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Member of Tlio Filson Clul\ 



Battle of Tippecanoe 

read before the filson club 
November i, 1897 



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Member rl Th* FILi'in Club. 


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Battle of Tippecanoe 

Read before The Filson Club 
November i, 1897 



Member of The Filson Club 

Louisville, Kentucky 


'Printers tu The Filson CI«b 


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BI'XjUN as a paper to be read at a meeting of 
The P'ilson Club, this history has reached such 
proportions that it may be termed a book. For more 
than three years it has been in hand — not worked upon 
constantly, but never out of sight. Much time has been 
consumed in making research after small details which 
add to the completeness of the work. 

It is with great pleasure the names of the following 
friends are mentioned, who have assisted the author 
by affording opportunities for securing family histories : 
Messrs. John J. Harbison, Henry D. Robb, and James 
Henry Funk, of Louisville ; Honorable John Geiger, of 
Morganfield, Kentucky ; Judge B. B. Douglas and W. C. 
Wilson, Esquire, of Corydon, Indiana ; Judge Charles P. 
Ferguson and Colonel John Keigwin, of Jeflersonville, 
Indiana, and Mrs. Susan E. Ragsdale, of Bowling Green, 

iv Preface. 

Kentucky. Samuel M. Wilson, Esquire, of Lexington, 
Kentucky, gave valuable assistance in research. Colonel 
R. T. Durrett, The Polytechnic Society of Louisville, and 
Mr. W. E. Henry, Librarian of the State Library at 
Indianapolis, all offered free and unlimited access to the 
resources of their libraries. General Lew Wallace, at 
Crawfordsville, Indiana, was likewise very kind. 

To all of these I tender my sincere thanks. 

Colonel Durrett has, since reading the manuscript of 
this work, offered to write an introduction, and to no 
better hands could the task be committed. Therefore it 
remains for the author to only ask generous treatment 
from his readers, and with this brief envoi make his bow. 



THE Battle of Tippecanoe has been supposed by some 
to have been the result of the ambition of General 
Harrison for military glory. Others have thought that it 
was caused by the depredations of the Indians upon the 
life and property of the white settlers in the Indiana 
Territory. Yet others have believed tliat it was nothing 
more nor less than the traditional and the inevitable result 
of the contact of civilization with barbarism. 

While all of these as well as other causes may have 
had their share in this battle, there was one supreme and 
controlling cause which brought the white man and the 
red man together in mortal conflict on the banks of the 
Tippecanoe. That cause was a struggle for the land on 
which the battle was fought, and for the adjacent and the 
far-away lands of the Indians. It was as essentially a 
conflict for the soil as ever existed between the Indians 
and the French, the Indians and the Spanish, the Indians 
and the British, or the Indians and the Americans. While 

V' Introduction. 

this may not readily appear upon the surface, a deeper 
view will hardly fail to disclose the fact. Behind the 
depredations and the thefts, and even the murders by 
the Indians, there was a hope and a purpose of regaining 
the Indians' lost lands or of arresting further intrusions 
upon them by the whites. Let us appeal to history and 
see if it does not establish the truth of this statement. 

When the white man began settlements in America 
in the early part of the seventeenth century the whole 
country was occupied by the red man. This occupancy 
was not like that of the white man, but it was the red 
man's mode of occupancy — a spot for his wigwam and 
an empire for his hunting-grounds — which had thus 
existed from a time so far back that neither history nor 
tradition reached to its confines. Whence the Indians 
came into this occupancy, whether from older countries 
to the east or to the west of them, or whether created 
and located here as auctochthons of the land is a problem 
which has baffled learned attempts at solution. About 
the essential fact, however, that the white man found the 
Indian here when he discovered America, and that he was 
here when the colonization of the country began, and that 
he is still here, there is no dispute. 

All along the Atlantic shore from Maine to South 
Carolina the great Algonquin family had located its 

Introductioti. vii 

numerous tribes, and from Carolina to the southern Hmits 
of Florida the Mobilian family had distributed its tribal 
divisions. With the exception of the five sections occupied 
by the Huron-Iroquois, the Cherokees, the Catawbas, 
the Uchees, and the Natches, these two great nations 
extended their occupancy of the country not only from 
Maine to Florida, but from the Atlantic Ocean to the 
Mississippi River. Their hunting-grounds extended beyond 
this great river, but with their trans- Mississippi possessions 
we are not now concerned. Their mode of occupying this 
vast territory differed essentially from that of the Americans. 
They were not cultivators of the soil, but left the land 
clothed with the original forests for the protection of the 
wild animals they used for food and clothing. A patch 
of ground for corn and vegetables, cultivated by the squaws 
in the most primitive way, was all of their vast territory 
they reduced to absolute use. They had no schools nor 
churches, and their dwelling-houses were rude structures 
of cane and bark. They were hunters and fishermen, 
and lived mainly upon the products of the forest and the 
stream. They had no fences around their lands nor any 
marked trees to show the limits of their territory, but 
depended upon the hills and valleys and streams to define 
their boundaries. Nothing more distinguished their savage 
life from that of civilized man than the quantity of land 

v«u Introduction. 

required to support a family. It has been estimated that 
there were one hundred and eighty thousand Indians 
between the Atlantic Ocean and the Mississippi River 
when the whites began taking their lands from them. 
This would give about six square miles, or three thousand 
eight hundred and forty acres, for each Indian, and more 
than nineteen thousand acres for every family of five. In 
Kentucky, which is not a densely populated State, there 
are about forty-eight inhabitants for every square mile, 
and about thirteen acres for each individual. 

This was p pretty extravagant quantity of land and 
a very poor way of handling it, but it was the Indian's 
mode of occupancy which had been sanctioned by long 
centuries of use. It was not such an occupancy, however, 
as the white man, with his civilization and Christianity, 
respected. Bigotry and intolerance and religious persecu- 
tion were then rife in the civilized world, and they chose 
to consider the Indian a heathen unfit to hold lands. It 
mattered not how long the Indians had possessed the 
country nor from what source they derived their title, 
even if an all-wise Creator might have placed them here 
for their continued occupancy, they were pronounced barba- 
rians and required to give place to Christian civilization. 

So soon, therefore, as white settlements were made at 
Jamestown, the country began to pass from the Indian 

hifyoiiiictioH. « 

to the white man. Parts of it passed by concjuest and 
parts by purchase, but most of it by a species of legalized 
robbery. Section after section of the slope between the 
Atlantic and the Alleghanies were absorbed by the whites 
until all was gone. Then the mountains were scaled and 
the valley of the Mississippi invaded. 

As a specimen of the bargains given the whites by the 
red men, or rather extorted from the Indians by the white 
man, we may mention the treaty of 1775 between the 
Cherokees and Richard Henderson & Company. In this 
deal the Indians transferred to Henderson & Company 
the whole of Kentucky south of the Kentucky River, 
embracing about twenty million acres, for the price of 
fifty thousand dollars, payable in goods. It is not likely 
that the Indians got these goods at absolute cash value. 
It is probable that they were sold to them at a good 
round profit, and that the Indians did not really get more 
than the half of fifty thousand dollars for their lands. 
But estimating the goods to be really worth fifty thousand 
dollars, the Indians only got about two and a half mills, 
or one fourth of a cent, per acre for their lands. 

Another big sale was made by the Indians in 18 18, in 
which Kentuckv was also interested ; it was known as 
the Jackson purchase. In this sale the Chickasaw Indians 
transferred to the Government all their lands between the 

X Introduction. 

Tennessee and the Mississippi rivers and between the 
Ohio River and the southern boundary of Tennessee for 
an annuity of twenty thousand dollars for fifteen years, 
and some other payments amounting to less tlian five 
thousand dollars. The territory sold contained more 
than seven million acres, and the price obtained at the 
end of fifteen years was about four and one third cents 
per acre. 

As a matter of course such of the Indians as stopped 
to think and had mind enough to think correctly must 
have known that such sales as these would at no distant 
day exhaust their lands and leave them but little, if any 
thing, to show for them. The wonder is that some mighty 
chief, having the confidence of his people and the ability 
to direct them, did not make his appearance at an earlier 
day and attempt to arrest the transfer of their lands by 
uniting all the tribes and making transfers more difficult. 
If all the tribes of the Algonquin and Mobilian families 
had been united into one grand confederacy and their 
warriors placed under the lead of one chief against the 
whites, it is difficult to see how the settlements along the 
Atlantic coast could have been maintained until they were 
numerous enough and strong enough to spread westward 
to the mountains and then leap over these barriers into 
the Mississippi Valley. 

Intvoduction. « 

In 1806, Tecumseh, aided by his brother, known as 
the Prophet, attempted to unite all the Indian tribes 
against the Americans. His conception of a great con- 
federacy of all the tribes was not entirely original. Tradi- 
tion had probably informed him of the effort of King 
Philip to unite different tribes against the New Englanders 
in 1675. And still nearer his own times was the attempt 
of Pontiac to form a grand confederacy against the British 
in 1763. He must have known, too, of the disastrous 
failure of both of these great chiefs in their undertaking 
to array barbarism in an united effort against civilization. 
The whites were used to united effort, and in war as in 
peace were held together by laws which made them invin- 
cible in the face of disjointed foes who as often became 
a rabble as a phalanx or legion of soldiers. The Indian 
as an individual, or as part of a limited number, was a 
foe to be dreaded, but his efficacy never increased propor- 
tionately with numbers. An hundred warriors hid behind 
rocks and trees were more formidable than a thousand 
in the open field. 

Tecumseh, , however, aided by the Prophet, improved 
upon the efforts of Philip and Pontiac in planning a con- 
federacy. A striking difference in their plans was that 
Philip and Pontiac made war upon the whites the primary 
object of their confederations, while Tecumseh sought 

X" fnfyoiiiictioii. 

first and foremost to prevent the whites from securing 
any more of the Indian's lands. War must have followed 
the plans of Tecumseh, but it would come secondarily 
and not primarily, as in the plans of the other two chiefs. 
Philip does not seem to have looked beyond a portion of 
New England for his confederates, and Pontiac seems to 
have had as much in view a restoration of the French to 
the position they held in America before the peace of 
1763 as he did the benefits of his own race. His plan 
embraced primarily the taking of the British forts, and 
secondarily the destruction of the British settlements. 
He succeeded in destroying eight out of the twelve forts 
assailed, but failed to take the Detroit fort assigned to 
his especial care. Hence the second part of his plan to 
direct the confederated Indians against the British settle- 
ments never materialized. He miscalculated the relative 
power of barbarism and civilization when arrayed against 
one another, not in a single battle, but in a series of battles. 
The British had just whipped the French and Indians 
combined, and it is strange that as great a man as Pontiac 
should then undertake to whip the English with Indians 

Tecumseh's conception of a grand confederacy of all 
the tribes of the Indians was broad and clear. It had 
none of the narrowness of Philip nor the French duality 

Introduction. xiii 

of Pontiac. He wanted to secure to his race the rest of 
the lands then held by them, and the difficulty with him 
was how to do it. After giving the subject much thought, 
he reached the conclusion that the country belonged to 
Liic Anuians in common, and that cr.c tribe cculd net 
alienate the lands it occupied without the consent of all 
the others. He claimed that the Great Spirit had placed 
the Indians in this country and given the lands to all of 
the race in common, without designating any specific 
portion for any particular tribe. The land, while occupied 
by any particular tribe, carried with it the right of 
occupancy, but when abandoned it reverted to all the 
other tribes in common. Tecumseh believed that if the 
Indians once agreed that the lands were held by them in 
common, the sales by individual tribes would be rare from 
the difficulties of getting the consent of all, and that the 
chances of a sale being for the good of all would be 
much increased if all approved of it. He was familiar 
with the principal treaties that had been made between 
the Indians and the whites, and the quantities of land 
that had passed by them. He knew of the lands that 
had passed by conquest as well as by purchase, and in 
the transactions between the whites and the Indians for 
hundreds of years he knew that the lands never went 
from the white man to the red man, but always went 

xiv 1)1 traduction. 

from the Indian to the white man. Having reached the 
conclusion that the lands belonged to all the tribes alike, 
and that one tribe could not sell without the consent of 
the others, he arrogated himself into a chosen instrument 
in the hands of the Great Spirit to establish this doctrine. 
He was a great orator, and did not doubt his ability to 
convince the Indians of the wisdom and the necessity of 
his doctrine. He went from tribe to tribe as the apostle 
of his creed, and found eager listeners wherever he went. 
He first visited the neighboring tribes and then those on 
the lakes, and finally those on the distant gulf and those 
beyond the Mississippi. 

But Tecumseh, great and eloquent and persuasive as 
he was, needed something more than his own eminent 
powers to establish his land - law among the Indians. He 
had a brother, known as the Prophet, who was possessed 
of the talents that were needed to further his schemes. 
The Prophet was an adept in cunning and duplicity and 
imposture, and withal as eloquent as Tecumseh. He 
found no difficulty in assuming the place of another 
prophet who had just died, and in convincing the super- 
stitious Indians of his inspiration as a seer. He believed, 
a*"- Tecumseh did, that the lands all belonged to the 
Indians in common, and that no tribe could sell its lands 
without the consent of the others. He used visions and 

IntrodticHon. xv 

trances and incantations and conjurings with which to 
impress this land - law upon them, and, knowing that 
such a doctrine might sooner or later lead to war between 
the Indians and the Americans, he had special visions 
and trances and communications with supernatural powers 
from which he derived the authority to render warriors 
proof against the bullets and the swords of the Ameri- 
cans. By such means the Prophet helped Tecumseh to 
the union of the tribes and to the doctrine of all the 
tribal lands being held in common. 

While Tecumseh was far from home explaining this 
land -law to the distant tribes of the south, the Prophet 
was at Tippecanoe preying upon the superstition of his 
followers. He convinced them that his charms could 
prot«.wt them against the bullets of the Americans, and 
made them believe that they could stand in the midst of 
battle and shoot down the whites without injury to them- 
selves. The Prophet had possibly, in the enthusiasm of 
convincing his followers of their being bullet - proof, led 
himself to that belief. He assured them that his charms 
had turned the powder of the Americans into sand and 
deprived their bullets of penetrating power. All the 
Indians had to do was to attack the Americans and 
satiate their thirst for white blood without being in danger 
of harm. 

xvi Introduction. 

Such was the belief of the warriors of various tribes 
from far and near that the Prophet had assembled at 
Tippecanoe while Tecum.seh was in a far - distant land. 
The eager warriors, thirsting for blood and believing in 
their immunity from hurt, rushed upon the camp of the 
Americans in the darkness of the night and soon learned 
that the bullets of the enemy were not of the kind 
described by the Prophet. Instead of glancing harmlessly 
from the bodies of the Indians, they went through and 
through and inflicted wounds that ended in immediate 
death or long suffering. The Americans were neither 
asleep nor drunk, and if their powder was sand, it was a 
kind of sand which hurled deadly missiles just as powder 
did. They were driven from the American camp, and 
left their dead and wounded as proof that the Prophet 
was an impostor. 

The Battle of Tippecanoe was the end of the grand 
confederacy of Tecumseh. Those who had escaped from 
the bullets of the Americans soon bore the news to 
adjacent tribes, and it was not long before distant tribes 
knew the result. The village of Tippecanoe, the home 
of Tecumseh and the Prophet, was burned to the ground, 
and the Prophet had fled to hide among stranger tribes. 
After all the boasting of charms and visions and trances 
by the Prophet, it was any thing but convincing of his 

Introduction. xvif 

superhuman power to see his village in ashes and himself 
a fugitive. Before the battle was over the Prophet was 
far from the scene of danger. 

When Tecumseh reached his home and saw the ruin 
his brother had wrought, his feelings may be better 
imagined than described. His work of years trying to 
teach the various tribes that their lands should be held 
in common to secure them against the Americans had 
been undone by a battle that ought never to have been 
fought in his absence. The bright future he had marked 
out for himself was all darkness now. He sought an 
interview with Governor Harrison and with the President 
of the United States, for the purpose of laying his plans 
before them, but failed to secure it. Despairing of ever 
being on living terms with the Americans, he joined the 
English on the breaking out of the War of 1812, and, 
after engaging in a number of battles against the Ameri- 
cans, died a soldier's death at the Battle of the Thames. 
He was one of the greatest Indians ever born on the 
American continent, and was so famous as a warrior, 
orator, and statesman that many soldiers claimed to have 
killed him in the Battle of the Thames. Nor is it known 
to this distant day with any degree of certainty which of 
the many claimants ended the life of this distinguished 
chief. • ■ 

xviii Introductioti . 

It is not likely that even if the Battle of Tippecanoe 
had not been fought and Tecumseh had succeeded 
in forming a great confederacy of all the Indians the 
United States would have recognized the right claimed 
for the combination to sit in judgment upon the sale of 
the lands of any individual tribe. The United States 
had again and again recognized the right to sell by the 
tribe occupying the land, and has ever since adhered to 
this view. Nevertheless, the Battle of Tippecanoe must 
have the credit of having broken up in its infancy the 
grand confederacy of Tecumseh and the Prophet, and 
prevented the endless collisions which its crude notions of 
land -law might have brought about between the two 
races. It was, moreover, the avant - courier of the War 
of 1812. Viewed in this connection, although it was 
insignificant when compared with the defeats of Braddock 
and St. Clair, and the victories of Forbes and Wayne, it 
was yet of vast and lasting importance. It cost much 
suffering and some valuable lives, but we can noi say 
that it was not worth all it cost and more. General 
Harrison and his brave soldiers whom a night attack by 
hideous savages could not strike with panic should be 
remembered for their courage and for the victory they 
won over savages converted into demons by the Prophet's 

Introduction. xi* 

In the account of the Battle of Tippecanoe, which 
follows this introductory chapter, Captain Pirtle has been 
faithful in collecting all the important facts relating to it 
and in presenting them in an unostentatious but effective 
way. He has gathered some information from old manu- 
scripts and newspapers not before used in any history of 
this battle, and has been very careful to collect all acces- 
sible information concerning the Kentuckians who were in 
the action. In his narrative will be found the names of 
Kentuckians not before known to have been in this battle, 
and their descendants can hardly fail to be grateful to 
the author for rescuing these names from oblivion. If 
Captain Pirtle's monograph shall so direct public attention 
to Joseph Hamilton Daviess and Abraham Owen and 
other heroes of this battle as to insure suitable monu- 
ments over their unmarked graves, a good work will have 
been done in behalf of brave men and accomplished 
soldiers. They sleep on the battlefield which their 
deaths helped to consecrate to fame, but their sleep is 
an undistinguished repose and should have some land- 
mark to point the living to the spots of earth hallowed 
by their mortal remains. 


President Filson Club. 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Part First. 


ON the waters of Mad River, at a place now known 
as West Boston, not far from Springfield, Ohio, 
there were three boys born at a birth to a Shawnee war- 
rior of a captured Creek squaw, "Methotaska" by name. 
From the fact that the North American Indians had no 
written language, the date of this event is not certainly 
known, being given variously from 1768 to 1780. One 
of the boys passed into obscurity and oblivion, leaving 
behind only his name, "Kamskaka. " 

The other two boys became by name and deeds for- 
ever blended with the name of Harrison in the history 
of the Northwest, and always associated with his record 
in the minds of cotemporary Kentuckians — " Tecumseh " 
and "The Prophet." 

With the picturesque appropriateness that attaches to 
Indian names, we find that " Tecumseh" stood for "The 
Wildcat Springing on its Prey, " and ' ' ElkswaLawa " 

2 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

(the Prophet) meant "The Loud Voice." This, it is 
said, was a most suitable name, and was given him only 
as late as 1805, when he had made a reputation as a 
conjurer and orator. Previously he had been known as 
' ' The Open Door, " having become remarkable for stupidity 
and drunkenness.* 

In the year 1800 the Indiana Territory, northwest of 
the Ohio, was formed, including the present States of 
Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, Michigan, and that part of 
Minnesota east of the Mississippi, and its eastern bound- 
ary established by moving the southern terminal of it 
from a point on the Ohio River opposite the mouth of 
the Kentucky River to the mouth of the Big Miami 
River, which became, and remains, the western bound- 
ary of the State of Ohio. 

William Henry Harrison, born in Charles City County, 
Virginia, February 9, 1773, was the third son of Benja- 
min Harrison, one of the signers of the Declaration of 
Independence. On reaching manhood he joined the army 
with the rank of ensign, was soon promoted to lieutenant, 
and served with General Wayne in his campaign against 
the Indians in 1794. The historians likewise regard 
Tecum.seh as being very active m this same campaign, 
making his mark as a young warrior. 

*Lossing Field Book of the War of 1812, page 188. 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 3 

In 1797 Harrison had reached the rank of captain, 
but he resigned from the army to go into political life, 
becoming Secretary of the Northwest Territory, which 
embraced all the region belonging to the United States 
west of Pennsylvania and north of Virginia and Ken- 
tucky. He was thus quite a young though energetic 
man when he was made the first Governor of Indiana 
Territory in 180 1. 

Passing by the next nine years of the history of the 
prominent characters already introduced into this paper, 
1 8 10 found Tecumseh the foremost Indian in all the 
Territory, aspiring to be a second Pontiac and to unite 
all the tribes of his race in war against the ever- 
encroaching whites. His schemes and exertions were 
those of a statesman, ever endeavoring to draw the 
Indians into his plan of joint efforts against the common 
enemy, whose inroads into his own territory he resented 
in every possible way. 

The Prophet was a cunning, unprincipled man, pre- 
tending to see visions and to work charms, gaining thus 
almost unlimited influence among his followers. 

By 1808 a town located bv the brothers, situated at 
the junction of Tippecanoe River with the Wabash, 
about one hundred and fifty miles up stream from Vin- 
cennes, was said to contain hundreds of the Prophet's 

4 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

followers, who avowed themselves to be tillers of the 
soil and strict abstainers from whisky. By a short 
portage the Indians could go by canoe to Lake Erie or 
Lake Michigan, or by the Wabash reach all the vast 
system of water courses to the south and west. It 
was only a twenty-four hours' journey by canoe, at a 
favorable stage of water, down stream to Vincennes, the 
capital of the white man's territory, where Governor 
Harrison had a considerable garrison of troops of the 
regular army. From the town at the mouth of the 
Tippecanoe River Tecumseh made his tours, and here 
his followers and those of the Prophet assembled. This 
location was well chosen, being in a very rich country 
and very accessible. Members of most remote tribes, 
from the headwaters of the Mississippi as well as west of 
that stream, drawn by the fame of the Prophet, visited 
this town. 

The new settlement was on the western bank of the 
river just below the mouth of the Tippecanoe, and was 
known to the Indians as Keh-tip-a-quo-wonk, "The 
Great Clearing,"* and was an old and favorite location 
with them. 

The whites had corrupted the name to Tippecanoe, 
and it now generally became known as the Prophet's 

* Fourteenth Annual Report United States Bureau of Ethnology, 
1892-1893, Part II. 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 5 

town. It is said the Indians had used this spot as a 
camping - ground for more than thirty years before the 

Tecumseh and Elkswatawa were not chiefs by birth- 
right and had no such authority by official station, yet 
the former rapidly rose to a position of the greatest 
influence by his talents. He made his brother a party 
to his plans only in so far as he could be of use, and 
the two, imposing upon the credulous ignorance of the 
Indians, raised the Prophet to a plane of great power 
through his incantations, charms, and pretended visions 
of the Great Spirit. The Prophet was no ordinary 
"medicine man," but a seer and a moral reformer among 
his people, making prophecy his strong point. He 
denounced drunkenness most strenuously ; he preached 
also the duty of the young to care for the aged. He 
was boastful of his powers, claiming them to be super- 
natural. His main characteristics were cunning and a 
showy smartness of speech as well as manner. He was 
possessed of none of the noble qualities of his brother, 
who was noted for his bravery in action and his 
eloquence in council. By the year 1809 Tecumseh had 
achieved a great reputation, not only as a leader in 
council but as a great warrior, and this added many 
followers to the cause for which he exerted all his 

6 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

faculties. He was far above the Prophet in all that 
ennobles a man. 

The policy of the United States Government had for 
some years been to extinguish by treaties the claims the 
Indians had to lands lying in Indiana Territory. These 
treaties, made by Icng negotiations, usually brought the 
Indians quantities of articles which they highly prized. In 
conformity with the instructions of the President, James 
Madison, Governor Harrison, at Fort Wayne, September 
30, 1809, concluded a treaty with the head men and chiefs 
of the Delaware, Pottawatomie, Miami, Eel River, Kickapoo, 
and Wea Indians, by which, in consideration of $8,200 
paid down, and annuities amounting in the aggregate to 
$2,350, he obtained the cession of nearly three million 
acres of land, extending up the Wabash beyond Terre 
Haute, below the mouth of Raccoon Creek, including the 
middle waters of White River. Neither Tecumseh, nor the 
Prophet, nor any of their tribe had any claim to these 
lands, yet they denounced the Indians who sold them, 
declared the treaty void, threatened the makers of it with 
death, and steadily maintained their unwavering opposition 
to the making of treaties except by consent of larger 
bodies of Indians, claiming that the domain was not the 
property of small tribes. This was a part of Tecumseh's 
scheme of a general confederation amon^^ all the Indians. 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 7 

The Wyandotts, the tribe most feared by the other Indians, 
about this time became firm friends of the Shawnees, to 
which the two brothers belonged. 

With prophetic vision Tecumseh saw that if this 
immense body of land was opened to settlement by 
the whites, the game upon which the Indians had to 
depend for subsistence must soon be exterminated, and 
that would lead in a few years to the removal of his 
own race to more distant and strange hunting-grounds. 
And this thought he used with insistence upon his 

In the spring of 1810 the Indians at the Prophet's 
town refused to receive the "Annuity Salt" sent them 
in boats in compliance with the treaty, and insulted the 
boatmen, calling them ' ' American dogs ! " These, with 
other indications of hostility, caused Governor Harrison 
to send several pacific messages to Tecumseh and the 
Prophet. There was no doubt trouble brewing, and Gk)v- 
ernor Harrison seems to have made decided efforts to 
prevent an outbreak. Tecumseh sent word he would pay 
the Governor a visit, and accordingly on August 12 th he 
arrived at Vincennes with four hundred warriors fully 
armed, encamping in a grove near the town. The pres- 
ence of such a large body of the savages was alarming to 
the people of the town, but no encounter took place 


8 T/ie Battle of Tippecanoe. 

between the two races, the Governor managing affairs so 
as to prevent any coUision. 

The burden of Tecumseh's arguments was against the 
treaty-making power of the Indians wlio had made that 
of 1809, announcing his determination not to allow the 
country to be settled. After two days' conference the 
matter was ended by the Governor promising to lay it 
before the President. Not long after this a small detach- 
ment of United States troops under Captain Cross were 
moved from Newport Barracks, Kentucky, to Vincennes, 
and three companies of Indiana milicia and a company 
of Knox County Dragoons, added to the regulars, made 
a formidable force at the town. 

The winter of 1810-11 passed without any serious out- 
break, though there were numerous raids and petty 
annoyances on the part of the Indians which brought 
counter - movements on the side of the settlers. 

The population of Indiana Territory had then reached 
about twenty -five thousand; Kentucky by the 1810 
census had a population of four hundred and six thou- 
sand five hundred and eleven, while Jefferson County 
had thirteen thousand three hundred and ninety - nine, of 
which Louisville possessed one thousand three hundred 
and fifty -seven. Lexington at the same time had four 
thousand two hundred and twenty - six. 























H- : 






















''^V <?!?•■ « 



;: ■; I > 


n C3 3 5 3^ 

i ^ 5 5 2 S 

/( I ? =J > c 

,V » 3 § ^ ^ f 

I . ^ " -" w 



8 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

between the two races, the Governor managing affairs so 
as to prevent any coUision. 

. The burden of Tecumseh's arguments was against the 
treaty-making power of the Indians who had made that 
of 1809, announcing his determination not to allow the 
country to be settled. After two days' conference the 
matter was ended by the Governor promising to lay it 
before the i'resident. Not long after this a small detach- 
ment of United States troops under Captain Cross were 
moved from Newport Barracks. Kentucky, to Vincennes, • 
and thiee companies of Indiana militia and a company 
of Knox County Dragoons, added to the regulars, made 
a formidable force at the town. 

The winter of 1810-1 i passed without any serious out- 
break, though there were numerous raids and petty 
annoyances on the" part of the Indians which brought 
counter - movements on the side of the settlers. 

The population of Indiana Territory had then reached 
about twenty -five thousand; Kentucky by the 1810 
census had a population of fuur hundred and .six thou- 
sand five hundred and elt'ven. while Jefferson County 
had thirteen thousand three hundred and ninety -nine, of 
which Louisville possessed one thousand three hundred 
and fifty -seven. Lexington it the same time had four 
thousand two hundred and twentv-six. 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 9 

Most of the writers of the period speak of the influ- 
ence exerted on the minds of the Indians in Ohio and 
Indiana at this juncture by the Britisli from their out- 
posts on the shore of Lake Ei'ie and at Maiden, opposite 
Detroit. The relations of the United States and Great 
Britain had become strained, and the Indians were read- 
ily brought to take their share of arms, ammunition, and 
blankets without any great amount of urging. New British 
guns were found in the Prophet's town, with the list 
covers still on them and the maker's mark still unsullied, 
when it was captured by Harrison. Captain Geiger brought 
one of them home to Louisville and used it for years. 

Harrison was very likely alive to the prospect of mili- 
tary glory to be gained by a successful campaign against 
the Indians, so that when events had so shaped them- 
selves as to make a collision with them probable he 
would hardly have prevented it. 

General Clark, writing to the War Department from 
St. Louis, July 3, 181 1, reported as follows: "All the 
information received from the Indian country confirms 
the rooted enmity of the Prophet to the United States, 
and his determination to commence hostilities as soon as 
he thinks himself sufficiently strong. His party is increas- 
ing, and from the insolence himself and party have lately 
manifested and the violence which has lately been com- 


lo The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

mitted by his neighbors and friends, the Pottawatomies, 
on our frontiers, I am incHned to believe the crisis is 
fast approaching." 

In this same month Harrison suggested, as a means 
to prevent war, that the calamity might be avoided by 
marching a considerable force up the Wabash and dis- 
persing the " banditti " the Prophet had collected. 

All during the summer of 1811 the War Department 
was in receipt of letters from Indiana, Illinois, and near 
the British lines, telling of the operations of the British 
to foment hostilities between the Indians and the whites. 

In a report to the War Department from Vincennes, 

September 17, 181 1, Harrison said: " reports 

that all the Indians of the Wabash have been, or now 
are. on a visit to the British Agent at Maiden ; he has 
never known more than a fourth as many goods given to 
the Indians as they are now distributing. He examined 
the share of one man (not a chief), and found he had 
received an elegant rifle, twenty-five pounds of powder, 
fifty pounds of lead, three blankets, three strouds of 
cloth, ten shirts, and several other articles. He says every 
Indian is furnished with a gun (either rifle or fusil) and 
abundance of ammunition." This same person says further: 
"Although I am decidedly of the opinion that the ten- 
dency of the British measures is hostility to us, candor 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. n 

obliges me to inform yon that, from two Indians of dif- 
ferent tribes, I have received information that the British 
Agent absolutely dissuaded them from going to war 
against the United States." 

In June, 1811, General Harrison sent the following 
speech to Tecumseh, the Prophet, and others, by Captain 
Walter Wilson: 

"Brothers, listen to me: I speak to you about matters of 
importance both to the white people and yourselves ; open your 
ears, therefore, and attend to what I shall say. Brothers, this 
is the third year that all the white people in this country have 
been alarmed at your proceedings ; you threaten us with war ; 
you invite all of the tribes to the North and West of you to 
join against us. Brothers, your warriors who have lately been 
here deny this, but I have received information from every 
direction ; the tribes on the Mississippi have sent me word that 
you intended to murder me, and then to commence a war 
upon our people. I have also received the speech you sent 
to the Potawatomies and others to join you for that purpose, 
but if I had no other evidence of your hostility towards us your 
seizing the salt I lately sent up the Wabash is sufficient. 
Brothers, our citizens are alarmed, and my warriors are pre- 
paring themselves, not to strike you. but to defend themselves 
and their women and children. You shall not surprise us as 
you expect to do ; you are about to undertake a very rash 
act. As a friend I advise you to consider well of it ; a little 
reflection may save us a great deal of trouble and prevent 
mischief ; it is not yet too late. 

"Brothers, what can be the inducement for you to under- 
take an enterprise when there is so little probability of sue- 

12 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

cess ? Do you really think that the handful of men that you 
have about you are able to contend with the Seventeen Fires, 
or even that the whole of the tribes united could contend 
against the Kentucky Fire alone ? Brothers, I am myself of 
the Long Knife Fire (Virginia and Kentucky). As soon as they 
hear my voice you will see them pouring their swarms of 
hunting-shirt men, as numerous as the mosquitoes on the shores 
of the Wabash. Brothers, take care of their stings. Brothers 
it is not our wish to hurt you. If we did we certainly have 
the power to do it. Look at the number of our warriors east 
of you, above and below the Great Miami ; to the south on 
both sides of the Ohio, and below you also. You are brave 
men, but what could you do against such a multitude ? We 
wish you to live in peace and happiness. 

"Brothers, the citizens of this country are alarmed. They 
must be satisfied that you have no design to do them mischief, 
or they will not lay aside their arms. You have also insulted 
the Government by seizing the salt that was intended for other 
tribes. Satisfaction must be given for that also. Brothers, you 
talk of coming to see me, attended by all of your young men. 
this, however must not be so. If your intentions are good, 
you have need to bring but few of your young men with you. 
I must be plain with you ; I will not suffer you to come into 
our settlement with such a force. 

' ' Brothers, if you wish to satisfy us that your intentions are 
good, follow the advice I have given you before ; that is, that one or 
both of you should visit the president of the United States and lay 
your grievances before him. He will treat you well, will listen to 
what you say, and if you can show him you have been injured, you 
will receive justice. If you will follow my advice in this respect, 
it will convince the citizens of this country and myself that you 
have no design to attack them. Brothers, with respect to the 
lands that were purchased last fall, I can enter into no negotia- 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 13 

tions with you on that subject ; the affair is in the hands of the 
President. If you wish to go and see him, I will supply you 
with the means. 

"Brothers, the person who delivers this is one of my war 
officers. He is a man in whom I have entire confidence. 
Whatever he says to you, although it may not be contained in 
this paper, you may believe comes from me. 

"My friend Tecumseh, the bearer is a good man and a 
brave warrior. I hope you will treat him well. You are your- 
self a warrior, and all such should have esteem for each other." 

At great personal risk this letter was delivered to the 
Indians. It is said that Tecumseh received it with great 
courtesy. In reply he sent the following ; 

"Brother, I give you a few words, until I will be with you 
myself — Tecumseh. 

"Brother, at Vincennes, I wish you to listen to me while I 
send you a few words ; and I hope they will ease your heart. 
I know you look on your young men and your women and 
children with pity, to see them so much alarmed. Brother, I 
wish you to now examine what you have from me. I hope it 
will be a satisfaction to you, if your intentions are Uke mine, 
to wash away all these bad stories that have been circulated. 
I will be with you myself in eighteen days from this day. 
Brother, we can not say what will become of us, as the Great 
Spirit has the management of us at His will. I may be there 
before the time, and may not be tuere until that day. I hope 
that when we come together, all these bad tales will be settled. 
By this I hope your young men, women and children, will be 
easy. I wish you, brother, to let them know when I come to 
Vincennes and see you, all will be settled in peace and happi- 

'4 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

nbss. Brother, these are only a few words to let you know that 
I will be with you myself ; and when I am with you I can inform 
you better. Brother I find I can be with you in less than 
eighteen days, I will send one of my young men before me, to 
let you know what time I will be with you." 

In accordance with this promise he had arrived late 
in July within twenty miles of Vincennes, accompanied 
by about three hundred Indians, some twenty or thirty 
of whom were women. He was intercepted by Captain 
Wilson with a message from Governor Harrison, in 
which he objected to Tecumseh approaching any nearer 
with such a large body. Tecumseh replied that he had 
but twenty-four warriors in his party, and that the 
remainder had come voluntarily. 

The people of Vincennes particularly were alarmed, 
believing the wily chief intended to do them great mis- 
chief, and, overawing the Governor, endeavor to gain 
possession of the Wabash lands he so greatly craved. 

To meet this, Governor Harrison reviewed, on the day 
of the arrival of the Indians, seven hundred and fifty 
well armed Indiana militia, and stationed two companies 
of militia infantry and a detachment of dragoons on the 
outskirts of the town. Whatever designs Tecumseh may 
have had, he was astute enough not to incur any danger 
to his people by his conduct. He made the most 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 15 

friendly protestations to Governor Harrison, disclaiming 
any intention of making war on the Government. Yet 
he made earnest but modest demands for the lands ceded 
by the Fort Wa3'ne treaty. 

Tecumseh, August 5th, started south with twenty 
warriors in his party to lay his plans of a confederation 
against the whites before the Creeks, Cherokees, and 
Choctaws of Tennessee and Alabama. It is impossible 
to understand what induced so wary a foe to make such 
a mistake at such a juncture ! 

After his departure on the journey to the south, the 
remainder of his followers retired to the Prophet's town 
deeply impressed with the martial display of the military 
strength of Harrison's command. 

The Prophet from his town kept up his incantations, 
charms, and jugglery, thus increasing his importance and 
his influence over his superstitious followers. His town 
had grown into a large collection of warriors, squaws, and 
their children, said to have reached the number of two 

The young men, restless and bent on plunder, crossed 
the line of the white settlements in many places, and the 
killi-^'T of a settler or the running ofl of horses became 
so frequent as to throw the whole Territory into a great 
state of excitement. 

i6 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Under the direction of the Secretary of War the 
Fourth Regiment, United States Infantry, Colonel John 
Parke Boyd, with a company of riflemen, about four 
hundred strong in all, floated down from Pittsburgh to 
the Falls of the Ohio, whence, on the call of Governor 
Harrison, they marched to Vincennes. Adding these to 
those already there, Harrison had a very handsome force 
at hand, about five hundred being regulars. 

Immediate action before Tecumseh could return was 
urged by Harrison's friends and by many of the 
frightened settlers. 

War with England seemed so imminent, and the 
anticipation of it had so marked an effect upon the 
behavior and attitude of the Indians, that Harrison could 
now see an opportunity for a military career, for which 
he had been preparing himself by military studies. 
During the summers of the two years just passed he 
had introduced excellent discipline among the Indiana 
militia whenever on duty, improving their morale and 
thus making them valuable as soldiers. 

Harrison passed the month of August in raising forces 
for an expedition to satisfy the wishes of the Western 
people, drilling them and preparing them as rapidly as 
possible for the field. No doubt was felt on the Ohio 
that he meant to attack the Indians at Tippecanoe, and 

Irom an oH portrait by Peale. ownei b> R. T. Ourr«tt, of Louisville, Kentucky. 

1 6 The Baffle of Tippecanoe. 

Under the direction of the Secretary of War the 
Fourth Regiment, United States Infantry, Colonel John 
Parke Boyd, with a company of riflemen. aU»ut four 
hundred strong in all, floated down from Pittsburgh to 
the Falls of the Ohio, whence, on the call of Governor 
Harrison, they marched to Vincennes. Adding these to 
those already there, Harrison had a very handsome force 
at hand, about five hundred being regulars. 

Immediate action befoie Tecumseh could return was 
urged by Harrison's friends and by many of the 
frightened settlers. 

War with England seemed so imminent and the 
anticipation of it l>ad sic marke<I ar. f»ffe«^ upon the 
behavior and attitude of the Indians, that Harrison could 
now see an ojjportunity for a military career, for which 
he had been preparing himself by military studies. 
During the summers of the two years just passed he 
had introduced excellent discipline among the Indiana 
militia whenever on duty, improving th#*«r morale and 
thus making them valuable as soldiers. 

Harrison passed the montii oi Aukjust in raising forces 
for an expedition to satisf} U^ wishes of the Western 
people, drilling them and ]»re[?nng them as rapidly as 
possible for the field. No doubt was felt on the Ohio 
that he meant to attack -the Indians at Tippecanoe, and 

Hrom an oil portrait by Peale, owned by R. T. Durrett, of Louisville, Kentucky. 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 17 

so serious a campaign was expected that Kentucky 
became eager to share it. Among other Kentuckians, 
Colonel Joseph Hamilton Daviess, Aaron Burr's prosecutor 
in 1806, wrote to Harrison August 24th, offering himself as 
a volunteer : "Under all the privacy of a letter," said he, 
' ' I make free to tell you that I have imagined there 
were two men in the West who had military talents ; 
and you, sir, were the first of thv"^ two. It is thus an 
opportunity of service much valued by me." Daviess 
doubted only whether the army was to attack at once 
or provoke attack. 

As the summer advanced Harrison called for volunteers, 
which call was met with a prompt and ample response. 
He was very popular, his voice stirring the people like a 
bugle call. Old Indian fighters like Major General 
Samuel Well*^ and Colonel Abraham Owen, of the Ken- 
tucky militia, instantly started for the field. Colonel 
Joseph Hamilton Daviess of course joined the command. 
Captain Frederick Geiger, residing in Jefferson County, 
Kentucky, raised a company of mounted riflemen. 

Frederick Geiger, senior, known generally as Colonel 
Geiger, was born in or near Hagerstown, Maryland, 
June 8, 1753.* He was descended from settlers of the 
Mohawk Valley in New York. Nothing is now known 

* He died at his home near Louisville, Kentucky, August 28, 1832. 


1 8 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

as to his education or his history until 1789 or 1790, when 
he came with his wife to Kentucky and penetrated to 
the region of country near where BowHng Green now 
stands, but faniil}- tradition has it that lie did not remain 
there a year. It is of record that he houi^ht hmd on 
Chenoweth's Run, in JeiTerson County, on May 14, 1790. 
In 180J he bought a large body of land fronting on the 
Ohio River, running back quite a distance. Some of this 
tract was opposite wlien^ the Towhead Island has since 
formed. In May, iSoS, he purchased the original part of 
what became hi^ homestead on the road to Bardstown, 
now occuj-)ied as the Dennis Long place. The new addi- 
tions to the city of Louisville bring it only about a mile 
from the limits. All these lands were heavily timbered 
with the virgin trees. 

When Governor Harrison visited Louisville in August. 
181 1, for the purpose of raising troops, the emergency was 
so great that he sent a messenger to Governor Scott, of 
Kentucky, asking permission to call out volunteers. 
Captain Peter Funk, who carried the message, several 
years after the battle dictated a report of his connection 
with the expedition which is very interesting. 

Colonel Geiger, under the call from Governor Harrison, 
at once raised a coinpany who encamped on his land in 
an apple orchard on the left bank of Beargrass Creek, 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 19 

just opposite the grounds of the Mellwood Distillery (as it 
is now), between Frankfort Avenue and \\\i\ Brownsboro 
Road, in the month of September. They crossed the 
Ohio opposite Jefifersonville and marched to Vincennes. 
If other Kentuckians accompanied them on this march 
there is no record of the fact, but it is quite probable. 

Captain Peter Funk was born Aui^ust 14, 1782, at 
Funkstown, Maryland. He came to Kentucky in 1795, 
and resided for many years in Jefferson County, on the 
Taylorsville Road, about ten miles from Louisville, being 
in the neighborhood of such well-known citizens as 
William C. Bullitt, John Edwards, George and Jacob Hikes, 
Jacob and Andrew Hqke, Frederick Yenowine, Benjamin 
Levy, and Henry Garr. There may be many of the 
readers of this who remember Cajitain Funk (for he lived 
until April 9, 1^6;.) and who heard him narrate his 
experience at Tippecanoe. 

At the date of this visit of Governor Harrison to 
Kentucky there lived in Jefferson County another citizen 
whose descendants have made their impress on the com- 
munity and transmitttid his patriotism. I refer to Judge 
John Speed* the father of James and Joshua Speed and 
their brothers and sisters. 

Judge Speed lived on the road to Bardstown, and his 
place, called "Farmington," was even then famous for 

*The Speed Family. Thomas Speed, page 95. 


The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

the hospitality there dispensed. By reason of physical 
infirmity he did not serve in the campaign of 1811 or 
later. In 1827, when a candidate for the legislature, he 
published an address to his fellow-citizens, from which is 
selected the following, as giving an insight not only into 
his own feelings and actions, but into the spirit of the 
inhabitants of the city where we now live : 

"The call made by Governor Harrison, then Governor of 
Indiana, to resist a numerous body of Indians, is known by you. 
... I was in a condition for years, both before and after this 
period, which forbade my performing a journey of any distance, 
either on foot or horseback. I. however, immediately equipped, 
at my own expense, a nephew, the son of a widowed mother, 
whom I had raised, and started him as a horseman in a com- 
pany of Colonel Daviess' Blues. I furnished the late Colonel 
Springer Augustus, then a young man, another horse. I equipped 
our schoolmaster, the much-lamented Mr. Somerville, who was 
killed in action, with a rifle, etc. They were all killed in the 
battle of Tippecanoe. 

"When it was announced that they (the returning soldiers) 
were approaching the river (Ohio) on their return, at my instance 
and by my active e.xertions a most respectable number of the 
citizens of Louisville mounted their horses, and we met them on 
the bank of the river. There, at my request, they were formed 
into a squaie. Frederick W. S. Grayson, Esquire, with but a 
few moments' preparation, advanced on horseback and delivered 
them a neat, patriotic, and appropriate speech, closing with the 
thanks and twirling .hats and huzzas of the surrounding citizens 
to the brave defenders of their country." 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 21 

Captain Peter Funk says in his narrative that Gov- 
nor Harrison was in l.ouisville in August, 181 1, when 
the narrator was in command of a company of miHtia 
cavalry there. At Harrison's request he hastened to 
Governor Scott, at Frankfort, and obtained permission to 
raise a company of cavalry to join the forces of Governor 
Harrison at Vincennes for an expedition up the Wabash. 
Captain Funk enrolled his company in a few days, and 
early in September joined Colonel Bartholomew's regi- 
ment then marching on Vincennes. At this point he 
found Colonel Joseph H. Daviess, with whom there were 
four young gentlemen from Louisville, namely, George 
Croghan, John O'Fallon (who years afterward became a 
prominent citizen of St. Louis), Mr. Moore, afterward a 
captain in the regular army, and a Mr. Hynes. Also 
from Lexington, Colonel Daviess' residence, James Mead 
and Ben Sanders.* 

By the rolls of the companies there were ninety- three 
in all enrolled in the force under Major Wells. Credit 
must also be given Kentucky for others whose names 
appea^" elsewhere in the records of this battle. 

The Indiana militia from various points in the Territory 
gathered at Vincennes to the number of about six hundred. 

* This narrative, written in 1862 by Mr. D. R. Poignand, of Taylorsville, 
Kentucky, from Captain Funk's dictation, is quoted freely in Lossing's Field 
Book of War of 18 12. 


The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

The Fourth United States Infantry arrived at the 
rendezvous early in September. 

The rolls of Captain Geiger and Captain Funk hear 
the names of ninety-one men and officers. To these 
must be added the names of General Wells, Colonel 
Abraham Owen, Major Joseph Hamilton Daviess, George 
Croghan, John O'Fallon, Adjutant James Hunter, James 
Mead, Ben Sanders, Mr. Moore, and Mr. Hynes. These 
have all been recorded as having participated in the cam- 
paign. The total thus arrived at reaches one hundred 
and one names, making a large increase in the number 
heretofore said to have been from the State of Kentucky. 
All other authorities give credit for about sixty Ken- 

It is possible that this error arose from not noting 
the men led by Captain Funk, as also the individuals 
mentioned in the preceding paragraph. The fact that 
so many more Kentuckians than the sixty-odd usually 
allowed were there is clearly shown, and hereafter the 
Commonwealth should have credit for every one of her 
sons who was present at the battle or took any part in 
the campaign. 

The Battle of Tit>t)ecanoe. 


Roll of Field and Staff, Battalion Kentucky Light 
Dragoons, Battle of Tippecanoe. 



Date o( Enlistment. 

To What Time. 

Samuel Wells. .. . Major. October 16, 1811, 
James Hunter .. . Adjutant. " " •• 

November 24, 18 11. 

Roll of Captain Peter Funk's Company. 



Peter Funk . . . 
Lewis Hite s . . 

Sanui(3l Kelly . . 
Adam L. Mills. 
James Martin . 
Henry Canning 

Lee White 

Elliott Wilson . 
William Cooper 
Samuel hredenck 
William Duberly 

John Edlin 

William Ferguson 
Benjamin W. Gath 

James Hite 

I. Hollingsworth . 
Joseph Kennison. 
William NL Luckett 
John Murphy . . . 
James Muckleroy . 
Enos Mackey . • • • 
Thomas P. Mayers 
Thomas Stafford . 
William Shaw . . . 

John Smith 

William T. Tully. 
M. Williamson. . . 
Samuel Willis . . . 



Date of Enlistment. 

September 14, 18 11, 

To What Time. 

November 25, 18 ii. 

> • 11 It 

November 25, 18 11. 



The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Roll of Captain Frederick Geiger's Company, Kentucky 

Mounted Riflemen. 


Frederick Geiger 
Presley Ross . . 
William Edwards 
Daniel McClellan 
Robert Mclntire 
Robert Edwards 
John Jackson. . 
Stephen Mars . 
John Hicks . . 
John Nash .... 
Henry Waltz . . 
Joseph Paxton. 
Martin Adams. 
Philip Allen . , 
Thomas Beeler 
William Brown 
James Ballard. 
Charles L. Byrne 
Joseph Barkshire 
Adam Burkett . . 
John Buskirk. . . 
Charles Barkshire 
Robert Baruaba. 
Temple C. Byrn 
George Beck . . . 
Thomas Calliway 
William Cline . . 
John Dunbar. . . 
James M. Edwards 
Richard Findley 
Nicholas Fleener 
Joseph Funk . . . 
John Grimes . . . 
Isaac Gwathmey 
Henry Hawkins. 
James Hanks. . . 
Zachariah Ingram 
Joshua Jest . . 
Elijah Lane . . 





Date of Enlistment. 

To Wliat Time. 

October 23, 1811.I November 18, 181 1. 

November 18, iSi i. 


November 18, 181 1. 

November 18, 181 1. 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 


Roll of Captain Geiger's Company — Continued. 



Date of Enlistment. 

To What Time. 

John Lock 


October 23, 18 11. 

November 18, 1811. 

Hudson Martin .... 

t ( a 11 

1 1 It 1 1 

John Maxwell 

Ci t ( 1 1 


Josh Ma.xwell 

14 it 1 ( 

t 1 

Daniel Minor 

It i i 1 1 


John Ousley 

It it II 

Noveiiiber 18, 181 1. 

Michael Plaster. . . . 

It it 11 

II II ii 

Sanuiel Pound 

It It It 

It II ti 

Jonathan Pound .... 

1 1 It 1 1 

t 1 II 11 

Peter Priest 

It It 1 1 

it II II 

Patrick Shields .... 

II It 11 


Edmund Shipp 


it II It 

II II ti 

John W. Slaughter. . 


1 1 11 II 

Joseph Smith 

It 1 1 t i 


♦Augustus Springer. . 

ti 11 It 

( i 

Thomas Spunks. . . . 

It II It 

November i8, 1811. 

James Summerville. 

11 It II 


Wilson Taylor 

II t 1 II 

November 18, 18 11. 

Thomas Trigg 

it It II 

i> >< t« 

William Trigg 

1 1 II II 

(1 1 i ti 

Abraham Walk. . . . 

1 1 II II 

1 1 1 1 II 

George W. Wells. .. 

tt It II 

II II 11 

Samuel W. White.. 

It 1 1 1 1 

1 i II II 

Greensberry Wright 

1 1 It 1 1 


•This is evidently Spri 

nger Augustus, n 

01 Augustus Springer. S 

ee Judge Speed's article, 

page 20. 

As fast as it could be done, troops were sent up the 
Wabash about sixty-five miles to a point in the purchase 
of 1809 where the city of Terre Haute now stands, and 
there, October 6th, Governor Harrison joined them. He 
had for one of his aids Thomas Randolph, a prominent 
politician of Indiana Territory in those days. Colonel 
Abraham Owen, of Kentucky, an old Indian - fighter, 


26 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

having served under St. Clair twenty years before, was 
also an aid. 

Colonel Joseph Hamilton Daviess, of Kentucky, was a 
volunteer aid with the rank of major. Daviess occupied 
a singular position, which, in these times, we can hardly 
understand, for he raised no men, but had a commission 
as Major of Indiana Militia given him by Harrison while 
at Vincennes. He had seen service, was a man of 
unquestioned bravery, had immense influence with the 
soldiers, and was a leader of men. His reputation as 
one of the foremost of Kentucky lawyers had preceded 
him and increased his hold upon the volunteers. Perhaps, 
too, he had dreams of military glory, as hinted at in 
the letter to Governor Harrison written before he left 
Kentucky, He acted on the day preceding the battle as 
though he was determined a fight must be brought on 
before they marched back. 

Soon after his arrival Harrison began the erection of a 
stockade fort, which was completed near the close of the 
month, and by the unanimous request of the officers was 
called ' ' Fort Harrison. " Less than a year afterward 
Captain Zachary Taylor (the tweltth President) here resisted 
and drove off a large body of Indians. It was built of 
timber from the neighboring forest, and was not intended to 
endure the fire of artillery. 

The Battle of Tippr canoe. 27 

While the buildinj:^ of the fort was goin^^ on, during the 
night of October i ith, one of the sentinels was fired on and 
wounded, causing considerable excitement. 

The command was turned out, line of battle formed, and 
scouting j)arties sent out in various directions, but no enemy 
was found. Harrison regarded this as the commencement 
of hostilities by the Prophet, and decided to act as if war 
had been declared by the Prophet. October 13th Harrison 
reported to Secretary Eustis that ' ' our eflectives are but 
little over nine hundred." The rank and file consisted 
of seven hundred and forty-two men fit iox duty. 
Thinking this too small a force, he sent back to Vincennes 
for four companies of mounted riflemen. Two of the four 
companies joined him, but their strength is not given. 
The returns showed that the army thus amounted to at 
least one thousand effectives. One of the officers of the 
Fourth United States Infantry, writing after the battle, 
November 21st, said the force was a little upv/ard of eleven 
hundred men. 

Harrison was delayed at Fort Harrison by the failure of 
the contractors to deliver provisions in the agreed time, 
much to the Governor's annoyance. The low water in 
the Wabash may have been the cause, since transporta- 
tion by flatboats was relied upon until the command left 
the block-house below Vermilion River. From there the 
command depended on wagons. 

2 8 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Lieutenant Colonel Miller with a small command was 
left to garrison Fort Harrison* when the main body resumed 
the march. This Lieutenant Colonel Miller was the "I'll 
try" hero of the battle of Niagara, July 25, 1814, 

The Americans were bent on having a battle before their 
return, while the Indians are said to '""ave been strictly 
ordered by Tecumseh to keep the peace, and they showed 
some intention to avoid Harrison's attack. As early as 
September 25th the Prophet sent a number of Indians to 
Vincennes to protest his peaceful intentions, and to promise 
Harrison's demands should be complied with. To these 
Harrison returned no answer and made no demands. 
But the next day, September 26th, the advance was 
made from Vincennes, and Harrison left for the camp, 
joining his troops October 6th, as has been mentioned. 
Had he not wanted war, he had ample time to negotiate 
for peace. 

While lying in camp and the fort was building, Harrison 
wrote the following letters to Governor Scott, of Kentucky, 
which complete the narrative of their stay at this point, 
as well as throw light on the causes of the apparent delay 
of a part of the command to join him : 

* It was on a spot famous in the traditions of the Indians as the scene of 
a desperate battle far back in the history of the aborigines between the 
lUinois and Iroquois. For this reason the French, who had early settled that 
region, had named it " Battaille des Illinois." 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 29 

" Camp Battaille des Illinois, 

ON THE Wabash, 25th Oct, 181 1.* 

" My dear Sir : The commencement of hostilities upon the part 
of the Prophet, and a decisive declaration made by him to the Dela- 
wares, of his intention to attack the troops under my command, made 
it in my opinion expedient to increase my force which has been 
much diminished by sickness. I took the liberty, therefore, upon 
the sanction of a letter which you wrote to me by Captain Funk, to 
request General Wells of Jefferson county, to raise two companies 
of volunteers in that county, to be joined by two others from this 
territory, and come on to me as soon as possible. I conceived that 
the General would be enabled to march from the Ohio with these 
men, before a letter could probably reach you and return ; but as 
they are to be volunteers and the officers are to be commissioned by 
me, there is, I conceive, no further harm done, than an apparent 
want of attention to you — for which you will no doubt pardon me, 
knowing as you do the sincerity of my attachment to your person, 
and my high respect for your official charactei ; under this impres- 
sion I shall make no further apology. 

" I am unable to say, whether the Prophet will to the last main- 
tain the high tone of defiance he has taken, or not. Our march 
thus far, caused all the Weas and Miamis to abandon his cause, and 
I am told that nearly all of the Potawattamies have also left him. 
Indeed I have within a day or two, been informed that he will not 
fight ; but the same person who gave me this information, says that 
he intends to burn the first prisoner he can take." 

"The fort which I have erected here is now complete (as to its 
defence). I wait for provisions, which I expect to-morrow or the 

* rhe Lexington, Kentucky, Reporter, November 9, i8ii, taken from the 
Frankfort Argus. 

30 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

next day, when I shall immediately commence my march, without 

waiting for the troops which are in the rear. I am determined to 

disperse the Prophet's banditti before I return, or give him the 

chance of acquiring as much fame as a Warrior, as he now has as a 

Saint. His own proper force does not at this time e.xceed 

450, but in his rear there are many villages of Potawatimies, 

most of whom wish well to his cause. I believe they will 

not join him, but should they do it, and give us battle, I have 

no fear of the issue. My small army, when joined by the mounted 

riflemen in the rear will be formidable — it will not then exceed 

950 effectives, but I have great confidence in them, and the 

relative proportion of the several species of troops, is such as I 

could wish it." 

" I am, dear Sir, your sincere friend, 

(Signed) \Vm. H. H.arrison." 
"Gov. Scott." 

"Camp Battaille Ues Illinois, 25th Oct. 181 1. 

" My Dear Sir., Since my letter to you, of this day was written, 
I have received one from General Wells, in which was inclosed a 
copy of your's to him. I regret exceedingly that any omission of 
mine, should have given you the least room to believe that I had 
treated you with the smallest neglect or disrespect. The fact is, 
that I did not believe there would be time to obtain your sanction, 
and I recollected that in the application I made to you for leave for 
Capt. Funk to join me, you answered by expressing your regret 
that I had not asked for infantry as well as cavalry. In any sudden 
emergency, the laws of this territory give authority to colonels to 
turn out their commands without waiting for the governor's author- 
ity, and as my letter to General Wells contemplated volunteers 

The Rattle of Tippecanoe. 3' 

only, and not a regular militia corps, I did not think the application 

to you (on account of the distance) was so material ; however I 

acknowledge in strict propriety, it ought to have been done, and 

beg you to believe, that there is no man whom I more cordially love, 

nor no Governor for whom I feel a greater respect than yourself — 

the bare idea of your en.tertaining a different sentiment of me, is 

extremely distressing." 

' ' I have the honor to be 

With great truth 

Your sincere friend, 

(Signed) Wm. H. Harrison." 
"Gov. Scott." 

October 28th. a little more than a month from the 
beginning of the campaign, the command broke camp at 
F'ort Harrison and began the march up the Wabash. 

Tiii.s day the Governor reported to Secretary of War 
W. Eustis : 

"The Delaware chiefs arrived in camp yesterday and gave 
an account of their efforts to induce the Prophet to lay aside 
his hostile designs. They were badly treated and insulted, and 
finally dismissed with the most contemptuous remarks upon 
them and us. The party which fired upon our sentinels arrived 
at the town when the Delawares were there ; they were Shaw- 
nees and the Prophet's nearest friends." 

The Governor remained one day longer at Fort Har- 
rison, and thence sent some friendly Indians to the 
Prophet with a message requiring that the Winnebagoes, 

$2 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Pottawatomies, and Kickapoos at Tippecanoe should 
return to their tribes ; that all stolen horses should be 
given up. and that murderers should be surrendered. 
He intended at a later time to add a demand for host- 
ages in case the Prophet should accede to these prelimi- 
nary terms. Harrison did not inform his messengers 
where they were to deliver their answer. 

The last of the Kentuckians, General Wells, Colonel 
Owen, and Captain Geiger's company, joined the com- 
mand here. 

October 31st. after passing Big Raccoon Creek, near 
where is now Montezuma, the army crossed to the west 
bank of the Wabash. To avoid the woods, the troops 
marched over a level prairie to a point about two miles 
below the mouth of Vermilion River, not far from the 
bridge of the Toledo, St. Louis & Kansas City Railroad, 
where they erected a block - house to protect their boats, 
which up to this point had conveyed the provisions of 
the expedition, and were to be held there until the return 
of the column. 

The Prophet's town was fifty miles away, and every 
foot after passing Vermilion River was hostile country ; 
crossing that stream was invasion. 

Having followed the expedition thus far, let us look at 
its composition. 

From an old wood-cut owned by R. T. Durrett. of Louisville, Kentucky. 

32 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Pottawatomies, and Kickapoos at Tippecanoe should 
return to their tribes ; that all stolen horses should be 
given up. and that murderers should be surrendered. 
He intended at a later time to add a demand fm host- 
ages in case the Prophet should accede to thiso prelimi- 
nary terms. Harrison did not inform his messengers 
where they were to deliver their answer. 

The last of the Keniuckians, (^ General Wells, Colonel 
Owen, and Captam Geij^er's company, joined the com 
mand here. 

October 31st, after passing \M^ Raccoon Cre^-k i.r.»r 
where is now Montezuma, th^ a nny crossed to \\}r wfsi 
bank of the Wabash. ( '> avoid the w(x>d* t*»t iri^ops 
marched over a Jertl praine to a pwint nboui i'*^) nules 
below ine mouth of Vermilion River, not tar from the 
bndge of the Toledo, St. Louis & Kansas City Railroad, 
where they erected a block - house to protect their boats, 
which up to this point hprl mnveyed the provisions of 
the expedition, and were to uc ncld tlu-re until the return 
of the column. 

The Prophet's town was fift> its ;iway, and every 
foot after passing Vermilion RiV'rr was hostile country ; 
crossing that stream was invawon. 

Having followed the expedition thus far, let u^ look at 
its composition. 

From nn old wooj-cut owned by R. T. Durrett, of Louisville, Kentucky. 

36 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Also a battalion of Indiana Militia under Lieutenant 

Colonel Luke Decker : 

Captain Josiah Snelling, junior. 

Captain John Posey. 

Captain Thomas Scott. 

Captain Jacob Warrick.* 

Captain Spier Spencer.* 

First Lieutenant Richard McMahan.* 

Second Lieutenant Thomas Berry.* 

Captain Wilson, f 

Captain John Norris.f 

Captain Hargrove, f 

Captain Andrew Wilkins. 

Captain Walter Wilson. 

Captain James Bigger. 

Captain David Robb. 

Battalion of Kentucky Volunteers : 

Major Samuel Wells, commanding. 
Lieutenant James Hunter, Adjutant. 
Captain Peter Funk. 
Lieutenant Presley Ross. 
Captain Frederick Geiger.J 
Lieutenant Lewis Hite. 

Two companies of Dragoons : 

Major Joseph H. Daviess, commanding. 
Captain Charles Beggs. 
Captain Benjamin Parke. 
Lieutenant Davis Floyd, Adjutant. 

* Killed. 

+ Mentioned in Harrison's report ; they were all from Indiana. 

I Wounded. 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 37 

About two hundred and seventy of the command 
were mounted, and very few of the entire force had ever 
been in battle. 

The mihtary training of a considerable part of the 
militia had been obtained only during the campaign, 

Harrison anticipated resistance, yet not an Indian 
appeared, and November 3d the army resumed its 
march, keeping in the open country until Tuesday, 
November 5th, at evening, it arrived unmolested within 
eleven miles of the Prophet's town. 

The route on the left bank of the Wabash would 
have been shorter, but it was wooded and favorable to 
ambuscades. Harrison had had that route reconnoitered, 
and preparations made as if preparing to open a wagon 
road. It was very probable that the Prophet, expecting 
Harrison to march by this route, neglected to scout the 
country to the noith of the Wabash where Harrison did 
march, for no Indians or Indian signs were met with 
until a day before the command reached the town. No 
signs of scouting parties were seen until the 5th of 
November. In support of this theory, call to mind the 
statements made later, that messengers had been sent to 
Harrison on the road down the left bank of the river. 

The route taken by Harrison, from a military point of 
view, was decidedly the best for an advance, but for a 

4° The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

hear something in the course of the evening from the 
friendly scouts (Indians sent out at Fort Harrison). 
Daviess remonstrated, and every officer supported him. 
Harrison then pleaded the danger of further advance. 
' ' The experience of the last two days, " he said, ' ' ought 
to convince every officer that no reliance ought to be 
placed upon the guides as to the topography of the 
country ; that, relying on their statements, the troops had 
been led into a situation so unfavorable that but for 
their celerity in changing their positions a few Indians 
might have destroyed them ; he was, therefore, deter- 
mined not to advance to the town until he had pre- 
viously reconnoitered. " 

In a letter to Governor Scott, of Kentucky, of Decem- 
ber 1 3th, he gave another reason which reads very differ- 
ently and sounds as unlike as possible the reasons given 
to his officers. ' ' The success of an attack upon the 
town by day," he said, ''was very problematical. I 
expected that they would have met me the next day to 
hear my terms, but I did not believe they would accede 
to them, and it was my determination to attack and burn 
the town the following night." 

Daviess and the other officers, looking at the matter 
only as soldiers, became more urgent, until Harrison 
yielded at last, and, resolving no longer to hesitate in 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 41 

trcatin<( the Indians as enemies, ordered an advance with 
the determination to attack.* 

They advanced about a quarter of a mile when three 
Indians, sent by the Prophet, came to meet them, brin<^- 
in^ pacific messages and urging that hostilities should be 
avoided if possible. They assured Harrison that messen- 
gers with friendly intent had gone to meet him down the 
eastern bank of the Wabash but had missed him. 
They were surprised at his coming so soon, and hoped 
he would not disturb them or frighten their women and 

Harrison in a letter, f written a few days after the 
battle, said: "I answered that I had no intention of 
attacking them until I discovered they would not comply 
with the demands I had made ; that I would go on and 
encamp at the Wabash, and in the morning would have 
an interview with the Prophet and his chiefs, and explain 
to them the determination of the President ; that in the 
mean time no hostilities should be committed." 

His hesitation was probably due to his being unpre- 
pared for battle at the moment, and his ignorance of the 
strength of the enemy. He knew he had about eight 
hundred men for duty, and the Indians might have more 

* History nf the United States. Henry Adams, Vol. 6, page yy. 
■}^ Secretary Eustis, November i8, 1811. 


The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

than six hundred. He remembered that no victory had 
ever been won over the Northern Indians where the 
numbers were any thing hke equal. Before him was an 
unknown wilderness ; behind him a weary way of one 
hundred and fifty miles. With the rations in the wagons 
and the drove of beeves under charge of the Quarter- 
master, he had supplies for only a few days. He could 
not trust the Indians, and certainly if they suspected his 
plans as to their town they would not trust him. 

Daviess felt the Governor's vacillation so strongly that 
he made no secret of his discontent, and said openly not 
only that "the army ought to attack, but also that it 
would be attacked before morning, or would march home 
with nothing accomplished." 

Indeed, if Harrison had not come thus far to destroy 
the town, there was no sufficient reason, from a military 
standpoint, for his command being there at all. It 
appears almost certain that the little army was wanting a 
fight badly, and were apprehensive they might not get it. 

Having decided to wait, it was next in order to choose 
a camping-ground. They marched on, looking for some 
spot on the river where wood, as well as water, could be 
had, coming finally within one hundred and fifty yards of 
the town, when numbers of the Indians, in alarm, called 
on them to halt. 


The Battle of Tippecanoe. 43 

The Indians had cleared off the timl)er which had 
originally bordered the Wabash, extending their fields for 
a long distance down the stream, as well as back from 
the river's edge, thus removing the fuel that the com- 
mand needed for warmth and cooking. They had also 
cultivated the ground in their rude way, which made it 
undesirable as a camp-ground. Encountering such a 
surface led the column on until halted by the Indians on 
the very verge of the town. 

Harrison told them to show him a spot suitable for a 
camp. They pointed toward the northwest as a proper 
place, back from the Wabash, cjn the borders of a creek, 
less than a mile away. 

Two officers, Majors Taylor and Clarke, were sent 
with Quartermaster Piatt to examine it. As they reported 
it being excellent for their use, Harrison put the com- 
mand in motion, and parted with the chiefs who had come 
to meet him, after an exchange of promises that no hos- 
tilities should be commenced until after an interview to 
be held the next day. 

In his dispatch to the Secretary of War, written from 
Vincennes, November iSth, Harrison thus describes the 
battle-ground : 

44 I he Battle of Tippecanoe. 

"I found the ground designed for our encampment not alto- 
gether such as I could wish it. It was indeed admirably calcu- 
lated for the encampment of regular troops that were oppor ;d 
to regulars, but it afforded great facility for the approach of 
savages. It was a piece of dry oak land rising about ten feet 
above the level of a marshy prairie in front, and nearly twice 
that height above a similar prairie in the rear, through which, 
and near to this bank, ran a small stream clothed with willows 
and other brushwood. Toward fhe left flank this bench of land 
widened considerably, but became gradually narrower in the 
opposite direction, and at the distance of one hundred and fifty 
yards terminated in an abrupt point." 

Is it not possible that the wily Prophet and his fol- 
lowers had an eye single to their plans when they 
selected the ground ? 

And yet in all the region round about for some dis- 
tance there is no better sjiot for a camp where abun- 
dance of wood and water are required. 

Remember the nights at this season were very cold, 
and since only the officers and the regulars had tents, 
huge fires were necessary to j^rocure any degree of com- 
fort. These fires were built lavishly, usually in front of 
the lines occupied by each portion of the command as it 
lay in camp, and the light of the fires at the outbreak 
of the battle was the cause of much loss among the 
whites, since the enemy had them at a disadvantage the 
moment a mnn came within the glare. 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 45 

Those of my readers who have visited the battle- 
ground on the "Monon Route" will recognize the general 
features of it as described by Governor Harrison. 

Going north on the railroad, we cross the Wahash 
canal as soon as we leave the city of Lafayette. Pass- 
ing around a slight eminence, the train rushes out into 
view of the Wabash River bottom, here quite wide. Off 
to the left we see the hills and broken country which 
excited Harrison's fears as he found his column of weary 
troops among them on the morning of Wednesday, 
November 6th. We ride across the river, and to our 
right is the ground where he halted about noon and held 
the conference with his officers regarding their situation. 
The mouth of the Tippecanoe is not distinguishable as 
we look up the river because of the trees, but it is about 
a long mile away. The train soon traverses the bottom 
land, and we come in sight of a creek on the left, which 
is Burnett's Creek, and a moment later we whirl along 
the side of a fine area of grass enclosed by a tall iron 
fence, and that is the battle-ground, but the station by 
that name is yet a little ways beyond. Alighting at the 
platform wc find a large village before us, which we only 
skirt on our walk back to the scene of the conflict, pass- 
ing an extensive enclosure devoted to camp-meetings, and 
also a college. 

46 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Facing toward the broad fields in front of the battle- 
ground at the gate of the fine iron fence we see just at 
the foot of the railroad embankment the marshy prairie, 
and at the distance of about a mile is the site of the 
Prophet's town. No trees dot the surface, but we can 
see it was near the mouth of the Tippecanoe River, 
whose clear waters flow into the Wabash. 

Entering the park, for the State of Indiana, with 
commendable liberality, keeps the enclosure always in 
good order, we can imagine it in its virgin state with a 
great many more trees, some logs and brush. It indicates 
now that it was then an excellent site for a few men to 
.^.hold against a host. The creek still flows, but the hand of 
improvement has graded the steep bank and made a 
roadway. The willows and small brush still spring up 
as they did at the battle. 

The town and other improvements stand upon the 
woods that opened toward the northwest. 

Harrison was criticized after the battle for not entrench- 
ing his camp that afternoon, or at least throwing up some 
barricades of logs or fallen trees. He said that the army 
had barely enough axes to procure firewood. The prob- 
abilities are that the men had little time after reaching 
camp to make preparations for the night, but, after all, 
the Governor should have given the orders if he thought 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 47 

it necessary. The army pitched its tents, hj^hted its fires, 
and proceeded to make itself as comfortable as possible 
under the circumstances, with no other protection than a 
sin<j;le line of sentinels, although the creek in the rear 
gave cover to an attack within a few yards of the camp. 
Harrison arranged his camp with care on the after- 
noon of November 6th in the form of an irregular paral- 
lelogram on account of the conformation of the ground. 
On the front was a battalion of United States Infantry 
under the command of Major George Rogers Clark Floyd* 
(a native of Jefferson County, Kentucky), flanked on the 
right by two companies, and on the left by one company 
of Indiana Militia under Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Bar- 
tholomew. In the rear was a battalion of United States 
Infantry under Cai)tain William C. Baen, acting Major, 
with Captain Robert C. Barton, of the regulars, in imme- 
diate command. These were supported on the right by 
four companies of Indiana Militia led respectively by 
Captains Josiah Snelling, junior, John Posey, Thomas 
Scott, and Jacob Warrick. This battalion of Indiana 

* Major George Rogers Clark Floyd was appointed Captain of the 
Seventh United States Infantry in 1808; promoted to Major of the Fourth 
Infantry in 1810. He served in this rank until August, 1812, when lie 
was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel and transferred to the Seventh Infantry. 
Becoming dissatisfied with the service, he resigned in April, 1813, return- 
ing to the vicinity of Louisville, Kentucky, near his native place. Subse- 
quently he studied law. He died iu 182 1. 

4^ The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Militia was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Luke Decker. 
The right flank, eighty yards wide, was filled with mounted 
riflemen under Captain Spier Spencer. The left, one hun- 
dred and fifty yards in extent, was composed of mounted 
riflemen under Major Samuel Wells, commanding as Major, 
and led by Captains Frederick Geiger and David Robb. 

David Robb was born in Ireland, July 12, 1771, but 
came to America at an early age. His father, David 
Barr Robb, had a family of ten children, and settled in 
Jefferson County, Kentucky, near Mann's Lick, David 
Robb, while making his home near Mann's Lick, became 
a famous hunter and a fine shot. His hunts sometimes 
took him as far up the Ohio River as the Kentucky 
River, whence he floated to Louisville with his furs. 

One season he accumulated a large stock of fine furs 
which he loaded into a boat, and, with a small company, 
voyaged down to New Orleans to dispose of them. 
Thence he sailed for Philadelphia, intending to cross the 
mountains and reach Louisville by the Ohio, but on the 
voyage the ship and its company were captured by 
pirates. He made his escape, reached Philadelphia after 
many adventures, and returned home about a year after 
his friends had given him up for dead. 

He removed to Indiana Territory about November, 
1800, being one of the first settlers in Southern Indiana, 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 49 

where he raised his company in the neij^hborhood of 
Corydon. He was a friend of Governor Harrison, who 
sent liini a personal appeal to raise volunteers for the 
expedition, which he did, enrollin}^ about seventy men. 
Years after the War of 1812 he became land agent at 
La Porte, occupying the ollice for a long period. He 
died April 15, 1S44. 

His brother, Jamcy Robb, enlisted in his company, was 
badly wounded, being shot through both legs. After his 
recovery he returned to Kentucky, became a citizen of 
Jefferson County, and lived to a good old age. 

Resuming our account of the formation of the camp, 
we find that two troops of Dragoons under Colonel 
Joseph H. Daviess, acting as Major, were stationed in the 
rear of the front line on the left liank; and at right angles 
with these companies, in the rear of the left fiank, was a 
troop of cavalry under Captain Benjamin Parke. Wagons, 
baggage, officers' tents, etc., were in the center. 

As was his custom, Harrison gathered the field officers 
in his tent at a signal and gave them instructions for the 
night. He ordered that each corps that formed the 
exterior line of the encampment should hold its ground 
in case of an attack until relieved. In the event of a 
night attack the cavalry were to parade dismounted, with 
their pistols in their belts, and act as a reserve. 


50 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

A camp guard of one hundred and eight men, two 
captains, and two subalterns were stationed under the 
command of the field officer of the day. This was not a 
large guard, but it was as many as could be expected 
from a corps of less than a thousand for duty. The 
army was thus encamped in order of battle. 

Though late in the night the moon rose, the night was 
dark, with more or less rain at intervals ; the troops lay 
with guns loaded and bayonets fixed, but many of them 
slept but little because of being so exposed, not having 

The general understanding among the men was that 
the next day Governor Harrison would make a treaty 
with the Indians, yet those who had seen service thought 
there would be fighting. Only a small part of these men 
had ever been on the march or in camp in an enemy's 
country, and three months before a majority of them 
were working in the pursuits of peace. The routine of 
military life had made them somewhat like soldiers, 
yet they were still to be tried as to their steadiness and 
courage. Comparing the stand they made the next 
morning with most of the experiences of militia for the 
first time under fire, there is reason to be proud of the 
manner in which they conducted themselves, leaving a 
record that their children in Indiana and Kentucky have 



The Battle of Tippecanoe. 51 

never had occasion to be ashamed of. We will see when 
we come to review the events of the daylij^ht scenes of 
the 7th that they were excited, as most raw troops are 
the day after the battle is over, but they did not run 
away nor seek shelter during the battle nor afterward. 
There were no prisoners lost, and no stragglers left the 

Lossing* gives an account of the incantations of the 
Prophet that night in his town, at which he aroused the 
anger of his dupes against the whites, and promised 
them freedom from danger if they attacked the sleeping 

Another author f says : "It is believed that the treach- 
ery of the Indians did not take the shape of an attack 
on Harrison's camp until late that evening, it having 
been primarily arranged that they should meet the Gov- 
ernor in council and appear to agree to his terms. At 
the close the chiefs were to retire to their warriors, when 
two Winnebagocs selected for the purpose were to kill 
the Governor and give the signal for the uprising of the 

It looks to us at this lapse of time that the leaders of 
both sides were trying to match treachery with treachery. 

* F"ield Book War 1812, page 203. 

I In'liaii BiotTaphy, Sanuicl G. Drake, 1832, page 337. 

52 The Battle of Tippecatwe. 

The Indians made it a practice to assault their ene- 
mies under cover of the dark hours just before daybreak, 
which is probably the reason the shock came when it did. 
They were on their own ground, and, knowing exactly how 
the whites had pitched their cam]>. they selected the best 
spot for dealing the first blow, expecting to rush upon 
the sleeping men, make a lodgment in the camp, and 
disperse the command without delay. Being familiar 
with the lay of the land, they chose their points of attack, 
having surrounded the silent camp and approached it 
noiselessly from every side, save the portion surmounting 
the steep banks of the creek, which were almost perpen- 
dicular and difTicult to ascend at any time, but especially 
so in the darkness of a misty, rainy night. 

While campaigning against the Indians it was always 
thought best, when near any body of them, to rouse the 
camp cjuietly some hours before daylight, and in this way 
be prepared for any thing that might happen. Harrison 
had learned this when a younger man, having been a 
captain in the regulars, and on this campaign he was in 
the habit of rising at four o'clock, calling his men to arms, 
and keeping them in line until broad daylight. On this 
dull morning of Thursday, November 7, 181 1, he was just 
pulling on his boots at the usual hour, before rousing his 
men for parade, when a single shot was fired at the north- 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 53 

western angle of the camp, near the bank of Burnett's 

The man who thus opened this famous little battle was 
a Kentuckian named Stephen Mars, and such a name 
appears on the roll of Captain Frederick Geiger's company, 
which was raised in Louisville and Jefferson County. 
After delivering his fire he ran toward the camp, but was 
shot before reaching it. 

The horrid yells of the savages woke the camp, and 
were followed b}' a rapid fire upon the ranks of the com- 
panies of Baen and Geiger that formed that angle of the 
camp. Their assault was furious, and several of them 
penetrated through the lines but never returned. 

The whole camp was alarmed at once. 

The officers with all possible speed put their different 
companies in Hne of battle as they had been directed the 
night before. The fires were now extinguished, as they 
were more useful to the assailants than to the assailed. 
Under the alarming circumstances the men behaved with 
great bravery and coolness, and very little noise or con- 
fusion followed the first awakening. The most of them 
were in line before they were fired upon, but some were 
compelled to fight defensively at the doors of their tents. 
It is likely this happened near the fires, at the point 
where the enemy pierced the lines. Here the Indians 

54 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

made their great rush which was to have been a surprise, 
but it failed, and after that the battle was a trial of skill, 
endurance, and courage. It had to be fought out when 
the first dash had not been successful. 

Harrison called for his horse at the first alarm, and 
would have been at the scene of the earliest fighting had 
he not met with a short delay caused by his horse break- 
ing his tether just at the moment the Governor was 
ready for him. 

It will be noticed in the various accounts of the battle 
the "white horse" is discussed a great deal. The Gov- 
ernor usually rode a white horse, but at the onset of the 
battle the noises of the combatants proved to be too much 
for the animal, and he broke away, escaping from the 
hostler just as the Governor ordered him. Harrison imme- 
diately mounted a bay horse that stood snorting nearby, 
and rode away with his aid, Colonel Owen, who was 
riding his own horse, which happened to be white. Tra- 
dition has it that the Indians, having seen the Governor 
on his white horse at the Prophet's town, took Colonel 
Owen for the Governor, and Owen fell almost at once in 
the fierce combat that began the battle. Colonel Daviess 
is also said to have ridden a white horse, likewise to have 
worn a white blanket coat. In a letter written long after 
the battle Captain Funk said Daviess rode a roan horse 

The Battle of 7ippecanoe. 55 

bought of Frank Moore at Louisville. The latter is 
doubtless the exact fact. 

When Corporal Stephen Mars gave the alarm in the 
dense darkness of the hour before day that cold morning, 
he ran toward the camp. This was most natural, for he 
was pursued closely by the Indians, who, bent on making 
their way into the camp, rushed right at his heels. The 
companies of Captain Barton and Captain Geiger were 
thrown into great confusion at once, became mixed up 
with the enemy, and hard fighting followed. One of 
Captain Geiger's men lost his gun and reported it to his 
commander, who made his way to his tent to get a new 
piece for the soldier. Arrived there, Captain Geiger found 
the Indians ransacking its contents, prodding with their 
knives into every thing. A brief struggle took place, 
which ended in their rapid retreat. Captain Geiger's 
saddlebags received several extensive slashes from the 
scalping -knives of the savages, and the grandchildren of 
the Captain looked upon them years afterward with many 
a shudder. 

Harrison criticized his sentinels for not attempting to 
hold the enemy for a short period at least, in order that 
the camp might have time to form in line, but this was 
precisely what the Indians did not intend to allow, for it 
was essential to their plan of attack not to permit a moment 

5^ The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

to be lost in throwing the vvliites into confusion. They 
succeeded to a certain extent, since a number of them 
were killed inside the hnes and remained where they fell. 
Those killed outside the lines were sometimes carried out 
of sight and range. The plan of battle on their part was 
to attack on the three sides (front and the flanks) simul- 
taneously, but the alarm was given before those on the 
right flank were fully ready, though the entire line was 
finally assaulted. 

The Indians were commanded by White Loon, Stone 
Eater, and Winnemac. Signals during the battle were 
given by rattling strings of dried dcers' hoofs. 

Arriving at the spot where the attack began. Governor 
Harrison found that Barton's company had suffered 
severely, and the left of Geiger's company had broken badly. 
He immediately ordered Cook's company and that of the 
late Captain Wentworth, under Lieutenant Peters, to be 
brought up from the center of the rear line, where the 
ground was much more defensible, and form across the angle 
in support of Barton and Geiger. At that moment the 
Governor's attention was directed to the firing at the 
northeast angle of the camp, where a small company of 
United States riflemen, armed with muskets, and the 
companies of Baen, Snelling, and Prescott, of the Fourth 
United States Infantry, were stationed. There he found 












»— 4 






The Buttle of Tippecanoe. 57 

Major Joseph II. Daviess forniinj^ the dragoons in the rear 
of those companies. 

Daviess was gallant and impatient of restraint. One 
of his party was Washington Johns, of Vincennes, a quarter- 
master of the dragoons, and intimate with Harrison. 
Daviess sent him to the Governor when the Indians made 
their first attack, asking for permission to go out on foot 
and charge the foe. "Tell Major Daviess to be patient; 
he shall have an honorable position before the battle is 
over," Harrison replied. In a few moments Daviess made 
the same request, and the Governor the same reply. 
Again he repeated it, when Harrison said: "Tell Major 
Daviess he has heard my oi)inion twice ; he may now 
use his own discretion." The gallant Major, with only 
twenty picked men, instantly charged beyond the lines 
on foot, and was mortally wounded. He was a con- 
spicuous mark in the gloom, as he wore a white blanket 
coat. * 

"Unfortunately," says Harrison in his dispatch to the 
Secretary of War, ' ' the Major's gallantry determined him 
to execute the order with a smaller force than was sufficient, 
which enabled the enemy to avoid him in front and attack 
him on his flanks. The Major was mortally wounded 
and his party driven back." 

* Statement ul Judf^e Nuyloi and Captain Fink. Lussinj;, page 205. 


58 The Battle of Tippaanoc. 

Many years after the battle Doctor N. Field, then 
livinj^ in Jeffersonville, Indiana, contributed to the Evenin«^ 
News of that city an article describing' a visit of General 
Harrison to that town in 1S36. His visit ended, he went 
to Charlestown by the way of a steamboat to Charlestown 

After his arrival at that place, Harrison was called t)n 
and requested to gratify the people by making a speech. 
He replied that it was entirely unexpected to him, but 
he would not make a set speech. He was told they were 
anxious to have him give them some account of Tippe- 
canoe, which he did in conversational style. He proceeded 
to refute the charges so often made before as to the Indians 
selecting his camping-ground, being surprised, changing 
horses with Colonel Abraham Owen, and sacrificing Colonel 
Joe Daviess. His narrative of the manner of Daviess' 
death differs from any other th;it the writer has met with, 
and is here given just as Doctor Field recorded it. The 
simplicity and clearness, entirely divested of any thing 
dramatic, throw a light upon the bravery and ambition of 
Daviess that reveals clearly the motive of his action — 
he panted to distinguish himself. Taken with the record 
of the day immediately preceding, it illustrates the idea 
advanceci elsewhere in this paper, that Daviess was deter- 
mined to make this battle an epoch in his life or never 
survive : 

The Battle of 'Ilppecanoe. 5Q 

"As to Colonel Joe Daviess, who commanded a company of 
draj^oons and insisted on havinj; somcthinj^ to do, disliking very 
much to stand idle holding horses while the infantry were so 
hard pressed. I told him there were some Indians behind a log 
some seventy -five yards from our lines shooting our men, and to 
charge them on foot. He was instructed to form them, and 
when ready the line would open to let them pass out. Instead 
of charging them abreast, the Colonel, ardent and impetuous, 
rushed out, calling on his men to follow him in single file. Before 
reaching the log he was mtjrtally wounded, and died the next 

The following has been taken from "Tiie History of 
Mercer and Boyle Counties, " by Mrs. Maria T. Daviess, 
Ilarrodsburg, Kentucky, 1885 : 

"Colonel AUin, his bosom friend and comrade in arms, came 
to tell his kindred the sorrowful tidings" (the death of Jo Daviess). 
"All day long," he said, "he lay under the shade of a giant 
sycamore tree, his life ebbing slowly away, and he awaiting his 
last enemy, death, with unquailing eye. His spirit passed out 
with the setting sun, and by the starlight his soldiers laid him in 
his rude grave, wrapped only in his soldier's blanket, and as the 
thud of the falling earth fell on their ears they wept like children." 

Captain Funk, from Louisville, says he attended Major 
Daviess about nine o'clock in the morning, and assisted in 
changing his clothes and dressing his wound. He was 
shot between the right hip and ribs, and it is believed 
the fatal shot proceeded froni the ranks of his friends 

6o I Jic Battle of Ttppccauoe, 

firing in the gloom. Daviess was afraid the expedition 
might be driven away and leave the wounded behind. 
He exacted a promise from Captain Funk that in no 
event would he leave him to fall into the hands of the 
savages. He survived until about one or two o'clock in 
the afternoon of the same da^. Speaking of him, Har- 
rison said in his report; "Never was there an officer 
possessed of more ardor and zeal to discharge his duties 
with propriety, and never one who would have encoun- 
tered greater danger to purchase military fame." 

Immediately on the fall of Daviess, Harrison promoted 
Captain Parke to the position, just as intelligence was 
brought that Captain Snelling with his company of 
regulars had driven the enemy from their location with 
heavy loss. 

The Indians now pressed the battle on all sides except 
a part of the rear line. They fell with great severity on 
Spencer's mounted riflemen on the right, and on War- 
rick at the angle. The fighting on the line of the right 
flank became very severe as well as bloody, and marked 
by many examples of heroic courage. Captain Warrick 
was shot immediately through the body, and borne from 
the scene to the field hospital located some distance 
within the lines of the encampment, where his wound was 
dressed ; as soon as this was finished (being a man of 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 6i 

unusual vigor of body, and yet able to walk) he insisted 
on returning; to head his company, though it was evident 
lu; had not many hours to live. He survived to see the 
result of the battle, but died during the day. 

Other officers in this part of the field also gave up 
their lives. Spencer and his lieutenants were killed, and 
y(!t their ukmi and Warrick's held their ground gallantly. 
Thc^y were speedily reinforced by Robb's riflemen, who 
had been driven or ordered by mistake from their position 
on th(! left flank, toward the center of the camp, and at 
the same time Frescott's company of the Fourth United 
States Infantry was ordered to fill the space vacated by 
the riflemen, the grand object being to hold the lines of 
the camp unbroken until daylight, so that then the army 
could make a general advance. In doing this the Gov- 
ernor was very active, riding constantly from point to 
point inside the lines, holding the troops to their positions, 
and keeping every weak place reinforced. 

At length day came, disclosing the strongest bodies of 
the enemy on both flanks. After strengthening these, he 
was about to order a charge by the dragoons under Major 
Parke upon the enemy on the left flank, when Major 
Wells, not understanding the order, led his Kentuckians 
to execute the movement, that was gallantly and effect- 
ually done. The Indians, driven from their positions on 

62 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

this front, were charged by the dragoons, who pursued 
them as far as their horses could be urged into the wet 
prairies that lay on both sides of the ridge upon which 
the battle was fought, and thus the Indians escaped fur- 
ther pursuit. 

While this was going on, the troops of the right flank 
had rushed upon the foe and driven them into the marshy 
ground, while others fled beyond gunshot, disappearing 
among the willows or bushes on the borders of the creek. 

The battle had lasted about two hours. Tradition 
says the Prophet stood upon a rock on the west side of 
the valley beyond the creek, encouraging the Indians by 
songs and promises of victory. He joined in the general 
retreat to the town. There the fugitive warriors of many 
tribes, Shawnees, Wyandotts, Kickapoos, Ottawas, Chippe- 
was, Pottawatomies, Winnebagoes, Sacs, and a few Miamis, 
rallied, all of whom, having lost faith in the potency of 
his conjuring, covered the Prophet with reproaches. He 
cunningly told them that his predictions had failed, his 
friends had been killed and wounded, because during the 
incantations before the battle his wife had touched the 
sacred vessel and broken the charm ! 

Even these superstitious creatures could not swallow 
this story, and the impostor was deserted by his dupes, 
being compelled to take refuge with a small band of 

The Battle of l^ippccanoe. 63 

Wyaiidotts on Wild Cat Creek, which falls into the 
Wabash from the south near the Tippecanoe. The foe 
scattered in all directions at once, into regions where the 
whites would not venture.* No pursuit was attempted, 
and it seems strange, for there must have been a large 
force of moujited men in the command. But it is highly 
probable that the air was full of rumors of bodies of 
Indians in every direction. Having driven off the enemy 
and lost many men killed and wounded, attention to 
them demanded the services of all that could be spared 
for such duties. 

Harrison was much criticized for not even sending out 
a single scouting party, though he had the dragoons and 
the Kentucky mounted men, to scour the country, but it 
must be said for him that his guides had not been such 
as he could trust, since they had led him into very diffi- 
cult country on the march to Tippecanoe, and perhaps 
he would not trust them again. At any rate he 
remained quiet for a day. 

Harrison was continually exposed during the action, 
but escaped without injury. A bullet passed through his 
hat and grazed his head. His loss in killed and wounded 
was one hundred and eighty-eight. Of those the Ken- 

*Tlie Prophet died in 1834 west of the Mississippi River, a pensioner 
of Great Britain since 18 13. 

64 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

tuckians had a considerable share, but only a few are 
recorded by name. Colonel Abraham Owen, from Shelby 
County, Kentucky, an aid to the Governor, was killed, 
when he and the Governor, early in the engagement, 
rode to the point of first attack. He was upon a white 
horse, which made him a mark for the enemy. 

The enemies of Harrison afterward charged that he 
changed horses with Owen. The fact was the Governor 
took a dark colored horse, the first one he could lay his 
hands on, after his white horse had run away, as has 
been narrated elsewhere. The horse Owen rode was his 
own. He had left Kentucky with Captain Geiger's com- 
pany, and Harrison had accepted him as a volunteer aid. 
He was a good citizen and a brave soldier. 

Colonel Abraham Owen was born in Prince Edward 
County, Virginia, in 1769, and emigrated to Kentucky in 
1785. His first public service was upon Wilkinson's 
campaign, in the summer of 1791, upon White and 
Wabash rivers. He was a lieutenant in Captain Lemon's 
company in St. Clair's defeat, November 4, 1791, being 
wounded at that engagement in the arm and on the chin. 
He was in the expedition led by Colonel Hardin to White 
River, and took part in the action which routed the 
Indians from their hunting-camps. In 1796 he was a 
surveyor in Shelby County, and afterward a magistrate. 

The Battle of 1 ippcauioe. 65 

lie commanded the first militia company raised in Siiclby 
County, of which Sin^'leton Wilson, an old comrade in 
the Wilkinson campaign, was lieutenant. Cai)tain C)wc;n 
soon became major and rose to colonel, while Wilson 
advanced in rank to cai)tain. Colonel Owen was soon 
after elected to the legislature, and, in 1799, was chosen 
a member of the Constitutional Convention. Shortly 
before his death he was a member of the State Senate. 

In December following the battle the Legislature of 
Kentucky went into mourning for Daviess, Owen, and 
others who had fallen at Tippecanoe, and in 1819-1820 
the memory of Colonel Owen was perj)etuated by forming 
a county to which was given his name. Of him Harrison 
said in his official report : ' ' Colonel Abraham Owen, 
commandant of the Eighteenth Kentucky Regiment, joined 
me a few days before the action as a private in Captain 
Geiger's company ; he accepted the appointment of vol- 
unteer aid-de-camp to me ; he fell early in action ; the 
representatives of his State will inform you that she pos- 
sesses not a better citizen nor a braver man." 

The disposition of the troops for the night was judicious 
but open to criticism, which Harrison apprehended, for 
he said in his report: "In the formation of my troops 
I used a single rank, or what was called Indian file, 
because the extension of the line is a matter of the first 


66 The Battle of Tippeccmoe. 

importance. Raw troops maneuver with much more 
faciHty in single than in double rank." 

The irregular parallelogram was also good, as it 
afforded opportunity for furnishing support prom})tly at 
the points of attack. 

Harrison certainly expected the enemy would assault 
him that morning, and he was only a little behind time in 
waking his men. A better moment for the Indian attack 
could not have been chosen, but its failure to demoralize 
and scatter the whites was discouraging to them. 

It was a trying ordeal for a late captain of infantry to 
be placed in, and Harrison behaved well under the cir- 
cumstances. He said : ' ' Our troops could not have been 
better prepared than they were, unless they had been 
kept under arms all night, as they lay with their accoutre- 
ments on and their arms by their sides, and the moment 
they were up they were at their posts. If the sentinels 
and guards had done their duty, even the troops on the 
left flank would have been prepared to resist the Indians." 

He might have added that some of the militia, jworly 
provided with blankets, covered the locks of their muskets 
with their coats to keep the pans of their guns dry. 
The infantry used principally cartridges containing twelve 
buckshot, which was a very effective charge for close 
action or a night attack. 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 67 

The fires gradually blazed up again here and there, 
affording great assistance to the Indians in aiming. How 
fatal their aim was shown by the fate of Captain Spier 
Spencer. Captain Spier Spencer was the most heroic in 
the manner of his death of all the victims of this battle. 
The simple statement in Harrison's official report shows 
what a determined, brave man he was : ' ' Spencer was 
wounded in the head ; he exhorted his men to fight val- 
iantly. He was shot through both thighs and fell ; still 
continuing to encourage them, he was raised up and received 
a ball through his body, which put an immediate end to 
his existence." Could any thing have displayed true 
courage and manhood in a higher degree ! 

The force of his example imbued his men so fully with 
his spirit that they not only stubbornly held their ground 
for two hours, but drove the enemy backward, defending 
the right flank of the field until the fight was ended. 

Spencer was a man of importance in Harrison County, 
having raised his company in or near Corydon. He 
came to that place in 1809 from Vincennes, and upon 
the organization of the county was appointed sheriff. 
The tradition in the family is that he had come from 
Kentucky to Vincennes (but the year is not known), and 
this seems very likely, as a brother, who was seriously 
wounded in the battle, died on his way home when the 

68 The Battle of Tippccaiioc. 

command had reached the crossing; of tlie Wabash River, 
beciueatliing in a will made there certain property to friends 
in Kentucky. Spencer's wife was also from that State, 
being Elizabeth Polk, daughter of Charles Polk. 

In company with her mother (maiden name Delilah 
Tyler) she and three other children were together cap- 
tured and forcibly taken from Kentucky to Detroit by 
Indians, from whom they were ransomed by a French 
officer, Captain DuPuyster, who had learned that Charles 
Polk was a Mason. Captain DuPuyster sent word to the 
husl)and of the whereabouts of his wife and children, and 
had the pleasure of seeing them reunited. 

Harrison s])eaks of Captain Spencer in his report in a 
way that would indicate that the Captain was one well 
known in the Territory. It is regrettable that so brave a 
man, who was such a sterling citizen, should not have 
had some contemporary historian, because the records 
and memoranda regarding him are almost all lost. He 
left several descendants, but they have only family tra- 
dition and neighborhood tales to give for even so brief 
a sketch as this. 

His company, being mounted, had yellow trimmings 
on the uniform, which gave them the campaign name of 
"Spencer's Yellow Jackets," and they resembled those 
pugnacious msects, judging by the manner they stung the 

• I 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 69 

Spencer took his fourteen -year -old son on the expedi- 
tion, who became Governor Harrison's personal care after 
the loss of his father, being quartered in the Governor's 
tent during the remainder of the campaign. Harrison 
continued his interest in the boy, securing for him and a 
l)roth<;r, at the proper age, admission to West Point. 

Of the conduct of the mihtia Harrison said : 

"Several of the militia companies were in nowise inferior to 
the re},'ulars. Spencer's, Geiger's, and Warrick's maintained 
their posts amidst a monstrous carnage, as, indeed, did Robb's 
after he was posted on the right flank ; its loss of men (seventeen 
killed and wounded) and keeping its ground is sufficient evidence 
of its firmness." 

Some of the militia exhibited great daring. One young 
man, finding the lock of his gun out of order, in spite of 
the remonstrances of his comrades went up to a fire, and, 
having made a light, remained there until he had repaired 
it. Though in the glare of the fire and repeatedly fired 
at, he escaped injury. 

The Indians exjiosed themselves with unusual reckless- 
ness, since the Prophet had assured them that the pale- 
faces would be asleep or drunk, and that their bullets 
would be harmless and their powder turned to sand. 
They did not, as always practiced, avail themselves of 
every cover, but fought out in the open like the whites. 

70 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

One of the warriors, having loosened his flint, went to a 
fire, which he brightened into a blaze, and sat down delib- 
erately to his work. Soon he became a target for the 
enemy's fire and fell dead. A regular soldier rushed out 
to take his scalp, but not being an adept he was slow in 
his horrid task, and he, too, received a shot, but carried 
off his bleeding trophy and reached the lines of his friends 
only to die of his wound. 

One hundred and fifty-four privates were returned 
among the casualties ; fifty-two of them were killed or 
died of their wounds. The losses of the Indians were 
serious, but are variously reported. According to one 
report they left thirty-eight dead on the field. Six more 
dead were found in graves in the town. As was their 
almost invariable custom, they carried off all their 
wounded. The enemy must have suffered as severely as 
Harrison. Major Wells, of Kentucky, said to a friend 
that after the battle he counted forty-nine new graves 
and fifty-four Indians lying on the ground. An Indian 
woman captured said that one hundred and ninety-seven 
Indians were missing. From the reckless exposure before 
mentioned, they must have experienced heavy losses. 

The 7th of November was spent in burying the dead, 
caring for the wounded, and throwing up log breastworks 
to defend the camp, for rumors were circulated that 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 71 

Tecumseh was on the march to rescue his brother at the 
head of a thousand warriors. 

"Night," says Captain Funk, "found every man 
mounting guard, without food, fire, or Hght, and in a 
drizzhng rain. The Indian dogs during the dark hours 
produced frequent alarms by prowhng in search of car- 
rion about the sentinels." 

They were evidently a good deal worked up and 
entirely on the defensive. If the army had cause for 
anxiety the morning of the 7 th, it had considerably more 
when its situation became more fully understood. By 
Harrison's own account he had had with him on 
entering the battle only about eight hundred men. Of 
these almost one fourth had been the victims of death 
or wounds. His camp contained very little flour and no 
meat, for the few beeves brought along with the column 
were either driven off by the Indians or stampeded by 
the noises of the battle, and Vincennes was over one 
hundred and fifty miles away. 

One writer says, "The soldiers had no meat this day 
but broiled horseflesh."* The mounted men had lost 
several of their horses in the stampede. Many of the 
cattle and most of the horses were recovered on the 8th 
and 9th. 

*Eggleston, page 229. 

72 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Harrison was naturally a cautious man ; he felt his 
condition keenly and the dangers surrounding him, and 
this a])prehension finally reached his men. Ileuce the 
excitement that kept the command on the qui vivc all 
the night of the 7th. 

Small wonder that this battle furnished fireside talk 
for many years in Indiana and Kentucky ! 

Captain Geiger had been wounded but not disabled, 
retaining command of his company. His record in this 
short campaign was so creditable that in the War of 
18 1 2, when volunteers were called to take the field under 
General Harrison, he again raised a company, served 
through his term of enlistment, was again wounded, and 
returned to his home in JefTcrson County, Kentucky, 
where he lived highly respected. 

After peace he accumulated a fortune, and died 
August 28, 1832, leaving many descendants. His grave, 
marked by a granite headstone, lies on the old Bonny- 
castle place on the Bardstown road. Ann Funk Geiger, 
his wife, was born November 19, 1753, and died March 
18, 1822. 

Probably the most prominent man in the Indiana 
militia was Thomas Randolph, a distinguished politician 
in the early history of the Territory. Having been unsuc- 
cessful in a recent canvass, he joined the little army 

From an <>IJ wooj-iut owned by R. T. Durrett, of Louisville. Kentucky. 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 73 

orjjj.'mizccl llic suiniiier of iSii. Harrison would have 
^ivcii him a position but there were no vacancies, and 
KandoIj)h volunteered as a private, but was acting aid-de- 
camp to Harrisi;n at Tippecanoe when he was mortally 
wounded. The Governor bent over him, asking if there 
was any thing he; could do for him. Randolj)h replied 
that he was gone, but to watch over his child, "And so 
died as a gallant gentleman in the service of his country, 
and they buried him on the field by the side of his 
friend, the Kentucky hero — Jo Daviess."* 

Major Henry Hurst was born in Jefferson (then Fred- 
erick) County, Virginia, in 1 769. When (juite a young 
man he i)ecame a citizen of Kentucky, marrying in early 
life a Miss Sebastian, by whom he had a son named 
Benjamin. His first wife did not live long, and in due 
time after her death he married a Miss Stanhope, of 
Virginia, by whom he had two children, William Henry 
Hurst, and Mary, who became Mrs. William Leviston, 
whose daughter, Mrs. Nannie S. Trigg, now resides in 
Greenville, Mississippi. The descendants of William 
Henry Hurst removed to Missouri years ago. 

When Henry Hurst married the second time he 
removed to Vincennes, Indiana, to practice law, though he 
may not have become a citizen there until 1806. 

♦Amcricau Coiunionwealths. Incli.ana. Dunn, paf,'e 410. 


74 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

He was a practicing lawyer when he came to Clark 
County, Indiana, to attend the County Court held 1802, at 
Springville, a small place the exact site of which is now 
lost in the cultivated lands about a mile west of Charles- 
town. On appearing at court he announced that he was 
Deputy United States Attorney General, ready to indict 
and prosecute, in the name of the United States, all viola- 
tors of the law. He must have had influential friends to 
have secured such a position, and probably knew Gov- 
ernor Harrison well, for in raising the troops in 1811 
Hurst volunteered, was made a major of the militia, and 
appointed aid on the staff of the Governor, with whom 
he served with great credit. The intimacy continued 
until Harrison's death, since, at the inauguration, March 
4, 1841, Major Hurst, mounted on a white horse, rode at 
the right hand of the President-elect, while the officer 
who had been General Harrison's aid at the battle of the 
Thames rode upon his left. 

Major Hurst became a familiar figure in Clark County 
after the battle of Tippecanoe. He is said to have been 
a man of fine presence and an able lawyer. He served 
as clerk of the United States District Court, making the 
journey from Jeffersonville to Indianapolis on horseback to 
attend to his official duties there. In 1838-39 he was a 
member of the legislature from Clark County. With the 

' I 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 75 

dignity of a gentleman of the old school, his i)ortly figure, 
bandanna handkerchief, and snuff-box were well known 
to all the inhabitants of Jeffersonville. He was rather 
blunt of speech, fond of a joke, enjoyed a social glass, 
and played cards, but only for diversion. He traveled the 
circuit for years, more for the pleasure of the comj^any 
of the members of the bar than for the value of his pro- 
fessional income. His home for many years still stands, 
a two- story brick dwelling with high basement and stone 
front steps, on the wharf, a short distance below the 
ferry landing. His death occurred January i, 1855, and 
his head-stone in Walnut Grove Cemetery recites that he 
was "aged eighty-five years." 

Harrison estimated the number of the Indians at six 
hundred, but had no definite information. Tecumseh after- 
ward spoke of the attack as an "unfortunate transaction 
that took place between the white people and a few of 
our young men at our village," as though it was under- 
taken by the young men aga'nst the will of the older 
chiefs. Tecumseh commonly told the truth. 

Harrison's ablest military movement was availing him- 
self of Tecumseh's overconfidence in leaving the country 
open to him for attack. 

The Indians fled precipitately from the town, leaving 
all their household goods and supplies, as well as several 

76 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

new firearms of British make. An Indian chief left 
behind with a broken leg died some time after the battle, 
but delivered to the Indians Harrison's message, that if 
they would leave the Prophet and return to their own 
tribes they would be forgiven. 

November the <Sth the dragoons and other mounted 
men took possession of the town. After getting all the 
copper kettles forsaken by their owners and as much 
beans and corn as they could transport, the army applied 
the torch, destroying all the huts and a considerable sup- 
ply of corn which the Indians had stored for winter. 
Meanwhile preparations had been made for a rapid return 
marcli. The wagons could hardly carry all the wounded, 
therefore the Governor abandoned the camp furniture and 
private baggage. ' ' Wc managed, however, to bring off the 
public property," he said. 

At noon on the 9th the train of twenty-two wagons, 
each having a load of the wounded, left camp, and by 
night had passed the dangerous ground where a small 
force of Indians might ]iave inflicted serious injury. 

Six days of uneventful marching brought them to Fort 
Harrison, from which point the wounded floated to Vin- 
cennes in the boats. Captain Snelling and his company 
from the Fourth United States Infantry were left as a 
garrison. The remainder of the command arrived at Vin- 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 77 

cennes on November i8th. By the end of the month the 
mihtia was mostly mustered out and sent to their homes. 

The immediate result of this battle was to destroy all 
hopes of the confederacy amon^;; the Indians that had 
been the object of so many years of labor to Tecumseh. . 
Also it gave the people of Indiana a cjuiet winter. 
Tecumseh, haviufj; been absent, could not do any thing to 
retrieve the damages done his cause by the blunder of 
his brother. He spent some months in negotiations with 
Governor Harrison to arrange for a visit of himself and a 
body of chiefs to President Madison, but, failing in the 
accomplishment of this and most of his plans, he went 
over to the British, to l)ecome the most prominent Indian 
character in the War of 1812.* 

The battle of Tippecanoe was at once an object of 
pride throughout the Western country, and Harrison 
received tiie thanks of Kentucky, Indiana, and Illinois. 

The following preamble and resolution were adopted 
by the Legislature of the Territory of Indiana, November 
18, 1811: 

"Whereas, The services of His Excellency, Governor Harri- 
son, in conducting the army, the gallant defense made by the 
band of heroes under his immediate command, and the fortunate 
result of the battle fought with the confederacy of the Shawnee 

* He was killed in the l)attle of tlie Thames, October 5, 1813. 

7 8 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Prophet near Tippecanoe on the morning of the 7th instant, 
hif^hly deserve the conj^ratulations of every friend to the interests 
of this Territory and the cause of humanity ; 

"^ Resolved, therefore. That the members of the Lepjishitive 
Council and House of Representatives will wait upon His 
Excellency, Governor Harrison, as he returns to \'incennes, and 
in their own names and in those of their constituents welcome 
him home, and that General W. Johnston he, and he is hereby, 
appointed a committee to make the same known to the Governor 
at the head of the army should imforeseen circumstances not 

The same winter the Legislature of Kentucky passed 
the following resolution olTered l)y John J. Crittenden : 

" Reso/ve(f, That in the late campaifjjn against the Indians 
on the Wabash. Governor \V. H. Harrison has. in the opinion 
of this legislature, behaved like a hero, a patriot, and a general ; 
and that for his cool, deliberate, skillful, and gallant conduct in 
the battle of Tippecanoe he deserves the warmest thanks of the 

The counties in Indiana named for participants in the 
battle of Tippecanoe are : Harrison (organized before the 
battle), Spencer, Tipton, Bartholomew, Daviess, Floyd, 
Parke, Randolph, Warrick, and Dubois. 

But Harrison's account of the victory was not taken 
everywhere without criticism, the battle being fought 
again and again through the press and in private. The 
Fourtli United States hifantry more than hinted that had 

The Battle of Tippccimoe. 79 

it nut been for their steadiness the wliole party would 
have been massacred. At Vincennes Harrison's conduct 
was severely attacked. In Kentucky criticism was open, 
for the family and friends of Daviess were old Federalists 
who had no interest in the triumphs of a Republican 
(jilicial. 1 luniphrey Marshall, Daviess' brother-in-law. 
l)ublished a sharp review of Harrison's reiK)rt, hintinj^ 
plainly that Uaviess had been a victim to the Governor's 
blunders. With characteristic vi<^or of lanj^uaj^e Marshall 
called Harrison "a little selfish, intri^uin<j; busybody," 
and cliar<^ed him with having made war without just 
cause for personal objects.* 

It is not clear that Harrison was in any degree 
resjionsible for Daviess' death, for the latter evidently 
panted for military fame and (.'ccupied the place of a 
leader, while his well - known reputation for bravery is 
sustained by his conduct. That he was rash is more than 
probable, for he dashed upon the enemy without a sufficient 
body of men ; but that Harrison was to blame for his 
death seems unsustained. Who knows what dreams of 
glory had been in his mind all through the expedition ! 
It seems as though he courted prominence from his 
behavior on all occasions during the brief campaign. 
His death was a great blow to his friends, yet it did 

*Marshairs Kentucky, Volume II, pages 507, 521. 

8o The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

more to hand his name down to history than all the 
other deeds of his remarkable career. 

He was born in Bedford County, Virj^inia, March 4, 
1774, being the son of Joseph" and Jean Daviess, who 
were of Scotch - Irish descent, though born in Virginia, 
and from them he inherited the indomitable energy and 
great coolness of the Scotch, and the sympathetic heart 
and free hand of the Irish. When young Daviess was 
five years old his parents removed to Kentucky and 
opened a farm near Danville. Joseph was educated there 
and in Harrodsburg, becoming a good classical and mathe- 
matical scholar. At an early age he began to evince the 
eccentricity that always marked his history. It was a 
habit with him to go off into the woods, select a proper 
spot, and study, lying at full length on his face. Though 
he became a dreamer, he was easy and graceful, and, 
when he so desired, captivating in his manners. 

In 1793 he joined, as a volunteer, a corps of cavalry 
raised by Major John Adair to escort a train of provisions 
to the forts north of the Ohio. Near Fort St. Clair 
he was under the fire of the savages, but escaped unhurt 
and saved his horse, which was the only one of the 
company's brought off. 

Returning home, he studied law in the office of George 
Nicholas, then the leading lawyer of the State. 






















The Battle of Tippecanoe. 8i 

When he became a lawyer his fame as an orator was 
soon spread abroad, while the stories of his strange eccen- 
tricities made him an object of interest wherever he went. 

He became a Federalist, rising to great prominence 
among that party, but it was largely in the minority in 
the State, and hence, though ambitious of the honor, he 
never occupied a seat in Congress. 

At the age of twenty-five he had achieved the repu- 
tation of being one of the best lawyers and most powerful 
speakers in the State. It is said that at twenty-six he 
had but two rivals as a public speaker — Clay and Bledsoe. 

Mis eccentricity had grown by indulgence into sucli 
proportions that it seemed to amount to insanity. This 
whimsicality was most noticeable in his modes of dress. 
lie sometimes appeared in court in hunting - shirt and 
coonskin cap ; but in town he often wore a kind of 
um'form consisting of a blue coat with white sleeves, collar, 
and facings. One day you might meet him lounging 
around in a coat and vest of homespun cotton, with perhaps 
a slit a foot long on each shoulder, old corduroy breeches, 
and slip-shod, unblackened, untied shoes. The next time 
he might be clothed in full in the finest broadcloth, made 
up in the most elegant style, when his appearance was 
superb. It is traditional that he had a suit of red broad- 
cloth made uj) just before his dcj)arture for Washington 


82 7//t' Battle of Tippecanoe. 

and Pliikidclphia uji his first trip to the East. This occa- 
sioned remark, of course, and, bein^ asked why he had 
it prepared, said: "Unless I wear vSomething of the kind, 
how will the ])eople there ever know Jo Daviess is in 

He was the first lawyer from the West to make a 
speech in the Supreme Court of the United States. 

December 12, i8cxj, he was appointed United States 
Attorney for the District of Kentucky, the only public 
office he ever held, remaining in office until George M. 
Bibb was appointed his successor, March 14, 1S07. lie 
made his home in Lexington in 180!. 

In the autumn of 1806 Aaron Burr and his chmghter, 
Mrs. Alston, came to Frankfort and mingled freely in the 
gayeties of the season. 

As United States Attorney, Daviess rose in court 
November 3d and moved Judge Innis for an order 
re(]uiring Aaron Burr to appear and answer to a charge 
of high misdemeanor in levying war against a nation 
with which the United States was at j^eace. Great 
excitement followed, as Burr and Daviess were of oppo- 
site political parties, and Daviess was accused of making 
the charge for political purposes. 

Burr, who was in Lexington at the moment, appeared 
in court the next day just as the judge had overruled 

7 he Battle of Tippecanoe. 83 

the motion. After hearing what it was, he calmly 
requested the court to reconsider the matter and enter- 
tain the motion, which was done, and the 25th was set 
as the day for trial. When that date arrived, Daviess 
was compelled hy the absence of witnesses to ask for a 
continuance. On December 3d Burr, with Clay and 
Allen for his counsel, appeared, and the case was tried. 

After a struggle such as could only have occurred 
between such intellectual giants, the victory remained with 
Mr. Clay, and po])ular feeling was all in his favor, but 
many, hostile to the prosecution, went away in doubt as 
to which one th(> jialm of superiority should be awarded. 

In a few days Daviess had his revenge, when authen- 
tic reports arrived in rapid succos.sion of the armed occu- 
pation of 1-Jlannerhasset's Island, the escape of the expe- 
ditionary boats from the Muskingum River and their 
llight down the Ohio, and finally the proclamation of the 
President warning the people of the West against Burr, 
and denouncing his schemes as dangerous and treasonable. 

Certain it is that this trial j^rcatly injured Daviess' 
popularity, besides crijipling his practice. He never entirely 
recovered the former until his heroic death at Tippe- 

"As a lawyer he was unsurpassed ; as an orator he 
had few equals, and those who maintain that 1k> was 

84 The Battle of Tippccatwe. 

great only as a lawyer forget that the man who is truly 
great, not merely distinguished or accomjilished m one 
respect, is capable of being great in all."* 

The State of Illinois, wishing to do honor to his 
memory, named a county "Jo Daviess," in order that it 
might always show which man it intended to immortalize. 

The State of Kentucky in 1815 named a county 
Daviess for him. 

Colonel Daviess was tall with a vigorous frame, which, 
combined with tlie fine intellectual expression of his face, 
gave him a remarkably commanding and impressive 
appearance. The light of his eyes was softened by a 
melancholy tenderness, the fine mouth sweetened by a 
smile of inelfable kindness. His bearing was grave and 
dignified, his manner courteous, even afTectionate to those 
he loved. He was a charming colloquist, the life of 
every circle he entered. Although very careful to keep 
files of all the letters addressed to him. none of his own 
were found filed in his desk. There are two of his 
printed works extant : one an address to the Congress 
of the United States elaborating a system of defense for 
the country by organized militia, and the other a criticism 
on the President's conduct. His strong tincture of Fed- 
eralism, however, so prejudiced the then supreme party 

*Jo Daviess, of Kentucky. R. T. Coleman. Harper's Magazine, 
Volume 21. 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. ^5 

(Democratic) that they did not entertain his comprehen- 
sive, and, possibly, also, very wise views.* 

In 1812 the Masons of Lexington, Kentucky, held a 
special meeting in their hall in that city in honor of 
Colonel Joe Daviess, at which they passed eloquent reso- 
lutions of respect to his memory. 

A writer in 1820 said: "Rut few vestiges of the 
hattle were remaining. Here and there the bleached 
skull of some noble fellow lay on the grass, and more 
th;m once 1 stumbled over the logs that had formed part 
of the temporary breastworks thrown up after the battle, 
and which have since been scattered over the field. At 
an angle of the encam])ment, and where the carnage had 
been greatest, was a slight mound of earth, scarcely 
raised above the surrounding surface. Near it stood an 
oak tree, on the bark of which the letters 'J. D.' were 
rudely carved. This was the only memorial of one of 
the most favorite sons of Kentucky, for under that mound 
reposed all that remained of the chivalrous, the generous, 
the eloquent and highly gifted Joe Daviess, "f 

In 1857 Judge Levi L. Todd, of Indiana, who early 
in life was the friend and pupil of Joe Daviess, and who 
had for many years owned the sword of Colonel Daviess, 

* From "The History of Mercer and Boyle Counties" (Kentucky), by 
Mrs. Maria T. Davioss, Harrodsburf;, Kentucky, 1885. 

j Signed "Indiana." Romance of Western History. Hall, page 361. 

86 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

worn by him when he was killed at Tippecanoe, pre- 
sented the sword to the Grand Lodge of Masons of 
Kentucky, of which Colonel Daviess was Grand Master 
at the time of his death. The reception address was 
made by Colonel Charles G. Wintersmith. The presen- 
tation ceremonies were amonj^ the most interesting inci- 
dents in the history of Masonry in Kentucky. 

The sword is preserved with great care in the vault 
of the Masonic Widows and Orphans Home in Louisville. 

Were the results of this campaign worth the cost ? 
It would appear now that they were hardly eiiuivalent 
to the value of the noble lives thus sacrificed, yet it gave 
the Western men a Western man for a commander, around 
whom the volunteers of the War of 1812 rallied with great 
enthusiasm, and in this Harrison reached the one great 
point of his ambition — he was of necessity the coming 
military man. The Battle of Tippecanoe was the out- 
break of the people of Indiana and Kentucky against the 
Indians, but its conseipiences were to hasten the War of 
1S12. The settlers of Indiana, having measured the mili- 
tary qualities of Harrison, were ready for him to assume 
the position of their leader, and, taking advantage of the 
prominence given him by the battle, he was readily 
induced to take the leadership. The young and ambi- 
tious men of both sides of the Ohio ranked him as a 

The Bat lie of Tippccunoc. 87 

bravo cuul skillful oKicer Lo whoin they could conHde their 
cause. As to the Indians, the settlers thou<;ht them nut 
the invincible fiends that they had been vaunted to be, 
and they looked ujxjn the Battle of 'J^'|)|)ecanoe as an 
illustration of the white man's ability to meet and defeat 

But the Indians st)on forj^ot the lesson of rii)i)ecanoe, 
(or in Ai)ril, 1812, they once more be^an their rava<j;es of 
the homes (A tiie people (A Indiana Territory. 

1 low did tile Keiituckians look uj)on the campaign ? 
Generally they hailed it as a victory, euloj^ized the dead, 
praised the livin<^, and also made heroes of the wounded. 
They read and talked over the expedition all of the 
remainder of the winter, and by the arrival of sprinj^ 
were prepared to enthusiastically volunteer in the comin}^ 
war. It was in this manner that the Battle of Tippecanoe 
became the forerunner of that war, yet it is not clear 
that it had any j^reat influence in bef^inninjj; it. True it 
had shown the Indians could be successfully resisted, and 
that they were not invulnerable nor invincible with any 
thinj^ like ecjual numbers. 

And besides all this, we have the proud lej^acy of 
knowing that in this little but bloody battle the untrained 
sons of Kentucky behaved with honor to themselves and 
glory to our dear old Commonwealth. 


The Battle of Tippecanoe. 


A general return of the killed and wounded of the army 
under the command of his Excellency, William Henry Harrison, 
Governor and Commander in Chief of the Indiana Territory, 
in the action with the Indians near the Prophet's town, Novem- 
ber 7, iSii : 












o • 

0) cu 





> a 
a o 

Q ° 




.a -2 







Lieutcuaut Colonels, . 























• • 







Wounded (since dead) : 
Lieutenant Colonels, . 







• • 

Wounded : 
Lieutenant Colonels, . 


Surgeon's Mate, .... 





























Ihc Battle of lippecanoe. H9 


Geneual Ketukn. 


Colonel Abrarii Owen, Aid-dc-Camp to tlie Coininauder in 

Chief (General Stuff). 


Field and Staff : l^ieutenant Colonel Bartholomew, cornnuuid- 
in}< Indiana Militia Infantry ; Lieutenant Colonel Decker, coin- 
inandiii).; Indiana Militia Infantry ; Major Joseph H. Daviess, 
since dead, comrnandin/^ scjuadron Dragoons ; Doctor lidward 
Scnil, of the Indiana Militia ; Adjutant James Hunter, of Mountetl 

United States Troops : Captain W. C. Baen, acting Major, 
since dead ; Lieutenant George P. Peters ; Lieutenant George 
Gooding ; Ensign Henry Burchsted. 

Colonel Decker's Detachment : Captain Warrick, since dead. 

Major Redman's Detachment : Captain John Norris. 

Major Wells' Detachment : Captain Frederick Geigcr. 


Spencer's Camp and Berry's Detachment : Captain Spier 
Spencer ; F'irst Lieutenant Richard McMahan ; Lieutenant 
Thomas Berry. 

(Signed) Nathaniel F. Adams, 

Adjutant to the Army, 
To //is E.xcellt'Hcy, l/ic Conninindcr in C/iief. 


90 The Battle of 'rippecanoc. 

The " Hattlc-ground " is a tract of sixteen and fift)'- 
five liundredtlis acres bouf^dit by the Statj of Indiana from 
Jolui Tii)tt)n, wht) entered a body of about two hundred 
acres, of which it is a part. November 13, 1829, Ti}iton 
was a Tennesseean who enhsted at Corydon, Indiana Ter- 
ritory, in the company of Captain Si)ier Spencer. He had 
ri.sen from corporal to ensign at the date t)f the battle, 
and. his superior officers havinj^ bee'i killed in the action, 
he was promoted to captain. 

Harrison buried his dead and burned k)j^s over them 
to conceal the f^raves, but the Indians discovered the 
attempt to deceive them and unearthed the C( ntents. 
The next year General Hopkins visited the scene and 
replaced the scattered remains. 

In 1830 General Harrison, with other distinj^uis'ied 
persons, attended a <j;reat !j;atherin«^ of the survivors on 
the field. Tiie bones of the dead, on November 7, 1S36. 
were placed in one j^rave in the tract deeded to tlie 
State on the above date. 

Since 1840 this has been a favorite place for holdinj^ 
threat political ^atherin<;s. 

The Indiana Constitutional Convention of 1851 made 
provision for the preservation of the battlefield, saying : 
'•It shall be the duty of the General Assembly to provide 
for the permanent inclosure and preservation of the 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 91 

Tippecanoe Battle-ground." It was soon after inclosed 
with a good board fence, which was followed in 1873 by 
a substantial and handsome iron fence, in erecting which 
and taking care of the grounds the State expended eighteen 
thousand dollars. Since then three thousand five hundred 
dollars was appropriated in 1.S87 for repainting the fence 
and necessary repairs, and three hundred dollars n year 
appropriated for rei)airs and maintenance. 

Part Second. 


THE newspapers of those days, as they have usually 
done, reflected the trend of public opinion, and con- 
tained many interesting items concerning the campaign, 
together with political views. The following have been 
selected as giving a fair average of the current news. The 
Lexington, Kentucky, papers were then in the lead, as 
that city was the center of improvement and enterprise, 
having early attained that position. 

From the Kentucky Gazette, of Lexington, Kentucky, 
Tuesday, November 5, 181 1 : 

"We have received no account from the Wabash since the 
last statements ; but we have no doubt we shall soon be inf(jrmed 
of the commencement of hostilities. From the strenj^th of 
Governor Harrison's forces, we do not anticipate a very favorable 
result. If a combination has taken place between the northern 
and southern trif)es, as seems most probable, the odds are against 
him. The Reporter of .Saturday last says: 'Governor Harrison 
has ascertained that the presents from the British to the Indians 
for the last season were unusually great in Anns, Aimnunition, 

94 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

From the same number : 

"Extract of a letter of Colonel John M. Scott to the editor 
of this paper, dated Vincennes, October 23. iSii : 

' ' Since my arrival at this place I have had only one letter from 
the Governor, and in that he merely mentioned that a party of 
Delaware chiefs had gone to the Prophet's town, their object to 
prevent war, and to persuade him to accede to the Governor's, 
propositions — they had not returned, I was informed, on Saturday 
last. It appears to be the general opinion tliat there is a division 
among the Indians, relative to war measures, though the Prophet 
is for it and a majority of his adherents joined to the whole 
Kickapoo tribe. Their attack upon the centinels and wounding 
one of the regular soldiers, was done no doubt to shut the door 
of accommodation, and to bring on the war, and thereby, to 
compel an union among themselves for common security. 

"The Governor will not give up the point ; he will bring them 
to his measures, cither by fair means or hard knocks — they 
may have their choice ; it would not do to relinquish the object 
now — the Prophet would grow insolent beyond measure. As 
soon as the Kentucky volunteers join, we shall hear of decisive 
measures inunediately — no more temporising — they must be 
brought to a sense of their duty ; and nothing but a good drub- 
bing, in my opinion, will have the effect. 

'' LaprourJcr, whose speech you gave us some weeks ago in 
your paper, has changed his tone, and says he was deceived by 
the prophet— thinks him a bad man, and to show his cincerity, has 
removed his people, women and children, near to the Governor's 
encampment and claims the protection of the United States. 

"The Wabash is rising, and has been for three days past ; this 
will enable the contractors to bring forward supplies for the army, 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 95 

which were likely to fail ; thu Governor has been detained some 
time, for the necessary deposits of provisions. There are about 
I loo men under his command, includiu},' militia and regulars. 
Col. Daveiss is a very active officer. When the fight begins we 
calculate he will do wonders or be killed — he is all for glory, and 
I would not miss the chance of a fight on any account." 

Kentucky Gazette, Tuesday, November 19, 181 i : 

" Buiiisii - Savac;!:. Wau ! P""kom thi-: Wauasii, 
ll'ioiii the Wostcni Courier.] 

"It is painful to us in the extreme to hear of the loss (jf 
Colonel Daveiss, Colonel Owen, and others ; but whilst we lament 
the death of so many brave men who have thus fallen in defense of 
our country, we congratulate our readers upon the issue (A the 
battle and the victory that resulted. 

"We have alternately indulged the hope that our differences 
with the Indians would have been amicably terminated, and again 
from various circumstances, such as the conference of the Indi- 
ans with our i:;ood friends, the British, at Maklen, the presents 
there made to them, and the intrigues which the British have 
unif(jrmly had with them wlienever any hostile attitude was taken 
by that government toward us, together with facts, we have 
believed that war would ensue. War we now have ; and when we 
consider that the blow is struck in the Western woods at the same 
moment that Great Britain is sweeping our vessels of! the ocean, 
and her minister is making demands which he knows can not pos- 
sibly be indulged or acceded to, we can not but consider these 
events as proceeding from one common source — the English Cab- 
inet. Such has been her career from the beginning of the Revolu- 
tion to this day ; she has always been first to ' light the savage 

96 The Battle of 'rippccauoe. 

fire. ' The Indians are but her tools, her alHes, her af:;ents. We 
hope, therefore, to witness no more protracted moderation af;ainst 
such inflexible hostility. Will Timothy Pickering's friends yet 
continue to rei)eat with him that Clreat Britain has done us ' no 
essential i n j ury ' ? " 

In another part of the paper it was said that the 
Indians had killed the sentinels witii arrows, and thus 
were able to penetrate into the camp. Twenty-six men 
were thus lost ! 

In the Kentucky Gazette for November 26, iSii. it 
is said : 

"The Louisville Western Courier of Friday last announces the 
arrival of Major G. R. C. Floyd and the volunteers of that neigh- 
borhood from the Wabash expedition, on whose authority a few 
additional particulars respecting the late battle and the army are 
given : 

" The troops under Governor Harrison left the Prophet's town 
for Vincennes on the morning of the yth, and arrived without 
molestation from the enemy on the evening of the 18th, having 
put part of the wounded on board boats at Fort Harrison, a num- 
ber of whom died on their way down. The regulars were left at 
Fort Knox, a few miles above Vincennes. That one hundred and 
seventy-nine were killed and wounded, fifty-two of whom were 
found dead on the battle-ground, or died since of their wounds. . . . 
The aggregate amount of their loss (Indians) appeared to be about 
three hundred. In addition to the number of whites stated in our 
former paper to have been killed in the battle, the following is a list 
of the killed and wounded of Clark County (Indiana Territory). 















* 1 


The Battle of lippecanoe. 97 

No other returtis have been received, but we believe we can state 
with certainty that no more of the troops from Kentucliy were 
killed than were mentioned in. our first number. Some few were 

"A list of the killed and wounded of Clark County (Indiana 
Territory) : 


"Joseph Warnock, 'rhoinas Clendennan, William l'"isler, Will- 
iam Hutchinson, Henry Jones, William Kelly. 


"John Drunnuond, J. ivobert.son, Thomas Gibson, Colonel 
Bartholomew, Captain Norris. " 

In the December 3d numbui of the Kentucky 
Gazette we find the following very interesting statement 
of the effect of the battle on the public mind : 

" 'The Wabiish Expedition' is at this time as much talked of 
in Kentucky as were many years ago Scott's and Clarke's cam- 
paigns, St. Clair's defeat, or Wayne's victory. Every one has his 
own story to relate and his own remarks to make on this memor- 
able expedition. Some are disposed to censure the President, 
others to blame Governor Harrison, but with very little reason for 
either. All applaud the bravery of the soldiers and deplore the 
loss of the heroes who sunk on the field of battle beneath the 
weight of their laurels. Two of the volunteers from I^exington 
have returned to their friends. A few days ago one of Governor 
Harrison's aids passed through this place with dispatches for the 
Executive. We will patiently await the developments of their 
contents without hazarding conjecture. Our friends that were in 

9'^ The Battle of lipfiecanoe. 

the battle, it is true, have {^iveii us some iiiforuiatioii, sulBcicut to 
form our own views of the subject, but the ofliciul thspatches, say 
this day two weeks, will reach us fnjui Washiugton City." 

[Imagine readers of news waiting two weeks now to hear from 
anywhere in civilization ! ] 

" In the mean time we have but little to add to former state- 
ments. On the part of our army about every fourth man was 
either killed or wounded ; and on the part of the Indians, unless 
their numbers greatly exceeded ours, about every tliird man killed 
or wounded. Upwards of one hundred Indians, it is ascertained to 
a certainty, died on the field of battle ; their wounded, agreeable 
to the usual proportion, must therefore have amounted to two or 
three hundred more. The Prophet's town was razed to the 
ground on the succeeding day after the battle, except one hut, in 
which was found an old squaw. 

' ' Since the return of the army to Vincennes, two or three 
friendly Delaware chiefs came in ; their representation of the dis- 
appointment of the Indians after the defeat was striking. The 
Prophet had told them that the white people should all be asleep 
or drunk, and that he would, by his conjurations, turn their powder 
into sand, and furnished every warrior with a charm to render him 

"The Potawattamies and Kickapoos are said to form the great- 
est number of hostile Indians. A report prevailetl at Vincennes 
that Tecumseh, with three hundred warriors from the southern 
tribes, was on his march up the Wabash ; this was believed, but 
little fear existed of depredations from them ; it was supposed they 
would disperse when made acquainted with the fate of the allies. 
Little Turtle is said to have abandoned his nation, reprobating their 
folly in commencing hostilities. We could add many other rumors 
and some speculations, but we forbear until additional facts occur. 


The Battle of Tippecanoe. 99 

The committee appointed in Congress to examine Indian affairs 
and Governor Harrison's dispatches may throw some Hght upon 
the subject. 

"The part our good friends, the British, have acted in this 
business, we hope will be explained in due time." 

A .short time after we note the legislature had been 
showing its approval of the record made by General 
Wells : 

"We learn that a dinner was given on Friday last at Frankfort 
by the members of the legislature to General Wells, in honor of 
his bravery and distinguished services in the late bloody and 
memorable engagement with the (British) Prophet's Indians on the 
Wabash. Governor Scott, Commodore Richard Taylor, and a 
number of the old soldiers were among the guests. " 

A little later the Frankfort Argus published extracts 
politely furnished it from a letter from Governor Harrison 
to Colonel John M. Scott, of Frankfort : 

" ViNCENNES, Dec. 2, 1811. 

"Within this hour, two principal Kickapoo chiefs have arrived 
to sue for peace ; they arc certainly humbled and if they speak 
truth, there is scarcely a vestige remaining of the late formidable 
combination that was headed by the Prophet. He (the Prophet) 
remains at a small Huron village, about 12 miles from Tippecanoe, 
with about 40 warriors, and 12 or 15 Wyandots. He has applied 
to the Kickapoos of the Prairie to get their permission to retire 
to their town, but it was refused. He then requested to be 
permitted to send some of his people, in company with Kickapoo 
mission to me — this was refused. 

loo The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

" No mischief of any kind has been done, since thfe action, and 
the frontiers appears to enjoy as profound peace as ever they have 
done. Before the late expedition commenced, not a fortnipjht 
passed by without some vexatious theft being committed. Indeed, 
the insolence of the Indians, (not those only who were immediately 
under the control of the Prophet) had become insupportable. To 
chastise them was absolutely necessary, there was no species of 
injury and insult, that they did not heap upon us ; and our forbear- 
ance had excited their contempt to so j^reat a degree, that they 
scarcely considered us as warriors. About six weeks since some 
young men of the village of Peoria, told their chiefs, in the pres- 
ence of a man in the employment of General Wm. Clark ' that 
they cculd kill the Americans, as easily as black birds.' It is 
greatly to be regretted that these scoundrels, could not have been 
made to respect our rights and our national character, but by the 
sacrifice of such men as Owen, Daviess, White Haen, Spencer, 
Warrick etc. Hut much as they are to be lamented, their fall has 
not been inglorious, nor u.seless, to thc;ir country. The victory 
which was sealed with their blood, will ensure the tran(]uility of our 
frontiers, and one of the finest tracts of land in the world, will be 
settled in peace, and give abundance and plenty to a smiling and 
^ happy population. Mven in the event of a war with dreat Britain 

I think that the Indians will mnv remain neutral. They have wit- 
nessed the inefficiency of British assistance — for that assistance has 
been afforded in as ample a manner as it could have been, if war 
had actually prevailed between us and that power. Within the 
last three months, the whole of the Indians on this frontier, have 
been completely armed and etpiipped out of the King's stores at 
Maiden. Indeed they were much bett(;r armed than the greater 
part of my troops. Every Indian was provided with a gun, scalp- 
ing knife tomahawk and war club, and most of them with a spear ; 


The Battle of Tippecanoe. loi 

whilst the greater part of my riflemen had no other weapon than 
their rifle. The Indians had moreover an amply supply of the 
best British glazed powder ; some of the guns had been sent to 
them so short a time before the action, that they were not divested 
of the list covering in which they are imported. All of the infor- 
mation which I have received since the action corroborates the 
opinion I had formed immediately after it /. c. that the combina- 
tion under the Prophet, was much more extensive than I had 
believed and that many of those who were warmest in their pro- 
fessions of friendship to the United States, afforded him all the aid 
in their power. The Delaware chiefs were all sincere, so was the 
Turtle ; a few of the Miamis and three or four Potawatamie chiefs. 
All the rest were either openly, or secretly engaged in his cause. 
The principle by which the Prophet professed to be governed, viz, 
that of putting a stop to the progress of our settlements, had 
gained him an astonishing popularity amongst the young men of 
every Tribe ; and I have no doubt that hundreds of them were in 
the action that now pretend to have been at a considerable dis- 
tance. However as peace is the object of the government, and as I 
believe it can now be presumed, I intend to dissemble my suspicions 
of those whose conduct was equivocal, and to admit the excuses 
of those even whom I know to have been active against us. The 
two Kickapoo chiefs inform mc that the Prophet and his party had 
determined to attack mo, even if I should have advanced no far- 
ther than Fort Harrison." 

Beinf^ jiromincnt in politics, Governor Harrison was 
thus made the subject of all sorts of attacks. The news 
of the campaign had hardly time to reach the readers of 
the papers of the day ere detraction and criticism began. 

I02 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Reports of this condition of things reached the Governor 
at his post, calling from him a letter, which appeared 
toward the last days of December in the F'rankfort Argus, 
Kentucky Gazette, and the Lexington Reporter. 

Copy of a letter from Governor Harrison to Governor 
Scott, communicated for publication : 

.•My dear Sir. " Vincennes, Dec 13th 18,.. 

"I had the pleasure to receive your favour of the 27th ult by 
the inail of Wednesday last ; and I bep; you to accept my sincere 
thanks for the friendly sentiments it contains. 

" You me to give you some account of the late action, that 
you ' may be the better enabled to do me justice against the cavils 
of ignorance and presumtion. ' I would do this with great pleasure, 
but the Legislature of the Territory being about to close it's 
session, and having an unusual pressure of business, I am unable 
to give you such an account as would be sjitisfactory. There is, 
however, the les? need of this as my olBcial account to the govern- 
ment will probably reach you nearly as soon as this letter. It 
appears to me from some of the hints contained in some of your 
news papers, that the charge of error in the planning or execution 
of the late expedition, has been more particularly aimed at the 
President than myself. I most sincerly thank these gentlemen for 
placing me in such good company ; and it is hardly necessary to 
inform you, that the charge against the administration is as 
unfounded in this instance as in all the others, which have flowed 
from the .same source. The orders of the government with regard 
to the expedition, evince as much wisdom as humanity. It was 
determined to protect its citizens, but if possible, to spare the 
effusion of human blood — this last object was prevented ; but by 

1 he Battle of rippccunoc. 103 

whom ? Why, in a great measure by those very persons who 
are lujw complaining,' because a battle could not be won without 
loss. At least in this Territory, the clamor is confined to those 
who opposed the expedition to the utmost of their power, and 
by whose exertions in circulatinj( every falseiiood, that malice 
anil villainy could invent : the militia were prevented from turniu}^ 
out ; and instead of a force of from 12 to 1500 men which I 
expected to have had, I was oblij^ud to march from Fort Harrison 
with less than 800 : my personal enemies have united with the 
British agents in representing that the expedition was entirely 
useless, and the Prophet as one of the best and most pacific of 
mortals, a perfect Shaker in princii)le, who shuddered at the 
thought of shedding bhjod. Every one of his aggressions upon 
us was denied or palliated and excused with as much eagerness 
as is the conduct of Great Britain by this same description of 
people in the Atlantic States. A party sent by the Prophet fired 
upon and wounded one of our centinels, upon our own ground ; 
the fact was at first boldly denied, 'the man was shot by one of 
your own people ' and I believe it was even asserted that he shot 
himself. When the whole circumstance was brought to light, 
these indefatigable gentry, shifted their ground and asserted that 
'the poor Indian fired in his own defence, and that he was merely 
gratifying an innocent curiosity in creeping to see what was going 
on in our camp, and that if he had not shot the sentry, the sentry 
would have shot him.' 

"I regret exceedingly that the friends of Col. Daviess should 
think it was necessary to his fame to suppose a difference of 
opinion between him and myself, which never existed ; that I had 
slighteil advice from him which was never given, and that to give 
colour to this they had listened to stories with regard to the 
operations of the army that were absolutely without foundation. 

I04 The Battle of Tippecaiioe. 

If the utmost cordiality and friendship did not exist between the 
Colonel and myself from the time of his joininj^' the army until 
his death, I have been very much deceived ; if our military 
opinions were not almost always in unison, those which he 
expressed (and no man who knew him will accuse him of hypoc- 
risy,) were not his own; the Colonel's messmates, Maj G. R. C. 
Floyd and Capt Piatt, are well acquainted with the entire conli- 
dence which subsisted between us ; they are accjuainted with 
circumstances which indisputably established the fact ; and they 
and others know that I was the object of his eulogy, to an extent 
which it would be indelicate in me to repeat. Col. Daviess did 
indeed advise me as to measures the day before the action, in 
which he was joined by all the officers around me — whether the 
advice was good or bad is immaterial to the present discussion, 
since it xvas followed to the extent that it was ^i^i^'en. It is mA 
necessary to express my opinion of the Colonel's merits at this 
time, since it will be found in my official letter, and I have no 
doubt that it will be satisfactory to his friends. 

"With regard to my own conduct, my dear Sir, it is not in my 
power to enter into a defence of it, unless I were to know in what 
particular it has been arraigned. However I may with safety rely 
for my defence upon the opinion of my army. Believing most 
sincerely that you do feel that ' lively interest in my fame and 
fortune ' which you profess, I am sure you will peruse with inter- 
est the inclosed declaration, signed by all the field officers of the 
army, (one only who was absent,) and the Resolutions entered 
into by the militia of this country who served upon the expedi- 
tion ; the testimony of men who fought and suffered by my side, 
ought, I should suppose, to be conclusive. 

"An idea seems to prevail in your state, that in the action 
of the 7th the whole army was completely surprised, and that 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 105 

they were placed in a situation where bravery only decided the 
contest, and where there were no opportunity whatever for the 
exercise of military skill of any kind ; this was however, far from 
being the case. It is true that the two companies forming the 
left angle on the rear line, (Barton's and Geiger's) were attacked 
before they were formed, and that some of the men were killed 
in coming out of their tents ; but it is equally true that all the 
other companies were funned before they were fired oa, and that 
even those two companies lost but very few men before they 
were able to resist. Notwithstanding the darkness, the order of 
battle, (such as had been previously prescribed) was taken by all 
the troops — the officers were active, the men cool and obedient, 
and perhaps, there never was an action where (for the number of 
men engaged) there were so many changes of position performed ; 
not in disorder and confusion, but with military propriety — the 
companies, both regulars and militia, were extended, or contracted, 
wheeled, marched, and made to file up by word of command. 
My orders (and they were not a few) were obeyed with prompti- 
tude and precision. And if I am not most grossly deceived, that 
mutual dependence which ought to exist between a commander 
and his arm was reciprocally felt. 

"It has been said that the Indians should have been attacked 
upon our arrival before their town, on the evening of the 6th. 
There were two reasons which prevented this, first, that the 
directions which I received from the Government, made it neces- 
sary that I should endeavour, if possible, to accomplish the object 
of the expedition (the dispersion of the Prophet's force) without 
bloodshed, and, secondly, that the success of an attack by day 
upon the Town was very problematical. 

"I certainly did not understand my instructions to mean that 
I should jeopardize the safety of the troops, by endeavoring to 


■ .A. 

io6 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

bring about accommodation without fighting. But if I had com- 
menced an attack upon them, after they had sent a chief to 
inform me that they were desirous of an accommodation, and 
that they had three days before sent a deputation to me iox that 
purpose, who can doubt but that a much greater clamor would 
have been raised than exists at present ; the cruelty of attacking 
those innocent people would have been pourtrayed in the 
strongest colours ; the administration would have been repre- 
sented as murderers, and myself as their wretched instrument. 
But the army were exposed to the ' nightly incursions ' of the 
Indians : It has been well observed by a writer in The Argus, 
that if a ' nightly incursion ' was really so much to be dreaded 
by the army, it had no business there. But the author of those 
objections perhaps will be still more surprised when he learns that 
a 'nightly incursion,' was precisely what I wished, because from 
such a one only could I hope for a close and decisive action. 
If they had attacked us by day they would certainly have done 
it upon ground favorable to their mode of fighting ; they would 
have killed (as in General Wayne's action) a number of our men, 
and when pressed they would have escaped, with a loss compar- 
atively trifling. In night attacks discipline always prevails over 
disorder, the party which is able to preserve its order longest, 
must succeed. I had with me 250 regulars that were highly 
disciplined, and my militia had been instructed to form in order 
of battle to receive the enemy in any direction, with facility and 
precision. But in the immediate neighborhood of the enemy. 
' why were not the Troops made to continue under arms through 
the night .' ' I answer, that troops can only bear a certain por- 
tion of fatigue, and when in the presence of the enemy it is a 
matter of calculation with the commander, when they should be 
kept under arms and when permitted to rest. Upon this occasion, 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 107 

I must acknowledj:^e that my calculations were erroneous. In 
common with the whole army, I did believe that they would not 
attack us that night. If it was their intention to attack, why 
had they not done it upon our march, where situations favorable ' 
to them might easily have been found } Indeed within three 
miles of the town we passed over ground so broken and disad- 
vantageous to us that I was obliged to change the position of 
the troops several times in the course of a mile. They had 
fortified their town with care and with astonishing labor for 
them, all indicating that they were meant to sustain the shock. 
It was the scene of those mysterious rites which were so much 
venerated, and the Prophet had taught his followers to believe 
that both his person and his town were equally inviolable to us. 
I expected that they would have rhet me the next day to hear 
my terms, but I did not believe however, that they would accede 
to them — and it was my determination to attack and burn the 
town the following night. It was necessary therefore that the 
troops should be refreshed as much as possible. But, although 
the men were not made to remain all night under arms, every 
other precaution was used as if attack was certam. In fact the 
troops were placed precisely in that situation that is called by 
military men ' lying upon their arms ; ' the regular troops lay in 
their tents with their accoutrements on, and their arms by their 
sides — the militia had no tents, they slept with their pouches 
on, and their arms under them to keep them dry. The order of 
encampment was the order of battle for a night attack, and as 
every man slept opposite to his post in the line, there was 
nothing for them to do but to rise and take their post a few 
steps in the rear of the fires, and the line was formed in an 
instant. So little time was required for this operation that if 
the guard on its left flank had done its duty as well as the rest 

io8 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

of the army, the troops on that flauk would have been formed 
before the Indians came near them. It was customary every 
evening as soon as the army halted, to examine the ground of 
the encampment and surroundings, and afterwards to call together 
the field officers of the army, and give them their directions for 
the night. At these meetings (where every one was required freely 
to express their sentiments) every contingency that was likely to 
happen was discussed. The orders that were proper to bo given 
to them, were then by the field officers repeated to the captains. 
Every one being by these means possessed of my intentions there 
was no room left for mistake or confusion. The orders given on 
the night of the 6th. were solely directed to a night attack, the 
officers were directed in case of such an attack, to parade their 
men in the order in which they were encamped, and that each 
corps should maintain itself upon it's own ground until other orders 
were given. With regulations such as these, and with such a state 
of discipline as we claim, you must allow, my dear Sir, that we had 
no reason to dread 'a night incursion,' more than an attack by 
day. Indeed it was preferable, because in no other could it have 
been so completely decisive. In the latter we might have lost as 
many men as we did loose, without having killed a third as many 
of the enemy. 

"In my letter to the Secretary it is asserted that the Indians 
had penetrated to the centre of the encampment. I believe, how- 
ever that not more than two Indians got within the lines — men 
were certainly killed near the center of the camp, but it must have 
been from balls fired from without. 

' ' From this letter and my official despatch to the Secretary of 
War, you will be enabled, my dear General, to form a correct 
opinion of the battle of Tippecanoe. When an action is over, and 
we have time to meditate upon the circumstances that attended it. 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 109 

there is no great judgement necessary to discover some error in the 
conduct of it, some thing that was done, which might have been 
better done, or something that was omitted, which if done might 
have produced great advantage. I beheve the greatest Generals 
have admitted that they could fight a second battle upon the 
same ground, much better than the first. If this is true with 
respect to them ought it not to be a motive to shield me from the 
severity of criticism with which some of my fellow citizens are 
desirous of scanning my conduct. 

"A victory has been gained, and the army which gained it 
impute it in part at least to the measures of the commander, — but 
this is not sufficient — it should have been achieved without loss on 
our side. There is certainly no man more fully impressed with the 
exalted merits of those brave men who fell in the action, than I 
am — amongst them were many for whom I felt the warmest regard 
and friendship — but they were exposed to no dangers but what 
were common to the whole army, and if they were selected by 
divine providence, as the price of our important victory, there is 
nothing left us but to honor their memory, and bow submissively to 
a decree which wc can not alter. 

"It would however imbitter the remaining part of my life, if I 
could suppose that their fate was produced by any misconduct of 
mine. But upon this subject I have nothing to accuse myself. I 
am satisfied that all my weak powers were exerted to the utmost, 
for the safety and glory of my troops. Indeed no commander had 
ever greater reason to do so, for none ever received greater confi- 
dence and attachment from any army, than I — many of the corps 
forgetful of their own danger, seemed only anxious for me — and a 
sentiment springing from personal attachment alone was imputed 
by them to a belief that their fate was intimately connected with 
mine. For such troops it was impossible that I should not be will- 
ing to shed the last drop of my blood. 

no The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

"Your friendship, my dear General, will pardon the egotism 
contained in this letter — perhaps I ought to disregard the idle tales 
that have been circulated to my prejudice ; knowing as I do that 
there are not ten persons who served under me upon the late expe- 
dition that will not be ready to contradict them ; I have sufficient 
stoicism, however, to rest easy under unmeritted reproach, and 
with the consciousness of having rendered some service to my 
country, I can not bare to be deprived of the good opinion of my 

" With great regard, I am, my dear Sir, your friend and humble 

^^"^^^"^ (Signed) Will'm Henry Harrison. 

"P. S. I should have covered my troops every night with a 
breast work of trees, but axes were so scarce (after having pro- 
cured every one that the Territory afforded) that it was with dif- 
ficulty that a sufficiency of wood could be procured to make the 
men comfortable ; and the militia were without tents, and many of 
them without blankets. The story which has been circulated in 
some of the papers, of officers fighting without any clothes but 
their shirts, is absolutely false. W. H. H." 

Part Third. 



THE following roster is taken from "The Battle of 
Tippecanoe," by Reed Beard, published in 1889, 
pages 102 et seq. The names are said to have been taken 
from the official rolls at Washington. 

There were necessarily many absent on duty elsewhere, 
sick, or (as mentioned) deserters, so that the effective force 
was probably about nine hundred men. 

Roll of the general staff of the army commanded by 
General (Governor) Harrison from September 6 to Novem- 
ber 24, 181 1 : 

William McFarland, Lieutenant Colonel and Adjutant ; Henry 
Hurst, Major and Aid-de-Camp ; Waller Taylor, Major and Aid- 
de-Camp ; Marston G. Clark, Brigade Inspector, promoted to the 
same September 20th ; Robert Buntin, junior, Second Lieutenant 
and Forage Master ; Robert Buntin, senior. Captain and Quarter- 
master ; Nathaniel F. Adams, Lieutenant and Adjutant, belonged 
to the United States regular army. 

112 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Roll of Captain Dubois' company of spies and guides 
of the Indiana Militia from September i8 to November 
12, i8i I : 

Toussaint Dubois, Captain. Privates : Silas McCulloch, G. R. 
C. Sullivan, William Bruce, William Polk, Pierre Andre, Ephraim 
Jordan, William Shaw, William Hopjue (discharged October 4th), 
David Wilkins, John Hollingsworth, Thomas Learneus, Joseph 
Arpin, Abraham Decker, Samuel James, David Miles, Stewart 
Cunningham, Bocker Childers, Thomas Jordan. 

Roll of a detachment from the field and stafl of Indiana 
Militia from September 11 to November 24, 181 1, under 
the command of Lieutenant Colonel Bartholomew : 

Joseph Bartholomew, Lieutenant Colonel, wounded in action 
November 7th ; Regin Redman, Major ; Andrew P. Hay, Sur- 
geon's Mate ; Joseph Brown, Adjutant ; Joseph Clark, Quarter- 
master, appointed Surgeon's Mate October 29th ; Chapman Duns- 
low, Sergeant Major ; James Curry, Quartermaster Sergeant. 

Roll of the field and staff of the Fourth Regiment of 
Infantry of the Indiana Militia, under the command of 
Colonel Decker, from September 18 to November 19, 
181 1 : 

Luke Decker, Lieutenant Colonel ; Noah Purcell, Major ; 
Daniel Sullivan, Lieutenant Adjutant ; William Ready, Sergeant 
Major ; Benjamin V. Becker, Quartermaster ; William Gamble, 
Quartermaster Sergeant, appointed Quartermaster Sergeant Sep- 
tember 25th, and made up for pay as private on rolls of Captain 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 1 1 3 

Wilson's company of infantry to September 21st; Edward Scull, 
Assistant Surgeon ; James Smith, Quartermaster, promoted to 
Captain on November 9th, and paid as such on the rolls of 
Captain Warrick's company. 

Roll of the field and staff of Major Parke's Dragoons 
of Indiana Militia from September 21 to November 19, 
1811 : 

Joseph H. Daviess, Major, killed in action November 7th; 
Benjamin Parke. Major, promoted from the time ; Davis Floyd, 
Adjutant ; Chjilcs Smith, Quartermaster ; General W. Johnston, 
Quartermaster, promoted from the ranks October 30, 181 1 ; Will- 
iam Prince. Sergeant Major. 

Roll of Captain Spier Spencer's company of mounted 
riflemen of the Indiana Militia from September 12 to 
November 23, 181 1 : 

Spier Spencer, Captain, killed in action November 7th ; Richard 
McMahan, First Lieutenant, killed in action November 7th ; George 
F. Pope, Second Lieutenant, resigned October 21st; Samuel 
Flanagan, Second Lieutenant, promoted from Ensign to Second 
Lieutenant ; John Tipton, Captain, promoted from private to 
Ensign ; Jacob Zenoe, Second Lieutenant, promoted from private 
November 7th ; Phillip Bell, Ensign, promoted from private to 
Ensign November 7th ; Pearce Chamberlain, Sergeant ; Henry 
Batman, Sergeant ; Elijah Hurst, Sergeant ; Benjamin Boyard, 
Sergeant ; Robert Biggs, Corporal, badly wounded ; John Taylor, 
Corporal ; Benjamin Shields, Corporal ; William Bennington, Cor- 
poral ; Daniel Cline, Musician ; Isham Stroude, Musician. 


114 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Privates : John Arick, Ignatius Able, Enos Best, Alpheus Bran- 
ham, Gadow Branham, Daniel Bell, James Brown, Jesse Butler, 
Mason Carter, John Cline, Marshall Dunken (killed in action 
November 7th), William Davis (killed in action November 7th), 
Thomas Davidson, James Dyce, Henry Enlow, William Hurst, 
William Hurst, junior, Beverley Hurst, James Harberson, James 
Heubbound, Robert Jones, James Kelley, Thomas McColley, Noah 
Mathena, William Nance, Thomas Owens, Samuel Pfriner, Edward 
Ransdell, Sandford Ransdell, James Spencer, Christover Shucks, 
Joshua Shields (badly wounded), Samuel Sand (killed in action 
November 7th), George Spencer, Jacob Snider, Jon'n Wright, 
James Wilson, John Wheeler, James Watts. Isham Vest, George 
Zenoe, P. McMickle, Levi Dunn (deserted), William Fowler (not 
duly mustered). 

Roll of Captain Jacob Warrick's company of infantry 
of the Indiana Militia from September 16 to Novem- 
ber 19, 181 1 : 

Jacob Warrick, Cai)tain, mortally wounded in action ; James 
Smith, Captain; William Calton, Lieutenant, discharged Septem- 
ber 27th ; James Duckworth, Ensign ; Robert Montgomery, Ser- 
geant ; Robert McGary, Sergeant ; Jeremiah Piercall, Sergeant ; 
Isaac Woods, Sergeant ; Benjamin Venables, Corporal ; Thomas 
Black, Corporal ; Robert Denney, Corporal ; Thomas Montgom- 
ery, junior. Corporal, promoted to Lieutenant September 30th in 
place of William Calton. 

Privates : James Alsop, James Stewart, Jesse Key, Bennet 
Key, Jesse Brewer, Richard Davis, Asa Musick. Smith Mounce 
(deserted October 15th from garrison). James Stapleton, Fielding 
Lucas, John McGary, Thomas Montgomery (discharged from gar- 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 115 

rison October 15th), John Montgomery, James Weathers, Ephraim 
Murphy, Langston Drew, WilHam Gwins, WiUiam Black, Joshua 
Capps, Andrew McFaddin, Lewis Sealy, James Bohannon (deserted 
from burrow September 27th), Daniel Duff, Squire McFaddin, Wil- 
son Jones, Jeremiah Robinson, Hugh Todd, Martin Laughon, Will- 
iam Todd, John Gwins, Burton Litton, George Linxwiler, Peter 
Whetstone (deserted from garrison October 15th), William Stevens, 
Timothy Downer, John Coyler, Benjamin Stoker (promoted to 
Corporal September 30th), Thomas Aldmond, Miles Armstrong, 
William Aldmond, William Young, Thomas Duckworth, Maxwell 
Jolly, John Kobb, John Necl, Randolph Clark, William Black. 

Roll of Captain David Robb's company of mounted 
riflemen of the Indiana Militia from October 25 to 
November 19, iSi i : 

David Robb, Captain ; Joseph Montgomery, Lieutenant ; John 
Waller, Ensign ; Elsberry Armstrong, Sergeant ; William Maxidon, 
Sergeant ; E/ekiel Kite, Corporal ; George Anthees, Corporal ; 
Bryant Harper, Trumpeter. 

Privates : Abm. Decker, James Tweedle, John Za. Orton, 
Amstead Bennett, William Peters, Stewart Cunningham, Francis 
Hall, Booker Shields, William Tweedle, John Slaven, John 
Suverns, James Langsdown, Thomas Sullivan, Jesse Music, Daniel 
Fisher (mortally wounded on November 7th, and died November 
1 2th), William Allsop, Joseph Garress, Thomas C. Vines, Edward 
Butner (mortally wounded November 7th, and died next day), 
Samuel James, Thomas Shouse, Frederick Reel, William Selvey, 
James Bass, George Leech, junior, David Mills, Thomas Givens, 
John Black, Jonah Robinson, Isaac Rogers, John Rogers, William 
Carson, George Litton, David Knight, W^illiam Downing, Thomas 

II 6 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Jordan (transferred to Captain Dubois' company November 20th), 
James Blanks, William Bass, James Minor, Hugh Shaw, Peter 
Cartwright, David Lilley, Thomas Garress, James Asberry (killed 
in action November 7th), Joseph Tobin, Robert Wilson, John Kiggs, 
John Christ, Theodorus Davis, Thomas Parker Vampett, John 
Crawford, Kader Powell (killed in action November 7th), Thomas 
Dunn, Jacob Korter, William Askin, Jonathan Humphreys, Alex. 
Mahen (badly wounded November 7th), William Witherhult, Mosos 
Sandridge, David Edwards, John Dragoo, Samuel Hamilton, 
Robert Tennesson, Richard Potts, Joseph Wright, George Robin- 
son (badly wounded November 7th), Thomas West. 

Roll of Captain Norris' company of infantry of the 
Indiana Militia from September 1 1 to November 24, 
1811 : 

John Norris, Captain, wounded in action November 7th ; John 
Harrod, Lieutenant ; Joseph Carr, Ensign ; George Drummond, 
Sergeant ; William Coombs, Sergeant ; Brazil Prather, Sergeant ; 
David Smith, Sergeant ; Henry \\'ard. Corporal ; John Harman, 
Corporal ; Joel Combs, Corporal ; Robert Combs, Corporal ; 
David Kelly, Corporal, appointed Corporal September 30th ; 
Elisha Carr, Drummer ; Joseph Perry, Fifer. 

Privates : Robert McNight, William Stacey, Gasper Loots, 
Samuel Duke, Edward Norris, James Shipman, Henry Cusarnore, 
Peter Sherwood, C. Fipps, George Ditsler, John Gray, John Kelly, 
Jacob Daily, David Cross, Thomas Clendennan (killed in action 
November 7th), Robert Cunningham, Abraham Kelley (substituted 
in place of Samuel Walker, and killed November 7th), Henry Jones 
(killed in action November 7th), James Curry, Samuel McClung 
(Quartermaster Sergeant September 27th), James Smith, John 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 117 

Perry, Jevis Fordyce, Benoni Wood, James Kelley, Cornelius Kelly, 
Amos Goodwin, E. Wayman, William Harman, John Newland, 
John Tilferro, Micajah Peyton, Loyd Prather, Adam Peck, Samuel 
McClintick, Benjamin Thompson, John Weathers, William Eakin, 
Evan Arnold, John D. Jacob, Hugh Espy, Robert Tippin, Townly 
Ruby, John McClintick, William Rayson, William Aston, Reuben 
Slead, Josiah Taylor, George Hooke, Daniel McCoy, Jacob 
Pearsall, Henry Hooke, Samuel Neal, Thomas Highfill, Robert 
McClellan, James Taylor. 

Roll of Captain William Hargrove's company of 
infantry of the Indiana Militia from September 18 
to November 19, 1811: 

William Hargrove, Captain ; Isaac Montgomery, Lieutenant ; 
Gary Ashley, Ensign, resigned in October, 1811 ; Henry Hopkins, 
PInsign, promoted to Sergeant October 27, 181 1 ; Bolden Conner, 
Sergeant ; James Evans, Sergeant ; Daniel Millar, Sergeant, pro- 
moted from Corporal October 27, 181 1 ; William Scales, Sergeant, 
promoted from private October 27, 181 1 ; David Johnson, Corporal ; 
David Brumfield, Corporal, promoted in October, 181 1. 

Privates : Samuel Anderson, John Braselton, Jer. Harrison, 
John Eleanor, Joseph Ladd, Pinkney Anderson. Thomas Archer, 
William Archer, James Lenn, Charles Collins, Joshua Day (deserted 
October 2, 1811), Charles Penelton (deserted October 16, 181 1), 
William Person, John Mills, Robert Milborn, Jon'n Cochran, John 
Lout, Nathan Woodrough, James Young, John Tucker, Arthur 
Meeks (deserted October 12, 181 1), John Conner, Reuben Fitz- 
gerald (wounded slightly November 7th), Zachary Skelton, Jacob 
Skelton, Benjamin Scales, William Gordon, Laben Putman, Red- 
ing Putman, John Many, Johnson Fitzgerald, Thomas Arnett, 

ii8 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

James Skelton, Elias Barker, Samuel Whealor, Robert Whealor, 
William Mangorn, Coonrod Lancaster (deserted October 2d), James 
McClure, Haz. Putman, Benjamin Cannon, Joshua Stapleton, 
William Skelton, William Harrington, Randolph Owens, Isaac 
Twedle, James Crow, Richard M. Kirk, George Coningham, 
James Skidmore, Joseph Mixon, Samuel Gaston, Edward Whita- 
cor, Charles Meeks (reduced from Corporal October 26th), Robert 
Skelton (badly wounded November 7th), David Lawrence (dis- 
charged September 19th), Joseph Inglish (discharged September 
19th), Robert Montgomery (discharged September i9tli), Cabreen 
Merry (discharged September 19th). 

Roll of Captain Thomas Scott's company of infantry of 
the Indiana Militia from September 18 to November 19, 
1811 : 

Thomas Scott, Captain ; Jon'n Purcell, Lieutenant ; John 
Scott, Ensign; John Welton, Ensign; Francis Mallet, Ensign; 
Lanty Johnston, Ensign , Samuel Roquest, Ensign ; John Moore, 
Corporal ; Abr'ni Westfall, Corporal ; Elick C. Dushane, Corporal ; 
Charles Bono, Corporal. 

Privates : Jesse Willas, James McDonald, Jon'n Hornback, 
Alpheus Pickard, John McCoy, Zebulon Hogue, Andrew Westfall, 
William Watson, Walter Wiel. William A. Clark, William Welton, 
Henry Lain, Abraham \\'ood (killed November 7th), John Collins, 
William Williams, Sam'l Risley, William Collins, Charles Fisher, 
Robert Johnston, Absolom Thorn, William Penny, W'illiam Young, 
William Jones, John Collins, junior, William Bailey, Charles Mail, 
Richard Westrope, Thomas McClain, Joseph Ridley, Henry 
O'Niel, Joseph Alton, Baptist Topale, Antoine Gerome, Mitchel 
Rusherville, Charles Dudware, John Baptist Bono, Joseph Bushb}, 
Henry Merceam, Augusta Lature, Louis Abair, Charles Soudriett, 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 1 1 9 

Ambrose Dashney, Francis Berbo, Francis Bonah (killed November 
7th), Senro Bolonga (died November i8th), Louis Lovelett, 
Francis Boryean, John Mominny (discharged October 8th), Pierre 
Delurya, senior, Pierre Delurya, junior, Joseph Besam, Louis 
Boyeam, Dominic Pashy, Antoine Cornia, Antoine Ravellett, John 
Baptist Cardinal, Jack Obah (killed November /th), Toussaint 
Deno, Joseph Reno, Eustace Seranne, Nicholas Valmare, Joseph 
Sansusee, Francis Arpah, Antoine Shennett, Madan Cardinal, 
Louis Lowya. 

Roll of Captain Walter Wilson's company of infantry 
of Indiana Militia from September i8 to November i8, 
1811 : 

Walter Wilson, Captain ; Benjamin Beckes, Lieutenant, 
appointed Quartermaster November i8th ; Joseph Macomb, Ensign; 
Thomas I. Withers, Sergeant ; John Decker, Sergeant ; Thomas 
White, Sergeant ; Isaac Minor, Sergeant ; Daniel Risley, Corporal ; 
William Shuck, Corporal; John Grey, Corporal; Peter Brinton, 

Privates : William Gamble, Williani Brinton, Batost Chavalar, 
Asa Thorn, Thomas Chambers, Joseph Harbour, Adam Harness, 
James Jordan, John Chambers. John Anthis, Lewis Frederick, Lewis 
Reel (died October 1 3th), Richard Greentree, Samuel Clutter, 
Jacob Anthis, James Walker, Nathan Baker, John Barjor, Sin- 
elky Almy, Peter Bargor, Moses Decker, Joseph Voodry, Woolsey 
Pride. Robert Brinton (deserted October 24th). Abraham Pea, 
Thomas Milbourne (deserted October 24th), William Pride, Ben- 
jamin Walker. Jacob Harbonson (deserted October 24th), Sutton 
Coleman (deserted October 24th), Joab Chappel, Robert McClure, 
John Risley (deserted October 24th), Jon'n Walker (deserted 
October 24th), Isaac Walker, David Knight, James Purcell. 

I20 The Battle of Tippecatioc. 

Roll of Captain Andrew Wilkins' company of infantry 
of the Indiana Militia from September i8 to November 
18, 1811 : 

Andrew Wilkins, Captain ; Adam Lisnian, Lieutenant ; Samuel 
McClure, Ensig^n ; John Hadden. Sergeant ; Tht)mas Black, 
Sergeant ; Samuel Leman. Sergeant ; Charles Booth, Sergeant ; 
Daniel Carlin, Corporal ; John Edwards, Corporal ; Richard Engle, 
Corporal ; Abraham Bogard, Corporal. 

Privates : John Johnston, John Mills, Abraham Johnston, James 
Mitchel, Robert Murphy, Jesse Cox, W'ilHam Ashby, Louderick 
Earnest, Edward Wilks, Rubin Moore, Thomas Anderson, Samuel 
Middleton, James Calleway, James Tims, Isaac Luzader, Samuel 
Carruthers, Asa McChord, Nathaniel Adams, Robert Lilley, John 
Elliot, William HoUing'sworth, William Francis, Obediah F. 
Patrick, Aron Quick, John Murphy, Ebenezer Blackston, James 
Harrel, Samuel Culbertson, John Davis, Christopher Coleman, 
Robert Elsey, Henry Matny, Robert Britton, William Flint, John 
Rodarmel, John Culbertson, Joseph Hobbs, Albert Davis, Thomas 
Harrel (discharged September 26th), Joseph Edwards, William 
Hill (appointed Corporal October i8th), John Engle, Henry Col- 
lins, John Meek, Thomas Johnston, Madison Collins, William 
Black. Luke Matson, John Harden, Edward Bowls, Robert Polk. 
Charles Ellison, George Gill. James Grayham, Joseph McRonnels, 
Jon'n Purcell. George Bright, Peter Lisman, William Arnett, 
Samuel Ledgerwood, Martin Palmore. 

l^oll of a company of riflemen of the Indiana Militia 
commanded by Captain James Bigger from September 
1 1 to November 24, 181 1 : 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 121 

James Bigger, Captain ; John T. Chunn, Lieutenant ; Joseph 
Stillwell, Ensign ; John Drummons, Sergeant, wounded on Novem- 
ber loth ; Isaac Nailor, Sergeant ; Rice G. McCoy, Sergeant ; 
Thomas Nicholas, discharged October i6th ; Josiah Thomas, pro- 
moted Sergeant October 6th ; James B. McCullough, Corporal ; 
Jonathan Heartley, Corporal ; Thomas Chappie, Corporal ; David 
Bigger, Corporal ; John Owens, Drummer ; Jacob L. Stillwell. Fifer. 

Privates : James Robertson, Joseph Warnick (killed in action 
November 7th), John Hutcherson, Daniel Peyton, Daniel Williams, 
James Garner, Amos Little, Hezekiah Robertson, Joseph Daniel, 
John Denney. James King, John Gibson, junior, John Walker, 
Daniel Pettitt, John Carr, William Nailor, Vinyard Pound, Andrew 
Holland,. John Heartley, Daniel Kimberlain, Samuel Stockwell, 
David Owens, junior, Robert Robertson, junior (deserted September 
25th), Absalom Carr, Thomas Gibson (wounded November 7th), 
James Robertson, junior, James Anderson, William Tissler (killed 
in action November 7th), William Hutto, Thomas Burnett, 
Charles Mathews, John Covert, William Wright, John Finley, John 
Martin, Isaac Stark, John Kelley, Wilson Sergeant, David Copple, 
William G. Gubrick, James Elliot, John Agins, Moses Stark, John 
Reed, George Reed, Benjamin Pool, James McDonald, Isaac D. 
Huffman, Alexander Montgomery, William Hooker (deserted 
October 14th), Leonard Houston (wounded November 7th), 
James Mooney, Tobias Miller, Lucius Kibby, John Gibson, senior. 

Roll of Lieutenant Berry's detachment of mounted 
riflemen of the Indiana Militia from September 12 to 
November 23, 181 1 : 

Thomas Berry, killed in action November 7th ; Zachariah 
Linley, Sergeant, badly wounded. 


122 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Privates : John Briere (not regularly mustered), John Beck, 
Frederick Carnes, John Dougherty, Thomas Elliott, Griffith 
Edwards, Joseph Edwards, Peter Hanks (mortally wounded 
November 7th), David Hederick, Henry Hickey (killed November 
7th), Caleb Harrison, Anthony Taylor, William Lee, Jacob Lutes. 
Daniel McMickle (killed November 7th), Henry Moore. Peter 
McMickle (badly wounded), George Mahon, Frederick Wynian, 
Samuel Lockhart. 

Roll of Captain Benjamin Parke's troop Light Dragoons 
of the Indiana Militia from September 18 to November 
19, 1811 : 

Benjamin Parke, Captain, promoted to the rank of Major ; 
Thomas Emerson, Lieutenant ; George Wallace, junior. Lieuten- 
ant ; John Bathis, Cornet ; Christian Grater, Sergeant ; William 
Harper, Sergeant ; Henry Rubbe, Sergeant ; John McClure, Ser- 
geant ; William H. Dunnica, Corporal ; Charles Allen, Corporal ; 
Reuben Sallinger, Corporal ; Levi Elliot, Corporal ; John Braden, 

Privates : Charles Smith, Peter Jones, Joshua Bond, Permena 
Becks, William Prince, Jesse Slawson, Touissant Dubois, junior. 
Thomas Randolph, John McDonald, Miles Dolahan, John Elliot, 
Mathias Rose, junior, Henry Dubois, Jesse Lucas, William Berry, 
William Purcell, John Crosby, Leonard Crosby, William Mehan 
(killed in action November 7th), Samuel Drake, Samuel Emerson, 
Samuel Alton (never joined), Nathan Harness, Daniel Decker, 
John Seaton (never joined), Howson Seaton, John Flint (never 
joined), John D. Hay, Heram Decker, Ebenezer Hilton, John 
L Neely, John McBain (appointed Trumpeter September 29th), 
Pierre Laptante, James Steen, Andrew Purcell, John Pea, Albert 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 123 

Badolett, Josiah L. Holmes, William W. Holmes, Thomas Coulter, 
Charles McClure, Jacque Andre, Thomas McClure, John Bruce 
(never joined), Thomas Palmer, General \V. Johnston, William A. 
McClure, Clanton Steen (never joined). James McClure, Archd. 
McClure, James Neal, John Wyant, Charles Scott, James S. 
Petty, Isaac White (killed November 7th), John McClure, Henry 
I. Mills, Robert M. Evans (never joined), James Mud, George 
Croghlin, Abner Hynes, Benjamin Sanders, James Nabb, John 
O'Fallon, William Luckett, Landon Carter, Robert Buntin, junior, 
John I. Smith, Robert Sturgen, James Harper. 

Roll of a company of Light Dragoons of the Indiana 
Militia commanded by Captain Charles Beggs from Sep- 
tember II to November 23, 181 1 : 

Charles Beggs Captain ; John Thompson, Lieutenant, pro- 
moted Lieutenant September i8th ; Henry Bottorf, Lieutenant, 
promoted Lieutenant September i8th ; Mordecai Sweeney, Cornet, 
promoted Lieutenant September i8th ; Davis Floyd, promoted 
Adjutant September 20th : John Carr, Sergeant, promoted Sergeant 
October 24th ; James Sage, Sergeant ; James Fisler, Sergeant ; 
Abraham Miller, Sergeant ; George Rider, Corporal ; Sion Prather, 
Corporal ; Hugh Ross, Corporal ; Samuel Bottorf, Corporal ; 
John Deats, Trumpeter. 

Privates : Jacob Cressmore, William Kelley (killed in action 
November 7th), William Lewis (not regularly mustered), James 
Ellison, Timothy R. Rayment, John Cowan, Jon'n Gibbons, 
William Perry, Edward Perry, John Goodwin, James Hay, John 
Newland, George Twilley, Milo Davis, Marston G. Clark (promoted 
Brigade Major September 20th), Samuel Carr, Joseph McCormack, 
Richard Ward, John Farris, Charles F. Ross, John Thompson 
(promoted Lieutenant September i8th). 

124 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Roll of Captain Peter Funk's company of Kentucky 
Mounted Militia is given elsewhere in this history. 

Roll of Captain Frederick Geiger's company of Ken- 
tucky Mounted Riflemen is given elsewhere in this history. 

Roll of the field and staff of the Fourth Regiment of 
United States Infantry for November and December, 1811 : 

John P. Boyd, Colonel ; Zebulon M. Pike,* Lieutenant Colonel ; 
James Miller, Lieutenant Colonel ; G. R. C. FluyJ, Major ; Josiah 
D. Foster, Surgeon ; Hosea Blood, Surgeon's Mate ; John L. 
Eastman, Assistant Adjutant ; Josiah Bacon, Quartermaster ; 
Nathaniel F. Adams, Paymaster ; Winthrop Ayer, Sergeant Major ; 
William Kelly, Quartermaster Sergeant. 

Roll of a company of infantry under the command 
of Captain Josiah Snelling, of the Fourth Regiment, com- 
manded by Colonel John P. Boyd, from August 31 to 
October 31, 1 8 1 1 : 

Josiah Snelling, Captain ; Charles Fuller, First Lieutenant ; 
John Smith, Second Lieutenant ; Richard Fillebrown, Sergeant ; 

*The fact that the name of Lieutenant Colonel Zebulon M. Pike 

appeared on the rolls of this regiment attracted my attention, and on 

making inquiry at the Adjutant General's office the following reply explains 

the situation : , .- , /~v 

"Adjutant Generals Office, 

"Returns Division, Oct. 22, 1898. 
" Z. M, Pike was Lieut. Col. 4th U. S. Infy. from Dec. 11, 1809, to 
July 6, 1812. James Miller was Major of same regiment July 8, 1808, to 
November 30, 18 10, when promoted to Lieut. Col. 5th U. S. Infy. but 
remained with 4th Infy. for some time after, Lt, Col. Pike being on de- 
tached service." . p 

' i 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 125 

Jacob D. Rand, Sergeant ; Daniel Baldwin, Sergeant ; Ephraim 
Churchill, Sergeant ; John Shays, Corporal ; Timothy Hartt, Cor- 
poral ; Samuel Horden, Corporal ; Benjamin Moores, Corporal ; 
Amos G. Corey, Musician. 

Privates : John Austin, Cyrus J. Brown, James Brice, Michael 
Burns, John Brewer, George Blandin, Cephas Chase, Jacob Col- 
lins, William Clough, Thomas Day, William Doles, John Davis, 
Abraham Dutcher, Philip Eastman, Samuel French, Rufus Good- 
enough, Alanson Hathaway, William Healey, William Jackman, 
Henry Jiidewinc, Abraham Larrabee, Asa Larrabee, Gideon Lin- 
coln, Edward Magary, Serafino Massi, Lugi Massi, Vincent Massi, 
James McDonald, Samuel Pritchett, James Sheldon, Samuel 
Porter, James Palmer, Joseph Pettingall, William B. Perkins, 
Samuel Pixley, Jonathan Robinson (died October 6th), Greenlief 
Sewey, P^lias Soper, Westley Stone, Seth Sargeanl, John Trasher, 
Phillip Thrasher, Joseph Tibbetts (killed in action November 7th), 
David Wyer, Mark Whalin, John Whitely, John P. Webb, Giles 
Wilcox, Thomas Blake (died October i ith), Daniel Haskell 
(deserted September 25th). 

Roll of a company of infantry under command of 
Captain George \V. Prescott, of the Fourth Regiment, 
commanded by Colonel John P. Boyd, from October 31 
to December 31, 181 1 : 

George W. Prescott, Captain ; Ebenezer Way, First Lieuten- 
ant ; Benjamin Hill, P'irst Lieutenant ; John Miller, Sergeant ; 
William Huggins, Sergeant ; Aaron Tucker, Sergeant ; Robert 
Sandborn, Corporal ; Ephraim D. Dockham, Corporal ; John 
Silver, Corporal ; Samuel Fowler, Corporal ; Moses Blanchard, 
Musician ; John Ross, Musician. 

126 The battle of Tippecanoe. 

Privates : John Ashton, Ira Bailey, George Bailey. Abel Brown, 
Benjamin Burnhain, Enoch Carter, Alinerin Clark, Stephen Clay, 
Nathan Colby, Jonathan Colby, John Corser, William Corser, 
James Cobby, Abraham Folsom, John Forriest, Thomas Glines, 
Henry Godfrey, John Gorrell, Levi (iriffin, Peter Griffin, John 
Green, Edmund Heard, Benjamin Hudson, Jonathan Herrick, 
Amos Ingulls, David Ingulls, William Kelley, William Knapp, 
Stephen Knight, Peter Ladd, Aaron Ladd, Sanmel Ladd, Johnson 
Lovering, Moses Mason, James Merrill, John Norman, Ezra C. 
Peterson, Lemuel Parker, John Sandborn (mortally wounded 
November 7th, and died November 10th), Barnard Shields, Nath- 
aniel Simpson, Luther Stephenson, William Sharpless, Israel 
Tilton, John Virgin, Oliver Waketield, Silas Wells, Isaac Wes- 
cott, Jonathan Willey, James Williams. 

Roll of Captain Baen's company of infantry under 
command of Lieutenant Charles Larrabee, in the Fourth 
Regiment, commanded by Colonel John P. Boyd, from 
October 31 to December 31, 181 1 : 

William C. Baen, Captain, mortally wounded in action Novem- 
ber 7th, and died November 9th ; Charles Larrabee, First Lieuten- 
ant ; Lewis Beckham, Second Lieutenant; James Tracy, First Ser- 
geant ; Bernard A. T. Cormons, Second Sergeant ; William Stoney, 
Third Sergeant ; Simeon Crume, First Corporal ; Edward Allen, 
Second Corporal ; Amos G. Carey, Musician ; Zebolon Sanders, 

Privates : George Bentely (died December i6th at Fort Knox), 
Darius Ballow, Augustus Ballow, William Button, Jeremiah Boner, 
Ebenezer Collins, John Donihue, Sylvester Dean, Daniel Delong, 
Daniel Doyers, John Davis, Dexter Earll (mortally wounded in 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 127 

action November 7th), Timothy Foster, Brian Flanigan, Russel 
Freeman, Andrew Griffin, John Glover, Samuel Gunison, Samuel 
Hawkins, Peter Harvey, John I). Hall, John Jones, Titus Knapp, 
Wetherall Leonard, John T. Mohonnah, John Miller, Nathan 
Mitchell, Francis Nelson, Smith Nanthrup, Benjamin S. Peck, 
James Pinel, Isaac Rathbone, Daniel Rodman, Benjamin Vande- 
ford, Nathaniel Wetherall, James Whipple, William Williams, Job 

Roll of a company of infantry under command of 
Captain Joel Cook, in the Fourth Regiment, commanded 
by Colonel John P. Boyd, from October 31 to December 
31, 1811 : 

Joel Cook, Captain ; Josiah Bacon, Second Lieutenant ; James 
A. Bennett, Sergeant ; Daniel Shelton, Sergeant ; Caleb Betts, 
Sergeant ; Harvey Munn, Sergeant ; Nathaniel Heaton, Corporal ; 
John Anthony, Corporal ; David B. Kipley, Corporal ; Abijah 
Bradley, Musician ; Samuel Thompson. Musician. 

Privates : William Bird, Alexander Brown, Gurden Beckwith, 
George Brasbridge, William Barnett, Alfred Cobourne, Denison 
Crumby (died of his wounds December 28th), Eliakins Culver, 
Robert Coles, Charles Coger (died of his wounds December ,^d). 
William Foreman, Joseph Francis, Ezra Fox, Levi Gleason, Ben- 
jamin Holland, Roswell Heminway, John Hutchinson, Michael 
Houck, Abraham Johnson, David Knickerbocker, George Kilbourn, 
Daniel Lee (died of his wounds on the battlefield November 
8th), William Moore, William Neville, James Penkitt, Michael 
Pendegrass, Elisha Persons. James Parker, John Pinkley, Amos 
Royce (died of his wounds on the battle-ground November 8th), 
Robert Riley, Nathan Snow (died of his wounds November 14th), 

128 The Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Daniel Spencer, Everett Shelton, William M. Sanderson, Samuel 
Smith, John St. Clair, Robert Thompson, Anson Twitchell, John 
Williams, Jonathan Wallingford, Jesse Elam. 

Roll of a company of infantry under command of 
Captain Return B. Brown, of the Fourth Regiment, com- 
manded by Colonel John P. Boyd, from October 31 to 
December 31, 181 1 : 

Return B. Brown, Captain ; Oliver G. Burton, First Lieutuu- 
ant ; John Smith, Second Lieutenant ; Ebenezer Moweer, Sergeant ; 
David Robinson, Sergeant ; Levi Jenison, Sergeant ; Daniel Reed, 
Sergeant ; Ephraim Sillaway, Corporal ; Joel Kimball, Corporal ; 
William D. Ausment, Corporal ; Samuel S. Bingham, Drummer ; 
Henry Hayden, Fifer. ^ 

Privates : Lewis Bemis, Bazalul Bradford, Elias Barrett, 
Augustus Bradford, Benjamin Bartlett, Eli Boyd, Henry Breck, 
Zalmon Blood, Caleb Cotton, William W. McConnell, Comadovas 
D. Cass, Rowland Edwards, Joseph Flood, Joseph Follet, Ebenezer 
P. Field, Harvey Geer, Peter Greeney, Walter T. Hitt, Samuel 
Hillard, Moody B. Lovell, Bliss Lovell, John Morgan, William 
Murgetteroyd, David H. Miller, Obediah Morton, Moses Pierce, 
Jacob Prouty, James Roberts, Mayhew Rollings, Jared Smith, 
Peter R. Stites, David Tuthill, David Wells, Josiah Willard, John 
Yeomans (killed in battle). 

Roll of Captain Robert C. Barton's company of John 
P. Boyd's Fourth Regiment of United States Volunteers 
for November and December. 181 1 : 

Robert C. Barton, Captain ; Abraham Hawkins, Second Lieu- 
tenant ; Orange Pooler, Sergeant ; Marshall S. Durkee, Sergeant ; 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 129 

Horace Humphrey, Corporal ; William Turner, Corporal, pro- 
moted to Corporal November ist, and wounded in action ; Daniel 
Kellogg, Drummer. 

Privates : John Andrickson, Jesse S. Clark, Philip Coats, 
Robert Douglass (wounded in action November 7th), William 
Foster (wounded in action November 7th), Ichabod Farrar, John 
D. Jones, David Kerns (mortally wounded in action November 
7th, died November 8th), Isaac Little, Timothy McCoon, John 
McArthur, Joseph Poland, Silas Perry, William Stephenson, 
Samuel Souther (wounded in action), Rowland Sparrowk, Lewis 
Taylor (mortally wounded in action November 7th, died Novem- 
ber 8th). Leman E. Welch (mortally wounded in action Novem- 
ber 7th, and died November 8th), George Wilson, Henry Bates, 
Thomas Clark. 

Roll of a company of infantry ( the late Captain Went- 
worth's) under command of Lieutenant Charles Fuller, 
of the Fourth Regiment, commanded by Colonel John P. 
Boyd, from October 31 to December 31, 181 1 : 

Paul Wentworth, Captain, resigned October 29th ; Nathaniel 
F. Adams, P'irst Lieutenant and Paymaster ; Charles Fuller, First 
Lieutenant ; John L. Lastman, First Lieutenant ; George P. 
Peters, Second Lieutenant ; Isaac Ricker, Sergeant ; David H. 
Lewis, Sergeant ; James Pike, Sergeant ; Jedediah Wentworth, 
Corporal ; Henry Moore, Corporal ; Solomon Johnson, Corporal ; 
Henry Tucker, Corporal ; Nathan Brown, Musician ; Joel Durell, 

Privates : William Andrew, John Adams, William Brown, 
WiUiam Bowles, John Burns, Joseph Burditt (mortally wounded 
November 7th), Samuel Cook, Caleb Critchet, Ivory Courson, 


130 V/ie Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Samuel Coffin, Elisha Dyer, Jeremiah Emerson, Jonathan Elkins, 
Noah Turnald, Joseph Farrow, Robert Gordon, John S. Gordon, 
Wilhani Griggs, Solomon Heartford, John Hurd, William Ham, 
Jonathan W. Ham, Stephen Hawkins, Stephen Harris, Nathaniel 
Harris, Joseph Hunt, James Heath, David Heath, Amos Jones, 
Samuel King, William King (killed in action November 7th), 
Jacob Keyser, Asa Knight, Joseph Layman, William Layman, 
Joseph Mears, James McDuffie, Robert Mcintosh (confined at 
Fort Knox under sentence of general court-martial), jerry Maul- 
throp, Isaac M. Nute (wounded November 7th and died next 
day), Jacob Nute, Jonathan Nute, Henry Nutter, Richard Perry, 
William Perkins, Jacob Pearcy, Curtis Pipps, John Rowell, John 
Rice, Stephen Ricker, John M. Rollins, Stanton Smilie, Isaac 
Tuttle, John S. Watson, Ichabod Wentworth, Robert Whitehouse, 
Enoch Worthen, John Welch, Silas Whood, Charles Wait, 
Timothy Waldron, Zadoc Williams, Philip Allen. 

Roll of a company of infantry (the late Captain 
Welches) under command of Lieutenant O. G. Burton, of 
the Fourth Regiment, commanded by Colonel Julni P. 
Boyd, from October 31 to December 31, 181 1 : 

O. G. Burton, First Lieutenant ; George Gooding, Second 
Lieutenant ; Montgomery Orr, Sergeant ; Knewland Carrier, 
Sergeant ; Major Mantor, Sergeant, promoted to the rank of 
Sergeant November ist ; James Mitchell, Corporal, killed in battle 
November 7th ; Daniel L. Thomson, Corporal ; John Rice, 
Corporal ; Lucius Sallis, Corporal ; William Demon, Corporal ; 
Ellas Prentice, Musician. 

Privates : Leonard Arp, Noyes Billings, Amos Blanchard, Calib 
Barton, Levi Cary (killed in battle November 7th), Jonathan 

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 131 

Crewell (died November 8th), Zenos Clark, Daniel Oilman (died 
November 17th), Issachar Green, Thomas Harvey, William King, 
Samuel Pettis, William Pomaroy, Joseph Kussel, James Stephen- 
son (died of wounds December 6th), John Spragen, William 
Sargeants, Samuel H. Spalding, Morten Thayer, Samuel Tibbets, 
John Vickcry, Alexander Howen. 

Roll of the late Captain Whitney's company of rifle- 
men under command of Lieutenant A. Hawkins, of the 
RiHe Regiment commanded by Colonel Alexander Smythe, 
from October 31 to December 31, 181 1 : 

Pretemon Wright, Sergeant ; Reuben Newton, Sergeant ; 
Aaron W. Forbush, Sergeant ; James Phillips, Sergeant ; Henry 
Barker, Corporal ; Aaron Mellen, Corporal ; William Hunter, 
Corporal ; Henry Nurchsted, Ensign ; Adam Walker, Musician. 

Privates : Ebenezer T. Andrews, Otis Andrews, John Averin, 
William Brigham (died in hospital December 4th), Stephen Brown, 
William Brown, Samuel Briggs, Robert Cutter, Jonas Dalton, 
Reuben Durant, Francis Ellis, Thomas Hair, James Haskell (died 
at Fort Knox, December 2d), Ephraim Hall, Samuel Johnson, 
Silas Kendall, Patrick Norton, Israel Newhall, Frederick Roods, 
Marcus D. Ransdill, Thaddeus B. Russell, William Reed, Francis 
Reittre, Edward R. Suck, Samuel Hing, Ira T. Trowbridge (killed 
in action November 7th), Neh'm. Wetherill, Ezra Wheelock. 


Abair, Louis 1 18 

Able, Ignatius 114 

Adams, John 129 

Adams, Martin 24 

Adams, Nathaniel 1 20 

Adams, Nathaniel F .. 1 1 1 , 124, 129 
Adams, Nathaniel I-'., Lieutenant 

and Adjutant 34 

Agins, John 121 

Albright, Jacob W., Second Lieu- 
tenant 35 

Aldmond, Thomas 115 

Algon(juin Family vi 

Allen, Charles 122 

Allen, Edward 126 

Allen, Philip 24. i 30 

Allin, Colonel, Account of Death 

of Daviess 59 

Allsop, William 115 

Almond, William 115 

Almy, Sinelky 119 

Alsop, James 1 14 

Alton, Joseph 118 

Alton, Samuel 122 

Anderson, James 121 

Anderson, Pinkney 117 

Anderson, Samuel 117 

Anderson, Thomas 120 

Andre, Jacque 123 

Andre, Pierre 112 

Andrew, William 129 

Andrews, Ebenezer T 131 

Andrews, Otis 131 

Andrickson, John 128 

Annuity Salt 7 

Authees, George 115 

Anthis, Jacob 119 

Anthis, John 119 

Anthony, Jf.ihii 127 

Archer, Thomas 117 

Archer, William 117 

Arick, John 114 

Armstrong, Elsberry 115 

Armstrong, Miles 115 

Army Crosses the Wabash 32 

Army Much Exposed to Attack . . 39 

Army Wanted a Fight 42 

Arnett, Thomas 117 

Arnett, William 120 

Arnold, Evan 117 

Arp, Leonard 1 30 

Aqiah, Francis 119 

Arpin, Joseph 112 

Arrangement of Camp 47 

Asbcrry, James n6 

Ashby, William 120 

Ashley, Cary 117 

Ashton, John 126 

Askin, William 116 

Aston, William 117 

Atlantic Ocean vii 

Attack Fell Upon Baen and 

Geiger 53 

Augustus, Springer 20, 25 

Ausment, William D 128 

Austin, John 125 

Averin, John 131 

Ayer, Winthrop 124 



Bacon, Josiah 124, 127 

Badolett, Albert 123 

Baen, Captain W. C 35, 89 

Baen, William C 126 

Bailey, George 126 

Bailey, Ira 126 

Bailey, William 118 

Baker, Nathan 119 

Baldwin, Daniel 125 

Ballard, James 24 

Ballow, Augustus 126 

Ballow, Darius 126 

Bargor, Peter 119 

Barjor, John 119 

Barker, Elias 118 

Barker, Henry 131 

Barkshire, Charles 24 

Barkshire, Joseph 24 

Barnaba, Robert 24 

Barnett, William 127 

Barrett, Elias 128 

Bartholomew, Colonel 21, 97 

Bartholomew, Lieutenant Colonel 89 

Bartholomew, Joseph 112 

Bartholomew, Joseph, Lieutenant 

Colonel 35 

Bartlett, Benjamin 128 

Barton, Calib 130 

Barton, Captain Robert C 35 

Barton, Robert C 128 

Barton Company and Geiger 

Thrown into some Disorder . . 56 

Bass, James 115 

Bass, William 116 

Bates, Henry 129 

Bathis, John 122 

Batman, Henry 113 

«' Battaille des Illinois ' 28 

Battle- Ground, Annual Appropria- 
tion for Care of 91 

Battle- Ground, Approach to from 

LaFayette 45 

Battle-Ground, Description of .. . 46 
Battle-Ground, Description of in 

1820 85 

Battle-Ground Placed Uuder Care 

of State 90 

Battle-Ground, the Size of 90 

Rattle Lasted Two Hoius 62 

Battle of Tippecanoe Forerunner 

of War of 18 12 87 

Beard, Reed 1 1 1 

Beck, George 24 

Beck, John 122 

Becker, Benjamin V 112 

Beckes, Benjamin 119 

Beckham, Lewis 126 

Becks, Permena 122 

Beckwith, Gurden 127 

Beeler, Thomas 24 

Beggs, Captain Charles 36 

Beggs, Charles 123 

Bell, Daniel 114 

Bell, Philip 113 

Bemis, Lewis 128 

Bennett, Amstead 115 

Bennett, James A 127 

Bennington, William 113 

Beutely, George 126 

Berbo, Francis 119 

Berry, Thomas 121 

Berry, Lieutenant Thomas 89 

Berry. Second Lieutenant Thomas 36 

Berry, William 122 

Besam, Joseph 119 

Best, Enos 114 



Betts, Caleb 127 

Bigger, Captain James 36 

Bigger, David 121 

Bigger, James 121 

Biggs, Robert 113 

Billings, Noyes 130 

Bingliam, Sanmel S 128 

Bird, William 127 

Black, John 115 

Black, Thomas 114, 120 

Black, William 115, 120 

Blackston, Ebenezer 120 

Blake, Thomas 125 

Blanchard, Amos 130 

Blanchard, Moses 125 

Blandin, George 125 

Blanks, James 116 

Blannerbasset's Island 83 

Blood, Hosea 124 

Blood, Hosea, Surgeon's Mate . . 34 

Blood, Zalmon 128 

Bogard, Abraham 120 

Bohannon, James 115 

Bolonga, Senro 119 

Bonah, Francis 119 

Bond, Joshua 122 

Boner, Jeremiah 1 26 

Bono, Charles 118 

Bono, John Baptist 118 

Booth, Charles i 20 

Boryean, Francis 119 

Bottorf, Henry 123 

Bottorf, Sanmel 1 23 

Bowen, Alexander 131 

Bowles, William 1 29 

Bowls, Edward 120 

Boyard, Benjamin 113 

Boyd, Colonel John Parke i6 

Boyd, EH 128 

Boyd, John P 124 

Boyd, John Parke, Colonel Fourth 

United States Infantry 34 

Boyeam, Louis i ig 

Braden, John 122 

Bradford, Augustus 128 

Bradford, Bazalul 128 

Bradley, Abijah 127 

Branham, Alpheus 114 

Branlinm, Gadow 114 

Brasbridge, George 127 

Braselton, John 117 

Breck, Henry 128 

Brewer, Jesse 114 

Brewer, John 125 

Brice, James 125 

Briere, John 122 

Briggs, Samuel 131 

Brigham, William 131 

Bright, George 120 

Brinton, Peter ng 

Brinton, Robert 119 

Brinton, WiUiam ttq 

British Agents Represented that 
the Expedition was Entirely 

Useless 103 

British Arms Found at Prophet's 

Town ... 9 

British Firearms Found in the 

Prophet's Town 76 

British Influence on the Indians ■ 9 
British Intrigues with Indians 

Mentioned 95 

British, Part Acted in the Cam- 
paign 99 

Brittou, Robert 120 

Brown, Abel 126 



Brown, Alexander 127 

Brown, Captain Return B 35 

Brovvu, Cyrus J 125 

Brown, James 114 

Brown, Joseph 112 

Brown, Nathan 129 

Brown, Return B 128 

Brown, Stephen 131 

Brown, William 24, i2y, iji 

Bruce, John 123 

Bruce, William 112 

Brumfield, David 117 

Bullitt, William C 19 

Buntin, Robert 123 

Buntin, Robert, Captain, Quarter- 
master Indiana Militia 34 

Buntin, Robert, junior 1 1 1 

Buntin, Robert, junior, Forage- 
master Indiana Militia 34 

Buntin, Robert, senior 1 1 1 

Burchester, Second Lieutenant 

Henry A 35 

Burchsted, Henry, Ensign 89 

Burditt, Joseph 129 

Burkett, Adam 24 

Burnett, Thomas 121 

Hurnham, Benjamin 126 

Burns, John 129 

Burns, Michael 125 

Burr, Aaron 17 

Burr, Aaron, Before United States 

Court 82 

Burton, O. G 1 30 

Burton, Oliver G 128 

Bushby, Joseph 118 

Buskirk, John 24 

Butler, Jesse 114 

Butner, Edward 115 

Button, William 126 

Byrn, Temple C 24 

Byrne, Charles L 24 

Calleway, James 120 

Calliway, Thomas 24 

Calton, William 114 

Camp Fiuniture and Private Bag- 
gage Abandoned 76 

Camp Guard 50 

Canning, Henry 23 

Cannon, Benjamin 118 

Capps, Joshua 115 

Cardinal, John Baptist 119 

Cardinal, Madan 119 

Carey, Amos G i2f) 

Carlin, Daniel 120 

Carnes, Frederick 122 

Carr, Absalom 121 

Carr, Elisha 116 

Carr, J ohn 121,123 

Carr, Joseph 116 

Carr, Samuel 123 

Carrier, Newland 130 

Carruthers, Samuel 120 

Carson, William 115 

Carter, Enoch 126 

Carter, Landoii 123 

Carter, Mason 114 

Cartridges Contained Twelve IJuck- 

sliut 66 

Cartwriglit, Peter 116 

Cary, Levi 1 30 

Cass, Comadovas D 128 

Catawbas vii 

Cause of the Battle v 

Chamberlain, Pearce 113 

Chambers, John 119 

Chambers, Thomas 119 



Chappel, Joal) 1 19 

Chaj)plo, Thomas 121 

Cliase, Cei>has. 125 

Cliavalar, Batost 119 

Cherokees vii, ix 

Chickasaw Indians ix 

Childers, Bocker 112 

Christ, John 116 

Chunn, John T 121 

Churchill, Ephraini 125 

Clark, Ainierin i 26 

Clark County, Indiana Territory, 
List of the Killed and Wounded 

of 97 

Clark, General, Reports on Con- 
dition of Indians 9 

Clark, General William 100 

Clark, Jesse S 129 

Clark, Joseph 112 

Clark, Marston G 1 1 1, 123 

Clark, Marston G., Major 34 

Clark, Randolph 115 

Clark, Thomas 129 

Clark, William A 118 

Clark, Zenos 131 

Clay 81 

Clay, Stephen 1 26 

Clendennan, Thomas 97, 1 16 

CHne, Daniel 113 

Cline, John 114 

CUne, Thomas 24 

Clough, William 125 

Clutter, Samuel 119 

Coats, Philip 129 

Cobbs, William 116 

Cobby, James 126 

Cobourne, Alfred i 27 

Cochran, Jon'n 117 

Coffin, Samuel 130 

Coger, Charles 127 

Colby, Jonathan .... 126 

Colby, Nathan 1 26 

Coleman, Christopher 120 

Coleman, Sutton 119 

Coles, Robert 127 

Collins, Charles 117 

Collins, Ebenczcr 126 

Collins, Henry 120 

Collins, Jacob 1^5 

Collins, John 118 

Collins, Madison 120 

Collins, William 118 

Combs, Joel ....116 

Combs, Robert 116 

Command Arrived at Vincennes on 

Return March 77 

Command Generally Did Not Ex- 
pect Battle 50 

Conduct of Men in Battle. . . .50, 51 

Conduct of the Militia 69 

Conflict for the Soil v 

Coningham, George 118 

Conner, Bolden 117 

Conner, John 117 

Cook, Captain Joel 35 

Cook, Joel 127 

Cook, Samuel 129 

Cooper, William 23 

Copple, David 121 

Corey, Amos G 125 

Cornions, Bernard A. T 126 

Cornia, Antoine 119 

Corser, John 126 

Corser, William 126 

Cotton, Caleb 128 

Coulter, Thomas 123 




Courson, Ivory 1 29 

Covert, John 121 

Cowan, John 123 

Cox, Jesse 120 

Coyler, John 115 

Crawford, John 116 

Cressniore, Jacob 123 

Crewell, Jonathan 131 

Critchet, Caleb 129 

Crittenden, John J 78 

Croghan, George 21, 22 

Croglian, George, Vohmteor Aid . 34 

Croghlin, George 123 

Crosby, John 122 

Crosby, Leonard 122 

Cross, David 116 

Crow, James 118 

Crnmby, Denison 127 

Crume, Simeon 126 

Cnlbcrtson, Joiin. . : 120 

Culbertson, Samuel 120 

Culver, Eliakins 127 

Cunningham, Robert 116 

Cunningham, Stewart 112, 113 

Curry, James 112, 116 

Cusamore, Henry 116 

Cutter, Robert 131 

Daily, Jacob 116 

Dalton, Jonas 131 

Daniel, Joseph 121 

Dashney, Ambrose 119 

Davidson, Thomas 114 

Daviess, Colonel Joseph H 21 

Daviess, Colonel Joseph Hamilton, 17 

Daviess, Joseph Hamilton 22 

Daviess, J. H., Major 34 

Daviess, Joseph H 113 

Daviess, Major Joseph H .... 36, 89 

Daviess, Account of His Charge. 57 
Daviess Again Urges Harrison to 

Attack 42 

Daviess and Other Officers Urge 

Attack on the 6th 40 

Daviess and Otiicrs Urge Attack. 39 
Daviess Appointed United States 
Attorney for District of Ken- 
tucky 82 

Daviess, Hirth of 80 

Daviess County, Kentucky 84 

Daviess, Death Not from Any 

Fault of Harrison 79 

Daviess, Description of 84 

Daviess' Dread of Falling Into tlie 

Hands of the Indians 60 

Daviess' Eccentricity Early Mani- 
fested 80 

Daviess, Encomiums on 83 

Daviess, First Lawyer from the 
West to Make a Speech in the 
Supreme Court of the United 

States 82 

Daviess, Friends of Criticize Har- 
rison 79 

"Daviess, Jo," County, Illinois, 

Origin of Name 84 

Daviess, Joseph Hamilton, Un- 
marked Grave of xix 

Daviess, Joe, on Precautions 

Against Indians 38 

Daviess, Letter from, to Harrison, 17 
Daviess, Location of His Death 

Wound 59 

Daviess, Prediction Regarding. . . 95 
Daviess, Singular Position of . . . • 26 
Daviess' Struggle in United States 
Court with Henry Clay 83 



Daviess' Suit of Red Broadcloth. 82 
Daviess, Sword of Presented to 

Grand Lodj^e of Masons. ... K6 
Daviess, Volunteer in 1793 Under 

Fire Near Fort St. Clair 80 

Daviess' Wliimsicality of Dress. . 81 

Davis, Albert 120 

Davis, John 120, 125, 126 

Davis, Milo 123 

Davis, Richard 114 

Davis, Theodorus 1 1 6 

Davis, William 114 

Day, Joshua 117 

Day, Thomas 125 

Dead, Bones of Placed in One 

Grave 90 

Dean, Sylvester 126 

Deats, John 123 

Decker, Abm 115 

Decker, Abraham 112 

Decker, Daniel 12a 

Decker, Herman 122 

Decker, John 119 

Decker, Lieutenant Colonel 89 

Decker, Lieutenant Colonel Luke. 36 

Decker, Luke 112 

Decker, Moses 119 

Delong, Daniel 126 

Delurya, Pierre 119 

Denney John 121 

Denney,. Robert 114 

Deno, Toussaint 119 

Demon, William 130 

Destruction of the Prophet's Town 76 

Detroit 9 

Difference in the Plans of Philip 

and Pontiac and Tecumseh . . xi 
Ditsler, George 116 

Dockhani, Ephraim D 125 

Dolahan, Miles 122 

Doles, William 125 

Donihue, John 126 

Dougherty, John 122 

Douglas, Robert 129 

Downer, Timothy 115 

Downing, William 115 

Doyers, I^aniel. 126 

Dragoo, John 116 

Drake, Sanniel 122 

Drew, Langston 115 

Drummond, George 116 

Drummond, John 97 

Drununons, John 121 

Duberly, William 23 

Dubois, Toussaint 112, 122 

Dubois, Henry 122 

Duckworth, James 114 

Duckworth, Thomas 115 

Dudware, Charles 118 

Duff, Daniel 115 

Duke, Sanuiel 116 

Dunbar, John 24 

Dunken, Marshall 114 

Dunn, Levi 114 

Dunn, Thomas 116 

Dunnica, William H 122 

Dunslow, Chapman 112 

DuPuyster, Captain 68 

Durant, Reuben 131 

Durell, Joel 129 

Durkee, Marshall S 128 

Dushane, Elick C 118 

Dulcher, Abraham 125 

Dyce, James 114 

Dyer, Elisha 130 

Eakin, William 117 



Earll, Dexter 1 26 

Earnest, Louderick 1 20 

Eastman, John L 124, 129 

Eastman, Philip 125 

EdHn, John 23 

Edwards, David 116 

Edwards, Griffith 122 

Edwards, James M 24 

Edwards, John 19, i 20 

Edwards, Joseph 1 20, i 22 

Edwards, Robert ....... 24 

Edwards, Rowland 128 

Edwards, William 24 

Effect of the Battle on the Public 

Mind 97 

Elam, Jesse 128 

Elkins, Jonathan 130 

Elkswatawa no Chief by Birth- 
right 5 

Elkswatawa, the Indian Name of 

Prophet, the meaning of 2 

Ellis, Francis 131 

Ellison, Charles 1 20 

Ellison, James 123 

Elliot, James ._. 121 

Elliot, John 120, 122 

Elliot, Levi 122 

Elliott, Thomas 122 

Elsey, Robert 1 20 

Emerson, Jciemiah 130 

Emerson, Samuel 122 

Emerson, Thomas 122 

England, War with Anticipated. . 16 

Engle, John 1 20 

Engle, Richard 120 

Enlow, Henry 114 

Equipment of Every Indian 100 

Espy, Hugh 117 

Estimate of Number of Indians. . viii 

Eustis, Secretary, Report to 31 

Eustis, Secretary, Reports of Har- 
rison to, of His Effective 
Strength at Fort Harrison. . . 27 

Evans, James 117 

Evans, Robert M 123 

Events of November 7th 71 

Expedition Consisted of 33 

Falls of the Ohio 16 

Farrar, Ichabod 129 

Farris, John 123 

Farrow, Joseph 1 30 

Ferguson, William 23 

Field, Doctor N 58 

F"ield, Ebenezer P i 28 

Fillebrown, Richard 124 

Findley, Richard 24 

Finley, John 121 

Fipps, C 116 

Fires, Made Large for Comfort, 

Cause of Loss 44 

Firing on the Sentinel at Fort 

Harrison 103 

Fisher, Charles 118 

Fisher, Daniel 115 

Fisher, James •. . . 123 

P'isher, William 97 

Fit;jgerukl, Johnson 117 

Fitzgerald, Reuben 117 

Flanagan, Samuel 113 

Flanigan, Brian i 27 

Eleanor, John 117 

Fleencr, Nicholas 24 

Flight of the Indians 63 

Flint, John 122 

Flint, William 1 20 

Flood, Joseph 128 



Florida vii 

Floyd, Davis 113, 123 

Floyd, George Rogers Clark, Bi- 
ography 47 

Floyd, G. R. C 124 

Floyd, Lieutenant Davis, Adju- 
tant ... 36 

Floyd, Major George Rogers Clark 35 
Floyd, Major G. K. C, arrived 

in Louisville 96 

Floyd, Major G. K. C 104 

Follet, Joseph 128 

Folsoin, Abraham 126 

Forbush, Aaron W 131 

Fordycc, Jevis 117 

Foreman, William 127 

Formation of the Column 38 

Forriest, John 126 

Fort Harrison 26, 76 

Fort Harrison, Delay There .... 27 
Fort Harrison, Sentinel Fired on 

at 27 

Fort Harrison, Strength of Com- 
mand There 27 

Fort Knox 96 

Foster, Josiah D 124 

Foster, Josiah D., Chief Surgeon 34 

Foster, Tiiuuthy 127 

Foster, William 1 29 

Fourth United States Infantry. 16, 22 
Fourth United States Infantry 
Hinted that had it not been 
for Them there would have 

been a Massacre 79 

Fowler, Samuel 125 

Fowler, William 114 

Fox, Ezra 127 

Francis, Joseph 127 

Francis, William 120 

Frankfort Argus 99, 102 

Frederick, Lewis 119 

Frederick, Samuel 23 

Freeman, Russell 127 

French, Sanmel 125 

Fuller, Charles 124, 129 

Funk, Captain 54 

Funk, Captain, Assisted in Dress- 
ing Daviess' Wound 59 

Funk, Captain Peter 18, 19, 36 

Funk, Captain Peter, Commands 

Company 21 

Funk, Joseph 24 

Funk, Peter 23 

Gamble, William 112, 119 

Garner, James 121 

Garr, Henry 19 

Garress, Joseph T15 

Garress, Thomas 116 

Garter, Christian 122 

Gaston, Samuel 1 18 

Gath, Benjamin W 23 

Geer, Harvey 128 

Geiger, Captain 9 

Geiger, Captain Frederick . . .36, 89 
Geiger, Captain, and Indians in 

his Tent 55 

Geiger, Frederick 17, 24 

Geiger, Frederick, Biography ... 72 
Geiger, Home of on the Ruad to 

Bardstown 18 

Gerome, Antoine 118 

Gibbons, Jon'n 123 

Gibson, John, junior 121 

Gibson, John, senior 121 

Gibson, Thomas 97, 121 

Gill, George 120 



Gilman, Daniel 131 

Givens, Thomas 115 

Gleason, Levi 127 

Glines, Thomas 1 2() 

Glover, John 127 

Godfrey, Henry 1 26 

Goodenough, Kufus 125 

Gooding, George 130 

Gooding, George, Lieutenant ... 8y 
Gooding, Second Lieutenant 

George 55 

Goodwin, Amos 117 

Goodwin, John 123 

Gordon, John S 130 

Gordon, Robert 130 

Gordon, William 117 

Gorrell, John 126 

Gray, John 116 

Grayham, James 120 

Grayson, Frederick W. S 20 

Green, Issachar 131 

Green, John 126 

Greeney, Peter 128 

Greentrec, Richard 119 

Grey, John i ig 

Griffin, Andrew 127 

Griffin, Levi 1 26 

Griffin, Peter 126 

Griggs, William 130 

Grimes, John 24 

Gubrick, William G 121 

Gunisou, Samuel 127 

Gwathniey, Isaac 24 

Gwins, John 115 

Gwins, William 115 

Habits of the Indians vii 

Hadden, John 120 

Hair, Thomas 131 

Hall, Ephraiin 131 

Hall, Francis 115 

Hall, John D 127 

Ham, Jonathan W 130 

Ham, William 130 

Hamilton, Samuel 116 

Hanks, James 24 

Hanks, Peter 122 

Harbersun, James 114 

Harbonson, Jacob 1 19 

Harbour, Joseph 119 

Harden, John i 20 

Hargrove, Captain 36 

Hargrove, William 117 

Harman, John 116 

Harman, William 117 

Harness, Adam 119 

Harness, Nathan 122 

Harper, Bryant 115 

Harper, James 123 

Harper, William 122 

Harrel, James 120 

Harrel, Thomas 120 

Harrington, William 118 

Hnrris, Nathaniel 130 

Harris, Stephen 130 

Harrison 1 

Harrison, Caleb 122 

Harrison, General v 

Harrison, Jer 117 

Harrison, Account of the Death 

of Daviess 59 

Harrison Attacked Through the 

Newspapers at an Early Date 

After the Battle loi 

Harrison, Brief Biography of . . . . 2 
Harrison Buried the Dead and 

Burned Logs over them 90 



Harrison, Commander in Chief.. 34 
Harrison Criticized for not Send- 
ing out Scouting Parties 63 

Harrison Criticized his Sentinels 55 
Harrison Defends Disposition of 

his Troops 65 

Harrison Defends Himself 
Against Charge of Differing 

with Colonel Daviess 103 

Harrison Describes Camp-Ground 44 
Harrison, Encomium on Daviess. 60 
Harrison, Estimate of Him as a 

Leader for War of 1 8 1 2 . . . . 86 
Harrison Estimated the Number 

of the Indians at Six Hundred 75 
Harrison, Final Orders After 

Night 49 

Harrison Gives the Strength of 

Command 30 

Harrison Halts on 6th November 39 
Harrison Joins the Command .. . 25 
Harrison, Letter from, to Gov- 
ernor Scott from Vinccnnes, 

December 13, 1811 102 

Harrison, Letter to Governor 

Scott 29, 40 

Harrison, Letter to Secretary 

Eustis 41 

Harrison Mounted a Bay Horse. 54 
Harrison, Narrow Escape from 

Wound 63 

Harrisou Raising Troops in 

August 16 

Harrison Reaches Rank of Captain 3 
Harrison Ready to Rouse the 

Men when Attacked 52 

Harrison, Reason for not En- 
trenching . 46 

Harrison, Reasons for not Attack- 
ing on 6th 40 

Harrison Received Thanks of 
Kentucky, Indiana, and Illi- 
nois 77 

Harrison, Report to War Depart, 
ment 10 

Harrison Reviews Militia at Vin- 
cennes 14 

Harrison's Ablest Military Move- 
ment 75 

Harrison's Anxiety on November 
7th 72 

Harrison Says he Marched from 
Fort Harrison with Less than 
Eight Hundred Men 103 

Harrison Secretary of the North- 
west Territory 3 

Harrison Sends Messengers to 
the Prophet 31 

Harrison, Speech Sent to Tecum- 
seh and the Prophet 11 

Harrison Su;;gests Means to Pre. 
vent War 10 

Harrison, Treaty with Indians at 
Fort Wayne g 

Harrison Very Likely Alive to 
the Prospect of Military Glory 9 

Harrison, Visit to Jeffersonville 
in 1836 58 

Harrison Visits Louisville in 
August, 1811 18 

Harrod, John 116 

Hartt, Timothy 125 

Harvey, Peter 127 

Harvey, Thomas 131 

Haskell, James 131 

Haskell, Daniel 125 



Hathaway, Alanson 125 

Hawkins, Abraham 128 

Hawkins, Abraham, First Lieu- 
tenant 35 

Hawkins, Henry 24 

Hawkins, Samuel 127 

Hawkins, Stephen 130 

Hay, Andrew P 112 

Hay, James 123 

Hay, John D 122 

HayJcn, Henry T28 

Healey, WilHam 125 

Heard, Edmund 126 

Heartford, Solomon 130 

Heartley, Jonathan 121 

Heartley, John 121 

Heath, David 130 

Heath, James 1 30 

Heaton, Nathaniel 127 

Hederick, David 122 

Heminway, Roswell 127 

Henderson, Richard & Company, ix 

Herrick, Jonathan 1 26 

Heubbonnd, James 114 

Hickey, Henry 122 

Hicks, John 24 

H ighfill , Thomas 117 

Hikes, George and Jacob 19 

Hill, Benjamin 125 

Hill, William 120 

Hillard, Samuel 1 28 

Hilton, Ebenezer 122 

Hing, Samuel 131 

Hite, James 23 

Hite, Lewis 23 

Hite, Lieutenant Lewis 36 

Hitt, Walter T 128 

Hobbs, John 120 

Hogue, William 112 

Hogue, Zebulon 118 

Hoke, Jacob and Andrew 19 

Holland, Andrew 121 

Holland, Benjamin 127 

HoUingsworth, 1 23 

Hollingsworth, John 112 

HoUingsworth, William 120 

Holmes, Joshua L 123 

Holmes, William W 123 

Hooke, George 117 

Hooke, Henry 117 

Hooker, William 121 

Hopkins, General, Visited Battle- 
ground in 18 12 90 

Hopkins, Henry 117 

Horden, Samuel 125 

Horse Flesh Eaten by Soldiers. . 71 

Houck, Michael 127 

Houston, Leonard 121 

Hudson, Benjamin 126 

Huffman, Isaac D 121 

Huggins, William 125 

Humphrey, Horace 129 

Humphreys, Jonathan 116 

Hunt, Joseph 130 

Hunter, Adjutant James 36, 89 

Hunter, James 22, 23 

Hunter, Wilham 131 

Hurd, John 130 

Huron -Iroquois vii 

Hurst, Beverly 114 

Hurst, Elijah 113 

Hurst, Henry 1 1 1 

Hurst, Henry, Once Clerk United 

States District Court 74 

Hurst, Henry, Practiced Law in 
Vincennes 73 



Hurst, Major Henry 34 

Hurst, Major Henry, Biography. 73 

Hurst, William 114 

Hurst, William, junior 1 14 

Hutcherson, John 121 

Hutchinson, John 127 

Hutchinson, William 97 

Hutto, William 121 

Hynes, Abner 123 

Hynes, Mr 21, 22 

Immediate Result of Battle 77 

Indiana, Counties of Named for 
Participants in the Battle. ... 78 

Indiana Territory Formed 2 

Indian Considered Heathen Un- 
fit to hold Land viii 

Indian Cultivation of the Soil ... vii 

Indian Plan of Battle 56 

Indian Signs First Seen 39 

Indians, About Three Hundred 

near Vincennes 14 

Indians Began Ravages in Indiana 

Territory, 18 1 2 87 

Indians, Dire Awakening of to 

the Power of American Arms . xvi 
Indians Exposed Themselves 

Recklessly 69 

Indians Fled Precipitately from 

the Town 75 

Indians had Cultivated Ground. . 43 
Indians, Insolence of had Be- 
come Unsupportable 100 

Indians Meet Harrison near Town 40 
Indians Plan to Attack Just Be- 
fore Day 52 

Indians Plan to Kill Harrison ... 51 
Indians said to Have Best British 
Glazed Powder loi 

Indians Show Place for Camp". . . 43 

Indians Steal Horses 15 

Indians, Tribes Engaged in the 

Battle 62 

Inglish, Joseph 118 

Ingram, Zachariah 24 

Ingulls, Amos 126 

Ingulls, David 126 

Instance of Daring Young Man. . 69 

Jackman, William 125 

Jackson, John 24 

Jackson Purchase ix 

Jackson Purchase, Area of x 

Jackson Purchase, Price Paid for. x 

Jacob, John D 117 

James, Samuel 112, 115 

Jenison, Levi 1 28 

Jest, Joshua 24 

Johnson, Abraham 127 

Johnson, David 117 

Johnson, Samuel 131 

Johnson, Solomon 129 

Johnston, Abraham 120 

Johnston, General W 113, 123 

Johnston, John 120 

Johnston, Lanty 118 

Johnston, Robert 118 

Johnston, Thomas 120 

Jolly, Maxwell 115 

Jones, Amos 130 

Jones, Henry 97, 116 

Jones, John 127 

Jones, John D 129 

Jones, Peter 122 

Jones, Robert 114 

Jones, William 118 

Jones, Wilson 115 

Jordan, Ephraim 112 




Jordan, James 119 

Jordan, Thomas 112, t if) 

Judewine, Henry 125 

Kamskaka i 

Kelley, Abraham 116 

Kelley, Cornelius 117 

Kelley, James 114, 117 

Kelley, John 121 

Kelley, William 123, 126 

Kellogg, Daniel 129 

Kelly, David . ..116 

Kelly, John 116 

Kelly, Samuel 23 

Kelly, William 97, 124 

Kendall, Silas 131 

Kennison, Joseph 23 

Kentuckians Join the Command. . 32 
Kentuckiaus, Number who were 

in Campaign 22 

Kentucky 12 

Kentucky Gazette 102 

Kentucky Gazette, Large Esti- 
mate of Indian Loss 98 

Kentucky Gazette, Selection from 93 
Kentucky, Impression made in 
that the whole Army was Com- 
pletely Surprised 104 

Kentucky, Inhabitants to Square 

Mile viii 

Kentucky River ix 

Kentucky, State of 22 

Kerns, David 129 

Key, Bennet 114 

Key, Jesse 114 

Keyser, Jacob 130 

Kibby, Lucius 121 

Kilbourn, George 127 

Kimball, Joel ■■128 

Kimberlaiu, Daniel 121 

King, James 121 

King, Samuel 130 

King's Stores at Maiden Equipped 

the Indians 100 

King, William 130, 131 

Kipley, David B 127 

Kirk, Richard M 118 

Kite, Ezckiel 115 

Knapp, Titus 127 

Knapp, William 126 

Knickerbocker, David 127 

Knight, Asa 130 

Knight, David 115, 1 1 y 

Knight, Stephen 126 

Korter, Jacob 116 

Ladd, Aaron 126 

Ladd, Joseph 117 

Ladd, Peter 1 26 

Ladd, Samuel 126 

Lain, Henry 118 

Lancaster, Coonrod 118 

Lane, Elijah 24 

Laugsdown, James 115 

Laptante, Pierre 122 

Larrabee, Abraham 125 

Larrabee, Asa 1 25 

Larrabee, Charles 126 

Larrabee, Charles, First Lieuten- 
ant 35 

Lature, Augusta 118 

Laughon, Martin 115 

Lawrence, David 118 

Layman, Joseph 130 

Layman, William 1 30 

Leameus, Thomas 112 

Ledgerwood, Samuel 120 

Lee, Daniel 127 



Lee, William 122 

Leech, George, junior 115 

Leinan, Samuel 120 

Leun, James 117 

Leonard, Wetherall 127 

Levy, Benjamin ig 

Lewis, David H 129 

Lewis, William 123 

Lexington Reporter 102 

Lilley, David 116 

Lilley, Robert 1 20 

Lincoln, Gideon 125 

Linley, Zachariah 121 

Linxwiler, George 115 

Lisman, Adam 120 

Lisman, Peter 120 

Little, Amos 121 

Little, Isaac 129 

Little Turtle said to have Aban- 
doned his Nation on Account 

of Hostilities 98 

Little Turtle said to have been 

Sincere 10 1 

Litton, Burton 115 

Litton, George 115 

Lock, John 24 

Lockhart, Samuel 122 

Loots, Gasper 116 

Losses of the Indians 70 

Loss in Killed and Wounded .... 63 

Louisville 9, 20 

Louisville Western Courier 96 

Lout, John 117 

Lovelett, Louis 119 

Lovell, Moody B 128 

Lovering, Johnson 126 

Lowya, Louis 119 

Lucas, Fielding 114 

Lucas, Jesse 122 

Luckett, James 123 

Luckett, William M 23 

Lutes, Jacob 122 

Luzader, Isaac 120 

Mackey, Enos 23 

Macomb, Joseph 119 

Madison, James 6 

Magary, Edward 125 

Mahen, Alexander 116 

Mahon, George 122 

Mail, Charles 118 

Maine vii 

Maiden 9 

Mallet, Francis 118 

Mangorn, William 118 

Mantor, Major 130 

Many, John 117 

Mars, Corporal Stephen 55 

Mars, Stephen 24 

Mars, Stephen, Alarmed the 

Camp 53 

Marshall, Humphrey, Sharp Re- 
view of Harrison's Report ... 79 
Marshall, Humphrey, Vigorous 
Language Toward Harrison. . 79 

Martin, Hudson 25 

Martin, James 23 

Martin, John 121 

Mason, Moses 1 26 

Masons of Kentucky Held Meet- 
ing in Honor of Daviess 85 

Massi, Lugi 125 

Massi, Serafino 125 

Massi, Vincent 125 

Mathena, Noah 114 

Mathews, Charles 121 

Matny, Henry 1 20 



Matson, Luke 1 20 

Maulthrop, Jerry 130 

Maxidon, William 115 

Maxwell, John 25 

Maxwell, Josh 25 

Mayers, Thomas P 23 

Mc Arthur 129 

McBain, John 122 

McChord, Asa 120 

McClain, Thomas 118 

McClellan, Daniel 24 

McClellan, Robert 1 17 

McClintick, John 117 

McClintick, Samuel 117 

McClung, Samuel 116 

McClure, Archd 123 

McClure, Charles 123 

McClure, James 1 18, 123 

McClure, John 122, 123 

McClure, Robert 119 

McClure, Samuel 120 

McClure, Thomas 123 

McClure, William A 123 

McCoUey, Thomas 114 

McConnell, William W 128 

McCoon, Timothy 129 

McCormack, Joseph 123 

McCoy, Daniel 117 

McCoy, John 118 

McCoy, Rice G 121 

McCulloch, James B 121 

McCulloch, Silas 112 

McDonald, James .... 118, 121, 125 

McDonald, John 122 

McDuffie, James 130 

McFaddin, Andrew 115 

McFaddin, Squire 115 

McFarland, William 1 1 1 

McFarland, William, Lieutenant 

Colonel 34 

McGary, John 114 

McGary, Robert 1 14 

Mclntire, Robert 24 

Mcintosh, Robert 130 

McMahan, Richard 113 

McMahan, Richard, First Lieu- 
tenant 36, 89 

McMickle, Daniel 122 

McMickle, P 114 

McMickle, Peter 122 

McNight, Robert 1 16 

McRonnels, Joseph 1 20 

Mead, James 21, 22 

Mears, Joseph 130 

Meek, John 1 20 

Meeks, Arthur 117 

Meeks, Charles 118 

Mehan, William 122 

Mellen, Aaron 131 

Merceam, Henry 118 

Merrill, James 126 

Merry, Cabreen 118 

Messages to Tecumseh 7 

Methotaska, Mother of Tecumseh i 

Middleton, Samuel 120 

Milborn, Robert 117 

Milbourne, Thomas 119 

Miles, David 112 

Militia Covered Gun Locks with 

Their Coats 66 

Millar, Daniel 117 

Miller, Abraham 123 

Miller, David H 128 

Miller, John 125, 127 

Miller, Lieutenant Colonel 28 

Miller, Tobias 121 


< I 



Mills, Adam L 23 

Mills, David 115 

Mills, Henry I 123 

Mills, John 117, 120 

Minor, Daniel 25 

Minor, Isaac 119 

Minor, James 116 

Mississippi River vii 

Mitchel, James 120 

Mitchell, Nathan 127 

Mixon, Joseph 118 

Mobilian Family vii 

Molionnah, John T 127 

Mominny, John 119 

Montgomery, Alexander 121 

Montgomery, Isaac 117 

Montgomery John 115 

Montgomery, Joseph 115 

Montgomery, Robert 114, 118 

Montgomery, Thomas 114 

Montgomery, Thomas, jnnior. ... 1 14 

Mooney, James 121 

Moore, Frank, of Louisville .... 55 

Moore, Henry 122, 129 

Moore, John 118 

Moore, Mr 21, 22 

Moore, Rubin 1 20 

Moore, William 1 27 

Moores, Benjamin 125 

Morgan, John 128 

Morton, Obediah 128 

Mounce, Smith 114 

Mounted Men, Number of 37 

Moweer, Ebenezer 128 

Muckleroy, James 23 

Mud, James 1 23 

Munn, Harvey 127 

Murgetteroyd, William 128 

Murphy, Ephraim 115 

Murphy, John 23, 120 

Murphy, Robert 120 

Music, Jesse 115 

Musick, Asa 114 

Muskingum River 83 

Nabb, James 123 

Nailor, Isaac 121 

Nailor, William 121 

Names of Officers Killed and 
Wounded as per General 

Return 89 

Nance, William 114 

Nanthrup, Smith 127 

Nash, John 24 

Natches vii 

Neal, James 123 

Neal, Samuel 117 

Neel, John 115 

Neely, John I 122 

Nelson, Francis 127 

Neville, William 127 

Newhall, Israel 131 

Newland, John 117, 123 

Newton, Reuben 131 

Nicholas, Thomas 121 

Night, Kind of on 6th 50 

Norman, John 126 

Norris, Captain 97 

Norris, Captain John 36, 89 

Norris, Edward n6 

Norris, John ii6 

Norton, Patrick 131 

Nurchsted, Henry 131 

Nute, Isaac 130 

Nute, Jacob 130 

Nute, Jonathan 130 

Nutter, Henry 130 



Obah, Jack 119 

O'Fallon, John 21, 22, 123 

Official List of Killed and Wounded 88 

O'Niel, Henry 118 

Original Occupancy of America. . vi 

Orr, Montgomery 130 

Orton, John Za 115 

Ousley, John 25 

Owen, Abraham, Aid-de-Canip. . 34 
Owen, Abraham, Should Have a 

Monument xix 

Owen, Colonel Abraham, 17, 22,64,89 
Owen, Colonel Abraham, Biog- 
raphy 64 

Owen, Colonel Abraham, Fell ... 54 
Owen, Colonel, on a White Horse . 54 
Owen, Harrison's Official Report 

on 65 

Owens, David, junior 121 

Owens, John 121 

Owens, Randolph 118 

Owens, Thomas 114 

Palmer, James 125 

Palmer, Thomas 123 

Palmore, Martin 1 20 

Parke, Benjamin 1 13, 122 

Parke, Captain Benjamin 3G 

Parke, Captain, Promoted on the 

Field 60 

Parker, James 127 

Parker, Lemuel 126 

Pashy, Dominic 119 

Patrick, Obediah F 120 

Paxton, Joseph 24 

Pea, Abraham 119 

Pea, John 122 

Pearcy, Jacob 1 30 

Pearsall, Jacob 117 

Peck, Adam 117 

Peck, Benjamin S 127 

Peudegrass, Michael 127 

Penelton, Charles 117 

Penkitt, James 127 

Penny, William 118 

Perkins, William 130 

Perkins, William B 125 

Perry, Edward 123 

Perry, John 117 

Perry, Joseph 116 

Perry, Richard 1 30 

Perry, Silas 1 29 

Perry, William 123 

Person, William 117 

Persons, Elisha 127 

Peters, First Lieutenant George P. 35 

Peters, George P 129 

Peters, George P., Lieutenant. . . 89 

Peters, William 115 

Peterson, Ezra C 126 

Pettingall, Joseph 125 

Pettis, Samuel 131 

Pettitt, Daniel 121 

Petty, James S 123 

Peyton, Daniel 121 

Peyton, Micajah 117 

Pfnner, Samuel 114 

Philip, King, Effort to Form Con- 
federacy X 

Phillips, James 131 

Piatt, Captain 104 

Piatt, Captain, Chief Quarter- 
master 34 

Pickard, Alpheus 118 

Piercall, Jeremiah 114 

Fierce, Moses 128 

Pike, James 129 



Pike, Zebulon M 123 

Pinel, James 127 

Pinkley, John 127 

Pipps, Curtis 130 

Pittsburgh 16 

Pixley, Samuel 125 

Plaster, Michael 25 

Poignaud, D. R 21 

Poland, Joseph 129 

Polk, Charles 68 

Polk, Elizabeth 68 

Polk, Robert 120 

Polk, William 112 

Poniaroy, William 131 

Pontiac, Cause of Failure xii 

Pontiac, Effort of in 1763 x 

Pontiac, Plans of xii 

Pool, Benjamin 121 

Pooler, Orange 128 

Pope, George F 113 

Population of the Prophet's Town 15 

Porter, Samuel 125 

Posey, Captain John 36 

Potts, Richard n6 

Pound, Sanmcl 25 

Pound, Vinyard 121 

Powell, Kader 116 

Prather, Brazil 116 

Prather, Loyd . 117 

Prather, Sion 123 

Prentice Ellas 130 

Prescott, Captain George W . . . . 35 

Prescott, George W s . 125 

Prescott Reinforces Left Flank.. 6i 

President, Proclamation of 83 

Pride, William 119 

Pride, Woolsey 119 

Priest, Peter 15 

Prince; William 113, 122 

Pritchett, Samuel 125 

Prophet and His Party Deter- 
mined to Attack Harrison .... 101 

Prophet, Deatii of 63 

Prophet Explains How His Charms 

Failed 62 

Prophet Fled from Battle-Ground, xvii 
Prophet Flees from the Town ... 63 
Prophet, His Incantations, etc., 

Night Before Battle 51 

Prophet May Have Selected 

Battle-Ground 44 

Prophet on a Rock West of the 

Field 62 

Prophet, The xi, i 

Prophet, The, Character of . . .xiv, 3 
Prophet, The, Deception of the 

Indians by Him xv 

Prophet, The, Endeavors to Send 
Messengers to Governor Har- 
rison 99 

Prophet, The, Incantations of... 15 
Prophet, The, No Ordinary "Med- 
icine Man" 5 

Prophet, The, Princijile by Which 
He Professed to be Gov- 
erned 10 1 

Prophet, The, Refuge in Wild Cat 

Creek with Huron Indians. . . 99 
Prophet, The, Sent Messengers to 

Harrison 28 

Prophet's Banditti 30 

Prouty, Jacob 1 28 

Purcell, Andrew 122 

Purcell, James 119 

Purcell, Jon'n 118, 120 

Purcell, Noah 112 



Purcell, William 122 

Purpose of the Indians in Wars 

on Whites vi 

Putman, Haz 118 

Putman, Lahen 117 

Putman, Reding 117 

Quantity of Land Occupied by In- 
dians viii 

Quick, Aron 120 

Rand, Jacob D 125 

Randolph, Thomas 25, 72, 122 

Randolph, Thomas, Acting Aid- 

deCamp 34 

Randolph, Death of 73 

Ransdell, Edward 114 

Ransdell, Sandford 114 

Ransdill, Marcus D 131 

Rathbone, Isaac 127 

Ravellett, Antoine 119 

Rayment, Timothy R 123 

Rayson, William 117 

Ready, William 112 

Redman, Regin 112 

Reed, Daniel 128 

Reed, John 121 

Reed, William 131 

Reel, Frederick 115 

Reel, Lewis 119 

Reittre, Francis D 131 

Reno, Joseph 119 

Resolution of Legislature of Ken- 
tucky 78 

Resolution of Legislature of Ter- 
ritory of Indiana 77 

Return March Began November 

9th 76 

Rice, John 1 30 

Ricker, Isaac 129 

Ricker, Stephen 1 30 

Rider, George 123 

Ridley, Joseph 118 

Riggs, John 116 

Right Flank Drives the Enemy. . 62 

Riley, Robert 127 

Risley, Daniel 119 

Risley, John 119 

Risley, Samuel 118 

Robb, Captain David 36 

Robb, David 115 

Robb, David, Biography of 48 

Robb, James 49 

Robb, John 115 

Robb Reinforces Spencer 61 

Roberts, James 128 

Robertson, Hezekiah ....121 

Robertson, James 121 

Robertson, James, junior 121 

Robertson, J 97 

Robertson, Robert, junior 121 

Robinson, David 128 

Robinson, George 116 

Robinson, Jeremiah 115 

Robinson, Jonah 115 

Robinson, Jonathan 125 

Rodman, Daniel 127 

Rodarmel, John 120 

Rogers, Isaac 115 

Rogers, John 115 

Rollins, John M 130 

Rollings, Mayhew 128 

Roods, Frederick 131 

Roquest, Samuel n8 

Rose, Mathias 122 

Ross, Charles F 123 

Ross, Hugh 123 

Ross, John 125 



Ross, Lieutenant Presley 36 

Ross, Presley 23 

Roster of the Command 35 

Route, The, on Left Banks of 

Wabash 37 

Rowell, John 130 

Royce, Amos 127 

Rubbe, Henry 122 

Ruby, Townly 117 

Rusherville, Mitchcl 118 

Russel, Joseph 131 

Russell, Thaddeus B 131 

Sallis, Lucius 130 

Sallinger, Reuben 122 

Sand, Samuel 114 

Sandborn, John 126 

Sandborn, Robert 125 

Sanders, Ben 21, 22 

Sanders, Benjamin 123 

Sanders, Zebolon 126 

Sanderson, William M 128 

Sandridge, Moses 116 

Sage, James 123 

Sansusee, Joseph 119 

Sargeant, Seth 125 

Sargeants, William 131 

Scales, Benjamin 117 

Scales, William 117 

Scott, Captain Tliomas. . . ; 36 

Scott, Charles 123 

Scott, Colonel John M., Letter 

from Harrison to 102 

Scott, Governor 21, 99 

Scott, Governor of Kentucky. ... 28 

Scott, John 118 

Scott, John M.-, Colonel, Extract 

from Letter of 94 

Scott, Thomas 118 

Scull, Doctor Edward 89 

Scull, Edward 113 

Sealy, Lewis 115 

Search for a Camp-Ground 42 

Seaton, Hawson 122 

Seaton, John 122 

Selvey, William 115 

Seranne, Eustace 119 

Sergeant, Wilson 121 

Sewey, Greenlief 125 

Sharpless, William 126 

Shaw, Hugh 116 

Shaw, William 23, 112 

Shawnees, Tecumseh and the 

Prophet 7 

Shays, John 125 

Sheldon, James 125 

Shelton, Daniel ..127 

Shelton, Everett 128 

Shennett, Antoine 119 

Sherwood, Peter 116 

Shields, Barnard 126 

Shields, Benjamin 113 

Shields, Booker 115 

Shields, Joshua 114 

Shields, Patrick 25 

Shipman, James 116 

Shipp, Edmund 25 

Shouse, Thomas 115 

Shuck, William 119 

Shucks, Christover 114 

Signals, Indian, During Battle . . 56 

Silver, John 125 

Sillaway, Ephraim 128 

Simpson, Nathaniel 126 

Skelton, Jacob 117 

Skelton, James 118 

Skelton, Robert 118 




Skelton, William 1 1 8 

Skelton, Zachary 117 

Skidmore, James 118 

Slaughter, John W 25 

Slaven, John ...115 

Slawson, Jesse 122 

Slead, Reuben 117 

Smilie, Staiitou 130 

Smith, Charles iij, 122 

Smith, David 116 

Smith, James 113, 114, 116 

Smith, Jared 28 

Smith, John 23, 124, 128 

Smith, John I 123 

Smith, Joseph 25 

Smith, Samuel 128 

Snelling, Captain Josiah 35 

Snelling, Captain Josiah, junior . 36 
SnelUng, Captain, Left iu Com- 
mand of Fort Harrison 76 

Snelling, Josiah 124 

Snider, Jacob 114 

Snow, Nathan 1 27 

Somerville, Mr 20 

Soper, Elias 125 

Soudriett, Charles 118 

Souther, Samuel 129 

Spalding, Samuel H 131 

Sparrowk, Rowland 1 29 

Speed, James and Joshua 19 

Speed, Judge John 19 

Speed, Judge John, Address of.. 20 

Spencer, Captain Spier 36, 89 

Spencer, Captain Spier, Heroic 

Death of 67 

Spencer, Daniel 128 

Spencer, George 114 

Spencer, James 114 

Spencer Killed 61 

Spencer, Spier 113 

Spencer, Spier, Biography 67 

" Spencer's Yellow Jackets ". . . . 68 

Spragen, John 131 

Springville Has Now Disappeared 74 

Spunks, Thomas 25 

Stacey, V/illiam 116 

Stafford, Thomas 23 

Stapleton, James 114 

Stapleton, Joshua 118 

Stark, Isaac 121 

Stark, Moses 121 

St. Clair 26 

St. Clair, John 128 

Steen, Clanton 123 

Steen, James 122 

Stephenson, James 131 

Stephenson, Lutiier 126 

Stephenson, William 129 

Stevens, William 115 

Stewart, James 114 

Stillwell, Jacob L 121 

Stillwell, Joseph 121 

Stites, Peter R 128 

Stockwell, Samuel 121 

Stoker, Benjamin 115 

Stone Eater 56 

Stone, Westley 125 

Stoney, William 126 

Stroude, Isham 113 

Sturgen, Robert 123 

Suck, Edward R 131 

Sullivan, Daniel 112 

Sullivan, G. R. C 112 

Sullivan, Thomas 115 

Summerville, James 25 

Suverns, John 115 



Sweeney, Mordecai 123 

Taylor and Clarke Report on 

Camp-Ground 43 

Taylor, Anthony 122 

Taylor, Commodore Richard .... 99 

Taylor, James 117 

Taylor, John 113 

Taylor, Josiah 117 

Taylor, Lewis 1 29 

Taylor, Walter m 

Taylor, Walter, Major 34 

Taylor, Wilson 25 

Taylor, Zachary 26 

Tecumseh i» 2, 14 

Tecumseh Aspires to be a Second 

I'ontiac 3 

Tecumseh Claimed to be Inspired 

by the Great Spirit xiii 

Tecumseh, Date of Death of . . . . 77 
Tecumseh, Epitome of His Char- 
acter xvii 

Tecumseh Failed in His Attempt 

to Found Confedeiacy 77 

Tecumseh Familiar with Former 

Treaties xiii 

Tecumseh, Fate of xvii 

Tecumseh Goes Over to the British 77 
Tecumseh, Letter to Harrison. . . 13 

Tecumseh, Meaning of i 

Tecumseh Not Chief by Birthright 5 
Tecumseh, Not Known Positively 

Who Killed xvii 

Tecumseh, Prophetic Vision of 

the Fate of His People 7 

Tecumseh, Report of His March- 
ing on Vincennes with Three 
Hundred Warriors 98 

Tecumseh Returns to Find His 

Plans Destroyed xvii 

Tecumseh's Attempt to Unite all 

the Indians xi 

Tecumseh's Conception of a Con- 
federacy xii 

Tecumseh Spoke of the Attack as 
an ' ' Unfortunate Transac- 
tion " 75 

Tecumseh Starts South 15 

Tecumseh Visits Far and Wide . . xiv 
Tecumseh, Visit to Vincennes. . . 7 

Tennesson, Robert 116 

Terre Haute 6, 25 

Thayer, Morten 131 

Thomas, Josiah 122 

Thompson, Benjamin 117 

Thompson, John 123 

Thompson, Robert 128 

Thompson, Samuel 127 

Thomson, Daniel L 130 

Thorn, Absolom 118 

Thorn, Asa 119 

Thrasher, Phillip 125 

Tibbets, Samuel 131 

Tibbetts, Joseph 125 

Tilferro, John 117 

Tilton, Israel 126 

Tims, James 120 

Tippecanoe, Assembling of the 

Warriors at xvi 

Tippecanoe, Battle of, Avant-Cou- 

rier of War of 1812 xviii 

Tippecanoe, Battle of, End of 

Confederacy of Tecumseh ... xvi 
Tippecanoe, Battle of, of Lasting 
Importance xviii 



Tippecanoe, Home of Tecumseh 
aud the Prophet Burned to 

the Ground xvi 

Tippecanoe, Meaning of 4 

Tippecanoe, Town of 3 

Tippin, Robert 117 

Tipton, John 113 

Tipton, John, Made Captain at 

the Battle 90 

Tissler, William 121 

Tobin, Joseph 116 

Todd, H ugh 115 

Todd, Levi L 85 

Todd, William 115 

Topale, Baptist 118 

Town Destroyed 76 

Town Occupied on November 8th, 76 

Tracy, James 126 

Trasher, John 125 

Treaty of 1775 ix 

Treaty of 18 18 ix 

Trigg, Thomas 25 

Trigg, William 25 

Trowbridge, Ira T 131 

Tucker, Aaron 125 

Tucker, Henry 129 

Tucker, John 117 

Tally, William T 23 

Turnald, Noah 130 

Turner, William 129 

Tuthill, David 128 

Tuttle, Isaac 130 

Twedle, Isaac 118 

Tweedle, James 115 

Tweedle, William 115 

Twilley, George 123 

Twitchell, Anson 1 28 

Uchees vii 

United States and Great Britain, 

Strained Relations g 

United States, Policy of Toward 

Indians 6 

Valmare, Nicholas 119 

Vampett, Thomas Parker 116 

Vanderford, Benjamin 127 

Venables, Benjamin 114 

Vest, Isham 114 

Vickery, John 131 

Vincennes 14 

Vines, Thomas C 115 

Virginia 12 

Virgin, John 126 

Voodry, Joseph 119 

Wabash 25 

'< Wabash Expedition, The ". . . . 97 

Wabash, March Begins up 31 

Wabash, The 21 

Wait, Charles 130 

Wakefield, Oliver 126 

Waldron, Timothy 130 

Walk, Abraham 25 

Walker, Adam 131 

Walker, Benjamin 119 

Walker, Isaac 119 

Walker, James 119 

Walker, John 121 

Walker, Jon'n 119 

Wallace, George 122 

Waller, John 115 

Wallingford, Jonathan 128 

Waltz, Henry 24 

Ward, Henry 116 

Ward, Richard 123 

Warnick, Joseph 121 




Warnock, Joseph 97 

Warrick, Captain 89 

Warrick, Captain Jacob 3O 

Warrick , J acob 114 

Warrick Mortally Wounded 60 

Watson, John S 130 

Watson, William 118 

Watts, John 114 

Way, Ebenezer 125 

Wayman, E 117 

Wayne, General 2 

Wayne, General, How he Marched 39 

Weathers, James 115 

Weathers, John 117 

Webb, John P 125 

Welch, John 130 

Welch, Leman E 129 

Wells, David 128 

Wells, General 22 

Wells, General, Dinner to 99 

Wells, George W 25 

Wells, Major 21 

Wells, Major, Charges the Enemy 61 
Wells, Major General Samuel. . . 17 

Wells, Major Samuel 36 

Wells, Samuel 23 

Wells, Silas 1 26 

Welton, John 118 

Welton, William 118 

Wentworth, Ichabod 130 

Wentworth, Jedediah 129 

Wentworth, Paul 129 

Were the Results of Campaign 

Worth the Cost ? 86 

Wescott, Isaac 126 

West, Thomas 116 

Westfall, Abr'm 118 

Westfall, Andrew 118 

Westrope, Richard 118 

Wethendl, Nathaniel 127 

Wetherill, Neh'm 131 

Whalin, Mark 125 

Whealor, Robert 118 

Whealor, Samuel 118 

Wheeler, John 114 

Wheelock, Ezra 131 

Whetstone, Peter 115 

Whipple, James 127 

Whitacor, Edward 118 

White Horse Mentioned 54 

Whitehouse, Roljert 130 

White, Isaac 1 23 

White, Lee 23 

White, Samuel W 25 

White, Thomas 119 

White Loon 56 

Whitely, John 125 

Whood, Silas 130 

Wilcox, Giles 125 

Wild Cat Creek 63 

Wilkins, Andrew 1 20 

Wilkins, Captain Andrew 36 

Wilkins, David iia 

Wilks, Edward 1 20 

Will, Walter 118 

Willard, Josiah 128 

Willas, Jesse 118 

Willey, Jonathan 126 

Williams, Daniel 121 

Williams, James 126 

Williams, John 128 

Williams, Wm 118 

Williams, William 127 

WiUiams, Zadoc 130 

Williamson, M 23 

Willis, Samuel 23 




Wilson, Captain 36 

Wilson, Captain Walter 11, 36 

Wilson, Elliott 23 

Wilson, George 1 29 

Wilson, James 114 

Wilson, Robert 116 

Wilson, Walter 119 

Winnemac 56 

Winslow, Job 127 

Wiutersmith, Charles G 86 

Witberholt, William 116 

Witbers, Thomas I 119 

Wood, Abraham 118 

Wood, Benoni 117 

Woodrougb, Nathan 117 

Woods, Isaac 114 

Wortheu, Enoch 130 

Wounded Crowded Into Wagons. 76 

Wright, Greensberry 25 

Wright, Jon'n 114 

Wright, Joseph 116 

Wright, Pretemon 131 

Wright, William 121 

Wyandotts, The 7 

Wyant, John 123 

Wyer, David 125 

Wyman, Frederick 122 

Yenowine, Frederick ig 

Ycomaus, John 128 

Young, James 117 

Young, William 115, 118 

Zenoe, George 114 

Zenoe, J acob 113 



The Filson Club is an historical, biographical, and literary 
association located in Louisville, Kentucky. It was named after 
John Filson, the first historian of Kentucky, whose quaint little 
octavo of one hundred and eighteen pages was published at Wil- 
mington, Delaware, in 1784. It was organized May 15, 1884, 
and incorporated October 5, 1891, for the purpose, as expressed 
in its charter, of collecting, preserving, and publishing the history 
of Kentucky and adjacent States, and cultivating a taste for his- 
toric inquiry and study among its members. While its especial 
field of operations was thus theoretically limited, its practical 
workings were confined to no locality. Each member is at lib- 
erty to choose a subject and prepare a paper and read it to the 
Club, among whose archives it is to be filed. From the papers 
thus accumulated selections are made for publication, and there 
have now been issued fifteen volumes or numbers of these 
publications. They are all paper bound quartos, printed with 
pica old-style type, on pure white antique paper, with broad 
margins and halftone illustrations. They have been admired 
both at home and abroad, not only for their original and valu- 
able matter, but also for their tasteful and comely appearance. 

The Filson Club Publications. 

They are not printed for sale in the commercial sense of the 
term, but for free distribution among the members of the Club. 
There are always, however, some numbers left over after the 
members are supplied, which are either exchanged with other 
societies or sold. The following is a brief descriptive list of all 
the Club publications to date : 

t. John Filson, the first historian of Kentucky: An account 
of his life and writings, principally from original sources. Pre- 
pared for The Filson Club and read at its second meeting in 
Louisville, Kentucky, June 26, 1884, by Reuben T. Durrett, A. 
M., LL. D. , President of the Club. Illustrated with a likeness 
of Filson, a facsimile of one of his letters, and a photo-litho- 
graphic reproduction of his map of Kentucky printed at Phila- 
delphia in 1784. 4to, 132 pages. John P. Morton & Co., Printers, 
Louisville, Kentucky. 1884. Out of print. 

2. The Wilderness Road : A description of the routes of 
travel by which the pioneers and early settlers first came to 
Kentucky. Prepared for The Filson Club by Captain Thomas 
Speed, Secretary of the Club. Illustrated with a map showing 
the roads of travel. 4to, 75 pages. John P. Morton & Co., 
Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1886. Out of print. 

3. The Pioneer Press of Kentucky, from the printing of 
the first paper west of the AUeghanies, August 11, 1787, to the 
establishment of the Daily Press, 1830. Prepared for The Filson 
Club by William Henry Perrin, member of the Club. Illustrated 
with facsimiles of the Kentucky Gazette and the Farmer's 
Library, a view of the first printing-house in Kentucky, and like- 
nesses of John Bradford, Shadrack Penn. and George D. Prentice. 
4to, 93 pages. John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville, Ken- 
tucky. 1888. Out of print. 


The Filson Club Publications. 

4. Life and Times of Judge Caleb Wallace, some time a 
Justice of the Court of Appeals of the State of Kentucky. By 
Reverend William H. Whitsitt, D. D., member of The Filson 
Club. 4to, 151 pages. John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louis- 
ville, Kentucky. 1888. Out of print. 

5. An Historical Sketch of St. Paul's Church, Louisville, 
Kentucky, prepared for the Semi-Centennial Celebration, Octo- 
ber 6, 1889. By Reuben T. Durrett, A. M., LL.D., President of 
The Filson Club. Illustrated with likenesses of Reverend Will- 
iam Jackson and Reverend Edmund T. Perkins, D. t)., and views 
of the church as first built in 1839 and as it appeared in 1889. 
4to, 90 pages. John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville, Ken- 
tucky. 1889. Out of print. 

6. The Political Beginnings of Kentucky : A narrative of 
public events bearing on the history of the State up to the time 
of its admission into the American Union. By Colonel John 
Mason Brown, member of The Filson Club. Illustrated with a 
likeness of the author. 4to, 263 pages. John P. Morton & Co. , 
Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1889. Out of Print. 

7. The Centenary of Kentucky. Proceedings at the cele- 
bration by The Filson Club, Wednesday, June i, 1892, of the 
one hundredth anniversary of the admission of Kentucky as an 
independent State into the Federal Union. Prepared for publi- 
cation by Reuben T. Durrett, A. M., LL.D., President of the 
Club. Illustrated with likenesses of President Durrett, Major 
Stanton, Sieur LaSalle, and General Clark, and facsimiles of 
the music and songs at the centennial banquet. 4to, 200 pages. 
Robert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati, Ohio, and John P. Morton & 
Co., Louisville, Kentucky, Printers. 1892. $3.00. 


The Filson Club Ptiblications. 

8. The Centenary of Louisville. A paper read before the 
Southern Historical Association, Saturday, May i, 1880, in com- 
memoration of the one hundredth anniversary of the beginning 
of the City of Louisville as an incorporated town under an act 
of the Virginia Legislature. By Reuben T. Durrett, A. M.,LL. D., 
President of The Filson Club. Illustrated with likenesses of Col- 
onel Durrett, Sieur LaSalle, and General Clark. 4to, 200 pages. 
John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1893. $3.00. 

9. The Political Club, Danville, Kentucky, 1 786-1790: 
Being an account of an early Kentucky debating society from 
the original papers recently found. By Captain Thomas Speed, 
Secretary of The Filson Club. 4to, xii-i 67 pages. John P. 
Morton & Co. , Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1894. $3.00. 

10. The Life and Writings of Rafinesque. Prepared for 
The Filson Club and read at its meeting, Monday, April 2, 1894. 
By Richard Ellsworth Call, M. A., M. Sc. , M. D., member of The 
Filson Club. Illustrated with likenesses of Rafinesque and fac- 
siniUcs of pages of his Fishes of the Ohio and Botany of Louisville. 
4to, xii-227 pages. John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville, 
Kentucky. 1895. Out of print. 

11. Transylvania University: Its origin, rise, decline, and 
fall. Prepared for The Filson Club by Robert Peter, M. D. , and 
his daughter. Miss Johanna Peter, members of The Filson Club. 
Illustrated with a likeness of Doctor Peter. 4to, 202 pages. John 
P. Morton & Co. , Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1896. $3.00. 

12. Bryant's Station and the memorial proceedings held on 
its site under the auspices of the Lexington Chapter, D. A. R., 
August 18, 1896, in honor of its heroic mothers and daughters. 
Prepared for publication by Reuben T. Durrett, A. M., LL. D., 
President of The Filson Club. Illustrated with likenesses of the 


The Filson Club Publications. 

officers of the Lexington Chapter, D. A. R., President Durrett, 
Major Stanton, Professor Rancke, Colonel Young, and Doctor 
Todd, and full-page views of Bryant's Station and its spring, and 
of the battlefield of the Blue Licks. 4to, xiii-277 pages. John 
P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1897. $3.00. 

13. The First Explorations of Kentucky : The journals 
of Doctor Thomas Walker, 1750, and of Colonel Christopher Gist, 
1 75 1. Edited by Colonel J. Stoddard Johnston, Vice-President 
of The Filson Club. Illustrated with a map of Kentucky showing 
the routes of Walker and Gist through the State, with a view of 
Castle Hill, the residence of Doctor Walker, and a likeness of 
Colonel Johnston. 4to, 256 pages. John P. Morton & Co., 
Prmters, Louisville, Kentucky. 1898. $3.00. 

14. The Clay Family. Part First — The Mother of Henry 
Clay, by Honorable Zachary F. Smith, member of The Filson 
Club ; Part Second — The Genealogy of the Clays, by Mrs. Mary 
Rogers Clay, member of The Filson Club. Illustrated with a full- 
page halftone likeness of Henry Clay, of each of the authors, and 
a full-page picture of the Clay coat-of-arms ; also four full-page 
grouped illustrations, each containing four likenesses of members 
of the Clay family. 4to, vi-276 pages. John P. Morton & Co., 
Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1899. $4.00. 

15. The Battle of Tippecanoe. Part First — The Battle and 
the Battle-ground ; Part Second — Comment of the Press ; Part 
Third — Roll of the Army commanded by General Harrison. By 
Captain Alfred Pirtle, member of The Filson Club. Illustrated 
with a likeness of the author and likenesses of General William 
Henry Harrison, Colonel Joseph Hamilton Daviess, and Elkswa- 
tawa, "The Prophet," together with three full-page views and a 
plot of the battle-ground. 4to, xix-158 pages. John P. Morton & 
Co., Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1900. $3.00, 


A reduced facsimile of the first 1784 edition owned by the auth"^ "/ 
thi-i volume. This plat, carrving the well-known watermarks, WORK. 
& BF RICH," surmounted bv a ploueh, and "P P D," was engraved by 
Henry D. Pursell and printed by T. Rook for Filson m Philadelphia. 1 his 
particular CDpy of the map is without date, but of the fact that it was 
printed in 1784 there can be no doubt. 

The Filson Club Publications^ No. 35 


A facsimile reproduction of the 

Original Wilmington Edition of 1784^ with paged 

Critique y Sketch of Filson s Life 

and Bibliography 


WiLLARD Rouse Jillson, Sc. D. 
State Geologist of Kentucky 

Formerly Chairman 
Kentucky State Park Commission 

Member oj the 

American Historical Association 

Mississippi Valley Historical Association 

Kentucky State Historical Society 

and The Filson Club 

Exact Reprint of the First Map of 1784 





NJ. O 

Copyright, 1929 


WiLLARD Rouse Jillson 

First Edition, 200 Copies 


</ (^rc c- a' . 


Dedicatfd to my friends 

Rogers Clark Ballard Thruston 


Samuel Mackay Wilsok 

Distinguished Kentucky Historians 



Map of Kentucke, by John Filson .... Frontispiece 

Filson's Kentucke i 

Dedication ili 

Contents v 

Preface vii 

Wilmington Title Facsimile i 

Preface by John Filson 5 

The Discovery, Purchase and Settle- 
ment of Kentucke 7 

The Adventures of Daniel Boone 49 

The Minutes of the Piankashavv Council 82 

An Account of the Indian Nations 87 

The Stages and Distances between 
Philadelphia and the Falls of the 

Ohio 113 

Paged Critique 119 

Life Sketch of John F'ilson 139 

Bibliography 151 

Appendix 169 

Index to Filson's Map 181 

Index 191 

Facsimile of Filson's Original Map of 

Kentucke, Philadelphia, 1784. [Folded and inserted] 


NEARLY a century and a half has passed 
since John Filson put aside the pen with 
which he wrote Keniucke. It would be 
interesting to know if the goose-quilled manu- 
script still exists — probably it does not. In the 
lapse of the years the fair land he described and 
mapped in detail for the first time has changed 
from a savage-infested timberland but slightly 
settled, to a peaceful domain of abundant and 
cheerful prosperity. The Virginia "back country" 
he knew, famed by reason of its cane-filled 
meadows and great broadleaf forests as a hunter's 
paradise, is now a modern, aggressive, and pro- 
gressive Commonwealth. 

Undulating uplands shaded then by magnifi- 
cent trees and watered by a thousand limestone 
springs and branches still maintain their pri- 
meval topography and scenic charm with ever 
widening recognition as the beautiful Bluegrass 
Region of Kentucky. Scattered clearings with 
their log houses have given way, however, to 
broadly tilled plantations supporting elegant 
homes of brick and stone and wood. The 
occasional blockhouse and stockade are now 
no more, and their little heroic garrisons — men, 
women, and children — all of intrepid stripe, are 
long since gone and all too frequently forgotten. 

( viii ) 

In their places stand today many splendid 
towns and cities graced by a well-born Anglo- 
Saxon culture and refinement generally unknown 
early in the decade that preceded statehood. 

Any recitation of these and other similar 
modifications of the landscape in Kentucky 
must bring to the minds of the thoughtful a 
desire to visualize in some way the primitive 
aspect of this western part of Britain's first 
American colony — Virginia. Surely the agri- 
cultural, the timbered, and the mineral wealth 
of Kentucky has always been inherent in its 
sweeping meadows, its rolling hill lands, and its 
rugged mountains. These fundamental riches 
of nature— the kind for which men have risked 
their lives since the dawn of history — must cer- 
tainly have been, and were widely recognized 
at an early date. They formed the burden of 
the lay of each returning explorer and recon- 
teur onward from the days of Walker and Gist — 


Traversing the land and water trails of 
"Kentucke" during the latter part of the Revo- 
lution, 1782 and 1783, John Filson, the educat- 
ed, observing, fearless, and literarily inclined 
gentleman-surveyor, was the ideal geographer- 
historian of his day. After 150 years he still 
affords the best early general view of the entire 
Kentucky country. In addition he was, as I 
think the reader of these succeeding reprinted 

( ix ) 

lines will agree, in no minor way a prophet. 
Excerpts from his writings may be taken almost 
at will to substantiate this view, but, if more 
were needed, one might with assurance point to 
his part in the selection and plotting of the 
infant town Losantiville shortly to be taken 
over thereafter and renamed by the imperious 
General St. Clair in 1790 — Cincinnati. 

Of what persuasion is such genius? Should 
it have had a more general contemporary 
recognition? Is it well enough appreciated now? 
Was there not something of the spirit of the 
eighteenth-century poet and the seventeenth- 
century adventurer in the character of this too 
little known early Kentucky chronologist and 
cartographer? With faith in the unclouded 
retrospect of these many years I leave judgment 
to you. 

Much that is, and perhaps always will be, 
unaccounted for surrounds the early life of 
John Kilson. Tragedy, swift, mysterious, and 
unfathomed, stalking in the deep forests of the 
lower Miami marks its close in 1788. 

The best general insight into the unusual 
personality of the first historian and geographer 
of this Commonwealth is to be had from the 
accompanying map and the following facsimile 
pages descriptive of the discovery and settle- 
ment of ''Kentucke." This plat is reproduced 
exactly from a copy of the original Philadelphia 

( X ) 

edition of 1784 which was printed on book 
stock water marked "work & be rich," sur- 
mounted by ii plough, and "P p D" An authen- 
ticated, original, undated copy of this exceedingly 
rare first edition of John Filson's map of Ken- 
tucke — 1784, now a part of the writer's library, 
is the fountain source of inspiration behind 
this volume in which it is reproduced as the 
frontispiece. It is today the only original Filson 
map in Kentucky and one of less than half a 
dozen known to be in existence. 

The book pages are reproduced as solid 
metal plates with singular clarity by the Bush- 
Krebs Company, of Louisville, from parts of two 
copies of the original edition of Filson — 1784, 
Wilmington, loaned to me for this purpose by 
The Filson Club, through its president, R. C. 
Ballard Thruston, of Louisville, and by Samuel 
M. Wilson, of Lexington. For much excellent 
advice in connection with the publication of 
this facsimile reprint, manuscript, and map I 
am indebted to Mrs. Jouett Taylor Cannon, 
Secretary of the Kentucky State Historical 
Society, while for the preparation of the index 
I owe much to my friend Otto A. Rothert, 
Secretary of The Filson Club of Louisville. 

Frankfort, Kentucky ^^y 

Thanksgiving Day, 1929 




And prcfent State of 

K E N T U C K E: 


An ESSAY towards the Topography, 
and Natural History of that im- 
portant Country : 

To which is added. 



I. The Adventures of Col. D<7n/>/Boo», one 
of the firft Settlers, comprehending every im- 
portant Occurrence in the political Hiftory of 
that Province. 

II The Minutes of the Pianka/haiv coun- 
cil, held at Poji St. Vincents, April 15, 1784. 

III. An A c c o u N T of the Indian Nations in- 
habiting within the Limits of the Thirteen U- 
nited States, their Manners and Cuftoms, and 
Refle6lions on their Origin. 

IV. The Stages and Distances between 
Philadelphia and the Falls of the Ohio ; from 
Pittjhurg to Penfacola and feveral other Places, 
—The Whole illuftrated by a new and accu- 
rate M A P of Kentucke and the Country ad- 
joining, drawn from a6lual Surveys. 


Wilmington, Printed by James Adams, 1784. 

W 7 E the Subfcribcrs, inhabitants of 
^ ^ Kentucke> and well acquainted 
with the country from its firft fettlement, 
at the rcqueft of the author of this book, 
and map, have carefully revifed them, 
and recommend them to the public, as 
exceeding good performances, contain* 
ing as accurate a defcription of our coun- 
try as we think can poflibly be given ; 
much preferable to any in our know- 
ledge extant; and think it will be of 
great utility to the publick. Witnefs 
our hands this 1 2th day of May, Anno 

Domini 1784, 




( 5 ) 


THE generality of thofe geographers^ ivho 
have attempted a map, or dejcription of A- 
merica^ feem either to have had no hjoivledge of 
Kentucke^ or to have r.cgle^ied it, although a place 
of infinite importance : And the red have proceeded 
fo erroneoufly, that they have left the world as much 
in darknefs as bejore. Many are the miflakes, re- 
fpe£ling the fubjcct of this work, in all other maps 
ivhich I have yet leen-, ivhereas I can truly fay ^ I 
know of none in that ivhich I here pre tent to the 
world cither from my oivn particular knowledge, or 
from the injormation of thofe gentlemen with ivhofe 
afjiftance 1 have been favoured, and who have been 
well acquainted with the country fi nee the Hrd fettle - 
ment. IV hen I vifited Kentucke, I found it Jo far to 
exceed my expeBations, although great, that I con- 
cluded it was a pity; that the world had not adequate 
information of it. J conceived that a proper defcrip- 
iion, and map of ity were objeBs highly int ere fling to 
the United States ; and therefore, incredible as it may 
appear to Come, I mud declare, that this perform- 
ance is not publijhed from lucrative motives, but 
fokly to inform the world of the happy climate, and 


( 6 ) 

j>kntifitt foil of this favoured region, ^nd I ima* 
gine the reader wiU believe me the more eafily -when I 
injorm him^ that I am not en inhabitant of KentuC" 
key but having been there fome time^ by my acquaint 
tance init^ am fufficiently able to publijh the truths 
and from principle^ have cautioujly endeavoured to 
avoid every /pedes of jalfehood. The confcioufnefl of 
this ejicourages me to hope for the public candour^ 
vjhere errors may pojjibty be found. The three 
gentlemen homuring this work with their recommen- 
dation^ Col Boon^ Col. Todd^ and Col. Harrod^ were 
among the fir 11 fettlerSt ^^d perfectly well acquaint- 
ed with the country. To them 1 acknowledge m'.'jelf 
much indebted for their friendly ajji fiance in this work, 
which they chearfully contributed with a difinterejled 
view of being ferviceable to the public. My thanks 
ate more efpecially due to Col. Bcon^ who was earli- 
er acquainted with the fubjedl of this performance 
than any other now livings as appears by the ac- 
count of his adventures, which I ellecmed curious 
and inter edingy and therefore have publifjed them 
from bis own mouth. Much advantage may pojji- 
bly arife to the poffefjor of this book, as thofe who 
wijh to travel in Kentucke will undoubtedly find it 
a Compleat Guide. To fuch 1 affirm, that there is 
nothing mentioned or defer i bed but what they will 
find true. Confcious that it would be of general utility, 
I have omitted nothing, and been exceeding particu- 
lar in every part. That it may have the defirei 
effeSl, is thefincere wifh of 


C 7 ) 




O P 


TH E firft white man we have certain ac- 
counts of, who difcovered this province, 
was one James M' Bride, who, in company with 
fome others, in the year 1754, paffing down the 
Ohio in Canoes, landed at the mouth of Ken- 
tucke river, and there marked a tree, with the 
firft letters of his name, and the date, which 
remain to this day. Thele men reconnoitred 
the country, and returned home with the pleat- 
ing news oi their difcovcry of the beft tra^l of 
land in North-Amcrica^ and prohably in the 


( 8 ) 

world. From this period it remained concealed 
till about the year 1767, when one John Finley, 
and lome others, trading with the Indians, for- 
tunately travelled over the fertile region, now 
called Kentuckc, then but known to the Indi- 
ans, by the name of the Dark and Bloody 
Ground, and fometimes the Middle Ground. 
This country greatly engaged Mr. Finley's 
attention. Some time after, difputes arifmg 
between the Indians and traders, he was obliged 
to decamp ; and returned to his place of refi- 
dcnce in North-Carolina, where he communi- 
cated his difcovery to Col. Daniel Boon, and 
a few more, who conceiving it to be an inter- 
cfling obje6l, agreed in the year 1769 to un- 
dertake a journey in order to explore it. After 
a long fatiguing march, over a mountainous 
wildernefs, in a weftward direction, they at 
length arrived upon its borders ; and from the 
top of an eminence, with joy and wonder, de- 
fcried the beautiful landfcape of Kentucke. 
Here they encamped, and fome went to hunt 
provifions, which were readily procured, there 
being plenty of game, while Col. Boon and 
Jolni Finley made a tour through the country, 
which they found far exceeding their expec- 
tations, and returning to camp, informed 
their companions of their difcoverics : But in 
fpite of this promifmg beginning, this company, 
meeting with nothing but hardlhips and adver- 


( 9 ) 
fity, grew exceedingly dlHieartened, and was 
plundered, difperfed, and killed by the Indians, 
except Col. Boon, who continued an inhabitant 
of the wilderncfs until the year 1771/ when, 
he returned home. 

About this time Kentucke had drawn the at- 
tention of feveral gentlemen. Doflor Walk- 
er of Virginia, with a number more, made a 
tour wertward for difcoveries, endeavouring to 
find the Ohio river ; and afterwards he and Gene- 
ral Lewis, at Fort Stanwix, purchafed from the 
Five Nations ot Indians the lands lying on tht 
north fide of Kentucke. Col. Donaldfon, of 
Virginia, being employed by the State to run 
a' line from fix miles above the Long Ifland, on 
Holllein. to the mouth of the great Kenhawa, 
and finding thereby that an extenfive tra6t of 
excellent country would be cut off to the Indi- 
ans, was folicitcd, by the inhabitants of Clench 
and Holftein, to purchafe the lands lying on the 
north fide of Kentucke river from the Five Na- 
tions. This purchafe he complcated for five 
hundred pounds, fpecie. It was then agreed, 
to fix a boundary line, running from the long 
Ifland on Holftein to the head of Kentucke ri- 
ver : thence down the fame to the mouth i 
thence up the Ohio, to the mouth of Great 
Kenhawa ; but this valuable purchafe the State 
refuled to confirm. 

B Col. 

( 'o ) 

Col. Henderlbn, of North-Carolina, being 
informed of this country by Col. Boon, he, and 
lome other gentlemen, held a treaty with the 
Cherokee Indians at Wataga, in March 1775* 
and then purchafed from them the lands lying 
on the fouth fide of Kcntucke river for goods» 
at valuable rates, to the amount of fix thoufand 
pounds, fpecie. 

Soon after this purchafe, the State of Virginia 
took the alarm, agreed to pay the money Col. 
Donaldfon had contra6ted for, and then dif- 
puted Col. Henderfon's right of purchafe, as a 
private gentlemen of another ftate, in behalf of 
himfelf : However, for his eminent fervices to 
this country, and for having been inftrumental 
in making fo valuable an acquifition to Virginia 
that ftate was pleafed to reward him with a tra6t 
of land, at the mouth of Green River, to the 
amount of two hundred thoufand acres ; and 
the ftate of North-Carolina gave him the like 
quantity in Powcl's Valley. This region was 
formerly claimed by various tribes of Indians ; 
whofe title, if they had any, originated in Inch 
a manner, as to render it doubtful which ought 
to poflefs it : Hence this fertile fpot became an 
object ot contention, a theatre of war, from 
which it was properly denominated the Bloody- 
Grounds. Their contentions not being likely 
to decide the Right to any particular tribe, as 


( " ) 

toon as Mr. Henderfon and his friends propofed 
to purchafe, the Indians agreed to fell; and 
notwithftanding the valuable Confideration they 
received, have continued ever fince troublelome 
neighbours to the new fettlers. 


KENTUCKE is fituated, in its central 
part, near the latitude of 38 " north, and 85° 
weft longitude, and lying within the fifth cli- 
mate, its longeft day is 14 hours 40 minutes. It 
is bounded on the north by great Sandy-creek ; 
by the Ohio on the N, W. by North-Carolina 
on the fouth ; and by the Cumberland moun- 
tain on the eaft, being upwards of 250 miles 
in length, and two hundred in breadth ; and is 
at prefent divided into three counties, Lincoln, 
Fayetteand JefFerfon; of which Fayette and Jefter- 
fon are bounded by the Ohio, and the river Ken- 
tucke' feparates Fayette on its north fide from 
the other two. There are at prefent eight towns 
laid off, and building ; and more are propofed. 

Louifville, at the Falls of Ohio, and Beards- 
town, are in Jefferfon county j Harrod{burg» 
Danville, and Boons-burrow, in Lincoln coun- 
ty ; Lexington, Lees-town, and Greenville, in 
Fayette county j the two laft being on Kentuc- 
ke river. At thcfe and many other places, on 


( 12 ) 

this and other rivers, infpefting-houics are efta- 
blifhed for Tobacco, which may be cultivated 
to great advantage j although not altogether the 
ftaple commodity of the country. 


THE beautiful river Ohio, bounds Kentucke in 
Its whole length, being a mile and fometimes lefs 
in breadth, and is fufficicnt to carry boats of great 
burthen. Its general courfe is fouth 60 degrees 
"well ; and in its courfe it receives numbers of large 
arid fmall rivers, which pay tribute to its glo- 
ry. The only difadvantage this fine river has, 
is a rapid, one mile and an half long, and one 
mile and a quarter broad, called the Falls of 
Ohio. In this place the river runs over a rocky 
bottom, and the defcent is fo gradual, that the 
fall does not probably in the whole exceed 
twenty feet. Jn fome places we may obferve it 
to fall a few feet. When the ftream is low, 
empty boats only can pafs and repafs this ra- 
pid; their lading mufl be tranfported by land ; 
but when high, boats of any burthen may pafs 
5n fafcty. Excepting this place, there is not a 
finer river in the world for navigation by boats. 
Befides this, Kentucke is watered by eigln fmal- 
ler rivers, and many large and fmall creeks, 
as may be eafily feen in the map. 


( >3 ) 

Licking River heading in the mountains *with 
Cumberland River, and the North Branch of 
Kentucke, runs, in a N. W. Jire(5tion for up- 
wards of a hundred miles. colle6ting its filvcr 
ftreams from many branches, and is about one 
hundred yards broad at its mouth. 

Red River heads and interlocks with the maiti 
branch of Licking, and flows in a S, WcR 
courfe into Kentucke River, bemg about fixty 
miles long, and fixty yards wide at its mouth. 

The Kentucke River rifes with three heads 
from a mountainous part of the Country, its 
northern branch interlocks with Cumberland ; 
runs half way in a weflern dire6lion, and the 
other half N. wefterly. It is amazingly crook- 
ed, upwards of two hundred miles in length, 
and about one hundred and fifty yards broad. 

Elkhorn is a fmall river which empties itfelf 
into Kentucke in a N. W. by W. courfe ; is 
about fifty miles long, and fifty yards broad at 
the mouth. 

Dick's River joins the Kentucke in a N, 
Weft direfiion ; is about forty-five miles long, 
and forty-five yards wide at its mouth. This 
river curioufly heads and interlocks its branches 
with Salt River, Crten River, and the waters 


( >4 ) 

of Rock-caftlc River. — Salt River rifes at four 
different places near each other. The windings of 
this river arc curious, rolling its ftreams round 
a fpacious tract of fine land, and uniting almoft 
fifteen miles before they approach the Ohio, and 
twenty miles below the Falls. It is amazingly 
crooked, runs a weflern courfc near ninety 
miles, and is about eighty yards wide at the 

Green River interlocking with the heads of 
Dick's River, as mentioned above, is alio a- 
mazingly crooked, keeps a weftern courfe for 
upwards of one hundred and fifty miles, and is 
about eighty yards wide at its mouth, which is 
about two hundred and twenty miles belov/ the 

Cumberland River, interlocks with the north- 
ern branch of Kentuckc, is aforefaid, and rol- 
ling round the other arms of Kentuckc, among 
the mountains, in a foutliein courfe for one 
hundred miles ; then in a fouth weftcrn courle 
for above one hundred miles ; then in a fouth- 
crn and S. weftcrn courle for about two hun- 
dred and fifty more, finds the Ohio, four hun- 
dred and thirteen miles below the Falls. At 
the fettlemcnts it is two hundred yards broad ; 
and at its mouth three hundred, having paf- 


( 15 ) 

fed through North-Carolina in about half its 

The Great Kenhawa, or New River, rifes in 
North-Carolina, runs a northern, and N. Weft 
courfe for upwards of four hundred miles, and 
finds the Ohio four hundred miles above the 
Falls. It is about five hundred yards wide at 
its mouth. Thcfe two rivers are juft mentioned, 
being beyond our limits. They run contrary 
courfes, are exceeding large, and it is worth 
notice, that Clench, Holftein, Nolachuckey, and 
French- Broad rivers, take their rife between 
thefe two, or rather weftward of New River, 
fome of them rifmg and interlocking with it ; 
and when they meet, form what is called the 
Tenefe, or Cherokee River, which runs a weft- 
em courfe, and finds the Ohio twelve miles 
below Cumberland River. It is very large, and 
has fpacious trafts ot fine land. 

Thefe rivers are navigable for boats almoft 
to their fources, without rapids, for the great- 
eft part of the year. This country is ge- 
nerally level, and abounding with hmeftonc, 
which ufually lies about fix feet deep, except in 
hollows, where ftreams run, where we find the 
rock in the bottom of the channel. 

The fprings and ftreams leflcn in June, and 


( i6 ) 

Continue low, hindering navigation, until No- 
vember, when the autumnal rains foon pre- 
pare the rivers for boats, and replenifh the 
whole country wirh water j but ahhough the 
ftreams decrcafe, yet there is always fufficicnt 
for domeftic ufes. There are many fine fprings, 
that never tail ; every farmer has a good one at 
lead i and excellent wells may eafily be duj. 

Nature of the SOIL* 

THE country, m fome parts, is nearly level ; 
in others not fo much fo ; in others again hilly, 
bnt moderately, and in fuch places there is 
moft water. The levels are not like a carpet, 
but mterfpeiTed with Imall rifings, and declivi- 
ties, which form a beautiful profpedl. A great 
part of the foil is amazingly fertile ; fome not 
fo good, and fome poor. The inhabitants dif- 
tinguifh its quality by firft, lecond, and third 
rate lands ; and Icarcely any luch thing as a 
marfh or fwamp is to be found. There is a 
ridge, where Kentucke rifes, nearly of the lize 
of a mountain, which in the map wc have 
rcprefented as fuch. 

All the land below the Great Kenhawa un- 
til we come near the waters of Licking River 
is broken, hilly, and generally poor; except 
in fome valleys, and on Little and Big Sandy 


( '7 ) 
creeks, where there is fome firft rate land, but 
moftly fecond and third rate. It is faid, that 
near this water is found a pure fait rock. Up- 
on the north branch of Licking, we find a great 
body of firfl: rate land. This ftream runs near- 
ly parallel to the Oliio for a confiderable di- 
fiance, and is about feven miles from the mouth, 
of Limeftone Creek, where is a fine harbour 
for boars coming down the Ohio, and now a 
common landing. It is fixty-five miles from 
Lexington, to which there is a large waggon 
road. The main branch of Licking, is about 
twenty- two miles from Limeftone. On this 
flream we find fome firfl, but moftly fbcond 
and third rate lands, and towards its head 
fomeihing hilly. There we find the Blue Licks, 
two fine lalt fprings, where great plenty of fait 
may be made. Round thefe licks, the foil is 
poor for fome diftance, being much impregnat- 
ed with fait. 

The fouthem branch of Licking, and all its 
other arms, as appears in the map, fprcad 
through a great body of nrft, and lome fecond 
rate land, where there is abundance of cane, 
and fome fait licks, and fprings. On thefe Icve- 
ral branches of Licking, are good mill-feats, and 
navigation to the Ohio, from the fork down to 
its mouth. The land is hilly, and generally 

C poor. 

( '8 ) 

poor, yet along the ftreams and in valleys wc 
£nd fome excellent land. 

The Elkhorn lands arc much cfteemcd, being 
fituated in a bend of Kentuckc River, of great 
extent, in which this littte river, or rather large 
cieek, rifes. Here wc find moftly firft rate 
land, and neai' the Kentuckc River fecond and 
third rate. This great tra£f is beautifully fitu- 
ated, covered with cane, wild rye, and clover j 
and many of the ilreams afford fine mill 

The lands below the mouth of Elkhorn, 
up Eagle Creek, and towards the Ohio, are hilly 
and poor« except thofe contained in a great 
bend of the Ohia, oppofite Great Miami, cut 
off, as appears in the map, by the Big-bone 
and Bank-lick creeks, interlocking, and run- 
ning feparate courfes. Here we find a great deal 
of good land^ but fomething hilly. 

On Kentucke River we find many fertile 
valleys, or bottoms along the river, cfpecially 
towards its rife. There is good land alfo on 
Red River, but towards the heads of this, and 
Kentucke, the foil is broken ; but even here, 
we find in valleys, and along ftreams, a great 
deal of fruitful land. Generally the foil within 
a mile or two of Kentucke River is of the third 


( >9 ) 

and fourth rates ; from about that diftance, as 
we leave it on either fide, wc approach good 
lands. The country through which it winds its 
courfe, for the moft part, may be confidered as 
Jevei to its banks, or rather precipices j from the 
brow of which, we behold the river, three and 
fomctimcs four hundred feet deep, like a great 
canal. For a more particular account of this, 
we refer the reader to where we' treat of the cu- 
riofities of Kcntucke. 

Dick's River runs through a great body of 
firft rate land, abounding every where with 
cane, and affords many excellent mill feats. 
Many mills are already built on this ftream, 
fome of which are rcprefcnted in the map, and 
will have a plentiful fupply of water in the dry- 
c(l feafons. The banks of this river, near ns 
mouth, are fimilar to the banks ot Kcntucke. 
The feveral dreams and branches of Salt River 
afford excellent mill ieats. Thefe roll them- 
felves through a great traft of excellent land, 
but the country from the junftion of thefe 
waters, and fome miles above towards the Ohio, 
which may be about twenty-five miles, is level 
and poor, and has abundance of ponds. For a 
confiderable diflance from the head of this 
river, the land is of the firft quality, well fitu- 
ated, and abounds with fine cane. Upon this, 


( 20 ) 

and Dick's River, the inhabitants are chiefly fet- 
tled, it being the fafeft part of the country from 
the incurfions of the Indians. 

Green River, affords excellent mill feats» and 
a conflant flream. This is allowed to be the 
beft watered part of Kentucke. On its banks we 
find many fine bottoms, fome firft rate, but 
moflly fecond and third rate lands ; and at fome 
dillance, many knobs, ridges, and broken poor 
]and. Below a creek, called Sinking Creek, on 
this river, within fifty miles of Ohio, towards 
Salt River, a great territory begins, called 
Green River Barrens, extending to the Ohio. 
Mod of this is very good land, and level. It 
has no timber, and little water, but affords 
excellent pafturage for cattle. On fome parts 
of this river, we find abundance of cane, fome 
fait licks, and fulphureous and bituminous 
iprings. South ot Green River, in the lands 
referved for the continental, and flate troops of 
Virginia, an exceeding valuable lead mine has 
lately been difcovered. Iron ore is found on 
Rough Creek, a ftream running into this river. 
That part of Cumberland Riyer which is in the 
Kentucke country, traverfes a hilly poor land, 
though in fome parts we find good foil along its 
/ides. The other rivers I mentioned (viz. Great 
Kenhawa, and Tenefe) are not in the Kentucke 
country, and therefore do not come properly 
within my plan. The 

( ^l ) 

The reader, by caftinghis eye upon the map, and 
viewing round the heads of Licking, fromtheOhio, 
and round the heads of Kcntucke, Dick's River, 
and down Green River to the Ohio, may view, 
in that great compais of above one hundred 
miles fquare, the moft extraordinary country 
that the fun enlightens with his celeftial beams. 

The Ohio River, the great refervoir of all 
the numerous rivers that flow into it from both 
fides, has many fine valleys along its fides ; and 
we obferve that oppofite to each of them there is 
a hill ; thefe hills and bottoms changing fides al- 
ternately. It only remains under this head to 
inform the reader, that there is a great body of 
firft rate land near the Falls, or Rapids, called 
Bare-grafs j and it will be fufficient juft to men- 
tion that the country on the N. Weft fide of the 
Ohio, fome of the waters of which I have repre- 
fented in the map, is allowed by all travellers to 
be a moft fertile, level country, and well wa- 


THIS country is more temperate and healthy 
than the other fettled parts of America. In 
Summer it wants thefandy heats which V^irginia 
and Carolina experience^ and receives a fine air 


( « ) 

from Its rivers. In Winter, whichat nioftonly lafls 
three months, commonly two, and is but feldom 
fcvcre, the people are fafe in bad houfes; and the 
beads have a good fupply without fodder. The 
Winter begins about Chiiflmas, and ends about 
the firft of March, at fartheft docs not exceed 
the middle of that month. Snow feldom falls 
deep or lies long. The weft winds often bring 
ftorms, and the eaft winds clear the {ky ; but 
there is no fteady rule ot weather in that refpeft 
as in the northern ftates. The weft winds arc 
ibmetimes cold and nitrous. The Ohio running 
in that diredion, and there being mountains on 
that quarter, the wefterly winds by fweeping 
along their tops, in the cold regions of the air, 
and over a long tradl of frozen water, collect cold 
in their courfe, and convey it over the Kentuc- 
ke country ; but the weather is not fo intenfely 
feverc as thefe winds bring with them in PennlyU 
vania. The air and feafons depend very much 
on the winds, as to heat and cold, drynefs and 


THE foil of Kcntucke is of a loofe, deep black 
mould, without fand, in the firft rate lands 
about two or three teet deep, and exceeding lux- 
urious in all its productions. In fome places the 
mould inclines to brown. In fome the wood, as 


( 23 ) 

the natural confequcnce of too rich a foil, is of 
little value, appearing like dead timber and large 
ilumps in a field lately cleared. Thefe parts arc 
not confiderable. The country in general may be 
confidered as well timbered, producing large trees 
of many kinds, and to be exceeded by no country 
in variety. Thofe which are peculiar to Kentucke 
are thefugar-tree, which growsin all parts in great 
plenty, and furnifhes every family with plenty of 
excellent fugar. The honey- locuft is curioufly 
furrounded with large 'rhorny fpikes, bearing 
broad and long pods in form of peas, has a 
fweet tafte, and makes excellent beer. 

The cofFee-tree greatly refembles the black 
oak, grows large, and alfo bears a pod, in which 
is cnclofed good coftee. The pappa-tree does 
not grow to a great fize, is a foft wood, bears 
a fine fruit much like a cucumber in fhape and 
fize, and taftes fweet. The cucumber-tree is 
fmall and foft, with remarkable leaves, bears a 
fruit much refembling that from which it is nam- 
ed. Black mulberry-trees are in abundance. The 
wild cherry-tree is here frequent, of a large fize, 
and fupplies the inhabitants with boards for all 
their buildings. Here alfo is the buck-eye, an 
exceeding foft wood, bearing a remarkable black 
fruit, and fome other kinds of trees not common 
clfewhere. Here is great plenty of fine cane, on 
M'hich the cattle feed, and grow fat. This plant 


( 24 ) 

in general grows from three to twelve feet high, of 
a hard fubftance, with joints at eight or ten inches 
diftaiice along theftalk, from which proceed leaves 
refembhng thole of the willow. There are many 
cane brakes fo thick and tall that it is difficult to pafs 
through them. Where no cane grows there is a- 
bundance of wild-rye, clover, and buffalo-grafs, 
covering vaft tra6ts of country, and aftbrding ex- 
cellent food for cattle. The fields are covered 
with abundance of wild herbage not common to 
other countries. The Shawanefe fallad, wild let- 
tuce, and pepper-grafs, and many more, as yet 
unknown to the inhabitants, but which, no 
doubt, have excellent virtues. Here are ken 
the fined crown-imperial in the world, the car- 
dinal flower, fo much extolled for its fcarlet co- 
lour j and all the year, excepting the three Winter 
months, the plains and valleys are adorned with 
variety of flowers of the moft admirable beauty. 
Here is alfo found the tulip-bearing laurel-tree, or 
magnolia, which has an exquifite fmell, and con- 
tinues to- blofTom and feed for leveral months 

This country is richeft on the higher lands, 
exceeding the finefV low grounds in the fettled 
parts ot the continent. When cultivated it pro- 
duces in common fifty and fixty bufhels per a- 
cre ; and I have heard it affirmed by credible 
perfons, that above one hundred bufhels of good 


( 2S ) 
corn were produced from an acre in one feafbn. 
The firft rate land is too rich for wheat till it has 
been reduced by four or five years cultivation. 

Col. Harrod, a gentleman of veracity in Ken- 
tucke, has lately experienced the production of 
fmall grain, and affirms that he had thirty-five 
bufhcls of wheat, and fifty buftiels of rye per a- 

I think in common the land will produce a* 
bout thirty bufhcls of wheat, and rye, upon a 
moderate computation, per acre; and this is the 
general opinion of the inhabitants. We may 
fuppofe that bariey and oats will increafe abun- 
dantly ; as yet they have not been fufficiently 
tried. The foil is very favourable to flax and 
hemp, turnips, potatoes and cotton, which 
grow in abundance ; and the fecond, third and 
fourth rate lands, are as proper for fmall grain. 
Thefe accounts of fuch amazing fertility may, 
to fome, appear incredible, but are certainly 
true. Every hufbandman may have a good gar- 
den, or meadow, without water or manure, 
where he pleafes. The foil, which is not of a thir- 
fty nature, is commonly well fupplied with plen- 
tiful fhowers. 

Iron ore and lead are found in abundance, but we 
do not hear of any filver or gold mine as yet dif- 
covcrcd. D The 

( *6 ) 

The weftcm waters produce plenty of fi(h 
and fowl. The fi(h common to the waters of the 
Ohio are the bufFalo*fi(h, of a large fize, and 
the cat-fi(h fometimes exceeding one hundred 
weight. Salmons have been taken in Kentucke 
weighing thirty weight. The mullet, rock, 
perch, gar.fifli, and eel, are here in plenty. It 
is faid that there are no trouts in the weftern wa- 
ters. Suckers, fun-fifti, and other hook-fi(h, arc 
abundant j but no fhad, or herrings. We may 
fuppofe with a degree of certainty, that there 
are large fubterraneous aquedu^s ftored with fifli, 
from whence fine fjprings arife in many parts pro* 
ducing fine hook-nlh in variety. On thefe wa- 
ters, and efpecially on the Ohio, the geefe and 
ducks are amazingly numerous. 

The land fowls are turkeys, which are very 
frequent, pheafants, partridges, and ravens : The 
perraquet, a bird every way refembling a parrot, 
but much fmaller J the ivory-bill wood-cock, of 
a whitilh colour with a white plume, flies fcream- 
ing exceeding fliarp. Jt is aflcrted, that the bill of 
this bird is pure ivory, a circumflance very An- 
gular in the plumy tribe. The great owl re- 
fembles its fpecies in other parts, but is remark- 
ably diflferent in its vociferation, fometimes mak- 
ing a (Irange, futprifing noife, like a man in the 
Tao& extreme danger and difficulty. 


( 27 ) 

Serpents arc not numerous, and are fuch as are 
to be found in other parts of the continent, ex- 
cept the bull, the horned and the mockafoa 
fnakes. Swamps are rare, and confequently 
frogs and othei reptiles, common to fuch places. 
There are no fwarms of bees, except luch as 
have been introduced by the prefent inhabitants. 


AMONG the native animals are theurus, or 
zorax, dcfcribed by Cefar, which we call a buffa- 
lo, much refembling a large bull, of a great fize, 
with a large head, thick fhort crooked horns, 
and broader in his forepart than behind. Upon 
his fhoulder is a large lump of flefh, covered with 
a thick bofs of long wool and curly hair, of a 
dark brown colour.. They do not rife from the 
ground as our cattle, but fpring up at once up- 
on their feet ; are of a broad make and clumly 
appearance, with Ihort legs, but run fad, and 
turn not afide for any thing when chafed, except 
a (landing tree. They weigh from five to ten 
hundred weight, are excellent meat, fupplying 
the inhabitants in many parts with beef, and 
their hides make good leather. I have heard 
a hunter afl'ert, he faw above one thoufand 
buffaloes at the Blue Licks at once ; fo nume- 
rous were they before the firft fcttlers had wan- 
tonly fportcd away their lives. There Aill re- 

( 28 ) 

mains a great number in the exterior parts of 
the fettlement. They feed upon cane and grafs, 
as other cattle, and are innocent harmlefs crea- 

There are ftill to be found many deer, elks and 
bears, within the fettlement, and many more on 
the borders of it. There are alfo panthers, wild* 
cats, and wolves. 

The waters have plenty of beavers, otters, minks, 
and mulk-rats : Nor are the animals common to 
other parts wanting, fuch as foxes, rabbits, iquir- 
rels, racoons, ground-hogs, pole-cats, and op- 
pofTums. Mod of the fpecies of the domeftic 
quadrupeds have been introduced fince the fettle-. 
ment, fuch as horfes, cows, (hcep and hogs, 
which are prodigioufly multiplied, fuffcred 
to run in the woods without a keeper, and only 
brought home when wanted. 


A N accurate account is kept of all the male 
inhabitants above the age of fixteen, who are 
rated towards the expences of the government by 
the name ot Tithablcs j from which, by allowing 
that thofe fo enrolled amount to a fourth part of 
the whole inhabitants, we may conclude that 
Kentucke contains, at prclent. Upwards of thirty 


( 29 ) 

thoufand fouls : So amazingly rapid has been the 
fettlement in a few years. Numbers are daU 
ly arriving, and muhitudes expcfted this Fall ; 
which gives a well grounded expectation that the 
country will be exceedingly populous in a fliort 
time. The inhabitants, at prefent, have not ex- 
traordinary good houfes, as ufual in a newly fettled 

They are, in general, polite, humane, hofpita- 
ble, and very complaifant. Being colletftcd from 
different parts of the continent, they have a 
diverfity of manners, cuftoms and leligions, 
which may in time perhaps be modified to one u- 
niform. As yet united to the State of Virginia, 
they are governed by her wholeiome laws, which 
are virtuouOy executed, and with excellent deco- 
rum. Schools for education are formed, and a 
college is appointed by a6l of Allembly of Vir- 
ginia, to be founded under the conduct of tru{^ 
tees in Kentucke, and endowed with lands for 
its ufe. An excellent library is likewife bcftow- 
ed upon this feminary, by the Rev. John Todd, 
of Virginia. 

The Anabaptifts were the firfl that promoted 
public worftiip in Kentucke ; and the Prefbyte- 
rians have formed three large congregations near 
Harrod's ftation, and have engaged the Rev. Da- 
vid Rice, of Virginia, to be their paftor. At 


( 3° ) 

Lexington, 35 miles from thefc, they have form- 
ed another large congregation, and invited the 
Rev. Mr. Rankin, of Virginia, to undertake that 
charge aitiong them. At prefent there are no other 
religious focieties formed, although feveral other 
k6is have numerous adherents. But from thefc 
early movements it is hoped that Kentucke will 
eminently fhine in learning and piety, which will 
fulfil the wilh of every virtuous citizen. 


AMONGST the natural curiofities of this 
countrv, the winding banks, or rather precipices 
of Kentucke, and Dick's Rivers, dcferve the firft 
place. The aftonilhcd eye there beholds almoft 
every where three or four hundred feet of a (^o^ 
lid perpendicular lime-ftone rock ; in fome parts 
a fine white marble, either curioufly arched, pil- 
lared or blocked up into fine building ftones. 
Thefe precipices, as was obferved before, are like 
the fides of a deep trench, or canal j the land a^ 
bove being level, except where creeks fet in, and 
crowhcd with fine groves of red cedar. It is on- 
ly at particular places that this river can becrolf- 
ed, one of which is worthy of admiration ; a 
great road large enough for waggons made by 
buffaloes, floping with an eafy dcfcent from the 
top to the bottom of a very large fteep hill, at 
or near the river above Lees-town. 


( 3« ) 

Caves are found in this country amazingly 
large ; in fomc of which you may travel fevecal 
miles under a fine limeftone rock, fupported by 
curious arches and pillars : In moft of them runs 
a flream oi water. 

Near the head of Salt River a fuhterranean 
lake or large pond has lately been difcovered. 
Col. Bowman fays, that he and a companion tra- 
velled in one four hours till he luckily came to 
the mouth again. The fame gentleman men- 
tions another which operates like an air furnace^ 
and contains much fulphur. An adventurer in a- 
ny of thefe will have a perfe6t idea of primeval 

There appear to be great natural ftores of 
fulphur and fait in this country. A fpring at 
Boonfburrow conflantly emits fulphureous par- 
ticles, and near the fame place is a fait (pring. 
There is another fulphureous fpring upon Four 
Mile Creek, a third upon Green River, and ma- 
ny others in different places^ abounding with 
that ufeful mineral. 

There are three fprings or ponds of bitumen 
near Green River, which do not form a ftream, 
but difgorge themfelves into a common refervoir, 
and when ufed in lamps anfwer all the purpofes 
of thefincftoil. 


( 3* ) 

There are different places abounding with cop- 
peras, eafily procured, and in its prefent impure 
flate fufficient for the ufe of the inhabitants ; and 
when refined, equal to any in the world. 

There is an allum bank on the (buth fide of 
Cumberland River, fituated at the bottom of a 
cliff of rocks projcfting over it. In its prelent 
flate it has the appearance and poflefles the vir- 
tues of that mineral, and when purified is a 
beautiful allum. 

Many fine fait fprings, whofe places appear 
in the map, conftantly emit water which, being 
manufactured, affords great quantities of fine fait. 
At prefent there is but one, called Bullet's Lick, 
improved, and this affords fait fufficient for all 
Kentucke, and exports fome to the Illinois. 
Salt fells at prefent for twenty (hillings per bufh- 
el ; but 2ti fome other fprings are beginning to 
be worked, no doubt that neceffary article will 
fbon be much cheaper. Drcnne*s-lick, the Big- 
bone, and the Blue-licks, fend forth ftreams of 
fait water. The Nob-lick, and many others, do 
not produce water, but confift of clay mixed 
with fait particles : To thefe the cattle repair and 
reduce high hills rather to valleys than plains. 
The amazing herds of Buffaloes which refort thi- 
ther, by their fize and number, fill the traveller 
with amazement and terror, elpecially when he 


( 33 ) 

beholds the prodigious roads they have made from 
all quarters, as it leading to fome populous city ; 
the vaft fpac'e of land around thefe fprings dcfolat- 
ed as if by a ravaging enemy, and hills reduced 
to plains ; for the land near ihofe fprings are 
chicfty hilly. Thele are truly curiofities, and the 
eye can fcarccly be latisfted with admiring them. 

A medicinal fpring is found near the Big-bone 

Lick, which has perfe«5ily cured the itch by once 

bathing; and experience in time may difcovcr ia 

•t other virtues. There is another of like nature 

ear Drennch's-Lick. 

Near Lexington are to be feen curious fcpul- 
chres, full of human (kcletons, which are thus fa- 
bricated. Firft, on the ground are laid large 
broad ftones ; on thcfe were placed the bodies, 
fcparated from each other by broad floncs, covered 
with others, which ferve as a bafis for the 
next arrangement ot bodies. In this order 
they are built, without mortar, growing ftill nar- 
rower to the height of a man. This method of 
burying appears to be totally different from that 
now pra6tifed by the Indians. For our conjec- 
tures on this iubjcft we beg leave to refer to ap- 
pendix No. 3. — At a fait fpring, near Ohio river, 
very large bones are found, far furpafTmg the 
fize of any fpecics of animals now in America, 
The head appears to have been about three 

E feet 

( 34 ) 
feet long, the ribs feven, and the thigh bones a- 
bout four J one of which is repofited in the libra- 
ry in Philadelphia, and faid to weigh feventy- 
eight pounds. The tuiks are above a foot in 
length, the grinders about five inches fquare, 
and eight inches long. Thefe bones have equally 
excited the amazement of the ignorant, and at- 
trafted the attention of the philofopher. Speci« 
mens of them have been fent both to France and 
England, where they have been examined with the 
greatcfl: diligence, and found upon comparifon to 
be remains of the fame fpecies of animals that 
produced thofe other f oflil bones which have been 
difcovered in Tartary, Chili, and feveral other 
places, both of the old and new continent. 
What animal this is, and by what means its ru- 
ins are found in regions lo widely different, and 
where none fuch exifts at prefent, is a queflion of 
more difficult decifion. The ignorant and fu- 
perftitious Tartars attribute them to a creature, 
whom they call Maimon, who, they fay, ufual- 
ly refides at the bottom of the rivers, and of 
whom they relate many marvellous flories > but 
as this is an aflertion totally diverted of proof, 
and even of probability, it has juftfy been rejeft- 
ed by the learned ; and on the other hand it is 
certain, that no fuch amphibious quadruped ex- 
ifls in our American waters. The bones them- 
felves bear a great refemblance to thofe of the e- 
lephant. There is no other terreftrial animal now 


( 35 ) 
known large enough to produce them. The tulks 
with which they are equally furnifbed, equally 
produce true ivory. Thele external refemblances 
have generally made fuperficial obfervers con- 
clude, that they could belong to no other than 
that prince of quadrupeds j and when they firft 
drew the attention of the worlds philofophers 

feem to have fubfcribed to the fame opinion. 

But if fo, whence is it thai the whole fpecies has 
difappeared from America? An animal fo laborious 
andfo docile, that the induftryof the Peruvians, 
which reduced to fervitude and fubje£>ed to edu- 
cation fpecies fo vaftly inferior in thofe qualities, 
as the Llama and the Paca, could never have over- 
looked the elephant, if he had been to be found 
in their country. Whence is it that thefe bones 
are found in climates where the elephant, a na- 
tive of the torrid zone, cannot even fubfift in his 
wild ftate, and in a ftate of fervitude will not 
propagate ? Thefe are difficulties fufficient to 
flagger credulity it(elf ; and at length produced 
the enquiries of Dr. Hunter. That celebrated 
anatomift, having procured fpecimens from the 
Ohio, examined them with that accuracy for 
which he is fo much diflinguifhed. He difcovered. 
a confiderable difference between the fliapc and 
flru6lureofthe bones, and thofe of the elephant. 
He obferved from the form of the teeth, that 
they mufl have belonged to a carnivorous animal -, 
whereas the habits of the elephant are foreign to 


( 36 ) 

fuch fuftcnance, and his jaws totally unprovided 
■with the teeth ncccflary for its ufe : And from the 
whole he concluded to the fatisfa(5\ion of natura- 
lifts, that thefe bones belonged to a quadruped 
now unknown, and whofe race is probably ex- 
tin^, unlefsit may be be found in theextenfwe 
continent of New Holland, whofe receflTes have 
not yet been pervaded by the curiofity or avidity 
of civilized man. Can then fo great a link have 
periflied from the chain of nature ? Happy we 
that it has. How formidable an enemy to the 
human fpecies, an animal as large as the elephant, 
the tyrant of the forefts, perhaps the dcvourer 
of man 1 Nations, fuch as the Indians, muft 
have been in perpetual alarm. The animofities 
among the various tribes muft have been fufpend- 
ed till the common enemy, who threatened the ve- 
ry exiftence of all, fhould be extirpated. To this 
circumftance we are probably indebted for a fa<5V, 
which is perhaps fingular in its kind, the ex- 
tinction of a whole race of animals from the fyf- 
tem of nature. 


THE proprietors of the Kcntucke lands ob- 
tain their patents from Virginia, and their rights 
are of three kinds, viz. Thofe which arife from 
military fervice, from fettlement and pre-emp- 
tion, or from warrants from the treafury. The 


( 37 ) 

military rights are held by officers, or their repre- 
fentatives, as a reward forfervices done in one of 
the two lafl: wars. The Settlement and pre-emp- 
tion rights arife from occupation. Every man 
who, before March, 1780, had remained in the 
country one year, or raifed a crop of corn, was 
allowed to have a fettlemcxit of four hundred a- 
cres, and a pre-emption adjoining it of one 
thoufand acres. Every man who had only built 
a cabbin, or made any improvement by him- 
lelf or others, was entitled to a pre-emption 
of one thoufand acres where fuch improvement 
was made. 

In March, 1780, the fettlement and pre- 
emption rights ceafed, and treafury war- 
rants were afterwards iflTued, authorizing their 
pofleflTor to locate the quantity of land men- 
tioned in them, wherever it could be found 
vacant in Virginia. 

The mode of procedure in thefe affairs may be 
inftruftive to the reader. After the entry is made 
in the land-office, there being one in each coun- 
ty, the perfon making the entry takes out a co- 
py of the location, and proceeds to furvey when 
he pleafes. The plot and certificate of fuch iur- 
vey mufl be returned to the office within three 
months after the furvey is made, there to be re- 
corded i and a copy of the record muft be taken 


( 38 ) 
out in twelve months, after the return of the fur- 
vcy, and produced to the afliftant regiftcr of the 
land-oflice in Kentucke, where it muft lie fix 
months, that prior locators may have time and 
opportunity to enter a caveat, and prove their bet- 
ter right. If no caveat is entered in that time, 
the plot and certificate are Cent to the land-office 
at Richmond, in Virginia, and three months 
more are allowed to have the patent returned to 
the owner. 

The validity of the right of Virginia to this 
extenfive weftern territory has been difputed by 
fome, but without reafon. The weftern boun- 
dary of that ftate, by charter, reftri<5lcd by the 
treaty of Paris, in 1763, is fixed upon the Ohio Ri- 
ver. She has purchaled the (oil from the Indi- 
ans, has firft fettled it, and eftablifhed wholefomc 
laws for the regulation and government of the in- 
habitants ; and therefore we conclude, that the 
right of Virginia to Kentucke is as permanent as 
the independence of America. 


A CONVENIENT fituation for com- 
merce is the grand hinge upon v/hich the popu- 
lation, riches and happinefs of every country 
greatly depends. I believe many conceive the fi- 
tuation of Kentucke to be unfavourable in this 
reipefl. 1 confefs when Ifirfl vifited this country I 


( 39 ) 

was of the opinion of other mifinformed men, 
that the beft channel was from Pliiladelphia or 
Baltimore, by the way ot Pittfburg,* and from 
thence down the Ohio j and upon account of the 
difficulties and expences attending this route, for 
which there is no remedy, that goods would ever 
be dear. This opinion I have fince reprobated, 
as the efFeft of ignorance of the trade up the Mif- 
fiflippi from New Orleans, or Mantchac, at the 
river or gut Iberville. 

Thofe who are acquainted with America know 
the MifTiffippi and Ohio rivers to be the key to 
the northern parts ot the weftern continent. 
Thele are the principal channels through which 
that extenfive region, bathed by their waters, 
and enriched by the many ftreams they receive, 
communicate with the fea, and may truly be con- 
fidered as the great paflage made by the Hand of 
Nature for a variety of valuable purpofes, and 
principally to promote the happinefs and benefit 
of mankind ; amongft which, the conveyance of 
the produce of that immenfe and fertile country 
lying wefiward of the United States is not the 
leaft. A (hort defcription of thefe rivers, and 
fome others flowing into them, are obje6ls fub- 
mitted to the reader's attention, in order to form 

* From Philadelphia to Pittjburg is a land-car' 
nage of 320 miles, from Baltimore 280. 

( 40 ) 

a juft idea of the favourable commercial circum- 
ftances of that important country. 

The Ohio river begins at Pittfburg, 320 miles 
weft of Philadelphia, being there formed by the 
jun(5tion of the Alleghany and Monangehela rivers, 
and running a winding courfe of S. 60*^ Weft, 
falls into the Miflllfippi 1074 miles, by the mean- 
ders ot the river, below Pittfburg. Theonlyobftruc- 
tion to navigation on this river are the Rapids, 
as defcribed before under the defcription of the 
Kentucke rivers ; but they are palfed in fafety 
when the ftream is high. 

The moft remarkable branches compofing the 
head waters of Ohio are Red-ftone Creek, Cheat 
River, and Yochiaghany. Thefe waters are na- 
vigable to a confiderablediftance above Pittft)urg, 
from November until June, and the Ohio a 
month longer j but from great Kenhawa, which 
is one hundred and ninety-fix miles and a half be- 
low Pittfburg, the ftream is navigable moft of the 
year. Down this river great quantities of goods 
are brought, and fbme are conveyed up the Ken- 
tucke rivers, others on horfe-back or in waggons 
to the fettled parts, and fold on an average at one 
hundred pounds per cent, advance. 

The current of the Ohio defcends about two 
miles an hour in autumn, and when the waters 


( 4t ) 

arc high, about five miles. Thofe of the Kcn- 
tucke rivers are much the fame, and without ra- 
pids, and are of immenfe value to the country, 
affording fifli and fowl, and tranfportation ot 
the produce of the country to the beft market. 
Thefe rivers increafe the Ohio more in depth 
than breadth. At its mouth it is not more than 
one and a half mile in width, and enters the 
Miffiflippi in a S. weft direftion with a flow cur- 
rent, and a fine channel. This great river, at 
the junction with the Ohio, runs in a S. caft di- 
rection, and afterwards in a S. weft, having been a 
little before joined by a greater river called Mif- 
fouri,* which runs in an eaftw^rd direction 
through Louifiana, and afterwards communicates 
to the Miffiflippi;!: its own muddy and majef- 
ticappearance. Fromthemouthof the Ohio to New 
Orleans, a diftance not exceeding 460 miles in a 
ftraight line, is about 856 by water. The deptli 
is, in common, eight or ten fathoms until you 
approach its mouth, which empties itfelf by fe- 
veral channels into the gulf of Mexico. Here 
the navigation is dangerous, on account of the 
many iflands, fand bars and logs, interfperfed in 
its mouth, which is about twenty miles wide. 

F This 

— — — '^^— — "^™— ^-^^■^^-^— — "^— 

* TheMiJfouri isfuppofed to be about 3000 miles 

X The Mijjijpppi is faid to be about 2500 miles 


( 42 ) 

This difadvantage may be remedied almoft in the 
fame manner that the ftream was difconcerted. 
The conflict between the iea and this mighty ri- 
ver, which brings down with its ftreani great 
numbers of trees, mud, leaves, &c. caufcs them 
to fubfide and form flioals. One of thefe trees, 
ftopped by its roots or branches, will foon be join- 
ed by thoufands more, and fo fixed, that no hu- 
man force is able to remove them. In time they 
are confolidated, every flood adds another layer 
to their height, forming iflands, which at length 
are covered withflirubs, grafs and cane, and for- 
cibly fhift the bed of the river. In this manner we 
fuppofe moft of the country on each fide of the 
Milfiflippi, below the Iberville, to have been 
formed, by iflands uniting to iflands, which in a 
fucceflion of time have greatly encroached on the 
fea, and produced an extenfive tracl of country. 
Jf feme of the floating timber at the mouths of 
this river were moved into fomc of the channels, 
numbers more would incorporate with them ; 
and the current being impeded in thefe, the whole 
force of the river uniting, one important chan- 
nel would forceably be opened, and fufficiently 
cleared, to admit of the moft excellent naviga- 

About ninety-nine miles above Orleans is a fort, 
now called Mantchac by the Spaniards; formerly 
Fort Buteby theEnglifli, who built it. Near this is 

a laige 

( 43 ) 
a large gut, formed by the MifTiflippi, on thecaft 
fide, called Iberville j fome have dignified it with 
the name of River, when the MiflifTippi, 
its fource, is high. This is navigable at mod 
not above four months in the year for the firft ten 
miles J for three miles farther it is from two to fix 
feet in autumn, and from two to four fathoms 
the remaining part of the way to lake Maurepas, 
receiving in its courfe the river Amir, which is 
navigable for batteaux to a confiderable diltancc. 

Lake Maurepas is about ten miles in length, 
and fcven in breadth ; and there is a pafiage of 
leven miles between this and Lake Fontchar- 

Lake Pontchartrain is about forty miles long, 
twenty four broad, and eighteen feet deep. From 
this lake to thefea the channel is ten miles long, 
and three hundred yards wide ; and the water 
deep enough to admit large vcffels through thele 
lakes, and their communications. This place, if 
attended to, might be of confequence to all the 
the wcflern country, and to the commerce of 
Wefl-Florida : For it may reafonably be fuppol- 
ed, that the inhabitants and traders of the weft- 
em country would rather trade at this place than 
at New Orleans, it they could have as good re- 
turns for their peltry, and the produce ot their 
foil, as it makes a confiderable difference in their 


( 44 ) 

voyage, and faves labour, money and time. Ex- 
perience will doubtlefs produce confiderable im- 
provements, and render the navigation of the 
Miffiflippi, either by thefe lakes, or New Orleans, 
jiearJy as cheap as any other That the Mifliffip- 
pi can anfwer every valuable purpofe of trade and 
commerce is proved already to a demonftration 
by experience. 

I have reafon to believe that the time is not 
far diftant when New Orleans will be a great 
trading city, and perhaps another will be built 
near Mantchac, at Iberville, that may in time 
rival its glory. 

A prodigious number of iflands, fome of which 
are of great extent, are interfperfed in that migh- 
ty river ; and the difficulty in afcending it in the 
Spring when the floods are high, is compenfated 
by eddies or counter currents, which moftly run 
in the bends near the banks of the river with 
nearly equal velocity againft the ftream, and aflift 
the afcending boats. This river is rapid in thofe 
parts which have clutters of iflands, fhoals and 
fand- banks ; but the rapidity of thefe places will 
be no inconvenience to the newly invented me- 
chanical boats,* it being their peculiar property 
toiail beft in fmart currents. 


* Ibis ^l an is now in agitation in Virginia^ and 

( 45 ) 
From New Orleans to the Falls of Ohio, bat- 
teaux, carrying about 40 tons, have been rowed 
by eighteen or twenty men in eight or ten weeks, 
which, at the extent, will not amount to more 
than five hundred pounds expence, which expe- 
rience has proved to be about one third of that 
from Philadelphia. It is highly probable that in 
time the diftancc will be exceedmgly ihortened by 
cuting a-crols bends of the river. 

Charlevoix relates, that at Coupee or Cut-pomt, 
the river formerly made a great turn, and fome 
Canadians, by deepening the channel of a Imall 
brook, diverted the waters of the river into it. 
The irapetuofity of the ftream was lo violent, and 
the foil of fo rich and loofe a quality, that in a 
fhort time the point was entirely cut through, 
and the old channel left dry, except in inunda- 
tions, by which travellers fave 14 leagues of their 


recommended to government by two gentlemen of Jirfl 
rate abilities.^ ^ Mr. Charles Rumfey and DoB. James 
M^Macken. Iheir propofals are^ *' to conjlruB a 
fpecies of hoaty of the burthen cj ten tons^ that Jhall 
faily or be propelled by the 'force of mechanical ponv^ 
ers thereto applied, up the flream of afre[h ivater 
river the dillance of beliveen 25 and 40 7niles a 
dayy notwithflanding the velocity oj the water fhould 
move at the rate of 10 miles an hoiir^ to be wrought 
at no greater eicpence than that of three hands." 

( 46 ) 

voyage. The new channel has been founded 
with a line of thirty fathoms without finding 
bottom. When the diftance is (hortened» which 
1 believe may readily be done, and the mechani- 
cal boats brought to their higheft improvement, 
the expences oF a voyage from New Orleans to 
the Falls of Ohio will be attended with incon- 
fiderable expence. Now we know by experience 
that forty tons of goods cannot be taken to the 
Falls of Ohio from Philadelphia under fixteea 
hundred pounds expence ; but by improve- 
ments on the Mifliffippi, with the conveniences of 
thcfe boats, goods can be brought from New Orle- 
ans to the Falls for the tenth part of that expence ; 
and if they are fold at one hundred pounds per 
cent, now, when brought from Philadelphia at 
expences fo great, what may the merchant af- 
ford to fell his goods at, who brings them fo 
much cheaper ? Befides, the great advantages a- 
rifing from the exporting of peltry, and coun- 
try produce, which never can be conveyed to the 
caftern ports to any advantage. It is evident al- 
io that the market from which they receive im- 
ports, mufl confcquently receive their exports, 
which is the only return they can poffibly make. 

By ftating the commerce of Kentucke in its 
proper terms, we find the expences fuch, that we 
conclude with propriety, that that country will 


( 47 ) 

be fupplied with goods as cheap as if fituated but 
forty miles from Philadelphia. 

But perhaps it will be replied, New Orleans is In 
the pofTeffion of the Spaniards, who, whenever 
they pleafe, may make ufc of that fort, and fomc 
others they have oTi the Mifliflippi, to prevent 
the navigation, and ruin the trade. The paflage 
through Iberville is alfo fubjeft to the Spaniards, 
and befides, inconvenient ; that ftream continu- 
ing fo fhort a time, and in the moft diiadvantage- 
ous feafon« 

I grant it will be abfurd to expeft a free navi- 
gation ot the Mifliflippi whilft the Spaniards are 
in poflefllon of New Orleans. To fuppofe it, is 
an idea calculated to impofconly upon the weak. 
They may perhaps trade with us upon their own 
terms, while they think it confiftent with their in- 
tereft,* but no f riendfliip in trade exifts when in- 
tereft expires j therefore, when the weftern coun- 
try becomes populous and ripe for trade, found 
policy tells us the Floridas muft be ours too. Ac- 
Cording to the articles of the Definitive Treaty, 
we are to have a free and unmolefted navigation 


* Article %tb of the late Defnithe Treaty, 

fays^ The navigation of the Mijjffippi River jrom its 

fource to the ocean^ (hall for ever remain free and open 

to the fubjeBs of Qreat-Britain and the citizens of 

the United States. 

( 48 ) 
of the Mlflifllppi ; but experience teaches man- 
kind that treaties arc not always to be depended 
on, the moit folcmn being broken. Hence 
we learn that no one (hould put much faith in 
any (late ; and the trade and commerce of the 
MifTiflippi River cannot be io well fccured in 
any other pofl'eflion as our own. 

Although the Iberville only admits of a fhort 
and inconvenient navigation, yet if a commercial 
town were built there, it would be the center of 
the weftern trade j and a land carriage of ten or 
twelve miles would be counted no difadvantagc 
to the meichant. Nay, I doubt not, that in time 
a canal will be broke through the gut of Iberville, 
which may divert the water of MilTiffippi that 
way, and render it a place ot the greateft confe- 
quence in America; but this important period 
is referved for futurity. 


( 49 ) 


The ADVENTURES of Col. Da- 
niel Boon; containing a Nj\rra« 
TivE of the Wars of Kentucke. 

/^ U R I O S I T Y IS natural to the foul of 
oL^ man, and interefting objects have a power- 
ful influence on our affcdions. Let thefe influ- 
encing powers ad:uate, by the permiffion oc 
difpolal ot Providence, from felfifli or focial views, 
yet in time the myflerious will of Heaven is un- 
folded, and we behold our conduct, from what- 
foevcr motives excited, operating to anfwer the im- 
portant defigns ot heaven. Thus we behold Kentuc- 
ke, lately an howling wilderncfs, the habitation of 
favages and wild beafts, become a fruitful field ; 
this region, fo favourably diilinguifhcd by na- 
ture, now become the habitation of civilization, 

G at 

( 5° ) 

at a period unparalleled in hiftory, in the midft 
of a raging war, and under all the difadvantagcs 
of emigration to a country fo remote from the 
inhabited parts of the continent. Hercj where 
the hand of violence fhed the blood of the inno- 
cent ; where the horrid yells of favages, and the 
groans of the diftrefled, founded in our ears, 
we now hear the praifes and adorations of our 
Creator ; where wretched wigwams flood, the mi- 
ferablc abodes of favages, we behold the founda- 
tions of cities laid, that, in all probability, will 
rival the glory of the greateft upon earth. And 
we view Kentucke fituated on the fertile banks 
of the great Ohio, rifing from obfcurity to fhine 
with fplcndor, equal to any other of the ftars of 
the American hemifphere. 

The fettling of this region well deferves a 
place in hiftory. Moft'of the memorable events 
I have myfelf been exercifed in j and, for the fa- 
tisfaflion of the public, will briefly relate the 
circumftances of my adventures, and fcenes of 
life, from my firft movement to this country un- 
til this day. 


It was on the firft of May, in the year 1769, 
that I refigned my domeftic happinefs ipr a time^ 
and left ray family and peaceable habitation on 
the Yadkin River, in North-Carolina, to wan- 
der through the wildernefs of America, in queftof 


( 5' ) 

the country of Kentucke, in company with John 
Finley, John Stewart, Jofeph Holdcn, James 
Monay, and William Cool. We proceeded fuc- 
cefsfully, and after a long and fatiguing journey 
through a mountainous wildernefs, in a weft- 
ward diredion, on the feventh day of June fol- 
lowing, we found ourlelveson Red-River, where 
John I'inley had for merly been trading vvrith 
the Indians, and, from the top of an eminence, 
faw with pleafure the beautiful level of Kentuc- 
ke. Here let mc obferve, that for fomc time wc 
had experienced the mod uncomfortable wea- 
ther as a prclibation of our future fufFerings. At 
this place we encamped, and made a fhelrer to de- 
fend us from the inclement feafon, and began to 
hunt and reconnoitre the country. We found e- 
very where abundance of wild beafts of all forts, 
through this vaft foreft. The buffaloes were 
more frequent than I have feen cattle in the fet- 
tlements, browzing on the leaves of the cane, or 
croping the herbage onthofcextenfive plains, fear- 
lefs, becaufe ignorant, of the violence of man. 
Sometimes we faw hundreds in a drove, and the 
numbers about the fait fprings were amazing. 
In this foreft, the habitation of beafts of every 
kind natural to America, we pra6lifed hunting 
with great fuccefs until the twcnty-fecond day ot 
December following. 

This day John Stewart and I had a pleafing 


( 5* ) 

ramble, but fortune changed the fccne in the 
clofe of it We had pafled through a great fo- 
reft, on which flood myriads of trees, fome gay 
with blofToms, others rich with fruits. Nature 
was here a feries of wonders, and a fund of de- 
light. Here fhe difplayed her ingenuity and in- 
duftry in a variety of flowers and fruit?, beauti- 
fully coloured, elegantly (haped, and charming- 
ly flavoured ; and we were diverted with innu- 
merable animals prefenting themfeives perpetual- 
ly to our view.— In the decline of the day, near 
Kentucke river, as wc afcended the brow of a 
fmallhill, a number of Indians rufhed out of a 
thick cane-brake upon us, and made us prifon- 
ers. The time of our forrow was now arrived, 
and the fcene fully opened. The Indians plun- 
dered us of what we had, and kept us in confine- 
ment feven days, treating us with common favage 
\ifage. During this time we difcovered no un- 
cafmefs or defire to efcape, which made them lefs 
fufpiciqus of us ; but in the dead of night, as 
we lay in a thick cane brake by a large fire, when 
fleep had locked up their fenfes, my fituation not 
difpofingme for reft, I touched mycompanionand 
gently awoke him. Wc improved this favoura- 
ble opportunity, and departed, leaving them to 
take their refl:, and fpeedily directed our courfe to- 
wards our old camp, but founditplundered,andthc 
company difperfed and gone home. About this time 


( 53 ) 

my brother, Squire Boon, with another adven* 
inrer, who came to explore the country (hortly 
after us, was wandering through the foreft, de- 
termined to find me, if polTible, and accidentally 
found our camp. Notwithftanding the unfortu- 
nate circumftances of our company, and our dan- 
gerous fituation, as furrounded with hodile fa- 
lavages, our meeting fo fortunately in the wilder- 
nefs made us reciprocally fenfible of the utmoft 
fatisfa(5lion. So much does friendfhip triumph 
over misfortune, that forrovvs and fuffcrings va- 
nilh at the meeting not only of real friends, but 
of the mod diftant acquaintances, and fubllitutes 
happinefs in their room. 

Soon after this, my companion in captivity^ 
John Stewart, was killed by the favages, and 
the man that came with my brother returned 
home by-himfelf. We were then in a dangerous, 
helplefs fituation, expofed daily to perils and 
death amongft favages and wild beafls, not a 
white man in the country but ourfelves. 

Thus fituated, many hundred miles from our 
families in the howling wildernefs, I believe few 
would have equally enjoyed the happinefs we ex- 
perienced. I often obferved to my brother. You 
fee now how little nature requires to be iatisfied. 
Felicity, the companion of content, is rather 
found in our own breafts than in the enjoyment 
of external things : And I firmly believe it re- 

( 54 ) 
quires but a little philofophy to make a man. 
happy in whatfoevcr ftate he is. This confifts 
in a full refignation to the will of Providence ; 
and a refiened foul finds pleafure in a path ftrew- 
ed with briars and thorns. 

We continued not in a ftate of indolence, but 
hunted every day, and prepared a little cottage 
to defend us from the Winter ftorms. We re- 
mained there undifturbed during the Winter j 
and on the firft day of May, 1770, my brother 
returned home to the fettlement by himfelf, for 
a new recruit of horfes and ammunition, leav- 
ing me by myfelf, without bread, fait or fugar, 
without company of my fellow creatures, or c- 
ven a horfe or dog. I confefs I never before was 
under greater neceflity ot exercifing philofophy 
and fortitude. A few days I pafled uncomforta- 
bly. The idea of a beloved wife and family, and 
their anxiety upon the account of my abfence 
and expofed fituation, made fenfiblc impreflions 
on my heart. A thoufand dreadful apprehen- 
fions prefented themfelves to my view, and had 
undoubtedly difpofed me to melancholy, if further 

One day I undertook a tour through the coun- 
try, and the diverfity and beauties of nature I 
met with in this charming feafon, expelled every 
gloomy and vexatious thought. Juft at the clofe 


( ss ) 

of day the gentle gales retired, and left the place 
to the difpolalof a profound calm. Not a breeze 
(hook the moft tremulous leaf. 1 had gained the 
fummit of a commanding ridge, and, looking 
round with aftonifbing dehght, beheld the ample 
plains, the beauteous trafts below. On the other 
hand, 1 furveyed the famous river Ohio that rolled 
in filent dignity, marking the wcftern boundary 
of Kentucke with inconceivable grandeur. At a 
vaft diftance I beheld the mountains lift their ve- 
nerable brows, and penetrate the clouds. All 
things were ftill. 1 kindled a fire near a foun- 
tain of fweet water, and feafted on the loin of a 
buck, which a few hours before I had killed. 
The fullen fhades of night foon overfpread the 
whole hemifphere, and the earth feemed togafp 
after the hovering moiflure. My roving excur- 
iion this day had fatigued my body, and diverted 
my imagination. I laid me down tofleep, and I 
awoke not until the fun had chafed away the 
night. I continued this tour, and in a few days 
explored a conliderablc part of the country, 
each day equally pleafed as the firfl. I returned 
again to my old camp, which was not diflurbed 
in my abfence. I did not confine my lodging to 
it, but often repofed in thick cane-brakes, to a- 
void the lavages, who, I believe, often vifitcd my 
camp, but fortunately ior me, in my abfence. In 
this (ituation I was conflantly expofed to danger, 
and death. How unhappy fuch a fituation for 

a man 

( 56 ) 

a man tormented with fear, which is vain if no 
danger comes, and if it does, only augments the 
pain. It was my happinefs to be deflitute of thiis 
afflifling paffion, with which I had the greateft 
rcafon to be affefted. The prowling wolves di- 
verted my noftomal hours with perpetual bowl- 
ings; and the various fpecies of animals in this vaft 
foreft, inthe daytime, were continually in my view. 

Thus I was furrounded with plenty in the midfl 
of want. I was happy in the midft of dangers 
and inconveniences. In fuch a diverfity it was 
impoflible 1 fhould be difpofed to melancholy. No 
populous city, with all the varieties of commerce 
and (lately ftru6lures, could afford fo much plea- 
fare to my mind, as the beauties of nature I found 

Thus, through an uninterrupted fcene of fyl- 
van pleafures, 1 fpent the time until the 27th 
day of July following, when my brother, to my 
great felicity, met me, according to appointment, 
at our old camp. Shortly after, we left this place, 
not thinking it ftfe to (lay there longer, and pro- 
ceeded to Cumberland river, reconnoitring that 
part of the country until March, 1771, and 
giving names to the different waters. 

Soon after, I returned home to my fami- 
ly with a determination to bring them as foon as 


( S7 ) 

poffible to live in Kentuckc, which I cftcemed a 
fecond paradifc, at the rifk of my life and for- 

I returned fafe to my old habitation, and found 
my family in happy circumftances. I fold my 
farm on the Yadkin, and what goods we could 
not carry with us j and on the twenty-fifth day 
of September, 1773, bade a farewel to our friends, 
and proceeded on our journey to Kentucke, in 
company with five families more, and forty men 
that joined us in Powel's Valley, which is one 
hundred and fifty miles from the now fettled parts 
of Kentucke. This promifing beginning was 
foon overcafl with a cloud ofadverfity'j for up- 
on the tenth day of 06lober, the rear of our 
company was attacked by a number of Indians, 
who killed fix, and wounded one man. Ofthefe 
my eldcft ton was one that fell in the aftion. 
Though we defended ourielves, and repulfed the 
enemy, yet this unhappy affair fcattered our cat- 
tle, brought us into extreme difficulty, and fo 
difcouraged the whole company, that we retreat- 
ed forty miles, to the fettlement on Clench 
river. We had paffed over two mountains, viz. 
Powel s and Walden's, and were approaching 
Cumberland mountain when this adverfe fortune 
overtook us. Thefe mountains are in the wil- 
dernefs, as we pafs from the old fettlements in 
Virginia to Kentuckc, are ranged in a S, wefl and 

H N. caft 

( S8 ) 
N. eaft dire(511on, are of a great length and breadthi 
and not far diftant from each other. Overthefe, 
nature hath formed pafles, that are lefs difficult 
than might be expef^ed from a view of fuch huge 
piles. The afpeft of thefe cliffs is fo wild and 
horrid, that it is impoflible to behold thetn 
without terror. The fpedator is apt to imagine 
that nature had formerly fuffered fomc violent 
convulfion ; and that thefe are the difmembered 
remains of the dreadful (hock j the ruins, not 
of Perfepolis or Palmyra, . but of the world ! 

I remained with my family on Clench until 
the fixth of June, 1774. when I and one Mi- 
chael Stoner were folicited by Governor Dun- 
more, of Virginia, to go to the Falls of the Ohio, 
to conduct into the (cttlement a number of fur- 
vcyors that had been fent thither by him fome 
months before; this country having about this 
time drawn the attention of many adventurers. 
We immediately complied with the Governor's re- 
quert, and condu^Ved in the furveyors, compleat- 
inga tour of eight hundred miles, through ma- 
ny difficulties, in fixty-iwo days. 

Soon after I returned home, I was ordered to 
take the command of three garrifons during the 
campaign, which Governor Dunmore carried ona- 
gainft the Shawanefe Indians : After the conclu- 
fion of which, the Militia was difcharged from 



each garrifon, and i being relieved from my 
poft, was folicited by a number of North-Ca- 
roliiia gentlemen, that were about purchafing the 
lands lymg on the S. fide of Kentucke River, 
from the Cherokee Indians, to attend their trea- 
ty at Wataga, in March, 1775, to negotiate 
with them, and, mention the boundaries of the 
purchaft. This I accepted, and at the requeft of 
the fame gentlemen, undertook to mark out a 
road in the bed paOage trom the fcttlemcnt 
through the wildemefs to Kentucke, with fuch 
afljftance as I thought neceffary to employ for 
fuch an important undertaking. 

I foon began this work, having colle61ed a num- 
ber of enterprifing men, well armed We pro- 
ceeded with a!) polTible expedition until we came 
within fifteen miles of where Boonfborough now 
ilands, and where we were fired upon by a parry 
of Indians that killed two, and wounded two 
of our number ; yet, although furpnfed and ta- 
ken at a difadvantage, we flood our groundJ 
This was on the twentieth of March. 1775. 
Three days after, we were fired upon again, and 
had two men killed, and three wounded. After- 
wards we proceeded on to Kentucke river with- 
out oppofition ; and on the firft day of April be- 
gan to erect the fort of Boonfborough at a fait 
lick, about Cixty yards from the river, on the S. 


( 6o ) 

On the fourth day, the Indians killed one of our 
men.— We were bufily employed in building this 
fort, until the fourteenth day of June following, 
without any farther oppofition from the Indians; ' 
and having finifhed the works, 1 returned to^ 
my family, on Clench. 

In a fhort time, I proceeded to remove my 
family from Clench to this garrifon ; where we ar- 
rived fafe without any other difficulties than fuch 
as are common to this pafTage, my wife and 
daughter being the firft white women that ever 
Hood on the banks of Kentuckc river. 

On the twenty-fourth day of December fol- 
lov;ing we had one man killed, and one wound- 
ed, by the Indians, who feemed determined to 
perfecute us for ere6ling this fortification, 

^^ On the fourteenth day of July, 1776, two of 

^ Col. Calaway's daughters, and one of mine, were 

^ taken prifoners near the fort. I immediately pur- 

s^ fued the Indians, with only eight men, and on 
the fixteenth overtook them, killed two of the 
party, and recovered the girls. The fame day 
on which this attempt was made, the Indians di- 
vided themfelves into different parties, and at- 
tacked feveral forts, which were mortly before this 
time erc6led, doing a great deal of mifchief. This 
was extremely diftrefling to the new fettlers. The 


{ 6' ) 

innocent hufbandman was (hot down, while bu- 
{y cultivating the foil for his family's fupply. 
Moft of the cattle around the ftations were de- 
ftroyed. They continued their hoPulities in this 
manner until the fifteenth of April, 1777, whea 
they attacked Boonfborough with a party of a- 
bove one hundred in number, killed one man, 
and wounded four — Their lofs in this attack was 
not certainly known to us. 

On the fourth day of July following, a party 
of about two hundred Indians attacked Boonf- 
borough, killed one man, and wounded two. 
They befieged us forty-eight hours j during 
which time k\cn of them were killed, and at 
laft, finding themlelves not likely to prevail, they 
raifed the fiege, and departed. 

The Indians had difpofed their warriors in dif- 
tereni parties at this time, and attacked the dif- 
ferent garrifons to prevent their afllfting each 
other, and did much injury to the diflrelTed in- 

On the nineteenth day of this month. Col. 
Logan's fort was befieged by a party of about 
two hundred Indians. During this dreadful fiege 
they did a great deal of milchief, diftrefTed the 
garrifon, in which were only fifteen men, killed 
two, and wounded one. The enemies lofs was 


( 60 

tmcertain.Cfrom the common pra6licc which the 
Indians have of carrying off their dead in time of 
battle. Col. Harrod's fort was then defended 
by only iixty-five men, and Boon {borough by 
twenty.two, there being no more forts or white 
men in the country, except at the Falls, a con- 
liderabte diftance from thcfe, and all taken col- 
leftively, were but a handful to the numerous 
■warriors that were every where difperfcd through 
the country, intent upon doing all themifchicf that 
favage barbarity could invent. Thus we pafTed 
through a fcene of fufferings that exceeds defcnp* 

On the twenty, fifth of this month a reinforce- 
ment of forty-five: men arrived from North-Ca- 
rolina, and about the twentieth of Auguft fol- 
lowing, Col. Bowman arrived with one hundred 
men from Virginia. Now we began to ftrength- 
en, and from hence, for the fpace of fix weeks, 
we had fkirmifhes with Indians, in one quarter 
or other, almoft every day. 

The favages now learned the fuperiority of 
the Long Knife, as they call the Virginians, by 
experience ; being out-generalled in almoft eve- 
ry battle. Our affairs began to wear a new zC- 
pe6l, and the enemy, not daring to venture on 
open war, praftifed fccret michief at times. 


( 63 ) 

On the firft day of January, 1778, I went 
with a party of thirty men to the Blue Licks, 
on Licking River, to make fait for the di£Ferent 
garrifons in the country. 

On the feventh day of February, as I was hunt* 
ing, to procure meat for the company, I met 
with a party of one hundred and two Indians, 
and two Frenchmen, on their march againft 
Boon (borough,^ that place being particularly the 
object of the enemy. 

They purfued, and took me j and brought me 
on the eighth day to the Licks, where twenty- fe- 
ven of my party were, three of them having 
previoufly returned home with the fait. I know- 
ing it was impoffible for them to efcape, capitu- 
lated with the enemy, /and, at a diftance in their 
view, gave notice to my men of their fituation, 
with orders not to refift, but furrender them- 
felves captives. 

The generous ufage the Indians had promifed 
before in my capitulation, was afterwards fully 
complied with, and we proceeded with them as pri- 
foners to old Chelicothe, the principal Indian 
town, on Little Miami, where we arrived, after an 
uncomfortable journey, in very fevere weather, on 
the eighteenth day of February, ^nd received as 
good treatment as prifoners could expert from fa- 


( 64 ) 

vages — On the tenth day of March following, I, 
and ten of my men, were condu6led by forty 
Indians to Detroit, where we arrived the thirtieth 
day, and were treated by Governor Hamilton, 
the Britifh commander at that poft, with great 

During our travels, the Indians entertained 
me "well ; and their afifeflion for me was fo great, 
that they utterly refufed to leave me there with 
the others, although the Governor offered them 
one hundred pounds Sterling for me, on purpofe 
to give me a parole to go home. Several Englifh 
gentlemen there, being fenfible of my adverfe 
fortune, and touched with human fympathy, ge- 
neroufly oflered a friendly fupply for my wants, 
which 1 refufed, with many thanks for their kind- 
ncfs ; adding, that I never expedled it would be 
in my power to recompenfe fuch unmerited ge- 

The Indians left my men in captivity with the 
nririfh at Detroit, and on the tenth day of April 
brought me towards Old Chelicothe, where we 
arrived on the twenty-fifth day of the fame 
month. This was a long and fatiguing march, 
through an exceeding fertile country, remarkable 
for fine fprings and ftreams of water. At Che- 
licothe 1 f'pent my time as comfortably as I could 
cxped i was adopted, accordin to their cuftom, 


( 6s ) 
into a family where I became a fon, and had a 
great (hare in the afFe6lion of my new parents^ 
brothers, fifters, and friends. 1 was exceedingly 
familiar and friendly with them, always appear- 
ing as chcarful and fatisfied as pofTible, and they 
put great confidence in me. I often went a hunt- 
ing with them, and frequently gained their ap- 
plaufe for my a£livity at our (hooting-matches. 
1 was careful not to exceed many of them in 
ihooting ; for no people are more envious than 
they in this fport. I could obferve, in their coun- 
tenances and geftures, the greateft expreflions of 
joy when they exceeded me ; and, when the re- 
vcrfe happened, ot envy. The Shawanefe king 
took great notice of me, and treated me with 
profound refpeft, and entire friendfhip, often en- 
trufting me to hunt at my liberty. I frequently 
returned with the fpoils of the woods, and as 
often prefented fome of what I had taken to 
him, expreflive of duty to my fovereign. My 
food and lodging was, in common, with them, 
not fo -good indeed as I could defire, but necefTi- 
ty made every thing acceptable. 

I now began to meditate an efcape, and care- 
fully avoided their fufpicions, continuing with 
them at Old Chelicothe until the firft day of 
June following, and then was taken by them to 
the fait fprings on Sciotha, and kept there, mak- 
ing fait, ten days. During this time I hunted 

I fome 

( 66 ) 

fome for them, and found the land, for a great 
extent about this river, to exceed the foil of Ken- 
tucke, if podible, and remarkably well watered. 

When I returned to Chelicothe, alarmed to (ec 
four hundred and fifty Indians, of their choiceft 
warriors, painted and armed in a fearful man- 
ner, ready to march againft Boonfborough, I de- 
termined to efcape the firft opportunity. 

On the fixteenth, before fun-rife, I departed in 
the moft fecret manner, and arrived at Boonfbo- 
rough on the twentieth, after a journey of one 
hundred and fixty milesj during which, I had 
but one meal. 

I found our fortrefs in a bad ftate of defence, 
"but we proceeded immediately to repair our 
flanks, flrengthcn our gates and pofterns, and 
form double baftions, which we compleated in 
ten days. In this time we daily expelled the ar- 
rival of the Indian army j and at length, one of 
my fellow prifoners, efcapingfrom them, arrived, 
informing us that the enemy had an account of 
my departure, and pollponed their expedition three 
weeks. — The Indians had fpies out viewing our 
movements, and were greatly alarmed with our 
increafe in number and fortifications. The Grand 
Councils of the nations were held frequently, 
snd with more deliberation than ufual. They evi- 

( 67 ) 

dcntly faw the approaching hour when the Long 
Knife would difpofTefs them ot their defirablc ha- 
bitations; and anxioufly concerned for futurity, 
determined utterly to extirpate the whites out 
of Kentucke. We were not intimidated by 
their movements, but frequently gave them proofs 
of our courage. 

About the firfl of Auguft, I made an incur- 
fion into the Indian country, with a party of 
nineteen men, in order to furprile a fmall town 
up Sciotha, called Paint-Creek- Town. We ad- 
vanced withia four miles thereof, where we met 
a party of thirty Indians, on their march againft 
Boon(borough, intending to join the others from 
Chelicothe. A fmart fight enfued betwixt us for 
fome time : At length the favages gave way, and 
fled. We had no lofs on our fide : The enemy 
had one killed, and two wounded. Wc took 
from them three horfes, and all their baggage; 
and being informed, by two of our number that 
went to their town, that the Indians had entirely 
evacuated it, we proceeded no further, and re- 
turned with all pofTible expedition to affift our 
garrifon againft the other party. We pa0cd 
by them on the fixth day, and on the feven th, we 
arrived fafe at Boonfborough. 

On the eighth, the Indian army arrived, being 
fourhundredandforty-fourinnumber, commanded 


( 68 ) 
by Capt. Duquefne, eleven otherFrcnchmen, and 
fome of their own chiefs, and marched up with- 
in view of our fort, with Britifli and French co- 
lours flying ; and having Tent a fummons to me, 
in his Britannick Majefty's name, to furrender 
the fort, I requefted two days confideration, 
which was granted. 

It was now a critical period with us. — We were 
a fmall number in the garrifon: — A powerful ar- 
my before our walls, whofe appearance proclaim- 
ed inevitable death, fearfully painted, and mark- 
ing their footfteps with defolation. Death was 
preferable to captivity j and if taken by ftorm» 
■we mufl inevitably be devoted to deitrudion. 
In this fituation we concluded to maintain our 
garrifon, if poflible. We immediately proceeded 
to colleft what we could ot our horfes, and other 
cattle, and bring them through the poftcrns into 
the fort : And in the evening of the ninth, I re- 
turned anfwer, that we were determined to de- 
fend our fort while a man was living —Now, 
faid I to their commander, who ftood attentive- 
ly hearing my fentiments, We laugh at all your 
formidable preparations : But thank you for giv- 
ing us notice and time to provide for our defence. 
Your efforts will not prevail; for our gates ftiall 
for ever deny you admittance. — Whether this 
anfwer affefted their courage, or not, I cannot 
tell; but, contrary to our cxpc6tations, they 


( 69 ) 

formed a fchemc to deceive us, declaring it was 
their orders, from Governor Hamilton, to take 
us captives, and not todeftroy us; but if nine of 
us would come out, and treat with them, they 
would immediatly withdraw their forces from our 
walls, and return home peaceably. This found- 
ed grateful in our ears j and we agreed to the 

We held the treaty within fixty yards of the 
garrifon, on purpofe to divert them from a breach 
of honour, as we could not avoid fufpicions of 
the favages. In this fituation the articles were 
formally agreed to, and figned ; and the Indians 
told usitwascuftomary with them, on fuch occa- 
fions, for two Indians to (hake hands with every 
white-man in the treaty, as an evidence of en- 
tire friendfliip. We agreed to this alfo, but were 
foon convinced their policy was to take us pri- 
foners. — They immediately grappled us ; bur, 
although furrounded by hundreds of favages, we 
extricated ourfelves from them, and efcaped all 
fafe into the garrifon, except one that was 
wounded, through a heavy fire from their army. 
They immediately attacked us on every fide, and 
z conftant heavy fire enfued between us day and 
night for the fpacc of nine days. 

In this time the enemy began to undermine our 
fort, which was fituated fixty yards from Ken- 


( 70 ) 

tuckcriver. Theybegan at the water-mark, and pro- 
ceeded in the bank (ome didance, which we un- 
derftood by their making the water muddy with 
the clay j and we immediately proceeded to dif- 
apj)oint their defign, by cutting a trench a-crofs 
their fubtcrranean paflage. The enemy difcover- 
ing our counter-mine, by the clay we threw out of 
the fort, defifted from that ftratagem : And ex- 
perience now fully convincing them that neither 
their power nor policy could cffeft their purpofe,] 
on the twentieth day of Auguft they raifed the 
fiege, and departed. 

During this dreadful fiege, which threatened 
death in every form, we had two men killed, and 
four wounded, befides a number of cattle. We 
killed of the enemy thirty-feven, and wounded 
a great number. After they were gone, we pick- 
ed up one hundred and twenty-five pounds 
weight of bullets, befides what ftuck in the logs 
of our fort ; which certainly is a great proof of 
their induftry. Soon after this, I went into the 
fettlement, and nothing worthy of a place in 
this account pafTed in my affairs for fome time. 

During my abfence from Kentucke, Col. Bow- 
man carried on an expedition againft the Shawanefe, 
at Old Chelicothe, with one hundred and fixty 
men, in July, 1779. Here they arrived undil- 
covered, and a battle enlued, which lafted un- 

( 7' ) 

til ten o'clock, A. M. when Col. Bowman, find- 
ing he could not fucceed at this time, retreated a- 
bout thirty miles. The Indians, in the mean 
time, collecting all their forces, purfued and o- 
vertook him, when a fmart fight continued near 
two hours, not to the advantage of Col. Bow- 
man's party. 

Col. Harrod propofed to mount a number 
of horfe, and furioufly to rufh upon the favages, 
who at this time fought with remarkable fury. 
This defperate ftep had a happy effect, broke their 
line of battle, and the favages fled on all fides. 
In thefe two battles we had nine killed, and 
one wounded. The enemy's lofs uncertain, on- 
ly two fcalps being taken. 

On the twenty-fecond day of June, 1780, a 
large party of Indians and Canadians, about (ix 
hundred in number, commanded by Col. Bird, 
attacked Riddle's and Martin's ftations, at the 
Forks of Licking River, with fix pieces of ar» 
tillery. They carried this expedition fo fecretly, 
that the unwary inhabitants did not difcover 
them, until they fired upon the forts j and, not 
being prepared to oppofe them, were obliged to 
fiirrender themfelves miferable captives to barba- 
rous favages, who immediately after tomahawked 
one man and two women, and loaded all the 
others with heavy baggage, forcing them along 


( 72 ) 

toward their towns, able or unable to marcli'J 
Such as were weak and faint by the way, they 
tomahawked The tender women, and helpleis 
children, fell viiJims to their cruelty. This, and 
the favage treatment they received afterwards, is 
fhocking tohumanity, and too barbarous to relate. 

Thehoflile difpofition of the favages, and their 
allies, caufed General Clark, the commandant at 
the Falls ot the Ohio, immediately to begin an 
expedition with his own regiment, and the arm- 
ed force of the country, againft Pecaway, the 
principal town ot the Shawanefe, on a branch ot 
Great Miami, which he finifhed with great fuc- 
cefs, took feventeen fcalps, and burnt the town 
to afhes, with the lofs of feventeen men. 

About this time I returned to Kentucke with 
my family ; and here, to avoid an enquiry into 
my conduct, the reader being before informed of 
my bringing my family to Kentucke, 1 am under 
the necefiity of informing him that, during my 
captivity with the Indians, my wife, who de- 
fpaired of ever feeing me again, expelling the In- 
dians had put a period to my life, opprefTed with 
the dift relies of the country, and bereaved of me, 
her only happinefs, had, before I returned, tranf- 
ported my family and goods, on horfes, through 
the wildernefs, amidft a multitude of dangers, 
to her father's houfe. in North-Carolina. 


( 73 ) 

Shortly after the troubles at Boon(borough, I 
went to them, and lived peaceably there until this 
time. The hiftory of my going home, and re- 
turning with my family, forms a ferics of diffi- 
culties, an account of which would fwell a vo- 
lume, and being foreign to my purpofe, I fliall 
purpofely omit them. ^ 

I fettled my family in Boonfborough once morej 
and (hortly after, on the fixth day of Odlober, 
1780, I went in company with my brother to the 
Blue Licks ; and, on our return home, we were 
fired upon by a party of Indians. They fhot 
him, and purfued me, by the fcent of their dog, 
three miles ; but I killed the dog, and efcaped. 
The Winter foon came on, and was very fevere, 
which confined the Indians to their wigwams. 

The feverity of this Winter cauled great diffi- 
culties in Kentucke. The enemy had dcftroyed 
moft of the corn, the Summer before. This ne- 
ceflary article was fcarce, and dear ; and the 
inhabitants lived chiefly on the flefh of buffaloes. 
The circumftances of many were very lamenta- 
ble : However, being a hardy race of people, and 
accuftomed to difficulties and neceffities, they 
were wonderfully fupported through all their fuf- 
ferings, until the enfuing Fall, when we receiv- 
ed abundance from the fertile foil. 

K ^ Towards 

( 74 ) 

Towards Spring, we were frequently harafled by 
Indians; and, in May, 1782, a party aflaulted 
Afliton's ftation, killed one man, and took a 
Negro prifoner. Capt. Afhton, with twenty-five 
men, purfued, and overtook the favages, and a 
fmart fight enfued, which lafted two hours ; but 
they being fuperior in number, obliged Captain 
-A Alton's party to retreat, with the lofs of eight 
killed, and four mortally wounded j their brave 
commander himfelt being numbered among the 

The Indians continued their hoftilities ; and, 
about the tenth of Auguft following, two boys 
were taken from Major Hoy's ftation. This party 
was purfued by Capt. Holder and fcventeen men, 
who were alio defeated, with the lofs of four men 
killed, and one wounded. Our affairs became 
more and more alarming. Several ftations which 
had lately been erected in the country were conti- 
nually intefted with favages, ftealing their horfes 
and killing the men at every opportunity. In a 
field, near Lexington, an Indian fhot a man, and 
running to fcalp him, was himfelf fhot from the 
fort, and fell dead upon his enemy. 

Every day we experienced recent mifchiefs. 
The barbarous favage nations of Shawanefe, Che- 
rokees, Wyandots, Tawas, Delawares, and le- 
veral others near Detroit, united in a war againft 


(75 ) 

US and aflembled their choicefl: warriors at old 
Chelicothe, to go on the expedition, in order to 
deftroy us, and entirely depopulate the country. 
Their favage minds were inflamed to mifchief 
by two abandoned men, Captains M*Kee and 
Girty. Thefe led them to execute every diaboli- 
cal fcheme; and, on the fifteenth day of Auguft, 
commanded a party of Indians and Canadians, 
of about five hundred in number, againft Bri- 
ant's flation, five miles from Lexington. With- 
out demanding a furrender^ they furioufly af- 
faulted the garrifon, which was happily prepared 
to oppofe them ; and, after they had expended 
much ammunition in vain, and killed the cattle 
round the fort, not being likely to make them- 
felves mafters of this place, they raifed the fiegc, 
and departed in the morning of the third day af- 
ter they came, with the lofs of about thirty kill- 
ed, and the number of wounded uncertain. — Of 
the garrifon four were killed, and three wound- 

On the eighteenth day Col. Todd, Col. Trigg, 
Major Harland, and myfelf, fpeedily collected 
one hundred and feventy-fix men, well armed, 
and purfued the favages. They had marched be- 
yond the Blue Licks to a remarkable bend of the 
main fork of Licking River, about forty-three 
miles from Lexington, as it is particularly repre- 
fented in the mao, where we overtook them on 


( 76 ) 

the nineteenth day. The favages obferving us, 
gave way j and we, being ignorant of their num- 
bers, pafled the river. When the enemy law our 
proceedings, having greatly the advantage ot us 
in (ituation, they formed the line of battle, as 
reprefented in the map, from one bend of Lick- 
ing to the other, about a mile from the Blue 
Licks, An exceeding fierce battle immediately 
began, for about fifteen minutes, when we, be- 
ing over- powered by numbers, were obliged to re- 
treat, with the lofs of fixty feven men ; feven of 
whom were taken prifbners. The brave and 
much lamented Colonels Todd and Trigg, Major 
Hariand and my fecondfon, were among the dead. 
We were informed that the Indians, numbering 
their dead, found they had four killed more than 
we j and therefore, four of the prifoners they had 
taken, were, by general confent, ordered to be 
killed, in a moft barbarous manner, by the young 
warriors, in order to train them up to cruelty -, 
and then they proceeded to their towns. 

On our retreat we were met by Col. Logan, 
haftening to join us, with a number of well arm- 
ed men. This powerful afliftance we unfortu- 
nately wanted in the battle; for, notwithftanding 
the enemy's fuperiority of numbers, they ac- 
knowledged that, if they had received one more 
fire from us, they fhould undoubtedly have giv- 
en way. So valiantly did our fmall party fight, 


( n ) 

that, to the memory of thofe who unfortunate- 
ly fell in the battle, enough of honour cannot 
be paid Had Col. Logan and his party been 
v/ith us, it is highly probable we fhould have 
given the favages a total defeat. 

I cannot reflect upon tliis dreadful fcene, but 
forrow fills my heart. A zeal for the defence ot 
their country led thefe heroes to the fcene of ac- 
tion, though with a few men to attack a power- 
ful army of experienced warriors. When we 
gave way, they purfued us with the utmoft ea- 
gernefs, and in every quarter fpread deftruAion. 
The river was difficult to crofs, and many were 
killed in the flight, iome juft entering the river, 
fome in the water, others after croffing in afcend- 
ing the cliffs. Some efcaped on horfe-back, a 
few on foot ; and, being difpcrfed every where, 
in a few hours, brought the melancholy news of 
this unfortunate battle to Lexington. Many wi- 
dows were now made. The reader may guefs 
what forrow filled the hearts of the inhabitants, 
exceeding any thing that I am able to delcribe. 
Being reinforced, we returned to bury the dead, 
and tound their bodies ftrewed every where, cut 
and mangled in a dreadful manner. This mourn- 
ful fcene exhibited a horror almofl; unparalleled : 
Some torn and eaten by wild beafts ; thofe in the 
river eaten by fifties -, all in fuch a putrified con* 


( 78 ) 

dition, that no one could be diflinguifhed from 

As foon as General Clark, then at the Falls 
of the Ohio, who was ever our ready friend, and 
merits the love and gratitude of all his coun- 
try-men, underftood the circumftances of this 
unfortunate a6lion, he ordered an expedition, with 
all po/Tible hafte, to purfue the favages, which 
was fo expeditioufly effected, that we overtook 
them within two miles of their towns, and pro- 
bably might have obtained a great viftory> had 
not two of their number met us about two hun- 
dred poles before we come up. Thefe returned 
quick as lightening to their camp with the alarm- 
ing news of a mighty army in view. The fa- 
vages fled in the utmod diforder, evacuated their 
towns, and reluctantly left their territory to our 
mercy. We immediately took poffedion of Old 
Chelicothe without oppofition, bemg deferted by 
its inhabitants. We continued our purfuit 
through five towns on the Miami rivers, Old 
Chelicothe, Pecaway, New Chelicothe, Will's 
Towns, and Chelicothe, burnt them all to afh- 
es, entirely deftroyed their corn, and other fruits, 
and every where fpread a fcene of defolation in 
the country. In this expedition we took feven 
prifoners and five fcalps, with the lofs of only 
four men, two of whom were accidentally killed 
by our own army. 


( 79 ) 
This campaign in fome meafure damped the 
fpirits of the Indians, and made them fenfible of 
our fuperiority. Their connections were diffblv- 
ed, their armies fcattered, and a future invafion 
put entirely out of their power > yet they conti- 
nued to pradife mifchicf fecretly upon the inha- 
bitants, in the expofed parts of the country. 

In October following, a party made an ex- 
curfion into that diftrift called the Crab Orchard, 
and one of them, being advanced fome diftancc 
before the others, boldly entered the houfe of a 
poor defencelefs family, in which was only a Ne- 
gro man, a woman and her children, terrified 
with the apprehenfions of immediate death. The 
favagc, perceiving their defencelefs fituation, with- 
out offering violence to the family attempted to 
captivate the Negro, v/ho, happily proved an o- 
ver-match for him, threw him on the ground, 
and, in the druggie, the mother ot the children 
drew an ax from a corner of the cottage, and cut 
his head off, while her little daughter fliul the 
door. The favages inftantly appeared, and ap- 
plied their tomahawks to the door. An old ruf- 
ty gun-barrel, without a lock, lay in a corner, 
which the mother put through a fmall crevice, 
and the favages, perceiving it, fled. In the mean 
time, the alarm fpread through the neighbour- 
hood ; the armed men colle6ted immediately, and 
purfued the ravagers into the wildernefs. Thus 


( 8° ) 
Providence, by the means of this Negro, faved 
the whole of the poor family from deIlru6lion. 
From that time, until the happy return of pesce 
between the United States and Great-Bruain, the 
Indians did us no mifchief. Finding the great 
king beyond the water difappointed in his ex- 
pe6tations, and confcious of the importance of 
the Long Knife, and their own wretchednefs, 
fome of the nations immediately defired peace j 
to which, at prefent, they feem univerfally dif- 
pofed, and are fending ambafTadors to General 
Clark, at the Falls of the Ohio, with the mi- 
nutes of their Councils; a fpecimen of which, 
in the minutes of the Piankafhaw Council, is 

To conclude, I can now fay that I have veri- 
fied the faying of an old Indian who figned Col. 
Henderfon's deed. Taking me by the hand, at 
the delivery thereof. Brother, fays he, we have 
given you a fine land, but I believe you will have 
much trouble in fettling it. — My footfteps have 
often been marked with blood, and therefore I 
can truly fubfcribe to its original name. Two 
darling fons, and a brother, have I loft by favage 
hands, which have alfo taken from me forty va- 
luable horfes, and abundance of cattle. Many 
dark and fleeplefs nights have I been a compa- 
nion for owls, feparated from the chearful foci- 
ety of men, fcorchcd by the Summer's fun, and 


( 8i ) 

pinched by the Winter's cold, an inftrument or- 
dained to fettle the wildernefs. But now the 
fcene is changed : Peace crowns the fylvan fhade. 

/' What thanks, what ardent and ceafelefs thanks 
are due to that all-fuperintendlng Providence 
which has turned a cruel war into peace, brought 
order out of confufion, made the fierce favages 
placid, and turned away their hoftile weapons 
from our country ! May the fame Almighty 
Goodnefs banifh the accurfed monfter, war, 
from all lands, with her hated aflbciates, rapine 
and infatiable ambition. Let peace, defcending 
from her native heaven, bid her olives fpring a- 
midft the joyful nations ; and plenty, in league 
with commerce, fcatter blefiings from her copi- 
ous hand. 

This account of my adventures will inform 
the reader of the moft remarkable events of this 
country.— I now live in peace and fafety, enjoy- 
ing the fwects of liberty, and the bounties of 
Providence, with my once fellow-fufFerers, in 
this delightful country, which I have feen pur- 
chaled with a vaft expence of blood and trealure, 
delighting in the profpe<5t of its being, in a fhort 
time, one of the moft opulent and powerfnl 
ftates on the continent of North- America ; which, 
with the love and gratitude of my country-men, 

L I cfteera 

( 82 ) 

/ I eftecm a fufficient reward for aU my toil and dan 
gers. ^ 

Daniel Boon 
Fayette county, Kentuckc. 


7;^ <3 Cou NCI L, held with the Piankajhaw 
Indians^ by Thomas y, Daltoriy at Pofi 
St. Vi7icents^ April 15, 1784. 

My Children, 

WH A T I have often told you, is now 
come to pafs. This day I received news 
from my Great Chief, at the Falls of Ohio. 
Peace is made with the enemies of America. 
The White Flefh, the Americans, French, Spa- 
niards, Dutch and Englilh, this day fmoke out 


( 83 ) 
of the peace-pipe. The tomahawk is buried, 
and they are now friends. 

I am told the Shawanefe, Delawares, Chica- 
faws, Cherokces, and all other the Red Flefh, 
have taken the Long Knife by the hand. They 
have given up to them the prifoners that were in 
their nations. 

My Children on Wabajhj 
Open your ears, and let what I tell you fink 
deep in your hearts. You know me. Near tvven-* 
ty years I have been among you. The Long 
Knife is my nation. I know their hearts ; peace 
they carry in one hand, and war in the other. 

I leave you to yourfelves to judge. Confider, 
and now accept the one, or the other. We ne- 
ver beg peace of our enemies. If you love your 
women and children, receive the belt of wampum 
I prefent you. Return me my flefh you have in 
your villages, and the horfes you flole from my 
people at Kentucke, Your corn-fields were ne- 
ver dilturbed by the Long Knife. Your women 
and children lived quiet in their houfes, while 
your warriors were killing and robbing my peo- 
ple. All this you know is the truth. This is 
the laft time I fhall fpeak to you. I have waited 
fix moons to hear you fpeak, and to get 
my people from you. In ten nights 1 fliaU 


( 84 ) 

leave the Wabafh to fee my Great Chief at the 
Falls of Ohio, where he will be glad to hear, 
from your own lips, what you have to fay. Here 
is tobacco I give you i Smoke j and confider what 
I have faid. — Then I delivered one belt of blue 
and white wampum; and faid, Piankaftiaw, 
ijpeak, fpeak to the Americans, 

Then the Piankafhaw Chief anfwered ; 

My Great Father, the Long Knije, 
You have been many years among us. You 
have fuffered by us. We ftill hope you will have 
pity and compaflion upon us, on our women 
and children ; the day is clear. The fun fhines 
on us ; and the good news of peace appears m 
our faces. This day, my Father, this is the day 
of joy to the Wabafh Indians. With one tongue 
we now fpeak. 

We accept your peace-belt. We return God 
thanks, you are the man that delivered us what 
we long wifhed for, peace, with the White 
Flefh. My Father, we have many times counfel- 
led before you knew us j and you know how 
fome of us fuffered before. 

We received the tomahawk from the Englifh: 
Poverty forced us to it : We were attended by 
other nations •. We are forry for it. We this 
day colle6t the bones of our friends that long a- 
go were fcattered upon the earth. We bury 


( S5 ) 

them in one grave. We thus plant the tree of 
peace, that God may fpread branches ; fo that 
we can all be lecured from bad weather. They 
fmoke as brothers out of the peace-pipe we now 
prefent you. Here, my Father, is the pipe that 
gives us joy. Smoke out of it. Our warriors 
are glad you are the man we prefent it to. You 
fee, Father, we have buried the tomahawk : We 
now make a great chain of friendfliip never to be 
broken ; and now, as one people, fmoke out of 
your pipe. My Father, we know God was an- 
gry with us for ftealing your horfes, anddiilurb- 
ing your people. He has fent us fo much fnow 
and cold weather, that God himfelf killed all your 
horfes, with our own. 

We are now a poor people. God, we hope, 
will help us ; and our Father, the Long Knife, 
will have pity and compaflion on our women and 
children. Your flefli, my Father, is well that 
is among us ; we (hall collccl them all together 
when they come in from hunting. Don't be forry, 
my Father, all the prifoners taken at Kentucke 
are alive and well 3 we love them, and fo do our 
young women. 

Some of your people mend our guns, and o- 
thers tell us they can make rum of the corn. 
Thofe are now the fame as we. In one moon af- 
ter this, we will go with them to their friends at 
Kentucke. Seme oi your people will now go 


( 86 ) 

with Coftea, a Chief of our nation, to fee his 
Great Father, the Long Knife, at the Falls of 

My Father ^ 
This being the day of joy to the Wabafh Indi- 
ans, we beg a little drop of your milk, to let our 
warriors fee it came from your own bread. We 
were born and raifed in the woods j we could ne- 
ver learn to make rum — God has made the White 
Flefh mailers of the world i they make every 
thing ; and we all love rum 

Then they delivered three ftrings of blue and 
white wampum, and the coronet of peace. 

Present, in COUNCIL, 

M U S K I T O, 

Capt. BEAVER, 



A N T I A, 


C A S T I A, 


With many other Chiefs, and War Captains, 
and the Principal Inhabitants of the Poft of St. 


{ 87 ) 

Of the INDIANS. 

WE have an account of twenty-eight dif- 
ferent nations of Indians, Eaftward of 
the Mifliffippi. Their fituation is as follows. 

The Cherokee Indians are nearefl: to Ken- 
tucke, living upon the Tenefe * River, near 
the mouths of Clench, Holftein, Nolachucke, 
and French-Broad Rivers, which form the Te- 
nefe or Cherokee River, in the interior parts of 
North-Carolina, two hundred miles from Ken- 

The Chicamawgees live about ninety rhiles 
down the Tenefe from the Cherokees, at a place 
called Chicamawgee, which in our language figni- 
fies a Boiling Pot, there being a whirl-pool in 
the river dangerous for boats. The Dragomo- 
nough, a Chief of the Cherokees, with fixty 
more, broke off from that nation, and formed this 


( 88 ) 

tribe, which is called by the name of the Whirl- 

The Cheegees, and Middle- Settlement Indi- 
ans, are fettled about fifty and eighty miles South 
of the Cherokees. — Thcfe four tribes fpeak one 
language, being defcended from the Cherokees. 

The Chicafaws inhabit about one hundred 
miles N. W. from our fettlement at French 
Lick, on Cumberland River, on the heads of a 
river called. Tombeche, which runs into Mobile 

The Cho6law nation are eighty miles from the 
Chicafaws, down the fame river. 

The Creek Indians live about one hundred and 
fixty miles South of the Cho6lavvs, on the Apa- 
Jache River, which runs into the Gulph of Mex- 
ico, fome little diitance Eaft of Mobile Bay. 

The Uchees Indians occupy four different 
places of refidence, at the head of St. John's, the 
Fork of St. Mary's, the head of Cannuchee, and 
the head of St. Tillis. Thefe rivers rile on the 
borders ot Georgia, and run icparately into the 

The Catauba Indians are fettled in North-Ca- 

( 89 ) 

rolina, about two hundred miles diftant from 
Charles-town, in S. Carolina. 

The tribes to the Weftward of Ohio River are 
the Delawares, living upon the Mifkingum Ri- 
ver, which runs into the Ohio one hundred and 
eighty- feven miles above Sciotha, on the N. 
Weft fide. 

The Mingo Nation lives upon a N. W. branch 
of Sciotha River, as is reprelented in the map. 

TheWyandottspoflefsthe banks of a river call- 
ed Sandulky, which heads and interlocks with 
Sciotha, and, running in a contrary direflioa 
nearly N. W. for a great diftance, falls into Lake 

The Six Nations are fettled upon waters run- 
ning into Lake Ontario, that head in the moun- 
tain, from whence the Ohio and Sufquchannah 
rivers rife. 

The Shawanefelndians occupyfive tovvjis on the 
waters of Little and Great Miami, as appears in 
the map. 

The Gibbaways are fixed on the EaH: fide of 
Detroit River, and oppofite the fort of that 
name. This river runs out of Lake Huron 

M into 

( 90 ) 
into Lake Erie, is thirty-fix miles in length, and 
the fort ftands on the Weft fide, half way be- 
twixt thefe lakes. 

The Hurons live fix miles from the Gib- 
baways, towards Lake Huron, and on the fame 
fide of the river. 

The Tawaws are found eighteen miles up the 
Mawmec or Omee River, which runs into Lake 

There is a fmall tribe of Tawas fettled at a 
place called the Rapids, fome diftance higher up 
tlie river than the former. 

The Mawmee Indians live two hundred and 
forty miles up this river, at a place called Ro- 

The Piankafhaws refide about one hundred 
and fixty miles up Wabafh River; — 

The Vermilion Indians about fixty miles 
higher; — and the Wyahtinaws about thirty 
miles ftill further up the fame river. 

The Wabafh heads and interlocks with Maw* 
mee, and runs a contrary direction into Ohio 
three hundred and eighteen miles below the Falls. 


( 9' ) 
The Long-ifle or Ifle-River Indians live orv 
Ifle, or White River, which runs into Wa- 

The Kickapoos are fixed on a branch of 
Mawmee River above the Long-ifle Indians. 

The Ozaw Nation lives on the Ozaw River, 
which runs into Mifliflippi :— 

And the Kakafky Nation, on the Mifllflippi, 
two hundred miles above the Ozaws. 

The Illinois Indians inhabit upon the Illinois 
River, which falls into the MiflilTippi i— 

And the Poutawottamles near St. Jofeph's, a 
town on a branch of the Illinois. 

The Sioux and Renards, are neighbours to the 
fort of Michillimackinac, on Lake Michigan. 

Thefe are the principal part of the Nations 
within the limits of the United States. Allow- 
ing about kwen hundred to a nation or tribe, they 
will contain, in all, twenty thoufand fouls, and 
confequently may furnifh between four and five 
thoufand warriors, ^ 

The Speculations of curious idlenefs have fram- 

( 92 ) 

cd many fyftcms to account for the population 
of this immenfe continent. There is fcarce a 
people in the old world which has not had its 
advocates ; and there have not been wanting 
fome, who, defpairing to loofen» have cut the 
knot, by fuppofmg that the power, which fur- 
nifhcd America with plants, has in the fame 
manner fupplied it with men, or at leaft, that 
a remnant in this continent was faved from the 
univerlal deluge, as well as in the other. As 
this fubjefl is rather curious than ufeful. and, in its 
very nature, does not admit of certainty, everything 
that pad'ed in America before the arrival of the 
Europeans being plunged in Cimmerian darknefs, 
except thofe little traditional records, which diffufe 
a glimmering light on the two empires of Mex- 
ico and Peru, for about two hundred years at 
moft before that period, we Ihall only (lightly 
touch on that fubje6t ; chiefly for the fake of 
taking notice of fome modern difcoveries which 
feem to ftrengthen the probability of fome for- 
mer theories The great fimilarity, or rather i- 
dentity, of the perfons and manners of the A- 
mericans, and thofe of the Tartars of the N, 
Eaftern parts of Afia, together with a prefump- 
tion, which has long poflfeflTed the learned, 
that Afia and America were united, or at leafl fe- 
parated only by a narrow fea, has inclined the 
more reflecting part of mankind to the opinion, 
that the true origin of the Indians is from this 
quarter. The immenfe feas, which feparate the 


( n ) 

two continents on every other fide, render it high- 
ly improbable that any colonies could ever have 
been fent a-crofs them before the difcovery of the 
magnetical compafs. The ingenious M. BufFon 
too has remarked, and the obfervation appears to 
bejufl", that there are no animals inhabiting in 
common the two continents, but fuch as can bear 
the colds of the North. Thus there are no ele- 
phants, no lions, no tigers, no camels in Ame- 
rica ; but bears, wolves, deer, and elks in abun- 
dance, abfolutely the fame in both hemilphercs. 
This hypothefis, which has been gaining ground 
ever fince its firrt: appearance in the world, is 
now reduced almoft to a certainty by the latedif- 
coveries of Capt. Cook. That illuftrious, but 
unfortunate navigator, in his laft voyage, pene- 
trated for a confiderable dillance into the ftrait 
which divides Afia from America, which is only 
fix leagues wide at its mouth ; and therefore eafi- 
Jy practicable for canoes. We may now there- 
fore conclude, that no farther enquiry will ever be 
madein to thegeneraloriginof the American tribes. 

Yet, after all, it is far from beingimprobable that 
various nations, by fhipwreck, orotherwife, may 
have contributed, in fome degree, to the popula- 
tion of this continent. The Carthaginians, who 
had many fettlements on the coafl of Africa, be- 
yond the Straits of Gibraltar, and pufhed their 
difcoveries as far as where the two continents in 


{ 94 ) 

that quarter approach each other the neareft, may 
probably have been thrown by tempefts on the 
American coaft, and the companies of the veflels 
finding it imprafticable to return, may have in- 
corporated with the former inhabitants, or have 
formed new fcttlements, which, from want of 
the neceflTary inftruments to exercife the arts they 
were acquainted with, would naturally degene- 
rate into barbarity. There are indeed lome an- 
cient writers, who give us reafon to fuppofe, that 
there were colonies regularly formed by that na- 
tion in America, and that the communication, 
after having continued for fome time, was (lop- 
ped by order of the State. But it is difficult to 
conceive that any people, eftablilhcd with ail thofe 
necellaries proper for their fuuation, (hould ever 
degenerate, from \'o high a degree of cultivation 
as the Carthaginians poirclFed, to a total igno- 
rance even of the mofl: neccflary arts : And there- 
fore it fcems probable, that if that nation ever 
had fuch colonies, they muft have been cut off 
by the natives, and every veftigc of them de- 

About the ninth and tenth centuries, the Danes 
were the greateft navigators in the univerfe. They 
difcovered and fettled Iceland ; and from thence, 
in 964, planted a colony in Greenland. The 
ancient Icelandic chronicles, as reported by M. 
Mallet, contain an account of fome Icelanders, 


( 95 ) 
who> in the clofe of an unfaccefsful war, fied to 
Greenland, and from thence Wcftward, to a 
country covered with vines, which, irom thence 
they called Vinland. 

The adventurers returned home, and condu6l- 
ed a colony to their new difcovery ; but difturb- 
ances arifmg in Denmark, all communication 
with Greenland, as well as Vinland, ceafcd ; and 
thofe countries remamcd unknown to the relt 
of the world for feveral ages. The remains of 
this colony are prcbably to be found on the coaft 
of Labrador, in the nation of the Efquimaux. The 
colour of their Ikins, their hairy bodies and 
bulhy beards, not to mention the difference of 
manners, mark an origin totally diftintl from 
that of the other Indians. 

In the year 1170, Madoc, fonof Owen Gwyn- 
nedh. Prince of Wales, diffatisfied with the fi- 
tuation of affairs at home, left his country, as 
related by the Welfli hifforians, in queft of new 
fettlements, and leaving Ireland to the North, 
proceeded Weft till he difcovered a fertile coun- 
try J where, leaving a colony, he returned, and 
perfuading many of his country-men to join him, 
put to fea with ten (hips, and was never more 
heard of. 


( 96 ) 

This account has, at fevcral times, drawn the 
attention of the world ; but as no veftiges of them 
had then been found, it was concluded, perhaps 
too raflily, to be a fable, or at leaft, that no rc- 
mdinb of the colony exiftcd. Of late years, how- 
ever, the Weftern fettlcis have received frequent 
accounts ot a nation, inhabiting at a great dif- 
tance up the MilFouri, in manners and appearance 
refembiing the other Indians, but fpeaking Welfli» 
and retaining fome ceremonies of the chriftian 
worfhip ; and at length, this is univerfally be- 
lieved there to be a fa6t. 

Captain Abraham Chaplain, of Kentucke, a 
gentleman, whofe veracitymaybeentirely depend- 
ed upon, aflurcd the author, that in the late war, 
being with his company in garrifon at Kalkafky, 
fome Indians came there, and, fpeaking in the 
WelHi diale6>, were perfectly underftood and 
converfed vviih by two Wcllhmen in his compa- 
ny, and that they informed them of the fitua- 
tion of their nation as mentioned above. 

The author is fcnfible of the ridicule which vain and the petulant may attempt to throw 
on this account ; but as truth only has guided his 
pen, he is regardlefs of the confequences, and 
flatters himfclf, that, by calling the attention of 
mankind once more to this fubjc6l, he may be 
the means of procuring a more accurate inquiry 


( 97 ) 
into rts rruth, which, if it fliould even refute 
the ftory of the Wclfli, will at leaft perform the 
important fervice to the world, of promoting a 
more accurate difcovcry of this immcnfe conti- 

There are fcveral ancient remains in Kentucke, 
which fecm to prove, that this country Was for- 
merly inhabited by a nation farther advanced in 
the arts of life than the Indians. Thefe are there 
ufually attributed to the Wclfh, who are fuppof- 
ed to have formerly inhabited here ; but having 
been expelled by the natives, were forced to take 
refuge near the fourccs of the MilTouri. 

It is well known, that no Indian nation has e- 
ver pra^lifcd the method of defending themfclves 
by entrenchments ; and fuch a work would even 
be no eafy one, while thefe nations were unac- 
quainted with the ufc of iron. 

In the neighbourhood of Lexington, the re^ 
mains of two ancient fortifications are to be feen, 
furnifhed with ditches and baftions. One ojf 
thefe contains about fix acres of land, and the o- 
ther nearly three. They are now overgrown with 
trees, which, by the number of circles in the 
wood, appear to be not Icfs than one hundred 
and fixty years old. Pieces of earthen veflels 
have alfo been plowed up near Lexington, a ma- 

N nufafture 

( 98 ) 

nufa(Elure with which the Indians were never ac- 

The burying.grounds, which were mentioned 
above, under the head of Curiofities, form ano- 
ther ftrong argument that this country was for- 
merly inhabited by a people different from the 
prefent Indians. Ahhough they do not difcover 
any marks of extraordinary art in the ftrufture, 
yet, as many nations are particularly tenacious of 
their ancient cuftoms, it may perhaps be worthy 
of enquiry, whether thefe repofitories of the 
dead do not bear a confiderable refemblance to the 
ancient Britifb remains. Some buildings, attri- 
buted to the Pi6ls, are mentioned by the Scottifh 
antiquaries, which, if the author miftakes not, 
are formed nearly in the fame manner. Let it 
be enough for him to point out the road, and 
hazard fome uncertain conjeflures. The day is 
not far diftant, when the fartheft receflfes of this 
continent will be explored, and the accounts of 
the Wclfli cftablifhed beyond the poffibility of a 
doubt, or configned to that oblivion which has 
already received fo many fuppofitions founded on 
arguments as plaufible as thefe. 


THE Indians are not born white ; and take 

a great 

( 99 ) 

a great deal of pains to darken their complexion, 
by anointing themfelves with greafe, and lying in 
the fun. They alfo paint their faces, breafts and 
fhoulders, of various colours, but generally red; 
and their features are well formed, efpecially 
thofe of the women. They are of a middle fea- 
ture, their limbs clean and ftraight, and fcarcely 
any crooked or deformed perfon is to be found 
among them. In many parts of their bodies 
they prick in gun-powder in very pretty figures. 
They Ihave, or pluck the hair off their heads, ex- 
cept a patch about the crown, which is orna- 
mented with beautiful feathers, beads, wampum, 
and fuch like baubles. Their ears are pared, 
and ftretched in a thong down to their (houlders. 
They are wound round with wire to expand them, 
and adorned with filver pendants, rings, and 
bells, which they likewife wear in their nofes. 
Some of them will have a large feather through 
the cartilage of the nofe j and thofe who can af- 
ford it, wear a collar of wampum, a filver breaft- 
plate, and bracelets, on the arms and wrifts. A 
bit of cloth about the middle, a (hirt of the En- 
glifli make, on which they beftow innumerable 
broaches to adorn it, a fort of cloth boots and 
mockafons, which are fhoes of a make peculiar 
to the Indians, ornamented with porcupine quills, 
with a blanket or match-coat thrown over all, 
compleats their drefs at home j but when they 
go to war, they leave their trinkets behind, and 


( loo ) 

mere necefTaries fcrve them. There is little dif- 
ference between the drefs of the men and wo- 
men, excepting that a (hort petticoat, and the 
hair, which is exceeding black, and long, club- 
bed behind, diftinguilh fome of the latter. Ex- 
cept the head and eye-brows, they pluck the hair, 
with great diligence, from all parts of the body, 
eipecially the loofer part of the lex. 

Their warlike arms are guns, bows and arrows, 
darts, fcalping-knives and tomahawks. This is 
one of their mod ufetul pieces of field-furni- 
ture, ferving all the offices of the hatchet, pipe, 
and fword. They are exceeding expert in throw- 
ing it, and will kill at a confiderable diftance. The 
world has no better marks-men, with any wea- 
pon. They will kill birds flying, filhes fwimming, 
and wild beads running. 


THE Indians are not fo ignorant as fome 
fuppofe them, but are a very underftanding peo- 
ple, quick of apprehenfion, fudden in execu- 
tion, fubtle in bufinefs, exquifite in invention, 
and induftrious in action. They are of a very gen- 
tle and amiable difpofition to thole they think 
their friends, but as implacable in their enmity j 
their revenge being only compleated, in the en- 

( loi ) 

tire deftru£Vion of their enemies. They are very 
hardy, bearing heat, cold, hunger and thirft, in 
a furpiifing manner, and yet no people are mi)re 
addicted to excefs in eating and drinking, when 
it is conveniently in their power. The follies, 
nay mifchief, they commit when inebriated, 
are entirely laid to the liquor , and no one will 
revenge any injury (murder excepted) received 
from one who is no more himlelf. Among 
the Indians, all men arc equal, perfonal qualities 
being moft efteemed. No diflin6tion of birth, 
no rank, renders any man capable of doing pre- 
judice to the rights of private perfons ; and there 
is no pre-eminence from merit, which begets 
pride, and which makes others too lenfible of 
their own inferiority. Though there is perhaps 
lefs delicacy of fentiment in the Indians than a- 
mongft us J there is, however, abundantly more 
probity, with infinitely lels ceremony, or equivocal 
compliments. Their public conferences (hew 
them to be men of genius ; and they have, in a 
high degree, the talent of natural eloquence. 

They live difperfed in fmall villages, either in 
the woods, or on the banks of rivers, where 
they have little plantations of Indian -corn, and 
roots, not enough to fupply their families half 
the year, and fubfifting the remainder of it by 
hunting, fifliing and fowling, and the fruits of 


( 102 ) 

the earth, which grow fpontaneoufly in great 

Their huts are generally built of fmall logs, 
and covered with bark, each one having a chim- 
ney, and a door, on which they place a padlock. 

Old Chelicothe is built in form of aKentuckc 
flation, that is, a parallelogram, or long fquare ; 
and fome of their houfes are fhingled A long 
Council-houfe extends the whole length of the 
town, where the King and Chiefs of the nation 
frequently meet, and confult of all matters of 
importance, whether of a civil or military na- 

Some huts are built by fetting up a frame on 
forks, and placing bark againft it ; others of 
reeds, and furrounded with clay. The fire is in 
the middle of the wigwam, and the fmoke pafles 
through a little hole. They join reeds together 
by cords run through them, which ferve them 
for tables and beds. They moftly lie upon fkins 
of wild hearts, and fit on the ground. They 
have brafs kettles and pots to boil their food ; 
gourds or calabafhes, cut afunder, ferve them for 
pails, cups and diflies. 


( 103 ) 

THE accounts of travellers, concerning their 
religion, are various j and although it cannot be 
abfolutely affirmed that they have none, yet it 
muft be confefled very difficult to define what it 
is. All agree that they acknowledge one Su- 
preme God, but do not adore him. They have 
not feen him, they do not know him, believing 
him to be too far exalted above them, and too 
happy in himfelf to be concerned about the 
trifling affairs of poor mortals. They feem alfo 
to believe in a future ftate, and that after death 
they (hall be removed to their friends who have 
gone before them, to an elyfium, or paradife. 

TheWyandotts, near Detroit, and fome others, 
have the Roman Catholic religion introduced 
amongft them by miffionaries. Thefe have a 
church, a minifter, and a regular burying- 
ground. Many of them appear zealous, and 
fay prayers in their families. Thefe, by acquain- 
tance with white people, are a little civiUzed, 
which muft of neceffity precede chriftianity. 

The Shawanefe, Cherokees, Chickafaws, and 
fome others, are little concerned about fuperfti- 
tion, or religion. Others continue their former 
fuperftitious worfhip of the obje6ts of their love 


( 104 ) 
and fear, and efpecially thofe beings whom they 
moft dread, and whom therefore we generally de- 
nominate devils } though, at the fame time, it 
is allowed they pray to the fun, and other infe- 
rior benevolent deities, for fucccfs in their under- 
takings, for plenty of food, and other necelfa- 
ries in life. 

They have their feftivals, and other rejoicing- 
days, on which they fing and dance in a ring, 
taking hands, having fo painted and difguifcd 
themielves, that it is difficult to know any of 
them ; and after enjoying this diverfion tor a 
while, they retire to the place where they have 
prepared a feaft of fifh, flefli, fowls and fruits, 
to which all are invited, and entertained with 
their country fongs. They believe that there is 
great virtue in feafts tor the fick. For this pur- 
pofe a young buck muft be killed, and boiled, 
the friends and near neighbours of the patient 
invited, and having firft thrown tobacco on the 
the fire, and covered it up clofe, they all fit down 
in a ring, and raife a lamentable cry. They then 
uncover the fire, and kindle it up j and the head 
of the buck is firft fent about, every one taking 
a bit, and giving a loud croak, in imitation of 
crows. They afterwards proceed to eat all the 
buck, making a moft harmonious, melancholy 
fong ; in which ftrain their mufic is particularly 


( 105 ) 

As they approach their towns, when fome of 
their people are loft in war, they make great la- 
mentations for their dead, and bear them long af- 
ter in remerabrancck 

Some nations abhor adultery, do not approve 
of a plurality of wives, and are not guilty of 
theft ; but there are other tribes that are not fo 
fcrupulousin thefc matters. Amongft theChicka- 
faws a hufband may cut off the nolc of his 
wife, if guilty of adultery ; but men are allowed 
greater liberty. This nation defpifes a thief. 
Among the Chcrokees they cut off the nofe and 
ears of an adulterefs ; afterwards her hufband 
gives her adifcharge; and from this time (he is 
not permitted to refufe any one who prefents 
himfclf. Fornication is unnoticed ; for they al- 
low perfons in a fmgle ftate unbounded free- 

Their form of marriage is (hort — the man, be- 
fore witnelTes, gives the bride a deer's foot, and 
fhe, in return, prefents him with an ear of corn, 
as emblems of their feveral duties. 

The women are very flaves to the men; which 
is a common cafe in rude, unpoliflied nations, 
throughout the world. They are charged with 
being revengeful; but this revenge is only doing 
themfelves juftice on thofe who injure them, 

O and 

( 'o6 ) 

and is feldom executed, but in cafes of murder 
and adultery. 

Thcii king has no power to put any one to 
death by his own authority j but the murderer 
is generally delivered up to the friends of the de- 
ceafed, to do as they pleafe. When one kills a- 
nother, his friend kills him, and fo they conti- 
nue until much blood is fhed ; and at laft, the 
quarrel is ended by mutual prefents. Their 
kings are hereditary, but their authority extreme- 
ly limited. No people are a more ftriking evi- 
dence of the miferies of mankind in the want of 
government than they. Every chief, when of- 
fended, breaks off with a party, fettles at fome 
diftance, and then commences hoftilities againft 
his own people. They are generally at war with 
each other. Thefe are common circumflances 
amongft the Indians. 

When they take captives in war, they are exceed- 
ingly cruel, treating the unhappy prifoners in 
fuch a manner, that death would be preferable to 
life. They afterwards give them plenty of food, 
load them with burdens, and when they arrive 
at their towns, they muft run the gauntlet. In 
this, the favages exercife lo much cruelty, that 
one would think it impofllble they fhould fur- 
vive their fufferings. Many are killed} but if one 
outlives this trial, he is adopted into a family as a 


( 107 ) 
fon, and treated with paternal kindnefs ; and if 
he avoids their fufpicions of going away, is allow- 
ed the fame privileges as their own people. 

The conclusion. 

HAVING finifhed my Intended narrative, 
I fhall clofe the appendix, with a few obfervations 
upon the happy circumftances, that the inhabi- 
tants of Kentucke will probably enjoy, from ihe 
poffefTionof a country fo extenfive and fertile. 

There are four natural qualities neceflary to 
promote the happinefs of a country, viz. A good 
foil, air, water and trade. Thefe taken collec- 
tively, excepting the latter. Kentucke pofTelfes 
in a fuperior degree : And, agreeable to our de- 
fcriprion of the weftern trade, we conclude, that 
it will be nearly equal to any other on the conti- 
nent of America, and the difadvaniages it is fub- 
je6t to, be fully compenfated by the fertility of 
the foil. 

This fertile region, abounding with all the lux- 
uries of nature, ftored with all the principal ma- 
terials for art and induftry, inhabited by vir- 
tuous and ingenious citizens, muft univerfally 
attra(ft the attention of mankind, being fituated 
in the central part of the extenfive American em- 

pire, (the limits of whofe ample domains, as de- 
fcribed in the fecond article of the late Definitive 
Treaty, are fubjoined) where agriculture, induf- 
try, laws, arts and fciences, flourifti ; where 
afflicted humanity railes her drooping head ; 
where fprings a harveft for the poor; where con- 
iciencc ceafes to be a flave, and laws are no more 
than the fecurity of happinefs; where nature 
makes reparation for having created man ; and 
government, fo long proftituted to the moft crimi- 
nal purpofes, eftablilhes an afylum in the wil- 
dernefs for the dirtrefled of mankind. 

The recital of your happinefs will call to your 
country all the unfortunate of the earth, who, hav- 
ing experienced opprefllon, political or religious, 
will there find a deliverance from their chains. 
To you innumerable multitudes will emigrate 
from the hateful regions of defpotifm and tyran- 
ny; and you will furcly welcome them as friends, 
as brothers ; you will welcome them to partake 
v/ith you ot your happinefs. — Let the memory 
of Lycurgus, the Spartan legiflator, who banifli- 
ed covstoufnefs, and the love of gold from bis 
country ; the excellent Locke, who firft taught 
the doctrine of toleration ; the venerable Penn, 
the firft who founded a city of brethren ; and 
Walhington, the defender and prote6^or of 
perlecutcd liberty, be ever the illuftrious exam- 
ples of your political conduct. Avail yourfclves 


( I09 ) 

of the benefits of nature, and of the fruitful coun- 
try you inhabit. 

Let the iron of your mines, the wool of your 
flocks, your flax and hemp, the (kins of the fa- 
vage animals that wander in your woods, be fa- 
shioned into manufaclures, and take an extraor- 
dinary value from your hands. Then will you 
rival the fuperfluities of Europe, and know that 
happinefs may be found, without the commerce 
fo univerfally defired by mankind. 

In your country, like the land of proraife, 
flowing with milk and honey, a land of brooks 
of water, of fountains and depths, that fpring 
out of vallevs and hills, a land of wheat and 
barley, and all kinds of fruits, you fhall eat 
bread without fcarcenefs, and not lack any thing 
in it ; where you are neither chilled with the 
cold of Capricorn, nor fcorched with the burn- 
ing heat of cancer ; the niildnefs of your air fo 
great, that you neither feel the effects of infec- 
tious fogs, nor peftilential vapours. Thus, your 
country, favoured with the fmiles of heaven, 
will probably be inhabited by the firft people the 
world ever knew. 


( "0 ) 

Article II. of the late Definitive Treaty. 

AND that all difputes which might arife irv 
future on the fubjefl of the boundaries oi the 
faid United States, may be prevented, it is here- 
by agreed and declared, that the following arc 
and fhall be their boundaries, viz. From the N. W. 
angle of Nova-Scotia, viz. that angle which is 
formed by a line drawn due North from the 
fource of St. Croix River to the Highlands, along 
the faid Highlands, which divide thofe rivers 
that empty themfelves into the river St. Law- 
rence, from thofe which fall into the Atlantic o- 
cean, to the North- Weftern mod head of Con- 
necticut River ; thence down along the middle of 
that river to the forty-fifth degree of North lati- 
tude ; from thence by a line due Weft: on faid la- 
titude, until it ftrikes the river Iroquois, or Ca- 
taraqui j thence along the middle of the faid ri- 
ver into Lake Ontario, through the middle of the 
faid lake, until it ftrikes the communication by 
water between that lake and Lake Erie ; thence 
along the middle of faid communication into Lake 
Erie, through the middle of faid lake until it ar- 
rives at the water communication between that 
lake and Lake Huron ; thence along the mid- 
dle of faid water communication into the Lake 
Huron ; thence through the middle of faid 
lake to the water communication between 


( "1 ) 

that lake and Lake Superior; thence through 
Lake Superior Northward of the Ides Roy- 
al and Phehpeaux to the Long Lake , thence 
through the middle of faid Long Lake and the 
water communication between it and the Lake of 
the Woods, to the Lake of the Woods ; thence 
through the (aid lake tothemoft N.W. point there- 
of, and from thence on a due Weft courfe to the 
river JVIifllflippi ; thence by a line to be drawn a- 
long the middle of the faid river Miffiilippi un- 
til itfhall interfeft the Northcmmoft part of the 
thirty-firft degree of North latitude; South, by 
a line to be drawn due Eaft from the determi- 
nation of the laft mentioned in the latitude of 
thirty-one degrees North of the equator, to the 
middle of the river Apalachicola, or Catanouche ; 
thence along the middle thereof to its jun6lion 
with the Flint River; thence ftraight to the 
head of St Mary's River ; and thence down a- 
Icng the middle of St. Mary's River to the At- 
lantic ocean; Eaft, by a line to be drawn along the 
middle of the river St. Croix, from its mouth in the 
bay of Fundy to its fource, and from its fource 
direflly North to the aforefaid Highlands which 
divide the rivers that lall into the Atlantic ocean 
from thofe which fall into the river St. Lawrence, 
comprehending all iflands within twenty leagues 
of any part ot the ftiores of the United States, 
and lying between lines to be drawn due Eaft 
from the points where the aforefaid boundaries 


( 112 ) 

between Nova-Scotia on the one part, and EaH-- 
Floridaon the other, (hall refpe6livcly touch the 
bay of Fundy and the Atlantic ocean, except- 
ing fuch iflands as now are, or hertofore have 
been, within the limits of the faid province of 
Nova- Scotia. 


( "3 ) 

ROAD from Philadelpia to the Falls of 
the Ohio by land. 

I M I M.D 

FROM Philadelphia toLancafter 
To Wright's on Sufquehannah 
To York-town 
the mountain at Black's Gap 
the other fide ot the mountain 
the Stone- houfe Tavern 
Wadkin's Ferry on Potowmack 
Wood (lock 
Shanandoah River 
the North branch ot Shanandoah 

the North Fork of James River 
James River 
Botetourt Court-houfe 
Woods's on Catauba River 
Patterfon's en Roanoak 
the Allegany Mountain 
New River 
the forks of the road 




















































( iH ) 

To Fort ChifTel 
a Stone Mill 

Boyd's - - - 

head of Holftein 
Wafhington Court-houfe 
the BIock-hoLife - - - 
Powel's Mountain 
Walden's Ridge - _ - 
the Valley Station 
Alartln Cabbin's 
Cumberland Mountain 
the ford of Cumberland River 
the Flat Lick 
Stinking Creek 
Richland Creek 
Down Richland Creek 
Rackoon Spring 
Laurel River 

Llazlc Patch _ _ - 

the ford on Rock-Cafl:lc River 
Englifh's Station 
Col. Edwards's at Crab-Orchard 
Whitley's Station 
Logan's Station 
Clark's Station 
Crow's Station 

Harrod's Station - - 


I M I M.D 












S3 J 











































( "5 ) 

I M I M.D 









To Harbifon's 
the Salt-works 
the Falls of the Ohio 

Kentucke is fituated about South, 00 '^ Weft 
from Philadelphia, and, on a ftraight line, may 
be about fix hundred miles diftant from that ci- 

ROAD to Pittfburg, and DiOances from 
thence down the Ohio River to its mouth, and 
from thence down the MiflifTippi to the Mex- 
ican Gulph. 

I M I M.D 

FROM Philadelphia to Lan-7 
carter - ] 

To Middletown 
Harris's Ferry 
Fort Loudon 
Fort Littleton 
Juniata Creek 



















( n6 ) 

To Bedford 

the foot of the Allegany Mountains 
Stony-Creek - - 
the Eaft fide of Laurel Hill 
Fort Ligonier 

I M I M.D 

FROM Pittfburg to Log's-tovvn 7 
on the Ohio River, N. fide, J 
To Big Beaver-Creek, N. 
Little Beaver-Creek, N. 
Yellow-Creek, N. 
Ming's Town 
Grafs-Creek, N. - 
Wheelen-Creek, S. fide, 
Grave-Creek, S, 
the Long' Reach 
the end of do. 
Mifkingum River, N. 
Little Kenhawa. S. 
Pockhocking River, N. 
Great Kenhawa River, S. 
Great Griandot, S. 
Big Sandy-Creek, S. 
Sciotha River, N. 
Big Buffalo-Lick Creek, S. 
a Large Jfbnd 
the Three Iflands 
Limeftone-Creek, S. 
Little Miami, N. 














1 1 











1 1 

























( "7 ) 

To Licking River, South fide. 
Great Miami River, N. 
Big-Bone Creek, S. 
Kentucke River, S. 
the Rapids of Ohio 
Salt River, S. 
the beginning of the Low 1 

Country - J 

the firft of the Five Iflands 
Green River, S. 
a Large Ifland 
Wabafh River, N. 
the Great Cave, N. 
Cumberland River, S. 
Tenefc River, S. 
Fort Media-River, S. 
the mouth of Ohio River 
the Iron Banks, S. 
Chickafaw River 
the River Margot 
St, Francis's River 
Akanfa River 
Vazaw River 
the Grand Gulph 
the Little Gulph 
Foit Rofalie, at the Natches, 
the River Rouore 
the uppermoll mouth of 1 

the Mifliflippi J 

I M. I M.D. 
























































( "8 ) 

To Point Coupee 
the Villages of the Alibama 

New Orleans, S.fide, 
the mouths of the MifTifTippi 

I M. J M.D. 





173 1 







A ftraight line drawn from Pittfburg to the 
mouth of the Mifliflippi may be computed at two 
thirds of the diftance by the meanders of the ri- 
vers, which will be twelve hundred and ninety 

?r )ec 5eC -3^ 
k )3C Jl( 

Paged Critique 

Having completed his manuscript on the 
history of Kentucky, Filson checked it against 
the best authorities available to him, handed it 
to the printer, James Adams, who, in turn, pub- 
lished it in book form and thus made it the 
property ot the world. There is nothing to show 
that the young author, once the book was in the 
hands of the public, gave it any further special 
concern. There is nothing to indicate but that 
it was well received at the time — uncommonly 
well if the complete list of editions which were 
brought out at home and abroad during the 
decade 1784 to 1794 is to be consulted. There 
is, perhaps, nothing better with which to meet 
any modern or exacting criticism of its time- 
honored pages than Disraeli's observation, "It 
is much easier to be critical than correct," or 
Arnold's ilictum, "All time given to writing criti- 
ques on the works of others would be much 
better employed if it were given to original 

Granting the pertinentcy of these remarks, it 
seems, nevertheless, appropriate, after the pas- 
sage of nearly a century and half, to look over 
the pages of Filson's brochure with the same 
meticulous care that one would address, by 
way of review, to a modern manuscript. It 

( 120 ) 

would appear that, in hands not unfriendly, such 
scrutiny need not be harshly insistent upon 
tornis and features of historical writing quite as 
much as it might be attentive to accuracy of 
statement, clarity of expression, and sincerity 
of appreciation where rect)gnition of these attri- 
butes in single justice is due. Along such lines 
as these, Kilson's book and map have been 
reviewed, neither briefly nor in extended 
fashion, bur in such degree and order as has 
seemed fitting to an atlequate modern under- 
standing of each. 

Title Page. The length and arrangement of 
this page give evidence of poor book-making 
taste. Much of the material presented should 
have been held over for a shortly subsequent 
table of contents. Filson himself may have 
approved this style, which, during the latter part 
of the eighteenth century, had considerable 

Subscription Page. The author secured as 
sponsors for this, his first book, three of the lead- 
ing citizens of Kentucky — Boone, Todd, and 
Harrod. There is a smack of good business 
about this, better, I am forced to admit— even 
personally- than most young writers exhibit. 
But nevertheless it was an old, time-worn trick. 

Preface^ Page 5. Filson says, " .... I 
must declare, that this performance is not pub- 
lished from lucrative motives . . . . " The 

( 121 ) 

same has been said by many a Kentucky author, 
but, generally, not until he found that such was 
really going to be the case. 

Page 6. P'ilson evidently was not afraid to 
say a good word for himself and his book, for 
toward the bottom of this page we find: 
" . . . . those who wish to travel in Kentucke 
will undoubtedly find it a complete guide." 

Pdge 7. An historical error appears in the 
naming of James McBride as the discoverer of 
Kentucky. It will be noted, however, that the 
text is carefully worded so as to absolve Filson 
and his immediate collaborators. Dr. Thomas 
Walker's swing through the Cumberland Gap, 
over the Cumberland, the Kentucky, and Big 
Sandy rivers back to eastern Virginia in 1750, 
and the subsequent traverse of Christopher 
Gist in 1751 across the Licking, the Red, and the 
Kentucky rivers, and eastward through the 
Pound Gap, were traditionally important events 
in Kentucky history, the exact date of which 
in 1783 was quite unknown in Lexington. 
In the same way the much earlier movement of 
Gabriel Arthur in 1674 across all of eastern 
Kentucky from the mouth of the Scioto to the 
head of the Tennessee, probably over the war- 
riors' trail, has only been revealed as definitely 
of record during the last decade. 

Page S. The top of the particular eminence 
from which Filson indicates Boone and his com- 

( 122 ) 

panions first saw the great panorama of the 
Bluegrass region — then densely forested with 
giant broadleaf trees, some of them centuries 
old — has never been definitely decided. Sub- 
stantial claims have been advanced for high 
hills in the immediate vicinity of Indian Old 
Fields in Clark County, while the writer, 
intimately familiar with the topography of the 
region, inclines to Pilot Knob on the Montgom- 
ery-Powell line. The view from this Coal Meas- 
ure-capped promontory is certainly the grand- 
est and most inspiring in this part of Kentucky. 

Page 9. Filson implies here that Doctor 
Walker came to Kentucky about 1770, which is a 
gross inaccuracy, Walker having traversed the 
so-called mountains of Eastern Kentucky, as 
indicated above, in 1750 — twenty years earlier. 

Page 11. Compass directions and regional 
boundaries are here confused, introducing an 
error in fact. Filson's "great Sandy-creek" is 
certainly the Big Sandy River of to-day, which 
bounds Kentucky on the east, not on the north. 
Likewise the Ohio River flows along the north- 
ern, not above the northwestern, boundary of 
the State throughout its length from Catletts- 
burg to Paducah. 

The reader will recognize in "Beardstown," 
Bardstown, the present county seat of Nelson; 
while in "Boones-burrow" he will see the van- 
ished settlement of Colonel Richard Henderson 

( 123 ) 

on the Kentucky River near the mouth of 
Otter Creek — the Boonsboro of today. Lees- 
town, once of regional importance because of 
its location at an excellent ford on the Kentucky 
River, one formerly used by great numbers of 
buffalo, is now but a downstream suburb of 
Frankfort, while Greenville has long since 
ceased to exist. 

Page 12. This description of the Falls of 
the Ohio during the period of settlement of Ken- 
tucky is good, but Filson failed to record, if 
indeed he saw them, the great quantities of 
Silurian and Devonian corals and other fossils 
exposed in this truly remarkable limestone reef. 

Page 13. It is to be noted in passing that 
Central Kentucky's principal north-flowing 
branch of the Kentucky River, separating today 
Mercer and Garrard counties, is referenced by 
Filson on this and succeeding pages, and on his 
map, as "Dick's River." 

Page 14. The settlements referred to in the 
last paragraph were the nucleus of the Nashville 
of today. 

Page 15. Filson's description on this and 
the preceding page, of the headwaters, locations, 
courses, and conditions of all of the principal 
rivers of Kentucky and the adjoining regions on 
the east, southeast, and south, is exceedingly 
good, evidencing no doubt the wonderfully 
accurate understanding of these streams pos- 

( 124 ) 

sessed by Boone, Harrod, Todd, and other 

Page 16. The physical aspect of the Blue- 
grass and adjacent regions, described here, is 
excellent. The ridge referred to as "where Ken- 
tucke rises" is the Pine Mountain. 

Pages I7y /S, 19. The tripartite land classi- 
fication given here is amazingly close and 
accurate, even to this day. 

Page 20. Filson's geographic location of 
"the Barrens" is somewhat in error. This 
unique, sparsely timbered, and grassed-over area 
was originally found south of the Green River, 
centered generally upon the meridian which 
passes through the Falls of the Ohio. It covered 
parts of Edmonson, Hart, Barren, Adair, Allen, 
and Warren counties. The lead mine referred 
to as having "lately been discovered," south of 
the Green River, was probably one of the many 
small and inconsequential pocket deposits of 
galenite which occur widely distributed through- 
out the Carboniferous limestone region of Ken- 
tucky. The saline-sulphur springs indicated in 
the Green River valley were later the center of 
some considerable development, while the "bi- 
tuminous springs" were nothing more or less 
than seepages of residual petroleum from the 
Caseyville sandstones — rock asphalt of Edmon- 
son and Warren counties. 

Page 21. In his second paragraph, Filson's 
observations relative to the alternating hills and 

( 125 ) 

bottoms in the meandering course of the Ohio 
River would do justice to an elementary physi- 
ographer. Possessed of remarkable powers of 
observation, particularly as concerning the phys- 
ical features of the earth, it is really a pity that 
some subsequent Murchison or Lyell could not 
have directed his thought for a space, for it is 
evident that he would have produced a geologist 
of no mean calibre. What a field he would have 
found here in Kentucky from 1783-1788! As it 
was, Kentucky waited fifty years, until 1 838, when 
by executive order, Dr. William Williams Mather 
made the first brief geological and mineral- 
resource survey ot the Commonwealth. 

Page 22. The meteorological observations he 
advances are faithful in the main to general con- 
ditions. In describing the west winds of Ken- 
tucky as "sometimes cold and nitrous," he adds 
curious fancy to fact; cold they are, and enough 
so frequently, but nitrous — never. There are 
but few deep black molds or soils in Kentucky 
today. During the period of settlement most 
soils may have been somewhat darker because of 
contained vegetal matter, but it is very much to 
be doubted that they were ever really black. 

Page 23. The Kentucky coffee-tree to which 
reference is made, is Gymnocladus dioicus^ a sister 
of the well-known honey and black locusts. The 
leaves are broad, long, and thick, the flower pur- 
plish green, and the seed occurs in elongated pods 

( 126 ) 

which hang In large clusters. The ripe seed, 
though hard to crush, was used during the 
American Revolution as a substitute for genuine 
coffee, which was frequently difHcult, and some- 
times impossible, to obtain. 

Page 24. In his discussion of the natural 
woods and grasses of Kentucky, Kilson makes 
no mention, it will be noted, of Poa pratcnsis^ 
the fine-bladed, blue-flowering, pasture and lawn 
grass of the northern central part of the State, 
that area for which "Bluegrass" has now become 
the accepted name, with fixed geographic and 
geologic distinctions. The best bluegrass in 
Kentucky is found within the inner outcrop 
of the Ordovician limestones centering about 
Lexington, though it will grow on a limestone, 
clay-loam, residual soil anywhere in this latitude. 

Filson's account of the large crop yields of 
the new Central Kentucky upland soils were 
probably not exaggerations for his time, but 
they will not hold to-day. Twenty to twenty- 
five bushels of wheat, thirty to thirty-five 
bushels of corn, and eight hundred to one thouj;- 
and pounds of tobacco are good average upland 
acre yields at the present time, though, of 
course, superior exceptions occur. 

Page 25. These remarks as to metaliferous 
ores were well made. Iron ores are widely 
distributed and were operated in Kentucky to 
some degree well up into the nineteenth cen- 

( 127 ) 

tury, when, because of their low grade, they 
ceased to be commercially important. From 
earliest times disseminated lead ores, chiefly 
galenite, have been operated, and still are, as a 
byproduct. On the other hand no important 
occurrences of gold and silver ores have ever 
been found in this Commonwealth, and it is not 
thought that they ever will be. 

Pa^e 26. "Subterraneous acqueducts stored 
with fish" is a good instance of Filson's occa- 
sional play of imagination. Nothing of the kind, 
of course, ever existed, unless one is inclined to 
reference the tiny white sightless minnows which 
inhabit Mammoth Cave waters. The brilliantly 
colored Kentucky paroquet is now extinct in 
this state, and has been for many years. Of 
course the bill of the woodcock is not "pure 

Page 2S. It would be interesting to know, 
since it is so frequently referenced, with what 
degree of accuracy this Kentucky population 
figure of 30,000 souls was secured. 

Page 29. All students of Kentucky history 
must lament the brevity of his statements as to 
social, religious, and educational conditions. 
A wealth of information was certainly available 
to Filson had he but seen fit to collect and 
systematize it. 

Page 30. Filson refers to the old "Buffalo 
Trace" at Frankfort and the river-crossing where 

( 128 ) 

Lock No. 4 on the Kentucky is now situated. 
All early Kentucky River journals, Cresswell's, 
Nourse's, and others, make definite reference to 
this shoal at Leestown. 

Page 31. The ania/ingly large caves refer- 
enced may have been some of the Mammoth 
Cave group. With lessened probability, how- 
ever, he may have had in mind those in Carter 
or Rockcastle counties. Certainly there are no 
extremely large caves in Central Northern Ken- 
tucky, unless one feels that such a description 
would include Russell Cave, Phelps Cave, 
Boones Cave, and others of this tertiary char- 
acter. "Great natural stores of sulphur and 
salt" did not then, and do not now, exist in 

Page 32. Until its timber was ruthlessly 
cut away, Kentucky possessed a variety of salt 
and sulphur saline-iron springs, the equal of 
those oi any land. Big Bone, Blue Licks, Salt 
River Licks, and Drennons Lick, not Drenne's 
Lick, were among the best and most notable 
mineral springs. 

Pages 33, 34, 35. Add the letter "n" to 
"ear" and read "near" at the beginning of the 
twelfth line. The "n" was lost in reproduction. 
The stone sepulchres of Central Northern Ken- 
tucky, built by prehistoric tribes of Indians, 
were well known toward the close of the eigh- 
teenth, and during the early part of the nine- 

( 129 ) 

teenth, century. Traces of most of them, after 
one hundred and fifty years of agricultural 
occupation ot the area, have been lost. The salt 
spring referred to is the Big Bone Lick in Boone 
County, and the fossil bones are those of the 
mammoth, Elephas Columbia and its cousin, 
Mastodon americanus. Each of these giant 
pachyderms belongs to the late Pleistocene or 
glacial period. Both the mammoth and the 
mastodon were herbiverous— not carniverous. 
The former had a plains habitat, while the latter 
was a forest dweller. 

Page 36. Another instance of Filson's not 
infrequent lapse into broadly imaginative fields 
is seen in his supposition that these prehistoric 
glacial proboscideans were flesh-eating and preda- 
tory upon the American aborigines. Nothing 
could have been farther from fact as one glimpse 
of their teeth would have indicated. 

Page 37. The statement of procedure fol- 
lowed in taking up new lands in Kentucky is 
crystal clear and possesses, besides, the added 
feature of brevity. The writer was well in- 
formed, evidently by personal experience, on 
this subject. 

Page 38. For clarity, brevity, and complete- 
ness, Filson's statement here of the claim of Vir- 
ginia to "the land on Western waters" — now 
Kentucky — is without equal anywhere. 

Pages 39^40^41^42. It was natural that 
Filson, in conformity with the best thought of the 

( I30 ) 

day, should attach great possibilities to the 
development of river traffic from New Orleans 
up the Mississippi and Ohio to many interior 
points. An actual realization of this prophecy 
was in a fair way to fulfillment during the first 
half of the nineteenth century, with the running 
of racing packets on the main rivers and the 
opening of canals at widely separated points to 
give through passage from the major streams to 
the great lakes and the Atlantic seaboard. 
When railroading, however, became more sys- 
tematized, and, at the close of the Civil War, 
forged to the front everywhere, it gradually and 
permanently displaced the river traffic except 
for long haul, heavy, and slow-moving freight. 
Kilson's river and waterway descriptions, as 
has previously been pointed out, are marvel- 
ously good. His outline of island formation 
and delta growth of the Mississippi is excellent, 
and his proposal for the clearing of the channel 
as an aid to navigation has been followed by the 
country's best engineers for a century and a half. 
Pages -/J, 44^ 45. The descriptive passage 
relative to the lower Mississippi indicates clearly 
that Filson was familiar with the Louisiana 
country, possibly by direct observation. Some 
of his friends and aids, such as James Harrod, 
had been there and may have greatly assisted 
him while checking his conclusions. The men- 
tion of Charlevoix indicates his acquaintance 

( 131 ) 

with this notable work, probably before he came 
to Kentucky. 

Pages 46, 47, 4S. A clear statement is here 
given of the fundamental reasons for the acquisi- 
tion of the lower Mississippi Valley by the 
United States. The reader will need little sug- 
gestion to see in these few paragraphs a prophecy 
of the Louisiana Purchase — then only twenty- 
one years away. 

Pages 49, 50. The quaintly philosophical 
style of Filson is here seen at its best, coupled 
with his ever-present tendency to misspell some 
simple word, "Boon" in this case passing 
apparently with license for ''Boone." Since it is 
known that Filson was well acquainted with 
Boone, it may be inferred that the young 
author from the banks of the Brandywine in- 
tended to be dryly humorous when he caused 
Kentucky's great wilderness scout to say that 
he "resigned his domestic happiness for a time." 
Neither from contemporary historical record 
nor from his subsequent statement is the 
reader given an assurance that Boone's resig- 
nation from life on the Yadkin caused him 
personally any real anguish or inconvenience. 
Much more might have been said for Mrs. 
Boone and all the little Boones, but history, in 
its characteristic way, records nothing of that 
at all. 

Page 51. It would be interesting to know 
definitely the eminence from the top of which 

( 132 ) 

Boone and his party first saw the expanding 
vista of that timbered limestone upland now 
known as the Bluegrass region. Some have held 
it to be near Indian Old Fields in Clark County 
because of the reference to Pinley's Indian 
transactions, while others have contended that 
the point referenced was Pilot Knob on the 
Montgomery-Powell county line. The exact 
location of Boone's first camp is unknown, but 
was probably not far removed from Indian Old 

Pages S3y 54^ 55 y 56. The philosophy accred- 
ited to Boone in the third paragraph is probably 
entirely that of Filson, who was moved to these 
considerations as he came to understand better 
the great Kentucky scout through a recital of 
his life's experiences. The influence of a nota- 
ble contemporary, Robert Burns — "man wants 
but little here below" — is easily recognized. 
Boone's continued concern for his family will 
hardly be allowed except as a gesture towards 
domestic tranquillity, when it is recalled there 
was nothing to keep him in Kentucky through 
the winter had he chosen to return to the 

Page 57. It is probably well that misfor- 
tune caused Boone and his following to turn 
back in Powell's valley before they crossed the 
Cumberland Mountain. At the time of the 
attack it was mid-autumn, October 10, 1773, 

( 133 ) 

to be exact. No initial settlement could have 
been successfully carried out in the Kentucky 
wilderness at that time of the year. A much 
larger loss of life was certainly averted by this 
seemingly considerable disaster. 

Page 5S. The feat of Boone and Stoner in 
covering afoot about eight hundred miles in 
sixty-two days has been questioned, but, it 
seems, without good reason. Such seasoned 
woodsmen as they were could easily average 
thirteen miles a day. Many a pioneer has 
doubled this for several days in succession when 
forced to it by necessity. Be that as it may, 
however, these men constituted the first express 
in Kentucky, and probably also the best. 

Page 60. That part of Boone's narrative 
which tells of the capture of the young daughters 
of Colonel Calloway, like the later sortie of the 
women at Bryant's Station, is one of the most 
widely known and thoroughly authenticated 
stories of early western settlement. 

Pages 67-70. This attack of the British 
with their French-Canadian and Indian allies 
is the most formidable recorded in early Ken- 
tucky history. The fort at Lexington had not 
yet been established. Mid-August, 1778, wit- 
nessed a carefully planned, but unsuccessful, 
attempt on the part of the English governor, 
General Hamilton, to advance the British cause 
in the Revolution in the west. 

( 134 ) 

Page 74. Ashton's Station is evidently in- 
tended for Estill's Station, while similarly 
Captain Ashton is a misnomer for Captain 

Pages 75-7S. Boone's description of the 
frightful Battle of the Blue Licks is one of the 
best early narratives of this engagement. A 
leading figure in the struggle, his recital of the 
principal events possesses all the earmarks of 
the actual. 

Page 79. Boone's Crab Orchard story is 
only one of many such tales, all of which passed 
current at the time Filson was writing this 
history. Most of them, unrecorded through the 
years, have been forgotten, but there was a 
time when almost every part of the country had 
its own well-known record of Indian atrocity — 
arson, murder, scalping, and torture laid down 
without pity, in many cases on unprotected 
women and children. 

Page 81. Much has been made of Boone's 
remark relative to himself in which he indicates 
his belief that he was "an instrument ordained 
to settle the wilderness." Whether this is entire- 
ly the reflection of Filson or was in part or in 
whole inspired by Boone will probably never be 
settled. It is certain, however, that, in his old 
age, Boone came to feel and to express publicly 
this sentiment. 

Pages 82-86. The record of the Piankashaw 
Council is an interesting piece of writing giving 

( 135 ) 

something of the color of this meeting of the 
Indian chiefs on the Wabash River in the 
spring of 1784. Many similar meetings of the 
English, the French, and the Indians were 
held about this time at various points in the 
Ohio Valley. A critical examination of the docu- 
ment indicates, however, that it was not written 
precisely at the time of the Council meeting, but 
was prepared somewhat later. It is therefore 
to be regarded simply as a narrative based in the 
main on fact. On page 83, the last word in 
the first line is "buried." 

Pages 87-107. Filson's description of the 
American Indian tribes living on the western 
slopes of the Appalachian highlands is good in 
all general respects, and in some particular 
details excellent. It must be recalled that, for 
much of the information presented in this 
division of his writing, he was indebted to such 
men as Boone and Harrod, whose knowledge and 
experience with Indians in the Ohio Valley was 
extensive. Boone, it will be readily recalled, 
had on several occasions been a captive in 
Indian camps and in one instance had been 
adopted into a tribe. His first-hand knowledge 
of the American Indian living on these middle 
western waters must have been of a high order. 

Pages 1 13-1 18. The tables of distances from 
Philadelphia to Louisville at the Falls of the 
Ohio, and from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh and 

( 136 ) 

thence to the Falls and on to New Orleans on 
the Mississippi are portions of Filson's book 
which were of intense interest and great value 
at the time. The tabulation as given un- 
doubtedly is in the nature ot a compilation from 
several diaries and other sources, for the author's 
name is not attached either directly or by 

The First Map of 17S4. There have been 
many editions of John Filson's map — some seven 
or eight or more — and all with additions or 
deletions, since the original Pursell-Rook pub- 
lication was produced in Philadelphia. It is, 
therefore, only proper to state here that these 
remarks have only to do with the first Filson 
map of 1784. This map ot Kentucke was issued 
without date and is reproduced within these 
covers both as a half-tone frontispiece and as 
a folded modern facsimile in color. Either 
casually or carefully reviewed, this plat merits 
recognition as one of the best early maps of a 
considerable part of the "land on western 
waters" of this country. Whether the exami- 
nation be made by the historian, the engineer, 
the cartographer or the layman, praise must 
be said for its author, John Filson. While it 
presents, it is true, only a portion of what is 
now known as Kentucky, introduces some 
errors of geographical control, and gives less 
than will satisfy many a genealogist or pro- 
vincial, it is nevertheless a wonderful map. 

( 137 ) 

Giving due consideration to the fact that it 
was drawn to portray an actual wilderness — one 
that was hut very sparsely settled at the time 
and had certainly never been surveyed by com- 
pass — the wonder is not that it lacks this or that, 
but that it presents so much that was absolutely 
essential to the rapid development of the 
region at the time. Trails, watercourses, sta- 
tions, towns, mineral deposits, and relief features 
are shown closely adjacent to each other, all 
in their proper general relation and each sepa- 
rately and correctly named. It is a marvelous 
achievement, adequately described only by su- 
perlatives. Inextricably merged with the prob- 
ably brief personal field notes of Filson were 
the broad observations of Boone, Harrod, Todd, 
Greenup, Cowan, Kennedy, and many others 
unrecorded. Thousands, possibly tens of thous- 
ands, of miles of actual traverse of dangerous 
forest trails and waterways were thus given 
freely to the world by these intrepid scouts. 
The detail of the map, it must appear, is largely 
theirs, the inspiration and cartography Filson's. 
With its faults and its merits side by side it 
stands as a monument to the honest, well- 
directed effort of the Kentucky pioneer to give 
topographical and cultural expression to the 
broad Bluegrass region and the land immediately 

Sketch of the Life of John Filson 

Kentucky's earliest historian and cartog- 
rapher first saw the light of day in his father's 
ancestral farmhouse on the waters of the 
Brandy wine, near East Fallowfield, Southeast- 
ern Pennsylvania, in 1747. He was the second 
son in the family, his father, Davison Filson, 
and his mother being of thrifty English farming 
stock. His grandfather John Filson bequeathed 
to him in 1846 the family Bible, and his father 
at the proper time provided for his advanced 
education in the academy of the Rev. Samuel 
Finley at Nottingham, Maryland. Later during 
his lifetime the older Filson deeded young John 
a part of his lands and at his death in 1776 left 
him a share of his cash in hand, crops in the 
fields and barn, and a part of his live stock. 

Raised on a farm, but trained away from it, 
as he pursued studies in Latin, Greek, French, 
history, mathematics, and the like, young Filson 
drifted through the Revolutionary period as a 
non-combatant. It has been suggested that he 
may possibly have been a teacher during this 
time, since he is without military record. 
A few years after the death of his father in 1782 
or 1783, with his estate in his own keeping, 
and agricultural and pedagogic prospects on the 
Brandywine growing more irksome, he answered 

( I40 ) 

the call of the West like many another, set out 
for Pittsburgh, and in due course arrived over 
the Ohio River-Limestone route at Lexington. 

Fully thirty-six years of age, physically 
capable, and intellectually dominant, he sensed 
the importance of land acquisition under the 
favorable economic and legal conditions then 
existing. Virginia's statutory enactments rela- 
tive to her Western lands and her depreciated 
paper currency — nothing but treasury war- 
rants — made the matter of securing choice land 
in Kentucky little more than a form. Toward 
the laiter part of December, 1783, official records 
show that Filson had entered upon nearly 13,000 
acres in the Elkhorn and Ohio river country 
of Central and Northern Kentucky. A consid- 
erable part of this — 5,600 acres — was located 
on Big Bone Lick Creek, where he undoubtedly 
had an eye to the future value of possible 
supplies of salt for Western use. Certainly he 
could not have selected this hilly Boone County 
land for its agricultural prospects, as there 
were then many unpatented lands closer to 
Lexington much better adapted for farming 
by reason of their deep, rich soil and gentle, 
undulating topography. 

Besides these broad acres in the Bluegrass 
region, Filson was possessed of other extensive 
lands to the west which he had secured by 
purchase. A part of these lay in Jefferson 

( 141 ) 

County, Kentucky, and a part in the southern 
Illinois country. How well he thought of all 
these various lands is unknown, but it is recorded 
that he secured a grant for one survey of 4,922 
acres in Fayette County on May 13, 1785. 
Three years later, in May, 1788, he joined into a 
partnership with Robert Breckenridge, and 
together they entered upon 1,000 acres "to 
include a silver mine," which, even at this early 
date, was reported to have been "improved 
about 17 years ago by a certain man named 
Swift." It was described as sixty or seventy 
miles northwardly from Powell's Valley, and 
since it was recorded as in the original Lincoln 
County, it must have been located in South- 
eastern Kentucky. 

Despite his land activities subsequently, 
the most conspicuous years of achievement 
for Filson were 1783 and 1784. It was during 
this period, shortly after his arrival in Lexing- 
ton, while teaching school in the village, that he 
began the acquisition of material for his book 
on Kentucky and its accompanying map. These 
were the days that he spent in interviewing 
Daniel Boone, James Harrod, Levi Todd, and 
many of the other early explorers, hunters, and 
settlers. From the lips of Boone he took those 
marvelous statements upon which most of the 
early romantic history of Kentucky corners and 
essentially all of the great Western scout's 

( 142 ) 

personal tame rests. In Interviewing Boone, in 
tracing the outline of his projected map of 
"Kentucke," and in visibly catching the mov- 
ing spirit of the times that pervaded the pageant 
of life throughout "the land on Western waters," 
Filson rose to heights of indivitlual accomplish- 
ment that transcended any of his contempora- 
ries. He has been called pedagogic, his writing 
pedantic, his attitude visionary, but whatever 
element ol truth there may be in these criticisms 
is of little consequence now. 

The really important thing about John 
Filson tt)day is that, in a land and at a time when 
everything tentled to discourage such an enter- 
prise, he umlertook, with what must certainly 
have been inspiration, the writing of a book 
and the making of a map. He saved Boone from 
an oblivion that has all but swallowed up Harrod 
and many others, and has left to posterity a 
priceless tale of early days in Kentucky, which, 
for stirring action and regional description, has 
rarely been equaled as a piece of frontier writ- 
ing in any part of this country, and never 
surpassed. Coupled with the map, the accom- 
plishment attains a brilliancy that is, indeed, 

The actual magnitude of Filson's carto- 
graphic and historical work is seen, perhaps, to 
better advantage by comparison than other- 
wise. One finds pause and increased admiration 

( 143 ) 

for this restless Pennsylvania school teacher, 
land speculator, and soldier of fortune in reflect- 
ing upon the many historical manuscripts, 
which, in later days of greater peace and more 
abundant leisure, have been undertaken and 
in some notable instances completed, only to 
darken and drop to pieces unpublished in dusty 
secretaries and packing boxes for want of 
initiative. Whatever may have been said of 
Filson by those who rubbed elbows with him, 
but lacked his measure, he was dynamic and 
to a degree that marked him as an eccentric 
among his contemporaries. Fortunate are we 
that he possessed this characteristic so pro- 

Some time, probably in the late spring or 
early sununcr of 1784, John Kilson, book and 
map manuscript in hand, journeyed back to 
Philadelphia and Wilmington. In the Quaker 
city he arranged with Henry D. Pursell to en- 
grave his map, while the printing was done by 
T. Rook. In the quaint little town of Wil- 
mington, Delaware, James Adams undertook 
the printing of the manuscript history. Both 
book and map were published before the year 
was out, Pilson's Philadelphia letter to President 
George Washington, of November 30, 1784, 
indicating that he had already sent copies to 
Richmond and Rosewell, with instructions to 
one Mr. John Page, of Rosewell, to advance to 

( 144 ) 

Mt. Vernon a copy of the book and the map. 
How little did he dream then that the 118-page 
volume he sold so gladly for $1.25 would, in a 
little over a century, sell in the open market for 
more than a thousand times that sum! A copy 
of the original hook combined with the very 
rare map was stated by a New York house in 
the year 1912 to be worth $2,000. Within 
recent years prices have increased. A single 
sale of the book and the map combined for 
$3,400 was made in 1920. Such a rise in price 
is not, however, the whole gauge of this work's 
accredited value. At the time of its publication 
and during the succeeding decade, Filson's history 
with its map was in great demand. It was re- 
published in New York in 1793. Beginning in 
1785 in Germany, France, and England, there 
appeared a series of editions throughout the 

With the coming of spring in 1785, John 
Filson returned to Kentucky, accompanied by 
one John Rice Jones and family. Some of his 
books and maps he brought with him, but the 
most of the edition remained to be sold in the 
East. Nearly a month was consumed in cover- 
ing the distance overland from Philadelphia to 
Pittsburgh. Thirteen days later saw them safely 
disembarked from one of the Kentucky boats 
just above the Falls of the Ohio at the mouth 
of Beargrass creek. It was upwards of the 

( 145 ) 

middle of June and the young author's adven- 
turous spirit was aflame to traverse new fields. 
By canoe down the Ohio and up the Wabash he 
journeyed to Fort St. Vincent, thence returning 
afoot with only a friendly Indian as guide over 
slightly marked forest trails to Louisville. Here 
he sold his estate on the J^randywine and 
became a citizen of Kentucky, purchasing Jeffer- 
son County lands from Squire Boone. 

The desire for detailed copy for a new book 
on the Illinois country sped him again in the 
fall by the water route of 450 miles to Vin- 
cennes. Bearings, distances, and detailed de- 
scriptions he took as he proceeded, arriving at 
the Post about Christmas time. The early 
part of 1786 he spent in the heart of the Illinois 
country, gathering descriptive data, much as 
he had done two years previously in central Ken- 
tucky. On June 1 he set out by pirogue with 
three boatmen to return to Louisville. He had 
hardly gotten well under way when he was 
murderously attacked by Indians on the Wa- 
bash and forced to land and flee for his life. Two 
of his men were killed and scalped almost 
before his very eyes. After many adventurous 
vicissitudes, including a return to the Post, he 
started again for the Falls of the Ohio, where he 
arrived upwards of a week later. Unsettled of 
mind by his recent harrowing experiences, he 
determined to return to his old home in Penn- 

( 146 ) 

sylvania. With thoughts of publishing his Illi- 
nois manuscript probably well developed in his 
mind, he purchased a horse and returned over 
the Wilderness Trail, arriving in the old Chester 
country during November, 1786. Peace, com- 
fort, and relaxation caused him to incline 
towards resuming his citizenship there, and he 
made his will, devising all of his property to his 
brother, Robert Filson. 

The monotony of life along the agricultural 
Brandywine, however, began to irk him as the 
winter passed, and in the spring of 1787 he was 
pushing again over river and forest trails to 
Kentucky. Here he spent most of the year, 
attending to details of business as several court 
actions clearly show. His private affairs, how- 
ever, became much entangled during this time, 
and his estate which had numbered thousands 
of acres in Kentucky and the Northwest actually 
ceased to exist. In such straits he naturally 
fell back upon his old profession of school teach- 
ing, and proposed on January 19, 1788, through 
an open letter in the Kentucky Gazette^ the 
establishment of a seminary in Lexington with 
Northern as well as urban attributes. This 
epistle was couched in terms somewhat un- 
diplomatic, with the result that Filson found 
himself in a controversy and his schemes for 
advanced education completely dissipated by 
widespread gossip and ridicule in the village of 

( 147 ) 

After a short sojourn in Louisville during the 
early spring of 1788, he returned to Lexington, 
where Robert Patterson, the high sheriff of 
Fayette County, who had previously been his 
counsel, presented to him the plan of establish- 
ing a town on the north shore of the Ohio, 
opposite the mouth of the Licking River. 
Later in August a promotion agreement was 
reached between Patterson, Filson, and Matthias 
Denman, the owner of a considerable tract at 
this point. Certain duties and obligations were 
set out, and each was to share an equal third in 
the project. Little dreaming that he had entered 
into a fatal compact, Filson went ahead with the 
proposal, evidencing the utmost enthusiasm. 
He prepared a prospectus, which, setting forth 
the date for the assembly of interested parties 
in Lexington as of September 15, was published 
in the next number of the Kentucky Gazette. 
This date was later changed to September 18 
by Patterson, while Filson was in the field. 
Here he gave display of road engineering genius 
far in advance of his time, surveying and mark- 
ing a nearly straight ridge route from Lexington 
to McClelland's Station, where Georgetown now 
stands, and on northward to the mouth of the 
Licking River. His choice is essentially that 
which is now occupied by the Queen and 
Crescent Division of the Southern Railway 
System in Northern Kentucky. 

( 148 ) 

Mystery, deep and dark as the primeval 
Miami woods in which he was busily engaged, 
now sweeps broadly across the career of John 
Filson. Sworn testimony indicates that on Sep- 
tember 22 and 23 he was surveying out his plan 
for the town which he had named Losantiville — 
city opposite the Licking's mouth. A few set- 
tlers were present as were his partners. If he 
kept a journal, it has been U)st or destroyed. 
Of further dependable record there is none, 
except an old letter of Judge J. C. Symmes, 
saying that Filson was murdered and scalped 
by Indians a day's journey atoot from the Ohio. 

In the forest, alone, as he had been many a 
time before, fate overtook him. Savagery stilled 
a restless, buoyant spirit that had never been 
unfair to anyone. It cut short a life that gave 
promise of much for the Western country. 
Filson's identification with the Losantiville en- 
terprise was hastily brushed over upon the 
arrival, by arrangement of the two remaining 
partners, of Israel Ludlow, a Limestone, Ken- 
tucky, surv^eyor who came to take his place. 
His heir at law, Robert Filson, received nothing 
of the covenanted one-third interest in the town 
site, which Governor Arthur St. Clair, when he 
came down the Ohio in January, 1790, changed 
audaciously to Cincinnati. Hamilton County's 
principal city itself destroyed its only monument 
to its brave progenitor when it shamelessly 

( 149 ) 

substituted Plum for Filson as the name of a 

But the tame of this unusual man is secure. 
His name as recorded in the pages of his book is 
linked forever with that ot Daniel Boone, whom 
he made, in simple justice, the central figure — the 
actual hero ot his, the first, History of Kentucke. 
Beyond this mortal veil, methinks perhaps in 
some sweet Elysium, undisturbed by the pas- 
sage of the years, there are two famous early 
Kentuckians, Boone and Filson. Friends in 
lite, they are comrades through immortal time, 
recounting as they rest in the shadow of the 
trees by some celes'tial stream, the days of long 
ago. Allowing for the trailty of human nature, 
each reached separately and in his own way the 
zenith of personal achievement. What more? 

Annotated Bibliography 


Fii.soN, John 

(1) The Discovery, Settlement and Present State of 

Kentucke and an Essay Towards the Topo^aphy, 
and Natural History of That Important Country. 
Octavo, lis pages, Wilmington, Delaware. 
Printed by James Adams, 1784. 

This is the first, the original, edition, now 
exceedingly rare. It is the cornerstone of 
Kentucky history and is the volume which is 
herewith proiluced for the first time in facsimile. 
This work of Filson was issued with his map, 
which is indicated separately below. 

(2) This Map of Kentucky Drawn from /Ictual Observa- 

tions. Dimensions: 17% inches K-VV by 19^^ 
inches N-S. Two colors: black base, yellow- 
filleil border. Scale: 10 miles equals one inch. 
Published separately from the book in Phila- 
delphia, engraved by Henry D. Pursell, and print- 
ed by T. Rook for the author, 1784. 

Sold with the Wilmington edition of the book, 
and probably also separately. This first edition 
of the map of Kentucky is very rare, much more 
so than the Wilmington edition of the book. 
The Library of Congress is possessed of a copy, 
and a duplicate, except for the date 1784, is 
lodged in the writer's jirivate library. This map 
is printed on watermarked stock, in which 
there are found two marks, "work. & be rich," 
surmounted by a plough, and the capital letters, 
"p p D." The author's copy or the map, 
while a part of the same edition as that recog- 
nized as the first in the Library of Congress at 
Washington, is probably an earlier print since it 
is without the date 1784 at the bottom and out- 

( 152 ) 

side of the border. The writer's copy may, in- 
deed, have been one of the first few prints made, 
evidently before it was noted that the date was 
missing, which was then supplied and appears on 
all subsequent copies of the first edition. No 
exact duplicates of the writer's copy, herein 
reproduced as frontispiece, are known to exist. 
The Library of Congress copy of the Wilmington 
1784 edition of the book Kentucke has inserted 
as frontispiece a manuscript copy of the above 
map. Whether this manuscript copy was made 
in 1784 or subsequently is unknown, but the 
probability is that it was later, after the original 
edition had become exhausted. 


Washington, George 

(3) Two letters addressed to "Mr. John Filsou,'' 

written at Mount Vernon, the first, January 16, 
1785, and the second nearly two months later, 
March 15, 1785. "Washington Papers" in the 
Manuscript Division, Library of Congress. For 
reprints see P. Lee. Phillips, The first map of 
Kentucky hy John Ft/son, pp. 14, 15 and 16, \\. 
H. Lowdermilk & Co., Washington, D. C, 1908. 


FiLSON, John 

(4) y/ Diary of a Journey from Pennsylvania eiov:n the 

Ohio and up the IV abash Rivers to Port St. Vincent 
in the Spring and Summer of 17S5. Small 
quarto mss, 32 pages. 

This manuscript written by Filson, now in the 
Durrett collection, together with three others 
referenced hereafter, came to light in the papers 
of General George Rogers Clark after his death. 
Filson knew Clark personally and probably gave 
them to this outstanding Revolutionary leader 
of the West for his review and collaboration much 

( 153 ) 

as he is reported to have done with the Boone 
narrative, which tradition says was given to 
Humphrey Marshall for review and revision. 
If he did so, as one may readily believe, he used 
excellent judgment, for certainly there was no one 
in the Ohio Valley at that time better informed 
on the southern Illinois country than General 
Clark — the hero of Vincennes. 

(5) A Journal of Two Voyages from the Falls of the Ohio 

to Post St. Vincent, on fVabash river. Containing 
a Variety of Remarks and Intelligence from that 
Remote Quarter, by the Author of a Late Publication 
PVith a Few Remarks upon the Situation of Pitts- 
burgh and the Voyage Down the Rapids. Foolscap 
mss, 12 pages. 

This manuscript is deposited in the Draper 
collection of the Wisconsin State Historical 
Society at Madison, Wisconsin. Reprinted in 
1923 See Bibliography reference No. 43. 

(6) //« Account of a trip from Vincennes to Louisville 

by Land in August 1785. 12mo mss, 14 pages. 

This Filson manuscript is now in the Draper 
collection of the Wisconsin Historical Society, 
Madison, Wisconsin. 


(7) An Account of an Attempted Trip by Water from 

Vincennes to Louisville in August 17S6, an Attack 
by Indians on the JVabash, and a Subsequent Trip 
to the Falls of the Ohio by Land. Small folio mss, 
22 pages. 

This manuscript, written by Filson, is now in 
the Draper collection of the Wisconsin State 
Historical Society at Madison, Wisconsin. 

( 154 ) 

FiLsoN, John 

(8) Proposed School in Lexington. Kentucky Gazette 
(weekly newspaper), Lexington, Kentucky, Jan- 
uary 19, 1788. 

This open letter signed by Filson consists of 
some 550 or 600 words setting forth the advan- 
tage of a town school, which he proposed for 
Lexington, as contrasted to a country school. A 
contentious public correspondence followed with 
one Agricola, who refused to reveal himself, 
though requested so to do. Filson's reply was, 
in temper, one of disdain, published on April 19 
in the Kentucky Gazette. 


(9) Reise nach Kentucke und nachrichten von dieser neu 
angebauetcn Umdschaft in Nordamerika. Aus dem 
englischen iihcrsctzt. Leipzig, C. IVeigel und 
Schneider, 1790. 

This is the third German edition. The first 
German translation was made by Ludwig 
Heinrich Bronner, octavo, 254 pages, and was 

fmblished in Frankfort, 1785; a second was pub- 
ished in Nurnberg in 1789, together with a 
description of Greenland by Claude E. Savary. 

(10) Historie de Kentucke, nouvelle colonie a I'ouest de 
la Firginie. Translated by M. Parraud, octavo, 
254 pages, and published by Buisson with 
revised French map, Paris, France, 1785. 

This edition is now also cjuite rare; a copy may 
be seen in the Library of the Kentucky State 
Historical Society, Frankfort; The Filson Club, 
Louisville, and another in the New York City 
Public Library. 

( 155 ) 

(11) The Discovery, Settlementy and Present State of Ken - 

tucky. SI (i. e., 68) pages, folded map 21 cm. 
Printed for J. Stockdale, London, 1793. 

Imlay, Gilbert 

(12) A Topographical Description of the IVestern Terri- 

tory of North America: Contains in Vol. 2, p. 
1-110 with folded map— The Discovery, Settle- 
ment and Present State of Kentucky etc., by 
John Filson, Samuel Campbell, New York, 1793. 

This is the first American reprint of the origi- 
nal Wilmington, 1784, edition and may be seen 
in the Boston Public Library. Contains a small 
reproduction of the Filson map somewhat 

(13) A Topographical Description of the Western Terri- 

tory of North America: Second edition contains 
pages 269-415 with reduced two page map. The 
Discovery, Settlement and Present State of 
Kentucky, etc., by John Filson, published by 
J. Debrett, London, 1793. 

This was the second combined reprinting in 
London. The first English edition of Imlay 
presenting Filson's Kentucke was in 1792. 


Morse, Rev. Jedidiah 
(14) The American Geography. New edition, contains 
a map of Kentucky by John Filson. Printed 
for J. Stockdale, London, 1794. 

The English edition of the Morse geography 
presents an altered but excellently engraved 
and printed copy of Filson's Map of Kentucky. 
Filson's inscription in title to the Congress and 
George Washington is removed in this edition of 
the map. 

( 156 ) 

Imlay, Gilbert 

(15) A Topop-aphical Description of the Western Terri- 

tory of North /Itnerica {Third edition) contains 
the Discovery, Settlement, and Present State of 
Kentucky, etc., by J. Filson. Printed for J. 
Dehrett, London, 1797. 

This edition of Imlay containing Filson re- 
printed is greatly expanded by inclusion of 
several additional articles bearing upon Imlay's 
general subject. It is interesting to note that 
this edition carried the new plat of Kentucky as 
made by F.lihu Barker, dividing the state into 


Perkins, James H. 

(16) Annals of the West, 591 pages. Published by James 

R. Albach, Cincinnati, 1846-1847. 

There is presented in this volume, page 137, a 
much reduced and inaccurate copy of Filson's 
Map of Kentucky. Notes presenting Filson's 
participation in the Losantiville enterprise appear 
on page 304, while a reference to his Kentucke 
appears on page 265 of his volume. 


Collins, Lewis 

(17) Historical Sketches of Kentucky, 560 pages, pub- 

lished by Lewis Collins, Maysville, Kentucky, 
and J. A. and V. P. James, Cincinnati, 1847; 
second edition 1850. 

On page 154 of this volume Collins reprints 
from Imlay's reprint of Filson's Wilmington, 
1784, edition, a single paragraph descriptive of 
the physical character of Kentucky. 

( 157 ) 


Collins, Lewis and Richard H. 

(18) History of Kenlucky. 2 vols., 707 and 804 pages, 

published by Collins and Company, Covington, 
Kentucky, 1874. 

A second edition of this work was published in 
1877, and a third in 1882, 2 vols., 683 and 804 
pages, each edition carrying numerous ref- 
erences to Filson and his work in Kentucky and 
north of the Ohio River, particularly at Losanti- 
ville, later renamed Cincinnati. 

Venable, W. H. 

(19) Jo/tn FilsoJi in "June on the Miami and other 

Poems." 122 pages, R. W. Carroll and Co., 
Cincinnati, 1877. 

A poem of twenty-two quatrains, the central 
theme of which is the settlement of I-osantiville, 
later renamed Cincinnati, and the tragic death 
of F'ilson at the hands of the Indians, begins on 
page 93. 

Brown, John Mason 

(20) Oration delivered on the occasion of the Centennial 

Commemoration of the Battle of the Blue Licks, 
(A>.), I9th of August, 1SS2. 55 pages. Pub- 
lished bv the Kentucky Historical Society, 
Frankfort, 1882. 

Herein is reproduced, as frontispiece, the re- 
duced French copy of Filson's Map, entitled 
"Carte De Kentucke." The text exhibits brief 
references to P'ilson. 

DuRRETT, Reuben T. 

(21) fohn Filson, the First Historian of Kentucky. Por- 

trait reproduction as frontispiece. Revised third 
edition of the map reprinted and included 

( 158 ) 

folded. 132 pages, Filson Cluh Publications No. 
1. Robert Clark and Co., Cincinnati, 1884. 
Reprint, John P. Morton and Co., Louisville, 

The map herein produced is taken from the 
revised third American edition of 1784, repre- 
sented by the copy now in the Harvard Univer- 
sity Library. One of the few autographic Kilson 
letters extant, dated Danville (Kentucky), Sep- 
tember 9, 1786, appears as a facsimile repro- 
duction opposite page 72 in this volume. 

In the Morton reprint of Durrett's book, 
Filson's map appears as a reduced reproduc- 

Shaler, Nathaniel Soi;th(;atk 

(22) Kentucky, A Pioneer Commonwealth. 432 pages. 

Houghton, Mifflin and Co., Boston & New York, 

Speaking of Kils(»n's l)ook and map on page vi, 
Dr. Shaler says: "The book is principally in- 
teresting on account of its map and for the 
personal reminiscences of Daniel Boone. It 
laid the foundations of Boone's enduring repu- 
tation as a hero of Western life." 

Gallagher, W. D. 

(23) Shadows. Occurring in "John Filson, His Life and 

Writings," by Reuben T. Durrett, Filson Club 
Publications No. 1, page 94. Published by the 
Robert Clark Co., Cincinnati, 1884; and John 
P. Morton and Co., Louisville. 

Two sixteen-line verses reciting in a merry 
jingle the ambitions of Filson with respect to 
establishing Losantiville and his subsequent 
tragic death in the Miami woods. It also notes 
the grim humor attached to the changing of 
Filson Street to Plum Street, thus removing the 
only memorial ever raised to the founding hero 
of the citv of Cincinnati. 

( 159 ) 

Wilson, James Grant, and Fiske, John 

(24) Afpletons Cyclopedia of American Biography. Vol. 

II, 768 pages; published by D. Appleton and 
Company, New York, 1887. 

A brief biographical sketch of John Filson 
given on page 457. 

Connelly, Emma M. 

(25) The Story of Kentucky. 337 pages. D. Lothrop 

Company, Boston, 1890. 

States on page 88: "The map accompanying 
it (Filson's Kentucke) was a remarkable produc- 
tion considering the few facilities and the many 
dangers attending the collection of material." 

DuRRETT, Reuben T. 

(26) The State of Kentucky; Its Discovery, Settlement, 

Autonomy, and Progress for a Hundred Years. 
Address appearing in Filson Club Publications 
No. 7, entitled: The Centenary of Kentucky. 
John P. Morton & Company, Louisville, and 
Robert Clark and Company, Cincinnati, 1892. 

On page 98, Durrett says: "We naturally 
incline to good opinion for John Filson, the first 
historian of Kentucky— but all prejudice aside, 
when we take into consideration the little history 
of the new state had to be written in 1784 and 
allow for the superior deserts of his map of 
Kentucky and life of Boone, we must cordially 
say that the writer of his history has not been 
surpassed by any since written." 

Speed, Captain Thomas 

(27) John Filson, pp. 156-163 in Filson Club Publica- 

tions No. 7 entitled: The Centenary of Kentucky, 
John P. Morton & Company, Louisville, and 
Robert Clark and Company, (Cincinnati, 1892. 

Presents a brief sketch and appreciation of 
Filson's life and work. 

( i6o ) 


(28) The Lance, Cross and Canoe in the Valley oj the 

Mississippi. 696 pages. N. D. Thompson Pub- 
lishing Co., New York and St. Louis, 1892. 

On page 209 appears a portrait of John Filson 
reproduced from a miniature in an old book that 
once belonged to him, later in the possession of 
Col. R. T. Durrett, Louisville, Ky. On pages 
213-14-15-16 (double page) appears "John FiU 
son's Map of Kentucke, scale of orig. 10 mi. 
to 1 inch. Printed by T. Rook for the author, 
John Filson A. D. 1784." On page 222 appears 
a second map of Kentucky by John Filson, 
drawn 1784. This seems to be little more than 
a copy of the old map, somewhat refined as to 
drafting and lettering, but bearing little in the 
way of marginal embellishment. There is no 
text reference to Filson in the chapter where 
the maps and portrait appear and his name does 
not occur in the tabic of contents, by chapter. 

Smith, Zachary F. 

(29) The History of Kentucky. 916 pages. Published 

by the Courier-Journal Job Printing Company, 
Louisville, 1892. 

Recognition of Filson as the first Kentucky 
historian is made on page viii, and portrait re- 
production is given on page vii, together with 
notes on his work and life on this and succeeding 
page. Reproduction of the former Durrett- 
Harvard University Library copy of Filson's 
map is included. 

Thwaites, Reuben Gold 

(30) fVither's Chronicles of Border Warfare. 447 pages. 

Published by Stewart & Kidd Company, Cin- 
cinnati, 1920. 

Notes on pages 391 and 392 (edition of 1920) 
the establishment of Losantiville by Filson and 

( i6i ) 

his subsequent death at the hands of Indians; 
also cites the change of the name of Losantivillc 
to Cincinnati by Arthur St. Clair. 


Derby, George and Others 
(31) The National Cyclopedia of American Biography. 
Vol. X, p. 314. James T. White and Company, 
New York, 1900. 

Presents a sketch of the life, and a pen portrait, 
of John Filson evidently largely compiled from 
Durrett's "Life of Filson." 

Griffin, Appleton P. C. 
(32) A Catalogue of the Washington Collection in the 
Boston Athenaeum. 1 Vol. of 85 pages published 
by University Press, John Wilson & Son, Cam- 
bridge, 1900. 

This work presents part of the Filson-Wash- 
ington correspondence relative to Filson's work 
and map, as follows: Filson, John, Discovery, 
Settlement & Present State of Kentucky, pages 
79-81; Filson, John, Washington's letter to, 
page 8 1 . 


Thwaites, Reuben Gold 
(33) Early Western Travels 1774-1S46. Vol. IV, "Cum- 
ming's Tour of the Western Country." 376 
pages, published by the Arthur H. Clark Com- 
pany, Cleveland, 1904. 

On page 256 is a footnote relative to Filson 
and the founding of Cincinnati. 

( 162 ) 

McMaster, John Bach 

(34) A History of the People of the United States y Vol, 1, 

622 pages; 1784-1790, D. Appleton and Company, 
New York, 1907. 

Gives a note on the date, settlement and sur- 
vey of I.osantivilie on page 148, and further 
textual discussion of the subject on page 516, 
taking occasion to slur Filson here for the com- 
position of the name I.osantivilie. One finds 
humor in the thought that McMaster in the 
writing ot his seven volumes of United States 
history did less to advance the society in which 
he moved than did Filson for his contemporaries 
in writing Kentuckc and making his map. 

Bradford, Thomas Lindsley 

(35) Bibliographer's Manual, Vol. 2. 

In this work in volume two, pages 15-17, 
appears a notice of the various editions of Filson's 
History of Kentucke, with sale prices. 

TowNSEND, John Wilson 

(36) Kentuckians in History and Literature, 189 pages. 

The Neal Publishing Company, New York, 1907. 
This book devotes an entire chapter, pages 59 
to 68 inclusive, to John Filson, his life and his 

Cole, George Watson 

(37) Catalogue of the Library of E. D. Church. From 

Volume No. 5, 635 pages (of five vols, of 2,635 
pages), compiled and annotated by George Wat- 
son Cole, 1907, and published by Dodd, Mead & 
Co., of New York, same date. No. 1202, pages 
2350-51, appears the following: The Discovery, 
Settlement and Present State of Kentucke and 
an Essay towards the Topography and Natural 
History of this important Country, by John 

( 163 ) 

Kilson, 1784. Printed by James Adams, Wilming- 
ton, 1784. Illustrated by a new and accurate 
Map of Kentucke and the country adjoining, 
drawn from actual surveys. (A facsimilie of 
Cover is given). 

Author of Churches Catalogue has the follow- 
ing comment on above: "Filson's work was re- 
printed in London in 1793. A French transla- 
tion was published at Paris, 1785. The author, 
one of the first narrators of border warfare, was 
himself killed by the indians of the Ohio." 

"In the Appendix, Filson first gave to the world 
the adventures of Daniel Boone, which embodies 
much of the history of the pioneer days of Ken- 

"This copy has the rare map. While the book 
was printed at Wilmington, Delaware, the map 
was printed at Philadelphia, and is an improve- 
ment upon those of Charlevoix, Evans, Hutchins, 
Powell and others." 

Phillips, P. Lee 
(38) The First Map oj Kentucky by 'John Fitson. 22 
pages with folded facsimile reproduction of the 
copy of the Philadelphia, 1784, map, in the 
Library of Congress. Published by W. H. 
Lowdermilk and Company, W'ashington, 1908. 

Although a small volume, this is the best dis- 
cussion of the original Filson map of Kentucky 
and its numerous reprints. Washington's reply 
correspondence addressed to Filson relative to 
the book and map is here represented for the 
first time in full. An excellent facsimile repro- 
duction of the Library of Congress, Philadelphia, 
1784, first edition, is found opposite page 22, 
folded. Filson's Philadelphia letter to Washing- 
ton of December 4, 1784, indicates his contem- 
plation of a second edition, which, however, was 
never issued. 

( 164 ) 

McElroy, Robert McNutt 

(39) Kentucky in the Nation's History. 590 pages. 

Published bv MofFat, Yard and Company, New 
York, 1909. ' 

References to Filson in text and bibliography. 
On page 11 he says: "These expeditions of 
Walker and Gist however attracted so little 
attention that when the first Kentucky historian, 
John Filson, set about gathering data for his 
book, he seems to have heard no hint of 
them." On pages 547-548 he gives critical 
comments on Filson's book. 

Johnson, E. Polk 

(40) A History of Kentucky and Kentuckians. Vol. 1, 

602 pages. Lewis Publishing Companv, Chicago- 
New York, 1912. 

Presents numerous references to Filson, saying 
on page 18, "it is he" to whom every historian 
of early Kentucky is indebted. 

TowNSEND, John Wilson 

(41) Kentucky in Ajnerican Letters. 1784-1912. The 

Torch Press, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1913. 

A brief review of Filson's life, together with 
notes on his history of Kentucky, and his map 
of this state, appears in Vol. 1, pages 1 and 2. 
Then follow on pages 2, 3 and 4 typical ex- 
cerpts from historical text. 

Kerr, Judge Charles, and Others 

(42) History of Kentucky. Vol. 1, 568 pages. Published 

by the American Historical Society, Chicago 
and New York, 1922. 

In a brief review of Filson's book on page 287, 
Kerr says: "As a history it was not exact in all 
of its facts; but as a picture of a wonderful 

( i65 ) 

newly discovered country it gave a true portrayal 
that immediately attracted world wide atten- 
tion." On page 305 the volume further states: 
"John Filson, a Pennsylvanian, came to Ken- 
tucky in 1783, and soon thereafter opened a school 
in Lexington which approached academy propor- 
tions in its instruction. During this period he 
also busied himself in the writing of his history 
of 'Kentucke.' " 

Bond, Beverly W., Jr. 

(43) Two IVestward Journeys of John Filson, 1785. 

Published in the Mississippi Valley Historical 
Review, Vol. IX. No. 4, March, 1923. pp. 320- 

This article includes manuscript by John Fil- 
son, "A Journal of Two Voyages from the Falls 
of the Ohio to Post St. Vincent, on the Wabash 
River," etc. (See No. 5 of this Bibliography.) 

Drake, Dr. Daniel 

(44) Memoir of the Miami Cotottry, 1779-1794. Pp. 

45-117, Vol. XVIII. Quarterly Publication of 
the Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio, 
Nos. 2 and 3 — Cincinnati, April and September, 

Contains many references to the establishment 
of Losantiville, later Cincinnati, and Filson's 
part in same. 



(45) The Kentucky Land Grants. 1,844 pages. Illus- 

trated. Filson Club Publications No. 33. Pub- 
lished by the Standard Printing Company, 
Louisville, 1925. 

Gives Filson's grant to Fayette County land, 
totaling 4, 922 acres, on page 175, as recorded in 
Kentucky Land Office, Frankfort, Kentucky, 

( 166 ) 


Bond, Beverly VV,, Jr. 

(46) The Correspondence of John Cleves Symmes. Foun- 
der of the Miami Purchase, 312 pages. The 
Macmillan Company, New York, 1926. 

Recites on page 46 the occurrence of John 
Filson's death at the hands of an Indian in the 
lower Miami country. Gives a statement of 
the change of the name Losantiville to Cin- 
cinnati by General Arthur St. Clair in January, 


(47) 0!d Kentucky Entries and Deeds. 571 pages, illus- 
trated. Filson Club Publications No. 34. Pub- 
lished by the Standard Printing Company, 
Louisville, 1926. 

Gives specific reference to three Filson land 
entries, totaling 12,968^ acres in Fayette 
County, Kentucky, on page 98, and bearing 
date of December 19 and 20, 1783. Gives on 
page 32 Filson's entry in partnership with Robert 
Breckenridge to 1,000 acres in 1788 "at Silver 
Mine" in Lincoln County, Kentucky. 

Wilson, Samuel M. 

(48) History of Kentucky. Vol. II, 730 pages. S. J. 
Clark Publishing Companv, Chicago and Louis- 
ville, 1928. 

This excellent volume gives a number of 
deserved references to Filson, but on pages 13 
and 451 would divide Filson's distinguished 
honor of producing the first history of Kentucky 
with Col. John Todd, of Blue Lick fame, and one 
William Tatham, Esq., of Virginia, who together 
produced an historical manuscript entitled by 

( i67 ) 

them, a "History of the Western Country." 
This piece of writing has long since been lost 
or destroyed and certainly never was published, 
if it was in fact completed. We do not share 
this view at all, holding that the Todd-Tatham 
writings, good as they may have been, like the 
Norse discovery of America, benefited nobody 
particularly, while the value of Filson's contribu- 
tion can hardlv be overestimated. 


Filson's Map of Kentucke 

[ A Letter from Lawrence Martin ] 

It appears to the writer that the edition of 
John Filson's "Map of Kentucke," of which you 
have the only identified copy, will stand first in 
the list of editions of this important map. 
The statements which follow are, of course, 
subject to verification by the libraries owning 
the original piinted copies alluded to below 
which are not in the Library of Congress. 
These include the Archivo Historico Nacional 
at Madrid, the Harvard University Library, 
the William L. Clements Library of American 
History at Ann Arbor, Michigan, the Henry E. 
Huntington Library at San Marino, California, 
and several others. That your map is of high 
rarity is clearly indicated. It appears to stand 
alone among the copies of editions of Filson's 
map printed in America. Only eleven copies 
have been identified up to the present time. 
Yours is the oldest of these eleven. 

The known copies of the American editions 
fall in the following tentative order: 

(1) The copy belonging to Mr. W. R. Jillson, 
State Geologist of Kentucky, Frank- 
fort, Kentucky. 

( I70 ) 

(2) The copy in the Library of Congress. 

(3) The copy in the Archivo Historico IVa- 

c tonal at Madrid. 

(4) The copies in the Harvard Library and 

the Clements Library. 

In addition to those printed in America, we 
know of two editions printed al>road. 

(5) The French edition, entitled "Carte de 

Kentucke, d'apres les Observations 
actuelles .... par .... John Fil- 
son." It was published in 1785 in 
Filson's "Histoire de Kentucke," facing 
page 1. This dated copy of Filson's 
map, agreeing in general features with 
the Madrid copy, appears to demon- 
strate that the first three English 
editions of Filson's map were all pub- 
lished in 1784 or 1785. It is on a 
slightly smaller scale than the .Ameri- 
can editions. 

(6) The Stockdale edition, entitled "Map of 

Kentucke drawn from Actual Observa- 
tions." It was published November 23, 
1793, by John Stockdale, Piccadilly. 
It was included, perhaps reprinted, in 
Jedidiah A. Morse's "The American 
Geography .... A New Edition," 
London, 1794, following page 504. No 

( lyi ) 

edition of Filson's map appears to have 
been included in earlier issues of Morse's 
geography. This sixth edition appears 
to have been made from some copy of 
Filson's map of the same edition as 
the Library of Congress copy. The 
title in the upper left-hand corner has 
been replaced by an insert, "Plan of 
the Rapids, in the River Ohio," made 
by Capt. Thomas Hutchins. One 
of the two copies in the Library of 
Congress has the names "Fort Wash- 
ington" and "Donation Lands Vir- 
ginia" adiled in ink. Copies of this 
English edition are not especially rare 
since the 1794 edition of Morse's geo- 
graphy is in many American libraries. 

There are also at least two hand-made copies 
of respectable antiquity. 

(7) The Library of Congress has a hand- 
drawn copy of P'ilson's map on the 
original scale. It is bound up in an 
edition of Filson's history which was 
printed at Wilmington by James Adams 
in 1784 and faces the title-page. This 
is thought to be a hand-made facsimile 
of Filson's map, and not a manuscript 
copy from which plates for printed 
copies were made, because the posi- 

( 172 ) 

tions of the latitudes on the margins 
and the presence of at least one trail on 
the map show that this copy was made 
trom one like those at Harvard and in 
the Clements Library, rather than 
from one ot the three previous Ameri- 
can editions. 

(8) Another hand-made copy has been suc- 
cessiveK the property of John R. Bart- 
lett, A. S. Manson, and K. D. Church, 
and is now in the Huntington Library. 
It was described in 1907 in the Church 
Catalogue, Vol. 5, pages 2350-52. The 
statement that this is "without a 
doubt the original NLSS. map for the 
Knglish edition" is quoted from the 
Manson Catalogue, but the Church 
Catalogue also says: 

"It will be observed by comparing the de- 
scription of the manuscript map with 
that of the engraved one that the 
former uses the modern 's' in most 
cases where the latter employs the older 
form, or long 's,' similar to modern 'f.'" 

Each of the first four editions is easily 
identified and distinguished from facsimiles 
made at later dates because each is on eighteenth- 
century paper which bears the watermarks, 

( 173 ) 

"PPD," "WORK & BF RICH," and a drawing of a 
plow. This much being established, and with- 
out going completely into the minutiae oi all 
differences, as it is dangerous not to do, the known 
editions may be told apart on the following 
bases : 

{a) jillson's copy may be distinguished from 
the Library of Congress copy by the 
absence of the date 1784 in the line of 
print outside the bottom neat-line of 
the map. 

{b) The Library of Congress copy may be 
distinguished from the first edition by 
the presence of the date in the line of 
print below the lower neat-line of the 
map, reading as follows: "Philad'i En- 
grav'd by Henry 1). Pursell, & Printed 
by 'l\ Rook, for the Author 1784." 
It is to be distinguished from the copy 
in Madrid in the manner stated below. 

(r) The Madrid copy may be distinguished 
from the second edition by presence 
of the figures 39, for latitude, in the 
upper right margin of the map between 
the forks of the Ohio River and the Grt 
Sandy C. On the Library of Congress 
copy the figures 39 are north of the 
Ohio River, directly opposite the words 

( 174 ) 

"Natural Meadow." The Madrid copy 
is to he distinguished from the fourth 
edition in the manner stated below. 

(r/) The copies at Harvard and in the 

Clements Library may be distinguished 

trom the third edition by the presence 

of a (.lashetl-line trail near the eastern 

margin of the map extending from the 

Ohio River at "Old Shawane Town" 

to the "Warrior's Path" just south of 

the letters "I." and "N" in the name 

oi Lincoln County. On the copy in 

the Clements Library five county 

names, eight village names, and the 

words "Ohio vState" have been written 

in ink. 

No one should consider that he has a copy 

oi one of the four American eiiitions unless the 

paper has the watermarks specified. No one 

should conclude that his edition was printed in 

1784 merely because the line of print carries 

that ilate. As a matter of fact, each of the 

American editions, except the first, carries the 

same date. 

There are four full-scale facsimiles which ap- 
pear to fall in the following order. I have 
numbered them continuously with the original 
editi(Mis and the hand-made copies. 

(9) Durrett's facsimile is known to have 
been made from the copy in the Har- 
vard Lhiiversity, but erroneously sub- 

( 175 ) 

stitutes the woril "perfect" for the 
word "perfect" and the vvortl "Amer- 
ira" tor the word "America" in the 
dedication. In P. Phillips' hook, 
referred to lielow, he erroneously as- 
serts, page 1^>, that the Harvard copy 
hears the misspelled words "perfect" 
and "Amcrira. " Durrctt's facsimile 
was prijitcd in his hook entitled "John 
Kilson, The First Historian ot Ken- 
tucky .... ", I -ouisville edition, 1884, 
facing page 28. 

(10) Durrett's facsimile second issue, is iden- 

tical with the first. It was puhlished 
in 1884 in the Cincinnati edition of the 
same hook. 

(11) Z. V. Smith's facsimile was puhlishcil in 

his "Histor\ of Kentucky," Louisville, 
1886, preceding the frontispiece. This 
facsimile was made from one of the 
Durrctt facsimiles of the Harvard copy, 
but differs from them in the respects 
indicated hclow. 

(12) Phillips' facsimile is included irregularly 

in either the front or hack of his small 
hook entitled, "The First Map of Ken- 
tucky hy John Filson," published at 
Washington, D. C, in 1908. This fac- 
simile is a faithful reproduction of the 
copy of the second edition, which is 
in the Library of Congress. 

( 176 ) 

Each ot these tour hicsimiles is to be distin- 
guished from the tour original etlitions through 
being printed on modern paper without a water- 
mark. The Durrett facsimiles are to be recog- 
nized by the misspelled worils "perfect" and 
"Amerira" in the title, but there is no ol^vious 
way of distinguishing them trom each other in 
cases where the copies are detached trom I)ur- 
rett's books. Neither ot these facsimiles con- 
tains an intlication ot place ot printing or gives 
the name ot an engraver or printer. Smith's 
facsimile is to be distinguisheil trom those ot 
Durrett by the presence of the wonls, "Heliotype 
Printing (So. Boston" at the lov\cr right corner ot 
the map outside the neat-line. Phillips' fac- 
simile may be ilistinguished trom the others by 
the presence of the words "The Norris Peters 
Co., Washington, O. C." at the lower right cor- 
ner outside the neat-line ot the map. 

None of these facsimiles is ii\ particular 
rarity. The Durrett facsimiles are in a great 
many libraries in copies ot either the Louisville 
or the Cincinnati eilition of Durrett's books. 
The Library ot Congress has three separate copies 
t r these facsimiles, anil it is understooil that the 
I niversity ot Chicago, the fortunate possessor 
of Judge Durrett's library, has hail a considerable 
number ot these facsimiles, which have been 
given to other libraries. The Smith facsimile 
is contained in the copy of the lS8fi edition of 
his book in the Harvard Lhiiversity Library. 
The Library of Congress is negotiating for the 

( 177 ) 

purchase of a separate copy of this map from 
which the imprint outside the lower neat-line has 
been imperfectly erased. The Phillips facsimile 
was printed in an edition of 200 copies. 

With the ten printings and two copyings of 
Filson's map between 1784 and 1908, the tale is 
not yet fully toki. We know of at least seven 
small facsimiles in books. The French edition 
was reprinted in 1832, and one or another of the 
American editions in 1892, 1903, 1910, 1917, 
1921, and 1929 respectively. 

We also know that a small Mlsonesque map 
was printed at London in 1793 in a work con- 
taining I'ilson's history of Kentucky. It was 
reprinted in another book the same year, and 
reproduced in 1846 and 1892 at least. The last 
of these facsimiles of the 1^'ilsonesque map is 
entitled, "A Second Map of Kentucky drawn by 
John Filson, A. I). 1784." It may be a second 
map, and it may not. That leaves us the deli- 
cious problem of searching for a large-scale and 
older edition ol the Filsonesque map of 1793. 
But is it likely that Filson produced two different 
maps in 1784? Our list of these small versions 
of Filson's map is likely to be incomplete, and 
it seems best not to have it published at present. 

In the light of all this, it appears that John 
Filson's map was printed or copied at least 
twenty-three times between 1784 and 1929. It 
is a map of such reliability and usefulness as to 
have merited its author's dedicating the original 
American edition "to the Honorable the Con- 

( 178 ) 

gress of the United States of America; and to 
his Excell."cy" George Washington late Com- 
mander in Chief of their Army," 

The statements in this letter are based upon 
an examination of printed or photostatted 
copies of all but one of the maps referred to, as 
well as upon an extensive study of the small 
book regarding Filson and his map which was 
published a little more than twenty years ago 
by my predecessor in the Library of Congress. 
Mr. Phillips published this work, privately, and 
the Library has never issued any substantial 
statements respecting Filson 's map. A short 
note regarding the Madrid copy, which seems to 
have been first identified at this institution as 
a separate edition, was published on page 91 of 
the annual report of the Librarian ot Congress 
for 1927. 

I am indebted to Miss Julia Duke Henning, 
of Louisville, Kentucky, a member of the staff 
of the Division of Maps, for competent collab- 
oration in the assembling of the copies of 
Filson 's map, and the data for these notes, and 
in their verification. 

Very sincerely yours, 

Lawrence Martin 
Chief, Division of Maps 

Washington, D. C. Library of Congress 

December 16, 1929 


State Geologist of Kentucky 
Frankfort, Kentucky 

( 179 ) 

A FiLSON Land Entry 

Robert Breckenridge and John Filson 
as Tenants in Common, Enters 1000 
May 17th. acres of land upon the balance of a 
1788. Treasury Warrant No. 10,117 about 
60 or 70 miles North Eastwardly from 
Martin Cabbins in Powells Vallev to 
include a silver mine which was Im- 
proved about 17 years ago by a 
Certain man named Swift at said 
mine the Said Swift reports he has 
extracted from the oar a Considerable 
quantity of Silver some of which he 
made into Dollars and left at or near 
the mine, together with the apperatus 
for making the same the same to be 
his in a spuare and the lines to run at 
the Cardinal points of the Camp 
aforesaid including the mine in the 
Centre as near as may be. 

This is a true and correct copy of 
Entry found in Book 2 of Lincoln 
County Entries on page 299 in the 
name of Robert Breckenridge and 
John Filson. 


Clell Coleman 

State Auditor 
Frankfort, Kentucky 
December 4, 1929 

Index to Filson's Map 

First Edition, 1784 

The method of indexing used is based on a system 
of co-ordinates — longitude and latitude. For example, 
Harrod's Town, 10 + 37, is at or near the intersection 
of imaginary lines 10 and 37. 

Banklick Creek 10 

Bards Town 11 

Baregrass Creek 11 

Barren River, Big 11 

Barren River, Little 11 

Bashare's Creek 11 

Bashare's Station 11 

Battle, Bloody, fought here (Blue Licks) 9 

Bear Creek 

Beech Fork 

Benson Creek, Big 

Bibb's Creek 

Big Barren River 

Big Benson Creek 

Big Bone Creek 

Big Indian Creek 

Bird's War Road 

Blue Lick 9 

Blue Lick Spring 9 

Blue Lick, Upper 9 

Blue Spring 11 

Bone Creek, Big 11 

Bones, Large, are found here 11 

Boon's Creek 10 

Boon's house, Colonel 10 

Boon's Station 10 

+ 39 
+ 37 
+ 38 
+ 36 
+ 36 
+ 37 
+ 37 
+ 38 
+ 36 
+ 37 
+ 38 
+ 38 
+ 36 
+ 38 
+ 39 
+ 39 
+ 39 
+ 37 
+ 38 
+ 38 
+ 36 
+ 39 
+ 39 
+ 37 
+ 37 
+ 38 

( i82 ) 

Boon's Station 1 1 -f- 37 

Boonsburg 9 + 37 

Bowman's Station 10 + 37 

Bracken's Creek 10 + 39 

Broadhead's Creek 1 1 + 38 

Brush Creek 10 + 36 

Bryan's Lick and Creek 10 + 36 

Bryan's Station 10 + 38 

Buck Creek 9 + 36 

Buck Run 12 + 37 

Buffaloe Creek 9 + 36 

Buffaloe Creek 9 + 39 

Bullet's Lick 1 1 + 37 

Cabbin Creek 9 + 39 

Caldwell's Station 10 + 37 

Cane, Abundance of 9+38 

Cane, Fine 1 1 + 37 

Cane, Fine 10 + 38 

Cane Land, Fine 9 + 38 

Carpenter's Creek and Station 10 + 37 

Cartright's Creek 1 1 + 37 

Casper's River 1 2 + 36 

Cedar Creek 10 + 37 

Cedar Creek 1 1 + 38 

Chaplain's Fork 1 1 + 37 

Chelicothe, Old 10 + 39 

Clark's Creek 10 + 37 

Clark's Creek 12 + 38 

Clark's Grant of 150,000 Acres 12 + 38 

Clark's Station 10 + 37 

Clark's War Road 1 1 + 39 

Clark's War Road, going 10 + 39 

Clark's War Road, returning 10 + 39 

Clarksville 12 + 38 

( 183 ) 

Clear Creek 

Cooper's Run 

County line, Jefferson and Lincoln. 

Cow Creek 

Cowan's Station 

Cox's Station, Colonel 


Craig's Station 

Craig's Station, Captain 

Crittenden's house 

Cumberland Mountain 

Cumberland River 

Cumberland Settlement, Path to. . 
Curd's House 


Dick's River 

Doctor's Run 

Doe Run 

Drennon's I.ick 

Drowning Creek 

Dutch Station, Low 

Dutch Station, Low 

P'agle Creek 

Eighteen Mile Creek 

Eighteen Mile Creek 


Elkhorn, North Fork 

Elkhorn, South Fork 

Elkhorn, Town Fork 

Emeley's Station 

Fayette County 

Fifteen yards wide, creek 

10 + 37 

10 + 38 

10 + 37 

9 + 37 

10 + 37 


10 + 37 

10 + 37 

10 + 38 

10 + 38 

9 + 36 

10 + 36 


10 + 37 

10 + 37 

10 + 37 

11 +37 

12 + 37 


9 + 37 

10 + 37 



11 +38 

12 + 38 

10 + 38 

10 + 38 

10 + 38 

10 + 38 


10 + 38 

11 +39 

( 184 ) 

Fish Ponds 1 1 + 37 

Fishing Creek 10 + 36 

Flat Lick 9 + 36 

Flat Licks 10 + 37 

Floyd's Fork 1 1 + 37 

Floyd's Station 1 1 + 38 

Fort Pitt, 321 miles below 9 + 39 

Four Mile Creek 9 + 38 

Fowler's Lick 9 + 39 

Gest's Creek 

Gilbert's Creek. . . . 

Glen's Creek 

Goose Creek 

Grant's Mill 

Grant's Station . . . . 

Gray's Run 

Great Miami River. 
Great Sandy Creek . 

Green River 

Green River Plains. 


Grier's Creek 

Hanging Fork 10 + 37 

Harbison's Station 10 + 37 

Harlan's Station 10 + 37 

Harrod's Station 10 + 37 

Harrod's Town 10 + 37 

Herod's Creek 11+38 

Hickman's Creek 10 + 37 

Hingston Fork 9 + 38 

Hites house 1 1 + 38 

norland's Station 10 + 37 

Howard's Upper Creek 9 + 38 

Huston's Fork 10 + 38 

+ 38 
+ 37 

+ 38 

1 +38 
+ 37 
+ 37 

+ 38 

1 +39 
9 + 39 

2 + 36 
1 +37 
+ 38 
+ 38 

( i85 ) 

Indian Creek 12 + 38 

Indian Creek, Big 10 + 39 

Indian Kentucke 12 + 38 

Indian Territory 10 + 39 

Iron Ore, Abundance of 12 + 37 

Irving's Station 10 + 37 

Jesamine Creek 10 + 37 

Johnston's Fork, Licking JO + 38 

Johnston's house, Captain 10 + 38 

Kentucke, Indian 12 + 39 

Kentucke, Little 1 1 + 39 

Kentucke River 11+38 

Kentucke River, Middle Fork 9 + 37 

Kentucke River, North Fork 9 + 37 

Kentucke River, South Fork 9 + 37 

Keys's Creek 11+36 

Kirkindol's Mill 1 1 + 38 

Knob Creek 12 + 38 

Knob Lick 10 + 37 

Laurel River 9 + 36 

Lawrences Creek 9 + 39 

Lead Mine, A fine 1 1 + 36 

Lee's Creek 9 + 39 

Lee's Town 10 + 38 

Lexington 10 + 38 

Lick Creek 9 + 38 

Licking River 10 + 39 

Licking, Johnston's Fork 10 + 38 

Licking, North Fork 10 + 38 

Licking, South Fork 10 + 38 

Limestone Creek 9 + 39 

Lincamp Creek 9 + 36 

( i86 ) 

Lincoln County 

Linn's Station 

Little Barren River 

Little Kentucke 

Little Sulphur Lick Creek . 

Locust Creek 

Logan's Station 


Low Dutch Station 

Low Dutch Station 

Lulbulgrund Creek 

McAphee's Station 

McConnel's Station and Mill 

McMurtrie's Station 

Magic's Station 

Marble Creek 

Marshal's OfBce, Colonel 

Martin's Station 

Meadow, Natural 

Medical Spring, A 

Medicinal Spring, A 

Miami, Little 

Miami River, Great 

Middle Fork, Kentucke River 

Mill Creek 

Mill Creek 

Mill Creek 

Miller's Creek 

Mingo Nation lives here 

Moore's Station, or Craborchard 

Morgan's Mill 

Morrison's Station 

Muddy Creek 9 

Muddy Creek 12 

9 + 37 

11 +38 

11 +36 

11 +38 


10 + 39 

10 + 37 

11 +38 

10 + 37 

11 +38 

9 + 38 

10 + 38 

10 + 38 

10 + 38 

10 + 38 

10 + 37 

10 + 38 

10 + 38 

9 + 39 



10 + 39 


9 + 37 

10 + 38 



9 + 37 

9 + 39 

10 + 37 

10 + 38 

10 + 38 

9 + 37 

12 + 36 

( i87 ) 

Muddy River 

Mulberry Creek 

Myres' Mills 

Natural Meadow 

Nolin's Creek 

North Fork F.lkhorn 

North Fork Kentucke 

North Fork Licking 

Ohio River 

Otter Creek 

Otter Creek 

Paint Creek 

Paintlick Creek 

Paintlick Creek 

Panther Creek 

Parker's house 

Patterson's Mill 

Patton's Creek 

Pecaway Town 

Pleasant Run 

Pond Creek 

Pott's Station 

Rapids, The 

Raven Creek 

Raven Creek 

Red River 

Reed's house 

Rice's Station 

Richland Creek 

Riddle's Station 

Road through the Wilderness 

Robinson's Creek 

12 + 36 


10 + 37 

9 + 39 


10 + 38 

9 + 37 

10 + 38 

11 +38 

9 + 37 

12 + 38 

9 + 39 

10 + 37 

10 + 37 

12 + 36 

11 +37 

10 + 37 


10 + 39 


12 + 38 

10 + 37 

12 + 38 

10 + 38 

10 + 38 

9 + 38 

10 + 37 

10 + 37 

9 + 36 

10 + 38 

9 + 37 

11 +36 

( i88 ) 

Rock Castle River 9 + 36 

Rolling Fork 11+37 

Rough Creek 12 + 36 

Russel's Creek 1 1 + 36 

Salt River 12 

Salt Springs 11 

Saltlick Creek 9 

Sandy Creek, Great 9 

Sciotlia River 9 

Severn Creek 

Shawanese Run 

Shawnee Town, Old 

Shelby's Station, Colonel . 

Shoemaker's Creek 

Silver Creek 

Silver Creek 

Sinking Creek 

Six Mile Creek 

Smith's Station 

Smith's Station 

South Fork Elkhorn 

South Fork Kentucke. . . 

South Fork, Licking 

Spring Station 

Station Camp Creek 

Stepston Creek 

Stinking Creek 

Stoner's Fork 

Stroud's Fork 

Stroud's Station 

Sturgeon Creek 

Sturgis's Station 

Sullivan's Station 

+ 38 
+ 39 
+ 39 
+ 39 
+ 39 
+ 38 
+ 37 
+ 39 
+ 37 
+ 38 
+ 37 
+ 38 
+ 36 
+ 38 
+ 37 
+ 38 
+ 38 
+ 37 
+ 38 
+ 38 
+ 37 
+ 39 
+ 36 
+ 38 
+ 38 
+ 38 
+ 37 
+ 38 
+ 38 

( 189 ) 

Tate's Creek 10 + 37 

Ten Mile Creek 1 1 + 38 

Ten yariis wide, creek 1 1 -|- 39 

Tigert's Creek 9 + 39 

Todd's house, Colonel 10 + 38 

Todd's Station 10 + 38 

Town Fork of Flkhorn 10 + 38 

Town Fork of Salt River 1 1 + 37 

Trig's Station 10 + 37 

Turkey Creek 9 + 36 

Twelve Mile Creek 9 + 39 

Twenty-five yards wide creek 1 1 + 39 

Twenty-five yards wide creek 11 + 39 

Twin Creeks, The 1 1 + 38 

Upper Blue Licks 9 + 38 

Virginia Trcxips, Land Reserved for 1 1 + 36 

War Creek 9 + 38 

War Creek 10 + 39 

Warren's Station 10 + 37 

Warrior's Path 9 + 73 

Wells's Creek 10 + 39 

Whitley's Station 10 + 37 

Wilderness, Road through the 9 + 37 

Wilkinson's house. General 10 + 38 

Wilkinson's Mill 10 + 37 

Windot Creek 11+39 


This Index does not embrace the Index to Filson's 
Map, which is complete in itself and appears on pages 
181 to 189 of this volume. 

Abbott's Town, 1 13. 

Adams, James, printer, 1, 119, 143, 

151, 163, 171. 
"Agricoia," 154. 
Air and climate, 21, 22. 
Alabama Indians, 118. 
Albach, J. R., publisher, 156. 
American Hist. Society, 164. 
Animals, NVild, 27, 28.' 
Antia, at Council, 86. 
.Appleton & Co., D., Cyclopedia, 

159; United States, 162. 
Arkansaw R., 117. 
Arthur, CJabriel, 121. 
.Ashton's Station [Fstill's], defeat, 

74, 134. 

Badripes, at Council, 86. 

Baltimore, 39. 

Bank Lick Creek, 18. 

Bardstown (Beardstown), 11, 115, 

Barker, Klihu, map, 156. 
Barrens, Green River, 20, 124. 
B.irtlett,J.R., 172. 
Beargrass Creek, 21, 144. 
Beaver, Capt., 86. 
Beaver Creeks, Pa., 1 16. 
Bedford, I'a., 116. 
Bees, 27. 

Big Bone Creek, 18, 117, 140. 
Big Bone Lick, 32, 33-36, 128, 129. 
Bird, Col. Henry, attack on 

Ruddle's and Martin's stations, 

Birds, Wild, 26. 
Black's Gap, 13. 
BlockHouse, Va., 114. 
Blue Licks, Battle of, 17, 32, 63, 

73, 76, 77, 128 134, 157. 27. 
Boats, mechanical or steam, 44-46. 

Bond, Beverly W., Jr., "West- 
ward Jouriiey of John Filson," 
165; Symmes, 166. 

Bones, Large, of prehistoric ani- 
mals, 33-36, 129. 

Boone, Daniel: Endorses Filson's 
book, 36, 120, 124, 131, 137, 141, 
142, 149, 158; meets Finley and 
goes to Ky., 8, 9; at Watauga 
treaty, 10, 59; Adventures, 1, 
49-82, 131-134: leaves Yad- 
kin, 1769, for Ky., 50; attacked 
by Indians, and escapies, 52; 
meets Squire Boone in the wil- 
derness, 53; with Squire Boone 
resumes wanderings, S'i; Squire 
returns to N. C. settlements, 
54; wanders alone in the wilder- 
ness, 54; admires the beauties 
of nature, 55; Squire returns in 
1771 to Ky. and meets Daniel, 
56; returns to the Yadkin and 
in 1773 starts back to Ky. with 
his family and others, 57; 
attacked by Indians, son James 
killed, all return to Yadkin, 57; 
leaves Clench and with Michael 
Stoner goes to Falls o\ Ohio, 
warns surveyors, and conducts 
them back to old settlements, 
58, 133; takes part in Dun- 
more's campaign against Shaw- 
nees, 58; attends treaty at W'a- 
tauga River, 10, 59; returns to 
Ky. and erects tort at Boones- 
borough, 59; returns to Clench 
and brings family to Boones- 
borough, 60; capture and res- 
cue of Betsey and Frances 
Callaway and Jemima Boone, 
60, 133; Indians attack Boones- 

( 192 ) 

borough, 61; Ix)gnn's Fort, 
siege, 61; reinforcements ar- 
rive from N. C. and Va., 62; 
goes to Blue Licks to make 
salt, captured l)y Imlians, 63; 
taken prisoner to Chillicothe, 
63; to Detroit ami back to 
Chillicothe, 64; escapes, arrives 
at Boonesborough and warns 
fort ot approaching enemy, 66; 
fights with Indians near Paint 
Creek Town, 67; Boonesborough 
besiegeii by Capt. Duquesne, 
68, 69; enemy withdraws, 70; 
returns to N. C. for his taniily, 
70, 72; Bowman's expedition 
against Shawnees, 70, 71; Col. 
Biril's attack on Martin's atui 
Ruddle's stations, 71; Clark's 
expeilition against Shawnees, 
72; returns from N. C. with his 
wife, 72; with his famiK at 
B(X)ncsborough, 73; his brother 
F.dwarii is killeil In Indians, 73; 
Indians liefeat settlers at Ash- 
ton's ll-'still's] and Ilov's sta- 
tions, 74, 134; siege of Bryant's 
Station, 75, 133; defeat at Blue 
Licks, his son Israel killed in 
the battle, 76, 77; Clark's ex- 
pei' :ion against Indians in 
Ohio, 78, 79, Mrs. Wood 
defends herself against Iniiiaiis 
at Crab Orchard, 79, SO; 
"toil and danger" followed In 
"peace and plenty," 80- 82; 
helps compile Filson's map: see 
inscription on map, also 1-6. 

lioone, Kdwaril, killed bv Indians, 

Boone, Israel, killed at Blue Licks, 

Boone, Jemima, captured and 
rescued, 60. 

BtKine, Squire: meets Daniel 
Boone in the wilderness, 53; 
returns to N. C. settlements, 54; 
returns in 1771 to Ky., 56. 145. 

Boone's Cave, 128. 

Boonesborough, fort erected, 59; 
attacked, 61; siege of, 68-70. 
11, 31, 62, 63, 66, 67, 73, 122. 

Boston Public Library, 155. 
Botet<nirt Court Mouse, 113. 
Bouiularies and situation, 11. 
Bowman, Ct)l., 31; expeilition 

against Shawnees, 70, 71. 
Bovd's, in Va., 1 14. 
Bradford, T. L.. Manual, 162. 
Breckinridge, Robert, 141, 166, 

Bronner, L. II., 154. 
Brown, John Mason, Battle of 

Brvant Station, siege, 75, 133. 
Buffalo, 27, 30, 32, 51, 73; trace, 

30, 127; grass, 24. 
Buisson, publisher, 154. 

Callaway, Betsey and Frances, 
captured and rescued, 60, 133. 

Callaway, Col. Richard, two 
daughters c.iptured and res- 
cued, 60, 133. 

C.mipbell, S;imuel, publisher, 155. 

Cane, 17-20, 23, 24. 28. 

Cantion, Mrs. |. I'., x. 

CarlisL. Pa., 115. 

Carrol! i\ Co., R. W., jniblishers, 

Castia, or Coste.i, chief, 86. 

Catawbas, 88. 

Caves, 31, 128. (Jreat Cave 
(Cave-in-RockK 117. Mam- 
moth Cave, 127, 128. 

Chamber's Town, Pa., 115. 

Chaplain, Capt. Abraham, 9h. 

Cheegees, 88. 

Cherokee, or Tenn. R., 15. 

Cherokee Indians, sell Kv. to 
Henderson. 10, 59; 74, 83, 87, 
88, 103, 105. 

Chicago, liniv. of, 176. 

Chickamaukzas. 87. 

Chickasaw k.. 117. 

Chickasaws, 83. 88, 103, 105. 

Chillicothe, 63 67, 75, 78. Old, 
also New, 78. 

Chiswell, Fort, 114. 

Choctaws, 88. 

Church, K. D., 162, 163, 172. 

Churches, 29, 30. 

Cincinnati (Losantiville), ix, 148, 
156-158, 161, 165, 166. 

( 193 ) 

Clark, Gen. (Jeorge Rogers, ex- 

rn-dition against Shawnees, 72; 

Indians in Ohio, 78, 80; Great 

Chief, 82, 84, 86. 152. 
Chirk iv Co., Robert, publishers, 

158, 159. 
Clark Co., Arthur H., publishers, 

Clark Pub. Co., 166. 
Clark's Station, 114. 
Clements Library, 169, 170, 172, 

Clench River, anil Country, 9, 57, 

58, 60. 
Climate. 21,22. 
Clover, 18,24. 
Cod, William, 51. 
Cortee tree. 23, 125. 
Cole, Ci. \V., Catuliigue of E. D. 

Chunh, 162, 172. 
Coleman, Clell, 179. 
Collins, Lewis, also Richard H., 

Ktilucky, 156, 157. 
Collins & Co., publishers, 157. 
Connellv, Kmma NL, Story oj Ky., 

Cotton, 25. ^ 

Coupee, or Cut-point, 45. 

Courier-Journal Job Printing Co., 

Cowan, John, helps compile Fil- 

son's map, l.w; see inscription 

on map. 
Crab Orchard, Mrs. Wood hiihts 

off Indians, 79; 114, 134. 
Creek Indians, 88. 
Criticjue, Paged, 119-137. 
Crow's .Station, 1 14. 
Cumberland Mountains, 11, 57, 

114, 132; (iap, 121. 
Cumberland River, 13, 15. 20, 32, 

56, 114. 117, 121; described, 14. 
Curiosities, 30-36. 

Dalton, Thomas K., at Pian- 

kashaw Council, 82. 
Danville, 11, 158. 
Dark and Bloodv Ground, 8, 10. 
Debrctt, I., publisher, 155, 156. 
Definitive Treaty, 47, 108, 110- 

Delawares, 74, 83, 89. 

Dcnman, Matthias, 147. 

Derby, (ieo., Sational Cyclo- 
pedia, 161. 

Detroit, 64, 74. 

Dick's River, 14, 20, 21, 123; de- 
scribed, 13, 19, 30. 

Donald.son, Col. John, 9, 10. 

Drake, Dr. Daniel, Miami Coun- 
try, 165. 

Draper, Lyman C, Collection, 
Wis. State Historical .Societv, 

Drennon's Lick, 32, 33, 128. 

Dunmore, (Jov., 58. 

Durrctt, R. T., 'John Filsoti, the 
First Historian uj Ky., 157, 158, 
175; Centeuarf oj K\., 159. 

152, 160, 161,' 174, 176. 
Duijuesne, Capt., 68. 

Kagle Creek, 18. 

Edwards, Col., at Crab Orchard, 

Flkhorn River, 13, 18, 140. 
Knglish's Station, 1 14 . 
Kstill's Station [.Ashton's], litieat, 

74, 134. 

Falls of the Ohio, 1 1, 14. 21, 40, 45, 
46, 58, 62, 72, 78, 80, 84, 86, 1 13. 
115, 117, 123, 135, 144, 145, 153; 
described, 12, 171. 

Fayette Co., 11, 82. 165, 166. 

FiLson, Davison, l."9. 

Filson, John; His references to 
his Map, 1, 5, 17, 19, 21,32. 75; 
other references to his Map, 
ix, X. 120, L^7, 142-144; 
Lawrence Martin's letter on 
Map, 169-178; Jillson's bibli- 
ography of Map and Ken- 
tucke, 151-167; watermark in 
Map, X, 151, 173; Index to 
Map, 181-189; Filson in French, 
154, 157, 163, 170, 177; in Ger- 
man, 154; Manuscripts, 152, 

153, 165; a land entry, 179; 
Sketch of his life based on 
John Filson, The First Histo- 
rian of Ky., 139-149; bioaraphi- 
cal data, 157, 159, 161, 162, 164, 

( 194 ) 

Filson, John, grandfather of John 

Filson, 139. 
Filson, Robert, 146, 148. 
Filson Club, The, X, 154, 158, 159, 

165, 166, 175. 
Filson Street, 158. 
Finley, John, visits Ky., 8; meets 

Boone in N. C, 8; goes to Ky. 

with Boone, 8, 51. 132. 
F'iniev, Rev. Samuel, Academy, 

Fish and game, 41, 26. 
F"ive Nations, Indians, 9. 
Flat I.ick, 114. 
Flax, 25, 109. 
Flowers, Wild, 24, 25. 
Fort l.igonier. Pa., 1 16. 
Fort Littleton, Pa., 115. 
F'ort Loudon, Pa., 115. 
Fort Massac, 117. 
Fort Washington, 171. 
F"our Mile Creek, 31. 
Fox Indians (Renards), 91. 
Frankfort, 123, 127. 
French I.ick, 88. 

Gallagher, \V. D., "Shadows," a 
poem, 158. 

Game, Wild: quadrupeils, fish, 
and birvis, 26-28. 

Georgetown, 147. 

Gibbaways (Ojibaways), 89. 

Girty, Simon, 75. 

Gist, Christopher, viii, 121, 164. 

Grain, Cultivated, 24, 25, 126. 

Grass Creek, 1 16. 

Grasses, 24, 126. 

Grave Creek, Va., 1 16. 

Great Cave (Cave-in-Rock), 117. 

Great Miami, 18, 72. 

Green River, 13, 31, 117, 124; de- 
scribed, 14, 20, 21; Barrens, 20, 
124; Henderson's grant, 10. 

Greenup, Christopher, helps com- 
pile Filson's map, 137; see in- 
scription on map. 

Greenville (Fayette Co.), 11, 123. 

Griandot River, 116. 

Griffin, A. P. C, Catalogue, 161. 

Gulf, Grand, 117; Little, 117. 

Hamilton, Gov., 64, 69, 133. 

Harlan, Silas, killed at Blue Licks, 

Harris's Ferry, Pa., 1 1 5. 

Harrod, Col. James, endorses 
Filson's book, 3, 6, 120; 124, 
130, 137, 141, 142; Bowman's 
expedition, 71; helps compile 
Filson's map, ite inscription on 

Hatred's, Fort, 62; station, 114, 

Harrodsburg, 1 1. 

Harvard University Library, 158, 
160, 169, 170, 172, 174-176. 

H.izel Patch, 114. 

Heliotvpc Printing Co., 176. 

Hemp.' 25, 109. 

Henderson, Col. Richard: pur- 
chases Ky. from Indians, 10, 
II, 59, 80, 122; Va. grants him 
land at mouth of Green R., 10. 

Henning, Julia, Duke, 178. 

Historical and Philosophical So- 
ciety ot Ohio, 165. 

Hockhocking River, O., 1 16. 

Holdeii, Joseph, 51. 

Holstein, R.,9, 114. 

Houghton Mifflin & Co., 158. 

Hov's Station (Majo'- William), 

Hunter, Dr., 35. 

Hunter's Town, 113. 

Huntington Library, 169, 172. 

Hurons, 9^). 

Hutchins, Thos., 163, 171. 

Iberville, 43, 44, 48, 118. 

Illinois Indians, 91; country, 141, 
145, 146. 

Imlay, Gilbert, Topographical De- 
scription, 155, 156. 

Indian Old Fields, 122, 132. 

Indians, Nations and Tribes, and 
their manners and customs, I, 
87-109, 135; religion, 103-107; 
origin, 92-98; prehistoric re- 
mains, 97, 98; battles, see 
Daniel Boone. 

Inhabitants of Ky., 28-30, 127. 

Iron Banks, 1 17. 

( 195 ) 

Tronore, 20, 126. 

Isle River or Long Isle Indians, 91. 

James, U. P. and J. A.., publish- 
ers, 1 56. 

James River, 1 13. 

Jefferson County, 11, 140, 145. 

Jillson, W. R., A.'v. Land Grants, 
165; OIJ Kv. Entries and Deeds, 
166. X, \h'K 173, 178. 

Johnstin, J. Folk, Kentucky, 164. 

Jones, John Rice, 144. 

Juniata Creek, Pa., 115. 

Kaskaskia Nation, 91, 96. 

Kenhawa River, Great, 9, 20, 40, 
116; described, 15, 16. Little, 

Kennedy, Wm., helps compile 
Filson's map, 137; see inscrip- 
tion on map. 

Kentucky, Discovery, Purchase 
and Settlement of, 7-48. 

Kentucky, Filson's Map of, In- 
dex to,' 181-189. 

Kentmky CaTelte, 146, 147, 154. 

Kentucky Historical Society, 157. 

Kentucky Riycr, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 
14. U., 18, 21, 52, 59, 117, 121, 
123, 124; described, 13, 18, 19, 

Kentucky State Historical So- 
ciety, X, 154. 

Kerr, Charles, Kentucky, 164. 

Kicki-.poos, *^1. 

Knobiick (Noblick), 32. 

Lancaster, Penn., 113, 115. 

Lanii Rights, 36-38; land ortice, 

Laurel Hill, Pa., 116. 
Laurel River, 114. 
Leestown, 11,30, 123, 128. 
Lewis, Cien. Andrew, 9. 
Lewis Pub. Co., 164. 
Lexington, 11, 17, 74, 75, 77, 97, 

121, 133, 140, 141, 147; Church, 

30; prehistoric burial place, 33; 

seminary, 146, 154, 165. 
Librarv of Congress, 151, 152, 163, 

169,170, 171, 173, 175, 176, 178. 

Licking River, 17, 21, 63, 71, 76, 

116, 121, 147; described, 13, 16, 

Limestone (Mavsville), 17, 140, 

Limestone Creek, 17, 116. 
Lincoln County, 11, 166, 174, 179. 
Little Miami, 63. 
Logan, Benjamin, 61; march to 

Blue Licks, 76. 
Logan's Fort, siege, 61; station, 

Long Island, Holstein R., 9. 
Long Isle or Isle River Indians, 91, 
Ixing Knite (Virginians), 62, 67, 

80, 83-86. 
Ix)santiville (Cincinnati), ix, 148, 

156-158, 161, 162, 165, 166. 
Lothrop Company, D., publishers, 

I^uisiana, trade with, 41, 130. 
Louisville, 11, 135, 145, 147, 153; 

see also Falls of Ohio. 
Lowdermilk & Co., W. H., 152, 

Ludlow, Israel, 148. 

McBride, James, at mouth of 
Ky. R., 7, 121. 

McClelland's Station, 147. 

McElroy, R. M., Kentucky, 164. 

McKee, .Alexander, 75. 

McMacken, Dr. James, steam- 
boat, 45. 

McMaster, J. B., History of United 
States, 162. 

Macmillan Co., publishers, 166. 

Madoc, Prince, and Welch Col- 
ony, 95. 

Madrid, Spain. Archives, 169, 170, 
173, 174, 178. 

Mammoth Cave, 127, 128. 

Mammoths and mastodons, 

bones, 33, 34, 129. 

Mantchac, 39, 42, 44. 

Map of Kentucke, Filson's, Index 
to, 181-189. See also John 

Margot River, 117. 

Marshall, Humphrey, 153. 

Martin, Lawrence, Letter on Fil- 
son's Map, 169-178. 

( 196 ) 

Martin's Cabbin (John), Va., 1 14, 

Martin's Station, 71. 

Martinsburg, Va., 1 i3. 

Mason, A. S., Catalogue, 172. 

Maumcc, W. 

Maurcpas, Lake, 43. 

Mavsviilc (Limestone), 17, 14<), 

Miami, CJrcat, 1 17. 

Miami, Little, 116. 

Miami: w<xxis, 148; i>oem on, 157, 
158; country, 165; purchase, 

Miildle Clround, 8. 

Miilillc Settlement Indians, 88. 

Middletown. Pa., 115. 

Milburn, \V. H., The Lance, etc., 

Militarv Rights, for services, 37. 

Mill-seats, 17-19. 

Minerals, 25, 31. 32, 109, 124, 127. 

Mingo Nation, 89. 

Ming's I'own, 1 16. 

Miskingum River, O., 116. 

Mississippi River: Spanish Con- 
trol of Navigation, 47; trade 
on, 39-48, 13(), 131; route, 117, 

Mississifpi Fallev Historical Re- 
view, 165. 

Mis.souri River, 41. 

Moffat, Yard & Co., publishers, 

Monay, James, 51. 

Montour, at council, 86. 

Morse, Rev. J., .-Imerican Geo- 
graphy, 155, 170, 171. 

Morton & Co., J. P., publishers, 

Mosquito, Chief, 86. 

Nashville, 123. 

Neal Pub. Co., 162. 

New Orleans, trade with, 39, 

41-48; 118, 130, 136. 
New River, or Great Kenhawa, 15, 

16, 113. 
New York Public Library, 154. 
Newtown, Va., 113. 
Noblick (Knoblick), 32. 
North Carolina, 8, 10,11,15,50,72. 

Ohio River, 7, 9, 11. 17-21, 55,89, 
115, 140, 173; described. 12, 21; 
tr.ide on, .^9-41, 130. 

Oiibaways, 89. 

Ottawas (Tawas^ 9(). 

Otter Creek, 123. 

Ozaw (Osage). 91. 

Page. John, 143. 

Paint Creek Town, 67. 

Parraud, M.. 154. 

I'atterson, Robert. 147. 

Patterson's on Roanoak, 113. 

Penn. Wm.. 108. 

Perkins. J. M., .Itinah of the ffest, 
1 56. 

Peters Co., Norris, 176. 

Phelps Cave. 128. 

Philadelphia. .U, 39, 4<), 46, 47, 
n3. 115. 135, 143. 

Phillips. P. Ix-e. Map of Ky. f>v 
John Filson, 152. 163. 175-178. Indians. 82, 90; Coun- 
cil. 1, 80. 82-86. 134. 

Pilot Knob. 122. 132. 

Pine Mt.. 124. 

Piqua ^Pecawav), 72, 78. 

Pittsburgh, 39, 40, 116, 118, 135, 

Point Coupee, 1 18. 

Pontcharrrain. Lake, 43. 

Population. Kv.. 28, 127; towns, 

Potowatomi tribe, 91. 

Pound Gap. 121. 

Powell's Mt., 57, 114. 

Powell's Vallev, 10, 57, 132. 141, 

Prehistoric: sepulchres, 2?>; re- 
mains. 97, 98; animals, 33-36, 

Produce and soil, 22-27; see Soil. 

Pursell, Henrv D., engraver, 1.^6, 
143. 151. 173. 

Quadrui>eds, 27, 28. 

Rackoon Spring, 114. 
Rankin, Rev. .Adam, 30. 
Red River, 51, 121; described, 13. 
18. In La., 117. 


( 197 ) 

Rice, Rev.,29. 

Richland Creek, 114. 

Richmond, Vii., .'^8, 143. 

RiiiUiles" .Station, 71. 

Rivers, dcscrilicii, 12-1.^. 

Road.s and routes: from Phila- 

ilelrhia to Kails of Ohio, 11.1; 

to Pittshiirijh, ll."*; river route, 

Pittslnirgii to New Orleans, 1 \f>. 

Limestone to lx"xinj;ton, 17. 

1, 30, 40, 5'>, 13.S, 14(), 146. 
Rockcastle River, 1 14. 
Rook, v., printer, 136, 143, 160, 

Roswell, 143. 
Rothert, Otto A., x. 
Rough Creek, 20. 
Rum, 85, 86. 

Rumsey, Charles [James], steam- 
boat, 4>. 
Russell Cave, 128. 
Rve, Wild, 18,24. 

St. Clair, (Jen. .Arthur, ix, 148, 

l6l, 166. 
-St. l-'rancis R., Ark., 117. 
S.ilt, 17, 20,31-33, 51,6.1, 128, 140. 
Salt River, 1.3, 31, 117, 128; de- 
scribed, 14, 19. 
.Salt River I.icks, 128. 
Saltworks (Mann's IJck), 115. 
Sandv Creeks, Little and Big, also 

rivers, 1 1, 16, 17, 1 16, 122, 173. 
Sauks (Sioux), VI. 
•Savarv.C. F.., 154. 
.Scioto, 65, 67, 116, 121. 
Serpents, 27. 

Shaler, N. S., Kfntucky, 158. 
Shanandoah R., 113. 
Sh.iwnee Town, Old, 174. 
Shawnees, 65, 70, 72, 74, 83, 8'>, 

Shippensburph, Pa., 1 15. 
Sioux (Sauks), 91. 
Situation and Ixiundaries, 11. 
Six Nations, 89. 
Smith, Z. F., Kfntucky, 160, 175. 

Soil, Nature of, 16-21, 124, 125, 

126, 140; produce, 22-27. 
Speed, Thomas, sketch of John 

Filson, 159. 

Springs, streams, water supplv, 15, 

16, 20, .13. 
Statics and distances between 

I'hilailelphia and the Falls, 

113-118. Sff Roads. 
Standard Printing Co., 165, 166. 
Stanton, Va., 113. 
Stanwix, Fort, 9. 
Stewart, John, 51; killed, 53. 
Stew.irt iv Kidii Co., publishers, 

Stinking Creek, 114. 
Stockdale, J., printer, 155, 170. 
Stone House Tavern, 113. 
Stone Mill, Va., 114. 
Stoner, Michael, 58, 133. 
Stony Creek, Pa., 116. 

.Stover's Town, Va., 1 1.1. 

Swift's .Silver Mine, 141, 166, 179. 

Symmes, Juiige J. C, 148, 166. 

Tathani, \Vm., "History," 166. 
'I'awaws (Ottawas), 74, 90. 
Tennes-sce River (Cherokee), 15, 

20, 117, 121. 
Thompson Publishing Co., N. D., 

Thruston, R. C. Ballard, iii, x. 
Thwaites, R. Ci., editor of Rordrr 

H'arfare, 160; Earh IVestfrn 

Tnivels, 161. 
Toli.KCo, 12, 126. 
Todd, Col. John, killed at Blue 

Licks, 76. "Historv," 166. 
Todd, Rev. John, 29. ' 
Toild, Levi, endorses Filson's 

B(K.k, 3, 6, 120, 124, 137, 141; 

helps compile Filson's map, set 

inscription on map. 
'I'odd-Tatham, "History of the 

Western Country," 167. 
Towns in Ky., 1 1. 
Townsend, John Wilson, Ky. in 

History and Literature, 162; 

A,'v. in .Imerican Letters, 164. 
Trade of Ky., 38-48. 
Treatv, Definitive, Article two of 

the late, 110-112. 47, 108. 
Trees, Forest, 23, 24, 125. 
Trigg, Stephen, 76, 77. 

Uchees, 88. 

( 198 ) 

Valley Station, Va., 114, 

Vegetables, 25. 

Venable, W. H.. poem, 157. 

Vermilion tribe, 90. 

Vincennes (Post St. Vincent), 1, 

82-86, 145, 153. 
Virginia: and Dr. Walker, 9; and 

Col. Henderson, 10, 11; laws, 

29, 36-38; land reserved for 

troops, 20. 

Wabash Indians, 84. 86, 90. 
Wabash River, 83, 84, 90, 91, 117, 

135, 145, 153. 
Wadkins Ferry, 113. 
Walden's Mountain, 57, 114. 
Walker, Dr. Thomas, vii, 9, 121, 

122, 164. 
Warrier's Path, 174. 
Washington, George, 108, 152, 

155; letter to, 143, 163, 178; 

Filson's map dedicated to him, 

see inscription on map. 
Washington Court House, Va., 

Watauga, Treaty at, 59. 
Weigel, C., and Schneider, 154. 

Welsh Indians, 96, 97, 98. 

Western Waters, 129, 136, 142. 

WheelingCreek, Va., 116. 

Whirlpool tribe, 88. 

White River Indians, 91. 

White & Co., J. T., 161. 

Whitley's Station, 114. 

Will's Town, 78. 

Wilmington, Del., 1, 143, 151, 152. 

Wilson, J. G., and F. J., Apple- 
tori s Cyclopedia, 1 59. 

Wilson, Samuel M., iii, x; Ken- 
tucky, 166. 

Wilson & Son, John, publishers, 

Winchester, Va., 1 13. 

Wood, Mrs., at Crab Orchard, 79. 

Wood's, on Catawba R., Va., 113. 

Woods and Burning, 86. 

Woodstock, Va., 1 13. 

Wyahtinaws, 90. 

Wyandots, 74, 89, 103. 

Yadkin River, 50. 57, 131. 
YazouR., 117. 
Yellow Creek, Pa., 116. 


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