i/3\ov Ttj^ ^^fj's, Kai ofJiO- 
Xoyy^croo to ovo/ua avTOv evcoTTLOv tov iraTpo^ juou 

6 Kai evcoTTLOV Tcou dyyeXcov avTOv. ^6 ex^^* 01)9 
cxKOVcraTa) tl to Trvevjjia Xeyei Ta.T<s iKKXtjCLat^, 

7 ^ Kai TM dyyeXo) Tf]'S ev 0LXaheX<pia eKKXricria^ 

5 we/)i/3aXXerat C syrr | evuvLOf i°] efxwpoadev i^ \ ev ttj ^i^Xoj gi 7 ttjs] tw 

Prim I ev $iXa5eX(^ta XCPQ (-(peia miuP')] Philadelpliiae g vg syrs" Prim | eKKk-rjaia. A. 

TTpoTjyovixevos avTun/ €(f>nTTros ev \evKjj 
iirdTjTi. ktX.), (c) purity (Apoc. ■vii. g S.); 
(d) the heavenly state, L)aii. vii. 9 Th. 
TO eudvua avrov wael ;;^ta)i' XevKoV, SO 

Apoc. iv. 4, vi. II, xix. 11, 14). All 
these associations meet here: the 
promise is that of a life free from 
pollution, bright with celestial glad- 
ness, croAvned with final victory. The 
glory of the risen body may enter into 
the conception ; see Mt. xiii. 43, i Cor. 
XV. 43, 49, 54, 2 Cor. V. 2, Phil. iii. 21, 
Enoch Ixii. 15 f., xc. 32. 

HepijBaWecrdaL occurs again with a 
dat. but without ev in c. iv. 4 ; for the 
construction irepi^. ti see vii. 9, 1 3, x. i, 
xi. 3, xii. I, xvii. 4, xviii. 16, xix. 8, 13. 

(cat ov fir] e^a\fl'\j/'a> to ovofxa avTOv 
kt\.'\ a Divine register of men is 
mentioned first in Ex. xxxii. 32 f. 
€^aXfnl/6v pe eK Trjs jSi/SXov aov fjs 
eypa\l/as. As a civic register contains 
only the names of living citizens, so this 
Book of God is a /3t,3Aoff (wvTav (Ps. 
Ixviii. (Ixix.) 29), the 'living' being in 
this case the righteous (Mai. iii. 1 6, Dan. 
xii. i). The conception established 
itself in Jewish thought (i Sam. xxv. 
29, Ps. Ixviii. 29, cxxxviii. 16, Neh. xii. 
22 f., Isa. xlviii. 19, Jer. xxii. 30, Ez. 
xiii. 9, Enoch xlvii. 3 (where see Charles' 
note), Pirqe Ahoth 2, Targ. on Ez. 
I. c), and api^ears in the JS'.T. (Lc. x. 
20 TCI ovopaTa vpav evytypanTai, ev to'is 
ovpavols, Phil. iv. 3 (^v TO ovopaTa ev 
3t/3Xw C^fjs, Apoc. xiii. 8, xx. 1 5, xxi. 
27). The blotting out of names from 
the Book of Life is frequently referred 
to; beside the passages cited above 

see Deut. ix. 14, xxv. 19, xxix. 20. 
Oi3k e^aX6i'\//-co implies that the book is 
in the hands of Christ ; cf. xiii. 8, xxi. 
27 ev Tw /3i/3Xta) rf)ff C^fjs tov apvlov. 

This promise is singidarly appro- 
l^riate at the end of the present 
message. The ' few names ' in Sardis 
which are distinguished by resisting 
the prevailing torpor of spiritual 
death find their reward in finally 
retaining their place among the living 
in the City of God. 

KoL 6pnXoyrj(T(o to ovopa avTOV kt\.\ 
A further grant to the conqueror. 
Not only shall his name be found in 
the register of the living; it shall be 
acknowledged before God and His 
Angels. Another reminiscence of the 
sayings of the Ministry (Mt. x. 32, Lc. 
xii. 8); 6 vik.u>v here answers to cxtti^ 
(os av) opoXoyrjcrei iv ipoi (Mt., Lc). 

The reverse of the picture, 6 be dpvrjad- 

pevos pe...a7vapvr]6r)(TeTai, is mercifully 

withheld; even in the message to 
Sardis the last note is one of unmixed 
encouragement and hope. "'Evaniov 

TOV TTUTpos pov : cf. V. 2 ev. T. 6eov pov. 

7 — 13. The Message to the 
Angel of the Church m Phila- 

7. Tr)i iv $iXaSeX(j6ia] After a run 
of a little less than 30 miles from Sart 
the railway from SmjTua reaches Ala 
Shehr, *the white city,' the niodeni 
representative of Philadelphia. The 
ancient city, founded by Attalus 11. 
(Philadelphus) who died in B.C. 138, 
commanded the trade of the rich 
volcanic region Iving to the N. and 




ypdyp-oi^ Tahe \eyei 6 uyio^, 6 dXtjSivo^, 6 e^Mi^ t}]i> 
KXelv Aave'ih, 6 civoLyoiv Kcti ovBei<i KXeicret, kuc KXe'icov 

7 a7ios aXrjdifos CPQ minf"^""""" vg rae syrr ami aeth Prim Ar] o oXTj^ifoi o 
ayioi KA I Tiji/ KXeiv (om ttjv fc<*)] ttji' nXada I al"" | Aavfio] aSov 7* 16 33 45 codd 
ap Andr et Ar tov Trapaoeicrov arm pr tov NPQ miu'eMO""' Andr Ar pr tov oikov me | 
o avoiyuv] Kai av. K Or^ | xXeto-et] KXeui i 6 31 36 49 qi™* al vg (me) syrr arm Prim 
+ aur7;i' Q min^^' + fi /jltj afoi-yuv Q 7 14 91 93 94 95 al | om Kai 3° K'"'" A vg | oni 
/cai KXeiwv 91 | k\(iwv] k\(i€i C 31 92"'8 al g vg syr arm anon*""-' 

N.E. and known as the Katakekaumeno 
(Burntland), from the cinders and 
scoriae witli which the ground was 
strewn. Philadelphia itself was sub- 
ject to frequent shocks of earthqiiake 
(Strabo, 628 noXis 'PiXa^eXcpeia (T(l<t^u>v 
TrXijpjjr) ; like Sardis it was rebuilt by 
Tiberius after the great earthquake 
of A.D. 17 (Tac. anil. ii. 47;, and sub- 
sequently it bore on coins for a 
time the name of Xeocaesareii, but 
the old name reasserted itself or 
perhaps never went out of common 
iise. The city was not a large one, 
the fear of earthquakes driving most 
of the inhabitants into the surrounding 
country (Strabo, /. c. ), and tlie Church 
was probably proportionately small, 
at least Avithin the walls. As was 
natural in a vine-gro\\ing district, the 
worsliip of Dionysos was the chief 
pagan cult; but the difficulties of 
this Church arose from .Jewish rather 
than pagan antagonists, and the mes- 
sage contains no reference to direct 
persecution from without or heresy 
within the brotherhoocL It offers a 
strong contriist to the Sardian utter- 
ance which ]>recedes it ; for the 
Church at Philadelphia the Lord has 
no censure and scarcely a word of 
warning. It is interesting to note 
that in later times, "long after all the 
country round had passed finally 
under Turkish })ower, Philadelphia 
lield Tip the banner of Christendom" 
(Ramsay, Letters, p. 40o\ The modern 
city has its resident l>isho{i, five 
churches, and abtmt 1000 Ciiristian 

Tixhf Xiyti o ayios, 6 dXrjfiivoi] 'The 

Holy, the True,' Vg. sanctus et verus; 
not, as Arethiis, 6 dXi]dii>6s dyios, 'the 
True Saint.' Cf. vi. 10 6 beantWris 6 
dyios Koi dXrjdiyos. 'O ayios, a Divine 
title (Ilab. iii. 3, Isa, xl. 25), is applied 
to Christ with the qualifying words 
TOV 6fov or Trals r. 6. in Mc. i. 24, 
Jo. vi. 69, Acts iv. 27, 30, and here 
absolutely. 'O dXr^divos is used of Him 
again in iii. 14 6 ttkttos koI dXri6ii/6s, 
xix. II TTiaros KaXovfievos koi dXrj3ip6s. 
'AXrjSivos is rerus as distinguished from 
ecrnx (dX-qdijs) ; cf. Orig. iii Juann. 
t. ii. 6 TTpo? dvTibi.a(TTQXrjv (TKiai kcu 
Tvnov ical flKofos, i.e. the ideal, con- 
trasted with all imperfect representa- 
tions or approximations; see Jo. iv. 
^~, vii. 28. viii. 16, and see Lightfoot 
on I Th. i. 9, Westcott on II eb. x. 22, 
and Trench, syn. 8. The Head of the 
Church is characterised at once by 
absolute sanctity (Heb. vii. 26 toiovtos 
yap ^fuv frrp€7r€i> dp^ifpfvs, oaiot aKOKOs 
afiiavTOs Kf^atpicrph-oi (ino tcov apaprto- 
Xaji-}, and by absolute truth ; He is all 
that He claims to be, fulfilling the 
ideals which He holds forth and the 
hopes A.hich He inspires. 

o e)((tiv TTjv KXf'if Savdt ktX.] Cf Isa. 
xxii. 22, where it is said of Hezekiah's 
faithful vizier '2 K. xviiL iSfr.),Kliakim 
tlie son of Hilkiah: SoJo-o) Trjv /cAtlSa 
otKOv Aav()8 fn\ tov copov nvToii, Koi 
dvoi^et Kai ovk tcrrai o aTTOKXfiun' koi 
KXfi<Tfi Ka\ OVK icnai 6 avoiyuii' (codd. 
Qr, with M.T.\ Eliakim, with his key 
of t)ffice (^Andreas, (rip^oXov rfjs t^- 
ovfTias) slung over his slioulder, is the 
antitype of the exalted Christ, set over 
the Ilouse of (Jod (Eph. i. 22, Heb. 
iii. 6), and exercising all authority in 



[III. 7 

8 Kai ovhek di/oiyei. ' olha crov to. epyw IZov hehcoKa 
evwTTLOv (Tov Bvpav dveui'yfJLevr]Vj rjv ovheh hwaTUL 
KXeicTaL avTt]V ' otl juiKpav e^ets ^vvajjuv, Kal eTrjpr](ra<i 

7 avoLyei] ayoi^et (K)Q min'*'' me Ar 8 to. epya]-^ Kai r-qv inaTLV me | SeSoj/ca] 

+ <roi 130 I aveoryixevriv ACQ minP'] rjfewy/j.evr]!' KP 31 35 38 87 | tjv] Kai i 92'"S alP""" 
om K 49 vg I om avrrji/ X 49 vg arm Prim | /xiKpavJ pr ov 38 fxaKpav 14 

heaven and on earth(Mt. xxviii. 1 8), and 
even in Hades (Apoc. i. 18, cf. Rom. xiv. 
9, Phil. ii. 9ff.). Tfiv KXflv Aavfid, cf. 
^' 5 '7 P'C'' ^-j xxii. 16 i; p. Kai to yevos 
A. ; the reference to David recalls the 
long series of prophetic hopes now 
fulfilled in the exaltation of the Christ. 
Compare Mt. xvi. 19 dwaco croi ras 
xXeiSar ttjs ^acrtXtias tiUp ovpavwv. 
The grant to the Church in the person 
of St Peter is less comprehensive, for 
the keys of the Kingdom unlock but 
one of the great areas of the House 
of God ; moreover it is significant 
that the Lord does not say to him o 
eav KXeiajji . . .KXeicrdijcrerai- o eav dvoi^rjs 
dvoixd^CfTai., but o eav hrjtrrjs, o iav 
XxxTrji, changing the metaphor ; the 
supreme jiower of shutting and open- 
ing is kept in His own hands (cf. Mt. 
XXV. 10 f., and comp. the Te Deuni : 
"tu devicto mortis aculeo aperuisti 
credentibus regna caelorum "). The 
ancient interpreters blend the i^resent 
passage with c, v. 5 ft'., and thus 
unduly limit the meaning of this 
power : cf. Hippolytus (Lag. 159): ra 

fieii ovv TraXat fa<ppayia'[ieva vvv dia rfjs 
^apiTos ToZ Kvpiov TtavTa toIs ayiois 
Tjviciiyfv avTos yop riv t] reXeia a(f}pay\s 
Koi kXeIs 7; eKKXrjcTia [? rf/ fKKXrjcrla^ 6 
dvoiya)!' Koi ov8f\s KXfifi,,.cos Icodvvrjs 
Xf'-yff Koi TrdXtf 6 avros (prjaL Kal eidov 
...^i^X'iov...i(j(\)payia-p.ivov. On KXelv 
^Kkeiba see i. 18 note; the v.l. abov 
for Aaveib is from the same passage. 

8. olbd (TOV TCI epya] No description 
foll6ws as in ii. 2, 19, iii. i. The Lord's 
oi8a is here one of unqualified approv- 
al (Andreas : Tovrea-Tiv, dwodexopai), 
needing no specification, since there 
are no deductions to be made. This 
tacit witness is the more remarkable 

in "view of His claim to be 6 ayios, 

o aXrjdLVos. 

I80V 8t8a>Ka iv. cr. 6xipav dv(c^yp.ivr}v 
KT-X.] The ' key of David ' has already 
unlocked a door, which nowstandsopen 
before the Church. Cf. Isa. xiv. i f. 
dvoi^Q) efinpoadev avTov dvpas, koi noXfis 
ov avVKXeKrOrjcrovTai, ... dvpai ^oXkcis 

(TVVTpil^a KCIL [J.0)(X0VS (TL^TJpOVS (TW- 

KXdaco. The metaphor of the 'open 
door' was familiar to the Apostolic 
age : cf. Acts xiv. 27 (the door of faith), 
I Cor. xvi. 9, 2 Cor. ii. 1 2, Col. iv. 3 (the 
door of speech and preaching) ; see 
Lightfoot on Col. I. c. The latter is 
here probably in view (Arethas : rj 
TOV 8ida(TKaXLKov KTjpvypaTos ei'croSoy) ; 
the faithfulness of the Philadelphian 
Church found its reward in fresh 
opportunities of service, on the prin- 
ciple of the Lord's familiar saying 
*0f f'xei 8o6^afTai avTw. The position 
of Philadelxihia on the borders of 
Mysia, Lydia and Phrygia, and "on 
the threshold of the eastei-n comitry" 
(Ramsay, in Hastings iii. p. 831 ; 
Letters, p. 404 ft".), gave this Church 
peculiar ojiportunities for spreading 
the Gospel. If she had already 
availed herself of these, the 'open 
door' woidd readily explain itself j 
her opportunities were to be i-egarded 
as Christ's gift (St'Sco/ca) and she was 
assured of its continuance (ovSeij 
Svparat KXelcrai avTrjv), 

"Otl piKpav €)(eis bvvapiv resumes the 
thread broken by the parenthetic 

clause Ihov hibatKa. . .KXeia-ai avT-qv. "I 
know thy works. . .that thou liast" etc. ; 
cf. ol8a...oTi in ii. 2, iii. i, 15. The 
Church had little influence in Phila- 
delphia ; lier members were probably 
dra^Mi from the servile and com- 

III. 9] 



fjLOV Tov \6yov Kal ovK t]put'](r(i} TO bvofJia jjlov. ^Ihov 9 
hihoa 6K Ttj'i cruvaycoytj^; tov craTava, twv XeyovTcov 
eavTOv^ louhaiovi elvai, kui ovk etcTLV ciWa yp-eu- 
hovTai — Ihov 7roir](ra) avTOVi iva i]^ova'iv Kai vrpocKU- 


9 0400) AC] oiooj/u PQ min""'"'"' SeSw/ca N daho vg Prim | ij^wai. Q minP' Andr Ar 
ri^o) I I TrpoffKvvi)(Tw(Ti.v Q 7 14 38 91 95 130 al Andr Ar | yvuiaiv ACPQ i 6 7 38 91 95 
alP' syr arm aeth Andr Ar] fviiicfovTai 15 36 syrs"""^ yvuar) \^ 14 arm Prim 4- Traires me 

mercial classes ; cf. i Cor. i. 26 01' 
TToXXol bvvaroL And under these cir- 
cumstances (for the slightly adversa- 
tive force of Kal see WM. p. 545, Blass, 
Gr. p. 261), the word of Christ had 
been kept (cf ii. 26, iii. 3), and there 
had been no backwardness in confess- 
ing His name for qvk apvfiaBai see 
ii. 13). 'ErrjpT^craj, ovk rjpvrjcroi, point 

to some period of trial, now for the 
moment gone by ; its character may 
be conjectured from the next verse. 

9. Ibov 5iS<i) (K. rrjs crui'aycoy^s' kt\.\ 
Andreas : e^m, 4*l^h y^i-(T6ov ttjs 
ofxoKoyUis Toi) (fiov ot'ofiaroi ttjv Ta>v 
lovBalcov (TriaTpo(f>r]V re Koi fifravotav. 
The opposition implied in fTrjpTja-as 
Kal OVK ^pvTjcra) came at riiiladelphia, 
as at SmjTua, from the Jews ; cf. ii. 9 
oi8a...Tr]v ^\a(r(f)rifj.iav ck raif XeyoiTcof 
lovBatovs eivai favrovs, Kai ovk fLcrii', 
dWci avvayuiyrj tov crarava, a descrip- 
tion repeated here with the addition 
of aWh •^fvbovTai, which contrasts the 
Philadelphian Jews with 6 aX7;^a'ov 
(r. 7) : they are ^fvbu>vvp.QL, and their 
claim is a sin against truth. The 
construction is broken by the ex- 
])lanatory tu>v Xf-yoi/Twi' ktX., 
but starts afresh witli Ibov Trot^o-oj 
avTovs. For hthovai. and nou'iv in this 
sense see Blass, Gr. p. 226, and for 
the fonn Si5«, WII. Notes, p. 174. 

"Xva fj^nvcrii' Ka\ irpoa-Kvyrjcrova-iv kt\. 
is a i)iirase borrowed from Isaiah 
(.\lv. 14, xlix. 23, Ix. 14, cf Zech. viii. 
20 ff.^; the jiropliet's anticipations of 
the svibmission of the Centile nations 
to Israel will find a fulfilment in the 
submission of membei*3 of the svna- 

gogue (on f AC r. <r. see ii. 9, note) to the 
Church, the Israel of God. Upoa-Kv- 

velv evdiiviov rcoi/ noSav deSClibes the 
cringing attitude of a beaten foe, 
familiar to us through the Assyrian 
sculptures ; in what sense the picture 
Avas realized in the conversion of Jews 
and pagans may be gathered from 
I Cor. xiv. 24, where an a-n-iaros enter- 
ing a Christian assembly fXeyxfrai 
vno navTcov ... Ka\ oi/rcor wfcrtov eTTt 
npocrcoTrnu npocrKvvqcTei tu) diU), anay- 
■yt'XXcoi' on "Oirrci}! 6 d(os fv vfih' fOTiv. 
It is noteworthy that twenty years 
later the Philadelphian Church was 
more in danger from Judaizing 
Christians than from Jews (Ign. 
Philild.6 eav 8f Tis tov8a'i(Tfj.6p (pp.T]V(vrj 
iifi'iv fiT] aKoverf avrov- ap.(ivov yap 
€(TTiv napa avhpos nfpiTOfirjv evoi/rof 
XPKTTiaviapnv aKoi'fiv rj naph oKpo- 
,3va-Tov tovSdiapov). Was this the result 
of a large influx of converts from 
Judaism in the previous genera- 
tion ? 

For other inst;inces of the fiit. ind. 
after iva in the Apoc. see vi. 4, 11, 
viii. 3, ix. 4 f, xiii. 12, xiv. 13, xxii. 
14; and cf Blass, Gr. p. 211 f 

Ka\ yvaxTiv on eytu T\yiini](Td tr*] The 
change to the aor. conj. i)erhaps indi- 
cates that the purpose of the wiiole 
action now comes into view. Both 
the phnise 'lva...yva>a^iv and the words 
iyu> riydirriaa at are frcuu Isaiah ; for 
the former see Isa, xxxvii. 20, xiv. 3, 
et passim ; for the latter Isjv, xliii. 4. 
The aor. contrast i. 5 r<ij dyawunrri) 
carries the lovo of Christ for the 
Church back into au indefinite p:ist; 




OTL eTi]pr](ra^ tov 

[III. 9 




eyoi i]<ya7rt](Ta ere. 
VTTO/uovf]^ jjiou, Kd>yui ere Tr]pri(ra) eK t>7? ujpa^ rod 
Treipacrjuov T^7s /xeXXoi/Vj]? epx^cOai ettI Tfj^ OLKOV^evr]^ 
oXt]^, Treipda-ai toi)s KaTOLKodvTa<5 eirl Ttj^ yfi<s. 
Taxv' KpaTCL b e;^ef9, 'iva fzrjdei^ 



9 om £7w Q miu'"6 Prim Ar lo otl] Kai A pr Kai 33 | oin r-qp-qau X | om ti)s 

wpas me I Tovs KaToiKovyras] pr navTas me 11 epxofiai.] pr i8ov 28 36 97 al 

Ygfuaemimriiipsa ^j^jq aeth | ix'tt iJ.r]5ei.s Xa/S??] u'ct /^t; Xa^?? rts raxv 7 16 45 . 

perial persecution which had ah'eady 
begim. Cf. Andreas : rfjv apav 5e tov 
TTiipaiTjxov • e'lTf cos avTiKa iraptcroyievqv 
TTjv Tcov dae^MV ttjs 'Pci [j.rjs to TTjviKaiiTa 
^acrCkfvcravTaiv kuto. XpiaTiavoov bia^iv 

cf. Jo. xiii. I, 34, I Jo. iv. 10, where 

see Westcott's note. 

10. OTi iTrjp-qcras tov \oyov ttj^ viro- 

povfjs fiov] Not 'my word of patience/ 
i.e. my commandment to exercise 
patience, but ' the Avord of my 
patience,' i.e. the teaching which found 
its central point in the patience of 
Christ ; cf. 2 Th. iii. 5 ttju vnopovrjv 
TOV xP'-f^'f'o^j Heb. xii. i f. 8l vTvop.ovris 
Tpex<jipfv...a(f>opcovTes els... lr]<Tovv,..os 
vnipifivfv aravpov, Igll. Rom. lO ep- 
paxrde els TeXos iv VTropLOvfj 'irjaov 
Xpitrrov. The vnopLovfj tu>v ayia>v 
(Apoc. xiii. 10, xiv. 12) is the echo 
of the \6yos TTJs vTTopovrjs tov xpicrTov. 
Kayco ere Ti^prjaco : by the henigna talio 
of the Kingdom of God (as Trench 
observes) one Tijpi^arn is followed by 
another; Christ on His part (the Kai 
of reciprocal action, as in Mt. x. 32 

6poXoyi](Tco Kayo) iv avTo) pledges 

Himself to keep those who have kept 
His word. Cf Jo. xvii. 6, 11 tov 

\6yov (TOV T€T^pr]Kav...TraTep ayie, ti]- 

prja-ov avToiis. The promise, as Bede 
says, is " non quidem vit non tenteris, 
sed ut non vincaris [ab] adversis." 'Ek 
T^f apas TOV TTfipaapov Tijs p,eXkov(rr]s 
i'pxfo-dai : ' from that season (cf. Sir. 
xviii. 20 <o. iina-Konris, Dan. xi. 40 a>. 
avvTeXelai, Apoc. xiv.7 »; co. ttJs Kpla-ecos) 
of trial which is coming upon the whole 
habitable eai-th ' ; i.e. the troublous 
times which precede the Parousia, 
In the foreshortened view of the 
future which was taken by the Apos- 
tolic age this final sifting of mankind 
was near at hand, not being as yet 
clearly differentiated from the ini- 

('LpT]K.(v...T) TTjv inl avvTeXfla tov alavos 
TrayKoapiov Kara TUtv mcTTav tov avri- 
XplcTTov Kivrjcriv Xiyei. To the Phlla- 
delphian Church the promise was an 
assurance of safekeeping in any trial 
that might supervene — an appropriate 
promise, see Ramsay, Letters, p. 408 ff. 
It is at least an interesting coin- 
cidence that in the struggle with the 
Turk Philadelphia held out longer 
than any of her neighbours, and that 
she still possesses a flourishing Chris- 
tian community ; see note on v. i. 

The phrase ol KaToiKovvres eVi TTjs 
yrjs (in Lxx. = }nxn ''2'C'^) occurs again 
in vi. 10, \iii. 13, xi. 10, xiii. 8, 14, 
xvii. 8, and always, as it seems, means 
either the pagan world or the world 
in contrast with the heavenly state. 
Cf Enoch xxxvii. 5, mth Charles' note. 

1 1. 'ipxop.aL TQxv] The great irei- 
paapos will be followed by the Pa- 
rousia, and the Parousia is near (cf. 
ii. 16, xxii. 7, 12, 20). The short- 
ness of the interval is urged as a 
motive for persevering : the Advent 
is the limit of the Church's inrop^ovrj. 

Kpdrd o exfis ktX.] The promise 
of safekeeping (v. 10) brings ^dth it 
the responsibility of continual eflfort 
(KpaTfi). Each Church has its own 
inheritance (o exeu), which it is called 
to guard on pain of losing its proper 
Cro\v^l (tov aTi(f)av6v aov : cf. 2 Tim. 
iv. 8 diTOKfiTal fxoi 6 TTjs hiKaLO<Tvvr}s 

III. 12] 



Tou (rTe(bai^oi' crov. ^^6 vlkcov, 7rou](rco uvtov (ttvXov 12 
eV TM vaw Tov Beov /mov, kul e^co ou /ut] e^eXu}] tTi • 
Kai ypaxfrco err' avTov to bvofia tov Beov /uov Kai to 
ovoiua Tt)^ TToXeWi^ tov Beov juov, Tfj^ Kaivf]^ 'lepov- 

12 avTov I"] auTw K* {-rov K"^-*) | oni ff K* (hab S"^*) \ oni fiov i° ii 29 36 syi"" 
om cTi N Tij arm | om tTr aiToy C 28 | om tov Oeov /jlov /cai to ovo/xa Q | om kul to 
ovofia TTjs TToXews tov deov /jlov i 1 2 syr"^'' | dtov 3"] TraTpoj me 

arecpavoi — oil cTT((f)avos SCO ii. lo note), 
which may be taken from it and given 
to another; of. Mt. x.w. 28 apare ovv 
an' avTov to toKuvtov koi don rS 
e)(Ot>Tl TCI d(Ka ToXavTa. Aa/3r;, Prim. 
accipiat, not ac^tXrjTai or dcpapnacrT} ; 
the picture is not that of a thief 
snatching away what is feebly held, 
but rather of a competitor receinng 
a prize which has been forfeited. Tlie 
vacant room left by. the lapse of a 
Church may be idled by the rise of 
another ; cf. Rom. xi. 1 7 f. 

12. o pikHi', noiijcTQ) avTou a-TvXou] 
The discourse turns, as at the end of 
each address, to the individual meiii- 
bers of the Church. 'O ci/cc3r...niVw, 
cf. ii. 26, iii. 2 1 ; the anacoluthim may 
in this case be " very awkward "' from 
the gi-amniarian's point of view (Blass, 
Gr. p. 283), but it adds to the move- 
ment of the sentence ; it is only 
necessaiy to write tov vikc^vtu nou;(T<o 
aTvXov in order to see Avhat we have 
gained by the boldness of the Apoca- 
lyptist. In cTTiiXou cV rc5 vaa> a refer- 
ence has been foinid to tiie brazen 
pillars 'Jachin' and 'Boaz' which 
stood before the sanctuary in Solomon's 
temple ( i K. vii. 15,21,2 Chr. iii. 1 5 ff.); 
or to the porticoes of the Temple of 
Herod, or even to the magnificent 
colonnades which surrounded the 
Artemision at Ephesus. All those, 
however, are exchuled by fV tw i^aoj, 
for they were external to tlie sanctuary. 
It is bettev therefore to start with 
the metaphorical use of the word in 
Scripture and in Jewish and early 
Christian literature. In Prov. ix. i 
we read : rj ao(f)la olKo86nr](rev (avTij 
oiKov, Ka\ inn]p(i(T(u arvXovs (ttto. (cf. 

Jud. xvi. 29 Toil? bvo Kiovm Toil olkov 
€(P' ovs 6 oKos loTyjKfi). Ill the X.T. 
the word is used as a pure metaphor, 
see I Tim. iii. 15 fKK\r](Tia...aTiXoi koi 
eSpai'oj/xa tt]s dXrjddas, Gal. ii. 9 latw- 
/3of Kat Kr](f)as Kai 'icoafr;?, oi 8okovpt(s 
aTvXoi (ivai ; cf. Clem. R. Cor. 5 ol 
p.(yi(rToi Kai StKaioTarot (ttiXoi. The 
personal use is common in Rabbinical 
^vl•iters, by whom a great Raljlti is 

described as D^ir "l"l?3r(Schoettgen on 
Gal. /. r.\ There is a double fitness 
in this metaphor ; while a pillar gives 
stability to the building which rests 
upon it, it is itself firmly and per- 
manently fixed ; and this siile of 
the conception often comes into view 
(cf Isa. xxii. 23, Ivi. 5, Sap. iii. 14 

BodrjcTfTai yap auToi. . .xX^poy tV vaa> 
Kvplov), and is paramount here. With 
fv Tw vac3 cf. vii. 15, xxi. 22, notes, 
and for tov Otov ^ov see iii. 2, note. 

"E^q) ov fjLTj ($(X6t] fTi : cmitrast xxi. 
27, xxii. 15. As the j)illar cannot be 
moved out of its i)lace while the 
house stands, so a lai)se from goodnc-^s 
will be impossible for the character 
which has been fixed by the final 
victory. A Xv^i'ia "I'^y 1^"? removed 
(ii. 6), but not a a-rvXoi. 

KOI ypaylro) tV niVoi' to oi'o;ta actX.J 
Each pillar in the .sanctnan- , Arethas: 
(n\ Toi' vor^Tov cttvXoi') is to be inscribed 
by the hand of Christ with three 
names, the Name of God, the name 
of the new Jems;iloiii, and the new 
name of Clirist. (i) The Name of 
God was ' jnit on ' every Israelite in 
the priestly blessing (Num. vi. 27 
€Trt^>']anvaiv to ovofia /xov <7rj rovs vloi/s 
'lo-pnrJX): Oil mciii>>ers of the Israel of 


(TaXrijJL, »/ KaTaj3aLvov(Ta Ik tov ovpavov diro tou 

13 deov /uov, Kai to oi/ojua /ulou to Kaivov. ^^6 e-^wv 01)9 
dKOVcraTw tl to TrvevfJia Xeyec TaT^ 6KK\r]ariai^. 

14 ^'^ Kai Tw dyyeXcd Tt)'s ev AaohiKia eKKXricria^ 

12 7] Kara^aLvovaa K*AC(P) I 12 15 25 28 37 40 45 51 130] tj Kara^atfei Q minP' 
Andr Ar ttjs KaTa^aivovat]^ N'^-* | ex] airo 2 6 7 16 29 31 35 al Ar om 7 | om fxov 5° Q 
6 7 14 38 95 130 alP' vg'" arm 13 ovs] aures ygfudom ^1 j^ xTjy ev AaoSiKLc 

fKK\. i<AC (PQ -Keia) 7 94 al Andr Ar] Tr]s ckkX. AaodiKewv i eccl. Laodiciae vg me 
syr8* arm aeth (Prim) 

God it is to be inscribed by the Spirit 
of the great High Priest (cf. 2 Cor. iii. 3 
fCTTe (7TicrTo\fj 'Kpia'Tov...ivyeypa^jj.ivq 

...irvfiijiaTi 6 foil (a>vTos), i.e. their lives 
and characters are to be dominated 
by the sense of their consecration to 
the service of God as He is revealed 
in Christ. (2) The name of the new 
Jerusalem (cf. xxi. 2 ttjv tvoXiv tt^v 

ayiav eidov 'lepoucraXi7/i Kaivrjv), the 

successor of the old Jerusalem which 
was already of the past, not however 
a vea 'L like Hadrian's Aelia, but 
a <aivT}, instinct with the powers of 
an endless life (cf. ii. 17, note), and 
like Christ Himself of heavenly origin 
{t) Kara^alvova-a ktX., cf. Xxi. 2, and 

see Jo. vi. 33 ; the idea is found al- 
ready in Gal. iv. 26 ?; avco 'lepovaaXruJ., 
Heb. xii. 22 Trpoo-eXr/Xi'^are 'I. (ttov- 

pavia). To bear the name of the 
City of God is to be openly acknow- 
ledged as one of her citizens, a privi- 
lege already potentially belonging to 
the members of the Church (Gal. I. c. 

r]Tis icTTiv fJii]TT]p rjp,a)v, Phil. iii. 20 
■fjjjiciv yap to TroXiTevp.a iv ovpavols 

vnapxei-, Heb. I. c.\ but not as yet 
confirmed or proclaimed. (3) Christ's 
new name — to 6vop.a to Kaivov empha- 
sizes the KaLvoTTji — can scarcely be one 
of the names or titles familiar to the 
Church from the first (Jesus, Christ, 
Son- of God, the Lord, etc.); if any 
such designation Avere meant here, it 
would rather be the Johannine title 
\oyos '; cf. xix. 12 f)((jov ovofia yeypap.- 
fxivov o ov8e\s OL^fv el fxr] ai'ros'...(cat 
KeK\r]Tai to ovop.a avTov 'O \oyos Tov 

6eov. But the 'new name' of Christ 
is more probably a symbol for the 
fuller glories of His Person and Cha- 
racter which await revelation at His 
Coming (Andreas : to ev toIs dyiois ev 
Tco fjLeWovTL ai(ovi yvapi^ojievov) ; cf. ii. 
17 Sco(ro) avTO) ovofia Kaivov. Both the 
victorious Christian and the victorious 
Christ will receive a new name, i.e. 
sustain a new character and appear 
in a new light ; cf. Col. iii. 4, 
I Jo. iii. 2. There are interesting 
parallels in the Rabbinical writers ; 
cf. Baba Bathra, f. 75. 2 "tres ap- 
pellari nomine Dei, iustos, Messiam, 
et Hierosolyma " ; Bereshith Rabba 
in Gen. xviii. 17 "Abrahamus etiam 
novit nomen no^Tim quo appellanda 
erat Hierosolyma." Ignatiiis {Philad. 
5) draws a picture which presents a 
striking contrast to this : i'av 8e...Trepl 
^Tjaoii 'X.picrTov jxr] XaXcoaiv, ovtoi efiol 
CTrjXai elaiv Ka\ Tacpoi veKpcov e(j> ols 
yeypanTai fiovov ovo/xaTa dvdpwTrcov. 

'ifpovcraXr^/x : SO the name is \ATitten 
in the Apoc. (iii. 12, xxi. 2, 10); the 
Gospel of St John has uniformly 
^lepoaoXvfia (see Introduction, c. xi). 

Ramsay (Letters, p. 409 fi".) finds 
in V. 12 a reference to the name Neo- 
caesarea assumed by Philadelphia in 
honour of Tiberius. 

14—22. The Message to the 
Angel of the Church ix Laodicea. 

14. TTjs ev AaoStAcia] Forty miles 
S.E. of Philadelphia the road from Sar- 
dis reached Laodicea-on-the-Lycus. 
The valley of the Lycus has been 
described by Lightfoot {Colossians, p. 

III. 15: 



ypay^rov Tdhe Xeyei 6 ct/utiv, 6 /ucipTv^ 6 ttktto^ kuI 
d\t]6ivo^, 7] cipx^) '^V'^ KTlcreco'S tov Seoi. ^^oldd 15 

140 /xapTVi] pr Kai K* (ora X''*) | /cat aXijOivoi APQ min'"' vg me syr**' arm aeth 
Prim Ar] sai o aXijO. NC 2 a\i]d. 7 14 16 28 45 79 80 syr | 17 apxv] pr *»' ^ syr«* 
airapxv iS 79 ax apxv^ arm | /cricrews] fKKXrjcrias N* (kt. K"*) viffreoji ()\ om arm 

I flF.), and more recently and in some 
respects more fully by llainsay {Cities 
and Bishoprics of Phnjgia, p. i ff. ; 
there is a useful map in his ChiircJt, 
in the Roman Empire, pp. 472 — 3). 
Laodicea (AaoStKda in literature and 
inscriptions, but in mss. of the N.T. 
\ao8iKLa is well supported at each 
occurrence of the name ; Lat. Lao- 
dicea, and in the N.T. also Laodicia, 
Laudicia) was founded alxnit the 
middle of the 3rd cent. b.c. l>y Antio- 
chus II., and named in honour of his 
wife, Laodice. Under Roman rule 
the city flourished, and became a 
centre of commercial activity. Cicero 
repaired to it for monetary transac- 
tions {ad Jam. iii. 5, ad Att. v. 15); 
and the neighbourhood was noted for 
the manufacture of woollen carpets 
and clothing (Ramsay, Cities, p. 40 ft'.). 
So opulent were the Laodiceans under 
the earlier Emperors that after the 
great earthquake which overthreu' the 
towni in .i.p. 60-1, it rose from its ruins 
without being compelled to accept an 
Imperial subsidy (Tac. ann. xiv. 29 
"tremore terrae jn-olapsa nullo a nobis 
remedio ]))opriis viribus revaluit"). 
The Church in Laodicea was perhaps 
founded by Epaphras of Colossae (Col. 
i. 7, iv. 1 2 f.). St Paul had not visited 
the Lycus valley ditwn to the time of 
his first Roman imprisonment (Col. ii. 
i), but brethren at Laodicea were 
known to him by name (Col. iv. 15), 
and he had addressed a letter to the 
Church there lib. 16 ^71- (k Ann^iKtat, 
unless the circular now entitled Il/jof 
'E(^6C7-(oi'? is intended ; for the apocry- 
phal letter Ad Laodicenscs see Light- 
foot, Ci'lossians, p. 393 ff.). The niins 
which strew the site of Laoilicea are 
known as Eski Hissar \ it is now 

Avithout inhabitant, but a Bishop of 
Laodicea is mentioned as late as A.D. 
1450 (^^ Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics, 
V- 79)- 

T(iSe Xi-yfi o a^irjv ktX.] The personal 
Amen, whose character and nature 
are in themselves a guarantee for the 
truth of Ilis testimony. The com- 

mentatoi*s refer to Isa. l.w. 16 ^n7X3 

jOX , LXX. TOV dfov TOV a\rj6iv6v, SjnuUL 
apparently, tov dtov dfirfv. But it is 
simpler to explain o duriv as refemng 
to our Lord's repeated use of the 
formula dfXT]v dij.f)v Xeyo Vfj.'iv, coupled 
with His assurance e'-yco ei/^t...?) dXijOfia 
— rj avToaXTjfffia, or rj ovaiMCirii aXt]dei(L, 
as the Greek fathers express it. Cf 
ii. 16, note. 'O fidprvs 6 ttio-tos looks 
back to c. i. 5 ; for o n\t]div6i see 
iii. 7 ; 6 n. 6 d\7]6ii'6i is the witness 
who fulfils his ideal, whose testimony 
never falls short of the truth. 

V "PX"? '''^^ KricTfco? TOV dfov : cf 
Col. i. 15) 18 TrpoiTOTOKos rrdarji (cTiVfcof 
. . .Of fOTiv 7) dp^jj — a pas.sage doul)tless 
familiar to the Church of Laoilicea 
(cf Col. iv. 15). This title of Christ 
rests on Prov. viii. 22, lxx. Kvptos 
(KTiatv /xe [sc. TTjv (To(f)iiii'j dp\fiv oficiu 
avrov ;ls fpya aiWov, but readjusts the 
conception ; He is not, as the Arians 
inferred, I )> tcoi- KTiarpidToyi; l>ut the dp^rj 
TTji KTicreuii (.Vudreas : ») 5r/>o»:<ir(i^j»cTi»c^ 
aiTia Ka\ aKricrTOi', the uucreatetl prin- 
ciple of creation, from whom it took its 
origin — the prinripium principians, 
not the prinripium principiatnm. 
The whole tendency of the Joliannine 
writings and of the Apocalyp.>;e in 
jiarticular cf. Intnvl. c. xiv.) forbids 
the interpret^itioii 'the fii-st of crea- 
tures.' 'H apx^i is applied to our 
Lord agiiin in c. xxi. 6 f'ya> to aXrfta 




(Tov TO. epya, otl ovre yjyv'x^po's el ovt6 ^ecrros. 
1 6 ocbeXov yfyvxpo^ n^ ^'/ ^ecrros. ^'^ovtco^ otl ;)^AfajOOs 

15 om OTL 28 152 syr8" ( om ^vxpos ei. ovre syi*'*^ | om et ^** (hab K'^-'') | uKpeKov 
PQ I om o<pe\ov...te<rTOS A i 47 | 775] eis (sic) Q 16 32 16 odtwj oti] otl ovtics K om 

ovTcos 130 syrS" om our. ort arm | x^'epos ^* (x^"ip- ^''■*) I3°- ^^- ^' Schm. p. 50 

KOL TO cS, Tj ap)(f] Koi TO TeKos : cf. 
xxii. 13, which adds 6 nparos xai 6 
i'crxaTot. Ill its present coiiiiexiou 
7; dpxi] perhaps carries the further 
thought of preeminence, cf. Gen. xlix. 

3 'Pov^Tjv npcoToTOKos p^ov, (TV tcr;^^? fXOV 

Koi dpx^ TtKvcov pov, tlie head of the 
family as well as tlie first in point of 
time. The Creation is subjected (Heb. 
ii. 8) to the Eternal Word with Whom 
it began. Tov Beov reserves the su- 
preme proprietorship for the Father ; 
cf. I Cor. viii. 6 6 Trar^'p, e^ ov TCI ndvTa, 
Eph. iv. 6 fls deos Kal TTaTrjp TvavTOiv, o 

inl TrdvTcov. ElscAvhere Tj KTLais stands 
by itself, e.g. Rom. viii. 19 f. 

15. ol8a (TOV TO. e'pya, otl ktX.] The 
Amen, the Head of the whole Creation, 
bears vdtness to the condition of the 
last of the Seven Churches. The 
solemnity of the title prepares for a 
searching and severe criticism. From 
the faults of the Churches at Ephesus, 
Pergamum, Thyatira, and Sardis the 
Laodicean angel seems to have been 
free. No Nicolaitans, no Jezebel, 
infested Laodicea. But his error, if 
less patent, was even more vital. 
Judged by his works he was neither 
frigid (-vl/vxpoy, icy cold : cf. Sir. xliii. 
20 yj/vxpos avfpos /Sopei^s nuevcrfL koi 
Trayrj(T€TaL KpxxTTaWos d(^' vbaTos ; Mt. 
X. 42 TTOT-qpLov \lrvxpov), TiOY at boiling 
heat (fecrro?, an. Xey. in Biblical Greek, 
'boiled'i.e. boiling hot, Syr. x<^:yi>rjau). 
I.e. the Church was neither wholly 
indifferent, nor on the other hand 
'fervent in spirit' (cf. Acts xviii. 25, 
Roin.' xii. 1 1 roi Trvevpan ^eovTes\ but 
held an intermediate position between 
the two extremes. Cf. Sohar, Gen. 
f. 83 "tres dantur classes hominum, 
sunt eiiim vol iusti perfecti, vel iiiipii 
imperfecti, vel intermedii." 

ocfyeXov yj/vxpos ^s 17 ^fcrroy] For 
ocpfXov { = coc{)f\ov\ utinam, used as 
a particle and followed by a verb 
in the ind., see i Cor. iv. 8, 2 Cor. 
xi. I, Gal. V. 12, and in the lxx., 
Exod. xvi. 3, Job xiv. 13 (=1^1? ""P), 

Num. xiv. 2, XX. 3 (= -1?), 4 Regn. v. 3, 
Ps. cxviii. (cxix.) 5 (= V^^) ; and cf. 
Blass, Gr. p. 206 f., and W. Schm, 
p. 102, note. Andreas (citing Greg. 

Naz.) : o pev yap ^Irvxpos Ka\ ttjs ^(oiKTrjS 
■jVLCTTedis ayev(TT0S iv eXTTtSt TToWaicLS 

ecTTUL TOV Tvx^t^v avTTjs- Cf. Grcgory 
the Great, reg. past. iii. 34 " qui vero 
post conversionem tepuit, et spem 
quae esse potuit de peccatore sub- 
traxit. aut calidus ergo quisquis esse 
aut frigidus quaeritur, ue tepidus 
evomatur." XXLapos is neither boil- 
ing nor cold, ' tepid ' ; like (^e(TT6s, the 
word is a dn. Xey. in Bililical Greek. 
The x^'^po'f is tl^® Christian who 
is without enthusiasm (Arethas : os 
peTovcrUis eAa/3e nvevpaTos dyiov biarov 
^aTTTio-paTos, ea^e(Te de to xdpt(Tua). 

16. ovTocis OTL xkLapos ei /ctX.J A 
draught of tepid water provokes 
nausea, and a tepid Christianity is 
nauseous to Christ (peWco ere ipicraL 
e/c TOV (TT. pov) ; He prefers the frigid 
indifference which the Di^^ne Love 
has not begun to thaw. There is 
probably an allusion to the hot springs 
of Hierapolis, which in their way over 
the plateau become lukewarm, and in 
this condition discharge themselves 
over the cliff right opposite to Laodicea; 
cf. Strabo, 903 KaTavTLKpv AaoSt- 
Ke'ias 'If pdnoXLS, ottov to. deppa v8aTa. 
It is but six miles across the valley 
from one city to the other, and the 
cliff over which the x^^^P^^ vSwp 
tumbles is visible for a gi-eat distance, 

III. i8] 



el, Kal ovre ^ecrros oiiTe ^v^pc. /ueWco ere e/uea'ai 
€K Tov cTTOjuaTo^ /uov. '''oTi Xeyei^ oti flXoua-io^ 17 
el/JLi Kcil TreTrXovTtjKci kul ovZev ^peiai/ e^w. Kai ovk 
ol^wi OTL (TV el 6 TaXaiTTcopo^ Kai eXeivo^ kul TTTco-y^o':^ 
Kal Ti/d)/\o9 Kal yvjjivo'i, * o'Vfji(5ovXevco croi clyopacraL 18 

16 oure 1"] ov minf""^- syrr'''' | j'sffros ovre xpvxpos SCQ min''^^"'* me syr"^ arm 
Andr Ar] \p. ovre f. AP 17 18 (19) vg syr*** om 10 vg'""''* aeth Amb Ambrst Prim | 
^vxpoi] + ei X*("'-'' I fj.e\\(i} ae efxeffai (eniv K*-"') €K r, or. fiov] iravffaL r. ar. /x. X* | tov 
(TTo/xaroi] Tr]s Kupdias me 17 om oti. 2° i<PQ miu'""-''^ vg*^ syr arm aeth (hab AC 

I 6 17 28 31 al 5f vg"^** syrK") | oi'5e«' AC 12] oi^Sej/os SPQ minP' Ar | <rveio TaXaiirwpos] 
Ta\. ft X* I om Kai 4" 91 | eXeivos {eXeeif. XPQ mini'' Andr Ar)] pr AQ min^'^^^o ^j. 
aXijdii'os 130 

o>\ing to the Avhitc iiicrustatiuu of 
liiiio winch has been deposited upon 
it ill the course of ages. The alhisiou 
is the more apposite, since the letter 
for Laodicea was practically addressed 
to the other Churches of the l^ycus 
valley, to the Church of Hierapolis 
as well as to Laodicea and Colossae. 
On the hot sjirings of Hierapolis see 
llaiusay, Cities, ii. p. 85 f 

17. OTI Xiyeis OTI nXovaios ei/x' '^'"^•J 
The Laodiceiie Church was not only 
tepid ; it was contented to be so, and 
thought highly of its own condition. 
External circumstances were ftivour- 
able to this state of feeling ; the city 
was one of the most pros])erous of the 
Asiatic towns (Ramsay, Cities, i. p. 38 f ). 
The Christian community carried the 
prido of wealth into its spiritual life, 
"I am rich,'' it boasted, "and have 
gotten riches (7re7rXoi'r7j<n ," i.e. my 
wealth is due to my own exertions. 
Cf. H(js. xii. 8 (9), (iTTfv 'E<t>paifj. 
nX»;»' TTfTrXovTTjxa, evprjKa dvay^vxijv 
(fxavT^, Zecli. xi. 5 fvXoyTjTos Ki'ptoy, 
Kol 7r(~\ovTi]Kafi(i', I Cor. iv. 8 rjSrj 
K(K0f}€afJ.fV0i i(TT( ; rj^r] (n\ovTrj(TaTf ; 

111 oi8h' xf}€iav «\a), ov^€v is the acc. 
of reference (cf., Gr. \\ 94, and 

cf. Pctt'. Ek. ^ a)j p.rjhiv rcovov (\(i>v) or 

of content Blass, p. 91, where however 
the note should be cancelled) ; oo'Sti/of 
is an obvious con-ectioii, cf. i Th. iv. 12. 
The Church brags like a nouceau 

riche, but in complete ignorance of 
the true condition of affairs. 

OVK 018ns OTI (TV (I O TaXaiTTOipOS »fr/\.] 

Contrast Christ's oi8a (v. 15). 2v is 
emphatic, 'thou that boastest,' and the 
article that precedes the predicates 
(cf. Blass, Gr. p. 157) strengthens 
the picture : 'it is thou that art 
the (c()nsi)icuously, pre-eminently 
wretched' etc. For TaXalncopos of. 
Rom. vii. 24, and for tXeewus 'pitiable' 
see Dan. ix. 23, x. 1 1, 19 (lxx.,, i Cor. 
XV. 19 fXffivoTfpoi ndm-aiv di'3pcoiTO)v 
ea-fif'v : the form eXeipos, given by A('\ 
is perhaps to be iireferred here ; see 
however Blass, Gr. p. 23. The next 
three adjectives state the gi-ounds for 
commiseration ; a blind beggar (cf. 
Mc. x. 46), barely clad (:\Iatt xxv. 
36 ff., Jac. ii. 2, 5 ; for this sense of 
yvfivos cf Jo. xxi. 7), was not nn)re de- 
serving of ])ity than this rich and .self- 
satisHod Church. On T7T(i)x6i see ii. 9, 
Mc. xii. 43, note ; the tttoixos is the 
direct opposite of the rrXovo-tos, cf. Lc. 
xvi. 19 f, 2 Cor. vi. 10. It is possible 
that each of the epithets alhules to 
some local subject of self-complacency. 
On other local allusions see the next 

1 8. <rvfi^ovX(v<ii croi dyopdaai, ktX."] 
^v^^ovXti'fiv {Tivi) is to give counsel 
(^Exod. xviiL 19, NunL xxiv. 14, 2 Regn. 
xvii. II, 15, Jo. xviii. 14); <n'^)9ovXfi'- 
fcrdau, to tiike counsel together (Sir. ix. 



[III. i8 

Trap Ejuov ■^(^pva-LOV ireTrvpoofJLevov Ik vrvpo^ \va ttXov- 
Ttjcrrj^, Kal Ifj-aTLa XevKU \va TrepifiaXt] Kai jut] 
(bavepcodfj rj alor-^vvf} Tt]^ yujuvoTiiTO'S crov, kui 
KoXKovpLOV eyxP^^^'- '^ou'S dcpdaXjuou^ crov \va 

i8 Trap eixov xp- ^^ACP i 28 36 49 79 al™"""^ g vg syrr] xp- '^"■P ^Moi* Q 6 7 8 14 29 
38 al'*"'*^" me Ar om Trap efxov 31 34 35 87 97 Prim | €k Trvpai Q | Trept/SaXX?; 13 14 28 
79* 80 87 92 Ar I aiffxvvri] aaxV/^o'^^V P i 36 | KoWovpiov AP 10 17 30 32 36 49 51 81 
91 (130)] Ko\{\)vpioi' ^C(Q) 2 6 7 8 14 31 35 (38) 82 87 92'^' alf^o^o Ar alKoi;\(X)ouptoj/ 
(i) 28 29 79 (80?) I e7x/"<7"' ^ (fXP-) AC 7 16 18 28 36 45 syrs''] eyxpiffov P i 49 79 
91 92"8 96 130 al Andr iva eyxp'-'^V Q (-'^") miuP'''^' Ar | om tovs ocpd. troi; syrs" 

which attends the process (cf. i Pet. 

i. 7 TO doKlpLlOl' Vficiv Trjs TTlCTTeCOS 
TToXvTlfXOTfpOl' XP^'^^^^---^'''^ TTVpOS... 

8oKi[xa^ofx€vov). 'Ek TTvpos is nearly = 
OTTO or vTTo 77., l:)ut hints at the metal 
coming out of the fire intact, "lea /x;) 
(j^avepcodfj kt\. ; an O.T. idea, cf. Exod. 
XX. 26, Nah. iii. 5, Ezek. xvi. 36 ; there 
is perhaps special reference to Ezek. 
xxiii. 29, Lxx. KoWovpiov (or koWv- 
piov, cf. Boissonade, anecd. i. 237, 
collyrium Hor. Sat. i. 5. 30, the 
n"'~i.1?''i? of Jewish literature), a di- 
minutive of KoWvpa, is (i) a small 
roll of bread (3 Regn. xii. 24 flf.), 
(2) from its roll-like shape, a kind of 
eye-salve made according to Celsus 
(vi. 7) from the poppy, the acacia, and 
other flowering plants ; here possibly 
used with reference to the local 
powder already mentioned. For iy- 
Xpi-fi'V of applications to the eyes see 
Tobit ii. 10 (X), vi. 9, xi.7 ; it is instruc- 
tive to com})are the construction of 
the verb in Tobit ^vith that employed 
here ; cf. Jo. ix. 6 (eTrexpKTfv AD). 

With regard to the interpretation, 
the gold which is to be acquired is 
doubtless faith -nith its accompanying 
works (Lc. xii. 21 tls 6eov likovrmv, 
Jac. ii. 5 TrXovaiovs ev TTicTTet, I Pet. 
i. I. C, I Tim. vi. 18 TrXovrelr iv epyois 
KoXoU) ; the Avhite raiment is a life in 
Christ xuispotted by the world (Gal. 
iii. 27, Jac. i. 27), which alone can 
escape disgrace under the fierce light 
of the Parousia (2 Cor. v. 10) ; the 
eye-salve which stings while it heals is 

14, Isa. xl. 14, Mt. xxvi. 4, Acts ix. 23). 
There is perhaps a reference to Isa. 

Iv. I ocroi fir] e;)^eTe dpyvpiov...ayopa- 
crare . . .at>tv apyvpiov Koi Tifxrjs : for 
dyopd(Tai Trap' ifxov cf. 2 Esdr. XX. 3 1 
ovK dyopatfiev Trap" avrcoJ', and for 

dyopd^eiv in this metaphorical sense, 
Mt. XXV. 9 f The allusions to local 
conditions are here even more dis- 
tinct. Xpvaiov presents a contrast to 
the wealth of the Laodicene rpoTre- 
Cirai. ; lp.dTia XeuKo, to the black fabric 
for Avhich the neighbourhood was 
famous (Ramsay, Cities and Bishop- 
rics^ p. 40 "a fine kind of wool, soft in 
texture and glossy black in coloiu-, 
grew on the Laodicene sheep... a kind 
of small cheap cloak... was manufac- 
tured at Laodicea and called Laodicia, 
or diT\d IfxdTia ") ; while KoWovpiov 
probably refers to the school of 
medicine attached to the neighbour- 
ing temple of Asklepios, and the eye- 
powder (riffipa ^pvyia) used by its 
physicians (Ramsay, p. 52). It is 
possible to make too much of these 
coincidences, Avhich may be in part 
accidental, but at least they are 
interesting and suggestive. 

As to details. With TreTrvpafievov 
eic TTvpos, cf. Ps. xvii. (xviii.) 31 
rd Xoyia Kvpiov 7reTTVpcofj.eva, Prov. 
xxiv.. 28 (xxx. 5) ; the thought is of 
purity attained by removing dross (cf. 
Ps. Ixv. (Ixvi.) 10 eVupcocra? rjp.ds cos 
TTvpovrai TO dpyvpiov^ Zach. Xlll. 9> Isa. 
i. 25 TTvpcoao) \^a-(^ tls Ka6ap6v\ per- 
haps ■with reference to the fiery trial 


eyui 'o<rov<i eav (pLXco iXey^to kul TraiCevco- 19 


Q]Aev6 ovv Kai iu6Tai/ot]crov. ' loov e<TTr]Ka eiVL Tyiv 20 1 c 

19 offouf] ofs vg syrK" Prim | iav'\ at- K 36 | f77\€i;e ACQ min''''i''° Ar] ^ijXwfroi' SP 
I al«nnu Andr ^Xoi; 6 11 31 j'T/njaoi' 91 | om oi/i' 7 12 16 28 

the (\(yyLos of the Holy Spirit (Jo. 
xvi. 8 ff.), which destroys self-deceptiou 
and restores spiritual vision. To buy 
tliese from Christ is to seek His gifts 
at the cost of personal ease or self- 
esteem : cf Phil. iii. 7 anva rju fj.oi. /cepSr/, 
Taiira rjytjfiai, Sta Tiiv ^picrTov ^rjfiiav. 

19. (y^ oaovs ('nv (fyiXa ktX.J The 
plain speaking of this letter was not to 
be attributed to aversion on the part 
of Christ, notwithstanding His /if'XXw 
o-f fjxetrai ; rather it was evidence of 
friendship and love. ^tXw (Bengel : 
" Philadelphiensem riyanr^a-fv, Laodi- 
censeni (^tXf I") is perhaps deliberately 
preferred to the less emotional and 
less human dyanOt (i. 5, iii. 9 ; ef. Jo. 
xi. 3, 36, xvi. 27, XX. 2, xxi. 15 ff.), 
notwithstanding the use of the latter 
in Prov. iii. 12 (lxX. ov yap ayana 
Kvpior iXtyxfi) which su^jplies the 
groundwork of the thought. 'EXey- 
;^a) Koi TTHtSevw : two stages in one 
process ; eXey^u aims at effecting by 
words or thoughts what naibda ac- 
complishes, Avhere eXf y^t j foils, by act ; 
7rai8(ia is eXey^tj brought about 
through external means. The two 
verl)S are i)orhaps a double rendering 
of n^3V in Prov. i. c, whore «X€'y;^ei 
is read by B but iraidd'tL by NA ; or 
TraiSei'to (and the reading Tr(u?i(vfi) 
may have been suggested by the pre- 
ceding verse in Prov. (vU, /x»; oXiyupfi 
TratSfia? Kvpiov). For (\(y)((tv it is 
instructive to compare Eph. v. 13, 
2 Tim. iv. 2, anil St John's use of the 
verb in Jo. iii. 20, viii. 46, xvi. 8 ; on 
Trai8(V(iv a good note will be found 
in Westcott on Heb. xii. 7 ; cf. 
H. A. A. Kennedy, Sources, ji. loi. 
Perhaps tiie deplorable comlition of 
the Laodicone Church wa.s due to 
lack of chastisement ; there is no 
word of anv trials hitherto under- 

gone by this Church. The needed 
discipline cameat length under Marcus 
Aurelius, when Sagaris, tlie Bishop of 
Laodicca, was martyred (Eus. H. E. 
iv. 26, V. 24). 

^T;Xen6 ovv Kul ix(Tavi)T)(Tnv] Cf. ii. 5) 
iii. 3 p-frjp.ovevf ovv...Kai ixfTavoTjaov. 
In the i)resent case not memory but 
enthusiasm Avas at fault. ZrjXtveiv is 
a late and rare form for (jjXovp, as 
KyKXcufiu (xx. 9) ^*^^ kvkXovu (WH. 
Azotes, p. 178), but with the sense 'be 
zealous' ; for other exx. of late verbs 
in -eveiv see WM., p. 114, Kennedy, 
Sources, p. 43, Jntrod. to the 0. T. in 
Gk, p. 503. ZrfXeve looks back to 
fecrrof (i*. 15 f. ; Bengel : "etfeororet 
(rfXos est ex feco"), dwelling upon its 
ethical meaning : ' prove thyself to 
jjosscss (pros, imper.) a whole-hearted 
devotion for the Master." So doing, 
the Laodicean Church would arrive at 
a better mind (/xemi'oT^o-oj/), and be no 
longer 'tepid' but 'fervent in spirit' 

20. Ibov fO-rrjKci in\ rrjv dvpau ktX.] 
Arethas : a^iaaros, t^rjaiv, rj ip.f) ira- 
povaia. The voice is that of a friend 
(v. 19); there is perhaps a reference 

to Cant. V. 2 (pcot'r] d8fX(pidov p-ov, 
Kpovfi fVt T^v 6\)pav' avoi^op poi, a8fX(pri 
pov, ^ TvXrjcriov pov. In this light the 
homilctic iise of the passage, which 
sees in it a picture of our Lord 
knocking at the heart^5 of men, and 
which Holman Hunts great painting 
has made familiar, finds its justifica- 
tion. But ;is they stind in this oiin- 
text, the words are eschat^)logical 
(cf. Mt. xxiv. ^2i fyy^s toTiv fn\ BCpan, 

JaC. V. 9 O KplTTJt TTpO TU)U $Vpa)V tCTTTJ- 

Kfv); the opening of the door is the 
joyful resjK)nse of the Church to the 
l;u?t call, cf. Lc. xii. 36 ipds opoioi, 
av6p<oTTois TrpocrSf ^iijutVotr top Kvpiov 
(avTa>v...iva iXdovroi kolX KpovcavTos 



[III. 20 

dvpav Kal Kpovco' eav rts aKOvcrr] rfj^ (pcovfj's julov Kal 
dvoL^ri Tf]v dupav, elcreXevcTOfJiaL Trpo'S avrov Kat 
21 ^6i7rvr]cru> jueT avTOv kui avTO^ jueT e/uov. "d vikcov, 
dwaw avTco Kadicrai jneT efJLOv ev Tip Opovco /ulov, w? 
Ka'yu) evLKr](ra kul eKaSLCa jueTa tou TruTpos fjLov ev 

20 om aKovar] ttjs (pojvijs fiov Kai Or Hil | avoi^r]'] avoit,w t< avoL^ei. syr"" | eiffekev- 
ffofxai] pr Kai KQ minf'"'«35 gyj-gw Prim (om AP i 6 13 17 18 19 28 36 37 38 79 80 81 
161 vg syr me arm aeth Or Hil Ar) 

evdecni avo'i^wcriv avT<^. The picture is 

exactly reversed in Lc. xiii. 25, where 
the Master shuts the door and the 
servants knock in vain ; cf. Mt. xxv. 
10 f. 

iav Tis ciKOvcrr] Tijs (pwvfjs fiov ktX.j 
If any Church (or individual) gives 
heed to the call of Clirist (cf. Jo. x. 3 

ra npo^ara (pavrji avToi) aKovei, 16 f., 
xviii. ^y nas 6 a>v e'/c ttjs dXrjdfias 
oKovei ftov T^y (f>iourjs) and opens the 
door, Christ will enter that dwelling 
(Jo. xiv. 23 Trpos avTov fXevaofieda Koi 
jiovfiv Trap' avTW rroiTjcroneda, Eph. ill. 
17 KOToiKricrai rov ^piarov 8m rfjs Tvicr- 
reas ev rals Kapbiais vp.a)v iv ayanj]), 

and exchange \\'ith such an one the fel- 
lowship of intimate communion (cf. Jo. 
vi. 56 o rpcoycov pov rrjv crapKa Kai ttlvcop 
pov TO aipa iv ip.o\ jxevei Kaya> ev avTco) 

in that endless feast of Love of which 
the Eucharist is the earnest (Mt. 

XXVi. 29 ewr Trjs rfp-epas eKeivrjs orav 
avTo tt'lvch p,e& vp.a>v Kaivov ev rfj 
^a<TiXeia rov Trarpos p.ov). 

^laepxecrdai irpos riva, to enter a 
man's house ; cf. Mc. xv. 43, Acts xi. 3. 
AeiTTvijcrw is preferred to dpLo-Ti^a-o) 
partly because the beltrvov came at 
the end of the day and was the 
principal meal and the usual occasion 
for hospitality, but perhaps chiefly 
with reference to the Kvpianhv belnvov. 
Urigen's ov yap delrai eLO-aycoyrjs kol 
TTpaToiv pa6r]p.aT(x)v (in Jocinn. t. xxxii. 
2) is ingenious but far-fetched. 

21. o vlkQ>v^ 8u>(ru) avTC3 Kadiaai fier 
epoii ktX.'] An extension of the promise 
made to the Twelve in Mt. xix. 28 
orav KciBicrr] 6 vtos rov dvdpwnov eiri 

6p6vov 86^T)s avTov, KaOrjcrecrSe Koi vp.e7^ 
errl ScoSe/ca dpovovs : cf Lc. xxii. 29 f. 
xayco 8iaTi6(, Ka6ci)s hudero p.01 
6 nar/jp pov ^acnXeLav, 'iva eadrjve Koi 
TTivrjre eVi rfjs rpaire^rjs fiov ev rjj 
^aaiXeia fiov, koi Kadrjade en\ Opovcov 
ras 8oo8fKa <j)vXas Kpivovres tov laparjX, 
where, as here, the enthronement 
follows immediately after the mention 
of the heavenly feast. The dpovoi 
however (cf. ii. 1 3, note) are not places 
on the triclinium, but thrones of 
dignity and judicial power, cf. i Cor. 

vi. 2 f. ovK oibare otl 01 dyioi tov Kocrp-ov 
Kpivovaiv ;...ovK oi8aTe on ayyeXovs Kpi- 

vovp.ev ; The Apocalyptic promise adds 
that the conqueror shall not merely be 
enthroned like Christ, but be His 
(Tvvdpovos. Mer' ep.ov might imply 
association only, but iv tS dpova /xov 
implies a share in the same throne, 
i.e. in the glory and powers of Christ's 
own triumphant humanity. 

cos Kayu) iviKrjaa ktX.] Cf. Jo. xvi. 33 
iyo) vevLKT]Ka rov Korrp-ov, I Jo. V, 4 

aVTT] icTTLV T] VLKT] T) VlKr}<Ta(Ta TOV KO(Tp.OV, 

^ TTio-TiiT ijpiwv. Here iviKJjaa looks back 
upon the historical fact of the Lord's 
victory as past and complete ; veviKt^Ka 
in Jo. I. c. regards the victory as 
abiding in its effects. The rewards of 
victory are not the same in the case of 
Christ as in the case of the disciple ; 
the disciple becomes a-vvdpovoi with 
Christ in Christ's throne, whereas the 
Lord is avvdpovos with the Father; cf. 
ii. 27 f. Sojcrco avTCd, . .o)f Kayay eiXrjCpa napa 
TOV narpos pov. 'Exadia-a like iviKTjcra 
is the historical aorist ; the session fol- 
lowed at the moment of the Ascension, 

III. 22] 



TOJ upovu) auTou. "o e^cov OfS aKOucraTco tl to 22 

:2 ous] aura's vg'"»' arm Prim 

whilst tho victory was aohievctl l)y the 
Resurrection; see Mc. xvi. 19, Eph. 
i. 20, II eb. i. 3, viii. i, xii. 2. Tho 
ultimate source of the conception is 
Ps. ex. I ; on its meaning see Apringius 
ad I. : "quid est in throno Dei sedere, 
nisi quiescere et gloriari cum Deo et 
eius adsistere tribunalibus beatis, at- 
que immensa praesentiae illius felici- 
tate gaudere ?" "With the parallel uis 
Kayut ktX. cf. Jo. XV. lo, xvii. 18, xx. 
21, Apoc. ii. 28. 

Looking back over the seven \6ryoi 
(ii. I — iii. 22), it is easy to see that, 
widely as their contents differ, they 
are constructed upon a common \Am\. 
Each begins with the formula Ico 
ayyeku) rco {rffs) iv...(KK.\T]criai ypa-^ov 
TaSe Xeyet o..., and end.s M'ith the cull 
'O e)(o>v ovs k.t\. followed (i — 3), or 
preceded (4 — 7) by a promise to the 
Christian victor (rw viKavTi bda-w avra 
(l, 3), or o j/t(CtI>i'...Sa)cra) uvtm (4, "/), 
or 6 viKciu TToirjaai avrov (6) or o PiKav 

followed by a verb exi)ressing the 
reward to bo received (2, 5)). 

Even in the contents of the several 
messages a certain uniformity may be 
detected. After the opening words 
each \oyos begins with oi8a — olSa aov 
Ta fpya (l, 4 — ?)> otV^ii anv rrjp OXiyj/iu 
(2), or oiSa nov KaroiKels (3); i.e. each 
is based on the 8i)eakei''"s knowledge 
of tho conduct or circumstances of 
tho several churches. The tlistinctivc 
merits and faults of each community 
are then set forth, together >vith 
suitable encouragement and repi'oof. 
Liistly, advice is given as to the 
future: fivrj^oueve ovv...Ka\ ^erupurja-ov 
(l, 5), fifraporjcrni' oir (3), ^ijXfve ovr Koi 
fifTavorjaop {j }, fit) (j)o^3ov...yii'ov ituttos 
axpi davarov (2), o e\(Tf KpaTrjcrare or 
Kparfi 6 fXfis (4, 6). 

Yet uniform as the Xi'ryoi are in 

s. E. 

their general structure, they i)resent 
a rich variety of detail. As each 
Church passes imder review, it re- 
ceives a judgement which is evidently 
based upon a full knowledge of it« 
condition, both external anil spiritual. 
Smyrna and Philadelphia gain un- 
qualified approval ; Ephesus, Perga- 
mum, Thyatira, are commended, but 
with reservations (ex<«> <aTa a-ov [oXiya] 
ort...): for Laodicea there is only 
censure, and Sardis would fall undei" 
the same category, wei'e it not for a 
few loyal Christians (f^f'^ 6\iya 6p6- 
fiUTa kt\.) whose fidelity is not over- 
looked. But the discrimination goes 
further. The Supreme Pastor desceiuls 
into the minutest particulars which 
affect the well-being of the several 
brotherhoods : the decay of love at 
Ejihesus, redeemed in })art by hatred 
of Nicolaitan laxity ; the fidelity of 
the Smyruaeans under the bitter 
reproaches of the self-styled Jews; 
the concessions to Xicolaitanism which 
marred the zeal of the Pergamenes ; 
tho indulgence shewn at Thyatira to 
a prophetess who, like a new JpzebeL 
initiated her disciples into "deei> 
things" of Satiin ; the deathless of the 
great majority of the members of the 
Church at Sardis ; the patient efforts 
of the Philadolphians to spread the 
faith of Christ in the teeth of Jewish 
opposition ; tho tepid, nauseoius Chris- 
tianity of tiie jmisperous and self- 
satisfied Laodiceans. ^'otliing has 
escai)ed the Eye of flame, whicli read*' 
the secrets of men an<l of churches. 

Even in the fonnulae with which 
tho Xo-yot are opened and closed there 
are variable elements, which shew the 
same discrimination. Each rd^t Xiyti 
is followed by a title of the Speaker, 
usually borrowed from the vision of 
c. L, which has si>ecial significance 



[IV. I 

IV. I ^ MeTo. TavTa el^ov, Kal Ihov Ovpa rjveiay fJLevr] ev T(v 

ovpavM, Kai r] (pitivrj rj TrpMTrj rjv r}KOV(Ta ws (roKTriyyo^ 
\a\ov(rr]^ fj.eT ijuov, Xeywv 'Avaf^a cohe, Kai dei^w 

IV I eidov P minP^ Ar] idov t^AQ 7 1492 | aveuyfj.€vr] Q min'""'" | /cat 2°] + ioov H 
Prim I om 77 irpuTT) syr^^^ | croKinyya. syrr | \a.\ovcFr)i\ \a\ovaav N Prim eka\r}cTev 
syr8™ I \eyo3v K*AQ minP'^^o] \eyovaa ^"-^V i 38 49 79 91 130 al'*''"" /cai Xe7oi;o-a 
fj.01 36 Ktti Xeyoi/o-ijs 716 om P arm^ Prim | ava§y]6L A 

when we consider the circumstances 
of the Church addressed. Each 
promise to the victor places the 
final reward in a light which gives 
it special attractiveness under the 
circumstances in which the local 
Church is placed. Thus the Eplie- 
sian Christian, tempted to participate 
in pagan banquets, is promised that, 
if he conquers, he shall eat of 
the fniit of the Tree of Life ; the 
Smyrnaean, called to face martyrdom, 
is assured that he shall not be hurt 
of the Second Death ; the Pergamene, 
if he rejects the elb(i>k66vTa, shall taste 
of the Hidden Manna. If it is not 
always easy to discover the appro- 
priateness of the form which the 
victor's prize assumes, there is reason 
to believe that the problem would 
be solved were our knowledge of the 
special circumstances less incomplete. 

IV. I — II. The Vision of the 
Throne in Heaven. 

I. fxera ravra ilbov] This formula, 
which occurs again vii. i (/x. tovto\ 9, 
XV. 5, xviii. I, serves to introduce a 
new vision of special importance, /cat 
ilbov (v. I etc.) being used in other 
cases. Here ixeTo. ravra refers to the 

vision of i. I2fl". (kuI iTTLo-Tpi-^as el8ov 

ktX.) which, with the messages to the 
Churches arising out of it, has oc- 
cupied the first three chapters. The 
vision of the glorified Christ walking 
among the Churches on earth is fol- 
lowed by a vision of the Court of 

avpa ijvecoyfxePT] iv toi ovpavcH^ Xot 
US in iii. 8 tlie door of opportunity, 

or as in iii. 20 the door of the heart, 
but the door of revelation ; cf. Enoch 
xiv. 13 Kal I80V akXi] 6vpa avfOiyp.evTj 

tcarevavTi fiov. The conception of the 
opened heavens occurs first in Ezek. 
1. I rjvolxdrjcrav 01 ovpavoi Kal fldof 
opacreis dfoii : cf. Mc. i. lO ei8ev (rxi- 
^ofjifvovs Tovs ovpavovs,Jo. i. 5^ o'^f(r6e 
Tov ovpavov avfayoTa. In this visioil a 

door only is opened (cf. Test, xiipatr., 
Levi 5), and not heaven as a whole, 
i.e. the vision is limited to the Seer ; 
only one who has been lifted up into 
the heavenly places can see what is 
passing within. The perf. part, rjvetd- 
yfievT) imj^lies that the door stood open, 
ready for the Seer's coming. 

/cat rj (papfj ij TrpaTrj rjv TjKovcra /crX.J 
"The first voice which I heard" is 
apparently the voice of i. 10 ^Kova-a... 

cfxovTjv fieydXrjv cos (TciXTriyyos, where see 
note ; cf. Victorinus : " id est spiritus 
quern paulo ante quam filium hominis vidisse fatetur" ; Bede : "simiUs 
utique priori voci quae dixerat Qiiae 
vides scribe hi lihro." Now it comes 
again to prepare John for the second 
great vision, and calls him up to the 
height where the Angel stands. Ae- 
70)1', a constructio ad sensiim ; behind 
the trumpet voice there is a person- 
ality who speaks. 'Ava/Sa ( = tii/a/S/j^t 
W. Schm., p. 115, cf. Kara^n Ar. lian. 
35, Fesp. 979 ; fiera^a, Mt. xvii. 2o) 
recalls the summons at the Lawgiving, 
Exod. xix. 24 f. ; for coSf , ' hither ' 
(Blass, Gr. p. 58 I), cf. Jo. vi. 25, 
XX. 27 ; for tei$(o, the Hierophaut's 
(Benson, Apocalypse, p. 15) ofi"er of 
guidance, see i. i, xvii. i, xxi. 9 f., 
xxii. I, 6. "a Set yeveadai (i. I, xxii. 6) 

IV. 3] 



(TOL a del yevecrOai fxeTa TavTa. ^evueco^ e'yevofJii]V 1 
ev TTvevfJiaTL • kul \dov dpovo^ eKeiTO ev tuj ovpai/w, 
Kal ewi Tov Opovov KaO/jjuevo^, ^Kai 6 Ka6t]iuevo^ b/ixoto^ 3 

I a] ocra A o syr*^" 2 evOews] pr *cot P i 7 130 al"""" syr'?"' arm aetli /cat me | 

Om Kai e. t. 6p. Kad-rjuevos me | eTrt] pr N* | tov Opovov'\ tov Opovov P I 28 36 77 91 96 
3 om Arat o Kadrinevos I 6 8 14 31 38 130 al me syr^^' arm aetb Vict Andr Ai | om 
o/xoios I"... TOV Opovov K* 

comes from Dan. ii. 28 f., 45. The 
vision that follows is an anticipation 
of a future which is yet to find its 
accomplishment (^fra ravTo). WH. 

connect fier« raina (2°) with fv6ea>£, 

but the analogy of i. 10 and Uan. I.e. 
(Til.) seems to be decisive in favour of 
the usual punctuation. 

2. fvOfcos eyevofj.r]!' (v TTvevpLaTij 'At 
once,' as the words were si)oken, 'I 
found myself in the Spirit.' The state 
of sj)iritual exaltation which preceded 
the first vision (i. 10 note) has returned, 
but in greater force ; then it gave the 
Seer ears to hear and eyes to see ; 
now it lifts him up and places him by 
the Angel at the open door. 

Acal Idoii Bpovos eKfiro iv ra> ovpavM 
ktX.] When he looked in, the first 
object that met his eyes was a throne 
and One seated on it. The Person is 
identified by v. 8 with the God of 
Israel (i. 4, 8), Who is represented 
in the O.T. sometimes as making the 
heaven His throne (Isa. Ixvi. i ; cf. 
Mt. V. 34 f, xxiii. 22), sometimes as 
enthroned in heaven (Ps. x. (xi.) 4 
Kvpios, (u oupai'w 6 Gpovos avrov ; cf. 
Enoch xiv. iStT. iSetSpow te Kal eiSoi/ 
6povov v-^TjXov kt\.). The imagery of 
the Apocalypse requij-es the latter 
symbolism, in which the Throne Ls 
distinguished from the sphere in 
which it stands. 

fKfiTo = tridi] (cf. Dan. vii. 9), 'stood,' 
rather than ' was sot up,' a rendering 
which jtermits the English reader to 
suppose that the jilacing of the throne 
entered into the vision. For Kf'ia-6ai 
in this sense cf Jo. ii. 6, xix. 29, 
xxi. 9, and see Blass, Gr. p. 51. In 
this book fVt tov Opouov can scarcely 

be distinguished from the more exact 
eirl TOV Qpovov OV fnl tS dpovco ; for 

the gen. see iv. 98"., v. i, 7, 13, xi. 16, 
vii. 15; for the dat, vii. 10, xix. 4, 
xxi. 5 ; for the ace, iv. 4, vi. 2, 4 f., 
xi. 16, XX. 4. 

3. Kal 6 Kadtjpfvos ktX.] The de- 
scription rigorously slums anthrojw- 
morphic details. The Seer's eye is 
arrested by the flashing of gemlike 
colours, but he sees no fonu : cf Exod. 

Xxiv. 10 ei^OV TOV TOTTOV OV IcTTlJKfl 

o 6eos TOV 'la-parjK (Heb. simply JIN 
^N'n"'^ ^HT'NV Kal Ta vnb rovs noSas av- 
Toii oxrei fpyov nXivdov aan(f)eipov, Koi 
uxTfrep ei8os crrepedpaTos tov ovpavov 

TJj KadapioTTjTi. Less reserve is mani- 
fested in Ezek. i. 26 cos flSos dvdpaTrov, 
Dan. \'ii. 9 TraXatoj T]p(pi)v SKaSrjTO... 
7; 6p\^ TTJi KfcPaXrjs avToi) wcrei epiov 
KaBapov ; cf. Enoch xlvi. i, Ixxi. 10. 
In the great Christian apocalyi\se 
there is no need for anthro]>omorphic 
descrijitious of Deity ; one like a Son 
of Man is always at hand to whom 
they are naturally transferred (see i. 
14, note) ; cf Ajidreas : f^^(l^ hi tov 
iraTfpa tov opaSevra evTav6a TTaplaTrjcri, 
(TcjpaTiKov aiTW )(apaKTt}pa ov nepiTi- 
firjaiv coaTTfp iv ttj rrpoTfpaia tov vioii 

The Entlironcd Majesty Wius like in 
appearance (o/ja'a-et= nXlOp^ ^ow) 
to the light of two prccioas stones, 
the Xifios mcTTTif and the a-npdiov, and 
their brilliance was relieved by a 
circle of emerald green. The three 
stones are named together as samples 
of their kind by Plato (P/i/iiif. iioK 
(Tap8ta Kn\ laaTribai Kai afxapdy^ovs Kai 
—di'Ta Ta Toiai'Ta), and hold au honour- 



[IV. 3 

opacet Xidct) lacnridi Kai crap^Lcp, Kal ipL<s KVK\66ev 

4 Tov Opovov bfJLOLO^ opacrei (r/uapay^ipco. '^Kai KVK\66ev 

Tov Bpovov Bp6vov<5 e'lKoo-i Tecra-ape's, Kal Ittl Tom 

3 \i.6ov vg syrr | tacTriSt] + ^at cfxapayboi Q 13 26 41 42 44 130 (sed om km 
cxapSLio) I crapdivu} P I 36 al | tpts] lepets K*A 18 79 arm aeth | KVKXodevI kvkXoj 36 38 
47 I ofj.oios i°] AP I 67 II 12 30 36 79 vg me syr Prim o/xoius N"'-*Q min^"'™" Ar 
ofj.oia 7 10 14 16 17 18 31 47 al I opacrei ff/xapaySifu}'] opacris a/jLapaydivuv Q rQin""""^ 
opaaei a/napaydoov 14 syrr ws opaais afxapaySov 38 47 4 om /cai i" Q min°o"n syr | 

Bpovovs j° XA 34 35 87 121] Opovoi, PQ minP' Andr Ar syT^'^^ + vidi arm* anon*"s 

able place in Biblical lists of gems ; 
thus, ace. to Exod. xxviii. 17 ff., the 
a-dp8iov and the emerald stand in 
the first row of stones in the High 
Priest's breastplate, and the 'laanis 
in the second : among the precious 
stones which adorn the person of the 
King of Tyre (Ezek. xxviii. 13) the 
same three stones stand first, third, 
and sixth respectively ; and of the 
twelve foundation stones of Apoc. xxi. 
19 the uiaTTis is first, the emerald 
fourth, and the crdp^Lov sixth. The 
tao-TTty (i^!?"-:"^, said to be a Persian 
word, B. D. B. s. v.) appears to have 
been translucent like glass or rock- 
crystal (Apoc. xxi. II KpV(TTaKXi^OVTL 

(where see note), Pliny, B. N. xxxvii. 
115 "semper translucent"), whereas 
the modern jasper is opaque ; the 
opal has been suggested (Enc. Bibl. 
s. v.), but it is excluded by the same 
consideration. The o-apStoz^ (D^K, 'red- 
ness,' cf. Epiph. de gemmis nvpcoTros 
T<f ei'Sfi KoX alfxaTofiB^s) is perhajjs 
the camelian, or other red stone (see 
Hastings, D. B. s. v.) ; ace. to Pliny, 
JI. N. I. c, it derived its name from 
Sardis, Avhere it was found. Most 
of the engraved gems of antiquity 
were of 'sard,' see King, Antique 
Gems, p. 5. 

In the vision the flashing lustre of 
the tacTTrty and the fiery red of the 
sard are relieved by the halo (Ipis) of 
emerald which encircled the Throne 
(KVKXodep Toii 6p6vov, cf. VV. 4, 8). 
Prom Homer downwards Ipis is the 
rainbow ; the Lxx. however use to^ov 
in this sense (Gen. ix. 13, Ezek. i. 

28), and ipis is perhaps prefeired here 
and in x. i because it may also be 
used for a complete circle, e.g. a solar 
or lunar halo. The conception is 
borrowed from Ezek. I. c, as opaa-is 
To^ov, orav rj ev rfj ve({)iXTj iv rjpepais 
vfToii, ovTcos T] aracris rov (jyeyyovs 

KVK\66fi>. But the circle of light 
seen by the Apocalyptist was like 
(for ofioLos, used as an adj. of two 
terminations, cf WM. p. 80, Blass, 
Gr. p. 33) in appearance (see v. 3) to 
an emerald {crp.apay8Lva) sc. Xidco), povo- 
ei?^f]s apapaySl^ovaa, as Arethas says. 
2/LiapayStvoy seems to be aV. Xey., but 

a-papaySirrjs Xldos occurs in Estli. i. 6A, 
and a-pdpaySos A. is used by Herod, ii. 
44, iii. 41. Archbp Benson translates 
'like to a vision of emerald,' taking 

op. opaaec apap. as if it = apapay8(o8ris, 

but op. opacrei Xldcf above does not lend 
itself easily to this construction ; cf. 
however Vg. similis aspectui lapidis 
iaspidis ...simills visio)d smarag- 
dinae. In Exod. xxxn. 17 (xxxix. 10) 
o-papaySoy — ripn2j which suggests a 
brilliant like rock-crystal (see Hastings, 
D. B. iv. 620) ; on its identification 
with the emerald see King, Antique 
Gems, p. 27 fi". Since tpty is sub- 
stituted for To^ov, it is precarious 
to press a reference to the rainbow 
of the covenant (Gen. ix. 12 fi".); but 
apapayb. (see note on xxi. 19) may 
perhaps represent the mercy which 
tempers the revelation of the Divine 

4. Kai KVKXodev TOV Bpovov dpovovs 
e'iKoa-i recTcrapes] Sc. eibov, unless with 
"VVH. we read dpuvoi ; see their note 

IV. 5] 



Spovov^ e'lKOcri T€<T(rapa^ irpecrfivTepov^ Kadrj/uevov^ 
7repili6(i\i]fJievov^ LfJLaTLOL^ \evK0l9, Kai eirt TWi K€(ba\a£ 
avTvov (rT6(bdi/ov<s )(^pv<rov9. ^ kul e/c tov Vpovov e/c- 5 
TTOpevovTaL cicTTpaTrai Kai (ptovai Kal (^povTai' Kai 

4 dpovovs -2"] + eiSo;' 49 91 96 al"''' | eiKoa-t naa. 1° ante dpovovi pon A 17 iS 19 pr 
Tous Q 6 7 8 14 al™" Ar | Ttaatpas A ] iixariois Xeu/cois] pr tv t<Q minP' om t/t. K arm* a 
\evKois 130 (om Trepi^f^X.) \ XP^<^^°^^ ^ 5 ''''>" Opovov i"] twv Opoviov syr^^ | ppovrai 
Kai (ptovai. Kai aarpawai \ 29 38 95 /3p. k. acrrp. k. (p. syr'?"' 

(p. 138). Tfaaapfs acc. is well sup- 
ported, see WH.2 Notes, p. 157, Blass, 
Gr. p. 26. 

Beyond the emerald halo there is 
anotlier cii-cle round the Throne, an 
environment of four and twenty other 
thrones on Avhich are seated four and 
twenty Elders, white-robed and gold- 
crowned. The Elders are not avv- 
Opovoi (iiL 21), but nfpidpovioi or 
Traptdpoij forming the yepova-ia of 
Heaven. There may be a reference 
to the Elders of Israel in Exod. xxiv. 
II, who acfydrjaav iv rw totto) tov dtov, 
and to Isa. xxiv. 23 ^aaiKexKrti Ki'ptor 
...(V(07riop Tu>v TTptcrfivTipav do^aaor)- 
(Tfrau But the number is at first 
sight perplexing. As a symbolical 
number 24 occurs in the Apocalypse 
only, and there only when these 
Elders are mentioned (iv. 4, 10, v. 8, 
xi. 16, xix. 4). It has been supposed 
to refer to the 24 courses of the sons 
of Aaron (i Chron. xxiv. i — 19); but 
the Elders do not fulfil any special 
priesthood, though they take their 
part (iv. 10, V. 8) in the worship of 
Iliiu Who sits on tlie Throne. Gim- 
kel suggests {Schiqifuiig u. Chaos, 
p. 302 ff.) that they answer to the 
24 stai-s of the Bubylonian astrologj- 
(cf. Diod. Sic. ii. 31 ptra St tov fcpSm- 
Kov kvk\oi> (iKocTiv KOI TfTTapas acfiopi- 
^ovcriv dcTTtpat, toi' tovs piv r^piafii iv 
Toir fioptiois pipfCTi, TOVS Se ripicrfu tv 
Toir votLois TfTci-^Oai (ftarrr Kai ToiTuiv 
TOVS p(V opojptvovs Ta>v ^avrcov (ivai 
KaTopidpovcri, tovs 8f a(f)ai'f'is toIs t(T(- 
XfirrrjKocri irpocruipiaBai vopi^ovcnv, ovs 

iKaoTas Toij/ oXwi' npoaayopfiovcriv 

but the parallel is only partial, and the 
whole (|uostion of the Apocalyptist's 
indebtedness to Babylonian sources 
needs further investigation- Mean- 
Avhile a key which seems to fit the 
lock is supplied by the earliest Latin 
commentator on the Apocalypse, Vic- 
torinus, who sees in the 24 Elders 
" duodecim Apostoli, duodecira Patri- 
archae " ; similarly Andreas and Aro- 
thas. The symbol appears to be based 
on tlie number of the tribes of Israel ; 
the doi>8fKa<pv\ov is represented by 24 
Elders, two for each tribe, the double 
representation suggesting the two 
elements which coexisted in the new 
Israel, the Je\\ish and Gentile be- 
lievers who were one in Christ. Thus 
the 24 Elders are the Church in its 
totality, but the Church idealized 
and therefore seen as alrcaily clad 
in white, crowned, and enthroned in 
the Divine Presence — a state yet 
future (a Sfi yfvfadai), but already 
potentially realized in the Resur- 
rection and A.sccnsion of the Head; 
cf. Eph. ii. 6 a-vvriyfip(v T^pas koI (rvvfKO- 
OicrfV avTU iv toIs irrovpaviois. 

5. Kal iK TOV Opovov iKTTopei'Ovrai 

acrrpairai ktX.] The eyo of the Seer 
returns to tlie central Tlirone. What 
he sees there reminds him of the Law- 
giving ; cf Exod. xix. 16 iyivovTo (Puvai 
Kal aoTpanaiy and Ezek. i. 1 3 << toS 
nvpos i^enopfVfTo aaTpan^. The same 
imagery occurs again in xi. 19, xvi. iS, 
an<l v\vitii tlie order ^povral Ka\ cpuival 
Ka\ doTpanai), in viii. 5. The thunder- 
storm is ill Hebrew poetry a familial- 
symbol of the Divine power and glory: 



[IV. 5 

eTTTOL XajUTTcthe^ Trvpo^ KULOjuevaL evwTTLOv tov Opovov, 

6 a elcTLV TO. eTTTo. TTvevfjiaTa tov ueov. ^ Kal evcoTTLOv 

TOV dpovov 60S daXacrcra vaXivr] Ojuoia KpvcTTaWu). 

Kal ev pLecro) tov dpovov Kai kvkXu) tov Opovov Tsccrepa 

5 om irvpos syrs"' | tov Opovov 2°] + ai/rou Q(*)'^°''^ rain™" syrr | a eiaiv b\'"''P i 36 8r 
94 syr] at blctlv Q minP' syr?"' g vg*" a ta-Tcv A (cat eiaiv 130 koli 14 92'^' | to. eTrra] om 
Ttt Q min^'""" syrr^'^' Andr Ar 6 ^poi/oii] + aDrou 7 40 46 + tou ^eou me | om ojs- 

I 80 94 161 al syr?" aeth Prim | veXiv-r] 9 10 35 38 al | KpvffToWco] /Si^puXXw arm'* | 
efjifxeffu A 130 I om kcli kvkXu} tov dpovov 28 29 30 98 vgi^"'* me arm^"*^ | Tecraapa t^PQ 

10, Ps. 

9 ft-, 

cf. e.g. I Sam. ii. 
Job xxxvil 4 f. 

Kai irrTO. Xa/xTraSe? Trvpos /crX.] AapL- 
irades occur also in Ezekiel's vision 
(I. c. cos oi|/-ts XajXTrdScov) ; but whereas 
Ezekiel's torch-like lights flashed 
hither and thither (a-vvarpecponevcov 
ava fiea-ov rav C^av), these burn stead- 
ily before the Throne, and they are 
seven in number, corresponding, as 
the Seer recognises, Avith the Seven 
Spirits of God (i. 4, iii. i). They are 
Xa^TToSes, not Xvxfiai as in i. 12, where 
the reference is different ; the idea 
presented here is rather that of the 

acrrrjp jj-eyas Kaiojievos coy Xa/M7ras (c. viiL 
10), excej)t that the torch-like star is 
seen falling across the sky, whereas 
these torches blaze perpetually before 
the Throne of God. 

6. Kai (vatTTiov TOV dpovov cos BaXacrcra 
AcrX.] In Exod. xxiv. 10 the Elders 
see under the Feet of God coo-et epyov 

likivdov aaTr(f)€ipov, Kal wavrep elBos 
aT€pecop.aTos tov ovpavov Tjj Kadapio- 
TT]Tt, and this conception is repro- 
duced in Ezekiel (i. 22, 26). But 
instead of the 'firmament,' the Seer 
of the Apocalypse sees a glassy Sea 
before the Throne. The idea of a 
celestial sea was current in Jewish cir- 
cles, cf. Enoch xiv. 9, /Secrets of Enoch, 
ed. Charles, p. 4; Test, xii Patr.^ 
Levi 2, where a sea greater than any 
on earth is seen suspended between the 
first heaven and the second : cf. Gen. 
1. 7 TOV vbaTOs TOV eiravoi tov aTeptoo- 
fioTos, Ps. ciii. (civ.) 3. The Apoca- 
lyptic sea is vaXivrj, a pavement of 

glass resembling an expanse of water ; 
comp. a legend in the Qur'an (xxv.), 
that the Queen of Sheba mistook 
for water a glass jiavement in Solo- 
mon's palace. The Seer, still looking 
through the dooi-, sees between him- 
self and the Throne a vast surface 
which flashes back the light that falls 
upon it, like the Aegean when on 
summer days he looked upon it from 
the heights of Patmos ; cf. xv. 2 elbov 

(OS daXaaaav vaXivrjv p.e^iyp.€vr]v ivvpL 

Though of glass, the sea was opLoia 
Kpva-TaWat, not semi-ojiaque, like much 
ancient glass, but clear as rock-crystal. 
Kpva-TaXXos may be 'ice,' both here 
and in Ezek. i. 22, but the mineral is 
more probably intended in a context 
which mentions precious stones ; the 
metaphor occiu-s again in xxii. i 

•KOTap.ov,..\ap.iTpov (os KpvcTToXkov. The 
costliness of glass in ancient days 
enhances the splendour of the con- 
ception ; cf Job xxviii. 17 Lxx. ovk 
laaiBijcreTai avrrj ^pvaiop Kal vaXos. 
But the Sea of glass is not only a 
striking and splendid feature in the 
scene ; it suggests the vast distance 
which, even in the case of one who stood 
at the door of heaven, intervened be- 
tween himself and the Throne of GoiL 
Kal ev fjLeaoi tov 6povov...Te(T(Tepa 

C«a KrX.] Cf Enoch xl. 2, Apoc. of 
Baruch li. 11 (ed. Charles). The 
exact position assigned to the fwa is 
not easy to grasp. 'Ei' /xe'crw is from 
Ezek. i. 5 iv T<p pLtaco {tov nvpos) <os 
ofiolcofjia Tfaaapcou ^w'coi', where some 
cursives and versions of the lxx. add 

IV. 7] 



^ioa yefjioi'Ta ocpSaXjuooi' ejUTTfJoa'dei/ Kai OTricrdei/. "^ kul 7 
TO K,i^ov TO TrpwTov ojuoiou XeovTi, Kui TO hevTepov 
^woi/ bfj-OLov /uocrxfpj kui to Tp'iTOv ^(jJov e'^^coi/ to 


6 o<pda\fiovs 16 28 36 I evirpoaOfv NAP 7 om /cat i" syr^"' Prim | ex'^" A.Q 7 

■28 30 32 33 34] ex"" ^P min''' | to irpoo-wTroi/] om to Q min"""" Andr Ar | ws 
avOpojTTov All 13 36 vg syr»'' Ir Prim] ws o/jloiou avOpwirta N avOpwirov Q min"*™" ws 
av^puiiros P I 7 28 al sjT I om j'woc 4" Q min»'"""' (om '{(jjov quater aeth, ter Ir'"' Vict) 

Koi kvkXwtov 6pi')vov, hut probably from 
the Apoc. But eV rw fj.. in Ezekicl 
= npinp i.e. ' out of tlie midst of the 
fire,' wliich has no parallel in the 
present passage. The words must 
therefore be interpreted independent- 
ly. As they stand here, followed l)y 
KoL kvk\u> t. dfi., they seem to imply 
that the figures are so placed that 
one of the ^wa is always seen before 
the Throne, and the others on cither 
side of it and behind, Mhether station- 
ary or moving round in rapid gjTa- 
tion ; the latter is suggested by Ezek. 
i. 12 f. Zwa (Syr.e^ ..jyii) clearly 
answers to Ezekiel's OVn^ who in 
Ezek. ix. 3, x. 2 flf., 20 fF., are identified 
with the Cherubim. The Cherubim 
are previously mentioned in Scripture 
in connexion with (t) the storv of the 
P^ill (Gen. iii. 24), (2) the Ark (Exod. 
XXV. 18 etc.), (3) the inner chaml)er 
(^'D,-^) of Solomon's Temple (i Kings 
vi. 25 fi"., etc.), and (4) in the Divine 
title 'He that sitteth upon the 
Cherubim' (Ps. Ixxx. i, .xcix. i, I.s:u 
xxxvii. 16). The Ark and the Oracle 
had but two rei)resentations of 
cherubic figures : in ]>]zekiel they are 
four and yet one, aiid seem to sym- 
bolize the ])(>wer which in its world- 
wide and luanifold ojterations ujiholds 
and pervades while it transcends 
Creation. The Apocalyptist al)andons 
the complexities of Ezekiel's imagen' ; 
the wheels and lightning-like move- 
ments of the ^wa disa])pear, and so 
does their mysterious unity : the 
'living creatures' of the Ajwcalypse 

are four distinct organisms. But in 
the main no doul>t he presents the 
same idea ; the ^aa represent Creation 
and the Divine immanence in Na- 
ture. Cf. Andreas : 8t(i twv rtacraptov 
TTpoacoTTcov Sr/XoviTa ttjv tu)v Tfcraupwv 
(TTOij^elcov Toi) Oeov brjuiovpylav Kai 

yepovra o(f)daKfiSi> €p,npo(rS€v Ka\ 
nTTia-Bfvj Cf. Ezek. i. 18 ol vuitol avT(ou 
7t\i]P(ls 6(pdaXfj.<ov KVKXoBfv rols Ttcr- 
(Tapaiv, X. 12 Kol oi varoi avTa>v Kai al 
^flpes avToiv koi al nrtpvyes avrap Koi 
oi Tpo)(oi 7r\r]p(ii o(pdaXp.ap kvkX(')S€v 
Tols Ticrcrapaiv Tpo)(OLi. Again Ezekiel s 
de.scripti(m is simplified, while the 
main thought is preserved ; the (coa 
are full of eyes before and behind 
and (p. 8) around and within. The 
symbolism sets forth the ceaseless 
vigilance of Nature, or rather of the 
innnanent Power which works under 
visible forms. Tfpfiv, a somewhat 
rare word in Biblical Gk generally 
(lxx.*, Mt.-, Lc.', PauU), occurs seven 
times in the Apoc. (iv. 6, 8, v. 8, xv. 7, 
xvii. 3 f., xxi. 9) ; on the construction, 
see Blass, Gr. p. 102. 

7. Ka\ TO ^UOP TU npa)TOt> OfMOlOV 

Xt'oiTt ktX.] Cf. Ezek. i. 10 (x. 14) <a« 
opoluxrii Twv TTpoaaTrcop avra)P' rrpotr- 
ainop di'6pa>n(ni , . . Xf'ovros . . . p6(r^ov. . . 
ufTov, where tlie forms are the same, 
but the order ilifiers. The four 
forms suggest whatever is noblest, 
strongest, wisest, and swiftest in 
animate Nature. Nature, including 
Man, is represented before the Throne, 
taking its part in the fulfilment of the 
Divine Will, and the worship of the 



[IV. 7 

8 deTW TreTOjuevo). ^kui tu Tecraepa ^wa, eV kuO' eV 
auTcov '€^o)v dva TTTepvya^ e^, KVK\o6ev Kal ecrcodev 
yefjLovcnv dcbOaXiudiv ' kul dvaTravcriv ovk ey^ovcnv 
rifjiepa^ kul vvkto^ XeyovTe^ 

7 weTUfievov i 7 28 al?*"'^ 8 om km i° syrs™ | ra reffjepa] om ra Q 1 8 32 38 

47 48 50 80 alP*"" Andr Ar | ev Kad ev avruv AP min'"™"] ep fKaarov avTwv H 38 syrr 
ev Kad ev Q ev kuO eavro i g2^^ + e(rTU)s 34 35 68 87 (syr^) | ex^" A i 2 7 13 16 30 al] 
exov Q min^*'™" exovra P 38 50 eixov ^< 92"^ arm Prim | ava] airo ruv ovvx'^v (cf 
me) avTov Kai eiravu} syrS"""* | irrepvyuv Q | KVK\o6ev /cai eawdevj kvkX. km e^ioOev 91 
kvk\. km e^wdev km ecrwdev Q minP"P*'"= KVKT^oOev 28 33 35 38 98 ante se et retro Prim 
intus et foris al tr ap Prim in priora et retro anon''"8 (cf arm) | yefiovra i 38 Ar | ovk 
exovcTiv'] OVK e^oaav H non habebant g vg*""^<'™''P=' Vict anon''"^ Prim | Xeyovres'] Xeyovra. 
8 29 49** 93 96 

Divine Majesty. On the early (Iren. 
ill. II. 8) l3ut unfortmiate identifica- 
tion of the fwa with the rerpaevay- 
yeXiov, see /St Mark^, p. xxxvi ff., and 
Zahn, Forsc/uingen, ii. p. 257 ff. "Exoov 

P- 132.^ 

o. ev Kaff' ev avTa>v ex<^v ava rrrepv- 

yas e|] 'Each one of them having 
severally six wings.' Ezekiel (i. 6) 
gives each of the fwa four wings ; six 
is the number assigned to the Sera- 
phim in Isa. vi. 2, a passage which 
the Apocalyptist, who does not iden- 
tify his ^<aa with either the Cherubim 
or the Seraiihim, has constantly in 
view. The Avings, if our interpretation 
is right, represent the velocities of 
Nature, as the eyes represented its 
sleepless vigilance. For eh Kad' (KaTo) 
els see Mc. xiv. 19, note ; and for dvd, 
used as a distributive adverb, WM. 
p. 496 f., Blass, Gr. p. 1 22, Abbott, 
Johantmie Grammar, §§ 1890, 2281. 
^E;^a)i', not exov, here and in v. 7, per- 
hajis because the fwa are invested with 
intelligence (v. 6, xxi. 14, and see 
WM. p. 660); yet cf. ofxoiov his (v. 7). 
The remarkable reading of Syr.e^'' 
( N's . N o oa»Ti£i!^ ^ao) seems to have 
arisen from Ez. i. 27 (lxx.); see 
Gwj'nn ad ioc. 

KVKXodev Kai ecTwdev yep.. 6(f)6. It is 
tempting to connect kvkX. with the 
previous clause, especially if Ave read 

with Q Ka\ e^codev Kal eacoOev : cf. Vict. 
"habentes alas senas in circuitu et 
oculos intus et foris " ; but Ezekiel 
i. 18 (x. 12) seems to decide in favour 
of the punctuation given in the text, 
and kvkX66(v corresponds with ep- 
TTpoadev K. oTTia-dev (iv. 6). "Ea-adev 
adds a new feature, pointing to the 
secret energies of Nature. 

Kal avanavcTiv ovk exovaiv ktX.] While 
man and the other animals divide the 
twenty-foui" hours between work and 
repose, and are allowed by the Creator 
one day in seven for rest (Exod. xvi. 
23 dvcnravais dyla rw Kvpico), and the 
individual worker rests at length in 
the grave (Apoc. vi. 11, xiv. 13), the 
wheel of Nature (Jac. iii. 6 t6v rpoxov 
TTis yeveaecos), i.e. the Divine activity 
immanent in Nature, pursues an un- 
broken course: cf Jo. v. 17 6 Tvarrjp 
pov ecoy apri epya^erai, Kayco epya^opai. 

This ceaseless activity of Nature under 
the Hand of God is a ceaseless tribute 
of praise. Cf. Enoch xxxix. 12 "those 
who sleep not bless Thee " ; Ixxi. 7 
" round about were Serai^him, Cheru- 
bim, and Ophanim; these are they 
who sleep not and guard the throne 
of His glory." Arethas well remarks: 
ov TO eyKOTTOv TO Avarrava-iv ovk exovtriv 
TTapicrra, dXXa to nepl deiav vpvcodiav 

\eyovTes "Ayios ayios dyios ktX.J 
Another loan from Isaiah's description 

IV. 9] 



^' AyLO^ ciyLd ayio'i Kvpio*^ 6 6e6^ 6 TravTOKpuTcop, 
6 rjv Kai 6 (hv Kat 6 ep')(^OfJ.evo'i. 

^KCtl OTaV huXTOVCTLV Ta tipCC do^aV KUL TLfJLtJV Kai 

eu-^apiCTutv Tto KaOtj/uevit) eTri tm dpovio TiJo (^wvtl ek 

8 a-ytos ter] a-yio^ octies t<* 29 noviea Q min-'' sexies 38 40 bis 12 51 \ ^eos] 
(Ta^auO 7 17* 28 36 39 79 I o iravTOKparup] om o t^ 36 | o tjc] os tjc 130 | o uv Kai rfv 
me 9 ouaovcTi.v AP {-ai) r 28 36 38 79 al""""] 5u)au}<nv KQ 7 12 14 16 32** 

39 81 92 130 Swcrt 2 69 29 31 35 49 87 91 al"'™" syr""'^''' | ra Ttaaipa. fwa 68 87 
syrB" I evxsipKTTeLa^ A | tw dpovta ^<A] tov dpovov PQ min"™"''''' Andr Ar 

of the Seraphim (vi. 3 (KiKpayev erepos 
npos Ti)v fTfpnv Kn\ eXtyov "Ayios ayins 
ayios Kvptof aa^aa>6). The Apocalyp- 
tist, as usual, docs uot tie himself to 
his source ; he inserts 6 deos after 
Kvptof, changes a-a^acod into navTOKpa- 
rwp, and adds 6 rjv kt\. from i. 8, 
drojiping altogether Isaiah's irkrip-qi 
naa-a ^ yfj rrjs 8o^r]s avTov, as less 
ai)propriate in a tribute of praise 
which is offered in heaven. On natrro- 
Kpdrcap as a rendering of rilXSV sec 
i. 8, note. The Liturgies retain the 
Isaianic form (Brightman, pp. 18 f, 
50, 132, etc.; cf Clem. R., Cor. 34), 
which hiis also found its way into the 
Te Deum ; but they attribute the 
Ter Sanctus to " Cherubim and Sera- 
phim," aa if meaning to blend Isaiah's 
with Ezekiel's vision, after the manner 
of the Apocalypse. 'O ipx6p.(voi (God 
in His future self-manifestations) in 
the mouth of the ^oja suggests the 
airoKapaboKia of Creation (Rom. viii. 
19 ff., Apoc. xxi. I ff.\ 

9. Kai OTav bacrovcTiv ra ^aa fio^ap 
ktX.] The difficult boia-nviriv, which is 
probably the true reading, is not 
without example, see WII.- Nok's, 
p. 178, WM. p. 388, Burttm, § 30S ; 
Viteau, tltudc, i. pp. 125, 227 ft'., 
and cf. Mc. viii. 35, note. Translate : 
"whensoever the living creatures 
shall give " (i.e. as often as they give) 
"glory... the Four and twenty Elders 
shall fall " etc. The two actions arc 
coordinated as simultaneous. Nature 
and the Church nuist ever unite in 
the praise of Cod ; when the oue begins 

its anthem, it is the signal for the 
other to fall upon its knees before 
the Throne. The Seer states this 
fact, of which the vision made him 
cognisant, in the form of a law. This 
concurrence of the (torr/iof and the 
fKKXijaia in the worship of God Wiis 
keenly realised by the Ancient Clnu'ch; 
cf e.g. the Liturgy of St Mark 
(Brightman, p. 132), TvavroTt fxev Tj-dura 
ere ayia^ei, aWa Koi fxera TravTwu Ta>u ere 
ayia^ovTcov df^ai, dfcnrora Kvpif, koi 
TOP ^fiertpop ayiacfiop avp airo'is v/x- 
vovpTap ktX. There is certiunly not less 
cause for its recognition in an age 
which like our own is replete with 
new revelations of the wonders of the 
physical universe. Every fresh dis- 
covery of physical science should 
deepen the adoration of the faithful. 

Ao'^a Ka\ TifjLTj (=Tini "1122) is from 
the Lxx. (Ps. viii. 6, xxviii. (xxix.) i, 
xcv. (xcvi.) 7). The phrase is coupled 
in the N.T. Avith a(^6apcria (R(un. ii. 7), 
fTTQivo? (i Pet. i. 7\ bvvapLii (Apoc. iv. 
II, v. 12). 'Evxapifnia, a Word which 
with its cognate verl) is unknown to 
the canonical books of the i.xx., occurs 
in a theological sense Paul'-, Apoc.*, 
and in both the Apocalyptic j)as.sago<5 
is found in a doxology. AVhile tc/ijj 
and bo^a have regard to the Divine 
jicrfections, (v\(ipi<Tr'ia refci's to the 
Divine gifts in creation and redemp- 

ra> fcoiTi (li rois alwias T(2«' ai(ova>v'\ 
T\\o Living Creatures and the Elders 
offer their tribute to the Living God ; 
created life adores the Uncreated. 



[IV. 9 

10 Tous alcovwi TU)V aicovcov, ^°7r6(rouvTaL ol elkoctl tect- 
o-ape^ TTpea-lSurepOL evcoTriov tov KaSri^evou eiri rov 
dpovov, Kai irpoarKwria-ova-LV rco ^covtl ek tov<s aia)va£ 
Tcov alcovcov, kul fiaXovcriv tov^ (rrecpdi/ov^ avriov 
evu)7nov tov dpovov, XeyovTe^ 

11 ^^'' AGIO'S el, 6 KvpLO^ Kal 6 deo^ tijucov, XafieTv 


eKTLcra^ to. Trdvra, Kal hid ro OeXrj^a crov rjcrai/ 
Kal eKTL(T6r]orav. 

9 Twv aiwvuiv (om 1^6)'] + atJ.r)v ^ 32 95* syr?"' 10 TveffovvTaL] pr Kat. ^ ] om rov 

Kadrjixevov cttl arm^ Prim | irpoaKwrjaovaiv] adorabant vg me Prim | tuv aiuvuv {tov 
atwKos me)] + aiu.vv i^ 32 syr^^' | ^a^ovffiv] ^aWovaiv ii.*Q i 12 r7 28 30 130 al mitte- 
bant vg^'« me arm 11 Kvpios /cat Oeos -qfiwv AQ minf"«*» syrr arm^ Ar] Kvpie 

deos -nixiov P 7 H^'-i 16 28 36 38 39 47 79 80 130 vg aeth Kvpie o Kvpios k. od-viJ-^ + o 
ayios Q min*" syr arm Ar | ttju ti/j-vv] om tt]p. N | ttjv Swa/j-iv] om rriv A | ra Trai'Ta om 
ra Q Andr Ar | 8ia ee\r,p.aTL (sic) A ] -qaav b^A minf<=>-«« g vg (me) syrr aeth al tr ap 
Prim Ar] ovk v^av Q 14 38 51 eiffi P i 7 35 49 79 §7 91 130 I o™ '^<^'^'' ''°' 3*5 Prim I 
om Ka: eKTiadT)aav A km eia-iv arm* 

On o ^coi^ see i. 18 ; here it is evidently 
a title of the Father (6 Kadijfifvos eVl 
roil dpovov), though not to the ex- 
clusion of the Son, Who is the Father's 
crvvdpovos (iii. 21), or of the Spirit, 
Who is represented by the Seven 
Spirits before the Throne. With ^jjv 
els Tovs alavas cf. Deut. xxxii. 40, Dan. 
iv. 31 (34), Apoc. X. 6, XV. 7. 

10. TTeaoiipraL oi eiKocri reaaapes 
Trpeo-jSurepoi kt'X.] Hitherto the Elders 
have been silent assessors ; now they 
rise from their thrones {v. 4), fall upon 
their knees, and prostrate themselves 
{TTpoa-Kw^aovcriv, cf. I Regh. XXV. 23) 
on the floor of heaven, in readiness to 
offer their tribute of praise, laying 
their crowns of victory at the foot of 
the central Throne. The last act is 
suggestive either of the homage paid 
to an overlord, or of the submission 
of a suppliant, seeking mercy from a 
conqueror. Cf. Plutarch, Luctill., 
p. 522 Tiypavijs to StaSr/jna Trjs Kf({)aXfjs 
a(pe\ofxevos edrjKe irpo t(ov ttoScoV, Cicero, 
pro P. Sest. 27 "hunc Cn. Pompeius, 
quum in suis castris supplicem abiec- 

tumque vidisset, erexit, atque insigne 
regium, quod ille de suo capite abie- 
cerat, reposuit"; Tac. ami. xv. 29 
" ad quam [sc. effigiem Neronis] pro- 
gressus Tiridates sublatum capite dia- 
dema imagini subiecit." In Jahhuk, 
I f. 55, Pharaoh and the Kings of the 
East are represented as taking oflf 
their crowns in the presence of Moses 
and Aaron. The 'crowns' of the 
Elders however were not bi.abrjp.aTa 
but (TTccf^avoi, symbols of victory and 
eternal life, and in their case the act 
is equivalent to an acknowledgement 
that their victory and their glory were 
from God, and were theirs only of 
His grace. Cf. Andreas : av, (prjai, 
Aeo-TTora, Tav arecfidvoiv ttjs viKrjs a'lTios 
Kal ;^opi7y6y yeyovas. Arethas : ri av 
aXXo rj TTJV KaTO. navTcou viitrjv ra eTTt 
TTavTcov dvaTidfacri oeco ; 

II. a^ios €1, o Kvpios ktX.] The fwa 
addressed the Creator simply as 6 
6eos 6 navTOKpoTcop. The Elders 
recognise a relation to Him which the 
Creation as such cannot claim. He 
is (i) the Lord, the niH'' of revelation, 


^ Kai €1001/ eiri Ttjv de^taif tolj Ka6t]iJLevou eiri tov I V. 
dpovov f^ifSXiov yeypafjL/jLtvoi' eccodev Kal oTTKrdev, 

Y I eiSov HP mill'''] loof AQ 7 14 36 92 130: item ap v 2 | eaudtv APQ min"""*'''] 
efiirpoaOef H Or- | oivLffdev NA i 14 al syr] e^codev PQ min**' syr*" mc arm aeth 
jjippdsn Andr Ar 

and (2) their God (o $fos ri^i^v, cf. 
iii. 1 2 o 6f6s fj.ov). On the use of the 
nominatives 6 Kvpios, 6 6(6s, for tlie 
vocatives see Blass, Gr. p. 87. To the 
86^a and rifxi] which the ^wa ascribe to 
God the Elders add Svi/n/xiy, cf. v. 12, 
vii. 12, xix. I, and the doxologies 
in Alt. vi. 13, T.R., and Didache 8. 
Glory, honour, and power are rightly 
ascribeil to the Creator of the universe 
{to. TTavTo), Avhich owes its existence 
to His will. ^Ha-av Koi (KTLa6j](Tav is 
at first sight perplexing ; we expect 
eKTiaOrjaav koI flaiv, cf. Actsxvii. 28 eV 
avTO) yap (aifxfv Kal Kivovpfdn Kal ea-fifv. 

Oi;k 170-01' K. (KT. (Q\ 'they were not, 
and out of that state of non-existence 
were called into being by the act of 
creation,' is an ingenious correction. 
But the better supported j^crau also 
yields a good sense. It places the 
potential existence of the universe 
before its creation. The Divine Will 
had made the luiiverse a fact in 
the scheme of things before the 
Divine Power gave material expres- 
sion to the filct. Tims ^aar looks 
back to the eternal past, fKTlaOijaau 
to the genesis of i^ature. Both arc 
ascribed to the Father; His Will was 
the cause (8i.a to OfXrjpa aov), as His 
Logos was the Agent of Creation : 
cf. I Cor. viii. 6 ^ph' tis 6f6s 6 Trartjp, 
e^ ov ra n(iin-a...Kai eis Kvpios Irjcrovs 
'XpiCTTos, Oi ov ra navTa. 

Of this chai)ter as a whole it may 
well be .said with Tertullian dc corou. 
15 "si tales imagines in visioiie, quales 
veritates in repraesentatione V' 

V. I — 14. TnK Sealed Book and 
THE Lamb. 

I. Kal (l8ov eVl T?)i' be^idv ktX.] 
Looking again at the Majesty upon 
the central Throne the Seer sees a 

book-roll upon (eVi with ace, cf. xx. i) 
the open palm of his right hand. 
Bil3\iov, a roll of pajiyrus (Maunde 
Thompson, Palaeograplnj, \i. 54 f ) ; 
cf. Ps. xxxix. (xl.) 8 (V Kf(f)a'\l8i. 
l3i$\iov, Lc. iv. 17, 20, and 2 Tinu iv. 
13 where jSilSXia arc contrasted with 
/jiefji^pavai. The present roll was 
'sealed down' and made fast (Kare- 
a-(f)payi(Tp.{vov, cf. Isa. xxix. H ov 
8vvafjLai avayvcivai, €cr(f)pdyi(TTai yap, 
Sap. ii. 5 KaTfar(f)payi(T6Ti, Kal oi'Sflf 

ava(TTpi<pfi) with seven seals, as if to 
ensure perfect secin-ity; cf. El: Petr.8, 

where (nixpLcrav enra (T(ppay'i8ai 

answers to ]\It. xxvii. 66 ija-cpaXia-avTo 

TOV Ta(})ov a(^payi(TavT(s tov XlOor. But 
secret as the contents were, the roll 
was so full that they had overflowed 
to the vet'so of the papyrus, so that 
it was an oiria-doypa^ov (see Maunde 
Thompson, j). 59, Hasting.s, iv. p. 946, 
and cf Lucian, vit. auct. 9 -f) nijpa... 
p.ecrTr)...6Tn<T6oypa(l)a>v ^iliXlcov, Juv. 
Sat. i. 6 "simimi plena iam margine 
libri I scriptuset in tergonecdum fini- 
tus Orestes"). The ilescription is based 
on Ezek. ii. 9 f. tSou x*''P (KTtTapivrj 

TTpos fify Kal iv avTTj Kf(pa\ls fii^Xiov' 
Kal aveiXrjaev aiTrjv (vaniov (poi; Kal 
(V avTTj ytypappfva rjv Ta epTrpocrBfv 
Kal ra oiriaai ("liPISI D*?£). But the 
Apocalyptic roll is sealed against 
inspection and not offered to the 
Seer to read. It contiins no doubt 
the unknown future (i. 19 a piXXd 1 
yivtaBai) ; it is the Book of Destiny, 
to be unrolled and read only as the 
seals are opened by the course of 
events. The prevalent view of the 
ancient expositoi-s, beginning with 
Hippolytus (ed. Lag. p. 159 TXa^tv ovv 
TO (3«/9Xio«' Kal tXvcTfv, Lva Ta Tzi'iXai ufpl 
nt'Toi' arroKpicpu)! XaXovpei'a vvv utTa 




2 KaTecrcbpayicTjuei/ou (r(bpayl(TLV eiTTa. ^Kal elhov cvy- 
yeKov ic^vpov KYipvccovTa ev (bcovrj pceyaXt] Ti^ agio's 
dvoXpai TO f3il3\iov Kai XvaaL tu^ 0'(bpa'ylha<i avTOV ', 

3 ^Kal ovheh idvvaTO ev tw ovpauw ov^e erri Trj^ yfj'S 
ovBe vTroKUTco Tfj<; yf]^ dvoX^ai to fSifiXlov ov^e 

4 /3A.€7r6tj/ avTO. ^Kai eKXaiov ttoXv, otl ovdek d^iO£ 

2 ayyeXov] pr aWov 35 87 syrs" | K-qpvacr. Lffx^pov K 130 | om ev P i 28 36 130 al 
Yg arm Or | om /j.eya\Tj 130 | tis a^toj] + eorti' Q min'"'' g me syr Cypr Prim Andr Ar 
3 edvvaro H min ''"■<' ^^] -rjdvvaTo APQ min"""" | ev toj ovpavia^ + avui Q 7 8 14 al**'"" 
syr I ov5e 1° AP min*'^''®^^] ovre KQ min"" | e-rri ttjs 77;?] ev r-q yt) syr?""'"' \ ov5e 1° P 
I 6 7 28 49 79 91] ovTe Q min""'™" (om ou5e utto/c. t. 7. t< 130) | ^t/SXto;'] + /cat Xwat 
To.^ a<ppa.yiha.% avTov syrS"' Prim | ovoe 3° AP i 6 7 28 49 79 91] ovre tsQ min''"'^^* /cat 
syrK^ 4 totum vers om A 98 | /cat i''] + e7co Q minP' vg Prim Andr Ar | ttoXu] 

TToXXot I arm<=°'*'^ aeth iravres me 

Trapprjaias eVi rcoi' Sco/xarcoj/ KJjpvx&rj), 
that tlie oj^eiiing of the seals means 
the interpretation of the O.T. by the 
coming and teaching of Christ, or the 
allegorical interpretation of Scripture 
(Origen j^/^Yoc. ii. I, v. 5 iq yap Traaa 
ypacprj ecrriv ?; drjXoviifvrj 8ia rfjs /3t/3Aou 
epLTTpoaaev p.ev yeypap.p.ivT] bia rrjv Tvpo- 
X^pov avTTJs eKdo^jjv, oTriaOev he Sta rrjv 
avaKfxf^p^Kviau Koi. TTvevp-aTiKrjv) is in- 
consistent with the account of the 
process which is given in Apoc. vi. 
I ff. Apringius is nearer to the truth : 
"liber hie praesentis est muudi totius 
creatura " ; and better still is the 
comment of Andreas : j3ij3\iov ttjv 
7rav(ro(f)ov tov deov p.V7]fj.T}v voovfj.€V...Ka\ 
rcov deicov KptjiciTcov ttjv a^vaaov. Zahn 

{Einl. ii. p. 596), followed by Nestle 
{Text. Crit. p. 333), regards the 
^i^Xiov as a i^apyi'us in book-form, 
connecting koX omadev with Kare- 
acj)payi(Tp.evov. But his reasons are 
not convincing. 

2. KUL eldov ayyeXov laxvpov Krjpva- 
(Tovra ktX.] A "strong angel" (x. i, 
xviii. 21) is needed to be the herald 
of a challenge addressed to the whole 
creation. Ti? a^ios ; cf. rls l<av6s; (2 
Cor. ii. 16). The a^to? supports his 
claims on moral grounds ; the Uavos, 
on grounds which prove him capable 
whether morallv or otherwise. In the 

present case moral fitness is the only 
iKavoTTji. 'Avoi^ai koX Xv(rai ; the same 
order occurs in v. 5. The hysteron 
proteron, as in iv. 1 1 ^aav koi eKTiadrj- 
a-au, is apparent rather than real ; to 
be able to open the book is the first 
necessity and therefore takes the first 
l^lace in the order of thought. 

3. Kai ov8e\s etvvaro ev rw ovpava 
ktX.] The challenge is not taken up 
by any being in heaven, on earth, or 
in Hades. For this threefold division 
of created life see Phil. ii. 10 enov- 

pavioiv Koi eTTiyeicov Kai KaraxOovioDV : 
an earlier grouping in Exod. xx. 4 
has under the third head iv tols vbacriv 
vnoKaTO) rrjs yi^s, or (». 11) rijv 6aXa(T- 
(Tav. Ov8e\s,..ov8e...ovde imiilies a 
quasi-ascensive scale, which has given 
trouble to the scribes, and the mss. 
waver between ov8e and ovre ; the 
point appears to be that as one after 
another of the three regions declines 
the challenge, the hope that it will be 
met approaches a vanishing point ; 
cf. Primasius: nee quisquatn...neque 
...neque...sednegue... In o\ibeis...ovTe 
^Xeneiv (here and in v. 4) there is an 
implied ovre before di/oI|at, cf. WM. 
p. 66. For avo'iyeiv in reference to a 
roll see Lc. iv. 17. 

4 f. Ka\ eKXaiov ttoXxj, on ktX.J 
AVith the unrestrained emotion of one 

V. 6] 



6vpe6}i dvoL^uL TO l3i(3\iou ovT€ f^Xeireiv avro. 
•^KUL ek eK To-v Trpeaj^vTepcov Xeyei /uoi Mt] hXale' 5 
ihou evLKt]arev 6 Xecou 6 eK Ttj'i <pv\tj<i lovda, ;/ p'l^a 
Aavei^, dvoT^ai to (BifSXiou kul Ta<i eTTTO. <r(ppa<yiha^ 
avTov. Km eiooi/ ev /ueo'io tov upovov Kai twv 6 

4 fi'i)(6r]<TeTat. K'' | ai'oiia(.] + Kai avayvwi'aL l 36 49 yl | ovre /SXeTren' oirro] Kai 
Xvcrai Ttts j<ppayi5as avrov syr'""' Prim 5 o Xewv 0] om 2° X 14 28** syr*" + a;f 

I I eK pi^rjs arm'"' | avoi^ai] avoiyusv Q min'"''"''*" avot^ei 13 syrr | ras firra a^payioai] 
pr Xutroi l< vg^'" syi"**' arm Or'"' Cy]jr"''' Ilier'i''" om eTrra 73 nie syr""' arm 6 clSop 
(idov 36 ()2 130 i5iiii' Q y)] t5ou A + Kai iSov 35 8" vg 

ill a ilreaiu or ecstiisy the Seer wept 
at the result, whether because of his 
own (lisai)iH)intmeiit, or because of the 
faihiro of creation to open the roll 
Its inability implied moral incapa- 
city; ouSeiy fdiipoTo, because ouSfif 
a|ioy (vpfdrj. I lis weepinj^ continued 
(eK'Kaiov) until it was stopped by one 
of the Elders {ds (k tcoz/ Trp.). Here 
and in vii. 13 the Elder is merely an 
interlocutor, as an Angel is on other 
occasions (xvii. i, xxi. 9), and his 
intervention has no syml)olical mean- 
ing. M17 (cXaif occurs on the lips of 
Christ in Lc. vii. 13, viii. 52 etc., and 
ri K\ai(is in Jo. XX. 13 ff. Higher 
natures sec that liuman grief is often 
needless, sj)ringing from insufficient 

I80V eviKfjafu 6 Xtoiv ktX.J 'EviKrjafv 
may be either 'prevailed' (A.V.) 
= 'i<T\vcr(V as in Ps. 1. (li.) 6 oncos au 
...viK7](TT]s (V TO) Kpii'frrfini (T(, and see 
Ps. Sol. iv. 13 (v'iKr](Tfv aKOjiiTLCrai ; or 

'overcame' (R. v.), as in iii. 21. B)iL 
both the usage of the .lohannine books, 
and the ]>osition of frUrja-ev, which is 
separatetl by a whole line from nrol^ot, 
are in favo\n' of tlie hitter rendering, 
which places iti the forefi <>nt tiie great 
historical fact of the viet<iry of tiie 
Christ; 'behold, a victory was won 
by Him ^Vho is tlie Lion, etc.... which 
gives Him the right to open the Ixiok.' 
'O Xe'wr o «K Tfjs (fivXfji 'lov^a refers to 
Gen. xlix. 9 (tkv^xvos XtoiToy, 'loi)Sa... 
avanfO'dov fKoifxrjf^rii cos Xe'coi'. In the 

Blessing of Jacob Judah is the lion of 

the triljes (cf. Prov. xxiv. 65 (xxx. 15) 


Dan is in the Blessing of ]\Ioses (Dent, 
xxxiii. 22) ; and the noblest son of 
the tribe of Judah is fitly styled the 
Lion of that tribe ; ef. Hii)polytus, ed. 
Lag., p. 4, 5'a f<i jSadiXiKov KOI (pbi)^ov 
cos XfOVTOS ni)OK(Krjpvyfj.ft>ov. With 6 
(K rffs (f>. 'I. comp. Ileb. vii. 14 npo- 
BtjXov yap on e^ 'loi'Sa dvartTaXKeu 6 
Kvpios ripcov. His Judaean origin was 
l)ound up in the primitive belief with 
His descent from David. 'H pi^a 
Sav€i8 looks liack to Isa. xi. i e^(X(v- 
o-fTiii, pa^8os €K TTJs pi(r]s ^I'TJl/p) 'leo-(ra(, 

Kni avQos fK TTis p'l-Cl^ (^*v'^V'^)^rj- 
(TfTOL, lb. 10 fcrrai iv ttj Tjfifpa. fKflvj] ^ 
pi^a ("'^y'\ tov If (Tcrai^ Kai 6 aviaTaufvos 
apx^fiv e'^i'cui/; the latter verse is quoted 
as Messianic in Rom. xv. 12. As the 
Prophet foresaw, the stump of the old 
tree of the House of David had sent 
forth a new David to rule the nations. 
The Apocalyptist evidently finds .satis- 
faction in this title of, for ho 
repeats it in xxii. 16 <yw ('hjaovs) tifx). 
7; pi^^a Koi TO yfvos AavflS (wliere see 
note : cf also r. iii. 7, note. 

The Lion of Judah, the Son of 
David, conquered the world Jo. xvi. 
33, .\poc. i. iS, iii. 21', an<l <uie fruit 
of His victory is that it belongs to 
Him to open the seals of God's Book 
of Destiny, i.e. to carry history onward 
through successive stages to the final 

6. Kcii fi8ov ii> jjitacf tov dpovov ktXJ\ 



[V. 6 

TEO'arapcov tV^i^ ^a^ ev juecro) tcov Trpecr/SuTepcov dpviov 
e(TTr]KO<s w§ e(T<pa<yiJL6V0Vj '^X^^ KepaTa etttu kul 
6(p6a\piOV<s eTTTa, o'l elcLi/ Ta eTTTo. irvevfJiaTa tou Seov, 

6 om ef fieffu (2°) syrS'^ ante twv reaa. 'goowv pou Prim | earriKos APQ minP'] 
eaTTjKws ts I 7 28 32 36 87 I om us 31 50 95 me arm^'^ Hipp*^"" | effcpay/jLevov] 
eacppayLtrfxevov 7 31 32 38 | ex^v KAQ 7 28 30 32 35] exov P minP' | oi eicriv HA 1 38 
51 87 al] a eLCTLf Q min"'*'"" | om e-n-ra A i 12 vg*"*'" 

The Seer, roused from his dejection 
by the Elder's Ibov, looks again, and 
sees, not a Lion but a Lamb (apvlov). 
The conception is from Isa. liii. 7 cos 
TTpojSaTov enl acfiayrjv tj^St], Koi cos 
duvos (vavTiov Toii Kfipovros cKpavos. 
'Afivos has passed from the Lxx. into 
the other passages in the N.T. where 
Chi'ist is described as the Lamb (Jo. 
i. 29, 36, Acts viii. 32, i Pet. i. 19), but 
it does not occur in the Apocalypse, 
which uses to apvlov as a title of our 
Lord 29 times in 12 chapters. It is 
possible that the Apocalyptist has 
taken the latter word from a non- 
Septuagintal version of Isaiah, I. c. ; 
or he may have had in view Jer. xi. 19 

a>S apvlov okukov dyufxevov roii Bvecrdai. 
The diminutive nuist not be pressed, 
since dpvus has no nom., but the 
contrast of the Lamb A\'ith the Lion 
is sufficiently striking in any case, 
directing attention to the unique com- 
bination of majesty and meekness 
which characterized the life of Jesus 
Christ. Cf. Victorinus: "ad devin- 
cendam mortem leo, ad patiendum 
vero pro hominibus tanquam agnus 
ad occisionem ductus est." 'Eo-ttjkos 
coy iCT(^ayp.ivov: the sacrifice foreseen 
by Isaiah and Jeremiah has taken 
place and is yielding lasting fruits 
(perf), and there are indications of 
the fact that it has been offered (aJs 
fcrff).); yet the Lamb stands erect 
and alive in the sight of Heaven (cf. 

i. 18 ■fyevop.rjv vfKpos Ka\ l8ov ^cov elp-i). 
The position which He occupies in 
the picture is not quite clear, for 
ev pea(o.. .Ka\ iv peaa may mean either 
'between the Throne and the Four 
Living: creatures on the one hand and 

the Elders on the other' (cf. Gen. i. 7 
ava peaov...Ka\ ava fiiaovz^ |''3-1...p3\ 

or 'in the midst of all,' the Centrepiece 
of the whole tableau. But the relative 
positions of the Throne, the ^&3a, and 
the Elders (iv. 4, 6), seem to exclude 
the former interpretation, and the 
latter is wholly consistent with the 
general place assigned to the Lamb 
throughout the Apocalypse. With 

ea-rrjKos cf. Acts vii. 56 6€copa>...Tov 
vlov Tov dv6pco7rov ck Be^iav icTToiTa 
rov deov, Aj^OC. xiv. I l8ov to dpviov 
e(TTos cVt TO opos '2i(ov. The position 
is that of the Priest offering sacrifice 
(Heb. X. 11), and the Lamb is both 
Sacrifice and Priest. But perhaps 
eVr. denotes here no more than the 
restored life and activity of the 
Victim; cf. vii. 17, xiv. i. 

ex(ov Kepara eVra Ka\ oCJiBaXfiovs 

fTTTci kt\.] The horn as the symbol of 
strength is an old Hebrew metaphor 
which occurs first in Deut. xxxiii. 17, 
where Ephraim is said to have the 
horns of the DNI")^ lxx. novotcepax: (a 
species of mid ox); cf. i Regn. ii. i, 10, 
3 Regn. xxii. 1 1, Ps. xvii. (xviii.) 3, cxi. 
(cxii.) 9. In the later books of the O.T. 
the horn is the symbol of a dynastic 
force (Zech. i. 18 (ii. i)flr., Dan. vii. 7 ff., 
viii. 3 ff.) ; and in this sense it is used 
in Apoc. xii. 3, xiii. i, 11, xvii. 3 ff. 
(where see notes). The 'seven horns 
of the Lamb' sjnnbolize the fulness of 
His power as the Victorious Christ; cf. 
Mt. xxviii. 1 8 ebodrj pot vrdaa i^ovala 
iv ovpavw Kal eTTt y^s, Jo. XVli. I eScoKas 
avTO) e^ovalav ndarjs aapKos. In Enoch 
xc. ;^7 f the Messiah appears as a 
white DX") with great black horns (see 

V. 8] 



(XTrea'TaXiJ.evoL ei'i TTiKrav T)]\' yfji/. "^ kui f^XSei^ Kcti J 
€i\r](f)6i/ 6K Tt]<i ^6^id^ Tou Kadtj/uei/ou eTTL Tou Ooouou. 
^Kai oTe eXafSei/ to (Si/SXiov. to. Tecrcrepa ^u>a kul ol 8 

6 ttTrecrraXyUfvot A] airearaXneva X 38 49 130 ra avecToKiJ., 1 79 me*''^ Hipp airo- 
creWofxeva Q mill""'"" ra ajroffTtW. 7 8 9 13 16 syr"™'''' 7 etX»;0e»'] + to fti^Xiov 

j»»nig y -jg ^^3^ gyj.* gyrRw mg Prim 8 eXa^ev] €i\rj(pei' 130 | Teaaapa. PQ min"""""''' | 

Charles, ad I.). With the fiiluess of 
strength the Lamb possesses also the 
fulness of vision, symbolized by seven 
eyes; cf. iv. 6, 8, where the fwa have 
eyes before and behind, aromid and 
witliin, yet do not possess the plenary 
illumination ascribed to the Lamb. 
The Apocalyptist has in view Zech. 
lU. 9 fVi Tov \i6ov Tov iva enra 
<i(f)da\noi (Icriv, iv. lO eTrra ovtol o0- 
OaXfxoi (Icriv [Kup/ov] 01 im^XfTrovTes 
(D^PpVJ'P). He identifies the "seven 
eyes of the Lortl," which are also the 
eyes of the Lamb, with the "seven 
Spirits of God." The eyes of Christ 
are coy <f>\o^ nvpos (i. 14), and the seven 
Spirits (i. 4, note) blaze like torches be- 
fore the Throne of God (iv. 5). But in 
their position before the Throne they 
are stationary, whilst, us the eyes of 
the Lamb, they have a mission to all 
the earth. The reading is uncertain ; 
we have to choose between dTrea-ToX- 
fieva (X), fiTTOcrreXXo/xf j/n (Q) and aTrecr- 
TaX^fVoi (A). The last agrees with 
Zech. I. C. {6(f>6. ol em^Xeirovrfs), and 
has the merit of being the liarder 
reading. The sense in any case is 
materially the same ; the eyes, that is 
the Spirits, are sent. 'A7ToaT(XXfadai, 
it can hardly be doubted, has reference 
to the ^lission of the Spirit (cf. Lc. 
xxiv. 49 '^"^ ^V*^ ( ^anooTiXXci} rrjv 
(irayyeXiav tov narpus ^lov ((ji' vfiai. 
Gal. iv. 6 e^aneoTeiXtv 6 6e6s to 
TTVevfia TOV v'toii avTov tli ras Kapdias 
tj/xcSj'), though the Johannine Gospel 
xxsesnffJLTjtiv in this connexion (xiv. 26, 
XV. 26, xvi. 7). A mission of the Spirit 
to the whole world carries us beyond 
the earlier conception of His work, yet 
see Jo. xvi. 8 f As the Spirit of Jesus 

(Acts xvi. 7) and the "Eyes of the 
Lamb," His mission is oecumenical 

7. Kai rjXdfv Kal (iXT](f)fv eK ttjs 
de^ius ktX.] 'And 1 saw Him go (aor.), 
and now He has taken [the l^ouk] out 
of the hand of Him "Who sits on the 
Throne.' Cf. iii. 3 eiXr/^ay kqi IJKOva-as, 
viil. 5 fi-^r}(f)fu.,.Kai iyfp.icrfv, xi. 17 
fiXjj^ay Kal f^acrlXfvaas ; uprfKa is 
similarly joined with an aorist in vii. 
13 f, xix. 3. WM. (p. 340) holds the 
perf. in v. 7, viii. 5, to be simply 
aoristic; cf. Blass, Gr. -p. 200, who 
gives other exx. from the Pauline 
Epp., and from subapostolic litera- 
ture. On the other hand see Benson, 
Apocali/pse, p. 1 50 f., who makes a 
good for retaining in the Ajioca- 
lyptic instances a more or less distinct 
flavour of the sense of the perfect. 
Here flXTjcjifv may point (Weiss, 
Bousset) to the abiding results of the 
action, or it may be simply realistic, 
as explained above, llcalism also 
explains the absence of to jSi^Xwv; 
the movement is so rapid that the 
sfibject is left to be uudei-stood 

8. Koi oTf eXa^ff TO ^i,jXii>v ktX.] 
The aorist of ordinary narration is 
resumed AVhen the J^amb took the 
roll, the representatives of the animate 
creation and of the univei-sal Church 
fell before Him. npotTKimjais, though 
not mentioned as in iv. 10, is perhaps 
implied; cf. r. 14, where after their 
praise of God and of the Lamb the 
EUlcrs iirtaav Ka\ TvpocrfKvvrjcriiv. "'E.^ov- 

ref (KacTToi is jtrobablv to bc referred 
to the Elders only, for though the 
ma.-^culines might inchule the ^wa 
(cf exwJ', iv. 7 f ), the i>articul;u-s which 
follow are not aitpropriato to tho 



[V. 8 

eiKOtTL Tecrcrape^ vrpecf^vTepoi eTrecrav evcoTriov tov 
dpviov, 'e)(OVTe^ eKacri-o^ KiSdpav Kal (pidXa^ ■^pvo'd's 
yejuovo'as dvfJLLaiudTayu, a'l eliTLv al 7rpO(Tev)(^aL tcou 
9 dyioiv. ^Kal aZovo'LV to^riv Kaivrjv XeyovTe'i 

8 eirecrov Q minP' ] eKacrros exofres H ex- e/cacrroj avruv syrS"'^''^ | KiOapas I 7 29 
36 49 51 91 96 al vg I (pia\y}v xpi-'o-r?)/ ye/xovcrav syrs"' | xpvcreas K | ai eiffiv AP 
rninP^ syrr Andr Ar] a eifftv NQ 36 | at Trpoaevxai] om ai H.* 6 I4 130 al"" irpoaevx^v 
2 7 8 19 27 29 41 43 48 50 82 93 9 /cat a5ov(ji.v'\ aSopns syrg"'"'^ Prim 

latter. Each Elder is now seen to 
carry a Kidapa, i.e. a Ijtc or zithern 
(the -1133 of the O.T., in Daniel D-in^p 
(kWi D"iriJ5))^ the traditional instrument 
of psalmody (cf. Ps. xxxii. (xxxiii.) 2, 
xcvii. (xcviii.) 5, cxlvi. (cxlvii.) 7, cl. 3); 
the word is used again by the Apo- 
calj-ptist in another description of the 
celestial music (xiv. 2 a5j KiQapcabav 

KiOapi^ovTdtv iv Tois Kidapais avTav, XV. 

2 f'xovras KiBdpas Toi) Beov). Besido 
their lyres the Elders had golden bowls 
or saucers {(piaXai, 2)at(irae, see xvii. i), 
full of incense, such as according to 
Josephus were placed on the shew- 
bread (antt. iv. 6. 6; in iii. 10. 7 he 
calls them TrlvaKes, plates). Ovp,ia.- 
p.aTa, pi, as usually in the Lxx. (Gen. 
xxxvii. 25, I Chr. vi. 49, Jer. xvii. 26) 
and elsewhere in this book (Apoc. viii. 

3 f., xviii. 13). Ai' probably refers to 
6vp.. and not to (fnaiXas, deriving its 
gender by attraction ("WM. p. 206 f.) 
from TTpoaevxal: a (XQ) is the correc- 
tion of a scribe who has felt the 
difficulty without realizing the true 
solution. The prayers of the Church 
are symbolized by the incense (Ps. 
Cxl. 2 Karevdvv6t]Tw rj Trpoaevx^ pov cos 
dvpiapa evcoTTiov crov, Lc. i. lO nav to 
Tr\fj6os fjv TOV \aov npocrevxopevov e^co 
TTj apa TOV BvpidpaTos), as its psal- 
mody, already an important element in 
Church worship (i Cor. xiv. 15, 26, 
Eph. V. 19, Col. iii. 16), is represented 
by • the lyres. The Elders are fitly 
charged with both, since they repre- 
sent the Chiu'ch, and in the act which 
follows symboUze the Church's adora- 
tion of Christ. For at npoaevxat^ the 

normal, familiar, acts of prayer, indi- 
vidual or collective, see Acts ii. 42, 
Rom. i. 10, I Tim. ii. i, v. 5, i Pet. iii 
7, and esp. Apoc. viii. 3 f. 

The ceremonial use of incense in the 
services of the Church, which might 
have been suggested by this passage, 
does not seem to have any ante-Nicene 
support ; Christians of the first three 
centuries were probably deterred from 
adopting it by the place which it held 
in pagan worship (cf. Tert. apol. 30, 
42, and other passages cited in D.C.A., 
s. V. 'Incense'). Even 'Silvia' (ed. 
Gamurrini, p. 49) states the purpose 
of the thymiamateria in the gi'eat 
Church at Jenisalem to have been 
merely " ut tota basilica Anastasis 
repleatur odoribus." The Apostolic 
Canons, however, recognize incense as 
a legitimate accessary at the offering 
of the Eucharist (can. 3 6vp.iap.a tw 
KaipM TTjs ay'ias Trpoacpopds). 

9. Koi abovcriv co8rjv Kaivfjv] A 'new 
song' (^in 1i'>^^ co8r) Kaivi], aapa kmvov, 
vfivos Kaivoi) is mentioned in Ps. 
xxxii. (xxxiii.) 3, xxxix. (xl.) 4, xcv. 
(xcvi.) I, xcvii. (xcviii.) i, cxliii. (cxliv.) 
9, cxlix. I, Isa. xlii. 10. Originally 
denoting only a fresh song of praise, 
the phrase lent itself especially to 
songs composed for great occasions; 
e.g. in Isa. I. c. the new song sjirings 
out of a propliecy of the new order 
which is to be inaugurated by the 
Servant of Jehovah ; and similarly 
Judith's paean over the death of 
Holofernes is a vpms kuivos (Judith 
xvi. 13). In the Apocalypse it is 
appropriately used for the Church's 

V. lo] 



' A^io^ el \a(ieli' to ^ijiX'tov kui di/oi^ai tci^ 
crcppwylda^ auTOV, otl eo'Cpay}]'; kui t]yopa(ra<i 
TOO Seco ev Tw aLfjLaTL <Tov Ik vracr^;? (pv\t)<i kui 
yXtoarcrt}^ Kal Xaov kul evvovi^ ^°Kai eTroitjcra'i lO 
auTOV'i TO) Beco r]iJLiov jSacriXeiai/ kui lepel^, kui 
(^acTLKevovaLV eiri Tt]^ 7^9. 

9 avoi^ai] Xucrac syr"" | om €(7(paytjs Kai 150 | rw deuj (om i vg'"*'''* Cypr)] + ij/itoi 
NPQ rain''' me syrr arm Cypr Prim 10 avrovi] 17/iai vg'''«f'' ] tu d(u> ijfjiwv om A j 

^affiXfiav KA vg me Cypr Prim] [iaa-iXen Q min"'"""'* syr arm aeth Audr Ar ^actXeiai' 
/cat tepfis /cat /SocrtXets syrs'" | jSatnXevovffiv AQ 7 14 28 29 35 38 al syr] ^affiXevaovtriv 
SP I 2 4 5 6 8 30 31 32 36 130 al ^ vg"" '"'»*'■"<'' me 8yr»" arm* Cypr jSao-iXewo/xo' 
ygciodom armi At Prim"''' (regnaviiniis) 

praise of Redemption (cf. xiv. 3); the 
oibf) Kaivi] answers to the ovofxa koipov 
(ii. 17, iii. 12), the 'lepovo-aX^/x Kaivi^ 
(iii. 12, xxi. 2), the ovpavas Kaivos Kal 
yfj Knivri (xxi. l), the Kaiva nc'ivra (xxi. 5) 
of the groat Christian prophecy. 

a^LOS tl Xa^fLV TO ^i^Xiou ktX.J The 
EUicrs recognize in Clirist the absohite 
moral worthiness which has (jnahfied 
Him to take the Book of Destiny from 
the hand of God and open its seals 
(dvo'i^ai ras (r(f)f). = av. to ^ifiXiov Koi 
\vaai Tcts (r(f)p., i\ 2). This d^ioTris is 
based neither on His nni(pie relation 
to God, nor on the perfection of His 
human life, but on the fact of His 
sacrifice (on f(T(f)dyT]s, cf. v. 6 cos- 

(cr(j)ayfi(vov}. 2(^(iffO-^nt is USed to 
describe the l)eath of Christ only in 
this book {t'ti. 6, 9, 1 2, xiii. 8), where its 
use is due to Isa, liii. 7 ws ni)6i^aTov 
tVt (r(l)ayf)v rfx^i ; it is interesting to 
find it occun-ing also in references to 
the martyrdoms whicli were ti-ying 
the faith of the Clnnx'hes of Asia 
(vL 9, xviii. 24}. Other Apo-stolic 
WTitings speak of Christ as 'crucified' 
or 'sacrificed,' or simply as having 
'died.' 'Ayopa(fiv, a Pauline word 
(i Cor. vi. 20, \ii. 23, and in tlie 
compound e^")'., Gal. iii. 13, iv. 5), 
is iised in this sense elsewhere only 
in Apoc. (here and xiv. 3 f ) and in 
2 Peter (ii. i >; it rings with echoes of 
the Greek ayopai, familiar both to 
St Paul and St Jolin. The 'imrchase' 

s. R. 

was made mth the Blood of the slain 
Lamb (eV Ta alpaTl trov, where iv 
denotes the price, as in i. 5 Xvaavri 
■qpas (V rco ain. avTov); see Acts xx. 28, 
I Cor. vi. 20, I Pet. i. 18 ft'. It was 
made "for God," the thing purchased 
l>eing destined for His service (Rom. 
vi. 22, 1 Cor. I. c). In what it con- 
sisted, i.e., what was purchased, 
appears in the words that follow : eV 
iracrrji cpvXfjs /crX., ' representatives of 
every nationality, without distinction 
of race or geographical or political 
distribution' ; cf vii. 9, xiv. 6 and the 
similar eniunerations in x. n, xi. 9, 
xiii. 7, xvii. 15. The origin of the 
])hrase is perhaps to be sought in 
Dan. iii. 4, 7, v. 19, vi. 25: cf. also 
4 Esdr. iii. 7 (16). The scope which it 
assigns to the redemptive virtue of 
the Cross is less wide than that which 
is contemplated in i Tim. ii. 3 f , 1 Jo. 
ii. 2; but the 'new song' refers only 
to those in whom Ilcdemjiti<m hua 
become ert'ective by their incorpora- 
tion in the Bt)dy of Christ, Tlie 
oeciunenical mission of the Clnirch is, 
liowever, fully recognized; the Seer 
sees in it a worldwide Emi)iro e.\- 
tcnding far beyoiul the sliorcsof the 
Metliten-anean and the sway nf the 

10. Koi (TTnirjcut ni'Toif rto 6((a 

Tifxd>v ktX.] A furtlicr result of the 
Lamb's Sacrifice. Those whom He 
j)urchased He made a Kingdom and 




[V. II 

11 ^^Kal eihov, Kal r^KOVcra a)9 (pwvriv ciyyeXcov ttoWco}/ 
kvkXm tov dpovov Kai tcov (^i^i^v Kai rtov 7rpe(r/3vT6- 
pcoVj Kal t)v 6 dpidjULO^ avTWV juvpiahe^ /uvpidhcov Kal 

12 -^iXidZe^ ^tXiaSwi/, ^^\e'yovTe<i (pwvfj jueydXr] 

II €i5ov iiP minP'] i8ov AQ 7 14 92 | om cos APQ* i 14 49 70 al vg me arm aeth 
Prim (hab KQ** min'*'™" syr Andr Ar) | KVK\o6ev i | om Kai twv npeff^vrepiov . . ./xvpi- 
aSuv 1 I /iii'/)tas...x'^"is syr^"' | om /cat X'^- X'^- 3^ 130 12 Xeyovres] \eyovTwv 38 

95 97 ■^g Prim pr Kai syr»" 

priests unto God. Cf. i. 6 eiroiTja-ev 
rffia.'i ^aariXdav, lepfli rto 6ea Koi Trarpi 
avTov, XX. 6 eaovrai lepels tov deov Koi 
TOV XpKTTOv, Koi fiaaiKevcTovcriv peT 

avToii, and see notes on both verses. 
The fact that this chord is struck thrice 
in the Apoc. seems to imply special 
familiarity on the part of both writer 
and readers with the words as Avell as 
the thought: possibly they entered 
into a primitive hymn which may 
have run: (noi-qcras rjfxas j3aaiXflav \ 
lepeis Tco dew Kal naTpi crov | Kal /Sacri- 
\ev\jT\opev (ttI Tfjsyr;s. In the present 
passage the harder jSaaiXevova-iv (AQ) 
is perhaps to be preferred ; the reign 
of the Saints had begun in the life of 
the Spirit, though in the fuller sense 
it was yet future: cf. Mt. v. 3, 5 

avTcov icTTiv T] ^aaiXeia...K\ripovoprj- 
ijovcri Trjv yrjv, I Cor. IV. 8 X'^P'S rjnuiv 
(jiaaiXevaaTe ; koi o(peX6v ye elSaaiXev- 
(rare, 'iva Koi rjpils vplv avpjBacriXev- 
aaptv. For the future, see Apoc. 
XX. 6, xxii. 5. 

The 'new song' vindicates for Jesus 
Christ the unique place which He has 
taken in the history of the world. By 
a supreme act of self-sacrifice He has 
purchased men of all races and 
nationalities for the service of God, 
founded a vast spiritual Empire, and 
converted human life into a priestly 
service and a royal dignity. He who 
has done this is worthy to have com- 
mitted into His hands the keeping of 
the Book of Destiny, and to break its 
Seals and unroll its closely packed 
lengths; to preside over the whole 

course of events which connects His 
Ascension with His Return. 

II. Koi €idov, Koi 7]Kov(ra cos <pa>vr]v 
dyytXcov noXXtov ktX.] A new feature 
in the vision introduced by a fresh 
Koi elbov {1: I, 2, 6, vi. I, 2, 5, 8, 9, 12 
etc. ; cf. iv. i, note). Except the 
'Hierophant' (iv. i), and the Strong 
Angel of V. 2, this vision has been 
hitherto Avithout angelic appearances; 
now at length the Angels are seen in 
their myriads, forming a vast ring 
around and therefore outside the El- 
ders, who are themselves around the 
central Throne (cf iv. 4). The Seer 
gives their numbers from Dan. vii. 10 : 
Xi-^iai- ;Y'^'o^ff iXeiTovpyovv avTO), kcll 
pvpiai fivpiddes irapicTTrjKfKTav avToi'. cf. 
Enoch xiv. 22 KVKXut pvpiai pvpiades 
(.(TTTfKaa-iv ivaiTLov avToxi ; lb. xl. I, Ix. 
I, Ixxi. 8, and Heb. xii. 22 f. npoaeXTj- 
Xiidare pvpiaaiv dyyfXonv : the SOUrce 

of all these computations is probably 
Deut. xxxiii. 2 KaTicrmvafv t^ opovs 
^apav (XvvpvpicKTiv Kabrjs IX''}p n33")D) 
e/c Se^icoi/ avTov ayyfXoi pfT avToii '. cf. 
Ps. Ixvii. (Ixviii.) 1 8. With the phrases 
fivpiddes fivpiddcov, ^iXiddes ^iXiddcov 
cf. Gen. xxiv. 60 ylvov els ;(tXiaSaf 
pvpiddcjv, ^um. X. 36 ^iXid8as pivpid- 
bai, Apoc. ix. 16 bicrpvpidbes pvpiddcov. 
The voice of this vast concourse 
— a peydXri cfxovt] indeed — is a shout 
rather than a song. There is no 
mention of Kiddpai or co8rj here ; the 
Angels simply acclaim the Lamb as 

12. d^iov ecTTLV TO dpvlov ktX.\ Not 
a^ios el as in v. 9. The terms, more- 

V. 13] 




' A^iov e(TTL\' TO dpvLOv TO icTCbay fjLevov 
Xaf^eiv Ttju huva/uiv Kai ttXcvtov kcil (rocpiav Kai 
la-xyv Kai Tijut)]/ Kai ho^av Kai evXoyiav. 
Kai TTav KTicr/ixa 6 ev tw ovpauw Kai erri tj]^ 1 3 
yfj^ Kai vTroKUTd) t>/? ytj'^ Kai etti Ttj^ 6a\a(r(n]^ 
Kai Ta ev auTOi^ TrauTa, }]K0V(ra KeyovTa^ 

12 a^Lov fc<Q mill'""'"""' syr] a^ios A a|tos « syi*" | ((x<f>a-yij.(vov'\ e(T<ppayi<Tfi(vov 58 | 
TrXoiTov] pr Tov Q min'*""" 13 o]-\-((ttiv P i 28 35 36 al'""''''' vg syr Prim Andr 

(conj TO Nestle) | eni. rrjs yr)s] ev rrj 717 i al''""" syr^"' | om Kai VTroKaru} tj;s yrjs K 12 
1 4 33 47 95 ^B'" ™^ ^"^^ 1 *""' '''V^ da^affffri^] ra ev rrj daXacffrj K vg me S3'rr arm"'*' 
Prim + €<rT£«' A 6 78 130 al + a ecriv PQ i 30* 34 35 49 al vg + o ea-riv syr^*"* | wavra. 
rjKovaa Xeyovras P 6 32 90 130] iravTa tjk. "Keyovra A i 12 Travras r]K. Xeyovra^ 278 
al*"""" iravra Kai tjk. Xeyofras H 30 34 35 36 87 98 al syrr irai'Ta Kai. Travras rjK. 
\eyovTas Q 

over, are more general — to e(T(})ayfxfvov 
for oTi e'a(f)a.yT)s, and for XajSelv to 
jSi^Xiov the usual X. t7)v htvaynv kt\. 
(iv. 1 1 ). The Angels stand outside 
the mystery of Kedemption, though 
they arc far from being uninterested 
spectators (Eph. iii. 10, i Pet. i. 12), 
and recognize both the grandeur of 
the Lord's sacrificial act, and its 
infinite merit. The doxology which 
they oflTer to the Lamb is even fiillcr 
than that which in iv. 1 1 is oftered 
by the Elders to the Creator, for to 
gltuy and honour and i)Ower it adds 
riches, wisdom, strength, and blessing. 
nXoTror, ao(j)la, la^vs., evXoyla, are 
specially api)ropriate in a doxology 
offered to Christ ; cf 2 Cor. viii. 9 
frrrojxfvaev TrXovcrtor coi', I Cor. i. 24 
{)eov Svvctfxiv Kol 0(ov ao(f>iav, Lc. xi. 
22 enav 8f ia\vf)('>T(pos avTov \^tov 
l(r\vf)ov] (ne\0c!>v viKrjcri] avTov, Ivom. 
XV. 29 ev jrXrjpa)fj.aTi ei'Xoyias Xpicrroi'. 
For irXovToi and la^vs in a doxology 
see I Chron. xxix. 1 1 f The seven 
attributes form a heptad of praise 
which leaves nothing wanting in the 
Angels' acclamation of the Lamb. 
Arethas compares Mt xxviii. 18 e'^nOtj 
}ioL Tvacra e^nvcria ev oOpai'O) ktX., and 
adds : tw npi'i'o) »; e'^ovaia inep tov 
ecr(p<'i)^din Se^oTai twv f'novpnvicov Ka\ 

eniyeiiov Kai KaTa)(^Bovi03v (cf. Pilil. ii. 


13. Koi. TTav KTia-fia ev rco ovpavo) 
ktX.] a still wider circle ofi"ers its 
doxology. The whole Creation is 
summoned from its four great fields 
of life (cf V. 3) ; the Sea is now added 
explicitly. The gathering is no longer 
representative only, but exhaustive, 
not one created tiling being omitted 
(tthi' KTiCTfia, Ta ev avTo'ts navTa). KriV/xa 
occurs first in Sirach and Wisdom, 
where it seems to be distinguished 
from (r)) KTL(Tis ; in the N.T. (Jac. i. 
18, I Tim. iv. 4, Apoc. v. 13, viii. 9) ii 
is invariably concrete, 'a creature,' 'a 
created thing.' The Seer docs not 
himself see Creation rising in iU in- 
numerable forms of life to offer its 
doxology; this is no part of the vision 
which comes to iiim through the open 
door. But he liears the roar of the 
great acclamation as it rises to heaven, 
anil it is hearil also within the circle 
round the Throne, for the (<^a re- 
spond (r. 14). John's nearncs.s to the 
Throne, or (what is the same thing) 
the elevation of his spirit, enables 
him to voice the purpose of universal 
^«'ature ; he becomes conscious that 
it exists only to glorify God and tlie 



[V. 13 

Tw KaUf]/u6VU) 67ri Tw dpovo) Kai Tcd dovLca t] 
evXoyia kul }] TLjurj kul ri co^a Kal to KpaTO^ eis 
Tov^ aiwva^ twv aLwvwv. 
14 ^"^Kal Ta Tecrcrepa ^wa eXeyov 'A/ur'iV, Kal ol Trpea-- 
§c jSvTepoi eTrecau kul ^7rpoa'eKvvr]crav. 

i^ Tu 6povu AQ 2 6 7 8] Tov dpovov NP i al""" Andr Ar | /cat tw a/jctw] om me om 
Kai. bi^* A syr | t) evKoyi.a\ om rj P | km to KpaTo{\ iravTOKparopos ti* om arm^ i 
Tuv aiwvuiv] + aij.tjv Q I al'"""" aeth""" Andr Ar 14 reffcxapa NPQ | €\eyov 1 7 

28 vg] Xeyovra Q min"""" sji^ me Ar | a/i??;'] pr to Q min*''"'*''*'' Ar | Trpea^vTf.poc] 
pr fLKoiTi Teffffapes vg"^'^ Prim | iireffov Q minP''^'*" Andr Ar | km irpoa€Kvvrj(Tav'\ + viven- 
tern in saecula saeculoriim vg'^'" Prim om 130 

wa> Kai TO) 

api/i'w] Cf. vii. 10. In xxii. i, 3 the 
Throne belongs to God and to the 
Lamb conjointly (see iii. 21 note); 
but the oftering of the doxology to 
Both in the same terms is scarcely 
less significant. While the Angels' 
doxology was sevenfold, the Creation's 
is fourfold, consisting of the last three 
points in the former, ^\•ith the addition 
of KpaTos which takes the place of 
i(Tx^i, active power being here in view 
rather than a reserve of secret strength 
(cf. Eph. i. 19, vi. 10). This fourfold 
attribution of praise agi-ees with the 
character of those Avho offer it, for four 
is the number of the creature ; see 
Mc. xiii. 27, Apoc. iv. 6, vii. i ; Iren. 
lil. II. 8 Titrcrapa KXifiara tov Kocfiov 
iv o) f(Tfj.ev €L(Ti, Kai Tecrcrapa KadokiKa 
irvtvpLaTa. It is perhaps not without 
meaning that each of the perfections 
named is separately emphasized by 
the article {tj eOXoyia *c. ?;' Tifif) k. rj 
86^a K. TO Kpdros) : contrast v. 12 Tr/v 
8vvap,iv Kai nXovTov ktX. Et? rouf 
aicovas Toiv aldvoop gives infinity to the 
whole ; the exaltation of the Lamb is 
not temporai-y but enduring. 

14. Kfli Ta T((Tcr€pa ^wa eXfyoi' 
'AfiTjv] The heavenly representatives 
of 'animate creation confirm the dox- 
ology which rises from the earth. 
For eXeyov ' Xprjv cf I Chron. xvi. 36 
Ka\ ipf'i nas 6 Xaoy 'A/lxt^V, I Cor. xiv. 
16 Tra>s epfi to h.p.rjv ini Tjj afi ev)(ap- 
icTTia Justin, apol. i. 65 nas 6 napcov 

Xaos €TTfv(f)r]p.ei Xiyav Afirjv : ib. 67. 

The words are probably suggested by 
the familiar 'Amen' with which at 
Ephesus and elsewhere in Asia the 
Seer's own Eucharistic thanksgiving 
had always been ended. The whole 
passage is highly suggestive of the 
devotional attitude of the Asiatic 
Church in the time of Domitian to- 
wards the Person of Christ. It con- 
firms Pliny's report " [Christianos] 
carmen Christo quasi deo dicere 
secum invicem," and the statement 
in Euseb. H.E. v. 28 yl/aXfiol 8e oo-oi 

Ka\ lodai a8fX(f)av OTr ap-^fjs vno niaTcov 
ypatpf'iaai tov Xoyov tov 6(ov tov ypicr- 
Tov vfivovcri deoXoyovvTfs. 

Ka\ ol iTpecr^VTepoi errfcrav Ka\ 7rpo<r- 

eKvvr]aav'\ The whole Service of praise 
ends with a fresh act of homage on 
the part of the Church's rejiresenta- 
tives. Here as in iv. 10 it is the 
Elders who i)rostrate themsehes. The 
deepest homage is due from the 
Church, which has been redeemed and 
made a royal jji-iesthood unto God. 

VI. I — 17. Thk Opkxixg of the 


I. Kal eidov ktX.] The vision pro- 
ceeds (on Kal eldou see v. i, 6, ii\ 
The Lamb, Avho has already taken the 
roll (v. 7), now opens the seals one by 
one. The first four openings (vv. i — 8) 
form a series, marked by a common 
note ; each is preceded by an utter- 
ance from one of the four (aia, and 

VI. 2] 



^ Kai el^ov 6t€ t]i/ot^€i/ to upvlov jjhuv ck tiov eirTu i VI. 
crcbpayihtov, kcu >iKov<Ta evo<, 6k tuiv Terraapcov ^(ocou 
XeyovTO^ co<i (bcovf] (^povTt)^ ' E.p^ov. ^kui eihou, kui 2 
Ihov iTTTTO? XevKO^, Kai 6 Ka6r]fjLevo<i ett' uvtov e;\;wj/ 
TO^ov, Kai €^66t] avTu) <TT6(bavo^f Kai i^fjXdei' i'ikcou 

VI I fidov CP inin"' Ar] t5oi> t<AQ 7 14 92 | ore] on Q min""*" aim vg'"'"'*'*^' 
Andr Ar | om crrra P i 6 28 34 79 al me arm^ | Xeyovroi] Xeyovaaf S ayr post ^povrrj; 
pon A 130 I (fiwvrji P I 6 31 cpuvriv N 26 91 130 vg arm' ] ^povruv syr*'"''' j epxov] 
+ Kat i5( NQ min'"'"'' + I't vide vg*'"'" syrr me aeth Vict Prim 2 /cot eiS. KP i 

ai-mnm (^„( jjo^ A.C 7 361] om Q min''"^" yg'" ''='"'""■'* '°'"p' Vict Prim Ar pr -qKovca 
syi*" I viKuiv] pr o A arm^''* 

followed by the appearance of a horse 
and his rider, whose significance is 
partly explained. 

For fxiav (K, fvos fK, see v. 5 note; 
(K with a i)artitive genitive is especi- 
ally frequent in the Apoc, cf. Blass, 
Gr. p. 96 f Tlie writer declines to 
say which seal was opened first, or 
which of the (wa began ; neither j)oint 
is material. 'Qs (f^iov;/ ^povrfji, cf. 
xiv. 2, xix. 6, and for the instrumental 
dative see v. 12, vi. 10; (f)u>vi]v (N\ 
<p(tivfis (P), are corrections. It is 
\n\necessary to create an irregularity 
by reading (pcovrj (with Tischcndorf, 
Bousset, Nestle). 

Each of the (coa in succession 
thunders out his epxov (vv. I, 3, 5, 7). 
The scribes have understood this as a 
call to the iSeer, and many >iss. ac- 
cordingly add KCU 'i8f, or Km ^Xtne ; 
see app. crif. But (i) Bevpo would 
have been the natural word to invite 
the ai>i»roach of the Seer ; and (2) 
no reason can be shewn why he should 
have been calleil witliin tiie door and 
across the Sea in order to witness the 
visions which follow. Many ancient 
interpreters, regarding the wliite hoise 
as the "verbuni praedicationis" (Vic- 
torinus, cf Zahn, /w'///. ii. j». 6S9), 
explain I'cni as the sumnions to faitii 
(e.g. Apriugius : " n'/ii dicitur invitatio 
ad fidcui "). But throughout the Ajioc. 
(pXfcrSai is used of the ct)niings of 
<.iod or of Christ (o t'pxofxfpoi, i. 4, 8, 

iv. 8; fpxofiai, ii. 5, 16, iii. 11, xvi. 15, 
xxii. y, 12, 20; fpxfrai, i. 7 ; tp^ov, 
xxii. 17, 20). The last two references 
help to determine the meaning of 
tpxov here; the 'Come' of the (wa 
corresponds to the 'Come' of the 
Spirit ami the Bride, and of the hearer 
and the WTiter of the book (xxii. 1 7, 20); 
Nature no less than the Spirit in re- 
deemed Man calls for the coming of 
the Christ. Thus the fourfold tpxov 
of the (aa represents the anuKapaboKia 
TTji KrioTfcos (Kom. viii. 19 ff.) wiiich at 
each crisis in the i)reparatory process 
becomes vocal in the ear of the 

2. Kai etSoi/, KCll Ibov ITTTTOS XfVKOi 

(crX.] The vision of the four horsemen, 
distinguished by the colour of their 
horses, who follow successively the 
opening of the first four se:ds, lia^s 
evidently been suggested V\v Zech. vL 
I AT., 180V Tfaaapa dppaTa...(v tco apfiari 
T(o npioTco innoi Trvppni, Ka\ iv r<3 
appari roi dfVTfpaj nnrni fiiXni'ff, Kai iv 
Tw nppari rc5 Tp'iTut inrroi Xfi'KOi, Kai iv 

TW apUUTl Tip TfTClpTa ITTTTOl TTOlKlkol 

\/rijpoi\gri/.zled bay). Zeeh;iriah's four 
horses are "the four winds of heaven" 
(r. 5), anil tlieir mi.><sion is to execute 
judgement upon Babylon, Egypt, and 
the other heathen nations of the 
world. The Apocalyptist borrows 
only the .symbol i>f tiie h(jrses and 
their cohmrs, and instead of yoking 
tlie horses to chaiiots he sets on each 




3 Kai \va viKr](rt]. ^Kai OTe t]Voi^ei' Tt]v crcbpayi^a Tt]V 
hevTepav, i]Koucra tou ZevTepov cVou Xe'yovTO's'' ^.p-yov . 

2 Kai iva yiKTjffTi] Kai eviKrjaev H me + Kat. eviK. 32 36 pr ao: eviK. syr*" om Kai arm 
Tert 3 TTjy ctppayioa ttju devrepav] ttjv oevr. acpp. Q miuP' Andr Ar ] €pxov] + Kair 

iSe a 34 35 38 39 alP»'"= + <;t vide vg'=i«f""i'="»>""°i"p^ me (aeth) Vict Prim Andr 

of them a rider in whom the interest 
of the vision is centred. 

In the first vision the horse is white, 
the rider caiTies a bow and receives a 
conqueror's crown {(Trt(^avos) ; he goes 
forth, it is noted, as a conqueror, and 
with the purpose of winning fresh 
conquests [Iva piktjo-tj, not a>s viKija-cov). 
It is tempting to identify him ^\■ith 
the Rider on the white horse in 
xix. 1 1 ff., wliose name is ' the "Word 
of God' ; cf. Iren. iv. 21. 3 "ad hoc 
enim nascebatur quo et 
loannes in Apocalypsi ait Exivit vin- 
cens, tit n'ncet'et." But the two riders 
have nothing in common beyond the 
white horse ; the details are distinct ; 
contrast e.g. the Siabijfiara -rroXXd of 
xix. 1 2 with the single a-recfiavos here, 
and the popLfftaia S^fla Avith the to^ov. 
A vision of the victorious Christ would 
be inapiirojiriate at the opening of a 
series which symbolizes bloodshed, 
famine, and pestilence. Rather we 
have here a picture of triumphant 
militarism. The lust of conquest 
Avhich makes great Empires, whether 
the Seer had in view the Empire of 
the Caesars or the Parthian power 
which menaced it (for, as Prof. Ramsay 
says (Letters, p. 58), the bow points 
specially to the latter ; cf Mommsen, 
rom. Gesch. v. 389), was the first and 
most momentous of the precursors of 
the final revelation. 

In a Roman triumiihal procession 
the victorious general did not ride 
a white horse, but was seated in a 
four-horse car (Ramsay, Letters, I.e.). 
Yet -white was the colour of victory; 
cf Vcrg. Aeii. iii. 537 "quattuor hie, 
primum omen, equos in gramine 
vidi I tondentes camijum late can- 
dore nivali " ; on which Servius 
remarks, " hoc ad victoriae omen 

pertinet." Moreover the horses which 
drew the quadriga were on occa- 
sions white; see Plutarch, Camill. 7 

TidpiTTTTOV inTo^ev^dfJ-efos XeVKOITOiXoV 
eTTej^T], Koi Ste^T^Xatre ttjs 'Pcofxr]!. He 
adds, it is true : ov8evos tovto noirjaav- 
Tos rjyepLOvos nportpov ov8 vcrrepov ; 

but cf Dio Cassius, H. R. xliii. 14. 
(C. Julius Caesar) to. iinvLKia r'a 
TTpoeyj/rjcpicrpieva eni re XevKuii' Ittttcoi' 
Koi fMera pa^hovx<^v ktX. 

3 f. Ka\ ore rjvot^ev rriv (T(})payi8a ttjv 

devrepav /crA.] As the rtiiite liorse and 
his rider vanish, bent on the career 
of conquest (iva viK-qa-r)), the Lamb 
opens the second seal, and there 
comes forth another horse, not white 
but TTvppos, 'blood red' (cf 4 Regn. 

iii. 22 TO. vBara jrvppa (D"'?3'1X) cocrel 
alfj-a) ; the word is used of the red- 
brown of the heifer (Num. xix. 2), and 
here, as in Zech. i. 8, vi. 2, of the roan 
of the horse, not however without 
allusion to its proper meaning. The 
rider on the red horse has received 
{(dodrj avT(3) a great sword, as a 
symbol of his mission. Ma;^atpa may 
be either a knife carried in a sheath 
at the girdle (Jo. xviii. 10), or a 
Aveapon for use in war (see Hastings, 
D. B. iv. 634); this one is clearly of 
the latter sort, and it is large of its 
kind {jieyaXr]'. 

Together with the sword the second 
rider had received power to plunge 
the world into war ; his sword was 
not the symbol of civil justice (Rom. 
xiii. 4) but of bloodshed. "It was 
given him to take Peace (rf/v elptjvrjv) 
from off the earth and (to cause men) 
to slay one another" — the negative and 
positive sides of warfare. The con- 
struction is rugged and broken, as if 
in sympathy with the subject (roj koO. 

VI. 6] 



avTOV ehoSij nvTO) Xa/SeJv Ttju elptji/tji^ eK Ttj^ yrj^ Kai 
'ipa dWtj\ov<i (r(pa^ou(riv, kul ehoSy] avTio /ua^aipa 
jueydXr], ^Kui ote yjvoi^ei^ Tt]]/ (r(ppayiha Tt)i> Tpi- 5 

T^/i/, r]KOV(ra tou n-p'iTOU ^ojov XeyopTO^ ' Gp^ov. kui 
eldov, Kai l^ov '/tttto? jueXa^, Kai 6 Kady]fievo<i eV avTov 
'e)(^ciiv Vvyov ev Ttj X^^P^ avTOv. Kai i]KOV(ra w9 6 
(pcoutjv ev /uecrio tcou Teacrapcov K,(^(^v Xeyovo'av Xolvip 
CTLTOV BfjuapLOV, Kai Tpel^ ^OiVi/ces KpiBcov h)]i'aplou' 

4 Kai e^r]\6fv] nai tdou Kai loov e^. (34 35) (me) Andr | oni aXXos 130 me syi**' ( 
irvppos] irvpos APQ I 6 7 8 al'""'*" me Andr | tw Kadrj/xevoj] pr ev A | eir avrov] fir avrof 
I 29 87 al I om avTU} i^'^'^A. 31 | e/c ttjj 77;?] om N'^' om ex A 7 16 3946 ottot. 7. i 36 al | 
om Kai 3° Q min'""*" me syr'?"' aeth Andr Ar | (T(f>a^w(xii> NPQ i alP' Andr Ar [ ;ue7aX77 
fj.axcLipa A 5 Tjvoi^ey t7)v jcppayiSa tt}v TpiTr)v'\ -qvoi^ev r-qv rp. a<pp. 1 36 38 al 77^01717 

t) (r<ppayLs 77 Tpirrj 28 73 79 syr«" | epxov] + Kai iSe XQ 6 8 9 al"" Andr Ar + e« vide 
ygciodcm hart toi lips ai gyj. \[q^ Prim al | Kai €iS. NCP 28 47 49 al™" me (Kai idov A i 7 
36)] om Q min'"" g vg'^'* '''""'""■"'•"''"'"'' syr«" aeth Andr Ar | e7r avrof] fir avnj 1 
ainoiiii I om avTov 1 30 6 om wj Q min^' me sj'rr arm aeth Prim Andr Ar | (v 

fjLeacj [tfi/Ji- AC)] €K fxeaov syr*^" [ j'wco^j + cos (jxiivrjv aerov me | oijvapiov bis] araT-qpos 
me I Kpidtji Q min''' syr"" Andr Ar | Srivapiov 2"] pr rov A 

fSoOrj avT<3 \a^flp...Ka\ iva aXX. 
crc^d^ovcnv, 8C. oi KaToiKovvres «7rt rrjs 
y^s). For lun witli the fiit. ind. see 
WM. p. 360 f, ])l;iss, Gr. 1). 211 f. ; 
other exx. may he found in Apoc. 
iii. 9, vi. 1 1, viii. 3, ix. 4 f., 20, xiii. 12, 
i6(?), xiv. 13, xxii. 14. 

If tlie first Seal has heeu inter- 
preted rightly, there can he little 
ditlieulty in exitlaining the second. 
Victory, white-horsed and crowned, 
wears another aspect when viewed 
in the lurid liglit of the l)attlefield. 
Triumph spells much hloodshed and 
slaughter in the i), and the main- 
tenance and extcn.sion of an Empire 
biused on couipiest demands nmre in 
the future. On the sword as the 
emblem of Roman domination see 
Mommsen, rum. Gcsc/i., I. c. 

5. Ka\ ore rjvoi^ev tijv (T(f)f}ay'i^a rrji' 
Tpirqv ktX.] The breaking of the tliird 
seal lets loose a black horse. Blood- 
shed is not the only attendant upon 
conquest; Scarcity follows. The rider 

on the black hoi'se is not named, but 
this description leaves no doubt who 
he is. He carries in his hand, not 
bow or sword, but the beam of a pair 
of scales. For the meaning of Cvyon 
cf. Prov. xvi. 1 1 /joTT)) ^vyov 8iKaioavvtj 
irapa Kvpia, Ezek. V. I X^fi\j/Tj (vyov 
crradfxiwv, xlv. \0^vyos h'lKaios Kai ptrpof 
8iKaiov Kai X"''''^ 8iKaia f(TTu> vi.iiu Tov 
fifTpov ; the masc. is found also in tlie 
Lxx., wherever the gender can be de- 
termined, and in Mt. xi. 29 f. 

6. Kai rjKovaa us (fyufiji' tv pt'cro) rtoi' 
Tea-a: (aav] Lest this rider should 
not be suthciently identifieil by his 
ecpiipmcnt, there comes from the 
midst of the fwa what sounds like 
a voice (wr, cf. v. 1 1, vi. i, xix. i, 6), 
the jirotest of Nature against the 
horrors of famine. 

Xiyovaai) Xoii'i^ ktX.] The Voice fixes 
a maximum i)rice for the main food- 
stuffs. Tiie denarius, the silver 'franc' 
of the Empire, was the daily wage 
(Mt. XX. 2\ and a choetiix of wheat 


[VI. 6 

7 Kai TO eXaiov kuI tov olvov fj.t] d^LKricrt]^. 
r]VOLpev Tf)v <T(ppa<yl^a Tr]v TeTapTt]V, i]KOvcra <bwvt]V 

8 TOV TeTupTOV ^woi/ XeyovTO^ ' €,p)(^ov. Kal elhov, kul 
Ihov 'ltttto^ y^Xaypo^, Kal 6 KaOtjjuevo^ eiravo) avTOu, 

6 fj.r]^ + ov 130 I adiKrjcreii (P) miii"°"" 7 rrjv Teraprriv ff(ppayi.Sa 38 | om (ptiiv^v 

CPQ min'*" me syr (bab KA i 28 36 49 79 91 vg'^'°*" syrs") | tov reraprov fwov] om 
rerapTov syr^^* to rerapTov fwov C | Xeyovcrav i | epxavJ + Kai i5e t<Q min*^""^^ Andr Ar 
+ et vide vg'='« <*»™ '<>' me syr'*' aetb Prim 8 km eiS. P i 49 79 91 al (/cat iSov KAG 

7 28 36 92)] om Q 6 14 38 al'""™" vgciedemtoiai agti^ Andr Ar | om (cat iSov syrK" 
Prim I iinrov -x\tj3pov syr*'' Prim | Kad-qfj-evoi] om C tov Ka6rjp.evov syr"" | eiravij} 
avTOv] om auroi; CP i 12 vg*""'"""' ctt auro;' 130 

the average daily consumption of the 
workman (Suidas : 77 yap x^'-^'-i W^P^- 
o-ios Tpo(j>i], cf. Athen. iii. 20). Barley 
was largely the food of the poor, as 
being relatively cheaper than Avheat, 
cf. 4 Regn. vii. 18 dlpeTpov Kpidfjs 
&ik\ov (cat fierpof (repibaXeuis aiKXov : 
in N.T. times the proportionate cost 
was probably as three to one, as the 
Apocalyj)tist puts it here (xoim^ alrov, 
rpels ;^ot'j't(cey Kpidav). Xolvi^ repre- 
sents the Hebrew T)2 in Ezek. xlv. 
10 f. Lxx., i.e., 60 — 70 pints (Hastings, 
D. B. iv. 912); but the Greek measure 
in view was something under two 
pints ; the Vg. renders x^'f't^ here by 
bilibris. The proclamation, then, for- 
bids famine prices, ensuring to the 
labourer a sufficiency of bread, and 
warning the world against such a rise 
in the price of cereals as would de- 
prive men of the necessaries of life. 
A similar embargo is laid on any 
attempt to destroy the liquid food of 
the people — t6 e'Xaiov koI tov olvov p.ri 
abiKrjarjs- — the prohibition is addressed 
to the nameless rider who represents 
Dearth. The oliveyards and vineyards 
are not to suffer at alL In Th. Lit- 
teraturzeituriff, 1902 (22, p. 591) 
Harnack points to a decree of Domi- 
tian in a.d. 92 wliich implies that the 
grape harvest was abundant at a time 
when there was a corn famine : cf. also 
Rev. Archeul. ser. iii. t. xxxix. 1901 
(Nov.— Dec), pp. 350-374 (I owe 
these references to Dean Bernard). 

Wheat and barley, oil and wine, were 
the staple food both of Palestine and 
Asia Minor, and the voice from the 
midst of the fwa deprecates any heavy 
loss in these crops. Yet the very cry 
reveals the presence of relative hard- 
ships, and the danger of worse things ; 
cf. Mc. xiii. 8 'daovTai Xt/xoi- «px'7 
aJSiVcoj/ TavTa. See Hastings, D. B. 
iii. 432 a. 

On ahiKfiv to 'injure,' hurt, see 
ii. II, note. 

7 f. Kai ore Tjvoi^ev ttjv (r(f)payl8a 
TTjv T€TdpTT]v (ctX.] At tlic opcuing of 
the fourth seal, after the call from 
the fourth (aiov, another horse is seen, 
described as x^<^pos, which the Apo- 
calyptist substitutes for Zechariah's 
TTOKctAoy yj/apos. In the LXX. and N.T. 
x'Xo)p6i is the usual epithet of xop'''osj 
^oTovT], ^vkov (Gen. i. 30, 4 Regn. xix. 
26, Ezek. xvii. 24, Mc. vi. 39, Apoc. 
viii. 7), and vav x^copov is 'vegetation' 
generally (Gen. ii. 5, Apoc. ix. 4). 
But "equus viridis" (Tert. pud. 20) 
is scarcely tolerable, even in this book 
of unimaginable symbols ; x^'^P^' 
must bear here its other meaning, ' of 
pale comijlexion ' ; the word is used 
especially in reference to the gi'ey, 
ashen colour of a face bleached by 
fear (cf. x^^^pov dios, II. vii. 479). The 
'pale' horse is the symbol of Terror, 
and its rider a personification of 
Death (o Bavaro^, as in i. 18, ix. 6, 
XX. 13 f., xxi. 4; cf. I Cor. xv. 26, 
54 f.), with whom follows — whether on 

VI. 9] 



ovo/ua avTtp 6 OdvaTOs;, Kal 6 cihy]^ rjKoXovdeL fieT 
avTOVy Kal ehodt] aiyrok i^ouaia eTTi to TeTapTOv Trjs. 
yf]^, (xTroKreivaL ev pofjicbaia kui ev Xi/um kui ev davuTco 

KUL VIVO TlOV dtJplCOU T>/9 Y^/V. ^ KUI OTE >]UOl^€U TtJU Q 

TrefJLTTTriv crcbpayTha, eJ^ov uttokcctco tov 6va'iaaT)]pL0v 

8 o ^ai-arot [adavaroi A) PQ minP' Or Andr Ar] om o NC 16* 37 49 95 96 | a*.-o- 
Xottfet I 28 49 79 91 96 al me Andr | titr avrov ACP minP*"'^] aiTc; KQ min'"-'"'*'' syr*^ 
arm* Ar | aurou] aiTw Q minP'*''"' vg sjTr me arm aeth Prim | ora ev 2", 3" K | davaTw] 
dXi^f/ei nie | viro twv 0ripL<j3v'\ to nTaprov rwv 0. A 9 rrjv <T<ppayida rrji' TrffxTTTtjv 

(K») 14 91 vg<='» I €L8ot> N"-* P minP' (i5o«' K'ACQ 7 (14) 32 (92))] + »cai C 

the same or another horse or on foot 
the writer does not stop to say or even 
to think — liis inseparable conn-ade, 
'^ o Hades (i. 16, note, xx. 13 f.). 

Kcii fbodrj avTois f^ova'ia /<rX.] Cf. V. 4. 
A far wider commission is given to 
the fonrth rider tlian to the second ; 
his authority extends over a fourth of 
the earth (cf. viii. 7 ff.), and his oppor- 
tunities of exercising it are manifoUl. 
To TtrapTov shews tiuit tliis is no mere 
commonplace of human mortality, but 
describes an unusual visitation, in 
which Death is busy in various forms. 
'E»' ^oij.(f)aia...XifMa>...dat'aT(ji...vno ratv 
Br]pt(ou — the 'four sore jmlgements' of 
Ezekiel xiv. 21 : ras Tta-vapas (kBikiJ- 
CTftr fjLOv T(is novTjpat, pofxtpaiav kcil 
Xifxov Kal 6r]pia irovrfpa Kai davarov 

of. Lev. xxvi. 23 ff., Jer. xxi. 7, Ezek. v. 
12 — 17, xxix. 5, xxxiii. 27, xxxiv. 28. 
In these O.T. passages o di'inarot is 
= "I2^n^ pestilence ; and such is doubt- 
less the meaning of davara here, as 
distinguished from other causes of 
mortality. On popc^aia see Apoc. i. 
16, note. The devastations caused by 
wild beasts are j>erliaps mentioneil 
chiefly because they belong to Ezekiel's 
list of judgements. But they suggest 
the depopulation caused l)y war, 
dearth, and pestilence (cf Deut. vii. 
22), and so have a special Htness in 
this context. 

The first group of seal-openings, 
now completed, describes tlie con- 
dition of the Empire as it revealed 
itself to the mind of the Seer. Ho 

saw a world-wide power, out- 
wardly victorious and eager for fresh 
conquests, yet full of the elements of 
unrest, danger, and misery ; war, 
scarcity, pestilence, mortality in all 
its forms, abroad or ready to shew 
themselves. This series of pictures 
repeabi itself in history, and the 
militarism and lust of conquest, which 
it represents both in their attractive 
and repellent a-spects, are among 
the forces set loose by the hand of 
Christ to prepare the way for His 
coming and the final publication of 
the secrets of the Sealed Book. 

9. Kal oTf Tjvoi^fv Trjv Tr(pTm]v 
cr^paylSa] The Lamb continues to 
open the seals, but no "Epxov comes 
from the (ua ; the history of the 
world-wide Empire has been exhausted 
by the first four. With the fifth seal 
the Church comes into sight, in its 
persecuted, sutfering, state. "While 
the Empire was pursuing its victorious 
course through bloodshed and death, 
the Clunch f(.)llowed the steps of 'the 
Lamb that was slain.' The loosing of 
the fifth seal intei7>rets the ai;e of 
persecution, and shews its relation to 
the ])ivine plan of history. 

fi^ot' itTUKartj) TOV OvcrtaiTTrjplov kt\.'\ 

An altar is mentioned also in viii. 3, 5, 
ix. 13, xi. I, xiv. 18, xvi. 7, where see 
notes. Though no altar aj^jiears in 
the vision of c. iv., its existence is 
;issumed by the article, perhaps on 
the ground that the heavenly worship 
which the Seer had witnessed is the 



[VI. 9 

Ta§ yfyv^a^ Tcov 6cr(pa'yiuev(t)i/ Cia tov Koyov tov Beov 

lO Kai ^la Tt]V juapTvpiav i]V el^ov. ^°Kai eKpapav (bcovfj 

/ueydXr] XeyouTe^' Gojs ttote, 6 ^ecnroTiri o ayio^ kui 

9 Twy eacpay/j.evwi' {eacppayicrfxevuv 7 16* 33 130 arm^ fiefiaprvp-qKoruv Clem-Al)] 
pr Tcov avdpojTTWv XP I 10 al"°"" me arm ras ecrcpay/xevas syr**'' | rof X070V] ro ovofia 
arm'' | om 5ia 2" A 130 vg'°' me Cypr Prim | ixapTvpiavl + rov apviov Q min*" syr 
+ Ii7(rou Xpia-Tov 34 35 'Sj + lrjffov syrK^ + aurou arm aeth Cypr Prim] e<rxov K* 
10 eKpa^ov P r 31 36 38 79 130 clamabant Vg syr | (puvrju pLeyaXrjv Q | om o deffvorris 

ai'TiVuTroi' of the earthly; cf. Heb.viii. 5. 
The altar here in view is the counter- 
part of the Altar of Burnt Offering, 
and the victims which have been 
offered at it are the martyred mem- 
bers of the Church, who have followed 
their Head in the example of His 

sacrificial death (rcoi' irrc^ay^ivav ; cf. 
v. 6 (is fCT(f)ayfjievov). Their souls 
{■\j/-vxas) are seen "imder the altar,"' 
because in the Levitical rite the 
blood, which is the yj/vx'] (Lev. xvii. 

II »; yap ^l/^vx^ TvdcrTjs (rapKos alpa 
avTov i<TTLv), was poured out at the 
foot of the altar (Lev. iv. 7 Tvav to 
alfia TOV fiocrxov (Kxff^ rrapa ttjp ^acnv 
TOV 6v(TLa(TT-qpiov: cf. Pirqe Aboth 26). 
They had been slain Sta tov \6yov tov 
6eov Kcii 8ia rrjv fiapTvptav t)v elxov — a 
phrase repeated with a slight change 
from i. 9, and found again with varia- 
tions in xii. II, 17, xix. 10, xx. 4. If 
the two causes of martyrdom are to 
be sharply distinguished, as the re- 
peated bid seems to indicate, the first 
will be the martjTs' confession of the 
One Living and True God, as against 
polytheism and Caesarism, and the 
second their witness to Jesus Christ. 

III mart. Polyc. 9 the test offered to 
Polycarp is twofold : '6p.oaov [jrjv 
Kaicrapos tu;^jjj'], kuI aTroXvco trc \oi- 
h6pr)(Tov TOV ;^pioTOj'. On et8oi'...raf 
■^vxds see Tertullian anini. 8 "animae 
corpus invisibile carni, spiritui vero 
visib'ile est." 

10. Koi (Kpa^av (f)u>v^ fifydXj] /crX.J 
Beatus: "animarum verba ipsa sunt 
desideria" ; cf. Bar. iii. 4. As the blood 
of Abel cried for vengeance on Cain 

(Gen.iv. io(f)(ovrja'LpaTos...^oa, cf Heb. 
xii. 24), so in the ears of the Seer the 
souls of the martyrs(i.e. their sacrificed 
lives) called aloud for judgement on 
the pagan world. It was a quousque 
tandem? 'how long, Master Holy and 
True, dost thou not judge and avenge ?' 
For ews TTOTf see Mc. ix. 19, and cf. 
Exod. xvi. 28 eu)s Ttvos ; 2 Esdr. xii. 16 
ews Tore. AfcnroTrjs, as a title of God 
(= |nx^ ""J"^^.), "^ ^^^6 I-^X' usually 
occurs in the voc, whether alone or 
with Kvpios (Gen. xv. 2, 8, Jer. iv. 10, 
Dan. ix. 15); on 6 dtarroTris — Bfa-iroTa, 
see Blass, Gr. p. 87. Christ is 6 p-ovos 

8e<TnoTr]s /cat Kvpios ■qp.civ in Jude 4 

(cf 2 Pet. ii. I), and receives the 
epithets ayios, aXijdivos ill Apoc. iii. 
7 ; but in a passage so full of O.T, 
reminiscences as this is, the Person 
addressed as Sea-Trdr;;? is probably the 
Father, as in Lc. ii. 29, Acts iv. 24. 
The martyrs being Christ's are also 
God's (i Cor. iii. 23), and the holiness 
and truth of the Supreme Master 
demand the punishment of a world 
responsible for their deaths. The 
words only assert the principle of 
Divine retribution, which forbids the 
exercise of personal revenge (Rom. 
xii. 19 f. pfj favTovs (KdiKovvTfs. . .ciWd 
86t€ tottov TTJ opyfi (sc. TOV Seov), 
yiypaTTTai yap E/xol (KdiKTjais). But 
it was long before this was fully 
understood, and the Acts of the 
martyrs relate many instances in 
which the sufterers met their judges 
with threatenings of the coming wrath, 
not always free from the s^jirit of 
vindictiveuess ; even Polyc. mart. 1 1 

VI. ii] 



d\t]6iu6^, ou KpLvei'i Kai eKOiKei^ to ai/ua tj/uooi/ Ik tcov 

KUTOLKOVVTCOV €7ri Tf]^ 7^7^ j ^^ KUl ihodt] aVTOlS eKafTTU) I I 

(TToXt) XevKt], Kai eppeSt] avToT*^^ 'lvu avaTravo'ovTaL 

10 a\ri6ivos'\ pr I 30** 87 | eKdiKijcrti.^ N \ (k] aivo I' l 7 'ZS 35 49 II fboOr)<jav 

...(TToKaL \evKai vg arm' aeth Cypr""'" Prim al | avroLs enaa-Tu] eKaurw avTwv 28 73 me 
syrr om f^ao-rw Q mini'''i-' om ai/rois niinP"'"^ Clem-Al | tva avairai'<TovTai APQ i 7 8 
28 36 7{) 98 al] iva avaTravaoiivTai KC min''' avaTravcacrOe 130 

shews sonietliing of this tondcncy. It 
is iiiit liowever to he read into this 
quouiique, as the fiery Tertullian more 
than once iinphes ; cf. Bede : "iiou 
huec odio iniiuicoruiu, j)ro quihus in 
hoc saeculo rogavenint, oraiit, sed 
amore aeijuitatis." 

Oil Kpiveis Kcii eVfiiKflf : 'dost Tliou 
refrain from jironoiuieing jndgement 
and executing vengeance.' Cf. Lc. 

Xviii. 7 f- o 8e 6(l>s oC firj nnujayj Trjv 
fKdlKrjCnV TfoV iKkeKTbJV avTov tcov /3ocof- 

rcov ai'Ta ;...XfycL> vfxiv on irofqcrfi ttju 
€K8iKr]iTiu avTcHv iv Ta\(i — a passage 
which goes far to answer many ques- 
tions in theodicy. ^'Ek8ik('iv to alfid 
Ttvoi (K occurs again in xix. 2 ; cf. 
tK8iKf7v ((K8iKa^(iv) TO aifia iu Deut. 
xxxii. 41 A, 43, IIos. i. 4, Joel iii 21 A, 
and fK^LKf'iv fK in Dent, xviii. 19 ; 
other comhinations are eVS. nva, 

I Regn. xiv. 24 ; rrfpl tivos, i Mace, 
xiii. 6 ; tv rivi, Jer. v. 9, 29 ; eVt nva, 

II OS. ii. 13, iv. 9, Soph. i. 8, i2ff. ; 
dno Tivoi, Lc. xviii. 3. 

1 1. Kai e866r] avrols (KCKTTUi OToXfj 
XevKtj] The present condition of the 
martyrs is revealed, (i) Tiiey have 
received a white rohe (see iii. 4 f., 
iv. 4, vii. 9, 13, xi.x. 14 and cf. Le 
Blant, Les Actex dcs ^farti/rx, p. 240, 
11. 2 ; on (TToKri see Mc. xii. 38, note' ; 
the liononrs of victory have already 
been conferred upon them individu- 
ally ((Ka(TT(o\ though the general and 
imlilic award is re.><crved for tlie l>ay 
of the Lord. Tlie -■I.*<V'//.v/oh i>/ Isdiali 
rightly represents the ''white array"' 
of tlie Saints as storcil up for them in 
the seventh heaven, ready against the 
day when they will descend witli Christ 
(iv. 16), after which all the righteous 

are seen " in their celestial apparel " 
(ix. 9 ''existentes in stolis excelsis"). 
But the martyr's imlividual victory is 
assured as soon as he is 'with Christ'; 
he knows himself a conqueror, while 
on earth the Church recognizes his 
victory by adding his name to her 

Kill (ppedr] ai'To'ii 'pa dvarrava-ovraL 
ktX.] On the other hand (2) for their 
full reward, for the triunq)!! which 
they will share with Christ, they must 
await the comi)letion of the martyro- 
logiim. But tlieir waiting is qualihed 
by two considerations ; ( i ) it is but 
" for a little M'hile " (tn yuKphv xpovov ; 
cf €V Toxfi, raxv, i. I, xxii. 6 f., 12, 20 
— the exact phrase occurs again in 
another connexion, xx. 3 ; cf. II eb. 
X. 2i7 p-mpov ocrov o(tov) ; and (2) the 
waiting is a rest ; they are not bidden 
simply to wait {"iva nporrKapTeprjo-uia-ii'), 
but to enjoy repose [Iva dvanava-ayvTau, 
cf. xiv. 13 Iva dvanarjcrovTai (K tcjv 
KOTTuiv avTwv). Tlic dclay is itself a 
jtart of the reward ; to the Church 
on earth it may be irksome, to tiie 
martyrs themselves it is an dvniravcrn. 
Furtlier, the cause of the delay is 
revealed. They arc kept waiting etor 
irXrjpuiBacnv ol o-i'i'SoiiXot ai'Ttuv, till 
tlie number of their fellow-slaves is 
fully made up. For this of irkripoiv, 
cf. Mt. xxiii. 32, I Thcs.s. ii. 16; and 
for the idea see Barudi xxx. 2 
"aperientur promptuaria in quihus 
custoditus erat numerus animarum 
iustarnm ": and cf tlie Anglican Order 
for the Ihu-ial of the Dead: "that it 
may j>lease Thee... shortly to accom- 
plish the nimiber of Thine Elect, and 
to hasten Thv Kingdom."' Tlio harder 



[VI. II 

eVi )(^p6vov fj.LKf)ov, eo)? TrXtjpwBcocrLi/ kul ol (tvvcovXoi 
avTcov Kai ol dde\(poi avTcov ol jueWoi/res diroKTev- 
12 veoSaL o)? Kai avTOi. • ^^Kal elBov ore Ijvoi^ev t^v 
(TCbpaylla Trjv eKTt]i^, Kai a-eicriuio^ jULeya's iyeveTO, Kai 
6 f;A.t09 eyeveTO /ueXa^ ojs (raKKO<5 Tpi^i-i^o^, ^ai t] 

II ert xp(»'o*' M'Kpo"] XP- en M- A- vg"^'"^^^ en xpovov Q minf'""''^^ Ar ews Kaipov XP- 
fj.. 8yr«" om ert arm | ews] + ov i 28 36 49 51 al | ir\r)puidoi<TLv AC 29 ^ Yg'^P'^^.e gyrgw 
Cypr Prim] TrX-nputrwcii' NPQ i al'""'*' Andr | om km ante ot o-kvS. Q vg me arm^ 
Cypr I OL iJLeWovTfs] pr /cat Q min^" Ar | airoKTewecrdai KAC 2 17 18 19 130 al] airo- 
KTdvea-eat PQ I 6 14 30 38 91 92 + U7r avrov N* 11 12 etSov i^P I alP' Andr Ar {iSov 

ACQ 7 14 32 92)] om 18 29 30 40 90 93 95 aeth | ore] pr Kat P i 12 13 al vg*™ Prim [ 
aeta/j-os] pr i5ov A vg'^'^'"'''**''P'' 

reading nXripaxnocnv implies a scarcely 
tolerable ellipse of t6v 8p6nou (Acts 
xiii. 25, XX. 24, 2 Tim. iv. 7) or tov 
dpidfiov. Oj crwtovXoi nvraiv are the 
rest of the saints (of. Mt. xviii. 28 ff., 
Col. i. 7, iv. 7, Apoc. xix. 10, xxii. 9) ; 
oi dSeX(J!)oi avTwv is limited by the 
participial clause M'hich follows to the 
rest of the martyrs; Ka\...Kai, both 
the saints in general, and the martyrs 
in particular. Ol fieXXovTes ottokt. : 
the Apocalyptist foresees an age of 
persecution impending, cf. ii. 10, iii. 10. 
Tlie sufferers in the outbreak under 
Nero are awaiting those who will suflFer 
under Domitian and under other per- 
secuting Empei'ors who are yet to come. 
On the form dij-oKTeweadai see WH.-, 
Notes, p. 176, Blass, Gr. p. 41, 55. 

There is a remarkable parallel to 
this passage in 4 Esdr. iv. 35 f "iionne 
de his interrogaveruut aniinae ius- 
toruin in prumptuariis suis dicentes 
Usquequo spero sic ? et quando venit 
fructus areae mercedis nostrae ? Et 
respondit ad eas Hieremihel arch- 
angelus et dixit Quando impletus 
fuerit Humerus similium vobis." It is 
difficult to believe that the Esdras 
writer or his redactor has not here 
been' indebted to the Christian apoca- 
lypse ; but see Enc. Bihl. ii., col. 1 394. 

12. Ka.\ eibov ore rjvoi^fv ttjv a(ppciy'i8a 
TTjv tKTT]v /crX.] The first five openings 
had revealed the condition of the 

world and of the Church ; the sixth 
opening looks on to the troubles which 
were expected to precede the end. 
The sufferings of the nations and of 
the Church Avere but an apxf) (obivcov 
(Mc. xiii. 8) ; A\ith the opening of the 
sixth seal the cosmical disturbances 
of the last age begin ; cf. Mc. xiii. 24 ff. 
(V (Keivais rais i]p.epaii p-fTa rrjv dXi'^iv 
eKfivrjv ktX. First there is a great 
earthquake, not one of the aeia-fiol 
Kara tottovs of which Asia had much 
experience in the first century, but 
the final upheaval of Hagg. ii. 6 
(Heb. xii. 26 ff.) : en ana^ eyci crei<To) 
Tov ovpavov Koi Trju yfjv Koi ttjv 6a- 
Xaaaau Kai rrjv ^rjpdv, Kai avva-eiaa) 
Trdvra ra (durj, where the last words 
supply the key to the meaning of the 
symbolism : racial and social revolu- 
tions are the anapLoi which herald the 
approach of the end. 

Kai o TjXios eyeufTo /xeAa? coy craKKOS 
rpixi-vos, AcrX.] The earthquake is 
followed by the celestial phenomena 
which find a place in all apocalyptic 
descriptions of the last day : cf. Joel 
ii. 31 ( = iii. 4 Heb.): o 17X105 /uera- 
crTpa<f>T](rfTai, els ctkotos Kai rj (reXrjvr) 
fls aLp.a iTplf fXdf'ii' Tjpepav Kvplov, Isa. 
xiii. 10 (TKOTiadrjaeTai tov ^Xiov dva- 
TfXXovTos, Kai ij creXyjvT] ov Saxrei to 
(j>a>S avriji (Mc. xiii. 24) : ib. 1. 3 
ev8v(To> TOV ovpavov ctkotos, Kai tor 
aaKKov 6rj(Ta> to nepi^oXaiov avrov, 

VI. I4l 



(reXtji'tl b\t] eyei'eTO wv aifxa, ^^kul ol dcTepeK tov 1 3 
ovpavov evrecrau ek Ttjv yrjv, w? cruKt} ftaWei tou^ 
oXvudovi avTriK vtto di/e/ixou /ueyaXou (reLOfJLevy]^ ^^kul 14 
6 ovpavov ccTre'y^copicrdt] u)<i /SifiXlov e\L(T<r6fjLevov^ kuI 
Trdv 6po<i Kal vrico'i e'/c tcov tottwv uvtuju eKivrj6t](rai/. 

12 om oXt; P I 35 49 81 91 96 I om ws 2° arm 13 rov ovpavov] tov dtov A | 

firfffov Q minP''!^" | tis] ctti i< 47 syr>^ | /SoXXet] ^aWovca K 16 30 35 39 51 87 90 97 
130 syrr $a\ov<Ta 246788!] vtto] airo H 14 31** syr*" | ffeiofj.ei'T]] (raXfvo/xei/Tj A i : 
14 e\La<Toix€vov (eiX. P min"""")] f\i(T(rofxevoi K i 6 8 31 38 91 al Ar fXicrcroi/Tat syrK"""* ; 
vrjffoi] Sovfoi a imulae vp, Vict Prim pr nacra syr** | om avTLjv S 26 31 | tKtvtjdrjffaf] 
eKivrjcTav K* aTrfKeiinrjaav A 

Assumption of Moses, 10. 5 f. "sol non 
dabit huncn et in tenebras convertet 
se ; conuia lunae confringentiir et tola 
convertet se in saiigninein." SoKKor 
rpixivos, Vg. saccus ci/ichius, made 
of the hair of the l)lack goat ; of. Isa. 
L 3, and Sirach xxv. 17 o-koto'i to 

lTp6<TU)iTov avTfjs cis (TaKKOv. Qs aifxa 
well depicts the deep copper colour 
which the moon assumes when totally 
eclipsed ; with r) atXyivr] oXrj contrast 

C. Viii. 12 f7r\r']yrj...T6 TpiTOV TTji (Tt- 

Xrjvrjs. Eclipses and occultations of 
the heavenly bodies are treated in 
Eccl. xii. 2 as symljols of old age and 
failing strength : here they seem to 
represent the decay of society, such 
a period of collapse as followed the 
ruin of the Empire, and may yet l)e 
in store for our present civilization. 

ly ftji oi affrepa tov ovpauoij errt- 
a-av »crX.] The stars fell from the sky 
as unrii>o figs fall when the tree is 
swept by a gale. Cf. Isa. xxxiv. 4 
iravra ra acrrpn Trfcrf'iTiii u>{ (f)vWa t'^ 
d/XTTe'Xov, Kul cut TTiTTTd (jivWa ano 

(TVKfji, MC. Xiii. 25 01 dfTT€pfS (croi'Tai 

fK ToC' ovpavov TriiTTovTfi. The Seer 
saw the terrible vision reali.sed {(nt- 
a-ap . "oXi'i'^oi are the green figs 
(grossi"' whith ajijiear in winter and 
of which, while some ripen, many fall 
off in spring : cf Cant. ii. 1 1 ff . 6 ;(* jmcoi- 
'JTaprj\fi(i'...rj (rvKfj (^rjvtyKfV oXvi'ffovs 

avTfjs (i^\*?). It will be remembered 
that during the Ministry the fig-tree 
supplieil our Lord with a parable «)f 

the Last Things (Mc. xiii. 28). It^ 
early gi-eeiniess suggested the ap- 
proaching end of the world's long 
winter, proclaiming 'Eyyis to df'pos 
((Tt'iv. 'Ytto avefxov fj-fyaXov <rfiofX€Pr] : 
cf. Mt. xi. 7 KoKapLOP VT70 av. craXevo- 

14. K.a\ 6 ovpavos dnfxaipla-BTi /crX.] 
' The heaven was parted ' ; cf. Acts 
XV. 39 uxTTf dno)(wpi<rdfjvai avToiii 
aV dXXrjXoiv. Here the e.vact sense 
is determined by what follows : ojj 
liijSXiov €Xi(T(Toptvnv 'like a papyrus 
roll (v. i) when it is being rolled up' ; 
i.e. the expanse of heaven (L'^p^rij to 
(TTfpfo)pa) was seen to ci-ack and part, 
the divided portions curling up anil 
forming a roll on either hand. The 
conception is borrowed from Isa. 
xxxiv. 4 (XiyrjafTai as ^i^Xlov 6 ovpa- 
roy, cf. Ps. ci. (cii.) 27 cotrei ntpiiioXaiov 
eXl^fis avTovs. The writer of 2 Peter 
explains the cause of the j)henomenoii 
(iii. 12 ovpavo\ TTvpovpei'oi XvfircTovrai 
KOI aToi)(^e'ia Kavaovpeva riJKfro«\ 

Koi irav opos Koi p^aoi ktX.] Cf. xvi. 
20 nhaa vrja-os f(f>vy€P, Kai opr/ ov\ 
fvp(Sr](rav : tho .source is perhaps 
Xahum i. 5 ''"^ "PI ^cdfydricrau an' 
HVTov, Kcu 01 tSovpoi faiiXtvOrjaaPy or 
Jer. iv. 24. But to 'move mountiiins' 
was a proverbial expression for at- 
tempting apparent imiwssibilitics, cf 
Mc. xi. 23, not^', I Cor. xiii. 2 ; whilst 
the residence of tho Seer in Patmas 
suggests a refereneo to the rocky 
islands of tho Aegean. The last 



[VI. 15 

^^Kal ol fiacriXeh rm ym f<ai 01 fieyia-rave^i kul ol 
)^i\iapx,oi Kal ol TrXovcriOL kul o'l lo-^vpoi kul Tra? 
lovXo^ Kal 6\ev6epo<s eKpy^av eavTOv<s eU Ta (nrtjXaia 
16 Kal eh Tci^ weTpa^ tcov opecov, ^^Kal Xeyovcnv roT^ 
opea-LV Kal Tah Trerpai^ Fleo-aTe e(p' t]^d^ Kal Kpu\j^aT€ 
rijj.a<s (XTTO TrpoccoTTOv rod Ka6t]fj.evov eirl tov vpovov 

15 om Kai 01 ixey. me | /cat ot x'^-] o"^ '^°-'- ^ I '^"■^ °' "^Xi'/""] om i 12 36 aeth om 
01 ^ 50 95 I om KM eX. K* arm* | eXfi-^epos] pr iraz ^"■'^ P i al""" (me) arm Andr | 
Trerpas] 07r^7?y 130 OTras me 16 Trecrare AP 7 28 79] Tretrere KCQ miu^' Andr Ar | 

ewi TOV Opovov APC i al""" Andr] eiri rw dpov^^ ^^Q mini''''25 Andr | om tov Kadv/J-cov... 
TTjs 0/37775 syrK" 

word to the Parthian as contrasted 
with the Roman authorities (Mommsen 
y. 343 f. cited by Bousset). 

Kol ol ifKovcnoi K7-X.] Not only officials 
will be terror-struck by the signs of 
the approaching end, but all classes of 
society ; wealth and physical strength 
will afford no security (for oi laxvpol 
see Jer. xxvi. (xlvi.) 5 f., xxxi. (xlviii.) 
14); slaves and free — the contrast 
indicates the deepest of class-distinc- 
tions in ancient life — will be huddled 
together in the frantic attempt to 
escape. "EKpv^av iavTous kt\. is based 
on Isa. ii. 10, 18 f : ela-eXdeTe els tos 
TTfTpas Koi KpvnTfo-de els rrjv yfjv...Ka\ 
TCI ^(eipoTroirjTa ndvTa i(aTaKpv\lfovcriv, 
elaevfjKavTes els ra (TTTTjXai.a Ka\ els tcls 
axtcrp^as tuiv nerpcov. 

16. Koi Xeyovcriv toIs opeaiv km rais 
TTeTpais ktX.] From Hosea x. 8 epova-iv 
To'lS opecTiv KaKv\\raTe rjfias, Kal Tois 
^ovvols nea-are e(f)' 7;;xaj. The WOrds 
were quoted by our Lord on His way 
to the cross, Lc. xxiii. 30 rore ap^ovTai 
Xeyeii' Tois opeaiv ktX. What sinners 
dread most is not death, but the 
revealed Presence of God. There is 
deep psychological truth in the remark 
of Gen. iii. 8 eKpvjBrjcrav o re 'ASa/x Kol 
7; yvvfj avrov aiTo TrpocrwTrou Kvpiov. 
The Apocalyptist foresees the same 
shrinking from the sight of God in the 
last generation of mankind which 
Genesis attributes to the parents of 
the race. But there will then be a 

times held in store movements not 
less improbable than the upheaval of 
Mt Sipylos or Messogis or Cadmos, or 
the submerging of Patmos or Samos, 
or even the whole archipelago ; move- 
ments, howevei', not disastrous in their 
ultimate results, but issuing in a higher 
order, cf. Arethas : elXiynov nva koi 
dXXayfjv eVl to (BeXTiov. Hau opos kol 
vrjCTOS, i.e. TTciu o. KOL ivatTa V. ; cf. \> M. 
p. 661. 

15. Kal 01 ^aa-iXf'is Trjs yfjs ktX.\ 
Seven conditions of life are named, 
covering the whole fabric of society 
from the Emperor down to the meanest 
slave. For ol ^aaiXels r^s yfjs, the 
heads of states hostile to the Christ, 
see Ps. ii. 2 ff., Acts iv. 26 ff. ; the 
Caesars are in view here, but not 
exclusively ; of the other persons in 
authority who ai'e named the ixeyiaTci- 
ves (magistratus) are the civil officials 
(e.g. the persecuting proconsuls), while 
the x'^tnpxo' {tribuni) are the military 
authorities (cf. Mc. vi. 21, note); the 
former word is frequently coupled 
with jiaa-iXels (Jon. iii. 7, Isa. xxxiv. 
12, Jer. XXV. 18 (xlix. 38), xxxii. 
5 (xxv. 19), Dan. v. 2 f. Th., vi. 17); 
XiX'iapxos is the Lxx. equivalent of 
fjSN -t' and in the N.T. (e.g., Acts 
xxi. 31 ff., xxii. 24 ff., xxiii. 10 ff., xxiv. 
22) usually represents the Roman 
tribunus militiim (see Blass on Acts 
I. c.) ; it is therefore not necessary 
to find an allusion in the use of the 

VII. i] 



Kai CLTTO Tf]<i opyi}^ tov dpuiov, ^"^'otl t)X6ev y] rifxepa y] 17 
fj-eyaXy] t>/9 opytj^ avTcov, Kal t/v huvuTUL CTTadtji/ai : 

' MfcTa TOVTO eihov Tea'crapa'i dyyeXov^ ecTTco- i \ 11. 
Tas' eiri tu^ Tecrcrapa^ ycovia^ t>/9 yt}^, KpaTOvvTa^ 

16 OTTO 2°] fTr: S* I o/)7775] (TxoXtjs 130 17 aura;;' NC 38 130 Vg syrr] airoi' APQ 

jjjjjjftroom.. njg j^rni aeth Andr Ar Prim | <TTa(?r;vai] CT-qvan 34 35 36 ffu6r]vai 40 48 Ar 

VII I fifTa] pr A-at NPQ rain"'"'"'''* syrr arm aeth Andr Ar (om AC vg Prim) | 
TovTo] TavTo. P I 28 36 al vg me syrr arm'* | eiSoj' P min'"' Ar] idov NACQ 7 14 32 92 | 
Ttffffapai] reaffapet i" et 3" A, 2" P | om rrjs 77;$ 38 syr*?'" arm | KpaTOvvras] pr Kot 28 
73 97 syrr 

furtlier source of terror : the end 
brings with the revelation of God 
"the wrath of the Lamb." The words 
(iTTo Trjs ofjyrji rov apviov arc ])rcgnant 
with the grave irony which has ah-eady 
shewn itself in v. 5 f . l?>ov...6 Xfwv... 
Kcu fi8ov...dfjviov. But the situation 
is now reversed. The Lion standing 
before the Throne is the Lamb; the 
Lamb in the gi-eat day of His ap- 
pearing is once more the Lion, in 
the terribleness of His wrath. In the 
Gospels o^yr/ is attributed to Christ 
once only (Mc. iii. 5, see note), but 
His scathing denunciations of the 
Pharisees (Mt. xxiii. 14 fF) and His 
stem predictions of the doom of the 
impenitent make it evident that the 
Sacred Hinnanity is capable of a 
righteous anger which is the worst 
punishment that the ungodly have to 
fear, more insupjjortable even than 
the vision of the Divine Purity. 

17. on i}\6fp Tj Tj^efxi Tj ficyakri rtji 
opy^f avroji'] 'The great day' is a 
phrase borroweil from the Prophets 
(Joel ii. 1 1, 31, Zeph. i. 14; cf. Jude 6). 
Hero it is cond>incil witli anotiicr 
proplietic, 'the day of wratli' 
(Zeph. i. 15, 18, ii. 3; cf Kom. ii. 5\ 
The Great Day of the Lord is a dies 
inu' to the world. ^HXOtv, 'is already 
come' (i.e. it came mIicu the signs of 
the end described in re. 12 — 14 began). 
Fear anticii>atcs the actual event, for 
there is another seal to be opened be- 
fore i\m jiaroiisia. There have been 
epochs in history when the conscience 

of mankind has antedated the judge- 
ment and believed it inmiinent. Tijf 
6pyT]s avTotv, sc. the wrath of God and 
of the Lamb: cf v. 13, xxii. i. 

/cat TLS Svvarai aTcifirjvai ;] ' And 
who, that has to meet that wrath, can 
hold his ground?' Cf Xah. i. 6 dno 
irpocrwnov opyrjs avrov rif vnoaTTjo'fTai; 
Kni TLS aifTicTTTjafTai «V dpyij 6vpov av- 
rov ; Mai. iii. 2 n'y vnopevfi Tuxipav 
(laooov avToi) ; tj rli vnofrrrjcrfTai (v 
rf) oTTTaaia avrov; Ps. XXXV. ;xxxvi.) 
13 ov p.r) Swavrai arrjuai. The only 
possible an.swer is given by Christ 
Himself in Lc. xxi. 36 dypvjrvf'ire 8e 
€V rravrX Kaipci dfopfvoi, iva Karicrx'^'otjTf 
...(Tradrjvai epnpocrdfv rov vloii rov dv- 

VII. I — 8. TiiK Sealixg OF 144,000 
FROM THK Tribes of Israel. 

I. p.fra rovro fiSov actX.] Cf. iv. 

I, note. The reader expects kqI 

ore Tjvoi^ev rr^v (rcf)pay'i8a rrjv (,i86priv 
(viii. 1 ). But two episodes, occujij-ing 
the wht^le of c. vii., are introduced 
betwcf'U the loosings of the sixth and 
seventii seals. A similar break follows 
the blowing of the sixth trumiict (x. 
I — xi. 1 3 . The jiurpose of the present 
pair of visions (i — 8, 9 — 17) is to con- 
trast the pi-eparedness of the Church 
for the coming end with the jianic of 
tiie unprepared world vi. 15 tlV. 

fVl Tor Tfcrcrapas ywiUis rfjs yrjs. Cf 
XX. S. The earth is reganled ;us rtrpa- 
yiovoi, in view of the four quarters 
from which the winds blow — the 
^nsn mD33j LXX. Ill nrtpvya rrjs y^r, 



[VII. I 

Tov^ Tecrcapa^ ave/uov^ Ty/5 'yt]'^, Lva fit] Trverj avejuLO^ 

iiri Tf]<s yri'S jurjre etti Trj^ daXda'a't]^ jutjTe eVf Tray 

2 oei/Bpou. 'Kai eihov aWov cfyyeXov dva^aivovTa cltto 

ciuaToXf]^ t]\iov, ey^ovTa arippwy'iha deov tcovTOS' Kal 

1 TTjj 77JS 1°] om 38 me syrs'"' arrn^.^ al j ■rrvcq'[ irfevar} N 130 ] aye/^os] pr C 14 
26 92 93 95 98 I €7ri rrjs 777s] om A +l(Tpar]\ 130 | ttjs 6a\.] om T7;j A + /i7iT€ evi twu 
iroTafiiiJv me | ewi. nav devdpov Hi 10 17 28 al] eiri ti d. CQ minP' evrt 5. A (me) (arm) 
aeth 2 etdov HP alP'] idov ACQ 7 14 92 | ava^avra i me \ avaroXuv A 90 syrS" [ 

om r}\Lov arm'* 

of Isa. xi. 12, Ezek. vii. 2. For ol 
Tea-aapfS aveyioi cf. Zecll. ii. 6, vi. 5, 

Dan. vii. 2, viii. 8, xi. 4, Mc. xiii. 27 ; 
Enoch (Ixxvi. 7) mentions twelve winds 
(E. S. AY. N., and the intermediate 

KparovvTas tovs reacrapas avefiovs 
ktX.] At each of the quarters one 
of the four winds is held prisoner by 
an angel appointed to the task. For 
Kparelv, 'hold fast,' 'detain,' cf. Cant. 
iii. 4 (KpaTTjcra avrov Ka\ ovk a(l}r]Ka 
avTov^ Jo. XX. 23 av tivojv Kparfjre 
[ras afiaprias^ KfKpaTTjvrai. With these 
angel-custodians of the winds may be 
compared the angel 6 €-x^a>v i^ova-iav 
in\ Tov Tvvpos (xiv. 1 8) and the " angel 
of the waters" (xvi. 5). The angels of 
the Avinds control their movements ; 
it is their mission to prevent out- 
breaks of elemental fury. According 
to Je^nsh belief a terrific storm was to 
usher in the end, cf. Orac. Sibyll. viii. 
204 f. TToWrj 8( Tf XaiXaTTi TvCJXDV | yalav 
(prjpcocff vfKpcov 8 €7rava(TTa(Tis i'aTai. 
Mr/re f TTi nav 8fv8pov : the trees are 
specified, as suffering most severely 
from the violence of the winds. The 
change of case {yfjs..-daXa(raT]s...8fi'- 
bpov) answers to a subtle difference in 
the force of eVt ; the winds blow on 
land and sea, but the trees are singled 
out for a direct attack. 

2. Koi €l8ov aWov ayyeXou ava^ai- 

povra ktX.^ A fifth angel is seen 
mounting up from the sunrising, i.e. 
from the Orient ; dno avaroXaiv is 
the usual Lxx. phrase (Gen. xi. 2, Mt. 
ii. 1) or less frequently, uTro dvaroXris 

(Nmn. iii. 38, B), but tJXi'ov is some- 
times expressed (Jos. i. 1 5, xiii. 5 ; 
Isa. xi. II, 14, Apoc. xvi. 12). From 
the winter's point of view the East 
is the direction of Palestine and the 
countries beyond it ; and it was fitting 
that the angel who is to seal the 
tribes of Israel should appear from 
that quarter. Or there may be a re- 
ference to Ezek. xliii. 2 l8ov 86^a dfoii 
larparjX rjp)(^eTO Kara rrjv odov ttjv npos 
dvoToXas, Mai. iv. 2 (iiL 20) dvareXel 
vp'iv...rjXios diKaio(rvuT]i. The angel's 
ascent implies that he has been em- 
ployed in some service on the earth, 
and now rises into the sky to deliver 
his message. 

f'xovra a(ppayi8a 6(ov (^iovros] '2(f>pa- 
yis is here the signet-ring = SaKruXtos- 
(Gen. xli. 42, Esther iii. 10, viiL 2 ff., 
Dan. vi. 17, i Mace. vi. 15), which 
the Oriental monarch uses to give 
validity to official documents or to 
mark his property. The symbolism 
seems to be based on Ezek. ix. 4, 
where a man provided with an ink- 
horn is bidden to set a mark (1J1, 
(TTjpflov, i.e. the letter n which in 
the older script was cruciform, see 
Hastings, Z>. 5. i. p. 71) on the fore- 
heads of the righteous in Jerusalem, 
^nth a view to their being spared in 
an impending massacre. But for a 
mark made by the pen of a scribe 
the Apocalj'ptist, who has lately had 
before him the vision of the sealed 
roll, substitutes the impression of the 
Divine signet-ring. The conception 
of a Divine sealing occurs freely in 

VII. 4] 



eKoapev (boivi] fJi^'yaX)] roh Tecrcrapcnv uyyeXoL'i Of9 
edoSt] avrol'i ddLKfia-ai t)]v yfji' kul ti^v daXacrcrav. 
^XtyoJi/ Mr) doiK>](r}]Te t})v yfji^ /><'/t6 Tt]U uaXaa-crai/ 3 
yUrjVe Tci deu^pa^ u-^pL (rdypaynrcoiueu Tovi hovXou^ tov 
Seou iifjiwv eiri tvov fj-tTioTvcov avTwv. "^kul yjKovcra 4 

TOV dpidfjiou Twv ecrcppa'yLG'lJ.evijov' eKUTOv Tecrcrepa- 
KOVTa Tecrcrape^ y^LXiahe^ eo'CppwyLcrfj.evoL e-: 7racr>;9 
(buXtj^ ulioi' ' IcrpafiX. 

2 etcpal^'ey AP | tois rfffffapas ^^* | om avTois i6 17 28 49 79 80 | ayyeXois] ^wois 
arm'' 3 adiKrjcnTat ii \ fx-qre i"] /u?;5e N 130 (item 1°) /cat A 37 38 41 42 vg , axp'] 

axp'S ov Q mill'*' axpi-s a.v 18 28 79 80 4 om Kai r^KOvaa. . .e(r(ppayi(jfi€vuv A | fff(ppa- 
yifflM€i>oi] e(r(ppayicrnei'uii' Q 2 6 7 14 al om 130 sj'rs"' [ om viuv arm 

is to proliibit the angels of the winds 
from letting loose the elements until 
his work of sealing is done. For cfiuvfj 
/xey. see vi. lo. The angels of the 
winds are identified with the winds, 
as the angels of the Churches with 
the societies they represent (see i. 20, 
note) ; it is tiieirs to hurt or not as 
they will, unless withheld by a special 

prohibition {als i^66rj avro'ts dSiK^o-ai... 
^17 d8iKi](rt]Tf). The restraint which Ls 
put upon them represents the Divine 
posti)onenientofthe catastrophe until 
the Church is ready (xxi. 2). 

For ols...avTo'is see ii. 7, note ; and 
for d8iKf'iv = l3\aTrTeiv, cf. ii. 1 1, note, 
\i. 6. 

3. axpi a(}}payicra>fjifv Toiis 8ov\ovs 
ktX.] Cf Apoc. ix. 4, xiv. I, xxil 4 ; 
a mark (xdpayfia) of the opposite 
character is mentioned in xiiL 16, 
xiv. 9, XX. 4. On T. SovXovs tov dtoZ 
see Apoc. i. i, ii. 20, xix. 2, 5, xxii. 3,6. 
'H^cSi/, addressed by an angel to angels, 
lioints to the bond of a conimon service 

St Paul (2 Cor. i. 22 o k«i acfjpayicra- 
fjLepos T]fJ-ns, El^h. i. 13 ecf^paylfrdr^Te rw 
Trvfvp.aTi, iv. 30 to m'evpa to ayiov tov 
0fov, iv CO f<T(f)payicr$r]T€ eh rjpepav 
dnoXvTpaxrfcos), and once in the Fourth 
Gospel (Jo. vi. 27 ToiiTOv yap 6 TraTfjp 
f<x(f)pdyi<Tei> 6 Of 6s). In post-Apostolic 
writings 'the seal of the Lord' is 
either Baptism (Herm. fn'ni. i.x. 16 
^ <T^pay\s ovv to vdcjp tariv, Cleni. 
Al. quis die. 42 to reXeov avTW cfiv- 
XdKTTjpiov fTTiaTrjiras ttjv uc^pay'iha tov 
Kvpiov), or the chrism which followed 
it. Hero the seal, being in the hands of 
an angel, can hardly be sacramental. 
The general sense is well given in 
2 Tim. ii. 190 ptuToi crrepeos d(p,eXios 
TOV deoii e(TTr]K(v, e;^a)i' Tt)i> crcf)pay'i8a 
TavTTjv Eyva Kvpios tovs uvras avTOV 
ktX. Cf. Orig. 171 Joann. t. i. i rt? oZv 

dXXi] ftrj ^ (T<ppay\s r} eVt ro)i' /iiercoTrcoj/ 
tf TO ovofia Toil apviov Kal to uvopa tov 
TTOTpos avToii ; \\ ith 6tov ^atvTos cf. 
X. 6, XV. 7 : the phnise, which is fairly 
common in the N.T. (Mt.-, Acts', Paul^, 

Ileb.^, Apoc.^), rests on the '0 7^ of which link.s angels with the saints : 

the O.T. (Jo.s. iii. 10, Ps. xli. 3 (xlii. 
2), Ilos. i. 10 (ii. 2 ). In the Apoc. 
it sviggests a contrast between the 
God of Christ and of Ciu'istians and 
the nonentities a Cor. viii. 4) of pagjin 

Koi fKpa^fV (fiwvfi ptydXr] ktX.] The care of the AuLrcl with the Seal 

'they are the servants of tho God 
whom we also serve.' 

4 — 8- tal fJKovcra toi' dpi6p.i')n «:tX.] 
The Seer does not witness the sealing, 
but he liters the numlier of the sealed 
announced, and who they are. 'Eerc^pn- 
yiaphoi : the gender is determined 
liy Tovs 801X0VS {c. 3); WH. places a 

s. u. 



[VII. 5 

•^e'/c (pv\f]^ ' lovZa ZcoheKu -^LKiahe^ icrcbpa'yLa'fjievoL, 
6K (pvXrj^ 'Pov(^f]V ^wSe/ca ^iAiotSes, 
e/c <pv\f]^ rah hco^EKa ^iXia^e^, 
6 ^6K chvXf]^ 'A(rt]p hcodsKa ^fAtaSes, 

e/c (bv\f]s NecbSaXeifj. hwheKa ^iXidde^, 
e/c (pvXfj^ Mavaorcrt] hvoheKa -^iXiahe^^ 

5 eatppayiafxevoi] fa<ppay(.a/j.€i'(jjv minP^"" om syrS'' me arm | Fov^tj/jl, -^ci/j., -^l/j, 
Ujiijnonn .^etj/ 130 | Ta5] Aav (i) 9 13 130 I om e/c (pvXrjs Tad Sw5. xt\. N 6 eic (p. Ka-qp 
5. X- post eK (p. Za^ovXojv S. x- transpos me | 'NecpdaXei/j, P i 7 28 29 31 32] Nei^^aXt^a 
AQ minP*"" -'Klv C -Xt t\ syrr | Mavao-a-?;] Maj'^'acra-Tj A IfilavaaT] Q syrs^^ Aav me 

comma after ;;^tX., but perhaps un- 
necessarily. The sum is 12x1 2,cx)o, 
and each of the tribes of Israel con- 
tributes an equal i)roi}ortiou. The 
tribes are named separately in the 
order : Judah, Reuben, Gad, Asher, 
Naphtali, Manasseh, Simeon, Levi, 
Issachar, Zebulon, Josej^h (i.e. E- 
phraim), Benjamin. 

Lists of the patriarchs or of the 
tribes occur in Geu. xxxv. 22 ff., xlvi. 
8 fi'., xlix., Exod. i. i ff., Num. i., ii., 
xiii. 4 ff., xxvi., xxxiv.. Dent, xxvii. 
II ff., xxxiii. 6 ff.. Josh, xiii — xxii., 
Judg. v., I Chron. ii. — viii., xii. 24 ff., 
xxvii. i6ff.,Ezek. xlviii.; a comixirative 
table will be found in Hastings, Z>. B. 
iv. p. 811. The order differs more or 
less in every case. The Apocalyptic 
order starts mth the tribe from which 
Christ came (cf. c. v. 5) ; and then 
proceeds to the tribe of the firstborn 
son of Jacob, which heads most of the 
O.T. lists ; next come the tribes located 
in the North, broken by the mention of 
Simeon and Levi, w^ho in other lists 
usually follow Reuben or Judah ; while 
Joseph and Benjamin bring up the 
rear. This arrangement seems to have 
been suggested partly by the birth 
order of the patriarchs and partly 
by the geographical situation of the 
tribes ; Christian associations have pro- 
bably determined the place of Judah 
and of the Galilean tribes. Since Levi 
is counted in, it has been necessary 
to omit one of the other tribes ; the 

omitted name is Dan, a tribe which 
perhaps is dropped also, together with 
Zebulun, in i Chron. ii. 3 — viii., but 
see Enc. Bihl. i. p. 996, note 4. A 
mystical reason was given for the 
omission of Dan from the ApocahT^)tic 
list by Irenaeus v. 30. 2 "Hieremias... 
et tribum ex qua veniet [Autichristus] 
manifesta\'it dicens : ex Dan audie- 
inus vocein velocitatis equorum eius 
(Jer. viii. i6) propter hoc non an- 
numerator tribus haec in Apocalj-psi 
cum his quae salvantur." Cf. Hippo- 
lytus de Antichristo 14 wa-Trep yap in 
Tf)s \ovba (pvXijs 6 ;^;picrros yevvarai, 
0VTQ3S €K Trjs Aav (jjvXrjs o avrixpiCTTos 
yevvrjdrjcreTaL. So Arethas : 1) (pvkfj tov 
Aav 8i.a TO e^ avrris tov AvtixP'cttov 
TiKTecrdai Toli Xoinals ov avvTeTUKrai, 
aXX ovtI avTrjs rj tov Kev\ cos lepaTiicr) 
fls p-epia-fjiov e;^o/nei'7;. Either from a 
mismiderstanding of Gen. xlix. 17 or 
from the story of Judges xviii. (cf. 
Targ. Jon. on Exod. xvii. 8), Dan is 
associated in Rabbinical lore with idol- 
atry and apostasy (see Shabhath 66) ; 
the Testaments of the xii Patriarchs 
{Dan 5) seem to predict an alliance 
between Dan and Beliar. On the 
late Christian tradition which assigns 
Antichrist to this tribe, see Bousset 
Antichrist, p. 112 ff.; it may partly 
be due to Jewish sources, and partly 
have been suggested by the omission 
of Dan from the Apocalyptic list. 

It is more important to enquire 
whether the Ai:)ocalyi}tist intends the 

VI 1. 9] 



'cK (pyXfis; Cvfjicwu hcoheKu ^iXia^e^j 7 

eK (buXtj's Aeuei hcodeKa ■^iXiahe^, 
€K cbuXfjs ' la-cra^dp hcoheKa ^iXiahe<;, 
^EK (pvXf]<i ZafSovXiov dcoheKa -^iXiahe^j 8 

6K (bvXf]^ liocrtjCJ) ^coheKa ^iXiahe'^j 
ex (pvXtj^ BevLafxeiv hwZeKa -^iXiaZe's 6(r<ppayi(riu€voi. 
^ MeTa TavTci elhoVj Kai Idou o^Ao? ttoXl/s, bu g 

7 om eK <f>v\r]s TLv/jLeuif 5w5. x^^- ^ 87 | Aeuet N] Aew ACPQ min"'"" | icaaxap 
SAP] laaxap CQ syi^* g vgf" Prim 8 lu<xri(f> et Beviafj-uv transp bi 28 \ Befiafxeiv 

AP 161] Btfiafxif NCQ rainP' | ecrippayiaiJ.ii'ai Q uiinP'"i°^ €(7<f>payiafj.€t'uv 130 9 ytiera 
ravra] pr Kat syr^^ | etSo;/ CP mlnr'] iSou tiA(Q) 7 14 92 130 | om Acat tSou A vg me 
syrK" aeth Cypr'''" Prim al om i5ov C | oxXor ttoXw A vg me syr^^" aeth Cypr Prim 
al I oul /cat A 

144,000 sealed Israelites to represent 
the elect of Israel (of. Rom. xi. 5 
Xt'/Ltjua KUT €K\t>yr]v )(apiTos), the Jewish 
Christians (Victorinus), or the whole 
number of the faithful (rrimasius: "om- 
nis significatur ecclesia," and so IJede). 
The third of these views is supported 
by {a) the tendency of the Apoonlji>se 
to regard the Church as the tnic Israel 
(of. e.g. ii. 9, iii. 9ff.), (b) the use of the 
same numV)er in xiv. i for the followers 
of the Lamb, whose foreheads bear the 
names of God and Christ, and (c) the 
circumstance that none are sealed 
but the 144,000 of Israel. Had it 
been the purpose of the Apocalyptist 
to distinguish between two bodies of 
the elect, he would surely have repre- 
sented both as alike receiving the seal 
which was to mark the "senants of 
Ciod " ; but the sealing is expressly 
limited to the twelve tribes. It follows 
that the Israel of the first vision is 
coextensive with the whole Church 
(cf. Orig. in Joann. t. i. i, llenan, 
VAntcchrist^ p. 390), and the ox><oi 
TToXi'? of r. 9 have been sealed already 
in their capacity of elect Israelites. 
The two visions depict the same body, 
under widely ditferent conditions ; in 
rv. 4 — 8 the true Israelites (Jo. i. 17, 
Rom. ii. 29, Gal. vi. 16) of a single 
genei"ation are marsl.alled luider the 
banners of their several tribes for the 

campaign which is yet before them, 
whereas in rtf.9 — 17 all the generations 
of the faithful appear in their countless 
numl)ers, no longer needing the safe- 
guard of the Divine Seal, but triumph- 
antandatrest. Cf.Beatus: "cxlivmillia 
omnino ecclesia est ; quid sit ex omni 
tribu exposuit dicens ex omni genleP 

9 — 17. The triumph of the 
innumerable multitude. 

9. \iiTa ravra ilhov ktX.] The second 
vision, introduced by a fresh /xfra 
ravra^ presents a series of shai-jj con- 
trasts when compareil with the first 
In the first, the concourse can be 
coimted ; in the second, it is incalcu- 
lably great. In the first, it is drawn 
from the twelve tribes of Israel ; in 
the second, from every nation. In 
the first, it is being prepared for 
imminent ixjril ; in the second, it is 
victorious and secure. 

Kai Xhov ux^os ttoXi'? ktX.] Cf. xix. 
I, 6. The WTiter perhaps recalls the 
vast crowd that thronged our Lord 
during His ministry ; see Mc. iv. i, v. 
21, 24, Lc. xii. I, Jo. vi. 2, xii. 9, 12. 
"Oi* avTov oi'Selr (l^vvaro, in 
ctmtrast with r. 4 i^Kovaa rov dpidfiov ; 
possibly there is an allusion to Gen. 
XV. 5, xxxii. 12 (cf. Ileb. xi. 12). In 
the Church, which is Abraham's seed, 
the promise of a countless progeny 
will at length be rcalisetl (Gal. iii. 7, 



[VII. 9 

dpidiufjcraL auTOV ovdeis ehvvaTO, Ik iravTO^ eOvov^ 
KUL (bvXwp Kai Xacou Kai yXioo'cruiv, ecTTcoTe'S ivcoTTiov 
Tov Opovov Kai evcoTTiov Tov dpviov, vrepi/SefiXriiuevov^ 
o'ToXa^ XevKa^, Kai <poivLK6^ ev Ta'i's ^eptriv avTMv 

9 om avTov Q inin"°"" et ut vid vg Cypr Prim | rjowaTo P i 14 28 al"" | eo-rwra? 
Q minP'i^^ me"* syr^"* earwruv C 38 earuTa 11 19 93 | ei'WTrioj'] e-m A | irepi^e^Xi^- 
fievovs t^*ACQ min^'^'^^^ Ar] Trepi^e^X-n/xevoi bi"-^ P i 28 36 49 91 130 pr /cat syrS" | 
(poiviKes N"-* ACP r 7 35 36 38 87 130 Andr] (poLviKas ii*Q min""*™" Ar KiOapai. me 

29). With iK iravTos edvovs ktX. cf. 
Apoc. V. 9, xi. 9, xiii. 7, xiv. 6, xvii. 1 5 ; 
this favourite formula found a daily 
illustration in the polyglott cosmo- 
politan crowd Avho jostled one another 
in the agora or on the quays of the 
Asian seaport towns. 'Earares (a 
construct io ad sensum ; the crowd is 
in thought resolved into the plurality 
of its countless constituents) ivunnov 
TOV 6p6vov kt\. Hitherto only the 
Elders, the ^wa, and the Angels have 
had places assigned to them in the 
presence of God and of the Lamb, but 
in this Irrespective vision the jjresence- 
chamber is crowded with a vast 
assemblage of men ; dra\vn from eveiy 
nation upon earth and by some unex- 
plained process transported to heaven. 
Perhaps no passage in the Apocalypse 
has had so mde an influence on popular 
eschatology. The symbolism must not 
however be jiressed into the ser\ace 
of the fancy which places redeemed 
humanity in a locahsed abode of God 
and of Angels. Life "before the 
Throne of God" is life wherever 
spent, if it is dominated by a joj^ul 
consciousness of the Divine Presence 
and Glory. The i^resent picture must 
be correlated with that of cc. xxi., 
xxii., where the future state is pre- 
sented in the light of a City descending 
from Heaven, yet possessing mthin 
its walls the Throne of God. 

The scene of vii. 9 ff. anticipates the 
final condition of redeemed hmnanity. 
Like the Transfigui-ation before the 
Passion, it prepares the Seer to face 
the evil which is yet to come. 

Trepi^e^Xriixevovs (TToXas XevKas 

Kr\.] The construction is much 
broken, as if in symi^athy with the 
rapture and abandon of the moment. 
{o)(\os ... ecTTwrfs ..■.nepi^e^Xrjjj.ivovs ... 
KOI ({ioiviK€s...Ka\ Kpa^ovtjiv). The acc. 
TTepi^f^X-qixivovs scems to presuppose 
an elbov, miderstood in Ibov (WM. pp. 
671, 724 ; Blass, Gr. p. 81) ; rrepi^e- 
^Xr}p,ivoi is an obvious correction. The 
whole company of the elect are now 
seen clad in the white robes which in 
vi. 1 1 distinguish the Martyrs ; what 
the symbol here represents is explained 
below, «. 13 f., where see notes. 

(f)oiviKEs iv TOLs xepalv avTcovj $01- 
vtKes, palm branches ( = /cdAXuf^pa (f)oi- 
viKcov (Lev. xxiii. 40), cpvXXa cp. (2 Esdr. 
xviii. (viii.) 15) or /3aia (f>. (Jo. xii. 13)), 
as in 2 Mace. X. 7 (f)oiviKas e^ovres rjv- 
^apia-Tovv ; cf. Pollux i. 244 '''°^ fiivToi 
(^oiviKos KoX 6 KXabos Ofiaiviificos (polvi^ 

KaXelrai. They were carried at the 
Feast of Tabernacles, and used in 
constructing the shelters on the house- 
tops required on that occasion (Lev. 
xxiii. 42, 2 Esdras II. cc.) ; an allusion 
to these aK-qvai may be latent in w. 15 

(TKrjvcocrei err avrovs. But palni- 

branches were regarded as appro- 
priate at any season of joy or triumph ; 
the Triumphal Entry (Jo. /. c.) may be 
in view, or such a scene as that 
described in i Mace. xiii. 51 elafjXdev 
els avTTjv [sc. Trjv 'lepovcraXT]ijLJ...fxera 
alvecrecos Koi ^at(i>v...0TL crvveTpijSrj 
exOpos p-iyas e$ 'la-parjX, ov in 2 Macc. 
I.e. Cf Verg. Aen. v. 1 1 1 "palmae, pre- 
tium victoribus"; Pausanias, Arcad. 
48 fi? Se rfjv be^iav iari Ka\ navraxov 

VII. 12] 



^°Kai Kpci^ovcriu (j)coi/>] /ueyaXti XeyovTe^ lO 

' H (TuiTy^pLa TO) veiJo tj/uLcov t(v Ka6t]/j.eva} €7ri 

TW BpOUtp Kul Tip ClpUlU). 

^^Kal TTctvTe'i OL ayyeXoi \(TTt]Kei(rav kukXoo tov dpovov li 

Kal TCOV 7rp6Crf3vT€pCOV KUL TCOV TeCCapCdV ^CdOiVy KUL 

eTrecrav evvonLOV tov upovov eirl to. Trpocrcowa avTVdv 
Kal TTpoa-eKuvrja-ai/ tw 6e(a, "Aeyoj/Tes 12 

10 Kpafoi'ffiJ'] eKpa^ov vg arm C^'pr Prim Kpa^ovres i me Ar | tov Oeov A 38 me | tw 
KadTjfxevu}^ pi' Kai syr""' | tov Opovov ts'^' Q i 7 36 79 al | tov ap^toi/ fct'-'-' + euToi/j atwvaj 
Tuv aiwvwv afi7ji> N* 1 1 LffTr}KU<rav ^^AP 36 1 30 (eicrr. Q)] effTrjKfKTav (C) 51 | 

ewea-ov Q min''' Andr Ai- | dpovov i°'\ + avTov Q min>''i2* syr aeth Ar | to. npoauira] 
Tvpocrujwov I 48 me aeth | om Kai irpoccKw-qaav tu Oecj syrs'^' 

Tc3 VlKcivTL fTriTldffJifVOi (po'lVl^ ] Tcrt. 

scorp. 12 "palmis victoriae insigues 
revcloiitm* scilicet do Anticliristo 
triumphantes " ; Andreas : tovs ttjs 
v'lKrjS xapaKTrij)i(TTiKOvs K\a8ovs...4>oi- 
VLKap rciir ;(f ptrii' €)(OVTes. Deissiuaiin's 
suggestion (Bible Studies, p. 370) 
needs confirmation. 

10. Kai Kpa^ovaiP f^&j^i} fifydXjj /crX.] 
The polyglott multitude (eK navTos 
(6vovs...ica\ ■yXcocrtrcoj', V. 9) shouts its 
praises as with one voice ; for ({icovfi 
fifyaXr) SCO vi. 10, vii. 2. The key 
note of the strain is ?) crcoTT]pia (cf xii. 
10, xix. 1); those who raise it have 
all experienced the great deliverance 
(v. 14) which they ascribe to God and 
the Lamb : cf. Ps. iii. 9 tov Kvplov ^ 
crarqpia. To cry 'H acoTjjpta tco 6(<S 
Kalrta dpvlcpis equivalent to attributing 
to Both the title of 2oiTt]p, so freely 
given by the loyal or pliant cities of 
Asia to the Emperors, but belonging 
in Christian eyes only to God and to 
His Christ. The Pastoral Epistles 
supply examples of both applications, 

(1)1 Tim. i. I dfoi) (TtoTripos r//i(Uf, ii. 3, 
Tit. i. 3, iii. 4 ^oi' a-coTfjpos ^^l. deov : 
(2) Tit. i. 4 ^picrTov 'irjcroii tov croyTrjpos 
>)/x(uc, ii. 1 3 ToG fieyaXov 6eov Ka\ (TbiTrj- 
pos ^p- \pt(TTOv Ir/fro'*, iii. 6 8ia 'irjcrov 
XpiCTTov TOV aaTrjpos rj^tai'. For jJ 

<Tcor. compare Jo. iv. 22 ?) o-. <« tuv 

^lov8ai(A)V ((TTtV, Acts iv. 12 OVK fCTTlV 

iv aXXco oi'Sej'i r; cr., Judo 3 ypd.(\i(iv... 

Trepi Tfjs Koivrjg fjpatv crarrjpias. T« SeS 
ripa>v : of. V. 3, note. The elect of 
mankind claim God as their God, 
since He is the God of Christ (Jo. 
XX. 17, Apoc. iii. 12). 

1 1. Kai navres 01 ayyfXoi IcrrrjKeLaav 
ktX.] 'iSoii (exclaims Andreas) pia 
fKKKrjcria ayyeXayu Kai dvdpcoTTiov. The 

Angels endorse the ascription of 
praise, as in iv. 1 1 ff. They form, as 
there, a circle round the Throne, 
outside the Elders and the fwa ; their 
position relatively to the oxXos noXvs 
is not stated, but the exigencies of 
the scene appear to require that they 
should stand nearer the Throne. For 
the oxXos it is sufficient to be fvoimov 
TOV Opovov {cv. 9, 15), seeing the God 
Whom they serve. 

Kai €Trf(Tav...f7r\ Ta npo<r<iina avTuv 
AcrX.] Cf iv. 10, xi. 16; and for dfiijv, 
i. 7, V. 14, xix. 4. The Angels, while 
adding their ' Amen ' to the doxology 
of the Church, offer their own tribute 
in other words. It is addressed to 
the Majesty on the throne, Whom 
like the redeemed they call their God 
(i'. 12); the Lamb is nut included as 
in V. 13. The a.scription is sevenfold, 
as in V. 12, but it does not exactly 
agree with any of the previous dox- 
ologies, although each of its features 
has occuiTod in one or more of them ; 
for (vXnyln cf. V. 12, 13; 86^a, i. 6, iv. 
1 1, V. 12, 13 ; (To<pia, Y. 12 ; tCxapicTTia, 


'AfJLrjv, ri evXoy'ia kul r] co^a kui t] cocpla Kal 
ri ev'x^apLO'TLa kul r] Tijurj Kai t] hwajui^ Kal 
r\ icryi'? tw ^ew tjjucov el's tov^ alcova^ tcov 
aliavcov djutjv. 

13 ^^Kai (XTreKpidt] ek e/c tcov Trpec/SuTepcov Xeycou jjlol 
OvTOL ol 7repil3efi\t]iuevoL Tas orroXa^ tcc^ XevKo.^ 

14 Tiv69 elciv Kal vrodev rjXdov ', ^'^Kat eiprjKa avTco Kvpii 
IT C fJLOu, (TV ol^a^. Kal eiirev juoi Outo'l elarLV^ ol ep-yo- 

12 om aix-r\v 1° uie | i) 5o|a Kai 7] ev\oyi.a 130 syr?" | om Kai tj cro(pia A | om 
afiTjv 2° C 28 36 161 Prim 13 om e/c ^^ 91 130 14 eip-rjKa] eiirov Q min*'* 

At I om jxov A i vg""^"^ aeth"'"' armi Prim | om [loi. i\ 

iv. 9 ; TifjLT], iv. 9, 1 1, V. 12, 13 ; diiva^iis, 
iv. II, V. 12; l(Txvs, V. 12 ; see notes 
ad II. As in v. 12, each word is 
emphasized by the article. The con- 
cluding amr]v is perhaps a liturgical 
addition, but it rests on good 

13. Kcu aTffKpldr] eis eK rcov npecr^v- 

repav kt\.] An Elder intervenes, as 
in V. 5, to interpret the vision. For 
aireKpldTj see Mc. ix. 5 note ; for a 
similar use of dnoKpivecrOai in the lxx. 

cf. Cant. ii. 10 aTTOKplverai d8eX(f)i86i 
fiov Koi Xeyei p.01 'Avdara, i\6i. The 
Elder anticipates the questions which 
the Seer was ready to put(oi^rot...riVfs' 
elo-iv ; nd6fv ^\6ov;); Bede : "inter- 
rogat ut doceat." The vision was not 
a mere spectacular disjilay, but a 
revelation ; and its points must not 
be missed. Tas aroKds rds XtvKas, the 
white robes which arrest attention : 

cf. a-Tokas XfVKas, V. 9, note. 

14. Koi fiprfKa avrw ktX.] Cf. Zech. 
iv. 2, 5 K^di fliTev npos fie Tt av ^XeTveis ; 
...Koi eiTrey. ..Oi5 yLV(S<XK€is ri eariv 
ravTa ; koi eirra Ov)(i, Kvpie. If the 
perfect (e'lp-qKa) is to be pressed here, 
it must be explained as meaning that 
to the Seer's mind the whole scene 
was still fresh and Aavid, that he 
seemed to himself to have but just 
spoken, as if the echoes of his voice 
were not yet silent. On the quasi- 
aoristic use of the perfect iu this 

book, see v. 7, note. Kvpie, so the 
O.T. apocalyptic Avr-iters address a 
superhmnan person ; cf. Dan. x. 16 f, 
Zech. iv. 5, 13; or Kvpie maybe merely 
the ' sir ' of courtesy, as in Jo. xx. 1 5, 
where it is addressed to one who is 

supposed to be a Krjirovpos. 2u oldas 

is at once a confession of ignorance, 
and an appeal for information ; cf. 
Ezek. XXXvii. 3 Kal elnev Trpos p.f...'El 
^jjaerai rot oarea ravra ; koi eirra Kvpie, 
(TV eTviarrj ravTa. Contrast the cru 
olbas of Jo. xxi. 15 ff. 

Koi fiTTcv pot OvToi elcriv ol fp^opfpoi 
ktX.] Theanswer covers both questions 
(rives, Kal irodev;). 'These who Avear 
the white robes are such as come {ol 
epxdpevoi, timeless, cf. WM. j'- 444) 
out of the Great Tribulation.' The 
reference is probably to Dan. xii. i Th. 

ecTTai Kaipos dXiyj/eoii, BXixj/is ota ov 
yeyovev d(f)' rjs yeyevqrat, edvos ', cf. Mc. 
xiii. 19. There is a dXl-^is 'irjaov 
which His servants share (i. 9, ii. 
9 f), but the Great Tribulation (77 
6X. ?) I^ey., cf. Acts viii. 10 ?; diirapis ?? 

6eov fj KaXovpevrj peydXr)) is the super- 
latively great crisis of trial thi'ough 
which all must pass (iii. 10), and from 
which the servants of God alone 
emerge unscathed. The present 
vision, which anticipates the issue of 
the final judgement, represents the 
latter as already delivered out of the 
evil to come. 

YIL 15] 



juei/OL €K T>7? 6\i\f/-e(t)'i tPj^ /ueyuX}}^, kul eTrXvvuv Ta<s 
(rTo\a<i avTcop kul eXevKavav avTWi ev tw aijuaTL tov 
dpvLOv. ^^Zia TOVTO elcriv evuiTnov tov dpovov T0D15 
deov, Kal XaTpevovcTLV avTto yjiuepwi Kai vvkto<s ev tuj 

13* 29 30 41 42 50 93 94 95 97 98 130 I om avras Q minP'i^" aeth"" Ar 

Kai fnXvt'uv ras (TToXas avTaf KrX.J 
The conception comes piirtly from 
ExocL xix. 10, 14, where the Lsraehtes 
wash their clothes before the law- 
giving ; partly from Gen. xlix. 1 1 
TrXvvfl. (V oivut TTjv (TToXrjv (ivToi), Kai iv 
aifiaTL (rTa(pv\rjs rfjv TrepifSoXrjv avrov. 
The oToXai of the redeemed, however, 
are not ipv6pai (cf. Isa. Ixiii. i), bnt 
\fvKai. Hence iTrkwav is exjilained by 
fXevKavav (Tert. caiidixhircrunt, Prim. 
Candidas fecerimt^ Vg. dealhacerunt) ; 
cf. Ps. 1. (li.) 9, which may also bo 
in view : irXvvds pt, koi vntp ^(iwa 
XiVKavBrjaopai'. cf. Isa, i. 18 iav dcriu 
(li apapTiai vpu)V coy (jioiviKovv, cos ^lova 
XevKavw^ tav 5e aiaiv to? kokkiuou, a>s 
f'piov XfVKavco. AevKuivdv is Used in 
reference to the fuller's art, cf. Mc. ix. 
3 Ta tpdria avroO iyivfro crTiXlBovTa 
XfVKa Xiav, oia ypacpevs tnl Trjs yfjs 01' 
Bvuarai ovruis XevKcivau The whiteness 
of the saints' robes is gained tv 
T<5 aipari. toO apvinv ; cf. 1. 5> ^'' 9t 
parallels which ought to have saved 
some ancient \\Titcrs (e.g. Tertullian, 
scarp. 12; Arethas : rj vnep ;^/)i(Troi" 
eK)(v(Tis) from the mistake of under- 
standing the Blood of the Lanil> hero 
to mean the blood of martyrs shed for 
His sake; the candiddtua ma y 1 1/ ruin 
cvcrcitiis itself owes its whiteness 
to the Great Sacrifice. Cf. Beatus : 
"/ii sunt qui vcnerunt etc.: iion ut 
aliiiui }>utant martyres soli sunt, sed 
oniiiis ccclesia; non onim 'in sanguine 
suo' lavari dixit... sed in samjuinc 
a;fni." To aipa tov apvutv is the 
Sacrifice of the Cross, cf i Pet. i. 2, 
19, 1 Jo. i. 7, Rom. iii. 25, v. 9, Eph. 
i. 7, Col. i. 20, Heb. ix. 14; the paradox 
XevKa'iveiv iv alpari is in accord with 

the manner of this book, where violent 
contrasts abound The aorists tuXwav, 
eXfVKavav, look back to the life on 
earth when the cleansing was cff"ected 
(Mc. ii. 10). The act is ascribed to 
the saints themselves, and not to 
Christ, as is the act of redemption 
(i. 5) Tw Xvrrai/ri., V. 9 ^yopaaas) ; the 
saints arc not jiassive recii)ients of 
redemption, but coojjcrate with the 
Divine grace by repentance and faith 
and the use of the Sacraments (Acts 

xxii. 16 ^aTTTiaai koi aTroXoucrat Tas 
apaprias (tov : Mt. xxvi. 27 f. nUre (^ 
avTov TrapTfs, tovto yap eariv to aipa 
p-ov T^? SiadrfKris to Trepl noXXciv c'ac- 
\vvp6p€uov (Is a(f)f(Tiv dpapTi(ov), and 

by vigilance and victory over sin 
(f. xii. 1 1 ). 

1 5. Sia TOVTO elcriv fvanriou tov 
dpovov tov 6(ov^ Aia tovto refers to 
the whole of the preceding sentence 
(koi eTrXni/ai'. . .tov dpi'iovX The purifi- 
cation of the conscienco ami chai-acter 
derived in their lifetime from faith in 
the Blood of Jesus Christ (Acts xv. 9, 
Heb. ix. 14) had fitted them for the 
Presence of God ; cf. Mt v. S puKcipioi 
01 KaSapol Tjj Kapdia, oTi avroi tov 6(ov 

oxpovrai. See Ephes. v. 26 f. for a 
picture of the Church in her final 
purity, fresh from tliel)ath of a jterfect 
absolution — pfj ()(ov(Ta crniXov fj pvTiBa 
i] Ti Tu)V ToioiVoJi', ayia Koi aputpos. 

Ka\ XarpfvovcTiv avTw tjpepns Ka\ yvKTos 
ktX.] Cf. xxii. 3 <"' ^»'t^X<n avToii 
XaTpfvcTovcrtv oiVoJ. On XoTptveiv see 
Liglitfoot, r/ii/ippians (iii. }\ In the 
Lxx.(excepting Daniel) it is the normal 
equivalent of 1?!', as distinguished 
from the priestly nX' which is usually 


vaw avTOV, kul 6 Ka6t]p.evo^ eTTi tov Bpovou crKtjucocreL 
16 ett' avTom. ^^ov Treiva cover iv etl ouhe ^Lyfrtja-ovcrLi^ 

15 Tw ^poi'wPQ minP'i'''syrS"' Ar | (XKT}voi3CT€LeTr avrovs'jyi.vioaKet.avT.ii* inliahitavit 
in eis Prim (cf arm) 16 om ert 1° t< 36 vg me syrr arm^'^ aeth Cypr Prim | oi;5e 

i°] ovde fiv A 14 92 I Si\pT](Tuiatv P 14 

represented by Xarovpyflv. Since the 
members of the Church are 'priests 
unto God' (i. 6, v. 10, xx. 6) Xeirovpydv 
might have been expected here and 
in xxii. 3 rather tlian Xarpfveiv. But 
the conception is that of a vast 

, worshipping congregation, and the 
use of XeiTovpye'iv vvoukl rather have 
suggested that of an exclusive jjriest- 
hood admitted to the sanctuary, while 
the great majority were content to 
pray without (Lc. i. 10, 21). 'Ez/ rm 
vacp avTov. The Israelite who was not 
a Priest or Levite did not proceed 
beyond the Up6v, one tribe alone 
having access to the pa6s. But in the 

I Eternal Temple the Seer sees the 
whole 'Israel of God' admitted to the 
vaos, and the occasion for the \eiTovpyla 
of a tribal or special priesthood has 
disappeared, all being priests and all 
serving in the Presence of God. The 
mention of a temple must be cor- 
rected by the later revelation in 

C. XXI. 22 Kai vaov ov< ei^ov iv avrj}, 
6 yap Kvpios...vaos avrfjs eariv. The 
'temple' is here the Divine Presence, 
realized and enjoyed ; h ra paS avrov 
is equivalent to (vamov rod 6p6vov 
(w. 9, 15). 

The Xarpela of the Church is not 
interrupted by nightfall (for -qp-fpai 
Kca vvKTos see Lc. xviii. 7, i Thess. v. 5, 
AiDoc. iv. 8). Even the Temple had 
its night offices ; see i Chron. ix. 33 
rip.4pa Kai vv^ en avTols (toIs ylraXra)- 
dols) iv Tols epyois, Ps. cxxxiii. (cxxxiv.) 
2 fv Tais vv^\v iirapare ■)^€'ipas vp.cou els 
TO. ayia. T'le Church inherited the 
practice, anti the stillness of the night 
was broken by the vigil services of 
the early times (Batiffol, Breviaire, 
p. 2 ff.) and at a later date, in monastic 
commixnities, by the matin-lauds. 

But the vision of ceaseless Avorship 
is realized only when life itself is 
regarded as a service. The con- 
secration of all life to the service of 
God is the goal to which our present 
worship points, and it is symbolized 
by the Apocalyjitist's Xarpevovcuv 
ripipas Ka\ pvktos. Here again the 
later vision of the closing chapter 
corrects the eai-lier: cf. Apoc. xxi. 25, 
xxii. 5 pv^ ovK f(TTai en. Cf. Andreas : 
TO yap Tjpepas Koi pvKras ePTavOa brjkdi 
TO aKaraTraviTTOP. 

Koi 6 Kadrjpevos inX tov Bpopov (tkt]- 
pcoa-ei eV avTovs] Perpetual service 
will find its stimulus and its reward 
in the perpetual vision of Him Who 
is served, ^ktjpovp represents p^ in 
the Lxx. ( Jud. V. 1 7, viii. 1 1 (B), 3 Regn. 
viii. 1 4 (A)) ; in the N.T. its use is limited 
to the Johannine writings (Jo. i 14, 
Apoc. vii. 15, xii. 12, xiii. 6, xxi. 3). 
The reference both here and in xxi. 3 
is to the O.T. j^romise that God would 
'walk' or 'dwell' in Israel (Lev. xxvi. 
22 ivne piiraTrjcra) ev vfiip, Zech. li. lo 
KaTiKTKTjpcoao) iv fiecra crov^ ih. viii. 3, 8, 
Ezek. xxxvii. 27 ea-Tai ?) KaTaa-Kijvcoais 
pov e'p avTols). The assonauce of 
aKTjpovp, p^, i^?""?^', has i>robably 
suggested the use of ctktjpovp both in 

Jo. l. C. (o X6yos...€(rK}]P(J0(rep ep rjplp) 

and in Apoc. vii., xxi. ^KrjvtSa-eL eV 

avTOVs (here only : cf. XxL 3 a-Krjvaxrei 
peT avTu>v) brings in the further idea oi 
God's Presence as a protection from all 
fear of evil, with reference perhaps to 
Isa. iv. 5 f., where the Pillar of the 
Exodus suggests the overshadowing of 
Israel by the Shekinah. An allusion 
to the aKTjpai of the Feast of Taber- 
nacles is also possible ; see v. 9, note. 

The Apocalyptist now passes from 
the present tense to the future (o-kj;- 

VII. 17] 



tTL, ovoe /u)} TrecDi eV uutovs; 6 i]\io<i ovhe irdv Kaujua' 



avTOu^ Kai 6hr]yt](rei uvTOVi eTTi ^cofj^ Trtjya^ vhuTcow 

16 om ert 2" P I 34 al* g me syr»" arm' | ovoe /i?;] ov5 ov jxt) Q min'"'"^'' Audr i\jr | 
■rrea-rj fir avrovs] iraiar] avrovs arm | om iraf 6 ii 31 arm 17 iroinaivei 2 4 13 '29 

31 al'*'™2' me | o^-qyei 2 4 alf'i-^ | i'wTjs] foxras i 38 79 96 syr ^urjv Kat. eiri syr«" 

vdcrei, cf. i\ 16 f.); the vision becomes 
a prediction. 

16. ov TTfivacrovcriv f'ri ktX.] An- 
dreas : elKOTOis TOV yap aprof twv 
ovpavatv kol to vdcop Trjs CcoJyr e^ovcri. 
This verse, with part of the next, is 
borrowed from Isa. xlix. 10 where of 
Israel returning from exile wo read: 
ov Treivacrovcriv ovSe di^j/i^n-ovaiv, ov8e 
iraTa^fi avToiis Kavacov oi'Se 6 rjXios, 
aW 6 eXfdiV avTovs napaKoKeafi, Koi 
8ia iTT)yu>v vbaTCuv a^fi avTovs. The 

changes which the Apocalyptist makes 
are interesting: Kava-cnv (the sirocco, 
cf. Mt. XX. 12, Lc. xii. 55, Jac. i. 11) is 
changed into ndv Kavfxa (Latt. acstns, 
scorching heat of any kind), -n-apa- 
KaXe(T(L (Dp.nj^^ Koi a^fi into noifiavel 
Koi obrjy^afi, while 6 f'Xecoi; avTovs 

becomes t6 apviov. 

For the interpretation of ov neiva- 
crova-iv here see Jo. vi. 35, and for ov 
8i\l/i](Tovaiv, Jo. iv. 14, vi. 35, A-ii. ^y. 
^Vith ouSe Trav Kavp.a Contrast xvi. g. 
IlalaTj en for TreVj; tn' is an attractive 
conjecture ; it agrees ^vith iraTd^jj 

Isa. /. c), and for the itacism cf. the 

iijyparatiis here and at ix. 5. 

17. oTi TO apvioi> ktX.j To apviov 
• iva fjLfcrov tov Opuvov looks back to 

C. V. 6 (V pLtcra t. dp. apviov. 'Ava 
pLicrov (used here only in Apoc.) is 
usually 'between,' 'amongst' (cf Mt 
xiii. 25, Mc. vii. 31, i Cor. vi. 5), but 
it sometimes stands for iv pecrco (e.g. 
Jos. xix. I, Sir. xxvii. 2, Mt. xiii. 25), 
and this must be its meaning here. 
To apviov... not pavfi is a bold mixture 
of two metaphors. Ilotpaiveiv has 
been used of Christ in ii. 27, where 
and in xii. 5, xix. 15, there is a 
reference to Ps. ii. 9 ; here the con- 
text guides us to Isix. xl. 11 cor 

rroipTjv TTOipavfl to noipviov avTov, or to 
Ezek. xxxiv. 23, but especially to Ps. 
xxii. (xxiii.) I ff. Kvpios noipaivei pe... 
oibriyrjcrev pe, Ixxix. (Ix.XX.) I o noipaivoiv 
TOV l(Tpari\...o o8r)y(ov (ocra npofiara. 
In Christ the Shepherd has taken the 
nature of the sheep ; the Troipfjv 6 
KaXos is Himself of the fold (to apviov). 

On noipaiveiv see ii. 27, note. 'Obrfye'iv 

no less than TTot/xaiVeij/luis an interesting 
history in Biblical Greek. It is u.sed 
of the Divine guidance of Israel (Exod. 
XV. 13, Deut. i. 33), of the gmdance of 
individual lives (Ps. v. 9, Ixxxv. 
(Ixxxvi.) II, Sap. ix. 11); of the work 
of the Spirit of Christ (Jo. xvi. 13); 
and lastly, in this place, of the work of 
Christ Himself in the future order. 
The DiN^inc shepherding and guidance 
of men belongs to the future as well 
as to the present life, and in the futm-e 
only meets with a full response (cf. Jo. 
x. 4, Apoc. xiv. 4). 

eVt fwjjf TTTiyas uSarwi/] The order 
emphasizes (cutjs — 'to Life's water- 
springs,' Xg. Oil citaefontes aqtcarwn ; 
Alford well compares i Pet. iii. 21 

trapKos aTTodfcris pvnov. Isa. I. C. /I' 
D^O ^1?130 supplies fVi rt. vb. ; ^w^j is 
perhaps from Jer. ii. 1 3 [o Xaas pov'\ tpi 
(VKaTtXinov, TrrjyTjv vSaroj C'^^^ (^^PP 
Q>>n D)0). The change of order gives 
jn'ominence to the mention of life. It 
is to God a.s the Fountain of life (Ps. 
XXXV. (xxxvi.) 10 TTapd (Toi mjy^ C'^'ji) 
that the Lamb leads His .sheep: cf 
xxi. 6, xxii. I, 17. Tiie interpretation 
is again sujiplied by the Johainiine 
Gospel; see Jo. iv. 12, 14; vii. 3S f. 
Tiie plurals ntjyas vdaTuv are perhaps 
not to be pressed, being merely echoes 
of the Hebrew (cf. viii. 10, xiv. 7, xvL 


§c Kat e^aXeiylreL 6 Sea's ttuv ^hccKpuou e/c tcop oCpdaXjucov 

VIII. I ^ Kal OTav ijvoL^ei/ Tt]v (TCppaytha Trjv ef^dofxtjp, 

2 eyeueTO ciyr] ev tco ovpavco a)9 tj/uicopov. ^kul eihov 

17 om o deoi BjT^' I e/c] a-n-o ^ 28 al </ vg'^'«' ''P'" me | ocpdaXfioiv] wpoaunrojv arm 
Vni I OTav AC] 0T€ fc<PQ min°""'''''i Andr Ar | Tifiiuipov AC 91 97] TjfxiupLov KPQ 
minP' Andr Ar 2 eidov P i alP' Amir Ar] iSov tvACQ 7 14 92 130 

4) ; if they have any significance here, 
they point to the secondary sources 
which are replenished by the Fountain 
itself, or to the manifold energies 
of the one Christ-life (i Cor. xii. 
4 ff.), as the TTvevfiara of i. 4 etc. re- 
present the htaipiaeis xapcafidroiv of 
the One Spirit. 

Koi e^aXei\l/ei 6 deos irav ^aKpyov 

ktX.] Yet another reference to the 
O.T. ; cf. Isa. XXV. 8 where the Lxx. 
have ac^elXev Kvpins 6 deos Tvav SaKpvov 

OTTO navTos TTpocrcoTTov, but Symniachus, 
influenced perhaiDS by his recollections 
of this passage, renders nnp-"l by koi 
e^aXeiyj/ei. The sentence occurs again 
with verbal changes in c. xxi. 4 ; 
indeed, the whole of the episode 
c. vii. 9 — 17 finds echoes in the last 
two chapters of the book, where the 
climax here anticipated is fully de- 
scribed. On the main thought see 
Tertullian de res. earn. 58 ^''delebit 
deus oinnem lacrimam ah oculis 
eorwm^ utique ex iisdem oculis qui 
retro fleverant, quique adhuc flere 
potuissent, si nou omnem lacriniae 
imbrem indulgentia divina siccaret... 
dolor et maeror et gemitus...quomodo 
aufereutur, nisi cessaverint causae ?... 
ubi casus adversi apud Deum, aut ubi 
incursus infesti apud Christum?... 
quae infirmitas post virtutem ? quae 
imbecillitas post salutem ? " 

Beati — so Bede sums up in the 
words of the second Beatitude — qui 
lugent, quoniam ij^si consolabutitur. 

VIII. I — 13. The Opening op 
the seventh seal ; the half- 
hour's silexce : the first four 

I. Koi OTav rjvoi^fv Trjv (T(})payl8a 

TTjv €^B6pr]v] The sequence broken 
by the two visions of c. vii. is resumed. 
The Lamb opens the last of the seals 
(cf. A'i. I, 3, 5, 7, 9, 12), and the book 
can now be unrolled and read. We 
expect the catastrophe, which had 
been foreboded by the signs and by the 
panic ' that followed the penultimate 
oj^ening, at length to supervene. But 
all is still ; there is neither sight nor 
sound to indicate the api>roach of the 

"Oral' is substituted for oTe, which 
is used on previous occurrences of 
the formula, jjerhaps with the view 
of emphasizing the uncertainty of the 
time of the end ; cf. Mc. xi. 19, Apoc. 
iv. 9, where it implies the indefinite 
repetition of an act. The construc- 
tion halts between Stuv dvoi^r] and oTf 
rjvoi^ev. Blass {Gr. p. 218) prefers to 
regard it as due to linguistic de- 
terioration, urging that in late Greek 
OTav and oTi are indistinguishable. 
"Hrot^ei/, sc. TO dpv'iov, as in vi. i. 

iyevfTO (Xiyr] iv Ta> ovpavS ki"X.] 
Heaven, hitherto resonant 'vvith voices, 
now holds its peace : neither Elder nor 
Angel offers a word of explanation 
(v. 5, vii. 13); there is neither chorus 
of praise nor cry of adoration (iv. 8, 
II, V. 9 f., 12 f., -vii. 10, 12); no (aov 
calls 'Epxov (vi. 3 etc.) ; no thimders 
issue from the Throne (iv. 5). This 
silence does not spell a cessation of 
the Divine workings (Ign. Uj)h. 19 ev 
■qcrvx'LO. 6(ov (irpaxdrj, Magn. 8 \6yos 
OTTO aiyfjs npof'Xdcov), but a temporary 
suspension of revelation ; cf Renan, 
FAtitechrist, p. 391 "le premier acte 

VIII. 3] 



TOILS' eiTTa ciyyeXovs o'l evuiTriov too 6eou ea'Tr]Ka(riv, 
Kal eh66}]crav avTol'i Itttu crci\7riyye'i. ^ kul aWo"^ 3 
dyyeXo^ i]\6ev Kal eo'Tadt] eirl tov Svo'LacTTripiov 

2 om Tovs iTTTa i 26 ] 6eov] dpovov 130 arm | ti<TTr]Ktiaav 38 g s^t^" | fdodrj A 35 87 
93 95 96 3 om ayyeXos sjtb" | {^r]\0{v 130 al™" | tov Ovaiaa-rripiov XCQ 6 7 14 

28 29 31 35 38 al""°"] TO dvffiaffTrjpiov AP i 36 49 

du niyst^re est tennine." There is a 
partial parallel in Apoc. x. 4 afftpayiaou 
a fXaXrjaav at firra ^povrai, Kai ^rj 

avra ypa\j/-T)s, but there the Seer hears 
though he may not impart ;■ here the 
Seer himself is kept in ignorance. 

The remark of Victorinus, "signi- 
ficatur initium quietis aeteniae, ' is 
attractive, but exegetically irrelevant ; 
criyt] is not characteristic of the 
lieavenly rest. Nor is it more to the 
point to refer to such passages as 
Hab. ii. 20, Zeph. i. 7, Zech. ii. 13; 
the Apocalyptic silence is in heaven 
and not on earth. 

a5y rj^icjpnv, sc. ;^poi/oi' (Prim. Jerc 
semlhora., Vg. quasi media hora\ 
ace. of duration. The adjective is an. 
Xey., riixioipiov l)eing tho \isual form. 
For <upa, as the twelfth part of the 
natural day, see Jo. i. 40, iv. 6, xix. 14, 
Acts v. 7, X. 3. 

Half-an-hour, though a relatively 
short time, is a long interval in a 
drama, and makes an impressive 
break between the Seals and the 

2. Kai eiSoc Tovi enra ayytXovi 
ktX.] Seven Angels are required by 
the situation, and the number finds a 
parallel in the 'seven Spirits of Ciod' 
and other hebdomads in this book. 
Tho article seems to point to tho 
well-known gi-oup of Angels first 
mentioned, as it seems, in Tobit xii. 
15 'Vii(parjK €is (K rdv inra ayyfXav oi 
...(IcTiropfvoiTai (vumiov rfjs So^rjs tov 
'Aylov. In Enoch xx. 7 (Gr.) they aro 
styled 'archangeLs,'and their names aro 
given as Uriel (4 Eadr. iv. i\ Raphael 
(Tob. l.c.\ Raguel, Michael (Dan, x. 
13, 21, xii. I, Judo 9, Apoc. xii. 7), 
Sariel (Etk Saraqael), Gabriel (La i. 

19, 26), Remiel (Ilieremihel; 4 I-lsdr. 
iv. 36); cf. ib. Ixxxi. 5, xc. 21 f. 
'Angels of the Presence' aro men- 
tioned repeatedly in the Book of 
Jubilees (i. 27, 29; ii. i f., 18, xv. 27, 
xxxi. 14, where see Charles's note) ; 
the title comes from Isa. Ixiii. 9 
V33 "^i??^, and the idea from the 
practice of Oriental courts (cf. Gen. 
xlv. I, 2 Esdr. vii. 24, Esth. i. 14, 
A-iii. 4, Job i. 6, Zech. iv. 14, vi. 5, 
Dan. vii. 10, 4 Mace. xvii. 18, Lc. 
i. 19). On tho possible connexion 
of the later Jewish angelolog)' with 
Parsism or Zoroastrianism, see Hast- 
ings, D. B. i. 96, iv. 991 ; Driver, 
Daniel^ p. xc\i., J. T.S. iii., p. 514 ff. ; 
the evidence, so far as it has been 
produced, is interesting but scarcely 
conclusive. O? ivamiov kt\. ; cf. Lc. 
i. 19 fy<^ (if'-i Fa/ipt^A. o Trap((TTTjK<^s 
fvaniov tov dfoii. 

Koi (ho&qaav avTo'is (ttto. crakTTiyya] 

Trumpets are assigned to Angels in 
Mt. xxiv. 31, I Cor. xv. 52, i Thess. 
iv. \6, Apoc. iv. I, 4 Esdr. vi. 23, 
Apoc. Mas. 22 ; the conception rests 
ultimately on the scene of the Law- 
giving (Exod. xix. 16 ff".\ which Jewish 
thought connected with tho ministiT 
of Angels (Acts vii. 38, Gal. iii. 19). 
The Trumpets of the Seven are pre- 
sently to break tho silence which 
followed the opening of the l:ist seal 
with fresh revelations of tho I>ivino 
pui-j>ose. There is possibly an allusion 
to Jos. vi. 13 oi (irra It pus ol (pipovrts 
Tcii (ToKmyyai tcis tiTTa kt\. ; cf. also 
Joel iL I craXnio-aTf adXinyyt (v '2(iu)v 
...biOTL naptaTiv ripLipa Kiipioii, ort f'yyily. 
■^. Ka\ (iXXof ayyfXof jjX^ff ktX.] 
Another Angel, not one of the Seven 
(,cf. vii. 2, X. I, xiv. 6ff., xviii. 1), came 



[VIII. 3 

TToWd, 'iva ZiocreL Tah Trpocrev^aJ^ tcov dyicov Tvavrcov 
67ri TO dvcriaa-Tf'ipLOV to y^pva-ovv to evcottlov tov 

3 Xi^avooTov] 'Xi^avov to C ] Lva Swcrfi KAC I rJ""""] Lfa hu}(jr] PQ min"' 
tva 5a) 6 9 14 36 om syrs"' | oin to xpvo'o^" syrs"' | to evwrnov] om to S 


forward and took his place (earddT], 
cf. Lc. xviii. 1 1, 40, Acts v. 20, xvii. 22) 
over, i.e. before, the Altar, as in Amos ix. 

I el8ov TOV Kvpiov ecpfaTara eVi (pV) fov 

6v(Tia(TTT]piov, where the prep, denotes 
the position of one who stands (B.D.B., 
p. 756) "by (prop, leaning over) an 
altar or sacrifice." The celestial mes- 
senger takes the place of the priest, 
and offers the incense ; contrast the 
position of Gabriel in Lc. i. n 
(ecrrcos sk Be^iwu roii dva-iaa-rrjpiov 
TOV dviMiaiiaros). The altar is not as 
in vi. 9 the Altar of Burnt offering, 
but the Altar of Incense ; to 6. to 

-)(pv(T0vv TO ivatmov tov dpovov pomts to 
Exod- xl. 5 d^cTfis TO dva-iacrTi]piou to 
■)(pvaovv.,.evavTiov Tijs kl^cotov, cf. Lev. 
iv. 7 evavTiov Kvpiov ; it is the dvaiacr- 
Trjptov TOV 6vp.ia.ixaTos of Lev. IV. 7? ^^ 

— the 6vp,LaTrjpiov of Heb. ix. 4. Cf. 
Iren. iv. 18. 6 "est ergo altare in 
caelis, illuc enim preces nostrae et 
oblationes nostrae diriguntur." 

ex<>>v \i^av(x)Tov ■^(pvcrovv KrX.J At- 
^avtoTos is elsewhere 'frankincense'; 
the commentators quote the scholiast 
on Ar. Iiuh. \i^avos...avTo to Sevdpov, 
Xi/SafcoTos Se o Kapnos tov devdpov, and 
Ammonius : Xl^avos yap koivcos to 
SevBpov Kai to 6vp.ia>p.(vov, Xi^avaTos 
8e fiovov dvfjiiccifxevos. The latter is 
evidently the meaning of Xi/Sai/wroy 
in I Chron. ix. 29, 3 Mace. v. 2, as of 
Xi^avos in Lev. ii. i, Apoc. xviii. 13; 
but here and in v. 5 xp^(^°^v shews 
that a censer is intended; for 'censer' 
(nnriDj riT^pp^ the LXX. use Trvpe'iou 
(Exod. xxvii. 3, xxxviii. 23 (3), Num. 
xvi. 6ff., Sir. 1. 9), or dvia-Kt] (3 Regn. 
vii. 36 (50)), or 6vp.iaTripiov (2 Chron. 
xxvi. 19, Ezek. viii. 1 1, 4 Mace. vii. 11); 

the later Greek has Xi^avwTLi or 

Koi f86dr]..uva ScoVei ktX.] The Angel 
received the incense for a particular 
purpose. ^E866r], as ebodrja-ai' in V. 2 
(cf. \a. 2, 4, 8, II, Adi. 2, et 2^(18$ im), 
does not describe an act which forms 
part of the vision, but is simply a 
recognition of the Divine ordering of 
all life ; cf. i Cor. iv. 7 tl 8e exets o ovk 
e\al3(s; On the future Smcrei (NAC) 
see iii. 9, note ; daxrj], 8w, are probably 
corrections of the less usual form. 
evfiidp-ara, as in V. 8, where see note ; 
but the metaphor is differently hand- 
led here, for while in c. v. the prayers 
of the saints are the incense or incense- 
bowls, in this place they are apparently 
the live coals on which the grains of 
incense fall (iva Swo-et toIs npoa-ev- 
xais, Prim, ut daret orationibtis, Vg. 
■\\Tongly, ^^t d. de orationibus) ; the 
meeting of the incense and the hot 
coals produces the fragrant smoke 
cloud, the symbol of Divine accepts 
ance. This change brings into sight 
the relation of Christ's sacrifice and 
intercession to the prayers of the 
Church ; cf. Bede : " Christo Domino 
se hostiam suavitatis offerente com- 
puuctio cordis sanctorum acceptabilis 
facta est." Cf Eph. v. 2 6 xP'-'^'''°^"- 

TrapedooKfv iavTov vntp vp.U)V 7rpoa(j)opau 
Koi dvatav tu> Geca fh oapLtju evadias: 
the doctrine is substantially that of 
Jo. xiv. 16, xvi. 23 f., I Jo. ii. if., 
Rom. viii. 34, Heb. xii. 25. Tav dyicov 
TravTav, not of the martyrs only (vi. 
9 f.) but of all the faithful ; cf. Eph. 
iii. 18. The Angel wath the golden 
censer belongs perhaps to the sceneiy 
of the vision rather than to its teach- 
ing; at the same time it does not 

VIII. 6] 



Opovou. "^Kat di'el3ti 6 Kairvo^ Ttov dujuia/uaTcov Tal<i 4 
TTpoaev^aL^ tcov ayicov ek ^eipo^ tov ayyeAov evcoTrtov 
Tou 6eou.'' ^Kai e'i\y](pev 6 ayyeXo^ rov \i(3au(VTOU, 5 
Kal eyejUKrev avTOV 6k tov irvpo^ tou 6vcna(rT);pL0v 
Kal ejSaXev ek Tt)v yy]V' kcci eyevovTO ftpovTal kul 
(ptioval Kal do'TpaTrai Kal asio-fio^. ^Kal ol kirTci 6 

4 rat J 7r/)o<reuxa's] He ordtionibus vg | tov deov^ + rjfiepai x'-'^'iJ SiaKOffias e^rjKOVTa C 
5 ToXt/3a)'ajro»''To 7 33 34 3640 50 | tov dvffiaaTripiov] rov eiri tov Ova. sji^'^ \ e^oKev] 
eXa^ov A e/3a\Xe»' P | ^povTai k. ^wvai k. aoTpaircn t^Q 6 8 14 29 31 35 87 vg syrR'J/Sp. 
K. aa-Tp. K. (puvai A 16 38 me syr (puvai k. j3p. k. acrrp. P i al™" | om /cat (xua-fios Ar 

seem iiupro]»able tliat the XetrovpytKo 
nvevfiaTu (Ileb. i. 1 4) are concerned 
in some way vith the ministry of 
prayer — an idea anticipated in Tob. 

xii. 1 5 (Is Tcoi/ enra ayimv dyyeXoiV ol 
lTpo(rava(f)fpov(riv ras npnaevxas Twj/ 
aylav, and frequent in Enoch (ix. 3, 
XV. 2, xl. 6, xlvii. 2, civ. i). 'EttI to 
6v(rta(TTrjpiov, 'upon the altar (of in- 
cense) ' ; one sees the whole process 
depicted, the fire kindled on the altar, 
and then taken up into the censer 
where it receives the incense : see 

Lev. X. I Xaji6vTfS...eKa(TT0f TO TTvpdop 
avTov (TTidriKav fV avTo nvp, Kai eiTf- 
^aXov «7i' avTo 6vp.iapa, xvi 12 Xr;^\|/-e- 
Tat TO TTvptlou nXfipes dvdpaKaiv nvpos 
diro TOV 6vaia(rTTipiov, 2s'uin. Xvi. 46 
(xvii. 11) Xn/3« TO nvpflov koi tirid fs 
fV avTo nvp dno tov 6v<ria(TTr]p[ov. 

4. Kai avi^T) <> Kmrvns /ctX.] I.e., 
from the censer in the Angels hand ; 
cf. Ezclt. viii. 1 1 (kckttos OvpuiTj'jpiov 
avTov (ix^^ (^ '''fl X*'P'' '^"^ ^ (iTpis Toi) 
OvfiinpaTos (ive'jSaivfi'. Tniy Trpoo-fi'^ots, 
the d((t. cominodi, 'for the benefit of 
the prayers,' i.e. to help them (, 
Gr. p. inX i»" perhaps »AVM. p. 270) 
the dative of reference ; the incense- 
cloud stt)(Hl in a certain relation to 
the i^rayers, as their symbol and 
representative; it wa.s 'given to 
them' [r. 3). The .symbolical meaning 
of the incense offered in the Temple 
was well undei-stood in pre-Christian 
times, cf. P.s. cxl. (cxli.) 2 KaT(v6vv6}]Tiji 
rj TTpocrevx^ P-ov (os Ovpiapa tvunnov crov. 

The words added by € {ui^p. crit.) 
appear to be a gloss from c. xi. 3. 

5. Kal e'iXrj(Pfv o ayyfXor tov Xijiava- 
Tov kt\.'\ The Angel had laid aside 
the censer. But he takes it again 
(on e'iXrjcpev followed by iyipicrfv see 
v. 7 f., note) in order to fulfil another 
office ; it is to be used now nut for 
intercession but for judgement. The 
censer is again filled with tire from 
the altar : cf. Isa, vi. 6 iv Tjj x^ '/J' 

flxff avdpaKa op Ttj Xa/3i5t fXai3(i> otto 

Toil dvcriaa-TTipiav. But now no iuccnsc 
is added, and no fragrant cloud goes 
up ; the contents of the censer are 
poured upon the earth ; the prayer-s 
of the saints return to the earth in 
wrath : cf. Ezek. x. 2 nXf)crov tch 
dpoKOi (TOV av6paKUiv 7rvpoj...Kai bia- 

(TKOpTTiaflS fTTl TTjV TToXlV. TllCrC is 

jierhaps an idtimate reference to the 
doom of Sodom ((Jen. xix. 241 

This casting of fire on the earth 
(cf. Lc. xii. 49) is innneiliately followed 
by results <ey(vnvTO l:ipovTa'i Kal <pu>va\ 
Koi dfTTpairai koi aticrpoi) jtremonitory 
of a great visitation ; cf. iv. 5, vi. 1 2, 
xi. 19, notes, and for cracrpni sec Ezek. 
iii. 12 r/Koii(ra (^ojvrjv crtirrpov peynXov 
I'AXoyrjpf'iT] t] 8o^n Kvpiov (K tov tottov 
(iiVov. The wliole .scene in rr. 3 — 5 
is a jtrclude to the Seven TrumiHits, 
which now begin to sound. 

6. Ka\ o{ (nra ayytXiu ol exofTa 
ktX.] The Angels of the Presence 
who are ehai-ged with the Seven 
Trumpets know the signal, and make 

I lO 


[VIII. 6 

ayyeXoi ol e^oi^xes Ta<s eiTTa craXTrL'yya^ t']TOL/uacrav 
7 avTovs 'iva (raXTTKrcocriv. "^ kul 6 vrpcoTo^ ecraXTTurev' 
Kal eyeveTO ■)(^d\a^a Kai irvp jueiuiyjueua ev aijuaTi, 
Kal ejSXtjdtj ek Ttjv yfjv. kul to rpiTov Tr]<s yfj^ 
KaTeKat], Kal to TpiTOv tcov Muhpcov KaTeKat], kul 

6 OL exoyres] om ol ^< 36 arm'* | avrovs ^* A] eavrovs K*^* PQ min''"^°'"° syrr Andr Ar 
7 o irpwroj] + a77eXos I 28 36 79 98 al"°"° vg me arm aeth Prim | jj.€/j.Lyp.€va AQ minP^gr 
vg syrr Prim Ar] /j.efjLLy/j.euov HF 12 37 38 46 81 161 anon^^s | ey aLfiari] om ev i al 
ygdemhari* ^j, ySaTL Bjx^'^ | cjiXrjdTjaav 34 35 87 syr^^" I om Kai to rpLTOv ttjs yrjs /care/cai; 
I 35 130 me I om Kai to tpltov twv Seudpuv KareKai] AQ* al"°"" aeth 

ready. They are seen to take their 
stand and to raise the trumpets to 
their mouths. ^okTricrcoa-iv : aaXnicrco 
{a-aXTna, Nimi. X. 5 fF.), fVoATrio-a, in 
Biblical Greek take the place of craX- 

TTiylo), ea-aXmy^a (W. Schm. p. I05); 
cf. a-aXTnarciv, Apoc. xviii. 22. 

The first four Trmnpet-blasts, like 
the first four Seal-openings, form a 
closely connected group. They de- 
scribe the coming visitation as pri- 
marily aifecting inanimate Nature ; 
although animals and men are involved 
in the destruction which is caused 
{vv. 9, 11), direct judgements upon 
mankind are reserved for the last 
three. The imagery was perhaps in 
part suggested by the storms, earth- 
quakes, and eclipses of the first 

7. Koi 6 TTpcoTos iaaXnicrev Koi eyevfTO 
xaXa^a ktX.] The judgements ushered 
in by the first four TrumiJets borrow 
manyof their features from the Plagues 
of Egyi^t ; cf. Iren. iv. 30. 4 : the 
attentive reader "inveniet easdem 
plagas universaliter accipere gentes 
quas tunc particulatim accepit Ae- 
gyptus." XaXa^a Koi nvp recalls the 
seventh plague ; Exod. ix. 24 771^ Se ?) 
;^aXa^a kol to irvp (f)Xoyi^ov ev Tjj 
XaXaCr] — a description of a semi- 
tropical thunderstonn which is height- 
ened here by /xe/iiy/ieVa eV alfxaTi. 
Miyvvvcti ev cufiaTi ' to mix with blood,' 
CL Ps. CV. (cvi.) 35 efxiyrjaav ev (?) to'ls 
f6ve<Tiv : the usual construction is with 

fierd (Mt. xxvii. 34, Lc. xiii. i), or the 
simple dative (Apoc. xv. 2 daXacra-av 

vaXivTjv fiejjLiynevrjv Trvpi). A rain of 

mingled fire and blood is mentioned 
also in the Sibyllines, v. 277 "i^^P y«P 
an ovpavia>v ^pe^ei...iTvp /cat alfia. 
Blood-red rain is not unknown in 
nature ; in the spring of 1901 the 
daily journals contained accounts of 
this phenomenon, which was then being 
witnessed in Italy and the South of 
Europe, the result, it was said, of 
the air being full of particles of fine 
red sand from the Sahara. The 
interpretation suggested to Andreas 
by passing events is interesting as a 
specimen of its kind : to 8e irvp a-vv 

T<o oifiaTi [^eijL(f)alvei\ Tas eK ^ap^apiKav 
Xeipaiv yevop,evas TTvpTToXTjcrfts Te Koi 
av^poKTaaias oa"i]p,epai. 

The storm flung itself {e^XijOrj, cf. 
TV. 5, 8, xii. 9 f , XX. 14 f.) on the earth, 
Avith the result that a third part of 
its surface and the whole of the 
A'erdure were devoured by the fire 

(KaTeKaTi = KaTiKavdrj, cf. I Cor. iii. 1 5, 

2 Pet. iii. 10(A) KUTaKarjaeTai — an early 
form which survives in late Gk, cf. 
W. Schm. p. 108). To tp'ltov (sc. fxepoi, 
cf. Nmn. xxviii. 14) apijears again 
TV. 8 f., II f., ix. 15, 18, xii. 4. See 

Zech. xiii. 7 ft', ra hvo fxeprj avTrjs [sc. 
TTjs yrjs~\ i^oXedpevQrjcreTai Koi e'KXei\}/et., 
TO 8e TpiTov vTroXei<pdriaeTai ev avTjj, and 
compare the Rabbinical parallel cited 
by Schocttgen : "percussus est numdus, 
tertia ncmpe pars olearum, tertia pars 

VIII. 9] 



Tras ^opTO'^ ^\(Of)o^ KaT€Ka)]. kul o devTepo^ 8 

ctyyeXo^ eadXTTLcrev kul oj? bpo^ juLeya Trvpi Kaio/uevov 
ip\t]6t] el<s Tt]U daXaorcrav' kul eyeveTO to TpLTov 
Tri'i 6a\ao'(Tt]^ aijua, ^kciI diredavev to TpLTOV tcov 9 
KTicrjuaTiov tcov ev Tt] daXdcro'y]. to. e)(oura \p-uyds, 

7 x''A""<'5] + ■'■'75 7771 syrK"'^''^ 8 om a77cXoy K syr*^^ (item in vv. lo, 12 et 

c. ix. I syrK") | om rrfpt Q min""""" syr^* arm Ar | e^XtjdTi] e-n-ea-fv Byr^* | (yevero] 
eytvridrj X 9 to rpirov i°]+/xepos t< 35 36 87 cf. tertia jiars vg Prim | twv 

A.-rttTyuaTcoi'] + iravTwv syrr | rwj' e;* tt; ffaXaero-?;] om twi' Q miu"""" Ar om omnia 

Ygamharl pggt ^^^ j^_ ^i,^a5 pO,, vgclc fudcmlip». tol | ^g, t-^oVTO. \pVXa.i'] TO. tX- '/'I'X'?" t* Die 

aeth TO ixov fvxi)" syr*'" 

tritici et tertia liordei." Tf;s- y^y, the 
laud ( = r^y $ipai) as contrasted Avith 
the sea (p. 8) and other waters {rv. 
10 f.). The fire destroyed the wliole 
of the vegetation, whicli Wius scorched 
at once (cf. Jac. i. 12), and one-third 
of the trees and other perishable 
things. Two-thirds escaped oveiy- 
where, i.e. the visitation was partial, 
and not final ; cf. ah. 8. Tmv Sfvbpav : 
the fruit-trees especially, the olive, 
the fig, and tlie vine, on which 
the inhabitants of Palestine and 
Asia Minor depended so largely : 
cf. vii. 3 fif] (i8iKi]crT]Tf ...T(i 8iv8pa, 
a prohibition now i)artly withdra\\ii. 
For ;(oprof x^Xcopos See Mc. vi. 39, 
note, and Apoc. ix. 4; cf. vi. 8, 

8 f. Kai 6 8evT€pos ayyeXos f(Ta\7n(Tfv 

Kol cos opoi (ctX.J As at the first 
trumpet-blast the fiery hail was flung 
upon the earth, so at the second 
a burning mass falls into the seix. 
With opos p-tya TTvpl Kaiopfvnv may 
perhaps be compared Jer. xxviii. (li.) 
25, where Babylon is likoucd to an 
opos ipncirvpirrpfvov (HS^L" "^D). But 
Babylon is not in view here, and ws 
opos (cai(i/x. may be merely a figiu'e 
of speech for a blazing If a 
volcano is in the Apocalyptist's mind, 
the simile may have been snggosted 
either by the eruption of Vesuvius 
which desolated the Bay of Xajiles 
in Augvist, 79, or by some movements 

among the volcanic islands in the 
Aegean, of which Thera (Santorin) 
was the chief (cf. Tozer, Tdands of the 
Aegean, jx 94 ff.); Strabo (i. 3. 16) 
reports an eruption in B.C. 196 which 
issued in the formation of a new 
island aftenvards known as Pakiea 
Kaumene. But volcanoes are not 
flung bodily into the sea, so that such 
phenomena were at most but re- 
motely suggestive of the writer's bold 
conception. lie is possil>ly indebted 
to Enoch for the figure of the burning 
mountain; see En. xviii. 13 Ibov eTrra 
aanpas ds op-q jieyaka Kaiop-fvci, which 
is curiously close to cos opos p-tya nvpl 
Kaiopevov. The phrase seems to have 
been proverbial; cf. Plant, mercat. 
iii. 4. 32 "moutes tu quidem nuJi in 
me ardentes iamdudum iacis." 

Koi eyivero to rpirov rijs dciKacrcrrjs 
aip.a KrX.] The sca is smitten, like 
the Nile in the first plague .Exod. viL 
20 n(Tf,Sa\ev nav ro vdcop to tv tw 
TTorapco fls aifia); as the fish in the 
Nile died (ib. 21), so do the animate 
inhabitants of the stricken Aegean. 

With TCOV KT. TCOV (V Tt) BaXaaar) cf. V. 1 3 
TTciv KTicrfxa o...€ttI rfjs BaXacrcrris, Ps. 
civ. 25 ; and for rn (\ovra ^/'l'X<'f, Vg. 
gtiac hnlhhaiit aiiimas, 'animate,' see 
Gen. i. 20 t^ayayfrco ra v^ara (pntra 
^vx^v (cocT^v (Hjn L"E.^). The il- 
lapse of the burning mass had a still 
mcn-e serious result; the ships in tlic 
waters ilisturbeil bv its fall were 



[VIII. 9 

Kai o 
e/c Tov 

10 Kai TO TpLTOp Tcov 7r\oL(jov CLe<pOapt](rav. 
TpLTO'i ocyyeAo? ea'aXTTLcrev' Kai eTrecrev 
ovpavov do'Tt]p jueya^ KaLOjuevos a)§ XafJLTra^, Kai 
eTrecrev eiri to TpiTOV tmv TroTa/mcov Kai Itti Ta^ 

11 Tn^ya.'i twv vhaTcoi/. ^^Kai to ovojua tov dcTTepo^ 
XeyeTai 6 '' Ayp-ivdo^. Kai. eyeveTO to Tp'iTov tmv 
v^aTcov et9 ctyfrivdov, Kai ttoXXoi twv dvdpoiTToov dire- 

12 davov eK Twv vhaTcov, oti e7riKpdv6t]crav. ^'^Kai 6 

9 5i.e<p6apri Q minP' syr^" Ar lo om vid km eTrecrev 2° Prim | om /cat eTrt ray 

TT-rryas Tuiv vdarcov A 11 a\//iv0os'] om X*"-^ i 7 14 36 38 al a^pivdiop N* syr?" 

absinthium vgciedemhari»toiai ^g Prim absinthins vg^^'f"' | eyevero] yiveTat i 36 al | ets 
a^ivOov'] eis a^pivdcov t4 7 8 16 28 49 79 Ar ws a^pivdiov h syr^^' Prim | airedavov oti. 
eiTLKp. TO, vSara syrS"' | e/c] eTrt A 

or TO d\j/ivdiov but here assimilated in 
gender to da-r^p, does not occur else- 
where in the N.T. or the lxx., though it 
is used by Aquila in Prov. v. 4, Jer. ix. 
15, xxiii. 15; the lxx, render njyp, 
wormwood, variously by x°^Vy niKpia, 
68vvr], dvayKTj. The Heb. word is em- 
ployed in the O.T. as a metaphor for 
(i) the perversion of justice (Amos v. 
7, vi. 12); (2) the bitter fruits of idolatry 
(Deut. xxix. 17); (3) Divine chastise- 
ments (Jer. ix. 14) ; see B.D.B. s.v. The 
genus Artemisia, to which wormwood 
(A. ahsinthiaca) belongs, is represent- 
ed in the flora of Palestine by several 
species; see Tristram, N.H., j). 493; 
Hastings, D. B., iv. p. 941. 

Kai iyivero to Tp'iTov Totv vharoiV 

els axpivbov ktX.] The reverse of the 
miracle at Marah (Exod. xv. 23). 
"Wormwood water is more than once 
in the Prophets a symbol of suffering, 
e.g. Jo)\ ix. 15 (14) TTortw avTovs v8cop 
Xo\^s, xxiii. 15; cf. 4 Esdr. v. 9 "in 
dulcibus aquis salsae invenientur." 
Wormwood mixed with water does not 
kill, but in the Apocalyptic vision the 
waters are not mixed Avith wormwood 

but changedintoit(eye'i'eT-o eh a-^ivdov). 

As the creatures in the sea perished 
Avhen it was smitten l>y the burning 
mass (». 9), so the rivers and fountains 
converted into wormwood are de- 

Avrecked; for 8ia(j)6eipeadai of \\Tecked 
or disabled ships see Herod, i. 166 al 

fxev yap TeacrepaKovra acpi vrjes 8ie(f}- 

dapTqaav. Yet in the case of the sea 
as in that of the dry land, the 
visitation Avas partial ; two-thirds of 
the inhabitants of the sea and the 
ships on its surface were unhurt. 

The plural biet^iddprjaav (SC. TO. TrXoIa, 

understood in to rpiTov tcov ttX.) 
attributes a quasi-personal life to the 
ships, in viev/ of their human masters 
and crews. 

10. /cat 6 rptVo? ayyeXos eadXTTiaev 

Ka\ eirea-ev /crX.] The fresh water 
supply is smitten next. At the third 
tiTimpet-blast there falls from heaven 
upon a third of the rivers and upon 
the water-springs a great meteor 
(do-TT/p, cf. Mt. ii. 2), flashing across 
the sky like a blazing torch (XaixTi-ds, 
cf. c. iv. 5); for ci>i X. see v. 8 cos opos. 

With eirea-ev... daTrfp cf. Isa. xiv. 12 
e^eirecrev e< tov ovpavov o eaxrcjiopoiy 
and Mc. xiii. 25, note; here the 'star' 
is merely a symbol of Divine visitation, 
like the burning mountain in v. 8. 
At TTTjyat Twv v8aToiv—Q\tpT\ \3^1^0, a 

common phrase in the lxx. (cf. e.g. 
3 Regn. xviii. 5, Ps. cxiii. (cxiv.) 8, 
Hos. xiii. 15). 

1 1. Kai TO ovofxa tov acTTepos Xeyercii o 
"AyJMvdosJi "A\Imv6os, normally t) a-^tv6os 


TeTapTO^ ayye\o9 ea'aXirio'ev' kul eirXriyt] to to'ltov 

TOV IjXlOU Kai TO TpiTOV TT]^ O'eXtlVt]^ Kai TO TpLTOV 

Twv dcTepcoUy 'iva crKOTi(r6fj to TpiTOv avTwv Kai ri 
rifjiepa /ut] (pavrj to TpLTOV avTi]^, Kai tj vu^ o/uloicos. 
Kai eihov, Kai i]Kov<Ta eVos oeTov TreTOjuevou 13 


12 TpiTov I"] TiTapTov 130 I iva a-KOTia-di]] /cat eaKOTiaOi] 35 87 syr»^* arm aeth | /cai 
ij 7]/Ji€pa /XT) (pavrj to rpirov {rtrapTOV A) axjTr]s] Kai to TpiTov avrr]^ (s. avTOv) jxr] tpav-q (ij) 
■r)fxepa Q min"""" (multum hoc loco inter se variant tam codd min quam verss) | /t?? 
^auyf[ firj (paLVf) (P) 28 49 79 al Ar ovk etpaivev 35 87 syre«' arm 13 cm /cat eiSov 

gyre" I eiSov ^ minP'] ibov AQ 7 14 92 | ora evos K me syrr arm | aerov KAQ min''™'' 
vg me Byrr aeth Ar] 0776X01; P x 7 28 36 47 79 al arm Vict Andr a77e\ou ws aerov 
13 unus ut aquilam Prim | weTw/j-evou Q i 6* 7* 32 130 al""™ 

structive of human life. For aTrodavdv 
€K, 'to (lie of,' see WM. p. 460. 

12. /cut o TfTnpTos ayyfXos icrnKnicrev' 
Koi inXriyrj /ctX.] Visitations on land 
and water are followed by a visitation 
on the heavenly bodies, having for its 
object the further punishment of 
mankind. The conception is borrowed 
from the ninth of the Egyptian plagues 

(Exod. X. 21 y(vr)6r]Tu>...y^r]Ka(liriTovcrK6- 
Tos... (ytvf TO aKOTOs, ypocfio^, dveXXa, eVl 
TTCKTav yrjv Alyi tttov rpety r]p.(pas, cf. 
Am. viii. 9, Joel iii. (iv.) 15). To the 
Apocalyptic plague no time limit is 
fixed, but it is limited in its extent; 
only a third of the sun's and moon's 
disk is obscured, and a third of the 
stars suffer occultation. By this 
partial eclipse of the lights of heaven 
a partial darkness would ol)viously be 
produced, but not a shortening of the 
duration of daylight and moonlight 
and starlight such as the following 
words ("i-a r; Tjjxfpa /ii) ^avrj to TpLTov 
avTijs) seem to suggest. Tliere is an 
inconsistency here which shews the 
writer's independence of the ordinary 
laws of thought; lie is content to 
produce a desired effect by heai)ing 
up sjTiibolism without regard t(> the 
consistency of the details. Here his 
purpose is chiefly to emphasize the 
partial character of the visitation. 
Its purpose is the reformation and 
not the destruction of mankind ; it is 

s. u. 

charged ^vith serious warning, but not 
with iinal doom. Contrast Isa. xxx. 
26 TO <pcos Toil i]Xiov €(TT(u €nTan\a<Ti,ov, 
fv Trj rjpiipa OTav laarjTai Kvpios to 
<TVVTpifj.)xa Toil Xaoxj avToii. For tTrX^yrj 
see Isa. ix. 13, and for ^aV?; (not 
(f>aufj) c. xviii. 23. 

The first series of Trumpet-blasts 
is now complete. It has set loose 
the elemental forces of Nature and 
wrought havoc on a large scale. But 
the next verso warns the reader that 
worse things are to follow. 

13. /cat eidof, koi rjKOvcra tvos dfTov 
/crX.] For fl8ov Koi jjKovrra, cf. V. II, 
vi. I ; the scene whicli follows is one 
which arrests both eye and ear. 'Ayyt- 
Xov may be a correction for the harder 
dfToii, suggested by xiv. 6 ; or possibly 
it is due to the error of a scribe who 
read AeToy as ArreXoy ; for dtTos 
TTfTofjLevos^ see iv. 7, Job ix. 26, Prov. 
xxiv. 54 (xxx. 19). Had the Apoca- 
lyptist written dyyeXov, aXXov would 
probably have taken tlie place of €v6s ; 
cf vii. 2, viii. 3. The eagle is chosen 
not only for his strength of wing (xii. 
14), but as the emblem of coming 
judgement (Mt. xxiv. 28, A^^oc. Bar. 
Ixxvii. 19 ff.); (voi points perhaps to 
the solitary figure projected agahist 
the sky (cf Mt. xxi. 19), but elt in 
such instances ajiproaches in meaning 
to Tis or the indefinite article, cf ix. 1 3, 
xnii. 21, and see Blass, Gr. p. 144. 'Eu 



ev {jLecovpavrifjiaTL XeyovTO^ (pcovfj jueyaXri Oval oval 
ovai Tovs. KaTOLKOVVTa^ ewt Trj^ yrj^ e/c tcov Xolttwv 
(bijdvcov Tti'5 (raXTTiyyo's tcou Tpiwv dyyeXcov tcov 
jueWovTcov craXTTi^eii/. 
IX. 1 ^ Kai 6 7re/i7rT09 ayyeXo^ ecrdXTTLcrev' Kal eihov 

daTepa e/c tov ovpavov vreTTTcoKOTa ek Tr]V yijv, 
Kal ehoOt] avTtp ^ KXek tov (ppeaTO^ Trj^ afSva-crov. 

13 om e;/ ti I ev fj.ecrovpai'rj/j.aTi} ev fxeau ovpav aifiari ex^vTos syr (et similiter 
c. xiv. 6) ev ovpavo) syr^' | om ^wvt; fieyaXr) syrr | ovat bis tantum i syr aeth ] tovs 
KaToiKovvras KQ 6 8 14 29 31 35 38 48 51 87 92 130 al non"] tois KaroLKOvaiv AP i 7 
aisatmu ^j. I g^ ^^j (pwvTjs T(jiv craX:rt77wv syr^"' arm 

IX I eiSov KP minP'] l5ov AQ 7 14 92 130 | aarepai...TrewT(jjKOTas S* | eTr: T17S 77;$ 
38 97 syrr 

Ixfo-ovpavrjuaTi, "ill the meridian" or 
" the zenith " ; that part of the sky 
where the sun is at noon-day ; of. xiv. 
6, xix. 17. The eagle nea-ovpavel, i.e. 
he flies not near the horizon, where he 
might pass unobserved, but overhead, 
where his course can be seen by 
all. The word is said to belong to 
Alexandrian Greek: Pollux iv. 157 

IJ.ecrr)pL^pia^fiv, virep Ke(f)aXrjs ecTTavar to 
yap pecrovpavflv AtyvTTTLiov. Syr.^^^- for 
pea-ovpavrjfxaTi has simply t^»i7a3E=3. 
\eyovTos (fycovrj peyaKrj Oval oval 

oval ktA.] The eagle is not only seen 
but heard. In Ezek. xvi. 23 (A), 
Apoc. xviii. 10, 16, 19, the double oval 
is merely for emphasis ; the triple 
oval here has reference to the three 
remaining trumpet-blasts or rather 
the visitations that will follow them ; 
see ix. 12 oval ^ pla dirfjXdev 18ov 
ep-^erai en bvo oval. Tovs KaroiKOvvTas : 
the ace. after oval is unusual, the 
dativus incommodi might rather have 
been expected, as in Lc. vi. 24 ff. ; 
but cf. xii. 1 2 oval Tr)v yfjv Ka\ rrjv 

daXaa-a-av, and see Blass {Gr. p. 112), 
who compares rae me — vae mihi. 
The earth has suffered already from 
the first four Trumpets ; the time has 
now come for her inhabitants to suffer 
yet more severely. Ot KaToiKovvres eVt 
TTjs yrjs, the pagan or non-Christiau 

population of the Empire, as in iii. 10, 
vi. 10, xi. 10, xiii. 8 S., xvii. 2 ff. 

en Ta>v XoiTrtoi/ (fiwvav ttjs (raXmyyos, 
"by reason of the remaining trumpet- 
blasts." Tfjs a-aXiTiyyos modifies (j)a>va>v 
— the sound is that of the trumpet ; raiv 
(TaXnlyyayv is unnecessary, since the 
reader's attention is not called to the 
plurality of the trumjiets but to the 
trumpet-like utterance which proceeds 
from each of the angels. On en iu 
this sense see WM. p. 461. 

IX. I — 12. The Fifth Trumpet, 
OR THE First Woe. 

I. o TrepTTTOs ayyeXos ecroATrttrej', Kal 
fi8ov dare pa ktX.] In viii. 8, 10 the 
Seer witnesses the fall of a star ; now 
he sees only a star lying where it 
fell (TTenrcDKora). Cf. Isa. xiv. 12 7rc5<r 
e'^eVecrei' eK rov ovpavov o ecoacpopos; Lc. 
X. 18 tOeapovv TOV (raTavav as aaTpaTT^v 

fK Toil ovpavov TTeiTovra. As the sequel 
shews, this fallen Star represents a 
person, possibly Satan, as a comparison 
of Lc. I. c. with Apoc. xii. 9 may 
suggest. For a personification of the 

stars Comp. Jud. v. 20 e'^ ovpavnii Trape- 

Ta^avTo 01 daTepes ; for the image of 
the fallen star see Enoch Ixxxviii, i. 

fhodrj avrcp 77 Kkels rov (ppearos ttJs 
d^vaaov] "Alivaaos is the usual equi- 
valent in the Lxx. of Dinri^ whether iu 
the sense of 'deei? waters' (Gen. i. 2, 

IX. 3] 


I I 

^Kul iji/oipei' TO (ppeap Tr\^ dj^vaaov' kul di/e(3>] kuttvos; 2 
e'/c Tov (bpearo's ojs, Ka7n/o<s Kufxiuou /U6'ya\t]<i, Kai ecKO- 

TtoOt] 6 ijXlO'i Kcd 6 dt]p €K TOV KUTTVOV TOV (J)peaTO£. 
^ KUL EK TOV KUTTVOV t^flXSoV ClKpi^E^ el<i TtjV yfjv, KUL 3 

ehodt] avTOL^ e^ovcria w^ e^ovaiv e^ovcriav ol (TKOp- 

1 om Kai rivoL^iv TO <f>peap Tr]s a^nffffov KQ minP''*^'' vg*™^'"''* '"'* me syrt-" arm 
aeth"" Ar | om €k tov (ppeaTos «j Kairvoi i 35 4I 87 | fieyaX-qs] /cato/xfcijt Q miu""""* 
eyr Ar ^67. Kaiofievrjs 36 37 38 40 41 42 (130) g syr^" arm* | ea-KOTwOTj A 12 14 92] 
fcTKOTiffdi] NPQ minP' Ar | om €k tov Kavi/ov tov <pp. N* Prim 3 avrais AP minP' 

Andr Ar] oitou KQ 7 

vii. II, Ps. cv. (cvi.) 9, cvi. (cvii.) 26), 
or in reference to the dei^ths of the 
eartli (Ps. Ixx. (Ixxi.) 21 (k tu>v djBva- 
croiv TTji yfjs TToKiv avr^yayii fjLf, cf. 
Deut. viii. 7). By an easy process of 
thought, it is applied to Slieol: Job 
xH. 22 f. ava^d TTjv a^vaaov (Eantfj 
XaXKfiov...T6i' 8f Taprapov ttjs a/3vo"(rov 
o)(nrfp alxfLciXoiTov, Koni. X. 7 Tt's Kara- 
^TjcrtTai els ttjv ujSvcrcrov; tovt e<mv 
'Kpicrrop f'/c v(Kpa>v dvayayeti'. In Lc. 
VHl. 3' {napfKoXovv avTov iva fxrj fniTa^j} 
avTo'is (Is rT)v ajivcrcrov aneXde'iv) a lower 
depth is sounded, and it is this which 
is in view when aiivcraos is used in the 
Apoc. (ix. I, 2, II, xvii. 8, xx. i, 3). 
The Enochic literature has much to 
say of this 'abyss' (Enoch xviii. f, 
xxi., xc. ; Slavonic Enoch, xxviii. 3; 
cf. Charles, J^w/ia^o^oy//, p. 198). The 
A pocaly])tist represents it as entered 
by a shaft or well i4>p€ap, cf. Jo. iv. 1 1 }, 
the mouth of which is kept xmder 
lock and key; the key is in the custody 
of an angel (xx. 1) or, as here ap- 
parently, of Satan, i.e. he is authorised 
to open and shut the mouth of the at his pleasure (,for KXfls sec 
Mt. xvi. 19, Apoc. i. 1 8, iii. 7; and 
on the idea, Slavonic Enoch, xlii. i\ 
This i)owcr however is exerci.sed oidy 
by Divine i)crniissiou {tbodrj nvroi >, and 
behind it is the omnipotent Hand 
which c<»ntrols both the visible and 
the invisible order ; cf. Praijer <>/ 
Manasscx 3 o KXiiaas ri-jv d,iviTaov koX 
(T(^payi(Tnp.(i'os t(o (fio^fpci >cni tVSo^o) 
ovofxaTi aov. 

2. Koi TJuoi^ev TO (fjpuip ktX.\ The 

Fallen Star-spirit unlocks the mouth 
of the Abyss, and at once the sky is 
darkened by a volume of smoke which 
rises from it; cf. Gen. xix. 28 aviiiaivtv 
(j)X6^ Tqs yrjs (oiTfi ar/ilf /ca/xtVov, ExocL 
Xix. 18 avijiaufv o kottvos o)s kottvos 
Kup.ivov. The sun's face is hidden (Joel 
ii. 20), and the atmosphere (o di]p), the 
region of the clouds (2 Regn. xxii. 12, 
Ps. xvii. (xviii.) 12, i Thess. iv. 17 f.), 
the air through which the birds fly 
(Sap. v. 11), and which men breathe 
(Sap. XV. 15), and in which evil spirits 
were thought to exercise a limited 
authority (Ej^h. ii. 2 tov apxoi'Ta Trjs 
f^ova-ias TOV dtpos), is darkened by 
reason of (fV, cf. viiL 11, 13) the 
smoke cloud emitted from the well 
as from the chimney of a funiace. 
On (TKOTovadai see WH.-, yotes, j). 1 78 : 
the verb is used of an occultatiou of 
heavenly bodies in Job iii. 9 a-KoTwdfiT) 

TCI dcTTpa TT]S WKTOS fK(ift]S. 

3. Kai fK Toil Kanvoi) e^rfX6oi> oKpiSfs 
ktX.] The smoke wrought worse evil 
than the darkening of the air ; out of 
it came a swarm of hellish locusts ; 
for dKpiSfs see Mc. i. 6, uoto. There 
may bo a reference both to ExoiL x. 
1 3 ff. and to Joel i. 4 tf. But tiicse d- 
Kpii^es TTfs d^vaa-ov were entrusted with 
a power (tdodr) aiTnls (^ovcTta) wholly 
unlike that of the locust tril>e, and 
akin to that of the common scoqiion 
(o( (TKopnioi TTJs yfjs, ill ct)ntra^t with ai 
(jK/)iS«f TTjs d^vcraov). The venomous 
stjib of the scorpion is })roverbial in 




[IX. 3 

4 TTiOL Tr}^ yrjs. ^Kai eppeBt] auTaL<i \va jur] dhLKt](Tou<Tiv 
Tov "^(OpTOV Tt]^ yt}^ ovhe irav ■)(Xu}pov ovZe irdv Zev- 

^pOV, el jJit] TOV^ dvOpcOTTOVS OLTLVe<i OVK e-)(^OV(TLV Tr]V 

5 <T<ppa>y7Za tov Oeov evrl twv fJieTcoTroiv. ^ Kal idodtj 
avTol^ 'iva jUt} dTroKTeivaycriv avTOV^, dW \va /Sao'a- 

4 epprid-q Q 35 50 87 130 | airrats AP minP' syr^'' Andr Ar] avrois KQ 14 87 90 
92 I aSiK-qiXovaiv A 367] aSiKricroxTLV NPQ min'^'^°'"" Andr Ar | om oi;5e irav x^^po^ ^ 
yghari* 2iTUi. Cassiod I oiiSe irav SecSpov] ovde dfv5pa syr^'' | av9po)Trovs] + /xovovs 49 91 
96 tantum homines vg arm | om tov Oeov i 12 17 28 47 79 vghari* ^rm 1 fxeTuiTrwy] 
+ avT<j}y Q minP' vg<='«^"''«™"P" syrr arm aeth Ar 5 avrois i<A 1712] aurats PQ 

minP' Ar | om iva 2° syr^" | ^aaavLcrd-qaovTai. KAP i 12 36 38 (130)] ^acraviffducriv Q 
minP' Ar ^acravicrwffiv 7 cruciarent h cruciaverint latt"* similiter arm aeth 

et ^^ Tovs avOpciTTovs ktX.J But 
only the men,' etc. ; for this use of 
el fiTj cf WM. p. 789. The power to 
hurt men is to be exerted only upon 
a particular class of men {tovs av6p. 
ohivei ; on this use of octtis see Light- 
foot on Gal. V. 19 and Blass, Gr. p. 173, 
and cf. Apoc. i. 7, ii. 24, xx. 4), viz. 
upon those whose foreheads have not 
been marked by the Seal of God (vii. 
3 ff.). As Israel in Egypt escaped the 
plagues which punished their neigh- 
bours, so the new Israel is exempted 
from the attack of the locusts of the 

5. Kcii e866r] avTOLS iva /juj KrX.J I.e. 
the commission which they received 
ran M17 drroKTeivaTe avTovs, aWa ^aaa- 
vKjdrjTuia-av. The wound inflicted by 
the scorpion is not usually fatal, but 
it causes exquisite pain ; and this is 
the point of resemblance between the 
scorpion and the Apocalj^jtic locusts ; 
it was no part of their mission to kill, 
but rather to inflict suffering worse 
than death. Baaavi^eiv, ' to apply the 
touchstone,' is used, from Thucydides 
downwards, of torture, and this is its 
meaning in the lxx. (i Ilegn.\ Sap.*, 
Sir.i, 2 Macc.3, 4 Macc.^, a significant 
distribution) ; in the N.T. ^aaavi^eiv, 
^aaaviapos describe acute pain whether 
physical (Mt. viii. 6, Apoc. xii. 2), or 
mental (^It. viii. 29, 2 Pet. ii. 8), or are 
employed metaphorically (Mt. xiv. 24, 
Mc. vi. 48); in the Ajjocalypse, written 

both 0. and N.T. ; see e.g. 3 Regn. xii. 
1 1 7rai8(V(T(i) vp,ag iv (TKopTrlois, Ezek. 
ii. 6 iv fifcrco (TKopTriQiv av KaroiKels, 
Lc. xi. 12 eniSaicrei aurca (XKopTTiov ; 
The scorpion takes its place "Rath 
the snake and other creatures hostile 
to man, and with them symbolizes the 
forces of s})iritual evil which are active 
in the world : cf Sir. xxxix. 29 f. TravTa 
TovTa eis fKdLKr)(Tiv eKTtcTTai • 6rjpia)v 
odovTfs Koi (TKopnioi KOL e'^^eis, Lc. X. 1 9 
dedooKa vplv ttjv e^ovcriav tov naTflv 
enavu) ot^ecov Acat aKopTTioov, Koi eVt 
7ra(Tav Trjv tvvafiip tov e^dpov. 

4. icai eppidrj avrals Iva p.rj ddiKrj- 

(Tova-Lv kt'X.] Their mission, moreover, 
is not that of the locust tribe ; they 
are, in fact, prohibited from devouring 
herbage and stripping trees (Exod. 
X. 1 5 KaTe(f)ayei> [i] aKplf] naaau l3o- 
TavTjv TTJs yiy? Kcil navTa tov Kapirov Tav 
^v\u)v, cf. Joel ii. 3 rot oTTicrdev avTov 
TTfdlov d(pavLapov) ; this had been done 
sufficiently by the hail Avhich followed 
the first Trumpet (viii. 7). The pro- 
duce left by the hail in Egypt was 
devoured by the locusts (Exod. I. c.\ 
but the Apocalyptic locusts are bent 
on another errand ; men and not mere 
food stuff's are their goal. For eppedt] 
see vi. 11, note ; on the future after iva, 
iii. 9, note ; and on dSiKeiv = ^XdrrTeiv^ 
ii. II, note. Ov8e nav - ' nor any ' ; cf. 
Lc. i. 37 °^< dbvvaTi]aei...7rav pfjpa; 
for ovde after iva p.ri, see WM. p. 602, 
note 3. 

IX. 7] 



VL<Tdy'](rovTuL iJ.t]i'(i^ irevTe' kul 6 (^aaavicrixo^ avTUiv 
w^ (3a(ravi(r/ix6^ CTKopTriov^ oTav Traiar] avOpcoTTOv. 
^Kal ev Tah r]fj.epai^ eKeivai'i ^t]Tt](rov(riif ol avvpioTroi 6 
Tov ddvaTov Kal ov /ut] evpt](rovcriv avTOVy kul eTTLdv- 
fxriorovo'LV aTrodaveii' kul (pevyei 6 davuTO^ aV avTcov. 
''kul to. ofJiOLCofJiaTa twv ctKpihcov b/uoia 'ittttoi^ 7]toi- 7 

5 vfVTf] sex Prim | aKOfiiriov oray] orav cr/copTrios /j"'' | iraiar) (wtai] NAPQ 7 87 al*"" 
■irtffT} fir Kyr*") av6pioiTov] ttXtj^t] av0p. 10 26 37 4 1 42 43 49 ^6""" 6 fi/TTjcroi/trir] 

i^T]Tova-iv 2 8 9 19 27 42 50 91 96 al vg''"'* | evprjaovaiv KQ 6 7 8 29 30 al"" Av 
invenient vg'""'""''' Ainbr] €vpy)<Tu<nv i 2 9 al evpuicriv AP 12 17 28 34 35 46 49 79 87 
130 inveniimt vg'^""''* | (pevyeiAF i 12 1 7 36 38] (pvyrj R fugiat vg*""'* (pev^erai Q 
minP' syrr arm Ar fiu/iet ygi*^'^'"^*) prim 7 to. o/xotw/xara] to oixoiwfia g syrr | 

cixoia. PQ min"'""*''' Andr Ar] o/uoiot K o/iotw/aara A | nnrwy riToifxafffifywy 130 

at a tiino of imininent persecution, 
the thought of punisliment is again 
uppermost (ix. 5, xi. 10, xiv. 10 f, 
xviii. 7, 10, 15, XX. 10; xii. 2 is the 
only exception). 

fifivas TTivrf] This limit of time has 
been supposed to be a reminiscence 
of the 150 days of tlio Flood (Gen. 
vii. 24) or to refer to the duration of 
locust life. But the number five is 
frequently used without any apparent 
purpose beyond that of giving defi- 
niteness to a picture, e.g. Mt xxv. 1 5 
TrffTf ToXavra, Lc. xii. 6 Trt'vre arpovdia, 
ib. 52 nivTf iv (v\ oi'xco. xiv. 1 9 Ctyy) 

fioiiv ntVTf, Xvi. 28 TTiVTf d8eX(f)ovs, 

I Cor. xiv. 19 nfVTf Xoyovs. If a fur- 
ther reason is to be sought for its 
employment here, niyrf may point to 
the incompleteness of the visitation ; 
it lasted five-twelfths of the year, as 
the i)lagues of c. viii. aflected a third 
of nature. There is a progress in the 
visitations, but the end is not yet. 
OTav TTaiarj avd^ioiirov '. cf. Achill. 

Tat. ii. 7 *<>' TT HfXlTZa. . .€1TdTn^( TTjV 

;^elpa. For naUiv — ndracrcrfiv see Num. 
xxii. 28, 2 Ilegn. xiv. 6. Mc. xiv. 47 
(comp. with Mt. xxvi. 51). The ictus 
is inflicted by the scorpion-like tails 
ascribed to the locusts in r. 10; cf 
Plin. h. n. ii. 25 "semper cauda in 
ictu est, mdlo(|ue momento cessat ne 
quando dcsit occasioni.' The reading 

of Syr. 8^- TT((Tr) (n aydpoinov haa doubt- 
less arisen from naian written as rrtaj} ; 
see app. crit., and cf. note on vii. 16. 

6. Koi fv rais rffxtpais (Kfivais Cl^'l' 
at)V(Tiv ktX.] During those teirible 
months of torture men will prefer 
death to the agony of living. Cf. 

Job iii. 2 1 o/xf I'povTat Toil OavoTov 
Koi ov Tvy\di'ov(Tii' ktX., Jer. viii. 3 
(iXovTO Tov 6dvaTov *! tt)v ^aii^v : 666 

Apoc. vi. 16, Orac. S'ibyll. ii. 307 koi 
KaXfcrovcri KaXov to Bavf'iv koi (pfv^tT 
an avToiv. The thought was fiimiliar 
to the Greek and Roman poets : Soph. 
Elect)'. IC07 ov yap davt'iv ()(dicrTOv, 
dXX' OTav Oavtlv \ XPvC'^*' T'f fi-Ta prjbk 
TovT €xj] XalSdv. Ovid, lb. 1 23 "desit 
tibi copia mortis, | optatam fugiat 
vita coacta necem. ' Oi' /ui) (vpi^aova-iv 
avTov : such a death as they desire, a 
death which will end their suff'erings, 
is impossihle ; physical death is no 
remedy for the tSaaayiapos of an enl 

conscience. V^'ith (■n-idvfirjfTnia-tv dno- 
davfiv Alford aptly contnists Phil. i. 
23 TTjv entilvpiav t\ii)v di to draXvaai 
Kat crlv Xpia-rw tivai ; under such cir- 
cumstances death is a gain, but it is 
not sought, for life also has its com- 
])ensations, in duty and in enjoyment. 
ZrjTtlv, (TTidvpf'iv, form a climax. 

7 f. Kai rn ofioioJ^ara Tav aKpiSav 
ktX.] llitlierto only the powers of the 
locusts have been in view ; now thev 



[IX. 7 

/ULaCjuevoL^ ek TroXe/uop, kui ettl toc? KecbaXws avTwv 
oJs (TTechavoL bjuoioL ^pva'to, kui Ta 7rpo(rco7ra auTcoi/ 

8 a;s TrpocrcoTra dvOpcoTTCov kui el-^av Tpi')(^a^ ws Tpi-^a^ 
yvvaLKcov, Kai o'i 6h6vTe<i avTcov W9 XeovTCdv rjcav, 

9 ^KUi ^l^ov dcopaKa^ ws OcopaKas ai^rjpov^, Kal ^ <p(ovt] 
Twv TTTepvycoi/ avTcov ws (pcovi] dp/uaTcou 'lttttcov ttoA.- 

7 ofxoioi xp^c^ ^^AP I al vg me syrr arm aeth Andr] xpi"''o' Q min^'^''"^''*' Ar 
8 eixay HA] €lxov PQ min"'""'''' Andr Ar 9 om ruiv wrepvyiov 130 

are described. Their shapes {ofioioj^a, 
a word "midway between nopcprj and 
crxfjfia," Lightfoot on Phil. ii. 7, of. 
Ezek. i. 16, X. 2i=n-1D"1, Rom. i. 23) 
were like horses caparisoned for battle. 
The description is borrowed from 
Joel's account of a locust swarm (ii. 
4 f. (OS opaais intvav rj opaais avraiv, 
Kai (OS iTTTTfly ovtcos KaTa8i(o^ovTai...(os 
Xaos 7TapaTa(T(Toix€vos...eis TroXffiov); a 
metaphor chosen "partly on accomit 
of their speed and compact airay, but 
chiefly on account of a resemblance 
which has been often observed between 
the head of a locust and the head of 
a horse " (Driver, ad loc, citing Theo- 
doret : el yap ns a/<pi/3co? Karldoi ttjp 
Kf(f)a\T]v rrjs aKpidos (r(f)o8pa tjj rov 
innov fciOKviav evprjaff e'crrt 8e Ibelv 
Koi TTfTOfievrjv avTijv kut ov8fv rrjs rov 
"innov Tax^TTiTos eXaTTovfifprjv). 

Kai eVi Ta^ Kec^nAa? avTKov (os crri- 
(j)avoi ktX.] So far the picture might 
have been that of an ordinary swarm 
of locusts : the next two features are 
peculiar to the locusts of the Abyss. 
(i) They are crowned like conquerors 
(cf iv. 4, xiv. 14), as indeed they are 
so long as their power lasts. (2) Their 
faces are strangely human, suggesting 
the intelligence and capacity of man ; 
their long hair resembles that of 
women (i Cor. xi. 15). Perhaps it 
is unnecessary to take av6p(OTra)i> here 
as = av8pu>v, though some supjwrt for 
this view may be found in Esth. iv. 10 
(nas ap6pa>7ros r) yvvtj), and I Cor. vii. i 
{koXov av6p(OTV(o yvvaiKOs /ii? anrfcrSai). 
'iif Tp/^ar may allude to the long 

antennae of the locust tribe, or, as 
some suppose, to the long hair woni 
by the Parthians (Suet. Ves}). 20). The 
ancient commentators for the most 
part regard the reference to women 
as symbolizing the abuse of the sexual 
relations ; e.g. Bede, " in capillis mu- 
lierum fluxos et eiFeminatos mores." 
But it is safer not to press the details. 
As to the general sense, the locusts 
of the Abyss may represent to us 
memories of the past brought home 
at times of Divine visitation, which 
hurt by recalling forgotten sins ; cf. 
I Kings xvii. 13. Kal ol obovrts avrav 
ktX. looks back to Joel i. 6 ol obovres 
avTov dHovres Xiovros. For (ixav see 

WH.-, Notes, p. 172. 

9. Kal eix^v dcopoKas (os 6. crib-qpovs] 
The scaly backs and flanks of the 
insects resembled coats of mail, Avhe- 
ther the scale-armour worn by Goliath 
( r Rcgn. xvii. 5 6<opaKa oXvcrihoiTuv ; 
cf Driver, ad loc, "like the scales of 
a fish, plates overlapping each other 
and allowing free movement"), or a 
cuirass of "metal plates across the 
chest and long flexible bands of steel 
over the shoulders " {Enc. Bihl. i. 606, 
and see Dean Robinson's note on Eph. 
vi. 1 4). 'S.ihi-ipovs points to the material 
of wliich such armour was ordinarily 
made, and at the same time indicates 
the hopelessness of any effort to de- 
stroy assailants who were so protected. 
The next feature is again from Joel (ii. 
5 (OS (poovT) dpp(iT(ov...(os Xaos rroXvs Kai 
laxvpos Traparaacrofifvos fls TToXf/xof). 
In the onrush of the locust-swarms 

IX. ii] 




1] e^ovcria avTcou ddiKfjcrai TOu<i dvOpcoirovi /uLrjuwi 
TrevTe. " 'e-)(^ova'LV eV auTcov jSacriXea tov dyyeXov ii 
7-^9 dl3u(Tcrov, ovofJLct avTM S/3pai<TTi AfSahdcou, 

lo ex"'"''"'] f'X'"' 38 vg arm | ovpas o/xoias] o/uoiw/ua arm* | o/xoiai VQ rnin'"'"""" 
Andr Ar] o/xototi KA 14 | ffKop-mo) syr"" | Kai ev] -qv fv vg<i<!f''>i«mh.ri*«hp„ «„ i 7 ^8 34 
130 al vy*'" ''"'* '"' syr*"' arm aeth Andr | avTwi> i°] + Kai i 36 47 79 vg"='* *•"'"?" | rj 
eloiKria ai/rw*'] e^ovciav exovaiv Q 6 8 14 al*"" syr Ar e^ovcnav (xovcrai 51 90 92 ai 
e^ovatai avruy 130 | adiKtja-ai] pr tov Q min'«">^* 1 1 fx^i'"'"'] ?•" x"-!- P ' al""™" 

vg syrr arm aeth exovaai Q mia'"""^' Ar | e^ eavrwv tov ^acriXea K 130 | tov apxovTo. 
TT/s a^vaffov tov 0776X0;* A | tov a77e\o«'] om tov Q minP''J^'' Ar | ovofxa avTw] pr a> fc< 
syrr cui novien vg | A^aSdwv] A/SaaSSwi* Q 27 30 93 al Ma7e5w»' me Armageddon 
Prim Labbadon Haym alia alii 

tlio Prophet heard the din of war 
chariots ; the Seer adds tTrrrcoi/ noWav 
TpfxovTuiv, thinking of " the pransings 
of their strong ones" (Jud. v. 22) as 
well as of the clatter of the chariots 
and the rumbling of their wheels (Jer. 
xxix. = xlvii. 3") ; comp. 4 Regn. vii. 6 
Kvpios aKov(rTf]v fnoirjcrev rrjv napefx- 
^oXfjv '2vf)ias (f)0)vr]v apfiUTos Koi (pavfjv 
tTTTToi), (})<i)vrjv 8vvafx(Ci)s fjLfyoKris. For 
the vast numbers of the chariots em- 
ployed in ancient warfare cf. I Sam. 
xiii. 5 (30,ooo\ i Chron. xix. 7 (32,000); 
for the phrase appara liTnayv see 3 Regn. 
xii. 24 b ^crav avT^ lippaTti TpiaKoaia 

10. Km e^oi"'""' f>vp(ii opotas (TKop- 
TTtois kt\.] The body of the locust 
of the Abyss ended in a flexible tail 
(Clem. Al. Strom, iii. 18 § 106 ovpals... 
as KepKovs "'EWrjves KnXovcriv) like tho 
tail of the scorpion. 'Opolat a-Kopniois 
— op. Tois ovpalt T<av crKopnioov, as in 
Mt. V. 20 TrXfioi' Tcov ypappuTtojv ^it\. 
TTJs diKaio(rvvT}i Tuiv yp. (cf.WM. pp. 307, 
377). The tails were armed with 
stings, in whicli resiiled the jiower of 
the locusts to hurt. Kevrpov is j)nipcrly 
the goad used for oxen (Prov. xxvi. 3, 
Acts xxvi. 14), and in a secondary 
sense the sting of the bee (4 Mace. xiv. 
19 p€\t(T<Ta...Kat)anfp cri^ripai tco k(v- 
Tpco Tv\t'](T(riii>a-i) or other insect. AVith 
the svmbolism cf. Hos. xiii. 14 nov to 

Kfvrpov <Tov, abrj ; I Cor. XV. 56 to 5e 
KfPTpov tov OavoTov 1] apaprin, liivTf 
pfjvas : see r. 5, note. 

II. txovaiv (IT aiiTwv (BacrtXta ktX.J 
In Prov. xxiv. 62 (xxx. 27) we read : 
a^aaiXfvTw eaTiv ?) aKpls. If the Apoc- 
alyptist remembered thisstateTiient.he 
found an exception to it in the locusts 
of the Abyss, which are in other 
respects quite abnormal ; perhaps he 
has been influenced l)y Amos \ii. i 
LXX. Iboii (TTiyovf] OKplScov ipxopfvrj €<u- 
Bivrjy Ka\ Ifiov ^povxos fts Fcoy (315 "IHX 
for M.T. -n nns) 6 ^aaiXfCi. For 
their king the locusts of the Abyss 
have the Angel who presides over it 
(r. i), i.e. they obey his orders and do 
liis work. The Seer knows tho name 
of this angel ; it is in Hebrew 
('E/3paicrri, as in Jo. v. 2, xix. 13, 17, 
20, XX. 16, Apoc. xvi. 16 ; cf. Intro- 
duction, c. xi.) Ahtu/doN, and in tho 
Greek (tv ttj 'EXXrjriK^, sc. yXoicra-t) 
-'EXXTjviari ; for tho latter see Jo. 
xix. 20, Acts xxi. 37) 'AnoXXiKDv, 
Destroyer; Vg., Extcnniiiaiis ; the 
rendering in S}t.^- ^^vt. rests ujK)n 
the false reading \\noX\a)v (apjy. crit.). 
Abaddon, P'^?';!!., a wi)rd used almost 
exclusively in the Wisdom literature 
(Job xxvi. 6, xxviii. 22, xxxi. 12, Ps. 
Ixxxviii. II, Prov. xv. 11, xxvii. 20) 
is represented in the LXX. ^exc. Job 



[IX. II 

12 Kai ev rf] 'GWriuiKfj ovofxa e-)(€L 'AttoWvcov. ^'r] oval 
y] fjiia aTrnXBev lZov epx^'Tai etl hvo ovai juetu 

13 ^^ Kal 6 (BKTO's ayyeXos ecraKiTLcrev' kuc riKOVcra 

1 1 /cat €v T17] ev Se tt) Q min'*° vg syr Prim Ar | EXXijwkt;] lS,Wr]Vi5i. K | om ovofia 
fYfc vg arm I AttoXXuwi' (cf vg latine habens nomen Exterminans ; anon*"* cui nomen 
latine Perdens)] AiroXvwv 49* 98 syrs" 12 a-ir-nXdev] Trap-nXdev 28 79 80 | epxfTCLi. 

t<*A 7 8 14 29 30 alP'i-o ayrr] epxovrai «=■» PQ i 28 32 35 36 al""'°" syrs^ Andr Ar om 
arm* | en 5vo] om en i 49 97 arm devrepa 7 me arm^ | ^era roura c. versu sequenti 
coniuug t{ (Q) 8 14 29 31 47 48 50 90 al"" syr^" arm» 13 om /cat 1° t< me 

xxxi. 12) by dnoiXeia, meaning either 
destruction generally (Job xxvi. 6, 
Esth. viii. 6) or destruction in Sheol. 
{Emek hammelek, f. 15. 3 "infimus 
gehennae locus est Abaddon, unde 
nemo emergit"). Here Destruction 
in the deeper sense is iDersonified, 
and 'AttoXXi^coi' is therefore preferred 
to anu>keia (cf. I Cor. X. lO rov 6\o- 
BpfvTov) ; the allusion to 'AttoXXcoi/, 
suggested by some commentators, 
seems far-fetched, but in this book it is 
not impossible. The personification 
of Abaddon is known to the Talmud ; 
see Shahh. f. 55 a, where six destroy- 
ing Angels are mentioned, over whom 
preside Flltp and iH^N* ; ih. f. 89. i 
npx niO-l' innx. it is unnecessary 
to enquire Avhether by Abaddon, the 
Destroyer, the Seer means Death or 
Satan ; perhaps he does not conscious- 
ly identify the personality, which be- 
longs to the scenery of the vision. The 
ApoUyon of PiJgrini's Progress is a 
more fully developed conception, and 
indeed in all but the name it is a crea- 
tion of Bunyan. With the construction 
ovofxa f'x^^ 'AttoXKvuiv cf. xix. 16 ep^fi... 
ovofxa ytypapnifvov Bao"iXei5r, AcrX., and 
see WM. p. 226 ; on the form airok- 
\vfiv see WH.2, Notes, p. 175 f. 

12. 7) ovai T) fxia airffkdfv (crX.J "Woe 
the first is gone past ; behold, there 
come yet two Woes after this," i.e., 
the sixth and seventh Trumpets have 
yet to be blown (cf. viii. 13, note). 
'H ovai', which occurs again in xi. 14 

(j) oval rj Sfvrfpa, 7) oval r/ rptTT]), is 

not easy to explain : Blass (Gr. p. 32) 
seems to attribute the gender to the 
fact that the word oval is here equi- 
valent to 6\i\l/is, but it is simpler to 
regard the three Woes in the light 
of female personages, the Erinnues or 
Eumenides of the Apocalypse, repre- 
senting the avenging powers evoked by 
the last three Trumpets. Mia = 7rpwr?;, 
a Hebraism which the Lxx. takes over 
in Gen. i. 5, 8 rjfxfpa : cf. Mc. x>i. 

2 Tji fiia rav cra^^ciTcov with 'Mc' xvi. 
9 npcdTTj aa^^aTov, and see notes there. 
In f'pxfrai 8vo ovai the personification 
seems to disappear, for the writer 
treats oval as a neuter. For ovat as 
a noun see Prov. xxiii. 29, Ezek. vii. 
26, I Cor. ix. 16. 

13 — 21. Thk Sixth Trumpet, or 
Second Wok. 

13. Kai 6 €KTOi ayytXos tcaKmcrev' 
Kai ktX.] The sixth trumpet-blast is 
followed by a solitary voice (^I'av 

<l)u>vrjv, cf. viii. 13 (vos derov) which 
seems to proceed from («) the horns 
of the Golden Altar mentioned in viii. 
3. The voice may be that of the 
Angel who had been seen standing 
over the Altar with a golden censer ; 
or it may represent the prayers of the 
Saints, which now have the eff"ect of 
a command issued to the Angel of the 
sixth Trumpet. The general sense is 
the same in either case ; the prayers 
of the Church, which initiated the 
entire series of visitations connected 

IX. 15] 



(pcoutjv juiai/ €K Tcov KepccTcov Tou 6u(rLa(rT}io'iov too 
^pvcrov Tov evioTTiov tou veov, ^'*\eyoi/Ta -red 'Iktco 14 
dyyeXo), 6 e^cov Tr]v cra\7riyya Aucrov tou^ Teaaa- 
pws dyyeXov^ tou^ dede/uepov^ eV/ tw TroTafjLU) tuj 
jueyaXo) GucbpaT}}. ^^kcu e\u6>j(rau oi Te(r(rape^ dy- 15 

13 (pwvriv juiav] cpwy-rjs M'at N""* (pwv-qv fx.(ya\r]y 34 35 87 (puvrjy tantum N* 38 me 
vocem, unum vg*'"'"''''' ujium Cypr Prim auon»"« om 130 | om tK twv KtpaTwv fc<* 

(hab N<^*) 14 92 I KepaTWv} pr Tiaaapwv PQmtnforeomn ygclodemlli«4,« gyj-j. Qy-y^ Prim 

Andr Ar (ora S"* » A 18 79 vg*™ '"''•'•"""'"'' me syrr aeth) | om tov xP"<r'>v 14 92 arm* 
14 \tyovTa K*A] \fyovTo% Q min'"«*" Ar \eyov<r(iv P i 7 aS 35 36 38 al Xcyovarj^ 
N'* I om e/cTW A | o exw"] rot exovri 34 35 87 (130) oj et^e Ar qui habebat vg Cypr | 
Teaaapat] Tecrcrapes K 87 | cm Tons S€Se/xepovi...€v<ppaT7j me | eTri] tv 7 19 37 injlumi^ 
vg I TO) /x€ya\w] + irora/xu P om rw /tey. arm Cassiod 15 e\v0ij(Tav] cXvirrjdTjcran A 

with the Trumpets, now bring about 
a greater catastroplie tlian tlie world 
has yet experienced. Twv Kfijc'ircov r. 
6v(T. (Exod. xxvii. i, 2) niiiy be in- 
tended to point to the four corners of 
the earth (vii. i) from wliich pi-ayer 
ascends ; the single voice intcrj)rets 
the desire of the 'Holy Church 
throughout all the world.' 

14- Xeyovra rw (ktco ayyAco, o ex'^v 
Tf]v a-.] Atyovra personifies the voice, 
as in iv. i ; o ex.'^v r. a. must be 
regarded as a iiarenthesis ; the alter- 
native of connecting the words with 
\vaov kt\. ('thou that hast the trum- 
pet, loose,' etc.), is less in accordance 
with the manner of the Apocalypse. 
Similar constructions occur in iv. i, 
xi. 15. 

\viTov Tovs TfacTcipni ayyeXovs Tovi 
BiSflJifvovs ktX.] Another (luaternion 
(Acts xii. 4) of angels ; cf. vii. i fi8ov 
Tecraapas dyyfXovi. Those in C. vii. 
restrain the win<ls of licaven ; these arc 
themselves bound, for tliey are Angels 
of the Divine wruth which is not to bo 
executed before the jncdcstiiied time; 
cf. Mt. xiii. 41. They are held in 
i-eadiness "at the great river Eu- 
phrates " ; a j)hrase which sends the 
reader back to (.Jen. xv. 18, where the 
Land of promise is said to extend anu 
TOV norafioii AtyvTrrov f(DS tov norafiov 
TOV fityaKov ¥.v(f)pdTov, cf. Exod. xxiii. 
31 (l.xx.). Dent. i. 7, xi. 24, Josh. i. 4, 

I Kings i v. 21, Ps. Ixxxii. The Euphra- 
tes was on the East "the ideal hmit" 
of the land of Israel (Driver on Gen. 
/. c). Beyond it lay the great heathen 
kingdoms of the East, Bid)ylonia on 
the east bank of the river, the Assyrian 
Empire further to the X.E. ; an 
invasiim of Israel >)y these nations is 
likened to an overflow of the Great 
Kiver in Isa. viii. 7 Kvpms dvdyfi «'0' 
v/xas TO vocofj Toil Trorcifjiov to lu^vpov 
Kai TO TToXi', TOV ^acriKfo Tcor 'Aacrv- 
pi(ov. Thus the idea i)resented by 
the angels of vengeance bound on the 
banks of the Euphrates is that the 
day of vengeance was held back only 
till God's time has come. When at 
length they are loosed, the flood \\ill 
bin-st its barriers, and ruin will follow. 
The Euphrates is mentioned again in 
coimexi(m with the iSixth liowl (xvi. 
12, where see note . The ancient Latin 
connnentators explained the Euphra- 
tes mystically, e.g. Bede: "Euphrates 
qui fluvius est Babyloniao nnnidani 
regni potontiam...indicat." Andreas 
satisfies himsolf by saying "o-oje St.., 
BtjXovTai fK TUP fi(pa>v fK(ivii)v (^itvai 
TOP avTlxpiaTov. It is ])ossible tliat 
the Aj>ocalyptist had in mind the un- 
known and at the time greatly dreaded 
resources of the Parthian Empire; cf. 
Mommsen, riim. G<\ir/i. v. 359. 

15. Koi f\iOrj(Tai> ktX.j 'EXv^troi/ 

is the correlative of tSfOrjaav, cf. Mu 



[IX. IS 

yeXoi ol iiTOtjuao'iuei'OL et? Tt]V wpav Kai tjiuepav Kai 


1 6 dvOpcoTTcov. ^^Kai 6 dpidfjio^ Twv crTpaTeviuaTcov toO 
Ittttikov hi(TjuvpLahe<s /uvpiahiov tjKOucra tov dpiBfJ-OV 

15 01 i]Toinaa-/x€VOL] om 01 t^ 41 90 98 \ eiy ttjv upav /cat tjfxepav Kai firivcx, Kai eviav- 
Tov] ei5 T. Tj/n. K. eis TOV /j.Tjva K. eis TOV ev. ajT^ \ Kai rj/xepav} om K i Kai fis ttjv ijfi. 
Q minP'i^" Ar Kai T-qv 7?^. 28 38 49 79 91 96 | to TpiTov'\-\- ^epos 28 37 79 80 tertiam 
partem vg 16 tov nririKov] tov lttttov 2 8 9 13 16 24 35 49*"' 51 91 alp'i^* | 5i<TfJiv- 

piaSes (dismyriades Cypr)] Si-o fj-vpiaBas N i"^""''' 28 79 syrr Ar fxvpiadei Q minf«"*' 
arm us /j.vp. 130 

xti. 19, xviii. 18, Mc. xi. 4 f., Lc. xiii. 
16, I Cor. vii. 27. The ministers of 
vengeance, now set free, at once enter 
on the Avork for whicli they had been 
prepared in the Divine foreknowledge. 
Ol riToifiaapifuoi, "who had been made 
ready" ; for this quasi-phiperfect sense 
of the part, see Jo. ii. 9, Acts xviii. 2, 
Gal. ii. 1 1, Heb. ii. 9, and for eroipid^eiv 
of Divine preparation, Mt. xxv. 34, 41, 
Mc. X. 40, Lc. ii. 31, I Cor. ii. 9, 
Apoc. xii. 6, xvi. 12, Els r. wpav 
kt\. ; the preparation had l>een made 
■with a view to the result being at- 
tained at a definite time ; for this use 
of (Is cf. i\ 7, and 2 Tim. ii. 20, and for 
a similar use of n-por, Tit. iii. i, i Pet. 
iii. 1 5, 2 Pet. i. 3. The four notes of 
time are under one article, since the 
occasion is one and the same. The 
ascensive order {wpav...fviavT6v) is 
difficult to explain, but it occurs also 
in the O.T. (e.g. Num. i. i, Zech. i. 7, 
Hagg. i. 15), and probably has in this 
place no special significance ; perhaps 
it originated, as Primasius suggests, in 
the thought that "et horis gradatim 
dies et diebus menses et mensibus 
certum est annos impleri." The 'hour' 
and the other 'times and seasons' are 
not revealed till they may be gathered 
from the event ; cf. Mc. xiii. 32, 
Acts- i. 7. 

Ii'ft arroKTeivcocriv to Tp'iTov rc5v av6pco- 
jTOiv. If the fifth trumpet brought 
torture, the sixth brings death. But 
again the destruction is partial only ; 

two-thirds remain unscathed, as in the 
lesser visitations heralded by the first 
four trumpets (nil. 7 ff.). 

16. Koi 6 dpidfios Ta>v OTpaTfVfiaTav 
kt'K.] The work of the destroying 
angels is done by the vast forces under 
their command- This new feature is 
introduced Avith strange abruptness, 
as if the Seer in his eagerness to 
describe it had forgotten to prepare 
the reader by some such connecting 
clause as Km aireKTeivav avTOvs 8ia rau 
(TTpartvpaTcov avrSv, or (as in xix. 1 4) 
Kai TCI (TTpaTevfjiaTa avrav ■qKoKovOei 
avTois. The hosts (for o-rpaTevp-aTa 

see Judith xi. 8, 4 Mace. v. i, Mt. xxii. 
7, Lc. xxiii. II, Apoc. ix. 16, xix. 14, 
19) consisted of cavalry (cf. Herod, vii. 
87 'Apdj3ioi 8€...e(TXO.TOi (T€Td)(aTO Iva 
pr) (fyolSfoiTo to InniKov), and the num- 
ber, which was stated in the Seer's 
hearing (cf. vii. 4), was biapvpidSes 
pvpici8ti)v = 2oo,ooo,(XK>. The figures 
rest ultimately on Ps. Ixviii. 18 : "the 
chariots of God are IX^K' ^2^i? D^n'm. 
(lxx. pvpionXdaiov, ;;^i'Xiot)"; cf. Deut. 
xxxiii. 2, Dan. \ii. 10, Apoc. v. 11 note, 
Aiapvpiddes (not 8\s pvpid8es), cf. Tpicr- 
pvpioi (Esth. i. 7), Biapvpioi (2 Mace. v. 
24, viii. 9), Sto-^'Xtoi (Mc. V. 1 3). These 
vast numbers forbid us to seek a literal 
fulfilment, and the description which 
follows supports this conclusion. On 
aKovfiv with the ace. see Blass, Gr. 
p. 103. "HKOvaa tov dpidpov avTa>v : 
cf. C. viL 4 i]K. T. dpidpov ru>v ea(ppa- 

IX. 17] 



avTcov. ^^"^Kai o'uTa)<i elhou tov^ 'lttttov^ eV Ttj opacreL 17 §C 
Kai Toi)v Ka6>]/j.6i^ou<i eV avTcov, 'e^ovTa<i 6u)paKa<: 
TTvp'tvovi Kal vctKivQivov^ Kal Seicohei'i' kul cd KecpaXat 
Twv 'iTTTTWv to9 KECbaXat Xeoi^Tioi/, Kai e'/c toov (TTO/uia- 
TOJU avTcov eKTTopeveTai irvp Kai kuttvo^ kul veiov. 

16 ainuv] + ovT-jL'^ (om oirrwt infra) me 17 om ovrwi 38 arm Prim anon"« | 

eiSov SP mini'' Ar] i5oi> AC(Q) 7 14 92 130 | i-mrovs] ittttikovs Q 14 | ctt] cTrafcj 
N I I'o/cii'^ti'oi's] aKavdivovi (spineas) Prim | deiwStis] dvuSeit S* | rojy nririi)v] + avTwy 
syr^™ I Tov (TTOfiaros syrs" (item 18) | e^eiropevovro 38 arm 

17. Koi ovTcos eidov tovs Ittttovs ktX.J 
A mixed constniction wliich blends k. 
ovras (t8ov...€L)(ov with k. tidov... 
fXovras. The sentence is further com- 
plicated by the introduction of a 
second object, the riders {roiis Kadrj- 
fifpovs <V avTcSv, cf. vi. 4) ^^^' ^ ^1 
18 fT.) ; it is not clear whether t;^'"^"^ 
refers to rovs Inirovi, or to roiis kuO., 
or to botli. On the whole it is best 
perhaps to limit the participial clause 
to the riders ; the horses are de- 
scril)ed in the sequel. The riders were 
armed in cuirasses Avhose colour sug- 
gested fire, smoke, and brimstone. 
niipivoi is properly 'of fire,' while irvp- 
p6s (vi. 4, xii. 3) is 'flunie-cohmred': cf. 
Sir. xlviii. 9 pHXt'a?] 6 avn\T]p.4)6(\s... 
iv apfxari "iiriroiv nvplvutv, with 4 Kegn. 
ii. 1 1 Ibov app.a TTvpos Ka\ itttto? nvpoi: 
The defensive armour of the warriors 
seemed to coiisist of fire ; cf. Ps. ciii. 

(civ. ) 4 o TToiiiv. . .TOVS XfLTovpyovs aVTOV 
TTiip (f)\fyov. 'YaKivdivoi, of voKivdos, 
which in Apoc. xxi. 20 is a precious 
stone (cf. Syr.K''- •«<^n=iTj3 i.e. ^a^- 
KT}b(Dv\ but in the i.xx. stiinds for a 
dye ('blue,' A.Y., R.V.) which is com- 
bined with ]niri)lo (Exod. xxv. 4, xxvii. 
16), fine linen (Exod. xxvi. i), and gold 
(Exod. xxviii. 8,, Is:i. iii. 23) — the 
equivalent of n^2Jj1j probably the 
shell-fish helix ianthiiia, which yield- 
ed the famous Tyrian dye. The 
vuKivdos of classical (ircek was a vege- 
table, perhaps the dark blue-fiowering 
iris. Here vaKivOivo^ is doubtless 
meant to describe the blue smoke of 
a sulphurous flame vcf. infra, wvp Ka\ 

Kanvos Koi dfiov). The Latin version 
used by Primasius strangely rendered 
vuK. by sjnneas, "spineas significans 
vitas," as Prinia.sius explains ; but 
the rendering doubtless originated 
in a confusion between vaKiv6'ivovi 
and cLKavQlvovi. "With the colour of 
flame and smoke the cuirasses shewed 
also the pale yellow of brimstone. 
efjcoSr^v is (in. Xfy. in Biblical Greek, 
but not unkno\ni to post-classical 
writers. The description as a whole 
recalls the fate of the Cities of the 
Plain ; Gen. xix. 24, 28 Kn\ Ki'pioc 
(^p(^(i> (li Sdfio/ia Kn\ Tofioppa 6('iov 
Kai nvp...Kai i8ov avt^aivtv (f)\(>^ rrji 
yfjs co(Tf\ aTfxif Kap.ivov (cf. Jude 7- 

2 Pet. ii. 6). 

Kai al Kf(f)a\a\ twv imrwi' oir k. Xfoi'- 
TCOP ACrX.J Cf. ?'. 8 KOI ol ofifWf f avTcii' 

cof Xfoin-coi' rjaav. The horses in the 
vision seemed to unite the majestic 
mien of the lion with the smftness of 
their own kind. Like their riders they 
Avere armed with fire, smoke, and 
brim.stone; but while these formed the 
cuirasses of the horsemen, they i>ro- 
ceeded from the lion-liko jaws of the 
horses, wiiich thus .seemed to 'breathe 
threatening and slaughter' I'Acts ix. i). 
Cf. Job xli. I of. (K (TTofxaros avTov 
f Knopf vovrai, Xafinabfi Kau'iptvai ...(k 
fj.vKTi]p(j3i' avTov (KnoiKvtTai Kanvos KOfil- 
vov\ and see Apoc. xi. 5, and Slavonic 
Enoch i. 5 "fire came forth from their 
lips"; see also the deseription of the 
Chaldean cavalry in I lab. i. SlT. Pos- 
sibly the Parthian cavalry are in the 
mind of tlie Seer. 



[IX. 1 8 

1 8 ^^aTTO Tcov Toiwv TrXtjiycov tovtcov d7reKTav6r)(rav to 


KUL TOV Beiou TOV eKTTopevofJLevov ck tujv CTOfJiaTiav 

19 avToov. '^^/ yap e^ovcia tcov 'ittttcov ev tw (TTOfj-aTL 
avTcov ecTTLV KUL ev Tai^ ovpai<i avToov at yap ovpai 
avT(ov 6/uoiai 6<p6(riVf kxovG'ai Ke<pa\a<i, Kai ev ai/rals 

20 d^LKOvcriv. ^°Kai 01 Xolttoi tcov dvOpoyTrcov, o\ ovk 
dTreKTavOtjcrav ev Tah 7r\t]ya7^ TavTai^, ovhe /xere- 

18 airo] VTTo I 5 I Twv rpiuv TrX-qyiov] oin twv C om rpiwv ti arm orn Tr\Tjyuv i 38 | 
aTTtKTavdri 36 38 97 | e/c i°] airo Q 7 14 aF"'" Ar | tov kuttvov] pr e/c CP I 6 31 al 

ygCleharl»»lip»4hmrlcorr gyfj. | ^^^ ^jioi;] J^r CK P I 6 3I 79 al Sjrr | Om T. eKTTOp. €K T. 

ffrofji. avTwv arm'' 19 ■'? "yap t^ovcna tuiv L-mruiv (tottuij' A)...e<7'Tiv] ai yap e^ovcrtai i \ om Kai ec rats ovpais avTwv 1 36 aeth | om at yap ovpai...adiKov(Tiy 
syr*"' I o/j,oias 130 | o(pecnv] o(pfuy Q min'° Ar ocpeus 130 | exoucrats t<'-'* (-eras K*) P 
36 habentihus vg'''^™ exo^"''*' C* | aurais] rai^rais 130 | -qbiKovaav 38 arm 20 v\r}- 

yaii^+avTOjv \< \ ov5e t<Q 14 38 92] ovre AP i 36 al"^™" 

18. awo TCOV rpicov Tr\r]ycov tovtoip 
dirfKravdrjcrav ktX.] UXTjyij, which ill 
classical Greek scarcely goes beyond 
its etymological meaning, is used in 
the Lxx. for the 'plagues' of Egypt 
(Exod. xi. I if., cf. Num. xxv. 8 flf.), 
and this sense reappears frequently in 
the Apocalyi)se (ix. 18, 20, xi. 6, xiii. 3, 
12, 14, XV. I, 6, 8, xvi. 9, 21, xviii. 4, 
8, xxi. 9, xxii. 18). The thought of 
the Egyjitian plagues has been in the 
mind of the ^\Titer for some time, and 
he now uses the familiar LXx. word. 
The " three plagues " are the fire, 
smoke, and brimstone which proceed 
from the horses ; the repeated article 
{tov.. .Toi). . .rov) indicates that they are 
regarded as distinct agencies. 'Atto, 
(K, 'arising from,' 'springing out of,' 
are here, as often in the N.T., practi- 
cally indistinguishable ; see Blass, Gi\ 
p. 124 f. For eKTTopeveadai fK, see 
xxii. I ; on aTrfKravdrjaav see ii. 13, note. 

19. 7; yap €^ov<Tia...iv rals ovpais 
avrav] Their power (ii. 26, vi. 8) 
resides in mouth and tail (cf v, 10); 
if the one discharges fiery and noisome 
vapours, the other is armed with the 
poison of the snake. With opoun 

<j(f)f(TLV, cf. V. 10 I'xoiicrji' ovpas op.oias 
(TKopniois (note). As a picture ovpal... 
exova-ai Ke(f)a\as is intolerable, but it 
serves to enhance the horror of the 
situation ; cf Introduction, c. xii. 

20. Koi oi XoiTTOl TCOV dv6pC0TTQ)V KtX.J 

The two-thirds who escaped both the 
mouths and the tails of the horses 
might have been expected to take 
warning by the fate of their fellows, 
and to become servants of God and of 
Clirist ; but so far from doing this, 
they did not even (ovSe) repent of 
their idolatries. For ov8f, ' not even,' 
see Mc. vi. 31, i Cor. iii. 3, iv. 3 (a'XX' 
ov8() ; for peravoflv tK, Apoc. ii. 2 1. Tav 
epycov Ta>u x^eipMV avrav (Prim. 'V^T0ngly 

factorum suorum malo7'um, Vg. 
de operibus manuum suarum) 'their 
idols,' an O.T. phrase=Dnn> t'i'O, cf. 
e.g. Deut. iv. 28 Xarpewo-ere e/cei Oeo'is 
fTfpois, i'pyois x^'-P'^^ dvdpanrciyv, ^vXois 
Kai Xt'^otf, Ps. cxxxiv. (cxxxv.) 15 ra 
fidcoXa Ta)i> idvuiv apyvpiov Koi )(P^(^'-^*'j 
€pya x^Lpiov dvdpconoiv, Jer. 1. ID eav- 
(Tciv 6fois dXXorpiois kuI TvpoaeKwrjaav 
Toii epyois rap x^ipaiv avrcHf. Ihat 
this is the true interpretation of the 
phrase here is clear from what follows. 

IX. 2l] 



vor](Tuv tK Ttov epycoi' rcou ^eipcoiy avTWv, tva futj 
irpoo'Kvvria'ova'LV Tci haifiovia Kal to. ethcoXa Ta y^pvcra 
Kai T« ctpyvpa Kal to. ■^aXKO. Kal to. Xiviva Kal Ta 
^vXti'fc, d ovTe ^XeTreiu hwavTai outc ctKOveiv oi/re 
TrepLTraTel.v' ^^ Kal ov jueTeuoficrau e'/c tcoi/ (poi^cov avTuiv 21 
ovTe e'/c Twv (papjuaKicou avTcov ouTe eK r//^ vropveia^ 


•20 Toii ep7ou syi*'"' I irpoaKvvriaovaiv i^AC 7* 36 42] ■irpo<TKWTj<Tui<nv PQ minf' Andr 
Ar I xf'^'^"-'-''- ■ ■ ■X°-^'^^°^ ^ I XP^<^°^'\ V^ KiiKpa nai 130 | 0111 /cai ra xaX^a 267891316 
^9 30 31 33 ^1 Ar I ^i;Xt»'a...X(^u'a K syr*" ] Si'^arat Q^'''' miuP' Ar 21 oi-re e(c ter] 

Kai €K syr*" | (pap/xaKMv APQ] (papfxaKumv i al'"""" <pap/iaKuiv NC min^ Ar j iropveias 
K""* CPQ mill"™"'''* vg (me) syrr Audr Ar] X*A | om ovre €k rwy K\efj.iJ.aTuv 
avTwv Bvi'^''' Prim 

7i>a /irj TTpoaKwrjcrovcnv ktX.J Kcpcilt- 
ance would have led them to al)andoii 
tlie worship of uneleaii spii'i ts and ( >f the 
idols which represented them. Both in 
the O. and X.T. the lieathen worship 
is regarded as paid to demons : cf. 
Dent, xxxii. 17 (where see Driver's 
note), Ps. cv. (cvi.) 37 t6vaav...8ai- 
fjLOvlois (DHL;'^^ I Cor. X. 20 a 6vov- 
(Tiv [to. f^f?], dai/ioviois Kai ov 6f(3 
6xiov<Tiv ov 6i\(x) 5e v/Lxaf Koivoivovi ru)v 
baipiovioiv yivftrdai. Cf. Ps. XCV. (xcvi.) 
5 iravTfi 01 deo\ T(ii)v (Bvwv Bnifiupia 

(D'<'''?i<). Of the two Hebrew words, 
the latter rejiresents the deities of 
heathendom as non-existent, while the 
former points to the older belief that 
they were demis^ods, evil genii, or the 
like. In the Gospels the baipLovm are 
identified with nffvpMTa aKa^npra (cf. 

MC. v. 2 fll'^ptOTTOf fV TTl'fVfXnTl QKadapTco 

= Mt. viii. 27 bvo 8aipiovi(ufi(voi—hc. 
viii. 29 dvi]f} Tis f\(i)v 8aipi6i'ia\ and 
this view was j)robal)ly in the mind of 
St Paul and the Apocalyptist ; it found 
its ju.stification in the impurities as- 
sociated with the Cireek legends and 
tiie immorality too often promoted by 
the temples and their priesthood. 

KOI ra f tScoXa ra \f)v<Ta actX.] Chris- 
tianity rigonmsly maintained the old 
Hebrew protest against idol-worsliip. 

Though "an idol is nothing in the 
world" (i Cor. viii. 4), h:us in itself no 
spiritual significance, yet it is a visible 
symbol of revolt from the Linng 
God, and the fi8u)\o'KdTpr]s is excluded 
from the Divine Kingdom (i Cor. vi. 
9). The Seer goes to the O.T. for 
words to convey his scorn for this 
debasing worship: cf. Ps. cxiii. I2ff. 
(CXV. 4) rd €i8a)\a Ta>v tdvcciv dpyxipiov 
Koi xpvaiov, epyci xeipatv dvOpumav. 
arofia ex^nvtrip Km ov XaXovaiv, o(pda\- 
fxovs e\ov(riv Kai ovk o>|roi'raf otra 
e^ovaiv Kat ovk aKOvaovrat . . .TroSai e;(ov- 
artv Kai ov TTfpinar^a-ovcriv, Dan. V. 23, 
Th. Tovs Otovs Tovs xpvaoiis Kal dpyv- 
poiis Ka\ )(a\K0Vi Kal a-idrjpovs Kal 
^vXivovs Kal \tdivovs, 01 ov (i\inov(Tiv 
Kal 01 oiiK aKovovmi' Kal ov yivcocTKOvcrti', 
fjvtaas. The tlienie is worked out 
iisque ad nauseam in the Episth of 
Jeremiah ; see also Enoch xcix. 7, 
Orac. Sibyll. v. 80 tf. 

21. Kal ov p.fTfi'or](Tai' fK tc^p (fidvcov 
avTtov ktX.] a further indictment as 
against the jiagan world, closely con- 
nected with the first. They were no 
less unwilling to repent of their 
immoralities than of their idolatries. 
Murders, sorceries, fornication, thefts, 
appear in company iu not a few lists 
of the >ices of the time : cf. Mc. riL 
2 1 nopvfiai, AcXoTTai, 0ui/oi (where see 




X. I ' Kai elhov aWov ayyeXov lo-^vpov KaTaf^a'ii/ovTa 

eK Tou oupavov, '7repL(^e(^\t)fjLevov vecpeXrjV, Kai t] lpi9 

eTTi Trjv K6(pa\f]v avTOv, Kai to TrpocrwTTOV avTOV a)9 6 

2 t]\iO£, Kai o\ TToZe's avTOv w? (ttvXol vrvpos, ^ Kai e^cov 

X I fi5ov t<CP mini'i] ^§gy ^.Q 7 14 92 130 ! om aXXoi' PQ i alP'i^* | om lax^pov 
gyi-g'- I yi ipis] om 77 P I 7 32 36 38 98 al Lpiv 28 79 80 Andr | Trjv K((pa\r]u AC 9 12] 
rns K€(pa\-ns SPQ minP' Andr Ar | <xtv\os 38 yg^raTndemtoUip^s gyj. arm aeth 2 exov] 

nxty I 7 28 35 36 47 al vg me arm Vict Prim Ar 

note), Gal. v. 20 nopvfla. . .eldcoXoXarpia, 
(papfiaKiay Apoc. xxi. 8 (poveixn kul 
nopvois Ka\ <^app.aKdli Ka\ ddcoXoXaTpais, 
xxii. 15 «|a)...ot <j)apfiaKo\ Koi oi 
nopvoi KoX 01 (povds kol oi eiScoXoXarpai. 
In three out of these contexts, it 
will be observed, idolatry is placed 
in close connexion "wath vice and 
crime. On (fyapp-aKia see Lightfoot's 
note on GaL I.e., and cf. Exod. vii. 22, 
viii. 18 (14), 4 Regn. ix. 22, Mai. iii. 5, 
Isa. xlvii. 9, 12, Dan. ii. 2. 

Primitive Christianity was a pro- 
test, not only against polytheism, but 
against the moral condition of the 
pagan world. The Seer voices this 
protest, and enforces it with a terrific 
descrii:>tion of the vengeance which 
threatened the world unless it should 
repent. Cf. Eph. v. 6 8ta raira yap 
fpXfTOL Tj opyrj Tov dfoii eVt tovs v'lovs 
T^s a-rretdfias. 

X. I — II. Preparations for the 
Seventh Trumpet-blast, (i) Vision 
of the strong Angel with the 
little Book. 

I. Kai eidov aXkov ayye\ov laxvpov 
ktX.] As the opening of the Seventh 
Seal was preceded by the double vision 
of c. vii., so the visions of cc. x., xi. are 
preparatory to the blo^^^ng of the last 
Trumpet. First the Seer sees an 
angel, not, as Primasius thinks, 
" Dominum Christum descendentem 
de caelo," but an " angel " in the 
technical sense which is maintained 
throughout the book ; "another angel," 
i.e. not one of the Seven or of the Four 
(cf. vii. 2, xiv. 6, 1 5 ff.), remarkable for 
his strength (v. 2, xviii. 21) coming 

down from heaven (xx. i), clad in a 
cloud, the vehicle in which heavenly 
beings descend and ascend (Ps. ciii. 
(civ.) 3, Dan. vii. 13, Acts i. 9J6F., 
I Thess. iv. 17, Apoc. i. 7, xi. 12, xiv. 
14 ff. ; for the ace. after 7rept/3e/3X. see 
vii. 9, note). Upon his head is the 
rainbow (r; Ipis), not the emerald bow 
of c. iv. 3 (Tert. coron. 15), but the 
ordinary bow of many colours con- 
nected vnth the cloud (Gen. ix. 13 to 
To^ov [MOV TidrjfjLi iv Tji vf(f)(Xrj), and due 
in this instance to the svuishine of the 
Angel's face. To Trpoaanov avrov a>s 6 
"jXios recalls the description of the 
glorified Christ (i. 16), but does not 
serve to identify this angel with Him ; 
cf. Mt. xiii. 43, Apoc. xviii. i ; nor can 
this be inferred from ol nodes avrov <os 
(TTvXoi. Ttvpos, notwithstanding that 
this description bears some resem- 
blance to i. 15 01 TToSey avToi) ofj-oioi. 
Xa\Ko\i(Bdva), coy eV Kajj.iv(o TTfjTvp(i>jJi.evqs. 
In arvXoi TTvpos there is perhaps a 
i-eference to Exod. xiv. 19, 24 i^rjpev 
8f 6 ayyeXoi tov 6(ov, e^npfv 8e Kai o 
(TTvXos Tjjs v€(fieXr]s...e7r(l3Xeyl/ev K.vpios 
...eV (TTvXo) Tvvpos Kai Pf(jieXr]s. The 
pillar-like extremities of the Angel's 
form accord with the posture ascribed 
to him in v. 2. 

2. Kai e^coi' ev rjj X^'-P'- avroO /3i^Xa- 
pibiov Tive(oynivov\ The description is 
continued in the nom., as if the Seer 
had written Ibov aXXos ayy. ta-x- Kara- 
^aivoiv ktX. The Angel's hand grasped 
a small papjTus roll which lay open — 
a double cont